Sources of Iban traditional history
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the "SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL /'jf jiunLi
Vol. XLVl
No. 67 (New Series)
ISSN
0375 - 3050
December 1994
SPECIAL MONOGRAPH NO. 7
Sources of Iban Traditional History by Benedict Sandin
Wisconsin Academy _ Of Sciences ■e?.- Arts And Letters Guest Editor:
Clifford Sather
ISSUED BY THE'MUSEUM, KUCHING. SARAWAK (RM15.00 per issue)
/V? 5 3-^38' iii
EDITORIAL BOARD Editor:
Peter M. Kedit, m.a.,
Coordinator:
Pk.D.,
a.B.S.
Ipoi Da tan, a/.a.
Editorial Assistants:
Charles Leh,
M.Sc., Ph.D.
Suria bin Bujang, b.a. Lily Sia
Design:
(Hons.)
Ahmad Rafaie and Mat Morshidi
Photography:
Lim Yu Seng and Ahmad Junaidi Latif
Policy The Sarawak Museum Journal is devoted to the advancement of knowledge in the natural and human sciences. It publishes articles per taining to the Asian region in general, but particularly to Borneo and Sarawak. Generally, it will accept manuscripts from international scientists, but specifically it serves the need of local scientists, especially those working with, and through the Sarawak Museum; to publish their research findings and To provide a forum for their scholastic discourse. As the Sarawak Museum is a Government Department in the State of Sarawak, it should be clearly understood that responsibility for facts and opinion rests exclusively with authors of signed articles, and their writings do not necessarily reflect the views or policy of the Sarawak Museum, or that of the State Government of Sarawak.
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V
CONTENTS Page
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viii
Foreword
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Acknowledgement
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xiii
Editorial Board
of Plates
Preface
Introduction by Clifford Sather
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1
Organization of the Present Study ...
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The Local Setting: Longhouse and Region
The menoa lama' ...
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Myth and Its Social Setting
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History and Oral Tradition
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Sources of Oral Tradition ...
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The Author
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Part One — Myth and History: Early Migrations and the Origins of Iban Culture ...
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1.
The Remun Sea Dayaks
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From Kapuas Mouth Upriver:
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Serapoh Learns the Correct Rules of Mourning
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The House of Singalang Burong
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Menggin and his Blow-pipe
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Menggin and his Son live in Singalang Burong's House
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Sera or Surong Gunling’s Visit to Singalang Burong ...
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Sera Gunting Joins a War Expedition ...
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The First Incest
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The Iban Meet the Arabs
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Menggin meets the Antu Gayu...................................
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The Iban accept Singalang Burong’s Laws
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115
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Gupi’s Marriage to Belang Pinggang
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How Jelenggai Married Bintang Banyak
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Discovery of Derris Poison (Tubai)
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The Healing of Bunyau
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126
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Iban-Kantu’ Enmity is Resolved
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128
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The Longhouse Kitchen Rules ...
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Padang is Cursed by the Pleiades
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Padang's Migration to the Strap River...
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The Incest Laws Are Modified
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The Dau Iban...................
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Notes................................................................................................................................. I
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Part Two — Early Iban Migrations ...
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Migration to south-west Sarawak................
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Balau and Sebuyau Iban
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Iban Migration from Indonesian Borneo through Kumpang
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150
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The Early Ulu Ai, Skrang and Lemanak Iban...................................
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Patinggi Gurang of Kayong
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Malays and Iban in the Saribas
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Iban Pioneers of the Paku and their Malay Allies
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Iban Affairs in the Ulu Paku ...
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Patinggi Timbul Attacks the Ketubit Longhouse
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The Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana
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Mujah “Buah Raya" of the Entabat
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Part Three — The Iban Under Brooke Rule 1.
The Sea-Fight at Beting Maru and the Saribas Iban and Malays
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Saribas and Skrang Iban Affairs
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Disunity among the Layar and Padeh Iban under Bunyau Apai Bakir and Aji ................... ... ••• • •
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Nanang and Luyoh Join “Rentap” on Mount Sadok
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The Great Kayan Expedition of 1863 ...
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Conference at Fort James, Skrang
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Iban Unrest in the Katibas and Rejang Rivers
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Early Iban Pioneers of the Krian Region
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The Kalaka under Minggat and Chulo “Tarang”
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Kandau anak Entingang
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Manang Bakak “Asu Rangka" of the Paku
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Kedu “Lang Ngindang"
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vii Page 13.
Nakoda Gurang “Ulau” of the Paku
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Chulo "Tarang"
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Quanel between Penghulu Munan and Mr. Bailey
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Penghulu Dalam Munan Attacks Riimah Jimbau, Ulu Engkari ...
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Iban Migration to the Mukah, Balingian, Anap and Bintulu Rivers ... ... ... ... ... ...
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Migration to the Niah and Suai Rivers
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Iban Migration to the Baram ...
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Iban Migration to Sibuti................
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Notes ...
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Part Four — Adventures Overseas and the Beginning of Iban Economic Development ...
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Trouble with the Mualangs
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The Iban Acquire Jars in Foreign Lands
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Iban Voyage to Banjermasin
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Revolt in the State of Brunei and Further Jar-Seeking...
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The Iban Massacre at Tnisan ...
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Iban Trading Ventures to Malaya, Sumatra and Java
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Nyanggau anak Mail of Awik, Kalaka
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Iban Trade to Kota Warringin and Mindanao
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Libu “Badilang” of Sekundong, Paku ...
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Iban Trade to Malaya, Sumatra, and Sabah
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Mat Salleb’s Rebellion in Sabah
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The Arrival of Nakoda Tinggi at Sandakan
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The Arrival of Nakoda Kassim in Sabah
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The Iban in Pahang, Malaya
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Advancement of the Downriver Iban -...
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Modem Iban Longhouse and Dress
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The Second World War Years...
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Notes..................
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Appendix: The Tusut Genealogies ... Bibliography...
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viii
LIST OF PLATES
Between pages 326 and 327 •
Front Cover
Tiang Laju Mountain: It is on this mountain that the cultural hero Sera Gunting is believed to have made his final home.
I
Fort Lily, Betong.
II
The late Benedict Sandin in conversation.
III IV
Impin
“Pintu Batu”, drinking from the gasong, Gawai Antu.
Mujah ak. Mambang, one of the author’s chief informants for this study.
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FOREWORD
This monograph is the last of three Iban ethnographical works written by the late Benedict Sandin in collaboration with Dr. Clifford Sather. Their two other monographs were published by Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang. Benedict Sandin was our first Malaysian Curator (1968-1974). After retirement he became
a Senior Fellow at the University when Sather began to collaborate with him in
writing his (Sandin’s) vast collection of oral tradition and ethnohistory. According
to Sather, the monograph took Sandin eight years to write and only completing it before he died in 1982. With the help of Sandin’s family members, Sather did
the ‘finishing touches’ to present it for publication to the Museum at the end of 1992.
In fact, it was said that Sandin actually started researching and collecting the material for this monograph in the early 1930s. He interviewed several know
ledgeable elders and cultural practitioners. Those were the times when such material and personnels were then available. Without Sandin’s foresight and
diligence these material would not have been collected. Sandin was also the man of his times in living the very culture that he recorded. It is with this recognition of his contributions to our understanding of Iban
ethnohistory and culture that this Special Monograph should be presented as a
tribute to one of Sarawak’s pioneer scholars. Sandin had left a rich legacy of recorded oral tradition and documented cultural practices for the present and future generations to inherit. It also serves
as inspiration for other Sarawakians to emulate his fine records of researching
and publications. Without Sandin’s commitment and conscientious pursuit of his studies, we would be less richer in knowledge than what we are today. Thanks and appreciation should also go to Clifford Sather for his untiring
dedication in collaborating with Sandin, and in ensuring that this monograph is
finally published.
PETER M. KEDIT,
MA.. Ph.D..
Editor
A.B.S.,
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to thank all the informants with whom I have worked for many years collecting and recording the folklore and historical traditions of the Iban. Without their patience and understanding this book could not have been written. These informants include particularly the late Mr. Mujah ak. Mambang of Paku, Saribas; T.K. Dunda, a Remun Iban of Serian, Sadong; Penghulu Ngali of Nanga Delok; Temenggong Ngang ak. Bundan, Limbang; Mr. Ujai of Madalam, Limbang; Penghulu Tembak of Lubok Antu; the late T.R. Libau ak. Penghulu Garran of Paku, Saribas; Mr. Sadoh of Gaat. Balleh, Kapit; ex-Penghulu Gerinang of Nanga Balleh, Kapit; Penghulu Itam of Entabai, Kanowit; ex-Penghulu Ulin ak. Penghulu Unji, Ulu Spak, Belong; ex-Rebel Mikai of Sungai Kayan, Lundu; Mr. Balai (the late Penghulu Bmtin’s son-in-law), Wong Pandak, Lubok Antu; Mr. Juing Insoll, Padeh, Saribas; Madam Selaka ak. Budin (Grasi), Stambak Ulu, Saribas; Penghulu Manggui, Niah, Miri; Mr. Linggi ak. Nyanggau, Kemidan, Awek, Saratok; Mr. Sadau of the Ulu Ai, Lubok Antu; Mr. H. Umpi ak. Penghulu Rantai, Sibu and Mr. Guang Pelima of Nanga Pek, Rimbas, Saribas.
BENEDICT SANDIN
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PftEFACE It is with a sense of genuine sadness that I see this work into print, for its completion marks the'end of a long personal collaboration between its author and myself that began almost two decades ago. Sources, of iban Traditional history is the last of, three monographs on which Benetlict San^in and I collaborated; the other two, published by the Penerbit Universiti, Sains Malaysia, are Gawai Burong: The Chants, and Celebrations of the Iban Bird Festival and Iban Adat and Augury. The first was published in 1977, the second in 1980. ,
As I indicate in my Introduction, the Resent work completes an earlier study of' the'author. The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule. It is esse'ntiMly, a work of ethnohistoiy and deals with U)th' ‘the Iban mythic past and events'of Iban^ society from the beginning of Brooke rule through the Japanese Occupation. Like The Sea Dayaks of Borneo, the present'study’is based on indigenous oral tradition. By his own account, Benedict Sandin began collecting the materials he has brought together here in the early 1930s, first from his father who was, during the author’s youth, a noted Paku orator, and from his maternal grandfather and grand-dncle, both tum-of-the-century Iban traders. However most of the present material was recorded between 1952 and 1973, while the author was Research Assistant, and later the Government Ethnologist and Curator of the Sarawak Museum. In his Acknowledgement Benedict Sandin identifies his primary informants. In the case of longer narratives, his specific sources are also indicated in the main body of the text.
In its present form. Sources of Iban Traditional History was planned in 1974. It was written in two phases. The first, which resulted in an initi^ draft manuscript,
look place between 1974 and 1976, while Mr. Sandin was a Senior Fellow at the Universid Sains Malaysia (Penang). The second phase followed the author’s return to Sarawak. Here, at bis home in the lower Saribas District, he resumed writing, and for the next several years he added substantially to the original manuscript. The present study, which is more than twice the length of the original draft, was completed shortly before his death in 1982. A number of unforeseen events have delayed the final publication of this work. Initially, our plan was to publish Traditional History immediately after Iban Adat and Augury. From the outset we recognized that the present work would require a substantial Introduction, given the varied nature of the source material on which it is based. In the end. the work was delayed, first by my departure from Penang, and then, beginning in 1981, by the author’s declining health. I returned to Sarawak very briefly in 1984 and 1985, and, assisted by the author’s son, Stanley Jugol, and by his brother, Mawar anak Altai, I made final corrections to the main text and, where sufficient information was available, brought the author’s genealogical appendices up-to-date. I also added to these appendices several new genealogies that the author collected after bis return to Sarawak.
xiv
> As with Gawai Burong and ZZ»fln Adat and Augury, my own part in the preparation of this study has been the largely mechanical one of advising the author in matters of style and presentation. In addition to the Introduction, I also prepared the chapter notes that appear following the main divisions of the text and made a number of minor additions to the notes that accompany the genealogical appendices. In his Acknowledgement, which was written nearly six years before his death, Benedict Sandin acknowledged the help of his principal infonnants. Here I would like to add to this list the State Government of Sarawak, and in particular the Sarawak Museum and its former Director, Datuk Lucas Chin. On behalf of both the author and myself, I would also like to record our appreciation to the Universiti Sains Malaysia for providing us with the initial facilities for our work; in particular, we thank the former Dean of the School of Comparative Social Sciences, Professor K.J. Ramam, and the University Vice-Chancellor, Tan Sri Datuk Professor Hamzab Sendut. I also wish to thank Mr. Stanley Jugol Sandin and Mawar anak Attat for their help in completing this work; Madam Jorah Mohamed for carefully seeing it through various revisions; Professor Derek Freeman for his critical reading of the original draft and Mr. Anthony Richards and Professor Vinson Sutlive for their valuable comments on the final manuscript.
CLIFFORD SATHER Portland, Oregon, i992
INTRODUCTION Hie study that follows is essentially a work of Ihan ethnohistory. It was meant by its author, the late Benedict Sandin, to complement his earlier work, The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule (1967a). The two studies are similar in the sense that they both draw for their source on the same body of indigenous oral traditions. Where they differ is that the present work takes up segments of the Iban past that both precede and foUow the protohistoric migration of the Iban to Sarawak, the main theme of The Sea Dayaks. Thus, the pr^nt study begins with the Iban mythic past and describes the creation of Iban social institutions through encounters between the gods and cultural heroes. Part Two overlaps in time with the author’s earlier work, but here, in addition to migration, it treats other aspects of Iban historical experience, notably inter-regional conflict, warfare and warring leadership. Part Three takes up events of Iban society during the first half-century of Brooke rule, from 1841 to 1900, whUe Part Four covers the early 20th century, ending with the Japanese Occupation. The prescmt study thus enlarges upon the author’s previous ethnohistorical writings. Essentially it brings together stories of mythic creation with migration narratives and joins both to accounts of more recent times. Its narrative composition is thus structured around a inception of the past, deriving from the oral sources themselves, that sees it as an uninterrupted continuum, extending from the first beginnings of Iban society, through generation after generation of remembered ancestors, to the present.
Organization of the Present Study Very generally, the present work is divided into four parts: Part One “Myth and Histop^”; Part Two “Early Iban Migrations"; Part Three “The Iban under Brooke Rule"; and Part Four “Adventures Overseas and the Beginnings of Iban Economic Development”. Part One deals chiefly with the interconnected themes of mythic origin and migration. It begins, in the first section, with the migrational history of the Remun Iban and ends in a final section, by tracing the more recent movements of the Dau or Dor people. The Remun Iban initially entered Sarawak as part of the first Iban migrations fi-om the Kapuas river system of what is now Indonesian Borneo yCalimantan). According to Iban genealogical traditions, the ancestors of the present
ly Iban began to filter into modem Sarawak across the low-lying Kapuas watershed
from what is now Kalimantan Barat, beginning some sixteen to seventeen generations ago, publishing themselves initially along the Undup and Kumpang tributaries of the middle Batang Lupar (cf. Pringle 1970: 39; Sandin 1967: 93-96). This movement was probably the first major Iban penetration of present-day Sarawak. Extr^Iating from genealogical evidence, it probably began sometime near the middle of 16th century. From the middle Lupar, some early groups migrated further westward. Here some of these early migrants settled along the lower reaches of the Batang Lupar nver, while others spread to the lower Sadong, Lundu, and Samarahan rivers in what is now the First Division of Sarawak. As they moved westward, these latter groups, ciudmg the ancestors of the Remun Iban, appear to have skirted or forced inland
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
2
nre^xlstingSidayuWor I.and«ay;i)«,mmumucs, The descendants of these wes^-
sas
author later in Part Two.
i
The main direction ofearly than settlement:foUowed a more northerly course.-.Most pio?X gXX.pushed.nortittetward from the middle Batang Sr^rer Lunar or Ai;^ong. ibeaLemanak Skrang rivers, or through the SkrMg too SSrivt^system to:the north. In The Sea Dayake o/.Bornco,.the
dealt at length with these major northwesterly migrations, usmg genealogies “Jm^nTtructtiiisivementandtotoceinsomedetol^^^^^^^
™
of each.of tbe-principal river systems in what is now the,Se^nd ^vision of Sarawak, the Undup, Kumpang, Ai, Bangati Lemanak. Skrang, and Sanhas.
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Oral yRnpaioffies suggest that these early movements, both to the west and to the noXr^cS rXvely rapidly, so tiiat. within the s^ce of free gto^ot.
Iban settlers had established-thomselves in-both ,hP major rivers; of the present Second Division, with the exception of the K^. As the narratives of Part One and Two make-clear this X^Lu^ settlers into conflict with a number, of unrelated peoples, such as the Belum.. Lu^t S^to”HdStan. None of tiieseiSroups appear, to have^n.n~s atWe^ of their initiai contacfwith the Iban. Some, like the Bitotan tod UtoL foragers Others were sago-cultivators or swidden agnculturalists. In me SanbM m ST me Bukitan initially aUied themselves, with the Ibam acting^as forward ™totw™a^es (Stodin 1967b). Most were ultimately absorb^ W
intermarriage and cultural assimilation, or were basin where they WereTater raided 'by subsequent generations of Iban. Others, toe u^Xd LtoaTwho lived nearer the coast, were ^vemuaUy assimiU^ into
an emerging Malay population; while a few, such as the Seni of e , Sebelak rivers put up a determined resistance, blocking Iban expansion for s ^^es E^toSy in the early years of the Brooke Raj, .the Seru were dnven
eastward into the lower Rejtog..Here their Sew totow ethnic community soon after World War H. with the last survremg pagto Sew ha«^ died in l949 (cf Pringle 1970: 40). Others-were taken captive-and sold by the Iban wle h^Js Of Sarawk and the lower Krian river where their J—“utou to live to .this day. THe narratives recorded here dwell at some length on these ^ly conflicts, particularly those that occurred in thfe Julau and Krxan nvers, al g
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was then the northwestern frontiers.of Iban settlement.
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.
thl
This first phase of aggfbssive mlgration' appears. to
what is now the First and Second Divisions of Sarawak until the beginning 18to century. There'then followed a period of conMda^n, as of of pioneers spread out and founded longhouse-cOmmUifittes rivers and. streams'secured initially by their pioneermg predecessors (Sandm 1967.
18>22; Pringle. 1970:'38-44).
'
’
"
\
\\
’* ■
The' present'studyj'like the authbr’s earlier woric. sheds corisiderdWe' process of early migration. However, to better understand this maten , a ew g remarks may be useful. Iban migration appears to have occurred as e ou com
BENEDICT SANDIN
3
a multitude-of individual and collective decisiQns. It was therefore a complex process, involving repeated, even retrograde, movements. However, what has become clear from, recent writings (cf. Cramb 1986, 1987; Padoch 1984; Sather 1990), is that the Iban were never incessant migrants, forever felling the’ primary forest and then moving on to new tracts of uncleared land. Instead, once they had established settlements, they remained in permanent occupation of all of the major river systemsthey pioneered. In the process of felling the primary forest, families established enduring rights of re-cultivation over the secondary forest that grew up in its place. These' rights were permanently heritable, and out of their recognition evolved stable, enduring: communities pennanently connected to the land. In undertaking migration, the creation of.'these rights -was always of’prime concern. Thus,, the expansive felling of primary forest, rather than being the be-all, end-all of Iban land-use practice, represented only, a short-lived episode in a much longer and more complex evolution of land-use patterns (Cramb 1986, 1987; Sather 1990: 16-17). In this regard, the historical success of thejban was related not so much to their ability to organize and carry out pioneer migrations — although this ability was remarkable enough — as it was to their capacity to evolve socially and economically, moving from forest pioneers to settled agriculturalists re-cultivating farmland from generation to generation under a stable system of .secondary forest-fallow rotation. According to this system, farmland is; allowed to revert to secondary forest, thereby regaining its fertility, between shorter, one- to two-year intervals of re-use. While continuing to send out migrants, virtually all Iban communities exist today, as the majority existed in the past, in a settled context.adapted to the permanent occupation of land cleared by previous generations ofipioneering ancestors (Sather 1990). •r
„
•
-Following the initial settlement of the Second Division, throughout this subsequent period of consolidation, parties of Iban migrants continued to -enter Sarawak. The Dau lban, described by the author in Part One, are an example. Here oral tradition reveals something of the complexity of Iban migration. According to the narrativethe’author records, the Dau people migrated from the Kapuas to the Batang Ai, moving later to the Undup, and settling finally at Lemas. Here they were attacked and defeatedby’the Skrang Iban under Indra Leia. Indra Leia was a Lingga Malay of Arab ancestry who-is remembered in Saribas oral tradition as a treacherous figure who stirred up intra-Iban hostilities, particularly between the Balau Iban of the Lingga, the Undup people, and the Saribas and Skrang Iban. He was later killed in the 1830s when Orang Kaya Rabong of the Skrang attacked Banting. To save himself from being beheaded, Indra Leia is said to have thrown himself into the Lingga river, where, in’xleath, his spirit became a crocodile. Following their defeat by Indra Leia and the 1 Skrang.Iban, the Dau people fled back into Kalimantan. Here they took refuge for a time at Dau, hence their name. Later, around 1850, the Brooke Resident at Skrang fort, Mr. Brereton, called them back to Sarawak. They were then resettled, this, time under Government supervision, along -the Dor stream near the edge of the Kelingkang Range, as much of their former .territory had been seized and occupied
bygroups of Skrang Iban (see “The Menoa Lama'"}. • During the first phase of Sarawak pioneering, migrational leaders appear at times tc^’have led their followers over long distances, crossing from one river system to anbther, leaving subsequent generations to pioneer the intervening tributaries and sidestreatfis. -In reality, we know from more recent experience that such migrations must
4
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
have taken place over a number of years, with migrating parties stopping, stage by stage, to clear annual farms along the way. Nevertheless, some leaders appear in the narratives to have led migrations first to one river, and then later to another, becoming, in the process, pioneer-founders to more than one regional group of Iban. The career of Gelungan, related near the end of Part Two, offers a good example. Oral tradition tells that Gelungan first led a following from the upper Merakai in what is now Kalimantan Barat to the Balau Di hills which lay between present-day Simanggang (Sri Aman) and the Lingga river. Later he led a further migration from the Balau Di hills to the Sebuyau region, settling near the mouth of the Batang Lupar river. Finally, near the end of his life, he moved farther westward yet, to the lower Sadong. In some traditions it was not Gelungan, but his followers, who made this final move after his death. In either case, Gelungan is recognized today as a founding pioneer by both the Balau and the Sebuyau Iban. Another migration leader, whose career is described here, Medan, similarly led an early migration to the Kumpang and later another from the Kumpang to the Belambong area, becoming a pioneer founder to descendants in both of these rivers. In the Saribas, Medan’s name continues to be recalled when the spirits of past pioneers are summoned by the bards. The Rimbas ancestor Manggi offers a final example. Moving from- the Batang Ai, Manggi led his followers first to the Tisak, a right-hand tributary of the Skrang, and then to the Rimbas, a tributary of the lower Saribas, where he is believed to have died
(Sandin 1967a: 11). What is significant to note is that these migration narratives, and the genealogical traditions by which pioneering ancestry is traced, emerge directly from a background of mythic narratives associated with events of what are considered to be still earlier generations of Iban ancestors. For the Iban, genealogical time does not begin, in other words, with the first Sarawak migrations. Instead, lines of ancestry are traced in some cases for as much as 15 or 16 generations further back into the past. Most mythic narratives are set in this formative time, prior to the first Sarawak migrations, and so involve pre-Sarawak ancestors. There are exceptions, however. Acts of mythic creation continue to occur even into later migration narratives. But, more importantly myth itself is bound up with migration and the cultural heroes who figure in Iban mythic traditions are themselves the antecedant ancestors of later migration leaders. In Part One the author tells how, at the very beginning of genealogical time, the first human ancestors lived together, as one, with the gods (petard) and mythic spirit heroes (Orang Panggau). Later the gods and heroes departed from this common origin place, which is identified in most Iban traditions with the Kapuas region of western Kalimantan. Each migrated to a separate region of the cosmos, leaving humankind (mensia), the spirits (antu) and the natural species of plants and animals in possession of “this world” (dunya tu’), that is to say, of the visible world of everyday waking experience. By most accounts, the first to depart from “this world” were the gods. They were led by Singalang Burong, the god of war and augury and the most powerful of the deities. Most of them, including Singalang Burong, settled in the upper world of the sky (langit). The gods were followed by die mythic Orang Panggau, Thus, according to oral tradition, the gods and heroes, like the Iban of later generations, participated in a series of epic migrations. Also like the ancestors, the principal gods are not primordial beings, but rather historical figures with remembered pedigrees. Thus, the gods ^)pear together, as ancestors, with human beings in Iban genealogies.
BENEDICT SANDIN
5
Finally, although they are now separated, and live ^ait in different regions of the cosmos, the gods and spirit-heroes continue to take an active interest in the living Iban. Thus travellers from one region or another may move through the cosmos, passing from the divine to the human world, or from “this world” to the realms of the gods and spirit-heroes (see “Myth and Its Social Setting”). Occasionally marriages result. In this way, the mythic cosmos replicates Iban historical experience. Migration is its central structuring process and the dispersion of migrating com munities is counterbalanced by continuing contacts, by travel and intermarriage, and by a shared sense of history and common origin.
For the Iban, the experience of migration is thus projected into the mythic past, to the beginnings of Iban genealogical time, and so shapes relations, not only between the present generations of living Iban, who perceive themselves as the descendants of migrating ancestors, but more generally between humankind, the gods and super natural heroes. Later in this Introduction I discuss these underlying cosmological themes at greater length as they are reflected in myth (“Myth and Its Social Setting”).
Here it should be noted that the most important Iban myths dealing with the creation of social institutions relate to Menggin and Sera Gunting, ancestors, who, as father and son, represent the most important of all Iban cultural heroes. According to Saribas mythic tradition, Menggin married the eldest daughter of Singalang Burong, by whom he bore a son named Surong or Sera Gunting. Sera Gunting is thus, by birth, part Iban, part divine. Through his grandfather he is credited with having received from the gods, and so of having introduced into “this world", the principal features of Iban adat or normative culture, including the correct rules of rice farming, warfare, incest and augury. All of these rules are therefore divinely-given and are thought to be identical with those practiced by the gods (Sather 1994: 143). In Saribas genealogical traditions. Sera Gunting is identified with the end of the pre-Sarawak era and the beginning of the first pioneer migrations to the First and Second Divisions. Sera Gunting thus belongs to the last generation that immediately preceded that to which the first Sarawak pioneers belong. According to Saribas tradition, after Sera Gunting returned from journeying to his grandfather’s longhouse in the sky, he instituted among bis followers the first identifiably Iban society, following the instructions of his grandfather. He then led his followers in migration. In Saribas tradition. Sera Gunting is said to have migrated from the Merakai, a tributary of the Kapuas, and settled in the Tiang Laju Range, near the present Sarawak frontier, not far from modern town of Engkilili. Here he is believed to have died of old age. Shortly before his death, he called together a council of Iban leaders and it was during this council that the first migrations to Sarawak are believed to have been planned. Sera Gunting thus occupies a pivotal position in Iban oral tradition. He is at once the greatest of all cultural heroes, the principal founder of a distinctively Iban way of life, and at the same time he is also the ancestral predecessor of all subsequent Iban migration leaders. Just as his ancestry merges the human and the divine, so, too, his career thereby bridges “myth” and “history”.
According to some traditions, before his death, Sera Gunting instructed an ancestor named Kajup to lead his followers on to the Undup in what is now Sarawak. This
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Kajup did., Having thus led an early Undup migration, Kajup eventually died and so became the first person to be buried in the Ruding Embawang cemetery below thjB mouth of the Undup river, in the Batang Lupar.
...
Acts qf mythic creation do not end with Sera;Gunting’s death, although they become increasingly less prominent in later generations. Thus, a number of migration leaders appear as culture heroes, who, through encounters with the gods and spirits, institute new social institutions in Iban society. Thus Jelian, whose encounter .with the Kitchen Spirit (antu dapof) resulting in the beginning of the “kitchen rules" {adat dapof) is related in Part One, is also a Sarawak pioneer who is remembered for having led an early Kumpang migration. Similatly, it is through the sons of Lau Moa, the first Iban pioneer to-settle at the mouth of the Skrang River, that the ritual practices of the bards (lemojnbang) are believed to have-been introduced into Iban society,together with the correct wording of the Gawai chants. By some accounts these famous sons, known as Geringu, Sumbang, Sudok and Malang, were instructed by Singalang* Burong’s own bard, Sampang Gading, after Singalang Burong had come to the Skrang' to attend a Gawai and found its performance unsatisfactory (Sather 1977a: xiii). In other versions .Sampang Gading is said to be the'chief bard of the mythic heroes, of the Pangau-Gelong world, and' is believed to have' laught Sumbang, who then instructed his brothers, the'four thereby becoming the first human bards io sing the
chants correctly in “this world”.
.
. ,
,
Another example, coming firom a later generation, is provided by Tindin, a Paku pioneer whose history as a migration leader wafe told by the author in his ^lier, study. The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rdjah Rule (1967a: 16-21). According to Palm tradition, Tindin is the grandsori of Lau Moat’thfougli his mother, Lau Moa s daughter Lantang. In Paku tradition, Tindin is said to'have instituted the custorii of paying bridewealth (derian) at marriage. Specifically, Tindin is credited with having first introduced the payment of bridfcwe^th as a means'Ifor entUng blood-enmity. This he is said to have done ,by instituting derian palit rn^ta, literally “bridewealth to Wipe the eyes (of tears)", when he arranged for the marriage of his daughter Rinda to Demong, son of the Bu^tan leader ^ntingi, whose followers then inhabited, the middle Paku and were engaged in war with the invading Iban led by Tindin. According to Paku tradition, this marriage ended Iban-Bukitan enmity and so opened the Paku river to' Iban settlement. In present-day Paku h'aditions, Demqng bore five childrenby Rinda, four sons and a dau^ter, before Rinda died, killed during a storm by a falling longhouse beam. After Rinda’s ,death. Demong returned to his father’s Bukitan relatives, most of whom had in the meantime migrated to the Kanowit, in the Rejang basin. There he re-married and began a Bukitan family. Again, according to Paku tradition, when he was very old. Demong returned to the Paku rivo' in, order, in a classic myth of “social charter”, to divide his ancestral lands between his anak dulu' and Jiis anak dudi, that is to say, between the children of his first and second marriages, i.e., between his Iban and his Bukitan descendants. In making this division, he is said to have planted a stone at Nanga Entaih, in- the Ulu Awik, on-the watershed between the Saribas and Kanowit Rivers, to mark the boundary, of the division, thereby ceding to the Iban all of his former Paku lands. Today this stone (known as Baiu Tanam) is covered by a small shelter. It is used by Iban of the LFlu Krian as an offering place when they clear farm sites on the nearby hill slopes. t J,
’ ’ BENEDICT SANDIN
7
'Part One ends with the travels of the early migration leaders Padang and his son Gunggu and with a brief migrational history of the Dau Iban. This latter narrative leads diiectiy into Part Two. In the first two sections.of Part Two, “Early Iban Migrations”, the author takes •up the mi^ational histories of the Balau and Sebuyau Iban. The ancestors of both these-groups entered Sarawak chiefly from the Merakai region of Kalimantan Barat. They ini'grated through the Undu’p, the main route of early Iban dispersal, but then ^ver^ed, and like the Remun Iban, moved westward, away from the main direction of 'tbari expansion. The Balau Iban eventually settled along the lower Batang Lupar, particularly in the Strap and its tributaries, the Banting and Lingga rivers, while the Sebuyau settled along the lower reaches of the Lundu, Sadong and Samarahan rivers in'what is now the First Division. Small numbers also settled in the area of modem
Kdching (see “The Menoa Lama’"}. In The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah the author left the migratiohal histories of these two groups untold,'focusing instead on the main northwesterly movements. By relating them here, he fills an iin^nant gap in the story of early Iban settlement. The account of Sebuyau'migration recorded here from Iban oral tradition, also contradicts an earlier view put forth by Hugh Low (1848) and’Spencer St. John /1862) that the scattered location of the Sebuyau throughout the’present First Division was the consequence of warfare with thg Saribas and Skrang Iban. Wliile such warfare figured prominently in the 19thcentury (Low 1848: 166-69), Sebuyau migration took place much earlier, long before inter-regional enmities''developed between these groups. While nearly all Iban genealogies trace the earliest migration leaders to Sarawak back to home regions in the Kapuas river system, a small number of migration traditions are'associated with other areas of Borneo. One such tradition concerns the mythic ancestor Sabatin and his son Drom, vyho are believed to, have landed by sea at Cape Patu, on the southwestern coast between present-day Sarawak and Kalimantan (Sandin 1967a: 26). In contrast to the Kapuas traditions, which involve only Iban ancestors and trace the pioneer founding of the major river areas ,of the First and Second Divisions, the tradition of Sabatin represents, by contrast, a more inclusive myth of ethnogenesis. Thus, Sabatin and his son Drom are the aiicestors not only of the Iban, but of the Bidayuh, Melanau and other major ethnic gro.ups of modem Sarawak. A second line is traced through Patch Simpong, who is believed to have landed in.Sarawak near Merudu hill, close to.the Brunei border, having sailed by sea to Borneo from Java. In Saribas genealogies. Patch Simpong is represented as the son of a Javanese trader,,Abang Musa, whose ancestors originated in the Middle, East (Sandin 1967a: 26-27; 97). Patch Simpong’s son. Patch Pejap, is believed to, have lived near ,tbe mouth of- the Bintulu river. From here, his son. Rajah Rendah moved southward, first to the mo.uth of the Mukah river, and then to the Kapuas in Indonesian Borneo. From the Kapuas, four generations later, one of Rajah Rendah’s descendants, an Iban ancestor named Ambiu, led an early migration to Sarawak, settling with his followers at Pengkalan Tabau in the Batang Ai, just below the site of the present town of Lubok Antu. These non-Kapuas traditions are difficult to interpret, except to observe that they mirror, perhaps, not so much migration, as external contacts between the Iban and other indigenous groups and later relations with the coastal Malay, Islamic traders and with regional states, including Brunei.
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The narrative events related in Part Two overlap in time with those of The Sea Dayaks of Borneo: that is to say, they occur mainly in the generations that followed the initial entry of the Iban into Sarawak and continue to the eve of Brooke rule. However, the events themselves differ. Rather than focusing primarily on pioneering, they depict significant changes in inter-regional relations. Thus, as the first great waves of migration subsided, Iban communities along the lower-river frontiers of Iban expansion came into increasing contact with coastal and downriver Malay settlements and with groups like the Lugu, who subsequently became Malay. Out of this contact developed a variety of political and economic alliances of considerable
importance. One immediate consequence of contact was the establishment of boundanes between areas of predominantly Iban and Malay settlement. The narratives give clear testimony to this process and, indeed, one of the prime social functions of these narratives is to give “charter" to boundary claims, underwriting their historical authenticity. Thus the story of Patinggi Ngadan, related in Part Two, describes how Ngadan established, through his meeting with Talap al Nanga Ban, the boundaries at Bangai between Malay lands and Saribas Iban lands along the main Layar. Similarly, a later account tells of how Rusak, an early Paku pioneer, established, through an agreement with Abang Drahman, son of the Saribas Malay chief of the time, Abang Gudam, the present boundaries between Iban and Malay lands in the Buling and lower Paku below Batu Embawang. This particular boundary continues to be recognized to this day. Reflected here are also the beginnings of Iban-Malay political alliances and of major intra-Iban enmity. In contrast to the conflicts described in Part One, which occurred primarily between Iban settlers and earlier, generally weaker and less populous groups, we now see in the events of Parts Two and Three evidence of the gradual filling of the lower and middle rivers of the Second Division and the beginnings of large-scale, inter-regional warfare.
Thus, beginning some nine generations ago, a discernible change is apparent in the narrative traditions. Prior to this, the oral sources deal chiefly with migration and agricultural pioneering, depicting the progressive settlement of various rivers, beginning generally in their lower and middle reaches and moving gradually upwards to their headwaters. About eight to nine generations ago, the narratives begin to deal with regional war leaders of a kind familiar from later European accounts of the mid- and late 19th century. The dominant theme shifts from pioneer settlement to raiding and increasingly to large-scale inter-regional warfare. At the same time, oral tradition documents increasing contact with coastal Malay society and for the first time, Iban leaders appear in the genealogies bearing Malay titles. At the beginning of the 19th century riverine loyalties are clearly powerful,, trans cending in some instances those of ethnicity. Thus, we find Iban and Malay allies in one river righting against Iban and Malay allies in others. Clearly the Iban are not a united community during this period, nor are their Malay neighbours. Yet leaders in both groups are able to unite their local followers in military alliances that cross cut ethnic divisions.
BENEDICT SANDIN
9
The long period of territorial consolidation, which appears to have continued in the lower Second Division throughout much of the 18th century, gave way shortly before the beginning of the 19th century to a period of major conflict and, particularly in the upper-rivers, of renewed territorial expansion. Heppell (1975: 5) has described the Second Division Iban of this period as living in “a state of chronic internecine war”. These conditions are clearly mirrored in the narratives presented by the author. In Part Two the author traces, in particular, the growing enmity that developed between the related Balau and Sebuyau Iban on the one band, and the Skrang and Saribas Iban on the other. Here these hostilities are treated chiefly from the perspective of the Saribas Iban. At times prior to the arrival of James Brooke this enmity also involved other regional groups, as military allies of one side or the other. Following the founding of the Brooke Raj, this pattern of enmity was exploited and proved decisive, as the narratives suggest, in the government’s efforts to enlist Iban allies willing to fight against other Iban, making it possible to suppress coastal raiding and extend government rule over the lower Second Division.
Donald Brown (1979) has rightly stressed the importance of Iban-Malay relations in the history of 19tb-century Sarawak. He is quite wrong, however, to suggest that Iban expansionary success was due to Malay leadership, or to the influence of Malay political institutions. It was only after the first great waves of Iban expansion had ended that alliances began to be forged between the Malay and lower-river Iban. These alliances thus arose as a consequence, not as a cause, of expansion. Later Iban migration into the Rejang and further northward took place in regions, and involved Iban communities that bad the least contact with Malay political institutions. In contrast, Iban groups nearer the coast, such as the Balau and lower Saribas Iban, were much less expansionist. Hemmed in along their forward frontiers by Malay settlement, and with expanding Iban groups at their backs, both turned dieir energies increasingly, like their Malay neighbors, to external trade, sea-faring and coastal marauding. As the interior and lower rivers of western Sarawak filled with Iban settlement, institutions of competitive regional leadership appear to have assumed a growing importance, with regional leaders forming among themselves extensive, river-based alliances, allowing them to mobilize large-scale followings, particularly for warfare, land-clearing, migration and the territorial defense of their river domains. These developments were not entirely new, however. Institutions of supra-local leadership appear to have deep historical roots in Iban society. Thus the traditional social system was far from anarchistic. Although traditional society was stateless and lacked a centrally-organized hierarchy of political offices, effective regional leadership was nonetheless a significant fact of Iban political life in pre-Brooke times. By the beginning of the 19th century powerful regional leaders were clearly present and played a major role in shaping events of the time. Oral narratives relating to this period deal at length with such leaders and their achievements. In the past the power of Iban leaders has been consistently underestimated by outside observers. Part of the reason has almost certainly to do with the fact that Iban leaders do not fit well with Western concepts of political authority (Wagner 1972). Thus, power in Iban society is exercised informally by self-made men of action and proven ability who lead their followers primarily by consensus and
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
personal' example. Formal stratification is absent, positions of power are nonhereditary,' and regional leadership was historically linked to migration and to the exercise of authority over recogniz^ territorial domains (menda) created in the process
of pioneering.
'
.
The nature of traditional leadership can best be understood when seen in relation to teiritorial expansion and the process of pioneer settlement. For the Iban, migration was invariably a group undertaking. While calling for individual decisions, migration (pindah) was never a purely individual matter. Instead,'!! took place as a con^rt^ enterprise involving always a leader (.tuai) and others, the leader’s followers {anembiak), who were willing to accept bis initiative. While each family or related group of families participated voluntarily, from the point of view ofthe group that came toget^ to migrate, migration was far from being a haphazard or ad hoc undertaking, o succeed, a considerable degree of leadership and internal organization was called for. As Robert Cramb (1987: 102) has noted, migrating groups had to organize themselves in order to seek out and occupy a new territory; the leader of the group had to be able to lay claim to an extensive sphere of control, which he and his followers had to be prepared to defend, while, at the same time, they appropriated
the forest for their individual cultivation. Typically this organization was initiated when an accomplished leader let it be known that he intended to migrate to a new territory. In announcing his intention and inviting others to join him, he became the pun mindah. literally, the source or “initiator of a migration”. In this and other social contexts, the term pun refers to any person, man or woman, who originates a common action, who annoys its purpose, and enlists others to join him (or her) in bringing it about (Sather 19930). Literally, pun means source, basis, origin, or cause (Richards 1981: 290). Its root meaning “is that of stem, as of a tree, from which the development of ^y kind of activity springs” (Freeman 1981: 31). If other famiUes decided to join him. the initiator then became their leader (tuai) and so was acknowledged by his fol^wers as their ‘tuai mindah or “migration leader”. Families joined of their own accora, out of a shared desire to obtain-new land for cultivation and settlement, although most leaders attracted followers who were related to them as kindred. In addition, migration leaders were frequently war leaders, or at least men with a reputation for military prowess and experience in war. In pre-Brooke times, when migrating to a new territory, it was important to include in the migrating party a skilled blacksmith {tukang ‘kumbohY Traditionally each longhouse maintained a communal forge, and before setting out, migrating families generally called upon their relatives to s^k out discarded iron from which they might work new weapons and forest-felling implements. Ideally the migrating party also included a shaman (manang') and a skilled augur (tuai bur'ong). The migration leader himself might assume the latter role, as a’knowledge of augury (beburong) was considered , to be an important adjunct of leadership. Other warriors, who might accompany the tuai mindah and assist him as lieutenants in defending his sphere of control, were known as his manok sabong,
literally his -“fighting cocks”. ft Onc^ a grdup succeeded in occupying a new territory (menoa), its migration leader became its tuavmenba or “regional leader”. Thus, as his followers dispersed, dividing into separate longhouse' communities, the 'tuai menoa allocated general areas of
BENEDICT SANDIN
11
settlement between these different communities living within his domain. Inside these smaller areas allocated to particular longhouses, families cleared the forest for farms, thereby establishing heritable rights of future re-cultivation over the tracts of land they cleared: As they did so, areas of clearing under family control gradually extended outward, until, over a number of generations, boundaries between neighbouring loUghouses were established. Until then, longhouse domains were ill-defined, applying only to general settlement areas. In order to maintain his sphere of control, a tuai menoa generally settled his ablest “fighting cocks” along the frontiers of his domain, particularly at the pintu kayau (“the doors of war”), the points through which enemies were most likely to invade or launch raids from adjacent rivers. An example of this strategy can be seen in Part Two, in the narrative concerned with the marriage of Awan, a prominent Padeh wajrrior, and Lada, whose father Blaki was murdered by Seru raiders. Following Blaki’s death, the upper Paku Iban were left without an experienced war leader. At the time Lada’s brothers were still too young to succeed their father. Therefore Awan’s marriage to Lada was welcomed by Lada’s kindred, particularly by her uncle Uyut “Bedilang Besi”, the principal war leader of the lower-river Paku, who saw in this marriage a means by which to secure the upper readies of his river domain against outside attack. After his marriage with Lada, Awan led the upper Paku Iban as they continued to clear the primary forest along the upper reaches of the river. Following his death, Awan’s successor Kaya, and Lada’s brother, Bayang, became the principal leaders of the upper Palm Iban and divided their followers between two longhouses, one headed by Kaya, the other by Bayang, in order to minimize the danger of being overwhelmed by a surprise attack of Seru warriors coming from the Knan (Sandin
•1967a: 41). Initial allocations within a region were made only to general areas of settlement, but as the primary forest was progressively cleared and the population increased, longhouse boundaries gradually emerged. These boundaries, once they were established, were subsequently redrawn as longhouses underwent fission and as new communities were founded, processes that still continue today. As later groups of migrants arrived, they had first to approach the tuai menoa to be allocated a sector 'Within his domain in which to settle and clear their farms, and once a region had begun to fill, these later groups might be turned away, possibly with a show of force (cf. Cramb 1987: 103). A number of examples can be found in the oral traditions.
In time, with the passing of the pioneer generation, migration leaders were succeeded as tuai menoa by successive generations of men, who, though like themselves selfmade leaders with a reputation for bravery and material success, had not themselves initiated migrations. Many were drawn from the raja berani, literally “the rich and brave”. Like regional leaders of the first generation, they were similarly responsible for allocating and maintaining settlement areas, for keeping the peace among their regional followers and for defending their domain against outside encroachment. As Jonghouse domains became increasingly bounded, the tuai menoa were expected to preferentially endogamous within these widely proliferating networks of kindred relations. Today, as in the past, kindred ties extend throughout the entire river region.. As a result, they provide the organizational basis for a great variety of social undertakings. These included in the past the mobilization of war parties and migration groups, and it was historically in terms of such networks that tuai menoa and tau’ serang operated as leaders, attracting and bolding together followings. The tusut genealogies help preserve a knowledge of kindred relations, while the achievements of past ancestors are recalled in local oral narratives. Although, in the past, few individuals gained sufficient renown to be celebrated in^the jerita lama' or invoked in ritual liturgy, as Sutlive (1978: 27-28) observes,
J Those few who did are remembered as idealized personalities, and are immortalized as central characters in history through which the widely scattered Iban still relate to one another.
The Menoa Lama^
, I I ’ * I I
I I
As background to the present study, it is useful to identify the major Iban groups that'the'author refers to in the main text that follows. All are present in the menoa lama', literally, “the old territory’’, the region first settled by Iban migrants to Sarawak: Virtually all subsequent movement was out of this region. The morthwestemmost of these groups comprise the Saribas Iban of the present Saribas and Kalaka Districts of the Second Division. The author was himself a Saribas Iban and most of the materials recorded here deal with the main Saribas and its principal tributaries, the Layar, Paku, Padeh, Rimbas and Entanak. Today, as in the past, the Saribas Iban form a relatively homogeneous group and were an important source of later migrants, first to the Krian river, and then, subsequently, to the, Julau, Kanowit and Sarikei regions of the Rejang basin. Following their pacification in the 1860s, the Saribas Iban were also on the forefront of the 19thcentury gutta trade, and, as related by the author in the main narratives, they were
also the first Second Division Iban to take up the commercial cultivation of coffee and rubber.
'
Oral traditions relating to early pioneer settlement are particularly rich for the Saribas. For the river as a whole, these traditions offer a comparatively complete record of its most important leaders, of the lands they and their followers cleared, and of the principal enemy groups they fought against, beginning with the first generation of pioneers and continuing through the whole of the Brooke era. For no other river system is the record known to be as complete. This richness is due partly to an early tradition of literacy in the Saribas and to the work of a number of Saribas writers, among them the author, who sought to preserve as much of this historical tradition as possible in writing. It is also due to the stability of the region’s population and to the relatively settled conditions that have existed in the river since the mid-19th century (see “The Author’’). I A second major group are the Skrang Iban whose area of settlement lies immediately to the east of the Saribas. The Saribas and Skrang Iban are closely
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
related by important ties of ancestry. The first Iban settlement of the Sanbas occurred by way of the Skrang and involved mainly Skrang pioneers. Thus, for example, the Paku pioneer Tindin was the son of Chaong, a Skrang pioneer ^d war leader (Sandin 1967a: 10), and his wife Lantang was a daughter of Lau Moa, the first Iban pioneer to settle at the mouth of the Skrang river. Thus, the genealogical traditions of the two groups are closely interwoven and in Saribas ritual invocations the names of Skrang’ancestors are regularly invoked. Reflecting this, connection, Skrang and Saribas warleaders regularly formed military alliances during the 18th and early 19th century and, as related in Part Two, engaged as allies in coastal raiding.
For the Skrang, the corpus of known oral tradition is much less extensive than it is in the Saribas. Some major pioneers are known only from names in ritual formulae and invocation and cannot be found in genealogical traditions. One major reason is almost certainly the much greater out-migration that took place from the Skrang, particularly in the I9th and early 20th centuries, which mcluded, especially to the Rejang, descendants of many of the river’s original migration leaders.
Immediately to the south of the Skrang are the Lemanak Iban, whose home region lies between the Skrang and Ulu Ai Iban. Historically, because of its situation between these two groups, the Lemanak area was the focus of nearly incessant intertribal warfare in the past and much of the area was under-populated down to the beginning of the 20th century. In the 19th century, many Lemanak Iban, mainly to escape this incessant fighting, migrated to the Rejang basin, including some, as related by the author, who joined Saribas pioneers to settle the lower Julau ^d Kanowit Rivers. Large numbers of Lemanak Iban also settled in the lower Sankei
and Binatang river and along the Poi and Ngemah tributanes.
‘
Immediately to the south and east of the Lemanak, along the upper Batang Ai, live the much more numerous Ulu Ai or Bengap Iban. The home region of this group is a long-settled area and it was from here that the main migrations into the upper arid middle Rejang began at the turn of the 19th century. To the southwest of the Batang Ai, along the Kumpang river, lives a much smaller groups, the Kumpang Iban. The Kumpang river is a tributary of the Ai that joins the mam river between the modem towns of Engkilili and Lubok Antu. Because of its close proximity to the middle Kapuas, the Kumpang was one of the first rivers of western Sarawak to be settled by Iban migrants. The river also served as a major migration route into the Ai itself and for the pioneering groups who settled along the middle
Lupar. Further downriver, in the area of the Batang Strap or Lingga, close to the mouth of the Batang Lupar, live another major regional group, the Balau Iban. In Parts Two and Three the Balau figure prominently as early allies of the Brookes and as long-time enemies of the Saribas and Skrang Iban. To the east of the Balau live the Undup Iban. The Undup river, like the Kumpang, is a tributary of the Ai and the region it drains was similarly one of the first areas of western Sarawak to be settled by the Iban. Like the Balau, the Undup Iban, too, have a long history of enmity with the Skrang and were also, as we have noted, early Brooke allies.
BENEDICT SANDIN
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The related Sebuyau Iban have a particularly complex migrational history. While the main region of Sebuyau settlement is to the west of the Balau, in the area of the Sebuyau River, there are also scattered groups of Sebuyau Iban spread further west, in areas populated mainly by the Bidayuh, including parts of the Lundu district of the First Division. At the time of the first Rajab, there was also a Sebuyau community on the Padungan stream, now a largely Chinese commercial district in Kuching. Other Sebuyau lived at Tabuan, now similarly part of urban Kuching. The Lundu Sebuyau ar6 of special interest in that they were the first Iban group that James Brooke meet when he visited Sarawak for the first time in 1839. Known 40 early European writers as the “Sebuyau Dayaks”, they and their leaders became, from the very beginning, steadfast allies of the early Brooke Government (cf. Pringle 1970: 7-8). Today the Sebuyau Iban comprise a son/ewhat divergent group culturally due no doubt to their relative isolation from other Iban groups, particularly during the last century, and to their close proximity to non-Iban communities, particularly to the Bidayuh. Much was recorded by European observers concerning the Sebuyau during the 19th century. At the time their way of life was essentially the same as that of contemporary Iban groups elsewhere in Sarawak. Since then, unfortunately, very little has been written about this historically important group.
Two much smaller groups, the Remun and Dau Iban appear in the first and last sections of Part One. At the present time, the Remun Iban live, isolated from other areas of Iban settlement, east of Serian town, along the upper Sadong river in the First Division, while the Dau Iban live today chiefly along the Dor and Kluah rivers, close to the Kelingkang range near the Sarawak-Kalimantan frontier.
Finally, the Sarawak Iban commonly recognize three major regional groups of Iban in West Kalimantan (Kalimantan Barat): the Kanyau, Merakai, and Danau Iban, the latter being the most populous of the three. While there is some literature on all three groups, only the Merakai Iban have been the subject of recent ethno graphic research (McKeown 1983). As the narratives indicate, the Merakai region was an early center of Iban migration to Sarawak.
All Iban, in both Sarawak and Kalimantan, speak local variants of a single language. The Iban language belongs to a larger complex of indigenous Malayic Dayak languages (Adelaar 1985; Hudson 1970, 1977), spoken over much of
southern and western Borneo, all of them part in turn of a still larger family of Malayic languages, a family that includes, not only local Malay dialects, but also the national languages of Malaysia and Indonesia. In addition to the Iban, other Ibanic-speaking peoples include the Mualang, Bugau, Desa, Kantu’, Air Tabun and others, some eleven groups having so far been identified, nearly all of whom live in Kalimantan Barat (Hudson 1977, King 1978). As the narratives show, a number of these 'groups have bad important connections with the Sarawak Iban in the past.
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
30
Myth and Its Social Setting Part One consists primarily of mythic narratives. Some of these combine several
otherwise separate traditions which the author has joined to create a larger narrative. Others stand on their own as more or less self-contained traditions. Many have
been abbreviated and are commonly told in a more elaborated form when orally
nan-ated. Together they constitute only a small sample of an enormous body of Iban myth, most of which is, as yet, unrecorded.
Myth, by its nature, tells, in Victor Turner’s words (1968: 576-77), of how one state of affairs became another: how an unpeopled world became populated; how chaos became cosmos...
Through acts of creation, and out of the dissolution and reconstitution of society,
myth reveals a sacred cosmos that both transcends and at the same time sanctions
the established moral and social order. Thus, Myths are not only a guide to culture,... they point to the generative power underlying human life... In myth we see nature and spirit at their shaping work... (1968; 581).
In the traditional Iban view, the phenomenal world of everyday expenence, literally “this world” (dunyu tu'), is believed to be separate from, yet influenced
by events and by the actions of beings acting within a series of inter-connected
unseen realms. These latter realms are inhabited by, among other beings, the gods
or petara. Very generally, the gods are associated with the sky (langit), which is said to overlay “this world” like the lid of a rice-bin. Less often they live in
worlds across the sea. A smaller number, such as Raja Niram and Dara Rambai Garuda, are believed to make their home in the Otherworld of the dead (menoa jehayun). Here they lead the spirits of the dead when the latter are ritually invoked and called back to this world. Essentially, the term petara refers to all supernatural
beings who have benevolent intensions toward humankind. The petara are basically
anthropomorphic supematurals, having all the physical and psychological charac teristics of human beings. Like humankind, they live in longhouse communities, farm, and engage in migrations and warfare. But unlike human beings they also possess supernatural powers which permit them to perform miraculous deeds and
to metamorphize themselves into other forms at will. Humankind (mensia) shares “this world” not only with other “living things” (utai idup) — with plants (utai tumboh, literally “growing things") and animals (jelu) — but also with the “spirits", antu, who like the petara, are ordinarily unseen and possess supernatural powers (cf. Sather 1993a: 285). Although the two terms,
petara and antu,
are sometimes used interchangeably, in contrast to the petara,
the antu are generally, although not always, said to be hostile to human purposes. The most dreaded spirits feed upon human souls, causing sickness and death, or
consume the material wealth of humankind. The antu are believed to be active
BENEDICT SANDIN
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in an* unseen plane, entered into by human beings chiefly through dreams (mimpi). Dreams are said to be the direct experiences of the human soul (semengat). Here,
within this dream-plane, the souls not only of human beings, but of physical objects and of other beings, both animate and inanimate, are similarly active, giving to this otherwise unseen plane a close semblance to waking reality. Intermediate between humankind and the petara is a third major category of supernaturals, the Orang Panggau. These are the heroes and heroines of the mythic Pariggau-Gelong world. Like the antu, the orang Panggau are believed by most
Iban to inhabit “this world”, although they live in a plane, or within regions of this world, which are ordinarily invisible to human eyes. This domain is said by some to lie between the visible world and the sky. Thus, in myth and ritual liturgy,
those who journey to visit the gods and goddesses frequently pass through the Panggau*Gelong world on their way to the various levels of the sky where most
petara make their homes. Like the gods, the heroes and heroines possess supernatural powers and are believed to be capable of metamorphosis. The Orang Panggau are the great mythic heroes of the Iban. They are, for example, the patrons of women weavers, and of male craftsmen and smiths, and are credited with exemplary beauty and grace. Their heroic deeds of prowess and love-making are the subject of a vast oral epic literature. Like the gods and goddesses, the Orang Panggau are beneficent and act in ways that further human purposes. Thus they are the invisible intermediaries, who, for example, during major Gawai festivals, welcome and entertain the gods and goddesses whom the human bards have called down from the sky to bless the ritual sponsors and to participate, unseen, in the ritual work of the Gawai.
The first of the narratives that make up Part One introduces us to the mythic, liminal world that is believed to have existed at the very beginning of genealogical time. It describes a still undifferentiated world inhabited, not only by the earliest ancestors of the Iban, but also by the Petara and the Orang Panggau. To begin with, it is a world in chaos, characterized by supernatural calamity and disaster. The primal forest is filled with demonic Antu. There are storms, disease, and petrifi cation. Fish and turtles come out of the water, their “natural element”, to attack the ancestors of humankind living on land. But out of this chaos eventually comes an ordered, habitable universe regulated by the rules of adat.
For the Iban, it is adat, above all, that embodies universal order. In its most
general sense, the term adat teiQK to the normative rules and understandings that regulate human affairs and govern relations between humankind and the unseen supernatural and everyday visible worlds. Adat, in addition, supplies the moral order that makes human society possible. Indeed, for the Iban, every longhouse is perceived of as an adat community (Heppell 1975: 303-4; Sather 1980a: xi-
xiv). Here the personal independence so highly valued by the Iban is tempered by mutual economic and ritual interdependencies, expressed chiefly in obligations of kinship and community. These interdependencies are further buttressed by a
complex code of adat — a notion which subsumes behavioral norms, rules, ritual
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procedures and injunctions, and the legal mechanisms, modes of redress and sanctions by which these are preserved and enforced (Sather 1980a: xi). The chief
social function of adai is to assure harmonious relations between longhouse members.
But more generally, adherence to adat is thought to sustain a moral order that
makes human society possible, while at the same time, it preserves its members in a state of ritual well-being in relation to the gods, spirits and powers of nature. Thus the correctness of adat, when properly followed, is demonstrated by the
continued well-being of all those who adhere to its rules. Expressed outwardly, this well-being takes the' form of social harmony and can be seen in the health,
fertility and material prosperity of longhouse members and in the condition of their
crops and in the plants, animals and natural features,of their domain. Any serious
breach of adat is said to threaten this well-being and so jeopardizes not only the
moral order, but also relations with the natural and unseen worlds as well. Thus, serious breaches of adat lay the community open to spiritual attack, social discord, crop failure, even to floods and natural calamities (cf. Sather 1994: 140). The myths that follow tell essentially the story of adat's creation.
In the mythic past, the principal actors in this story were the ancestors. Originally
the ancestors are said to have lived together, sharing a common world with the
Orang Panggau. By some accounts, the first ancestors migrated from Sumatra or even from more distant lands (Sandin 1967a; 2-4). Following their arrival in Borneo, they settled with the Orang Panggau along the upper reaches of the Kapuas river
in what is now Kalimantan Barat. In the narratives recorded here, their original settlement in the Kapuas is said to have been at a place called Semitau Tuai.
From Semitau Tuai the ancestors made a series of migrations. At Tampun Juak
they were overcome, as related here, by a series of supernatural calamities. Excrement appeared from nowhere, causing sickness and death. Turtles and fish
left the water to attack those living on the land. To escape these disasters, Keling and Tutong, leaders of the Panggau-Gelong
heroes, led a migration to Nanga Skapai, on the Skapat river, a true, left tributary of the Kapuas. It was here, according to mythic traditions, that a falling-out occurred
between two of the heroes, Laja and Simpurai, that brought about the final separation
of the heroes from the ancestors of the present-day Iban. Simpurai is known in the epic sagas for his enormous strength, but also for his violent, quick temper (jegak-jegak) and for his periodic fits of rage. In this case, his violent actions
caused him to quarrel with Laja, the principal companion of Keling. As a consequence
of their continuous fighting, Keling and the others decided to depart, not only from the human world, but also to separate themselves from the hero Tutong and his
Gelong followers. In the author’s narrative, the heroes removed the rivers on which they lived rom the visible world. In the place of the mythic Panggau river, Keling left behind the present-day Batang Ketungau. According to some traditions, Tutong for
BENEDICT SANDIN
33
his part similarly replaced the Gelong river with the Kapuas. Here, in the narratives,
\ '
Tutong,’4n removing the Gelong river, inadvertently left behind Bukit Gelong, a steep hill in the upper Ketungau. Today, this hill remains, a physical monument
to the heroes’ former presence in the visible world. Also like other prominent hills and mountain peaks in west-central Borneo, it remains a place of possible encounter to which living Iban journey in hope of meeting the Orang Panggau and of gaining their personal guardianship. ■Following their departure from the visible world, the followers of Keling founded an. enormous settlement at a site called Panggau Libau, near the headwaters of the Gelong river. In the saga-epics (ensera), this house is known as Menoa Luchak
Lunyau Kena’ Biau Jila Isang, “The Land Muddied by Those Forever Waving the Palm-Leaves of Victory" (cf. Sandin 1977: 186). In some ensera it is told that a visitor, entering from either end of the bouse, must pass 170 apartment doors
before he reaches that of Keling’s bilik at its centre. Those under Tutong settled
at Nanga Gelong, at a longbouse site called Gelong Batu Benang, “Gelong of the
Spindle-Whorls", situated at the confluence of the Panggau and Gelong Rivers. Gelong is the natal home of the great heroine-weavers, including Keling’s wife
Kumang. From these settlements, the Orang Panggau continue to involve themselves in the affairs of the Iban. By some accounts, immediately before his departure from the visible world, the hero Keling taught the ancestors of the Iban to play the percussional gendang raya music on gongs and drums so that, even after their
separation, humankind might continue to summon the heroes-to this world in order to celebrate the great cycle of Gawai festivals. In the course of these rituals, the -O,rang Panggau act, as we have said, as the ritual hosts and attendants, sending put invitations and receiving the gods and ancestral spirits on behalf of their hyman hosts.
Keling and Laja are the best known of the Panggau-Gelong heroes. Laja is the
principal companion of Keling. His chief task among the heroes is to smoke the trophy heads (nyampu' antu pala') which they bring back from the battlefield. By some accounts, Keling and Laja are brothers. In others, Keling is a cousin of Tutong (see my guest editor’s end-notes to Part One). Their fathers, Si Gundi and Ensing Gima, were killed, according to some accounts, when Keling’s bouse at Lembang Muang was destroyed by Apai Sabit Bekait and his followers (Sandin 1977: 186-
87). The latter were once kin of the Orang Panggau, but later quarrelled and separated, becoming their principal enemies. In some myths, however, Keling’s
father. Si Gundi, dies of old age. In still other accounts, Keling appears in the world without parents. According to one, the infant Keling is discovered inside
the knot of a tree by Ngelai, a Gelong hero, who raises him as his brother (Perham 1885:266). The principal warriors under Keling’s command are Simpurai and
Punggu. Simpurai is said to be of demon ancestry, a descendant of Telicbu, whose story is told by the author later in Part One, hence his violent temper and unpredict able nature. By some accounts, Simpurai is a son of the archdemon Nising, who
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is captured by Keling’s father as a child and is raised as an adopted member of the hero’s family (Masing 1981: 30-31). Among the Saribas Iban, Simpurai is also known as Bungai Nuing. Tutong, the Gelong leader, is the principal blacksmith
of the heroes, the forager of iron spears and swords. Keling is portrayed in the epic sagas as handsome and brave, yet wayward. Upon reaching manhood, he develops what Perham (1885: 266) called “a tendency to
a wandering life”. Again and again, he disappears for months, even years at a time. He possesses miraculous powers of metamorphosis and in his wanderings assumes many different forms. He is married to Kumang, the most beautiful and accomplished of the Gelong heroines. The two are much given to amorous adventures, however. Thus, Keling, in the course of his many wanderings and metamorphoses, becomes the husband or lover of many other women, although he usually returns to Kumang in the end. Kumang, for her part, takes similar liberties. She also takes
frequent revenge upon her rivals. In most traditions, Kumang is identified as the sister of Lulong, the wife of Laja.
After the separation of the Orang Panggau from mankind, the ancestors of the
Iban are said to have multipled, establishing themselves in new bouses under a number of successive leaders. In the generations that follow, both mythic narratives and genealogies tell of
frequent meetings between the ancestors and the spirits. In the story of the Remun Dayak, the author describes the meeting of an early ancestor and the spirit-tigers. In this story, a tiger carries off a young girl. Her father journeys to the longhouse of the spirit-tigers in the invisible realm of the souls and spirits and there takes revenge on the killers, who, the myth tells us, have violated proper relations between the spirits and humankind, leaving themselves open to human retaliation. Later,
we meet a similar myth in the story of Jimbun and the spirit-crocodiles. According to Iban genealogies, Jimbun’s lifetime coincides with the first migrations of Iban
pioneers to the Batang Ai, some sixteen generations ago. In other myths, spirits enter the visible world in order to marry mortals by whom they bear ancestral offspring. Examples in Part One include the stories of Numpi, Remi and (jupi.
Of all the early ancestors, perhaps the most familiar is Beji, whose attempt to construct a ladder to the heavens is briefly told by the author in section two of
Part One. According to Saribas tradition, Beji’s home was at Ketapang in Kalimantan Barat. Before he began to construct his ladder, Beji first called a meeting of the
animals to inform them of his plans. Unfortunately, he neglected to invite the termites to this meeting. Just as his ladder reached the sky, the soft-wooded enchepong
tree on which its base was planted, collapsed, its roots and trunk having been tunneled through by termites. Beji and his ladder fell to earth. The hero was killed and pieces of his ironwood ladder fell into the various rivers and streams of central Borneo, where ancient pieces of ironwood, when found in stream-beds are called tangga’ Beji, “Beji’s ladder”.
BENEDICT SANDIN
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According to the tusut (genealogies), Beji bore a son named Nisi. Nisi was the father in turn of two sons, Telicbu and Telichai, and a daughter, Ragam. Ragam is remembered in Saribas tusut as the mother of Manang Jarai. Elsewhere the author (Sandin 1983: 243-45) has recorded the myth of Jarai, who is associated with the origins of shamanism. Jarai is said to have lived soon after the time of Ini' Inda, the Iban Shaman Goddess. He is usually credited with being the first human shaman (manang) and his name is still invoked by living shamans when they perform curing rituals (pelian).
In the myth that the author records here Telichu, while bunting with his brother
in the forest, is transformed into a cannibalistic demon, and so becomes the founding ancestor of a race of antu known as the Antu Gerasi or demon huntsmen. The Antu Gerasi are the most dreaded of all Iban supematurals. They are thought to roam the forests at dusk, during storms or at night, hunting the souls of human victims who appear to them, in the invisible plane of the souls, in the fonn of wild pigs. The Antu Gerasi live apart from humankind, as forest ogres, and are said to hunt with spears, using small, but Herce dogs called pasun. Some are solitary;
others live in unseendonghouses associated usually with fig trees (kayu* kara'). In the present myth, before Telichu takes leave of Telichai, to make his home in the forest, he tells his brother of the measures that human beings must take to defend themselves in the future from spirit malevolence. In a somewhat different version which I recorded in the Paku region in 1984, Telichu tells his brother, after they divide their bunting dogs, that in becoming a spirit be and bis descendants will henceforth be invisible, but that Telichai and those who come after him, from Telicbai’s generation onward to the present, will be able to hear their voices and they will continue to met each other in dreams.
From Telichu’s time onward, the Antu Gerasi have lived by feeding upon the
souls of human beings. However, individual spirits occasionally befriend a man
or woman and sometimes enter the visible world in a human form to take a mortal husband or wife. In myth such marriages frequently result in acts of law-giving. An example from the present study is the myth of Gupi and Belang Pinggang. Here the identity of Belang Pinggang, as an Antu Gerasi, is revealed by the existence
of a white band of skin (belang pinggang) around his waist. In order to prevent its detection, Belang Pinggang commands his wife not to watch him while he bathes. But Gupi disobeys her husband, and with his identity discovered, Belang Pinggang returns to the world of the Antu Gerasi, after commanding changes in the rules of marriage adat.
^hile Telichu is said to have founded the line of demon huntsmen, his brother Telichai is said to stand as a common ancestor to both the living Iban and the Orang Panggau. According to Saribas tusut. Telichai married Endu’ Dara Sia or Bunsu Kamba, who is remembered in oral tradition as the owner of a rusa jar shaped like a senggang fruit (Sandin 1962:10). The couple bore a number of children. Among them was a son named Si Gundi, or Gila Gundi. In some traditions,
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as noted earlier. Si Gundi is the father of Keli’ng, leader of the Panggau Libau heroes. Another of Telichai’s sons was Retak Dai. In the generations that lived before the first Iban migrations to Sarawak, Retak Dai married Kelilak Dara Menjadi, the sister of Lemambang, who died and was brought back to life by Ini’ Inda, the Shaman Goddess. The myth' of Lemambang and his sister is associated with
the origin of the bards (lemambang) and bardic singing and is recorded by the author in his book Sengalang Burong (1962). Retak Dai and his wife Kclitak Dara Menjadi bore a son named Serapoh, an ancestral hero, who, among his many acts of law-giving, is said to have instituted the traditional rites of death and mourning. According to Saribas tusut, Serapoh married Reminda and bore four sons and a daughter, Remi. Until the time of Serapoh, death rites are said to have been unknown among the ancestors of the Iban. The bodies of the dead were simply thrown into the bush like the corpses of dogs and chickens. There occurred a great plague of death. Many succumbed. At this height, Serapoh’s father died in the morning, his mother
in the evening, all in one day. As he mourned his loss, Serapoh heard a voice calling to him. The voice asked him why he and his followers grieved. He answered that it was because so many had died. The voice asked what observances they
practiced at death. Serapoh replied that they practiced none. The voice then said, this being the case, it was not surprising that many had died. The spirit then explainetl how to prepare the bodies of the dead for burial and described the details of proper
mourning. Having finished, the spirit briefly revealed himself to Serapoh, saying that his name was Apai Puntang Raga. He. then disappeared. According to Apai Pun tang Raga’s instructions, a small amount of property belonging
to the deceased must be placed inside a sacred mourning jar (more commonly a box, the lengguai) and securely bound with cord or creeper. In order to conclude
the initial period of mourning (ulit), the jar, which has been set aside, must be opened in a rite called ngetas ulit (“to open the ulit"). This should be done by
a warrior who has taken a human head, or has successfully journeyed through enemy lands (cf. Sandin 1980a: 37-38). In order to perform ngetas ulit, and so release his followers from mourning restrictions, Serapoh took the head of a Kantu’ youth. But in doing so, he brings inter-tribal warfare into the world of humankind. So
begins, as related in Part One, a mythic
wm
between the Iban under Serapoh and
the Kantu’ people, that continues from one generation to another, until peace is finally concluded through the marriage of Jelian and Tiong, whose story the author
tells later in Part One, in ‘Tban-Kantu’ Enmity is Resolved”. The first casualties
of this war, as related here, are Serapoh’s three sons: Chundau, Sempaok and Bada. Throughout the night following their death. Remi, their sister, weeps and laments. Thus Remi introduces the practice of nyabak, the singing of the sabak or poem of lamentation for the dead. The words of the sabak describe the journey of the deceased’s soul to the Otherworld escorted by the soul of the sabak singer (Sandin 1968d).
L.
BENEDICT SANDIN
37
Remi’s lamentations are overheard by a spirit. The spirit, whose name is Rukok, appears in a human form to seek Remi’s hand in marriage. As bridewealth, Rukok pledges a gift of Kantu’ beads to Remi’s father Serapoh. Following the couple’s
marriage, Rukok leads Serapoh’s followers in a series of victorious battles over the Karitu’. In the process, he teaches Serapoh’s people the tactics of warfare, and,
before he returns to the spirit world, he also modifies Iban. marriage rules. These modifications are then instituted among Serapoh’s followers and so are believed to have come do5vn to the present-day.
Remi and Rukok bore a son, who is known in Saribas tradition as Menggin, Meng, or Siu. In the Ulu Ai he is more commonly called Garai. As related here, Menggin is the father of the greatest of all Iban ancestral heroes: Sera Gunting
or Surong. Before the birth of Sera Gunting, in the generation of his great grandfather Serapoh,
there is said to have lived a powerful god named Raja Jembu. In Iban ritual liturgy, Raja'Jembu is identified as the guardian of the sacred whetstones (batu umai) used by Iban families in farming rituals, most importantly in the Gawai Batu and in the rite of manggol that initiates the clearing of new farm sites * (Sather 1992). These stones, which are individually sanctified during the Gawai Batu, are believed to cdine from Raja Jembu’s throne, called the “Batu Tinggi Didinggai”. According to Saribas tradition, Raja Jembu married Endu Kumang Baku Pelimbang and bore six sons and a daughter. This family forms the principal pantheon of the Iban petara (cf. Harrisson and Sandin 1966: 259ff; Sandin 1977:185; 1980: 93-94). What should
be noted here is that.these gods and goddesses, like human beings, thus have genealogical pedigrees or tajwt. They have remembered ancestors and descendants, and, indeed, most can be found in the tusut of living Iban.
The eldest of Raja Jembu’s family is Singalang Burong, or Aki Lang. Also known in ritual liturgy as Aki Jugp Menaul Tuntong, Singalang Burong is the Iban god of war and augury and the most powerful of the petara (cf. Sandin 1962: 1-10;
1977: ^2-4). Next is Simpulang Gana, the owner of the earth and principal god
of agriculture. Of lesser importance are Bunsu Petara and Menjaya Manang Raja. The^ former is frequently associated by Christian missionaries with the god of the
Christian scriptures, while the latter is the principal shamanic god. Selampandai, or Sejnpandai, is the creator of man and the god of smithing, who is said to fashion the bodies of human beings at his forge. Ini’ Inda or Ini’ Inee is the Iban shamanic
goddess. The youngest of the -family is Anda Mara or Gangga Ganggai, the Iban god of riches and material wealth.
According to some traditions, Singalang Burong originally lived in this world near-the headwaters of the Merakai River in Kalimantan Barat, Aft^ his death, he is said to have been buried on the top of Mt. Tutop in the Ulu Merakai. According to other traditions, Singalang Burong led a migration of the gods to the various realms they now inhabit in the sky. Before departing, Singalang Burong divided
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
his parents’ property. In this division, the inheritance that each god or goddess received determined his or her special powers as a deity (Sandin 1983: 236-37). Thus Ini’ Inee received Raja Jembu’s medicine-box (lumpong) with all its contents and so became celestial healer and, with her brother Menjaya, the divine patron of Iban shamans. Singalong Burong took for himself a powerful war-charm, called igi-mudan, the most magically potent of his family’s hierlooms, and so became
the god of war and of divination and the principal source of omens. Simpulang Gana was away, searching for the sacred engkenyang plant when this division of his parents inheritance took place. When he returned, he found that nothing remained of his parents' estate except for the earthen firebox belonging to the family's cooking hearth (tanah dapor). At first Simpulang Gana was angry. But later, informed by his father-in-law of its value, he discovered that, unintentionally, he had received the most valuable property of all, the earth itself. Since then, as owner of the earth, the gods as well as human beings have had to make offerings to Simpulang Gana in order to obtain his permission before farming the earth (Sandin 1964; 50-54; Sather 1977b: 160; 1992: 121; and 1994: 131). By some accounts, the gods first lived in the visible world with the ancestors of the Iban and the Orang Panggau before Singalang Burong led them in migration to the celestial world they now inhabit. According to one tradition, the gods under Singalang Burong lived with the Orang Panggau in a large, composite village called Nanga Nuyan (cf. Sandin 1977: 181). From there, Singalang Burong is said to have led his followers to Tansang Kenyalang (lit. “Hombill’s Nest"), where they built a substantial longhouse with Singalang Burong's bilik at its centre and the
apartments of his sons-in-Iaw, the seven principal augural gods, on each side of it (cf. Freeman 1960: 72; Sandin 1977: 2-4, 181; Sather 1980a; xxxii-xxxiv). The arrangement of these apartments relative to one another has significance in terms of the meanings attributed to augural signs conveyed by each of the principal omen birds (Sandin 1980a: 102-103). In the myth that the author tells here, Singalang Burong’s eldest daughter, Endu Dara Tinebin Temaga, journeyed from her father’s house in the sky to the earthly
world where she disguised herself as a bird [for another, somewhat different version of this myth, see Perham 1882: 337-340]. Here she was "killed" by a dart from Menggin's blowpipe. She reassumed a human form and declared her intention to marry Menggin. After their marriage, Endu Dara Tinchin Temaga conceived and in due course bore a son. The boy was called Sera Gunting. When Sera Gunting
was six months old, his mother returned to the sky. Miraculously, Menggin and his son travelled to Singalang Burong’s longhouse, following Endu Dara Tinchin Temaga. Here Sera Gunting was reunited with bis mother. The boy- and his father remained in Singalang Burong’s house until the return of Endu Dara Tinchin Temaga’s true upperworld busband, the augural god Ketupong. During their stay. Sera Gunting won the favour of his grandfather, Singalang Burong, by performing a series of trials in which he proved that he
was genuinely the old man’s grandson.
BENEDICT SANDIN
39
Later, when be reached manhood, Sera Gunting again journeyed to bis grandfather* s longhouse, this time alone. Here he was instructed by Singalang Burong and by his uncles, the augural gods, in the correct rules of warfare and augury. While living in his grandfather’s longhouse, Sera Gunting committed incest with his mother* s youngest sister, Endu Dara Chempaka Tempurong Alang. Rather than put the couple to death, in the manner prescribed by traditional adat, Singalang Burong taught Sera Gunting the rules and punishment for incest and commanded that he carry this knowledge back with him to the human world. In the course of bis travels between the sky and this world. Sera Gunting met the spirit of the moon (bulan) and the stellar goddesses, the Seven Sisters (bintang tujoh, Pleiades) and the Three Sisters (bintang tiga, Orion’s Belt). From his encounters with the stellar goddesses. Sera Gunting learned the signs that Iban
farmers use to determine the time to clear and plant their farms. From the spirit of the moon, he learned the rules that regulate days of labour and rest corres ponding to the phases of the moon (cf. Sandin 1980a: 15; Sather 1992: 129fn).
Again, Sera Gunting brought this knowledge back with him and instituted it among his followers. By some accounts, Singalang Burong died after Sera Gunting’s final return to this.world. It is said that following the great god’s death, Sera Gunting led a migration of his followers to Tiang Laju mountain, on the Kalimantan-Sarawak frontier. Here, between the headwaters of the Undup and Kumpang rivers, a few miles south of
modem Engkilili, he lived out the last years of his life, a respected pioneer and the greatest of all Iban law-givers. With his death begins, as noted in the initial section of this Introduction, the first migrations of the Iban to Sarawak, including
that of Sera Gunting’s followers led by Kajup. According to Saribas tusut, Sera Gunting was the father of Sera Kempat. Sera
Kempat bore a daughter named Ridob. Ridob manied Bada and the couple bore a daughter named Gupi. Gupi was raised by her parents as a secluded child. As such, she was kept in the family loft where no man could approach her (Sandin 1962: 66). Here her needs were attended to by female slaves. Despite her family’s vigilence, Gupi was miraculously courted by an Antu Gerasi in human form. In
time she conceived. When her condition became apparent, her parents brought her downstairs, into the main longhouse, to join the other members of her father’s household. It was then that the Antu Gerasi appeared to Bada to ask for Gupi’s hand in marriage. Bada agreed, but before the marriage could take place, the spirit, whose name was Belang Pinggang, insisted that the traditional rules of marriage first be modified and that these modifications be observed by later generations of Iban.
The story of “How Jelenggai marries Bintang Banyak’’ is another major myth associated, like the myth of Sera Gunting, with the origins of divination and augury (cf. Sandin 1962: 99-106). The myth begins with Jelenggai’s search for the magical
Paub Laba fruit. Stranded at the centre of the sea, Jelenggai is carried to the
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
sky by a huge bird. There, in the account that the author relates here, he married
Bintang Banyak, the youngest of the Seven Sisters or Pleiades. By Jelenggai, Bintang Banyak bore a son named Selamuda. The star goddesses warned Jelenggai not to
look inside a jar which the Seven Sisters kept in their family apartment. Through the jar, the earth can be seen below the sky. Jelenggai disobeyed. Seeing men and women at work in their rice-fields far below, he and his son became restless.
They can no longer remain in the sky. But before Bintang Banyak returned her husband and son to the earthly world, she first taught them how to make use of the stars for guidance when they ^d their descendants farm on the earth below. Later, after Jelenggai’s death, his son Selamuda married the daughter of Bunsu Landak, the Porcupine King (cf. Sandin 1962: 106). In the version of the myth that the author relates here, Selamuda is set the task of guarding his father-inlaw’s farm from a troop of wild pigs that comes night after night to destroy the crops. In desperation, Selamuda laid in wait for the leader of the troop. He speared the boar-chief with an iron-bladed spear belonging to his father-in-law. He then'
followed the track of the wounded boar until he came to the spirit-realm of the
wild pigs. Here Selamuda met wizards who had been called to treat the boar-chief., whose name was Bunsu Babi. Their efforts were to no avail. Selamuda then treated
the wounded chief. In doing so, he first removed his spear, which was invisible
to the spirit-pigs but plainly visible to himself, and then dressed the wound with turmeric. The boar-chief recovered, and as a reward for saving his life, gave Selamuda the hand of bis youngest daughter Dayang Manis Muka in marriage. For some years Selamuda remained in the land of the spirit-pigs. Here his wife
bore a son named Begeri. In the end the boar-chief held a feast to which he invited all of the spirit-animals, spirit-birds and snakes. The python became drunk and vomited away his venom. For this reason today the python’s bite is venomless. The flying fox also became drunk. The presence of fruit-seeds in his vomit revealed
that the fruit season had returned to the visible world. Seeing this sign, the spirit pigs decided that the time has. come to return to the material world as wild pigs. As they journeyed to “this world”, they gradually re-assumed their animal appearance. Entering the visible world, one of the pigs was killed by a human spear-trap. All fled except for Manis Muka. Before she parted from her busband and son to rejoin her kin, the daughter of the pig-chief instructed Selamuda on
how to use the liver of the pig for divination. Whenever, “in the future...”, she
told him, “men wish to see their fate, either during sickness or in hopes of obtaining riches, they should kill a pig in order to divine with its liver". The myth thus charters the ritual practice of liver divination traditionally performed by
the Iban at the outset of important undertakings. In the generations that immediately followed Sera Gunting’s, the Iban began
their migrations to Sarawak. The mythic heroes associated with these subsequent
generations are themselves, in many cases, early Sarawak pioneers. Among the most prominent is Jelian, who, according to oral tradition, is an early Undup pioneer.
BENEDICT SANDIN
41
Jelian is also a major law-giver. He is credited, among other things, with instituting the rules to be followed in erecting a longhouse, in constmcting tomb-huts (sungkup) for the dead, building the “fence of fire” (pagar api) used in shamanic ritual, and in lighting the nightly vigil-fires (tungkun api) during initial mourning (pana).
According to some accounts, Jelian also began the practice of planting cotton used in weaving ritual cloth (pua' kumbu’). In the narrative that the author presents here, Jelian met the spirit of the hearth or longhouse kitchen, the Aniu Dapor. From this meeting, Jelian learned the “Kitchen Rules” or dw/af dapor (cf. Sandin 1980a: 12). These rules, which are stiU observed in more traditional longhouses in the Saribas, require that every family prepares rice on its longhouse hearth at least twice during each lunar month, at the time of full-moon and just prior to the appearance of the new moon. The’ effect of these rules is to stress the social' integrity of the longhouse and the ritual interdependence of its members and to prevent any family from absenting itself for prolonged periods or from moving from the house without first ritually compensating the others (Sather 1993b: 73).
History and Oral Tradition Until recently historians have generally ignored oral traditions, or when they have considered them, they have tended to be skeptical of their value as a historical source. Today this situation has greatly changed, particularly with the growth of
historical scholarship in non-Westem societies. Yet the question of the historicity of oral tradition continues to be a matter of heated debate (cf. Willis 1980). Oral traditions are defined by Jan Vansina (1973: x) as, “All oral testimonies concerning the past that are transmitted from one person to another.” For a historian,
oral traditions are, in Vansina's (1973: 1) terms, historical sources of a special nature. Their special nature derives from the fact that they are “unwritten” sources couched in a form suitable for oral transmission, and that their preservation depends on the powers of memory of successive generations of human beings.
Unlike written documents, which were recorded in the past and so pass down : unchanged into the present, oral traditions have had to be remembered and retold
through successive generations in order to reach the present. Their accuracy is thus subject to lapses in memory and to falsification in the long chains of transmission
that extend from their initial telling to the traditions as they are told in the present.
For Vansina each tradition is essentially a “chain of testimonies” (1973: xi). Through the careful scrutiny of these tp-stimoniRs, a historian may control their reliability
as a source of historical knowledge. To achieve such control, Vansina established a meticulous methodology by which traditions are collected and transcribed, their
chains of transmission traced and variants compared, so that obvious biases and falsifications may be removed to produce primary documents suitable for the writing •
of history much in the nature of written documents (cf. Spear 1981: 133).
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
•The results have been impressive. Historians of oral tradition have collected a vast corpus of traditional data, which they have subjected to increasingly sophisti
cated analysis to produce exemplary studies, which, for many areas of the non-
Westem world, particularly in Africa and the Pacific, have succeeded in revealing
the clear outlines of pre-colonial events. Yet with this very richness has come a growing awareness that oral traditions are less reliable, in a documentary sense, than was initially
expected. In part,
this recognition reflects arguments long current with anthropologists. Following
Malinowski (cf. 1954), social anthropologists have tended to view oral traditions
as historical charters” meaning that they serve, above all, to validate current social,
political and economic institutions. They are thus interpretable in terms, not of the past, but of contemporary social structure. Taking, for example, genealogies, anthropologists have shown how these are frequently telescoped, that is to say,
how the names of ancestors who are not significant nodes in a system of lineage development may be forgotten, while, at the same time, the names of strangers incorporated into the group may be included (cf. Peters 1960). As a result, rather than presenting an accurate list of ancestors, genealogies may be more of a reflection
of existing social relationships on the ground. Clearly, there is much truth in these arguments. The context in which oral traditions are transmitted and their social,
economic and political functions all require careful consideration. In this regard, I.M. Lewis (1962: 35) is certainly correct when he observes that. The use of oral tradition as a historical source... requires a knowledge of the part tradition plays in the society in which it occurs... Oral tradition does not have a universal validity... Rather its historical content... has to be evaluated in the light of the contemporary social situations to which it is related.
In the long run, such arguments, however, when applied categorically, have proven
to be counter-productive. Tradition is open to a variety of interpretations. In the
case of genealogies, Spear (1981:134-35), for example, has shown that their historical nature is much more complex than traditional anthropological arguments suggest. That they.are manipulated, and serve social functions in the present, while certainly
important, does not deny them possible historicity. Thus Spear (1981: 135-6; 1978) shows how the oral traditions, including genealogies, of the Mijikenda people of
the Kenya Coast of Africa present an accurate historical narrative covering four
centuries and, as living traditions, continue to describe accurately institutions that have not existed in Mijikenda society for over 130 years. From examples such as this, it is obvious that oral traditions can have different levels of meaning — as myth, charter, and accurate narrative — each amenable to different kinds of
analysis. The exclusivist claims of an earlier generation of anthropologists that tradition has to be either charter or fact — myth or history — are clearly untenable (Spear 1981: 136).
BENEDICT SANDIN
43
Within anthropology, exclusivist claims have also reflected in the past a theoretical predisposition “to account”, in Schieffelin and Gewertz’s (1985: 1) words, "for the orderly forms of social and cultural organization in terms of
timeless structural relations rather than determinant historical causes and pro cesses”. Today, anthropologists are more receptive to historical models of analysis, and for both anthropologists and historians, the study of oral tradition offers a
common ground for developing more historically adequate perspectives. For an
thropologists they also confront us with the need to consider “alternative views of-the past” (Schieffelin and Gewertz 1985: 2). Thus, an understanding of the events they recall requires that we “understand how the people themselves experienced
and understood them at the time, and in retrospect”, taking (Schieffelin and Gewertz 1985: 3), into account the peoples' own sense of bow events are constituted, and their ways of culturally constructing the past.
In his earlier book. The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule, Benedict Sandin reconstructed a major segment of the Iban past, using oral tradition, “to tell”, as he puts it (1967:1), the story of my people from the time of the[ir] initial migrations into Sarawak territory, roughly fifteen generations ago, down to the days of Brooke rule, when Western-style written records make their appearances.
Using traditional materials he traced the earliest migrations of the Iban from
the Kapuas region of Kalimantan into what is now the First and Second Divisions
of Sarawak and described the pioneer settlement of each of the major rivers of the Second Division — ending with the arrival of James Brooke and the gradual
consolidation of Brooke rule over the lower-river Iban in the 1840s and 50s. Drawing chiefly on oral narratives and genealogies, he thus succeeded in extending
a narrative history back some two hundred to two hundred and fifty years before the beginnings of written documents.
What is notable here is that The Sea Dayaks of Borneo clearly demonstrated
the historical value of Iban oral tradition. The author's overall narrative relating to migration has never been seriously challenged. Indeed, subsequent local studies
have tended to bear out its essential accuracy. Moreover, in the case of events for which the narrative overlaps with written sources, the two show remarkable
correspondence. In the present study as well, I illustrate two such correspondences in my end notes for which parallel written accounts are available. In The Sea Dayaks of Borneo, Benedict Sandin made use of what, from an Iban
point of yiew, is an arbitrarily limited selection of oral traditions. The limits were
set by Western notions of historiography, not by Iban perceptions of the past. Thus the author took as his point of departure events associated with individuals who
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
appear in tusut genealogies some fifteen generations before the then senior generation of living Iban. Since its composition, another one and a half generations have passed. His reasons for doing so were two-fold (cf. Sandin 1967a: 1-3). First, it was during the fifteenth generation (now sixteenth to seventeenth) that Iban pioneers began, according to oral tradition, their initial migrations into Sarawak from the Kapuas region of Kalimantan. Secondly, the fifteen (i.e., sixteenth) generation
coincides with a transition in the nature of the narrative sources themselves. From this point onward, they assume, from a Western point of view, an increasingly “historical” — as opposed to “mythic" — character. Thus Robert Pringle (1967: xiv) observes, A preponderant amount of the material linked to persons later than the fifteen-generation
line is exceedingly secular in tone. Stories of law-giving and the feats of men and divinities intermingled, which are typical of the earlier period, yield to more mundane accounts of migrations, wars and settlement.
But here Pringle (1967: xiv) rightly adds. This is not to say that there is no genuinely historical material in the first category, and
no myth in the second; the difference is one of degree....
Nonetheless, moving back beyond this point, events associated with still earlier generations tend to be set in an increasingly sacred context. Thus human actions are regularly interwoven with the actions of gods and spirit heroes, social institutions
are created, and genealogical connections are forged between the ancestors and the gods and spirit-heroes.
What is important to note, however, is that the Iban past, as constituted in oral tradition, does not begin with events of some sixteen generations ago. On the contrary, these events, including the Sarawak migrations, emerge directly from a larger body of related mythic traditions to which they are linked by common narrative and genealogical connections. What I have called “mythic narratives” and what Pringle sees as “historical traditions” are thus, in fact, part of a single seamless whole. For the Iban, both belong to the same narrative category: the jerita lama' (or jerita tuai) (see “Sources of Oral Tradition").
Benedict Sandin (1967: 1), at the outside of his earlier book, similarly emphasized that, It would be altogether misleading to imply that these migrations... represent the beginning of Iban oral history and tradition. In fact, they come at only the half-way mark. Most of the
genealogies I have collected extend another ten generations further back in time. A great deal
of very complex material... falls within this early period.
This material, which the author excluded from his earlier study, he has brought together in the present work. The majority of this material, presented in
BENEDICT SANDIN
45
Part One ‘‘Myth and History'* treats events associated with the earliest generations
of the tusut genealogies, down to the sixteen-to seventeen-generation line. The remaining Parts record events that occurred at or after the beginnings of written
documentation. Together, with the author’s earlier writings, this material, gives a more adequate sense of the Iban past, as represented in the oral sources themselves.
While oral traditions may cover periods of time, or deal with events or conditions
of life, for which there are no other sources of information available, oral traditions by no means cease to have historical value with the appearance of written documents. Even where written sources exist, oral traditions continue to offer an
important source of historical knowledge, as in the case of the materials contained here in Parts Two, Three and Four. Written documents are often fragmentary, leaving unrecorded information crucial to an understanding of the past. The historian may
not have been a direct witness to the events be records, or he may have lacked a knowledge of the antecedent conditions or motives underlaying the events be
describes. Moreover, the written record may itself be recorded tradition. These
deficiencies are particularly apparent when dealing with the early written history
of the Iban. Here the documents available are written for the most part by European observers who, however sympathetic and careful they may have been, were writing
of events far removed from their own cultural experience. Not surprisingly the accounts they produced sometimes fail to grasp the interplay of local ambitions
and personalities, the influence of cultural values and perceptions, and the con sequences of what they wimessed on subsequent events in the local communities
involved. Oral traditions are particularly valuable in this connection just because they so strongly mirror local interests and perceptions. As a result, they frequently
supply exactly the kinds of information lacking in written documents. By offering a different perspective, oral traditions also provide a possible check
on written sources, giving us materials from which to reinterpret critically such written records as may be available. Any historical testimony is liable to bias,
whether it is written or oral. Some distortions may be deliberate, others may be made out of ignorance, or result from omission. When the observers is only partially
familiar with the cultural meanings or local significance of what he observes, the
natural tendency is to construe events in terms familiar from bis own background, with the result that they may appear quite differently in the account he produces
than they appeared at the time to the participants themselves. In this regard, oral
traditions provide a forum in which local people may speak for themselves. As
Vansina (1966: 9) notes. The stroQg point of all oral tradition is that it is history as recorded by insiders.
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
TTus does not mean that traditional sources should be exempted from critical assess?
ment. Biases and lapses of memory are to be expected, as with any remembered testimony. However, it needs to be added, at the same time, these biases may
themselves be informative, and often oral sources are at their most revealing when
the written record is particularly ample.
Finally, oral traditions have characteristics that distinguish them from written sources and, for this reason, they should not be forced "into the mould of docu mentary sources suitable for Western-style history” (Spear 1981: 136). Traditions are not documents, not even oral ones; they are history, the product of oral historians' attempts to make sense of the past. Trying to write history from them is thus equivalent to attempting to write our history from the secondary or tertiary accounts of historians who have already sifted through the debris of the past, selected from it the items they deem important, and decided their significance, while ignoring the rest. To avoid this we must accept oral traditions as history in their own right and traditional oral historians as our colleagues in the practice of a common craft, seeking to understand their theory and practice of history in order to be able to translate their history, as expressed in their cultural idioms, into our own history in our own cultural idioms...(Spear 1981: 136).
To make such a translation successfully requires an understanding of the cultural
and intellectual conditions under which oral traditions are composed. In this connection, there are major differences in the modes of communication employed
by oral and literate historians. As Spear (1981: 137) observes. Both start with a {sesent and seek to explain how it developed by delving into the words describing past events and processes which have come to them through history. Whereas the literate historian is able to work directly on the words of the past in the form of diaries, letters, and records, however, the oral historian must work on the words communicated to him orally through one or more generations of ancestors from the past. Such words do not come to the /7i^-fainily as
a result of marriage. To marry in, meaning in the case of the bilik, to join one’s husband’s or wife’s family after marriage, is called nguai. Thus, during the marriage ritual, it is common for guests to ask: si^pa nguai ka pangan?, “who is marryingin [i.e. joining his or her] friend’s [spouse’s bilik]T' Here, again, families, like pedigrees, highlight the significance of marriage, in both cases incorporating spouses.
Every longhouse, too, has a pun or “source", the pun rumah, who like the pun bilik represents the personification of its ancestry and continuing life as a group
(Sather 1993b:70). Most longhouses contain a set of core families whose members are related by close bilateral ties and who claim descent, through an unbroken line of pun bilik, from the original pioneer founders of the settlement. Such
households tend to occupy the central apartments in the longhouse and often control,
as a result of their longer pioneering ancestry, a major share of the cultivation plots within the community’s territorial domain. Other households, whose founders arrived later, are likely to look to the genealogies of its core families for connection
with the house’s founding ancestors. Thus in long-established Iban areas, such as the Saribas, genealogies assume considerable social and political importance and
have a bearing on relations not only between individuals but also between families
and longhouse communities.
In addition to bilaterality and marriage, there are two further sources of flexibility in Iban tusut: — remarriage and adoption. To take an example of the former from the tusut, — in the Paku, a women named Lementan married a man named Dundang by whom she bore six children. Dundang, however, died, and after his death, Lementan
re-married (belaki baru), taking as her second husband a man named Sait (anak Bata) by whom she bore three additional children. The latter are distinguished from Lementan’s “first children” (anakdulu'), as her “later children" (anakdudi). Between
each other, these two sets of siblings similarly distinguish each other as “first siblings”
(menyadi dulu’) and “later siblings” (menyadi dudi). Such relationships are recalled in genealogies, at least in recent generations, and may be used to trace both ascending and collateral links. In this example, among Lementan’s anak dudi was a daughter
named Sree (or Seri). Sree married Uja and bore a son named Nyanggau. Nyanggau was the author’s, Benedict Sandin’s, maternal grandfather (see Appendix, Genealogy IVb, gens. 14-16). Thus Nyanggau married Gindu and bore Indu, the author’s mother.
Among Saribas genealogists, there is a general reluctance to trace main-line tusut through anak dudi, the children of second marriages. This reluctance is apparent
in Benedict Sandin’s own writing. Thus, among all of the many alternative pedigrees he published, including those contained in the present Appendix, he never recorded
this particular part of his own personal tusut. He might have done so, however, and the point here is that remarriage multiples the possible ways in which tusut may be traced.
51
BENEDICT SANDIN
Of much greater significance is adoption fngiru}. Adoption is frequent in Iban society, particularly in preventing punas, i.e., the dying out of a family or pedigree
for want of an heir. When it occurs, adoption similarly multiples the possible ways
iir which ascent may be traced, indeed even more so, as generally both natural and adoptive relations are recognized by the Iban and may be used in tracing tusut relationships. To take another example from the author’s own genealogy. The
author’s great-great grandfather, the Paku war leader Linggir “Mali Lebu’’ adopted a daughter named Umang. Thus, it is common in Paku tusut to trace Umang’s
ancestry through Linggir. For example (see also Appendix, Genealogy III, where the author follows this adoptive link): [Here X signifies marriage, see the Appendix].
=
Paia (f)
Uyut
X
Nangku (£)
Paia (f)
X
Renggi
Sang
X
Sulah (f)
=
Adir
Adir
,x '
Cherembang (f)
=
Anong (f)
Sang
Anong (f)
X
Linggir “Mali Lebu”
=
umang' (f)
Umang (f)
X
Garran
=
Kerebau, Attat, etc.
But tusut may also be traced through Umang’s natural mother and father. Buran
and Lui. For example (see Genealogy I, in the Appendix): Jantan
X
Jemat (f)
ss
Kadir
Kadir
X
Siah (f)
~
Buran (f)
Buran (f)
X
Lui
=
UMANG (f)
Umang (f)
X
Garran
=
Kerebau, Attat, etc.
•
4gain, Attat is the author’s father. Both of these two genealogies were actually recited, and so recorded by the guest editor during marriage ceremonies in the Paku in 1988 and 1989. Their use shows how adoption adds to the flexibility of the tusut, allowing a genealogist alternative ways to trace an individual’s ancestry.
A tusut may comprise merely a list of names, indicating who married and begot whom, beginning with its most remote ancestor, its “source”, and extending,
generation by generation, down to the present. But more often a tusut includes.
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particularly in its earliest generations, a number of short narrative or descriptive passages, taking the form of highly compressed narrative elements. Some of these passages allude to incidents that form the subject of independent narratives. Others exist unconnected to any other known traditions. Individuals who are acknowledged locally as expert genealogists (tukang tusut) are expected to be able to relate the named persons who appear in the tusut, or these brief narrative passages, to events of the past, thus augmenting each pedigree with historical detail. In a sense, local genealogists are expected to act much'like regional historians (Sather 1981b: 112). Their ability to connect individual tusut with historical detail also adds credibility to their genealogical knowledge. It is considered insufficient for a genealogist to know only his own personal pedigree (nemu nusut diri empu), or the pedigrees of his immediate kindred. Instead, he should be able to trace the lines of ascent of others in the community and relate the ancestors who appear in these lines to events in the region’s past.
Edmund Leach (1950) was the first to draw serious attention to Iban genealogies. In 1947, he examined a collection of written genealogies at Betong in the Saribas. From this examination, he made a number of observations which remain both insightful and, at the same time, remarkably myopic. Although not a student of Iban society, Leach preceptively connected genealogies with local leadership in a bilateral society in which institutions of formal stratification are lacking. Thus, Leach (1950: 71) noted that: The absence of a forma] class stratification is not to be taken as implying a lack of interest in personal status. Ambilateral descent (bilateral kinship] has the implication that... status... is to some extent flexible and subject to revision... (IJnterest in hereditary status coupled with the absence of any clearly defined class results in the maintenance of very elaborate genealogical trees. Being accustomed to think of a genealogy as primarily a unilateral device, 1 bad at first supposed that the construction of bilateral genealogies on the scale necessary for a system of persoTial kindred (emphasis in the original] which included Sth cousins however connected — i.e. through males or females — must be quite impossible. This however is not the case. Owing to the fact that the inhabitants of a long* house are in most cases quite nearly related their various persona] kindred nearly coincide and the bulk of the genealogy (tusut), which applies to the leading families, is common to all. The house group thus acquires a special significance in the kinship structure by virtue of the fact that the genealogies {reserved by the house leaders provide, as it were, the set of coordinates from which kinship separation is reckoned...
Leach is right in pointing up the implications of bilaterality to genealogical reckoning and the high degree of interrelatedness that typically characterizes local Iban communities. However, the term “hereditary status” is unfortunate. Genealogies
are unquestionably used by families to claim social and political advantage in competition for status, but the nature of the Iban "kinship system is such, with its characteristic'flexibility and multiple alternatives for tracing relationships, that these advantages are widely available to whomever has the means of asserting them. Finally, Leach is in error in his belief that kinship relations are not acknowledged
beyond the range of Sth cousins or that this range of cousinship has any particular
significance to the Iban. Iban reckoning of kindred ties is highly inclusive and extends as far as relationships can be traced.
BENEDICT SANDIN
53
Writing specifically of the written genealogies recorded in the notebooks that he was able to examine in Betong, Leach observes (1950: 71-72) that, One such book that 1 was able to look at for a short while contained two main "lines" of 16 generations each and no less than IIS small branch “lines". Another book bad 19 generations and about 30 branches...
A necessary feature of such tusut is that husband and wife are always recorded together, context shows which is which. Thus Rinda belaki ngambi Demong beranak Jca Kelanang means Kelanang the diild of Rinda (female) and Demong (male) (the author has presented a version of this pedigree in the present study, see Genealogy III, generation 14, in the Appendix]. This naming of married couples in pairs permits relatives to check up where their tujut cross or intersect. The owners of the two books mentioned above were not relatives (within the 5th cousin degree) but some 13 generations back the two lines cross thus:
A. Guang (male) and Sindi (female) had child Tida (female) who married Tindin (male) and had a child Rinda (female) who married Demong (male) and bad a child Bundak (male) etc.
B. Chaung (male) married Lantang (female) and had child Tindin (male) who married Tida (female) and had child Rinda (female) who married Demong (male) and had child Kelanang (male) etc. On noting this the parties concerned asserted that Kelanang and Bundak were brothers. This method of reckoning descend is somewhat original and raises many point of great theoretical interest. The completeness of the ambilateralism is indicated by the number of times these specimen tusut alternate from male to female descent. In the two examples, one has 6 males, 9 females; the second 14 males and 5 females.
Leach goes on to note (1950: 72):
.
Genealogy tracing on the Iban scale is bound to get highly confused in the course of generations and the present written versions [emphasis in the original] such as one finds in the Betong area must be largely recent fabrications. Two points should be noted. Firstly names tend to recur in particular families once every three generations [actually, Leach is again in error, they recur every fourth generation, see the Appendix] so that particular individuals can often only be identified by stating how many generations back they existed. Secondly considerable kudos attach to the number of generations that one can trace — a 17 generation tree is much better than a 12 generation tree.
Leach thus dismissed at least the written versions of the tusut as “recent
fabrications". Elsewhere, as I have noted, genealogies were among the first texts
to be recorded following the introduction of literacy in the Saribas (Sather 1981b: 112). Therefore, by the time of Benedict Sandin's birth, there was already a tradition
among the lower-river Iban of the Second Division of committing the tusut to writing. Leach is certainly right that such written tusut are recent. This does not mean,
however, that the pedigrees they record are necessarily fabrications, as Leach suggests. There are in fact quite old traditions of written genealogies, that appear to predated European contact, among linguistically-related peoples in southern Sumatra in the form of bark-cloth and bamboo texts (Jaspan 1974). Leach,
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however, dismisses the historicity of the tusut and despite the ability of the owners
of the two books he consulted to establish a connection between their two lines of ancestry 13 generations prior to themselves, he persists in the conventional wisdom of the time that, in bilateral societies, “tracing [genealogy] on the Iban scale is bound to get highly confused” (1950: 72).
Iban society has none of the characteristics frequently associated by anthropologists with complex genealogical traditions. Thus, there are no clans, lineages, or other
unilineal descent groups; no chieftainship or hereditary political offices; and no hereditary ranking or social stratification. Not all regional groups of Iban show an equal interest in genealogies. Not surprisingly, long-settled Iban populations
appear to attribute greater importance to pedigrees, while in pioneer communities ancestry is often forgotten by four or five generations. It has been suggested that, among the lower-river Iban of the Second Division, the practice of preserving extended genealogies was acquired through contact with coastal Malays. However, Iban tusut
are very different from Malay dynastic genealogies (cf. Sweeney 1968), lacking the latter’s patrilineal emphasis and association with political succession and hereditary ranking. As I have attempted to show here, the distinctive structure of the tusut
is fully consistent with the basic features of Iban social and political organization, particularly those of the bilik-faxni\y and longhouse. There is evay reason to believe, therefore, that the reckoning and transmission of oral genealogies is a long-
established, indigenous tradition in Iban society.
While Leach very largely dismissed the tusut as fabrication, or, at least, as being ‘ inherently “confused”, Harrisson (1956: 56), in contrast, has described them as
“protohistory” and suggested that they contain “a fascinatingly exact record” of the past. Neither of these views is tenable (cf. Sather 1981b: 113). Like all orally
transmitted traditions, the tusut are subject to manipulation and lapses of memory, and elsewhere, the author (cf. 1967a: 95), in his earlier study, has stressed these discrepancies and pointed up the variation that exists in the memory and skill of
individual genealogists among the Iban. Anthropologists have tended to emphasize the ways in which genealogies reflect
existing social realities. In the case of the tusut, it should be stressed at the outset
that these are highly localized traditions. Consequently, they tend to focus on lines
of descent that are of direct concern to those who memorize and recite them. These concerns centre, for example, around local migration histories, the preservation of active kindred relations, and the consolidation of local kin ties through marriage.
They are also associated with the delineation of longhouse and regional boundaries, land and other property rights, and claims to social status, or to ritual and political
leadership. Land rights are particularly relevant. Clearing primary forest establishes
rights of future re-cultivation which devolve, as we noted in the first section of the Introduction, through generations of family members. These rights are thus a
BENEDICT SANDIN
55
function of pioneer cultivation, and so, pioneer cultivators, like successful war
leaders, are figures of singular importance, whose names typically appear
prominently in main-line pedigrees. Genealogies may therefore be used to demon strate that certain ancestors were the first to clear the jungle along a particular stream or hill-slope, or were the first to “open a hole in the primary forest” (mubok
kampong), thereby making way for the settlement of other families (Sather 1992).
Such ancestry continues to carry considerable prestige.
In the process of migration, in pioneering new areas of settlement, defeating enemies, or in felling the jungle and founding new longhouses and families, those
who succeeded as leaders, as group-founders, or the initiators of collective undertakings were, and continue to be remembered, and so form the principal “sources” and connecting links by which main-line genealogies are recited and the past recalled. Those who can claim direct connection to these former leaders stand the best chance
of becoming longhouse headmen, pun rumah, or of making their qwn personal genealogies the principal main-line tusut by which others connect themselves to the pioneering past. Successive generations of leaders, by invoking genealogical
descent from these pioneering founders assert a connection with this formative past
and so relate their leadership to a powerful image of societal continuity (Sather n.d.).
Finally, genealogies extend beyond the pioneering past to join the living Iban with common cultural heroes and with gods and spirit heroes. As noted earlier (“Myth and Its Social Setting”), the gods, too, like the living Iban, are seen as
historical figures, and among their descendants are the living Iban generations of today. Thus divine pedigrees merge with those of the present, which extend back
to include the gods, thus bringing humankind and the deities into an enduring connection,
a fact of utmost significance in Iban religious practice (cf. Sather 1994).
Jerita lama’ The Iban distinguish between two major categories of oral narratives: the ensera
composed fictive narratives, many of them poetically structured (which I discuss in the next sub-section); and the jerita (cherita or rita), a complex category that
encompasses myths, historical narratives, personal anecdotes, and eye-witness reportage, all composed in prose. Those that deal with events of the past, including myth, are known as the Jerita lama’ or jerita tuai.
Benedict Sandin, in all of his historical writings, drew chiefly on the jerita
lama’. Many of these narratives are extremely long when told in full. Often the
author has presented them in summary, treated them selectively, or has combined more than* one narrative to create a composite account. To illustrate how, in oral
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performance, additional story elements may be added, in Part One, the author
mentions briefly Gelungan, one of the first Sarawak pioneers to migrate with his followers to the Balau Ulu bills between the Merakai and Undup watersheds. He was followed soon afterwards by Langkup who settled the mid Undup. In the Saribas, the names of both these pioneers are regularly invoked by the bards in their pengap chants (see below).
A fuller version of the jerita is likely to follow the story of Gelungan’s wife Sendi and to relate bow, following Gelungan’s death, she remarried a second
husband named Guang. Thus Saribas jerita tuai describe this remarriage in some detail. Here the narratives tell that Gelungan died not long after his marriage to Sendi. Following his death, the spirit-heroine Kumang sent Sendi a dream in which Kumang commanded Sendi to travel to the Skrang and there seek a man named Guang as a husband. Similarly, Kumang appeared in a dream to a widower named
Guang and infonned him that he should expect the arrival of a woman named Sendi who would come seeking him as her husband. The widow Sendi then briefly appeared in Guang’s dream, so that he would be able to recognize her when she
arrived. After her dream Sendi went by boat to the Skrang, her boat paddled by eight slaves, four men and four women. When she reached the Skrang, as she did not know where to find Guang, she asked a man fishing in the river, “How
far is it to Guang’s house?”, she asked. “Not far”, the man answered and pointed out the way to her. The fisherman was Guang himself, who recognized Sendi from bis dream. Sendi and her slaves arrived at Guang’s landing place and went straight up into the bouse. When they entered the longbouse, they asked where Guang’s bilik was. Sendi and her female slaves entered the room pointed out to them, while her male
slaves sat on the ruai. When Guang returned from fishing, he found his family apartment rilled with visitors. After eating, the people of the longbouse gathered to talk with the strangers on the gallery. They talked late into the night. Eventually, Sendi related the purpose of her visit. She had come, she said, looking for a man named Guang. Kumang bad instructed her in a dream that she must rind and marry a man by that name. Kumang had also revealed Sendi’s appearance to Guang, so
that he would be able to recognize her. Guang then told the gathering that the woman he saw in his dream was none other than the woman who now appeared
before them. Amid much wonder, the couple were married. But first, as they were
both recently widowed and still subject to mourning restrictions, they were required to pay ritual fines. This episode of Sendi, with its dream-involvement of Kumang, is not only of
dramatic interest, but is also socially significant in that the couple’s marriage
resulted in a marital link between the founders of the Balau and Sebuyau Xban and the Skrang people.
BENEDICT SANDIN
57
Pioneering is a major theme in thejerita lama Considering the social and political significance of pioneering, it is not surprising that the stories of those who first opened particular rivers or streams should loom large in the narrative tradition. In his earlier study. The Sea Dayak of Borneo, the author drew, in particular, on
just such narratives. Much of the material he used concerned the initial settlers, the men, who, together with their followers (1976a: 3), were the first to reach the various rivers. Traditionally these pioneers have been well remembered by the Iban people. It was they who did the hard work of clearing old jungle, who met and sometimes conquered the various tribes living in these areas before the Iban themselves arrived. They were of course, frequently great war-leaders as well as pioneers. It is because the pioneers have been remembered by the Iban people that a good deal can be said about these [early] migrations.
Indeed, the detail of the author's reconstruction testifies to the central place such narratives occupy.
Ensera These are traditional fictive narratives of greatly varying length and structural complexity. Most can be described as epic sagas and the majority concern Keling, Kumang, Laja, Bunga Nuing and the other heroes and heroines of the Panggau Libau-Gelong world. These latter sagas are known, more specifically, as the ensera
Orang Panggau. More generally, Richards (1981: 87) describes the ensera or sera as an: Epic or saga sung in poetic language with explanations and conversations in prose; any tale told partly in poetic form as opp[osed] to sinqile (vose tale (jerita). Properly. e[nseraj is an entertaining play concerning the pedple of Panggau.
« In telling a full ensera, which may continue over several consecutive nights, the teller traditionally sat in a swing (wa’) made of b^k cloth hung from a beam over the longhouse gallery. Sagas were also performed as entertainment during boat journeys or in forest camps while parties were on hunting or fishing expeditions (cf. Richards 1981: 87).
The ensera are stories of bravery, travel, war, adventure and romance, and the world they depict is an idealized transfiguration of traditional Iban society. Traditionally at least, the basic narratives were familiar to the teller’s audience. Much of the enjoyment came from the teller's dramatic skills and from the beauty of the language he or she employed. Although Keling is the principal hero, he is not always known as Keling in the ensera, but sometimes assumes other names (e.g. Terajan), doing so, in some cases, in order to conduct illicit love affairs without the knowledge of his wife. Typically, a compete hero saga is related over several nights. Sung versions of the ensera are known as kana.
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Other fonns of ensera include the ensera Apai Aloi, the comic fables (Sather 1981a, 1984, 1993a). These are much shorter tales, concerned chiefly with the Iban comic hero Apai Aloi (Father-of-Aloi) and his family, and are both satirical and
instructive. Although humorous, each tale typically teadies a moral lesson (Sather 1984: vii-ix).
Very similar to the comic tales are the ensera jelu, or animal fables. Here, however, the characters are animals (jelu), most especially pelandok, the mousedeer, and tekura, the tortoise. Other animals also appear, like kenyalang;
Hombill; kuang
kapong, the Indian Cuckoo; hawks and owls, the frogmouth, ants, bears, squirrels
and otters. Both comic and animal fables are recited in prose and both are told principally to children.
Songs The major categories of traditional songs performed in the Saribas are the renong sugi, and pantun.
The first of these, the renong, comprise a complex category of song forms, some
of them fixed traditional forms, others improvised. Like the ensera Orang Panggau, the great majority deal with the mythic heroes and heroines, the Orang Panggau. Four main varieties of renong songs were traditionally distinguished in the Saribas:
(1) renong semain, (2) renong sabong, (3) renong kayau, and (4) renong sakit. In all of these songs, except the first, the renong semain, the singer typically sits
in a bark>cloth swing and swings to and fro while singing.
Renong semain or renong main are primarily songs sung during nightly courting (ngayap). As love songs they are also called renong ngayap. They are sung purely
for entertainment, almost always between young men and women, or they are sung
by women for their own amusement, or to praise a visitor. There is no fixed wording. Most are love songs or deal with the sadness of separation experienced by lovers.
Today the best renong semain singers in the Saribas are typically women. This is also true of sugi semain singers.
The renong sabong are no longer sung in the Saribas. Traditionally they were
sung by an invited bard (lemambang) during the night that preceeded a major cock fight (sabong). A particularly important occasion was the annual cock-fight (sabong tahun) held in the past at the beginning of each new farm year, in the interval
between clearing (nebas) and the start of felling (nebang). Along the main Paku
river this annual cock-fight pitted in the past fighting cocks owned by men .from the upper-river (ulu) against those owned by men from the lower-river (ilV). The
BENEDICT SANDIN
59
two sides, consisting of owners and their supporters, were ^assigned to opposite halves of the cock-pit. The songs were always completed in one night. In them the bard called for the Orang Panggau heroes, in particular Keling, Laja, Sempurai, Tutong and Nylai to bless the fighting cocks that the men planned to fight in the pit the next day. In the songs the heroes sharpened and tied on the cock-spurs and magically protected the cocks from being wounded; at the same time they made their opponents’ cocks weak and easily defeated.
The renong kayau were bardic war songs. Like the renong sabong they are no longer sung today in the Saribas. In the lower Saribas it is said that the last bards able to sing these songs died in the 1950s. They were generally sung by two bards in two nightly installments. The first installment was sung on the night before the war-party left the warleader’s longhouse to attack the enemy. It called for Keling, Laja, Tutong, and other Orang Panggau heroes to bless the warriors with success and to cause their enemies to be weak and blind during the coming attack. The second was sung in the enemy’s country during the night that proceeded fighting. In these songs the spirit-heroes fought and defeated their traditional enemies, Apai Sabit Bekait and his followers in the sky. In the study that follows, the author mentions these songs in his account of the warring campaigns of the 19th century. A famous singing of the renong kayau songs, still remembered in jerita lama’ told in the Saribas, was performed by Lemambang Renggi of Bangkit, Paku, and Lemambang Ragai of Stambak Hi, Layar, on the gravel bed at Nanga Ujong. This occurred during the Rajah’s campaign against the rebels al Bukit Ujong in the upper Rejang and is said to have been heard by more than a thousand warriors. The renong sakit are curing songs. They are still sung in the Saribas and are performed by either one or two bards who sit in swings as they sing. Tliese songs are also called renong nurun ka Menjaya, “songs for calling down Menjaya (the shamanic god)”, for they are addressed to Menjaya and call for him to descend from the sky to cure the sick. Hie curing rite in which they are performed — diperenong, literally, “sung over” (the patient) — are less elaborate than the Gawai Sakit rites, which are performed by a full company of bards, comprising lead bards and chorus (cf. Sandin 1969). The sugi include both sacred and non-sacred songs. The wording of the sugi songs is, again, much like that of the ensera epics. Thus the sugi concern chiefly Keling, who in these songs is known as Bujang Sugi. There are two principal forms: (1) sugi semain, sung for pleasure or entertainment, and (2) sugi sakit, sung by the lemambang, like the renong sakit, to treat sickness.
The singing of the sugi sakit songs, called the besugi sakit, is performed by
either one or two bards. The bards, again, sit on swings at the patient’s section
of the longhouse gallery, calling in their songs for Keling and his followers to
enter this world and cure the patient. Keling is thought to wander the countryside performing miracles, including acts of healing. During the night-long singing, the
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patient is made to rest on a raised platform (meligai), erected over his family’s
section of the gallery. Here he sleeps after the singing is over and, ideally, is visited in his dreams by Keling and the other heroes, who come
to heal him
and foretell his fate. At the conclusion of besugi sakit, a pig is usually killed and its liver used for divination. The besugi sakit is the least elaborate of the bardic
curing rites.
Pantun are songs sung in rhyming pattern. They are usually sung by women to men, or men to women, on ritual occasions or during small gatherings. The musical form of the pantun has been described by Maceda (1962: 490) as “a rapid
speech-like, rhythmically free singing on one tone which usually descends diatonically to a perfect fourth below”. One kind of pantun is called the sanggai. Sanggai songs are sung to ask a visitor, usually of the opposite sex, to drink rice
wine (tuak). Holding a glass of wine, a woman, for example, sings a sanggai,
inviting the male visitor to drink from the glass she holds. In her song, she typically sings that it is not she, but Kumang or Lulong, who offers the tuak. The man, for his part, is expected to reply in kind. The exchange requires a quick-wit.
Another kind of pantun, is called the timang anak. These songs were traditionally' sung by a pair of bards during the melah pinang, “the splitting of the areca”, the
main ceremony traditionally performed at marriage. Today these songs are only rarely sung in the Saribas, although their wording is still known to many elderly bards. During the ceremony, following the welcoming of guests, when the men
have gathered on the gallery and the women are inside the bilik, one woman splits (melah) an areca kemal (buah pinang), usually into three pieces. These are mixed with gambir and sireh and put inside a basket which is then covered with a ritual pua’ kumbu’ cloth. This covered basket containing the areca kemal is called the
anak or “child” (also the selok lintong). The women then come out onto the ruai carrying the basket, which is placed before the bards. The anak is said to represent
the child-to-be of the couple being married. After it is placed on the gallery, the bards sing a two-part pantun over the covered basket. The first part consists of a lullaby which causes the “child” to fall asleep and then to dream. In the second
part the child awakes and recounts a dream experience in which he or she met
the Orang Panggau and was given intelligence, skill and courage.
Another form of traditional pantun are songs known as sangkah. These were
sung in the past by women, immediately before the departure of a war party, “to encourage the young men” (kena' meransang anak lelaki) to be. brave.
BENEDICT SANDIN
61
Wa^ These include, like the sugi, both secular and ritual songs. One variety are the
wfl’ anak songs sung by women, usually mothers, grand-mothers or aunts to young children (anak). The singer typically sits on a swing (wa') while singing, hence the name of the songs. Sometimes a piece of plank is used for a swing seat so
that two or three women may sit si“ to ask such a thing, “If you want to know , she said, “speak to him yourself.
But alter this Gupi became curious. One afternoon at bathing time she hid
and wX he H H r h‘ and when he had finished bathing he returned to the house.
kept still
• '
That night after the evening meal, the stranger told Gupi and her parents that
soLTT
to ston hta XmZLbm VhTT° “*
the.inspiiation of his UX
‘‘®'' ‘■’““y “ied »a«l ahe had
stay since the ho^ h\’”^ *“’** ** P“a‘*’'e for him to stay, since the hour had come for him to return to his father’s house. hi?’n r*'’
tte ““daess they had shown
was Geras Belang Pmggang and that he belonged to a demon family whose dweUmg place is far away at the edge of the sky.
GerXTaff T""’** *“”"’■ TeXTsX
Belang Pinggang bestowed on his sob “Easoh“,-because Geraman. breathed hard
he spoke, an action caUed ngeroA in Iban.’' He also urged his wife and
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her parents to look after the boy properly. He wanted him to be well-versed in the rules given by Puntang Raga to Serapoh, by Singalang B urong to Sera Gun ting, as well as by himself to all of those who had heard him. He wished his son to follow his advice. Thus, from this time onward, an Iban wishing to marry a woman from another river should demand from his bride’s parents the articles representing the spiritual rail and bridge.
Later, after his father had gone, Geraman succeeded his grandfather as chief of the Iban community.’^ He memorised all the customs and family trees of his people, so that the observances connected with them could be properly followed. > 13. How Jelenggai married Bintang Banyak Long ago, during the generations that followed Sera Gunting, there lived an ancestor named Jelenggai. In those days everyone believed that a man would enjoy luck, should he obtain a certain fruit called the “Pauh Laba”. The tree on which this fruit appeared was said to grow from the navel of the waters, somewhere
far away in the wide seas. Jelenggai was anxious to get this fruit. So one day he built for himself a sailing boat of considerable size. When he had completed it, he sailed aimlessly over the
waters.
After he had been sailing for some months his boat was suddenly wrecked. It was swallowed by the great whirlpool at the navel of the waters. Jelenggai looked here and there and at last saw a huge tree growing from the very centre of the whirlpool. As his boat sank he jumped into the water and swam against the strong current to the tree trunk. Having reached it, he climbed the tree until he came to a low branch. There he sat. After sometime he saw a huge bird perched on the top of the tree. Its curved spurs were as big around as one’s thigh. So he climbed again in order to take hold of one of the bird’s spurs. He thought that if he held onto it and the bird flew away, it would eventually alight somewhere on land.
The bird felt nothing as he held onto its spur. After some time the bird flew across the sea until it came to a field of grazing land. As it came it swooped on a cow. Jelenggai jumped free and landed safely on the ground. Immediately after landing, he started to walk along a cleared track without knowing where he was going. He walked on and on, until eventually he came to a house. On arrival, he was politely invited by a girl to come in. He entered and was given food by the girl. The girl told him that she had six sisters, who were then planting rice on their farm. Jelenggai stayed in the house with the girl and chatted about
BENEDICT SANDIN
121
the miraculous way he had arrived. In the evening the six sisters came home from the farm. After they had taken their food, they all talked with Jelenggai. They told him that they were seven sisters. “The youngest,” they said, “stays at home to look after the house, while the rest of us plant rice on our farm”.
Early the next day, they asked Jelanggai to stay with their youngest sister in the house, while they themselves went to work in the field. Jelenggai stayed at home with the girl as her sisters requested.
After they had lived that way for some time the girl came to tell Jelenggai that she loved him dearly. She told Jelenggai that if he wanted to marry her, he could. At first Jelenggai could not give her a decision. He simply said he would think the matter over.
Later in the evening, after the family had eaten, the youngest sister publicly informed the others of her feelings towards the stranger. Upon hearing what their youngest sister said, the other sisters asked Jelenggai if he intended to marry her. Jelenggai said he would, if they approved. The rest of the sisters said that they would be very pleased if he would marry their sister in order to produce a child for the family.
Jelenggai thus agreed and a marriage ceremony was held. Afterwards, the sisters told him that his wife’s name was Bunsu Bintang Banyak, the youngest of the Pleiades. Three years after he had married Bunsu Bintang Banyak, the latter bore Jelenggai a son, whom they named Selamuda. As he was the only child of the family, they were all very fond of him. They arranged that he be looked after by his father during the day, while the rest of the family went out to work in their padi field. From that day onward the father looked after his son during the absence of the other members of the family. Each day the child’s mother warned Jelenggai not to open the lid of their only jar, called tajau pengajih.
Jelenggai obeyed her. He never attempted to open the jar’s lid. But after her repeated warnings, he became curious. He thought that there must be something inside the jar to cause his wife to forbid him to open it. One day while he and his son were alone in the house, he opened the lid of the jar. It was then the season in which farmers plant their padi. When he opened the lid, he saw through the mouth of the jar that there were thousands of men on the earth below planting their rice. Upon seeing this, he realised that he was in heaven, for all the men he saw appeared far below him. Unfortunately after this he became very worried. He kept on thinking of his own people on the earth below. Through worry, his face turned pale.
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As usual, late in the evening, his wife and sisters-in-law came home. When the meal was ready they invited Jelenggai and his son to eat together with them. Both Jelengai and his son took very little food and Jelenggai looked sad and worried. Upon seeing them in this state, Bunsu Bintang Banyak asked Jelenggai wheUier he had opened the lid of the forbidden jar. He replied that he had, because he was anxious to see what was inside which She had forbidden him to see.
Hearing this Bunsu Bintang Banyak wept sorrowfully. “Because of what you have done, Jelenggai", she said, “you and our son will no longer be able to live with us". She held her son and wept loudly as if she mourned the dead. “I never thought that we would be separated from each.other; the more I think of it the more sorrowful I shall be when I am separated from you, my dearest child." She wept inconsolably. The next day aU the sisters wept. They eventually lowered Jelenggai and his son-down from heaven to the earth below. Immediately, before they lowered them, Bunsu Bintang Banyak said: "Jelenggai, we are the seven stars who must be heeded by farmers on earth. If you see us sitting at the centre of the sky, you must at once Stan to plant your padi. If we have passed the centre of the sky when you plant your padi, your farm will be useless. Since the first day you caipe to stay with us, you have seen that, not for one day, have we remained at home without work to do. This is because we must move according to the season, sb that men below may look to us for guidance in their farming. Bunsu Bintang Banyak commanded Jelenggai to remember her advice, and to tell their son Selamuda that the location of the Pleiades should forever be an example to the sons of men as
they farm on earth.
After Jelenggai and his son had returned to earth, all marvelled at them, for they knew not who they were. Jelanggai related to them the story of how he had started his adventure beginning with the time he had sailed in search of the Pauli Laba” fruit, to the time when he came to the sky and married the youngest of
the Pleiades. They believed him and from that time onwards all Dayak farmers have commenced planting padi when the Pleiades are sitting in the middle of the sky,
following Bunsu Bintang Banyak’s advice to Jelenggai. Eventually, after the death of Jelenggai, Selamuda, his son, married the daughter of Bunsu Landak. Through this marriage, Selamuda left his father’s house to live with his wife and her parents. In the year that followed his marriage, Selamuda’s father-in-law's farm was constantly despoiled by troops of wild boars. In the end, Selamuda and his wife were compelled by his wife’s parents to guard the farm day and night. Even so,
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the wild boars took no notice of their shouts or the things they beat upon to frighten them away. Even while they ate their meals at night, the boars came to feed upon the crops around them.
One night Selamuda speared the boars with sharp bamboo spears. He killed a few, but even this did not frighten the others. Though he did this night after night, still more wild boars came. One day he decided to fetch his father-in-law’s only iron spear. He did not tell him, for he knew if he told him, bis father-inlaw would surely have stopped him. Selamuda and his wife ate their food early that night, for they bad beard the grunts of pigs coming towards their farm from the nearby woods. Having finished. Selamuda went outside the hut to wait for the boars with the spear in his hand. A very large boar, leading bis followers, came out of the forest and entered the farm. Selamuda stood quietly behind a tree stump. As the pig leader approached to pass him, be struck it with his spear. The pig immediately fled with Selamuda* s spear stuck into his body.
Selamuda followed the wounded boar. After a time he could no longer see the trail of blood as the night grew very dark. At last he gave up following the pig. The rest of the night he slept in the woods, and early the next morning be followed the trail again until he came to the junction of seven main ways. He was puzzled. He did not know which path he should take. After a while, he heard the sound of voices coming towards him. When they reached him, Selamuda asked the travellers their destination. They told him that they were seven wizards who had been invited by the Bunsu Babi to cure his father who was very sick. He followed them; the trail of blood could still be seen along the path. When they came to a house the seven wizards warned him not to go with them into the house. So he waited outside. After sometime, a person came from the house and asked Selamuda whether he bad any knowledge of curing. Selamuda replied that he would try, ''for in the past”, be said, “I was invited several times to cure sick persons”.
Upon hearing his words, the man invited Selamuda to enter the house at once, in order that he might do something for the sick man. On his arrival, the sick man declared that if any of the medicine men could cure him, he would allow the man to marry any One of his seven daughters. The seven medicine men then started to perform their pelian over the sick man. But their incantations brought no improvement; instead the sick man cried louder and louder from his pain.
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Finally, Selamuda came into the room from the communal gallery outside. He saw at once that all in the room were pigs. He also saw a spear, invisible to the pigs, stuck into the sick man’s chest. Its shaft was brushed from time to time by the wizards, causing the wounded boar to scream loudly. Upon seeing this, Selamuda knew that the spear was his. He reasoned that the wounded boar must be the one be had speared when it led its followers to despoil his father-in-law’s farm. He also realised that these were the boars who frequented the farms of men in human world.
Before he pulled the spear out of the boar’s wound, be asked that entemut (turmeric) be pounded into pulp.’’ When this was done, he pulled the spear out of the boar’s chest, and at the same time applied the entemut pulp to the wound. When be pulled the spear out of the wound, the boar screamed, “adoh mak”, as it was very painful indeed.
After this be advised the boar to rest. In the morning when he came into the room, the boar smiled and told him that be was very much better. Selamuda was pleased when be beard this and again advised him to rest further until be was fully recovered. After his recovery, the boar asked Selamuda to choose for bis wife one of bis seven daughters. He chose the youngest, named Dayang Manis Muka.
Some years after their marriage, Manis Muka bore a son whom she and Selamuda named Begeri. While Begeri was still a child, bis grandfather held a great feast. He invited all the beasts, birds and creeping things. After they bad drank so much wine that everyone was drunk, the python who was the longest of the serpents vomitted. His vomit was licked up by other serpents which made them poisonous. The poor ular bunga, who came later, was left nothing to lick up, which left it non-poisonous to this day. In this way, too, the python lost its venom.
During the feast, the flying fox (semawa'), also vomitted. In bis vomit all sorts of seeds could be seen. Upon seeing these, the animals realised that the fruit trees in the world were bearing fruit. After the feast was over, the boars announced that now they must go in search of fruit. They agreed to invite an old lady named Ini’ Manang to be their guide. They walked for days and nights. During the day they used their ordinary eyes, but at night they changed to their night eyes. In this way they walked throughout the forests. As they roamed they finally came to a place called Tanjong Munong. At this place they all changed their mouths in order to wear munong, or bristles. From here they roamed again until they reached a place called Tunjing. At Tunjing they all donned hooves.
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Leaving Tunjing they came to a place where they found abundant durian fruit. As they ate, Ini’ Manang was struck by the buloh menangkin, a trap set by men to spear boars. She died in due course, and after her death all the pigs, except for Dayang Manis Muka, fled away.
Selamuda and his son Begeri now wished to return to this world. Before she fled Dayang Manis Muka told Selamuda that she and her family and all the rest of the people in her house were pigs. She explained that she could no longer live with him, but must go home to her father’s house. She advised Selamuda that in the future whenever men wish to see their fate, either during sickness or in hopes of obtaining riches, they should kill a pig in order to divine with its liver. She also advised him to see that their son Begeri was brought up to be a good man and to remember the tradition of liver divination.
After she had finished her advice, she left them to follow the rest of the pigs who fled home before her.
14.
Discovery of Derris poison (Tubed)
Around this time, after the belated, long-delayed death of Menggin, there lived a man named Rakup Beliang. This man was also very fond of shooting the blowpipe. One day in the forest he was seized from behind by a female maias (orang-utan) and though he fought hard to escape, the maias succeeded in carrying him off to her nest at the top of a tall bee tree (tapang). Here she kept a close and constant watch over him. In time, the maias and Rakup Beliang had sexual relations and she bore him a daughter. Some three years after his capture, while the maias was one day taking her bath in a nearby river, he managed to escape from the nest by lowering himself to the ground by a vine. He grabbed the child and ran off, pursued by the maias who had seen his escape. But she could not overtake them. When Rakup Beliang and his daughter reached the river they found an over hanging bank and hid themselves under it. Just afterwards along came the maias, who started to search for them, but without success. Eventually, from his hiding place Rakup Beliang saw her collecting the root of a tree which she pounded on a stone in the water. She then dipped the remains of the root into the river and he heard her call out, “If you are still living, Rakup Beliang, you must come out of the water now.’’ But as his head was above the water he felt nothing. After waiting for some time the maias again called loudly, begging Rakup Beliang, if he could hear her, to care well for the child and to name her Suri. She then went away weeping.
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In due course Rakup Beliang came out from under the bank with his daughter m crossed the river, but on looking back he was puzzled to see many dead fish floaung on the surface of the water. He therefore examined the remains of the root and found that it was a tubai (Derris) vine. Thus he realised that these roots could be used to poison fish, a method which is still used to this day. Tubai fishing IS now a well-known practice and is regulated by the Government.
15.
The healing of Bunyatt
In the days of Geraman, Sera Gunting’s great-great-great grandson Ambau migrated eastward from the Tiang Laju range and built his longhouse at Pangkalm Tabau, two miles above the present town of Lubok Antu. Ambau was one of the chiefs who had participated in discussions to settle amicably the strife between Kauyong of Rantau Merarang and Semalanjat of Bungkap.” For his fanness and bravery in war, his name survives to this day in Dayak songs” At this time there also Uved a man named Buyau who suffered from open sores which covered his body. He was shunned by aU and was confined to a hut adjoining fais family’s open verandah.
.. A Bunyau’s house were invited to a nearby longhouse to attend a feast. As Bunyan sat alone in his hut he heard the sound of someone approaching, and looking through a hole in the wall, he saw two young men who had just sat down on the deserted communal gallery. He was too ashamed because of his sores to go out to welcome the visitors. Soon one of them called him to come out and talk to them, but he refused, saying “I am here because I am sick, , and 1 cannot sit with you.” He suggested that the strangers should help themselves 0 his family s nee wine (tuak) in the room, but they only agreed to this on the condition that he himself would fetch the tuak for them. “No,” replied Bunyan If I touched die wine with my diseased hands, I am sure you wouldn’t drink ! 1. But the visitors reassured him that they certainly would if only he would fetch the wine himself. nff H , '"““’“"S’ »ro“ght a jar full of wine which he fered to them. After they had drunk all the wine, Bunyau’s sores began to . disappe^ and after he fetched another jar, which the young men consumed, he found that his sores had completely healed. The strangers then told Bunyau that they h^ come to invite him to their father-in-law’s feast which was to be celebrated e following day, but Bunyau was reluctant to go, being still sick and weak “Your ■ he healed if you come with us,” they said. He finally agreed when j ttey t^ that their father-in-law’s feast would not be held unless he came with . them. They also urged him not to worry about dress, as their father-in-law would lend him clothes for the occnsion.
BENEDICT SANDIN'
127 “d finally baling
at Ws tXbT'”*
disappe“Ll
“«*• Of
®
in ft^rt 2“ "T®’
*’'™
had completely
*^0 end of the communal gallery
'*^0''® *‘o "as politely entertained by his host “ “Ok to come and sit on t^e nKetupong, Singal^
and in due r “22 or h Buron?2 eIdesVton“'’”i
V M ao”-“>-law. Bunyau agreed to go, but continued to converse with t tauon TX” oame carrying a c^k“X
0 “”0 "“'’“S toe cock over Bunyan’s head as was the *““*'■ accompanied Berajjai to Singalang
rn.t 2 ZX’ H
TgZts pS m ’aTL'"”®
®o“clusion of the feast, Singalang Burong taught Bunyan supplementing the LormaL
manv he h^ad Zn h.
.
®I
‘° “0 most esteemed of
^so commanded Bunyau that, immediatelv after
u
iiri*"?"’. C~. » i«a “a,.X in suchO« a manner Aren 't
«*«■ •. «.*—».S's s'hX2't‘“’Srt‘ “ “ '" the stranger ■“ ‘o‘ approach
^^■But^^XSsXZ
Wife «ho had not beeXlel" wi™lTS‘'hro‘‘
*O”‘ to toe room to sleep with his
should norbeh P™‘o®‘'=^ ’^^”8 a stranger should not behave m such a way to a married woman, and that however ill
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her busband might be she must remain faithful to him. “Although he is now sick,** she said, “he is as good and devoted as any husband." When Bunyau heard this assurance of his wife’s devotion, he declared that he was indeed Bunyau, but she still would not believe him and ran out to the hut to see whether Bunyau was there.
Finding the hut empty, she returned to her room very worried and puzzled. Again Bunyau gently reassured her and told her how he had attended Singalang Burong s feast and been miraculously healed. As he finished his story his wife wept for joy, and embraced him marvelling at his cure. He then told her of Singalang Burong s instructions and asked her to prepare as much glutinous rice as possible for the festival. Joyfully she agreed, as she was naturally most anxious to thank the gods and spirits for curing him.
Accordingly, a few days later when all was ready Bunyau celebrated his Bird Festival. When his many guests had arrived, Bunyau greeted them by waving a cock over their heads. He then called loudly three times for Singalang Burong and his people to come to his feast, and immediately after this a number of those present, both, hosts and guests, fell unconscious as the spirit of Singalang Burong arrived among them.
From that day onwards, Bunyau grew mightier and became a skilled and vigorous leader in war. The other Bunyau also became one of his bravest warriors, and did much to assist the progress of his people in their new country in the Batang Ai.
16. Iban-Kantu^ enmity is resolved Jelian was bom at Merakai in West Kalimantan.’® He was descended from the famous ancestor, Serapoh, whose story we have already told, and was a very tall and handsome man. From his boyhood days he was restless. He was fond of visiting people and of talking about wars with the older warriors.
One day Jelian told his mother that he wanted her to look for a girl for him to marry. His mother said that she wanted him to marry Tiong, the daughter of a Kantu’ chief named Beti, whose praise-name was “Merebai". She said that Tiong was very fair and was a secluded girl, anak umbong, attended by her family s female slaves. “The only difficulty about your winning her,” she said, “is that her people have not yet made peace with us. They became odr enemies in the days of our ancestor Serapoh."
Jelian was anxious to meet Tiong personally. So he went to her house. When he reached the house, he hesitated to go up to it; therefore he climbed a jack
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fruit tree which grew at the back of Tiong’s family room. From its branches he hoped to see Tiong when she came out to bathe in the nearby river. That night after the people had gone to sleep, Jelian crept into Tiong’s room from a tree branch to the hole in the roof which lighted the sleeping section. From there he walked carefully towards Tiong’s bed in the loft.
When be entered he woke Tiong and she asked him who be was. He told her that be was Jelian who had been asked by his mother to court her for his wife. Tiong told him that her mother too had spoken of him to her. “But your people are demons, antu gerasi and tuak tuie, so bow can I bring myself to discuss marriage with you,” said Tiong. She could not forget that Jelian was the worst enemy of her people, so she gave him the name of the cannibal spirits. Jelian told her again that his visit was according to the wish of his mother, who wanted him to marry her. Hearing this, Tiong woke her father and informed him that Jelian was with her in her bed. She told him all that Jelian had said to her.
Her father Merebai approved Jelian’s suit, for Jelian’s mother bad often spoken to him secretly, proposing the union of her son Jelian with his daughter Tiong, ever since the girl was in her mother’s womb. After approval had been granted, Merebai invited the people of the Batang Empanang, Kantu’, Merakai and Kedumpai rivers, to attend the marriage ceremony of Jelian and his daughter Tiong which would be held in three days’ time. Over a hundred people were invited to the wedding and two large pigs were slaughtered for the occasion.
When the time came for Merebai to speak to those who had gathered for the wedding, be said, “I must tell you that I have caught a demon, an antu gerasi, tuak tuie, who I have placed inside a cage. I disliked him most as it was be who killed my nephew Numpang quite some time ago in an attack against the ECantu’s of Merakai.” When the Kantu’s beard this, they demanded that the man be brought to them instantly, so that they might kill him. But Beti said, “Nevertheless I have approved in your presence the marriage of my beloved daughter Tiong and Jelian, a chief and my enemy of yesterday.” On hearing this wise decision of Beti, all his friends were happy to see that the enmity between the Kantu’s and Iban, which had lasted so long, was now to be put aside by marriage.
17.
The longhouse kitchen rules
Shortly after their marriage, Jelian migrated westward and settled at Wong Empangu on the Undup river. Other Iban who moved there were Gelungan .at Bukit Balau Ulu, and Langkup in the middle Undup.
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While Jelian lived at Wong Empangu, he and his people fanned lands far from their longbouse. Due to this, they lived in farm huts to make it easier for them to look after their fields.
One day while all the farmers were busy weeding, some of the women went to the longbouse to pound rice. As they approached the house, they heard strange noises which frightened them so much that they ran back to the padi fields to inform their husbands.
When Jelian and the others heard this, they went without hesitation to the house. As they came near to the building they heard noises from everywhere. But once they were in the house, the noises were beard coming from the loft. While looking for the source of the noise, they beard a spirit's voice telling them that these noises were coming from the cold kitchens of the house. Jelian asked why this had happened, and the spirit told him that this was because Jelian and his people had not cooked for a long time in their kitchens. The spirit further advised Jelian that from that day onwards, he and his people must make use of their longbouse kitchens for cooking at least twice a month, at full moon and before the appearance of the new moon. “If you fail to do this,’’ said the spirit, “the spirit of the kitchen (antu dapor) will harm the lives of the inhabitants of this longbouse." Continuing, the spirit gave Jelian the following rules.” 1.
If a man has completed building his house kitchen, and does not cook food on the hearth he has made, he must produce one knife, an adze and two chicken. Beside these, he must pay a fine of one jabir, which is equivalent to a dollar, and one jarlet.
2.
If a man has completed his house, but has not yet made a kitchen according to customary law, his negligence may cause the members of the longbouse ill-fortune. He will be fined one panding, which is equivalent to two dollars, plus one knife, one chicken and one jarlet.
3.
All kitchens in the longbouse must be used for cooking rice at least twice a month, at full moon and at the appearance of the new moon.
4.
If any member of the longbouse does not obey (he kitchen rules, he or she shall be fined two chicken, one knife and one adze.
5.
Should anyone in the longbouse fall sick because someone has not cooked in his or her kitchen, as required by customary law, the offender must kill a sow that has once given birth to piglets, and must produce one nyabor knife and one jarlet.
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Having heard the kitchen spirit's advice, the men returned to their padi fields. The following night. Jelian called the fanners and their families to an emergency meeting at his farmhut. There he explained to them the rules which they must follow. After Jelian had related to his people all of the kitchen rules that the spirit had commanded them to observe, all solemnly swore to abide by these rules; and they are still observed by the Iban in their longhouses to the present-day.
18. Padang is cursed by the Pleiades Sagan-Agan, a well known leader in the time of Sera Gunting, lived with his followers in the upper Ketungau. His son Jenua departed from the upper Ketungau and migrated to the slope of Kenyandang hill, between the headwaters of the Sanggau and the Ulu Strap rivers. Jenua’s son, Ratih, lived separately at Longgong Kumpang hill, at the headwaters of the Kumpang river. While Jenua lived at Kenyandang hill, a chief from the lower Ketungau named Jengkuan, with Padang and his father Ligam, came to live with their followers in the upper Bayan rivers.” From this place they moved again to the mouth of the Merakai river. At this settlement they lived miserably. The land was not fertile enough to produce sufficient food for them. During their stay, one of them was caught by a crocodile and as a result they moved to Bukit Tapang Peraja which was situated between Saih and the main Ketungau river.
After staying there for quite some time, they observed the calls of “Pangkas Kanan (right-hand calls of the Pangkas bird) for seven days and seven nights, as required by tradition, before they moved to Kenyandang hill, which is situated south of the Kalingkang range on the modem boundary between Sarawak and Kalimantan. The Pangkas was believed to have the effect of weakening aU the enemies they might encounter along their migration route to the country of the Sebaru Dayaks.
Padang and his people were very satisfied with the lands they farmed at Kenyandang hill and they made their stay there a permanent one. At this time a man of Padang's house named Jengkuan and his wife Genali went to work on their farm. When they reached their farm hut, they found a lot of ripe pingan fruit lying on the floor. They ate some of these fruit and later went to weed grass in their padi field. As he was weeding, Jengkuan's eye was blinded by the ashes he stirred up. So he told his wife that he was going to the stream to clean his eye with water. After he had washed his eye, Jengkuan returned to weed the grass again. But
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when he came to the spot where he had left his wife, he was surprised to find blood stains both on the ground and on the padi leaves. He called for his wife but she was nowhere to be found. He then followed the drops of blood which led him to the mouth of a great cave, and be entered it. After he had been in the cave for two nights looking for bis wife, he came to a bathing place where he met a lovely girl who was bathing in the river. On seeing him, the girl told him to follow her to her longhouse. As they walked along the path, the girl told Jengkuan that the people of her house were celebrating an enchaboh arong festival in order to receive the fresh head of an enemy who had been killed by her brother, a punishment for eating bis pingan fruit-bait.
As they entered the house, Jengkuan saw many people holding a skull, singing their songs for it. Seeing his arrival, a man called out loudly and said, “Welcome Balu Pingan,” which meant the one made a widower by pingan fruit. He handed to him the skull so that Jengkuan could sing his song to it. Jengkuan took it and sang his song. After this he was invited to perform the rayah dance around a group of ritual cordyline plants which were placed at the middle of the open gallery. He danced round and round, and when a man waved a cock to terminate the ceremony, Jengkuan returned to the main building and slipped into the room to see the girl whom he bad met at the bathing place. As they talked, she told him that it was her brother who had killed his wife. She informed him that this longhouse was the home of tigers and all its inhabitants were tigers. She told him that his wife bad eaten the pingan fruit which had been used as a bait (taju) by her brother, and that this was why she had been slain by him.
The girl said to Jengkuan that he had the right to avenge his wife’s death. “If you want to kill my brother, you must not slash him with your knife, but with bis own knife instead, so that he cannot easily cut you down,” she said. On bearing this, Jengkuan went out of the room to the communal gallery and mingled with the people gathered there. After he had sat a long time with the people, he invited the girl’s brother to bathe with him in the river. He agreed and took his knife. Jengkuan who followed him also took his own knife.
On the way to the river they passed a sugar cane plantation, and the tiger asked Jengkuan whether he would like to drink sugar cane juice. Jengkuan said that be would, as he was very thirsty. So they stopped* to collect cane. When Jengkuan removed the sheath of the cane, he cut it with the blunt side of his knife. When the tiger saw that it took him so long to skin the cane, he lent him his knife, as Jengkuan received the tiger’s knife, he struck him with it and killed him with a single blow. He took the tiger’s head and immediately carried it home.
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When he came to his own house at Kenyandang hill, he showed to the people the head of the tiger who had killed his wife while they were weeding in their padi field. Padang and all the people were very pleased to receive the head. In order to thank the gods and universal spirits for Jengkuan’s victory over the slayer of his wife, Padang and his people held an enchaboh arong festival. A great number of guests came and at the height of the celebration, one of Padang’s men killed a guest who claimed to be the son of Bunsu Bintang Banyak, youngest of the Pleiades sisters. During the night after the feast was over, Padang had a dream in which he met Bunsu Bintang Banyak who warned him that due to the death of her son, Padang and his people and their descendants down to seven generations would hardly eat any rice.
19. Padang^s migralion to the Strap River Padang informed the people of his dream, which made them all very sad. From that year onwards none of them could get enough rice for food. Due to this they divided up and Padang went to Ulu Strap and settled at Munggu Embawang, while others cither joined the Sebarus or lived elsewhere along the foot of the Kalingkang
range on both sides of the modem Sarawak-Kalimantan border. Here Padang and his people suffered miserably. They ate only wild leaves for a number of years; later they gradually moved down to Strap and farmed at temporary settlements in various places. Finally they reached the main Lingga river where they stayed and farmed for many years. Despite their hard work they still could not get sufficient rice for food. Finally they left the Lingga to live at a place called Pinang Mirah, midway to the Sebuyau river. Here they also found insufficient rice. One night in- his sleep, Padang dreamed that he met the Swine Goddess who advised him to leave the Batang Lupar and migrate to the Saribas river; there he should find in the Rimbas
sago palm groves at Tanjong Banan. In the morning Padang told the people about his dream. They all agreed to go to the Saribas.
After they had found the sago palms at Tanjong Banan they lived and farmed at Paloh and Pusa. They did not dare to go to the upper Rimbas. for fear of the Seru and Bukitan people. It was at Pusa that Jenua and his son Ratih died. After their death, Padang sent his son Gunggu accompanied by Pajih to the Skrang and
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Undup rivers to consult Jelian about the way and time to plant padi and other things in the farm. At this time Padang and his people explored the Undai strftam. a right tributary of the Rimbas near Pusa. They found that this stream was full of large tree trunks which obstructed its passage. Due to this difficulty, he could only go up as far as a big pool called Letong Beluchok, where they went to live a month later.
There were then abundant fish in the Undai stream, including a number of huge catfish (tapah). According to old sayings, the size of these catfish varied from as long as a wooden mortar to as long as a medium-sized boat. While living there they often met firiendly Serus who gave them padi seed to plant in their small clearings. At this time they depended only on sago and fish for food. The Sent were a Melanau tribe. The Melanaus depended on sago for food and it was due to this that sago palms had been planted at Tanjong Banan in the Rimhas river.
One day when the water in the Undai stream was low, Padang and his people poisoned fish with tubai roots. Padang saw a huge catfish whose whiskers were yellow as gold and speared it with a spear which was tied to his wrist. The wounded catfish leaped away dragging Padang into the river and drowned him. His body was drawn by the fish down the Undai to the Rimbas and from there down to the main Saribas river; then up the Saribas to Lubok Sedebu, and finaUy down river again to the end of Lilin cape near the modem town of Belandin. Because of this the people of the Rimbas claimed as theirs all land on both banks of the Saribas from Tanjong Lilin to Lubok Sedebu. The yellow whiskers of the catfish which drowned Padang are also mentioned in the ritual chants: Padang apai Duyah pen udah datai ditu, Parai ditaban ka dungan ikan tapah, Bejanggut mirah ka jadam mau gempanang, Padang the father of Duyah has also come here, Dragged to his death by a catfish, Whose whiskers were yellow like gold.
After Padang’s death, his son Gunggu led his friends to meet a Seru chief at Nanga Tawai. They told the chief that the Iban would like to live near him and his people. The Seru chief said that he would accept the Iban but ordered them to live apart on the bank of the Rimbas river opposite Nanga Tawai. He asked the Iban to come as soon as possible, so that they could plant padi at the same time as the Seru.
BENEDICT SANDIN
135
Gunggu returned to Letong Beluok, and told his people that the Seru bad agreed to allow them to live near them. All the Iban were happy and Gunggu arranged that his son Garrai” with most of the Iban would live with the Seru at Tawai, while he (Gunggu) and his followers would settle at Nanga Jerai. When the Iban population had multiplied, the Rimbas Seru began to move to the Krian and settled round the foot of Tengalat hill below the mouth of the Melupa tributary.
Munan" left the land in the lower Rimbas and went up that river to live at Nanga Luop. The first year he lived there, he and his followers farmed a large piece of land at the mouth of the Babu stream. One evening when Munan had finished his day’s work he returned to his longhouse. On the way home he encountered a large python which had uprooted many medium-sized trees, showing its great strength. Munan asked his firiends to kill the snake, but none of them had sufficient courage to do so alone. So it was that Munan ordered all of them as a group, to kill the snake. After they had killed the huge python, Munan and the others became worried, for they did not know what this strange sign might predict. They had heard that a man named Apai Paau of upper Skrang was very good at explaining omens. So Munan asked two of his men to consult Apai Paau in order to find out the
omen s meaning. While these men were still away in Skrang Munan ordered that no one should work his farm. After Munan s men had told Apai Paau the story of the huge python they had killed on their way home from their farms, Apai Paau said that this omen was not dangerous. “It will not take your life; it is to redeem you from the curse of the Pleiades, whose son your people killed and which has caused you to suffer hunger these past six generations,” he said. He taught them to honour the omen with seven days of abstention from work and, at the same time, with seven trays of offering to the gods, which were to be smeared with the blood of seven sows who had seven times given birth to piglets. “After Munan has done these things your people will lead a prosperous life.” The two men returned to the Rimbas and told Munan what Apai Paau had directed him to do to respect the omen.
After Munan had offered these sacrifices to the gods according to the direction of Apai Paau of the Skrang, he and all his people became very prosperous in their farming. But later they quarrelled with the Krian Seru and took their land. Munan and all his people then moved to the northwest and settled at Melupa, a left tributary of the Krian river.
136 20.
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
The Incest Laws are modified
Geraman, son of Gupi married Tebari and begot a son Chundau, who married °eragai. The latter begot a son named Beti, who was also called Berauh Ngumbang.”
In the days of Beti, a man named Abang committed incest with Tali Bunsa, who was his first cousin’s daughter. In due course, Beti ordered the couple to pay a fine, as fixed by Singalang Burong, but as the couple were very poor, they ^0 so- Beti and the other leaders therefore ordered that they should be put to death by impalement on bamboo spikes. On the next day, after a special place had been prepared for the execution, Beti assembled aU the people to witness the killing. Immediately before the execution, Beti called loudly in prayer the names of the gods and the spirits to witness how he would deal justly with the malefactors in accordance with the teachings of Singalang Burong. Suddenly, when the executioners were about to lay hands on the transgressors, a voice was heard calling, “Beti! Beti! Why would you kill these human beings in such a cruel manner?’’®’
Be,ti explained the reason why he was about to do this. "If they cannot pay such heavy fines, you must not kill them in this way,’’ the voice continued.
What must I do then?’’, asked Beti. “In future, such a case should occur, you must ask the guilty parties to wash in the blood of a medium-sized pig which you have killed in the river. Another pig should be killed on land in order to wipe away the wrath of the spirits who will otherwise destroy your farms and p ^tations. This is known as besapat ka ai’, a modificaton of Singalang Burong’s original code of law. ® Besides killing two pigs, the voice asked that the following things be produced by the parties to be used during the ceremony of besapat ka ai': 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 67. 8. 9.
Padang panjang kena’ ngerandang remang rarat. Beliong lajong kena' mungga urat lensat. Sumpit tapang kena' ngerejang lubang kilal. Kumbu rayong kena' nyerayong tekuyong dalam ungkap. Kain beragi kena' miau moa-hari sarat bebuat. Pinggai besai kena' nakat tanah rarat. Besi panti landi ke alai kaki betakat. Rangki siti kena' nasih ai' ngambi’ enda’ beriap. Tepayan endor nyimpan semengat.
Which means: 1. A long sword to separate the moving clouds. 2. An adze used for cutting the root of the lensat tree. 3. A blow-pipe of tapang wood for blocking the holes of lighming.
BENEDICT SANDIN
137
4.
A rajozi^ blanket for covering the overhanging banks of the river to prevent snails from emerging,
5.
A coloured cloth for wiping away thick clouds.
6.
A large bowl for obstructing erosion.
7.
An iron step for the legs to stand fast.
8.
A shell armlet as a fee to prevent the water of the river from rippling.
9.
A jar in which to keep the souls safely.
So Beti and his companions did not kiU Abang and Tali Bunga Instead the
sZ .
P“”‘^"'’le according to the law given by The new law starts with Lst cousins lhe sons
n
and daughters of first cousins committing incest with members of the adjacent
.sThTd d^d 0 be divided amongst all persons attending the ceremony.
catevo'*’^
The fine
^^Sht Jabir. The parties involved in this
eeremony of being washed in the blood of a pig L kmed a °"’y on® PS is to be killed on land and the ceremony of kalih di darat perionaei. ™ follow the laws of Singalang Burong.
‘‘‘ ‘‘“'■‘^1 eeremony must continue to
a I" generations after Beti. a man named Bukol committed incest with his classificatory aunt, Brenyan in a manner similar to that of Abang and Tali Bunga.
Kaya ordered them put to death according to the old laws of Singalang Burong SaTh uTat r “ew. ^sfroZg “”8 bamboos fZmZoh
u^Tfor m s Xos te
by th
21. The Dau Iban
a ""
ar
P^^ent-day. at Nanga Selamoi
«‘ven
138
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
He was succeeded by his son Demoug Suran, who took his people to live in the upper Kapuas river where be in bis turn died of old age.
After Demong Suran had passed away, his son Ambau became chief. While he was the leader of bis group, Ambau took his followers from the Kapuas basin to the Batang Ai and settled at Seram. Later he moved to Pangkalan Tabau, above the present town of Lubok Antu. From Pangkalan Tabau, Ambau moved upriver and lived temporarily at Lubang Baya. From there be returned again to Pangkalan Tabau, where he died, murdered by his slaves who purposely capsized bis boat at the Wong Mutan rapids. At the death of Ambau, his son Liang became chief. Liang lived at Lubang Baya tributary near the source of the Batang Ai. He was a brave warrior who fought the Punans in the upper river. When Liang died he was succeeded as chief by his son Bayang. It was this chief who led his people from Lubang Baya down the Batang Ai and up the Undup tributary in the Batang Lupar to settle at Klasin. After Bayang and his people had lived at Klasin for many years, they moved westward to Sungai Raya, a left tributary of the Undup. From this locality they moved to Rijang not far away from the present town of Simanggang, east of the Undup region. Bayang died at Rijang and was succeeded as chief by his son Nyanggau. When he was chief, Nyanggau moved his longhouse to Lemas where he and bis followers settled for several years, till they were attacked and defeated by Indra Leia and his forces from the Skrang. Due to this defeat, Nyanggau and his people fled away to settle at Dau, in Indonesian Borneo.
After they had lived at Dau in what was then Dutch territory for about a decade, Nyanggau and his followers were called back to Sarawak by Mr. Brereton, then the Resident at Skrang.’^ When they returned, they settled at Embawang in the Dor stream, instead of resetting at Lemas. But because they had lived at Dau in Dutch Borneo after their defeat by Indra Leia of Skrang, they have continued to be called the Dau Iban to the present-day. On their arrival in Sarawak from Dau, the Dau fban community divided up and settled at Embawang, Klauh, Melugu, Gua, Nyelan, Engkeramut, Selepong and Puak Ai where their descendants still live to the present-day. After some years at Embawang, Nyanggau and his people moved to Lemas as previously arranged by Mr. Brereton. Nyanggau died at this settlement and was succeeded as chief by his son Gaong. When Gaong was chief, be led bis followers from Lemas to Klauh where they settled for many decades. After Gaong had died he was succeeded by his son Lansam who also died at Klauh. After Lansam, bis son Gendang became chief. At Gendang’s death, succession passed to bis nephew Junau, who. at the time of writing, continues to live at Klauh.
BENEDICT S^DIN
139
PART ONE Notes 1. In Iban mythology, Keling is the paramount leader of the Panggau Libau people. The position of Laja was once described to me by an elderly Iban man well-versed in the enaera as that of Keling's ‘‘second-in-command**. Both are brave'warriors. Tutong is the paramount leader of the Gelong people. By some accounts Tutong and Keling are first-cousin's. Their fathers are said to have been Ensing Gima and Si Gundi, ot Gila Gundi, heroes who were killed by some accounts when Keling’s house at Lemang Muang was destroyed by Apai Sabit Bekait and his followers, once kin but later the principal enemies of the Orang Panggau (Sandin 1977: 186-87). In other accounts, Keling is without pedigree. According to one tradition, the infant Keling was discovered in the knot of a tree by Ngelai, a Gelong hero, who raised, him as his brother (Perham 1885: '266). Later, on reaching manhood, Keling developed what Archdeacon Perham called "a tendency to a wandering life". In the ensera or epic-sagas, he is portrayed as wayward, yet handsome and courageous. Again and again, he disappears for months, even years at a time. Again, in the words of Archdeacon Perham, Keling possessed "a wonderful power of metamorphosis, and could transform himself into anything, ... mobkey or man, tiger or orang-utan; be ugly or handsome... just as he pleased" (Perham 1885: 266). Thus in one saga, for example, Keling takes the form of a broken water-gourd and in this disguise is carried by Ngelai to the battle-field in a basket There, when placed on the ground, Keling reassumes his true shape and, appearing at a critical moment in the battle, (urns the tide and leads his hero followers to victory.
Keling is married to Kumang, the most beautiful and .accomplished heroine of the Panggau-Gelong world, But both are much given to amorous adventures. Keling, in his many wanderings and metamorphoses becomes the husband, or lover, of many other women. Kumang, for her part, takes similar liberties. She also takes frequent revenge on her husband’s paramours, and in an immense oral epic literature; the separations and re-unions of the two are told, again and again, as they pursue adventure and liaisons.
In the mythic present, the Orang Panggau heroes under Keling live at Panggau Libau, near the headwaters of the Gelong river. Their house site is known in the Saribas ensera tradition as Menoa Luchak Lunyau Kena' Biau JUa Isang ("The Land'Muddied by Those Waving the Palm.-Leaves of Victory"). Those under Tutong live at Nanga Gelong. Their house site is called Gelong Batu Benang ("Gelong of the Spindle-Whorls"). The two houses are closely allied and in the oral epic traditions the Gelong and Panggau Libau heroes join one another in countless wars and deeds of daring. In addition, they regularly lake as their husbands and wives heroes and heroines from opposite house. Thus Keling and Laja are married to Gelong women. Kumang and Lulong, while Tutong is married to a Panggau Libau woman. Endu’ Rikok Papan Pelangka. The latter, by some accounts, is a sister of Keling, while Tutong, the Gelong leader, is said to be the brother of Keling’s wife, Kumang (Sandin 1977: 187). Again, by some accounts, Kumang and Lulong are cousins. The two women are also rivals as expert weavers.
The Panggau Libau and Gelong heroes are said to have once lived together with mankind and the gods. The gods, under Slngalang Burong, were the first to depart, and then the heroes. Most of the gods went to live in the sky (jlangit), among them Ini* Inda,- the Shaman Goddess, who makes her home at the zenith of the sky, hence her second name, Ini’ Inee Rabong Hari. By most accounts, the Panggau-Gelong world is situated between this world and the celestial realm of the gods, and those who journey to the sky in the course of ritual invocations frequently pass through the land of the heroes on their way. It is also adjacent to the land of the comic fool and trickster, Apai Aloi, who is sometimes described in comic-fables as an uncle of Keling (Sather 1981a: 75). The tradition that the author records here tells of how the Orang Panggau came to live separately from mankind, and how, at the same time, the two communities of heroes separated. According tq some accounts, before the departure of the heroes, Keling taught the ancestors of the Iban to play the percussional gendang music, using gongs and drums, so that they might summon the Orang Pmggau whenever they wished to celebrate one of Ute great ritual Gawais (cf. Richards 1981: 250). On such occasions the heroes act, on behalf of the human sponsors, as spiritual hosts and attendants to the visiting gods. Today most say that the Orang Panggau, although ordinarily invisible, continue to live in “this world" (dunya tu'). Throughout Sarawak, wherever the Iban have settled, there are hills, mountain tops, springs, waterfalls, and other features of the natural landscape that are associated with tbe.heroes and heroines. Here they
140
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL adventures (Sather 1990- 29-3 n heroes, ^e oXg also
** *T
Ihe Onme Paneffau “ personal guardians or patron-spirits (tua') to those they favour. « '•^“8 "he form of snakes, most often appearing cobras, pythons, the Hamadryad and coral snakes (Richards 1972: 68-69; Sather 1985: 6-7). *
,^“'(Id*eW 1985’
“F°7
XlXt“k!7“call”d°MXk-
'^P““ WerPawMgriver, abpveMaVo ^er*oni“^nSXnX^h^"v^^^^^
«ord,XT“*“J“
“o-thhoXe7
““
K
J^^hards (1981: 378) records this name as Tembawai Tampu Juah and as ' ' aa in the story related house site from which the deities, animals and huQxan 5 3?’ toXTKe'm3l.Tp°"° ’■ “ “> ’«'■>'“abak is sung by ^obok or /emambiMg sabak. Bie singing of the snbj firm P • gallery and continues throughout the night that proceeds burial. This perS ""y”’ Wbil* ahe «ngs. the soul-guide sits ^dn.l '“""J” *'‘^7 P^^ly covering her face with, a cloth. At the conclusion of the nyabak. the body is removed from the enclosure and carried to the cemetery where it is buned just before dawn. The words of the sobokjell of the soul’s leave-taking and Its jOTey to Ae Otherworld of the dead (menoa ssbaya»). Their primary purpose is to convey’
dead, and there to reunite it with the souls of former kinsmen and inends. she sings the sabak, the mhmg sabqk;! soul also travels to the Otherworld, acting as a guiJ and companion to the deceased’s soul. In the words of the lamentation, the soul-guide thus describes I to Ae mouroers who have gathered on the gallery this journey to the Otherworld as it is witnessed by her soul. As in the case of Remi. the role of the soul-guide is almost always a woman’s calling among the Iban. . ® rhZJt 7
here; that of Remi and of her father Serapoh,’ provide the mythic ^han death rituals: notably Ae tabak. hanH procedures, mourning the Htes for opening and closing mourning. Related are also, as noted above, the connected themes of warfare, headhunting, courtship, and revenge. suggesting here that each of her brothers will reappear in the world of the living in tte form of an ancestral tua' or_guudiui-spint. each assuming the visible form of an animal, in this case, a snake, crocodile, and gibbon.
Sf “*** (Vivgrra tangaiunga). This animal has a strong musky ^mir, known tn Iban as s«a«g. Asjelated here, the attributes of Rukok are those of a demon fi.e..
43. See Genealogy 1, generation 10;-also Genealogy XVIII. 44. The term jabir originally referred to a small jar (cf. Sandin 1980a: 3-4) that was used in the past as a customary standard of payment, particularly for adat fines. th^cu,t^m/^" (Sandin 1980a; 29-32) for a further description of these rules and the customary sanctions that apply in the event of a widow’s or widower’s remarriage.
4^ Berangta, means, Utemlly, to "get up", "depm", or "go off together". The offense ocoutr when moTr Obtaining a divorce. It is considered to be a to Hvo "“y also be a widow or widower who begiur 108n». ti declared period of mourning is over. See Sandia 1964: 102-103; 1980a: 31; and Richards 1963: 28-29. for a further discussion of bsrangkat.
144
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL “WJe’Mltl.; is. in praacc, „„, always paid nor demanded. Among ±e
48, See Saudin (1962) Sengalang Barong. K.»cbing-. Borneo Literature Bureau. 49. Literally, "Mother of the Scented Vine, marked with Red Dye”.
i/th:
?“
the
y said to have been entitled m^cine-box. During Benedict Sandin’s curatorship of the Sarawak Museum
significance to Iban shamans,
Il ^o t^s
ritual Sn^S' fab ?h the shaman’?'*™ 1 Sve«T^ ’ T
” ^pmt-helpers of the shamans return at the end of every curing («e. for ^xa^ple" of safekeeping, following their journey, together with ““““ where they have travelled to coXTsph^T
MIC «y« IS oeiieved to mirror each person’s state of healthful vigor. 51. For a farther description, see Sandin 1980a: 95; 1983: 237-38.
(s“din“4T19l^255“^.ll^“
Graham (1983) The Power of T«nc
or "consecration ceremony"
account of the bebangun ritual, and Penelope
st
53. Richards (1981: 179) mmrslates this nmne (/nioi) as “lardy Suda:, of ±e High Tree Boss (knot)".
lived on“his”Jr^nd‘d’d““l‘°
Although many Ibmr believe that Singalang Burong
ss the most powerful of fte‘gXiX 'sk”°(2jIo Xe'’he”’nLT’h “ 1,“““°"“ “ from ritual invocation as Tansing Kenyalang (see fa 631 Sim *” “ ‘^^Shouse known to influence and guide the lives of manwL^ k- #i celestial house, he is said to continue convey portents to his descendants in tlris worid^^’" command of the augural birds who In^e Swi^’iTd
^'s^d m uV« G“« by the Iban of Ulu Ai.
both tfe believed to have lived at the same lim . lehm. in dr. Bngkmi m,:*.:
a
4-
ho^ve^t* ::-;:s.:nte .™irMeZ"r'^^“ci:;.""°”- —
51. Menggin's uncle, the youngest and only surviving son of Serapoh.
Menggin, although
BENEDICT SANDIN
145
58.
Literally. "Maiden of (he Brass Finger-ring, Lady of the China-ware Bowl" (cf. Richards 1981:
59.
Lebor apt, "fiery red", "scarlet".
brother of Singalang Burong and the god of the earth and agriculture (Sandin 1968c). His slaves are the augural animals which, when encountered by Iban farmers, must ^res^ed by leaving off farm-work for a day. See /ban A^t and Augury. Part Two, Chapter 9. n» Omens of Simpulang Gana", pp. 122-130. Also, for further details. Sather 1985 61.
Tapang, “bee tree", see fn. 28 above.
62.
Ihe constellation Orion.
63. Literally, "Hornbill’s Nest", a celestial realm mentioned in the travels of both Seta Guntine and Menggin (Sandin 1972a: 24-65). This account of Menggin and Sera Gunting was recorded by the author from Mujah anak Mambang, see fn. 34 above. 64. The observance of omens by the Iban is related to a recognition that some degree of uncertainty exists in most human underuldngs. Thus, for the Iban (Sather 1980a: xliv), 1* eMenUiUy conceraed wUh bomu poipoje#... It ii dm w modi the BupretUetaWUty of natml eveou (bat coBceroa « “* ooWMW of purpotefBl bimian ODdertaUoga. Ada redocea uneettalDty framovtMk dedaioos moat aUU be made io wUeb (be ooteome U oever wholty ptoUng. for example, ada atlpoUtea (be proeedorea (o be followed, aod looal fannlns lore IndlcalM 7^“** dme and other ooDdlUoaa for tbelr perfotmanee. SdU (be lodlvldBal farmer moat aet tbe pneiae “ ^‘^.1 be plaou. Io maUoi dedalou of (bla aon, where ondertaWog cannol be ftiUy aDdelpated. be. U Bfcely to pay oT2!«ri^ n *’“* “*“* divlDe'favoar (brougb rlual maalpolaai of aoguriei. It la (boa at tbe Interadeea of oiir (bat the Iban moat often reaort to augary and (brougb aognry aeefc external guidance and a degree of confidence In thoae areaa of life which they recognize to be panlcularly b^t idth Bncertalntlea" to
Here, what Singalang Burong is saying, in effect, is that omens may be ignored only when the outcome or an undertaking is assured, and there is no possible risk of failure, as in the case of drawing water trom the river. In Sarawak, rivers never cease flowing.
65. For a more detailed account of the mythological origins of augury, the manner in which omens ^^interpreted, and their general importeoce in Iban culture, see Benedict Sandin’s /ban Ada/and Augury.
66. The name refers to a sash of fine cloth worn over the left shoulder. Its use signifies that the wearer has struck an enemy with his sword, from the left-hand side to the right-hand side of the enemy s body.
zioJa S^din in his /ban Adat and Augury u- za brief account of Singalang Burong’s connection with war omens in his Gawai Surang (1977: 2-11). 68. See Genealogy 1, generation 11.
69. A ritual festival celebrated to receive newly obtained trophy heads. 70. See Genealogy 1, generations 12. 13 and 14. 71.
From kesah (n-f.; ngero/i, v.f.). "puff", or "breath hard” (cf. Richards 1981: 233).
72. See Genealogy I, generation 15.
146
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
73. Entemut, a riuzomatotu herb, including turmeric {entemut kunyii), representing an important class of medicinal plants. As here, entemut is typically used in the treatment of wounds, to inhibit infection. 74. Cf. Sandin (1956), "The Westward Migration of the Sea Dayaks”, Sarawak Museum Journal 7: 59-60.
75. Especially in the pengap chants known in Iban as ngeriiitai tuai di-ambi’ ngabang, "to list in order the elders to be invited as Gawai guests". In these chants, sung by the bards in the early stages of the Gawai, ancient leaders and pioneers of the past are invoked by name and invited by the bards to attend the celebration. See Introduction . 76. See Genealogy XXI, generation 1. Jelian is briefly mentioned, as an Undup pioneer, in The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule (1967a: 5-6). The earlier book also presents two additional genealogies (G-7 and G-14) in which Jelian is the founding ancestor. 77. The kitchen rules or adat dapor are also described briefly in the author's Iban Adat and Augury (1980a: 12). Elsewhere I have discussed the significance of these rules in-relation to notions of ihe ritual and jural unity ol the longhouse (Sather 1993b: 72-73). 78. See Genealogy VII, generations 1 and 2. For more on Padang, his migration to the Rimbas and a brief history of his descendants, see The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule (1967a: 24-26).
79. See Genealogy VII, generations 3 and 4. 80. See Genealogy XX, generation 6.
81. See Genealogy '!, generations 16 and 17; also Genealogy XI, generation 1. 82. The voice is that of ^ai Puntang Raga, see fn. 35 above. 83.The details of this history of the Dau Iban were recorded by h^. Sandin, again, from his i^incipal source, Mujah anak Mambang of Penom, Paku. 84. Anthony ^chards (1981:69) believes that this invitation was made on or around 1850. W. Breretop, was pointed Resident immediately upon completion of the Skrang fort. According to Baring-Gould and Ban^fylde (1909: 139) he was only twenty years old at the time. Brereton first came to Sarawak in 1843, as a midshipman aboard the Samarang, and died in 1854 of dysentery contracted during the Mt. Sadok campaigns described in Part Two. He was a man of independent means who served in the Brooke Government without pay (Baring-Gould and Bampfylde 19W: 156).
BENEDICT SANDIN
147
PART TWO EARLY IBAN MIGRATIONS 1. Migration to soutk-west Sarawak When a number of Iban had settled along the upper Merakai river in Indonesian Borneo, a chief named Gelungan and his followers moved out from that area and settled in the hills of Balau Ulu situated between the Merakai and Undup watersheds. Following their settlement another chief named Langkup came out of Merakai with his followers to settle in the mid Undup river.
After the arrival of these two groups of Iban in the Undup another chief named Jelian came out of Merakai with his followers and settled at Wong Empangu on the lower Undup.* Soon after Jelian and his followers had settled at Wong Empangu, Gelungan and his people left the Balau Ulu hills and moved down the Undup and the Batang Lupar to settle at Balau Hi hill which is situated between the modem town of Simanggang and the Lingga river. Because they had twice lived near hills of the same name, they called themselves the Balau Dayaks, even though they came originally from the same area as other Iban groups in Sarawak.^ At this time Langkup migrated down the Undup with his followers. Nothing much is known of this chief other than that he married a woman who was also named Langkup. Due to this coincidence of names, which is forbidden by Iban matrimonial law, Langkup’s wife’s name had to be changed and she was later called Lemok. All of these chiefs were pioneers of the Undup, one of the right tributaries of the Batang Lupar river. At Balau Hi hill Gelungan married a woman named Sendi, the only daughter of a chief named Dendan of Sebuyau. After this marriage Gelungan led some of his followers down the Batang Lupar to settle at Balu Sebuyau near the mouth of the Batang Lupar river. It was because they settled at this place that they came to call themselves the Sebuyau Dayaks, though they, too, have the same origin as other Iban.
From the Sebuyau tributary, Gelungan again migrated westward with his followers to the lower Sadong river. Finally, after he had lived in various places in the Sadong, Gelungan died of old age. After the death of her husband, Sendi was told in a dream by the goddess Kumang to look in the Skrang for a man named Guang to be her husband. Similarly Guang, a widower of the Enteban, Skrang, learned in a dream from the goddess Kumang to accept a wife named Sendi who would come from far away in order to marry him. After she had had this dream, Sendi went by boat paddled by her slaves to the Skrang to look for Guang. She left her children by Gelungan behind at Sadong. When Sendi married the widower Guang, their marriage violated a prohibition known as Ngemulu Antu and could not take place until they had paid the fines demanded by custom to the local chief to prevent subsequent misfortune.’
148
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
Sfcnmg some of Gelungan’s followers 5®*®« Merdang Lnmut, Merdang Limau , Merdmg Gayam along the Semarahan river. From ±ese places ±ey moved Tan^u ®''entuaUy at Tabuan' near the modem town of Kuching and at Sungai chilfTa^p? “ 1839, a Sebnyau fte Nyambong, due to his enmity with the Saribas Iban, migrated from whh 1^ ® f"”" ‘I’® boindary of Sarawak With Indonesian Borneo at Cape Datu.
succeeded as chief of the community by his “1 of B>ooke rule in Sarawak, helped the Rajah figfit the Saribas and Skrang Iban of the Second Division. During one of these expedi^ons, in this case against Linggir “Mali Lebu” of tlie Paku in August 1849 Jugah lost two of his sous, Bunsi and Tujang.^
2.
Balau and Sebuyau Iban
in BlaTL
‘Isscendants of Gelungan and Sendi and other Iban who settled ^^““8 L“P“' “Other chief named
K Katungau river, migrating to the Sebuyau land r "''O'- H®'® *’0 I"’® people clear M for their farms up toe Sebuyau river as far as toe Lintah stream. Wto Biassan fo^^ato T u "'•'0 continued to fell more forest ^f Fniri n as Tembawai Panjai. Here he died of old age. After the death
r' '
Temha “ ol'lof' and felled stUl more virgin forest around toeT fnZbi KT 1“”®“ “’i“ L“8” and his warriors when L t^Sanbas Iban under "Unal Bulan" at Plassau, near the month of toe Sanbas river. This occurred after lames Brooke had been proclaimed Rajah or o&rHwak. succeeded him as chief. He led his people to fell thP c Sebuyau river as far as the Simunjan and me Sembang watersheds. After this, he and his people Uved at Langgong Brikok ere Bugih died of old age. Bugih was succeeded as chief by Demong The latter
lAiLvCXl yCUTS aCO.
Rn^n^’r™' migrated to the Sebuyau in toe lower Per^a on^ to 7 ^yanSgau and Bara journeyed from Tapang sa Kalimantan Barat, to Temundok of the^u , En^erebang. After they had lived for many years at Temuduk they moved westward Tinri.^^t“dT® ™ lived at tXL to Ttrnh^^ Nyanggau at toe Riang stream. From Tembawai Tinting, Bara moved . to Tembawai Empang on toe Engkeramut stream; Nyanggau died at Sungai Riang. ‘ '
■ lo ®™“P®' ‘1’® migrated from Indonesian Borneo ; Sarawak and settled at Bukit Balau at the head of toe Undup river. From Balau
BENEDICT SANDIN '
jji.
149
JxstsSiS:
reaSs^f tteXL ”’' p" ’'T' “> •beZpIr Mcnes of the Lmgga nver. From these settlements some moved to a place c^led h mane“^dXfnT“^ latter settl^em of oXS
““
□d^AU *“ Mer^ wWl^,n “ “PP" to ituin sZv'TTT'* “ n”'”'LX h“ X
Jantang died
P«“P‘® ‘“1®'- hi” divided °'h"s moved to Muding and ““ “»“ivtog
Brooke was proclaimed Rajah of Sarawak Ali wa« X® ‘'"j““ Ali's followers agton X^toed Some “ 5®'’““’ ®““Sai Pinang, Keruin and Nyeli ”ere thTto
“iLi:: Srte XX 1
“ A”"’'-
™
“V's
son Penohnin "was •** succeeded by ahis «vryem7te?
V
liv^'”atXnurXt»,;" 'aader, Ijan anak Bnsut, was desc^^ X r ' ® grandmother, Nagi, who married Jamba., Gelungan and his wife Sendi. Before they moved to the lower atang Lupar Jambai and his wife Nagi lived at Kumpang on the middle Batanc his son Bnsut movXXLli to tof led th? Th f 1?*^? succeeded as chief by his son Ijau who led the Iban of the Sadong in die early days of Brooke rule
KilL'ThX On reJ X toe Xf of toe XtX Xn L®r“- *“ and no sli^i^h “,2"
his men murdered another Iban named "“hti’s relatives to the Rajah a?KuX7 Personally led a small expedition to punish flau' ““ ’'■"P“h ihe Rajal noticed a P““" compromise was reached °'’®
Iao n assured ±e Rajah of his lovaltv Before he his loySy T^'tofs^””^’ presented an iron cannon to Ijan to cement tosjoyalty. Today this cannon is at Bed’s house at Nyelitak on toe Uln Sadong foltoXrs'‘Xsad™v";'’' LnX who' ™® 2“ XaX in oZlf T’
“'> his family and ®“hng in toe Lingga tributary of toe Batang “hhnually at war with toe ^bas and Skranf
150
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
Another version of this history is that when the Iban came out of the Kapuas basin and migrated to Sarawak, they first settled at Bukit Balau Ulu in the head waters of the Undup river. While they were still living in the Undup near Bukit Balau Ulu they and the Dau Iban were continually attacked by the Malays and the Skrang Iban, so that at last they fled away to the Lingga, Banting and Bukit Balau Hi below Simanggang.
While living at Bukit Balau Hi, some of them lived under a chief named Peranti whose house contained only ten families. When this house was demolished, Peranti led his followers to live at Selanjan, where he died of old age. After his death, his nephew Jali succeeded him as chief, and led bis people to live at Sabemban, while others lived with the Dau Iban in the Empelanjan, Engkeramut and Selepong longhouses. When Jali died his son Aban became^ chief and was succeeded by Mambang, who when he died was succeeded by his son Jeritan, the present headman of Sabemban longhouse.
3. Iban migration from Indonesian Borneo through Kumpang While Iban leaders such as Jelian, Gelungan and Langkup were leading their followers on migrations into Sarawak through the Undup tributary, other leaders led migrations into the Batang Ai through the Kumpang, a tributary which joins the Batang Ai above Engkilili. The first chief who led bis followers to descend the Kumpang was Lanong. As he was the first migration leader to enter the new country, and he and his people settled permanently on the banks of Kumpang, they called themselves the Kumpang Dayaks. Another chief who led his followers to migrate to Sarawak from Indonesian Borneo and used this route was Medan.’ He and his people first settled temporarily in the Kumpang but later moved down to Sengkarong below Engkilili. Medan was a famous ancestor of the Belambang people who to the present-day live in the area lying between the Kumpang and Undup tributaries of the Batang Lupar. They were followed by Ambau (not Pateh Ambau) who came later with Kanyong and settled at Tanjong Melarang, and Semalanjat who settled at Bungkap. The latter is a well known ancestor of the Bengap Dayaks.
From the Tiang Laju range Gunggu led his people to settle at Meriu near Engkilili. At this place they separated; some settled with the Belambang below Engkilili and others went to the Lemanak river, a right tributary of the Batang Lupar whose mouth is not far below Engkilili. 4.
The early Ulu Ai, Skrang and Lemanak Iban
A few decades after the Undup stream had been settled by Iban under Gelungan, Jelian and Langkup, the two leaders Meringgai and Manggai moved down the Undup and went up the Skrang to settle at the mouth of the Tisak stream and at the middle of Skrang river respectively. Al this time the mouth of the Skrang was already settled by Lau Moa and bis followers who bad come from the Sadong
BENEDICT SANDIN
' 151
and lower Batang Lupar. He was probably one of the followers of Sera Bungkok who had moved from Cape Datu to settle at the mouth of the Rajang river with his brother Senaun, the father of Tugau, the Melanau ancestor. After Manggi and Meringai had migrated to the Skrang, many more migration leaders came from the Batang Ai and Undup, such as Guang who setUed at Nanga Enteban, Entigar at Nanga Belaai, Chaong at Tanjong Lipai and Sudofc and his brother Malang at Lubok Numpu and later Manggai (see below) and Tindin the son of Chaong who migrated to the Saribas to join his daughter Rinda, who married Demong the son of the Bukitan chief Entinggi of the Paku.
In the Batang Ai, a certain chief at Seremat named Bau married Selangka by whom he begot Cbandu (f),’ Sentu (f), Buja, Mawan, Pagan, Geipong and Lanyi (f). After Chandu had married Gallau, the son of Mawar Biak of Entanak, Saribas. her brothers and sisters left Seremat to migrate up and down the Batang Lupar. Niok, her busband and children moved to Nanga Lubang Baya in the upper Ai. It was from here that their descendants, Naga and Sumping, migrated to the Kanyau in Kalim^tan and from here later migrated to the Katibas to become the first Iban to settle in that river. After their death they were succeeded as chiefs of the Rejang Iban by their descendants Unggat, Matahari, Gerinang and Keling, ancestors of the recent Penghulus Jinggut, Kumbong and Jimbun of the Baleb,
Mawan and bis children migrated to the Ulu Lingga and settled with the Dau and Balau Dayaks, while Buja and his family moved to the upper Ai to settle at Nanga Buie. Their brother Sentu moved down the Batang Ai to live at Nanga Kumpang, while another brother named Gemong moved up the river to live in. the Deiok tributary. Pagan lived at the Mepi stream. He was the ancestor of Rabai, the wife of the famous Batang Ai war leader, the late Penghulu. Ngumbang of Mepi. Geographically Lemanak country is located between the areas settled by the Batang and Batang Skrang Iban. Due to its location, the people of Lemanak suffered incessant hardship because of conflicts between the people of Skrang and the Batang Ai, who fought in the Lemanak country. For this reason the Lemanak w^ never fully populated by the Iban. Many times, when the Batang Ai warriors failed in atucking the Skrangs, or vice versa, war parties simply satisfied them selves by killing the defenseless Lemanak Iban. In the early days of Brooke rule, when the Batang Ai chief Ngumbang quarrelled with Genam of the Skrang, the people who suffered most from the quarrel were the Lemanaks. Similarly when S^g the nephew of Linggir “Mali Lebu” of Paku murdered the Seriang Iban, the Iban of Lemanak also suffered considerably, since the Seriang and the Saribas Iban fought each other in their country in the 1870s.
Due to these endless hardships, the Lemanak Iban migrated to other rivers without the knowledge of their own leaders, and settled apart from each other in the Kanowit, Julau and Nyelong rivers. The majority of them setUed in the lower Julau. On their way to these rivers, they often slopped one or two years in the upper Saribas to farm the Layar peoples’ lands. But because the Saribas country was fully inhabited since the days of Patinggi Ngadan, there was no more room for these unsettled Lemanak Iban to live permanently: so they left for the Rejang area.
152
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
Early in this century when Nguinbang and Bantin attacked the Lemanak Iban at Sebiau, they killed or captured seventy-two of them. Because of this defeat, Apai Jelema and his followers migrated to the Sabelak where they settled with their friends who had worked as fortmen at Kubong in the 1880s. The latter had settled at Roban, in the Sabelak, a right tributary of the Krian river.
5. Padnggi Gurang of Kayong Patinggi Gurang, a Sumatran ancestor, was a famous nobleman of Kayong.*® He lived not far from the present-day city of Pontianak in Indonesian Borneo and was a fisherman. One day when he returned from fishing, he discovered his golden mascot was stolen. He became worried and asked his young son, Patinggi Ngadan, to search for it at once.
One day he again went to fish in the sea. While fishing be found a kedundong fruit caught in his net. Since his arrival in Kalimantan he had never before seen such a firuit. So he picked it up and on arriving home that evening, instead of eating it, he threw the fruit to the ground below the house so that it might grow. The kedundong tree sprouted and grew very fast so that it soon overshadowed the whole of the Kayong village. On seeing this the Kayongians decided to fell the tree. They cut at it but their adzes could not fell it. They tried again and again to cut it down using many kinds of iron axes. But none even scratched the tree s bark. Finally one man thought of cutting it with an axe made of lead, and with it he felled the kedundong tree very easily.
After the tree had been felled, Patinggi Gurang again sent his young son Patinggi Ngadan to search for the lost golden mascot.'^ Ngadan did so going from village to village up and down the great Kapuas river. But he could find no trace of the stolen mascot. Having become discouraged in his search of the Kapuas region, Ngadan walked overland to Sadong (now in Sarawak) to find out whether anyone there had any knowledge of the theft of his father’s mascot. None knew of it, so he continued his wandering overland to the Batang Lupar river. There too he secretly enquired about the theft.
Failing to discover anything as to its whereabouts, Ngadan continued his wandering by boat from the Batang Lupar to the Saribas river. In the Saribas he stayed temporarily at Plassan. From there he again moved on and stayed the night at Tanjong Orang Taui, which is also known as Tanjong Rangka or Tanjong Pendam. I^rom there, he paddled up to a place where he met a man named Talap making a canoe at the mouth of the Ban stream below the present town of Belong.” Upon meeting Talap, Ngadan enquired the extent of land he owned up the river. Talap told him that all the lands passed by the wood chips he had cut from ihe : boat he was fashioning belonged to him. Ngadan was pleased to hear this, and so • he stopped paddling. His boat was only drifting up the river following the flowing Ii» tide.
BENEDICT SANDIN
153
When he reached a certain place called Bangai, the tide turned. Because of this Ngadan moored his boat and al the same time fixed his boundary with Talap at this point. It was and is still followed to this day by the peoples of Pasa and those of the Layar.’^ After mooring his boat, Ngadan took his flints to strike a fire. As he struck them, one of the flints fell into the river and at once miraculously became a huge boulder, still known to this day as Batn Api. This boulder still serves to remind all generations in the Layar that it was and is forever the boundary between the lands belonging to the descendants of Patinggi Ngadan and those belonging to the descendants of Talap.
Patinggi Ngadan built his house here. On the site of this house he planted a durian tree which is still growing on the spot to this day. Some seventy years ago, when the Dayaks and Malays quarrelled over farming lands along the Layar river, the latter claimed that this durian tree was theirs. They lost the case, as it was truly planted by Patinggi Ngadan, who was an ancestor of the Dayaks. Some years afterward, Patinggi Ngadan left this house to live at Tanjong Berundang, which was and is still known as Kubur Lunyai, opposite the present Skuyat village. In the olden days this place was also called Lubok Binsang Pupong Langang, After living here for sometime, he'moved upriver to settle at Batu Lintang.
While he was living here, life was very dangerous. No one dared bathe alone in the Layar river, due to the many crocodiles that lived in the river at that time. And no men dared to wander freely in the forests, due to the many ligers that roamed there. To overcome these difficulties Patinggi Ngadan and his followers made a safe bathing place slightly inside the Batu Lintang stream. Some years after they had lived at Batu Lintang, one morning Patinggi Ngadan’s sister named Nara went to take her bath in the stream. On the way she saw a shell armlet (.simpai rangkV) lying on the roadside. When she came home she told Patinggi about it: The latter strongly advised her not to touch it - for it was surely a tiger’s lure, or bait.'’’
On the next morning as she was again going to bathe, she saw a different kind of armlet lying al the same spot. Again, she told her brother. On the next day, when she passed the same spot to bathe, she saw a long type of pelaga and other kinds of beads left lying in the same place. The armlets she saw the previous days were no longer there. She again related the story to her brother. Finally on the fourth day, as she passed the same spot, instead of seeing beads and armlets as before, she saw lensat and sibau fruits lying on the roadside. She moved them with her fool, in order that children would not see and carry them away. When she told Patinggi Ngadan about this, he scolded her. “You should not touch nor have anything to do with these fruit”, said her brother angrily.
154
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
“Il was merely because I was afraid that the children might come and attempt to carry them away”, replied Nara sadly. “If you really have touched them”, answered Patinggi, “You are now exposed to misfortune (puni), because you have had contact with a lure”. Due to this, Patinggi Ngadan presently called for his slaves to cut down all of the banana plants at Emperan Tabau which was situated slightly below the village landing place. From their stalks Patinggi's slaves erected a stockade in which Nara was hidden. The fence of the stockade was strongly lined with seven rows of stalks stacked on one another. It was then fully covered with seven layers of Iban woven blankets (pua’ kumbu'). After Nara had been secured inside the stockade, at dark there came a tiger from the direction of Bangat Hills.*® Its roars were heard by all the people of the region. After it had stopped roaring, the ground around the stockade was shaken and the stockade broken. Those who stood guard nearby stabbed the tiger with their spears and shot it with their blowpipe, until the tiger was killed.
A liny scratch made by the tiger on Nara’s body became an incurable wound, which caused her to remain unmarriageable all the days of her life.
Soon after this happening, Patinggi Ngadan went to inspect his lands up the Layar river. As he sprinkled the river banks, the gravel-beds, lhe mumban and the meruju trees with holy water, he said, "If any person who is not of my descent poisons the fish in this river, let no fish be stupified and die.” It was due to this prayer of Patinggi Ngadan that whenever r«hfl-fishing is performed in the Layar River, a man of his direct line is called to spill the poisonous tuba into the river to make it effective. Patinggi Ngadan went upriver as far as Karangan Patinggi (Patinggi’s gravel bed) where be cut notches in a belian tree trunk. This belian trunk still remains there to this day and is known as Tras Tangkal Patinggi.
Sometime afterwards Patinggi Ngadan heard the news that Sampar of Penebak in the Ulu Layar wanted to migrate down to live in his land. Being certain of this, he arranged bis slaves to hang one ringka and one selabit basket from poles at the mouth of a stream opposite the Tras Tangkal Patinggi. It is due to this that this stream is known as Sungai Ringka. Patinggi made clear to Sampar in this way that if be attempted to settle in his land downriver, be would either fight or fine him for migrating there without his consent. When Sampar heard this, be dismissed the idea of migrating. As a matter of fact, Patinggi moved down from Batu Lintang to live at Nanga Jaloh or Lupa which was about five miles down the river. In the tusut genealogies it is remembered that Patinggi Ngadan married Lamentan and they begot a daughter Bata and a son Labun. Labun married Sansi and begot a son Jegera. After his marriage, Labun separated from bis followers in his father’s bouse found a new settlement at Lupa which was situated seven hundred yards down river.
BENEDICT SANDIN
155
6 State, they tapped wild rubter in the forests near Labuk like other Iban. They joined the expediUons against Mat Salleh under Tinggi and Bali, and in these wars Kassim killed several CDCOllC $« Nakoda Kassim was an educated and honest man.” Because of his fairness in recommended that he be mde chief at Labuk. This recommendation was approved by the North Borneo Government Md Kassim became chief of Labuk. At this time Muling died of old age in Sandaks. Evenmally Kassim was able to join the Government service as c erk. Later he was promoted to Deputy Assistant District Officer at Ranau, with ae power of magistrate, a post which he held for many years wia ae rank of ang Kaya Kaya. He married ae daughter of a Dusun chief. When he retired on pension he took his family back to ae Kalaka. At home he associated himself Anglican Mission and became ae saunchest financier and supporter ae advmce of ae Church and of mission education m ae Kalaka and Saribas Districts till bis death in 1929.
258
14.
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
The Iban in Pahang, Malaya
N^oda Tinggi and others had gone to Sabah, Uyut,” the eldest son of Ip® “0 CPentu went to tap wild rubber Hl'"' “« ® ““ "amed Gima of the UIu Krian WnL r® *“ I*’®’' together Uyut wc tt^lT'^’ ‘° S”Sapore. From there the tL went to Trengganu to tap wild rubber with oilier Iban who had arrived there before LiJvjn. ?•
met Nva^oon f ” ‘I’® Trengganu forests. Uyut met Nyanggau of Nanga Buong, Baku, and together they went to Kuala Lumpur ad joined the Police Force. Due to his efficiency in the service. Uyut was soon to h“°p'* .’’f Corporal, taking the name of Enche Ibrahim, due 0 ioin a Xf" “ T' Government commanded Uyut rebe? at Benmn''® ‘“ Tight DuX rt^f?oht-®' of Krian and some other Iban. m^eeneLS. ® Uy^^^^foporied to be very brave. It was said that he fired »Xo friend ““ “'“‘I “ “I “‘““i t^hile he himself no?hri?ev^ ^,h‘ “’‘PO’O'I Of the top of the fort. He himself was S r ' “I charm, which has the power of protecting its owner from being touched by any kind of war weapon.
jungle where he and his comrades Katang. Kelumpu, Embol and Nyanggau slew caSres"Xm he ““’“‘f 'tH'cd "ine enemies and took many re Ms ;aHan?^ conducted in two perahu to the Police Station in town. Due ‘Mumeg^“k r'''“d‘’" cttPCdition, Tampang gave Uyut the name of Muntegrai This was done according to Iban war custom in which an ensumber M^onrandl hoth Sergeant rrtX at Benton^^d expediUons together against the rebels at Bentong and in the State of Pahang.
15, A^vancemenZ of the downriver Iban
wh'i^HvZd'^^
X
rebelling against the Sarawak Government, those
was because of the new developments they saw during ±eir adventures that a
t 12m NovemL ISqT h'' i2tn November. 1892, published as follows:
Pian?eoffeet“pXer Sarawak Gazette dzied ,
Kedi,. Ulu Paku chief visited Simacggacg. He sold the produce of his pepper garden- his told himKedit mentioned he should like to 7o L ft cattle I told tam to arrange with hts people and let me know how many he wished^ keeM aXd
to purchase from the Government Kabong herd and cross with Abang Sul (of Spaoh).
fin^llt MflZ* b “T His ambition was finally fulfilled when his nephew Legam, in company with Nyaru and Nyanggau
BENEDICT SANDIN
Kpd4
pP
259
™ “» ‘*‘® P‘’®“"‘ Kerebau
* 7.
Kerebau
X
Nisi (f)
= Gendup
8.
Gendup
X
Ujur (0
= Rinya (f), Mawar, Melling, Eddie, Rantie.
9.
Rinya (f)
X
Enchana
= Giam (f)
10.
Giam (f)
X
Jimbat
= Kanching (f)
11.
Kanching (f)
X
Ipol
=■ Unchi. Megong, Tampoi.
12.
Unchi
X
Jentang (f)
= Garran, Jawai (f),.Assan.
13.
Garran
X
Renyam (f)
- Ambang, Tupang (f), , Sawat (f), Mayang (f), Jata (f).
14.
Ambang
X
Genilau (f)
= Renggie, Tambong (f), Jentang (f).
15.
Renggie
X
Nyala (f)
p=, Gerijeh, Jawai. (f), .Nurin (f), Saang, Penghulu Mula, Sandu (f).
BENEDICT SANDIN ’
285
16.
Jawai (f)
X. Angking
= Ensingan (f), Gelingie Mary, Imor (f).
BENEDICT SANDIN
299
14.
Senun and her family migrated from the Paku to Sabelak in the Saratok district.
15.
Bait was a brother of Penghulu Jungan of Sabelak.
18.
Munji was the eldest son of the late Penghulu Enteri of Sabelak. For the last two decades he has operated a trading business at Lichok.
19.
Edmund Stanley Jugol, son of the author (see Genealogy IVc).
GENEALOGY K 1.
Puteh Ambau
X Remias (f)
=
Babang. Liang, Tubang, Nunong, Ganggoog.
2.
Ganggong
X Bedana (f)
=
Chiri. Jampi, Jeluie (f), Jimbat, Gubar.
3.
Gubar
X Ehiyan (f)
B
Ganin (f)
4.
Ganin (f)
X Telajan
=
Mengan (f)
5.
Mengan
X Britten
s
Reminda (f)
6.
Reminda (f)
X Chagik
B
Upar
7.
Upar
X Gawi (f)
B
Ringka
8.
Ringka
X Banyi (f)
B
Bandan
9.
Bandan
X Sambun (f)
B
Penghulu Unji
10.
Penghulu Unji
X Utal (f)
=
Penghulu Ulin
11.
Penghulu Ulin
X Lenguni (f)
=
Lemenyai (f), Marin.
12.
Lemenyai (f)
X Giman
=
Nyelawa, Maran, Xea (0. Isun.
10.
Unji was appointed the first Penghulu of the Spak when Ulu Layar was divided into two Penghulu districts by the Second Rajah. Il was Unji and his followers who transported “Bujang Timpang ^^”925 Pemancha Nanang’s cannon, from Sadok mountain to Fort -Lily at Belong
11.
Ulin succeeded Penghulu Chaing shortly after the Second World War. but soon resigned his appoint ment because of his disagreement with the British Colonial Government. During the war years, Ulin sought to raise his followers from the EnUbai, Ulu Layar and Ulu Skrang against the Japanese ganisson at Betong. lA^en the Ulu Ai chiefs attacked the Japanese gairissons at Lubok Antu and Engkihli, Penghulu Ulin and his allies under. Penghulu Narok'of Ulu Skrang reinforced the Ulu Ai wairiors. Some years after the war, Penghulu Ulin migrated to Ulu Jelalong in the Bintulu district, where he died some twenty years ago.
GENEALOGY- IXa X Sanggah (f) 4.
Ganja
X Laka (f)
. = Ganja Tumbo (f)
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THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
5.
Tumbo (f)
K Baling
=
Enuyan (f)
6.
Entayan (f)
X Lawang
=
Sedau, Gindau, Anting.
7.
Sedau
X Lada (f)
=
Megong, Bundong, Umah, Marr^ak, Radin.
8.
Radin
X Dayang (f)
=
Burai (f), Nyanggai.
9.
Burai (f)
X Mallang
Linggi, Mamut.
10.
Mamut
X Changkeh (f)
Lumit (f), Cherengga (f).
11.
Cherengga (0
X Uru
=
Dair^
12.
Dampa
X Demi (f)
=
Penghulu Bantin 'Ijau Layang”
13.
Penghulu Bantin
X Limbun (f)
Rengga, Sallau, Nam, Kinsur (f), Dunge (f).
14.
Rengga
X Dedok (f)
Ijo’, Janam.
15.
Ijo’
X Layau (f)
= Sergeant Bantin, Jawa.
16.
Sergeant Bantin
X Simba (f)
s
13.
Penghulu Bautin “Ijau Layang" was one of the last and most famous of all Ulu Ai warriors. He was at war with the Sarawak Government for nearly twenty years. During his lifetime he took part in many campaigns. He fought against the Maloh Dayaks at Bakol, a tributary of the Kapuas, and against Tekalong in the lower Libuyan tributary, not far from the mouth of the Kapar, another tributary of the Kapuas. He attacked Munau's longhouse below the present town of Engkilili in his own district. He fought against the Rajah’s forces under Mr. Bailey, Resident of the Second Division, at Batu Betanggi. Sumpa, Ulu Delok. He also fought against Mr. Bailey’s forces at Belumbong Menalan Panggau. Ulu Delok, and at Batu Lemak. He also attacked the Rajah's forces led by Penghulu Dalam Munan of Sibu at Wong Adai in the Kanowit district.
Rengga, Uki, Eric. Nicholl. Tony, Lucy.
Despite his prowess as a wairiw, Penghulu Bantin was not, in the traditional Iban sense, a warleader. It is said that the spiritual hero, Simpurai, who was thought to have given him spiritual aid, prevented him from becoming a warleader. Simpurai is also believed to have guarded Bantin’s life. “No matter how long you fight against enemies using weapons made of iron, you will not be wounded’*, so Simpurai assured him in a dream. A hill Iban text of Bantin’s dream was published by Benedict Sandin in Nendak in January. 1976. An English translation spears tn his “Iban Hero Dreams and ^paritions” (Sandin 1966: 118-19). The famous Bantin visited Mr. Sandin's longhouse at Kerangan Pinggai when the author was still an infant (Sather 1981b: 110-111). 14.
Rengga “Ambun Belaboh Wong Padong. Asap Melap Nanga Sukong" was a brave warrior who fought under the Ulu Ai warleaders Penghulu Ngumbang “Brauh Langit”, Penghulu Imba and Penghulu Allam.
BENEDICT SANDIN
301
GENEALOGY IXb 17.
Maxnpak
X Perunda (f)
=
IS.
Betia (f)
X Manda
= Lemba (f)
19.
Lemba (f)
X Jubin
B Riang, Aral (f), Ancba (f), Gadoh. Bedil.
20.
Aral (f)
X Sazras
= Ajee, Luyoh.
21.
Aje«
X Bawang (f)
= Apol (f)
22.
Apol (0
X Juna (f)
= Penghulu Tembak
23.
Penghulu Tembak
X Empuna (f)
X Dunjang, Biju.
Betia (f)
23.- ' Penghulu Tembak is a senior chief of the UIu Batang Ai Iban.
GENEALOGY IXc 1.
Sera Bungkok
X Lemina (f)
=
2.
Dayang lUam (f)
X Raja Semalanjat
3 Ketbu
3.
Ketbu
X Dayang Umah (f)
= Omar
4.
Omar
X Dayang Kuyan (f)
=
Umbar
5.
Umbar
X Dayang Laing (f)
=
Medan
* ’
Dayang Illam ({)
6.
Medan
X Nantai (f)
= Tamoh, Ranchak, Judi (f).
7.
Tamoh
X Jamal (f)
s
Usiek
8.
Usiek
X Simpo (f)
=
Pantau
9.
Pantau
X Ulas (0
= Meringai
10.
Meringai
X Randai (f)
= Breta (f)
11.
Breta (f)
X Kelang
= Gellang Surong 0)
12.
GeDang Surong (f)
X Saang
=
13.
Mas (0
X Sera Bintang
= Lingoh
14.
Lingoh
X Linda (f)
= Challa’ (f)
15.
Challa' (f)
X Redo
= Bayang
16.
Bayang
X Lika (f)
= Linda (f)
Mas (f), Jumpo (f), Dari (f), Simba (f).
302
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
17.
Linda (f)
X Sadok
= Rabai (f). Bari (f). Ugil, Mujah, Rentap.
18.
Rabai (f)
X Penghulu Ngumbang
= Lada (f)
19.
Lada (f)
X Penghulu Jamit
s Madu (f), Pantau.
20.
Madu (0
X Penghulu Ningkan
s Penghulu Sanjan
1.
Sera Bungkok is not to be confused with Sera Bungkok of Nanga Rejang. The Sera Bungkok r^ened to hwe was an early ancestor who migrated through the Kanias region of Kauman^ Barat. 1 way his descendants live in both Kalimantan and Sarawak. In SarawaK, the great majority live along the Batang Ai.
4.
Omar lived and died at Tanjong Pagar, near i»esent-day Simanggang on the main Batang Lupar river.
6.
Medan was a famous ancestor who settled at Singkarong near 'Engkilili.
10.
Meringai was a famous Skran’g chief. His wife is said to have been the most accomplished cloth weaver of all the women of ancient Skrang.
18.
Penehulu Ngumbang was in his time the senior warleader of the Ulu Batang Ai Iban. ^ engaged in numerous campaigns. He fought at Kedempai Padong Kumang on the Kantu nvep Kalimantan Barat, and at Leban, on the true right bank of the Ka^as, above the town of Sintang. He also fought at Sungai Empanang, a left tributary of the K^«. He took part Maloh Dayaks at Bakol, llbuyan, and against the Iban of Plok and Belw. both in the bioang. Penghulu Ngumbang also fouwt the Lemanak Iban at Selabiau and Sen^hi, and Im engagements against the lUjah’s fnces at the Pan range, Seligi hill, Brinyeh and Bekilong, Ulu Menyang.
20.
Penghulu Ningkan died in 1972. His son Penghulu Sanjan died in the early 19603.
GENEALOGY Kd 18.
Mujah
X Tiong (f)
s Anggau
19.
Anggau
X Kuyan (f)
= Gaing
20.
Gaing
X Sumbok (f)
= Pengarah Jimbun
21.
Pengarah Jimbun
X Seiani (f)
s Imbau (f)
22.
Imbau (f)
X Dabong
= Baro
21
Pengarah Jimbun was the last of the senior warriors of the Batang Ai. At the end of the Second Worid War, be and Penghulu Ngali of Nanga Delok, together with the sons Penghulu Ngehngkong of Mujan, attacked the Japanese garrissons st Lubok Antu and Engkilili. They were reinfor»d by IbM from the Layar, Sbang, Lemanidc, Ulu Entabai and the Emperan Iban from Kalimantan Barat. Jimbun died about twenty years ago.
GENEALOGY IXe (cf. GEN: IXa No. 6) 7.
Anting (f)
X Ingkas
= Takin
8.
Takin
X Empayong (f)
= Ngelingkong, Ganggong. Jerapong, Mallang, Ngiok (f), Gira.
*
303
BENEDICT SANDIN Ngelingkong
X Bidang (f)
= Impin, Telajan.
10.
Telajan
X Cherembang (f)
= Mambang, En4>ana (1), En^yong (!)■
11.
Mambaog
X Jelik (f)
= Penghulu Barau, Nisau.
12.
Penghulu Barau
X Bau (0
= Penghulu Embuas
13.
Penghulu Embuas
X Suma (f)
= Penghulu Ningkan
14.
Penghulu Ningkan
X Madu (f)
= Penghulu Sanjan
IS.
‘Penghulu Sanjan
9.
9.
Telajan and his brother Impin were renowned warriors in their time.
GENEALOGY X
1.
Antu Bebaju fiindu
X Kilat JanqMt (f)
= Ajee Kundi Ensuee, Saang Gima Maling Berani.
2.
Saang Gima Maling Berani
X Sudan Seriam Madang
s
3.
Renggie “Laja Menila Rengkang'*
X Dulang Tapang (f)
= Lang Singalang Burong
4.
Lang Singalang Burong
X Indai Kediendai (f)
=
Ajee
5.
Ajee
X Endu Kumang Jentang Jerangan
s
Dayang Idah (f)
€
Dayang Idah (f)
X Kumbang Marau
= Radin Tanjong
1.
Radin Tanjong
X Dayang Nor (f)
s
Remias (f)
Z. ’ ‘ Remias (f)
X Pateh Ambau
=
Liang, Babang, Pantau, Ringgas, Nunong, Ganggong, Usin.
9.
Gauggong
X Bedana (f)
= Quri, Jampi.
10.
Chiri
X Singgah (f)
= Temuna* .
11.
Temuna*
X Lemba (f)
= Saiya’
12.
Saiya*
X Chepin or Pawa (f)
= Machan, Jawa. Bangi (!)•
13.
Jawa
X Langan (f)
= Dunggat, Chupong.
14.
Dunggat
X Eache (f)
=
Rimbo (f)
15.
Rimbo (f)
X Dari
=
Laik (f)
16.
Laik (f)
X Medan
= Saang, Lassa.
Renggie “Laja Menila Rengkang”
304
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL Unai (f). Santok.
17.
Saang
X Tuau (f)
18.
Vnai (f)
X Galleh
19.
Braob
X Tiong (0
20.
Balai
X Dunge (f)
14.
Dunggat was a Lubang Baya man. His marriage with Endie caused a long and bloody war between the Ulu Ai and Kutq>ang Iban.
20.
Balai was the son-in-law of Penghulu Bantin (cf. Gen; IXa above), He was one of the most learned genealogist of the Batang Ai Iban in modeni times. Balai ^ed at Lubok Antu in 1972.
Braoh
=
Balai =
Demi (f). Jentang (f).
GENEALOGY Xa
13.
Madian
X Mena anese occupation.
GENEALOGY XK fieji / 2. Nisi / 3. Antu "Berembayan Bulu” / ! Telichu X Endu Dara Sia 1.
4.
5.
6.
/ Telichai
/ Ragam (f)
Retak Dai
X Kelitak Darah Menjadi (f)
Seriqxih
►
*
= Si Gundi, ' Bereni Sugi, Lalak Paia, Kurong Mayang, Retak Dai, Belangkat (f). = Serapoh, Ladoh, Ugam, Kamba.
X Reminda (f)
= Chundau, Bada, Senqwuk, Remi (f), Sampar.
*
-
7.
Remi (f)
X,Rukok
= Menggin
8.
Menggin
X Dara Ticbin Tamaga (f)
- Sera Gunting
4.
Ragam is credited with having taught Iban women the art of dying thread for ikat weaving. Ragam was the mother of Manang Jarai, who ttughi Telichu to bum the bark of the lukai tree at night and during storms in order to weaken the demon huntsmen (see Benedict Sandin, Raja Durong, 1964. 119). As related here, Telichu turned into a 'giant demon huntsman while hunting with his brother Telichai. Si Gundi' was the father of Keling. According to some stories, he was killed by Apai Sabit Bekait at Lembang Muang, as a consequence of which Keling and his followers migrated to Panggau Libau, in Ulu Gelong.
GENEALOGY XX I.
Padang
X Suyah (f)
= Gunggu, Duyah (f).
2.
Gunggu
X Kacha (f)
Gatrai
316
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
3.
Garrai
X Rechak (f)
= Jana
4.
Jana
X Lada (f)
=
Baat
5.
Baat
X Lanjut (f)
s
Munan, Utong.
6.
Munan
X Nyangan (f)
= Jemm, Lanchang.
7.
Jenun (f)
X Da^
= O.K. Temenggong Tandok
8.
O.K.T. Tandok
X Nuiee (f)
= Mawat
9.
Mawat
X Saur (f)
B Lemok (f), Nasa (f).
10.
Lemok (f)
X Tingum
11.
Gupi
X Garrak
= Penghulu Guyang, Gumbang, Lindun (f).
12.
Lindun (f)
X Kamarau
= Peter Tinggom, PNB.S., P.B.S., A.M.N., Satik (0-
13.
Satik (f)
X Anggat
= Jambu, etc.
-
= Gupi (f)
1.
Padaog was an ancestor who migrated from Sibaru, in Kalimantan Barat, to Undai in the Rimbas.
6.
Munan was a warleader, who led his forces against the Sera who then lived along the Krian river. His brother Utong was his foremost warrior.
7.
Daq> was an early pioneer of the Rimbas. who settled in the Melupa, a tributary of the Krian. The tampun, oi bundle of enemy skulls, Daap brought with him to the Melupa was destroyed by fire when in 1939 Penghulu Guyang’s longhouse at Kerangan, Krian, burned to the ground.
8.
Orang Kaya Temenggong Tandok was confened with t^e title of Temenggong by Iman Molana of Kalaka as a result of his wars with the Sera. Due to these wars, the Sera grouped together under Molana at Kabong and became Muslim. Orang Kaya Temenggong Tandok was killed and his large longhouse at Nanga Melupa was set on fire and burned by Orang Kaya Janting of Banting and his Balau warriors in 1839 or 40. On the same night Janting's father-in-law, Ijau "Lang”, was defeated at Nanga Plassan, near the mouth of the Saribas river, by Unal “Bulan” of Ulu Layar and his Saribas warriors. Ijau lost 132 of his warriors in this battle. It was in retaliation for this defeat that a year later Janting and his warriors attacked and massacred the Rimbas warriors at Nanga Undai. This massacre was so complete that the Rimbas lost all .of its leading warriors and fcff many years afterwards had no chief to lead its people. It was fw this, reason that Linggir’s influence extended over (he region.
10.
Tingum was the brother-in-law of Penghulu Qiulo “Tarang” of the Krian. His son-in-law Garrak was a man from Bangkit in the lower Paku.
12.
Kamarau is the brother-in-law of Pemancha Dampa of Awik. His son Datuk Peter Tinggom was a senior Sarawak Administrative Officer who serv^ as Resideht of the Second and "niird Divisions as well as Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture. Y.B. Datuk Tinggom is currently Member of Parliament for Saratok Parliamentary Constituency and Deputy Minister o( Works.
BENEDICT SANDIN
317
GENEALOGY XXI 1.
Jelian
X Tiong
= Beredai (f)
2.
Beredai (f)
X Bed “Brauh Ngumbang”
= Medana, Jeluie (f).
3.
Medana
X Selaka (f)
= Mulu (f)
4.
Mulu (f)
X Baling
= Ugah
5.
Ugah
X Tegang (f)
s Rendong (f)
6.
Rendong
X Encharang
= Selaka (f), Punai (f).
7.
Punai (f)
X Engging
= Nyangun, Ganing.
8.
Ganing
X Lamah (f)
= Geliga
9.
Geliga
X Kelang (f)
= Sa “Lua"
X Malaia (f)
= Enchana “lAtan'\ Menggin, Gurang, Mail, Penghulu Minggat, Gading (f).
= Runai (f), Penghulu Dalam Munan, Penghulu Antau, Penghulu Rantai, Chenggit (f), Gindu (f), Umang (f), Enggah.
10.
Sa “Lua"
11.
Penghulu Minggat
X Jara (f)
12.
Penghulu Rantai
X Tida (f)
13.
H. Umpi
X Juliet
«
■
= H. Umpi = Ambi
as to how lo observe Uie Mtehen
''
2.
Selaka was the wife of Chief Saang of the Pafcu.
10.
^e‘^0e"’^^'r''“,* uie i»50s (see Genealogy XVIIIa, geiieration 16).
12.
Penghulu I^tai wk the successor of his brother Penghulu Dalam Munan of Sibu. His son. Umpj thrSeZd Wo?W administration of Sarawak that folloZl
13.
Ambi cuiTcntly makes his home ia the Awik.
“ *» Awik in
318
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
GENEALOGY XXIa 1.
Rusak
X Bijah (f)
s Radin
2.
Radin
X Ensingan
= Jabah (f)
3.
Jabah (f)
X Ganja
=
4.
Niah (f)
X Kapit
= Angau (f)
5.
Angiu (f)
X Labun
a Saing
6.
Sling
X Tupang (f)
a Anong (f). Bunsi, Bali, Chetenggi (ft,
Niah (f)
l^ng (ft.
T.
lihng (f)
X Langgir
8.
Tanut (f)
X Bunyau
9.
Senun (f)
X Ngadi
10.
Iding (f)
X Bair
a Basay (ft, Gindu (ft, Cherengga (ft, Jentang (ft, Dumang (ft, Kaat.
11.
Basay (ft
X Beliang
a Ngadi, etc.
12.
Ngadi
X
a Ugas, Sawai (ft. Ling, Langgir, etc.
13.
Ling
X Sulah (ft
a Lika (ft
= Tanut (f), Basay (ft, Niah (ft. '
a Senun (ft
'
' = Iding (ft
1.
Rusik wu iQ early pioneer who settled at Nanga Sekundong in the Paku.
6.
Anong (f) married Changgai, son of the Paku Chief Saang.
9.
Senun (f) and her family migrated to the Sabelak, Kalaka, in 1856.
10.
Bair was the younger brother of Penghulu Jungan of Sabelak. His father Manggang, the grandson of Tur "Baying" of the Paku, migrated to the S'ablak in 1855.
GENEALOGY XXIb 1..
Guang
2.
Tida (f)
= Tair, Tungkat, Tida (f).
X Sendi (f)
X Tindin
.
= Rinda (f) .
BENEDICT SANDIN
319
3.
Rinda (f)
X Demong
= Kelanang, XelindMng, Bundak, Jawai (f), Balfatf
4.
Buodak
X Uda (f)
= Berayun
5.
Berayun
X Beremas (f)
= ChemCTa
6.
Chemera
X Din
= Gedut (f)
7.
Gedut
X Libau
= Kaya, Masing, Im* (.fi, Tayan.
8.
Masing
X Umay
- Kenyalang (f>, Salang, Jawa, Kantan.
9.
Kesyalasg
X Empcra
= Anggil (f)
10.
Anggil (f)
X Changgai
= Jering (f). Lemok (f), Sumbang “Matahari”, Tcgap, Guang, Ngindang "Kumpang Pali", Likan (f). Rinda (f), P*la (0. Penyut, Denq>am.
'
11.
Sumbacg ''Matahari*'
X Gulang (f)
12.
T.R. Ibi
X Sarong
= Sian (f), T.R. Ibi. Ugol, Gur Umay (f), Mangku (f).
11.
Penghulu Kedit
X Rendong (f)
« Enggang (f) (adopted)
12,
Enggang (f)
X Lundta
- Saat (adopted)
13.
Saat
X Lamentan (f)
= Joscelyn Sulang (adopted)
14.
J. Sulang
X Saripah (f)
= Luncha, Changgai, Kelanang.
10.
Emlat was a brave warrior under Linggir “Mali Lebu” of Paku.
11.
Penghulu Kedit was appointed chief by Mr. Deshon. Resident of Second Division, in 1884 when Penghulu Gam's ward was divided into two. Kedit was the first Iban Nakoda to sail to Sabah to purchase jars in the late 1870s. He died in 1902 and was succeeded as Penghulu by Mula of
GENEALOGY XXH »■
Nyawai
X Ulas
2.
Tcmegoh
X Reminda (f)
Temegoh
= SuUng
-
- BENEDICT SANDIN 3.
Sulapg
X E&duyan (f) .
4.
Rantai
X Jintan (f)
= Nani (0
S.
Nani (f)
X Nimong
= Nanggar
6.
Nanggtf
X Lantak
= Baogkam “Skelam Mata Pelang”, Gerijdi “Ai Marang”, La “Lambor Mandang” Gu»^ “Bclaboh Paaggau Ktunang*’, Mena (f). Dayun (f).
7.
Gerijeh “Ai Marang”
X Damn (f)
= Nyeloai (f)
8.
Nyeliui (f)
X Kchikut "Batu Gallaog-”
s Inai (f)
9.
Inai
X Ampi
= Dass
I
I, i
y
(f)
■
• = Rantai
Dass
X EmbuQ (t)
= Riong, Dugong (0. Daong (f), Renyam (I).
H-
Renyam
X Garrao
- Ambang, Mayang (f). Tupang (f), Sawat (0, Jau (f).
12.
Jata
X Kerebau
- Chabu ^adbas Jack), Upam (I), Angkis (0, Repah (Q, Mbindam (f).
13.
Chabu (Saribas Jack)
X TamboDg (f)
= T.R. Muldng, Penghulu Ganan “Lembang Batu”, Layang, Jugol, Selaka (f).
14.
Peoghulu Garran “LembtCng Ba&t”
X Umang (f)
= T.R. Uyult Saga, Jupang (Q, Chmmbang (f), T.R. Ubau, Kerebau, Attat.
15.
Chcrcmbang (f)
X Ningkau
= T.R. Reoggi
16.
T.R. Renggi
X Dibah 0)
= T.R. Garran, T.R. Laman, George Jimbai, David Guyu, Edmund Sumbang, Timah (f).
I
1
‘
10.
)
It
321
322 17.
THE SARAWAK MUSEUM JOURNAL
Edmund Sumbang
Audrey Cherembang, ’ Winston Libau, Elizabeth, Mayang, Gelayan, Jedah.
X Rosalind Umang
I.
Nyawai .was the first Iban to settle in the Bangkit tributary of the Paku. He had 30 slaves to work for him.
6.
Nanggar was a warleader of the ancient BangldL All of his sons were brave warriors. His son Bangkam was a famous agriculturist. He was the grandfather of Unggang “Kuang Kapong** of Bangldt.
8.
Kelukut “Batu Gallang" was a leading wairior under his father-in-law Gerijeh ”Ai Marang”.
11.
Gazran was a chief who settled in the Udau tributary of the Anyut river. Due to bis tvavery he had an islet of forest in the Ulu Anyut river. His son Ambang was a longhouse headman and his daughter Sawat was the wife of Chief Uyut H of Paku.
12.
Kerebau was a diief of lower Anyut and the Udau tributary. His son Chabu married Tambong, a sister of Linggir “Mali Lebu”. His son Penghulu Gairan “Lembang Bahr” married Linggir's daughter and eventually succeeded the latter as chief at his death in 1874. Tambong was drowned when her brother Linggir and her husband Chabu attacked the Bugau Dayak in about 1843 at the Kalingkang range, Ulu Undup, near Simanggang.
14.
T.R. Uyut was the longhouse headman at Tanjong from 1903-27. He was succeeded by his ne{^w T.R. Renggie who resigned in 1964. T.R. Libau was headman in the place of his uncle Penghulu Mula who died in 1922 at Penom. Libau died in 1951.
16.
T.R. Garran is the beadman of Tanjong longhouse, Paku. His brewer T.R. Laman is a headman at Beduiu, where be succeeded his father-in-law, die late Penghulu Andil, who died in 1947. George Jimbai, now retired, was formerly attached to the Malaysian Information Service in Kudiing.
GENEALOGY XXIH 1.
Bakar
X Ambas (f)
= Nyani, Rabiah (f).
2.
Rabiah (f)
X Melina “Bunga Ringkai”
=
Mujah “Buab Raya”
OR 2.
Nyani
X Beh (f)
3.
Kanang
X Gedut (f)
4.
Tayan
X Anjau
1.
Bakar was a Skrang warrior.
2.
Melina “Bunga Ringkai” was a Skrang warleader who frequently led war parties against die Melanau of the Oya, Mukah apd Balingian rivers, just prior to, and during the early years of Brooke rule.
a Kanang “Libau Dara*
= Kaya, Masing, Jara (f). , . Tayan.
BENEDICT SANDIN 4.
323
Tayan was the father-in-law of Uyu apai Ilciun, a Julau warrior who fought under Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana "Bayaag’’, Chief Aji and Orang Kaya Pemancha Nanang of Padeh, and under Unal "Bulan" of Ulu Layar and Mujah "Buah Raya" of the Entabai, Uyu reputedly killed 30 enemies during his lifetime. He was born at R^>oag. in the Rimbas. and when he died, he was buried in a raised lumbong tomb-hut at the top of Buldt BuU hill, which is located between the headwaters of Sungai Langit, a tributary of the Layar, and the Julau river. Here, at the top al Buldt Buli, Uyu’s spirit often appears to travellers and hunters in the form of a tiger (remaung).
GENEALOGY XXIV (cf. GEN. in No. 18) 19.
Sendai (f)
X Sadai
= Enq»yong (f), Enjawa (f), Serna (f), * Merara ([), Mandah (f). '
20.
Enjawa (f)
X Tangai
= Chambai, Tupang (f), Lika (f), Bangga. Anja.
21.
Chambai
X Laai (f)
= Kadam, Laman, Penghulu Umpang, Mambang,- Paia (f), Lada (f), Cheremi (f), Randi, Sunta (f).
22.
Penghulu Umpang
X Lemaai (f)
= Penghulu Mulok, Kantan, Lembang, Penghulu Ambun.
23.
Penghulu Ambun
X Sunta (f)
« Chumang (f)
24.
Chumang (f)
X Anggat
= Rimbu (f)
25.
Rimbu (f)
X Bilun
= Ngumbang, Ambun.
19.
Sadai is remembered as one of the bravest Paku warriors of his generation. He fought under his father-in-law, Uyut “Bedilang Besi”.
21. 22.
Mambang was the father of Mujah, Benedict Sandin’s principal informant for this study. Penghulu Umpang was a migration leader who led his followers to the Balingian river in the Third
Division. His brother Kadam was the grandfather of Penghulu Ijau of the Paku.
23.
Penghulu Ambun was murdered by the Japanese at Mukah during the Second World War.
324
THE SARAWAK MUSfeUM JOURNAL
GENEALOGY XXV I.
Talap
X Singgau (f)
s Gadoh
2.
Gaddi
X Nanyi (f)
= Ukah (f)
3.
Ukah (f)
X Nyudan
= Buang
4.
Buang (f)
X Blaki I
s Penyut
5.
Penyut
X Endia (f)
= Sudan (0, Jering (f). Empiang (f), Landan (f).
6.
Sudan (f)
X Sallang (f)
» Blaki II
1.
Blaki 11
X Beremas (f)
= Ugap. Tur “Bayang”, Lada (f).
8.
Ugaq)
X Nisi (f)
= Sallang, Libu, Saga.
9.
Sallang II
X Naii (0
= Limping, Lintu (f).
10.
Limping
X Tambong fS)
= Bali, Uja.
11.
Vj.
X Srce (f)
= Sallang ID, Sambun 0)i Nyanggau.
12.
Nyanggau
X Gittdu (f)
= Indu (f)
13.
Indu ({)
X Attat
= Benedict Sandin, Lenti (f), L.F. Mawar, Gerinching (f).
14.
Gerinching (f)
X Penghulu Henry Ganja
= Chunggat, Bakir.
4.
BUki's daughter, Empiang, was the mother*iQ-law of warleader Gerijeh "Ai Marang” of the Baagkit tributary of the Baku.
7.
Chief Blaki II was murdered by Seru intruders from the Kalaka via the Rimbas. He was buried with his wife near the base of a tapang tree at Tampak Panas range by his brothers, Jimbai, Kadir and Jelema (see Sather 1990: 36).
BENEDICT SANDIN 8.
325
Tur "Bayang" was a Palm warleader who arranged for the marriage of his young sister Lada to
the Padeh warleader Awan in order that the latter might defend the Ulu Pahi Iban from attacks by Seru and Beliun intruders from the Sankei and Kalaka regions. In his later years, “Bayang** migrated to the Krian where he died. His brother Ugap married Nisi, a daughter of Chief Uyut “Bedilang Besi”. Chief Uyut was the brother of Beremas, the mother of Tur “Bayang”. 10.
Imping fought as a warrior under Linggir "Mali Lebu”. He slew an enemy during Unggir’s expedi tion against Has, near the mouth of the Rejang river in the Third Division.
11.
Bali was well-known as the first Iban in the Pafcu to become an exp^ in a fcmn of martial acts known as pencka-tilat. His brother Uja was a senior duiiot, sriio died at Kerangan Knggai in 1908.
12.
Nyanggau succeeded his faflier Uja as a senia dubot in the Paku.- He died in 1963. His wife Gindu
was a niece of Penghulu Jungah of Sabelak. Kalaka (Sather 1981: 108-109). 14.
Ganja is currently Penghuhi of the upper Rimbas.
GENEALOGY XXVI
1.
Patinggi Ngadan
X Lamentan (f)
=
2.
Labun
X Sanee (f)
s Jegera
3.
Jegera
X Rabia (f)
=
4.
Menggin
X Subang
= Kudang
5.
Kudang
X Antai (f)
a
6.
Garit
X Endayan (f)
s Warn
7.
Warn
X Lidek (f)
=
8
Melebar
X Imor (f)
Kuntum (f)
9.
Kuntum (f)
X Dundang
T.R. Anding, Menggin,
Bau (f), Labun.
Menggin
Garit
Melebar
Repah (f). Maling.
10.
Menggin
X Gulang
11.
Gendang
X Idah 0)
12.
Anji
X Satik
4.
Subang was a daughter of Kantan and Kutok "Kanan" of Layar.
10.
Gendang, Anyan.
=
Anji (adopted) Nyalong. Madiup.
Menggin and his brothers were the earliest rubber and coffee planters at Gensurai, Layar.
Plate I: Fort Lily, Belong.
Plate II: The late Benedict Sandin in conversation.
Plate III: Impln “Pintu Batu”, drinking from the gasong, Gawai Antu.
Plate IV: Mujah ak. Mambang, one of the author’s chief informants for this study.
BENEDICT SANDIN
327
Bibliography Adelaar, K.E. 1985 Proto-Malayic. Alblasserdam: Offsetdnikkeriji Kaniers B.V. Applin, R.V.K. 1937 Acr