Saxo Grammaticus: Hierocratical Conceptions and Danish Hegemony in the Thirteenth Century 9781942401148

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CARMEN Monographs and Studies

Series Editor Dr. Andrea Vanina Neyra Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas, CONISET, Buenos Aires

SAXO GRAMMATICUS HIEROCRATICAL CONCEPTIONS AND DANISH HEGEMONY IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY by

ANDRÉ MUCENIECKS

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress © 2017, Arc Humanities Press, Kalamazoo and Bradford

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CONTENTS

List of Illustrations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii

Chapter 1 Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Chapter 2 The Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Chapter 3 Political Conceptions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Chapter 4 Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Chapter 5 Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67

Chapter 6 The Thematic of the Counsellor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Appendix 1 List of the Kings in Books I–VIII of the Gesta Danorum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Appendix 2 Rulers and Archbishops of Denmark in Relation to Events in the Baltic, the Empire, and the Papacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Appendix 3 Genealogy of the Valdemarian Kings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Indexes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figures Figure 1.1: The Battle of Lyndanisse and the Dannebrog Falling from the Sky. Painted in 1809 by Christian August Lourentzen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 1.2: Toompea. The inner wall and one of the gates. Figure 2.1: Stemma for the Gesta Danorum.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

19 37

Figure 2.2: Danorum Regum heroumque Historiae. Christiern Pedersen’s first edition of the Gesta Danorum in Paris, 1514. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

Figure 6.1: Angers Fragment, Dialogue between Bess and Gro. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114

Figure 6.2: Lassen’s fragment and part of Starcatherus’s story. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158

Tables Table 0.1: Equivalent City Names in Estonia and Livonia

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xvii

Table 0.2: Spellings and Equivalence of Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xviii

Table 1.1: The Valdemarian kings and the Danish archbishops in thirteenth-century Denmark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Table 2.1: Order of Composition of the Gesta Danorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Table 5.1: Approximate Frequency of Terms Related to the Cardinal Virtues in the Gesta Danorum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

Table 5.2: The Development of the Cardinal Virtues Scheme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

Table 6.1: Main Characters of Book XIII of the Gesta Danorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Table 6.2: Development of the Thematic of the Counsellor in the Gesta Danorum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174



viii

List of Illustrations

Maps

Map 0.1: The World of the Gesta Danorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xx

Map 1.1: Denmark in the Thirteenth Century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Map 1.2: The Baltic Southern Coast and the Slavic Tribes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Map 1.3: Livonia and Estonia in the Thirteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

Map 6.1: Zemgale, Saxo’s Hellespontus, Hellespontus, and Galatia. . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To the CAPES (“Coordenação de aperfeiçoamento de pessoal de ensino supe­

rior”—Staff development coordination of higher education), who provided fund­ ing to the initial parts of this research. To the Department of History from the University of Sao Paulo, Brazil, espe­ cially to professor Marcelo Candido. The visits to UK and the Baltic States, funded by the University, were fundamental to this research. To many scholars who collaborated someway to this research—many of them unaware of their contribuitions: Fátima Regina Fernandes Frighetto, Renan Frighetto, Renan Birro, Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães, from Brazil; Guna Dancī�te from Liepāja’s museum, Latvia; Andrejs Vasks and Jānis Taurēns from Latvijas Universitāte; Anti Selart and Heiki Valk from Tartu Ü� likool, Estonia; Andre Mira from London; Michael H. Gelting from Aberdeen; Hans-Werner Goetz from Ham­ burg; Bertil Nilsson from Lund; and Kirsten Hundahl from Copenhagen. To the friends, old and new, who sheltered and guided me in Latvia and Esto­ nia—some of them more than once: the Bērziņ� š family from Rī�ga, Hanss, Elaine, Raisa and Giļ�ermi; Kristi Pumbo, Jaanus Kõuts, Maarja Kõuts, and Leanne Barbo in Tallinn. Otávio Luis Vieira Pinto from Leeds was fundamental in many parts and stages, direct and indirect, of this project; to him, my gratitude. To my wife Larissa, Paulo César, my sister Rebeca and my mother Lucia, who suffered the most with proofreading, transcriptions, and formalities. To the friends and colleagues in Brazil and in UK directly and indirectly involved in this project. To Erin Dailey, Simon Forde, and all the people of the Arc Humanities press who made possible this volume.

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FOREWORD As already pointed

out by many people, the Gesta Danorum, written by the Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus, has been the subject of an immense amount of scholarly investigation for several centuries. Despite this, new aspects can still be added to the edifice of the work and its mythical as well as historical contents. The present book, unusual in that it has been written in Brazil yet deals with Northern Europe in the Middle Ages, contributes to both of the aforemen­ tioned aspects of Saxo’s work with the help of clearly-defined points of departure and questions at issue. The book can be said to consist of two main parts, even if this is not explicitly stated. The first four chapters form a broad contextualizing background for chap­ ters 5 and 6, in which the author’s own, new contributions to research on Saxo are primarily found. Even if the contextualizing parts are mostly informative, they contain valuable and interesting observations made by the author that go beyond merely reproducing what is already known. For instance, by using mainly sources other than Saxo’s own work to describe the Northern German and Danish expan­ sion in the Baltics from a chronological perspective, the author brings the contents of the Gesta into full relief. Thus, these parts of the book are more than a mere study of Saxo’s work as an historical narrative. Placed in this broader perspective, it is possible to understand the author’s comprehensive and stimulating treat­ ment of Saxo, his sources of inspiration, his text, and its composition. The author undertakes interesting comparisons with the different narratives contained in Icelandic historical texts and their writers’ respective knowledge of the Baltics. It appears that Saxo had better knowledge that might be expected, but also that he had another aim and direction concerning his narrative, viz. to defend Danish hegemony in the Baltic area as seen in the light of the Northern Crusades. Undeniably, the four so-called cardinal virtues, fortitudo, iustitia, prudentia, and temperantia, played an important role in medieval theology and moral phi­ losophy. However, they are not easily translated into modern English. Despite this fact, they can open up a better understanding of the composition of Saxo’s work, and for this reason they have been used in earlier research as a sort of structural­ izing instrument that can be put onto the descriptions in the Gesta Danorum, or at least parts of them. The observation that Saxo actually made use of them has also served as an opposition to the overly one-sided view of him as being inter­ ested only in aristocratic values, military aspects of history, and warfare. In the first main chapter, the author carries out a distinct and fundamental analysis of Saxo’s terminological use of the mentioned virtues by setting them within a long historical perspective going back to Antiquity. Already the fact that it is difficult to



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Foreword

translate them shows that it is an interesting and important task to analyze them within the framework of Saxo’s usage—a fact that inspired the author to undertake a thorough and original investigation, chiseling out the terms’ multidimensional meaning and indicating to which figures in Saxo’s narrative in books I–IV the individual cardinal virtues apply. Thus, the investigation delivers new insights in addition to what is known from earlier research. In the second major part of the study, the author starts from his own theoretical point of departure—i.e., the counsellors and their role as the leading personalities in Danish society. He relates this concept primarily to the complex relationship between King Valemar I and Archbishop Absalon, as Saxo introduces the counsellor as a guide for the king. The author looks to Western Europe, Scandinavia, and Iceland for models and sources of inspiration, which Saxo may have had for this theme and integrates them into his comprehensive analysis. The section consists primarily of an exposition of Saxo’s narrative technique with regard to the mentioned theme, but the cardinal virtues are treated in a convincing way. This is true, especially, for books I–IX; but it is also true for the historical parts of the Gesta Danorum concerning the three first archbishops of Lund. Next, the author illustrates this theme with the help of a thorough textual analysis regarding people in the first part of Saxo—i.e., the mythical books. The author compares this to the Danish conquest of Latvia and Estonia during Saxo’s own age—starting, however, from the mythical past described by Saxo. In this way the author shows that his analysis of the counsellors constitutes an important contribution to the ongoing discussion on Saxo’s way of composing the Gesta Danorum. Bertil Nilsson

Professor Emeritus of the History of Christianity, Lund, Sweden January 22, 2017

PREFACE A lot has

been written about the Gesta Danorum, both in Scandinavia and abroad. This lengthy and most important Danish medieval source provided a great deal of inspiration—and criticism alike—to the following authors and scholars. Some preliminary words are, therefore, necessary to justify the production of one more work about it. This book is based in great part on our Master’s dissertation, argued in Curi­ tiba, Brazil, in the beginning of 2008. It began as a restricted study of excerpts in Saxo Grammaticus with connection to the East—most specifically the Eastern Bal­ tic—but assumed greater proportions with time. At the time, studies concerning Scandinavia and Germanic populations in the Middle Ages were a novelty in Brazil and Latin America, a circumstance that, although improved, still remains a set­ back. Medieval scholarship in Brazil, firmly grounded in its French founders and owing a great deal to the Annales School, was still disconnected from Scandinavian and Germanic studies. Besides this novelty, personal motivations were of equal importance when choosing our subject and Saxo seemed to be a suitable choice, not to mention that just after the decades of 1990s and 2000s the Baltic area started to be studied more seriously in connection with the Gesta Danorum. Since then there has been in Brazil and in Latin America generally a visible evolution in quantity and quality in the production of monographs and studies about Northern Europe, and also the creation of important groups for research, such as the LEM (Leituras em Escandinávia Medieval—“Readings in Medieval Scandinavia”) and the NEVE (Núcleo de Estudos Vikings e Escandinavos—“Centre for Scandinavian and Viking Studies”); also the last decades witnessed an expo­ nential growth in international production by scholars from Brazil and Latin America as well as a increased engagement in international events. Still there is, of course, space and need for more production and dialogue with international scholars and centres, and isolation remains a concern not only regarding international production, but also among peers, most of all the estab­ lished scholars. There are still very few chairs and tenures occupied by specialists in Scandinavia, accompanied by a great interest in the thematic from undergradu­ ates. This condition worsens sensibly as we turn our interest eastward, encom­ passing Baltic, Finno-Ugric and Slavic populations, the medieval studies of which in Brazil and Latin America are almost nonexistent. Writing this book was a dual challenge, therefore; at first place, there was the urge to overcome regional restrictions such as access to bibliography, languages, material, and communication with exchange scholarship. On the other side, there



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Preface

was the need to present a work significant by its own merit. It is for the reader to judge how closely these goals were achieved. The Gesta Danorum has been studied in different ways since its first editions; many Danish scholars have seen it as their primal, National History. In this way, the work acquired the status of “national monument.” More recently not only the Danes, but also Scandinavian, German, and Anglo-Saxon scholars, developed other approaches to it, interested in what the Gesta would provide from an ancient, pagan, truly “Germanic” lore, in great part emphasizing the first books (I–IX), categorized as “mythical” in contraposition to the last books (X–XVI), considered “historical.” These two approaches, mixed with German historicism, developed a marked tradition of disregarding Saxo Grammaticus as a reliable testimony about the Northern lore in comparison with other Scandinavian authors such as Snorri Sturlusson. Saxo might be thought reasonably interesting when narrating some events of the conquest of the Slavic lands and the age of Valdemar, but of no use when conveying Scandinavian myths. Of course this is an over-simplification; between these extreme approaches many works have been produced grounded in solid research and scholarship, dealing with the most varied topics, from political to cultural history. Since the 1980s, but particularly the 1990s, a revitalization occurred in studies of Saxo, inserting new thematics, questions, and concerns. The complex relation­ ship of the Gesta Danorum with Western medieval scholarship was scrutinized, along with solid advances in the perception of how intricate were Saxo’s re-elab­ orations and uses of the classics. Overcoming of historicism and paradigms alike also contributed to well-balanced analysis of the Gesta Danorum, demonstrating that many times the reconstruction of a myth says more to the historian than an actual account of some “fact.” The Eastern Baltic area provided a species of “final frontier” on Saxo studies, remaining a field largely unexplored. This circumstance is, to say the least, curi­ ous, since Saxo is one of the few medieval authors to quote several of the peoples and nations from the Baltic and as such was recognized by few authors from the Baltic States and Germany, since the question faces the aforementioned problems of historicity and plausibility: To what degree do Saxo’s narratives—not only those concerning the Eastern peoples—reflect actual events, to even some minor degree of the reality? Some central goals to this research, thus, are to provide some crossover between Scandinavian studies and general medieval scholarship, including the Eastern Baltic sphere and transposing the tyranny of the “fact.” Certainly, all his­ torical study ought to be strongly concerned with dates, contexts and settings; the actual “fact,” however, is always constructed, and as such must be regarded and studied. Therefore, there is less importance in whether the myth of Balder in



Preface

Saxo’s narrative approximates to some supposed “original” than in the ideology reflected in the manner by which the author models his version of the myth; to the attentive historian, a half-truth is as eloquent—or more so—than a supposed whole truth. As said before, the preliminary steps in this research focused on the analysis of excerpts containing references to the Baltic peoples, above all trying to grasp Saxo’s—and Danish—perceptions about the East, and the manner in which Dan­ ish external affairs should be conducted in the Eastern Baltic according to these perceptions. As the work progressed, some patterns emerged and the need to put some order to the great number of veiled references, dubious assertions, and elo­ quent elaborations from Saxo Grammaticus became clear. Two conceptions, schemes or structures provided a theoretical frame to this corpus: the first, the Four Cardinal Virtues scheme, was first studied in the Gesta Danorum by Kurt Johannesson in 1978; the second one is a conception of our own proposition, which we named “Thematic of the Counsellor.” By this we understood Saxo’s version of widespread medieval elaborations of authority as found in the “mirror-for-princes,” in which the kings perform better their role as rulers when adequately counselled by wise men, usually clergymen. The systematic analysis of these schemes provided a strong basis to assert the defence of hierocratic conceptions in the Gesta Danorum even in the books where no mention was made of the Church or Christianity at all, alongside the well-explored defence of Danish hegemony. The Eastern references, therefore, were diluted in a larger conception that, in last instance, should be completely explained as the whole Baltic area is included in the analysis—including its east­ ernmost portions. This agenda would be summarized as the Danish hegemony over Northern Europe accomplished by the king under archepiscopal guidance; the materialization of this project was accomplished in the Northern Crusades. For the Danes to successfully achieve this goal, however, a long way had to be fol­ lowed, beginning with the education of the king through a virtuous path and a rightful and wise guidance, provided by the churchmen. Therefore, this work is organized in a relatively traditional way; in the first and second chapters we will present some contextual and referential information about Denmark, highlighting its relationship with the Baltic area, as well as sum­ marizing some fundamental information concerning Saxo, his origins and work. In the third chapter, we discuss briefly some medieval political conception and, most of all, we analyse the way by which authors tried to find it in Gesta Danorum, preparing the way for our own further arguments regarding Saxo’s prefer­ ence for hierocracy; in the fourth chapter, we present some reflections on the ways Saxo deals with historical methodology, particularly when providing euhemeristc interpretations to his own workmanship.

xv



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Preface

In the two final chapters we will discuss the aforementioned schemes in Saxo’s work: in the fifth, the Cardinal Virtues elaboration, departing from Johannesson’s inspiration but trying to analyse the primary source direct and independently; and at last, in the sixth chapter, we proceed to defend in detail our own propo­ sition of the “Thematic of the Counsellor,” as a literary motif or device used by Saxo in order to propose his own politics and moral conceptions and the way he believed Denmark ought to be ruled. Regarding methodology, this should be clear to the reader from the promi­ nence given to the primary source; Saxo will be quoted quite often. In Saxo’s excerpts Olrik’s edition provided the base notation; translations of the English reader were provided in all cases. Regarding the translation of the documents, our general preference when dealing with books I–IX was given to Peter Fisher’s translation, first published in 1979 and reprinted several times. Some exceptions to this rule will be used in a few poems, for which we went back to the old fash­ ioned and reliable version of Elton, whose flowery language many times fitted bet­ ter in a bilingual display of Saxo’s carminae. Preference was given to books I–IX due to many factors, but above all because of the abundance of references both to eastern regions and to the virtues, and the possibility of detecting the aforementioned patterns and schemes in it. Also these books had been heavily scrutinized with other intentions in mind; the defence of hierocratic conceptions in it may seem impossible, given the absence of the Church in Denmark. We intend to show quite the contrary. When dealing with the last books, preference was given to Christiansen’s texts from the 1980s. As a matter of fact, at the time of the end of this book’s process of writing Fisher’s complete translation including the last books had just came out. These translators used different criteria for the spelling of names. Therefore, we used our own parameters, described below, for sake of uniformity and in order to facilitate the reading. The complete list of editions and translations of the Gesta Danorum can be consulted at the end of this book. We maintained personal names in their Latin original, including nominative endings and avoiding anglicizing or presenting equivalent Scandinavian names; thus, we used Hadingus instead of Hadhing or Haðing, Othinus instead of Odin or Ó� ðinn, and so on. Exceptions are the names of kings and other historical personae largely used in the bibliography, such as Knut and Valdemar instead of “Canutus” and “Valdemarus,” as well as names of popes. Places and toponyms were translated in the most part to the original languages; in cases where the native name was less known than that used by conquerors and foreigners, a double name was given, as in the case of the river Daugava in Latvia, Düna in German and Dvina in Russian. Rendering of Baltic names presented some trouble since there is no consensus among the publications available in English; for Latvian Kurši, for example, one can



Preface

find “Couronians,” “Curonians,” “Kurlanders,” “Kurs”; even Saxo and other Latin sources presented variable spelling, even using different declensions for the same nouns. The general principle guiding our terminology was to maintain the maxi­ mum possible closeness to the primary sources and to the native names without impairing readability and without incurring any anacronism. Some modern native names differ totally from the medieval designations, such as Tallinn to Reval or Haapsalu to Rotala; in such cases, the double name is presented in the text, with the preference given to the medieval names. In order to make clear the terminol­ ogy to the reader two comparison charts are provided containing the German and native names of the cities, the place and people names used in the text, as well as the most common variants in primary sources and general biblio­graphy (see Tables 0.1 and 0.2). All the maps and tables were made by the author. Table 0.1: Equivalent City Names in Estonia and Livonia (Est. = Estonian, Lat. = Latvian, Liv. = Livonian) German name

Native name

Dorpat

Tartu (Est.)

Fellin

Viljandi (Est.)

Dünhof Holm

Jerwen

Kokenhusen Leal

Ludsen

Marienhausen Odenpäh Pernau Reval

Ronneburg Rotala

Treiden, Thoreyda Üxküll

Warbola Wenden Wolmar

Daugmale (Lat.) Mārtiņsala (Lat.)

Järvamaa (Est.); Jerwia (Lat.) Koknese (Lat.) Lihula (Est.) Ludza (Lat.)

Viļaka (Lat.)

Otepää (Est.) Pärnu (Est.)

Tallinn (Est.) Rauna (Est.)

Haapsalu (Est.) Turaida (Liv.)

Ikškilā (Liv.), Ikšķile (Lat.) Varbola (Est.) Cēsis (Lat.)

Valmiera (Lat.)

xvii



xviii

Preface

Table 0.2: Spellings and Equivalence of Names Name used in the book Dagö

Variant spellings in Norse and Latin sources

Daugava

Düna, Dvina

Finland, Finns

Finnia; Finni

Estonia

Finnmark

Estia, Hestia, Eistland

Finnmarchia, Finni, Lappia (Saxo)

Kiev

Cønogardia, Kønugard

Livonians

Livi, livones

Kurland (place); kurs (people) Novgorod,

Ösel

Polotsk

Russia

Sambia

Slavia, (Western) Slavs Tavastia

Zemgale (place); Zemgalians (people)

Kúrland, Curetia (place); chori, curetes, kurir (people) Holmgard, Holmgardia Isisla, Isislu

Paltisca, Palteiskja Ruscia

Sambia, Sembia

S(c)lavia, Venethia, Vindland (place); sclaveni, vindr (people) Tavastia, Tavastehus

Semgalla/ Semigallia, Semgalia (place); Semgalli, Semgallir (people)



Preface

Variant spellings in bibliography

Comments

Hiiumaa

Island off western Estonia

Eesti, Estland (place); Esths (people)

Estonia and its people, comprising different tribal groups.

Finnmark, Lapland

Northern area of Scandinavia, inhabited by the Sámi (Laps). It should not be confused with Finland, although “Finns,” “finnar” or some variant would be used of the Sámi, but also to other Finno-Ugric peoples in Scandinavian sources

Düna, Vaina, Dvina, Western Dvina Suomi, Finns

Finland proper, composed of several areas such as Tavastia (Yam). See “Finmark”

Kurzeme, C(o)urland, C(o)uronia (place); Western province of contemporary Latvia, a duchy kurši, kurlanders, C(o)uronians (people) in modern times. Livians, libieši Saarema Russia, Ruthenia, Rus’, Rus; Russians, ruthenians

Prussians, Sembia/sembians, Samland/ samlanders

Large island off western Estonia

Usually named as Old Prussians, the Baltic people assimilated by the Germans after the Middle Ages

Slavs, Western Slavs, Wends

Western Slavic area, encompassed many peoples such as the Wends, Rugii, Sorabians, Wilzi

Semgal(l)ia/ Semigal(l)ians Semgals, Zemgals/ Zemgalians

Central region of Latvia

Southern area of Finland

xix

Map 0.1: The World of the Gesta Danorum

Chapter 1

DENMARK AND THE BALTIC IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY

Kingship, Royal Succession and Stability The Gesta Danorum was written in the apogee of the Valdemarian dynasty (ca. 1157–1241). An epoch responsible, among other achievements, for bring­ ing remarkable stability to the kingdom of Denmark after ages of civil strife. Although the country had gone through the earliest unification process amidst the Scandinavian nations, in most of the sources what is represented as “king of the Danes” was most likely a “king” of adjacent regions such as Jylland, Sjælland, or Skåne. The first Danish king to be baptized was Harald Klak, in the year 826. However, the monarch acclaimed as responsible for unifying Denmark was Harald Blue­ tooth, in around 965; therefore, what is presented as “king” in certain sources was more precisely an overlord of particular Danish regions or islands.1 The scarcity of primary sources related to the first years of the Danish realm makes the task of tracing an accurate chronological line a hard one. That is not our purpose, notwithstanding. To assert the hardships faced in the midst of succession disputes is enough; the Annales regni Francorum, for instance, refers to the neces­ sity of restoration of the Danish authority in 813, after the death of King Godfred in 810. Certainly, the circumstance was not rare or isolated. A few rulers were able to unify the kingdom and even expand it to the neighbouring Scandinavian nations, but immediately after their death turbulence would return, bringing several years of struggle between pretenders, until one of them became strong enough to ascend to the throne and re-establish order. Doubtless the lack of clear procedures concerning royal succession, at least as relates to hereditary transfer, had a large share of responsibility for this situation. The primary criterion in appointing a king was his election by the þingr. There was no tradition of primogeniture or similar. The only parameter to be considered was the claimants’ membership of the family of the deceased king. In this way, each son had exactly the same right to succession, and even distant relatives would be willing to claim the throne. Those defeated in the succession 1  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 101.



2

Chapter 1

Map 1.1: Denmark in the Thirteenth Century

contests, and other pretenders as well, would be exiled or engage themselves in Viking expeditions in order to amass wealth, fame, and followers. On their return to the homeland, disruption and power struggles were the rule. There were cases of Danish kings of renown who established their kingdoms after conquests in Viking expeditions, mainly raids in England; such was the case of Knut the Great, son of Sven Tjúguskegg (“forkbeard”), who ruled in 1019–35, after years of expeditions in England. After his death, turbulence came again to Denmark, peace returning only with the accession of his nephew, Sven Estridssen, ruler from 1047 to 1076.2 After Sven’s death, his offspring were to rule Denmark jointly. In practice, how­ ever, this was unsuccessful, and five of his sons were kings, one after another. The next generation suffered with violence and war between the descendants of the previous kings, Erik I Ejegod (1095–1103) and Niels. Sven III was elected in 1146 by the Þingr of Skåne and Sjælland (see Map 1.1), but Knut V, son of Niels, was the one chosen by the Þingr of Jylland. 2  Lund, “The Danish Empire and the End of the Viking Age,” p. 156.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

As a result Denmark split into two parts, amidst struggle and social unrest. This situation finally led to the division of the kingdom into three areas under separate rulers.3 The country was stabilized only in 1157 with the government of Valdemar I, grandson of Erik. Valdemar I was succeded by his two sons, Knut and Valdemar II. When the last of the Valdemarian kings died in 1241, their three heirs engaged in strife, bringing once again civil war to Denmark.4 Therefore, the age of the Valdemarian kings was, among another character­ istics, defined by remarkable stability, since the times of Sven and his uncle Knut the Great—a circumstance that in no way is ignored by Saxo Grammaticus, who frequently tells of similar occasions in his narratives, echoing the context known to him at firsthand. Besides the history told in book XIII about the contest between Erik and Niels, there are other parts in which Saxo narrates or depicts situations with turbulence in Denmark and struggles for succession, including attempts at government led by more than one individual at the same time.5 With the internal stabilization Denmark was established as a power through­ out the Baltic, controlling commerce and fishing and hereby amassing greater mil­ itary power. Its dominion extended chiefly into the lands inhabited by the Western Slavs, while the conflict with the Saxons escalated, amidst yet more disruptions concerning the papacy and the Empire. Between the years of 1201 and 1225 the German city of Lübeck recognized, although not willingly, the Danish supremacy,6 and in 1202 Valdemar II was acknowledged as “King of the Danes and the Slavs.”7 Danish interest in eastern regions faced greater opposition, and Denmark acquired little in Prussia and Livo­ nia, focusing its attention mostly in the Gulf of Finland, a route which allowed more direct access to the production areas of valuable furs, wax, honey, and wood. After a number of conflicts with the Germans, the most Valdemar II was able to achieve was the conquest of the Estonian islands, of which Ö� sel/Saaremaa was the principal, in the 1220s, and of the northernmost area of Estonia as well the forti­ fication of Tallinn (Reval) after 1218, in midst of claims for more parts of Livonia and Kurland.8 It should be noted that the assertion of Saxo regarding Danish stability did not defend a clear parameter to the royal succession such as primogeniture nor 3  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, pp. 375–76.

4  Skovgaard-Petersen, “The Danish Kingdom,” p. 353.

5  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, pp. 61–62.

6  Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, p. 357.

7  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 66.

8  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, pp. 390–91.

3



4

Chapter 1

a strong lineage, but war. In important parts of the Gesta—such as book V—one could read about certain king, legitimate son of the previous king, under whose rule Denmark is in chaos. A similar pattern, the same picture, is presented book after book: the courts of these kings are self-indulgent, given over to lust or glut­ tony or, most commonly, to both. An explanation for this is given without subterfuge: Saxo claims that men neglected their duties and the cultivation of virtues like Fortitudo, simply because of the absence of war; the state of warfare would bring discipline to their spirits. Obviously what is argued here is the practice of foreign war as a means of keeping the peace within the kingdom; a picturesque species of social explanation Saxo would find in classical and medieval literature, and believed it to be the reality in Denmark at the time he was writing.

Viking, Pirate, and Crusader Saxo Grammaticus composed his work centuries after the Viking Age, although supposedly writing about it. There is some necessity to clarify a particular des­ ignation—the meaning of víkingr and the forms used to translate it. The discus­ sion regarding the use of the term “Viking” is not new. A consensus, however, is something hard to achieve in it, and one can find acclaimed scholars defending opposing points of view. Viking—víkingr in Old Norse—has been used trivially; frequently without discussion, delimitation or clarification; quite frequently adopting contemporary and post-Romantic criteria. A rather common connotation attributed to the term is the meaning of ethnicity; therefore, one may find a lot of references and uses like “Viking language,” “Viking civilization,” “Viking societies,” “Viking mythology,” “Viking religion,” “Viking gods,” without any kind of etymological study attached to it. The issue occurs not only in the Northern world, among Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon authors. In the works of French and Iberian authors it is equally com­ mon, a circumstance certainly not helped by the lesser development of Northern Studies in the world of the neo-Latin languages. Some French medievalists that assumed a leading position in Western medi­ eval studies, such as Georges Duby and Jacques LeGoff, usually use designations akin to the French normand. The origin of this use is obvious, deriving from North­ men. Two important aspects and consequences, therefore, developed from such use; in the first place, there is frequent bewilderment among authors not so well informed about the context, creating confusion between a generic Norsemen, Nor­ wegian, Dane or whatever, and the normand inhabiting the Duchy of Normandy.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

The second aspect possesses greater relevance: the adoption of an ethnic meaning in the use of the word “Viking.” LeGoff, in his “La civilisation de l’Occident médiéval,” published in 1964, says on the subject: “Du nord arrivent les Scandi­ naves qu´on appelle tout simplement hommes du Nord ou Normands, ou encore Vikings.”9 The English translation of Julia Barrow, published by Blackwell in 1988, follows closely the original meaning: “From the north came the Scandinavians who were called simply the men of north or Norseman, or else the Vikings.”10 Some reference works from the 1950s, such as Les Peuples Scandinaves au Moyen Age by Musset11 and books by Gabriel Turville-Petre,12 among other, use the term “Scandinavians” or “Northmen,” in an ethnic, precise, and unequivocal con­ notation. Such connotation, however, was transferred to the word víkingr, in not so precise and clear ways. John Lind13 attributes “two lifes” to the use of víkingr. The first one was cir­ cumscribed to the Viking and Middle ages, roughly the eighth to thirteenth cen­ turies, and will be discussed at length soon. The second one is the contemporary meaning that we are discussing here. It is possible to date accurately in the mod­ ern and contemporary world the “birth” of such use for víkingr. In the English language the use of “Viking” is attested only from the begin­ ning of the nineteenth century. Its first and second appearances, dated from 1807 and 1827, respectively, according to the Oxford English Dictionary.14 In the Scandi­ navian languages it is significant that the word is unattested in important works as Otto Kalkar’s Dictionary of Old Danish (1300–1700). The Danish translation of Heimskringla by Peder Claussøn Friis, written ca. 1600 but published posthu­ mously in 1633, presented explanations to the reader when víkingr appeared in the texts, showing that the word, at the time, had lost its meaning and would not be recognized or understood by his readers.15 In all those explanations, víkingr— as noun or adjective—was explained as a “pirate” (as a noun) or “piracy” (as in “Viking expedition”). The process of transformation in the meaning of víkingr and its popularization began in nineteenth-century Scandinavia, in the midst of the Romantic Movement 9  LeGoff, La civilisation de l’Occident medieval. p. 36. 10  LeGoff, Medieval Civilization, p. 43.

11  Musset, Les Peuples Scandinaves au Moyen Age.

12  i.e. Turville-Petre, The Heroic Age of Scandinavia (1951); Myth and Religion of the North (1964). 13  Lind, “Vikings and the Viking Age,” p. 10.

14  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, p. 3. 15  Lind, “Vikings and the Viking Age,” p. 15.

5



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Chapter 1

and its aftermath. The poem “Vikingen” by Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847) was largely responsible for populartizing the word, but in the first half of that century its use, although quite common, was among writers with literary ambitions. Only in the second half of the same century did scholars started to employ the term, already associating it exclusively with Scandinavians.

The Meaning of víkingr in the Medieval Sources

Many attempts has been made to attribute etymologies, frequently without an equal concern for understanding which meanings the term assumed. Some pro­ posed etymologies are: Old Norse vik, “bay”; connected to that, Old Norse vikja, “to deviate” (from the course or route) and uikasio, meaning the distance that would be rowed by a shift; Latin viccus and Old English wic, meaning respectively “city” and “camp”; Old Norse vig, “battle”—as Brøndsted summarizes quite well, “plau­ sible semantically, but doubtful in phonological terms”;16 Old Germanic *wīkingaz, derived from weihan, “warrior”;17 wikan—from “seal-catchers,” in the dialects from the island of Runö, in the Gulf of Rī�ga.18 A well-received opinion, popular among some Anglo-Saxon scholars and endorsed even by Peter Sawyer,19 but discredited more recently, derives the term from the area of Oslofjörd, viken. According to this theory, víkingr was the name given to the people originating from this region. The main flaw of this idea— besides its strong ethnic connotation—consists in that the term commonly used for such people in the sources is Vikverjar or Vestfaldingi, never Víkingr.20 One most common and reasonable usage found in twelfth- and thirteenthcentury sources to víkingr ascribes to the term the meaning of occupation, profession,21 since its most plausible etymology connects the term to vík meaning “inlet,” “small bay.”22 Therefore, víkingr is one who sails by the bays, who is used to making his living from the sea, or is used to marine expeditions, either of com­ merce or raiding.

16  Brøndsted, The Vikings, p. 37.

17  Goląb, The Origins of the Slavs, pp. 381–82.

18  Kendrick, A History of the Vikings, p. 2.

19  Peter Sawyer, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Vikings, pp. 8f.

20  Christiansen, The Norsemen in the Viking Age.

21  Haywood, The Penguin Historical Atlas of the Vikings, pp. 8–9.

22  Zoëga, A Concise Dictionary of Old Icelandic.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

Used alone, víkingr has a neutral meaning, not necessarily loaded with nega­ tive or positive connotation. It is negative for those who became victims of the raids; very positive, however, for those who raid in such expeditions. The term can be found with such meaning or some connotation alike even before the Viking Age. In Old English, it is possible to find víkingr or similar words in a handful of texts, including four quotations in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (for the years 880, 886, 918—as “eforwicingas”—and 987) and old glossaries, the ear­ liest probably dating from the late seventh century.23 In the poem “Widsið,” Wícinga cynn24 is used to refer to the Germanic tribe of the HeoÞobeardan. The same expression is founded also in the Saxon poetic ver­ sion of Exodus and in some glosses.25 Following such reasoning, there are some valuable extrapolations. The first one is the usual translation of the word in texts written in Latin to pirata, “pirate.” Besides, there is a temporal adaptability in the expression, particularly in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, in the midst of the Northern Crusades and the con­ tinuity of some behaviours and practices—such as the raids in the Baltic Sea and the use of marine power as a means to achieve hegemony in the area. Among the quoted Anglo-Saxon sources, it is already possible to find “pirate” used to translate víkingr, or to explain its meaning. In glosses from the tenth cen­ tury in the work of Ælfric one can read: “pirata, uel piraticus, uel ... wicing” or “archipirata: yldest wicing.”26 The same use would be observed in continental Europe. Adam of Bremen, in the eleventh century, tells that the people from Sjæl­ land used to call certain pirates wiching; but he and other German chroniclers usually named them Ascomanni: “Ipsi enim pyratae, quos illi Wichingos appellant, nostri Ascomannos.”27 In the Gesta Danorum similar concepts are found in the use of pirata. 28 The term is applied to some of its main heroes such as Hadingus (1.6.7) and Starcath­ erus (6.5.1; 6.5.7–9 and 16ff.).29 The use goes further, extending to non-Scandi­ navian populations such as Frisians, (2.3.1), Slavs, (5.4.1; 10.9.2; 12.4.1), Rus’ (Ruthenians) (7.9.7), Prussians and Estonians (11.8.0). It reaches its peak in the 23  Lind, “Vikings and the Viking Age,” p. 6

24  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, pp. 3–5. 25  Kendrick, A History of the Vikings, p. 2.

26  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, p. 3.

27  Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, p. 190.

28  Heebøll-Holm, Ports, Piracy and Maritime War, preface. 29  Who, according to Saxo, came from Estonia.

7



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Chapter 1

application of the term to Archbishop Absalon himself, while in midst of his cru­ sade expeditions in Slavia—the Vindland of Snorri. In all of these excerpts there are some points that ought to be highlighted. From the beginning, there is no ethnic criterion attached to pirata—and hence, víkingr. This is stressed by clear specification and differentiation between the eth­ nicl groups involved in the narratives, together with the similarity presented in the uses and practices in maritime activities. A second important extrapolation is that, since there is no ethnic sense in the medieval comprehension of víkingr, its sphere of application should be widened to include in some cases populations ethnically non-Scandinavian, sometimes from origins rather different than those of the Scandinavians proper. Sources from the thirteenth century endorse this occupational and ethni­ cally neutral concept of víkingr. Snorri Sturlusson or the author of Heimskringla,30 for instance, provides elucidative examples of the meaning. In chapter 7 of the Hákonar saga góða, Håkon defeats eleven Viking ships31 (xi. Víkingasnekkjur);32 one common interpretation of the following poem, the Hákonardrápa 3, calls their owners Slavs33 from Vindland,34 although the word can also be translated as 30  Regarding the authorship attribution of Heimskringla to Snorri Sturlusson, there is no explicit reference either in the text or in later manuscripts. This authorship was first attributed in 1551 in the translation of Heimskringla into Danish prepared by Peder Claussøn Friis and Laurents Hanssøn. Since then the idea that these scholars had access to manuscripts nowadays lost containing express reference to the authorship has received some acceptance. Nevertheless, there are scholars not disposed to accept that authorship without scrutiny. Jon Gunnar Jørgensen considers such belief in a “lost manuscript” as unconvincing, suggesting that Friis and Hanssøn’s allegation of authorship was based upon scholarly sixteenth-century debate rather than medieval tradition. Jørgensen (“Snorre Sturlesøns Fortale paa sin Chrønicke,” pp. 45–62) emphasized that at least one of the Heimskringla manuscripts, the Codex Frisianus (F), attributed its authorship to Ari Þorgilsson inn Fróði; therefore, following that reasoning, Friis and Hanssøn had deliberately ignored such evidence. Later, Jonna Louis-Jensen (“Heimskringla: Et værk af Snorri Sturluson?,” pp. 230–45), Alan Berger (“Heimskringla and the Compilations,” pp. 5–15), Margaret Cormack (“Egils Saga, Heimskringla and the Daughter of Eirí�kr blóðøx,” pp. 66–68), and Patrí�cia Pires Boulhosa (Icelanders and the Kings of Norway, pp. 8–10) also had questioned the attribution to Snorri. In addition to the issues addressed by Jørgensen, they added concerns related to individual or collective authorship in the Middle Ages. Their voices are few amidst many who accept gladly the authorship of Snorri, even for convenience. 31  Heimskringla, trans. Finlay & Faulkes, p. 93.

32  Heimskringla, ed. Finnur Jónsson, p. 74.

33  Heimskringla, trans Finlay & Faulkes, p. 93.

34  This is Vindland from Wendland, the Slavia of Saxo, and not Vinland in America.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

“wind” as in the translation to English by Finlay and Faulkes. In chapter 8, how­ ever, the interpretation is unequivocal: Håkon kills all the Vikings, “either Danish or Slavs”—“[...] ok drap alla ví�kinga [...] hæði Dani ok Vinðr.”35 The poem attached also refers to Vikings from Vindland. Still in the Heimskringla, in the saga of the king Ó� láfr Tryggvason (chapters 5–7), Olaf is captured and enslaved by Vikings from Eistland.36 Egils saga Skallagrímssonar, possibly written by Snorri Sturlusson,37 tells of an expedition carried out by Egil Skalagrí�msson to Kurland. There, at the begin­ ning of chapter 47, the Viking and skaldr raids together with the Kurs. Afterwards, however, Egil decides to loot the Kurs, and is captured by them. While imprisoned, Egil meets slaves from Denmark, apparently taken captive by the Kurs in Viking expeditions. In all these excerpts there is no ethnic difference regarding the use of the word víkingr. The author of Heimskringla writes about Vikings as “either Danish or Slavs”; raids of Egil and Hadingus to Kurland do not make distinction in strat­ agems and actions of Scandinavians or Kurs, whether they act in association or antagonism. The fact that Egil’s favourite sword was won in that raid in Kurland is likewise not negligible. Furthermore, the use of such a concept in the thirteenth century is entirely understandable and plausible. When Saxo and Snorri wrote about Vikings from the past, is impossible to eliminate the echoes from their present; their applica­ tion of the concept of víkingr-pirata is made in a way which allows the reader to note continuity between the heroes from the past with the ones of their present; these were the Crusaders in the Baltic. Such circumstance is particularly evident in Saxo Grammaticus; as Zee­ berg stresses, “anybody can be a pirata, Russians or Wends, or Scandinavians of course—even Archbishop Absalon is called pirata [...].”38 Therefore, the subsequent use of víkingr in the following chapters will be made always associated to the idea of pirate, meaning an occupation, but no ethnicity at all. This usage allows the association and comprehension of the scholarly context of the thirteenth century with the context about which these scholars wrote; it allows association of the old Viking stereotypes with the new crusader’s image. 35  Heimskringla, ed. Finnur Jónsson, p. 74; Heimskringla, trans Finlay & Faulkes, p. 94.

36  “ (…) Vikings came against them; they were Estonians” / “(...) kómu at þeim ví�kingar; þat váru Eistr[...].” Heimskringla, ed. Finnur Jónsson, p. 108.

37  An up-to-date discussion can be found in: Cormack, “Egils Saga, Heimskringla and the Daughter of Eirí�kr blóðøx,” pp. 61–68. 38  Zeeberg, “Translating Saxo,” p. 19.

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Chapter 1

Finally, the use of an ethnic meaning implies anachronism. It presupposes a mutual identification among the Scandinavian medieval peoples, based upon characteristics chosen by the post-Romantic and contemporary viewer; applies a modern and taxonomic concept of ethnicity, apart in time and significance to the idea pervading the men of the Middle Ages.

The Valdemarian Kings, the Northern Crusades, and Territorial Expansion

Denmark was one of the Northern nations which had engaged in the crusade expeditions directed first against the Western Slavs, and later the Eastern Baltic. This movement, even though not entirely original, was able to gradually centralize the focus of Danish attention in the Baltic region, concomitantly to the complete abandonment of its claims on England.39 The Danish participation in the initial campaigns against the Western Slavs was of significant impact to the German movements expanding eastward of Drang nach Osten. The crusade process resulted in severe disruption of social structures among the traditional Slavic societites; to the Danes, however, they represented some degree of continuity with the Viking Age, at least in the social and economic aspects related to the practice of raids. Instead of rupture, the events connected to the crusades demonstrate continuity with the Danes’ pagan past. The converted Vikings start to act as crusaders,40 following proper adaptations and the construc­ tion of ideologies which grounds and solidifies the phenomenon.41 The history of Western Slavic populations should be tied closely with the his­ tory of the Empire, going back to the ninth century. Interpretations vary; for some authors, the Ottonides had clear interest in conquest and annexation of the lands to the east of the Elbe.42 Another explanation, on the other hand, consider that the intervention of Germanic conquerors among the Slavs was limited to mere col­ lection of taxes and military service, consisting of disputes that, although violent, were circumscribed, without imperial participation and no major long-term con­ sequences.43 39  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, p. 392.

40  Haywood, The Penguin Historical Atlas of the Vikings, p. 117.

41  Lund, “The Danish Empire and the End of the Viking Age,” p. 181.

42  Barford, The Early Slavs, p. 250.

43  Berend, Christianisation and the Rise of Christian Monarchy, p. 33; Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 53; Hermann, Welt der Slawen, pp. 530–31.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

Map 1.2: The Baltic Southern Coast and the Slavic Tribes

In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, peaceful conversion missions were encouraged by the archbishops of Bremen and Madgeburg, involving missionar­ ies such as Vizelin of Lübeck and Otto of Bamberg. Interference by the Emperor Lothar was frequent. For more than three hundred years, however, the Limes Saxonicus, the frontier between Germans and Slavs established by Charlemagne ca. 810, remained.44 In the second half of the twelfth century, the situation would undergo sig­ nificant changes. Between 1140 and 1143 several Saxon families inhabiting the border area of Holstein and Nordalbí�ngia invaded the neighbouring Slavic region of the Wagrians (see Map 1.2), removing their local leaders, erecting strongholds and beginning a real process of colonization, expansion, and even population replacement.45 The Limes Saxonicus ceased to be regarded as a political frontier due to the growing colonization of the area by the Saxons. It became common practice to con­ sider the conflicts in the area as not only claims by different people or nations, but as a dispute of different faiths, and even a “holy war.” These events were moulded in midst of broader process involving the influx of ideas from the south and the support of local missionaries—who regarded any land gained as an addition to Christendom. It is worth noting the limited nature of such initiatives, since the 44  Barford, The Early Slavs, p. 258.

45  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 52.

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Chapter 1

main attention of the emperors was strongly focused in the quarrels occurring in the south. Stronger papal support would come only in 1147, when Bernard of Clairvaux, responding to requests and complaints from Saxon nobles, addressed the issue to Pope Eugene III. It was this pope who, with the letter Divini dispensatione, dated from April 11, 1147, authorized the Christians of northern Europe to wage war against their own pagans. Bishop Anselm of Havelberg, papal legate, would assume general command of the armies. Even so, there was some influence from the missionaries before the papal intervention, although without major coordina­ tion, general objectives, and clear strategies.46 The Danes played a part in the enlargement of the scope of the crusades towards the north. Early as 1135 there was the baptism of the besieged Slavs from the strong­ hold of Arkona on Rügen Island (see Map 1.2), after the Danish victory. Although the baptism of the defeated was a direct consequence of the defeat, the baptizing of the pagans was not the primary motivation for the Danes engaging in war. That discourse would be found in the final stages of the campaigns, but then it received the same weight as other allegations such as the defence of Denmark against external menaces.47 Considering it together with the dispute to achieve hegemony in the Baltic, that reason should be regarded as the predominant factor of the Danish crusade. The actual domination model developed by the Danes was restricted to collection of tributes, military service, and baptism, but without colo­ nization, as characteristic of the Saxonic movements beyond the Elbe and later in Prussia and Livonia. In the case of the Eastern Baltic, the circumstances, the initial discourse, and aims were slightly different. Every Danish justification was presented as religious in origin,48 even though other sources reveal that the necessity of defence against piracy from the Eastern Baltic consumed a great deal of the king’s efforts and cre­ ated trouble for German merchants long before.49 Papal statements were presented as both defence and justification; the struggle with other claimants to the territories—chiefly Saxons, but also Swedes and Rus­ sians—is fought through religious argument: the Saxons, according to the Danes (or the Danes, according to the Saxons), carried out the task of evangelization wrongly, depositing heavy burdens on the pagans’ backs or behaving in wicked ways. Also, to the Danes and Saxons alike, the Russians, as Orthodox Christians, 46  Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 31; 34.

47  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 55–56; 64–65. 48  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 71–72; 93–94. 49  Urban, The Teutonic Knights, pp. 79–80.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

are “almost pagans,” accused of not carrying out the missionary work with enough ardour.50 In the time marked by close cooperation between the kings of Denmark and the archbishops, King Valdemar is presented as the only true defender of Christendom, an epithet used even by the pope when referring to Valdemar.51 Since the age of Knut the Great and the Danegeld in England there was no common effort led by the king, gathering the diverse factions, the leaders, and the aristocrats of Denmark. The most common occurrence in the times after Knut but before the Valdemarian kings was turbulence when chieftains and warriors returned from Viking expeditions, wealthier than when they left and followed by large retinues. Saxo usually portrays these warriors as “berserkir,”52 the most fear­ ful kind of Scandinavian warrior in the Viking Age, who used to fight in fits of rage, sometimes naked or wearing furs, protected by Ó� ðinn. The king’s guidance was not obeyed evenly by all of his subjects. While Sjæl­ land’s (see Map 1.1) aristocrats obeyed the call to fight in the East more readily, since they were constantly attacked by pirates/Vikings from there, the inhabit­ ants of Jylland were not so eager to take up arms, forasmuch as between their territories and the Baltic there was the island of Sjælland, which bore the brunt of the raids. The main strategy employed by the king to attract new contingents of soldiers was the creation of a body of armed warriors and of cavalry exempt from land taxation.53 These Herremaend—“lords of men”—would be granted land in times of peace, a circumstance that enlarged greatly their strength, to the point of surpassing the Danish Church, at least in the matter of the amount of land owned. Therefore, another consequence of Danish crusade movement was the strengthening of both the relationship and the cooperation between Church and royalty, in an association which counterweighted the growing power of the aris­ tocracy. At this time the previous Scandinavian social structure, based upon a rela­ tively broad layer of freemen (Old Norse karl (sg.), karlar (pl.)), gradually trans­ formed itself into a true aristocracy, smaller in number but provided with larger resources and power, more similar to Western medieval nobility. Crusade ideology thus contributed to fortifying the relationship between Rome and the king of the Danes, at the same time serving the purposes of the new-born nobility. This social stratum found in this reasoning a suitable ideology; the praise of the cavalry and the defence of warrior values were useful and even necessary as in the new Christian worldview these principles were deprecated. 50  Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, p. 509. 51  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 111. 52  See chapter 5 below.

53  Starcke, Denmark in World History, p. 316.

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Chapter 1

The mere possibility of participating in a crusade, legitimated by both the Church and the king, represented a vast improvement—with the bonus of sin remission— since the warrior ideology was considered in high esteem in Viking Age, but in the medieval times, as in other places of Europe, the warrior class became an issue of Public order.54 This new aristocracy, similar to Western European chivalry, gained prestige in Saxo Grammaticus’s construction. The already quoted book XIII is totally focused in the thematic of the rider, the horse, and the control of the reins, in a narrative that must be read on several levels: as history, moral allegory, and even a kind of political theory,55 but which shows clearly the profound changes through which the Danish social structure was passing. The following books, preoccupied with the events concerned with Valdemar’s dynasty and Archbishop Absalon, already deal directly with the Danish crusade expeditions. As said before, the first targets of these movements were the West­ ern Slavs that inhabited the southern shores of the Baltic Sea, bordering Denmark and the northern Germanic plain. Although these campaigns had been launched as early as 1108, they were definitively incorporated in the politics of Valdemar I and Archbishop Eskil (ca. 1100–1181) just after 1147. The final defeat of Arkona and its capture in 1168 prepared the Danes for further advances towards the northeast, directed mainly to Estonia,56 with their forces enlarged greatly by the new vassals from the Slavic lands. The expeditions to Livonia and Estonia, however, would wait a few decades to be organized. In the meanwhile, German merchants and clerics began intensive activities intending colonization, Christianization, and attempts to control the native pop­ ulation of Livonia as soon as 1180, the year in which also started the activities of Meinhardt,57 the Augustinian cleric who would become later the first bishop among the Livonians. Such regions, intermediary between Western Europe and the boreal world, provided a profitable trade of furs, wax, leather, honey, dried fish, and timber; in the Viking Age should be added to these goods silver from the Islamic world and slaves. In exchange, Western merchants would provide the silver no longer obtain­ able from Muslims, fine fabrics, and manufactured and luxury goods. Despite the potential profits, the risks to the endeavour were great.58 54  Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence, pp. 11–12.

55  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” pp. 96–97. 56  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, pp. 384–86. 57  Urban, The Baltic Crusade, p. 36.

58  Noonan, “Why the Vikings Came First to Russia?,” pp. 346–47.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

Map 1.3: Livonia and Estonia in the Thirteenth Century

Besides the shortness of the period of the year in which the harbours were free from ice, and the dangers and difficulties of access offered by nature, there was the human factor. In the years between 1100 and 1250 disputes between the elites of traders and slavers from Denmark, Sweden, Slavia, Kurland, and Estonia escalated,59 and full-scale war between these nations was added to the piracy, hin­ dering the action of the merchants from the Germanic regions. Initial German efforts to colonize Livonia took place largely due to the efforts of the ecclesiastics from the archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen, most notably the bishops Meinhard, Berthold and Albert von Buxhövden and their leader, Arch­ bishop Hartwig II (1185–1207). There are two main primary sources which provide information about the events involved in such efforts: the Henrici Chronicon Livoniae, written between 1224 and 1227 and concerned with the events of the years 1184–1227, and the Livländische Reimschronik, composed later, but encompassing the years 1143–1290. 59  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 46.

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Meinhard, as told by the Henrici Chronicon Livoniae in its first book, obeys the divine call in 1181, after hearing tales from Germanic merchants travelling from the Baltic lands. In 1184, after some conversions among the Livonians, he builds a church in the small Livonian village of Ü� kskülla, baptizing some new Christians. In the next winter the natives are reprimanded by Meinhard after suffering an attack from Lithuanians, since they did not have the knowledge of building with stones and their fortifications were not able to properly protect them from invaders.60 The cleric made an offer: in exchange for their baptism, he would build them a stone fortification. He brings stonemasons from Gotland to fulfil his part in the bargain, but after the fort has been built, the Livonians refuse to be baptized. A similar situation occurs in the nearby island of Holm, nowadays Salaspils, and Meinhard returns to Bremen in 1186. Travelling back to Ü� kskülla, Meinhard—now consecrated “Bishop of Ü� ksküll” by Hartwig II— was supported with more missionaries, but the situation wors­ ened and the Germans were attacked by the natives. Several of the former con­ verts bathed themselves in the Daugava—Düna to the Germans, Dvina to the Rus­ sians—intending to wash their Christianity away. The missionaries were made virtually prisoners of the Livonians, and only by subterfuge did one of them, The­ odoric of Treiden (1160–1219), manage to escape and return to Bremen. The Cistercian Theodoric, initially a monk from Loccum, later bishop (at least nominally) of Estonia, would stimulate the coming of more missionaries and pil­ grims to Livonia and Estonia. With support from Pope Celestine III, he organized in 1195–96 a raid by Germans, Swedes, and Gotlanders against the Kurs. Henry tells us that a storm diverted the expedition, which landed in Estonia.61 In the same year Meinhard died, and Berthold, previously abbot of Loccum, was choosen by Hartwig II as his successor. Despite his original intentions to con­ vert the natives peacefully, he changed his mind after an attempt against his life took place in Holm. Berthold travelled secretly to Saxony where he gathered an army of crusaders; he returned to Livonia, but was killed by a Livonian spear on July 24, 1198. His time as bishop was short, but in it was launched the practice of enlisting crusaders to fight regularly in Livonia. The next bishop, Albert von Buxhövden, had fundamental importance in the subsequent efforts to conquer Livonia and adjacent regions. More a politician than religious, Albert was nephew of Archbishop Hartwig, sharing his ambition 60  Henricus Lettus, The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, pp. 25f. Following references obtained from the same source.

61  Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 67–70; Henricus Lettus, The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, p. 14.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

to create a private empire for their family. With concessions assured by both the papacy and the Empire, Albert was instrumental in improving the previous situ­ ation made by seasonal pilgrims, fulfilling their duties in change for indulgences. On his initiative was founded in 1202 (and sanctioned by Pope Innocent III in 1204) the Fratres militiae Christi Livoniae, better known as “the Order of the Swordbrothers,” or “the Livonian Order.”62 Originally a missionary institution, the Order would be absorbed by the Teutonic Order in 1236, after their defeat by a large and organized group of native pagans headed by the Lithuanians in the Bat­ tle of Saule.63 Meanwhile the Danes, ruled by Knut VI (b. 1163; r. 1182–1202), took few effec­ tive actions to assure some land in the Eastern Baltic lands, occupied in struggles with the bishop Valdemar Knudsen and the pretensions of Germans, Barbarossa, and the Empire over Denmark. Just some minor and unsuccessful attempts at con­ quest of Estonia were made by Knut VI, who was unable to establish any strong Danish presence in the Eastern Baltic.64 The most significant campaigns of the Danish rulers in the Eastern Baltic were carried out, therefore, with considerable delay in comparison to the moves made by the Germans. Knut VI died in 1202, being succeded by his younger brother Valdemar II. His first extensive and well-organized action in the Eastern Baltic was carried out in 1206 towards the Estonian island of Saaremaa—Ö� sel or Oesel in Germanic and Latin sources, and Isisla in some Scandinavian references. That expedition numbered among its ranks King Valdemar II himself along with the Archbishop Anders Sunesson.65 Danish pilgrims enrolled themselves in other expeditions against Estonia. For instance, there were the campaigns of 1208 in Fellin (Estonian Viljandi; see Map 1.3), and of 1219 on the northern coast of Estonia, called Revalia; in the latter, Valdemar built the castle of Toompea in the territory of present-day Tallinn. The meaning of Tallinn was most certainly “stronghold of the Danes,” “Taani-linn.” The Danes and Germans called it “Reval”; the Russians, “Kolyban” (see Map 1.3). The campaign of 1219 included the help of Demark’s most recent vassals, the recently converted Slavs. Theodoric of Treiden, also called Theodoric of Loccum, then nominally bishop of Estonia in the city of Leal (see Map 1.3), was also present and was killed by the Estonians, who thought he was the king.66 62  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 79–80. 63  Urban, The Teutonic Knights, p. 57.

64  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, p. 386. 65  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 110.

66  Henricus Lettus, The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, pp. 173f.

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Figure 1.1: The Battle of Lyndanisse and the Dannebrog Falling from the Sky. Painted in 1809 by Christian August Lourentzen. Dannebrog falder ned fra himlen under Volmerslaget ved Lyndanis 15. juni 1219; 1809; Olie på lærred; 102×128.5 cm. Køb 1815; Inventarnr.: KMS274; Statens Museum for Kunst, Denmark.

The main battle of this campaign received the name of Battle of Lyndanisse; in it posterity would locate the origin story of the Danish banner. According to legend, while Archbishop Anders was praying, the banner—still in use today—fell from the sky; this banner was called the Dannebrog (see Figure 1.1). Although the true origin is not known, this legend is from far the most popular story concerning its appearance; it may be noted, for instance, that in the fourteenth century that banner was already in use and even in the edition of 1514 of the Gesta Danorum, it can be seem at the front page (see Figure 2.2).67 As regards the battle, the involvement of the Danish vassals from Slavia was far from mediocre. The contingents of Valdemar and Theodoric found the Estonian fortification empty, except for a few native elders who spoke words of peace. The conquerors demolished the early fort and engaged themselves in the building of a whole new castle, this time made from stone. The place was named Toompea in 67  Riis, Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark, pp. 181–83.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

Figure 1.2: Toompea. The inner wall and one of the gates. Photo by the author.

Estonian due to the church (Dom) located there. It remains there to the present day (see Figure 1.2). Falsely believing that the Estonians had fled, the Danish forces were caught off guard three days later. The Danes were scattered around, having been saved from massacre by the battalions of Slavs from Rügen, led by their prince Vitslav, also known as Wenceslaus.68 The Danes paid the price for their delay of almost thirteen years in taking action in Livonia and Estonia. Concerned mainly with the struggles and vassals at their borders such as Germans and Slavs, and occupied in defending their own coast against pirates/Vikings from Kurland, Estonia, and Sambia (Prussia), the rulers of Denmark were to make up for the postponement of their actions with later territorial claims in the Eastern Baltic. Indeed, Valdemar II claimed for himself Livonia and Estonia. While in the case of Livonia his demands were not answered satisfactorily, in Estonia the situation was slightly better. After a series of quarrels with the Saxons, the settlement of which required attempts of papal intervention, Valdemar II was granted some of 68  Henricus Lettus, The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, pp. 173–74; Urban, The Baltic Crusade, p. 125.

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Chapter 1

his territorial claims by Pope Honorius III, principally the rule over the lands con­ quered by the king as results of his crusade efforts.69 These demands reflect his agenda concerned with the dominion of the Baltic in all of his extension. Is should be noted that the acquiescence of Germans and clerics to the grant of Estonian lands to the Danes was given only after a bold move from Valdemar II: the blockade of the port of Lübeck in 1219 and the harassment and impediment of the pilgrims heading to Livonia, a measure that made clear to everyone the Danish hegemony at the moment.70 Threats to Danish supremacy came from many different sources. Besides the Saxons, with whom hostility became open in the rule of Valdemar II and was aggravated with the disputes over owning Estonia, there were the nearby vassals of Slavia, and the native populations of Eastern Baltic. Among these, the most recalcitrant peoples, which used to raid the Danish coasts and take slaves, were the Kurs, the Estonians from Saaremaa, and the Prus­ sians from Samland (spelled by Saxo as Sambia/Sembia). Despite some claims of the supposed pacific nature of the Prussians and even their absence from sea piracy,71 they are quite frequently mentioned by Saxo (in books VI, VIII, IX, X and XI), usually as warlike peoples, and their participation in slave trading is widely recognized. In any case, Kurs and Estonians are mentioned many times in a number of sources, including Saxo, as well-known pirates. The exact extent of their military strength is hard to assess; sometimes the Estonians are regarded as being the stronger;72 there are more frequent and older references to Kurland, however, in sources other than Saxo, such as the Vita Anskarii (ca. 865–75) by Rimbert and the Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesia pontificum (ca. 1075) by Adam of Bremen. Even in Saxo’s Gesta there are a greater number of episodes with complex meanings and nuances in which the Kurs are mentioned, such as the initiation of Hadingus—that will be analysed thoroughly below. This is a sterile discussion; the extent to which Saxo refers to actual battles and events is disputed; the matter will be addressed in a subsequent chapter. It is almost certain that in the first books there is no reference to actual events, but, instead, elaborate stories that use the Baltic tribes as elements in the composition of scenery; although occasionally twelfth-century political allegiances would be disguised. 69  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, p. 387.

70  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, p. 390. 71  Urban, The Teutonic Knights, p. 45.

72  Urban, “Religion in the Medieval Baltic.”



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

Approximately one year after the foundation of Tallinn, the Archbishop Anders Sunesson resided in Rī�ga. Succeeding Absalon, probably his influence in the writ­ ing process of the Gesta Danorum was considerable, although lesser than Absa­ lon’s. Nonetheless, as during his time were written most of those parts of the Gesta Danorum referring to peoples and places of the Eastern Baltic, it is reasonable to suppose that at least some part of the information used by Saxo came from Anders’s experience in the area.

The Spread of Christianity in Northern and Eastern Europe

A great number of works have been written about the conversion and Christianization of Northern Europe, and is unlikely that the discussion will fade out soon. Nowadays, if the discussion cannot be summarized in a single main trend, at least there is a common terminology pervading the work of many authors with the tendency to discuss the two concepts, “conversion” and “Christianization,” as two different but convergent processes, although significant authors, such as Norma Berend, sometimes apply both meanings to the same process. Brink73 summarizes the commonly found position about Christianization that considers it part of a larger process of “Europeanization” of Scandinavia, the region’s insertion in the context of Western medieval Europe; a process that must be studied on many levels, from case-studies to broader analysis. A popular approach to the question, common until recent decades, consid­ ered the study of Christianization/conversion as a process led by missionaries, such as St. Anskar and St. Sunniva who, by giving their lives for the sake of the Cross became the first saints and martyrs of Scandinavia. According to this point of view—called “traditional” by Brink74—Christianization was initiated from the bottom, and the population gradually adopted the missionaries’ teachings and even the example of the many Christian slaves. More recently, a different approach studied religion change as initiated from the upper strata of society, mainly by kings wanting to unite their realms under one rule or, in a better phrasing, chieftains desiring to become kings. Under this point of view, conversion and/or Christianization were above all a political pro­ cess. Such anapproach usually has been taken regarding other regions considered as peripheral to Western Europe, including Rus, Poland and Hungary.75 73  Brink and Price, The Viking World, p. 622.

74  Idem.

75  Berend, Christianisation and the Rise of Christian Monarchy, pp. 11–15.

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As mentioned before, despite the different trends, there is a considerable con­ vergence of meaning at least in what refers to the use of the terms “conversion” and “Christianization.” By “Christianization,” Winroth means the slow process of Scandinavia’s infil­ tration by Christian ideas and doctrines. There are many levels and times at which such process took place, and to trace it has become possible chiefly using resources from archaeology and the study of material culture. It is possible to ascertain some Christian infiltration since the Roman times to the years after the official conversion of the Scandinavian kingdoms, due to contact by trade, missionaries, and direct action from the official and local church; “Conversion” of Scandinavia, however, is explained by Winroth chiefly as a decision taken by the proper Scandi­ navians, in a broader and complex process involving since the centralization of the Scandinavian kingdoms to the so-called “gift-culture.”76 In Haki Antonsson’s ren­ dering, “Christianization” refers to the way by which there is change in the beliefs and the proper behaviour of the people, in order to comply with the precepts, doc­ trines, and theology of the Christian Church.77 Antonsson defines “Conversion” as a change of religion according to official, institutionalized, procedures and actions. Usually the so-called “periods of con­ version” were marked by specific and significant events, usually the preliminary conversion of the ruler, as in the cases of the conversions of Harald Bluetooth in Denmark in the 960s, and Ó� láfr Tryggvason (995–1000) and Ó� láfr Haraldsson (1015–28) in Norway; the Icelandic case, although not marked by a conversion of one ruler, fits perfectly in such definition, as the official conversion of the country was declared after a public decision in the Alþingr of 999/1000. Sweden remained, in a way, peripheral to the greater processes occurring in the rest of Scandinavia. The first mission to preach to the Svear dated from early as the 820s; public acceptance of Christianity came extensively in the four last decades of tenth century, but the region of Svealand remained as a pagan centre, with the possible existence of a temple in Uppsala until at least 1080, despite the presence of many Christians in the area.78 Eastern Europe suffered similar events to Scandinavia. Poland, for instance, was established as a Christian Kingdom after the baptism of Mieszko I, in 966 fol­ lowed by his court; previously to this, there were some missions from Bohemia. It took decades before the Christian institutions would be strengthened, and in 1030 ocurred the great pagan rebellion. Hungary went through a very similar process; 76  Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia, pp. 6–9; 51; 102–4; 128f.

77  Antonsson, “The Conversion and Christianization of Scandinavia,” p. 51. 78  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, pp. 100–112.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

after missions from Byzantium and from Western Europe, mostly between 972 and 974, Geza was supposedly converted and founded a Benedictine monastery, although he continued to sacrifice to his old gods. In the year 1001, Vajk, son of Geza, after dynastic struggle, was converted and baptized, taking the name of Ste­ phen I. More missions came, mainly from Bohemia, but the Church and the conver­ sion process suffers with a pagan rebellion in 1046. “Conversion” usually came related with the kingdom’s unification, consoli­ dation, and strengthening of secular power, following the Christianization of the Roman Empire and the adoption of Christianity as the Empire’s official religion.79 It was a top-down process, therefore, usually followed by increasing efforts in the task of Christianization, but not necessarily through force and compulsion; some­ times the conversion of relevant people, “opinion leaders,” would be followed willingly; sometimes family and other social ties provided enough persuasion for conversion. To Sverre Bagge, there is no reason to speak about an “imperfect” Christianiza­ tion in Scandinavia, or a revival of paganism, when trying to understand Snorri, other Scandinavian authors, and their audience; according to Bagge, none of them truly believed any more in the pagan religion, and the survival of mythological traits in those works should be considered as an “aesthetic resource” and “mark of learning,” indicating a kind of national pride rather than pagan reactions against Christian learning. Therefore, the theoretical position closer to a consensus in contemporary times equates “conversion” to political, institutional conversion, and “Christian­ ization” to a changing of manners and beliefs; both need to be studied together in order to achieve a better comprehension of the processes of religion change in northern and eastern Europe.80 By the twelfth century is possible to assert the existence of more than 540 churches in the diocese of Lund alone, at that time the richest and the most impor­ tant in all Scandinavia; approximately 300 of these churches were built of stone. Skara’s diocese possessed nearly 830 churches, and Uppsala, despite the late acceptance of Christianity, about 280. There were also a great number of monas­ teries—Cistercian, Benedictine, Dominican, and, later, Franciscan.81 By the mid-thirteenth century, Scandinavia was, at least institutionally, wellintegrated to the general objectives of Western Christianity;82 Scandinavian rulers 79  Berend, Christianisation and the Rise of Christian Monarchy, p. 15.

80  Bagge, Cross and Scepter, p. 135.

81  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, pp. 110–14.

82  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, pp. 390–92.

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Chapter 1

engaged in the crusades, not only in the Baltic,83 and one of them, Håkon Håkon­ son (r. 1217–63), was even offered the throne of the Holy Roman Empire. Even aspects of imaginary and mentality were amalgamated with Christian values, as demonstrated by the popularity of themes connected to pilgrimage, martyrdom and beatification, mostly of rulers by martyrdom, all common characteristics of other warlike newly converted and Christianized societies.84 Similar circumstances occurred in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe, mostly in Rus, Bohemia and Hungary. Kingdoms unified and Christianized around the year 1000 demonstrated proximity at ideological and cultural level. The first saints of Russia were Boris and Gleb, beatified by martyrdom, as were St. Stephen in Hun­ gary, St. Knut IV and St. Knut Lavard in Denmark, and Ó� láfr Haraldsson in Norway, among others. Such a state of affairs implies neither homogeneity nor absence of conflicts; nor does it exclude a number of permanencies and religious resistance; Christian­ ity, however, was intrinsically inserted into Scandinavian societies.

Gregorian Reform in Denmark and the First Archbishopric

Gregorian reform spread in Denmark and Scandinavia without major delay in comparison to Western Europe, and was met there by the same reactions as else­ where. Among salutary principles of the ecclesiastical life such as the purification of the clergy, an improved instruction to it along with the end of simony, many principles defending papal supremacy were settled by this reformation, leading to a bitter and lengthy quarrel between the papacy and the Empire. Some of its main principles were the autonomy of the Church regarding the secular authorities and its purification; their defenders advocated the end of pri­ vate churches, autonomy for the Church in appointing its own bishops and priests, as well as liberty of the clergy in relation to the secular jurisdiction. Pervading these principles was the pope’s superior authority, a principle that was applied also when dealing with the emperor. In Scandinavia the rulers were unwilling to give up their rights to choose bishops, as was commonly done by local lords when building and establishing local churches. There was acceptance, however, of the Church’s authority regard­ ing spiritual matters—a circumstance similar to what occurred in the Empire. 83  Forte, Oram, and Pedersen, Viking Empires, pp. 384–91; Skovgaard-Pedersen, “The Way to Byzantium,” p. 121. 84  Antonsson, “Some Observations on Martyrdom in Post-Conversion Scandinavia.”



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

The election of Archbishop Absalon, for instance, was made behind closed doors and without direct interference from King Valdemar I.85 Regarding minor or secondary principles, however, acceptance was mixed. Archbishop Eskil (ca. 1100–1181), one of the most enthusiastic supporters of the reforms and probably the Dane best internationally connected of his time,86 was likely married; celibacy was not well-accepted by a number of important compo­ nents of the Scandinavian clergy, only becoming more common in the first decades of the thirteenth century under Archbishop Anders Sunesson. In the Continent, Archbishop Lietmar of Hamburg-Bremen supported the imperial claims of Heinrich IV, who wanted to retain control over the Germanic churches. Heinrich was deposed by Pope Gregory VII. Besides that, in order to reduce the influence of this archbishopric, the pope created in 1103/4 an inde­ pendent Scandinavian province in Lund, appointing Asser from the Thrugut fam­ ily of Jylland as its first archbishop. Under Innocent II, the next pope, who was entirely subordinate to the Emperor Lothar, the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen was able to obtain a series of papal bulls restoring the authority of his archbishopric, also deposing Asser. These bules never arrived at Lund, and Asser remained as its archbishop until his death in 1137, when he was succeeded by his nephew Eskil, bishop of Roskilde from 1134 to 1138. Archbishops were, therefore, inclined to accept the Gregorian reforms as they would benefit from it. As for the bishoprics, their autonomy grew with the reforms, a situation which directly affected the status of their rulers as the arch­ bishops submitted their ascending authority to the pope. Evidently this state of affairs generated conflict between the archbishoprics and the kings. The majority of such disagreements happened between Eskil, the main advocate for the reforms in Denmark, and King Valdemar I, although some aspects regarding the extent to which the Cistercian Order had supported the archbishop in this struggle have been disputed.87 Valdemar succeeded in gaining the throne after many years of conflict and civil war. In addition to the already turbulent context, he recognized the authority of the antipope Victor. Archbishop Eskil remained faithful to Pope Alexander III, and was exiled for that; he returned only in 1166, after the reconciliation between Valdemar I and Alexander III. From this and other conflicts throughout Scandina­ 85  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, pp. 117ff..

86  Münster-Swendsen, “Banking on—and with—the Victorines,” pp. 91f. 87  McGuire, Confltct and Continuity at Øm Abbey, p. 10.

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via, the Church emerged with reinforced authority and greater autonomy to regu­ late its own business.88 In 1176 there was a severe setback to the importance of the Thrugut family in the Danish Church, when five of its members were involved in a supposed con­ spiracy against King Valdemar. Eskil, one of the most influential of the Thruguts, resigned from his see and retired to Clairvaux, where he died in 1181. Finally, in 1186 or 1187, a history of Denmark was written by one of the Thru­ guts, Sven Aggesen. His Compendiosa regum Daniae or Historia brevis regum Dacie, although shorter and more condensed than the Gesta Danorum, is preceded only by the Chronicon Roskildense, being the second attempt to write a history of Den­ mark. Succeeding Eskil as archbishop came Absalon, sponsor and patron of Saxo Grammaticus in the writing of the Gesta Danorum—in which he is the main char­ acter. Absalon came from another powerful family, which thereafter would take the role of the Thruguts in the Danish Church for approximately one century: the descendants of Hvide, from Sjælland. His father was Asser Rig, son of Skjalm Hvide; a man of resources and wealth, Asser sent his son to study the liberal arts, theology and law in Paris. The relationship between the family of Hvide and the Valdemarian kings was reasonably amicable. Absalon and Valdemar I were brought up together,89 and Absalon took care of Valdemar II in his childhood. Is not surprising that, soon after Valdemar I became king of Denmark, Absalon was made archbishop of Lund. Howsoever, Valdemar’s ascent to power was in no small part due to the alliance between the two families. There were conflicts between the institutions of monar­ chy and Church, however, these were usually diminished by the historiography in favour of their cooperation against the aristocratic and magnate class.90 The next archbishop, Anders Sunesson, also came from the Hvide family. Nephew of Absalon, Anders studied also in Paris where he became a lecturer, but probably had additional instruction in law in Bologna and Oxford. He had an important role in the education of Danish clerics, whether teaching them or send­ ing Danes to study abroad. Anders would give some theological instruction also in Rī�ga, Livonia. The alliance existing between Absalon and Valdemar did not imply a perfectly harmonious relationship. The writing of the Gesta Danorum on the orders of Absa­ 88  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 117.

89  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 19.

90  Birgit Sawyer, “Valdemar, Absalon and Saxo,” p. 685; Hermansson, “Friendship and Politics in Saxo Grammaticus’ Gesta Danorum,” p. 261.



Denmark and the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century

lon is a good example of this. There is some suggestion that that task was com­ missioned by the archbishop from his cleric in the fear that, after the passing of Valdemar I and the ascending to the throne of his son Knut, the name and deeds of Absalon would be forgotten.91 Nevertheless, the years in which the Valdemarian kings dominated the politics of Denmark and the Archbishops Absalon and Anders ruled its Church would be considered the most productive times regarding cooperation—although some­ times, competition—between Church and royalty in Denmark. It is possible to say that, with the conclusion of this age, the apogee of the Roman Church in Denmark also ended.92 Table 1.1: The Valdemarian kings and the Danish archbishops in thirteenthcentury Denmark. King

Valdemar I (r. 1157–82)

Knut VI (r. 1182–1202)

Valdemar II (r. 1202–41)

Archbishop

Eskil (ca. 1100–1181) Absalon (ca. 1128–1202): Bishop of Roskilde: 1158–92 Archbishop of Lund: 1178–1202 Anders Sunesson (1167–1228) Archbishop of Lund: 1202–28

91  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 225.

92  Starcke, Denmark in World History, p. 310.

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Chapter 2

THE WORK

Scholarship in Scandinavia in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

The period between 1170 and 1230 is one of marked increase in the writing both in continental Scandinavia and on Iceland. The concomitant strength­ ening of the relations with other European nations and regions as the British Isles and the Continent provided new literary models and the influence of Christianity; despite these factors that had a share in the exponential spreading of scholarly writing, there was a strongly consolidated pre-existing oral tradition, accompa­ nied by cultural aspects, that had for centuries past guaranteed prestige to the keepers of the literary and poetic forms.1,2 The main transmission agents of such knowledge were the skaldar, “skalds,” men able to improvise and to compose poems and verses according to intricate and pre-established metrics, using mythological motifs. Such men frequently were theme or main characters in many Íslendingasögur, some of which received their names, such as Kormáks saga and Egils saga Skallagrímssonar. These skilled individuals had guaranteed prestige in the halls of many jarls and kings, achieving honour and gaining patronage from their leaders and chieftains while preserving invaluable knowledge about the past times. Recent historiogra­ phy shows—sometimes through studies connected to the social sciences—some interesting systemic aspects which included complex forms of capital accumula­ tion and exchange3 and a “gift and exchange culture”; the halls of chieftains able to provide the better gifts were attended by the best skaldar and the best war­ riors.4 Such intellectual and literary production was found in a myriad of forms, with an equal variety of purposes. The list included sagas of skalds, heroes and families, legendary sagas, works written both in the vernacular and Latin, writings dealing with secular and regional affairs, chronicles, histories with higher intentions such as the Works of Saxo Grammaticus and the Heimskringla, Latin works, and Chris­ 1  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, pp. 219–24; 230–38.

2  Wanner, Snorri Sturlusson and the Edda. 3  Wanner, Snorri Sturlusson and the Edda.

4  Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia, pp. 42–43.



30

Chapter 2

tian-shaped compositions, including a mirror-for-princes (Specula Principum— the Konungs skuggsjá, although this was composed in Old Norse in Norway). In Sweden, the process was diverse; despite the absence of such “literary flowering” in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Swedes produced a greater number of late chronicles and works from the transition between the Middle Ages and early modern times, besides the proliferation of runestones in the eleventh century, to a degree not reached in Denmark and Norway. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Scandinavia and Iceland possessed a considerable number of intellectual and literary centres, consolidated or in pro­ cess of consolidation, provided with books and scholars. A number of such schol­ ars studied abroad, chiefly in Paris and in England, and were well-acquainted with Christian erudition. Lund in Denmark—nowadays in Sweden—had coalesced around it many scholars, usually among the clergy. Some of the greatest names of Danish medi­ eval learning are connected with Lund: for example, Saxo Grammaticus (ca. 1150– 1220), Sven Aggesen (b. 1140/50?), and archbishops Absalon (ca. 1128–1202) and Anders Sunesson (1167–1228). About the last one it is said in the Praefatio of the Gesta Danorum that he had studied in France, Italy, and Britain. Other Danish medieval scholars deserving mention were Gunnar of Viborg (1152–1251), writer of the Law Code of Jylland, the first written legislation from Denmark,5 together with others unnamed mentioned by Arnold of Lübeck (deceased between 1211 and 1214), in his Chronica Slavorum, as having studied in Paris and abroad.6 Iceland had not just one, but several centres of learning; the schools in the cathedrals of Haukadalr, Hólar, and Skálholt were all worthy of mention, but the most notable place was Oddi, the most strongly consolidated scholarly centre in Icelandic lands, from where came many of the bishops of Skálholt. In Oddi studied Saemundr Fróði (1056–1133), “the learned,” Jón Loftsson (1124–1197), who raised Snorri Sturlusson, his son Pál Jonsson (1155–1211), bishop of Skálholt, previously a student in London, where achieved “great knowl­ edge” according the Byskupa sögur,7 Saint Þorlákr Þórhallsson (1133–1193), also bishop of Skálholt, who studied also in Paris and London. Oddi’s environment provided to Snorri Sturlusson the necessary means and knowledge for his prolific output, although the exact nature of what was taught there is unknown. 5  The Danish Medieval Laws, p. 9.

6  Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum, III, p. 77. 7  Byskupa sögur, p. 263.



The Work

In the centre at Haukadalr studied Ari Þorgilsson inn Fróði (1067–1148), author of Íslendigabók which tells about the colonization of Iceland, and probably also of the First Grammatical Treatise in Icelandic (ca. 1160). One source attributes authorship of Heimskringla to him but this is not generally accepted by the schol­ arship. The adaptation and integration process of Scandinavian scholarship in the Western European context was characterized by the production of a considerable amount of material dealing with Scandinavia’s remote and pagan times. There were diverse ways in which this past was modelled, from sagas which narrated it in a plain and sober manner, to the histories of higher pretensions such as the Gesta Danorum by Saxo Grammaticus and the Heimskringla. Traditionally, and even among contemporary authors, this period was regarded as a time of encouragement to antiquarianism, of attempts to rescue tra­ ditions and imagery in danger of being supplanted and forgotten in the face of the strengthening of Christian tradition. This interpretation received renewed prob­ lematization in recent times in works such as Snorri Sturlusson and the Edda by Kevin Wanner. The author studies the customs of the past, of the poetic forms and the ancient myths as means of gain and preservation of cultural capital—following Pierre Bourdieu’s conceptions—facing a situation of increased internationaliza­ tion, in which the halls and courts were full of alien poetic forms. In this context, comprehension of and even appreciation for skaldic verses were limited to few people and, consequently, the prestige and influence of Snorri Sturlusson himself were diminished, despite his colossal knowledge of ancient lore and old compositional forms.8 Despite the greater relevance given to the works of Saxo Grammaticus and the author of Heimskringla, there were more attempts, although shorter, to write his­ tories of these nations. Before Saxo and the Gesta Danorum there was written in 1120 in Denmark the Gesta Suenomagni regis et filiorum eius et passio gloriosissimi Canuti regis et martyris which, although written by the English monk Ælnoth, dealt with the life of St. Knut and his brothers. The first work that may be considered a Danish history—even though a short one—is the Chronicon Roskildense, composed ca. 1140. Between 1180 and 1220 were written not only the Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus, but also three works from Sven Aggesen:9 the Witherlog or Lex Castrensis, the Compendiosa regum daniae historiae or Brevis Historia Regum Dacie, and the Genealogia Regum Dacie, a royal lineage. 8  Wanner, Snorri Sturlusson and the Edda.

9  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 221.

31



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Chapter 2

Similarly to the circumstances associated with the composition of the Gesta Danorum, the exact name of the history written by Sven Aggesen is unknown. The title Compendiosa regum daniae historiae, translated as “A short history of the kings of Denmark” by Christiansen in 1992, was found in the edition of Stephanius prepared in 1642. As outlined in the title, this history is quite short, especially when compared to the Gesta Danorum—which probably served as inspiration for at least some of its initial sections10. Peter and Birgit Sawyer proposed a didactical division of the Scandinavian medieval works, according to criteria of political conceptions. Sven Aggesen in Denmark and the author of the Sverris saga would hold theocratic political con­ ceptions, in contrast with Saxo Grammaticus and Theodoricus, from Norway, who defended ideas well inserted in the Gregorian reform, and supporting the Church’s primacy and final authority. Snorri Sturlusson in Iceland would be regarded as the spokesman of aristocracy. The origins of the authors or their connections with power centres is pre­ sented as the rationale to that division. Snorri came from an Icelandic context in which the attempts of the Norwegian king to amass power and restrict Icelanders’ autonomy faced stiff opposition. In Denmark, Saxo wrote directly under commis­ sion from the archbishops Absalon and Anders Sunesson; as to Sven Aggesen, he was a member of the Thrugut family, traditional defenders of the privileges of the kings with regard to the Church. Some caution is needed when drawing comparisons and equivalences of such a nature. Sven Aggesen’s case exemplifies the situation. Family feuds are in no cir­ cumstance simple or unambiguous processes; the simple fact of belonging to the Thrugut family does not imply automatically Sven’s political beliefs. The defence of a theocratic position is an ideological measure to strengthen the king’s power and autonomy regarding the Church, such as representing the king as God’s anointed. It is contrary to the precepts argued by the Gregorian reform and the Dictatus papae, trying to grant to the king the same or even higher authority than the Church’s. Both the Thrugut family and Sven Aggesen supposedly share such ideas. From the exact same family, however, came Eskil, the reformer archbishop of Scandina­ via. His memoirs, written in his exile in Clairvaux, suggest that he was not exactly on good terms with Aggi, Sven’s father, probably at least partly in consequence of political disagreements. Simple matches between categories such as “class” and “ideology” are sometimes useful, but most of the time they confuse instead of clar­ ify, never wholly replacing the study of specificities. 10  Christiansen, The Works of Sven Aggesen, p. 22.



The Work

Returning to the diffusion of written sources in the thirteenth century, this is explained by the Sawyers11 as reflecting the consolidation of central power both in Norway and in Denmark. Historical writing becomes, thus, a “crisis symptom” of the previous structures and generates an urge to consolidate in written form the knowledge to be lost in the new environment. The royal powers’ need for legit­ imation after a long and turbulent period of civil strife acted as an initial stimulus. Despite the simplifying element found in that description, the explanation is plausible and reasonably sound. On general lines this rationale also provides comprehensive reasons for the decrease in historical writing in Denmark after the 1230s. In the following political context, the royal power was already con­ solidated, in association with a number of changes in the social and power social structures which included strengthening of the Church and the aristocracy along with the monarchy. Therefore it is also possible to consider the increase in the number of written testimonies as different answers from various and heterogeneous groups to the socio-political changes of the thirteenth century.

Saxo Grammaticus and the Gesta Danorum About the Author

Saxo Grammaticus is the author of only one work, the Gesta Danorum. This history was composed in the age of the strong dynasty of the Valdemarian kings, initially on the request and under the patronage of Archbishop Absalon, and later under the guidance of Anders Sunesson, his nephew and successor in Lund. Unlike with Snorri, little is known about Saxo, and much of this knowledge is conjectural. Almost all relevant information about Saxo, whether actual informa­ tion or conjectures, were amassed by Paul Johansen and analysed hypercritically. The same information was summarized and considered in more moderate forms in the prefaces to the English translations of Elton and Fisher. There is little that we are able to add, risking to repeat both the quoted authors and ourselves. The Praefatio of the Gesta gives the information that Saxo’s father and grandfa­ ther both served Valdemar I, which makes it improbable that he was born before the 1150s. The reasoning for dating his death to around 1220 12 is somewhat flimsy; it is based upon the argument that Saxo did not write the events of Valde­

11  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 230.

12  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 12

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Chapter 2

mar’s life, mainly the conquest of Estonia. It is well accepted that he began his writing around 1185, and the last events narrated in it occurred in 1187.13 Concerning Saxo’s origins, there is the possibility that he came from Sjælland. However, the argument for this is weak, validated mostly by the tradition of edi­ tors of the time of the Protestant Reformation. According to it, Saxo’s discourse and “tone” are full of compliments to the Sjællanders, their region being referred to as the “centre of Denmark.” It should be added, however, that this reference is the only one found in Saxo’s text. It was chiefly the Renaissance tradition that developed further the argument; its main argument quotes the Chronicle of Jylland, written in 1431, which attri­ butes Saxo’s origins to Sjælland, as well as the title Grammaticus—a title which, since the times of Quintilian, usually described a professor of classical literature, but that underwent changes after the eleventh century14. The reference in the Gesta’s first edition of 1514 by Bishop Lage Urne (d. 1529) quotes Saxo as a Sjællander, which in a certain way affirms a common, banal knowledge of such origins. The name “Gesta Danorum” is used for the first time in the Chronicle of Sjælland, which also refers to Saxo as Cognomine Longus— nicknamed “long,” perhaps “tall.” About the relationship between Sven Aggesen and Saxo Grammaticus similarly little is known. Saxo Grammaticus’s grandfather had served Valdemar I (probably, therefore, after 1157), but Sven’s father was dead in war in 1132. This implies that Saxo was probably much younger than Sven. Still they are quoted as “associated,” contubernalis. The word can be translated literally as “comrade-in-arms”; such reference from Sven generated the hypothesis that both Sven and Saxo were soldiers. Contubernalis may also be translated in other ways as “intimate friend” or simply some­ one “living under the same roof”;15 therefore, the hypothesis that both were cler­ ics should not be discarded and, on the contrary, remains the most plausible one.16 To Karsten Friis-Jensen,17 Saxo was a canon in Lund, as testified by some decrees written between 1180 and 1183, and 1197 and 1201, a hypothesis which received more widespread acceptance than the one which considered Saxo to have been a dean from Roskilde. This last idea was propagated by Roskilde’s bishop, Lage Urne, according to whom Saxo was a provost who travelled to Paris in 1165. 13  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 10.

14  Gilson, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 57–58.

15  Oxford Latin Dictionary, “Conturbenālis.”

16  Christiansen, The Works of Sven Aggesen, pp. 2–3.

17  Friis-Jensen, “Was Saxo a Canon of Lund?,” pp. 331–57.



The Work

Such an idea implies a Saxo overly old;18 whether this represents miscomprehen­ sion by the cleric or an attempt to mislead is beyond our scope. Saxo describes himself in the Gesta’s Praefatio as someone in the service of Absalon, as the “least of his followers,” “comitum suorum extremo.” As a matter of fact, the name “Saxo” is written in a list of clergy in Lund cathedral. In this case, the aforementioned was an acolyte, the lowest rank among canons. This identifica­ tion, however, cannot be made with certainty. Indeed, “comitum suorum extremo” is a quite common submission formula, and therefore not a reliable clue.19 There is in the Søro monastery a note, written by Absalon or someone under his command. According to it, the archbishop sent the amount of two and a half marks of silver, lent to his clericus Saxo, who should return to the monastery the books borrowed by him. Probably these books are two codices from Valerius Max­ imus and Justinus, donated to the library in Søro by Absalon. These authors were highly influential on the style and Latin of Saxo Grammaticus.20 Where Saxo studied is also unknown. The genre and the Danish practice of the time make possible that he had spent some time abroad, perhaps in Paris. Saxo himself affirms in the Praefatio that his archbishop, Anders, studied in Paris, Bolo­ gna, and Oxford. In conclusion, amidst a number of references to clerics named Saxo in differ­ ent decades, it is reasonable to build the image of a Saxo born or raised in Sjæl­ land, descending from an aristocratic, perhaps warrior family; probably he stud­ ied abroad, which reinforces the idea of a family of some wealth or, at least, coming from the landowning class. He was a cleric, possibly a canon in Lund and, despite his false modesty or use of a mere topos of being one “of the least,” his Latin liter­ ary ability and knowledge of Roman authors granted him the task to write the history of his country, ordered by the most influential leaders of twelfth- to thir­ teenth-century Denmark. About the Work

The name given by Saxo himself to his work is unknown; “Gesta Danorum” is a later denomination. It was first printed in Paris in 1514, by Jodocus Badius Ascensius (1462–1535), according to Christiern Pedersen’s edition (see Figure 2.2), with a quite different title, Danorum Regum heroumque Historiae. This edi­ tion of Pedersen’s became the basis for the following versions and editions. 18  GD/Ib, “Introduction” by Oliver Elton, xii.

19  Friis-Jensen, “Was Saxo a Canon of Lund?,” p. 332.

20  GD/Ib, “Introduction” by Oliver Elton, xxi–xxii; Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” pp. 10–11.

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Chapter 2

There are some older fragments, the longest of which is the Angers fragment (Ny kgl. Saml. 4to, 869 g); dated from ca. 1200, it contains parts of book I and some annotations, and the whole text is considered to be written by Saxo himself. Two other fragments are dated from ca. 1275, and are shorter. They are the Lassen’s fragment, which contains excerpts from book VI, and the Kall-Rasmussen’s frag­ ment, with book VII (these two are grouped together as BD); besides these, from the same period exists the Plesner’s fragment (E), which contains book XIV. All of them are kept in Denmark’s Royal Library, “Det Kongelige Bibliotek,” and, with the exception of the Angers fragment, are registered as Ny kgl. Saml. Fol. 570. The 1514 text (a), usually called “Paris edition,” is, however, the only com­ plete manuscript of Saxo’s work. It has been much debated whether the supposed archetype (X) was written in its totality by Saxo himself or if there were interpola­ tions from some thirteenth-century editor.21 Boserup argued that the testimony of the Angers fragment provides enough evidence to prove that Saxo was the man responsible for the writing of his work, considered as a whole, in the form in which it was later reproduced.22 This posi­ tion has found general acceptance among scholars until the present time (the stemma can be consulted as Figure 2.1); after Friis-Jensen’s critical edition of the Gesta Danorum accompanied by Zeeberg’s translation into Danish, in 2005—con­ sidered by Boserup a milestone—Boserup had maintained his positions regard­ ing Saxo’s authorship and textual transmission, and asserted firmly not only the fidelity of the Paris edition, but also the inexistence of a master plan guiding the composition.23 The name “Gesta Danorum” dates from 1342. It was first used in the Chron­ icle of Jylland (Chronica Jutensis), also known as Compendium Saxonis (j in the stemma; register Add. 49 2o), a shortened version of the Gesta Danorum with approximately one-fourth of the original length. Further versions and editions of the Gesta used several names, and the title began spread just after the nineteenth century. As for Pedersen’s edition (t), that was prepared after an ancient copy in possession of Birger Gunnerssen, archbishop of Lund. Karsten Friis-Jensen defended in his Danish translation24 the idea that “Gesta Danorum” was the original name of the work by reason of its appearance in the Vetus Chronicon Sialandie,25 also in the fourteenth century, and by its similarity 21  Boserup, “The Angers Fragment and the Archetype of Gesta Danorum,” p. 9.

22  Boserup, “The Angers Fragment and the Archetype of Gesta Danorum,” p. 25.

23  Boserup, “The Angers Fragment and the Archetype of Compendium Saxonis,” p. 12. 24  Saxo Grammaticus, Danmarkshistorien.

25  Scriptores minores historiæ Danicæ medii ævi, p. 27.



The Work

____ Model-to-copy relationship (full text or excerpts) ------ Deliberate transformation (epitome, revision, translation) ........ Occasional contamination, reported variant readings

A Angers fragment—Ny kgl. Saml. 4to, 869 g. a Paris edition, 1514 BD Lassen’s (Ny kgl. Saml. Fol. 570) + Kall-Rasmussen’s (Ny kgl. Saml. Fol. 570) fragments b Codex of Caspar Barth (lost) C Laverentzen’s fragment c Collation of C E Plesner’s fragment—Ny kgl. Saml. Fol. 570 F Chronicon Sialandiae f Codex used by F (lost) g Codex of Birger Gunnersen (lost) j Compendium Saxonis—Add. 49 2o K Albert Kranz k Codex used by K (lost) O Peder Olsen o Codex used by Peder Olsen (lost) p Copy of g used for the preparation and printing of a (lost) s Edition and commentary from Stephanius, 1645 t Christiern Pedersen’s translation (lost) v A. S. Vedel’s translation, 1575 X Supposed medieval archetype (lost)

Figure 2.1: Stemma for the Gesta Danorum. Based on Boserup, The Angers Fragment and the Archetype of Gesta Danorum, p. 10.

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Chapter 2

Figure 2.2: Danorum Regum heroumque Historiae. Christiern Pedersen’s first edition of the Gesta Danorum in Paris, 1514. Public domain image.



The Work

with another history in the same style, Dudo of Saint-Quentin’s Gesta Normannorum; to Friis-Jensen, Danorum Regum heroumque Historiae, was a title written in characteristically humanist Latin. In any case, identification of genre in Gesta Danorum—if truly needed—cannot be made based on this title. The fourteenth-century title associates the work, con­ sciously or not, to the eleventh-century French genre of chansons de geste, a genre included in a vast literary field related to chivalry and court society. Notwithstanding its origin in France, the genre was known in other parts of Europe centuries after, including Scandinavia, and had some influence in many European regions and styles, including the Empire, the Iberian peninsula and the British Isles. In Icelandic literature, the French influence was not restricted only to Riddarasögur but perhaps even present in some of the Íslendigasögur.26 Given the number of Danish clergymen studying in France it is possible to assert that the genre was also well known among learned Danes. There are between eighty and a hundred poems usually categorized as chansons de geste. Written in the vernacular, conveying epic, religious, and warrior themes,27 these pieces are set mostly in the Carolingian age, sometimes in the Merovingian epoch, and may combine legendary and mythological elements with actual events. The chansons de geste are divided in several cycles: the Geste du roi, usually relating deeds of Charlemagne or some of his successors; the Geste de Garin de Monglane, actually concerned with the deeds of the chief character’s great-grandson, Guillaume d’Orange; and the Geste de Doon de Mayence, also named the “Cycle of the rebellious barous,” that deals with the feudal revolts against Charlemagne.28 Although the main themes in the genre deal with aristocratic concerns, the majority of the poems were written by clergymen, who sometimes sanctify knight­ hood as it was represented as a projection of the twelfth-century crusaders in the Carolingian setting, chiefly in the cycles of the king (Geste du roi) and of Garin de Monglane/Guillaume d’Orange.29 Various other Western literary models would also have inspired Saxo or had fit in his purposes, like mirrors-for-princes, as well as works from authors of Antiq­ uity and Late Antiquity. Therefore, even though Gesta Danorum should not be defined as one of the chansons de geste, some thematics from the genre had some influence in it. 26  Finlay, “Skalds, Troubadours and Sagas.”

27  Dictionnaire du Moyen Âge, 2002, pp. 254–56. 28  Crosland, Medieval French Literature, p. 165.

29  Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence, pp. 232f; 244f.

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Chapter 2

Regarding these elements, there are some of them worth listing; first, the epic thematic and the narration of the deeds of a people and its heroes. The people, obviously, are the Danish; as to the heroes there is some diversity, usually kings and other kinds of warriors that usually mirror the main hero of Gesta Danorum, which is Archbishop Absalon. All of this—the exaltation of the Danish people and nation and the Archbishop Absalon—is clearly stated in the Praefatio: [1] Cum ceterae nationes rerum suarum titulis gloriari voluptatemque ex maiorum recordatione percipere soleant, Danorum maximus pontifex Absalon patriam nostram, cuius illustrandae maxima semper cupiditate flagrabat, eo claritatis et monumenti genere fraudari non passus, mihi, comitum suorum extremo, ceteris operam abnuentibus, res Danicas in historiam conferendi negotium intorsit inopemque sensum maius viri­ bus opus ingredi crebrae exhortationis imperio compulit.

(Because other nations are in the habit of vaunting the fame of their achievements, and joy in recollecting their ancestors, Absalon, Arch­ bishop of Denmark, had always been fired with a passionate zeal to glo­ rify our fatherland. He would not allow it to go without some noble docu­ ment of this kind and, since everyone else refused the task, the labour of compiling a history of the Danes was thrown upon me, the least of his retinue […]30)

Other characteristics may have inspired authors of the fourteenth century to refer to the Gesta Danorum as such, but they hardly validate the genre identification. The use of the poetic form to sing heroes’ deeds is almost mandatory in the chansons de geste and quite common in the Gesta Danorum, but is hardly a conclusive argument in favour of genre affiliation, since this is a commonly found resource in a number of genres including many ancient Scandinavian traditions, such as the skaldic. Chivalry and crusades are themes common both to chansons de geste and to Gesta Danorum, as are the sanctifying of warriors and the view of the aristocracy through a clerical eye. The Gesta Danorum has the peculiarity of not only containing actual crusade narratives, but also their projections in the mythical past. The North­ ern Crusades, chiefly the expeditions against the Western Slavs, run through the entire work—expressly in books XIV–XVI, ideologically and covertly in books I–IX. As to the language, Saxo Grammaticus diverts from both Icelandic works and from the chansons de geste; he explicitly emphasizes his desire to present his workmanship in Latin, to narrate the deeds of the Danes in that language, and not in the vernacular. 30  GD/I, p. 4.



The Work

Actual events and chronicle narration are grouped together with mythical tradition—both Scandinavian and Greco-Roman—in the Gesta Danorum, in the attempt to align them in a reasonably logical sequence, probably based on a preestablished genealogical line. There is the possibility that both Saxo and Sven Aggesen based their histo­ ries on some genealogical list, to which external sources were added according to their own personal aims. In Saxo’s case, the mythical and legendary material was grouped and arranged in a similar manner to which the archbishop’s memories had been. When the data originated from external traditions did not agree sufficiently with the material which Saxo valued the most, such as eyewitness acounts, his own experiences, and Absalon’s memories, or with authors viewed by him as “endorsed,” such as Bede, Saxo used to rationalize the ancient lore, trying to made it plausible to his own eyes, sometimes justifying himself and explaining the rea­ sons for some mythical insertion. Like Snorri and the Icelandic tradition, Saxo fre­ quently used euhemeristic explanations in his texts and explanations of myths. Despite being a commissioned author, Saxo Grammaticus did not simply record what was told to him, or just reproduce values and political visions of oth­ ers. Quite often he makes judgemental statements regarding some tale or event narrated just before, to contradict the judgement with some story implying the opposite thing. Even in the way in which the story of his patron Absalon is told some scholars see the possibility that, for Saxo, the archbishop was overly con­ cerned with worldly and lay affairs.31 The choice of the plot characters also reveals quite unusual parameters from Saxo Grammaticus. We already mentioned the possibility that the author had used some genealogical list to which was added content of mythological nature; indeed, many of the Gesta’s heroes, villains, and other characters have corresponding personae in sagas, poems, or other writings. Despite such correspondence, Saxo rarely follows other traditions, even though he had claimed in the Praefatio to do exactly that. In a few circumstances in which it is possible to compare Saxo’s version with other authors, such as in Snorri’s Prose Edda, Saxo reverses the roles between protagonist and antagonist. A clear example of this may be seen in the myth of Balderus/Balðr, of which Snorri tells another version in the Gylfaginning, in his Edda, in an episode analysed by Dumézil at length.32 Saxo reverses the role of Balðr as known in Edda, turning 31  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 225; Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 60–61. 32  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman.

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Chapter 2

the character into a villain and transferring the good features of the god to his antagonist Høtherus/Höðr, in Snorri’s version a pawn in Loki’s hand. Even Saxo’s clear-cut distinction in the spectrum of “good” and “bad,” “right” and “wrong,” is not so evident in the Prose Edda. In some of the episodes created in greatest detail, such as the story of Frotho III and Ericus disertus in book V, or the many events occurring in Starcatherus’s life in books VI–VIII, the main attention is not directed to the kings, but to a hero that otherwise should be secondary in a narrative supposed focused on kings, or which presents them as the chief protagonists. Actually, this device is quite com­ mon, not only in in the Gesta Danorum, but in the particular situation discussed it raises some questions. There are some things to be taken into consideration regarding the role of Archbishop Absalon in the tutelage, support, and guidance of Saxo’s work. The archbishop died in the year 1202; Saxo probably concluded the writing of Gesta Danorum between 1215 and 1219,33 the latter being the year in which North Esto­ nia was conquered and the stronghold of Toompea, Tallinn, was built.34 Praefatio mentions Valdemar’s II campaign on the Elbe, but stays silent about Estonia. Eric Christiansen assumes as deadline the year of 1215, arguing that, after Valdemar’s 1206 expedition to Estonia, “Saxo, who was still writing his history of the Danes at this time, was livening his narrative with far-fetched stories of how the king’s fore­ bears had populated Prussia and conquered the Dvina (Daugava), the Estonians and the Finns.”35 After the archbishop’s death, there was a change of direction in the course of the work. It is a well-accepted idea that Saxo wrote first the Gesta Danorum’s final books (X–XVI), only beginning after Absalon’s passing to write what became the first books (I–IX), which recount the origins of the Danes as well their pagan times.36 There is a remarkable contrast between the two parts, and quite often scholars had divided the work between a “mythical” section comprising books I– IX and a “historical” one between books X–XVI, the last one based upon Absalon’s memories (see Table 2.1). Saxo’s writing after Absalon’s tutelage ceased took apparently unexpected directions: after finishing the last books, chronologically speaking, Saxo goes back in time and begins to narrate the Danish mythical past, instead of continuing the Gesta with the story of Valdemar II. But Saxo’s concern with Absalon’s life did not 33  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 110. 34  Urban, The Baltic Crusade, pp. 124–25.

35  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, p. 110. 36  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 11.



Table 2.1: Order of Composition of the Gesta Danorum

Archbishop Absalon

Anders Sunesson

Anders Sunesson

King

Books written General subjects

Valdemar I & Knut VI

X–XVI

Valdemar II

Praefatio

Valdemar II

The Work

I–IX

Chronicle of the Denmark; Absalon’s deeds; Wendish Crusades “Prehistory” of Denmark; euhemerism of the Northern myths General description of the work and the world; acknowledgements

vanish at all, even though the exact influence of Archbishop Anders Sunesson in the work is impossible to measure precisely. There are in the first books an increasing complexity, a greater number of sources used in their composition, and the necessity for broader and more com­ prehensive information. Archbishop Anders, who spent 1206–7 in the campaign of Valdemar II in Livonia, and after that taught theology in Rī�ga, was able to pro­ vide a large amount of information about the area. Sunesson returned to Livonia in 1219; it is plausible to assume that any guid­ ance given by him to Saxo would be in the field where he possessed more experi­ ence and where he was engaged the most. It is probably not a coincidence that the majority of data and quotations regarding the Eastern Baltic are placed in the first books. Also in the first books Saxo used his better and more intricate Latin among the greater number of references to classical authors amidst an elaboration of North­ ern myths and lore; there are a large number of Scandinavian poems re-elabo­ rated according to classical metres and forms. A decline in the quality of style in the eighth and ninth books was used to argue that at this point Saxo was too old, and had lost much of his energy and vigour.37 Although the idea is consistent with the explanations previously presented about the Gesta’s composition order, the argument is extremely subjective. The rationale behind this construction is rather subjective, chiefly when high­ lighting a major or lesser elaboration of the books; there is always the possibil­ ity that vast revisions had been made later, as can be seen in the additions to the Angers fragment. As a matter of fact, there are many schemes, arrangements, and systems— often hermetic—scattered through the Gesta, beneath the narratives. There are organizations of kings and events in patterns following meaningful numbers such 37  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 11. But the reasoning is Paul Herrmann’s.

43



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Chapter 2

as three, four, or twelve, allegories for the liberal arts, and insertions of schemes such as the Four Cardinal Virtues. Despite Boserup arguing against an overall plan of composition,38 there are a number of authors who argue in favour of the existence of a general plan; follow­ ing this reasoning, the idea of the composition of the Gesta in two parts may be severely impaired, as a previously made whole plan may imply the writing took place in the order of this plan, and was not a sudden change of direction after Absalon’s death, unless this general plan was conceived sometime after the begin­ ning of the writing, even after the change of the archbishops, and applied through­ out the parts already written. Perhaps the influence of Archbishop Anders Sunesson, well-versed in Latin erudition and concerned with education, played a part in suggesting or support­ ing the expansion of the Gesta’s original intents, evolving from a simple chronicle to a major opus. Skovgaard-Pedersen39 suggested in 1975 the composition of the Gesta Danorum was in four parts: books I–IV present the Danish world before the birth of Christ; books V–VIII, the time when, although Christianity already exists, the Danes were still pagan; books IX–XII, from the conversion to the strengthening of the Church in Denmark; books XIII–XVI, the establishment of the archbishoprics. Kurt Johannesson40 advanced the argument, suggesting that each book high­ lighted one of the Cardinal Virtues and, agreeing with Skovgaard-Pedersen’s fourfold division, holds that each part followed an idealized plan. Saxo should be regarded as a Neoplatonist, and his work should be considered as a model of vir­ tues and actions not intended only for the monarch; not a mirror-for-princes, but almost a precursor—although, we must add, there was in Scandinavia a previous attempt to write a mirror-for-princes in Norway, as mentioned in the previous chapter. This Neoplatonic influence moderated by St. Augustine’s thought is evident in the formulation of the various schemes through the Gesta Danorum and may be explained by considering that Saxo had probably studied abroad, as mentioned above. Aristotelism became strong shortly afterwards, as demonstrated in 1210 when the reading of Aristotle’s “Natural philosophy” was prohibited in Paris by the papal legate Robert de Courçon,41 and Augustinianism still had dominance in scholarly circles. 38  Boserup, “The Angers Fragment and the Archetype of Compendium Saxonis,” p. 12.

39  Skovgaard-Pedersen, “Gesta Danorums genremæssige placering,” pp. 20–29. 40  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, p. 121.

41  Brown, The Intellectual Context of Later Medieval Philosophy, p. 192.



The Work

We shall return to Johannesson’s ideas, particularly to the Four Cardinal Vir­ tues scheme. More recently, Sigurd Kværndrup published “Tolv principper hos Saxo” (“Twelve principles in Saxo”), in which he defended the existence of an organiza­ tion in Gesta Danorum similar to that found in “Memorable doings and sayings” of Valerius Maximus, arguing in favour of the presence of twelve principatus in the books of the Gesta.42 The idea of principatus is defined by Kværndrup as a principle, domain or sym­ bolic kingdom, instead of, as usual, the position of leadership of a Roman princeps, the period of rule, or the government’s institution. It is based upon the work of Robert Combès (1995) regarding Valerius Maximus and the ordering of the mate­ rialy in “metonymic reigns,” each book consisting of a “domaine.”43 Kværndrup’s reasoning is somewhat independent from Johannesson’s, but their methodology, research lines, and fundamentals are similar. Some of their conclusions do not match; their listing of virtues and the inclusion of the same are given in different orders, since Kværndrup reflects that of Valerius Maximus while Johannesson gives precedence to the Four Cardinal Virtues scheme. While the study of the hermetic schemes in Saxo opens new perspectives on the matter, there is always a risk of accommodating the primary sources to fit an abstract idea, external to the document. In any case, the use of these method­ ologies while reading Saxo greatly helps the historian to transcend positivisms, romanticisms, and even disparagement of the Gesta Danorum, as some authors still like to believe it is possible to discover “what really happened,” in Leopold von Ranke’s words, or to give phenomenological explanations of Scandinavian myths.

42  Kværndrup, Tolv principper hos Saxo.

43  Kværndrup, Tolv principper hos Saxo, pp. 140f.

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Chapter 3

POLITICAL CONCEPTIONS The different theories related to the composition of Gesta Danorum as

well as the study of isolated parts from it interfere in its interpretation on many levels, including the comprehension of its political targets and conceptions. There is no room to fully assess the topic; some trends, however should be addressed. Georges Dumézil, focused in the “mythical” books, judges to find there a glo­ rification and defence of the Valdemarians and, consequently, the monarchy.1 His argument is based upon the already quoted Praefatio of the Gesta Danorum, par­ ticularly the following excerpt: 0.1.6 [1] Te ergo, salutaris princeps ac parens noster, cuius illustrissimam a priscis temporibus prosapiam dicturus sum, clarissima lux patriae, Val­ demare, dubium laboris huius progressum favore prosequi rogo: quia propositi pondere constrictus vereor, ne magis imperitiae meae habitum ingeniique debilitatem patefaciam quam tuam, sicut par est, originem repraesentem. [2] Siquidem praeter paternae hereditatis amplitudinem conspicua regni incrementa finitimorum oppressione sortitus Albiae­ que reciprocos fluctus propagatae dominationis labore complexus, haud mediocre claritatis momentum celeberrimis laudis tuae titulis adiecisti.

(So, my gracious lord and father of us all, brilliant light of our country, Valdemar, whose illustrious descent from early times I shall be describ­ ing, I beg you to look kindly on the wavering course of this task; for I fear that I shall be shackled by the weight of my subject and, far from properly depicting your lineage, I shall only reveal my lack of aptitude and meagre talents. By remarkably enlarging the kingdom inherited from your father through subjugation of your neighbours, by encompassing in the toil of extensive conquest the ebbing and flowing waters of the Elbe, you have added no mean element of glory to the register of your fame.2)

Dumézil’s argument is partially supported as he lists kings’ deeds in the Gesta Danorum in the attempt to amass evidence from glorification of the dynasty of Valdemar II. A good point is made by the author as he points to the Angers frag­ ment as evidence, particularly the additions made in the same and corrections listed in its margins, in order to enhance deeds from the Valdemarian kings, 1  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, p. 149.

2  GD/I, p. 6.



48

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mostly Valdemar II. The manuscript contains a small part of book I, ending before de Hadingus’s story. It was supposedly written by Saxo himself or some scribe in his service. Dumézil’s arguing is incomplete, however; there is a noticeable lack of ref­ erences to Valdemar II in the whole Gesta Danorum, and no piece of his story is told at the end; the primacy in the acknowledgements is given to Absalon— whose guidance in the writing of the Gesta is recognized—instead of to Valdemar II. Probably this lack of reference to Valdemar II and the death of Absalon would explain the argument about the insertions in the Angers fragment; Saxo needed to at least address some homage to his contemporary king. Dumézil’s analysis is focused only in books X–XVI, excluding the part that generates and makes explicit the thematic underneath the first ones. Lars Hermansson summarizes and criticizes a common approach to the study of political conceptions in Gesta Danorum that affirms that it “is royal propaganda to legitimize royal hierarchical rule based on vertical bonds between king and aristocracy. Within this institutional framework the magnates had to submit to Valdemar I and Knut VI.”3 That criticized position usually disregards conflicts between the monarchy and the Church, considering them usually as two institu­ tions reasonably united opposed by an aristocratic class. Birgit Sawyer already argued in 1985 that the common trends in the histori­ ography dealing with Saxo had downgraded the amount of conflicts and discor­ dance between royal and ecclesiastical institutions.4 She and her husband Peter defended a hierocratic point of view, based upon the “historical” books and in the political and ecclesiastic milieu.5 In these books, they found strong evidence related to Saxo’s defence of clerical authority over the secular rulers. According to them, Absalon rather than Valdemar I was called pater patriae, “fatherland’s father” (even though Valdemar II would be described as “parens noster,” “father of us all”); in the majority of the books the division is made according to the reigns of kings, but in the last four, by the changing of the archbishops. Book XIV ended with Absalon’s election as archbishop instead of the death of Valdemar I; Absalon is the main character from book XIV—the largest in Gesta Danorum, by the way—to the end of the work. The kings’ need of guidance by the clergy is made clear in these last books—although we should add that the kings’ need of guidance is made clear in all the books, even in the absence of the archbishops. 3  Hermansson, “Friendship and Politics in Saxo Grammaticus’ Gesta Danorum,” p. 261.

4  Birgit Sawyer, “Valdemar, Absalon and Saxo,” p. 685.

5  Birgit Sawyer, “Valdemar, Absalon and Saxo,” p. 685; Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 225.



Political Conceptions

The defence of this position would be regarded as impracticable by many in the first books, where there is no church established in Denmark in the narrated events. Saxo refers to the birth of Christ in book V, but until book XI there is no Danish church, even though his values and moral conceptions are always made clear, as when commenting on the men of Antiquity who were deceived by sorcer­ ers and made them gods. Eric Christiansen, who translated books XI–XVI, also focused his attention in the properly “historical” part of the Gesta. When commenting the Wendish cru­ sades, Christiansen affirms: He was interested in the spiritual regeneration of the heathen Slavs, but much more interested in the political regeneration of Denmark, and he seems to have believed that both aims were equally acceptable to God. He was writing at a time when Denmark was a powerful and prosperous kingdom, and his concern was to give a past as glorious as the present.6

His arguing suggests that Denmark comes above archbishop or king; Absalon or Valdemar should be valued according to their contributions related to that aim. The king is evaluated according to the criterion: [3] Ita antecessorum famam atque opinionem operum magnitudine super­ gressus, ne Romani quidem imperii partes armis intentatas liquisti.

(Thus, by the scale of your achievements you overleapt the reputation of your predecessors to the extent of making armed warfare even on parts of the Holy Roman Empire.7)

The same message is found at the very first sentence of the Gesta Danorum. This time, it is addressed to Absalon: [1] Cum ceterae nationes rerum suarum titulis gloriari voluptatemque ex maiorum recordatione percipere soleant, Danorum maximus pontifex Absalon patriam nostram, cuius illustrandae maxima semper cupiditate flagrabat, eo claritatis et monumenti genere fraudari non passus, mihi, comitum suorum extremo, ceteris operam abnuentibus, res Danicas in historiam conferendi negotium intorsit inopemque sensum maius viri­ bus opus ingredi crebrae exhortationis imperio compulit. (Because other nations are in the habit of vaunting the fame of their achievements, and joy in recollecting their ancestors, Absalon, Arch­ 6  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 63–64.

7  GD/I, p. 6.

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bishop of Denmark, had always been fired with a passionate zeal to glo­ rify our fatherland. He would not allow it to go without some noble docu­ ment of this kind and, since everyone else refused the task, the labour of compiling a history of the Danes was thrown upon me, the least of his retinue […]8)

Above Absalon or the Valdemarian dynasty is placed, at least nominally, Denmark, the “fatherland” (patria). Such usage can be found whether in the “historical” part or in the “mythical,” both when Absalon influences the writing and when Saxo adds homages to the king in the Praefatio, the greatness of the fatherland becomes a kind of middle ground, a species of neutral parameter by which every character would be measured. The question still remains inconclusive when placed in this way; who would be, therefore, the most suitable agents to steer Denmark? We stand for the position that, even in the so-called “mythical” books, in which there is no Christianity at all and in which the deeds of kings and heroes receive prominence, there is a strong ecclesiastical background, whose ideology is defended in the occasion through subtle devices, such as the defence of principles, values, and virtues ascribed to characters whose main function is to lead the king in the right way. Absalon’s memories from the later books remain as the archetype narrative for this kind of construction, which is found quite often in the mythical books in episodes such as Hadingus’s and Starcatherus’s—studied extensively by Dumézil under a tripartite ideology9—and for Ericus disertus and King Frotho III. In the latter, Saxo reflects Paulus Orosius’s works, particularly the reference to the birth of Christ and a probable influence of the idea of “fullness of times,” set out in the epistle of Paul to the Ephesians,10 and the manner which this is made transfers every glory and merit to God instead of the king. On a rare occasion in the first books when God or Christ is mentioned; the kingdom of Frotho III was scene of a great peace which, notwithstanding, “attended the divine birth rather than an “earthly emperor” / “non adeo terreno principatui quam divino ortui fam­ ulatam fuisse.”11 The absence of hierocratic conceptions should be noted; Valdemar I is on no occasion pointed to as God’s anointed, as were none of his predecessors. The extensive narrative regarding kings cannot be used to defend theocracy, and in the 8  GD/I, p. 4.

9  Boulhosa, “A mitologia escandinava de Georges Dumézil.” 10  Ephesians 1:9.

11  Saxo 5.15.3[2]; GD/I, p. 157.



Political Conceptions

episodes in which Christianity is referred to, the most prominent figures are the clergymen. To conclude, the order in which the patrons and events are presented in the Praefatio is revealing: acknowledgements are first made to the ecclesiastics Absa­ lon and Anders Sunesson; following, Saxo comments about his sources, the oral tradition, the lore heard among his folk, and the testimony from Antiquity. Only then does he make mention of the kings Valdemar II and Knut VI, amidst the description of the lands in which his narrative shall be inserted, almost overshad­ owed not only by the archbishops, but by almost every other mention made before and after them. The most suitable agents to lead Denmark to a hegemonic position over the Baltic are the clergymen, the learned people, bearers of the most part of the virtues; the kings will do nothing worthy without their advice.

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Chapter 4

EUHEMERISM AND THE EAST IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS Euhemerism would be understood as a hermeneutical method devel­ oped since Hellenism, whereby gods were men whose deeds were amplified by the passage of time and the development of mythical tradition. Its name was given in homage to the Hellenic Euhemeros who first used the method in the third cen­ tury, although there were many later Greek authors who used similar hermeneu­ tics, such as Herodotus. Euhemerism proper or similar interpretations would be recognized in the works of authors and historians from very different backgrounds, from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, such as Clement of Alexandria, Isidore of Seville, and Roger Bacon. The method would be defined alternatively as a historical or historicizing interpretation of mythology. In medieval Scandinavia, euhemerism was a method well known to authors with historical pretensions such as Snorri Sturlusson and Saxo Grammaticus. One of the most refined elaborations following these patterns was made by the author of Heimskringla who, as discussed before, although identified frequently as Snorri Sturlusson, might have been someone else.1 A refined Scandinavian euhemeristic construction also may be found in the Prologue of the Prose Edda, a creation most certainly by Snorri Sturlusson, whose attribution of authorship is made in one of the manuscripts, although a number of additions probably were made by other scholars, mostly in the prologue. In all of these texts there are coherent scholarly elaborations, intending to connect genea­ logically the ancient Scandinavian gods to the kings of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Pagan gods are described as notable men of Antiquity, heroes and kings who achieved fame in the North due to their excellent virtues and characteristics. There are three main schools of interpretation of these texts. The historical/ historicizing school, whose first proponents were the Danish archaeologist Karl Petersen (1849–1896) and the Swedish Bernhard Salin (1861–1931), was largely accepted by the subsequent Germanists2 and defended the narratives of Snorri as reflecting the memory of actual events of the Germanic past, such as the migra­ 1  See above, p. 8, note 30.

2  Petersen, Om Nordboernes Gudedyrkelse og Guderto i Hedenold; Salin, Studier tillägnade Oscar Montelius.



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tions that occurred since the fourth century from the areas of the Don and the Black Sea heading to Scandinavia through Germania. Andreas Heusler’s Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altisländischen Schrifttum (1908),3 in which he studied the events connected to the Trojans and the Tyrk­ land in the works of Snorri and the Icelandic scholars, gave birth to the school of Gelehrte Urgeschicht. This line of thought sought to trace the stages in construc­ tion of a “Germanic Prehistory” through the twelfth to thirteenth centuries Ice­ landic scholars which, in turn, draw from other Western historians such as Frede­ garius Scholasticus (ca. 658–61), Pseudo-Fredegarius (author of Gesta Francorum, ca. 727), Isidore of Seville, and Geoffrey of Monmouth.4,5 Finally, should be mentioned the school of comparative or structuralist mythol­ ogy, represented by Georges Dumézil (1898–1986), which explains Scandinavian mythology not by historicization, but by its incorporation into the tripartite IndoEuropean scheme. Dumézil argued in opposition of the historicism of authors such as Paul Hermann; although concerned with Scandinavian mythology as a whole, one of the most significant of his books—Du mythe au roman, la Saga de Hadingus et autres essais (originally 1953, but later expanded)—was dedicated to the study of parts of Saxo Grammaticus. Others of his publications closely related to the topic were Mythes et dieux des Germains—Essai d’interprétation comparative (1939), Loki (1948), Les Dieux des Germains, essai sur la formation de la religion scandinave (1959), and Mythe et Épopée II (1971). A recurrent theme for the euhemeristic explanations of Saxo Grammaticus, and particularly those of Snorri Sturlusson, is found in the so-called “Matter of Rome.” Jean Bodel (1165–1210) classified medieval literary cycles in “matters”: the “Mat­ ter of Britain,” regarding King Arthur; the “Matter of Rome,” embodying themes from Classical Antiquity; and the “Matter of France,” focused on Charlemagne. Inside the “Matter of Rome” a peculiar interpretative line, connected to the Trojan War, was developed. The connections and genealogies between the authors are not totally clear. Among these works, two supposedly Latin translations from Greek originals stand out, the Dictys Cretensis Ephemeridos belli Trojani (fourth century) and the Daretis Phrygii de excidio Trojae historia (fifth to sixth centuries).6 Both are quite similar and narrate the destruction of Troy. These works, although central to the development of the “Matter of Rome,” had an extensive influence in other times 3  Heusler, Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altisländischen Schrifttum.

4  Pritsak, The Origin of Rus, pp. 227–37.

5  See, Europa und der Norden in Mittelalter, p. 276. 6  D’Arcier, Histoire et géographie d’un mythe, p.03.



Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus

and genres, from Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages; it is possible to list a number of writings influenced by them before and during the development of the cycles in France. To connect the destiny of Trojan refugees or their descendants with the origins of European nations becomes a common resource for authors; D’Arcier affirms that the only exceptions to this rule are Spanish and Irish authors7—with which we disagree. As shall be demonstrated shortly, Saxo uses a different device to explain the Danes’ origins, although had used fragments of the “Matter of Rome” for different purposes. Virgil’s Aeneid should be added to the Dictys Cretensis and the Daretis Phrygii as inspiration for many medieval stories of European origins.8 The first use of Tro­ jan origins for a European people was made by the Pseudus-Fredegarius (ca. 727), who applied it to the Franks.9 There was a translation from Iceland of the Daretis Phrygii de excidio Trojae historia into vernacular. It was, however, probably written in the second half of the thirteenth century,10 later, therefore, than the Gesta Danorum. The work became known as Trójumanna Saga—“Saga of the men of Troy”—and falls within the genre known as Riddarasögur, or chivalric sagas, mostly presenting translations from the chansons de geste and courtly literature into Old Norse, more specifically Old Icelandic. There were at least three known redactions of this saga. The first one, the old­ est, is contained in the Hauksbók and received by this reason its name; the other two, probably later, perhaps even from the fourteenth century,11 were named “alpha” and “beta.” While the Hauksbók redaction is very close to the Daretis Phrygii, the other two possess influence from other Latin works such as the Ilias Latina and Ovid’s Heroides.12 Although there may be some connection between the above-mentioned sources and sources used by Snorri Sturlusson, in the Gesta Danorum’s case the transmission of the “Matter of Rome” should be looked for in other places. The Historia Regum Britaniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth (ca. 1100–1155) was a relevant case for the Scandinavian historiography, more connected thematically to the “Matter of Britain,” but reasonably influenced by the “Matter of Rome.” 7  D’Arcier, Histoire et géographie d’un mythe, p. 14.

8  Molchan, Translating Arthur, p. 76.

9  D’Arcier, Histoire et géographie d’un mythe, p. 14. 10  Louis-Jensen, Trójumanna saga, pp. L–LVI. 11  Idem.

12  Eldevik, The Dares Phrygius Version of Trójumanna Saga, pp. 6–7.

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In the first book of his Historia Regum Britanniae, Geoffrey of Monmouth tells that, after the Trojan War, Aeneas fled and sought sanctuary in Italy. His grandson Brutus soon would be banished, but some time after was directed by the goddess Diana to a western island named by him as “Britannia,” after his own name. At the margins of the river Thames, Brutus founded the city of Troia Nova, renamed as Londinium, later the Anglo-Saxon Lundenwic and now London; some influence from Virgil’s Aeneid is recognized in the work.13 Scandinavian countries were also subject to influence from the theme. In Saxo Grammaticus’s case, probably transmission sources were diversified; certainly Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniae served as source and even lit­ erary model to Saxo,14 but there were a number of other sources that may have transmitted that information. Even Saxo’s Latin demonstrates knowledge of Virgil.15 Euhemerism in the Gesta Danorum received far less attention from schol­ ars them its counterpart found in the Prose Edda and Ynglingasaga. Taking into account merely stylistic considerations, its text has a very distinct formulation, departing from the Icelandic authors in many ways and frequently presenting obstacles to its comprehension and interpretation. Contrasting with the predominance of the Gelehrte Urgeschichte in interpreta­ tion of the Heimskringla and the Prose Edda, an influential study of Saxo Gram­ maticus’s euhemerism and mythology was made by Georges Dumézil’s Du mythe au roman and Mythe et Épopée II, both from the 1970s, which analysed excerpts of the Gesta Danorum, mostly from books I, VI, VII, and VIII, Hadingus’s and Starcath­ erus’s stories in a structuralist methodology. As to book I, two specific episodes offer possibility for euhemeristic interpre­ tation; Dumézil calls them “mythological digressions.” The first episode lectures about three races of wizards (mathematici): giants, magicians, and the progeny of their interbreeding. Giants were larger and physically stronger, but magicians’ powers were superior. Their interbred descendants were neither as large as the giants nor as skilful as the magicians. All of them were considered gods by the men. The episode is placed after the opening of Hadingus’s story and the descrip­ tion of how he was adopted by giants after the death of his father [1.5.1]. Dumézil tries to explain the excerpt using a structuralist approach, based upon compari­ sons made between giants and men and the Æsir and Vanir families of gods from Scandinavian mythology.16 13  Molchan, Translating Arthur, p. 76.

14  Mortensen, “Saxo og Geoffrey af Monmouth,” pp. 1–4.

15  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” pp. 1; 5–8; 142. 16  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, pp. 84–85.



Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus

Despite some harsh criticisms about it,17 the interpretation is reasonably sound, at least as concerns its inspiration from some native mythology. It is an advantage to be able to compare Saxo’s rendition with the forms written down in the works of Snorri, in which magical beings such as giants and gods are impor­ tant parts of the narratives; but some concessions to structuralism and even phe­ nomenology have to be made in order to make such an approach possible. It seems, however, as noticed before also by Dumézil,18 that that episode con­ cerning interbreeding between different races may contain reminiscences of chapter 6 of the book of Genesis—thus, relating how the daughters of men cohab­ ited with supernatural beings; it is noteworthy that some traditions emphasize the existence of giants. This tale, interesting as it might be, is not our main concern and does not add too much to our discussion. It should be noted, nonetheless, that the episode serves as a good example, although only partially, of the hermeneutical methods of Saxo. His euhemerism assimilates distinct traditions, seeking to harmonize them in an explanatory tale, also rationalized. In the case of the giants, the mythical digression serves to explain the presence of giants in the following narrative, as well as the powers characteristic of them; is also useful in order to show how these skilful beings were worshipped by men, as if they were gods. The second mythological digression, however, deserves some attention and careful reading: 1.7.1 (p. 25,1) [1] Ea tempestate cum Othinus quidam Europa tota falso divinitatis titulo censeretur, apud Upsalam tamen crebriorem dever­ sandi usum habebat eamque sive ob incolarum inertiam sive locorum amoenitatem singulari quadam habitationis consuetudine dignabatur. [2] Cuius numen Septentrionis reges propensiore cultu prosequi cupien­ tes effigiem ipsius aureo complexi simulacro statuam suae dignationis indicem maxima cum religionis simulatione Byzantium transmiserunt, cuius etiam brachiorum lineamenta consertissimo armillarum pondere perstringebant. [3] Ille tanta sui celebritate gavisus mittentium caritatem cupide exosculatus est. [4] Cuius coniunx Frigga, quo cultior progredi pos­ set, accitis fabris aurum statuae detrahendum curavit. [5] Quibus Othinus suspendio consumptis statuam in crepidine collocavit, quam etiam mira artis industria ad humanos tactus vocalem reddidit. [6] At nihilominus Frigga, cultus sui nitorem divinis mariti honoribus anteponens, uni fami­ liarium se stupro subiecit; cuius ingenio simulacrum demolita aurum publicae superstitioni consecratum ad privati luxus instrumentum con­

17  Boulhosa, “A mitologia escandinava de Georges Dumézil.”

18  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, p. 85.

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vertit. [7] Nec pensi duxit impudicitiam sectari, quo promptius Avaritia frueretur, indigna femina, quae numinis coniugio potiretur. [8] Hoc loci quid aliud adiecerim quam tale numen hac coniuge dignum exstitisse? [9] Tanto quondam errore mortalium ludificabantur ingenia. [10] Igitur Othinus, gemina uxoris iniuria lacessitus, haud levius imaginis suae quam tori laesione dolebat. [11] Duplici itaque ruboris irritamento perstrictus plenum ingenui pudoris exsilium carpsit eoque se contracti dedecoris sordes aboliturum putavit.

1.7.2 (p. 25,23) [1] Cuius secessu Mithothyn quidam praestigiis celeber, perinde ac caelesti beneficio vegetatus, occasionem et ipse fingendae divinitatis arripuit barbarasque mentes novis erroris tenebris circumfu­ sas praestigiarum fama ad caerimonias suo nomini persolvendas addu­ xit. [2] Hic deorum iram aut numinum violationem confusis permixti­ sque sacrificiis expiari negabat ideoque iis vota communiter nuncupari prohibebat, discreta superum cuique libamenta constituens. [3] Qui cum Othino redeunte, relicta praestigiarum ope, latendi gratia Pheoniam accessisset, concursu incolarum occiditur. [4] Cuius exstincti quoque fla­ gitia patuere, siquidem busto suo propinquantes repentino mortis genere consumebat tantasque post fata pestes edidit, ut paene taetriora mortis quam vitae monumenta dedisse videretur, perinde ac necis suae poenas a noxiis exacturus. [5] Quo malo offusi incolae egestum tumulo corpus capite spoliant, acuto pectus stipite transfigentes; id genti remedio fuit. 1.7.3 (p. 25,36) [1] Post haec Othinus, coniugis fato pristinae clarita­ tis opinione recuperata ac veluti expiata divinitatis infamia, ab exsilio regressus cunctos, qui per absentiam suam caelestium honorum titulos gesserant, tamquam alienos deponere coegit subortosque magorum coe­ tus veluti tenebras quasdam superveniente numinis sui fulgore discus­ sit. [2] Nec solum eos deponendae divinitatis, verum etiam deserendae patriae imperio constrinxit, merito terris extrudendos ratus, qui se caelis tam nequiter ingerebant.” ((25) At that time there was a man called Othinus who was believed throughout Europe, though falsely, to be a god. He had the habit of staying more frequently than anywhere at Uppsala, deigning to live rather more constantly there either because of the inhabitants’ torpor or the beauty of the countryside. The kings of the north, eager to honour his divinity with more enthusiastic worship, executed a representation of him in gold, the arms thickly encircled with heavy bracelets, and as an expression of their devotion sent it with the utmost show of piety to Byzantium. Deli­ ghting in his celebrity, Othinus avidly greeted the donors’ affection. His wife, Frigga, desiring to walk abroad more bedizened, brought in smiths to strip the statue of its gold. Othinus had them hanged and then, set­



Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus

ting the image on a plinth, by a marvellous feat of workmanship made it respond with a voice to human touch. Subordinating her husband’s divine honours to the splendour of her own apparel, Frigga submitted herself to the lust of one of her servants; by his cunning the effigy was demolished and the gold which had been devoted to public idolatry went to serve her personal pleasure. This woman, unworthy of a deified con­ sort, felt no scruples about pursuing unchastity, provided she could more speedily enjoy what she coveted. Need I add anything but to say that such a god deserved such a wife? Men’s intelligence was once made ridiculous by gullibility of this kind. Consequently Othinus, wounded by both his wife’s offences, grieved as heavily over the damage to his likeness as the harm to his bed. Stung by this double embarrassment he took to exile replete with an honest shame, thinking he would thereby obliterate the stain of his disgrace.

A certain Mythothyn, a famous illusionist, was animated at his departure as if by a gift from heaven and snatched the chance to pretend divinity himself. His reputation for magicianship clouded the barbarians’ minds with a new superstition and led them to perform holy rites to his name. He asserted that the god’s wrath and the profanation of their divine authority could not expiated by confused and jumbled sacrifices; so he arranged that they should not be prayed to as a (26) group, but separate offerings be made to each deity. When Othinus returned, the other no longer resorted to his conjuring but went off to hide in Fyn where he was rushed upon and killed by the inhabitants. His wickedness even appea­ red after his decease; anyone nearing his tomb was quickly exterminated, and his corpse emitted such foul plagues that he almost seemed to leave more loathsome reminders of himself dead than when alive, as though he would wreak punishment on his murderers. The citizens, oppressed by this evil, desinterred the body, decapitated it and impaled it through the breast with a sharp stake; that was the way the people cured the problem. When the death of his wife had enabled him to recover his former celeb­ rity and he had repaired, so to speak, his godhead’s bad name, Othinus (26) returned from exile and forced all those who had worn the marks of divine rank in his absence to resign them, as though they had been borrowed. He dispersed the covens of soothsayers which had sprung up, like shadows before the oncoming of his sacred brightness, and checked them with the command not only to abandon their pretended holiness, but also to leave the country, considering that those who had so profanely obtruded themselves into heaven deserved to be thrust from the Earth.19) 19  GD/I, pp. 25–26.

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Detter and Dumézil explained the episode in mythological grounds, analysing sev­ eral components used to build its frame: the war between Æsir and Vanir, which contains the episode of Mí�mir’s head, the Brí�singamen necklace, the myths of Njọrðr and Skáði.20 Indeed, it is perfectly possible to find these elements in the digression; Hadin­ gus, modelled according the god Njọrðr is the main character of the book; in the mythology of Snorri, Njọrðr enters in the family of the Æsir through a war fought between the two families of gods. What should be noted, nonetheless, is that both this passage and the euhemer­ istic sections from the Prose Edda discussed above, connect their interpretations to the East. Both excerpts deliver similar theme using euhemeristic hermeneutics in dealing with myths and constructing origin stories. The Heimskringla and the Prose Edda prologue connect their peoples’ origins to the East, most specifically to Asia Minor and Troy. Ó� ðinn is present in the accounts, and later will reside in Uppsala. What does Saxo’s narrative bring in connection with the theme, per se? The characters are Othinus, evidently a Latin transcription of the god Ó� ðinn’s name, Mythothyn—meaning “false/mythical Ó� ðinn,” and Frigga. Othinus is revered in Uppsala and rules in Byzantium. The geographical and thematic parallels with the Icelandic prologues are obvious, but restricted to these circumstancial com­ ponents. There is no narrative of the Trojan War, neither a Troy; Saxo refers to Byz­ antium, but there is no migration story. Instead, we read about a kind of palace intrigue between a being—ambiguously treated as a false god in the first sen­ tence—“falso divinitatis titulo censeretur,” but, at the same time, who deserves more honours and whose indignity is lesser than that of his nemesis who usurps his position; at the end, he regains the glory of his old “divine majesty” (numen). There are secondary themes such as Saxo’s prejudices against women, extensively repeated in subsequent books and, in this specific case, embodied in Frigga, pre­ sented as an adulterous woman who sells herself in exchange for gold. As to the origin of the Danes, that is presented at the very beginning of the Gesta Danorum: 1.1.1: [1] Dan igitur et Angul, a quibus Danorum coepit origo, patre Hum­ blo procreati non solum conditores gentis nostrae, verum etiam recto­ res fuere. [2] Quamquam Dudo, rerum Aquitanicarum scriptor, Danos a Danais ortos nuncupatosque recenseat. 20  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, pp. 76f.



Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus

(The Danes trace their beginnings from Dan and Angul, sons of Humbli, who were not merely the founders of our race but its guides also. Dudo, however, who wrote a history of France, believes that the Danes sprang from the Danaans and were named after them.21)

Saxo conciously draws a connection between the Danes’ origin story and Dudo of Saint-Quentin, author of the Historia Normannorum or Gesta Normannorum, and associates the “Danes” to the “Danais,” a name given to the Hellenic people in Homer’s Iliad. Shortly afterwards he quotes Bede, author of the Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, reflecting about Angul’s destiny and the origins of the English people. This excerpt explains the origin of the genealogy, but not the resignification and even emptying which the “Matter of Rome” suffers in the Gesta Danorum, despite being a topos found in almost every European nation’s story of origin. Also it does not explain at all why Saxo, having already resorted to other explanatory sources, inserts the narrative which provides a different and even transfigured plot. There are many problems in the situation, as well as in our interpretation. The main issue is the impossibility of defining an exact Scandinavian archetype, which connects Ó� ðinn’s extraction to Troy. There is a long tradition of Western medi­ eval historical writing and an Icelandic offshoot which does that, but the mere existence of such a traditions does not oblige Saxo to adopt it, especially if in the book’s beginning he had used another origin story, albeit a simpler one. Taking in consideration Saxo Grammaticus’s training and some elements of the narrative, reasonably alike to the “Matter of Rome,” is quite improbable that Saxo did not know it; he simply chose to use a few elements of it, most of them ancillary. He works similarly when dealing with other mythological topics, as he did in the Balðr story, discussed above in Chapter 2. In his narrative, the common meaning of the “Matter of Troy” is significantly changed. The East does not incorporate any sense of origin in the same sense found in the prologue of the Prose Edda and Heimskringla, excluding also any imaginary connection to Paradise or a New Jerusalem. There is no biblical interpretation or interpolation in the text—not just in the first book, but in the Gesta as a whole. It is somewhat surprising to find a greater number of theological references and interpretation of biblical nature—such as genealogies from Noah to Scandinavian heroes—in the historical works by Icelandic authors, supposedly lay people, than in the work of a Danish cleric writing at the behest of an archbishop, as Saxo was. A good point was made by Eric Christiansen regarding the religious or political inclinations of Saxo Grammaticus: 21  GD/I, p. 14.

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He was interested in the spiritual regeneration of the heathen Slavs, but much more interested in the political regeneration of Denmark, and he seems to have believed that both aims were equally acceptable to God. He was writing at a time when Denmark was a powerful and prosperous kingdom, and his concern was to give this kingdom a past as glorious as the present.22

Saxo’s political ideology would be the key to understanding the use and resigni­ fication made of the “Matter of Troy,” particularly the role of the East. The first reference to the area is made already in the Praefatio: “Beyond, to the east, can be found a motley conglomeration of savage tribes.”23 / “Post quam ab ortu quoque multiplex diversitatis barbaricae consertio reperitur” (0.2.10).” To Saxo, in his flowery language, the East is a “motley conglomeration of sav­ age tribes.” There is some significance and some lessons to be learned from the comparison of this first reference, clearly derogatory, and the subsequent appear­ ances of the eastern regions in the course of the work. As argued before, most probably the Praefatio was the last part to be written. In this case, it was the result of considered reflection, years of work and writing, along with the consolidation of conceptions and prejudices. It results also from the knowledge learned from eye-witnesses such as Saxo’s successive patrons Absalon and Anders, both travellers in the eastern regions, the former among the Slavs, the latter on the Eastern Baltic coast, including Rī�ga on the river Daugava, the north­ ern area of Estonia and the expedition of Valdemar II in the same country. In the unlikely circumstance that the writing of the Praefatio occurred pre­ viously to the other books of Gesta Danorum, the vague, deprecating description does not necessarily imply knowledge of the quoted region. Certainly an early date of writing ascribed to the Praefatio excludes the times of probation of Archbishop Absalon in Slavia and Anders Sunesson in Livonia and Estonia, a valuable source of information to Saxo, but of course this extrapolation is conjectural and, as said before, highly unlikely. As a matter of fact, Saxo reveals a greater knowledge of the Baltic than the Ice­ landic authors. Here follows a brief summary of some people and regions that can be considered as “eastern” and that may be included in this “motley conglomera­ tion of savage tribes.” The Sclavi appears in all books, except I and IV, consisting in a constant neme­ sis to the Danes, mostly in the last books (see Map 1.2); the most part of Absalon’s exploits are given amidst issues with the Slavic peoples. 22  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 65–66. 23  GD/I, p. 9.



Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus

The Eastern Baltic area, the Austrvegr of Old Norse sources, is presented in a quite precise and detailed picture. Saxo refers often to the Kurs (as “curetes”), who make appearances in books I, II, III, V, VI, VIII, IX, XI, and XIV; the Estonians are referred to by that designation in books VI, VIII, XIV and XVI, but book II brings also a reference to Rotala, modern Haapsalu, a site located in the western coastal area of Estonia. The Livonians (“livi”) are mentioned in books VIII and XIV; in the last case, the term “Livonem” is used as a nickname for an individual. The Prussians, referred to as “Sembi” in the Gesta Danorum according to the native name of one of their tribes, are frequently mentioned, and appear in books VI and VIII–XI; finally, the Zemgalians, “semgali” to Saxo, are mentioned in books VI and VIII (see Map 1.3). Three cities from Russia, Garðaríki, are mentioned: Holmgardia/Holmgard/ Novgorod and Cønogardia/Konungard/Kiev in book V; and Paltisca/Palteskja/ Polotsk in book II. The generic name Ruscia or Rut(h)enia is used quite often, appearing in books II, III, V–IX, XI, XII, and XIV. There are some references to Hellespontus in books I, VIII and IX, connected to events in the Eastern Baltic, in Zemgale and Kurland, and to the Livonians, Scithia, Ruthenia and even Biarmia, as well to the thematic of King Ermanaric, transferred to King Frotho III in his conquest of the East. The area is resignified as the route from the Varangians to the Greeks which actually crossed the rivers Daugava and Dniepr and the Black Sea, finally leading to the actual Hellespontus (see Map 6.1). Such detailed knowledge is used in order to defend a very specific agenda: the building of a Danish hegemony in the Baltic area, a theme to which we shall return when dealing with King Frotho III, Ericus disertus, and the “Thematic of the Counsellor.” For his task of inserting this hegemony in an ideological frame, the Danish thirteenth-century context supplies to Saxo Grammaticus a nearly perfect back­ ground, one provided with places and functions for all the powers involved in the situation: the Northern Crusades. The enemies, the agents—all the pieces are included in these expeditions, all the conflicts reflected. Even the (dis)agreements between Church and State are able to find their places. The first phase of the Northern Crusades took place near home, in the Slavic lands; its main concerns were to secure the neighbourhoods and to consolidate the new institutions. In this stage there were need of cooperation with the Saxons and the Empire. The main hero is Absalon, scourge of the pagan Slavs. The alliance between Danes and Saxons is heavily criticized by Saxo. A detailed account of the events is found in books XIV–XVI. The records are based on fact and the aesthetics and methodology are clearly chronistic, though full of sententiae and judgemental remarks. These events are echoed in the first books, although through mythical and symbolical expedients.

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The most dramatic excerpts from book V, and particularly from book VI, are devoted to degrading the Saxons. The allegiance made by Frotho IV with that peo­ ple as well the adoption of some of their mores is, to Saxo, speaking through the mouth and poems of the hero Starcatherus, one of the worst acts already perpe­ trated by the king. Their court ceremonial, infiltrated into Danish halls, was to Saxo a demonstra­ tion of how vile the Saxons were; according to his words, they were effeminate and vicious, among other degrading features. Of course such reasoning reflects the unease occurring inside the Danish Church and its reaction against the predomi­ nance of imperial uses and practices. The setting of the second phase of the Northern Crusades was further to the northeast, on the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea. Now, the Danish external affairs faced different struggles and those taking part were also different; at this point the king was Valdemar II; the archbishop, Anders Sunesson. The Slavs were pacified, making up part of the Danish Kingdom, which sought expansion and hegemony over the Baltic by trying to to obtain lands in Estonia and Kurland. Saxo’s vision of the native peoples of the Baltic Sea is far from monolithic, as one can suppose from the Praefatio. Different from the Germans, always the villains and opponents, or even responsible for viciousness in Danish court, the natives are described and used in several ways in the course of the narrative, as will be discussed in detail in the following chapters of this book. It is enough at this moment to briefly present some of these apparitions, for the benefit of the discussion. Book V demonstrates how elements of these sav­ age peoples easily became useful under the Danish banner, as one by one the conquered peoples of the East became Danish vassals and helped the king of the Danes, Frotho III, to win a battle against the Huns. Book VIII tells the story of the Battle of Bravalla which, according to Saxo’s depiction, affected almost all the peoples and races of the North. Saxo’s account of the battle, mostly the allegiances between its contenders, reflects the com­ plex relations between the Northern peoples and a clear uneasiness regarding his southern neighbours, the Germans, but this situation reflects, instead of the eighth century in which supposedly the battle was fought, the thirteenth century in which Saxo writes his work. In an excerpt retelling a widespread tradition about the battle, Saxo describes the Danes in a state of decadence. Their king is blind, literally; their allies are Sax­ ons, Slavs, and Livonians. As to the enemy, they are headed by the Swedes, fol­ lowed by champions from Norway, Iceland and Ruthenia/Russia, with an army flanked by Kurs and Estonians. Despite the judgement in the Praefatio regarding the savagery of Easterners, this time the appreciation is different. Considering the



Euhemerism and the East in Saxo Grammaticus

Swedes and their allies, Saxo affirms that they demonstrated the “superiority” of Northerners in comparison to Saxons and Slavs. The “mythical” books surely reflect the battles of the Danes in Livonia and Estonia, with most of the knowledge emanating from Anders Sunesson. If they were in fact written after the death of Absalon, that would explain the greater number of occurrences in the Eastern Baltic. At this phase, internal consolidation of Danish politics was successfully accom­ plished and Denmark’s main goal changed to obtain hegemony over the Baltic, conquering the native peoples and fighting the Germans—at this time not allies anymore, but the main antagonists in that particular geographic sphere. The Gesta Danorum, despite harsh criticism about its historicity and fidelity to some supposed archetypical Germanic myth, possesses remarkable coher­ ence and harmony when read with the observation of the patterns instilled by its author. A project initially intended as a simple chronicle assumed the role of the History of a nation and, as such, came to reflect the conditions of a country looking for hegemony throughout the Baltic area, even the attempt of creation of a new kind of empire. At the beginning of this book we emphasized the scarcity of information about Saxo Grammaticus, discussing what it is possible to know about him. We have demonstrated also that codicology substantiated with reasonable certainty the fidelity of the available text and the existence of a few alterations in the same, held at Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Some evaluation of the Angers fragment—dated from the thirteenth cen­ tury—with its spaces, gaps, insertions, and experiments with poetic forms, gives support to the widespread idea that the excerpt was written by Saxo himself, or by someone closely associated to him. Evidently such a discovery is rare and surpris­ ing. The comparison with other manuscripts showed remarkable fidelity of the early modern editions to a supposed original, or archetype. Hence, is possible to find in Gesta Danorum the rare circumstance of a treatise attributed mostly to a single, individual mind, almost an artistic mind—in short, one can dare to reflect about such risky questions as individuality and authorship in a medieval work. If right, the suppositions endorsed by several scholars, including Elton and Fisher, about the order followed by Saxo when writing the Gesta, and his chang­ ing of mind after the death of his first patron, we are faced in the Gesta Danorum with the glimpse of a historian, of an aspiring poet—of a cleric who, notwithstand­ ing working under a commission with possible heavy restrictions, was capable of imprinting originality and even geniality in his work, a uniqueness which was not disfigured by a generic and collective “mentality” or common “authorship” as a simplistic reflex of his date.

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Saxo Grammaticus, Snorri Sturlusson, and the author of Heimskringla all made considerable efforts in tracing uninterrupted historical lines from mythical pasts to the present in which they wrote. Snorri Sturlusson, in particularl, developed an elaborated interpretative line according to which the first Scandinavian dynasty of the Ynglingar descended from Ó� ðinn. Initially a major character in Antiquity, origi­ nally from Troy—in the same manner as Þórr—Ó� ðinn had come to be worshipped by the Northern peoples as a god due to his prowess and marvellous deeds. It is not possible to ascertain whether this explanation was created by Snorri alone or was a reflection of some broader Icelandic scholarship. According to this interpretation, the East assumed the role of a place of origin, interweaving Greco-Roman, Western medieval, and biblical traditions, but giving little or no credit to Scandinavian traditions or even empiric knowledge about the East. As to Heimskringla, its author was capable of including actual experience from Norwegian and Icelandic navigators about the Baltic Sea, Rus, and their sur­ roundings. Saxo Grammaticus’s writing is ideologically charged in order to sustain a favourable position for its own ecclesiastical order and to justify the supremacy of the archbishopric, but it also brings varied degrees of elaboration and assimilation of many and distinct traditions, among them Scandinavian, Greco-Roman and, to a lesser degree, Christian. In the Gesta Danorum, the gods were presented, as in the Prose Edda prologue, as men who received improper worship, but the locations belonging to the mythi­ cal age are assimilated to well-known places, through application of empiric geo­ graphical knowledge, based upon sources from the Greco-Roman and Christian worlds, or even by the use of the proper Scandinavian lore. A good example of this is found in the common use of the place of Hellespontus, associated by Saxo directly—and rightly—with the route from the Varangians to the Greeks. The East, to Saxo Grammaticus, was, in first instance, an area fitting for Dan­ ish expansion and to become their hegemonic area; all history written by Saxo reflects that conception, no matter how distant the past described. Both Saxo and Snorri tried to build feasible and credible scenerios into which they inserted the traditions which they drank in—Scandinavian, Western European, of Christian, Greco-Roman and pagan origins. Through the filter of their own agendas these authors selected elements seen as convenient and fit to their main purposes. Goals that, in Saxo, may be suitably described as Danish hegemony in the Baltic are asso­ ciated with archbishopric primacy in Denmark.

Chapter 5

VIRTUES AND VALUES IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS: THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES Kurt Johannesson’s studies introduced novel interpretations and approaches to the workmanship of Saxo Grammaticus. The common approach from social sciences when dealing with thematics related to Germanic mythology was reviewed and partially expanded, concomitantly with the proposition of new questions and issues concerning Saxo’s composition methods. Certainly, the concerns about Germanic and Scandinavian mythology in the Gesta Danorum did not vanish at all, nor did the interest regarding the theme. Indeed, the addition of broader areas of knowledge attuned to medievalist and even classical studies enabled the development of wider understanding of Saxo’s motivations, adaptations, and uses of ancient Scandinavian lore and tradition, in some way “rehabilitating” him as a primary source and making it possible to study Saxo and write about him in a way that was not simply derogatory. There is a clear emphasis in the Gesta Danorum on moral values and virtues; beyond the simple concern to narrate bare facts there is an objective to draw value statements about these same facts. As discussed before, a simplistic view about the Gesta would rashly attribute to it a predominance of aristocratic and warrior values as well as the interest in military and oratorical deeds, a common topos also in other Scandinavian and even Icelandic sources; a detailed study of the values defended in the Gesta Danorum changes that vision considerably. There is no possibility of analysing such values without considering stylistic questions such as the elaboration of schemes—often hermetic—and the ordering of the books. Into the plain narrative of deeds of kings and heroes Saxo inserted many patterns and elaborate schemes clearly intentionally. His narrative differs from his Icelandic contemporaries’ not only by the language, although his commission and education inclined him strongly to use methods derived from his study of Latinity. When composing his poems, Saxo does not simply translate or “distort” skal­ dic or other kind of ancient Scandinavian lore; he creates something new in classic metre, trying to emulate authors from Classical and Late Antiquity. His interest in the aesthetics of composition is consistent with the poetics of the twelfth cen­ tury; quoting Johannesson and his own citation of Faral, Saxo “might start with a proverb, a sententia or an example to indicate a general theme of the text but also to prepare the audience for the central, decisive part of the story.”1 Therefore, the 1  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” p. 96.



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narrative and even the characters did not constitute the most important part of the plots; instead, they were merely instruments to convey messages and, most of all, values; the form assumes a role of equal importance with the proper plot. An important scheme in the Gesta Danorum directly connected to the sphere of values is the grouping of the Four Cardinal Virtues according to the conception of Martianus Capella, an idea first defended by Kurt Johannesson, recently restudied by Sigurd Kværndrup, and which we intend to analyse thoroughly, although inde­ pendently and focused on Saxo’s own text. In his Saxo Grammaticus, Komposition och värdsbild i Gesta Danorum (1978), Johannesson demonstrated the significant role assumed by the Four Cardinal Vir­ tues scheme, together with other allegorical settings, in the composition of the Gesta Danorum. According to Johannesson, the first four books presented the vir­ tues, one by one; first on the scene was Fortitudo, followed by Iustitia in book II, Prudentia in book III, and Temperantia in book IV. In the subsequent books the virtues were used as parameters to the behaviour of the heroes, explaining the success of some of them and the failure of others. As to Kværndrup, his work Tolv principper hos Saxo (1999) reasserted the exis­ tence of the Cardinal Virtues scheme in Saxo, but drawing a comparison of the structure of the Gesta Danorum with Valerius Maximus’s “Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium,” written ca. AD 30. To Kværndrup there were twelve principati in Saxo’s work; his reasoning was strongly based on Robert Combès, author of a translation of and commentary on Valerius Maximus. Kværndrup explains principatus as a domain, symbolic kingdom, or metonymic field. The first four books from Valerius Maximus presented the Cardinal Virtues; the first one, Sapientia; the sec­ ond, Iustitia; the third, Fortitudo, and, finally, the fourth demonstrated Modestia. The discordance between the patterns exemplifies quite well the difficulties of studying hermetic systems in large books as well as the risk of subjectivism. Even so, there is no need that the two interpretations should be considered as mutually exclusive. It is very probable that Valerius Maximus’s work provided a great deal of inspiration to Saxo, but there is no need that the Gesta Danorum should present the virtues in the same order as in “Factorum ac dictorum memo­ rabilium.” Even the virtues are not exactly the same, but Kværndrup’s emphasis was not on the virtues themselves; instead, it was on the listing of the themes founded in the Gesta’s books and the comparison of similarities of its thematic to Valerius Maximus’s. Therefore, a necessary step before analysing the virtues in Saxo there is to define them. The concept of the Cardinal Virtues, even directly associated to the Christian tradition, originated in the Greek and Roman non-Christian authors of Classical Antiquity, having been adapted and used by Christianity in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Its first influential formulations came with Plato in several



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

of his works including Protagoras, Meno, the Laws and, principally, the Republic, but was transformed, used, and adapted by many authors, both pagan and Chris­ tian, including Ambrose (ca. 340–397), St. Augustine (354–430), and Martianus Capella (fifth century). The general concept defined the Four Cardinal Virtues as Sapientia or Prudentia (wisdom, good sense, moderation, prudence), Temperantia (moderation, pro­ portion, sobriety, temperance, measure, modesty), Fortitudo (strength or courage, but also strength of spirit, bravery, steadfastness, decision, ardour, energy), and Iustitia (justice). The Plato’s initial discussions included piety, but the most wide­ spread formulations were the Latin ones. The terms used by Plato were δικαιοσύ� νη (dikaiosüne—righteousness, jus­ tice), σωφροσύ� νη (sophrosüne—moderation, self-control, temperance, discre­ tion), ά� νδρεια (andreia—courage, strength, manliness), φρό� νησις (phrónesis— comprehension, intelligence) or σοφί� α (sophia—wisdom, knowledge). This ter­ minology reflects a Socratic philosophical tradition, particularly the quaternary partition, and had been used in multiple forms. Despite the Greek origin of the concept, Latin authors developed and adapted it extensively, from Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages, both pagan and Chris­ tian writers. There are variations amidst the Hellenic context itself: the apocry­ phal book of the Maccabees, for example, renders “eusebeia” instead of “sophia,” implying a conception of piety and reverence—as mentioned before, present in the Platonic conception—rather than wisdom and knowledge. The term “cardinal” comes from Latin cardo, meaning the limits, extremities, poles, the Cardinal Points; the term “Cardinal Virtues” therefore defines the refer­ ence points to any virtuous life. Plato identified these virtues with the kinds of men living in the city as described in his Republic, as well as with men’s faculties. Temperantia was associated with the productive classes such as farmers and arti­ sans, and also with the animal appetites; Fortitudo was identified with warriors and with the spiritual element in a man; Sapientia was the virtue characteristic of rulers and identified with the reason. Iustitia was outside the system of classes and categories of men, ruling the relation between them.2 The Cardinal Virtues were not the same ones as the three theological virtues, nor the seven capital ones. The theological ones—faith, hope, love/charity—were based upon the first epistle from the apostle Paul to the Corinthians, chapter 13.3 As to the capital ones—from the Latin caput, “head”—these were usually counter­ 2  Plato, The Republic, book IV.

3  “And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these is charity” (I Corinthians 13:13; King James Bible).

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posed to the well-known capital sins, and comprised humility, liberality, fraternal love, goodness/meekness, chastity, temperance, and diligence. The scheme was popularized by Prudentius in his Psycomachia, when trans­ lating Aeschylus, where he allegorically narrates the contest between heroes and enemies (representing the virtues and the sins) for Thebes (allegory of the soul). Some of the concepts and synonyms were mixed with the Cardinal Virtues, sharing a same Neoplatonic tradition, but are different schemes. St. Augustine used the concept in some of his works such as in De moribus Ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum and in the Letter CLV to Macedonius in which he uses the scheme in its entirety. Sometimes he considered the Cardinal and the Theo­ logical Virtues as complementary to each other and necessary to the perfect cult, and leaves no room for doubt when describing it: [635] [...] Nam etiam illis uirtutibus quattuor, quas memorabili pridem industria philosophi quoque indagare potuerunt, id est Prudentiae, forti­ tudini, Temperantiae atque Iustitiae si ad perfectum religionis cultum tria haec uingentes addamus, id est fidem, spem et caritatem, septenarium profecto numeruminuenimus. Recte enim haec tria non omittuntur, sine [636] quibus nec deum colere nec ei quemquam nouimos posse placere.

(For if to those four virtues, which the philosophers were also able to investigate with remarkable industry, that is, to prudence, fortitude, tem­ perance, and justice, we should also add and join for the perfect practice of religion these three, namely, faith, hope, and love, we of course find the number seven. For it is right that these three not be omitted, without which we know that no one can worship or please God.4)

Many of these schemes and conceptions were assimilated and reproduced by Saxo in some degree.5 But probably the most influential re-elaboration for the concept in Saxo derives from the widespread interpretation found in the allegori­ cal work “De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii,” written by Martianus Capella in the fifth century, where the author narrates the wedding between Philologia and the god Mercury. The virtues are personified in four matrons called Prudentia, Iustitia, Temperantia, and Fortitudo: (Nc11920) [...] Ecce conueniunt in penates et in-thalamum uirginis que­ dam matrone sobrio decore laudabiles. Non uultose i pulchre circa faciem conquisitis figmentis rerum. Simplici quadam comitate prenitentes. Qua­

4  Augustine, “Letter CLV,” p. 121.

5  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus: Komposition och värdsbild i Gesta Danorum, pp. 35f.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

rum una dicebatur Prudentia uocitari. Intenta circumspectione cautis­ sima. Et omnia discriminans vigili rerum distinctione. Huius germana ferebatur sortita uocabulum iustitie. Sua cunctis attribuens nullumque eo quo non merebatur afficiens. Uerum tertia nomen acceperat ex morum Temperantia contemptis muneribus atque abstinentia predicanda. Que supererat fortissima ac tolerandis omnibus aduersis infracta subeundis etiam laboribus robore etiam corporis preparata uirium vocabulum pos­ sidebat. (Nc12016)

(While the Muses thus wove their web of song, now singly, now in unison, and in turn repeated their sweet melodies, there came into the maiden’s quarters and her bedroom some matrons dressed with commendable sobriety, their faces beautiful without artifice but glowing with the charm of simplicity. One of them, scrupulous in her careful examination, who checked everything with analytical care, was called Prudence. [128] Her sister gave to all their due, and to no one what had not been deserved; she was said to bear the name Justice. [129] The third was praisewor­ thy for her restraint and contempt of gifts, and from her self-control she received the name Temperance. [130] The last one was very brave and always steadfast in bearing all hardships, ready too with strength of body to undertake all labours; her name was Strength.6)

Saxo quotes Martianus Capella and Valerius Maximus a great number of times; a comprehensive lists of the quotes and references may be consulted in Fisher and Friis-Jensen’s bilingual edition of the Gesta Danorum, published in 2015. It is not surprising to find the virtues’ concepts and even the phraseology used by Saxo quite similar to those used by Martianus Capella, instead of some direct applica­ tion of Plato’s terminology; even though Plato’s origins are clear through the pres­ entation of the virtues. In some cases the conjunctions of the virtues are more specific to Saxo; Fortitudo and Temperantia are associated a number of times.7 The most commonly found virtues in Gesta Danorum, these characteristics are perfectly suited to the myriad of warriors and kings. A warrior using just these virtues, however, will fall; the high frequency of their citation does not necessarily correspond to a greater importance. Actually, all the plots unequivocally show that the hero will be in need of some­ 6  Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, p. 45

7  These virtues are associated also in Johannis Scotti Eriugena’s comments to Martianus, dated from the ninth century, but in a different manner: “Temperantia esta ab omnibus quae fugienda sunt abstinere. Fortitudo esta quae superat omniae quae fugienda” (Iohannis Scotti, Annotationes in Marcianum, p. 57).

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Praefatio

2

II

2

1

7

3

I

III

5

4

IV

V

5

VI

10

VIII

4

VII

6

4

1

IX

X

10

XI

5

6

XIII

6

3

XII

XIV XV

XVI

7

1

7

30 1

1

2

1

3

9

8

3

2

3

1

1

1

7

5

5

2

9

1

1

1

10 2

2

1

5

4

1

5

1

9

1

2

1

3

2

2

1

2

6

1

8

3

6

1

2

15

10

5

1

1

Constantia 1 1

1

1

1

2

9

8

4

4

3

3

4

2

2

3

1

4

5

7

3

1

3

2

2

20

8

5

17

16

1

5

1

2

8

15

2

4

1

Continentia

Sapientia

3. Prudentia

Liberalitas

Avaritia

Table 5.1: Approximate Frequency of Terms Related to the Cardinal Virtues in the Gesta Danorum

4. Temperantia

one else well-provided with Prudentia—or, as sometimes used by St. Augustine and Saxo, Sapientia—and Iustitia in order to offer good counsel. It is not by chance that the virtue of Prudentia had been ascribed since Ciceruo to the elders and, later, to the churchmen, which whom Saxo identifies himself as well as his patrons. A counting of the word frequency gives the approximate recurrence:

2. Iustitia

72

1. Fortitudo



7

12 4

6 3

An analysis of this terminology cannot be made isolated from the respective plots and thematic; even though is possible to detect as start point some consistent patterns. Fortitudo is a term easily found in all the books; the counting of synonyms evidently results in a still greater frequency, but there are some peaks in books V, X, and XIV.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

Iustitia is not used before book II, and the total frequency of the word is sparse, except for book XIV. The frequency of Avaritia and Liberalitas, however, is high in book II, showing other peaks in books VI and XIV. As argued by Johannesson,8 these terms represented a common medieval derivation from the virtue of Iustitia; to be noted is the accordance of such use with the description of Martianus Capella, according to whom Iustitia should “[give] to all their due and to no one what had not been deserved.”9 Prudentia first appears in book III, presenting further peaks in books V, X, and XIV; Sapientia, a common synonym to it, is quite common in books III, V and XIV. As for Temperantia or its variation Constantia, it is present in all the books in high frequency, with highlights in books V, VIII, and XIV. In the first four books the virtues appear gradually, developed by Saxo accord­ ing to the evolution of the Danish history. Books V, X, and XIV are important parts from the work; respectively, these books contain (according to Saxo) the birth of Christ and his peace in the whole world (book V), the conversion of Denmark to Christianity and the life of Knut the Great (book X), and the story of Absalon and his ascension to the archbishopric (book XIV). These are focal points of the work; the timespan between books VI and VIII contains the narratives of the hero Starcatherus, which summarizes the great majority of themes found in the Gesta Danorum. These books also contain charac­ ters which may be considered complete heroes, bearers of all the virtues: such as Ericus disertus, Starcatherus, and Archbishop Absalon. The thematic of the virtues is presented in the Gesta Danorum at first sepa­ rately, followed by examples of both negative and positive characters. We shall proceed to the separate analysis of these virtues, in a procedure parallel with but departing from Johannesson’s; to whom we, nevertheless, owe a great deal. Saxo’s procedures can be observed from the analysis of the first book. First of all, he con­ siders that not only the Danish realm is described in its beginnings, but also other categories such as art and language; amidst many of the schemes, the scholar defends that the four initial books of the Gesta also exemply the artes liberales, and in the first book many examples of grammatica should be analysed, such as the poems from Harthgrepa and Ulfhilda.10 We shall proceed to draw some more intensive analysis of the virtues; instead of trying to observe a great number of schemes, we prefer to scrutinize Saxo’s 8  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” p. 99.

9  Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, p. 45.

10  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, pp. 96f; “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” pp. 100f.

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arguments deeply and independently from Johannesson, with the goal to under­ stand the moral compass and the parameters used by the author to measure the persona described by him. The majority of the excerpts, henceforth, shall be taken by our iniciative, except when Johannesson is directly quoted.

Fortitudo

It has been said already that Fortitudo is the virtue that appears with the great­ est frequency in the Gesta Danorum. It is presented in Saxo usually together with Temperantia, and would be understood as physical strength, being used together or alternately with animi, robur, vigor, but also as moral and spiritual force. Some other synonyms used frequently in the Latin text are audacia and firmitas.11 According to Capella’s allegory, Fortitudo was “brave,” “always steadfast in bearing all hardships.” Always ready also to, “with strength of body,” “undertake all labours.”12 Fortitudo is also found closely associated with the ideas of steadfast­ ness, courage and virility. Sometimes Saxo uses the word Fortitudo as a synonym of virtue proper (virtute); at these moments, the discrimination between the virtue Fortitudo or the generic use or reference of the term virtue can be made only by the observation of context. In this way, the Platonic discussion regarding the virtues is mirrored; Plato himself, in his work Protagoras, was very careful to specify that each one of the virtues should be considered as part of a larger conception of “virtue”: ´Αλλα ραδιον τουτο γ, έ� φη, ώ� Σωκρατες, ά� ποκρινασθαι, ό� τι έ� νος ό� ντος της ά� ρετες μορια έ� στιν ά� έ� ρωτας.

(Why, the answer to that is easy, Socrates, he replied: it is that virtue is a single thing and the qualities in question are parts of it.13)

That alternative use helps to clarify the great frequency of the word in the whole text; we would like, however, to emphasize that similarly, this abundance of refer­ ences also gives prominent position to fortitude, mainly when it is considered as moral strength instead of merely physical prowess. Fortitudo is, therefore, the virtue which sustains the hero and even the other virtues. It fits quite well as the first—although not necessarily the primary—vir­ tue of the whole work. The very first Danes did not possess any virtue but for11  “Fortitudo,” in Blatt and Hemmingsen, Vademecum in opus Saxonis. 12  Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, p. 45.

13  Plato, Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydermus, pp. 329 (Greek)/155 (English).



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

titude; their first kings were chosen through it. Also it is perfectly logical, in an atmosphere loaded with giants, magical beings, barbarians, and pirates from the East, that that virtue became essential to the main character. To Johannesson, book I would appear to be an “extremely loose sucession of episodes” were it not for the “unifying principle”—the episodes should be regarded as exempla fortitudinis.14 The enunciation of the theme is made in the first paragraph of the first book. Dan and Angul, first kings of the Danes, sons of Humblus, were elected owing to their acknowledged superiority in Fortitudo, “summam ob egregia fortitudinis merita.” In the choice of the sons of Dan—Humblus and Lotherus—as kings, Saxo reinforces the idea of strength by using a literary device, and associates the suf­ frage and the election of the kings with a specific place, chosen because of its peculiarities. According to the author, the votes were proclaimed while the elec­ tors remained standing, their feet resting on rocks solidly fixed in the ground, “as though to augur the durability of their action through the firmness (firmitatis) of the rocks beneath them.”15 / “(1.2.1) [1] Lecturi regem veteres affixis humo saxis insistere suffragiaque promere consueverant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti Constantiam ominaturi.” The following king, Skioldus, bears a name used in the ancient and mythical Danish dynasties, the name applied to the founder house of the Danes, the Skjoldungar. He is measured according to the amount of his fortitude, and the reader is provided with some exempla of it. In his youth Skioldus was able to defeat a great bear, and such a circumstance, according to Saxo, was a kind of prelude of the Fortitudo which he would display in his future. Skiold also defeated many champions, bearers themselves of exemplary Fortitudo, such as Attalus and Scatus.16 Other qualities of his, such as generosity, are presented, albeit briefly; the clear intention of Saxo, however, is to stress that the main virtue, the characteristic by which Skiold ought to be identified, is the virtue of Fortitudo. For his son, Gram, the same measure was employed; Saxo said about Gram that his “amazing genius was so reminiscent of his father’s that he was immedi­ ately believed to be treading in the same virtuous footsteps”17 / “(1.4.1 [3]). [3] 14  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” pp. 98f.

15  GD/I, p. 14.

16  “[...] complures spectatae fortitudinis pugiles per idem tempus viritim ab eo superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus clari illustresque fuere” (1.3.1 [5]; 15). 17  GD/I, p. 16.

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Cuius mirifica indoles ita paternas virtutes redoluit, ut prorsus per earum vestigia decurrere putaretur [...].” His story is told at length, and includes at its beginning the defeat of a giant and the obtaining the hand of a maiden previously imprisoned by the supernatu­ ral being, followed, when he was already king, by several military conquests. The word fortitude is not used, but the idea is clear; the author alleges that Gram mir­ rored his father, and gives many examples of actions demonstrating such affirma­ tion. Also, Saxo presents more narratives concerning Gram than Skioldus himself, whose space in the Gesta is very short. Regarding the characterization of Gram, is quite clear to the reader that this hero is a person provided mainly with physical strength. He defeats a giant and thieves using a club (1.4.12 [3]), and Saxo compares him, at least in virtues, to Hercules: “Herculeae virtutis exemplo” (1.4.2; 16). Also, in the development of Gram’s narratives, Saxo prepares the way for subsequent thematics of greater rel­ evance in the Gesta Danorum. It is quite curious that, although so greatly endowed with greatness, strength, courage, and bravery, Gram, in the midst of a narrative in which he defeats a giant and wins the maiden imprisoned by him, needs an inter­ mediary and aide, Bessus, to speak for him. The very early poems in the Gesta are spoken not by the hero and king, Gram, but by his assessor, Bessus. Moreover, Saxo even states that it was not possible to know for sure if the renown of Gram was due to his own heroism, or to his com­ panion’s. This reference is brief, and points to the development of a future theme of the Gesta, to be studied at length in a following chapter. In the current book the excerpt seems to indicate that, to Saxo, fortitude, even though highlighted in the present narrative, would be not sufficient by itself for a successful ruler. The subsequent part of book I deals with Hadingus. At this point, Saxo broad­ ens his views about the Fortitudo, therefore balancing the narrative with the addi­ tion of the nuances before mentioned regarding the virtue. The history of Hadin­ gus is multifaceted, not being a single narrative about deeds and conquests, but instead, the tale of a man who is well provided with strength, but lacks wisdom. Hadingus is a young man who spends his youth consumed by the desire to avenge his father. He excels in the training of arms and battle, is again an example of a warrior, of a Fortitudo bearer. Nevertheless, as before mentioned, his narra­ tive is everything but simple. The longest composition until then, his story inter­ weaves myth and fantasy, battle strategies, and magic artifices. The result is a complex mosaic. At the beginning, Hadingus is far from victori­ ous. He is defeated and imprisoned, and only after being advised and counselled by an elder is able to achieve victory. Even in this second phase of his career, there are frequent setbacks and misfortunes. The main goal of the author at this point is



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

to make clear the insufficiency of physical strength alone against greater powers, usually of a magical or religious nature. At the very beginning of the Hadingus tale, Saxo inserts a sudden mythological digression. There were in the beginning, as related in the digression, three kinds of sorcerers (mathematici): the giants (gigantes), the sorcerers proper, and a third one, produced by interbreeding between the two first ones. The two first kinds waged war, which was won by the sorcerer’s superior in mind. They were, there­ fore, glorified by the men as gods. The third kind was neither as strong and big as the first race, nor so powerful in the magical arts and in the intellect as the second one. They were able, however, to deceive the men of Antiquity and, like the sorcerers, they were regarded as gods by early men (1.5.2—1.5.6; pp. 21–22), even earning the right to rule them. There is not much subtlety in the main lesson taught by the author in this pas­ sage; the mental ability (mentis ingenio) of the sorcerers was vastly superior and defeated the physical strength and magnitude (magnitudinis, granditate) of the giants. Almost all the aspects of this minor narrative were expanded in the fol­ lowing passages of the book; from the reference to giants to the superiority of the virtues related to the mind in comparison with physical strength. Yet another mythological digression will be added, connecting the thematic of ancient heroes to the false gods of the so-called primitive men. Hadingus is guided and protected successively by a giantess who nurtured him in the childhood and seduced him as an adult, and by a one-eyed elder, a mathematicus, who presents several features of the Scandinavian god Ó� ðinn (spelled Othinus in the Gesta Danorum). The giantess, Harthgrepa, is killed shortly after she had summoned a dead man to return from the grave. As for Othinus, he pro­ vides counselling, magic potions, devices, and battle strategies, with which Hadin­ gus finally will prevail against his foes in his later campaigns. Throughout the book, Hadingus faces ordinary foes in the material world, but also enemies endowed with magical powers. After some initial setbacks in Kur­ land, Hadingus receives the first counsel from the one-eyed elder and engages in more successful campaigns. He is constantly in need of assistance, above all when dealing with magic and crafts beyond his comprehension. At the same time as Saxo stresses his prowess as warrior, his strength, courage, and boldness (Fortitudo, Audacia), he highlights even more the incapacity of the hero in dealing with the supernatural world on his own. After killing a marine beast, for example, Hadingus starts to boast and brag, but immediately receives a curse for his ignorance as he killed a divine being. As he sails, he begins to attract storms and bad weather, and can only get rid of the curse by offering a sacrifice.

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Finally, Saxo demonstrates that Fortitudo alone, at least in terms of its physi­ cal quality, more often than not needs complementing. In the following books this virtue still remains in prominence. The Grammaticus, nonetheless, adds gradually to it other virtues, having shown in the first book the necessity to supplement it. It will become evident that it is not enough for the king to just be strong—more is needed.

Avaritia, Liberalitas and Iustitia

Capella describes Iustitia (justice) as a matron who “gave to all their due, and to no one what had not been deserved.”18 The idea of Iustitia has been connected since classic Latinity to the concepts of Avaritia and Liberalitas. Cicero, for instance, in his “De legibus,” opposed Avaritia to Iustitia/Liberalitas,19 and the use continued and was developed further in the Middle Ages.20 To Thomas Aquinas, Avaritia should in fact be considered as directly opposed to Iustitia, instead of to Liberalitas: “Ergo Avaritia directe opponi­ tur Iustitiae, et non liberalitati.”21 All these characteristics and nuances can be found in the Gesta Danorum, usu­ ally alongside considerations of fortune—“fortuna.” Saxo describes many exempla of Avaritas and Liberalitas and the consequences to men when acting with munifi­ cence or greed; at the end, there is the attribution of consequences to these acts by the fortuna. These concepts appear clearly applied in Gesta Danorum’s book II. In it, Saxo Grammaticus presents two main characters, Frotho—the first of several kings with that name in the Gesta—and Rolvo Krake, a legendary king of the Skjöldungar about which other versions are known, such as the Hrófls saga kraka. A possible approach to the question is the consideration of Liberalitas and Avaritia within the concept of secular gift exchange, discussed in the 1970s by Michael H. Gelting22 and, most recently, by Anders Winroth concerning Scandinavia as a whole,23 and by Lars Kjær on Denmark exclusively.24 18  Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, p. 45.

19  Dyck, A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus, p. 205; Cicero, De legibus, book I, sections 51 to 52. 20  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” p. 99.

21  Summa Theoologica, Articulus 3, a2.

22  Roskildekroniken, edited by Michael H. Gelting. 23  Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia. 24  Kjær, “Gaver og gæstebud.”



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

We shall address the question, however, from the point of view of the virtues and values. In Frotho’s story, the main theme is connected to the uses of riches. In the first paragraph the problem is predicted: Frotho, son of Hadingus, passed his whole youth devoted to the training of weapons and virtues, a connection and continu­ ity with the emphasis on Fortitudo of the first book. The constant war drained his father’s treasury, and Frotho has no resources to pay his soldiers. The solution to the problem is given by an elder who reveals the location of a hidden treasure, guarded by a dragon,25 as well as describing the procedures needed to obtain it. Well equipped, Frotho leaves for campaigns in Kurland, Esto­ nia, and Ruthenia, using tricks and stratagems, in this way shaping his Fortitudo with cunning. Until then the scenery and the themes do not differ greatly from the first books. A new central idea becomes clearer in the following parts. After family disputes, Frotho abandons his eastern campaigns, which provided him with both wealth and glory, and starts to raid in Western Europe, arriving in Scotland. In that country Frotho fights with the governor Melbrictus, and uses a peculiar stratagem: being cornered amidst the Britons and the Scottish armies, he commands his soldiers to abandon their chariots, goods, and gold, in order to defeat the enemies by their Avaritia: (2.3.2) [3] [...] militibus ad contionem vocatis deserenda vehicula, abi­ ciendam supellectilem aurumque, quod ab iis gestaretur, passim per arva disiciendum edixit, affirmans solam in opum effusione opem restare nec aliud conclusis subsidium superesse quam hostem ab armis in Avaritiam pellicere. ([...] not having the means to handle front and rearguard actions simul­ taneously, he summoned his troops to a meeting and informed them that they must abandon their chariots, fling away their personal property and scatter the gold they had on them everywhere across the fields, for he maintained that their only good lay in shedding their goods, and there was nothing for it but to entice the encircling enemy from arms to avarice.26)

In contrast to King Frotho’s speech to the Danes, Saxo put in the mouth of a certain Thorkillus very different words. Thorkillus, who “outstripped the rest in greed as he did in eloquence,”27 tries to persuade the soldiers not to leave their treasures, 25  Which, according to Johannesson (“Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” p. 101), resembles the goddess Dialectic according Martianus Capella’s depiction. 26  GD/I, p. 47. 27  GD/I, p. 47.

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but the men obey King Frotho. On the opposite side, a similar situation happens; while the Britons’ king urges his soldiers not to take the goods, a knight exhorts his companions to do so. While the king of the Britons says that “nothing was more intolerable than lucre, which brought into captivity the snatcher who thought he was being enriched,”28 one of his knights, among accusations of cowardice to his king, affirms that the “gold shall never be trampled on by pigs or other beasts, and rust away on the ground instead of being put to better use by men.”29 The Britons throw them­ selves avidly on the riches, ending in a fight between them. Saxo ends the episode with a reflection about Avaritia: (2.3.7) [6] Paenituit tunc oneris Britannos, sanguine poenas Avaritiae dantes. [7] Piguit inexpletae aviditati brachia porrexisse. [8] Puduit minus regiae exhortationi quam propriae indulsisse cupiditati.

(Only when avarice was paid for in blood did the Britons regret their encumbrance, vexed at having stretched out their arms with a craving still unsated, ashamed to have heeded their own appetites before the King’s exhortation.30)

Saxo devotes little space to the following deeds of Frotho, quickly relating his return to his kingdom, the defeat of some champions, and the obtaining of impen­ etrable armour. The king did not die from being hurt in battle, but drowned while wearing that armour. In conclusion, to highlight one last time the connection of this first Frotho to the riches thematic, Saxo narrates that the king had the custom of mixing gold powder in his food to avoid being poisoned. The two longest narratives about this first Frotho, therefore, deal with exactly the same theme—the different uses of wealth. In the first episode, gold is used as payment to a third party, for funding warrior exploits; in the second, it is used to save the life of his soldiers. Avaritia is constantly evoked throughout the narra­ tion; in this specific episode, it was not the Danes that achieved victory by fighting, but Avaritia which defeated the Britons. In the contraposition of the two kings’s discourses, Thorkillus’s, and the Briton knight’s, Saxo Grammaticus attests the superiority of virtute, as a whole encompassing category that includes the parts Fortitudo, Prudentia, and Temperantia, over cupiditas pecuniae (2.3.4)—the lust for money. 28  GD/I, p. 48.

29  GD/I, p. 49.

30  GD/I, pp. 49f.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

The following descendant’s exploits are briefly narrated in the continuing parts of book II, mostly to show the genealogical line and familiar connections of the next relevant king, Rolvo—better known as Hrólf Kraki in the Danish and Icelandic traditions. Rolvo’s main antagonist is Athislus, king of Sweden. Both characters are described in order to stress their virtues; Rolvo was “endowed with grace in body and mind, one who enhanced his mighty physique with bravery (virtute)” to match.”31 The comparison with Athislus is extreme and lacking any subtlety: the Swedish king “had hated generosity from his childhood, and was so grasping over money that he believed it was a disgrace to be thought charitable.”32 There is no doubt that Athislus is characterized as a villain mostly due to his Avaritia, instead of cowardice or any other character flaw. His own wife—Rolvo’s mother Ursa—wants to hurt him, and the only way imagined by her was depriving him of his treasures (2.6.2). There are other comparions and disputes between the two men, always fought in the field of the virtues: (2.6.4) [3] Idem percontantibus convivis, quod fortitudinis genus ceteris anteferret, patientiam nominavit. [4] Interrogatus ab iisdem Athislus, cui potissimum virtuti votorum suorum studium obligasset, liberalitatis sibi professionem aptavit. (Being asked (Rolvo) by the guests what kind of bravery (Fortitudo) he set above others, he named endurance (patientia). The same people demanded of Athisl to which virtue (virtute) he found himself committed most by his ideals; he gave the reply, “Munificence” (liberalitatis).33)

“Fortitudo” is used instead of “virtute,” but its meaning in the phrase implies the concept of virtue as a whole, and not the specific virtue of Fortitudo, as may be noted by the next wording in the same excerpt. Probably the use was due to stylis­ tic reasons, trying not to repeat the same word; to the emulation of Plato’s use and discussion of virtue as a whole thing or as parts of this whole thing; or even to a combination of both reasons. During a feast, the two men are submitted to tests in which the greed of Athis­ lus is again evoked; while Rolvo withstands a fierce fire protected only by a small 31  GD/I, p. 52. The original quote: “[...] vir corporis animique dotibus venustus, qui staturae magnitudinem pari virtutis habitu commendaret” (2.6.1[1]). 32  GD/I, p. 52. The original quote: “Hic a puero liberalitatis odio imbutus adeo pecuniae tenax exstitit, ut munificum haberi infamiae loco duceret” (2.6.1[4]). 33  GD/I, p. 53.

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shield, Athislus is demanded to give a present; his gift to his stepson Rolvo is a heavy collar. After the festivities, Saxo restates the subplot of a treasure thrown away, as in the case of the clash between the kings and the defeat of armies face the Avaritia; this time, however, the situation involves individuals. Ursa, Rolvo’s mother and Athislus’s wife, steals Athislus’s treasure and runs away with her son; while being pursued, mother and son cast away the riches, so mirroring King Frotho’s actions. In the midst of the gold and other precious pieces is the collar given to Rolvo by Athislus in the contest. This setting gives the final and most important image of the book: the king is reduced to kneeling on the ground, prostrated before the gold, defeated by Avaritia: (2.6.7) [5] Videns igitur Athislus donatum Rolvoni torquem [...], intimum Avaritiae suae pignus curiosius contemplatus, ut praedam exciperet, affixis humo genibus cupiditati maiestatem inclinare sustinuit.

(Athislus, seeing abandoned [...] the collar which was his present to Rolvo, gazed fixedly at this dearest token of his avarice; to catch up this spoil he pressed his knees to the earth and thought fit to stoop his royalty for greed.34)

The following part of the book is similar to other Scandinavian narratives con­ cerning the main character, such as the Hrólfs saga kraka. According to this saga, Hrólf was a Danish king whose hall attracted many champions from other lands; there are other details, such as the trial by fire, that are found also in the saga. Notwithstanding, Saxo’s main difference is the emphasis given to the reason for the attractiveness of Rolvo’s court; it is because of the Liberalitas of the king that the most renowed warriors sought to be in his hall. The end of the book delivers a long poem connected to events and characters also found in the Hrólfs saga kraka, composed supposedly by a certain Hialto—or, as in the saga, Hjalti, one of its champions. The poem is some way out of place in the main narrative, closer to a skaldic tradition converted to Latin, focused more on warrior feats than on Christianized Greek virtues. This misplacement is curi­ ously admitted by Saxo, who even justifies himself in conveying the poem: (2.8.1) [1] Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim, quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis compendio digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memori­ ter usurpatur.

34  GD/I, p. 54.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

(I have particularly composed this set of admonitory speeches in metre because the same thoughts, arranged within the compass of a Dan­ ish poem, are recited from memory by many who are conversant with ancient deeds.35)

There are few parts of the poem which have some thematic connection with the topos discussed in the book: “money he equated with ashes, and measured his years with lustre, not lucre.”36 / “aera favillis assimulans famaque annos, non fenore mensus.” Such an excerpt brings light to the methods used by Saxo when writing and composing; usually he deals with lists and sequences of kings, many of which have narratives, legends and lore associated with them. Into this Scandinavian, even Old Germanic corpus, the Grammaticus imprinted patterns and schemes from Late Antiquity besides defending concepts of his own making, actually from the twelfth- to thirteenth-century setting. Although two of Saxo’s most influential literary models had been Valerius Max­ imus and Martianus Capella, his primary sources still came from a Scandinavian core; the finding of narratives suitable to be moulded within the desired schemes required great erudition, knowledge, and creativity. Book II, with its emphasis in the topos of “uses of riches” and the duality between Avaritia and Liberalitas, suits well with some king named Frotho. There is more than one king with the same name in the following books; in the whole Gesta Danorum, Saxo uses the name five times; the issue will be addressed again in the following chapters. There are some names and themes interrelated when studying the question of the Frotho found in Danish, Icelandic-Norwegian, and even Anglo-Saxon sources, such as Haldan, Fridleifr, and Ingjald. A simple recension of these sources brings at least three clearly distinct per­ sons called Fróði: a) the son of Fridleifr and grandson of Sköld, a contemporary of Augustus, as told by Snorri in the Skáldskaparmál and Saxo (Frotho III) in book V; b) the father of Halfdan, as told in Ynglinga Saga and in books II (Frotho I) and VII (Frotho V) of Gesta Danorum; and c) the father of Ingjald, as told in Beowulf and in the Gesta Danorum’s book VI (Frotho IV). Saxo Grammaticus adds two more Frothones and, simultaneously, connects different stories about different characters; in the case of the one whose father was Fridlevus (a) the plot was mixed with the story of Ingellus’s father (c); Frotho III, son of Fridlevus I, had a son whose name was also Fridlevus, father of another Frotho (IV), whose son was Ingellus. 35  GD/I, p. 63.

36  GD/I, p. 60.

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A number of scholars, including Olrik, Dumézil,37 and Ellis-Davidson argued about a connection between the name Fróði, the god Freijr, and the Indo-European function of fertility and fecundity, and even the existence of a Danish version of the god Freyr called Fróði.38 It should be noted that the story of the death of Frotho III, “the Peacemaker,” in book V, closely resembles that of Freyr’s death in chapter 10 of Ynglingasaga: after the king died, his passing was concealed from the people for three years during which the nobles took his body around in a carriage; there is a similarity also with probable fertility rites and cults connected to Nerthus.39 According to Snorri, Freyr had the title inn fróði; beside the more usual trans­ lation “the wise,” it has been argued that the meaning “fruitful,” “luxurious,” would be more suitable, particularly for a fertility god.40 Therefore, the name and char­ acter of “Frotho” is a quite suitable choice for the plot which is intended to dem­ onstrate the virtues and flaws related to manipulation of riches. Equally, Rolvo/ Hrólf Kraki, as a generous king to whose hall champions from every place were attracted, is an appropriate character for the demonstration of Liberalitas. Concluding, book II emphasizes the vices and virtues of Avaritia, Liberalitas and, in final instance, Iustitia by an often used plot about how to deal justly regard­ ing riches. Iustitia goes beyond an individual and his personal virtue; it should be shown in the people by the manner in which they deal with their possessions, reaching all the men and acting in the regulamentation of their relation, giving to each one what is deserved: “In general, Fortune takes revenge savagely for under­ hand achievements”41 / “(2.8.5) [5] Adeo plerumque fortunae saevitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia patratur.”

Prudentia, Sapientia, Ingenium “One of them, scrupulous in her careful examination, who checked everything with analytical care, was said to be called Prudence.”42 Such is the definition given by Martianus Capella to his personified Prudentia. A current synonym for the term is Sapientia; the Platonic concept, as found in several of Plato’s works such 37  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, pp. 181.

38  Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths, p. 104. 39  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, pp. 186f.

40  Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths, p. 104. 41  GD/I, p. 64.

42  Stahl, 45.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

as the Republic, the Laws, Protagoras, and Meno, is represented by the Greek term “Sophia” (σοφια). Of all the virtues, Plato considered wisdom the greatest.43 The Latin word Prudentia can be translated as “practical understanding,” “intelligence,” “prudence,” “practical grasp,” “foreknowledge.”44 It is clear that its use is tightly connected with man’s intellectual spheres and the use of the mental qualities. In book I, Saxo gave preliminary indication of Fortitudo’s deficiency when act­ ing alone, but it is in book III, after Amlethus’s story, that he highlights Prudentia. Johannesson45 considers Prudentia the virtue proper to the king’s counsellors, while the kings themselves were suited with Fortitudo; this association echoes Plato’s correspondence between the virtues and the social groups in the poleis. The term ingenium is also frequently used in the Gesta Danorum associated with Prudentia/Sapientia. Its semantic field is larger, somewhat generic, but its use is frequently directed to the sphere of mental capacities as well as to abilities that demand intelligence. Some possible translations of ingenium are “innate qual­ ity,” “nature,” “capacity,” and “talent.”46 Book III, in which primacy is given to Prudentia, is dominated mainly by two characters whose detailed trajectories are described, namely Høtherus and Amle­ thus. Is not possible to find the enunciation of the main theme of the book in the first sentence, in which Saxo only states the desire to tell the story of Høtherus and lists his predecessor, but the thematic is clear in the second paragraph. The manner in which Saxo describes Høtherus is different from all his prede­ cessors until then: “As a stripling he surpassed his foster-brothers and contempo­ raries in his immensely sturdy physique, not to mention his talent (ingenium) for a variety of skills”47 / “(3.2.1) [2] Adolescens collacteis ac coaevis summa corporis firmitate praestabat. [3] Ceterum ingenium eius crebrae dotaverant artes.” His abilities are listed: bow and arrow, swimming, and boxing, among other skills desired in a champion. Høtherus, however, was also the most skilful player of lyre and cithara, well-versed in other musical instruments and in music as a whole: “None was more skilful on lyre or harp; and he was cunning on the timbrel, on the lute, and in every modulation of string instruments”48 / “(3.2.1) [6] Nemo 43  Plato, Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydermus, pp. 329 (Greek)/155 (English).

44  Oxford Latin Dictionary, “prudentia.”

45  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” p. 99. 46  Oxford Latin Dictionary, “ingenium.”

47  GD/I, p. 69.

48  GD/Ib, p. 83.

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illo chelis aut lyrae scientior fuerat. [7] Praeterea sistro ac barbito omnique fidium modulatione callebat.” Chelys was the most ancient and simplest lyre of the Greeks, usually rendered as lyra testudo in Latin due to the most ancient form of the instrument being made from a tortoise’s shell. The lyre proper was the Greek kithara, a kind of profes­ sional lyre, made of wood, provided with more strings and suited for professional and virtuoso musicians; a sistrum was a widespread percussion instrument in both Eastern and Western Antiquity, sometimes translated reasonably as tim­ brel, as in the quote above from Oliver Elton’s translation; as to barbiton, while in Ancient Greece this was a kind of larger—and consequently louder—lyre, in medieval times the name was usually used for a kind of lute.49 While Johannesson emphasizes some predominance of Mercury in book III,50 which would explain the reasonably detailed references regarding music, we should highlight Saxo’s efforts to use names from the Ancient Greek musical instruments—although some of them also had been used in Ancient Rome and Western medieval Europe—in order not only to establish a “classical” setting for his work, but mainly to use proper Ancient Greek musical theory, inextricably linked to philosophy and the teaching of the virtues. It should be mentioned also that, according to the reference in the Homeric hymn “In Mercurium” (lines 41–56), Hermes, the Greek counterpart to the Roman Mercury, was the god that first constructed a chelys lyre.51 But the aforementioned musical instruments, with the exception of the barbitos—which usually accompa­ nied celebrations to Dionysus—were most often associated with the god Apollo.52 Music, for Plato, was inseparable from the ethos, affecting profoundly behav­ iour, character and the emotions; it should be used, together with gymnastics, for the enlightenment and instruction of men and the teaching of the virtues. In book III of the Republic,53 Plato discusses the influence of music on the moods of people; to him, only the Dorian and Phrygian modes should be used in education, since they fostered the virtues of prudence and courage—the same as Saxo’s Prudentia and Fortitudo.

49  Mathiesen, Apollo’s Lyre, pp. 172f (sistrum); 237–48 (chelys); 249–53 (barbitos); 261– 70 (kithara). 50  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, p. 113. 51  Mathiesen, Apollo’s Lyre, p. 237.

52  Mathiesen, Apollo’s Lyre, pp. 249; 253. 53  Plato, The Republic, pp. 247–49.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

Returning to the Gesta Danorum, Saxo asserts that Høtherus was able to play in several modes, creating in his listeners many different states of spirit and emo­ tions, such as joy, hatred, pity, or guilt, according to his own will. There is no similar concern with music in the rest of the Gesta, and one must wonder why, given such a pronouncement, Høtherus did not make use of such wonderful abilities in the rest of his story in order to achieve his goals. Indeed, Saxo’s main intention in using music at this point is to add a new dimension to the ethos of his main characters; gradually the Gesta moves on to give primacy to the mind, the spirit and its endowments, instead of merely physical prowess. In the field of moral discussion, Saxo begins to present exempla of Prudentia. The following storyline is one of the most criticized parts of the Gesta Danorum, namely Saxo’s version of the Scandinavian myth of Balðr. In Snorri’s version, Balðr Baldr, the son of Ó� ðinn, is the most pleasant and fairest among the gods. Among his characteristics are eloquence and wisdom. His death occurs by the hands of Hoðr, a blind god. Saxo’s version is completely different, beginning with the protagonist and antagonist; Høtherus is the hero, Balderus, the villain; many characteristics of Snorri’s Balðr are the same as Saxo’s Høtherus. To Dumézil, there is an inver­ sion between the roles in both narratives; instead of two different versions of the Balder myth, Saxo’s was a re-elaboration of an ancient tradition,54 a hypothesis that can be contested. In comparison with Snorri’s version, Saxo’s plot can be considered unrecog­ nizable except for the names of the main characters. Saxo’s rendition is longer; it contains a war between gods and men, won by Høtherus with the aid of magi­ cal objects obtained in Lapland and by following the advice of beings from GrecoRoman mythology, such as nymphs and a satyr. At the end, Snorri’s Balder is dead, while Saxo’s receives the Danish throne. That was not the first time that Saxo selected specific elements from Classical Antiquity, mixing them with Nordic ones; if this time the author causes some odd­ ity by putting a satyr in Lapland, it should be remembered there was an episode of Hadingus, when he cast Hadingus to a lion when captive in Kurland. Re-employing Scandinavian traditions, Saxo uses the image of eloquence and wisdom attributed to Snorri’s Balder for his own Høtherus, first of the heroes of Gesta to exemplify Prudentia and Sapientia. After two other minor episodes, Saxo begins one of the longest narratives of the Gesta, the story of Amlethus; some cen­ turies later, the name and plot acquired wide recognition as Shakespeare’s “Ham­ let,” following the intermediary version by Belleforest. 54  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, pp. 162–65.

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Amlethus’s narrative occupies the second half of book III and the first half of book IV. The plot is basically the same as that used later by Shakespeare, cen­ tred on a prince planning the avenging of his deceased father. Perhaps Valerius Maximus’s Brutus had provided an important literary model for Saxo’s Amlethus/ Hamlet, but besides that is possible to discover many Scandinavian narratives and folktales linked to a character named Amloði or Amleth from before Saxo. The character enjoyed some popularity even before the Gesta Danorum, and is reason­ able to suppose some re-elaboration of ancient Scandinavian motifs within a Clas­ sical or Late Antiquity frame, as customary in other parts of the Gesta. In book III, Amlethus fights using almost exclusively the weapons of his intel­ lect. His main resource is Prudentia. The concept was translated in many ways; Oliver Elton translated it as “intelligence,” “witty,” “cunning,” “cleverness,” “wis­ dom.” Peter Fisher uses “intelligence,” “wisdom” (in the adjectival form “wise”), “sagacity,” “penetration.” Wisdom is an important aspect of this virtue, demonstrated in excerpts where characters, such as queen Thyra, were compared to extremely relevant names from classical and biblical references such as Nestor, Odysseus, and even King Solomon, whose main attribution, beyond cleverness, is wisdom.55 Such diverse use fits well to the specificities of the contexts and excerpts, but hides the important fact that Saxo is writing about one concept and just one vir­ tue, to which are dedicated many exempla on several occasions. Let us consider the uses which Saxo makes of Prudentia in Amlethus’s plot: In the beginning, Amlethus feigns silliness, in order to conceal the ven­ geance intended against his uncle: “Amlethus observed this and, to avoid stirring his uncle’s suspicions by behaving intelligently, pretended to be an imbecile” / “(3.6.6) [1] Quod videns Amlethus, ne prudentius agendo patruo suspectus red­ deretur, stoliditatis simulationem [...] defendit.” In this excerpt, therefore, Prudentia is contrasted with “stoliditatis,” which may be translated as stolidity, stupidity, folly. Johannesson highlights the hero’s use of simulatio in order to survive,56 to which we add the constrast with other character whose expertise in simulatio was well known, but was used to spurious intent—the giantess Harthgrepa, in book I, when attempting to corrupt the young Hadingus. After that, on many occasions when Amlethus is among the king’s compan­ ions, Saxo elaborates enigmatic riddles and clever and ambiguous answers. Usu­ ally these subterfuges are traps or ambushes set by the companions themselves, 55  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, p. 313.

56  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, pp. 121–23.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

intending to verify Amlethus’s stupidity or, if necessary, uncloak his ruse. Some examples: The retinue spots a wolf and calls it a colt. Amlethus replies that there were a lot of that kind in the stables of Fengo: “When they observed that he had given a clever (prudenti) reply, he declared that his speech was considered; nowhere in his words did he wish to appear a liar”57 / “(3.6.9) [2] Qui cum illum prudenti responso usum astruerent, ipse quoque se de industria locutum asseverabat, ne aliqua ex parte mendacio indulgere videretur.” The companions show the dunes to Amlethus, comparing it with flour; the hero states that that flour was milled by the waves of the sea. Saxo conveys a prob­ able derivation from an Old Norse kenning. The expression “Amlóði’s liquor” was used in Icelandic poetry to mean “the sea”; the “flour from Amlóði’s liquor” stands for the sand.58 “The company congratulated him on his response, which he again agreed was a wise pronouncement”59 / 3.6.10 “[3] Laudato a comitibus responso, idem a se prudenter editum asseverabat.” The next test of Amlethus is presented to the reader in a baffling manner. A maiden is sent previously to an isolated place by the companions; the test is to check if Amlethus will have sexual intercourse with her or not; in negative case, they would assert his foolishness. A friend tries to warn him about the ruse by sending a signal: a horsefly with a straw beneath its tail. Several authors have tried to explain the subterfuge without reaching a consensus, from sixteenth-century Olaus Magnus to contemporary scholars such as J. Olrik and Kemp Malone. None­ theless, Amlethus prevailed. He sees the horsefly, understands its message, takes the maiden to a secluded place, lies with her and forbids her to tell anyone about the happenings. Gathered together with the king’s retainers, Amlethus utters some clever say­ ings—according to Saxo, although rather enigmatic to the modern reader; to his helper, Amlethus proffers some sayings about something gliding around him with a “straw in its buttocks,” and is recognized as wise by him: “While everyone else rocked with laughter at this quip, it delighted his supporter by its sagacity”60 / “(3.6.11) [9] Quod dictum ut ceteros cachinno concussit, ita Amlethi fautorem prudentia delectavit.” Furthermore Amlethus is sent to Britain (Britannia) by his uncle, who sets a trap; he not only escapes, but also gains the trust of the king of the Britons and 57  GD/I, p. 84.

58  Tolley, “The Mill in Norse and Finnish Mythology,” pp. 69–73; 76, 78. 59  GD/I, p. 85. 60  GD/I, p. 86.

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wins his daughter in marriage, using always the gifts of Prudentia on a number of occasions. Finally, Amlethus achieves his vengeance; on that occasion, the last paragraph of the book presents an appreciation quite similar to that found in book II, with an ending and an explicit declaration regarding the virtues of the main character: (3.6.25) [4] Fortem virum aeternoque nomine dignum, qui stultitiae commento prudenter instructus augustiorem mortali ingenio Sapientiam admirabili ineptiarum simulatione suppressit nec solum propriae salu­ tis obtentum ab astutia mutuatus ad paternae quoque ultionis copiam, eadem ductum praebente, pervenit. [5] Itaque et se sollerter tutatus et parentem strenue ultus, fortior an sapientior existimari debeat, incertum reliquit.

(What a brave (forte) man this Amlethus was, worthy of everlasting fame! He wisely (prudenter) fortified himself by an incredible performance of stupidity, submerging under a brilliant (Sapientia) reason transcending mortal faculties; thus his wits provided him with a safe-conduct and kept him alive until he reached the moment for revenging his father. Consider­ ing the skill with which he preserved himself and the energy with which he exacted atonement, one can hardly decide which to extol more, his courage (Fortitudo) or his wisdom (Sapientia).61)

This ending completes the ideas defended in the previous books, particularly book I, in which there was a careful presentation of a character marked by Fortitudo, although without the same measure of Prudentia. In this book Saxo developed a plot with several exempla, many of them exag­ gerated, of Prudentia/Sapientia, in which there is no possibility at all to unlink the narrative from the use of the virtue. The protagonist’s goal was not achieved by battle and war, although at the end of it Fengo is killed by the hands of Amlethus. Even in this killing, however, Saxo attempts to insert some device which will move the focus from the merely physical demonstration to the use of the reason or men­ tal ability; in that case, the device was the changing of the sword from one hand to another in order to confuse the antagonist. This does not means at all an abandonment or depreciation of Fortitudo, which remains present in the main thematic; it would not be demonstrated in its most physical manifestations as battle, but sustains and gives strength and steadfast­ ness to the hero in his vengeance: “fortified himself by an incredible performance of stupidity.” 61  GD/I, p. 90.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

There is no doubt that Fortitudo was irrevocably guided by Prudentia/Sapientia; in the minor circumstances in which some preference would be given to Fortitudo, Saxo tried to insert tricks and ruses, with more or less ability—the last fight being an example of this affirmation. The same methodology will be applied thereafter to other characters and heroes of the Gesta.

Temperantia, Constantia

The virtue of Temperantia is, after Fortitudo, the most common virtue presented in the whole Gesta. Although this has already been affirmed, there is still the need to analyse thoroughly the evidence that supports this statement. The concept begins to be used more often from book III; in book IV it is exemplified at length, with synonyms and the use of exempla. “The third was praiseworthy for her restraint and contempt of gifts, and from her self-control she received the name Temperance”;62 so Martianus Capella defines Temperantia. Saxo, however add more nuances to it, particularly when employing it to warriors, as will be discussed later in the history of Starcatherus, in books VI to VIII. Temperantia is used often in book XIV, when the deeds of Arch­ bishop Absalon are presented; in this case, there is a common alternation or asso­ ciation with the term Constantia. Johannesson, using the image found in book XIII of a horse and a man with the reins in his hands, defines the virtue as ratio—the reason—exerting control over the passions and desires63 and, quoting book V, defines it as the control over desires and harmful affections.64 The term would be translated as moderation, restraint, self-control, or even balance and equilibrium. Adding the semantic field from Constantia, we found steadiness, constancy, persistence, consistence, but also firmness of character. In that last meaning, Temperantia/Constantia should be understood as connected to Fortitudo. Another synonym, less common, but used in some relevant excerpts, is Moderatione—moderation.65 Therefore, if taken per se, the term Temperantia is less frequent than Fortitudo, as seen in Table 5.1. If the number of its apparitions is added to their synonyms, however, Temperantia surpasses Fortitudo as the most relevant virtue in the Gesta. The use of these two virtues is flexible enough to be applied not only as com­ mon qualities of a warrior or ordinary soldier, such as strength, courage and resis­ 62  Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, p. 45.

63  Johannesson, “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” p. 97.

64  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, p. 29.

65  Blatt and Hemmingsen, Vademecum in opus Saxonis.

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tance; it also is adequate in the moral spectrum in manifestations such as firm­ ness of character and constancy. To Saxo Grammaticus, these last meanings were proper to an elevated kind of warriors such as kings, counsellors and, not surpris­ ingly, archbishops. The virtue of Temperantia is found in men who, in the face of adversity, would keep their mind fixed on their goals. In the whole Gesta Danorum there are exam­ ples of significant characters who exemplify the virtue; some outstanding bearers of it were Eric Disertus, Starcatherus, and Absalon. Usually these men, before they became heroes, were counsellors who constantly exhorted the king to keep steady in the old ways, persevering in the steps of glorious and exemplary forebears; sometimes the king needed to be reminded to fulfil some obligation or take some action, such as avenging his dead father, conquering some enemy, or moralizing the kingdom. An additional meaning used by Saxo associated to Temperantia is Modestia, as used by Valerius Maximus and even Cicero. This extrapolation, found mainly in book IV, emphasizes in Temperantia the aspects of self-control, self-restraint and, in last instance, humility. It should be noted that in the whole Gesta Danorum Saxo follows a common expedient, not only in Scandinavian sources, of presenting a hero narrating and singing his own feats, usually in poetic forms. Actually such use was well-accepted socially in the courts and halls of Europe and even expected from some kinds of artists such as the skaldar. In book IV, nevertheless, there were some situations in which the author praises the characters who acted with self-restraint and humility, not bragging or boasting about themselves, while he condemns a warrior who proclaimed his own feats and achievements. Such connection of Temperantia/Modestia with Humilitas is a particularly clerical, highly Christianized emphasis, not necessarily common to general elaborations of the Cardinal Virtues, and in some ways closer to the seven capital virtues. This assumption bears some resemblance to Johannesson’s definition of Temperantia as the social virtue par preference, according to which all social strata respect the specific attributions of their own order and place in the world.66 The use of the word Temperantia, its synonyms, and connected concepts increases after books III and IV; although there are some occurences of the term in book III, it has already been argued that that part is dominated by the virtue of Prudentia and by Amlethus’s story. In book IV, notwithstanding, the terms will be accompanied by exempla which explain, develop, and apply the virtue, giving to it prominence. 66  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, p. 29.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

The exempla are given in two main plots with elaborated characters along some minor subplots and shorter narratives. The main heroes are Amlethus— the same from the previous book, along with the king Uffo, later called “Olaf.” The minor plots are inserted in the space between these two narratives, in order both to connect them and to present Uffo’s ancestors. To Hilda Ellis-Davidson, one probable cause for the repetition of Amlethus as a main character in the book was the existence of a popular and well-known tra­ dition concerning the character of Amlothi.67 As matter of fact, there are plenty of tales involving a character named Amlothi/Ambalas/Amleth,68 but we hardly consider this circumstance the main reason for the repeated use of the hero. Instead, the second phase of Amlethus’s trajectory is used as an exemplum of Temperantia not only by the proper plot and the facts narrated, but also by its temporality; as a virtue that requires constancy and the passing of time to prove it, a propitious manner to demonstrate its existence is the use of an elongated plot involving a character whose story was already known to the reader. Saxo summarizes the events narrated up until then, resuming the story at the point in which Amlethus is about to assume the Danish throne; this point of change should allow the reader to observe the existence—or the absence—of Temperantia in the hero’s character. The Amlethus presented in book IV, however, appears to be a person quite dif­ ferent from the hero of the previous book, and a constant duality will accompany him in the narrative, casting shadows over his previously stated virtuous nature. Although Saxo Grammaticus utters some remarks in praise of Amlethus, loaded with positive content, simultaneously he narrates differing circumstances, dem­ onstrating a reality less-benevolent about the hero. The very first “deed” by Amlethus in book IV is a demonstration of fear. After fulfilling his revenge Amlethus hides, afraid of the retaliation for Fengo’s death: (4.1.1) [1] Peracta vitrici strage, Amlethus facinus suum incerto popula­ rium iudicio offerre veritus, latebris utendum existimavit, donec, quor­ sum inconditae plebis vulgus procurreret, didicisset.

(Once he had destroyed his step-father, Amlethus was afraid to display the deed to the unpredictable judgement of his countrymen and decided to go into hiding till he had found out which way the mob of common people leaned.69) 67  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 67. 68  GD/h, pp. 2–15.

69  GD/I, p. 94.

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Repeating ourselves, that was the very first sentence of the book. As already men­ tioned a number of times, this primal sentence usually summarizes or indicates some characteristics or themes of the following events. In first instance, the sentence indicates the changing in Amlethus’s path, in comparison with his trajectory in the previous book. In that narrative, Amlethus did not hide at any time, despite the surrounding dangers; his main tool to face such adversity was the virtue of Prudentia. Not a fearful Prudentia leading him to hide in the expectation that the distress should diminish in time, but a true virtue driving him in use his mind with wisdom, by the application of a number of strata­ gems. After all, the theme announced is the lack of all the virtues; at the present moment, the fear demonstrated by Amlethus shows abandonment of the ways of Fortitudo, in a complete contrast with the last sentence of the previous book: “What a brave (forte) man this Amlethus was […].” After some time Amlethus delivers a speech justifying and explaining his pre­ vious acts, receiving approval from the people and being acclaimed king—despite barely acting like one recently; the excerpt functions as a reminder of his previous achievements, and the authorial judgement is positive. Shortly thereafter there is a radical change in it. Amlethus embarks to Brit­ ain in a lavish expedition, escorted by equally lavish warriors; he orders the con­ struction of a shield embellished with gold, carved with figures telling his story so far, and starts to wear extravagant clothes. This sentence of Saxo’s compares the behaviour of the king with his previous habits: (4.1.9) [2] [...] ut, sicut cuncta despicabili dudum habitu gesserat, ita nunc magnificis ad omnia paratibus uteretur et, quicquid olim paupertati tri­ buerat, ad luxuriae impensam converteret

(Whereas he had long gone about in contemptible garments, he now had all his accoutrements lavishly prepared, and all that had once borne the marks of poverty was converted to a costly luxury.70)

To cowardice, a new flaw is added by this new Amlethus—the tendency to lux­ ury—Luxuria; a concept that should be understood as greed, desire for material goods, love for riches, and ostentation. Therefore, both Temperantia—to which Luxuria is opposed in some authors such as Cicero—and Iustitia and Liberalitas are abandoned at the same time. The number of Amlethus’s flaws keeps increasing. The Briton king desires to avenge Fengo, and plots against Amlethus, sending by him a letter asking for the 70  GD/I, p. 96.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

Scottish queen—famous for killing her pretenders—in marriage. Amlethus falls sleep in his camp, when an envoy from the queen secretly enters his tent, stealing his shield and the letter. The queen alters the letter’s content in such a way that the proposal is changed so she got married to Amlethus instead to the Briton king. Even though the narrative does not utter any explicit judgement, is clear that Saxo’s intent was to show lack of Prudentia from Amlethus, who is deceived in every way—whether failing to perceive the Briton king’s intention, or being robbed while sleeping. In the previous book Amlethus changed a letter sent by Fengo ordering his own death; this time, he is caught by the exact same stratagem, behaving as a fool, bringing on himself the flaw of stultitia. Saxo clearly builds a narrative opposed to the previous book, going further in order not to show a hero provided with a virtue, but instead a man who is deprived of his virtues due to his lack of Temperantia. As exemplified by Cicero in his De legibus,71 Amlethus presents all the vices opposed to the Cardinal Virtues; Avaritia to Liberalitas and Iustitia; timiditas to fortitudo; tarditas and stultitia to Prudentia; libido and luxuria to Temperantia. There is some ambiguity and, despite some lack of subtlety, even theatrical­ ity in Saxo’s depiction of Amlethus, inherent to the proper intent of book IV. The hero’s old deeds are recalled frequently even in his worst moments, although the reminders offers more elements to building contrast than effectively to create nos­ talgia. Above all, there is a greater lesson to be learned—it does not matter how abundant the virtues of the king were in the past; if he does not show Constantia, Temperantia, all his achievements are endangered. There are two final sentences of interest in the last parts of Amlethus’s story. The first one comes after his marriage with the Scottish queen and the subse­ quent battle against the Briton king. A great number of Amlethus’s soldiers are killed, and a final stratagem is used: the dead bodies are put up on stakes to cre­ ate the impression of a large army; the plot was used by Saxo previously and will be repeated in other parts. In the context, the situation is the excuse for a short sentence that remembers partially Amlethus’s former uses of Prudentia: I cannot judge whether this victory owed more to cunning or luck” / “4.1.20 [7] Quae victo­ ria nescio callidior an felicior existimanda sit.” The second sentence comes after Amlethus is killed, shortly after his return to Denmark, in a battle against Wiglecus. Saxo’s last appreciation remembers his first deeds and virtues: 71  “[…] quid enim foedius avaritia, quid immanius libidine, quid contemptius timiditate, quid abiectius tarditate et stultitia dici potest?” Cicero, De legibus, book I, section 51.

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(4.2.4) [1] Hic Amlethi exitus fuit, qui, si parem naturae atque fortunae indulgentiam expertus fuisset, aequasset fulgore superos, Herculea vir­ tutibus opera transscendisset.

(Such was Amlethus’s departure. If fate had tended him as kindly as nature, he would have shone as brightly as the god and his courage would have allowed him to surpass the labours of Hercules.72)

These two last considerations are reasonably positive; they confirm the interpre­ tation argued until now. Amlethus was a virtuous man, able to withstand hard­ ships and prevail against stronger foes using chiefly the virtue of Prudentia. After he becomes king his career suffers a severe setback due to the lack of Constantia, of Temperantia, and this flaw tainted all of his previous achievements. The exemplum is provided by Herminthruda, the Scottish queen. Previously to Amlethus’s death in the battle against Wiglecus, the queen swore not to abandon him, even in the battle-line. After he is dead, she marries with the winner: (4.2.2) [7] Quam promissionis novitatem parum exsecuta est. [8] Nam cum Amlethus apud Iutiam a Wigleco acie interemptus fuisset, ultro in victoris praedam amplexumque concessit.

(Nevertheless she did not stick very closely to this rare promise, for when Wiglecus had killed Amlethus as they fought in Jylland, she voluntarily yielded herself as a trophy to become the victor’s bride.73)

This excerpt is marked by negative and judgemental appreciations about the women, characteristic of Saxo’s discourse. It should be noted that despite the mention of warrior women in the Battle of Bravalla in book VIII, there is no escap­ ing the number of negative statements about women that are found throughout the Gesta; in this case, the meaning is also negative; the presence of women in the army of Danes is used as a device to emphasize other negative aspects and its decadence; to Saxo, the little value ascribed to the women in Bravalla is due to the masculine—in Saxo’s point of view—characteristics that they eventually would present. Besides the striking gender question, the main goal of the excerpt is to serve as another exemplum of both Temperantia and Continentia, particularly in the mean­ ing connected to Constantia:

72  GD/I, p. 101.

73  GD/I, p. 101.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

(4.2.3) [1] Ita votum omne femineum fortunae varietas abripit, tempo­ rum mutatio dissolvit, et muliebris animi fidem lubrico nixam vestigio fortuiti rerum casus extenuant, quae sicut ad pollicendum facilis, ita ad persolvendum segnis variis voluptatis irritamentis astringitur atque ad recentia semper avidius expetenda veterum immemor anhela praeceps cupiditate dissultat.

(Every female vow is stolen away by changes of fortune or evaporates with shifting seasons; a woman’s reliability stands on slippery soles and is weakened by chance accidents. Her faith is glibly pledged but executed slowly, hampered by the various allurements of pleasure; always eager to seek out new interests and forget the old it leaps away breathlessly towards its desire.74)

Up to this point Saxo’s main goal was to present a large number of exempla dem­ onstrating lack of Temperantia and its effects. With the closure of Amlethus’s story the exposition of this thematic will be enlarged, conveying not only negative exam­ ples, but a digression regarding the nature of the warriors and the effects that Temperantia has in shaping the character. It should be noted that Temperantia receives special treatment from Saxo, both in his presentation and discussion, and in the frequency in which it appears in the whole work. The following narrative is an intermediary step towards book’s second part, and is based upon a personal vendetta. Wermundus, son of Wiglecus—the same who killed Amlethus—becomes king, and marries his son to the daughter of Frowinus, the ruler of Schleswig. Similarly to Amlethus, Uffo is regarded by all as fool, with the addition of being deaf; his foolishness, however, is not presented as pretence as in the case of Amlethus. Wermundus and Frowinus engaged in war against Athislus, king of Sweden; this Athislus apparently is a different person from the homonym of book II, who typified greed. Frowinus is killed by Athislus, who flees from a following battle. Therefore Keto, son of the deceased Frowinus, becomes ruler (praefetus) in his place. There is an enlightening conversation between him and the Danish king Wermundus, when the latter answer to the former’s question about how it was possible for the Swedish Athislus to escape the battle with so many obstacles in his way. Behold the answer of the Danish king, who asserted four types of men would be found in the middle of the battle: (4.3.7) [3] Esse enim primi generis bellatores, qui fortitudinem modestia temperantes rebelles acrius caedant, fugientibus instare erubescant;

74  GD/I, p. 101.

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hos siquidem esse, quos diuturna armorum experientia certiore virtutis testimonio prosequatur, quique gloriam suam non in victorum fuga, sed vincendorum expugnatione constituant.

(The first type tempered their valour with moderation and while they were passionate to decimate those who resisted, were ashamed to ride down fugitives; these were men whose veteran experience of arms equipped them with more stable proofs of their courage, and who set their glory not in the flight of conquered enemies but in overpowering the side they must defeat.75)

The second kind of men:

(4.3.8) [1] [...] qui corporis animique viribus freti, sed nulla miserationis parte praediti in hostium tam terga quam pectora communi caedis atroci­ tate desaeviant. [2] Tales quippe esse, qui iuvenilis animi calore provecti tirocinii rudimenta bellorum auspiciis ornare contendant, quosque tam aetatis quam laudis ardor inflammet inque fas et nefas pari nisus securi­ tate praecipitet.

([...] who, endowed wih strength of body and spirit but without a shred of pity, wrought carnage with indiscriminate savagery in the backs as well as the fronts of his adversaries. These young men, carried away by their fervour, strove to embellish their first military attempts with good augu­ ries; burning with a desire for fame natural to their age, they would rush pell-mell to perform right or wrong with the same unconcern.76)

As to individuals of the third group:

(4.3.9) [...] quibus inter metum pudoremque anxiis progressum terror adimat, recursum ruboris obstaculum tollat, qui sanguine clari inanique tantum proceritate conspicui aciem numero, non viribus densent, hostem umbra potius quam armis feriant et in bellatorum grege solo corporum spectaculo censeantur. [2] Hos magnarum opum dominos fore, genere quam animo praestantiores, quos lucis aviditas rerum dominio contracta plus ignaviae quam nobilitas viribus indulgere compellat. ([...] were nervously torn between fear and self-reporoach; fright stopped them advancing, shame prevented them retreating. Although they were of noble blood they were conspicuous only by being useless tall and swelled the battle-line numerically but not with their vigour. They struck at the

75  GD/I, p. 103.

76  GD/I, p. 103.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

enemy with their shadows instead of their weapons and were reckoned among the warrior-pack solely because you could see their limbs. These were lords of great wealth, more outstanding for their birth than their courage. Ownership drove them to hug life and yield to cowardice, nor did their aristocracy induce them to display their true powers. 77)

And, the final group:

(4.3.10) [...] non rem in bellum perferant seque extremis sociorum agmi­ nibus inserentes primi fugam, postremi proelium gerant, in quibus imbe­ cillitatis habitum certi pavoris indicium detegat, cum semper, quaesitis de industria subterfugiis, pugnantium terga timidioris progressus pigri­ tia subsequantur.

([...] went to the action in show, but not in reality. They inserted them­ selves into the rear ranks of their fellows and, as they were the last to fight, were first to flee. One token of obvious fear revealed their feeble state, for they always purposely searched out escape routes and in their indolence advanced timidly behind the backs of the combatants. 78)

The theme of fear, introduced in the book’s beginning, is renewed and enlarged. There is reinforcement in the thematic unity of the book as the attribution of cowardice—a device already used in Amlethus’s plot—is applied to other circum­ stance and characters. The virtue of Fortitudo pervades all the descriptions; some manifestations of it as courage or strength are used in order to measure the warriors and create the groups’s parameters. Therefore, by these standards the third and fourth groups of warriors are disqualified, since they possess none of them. Distinction between these two groups are made by measuring properties and titles; the richest of them, taller—probably by better nutrition and access to goods—fought using only their appearance —“solo corporum spectaculo”; the poorest of them were useless in all aspects. The first and second groups, however, are distinguished by a somewhat dif­ ferent criterion. The virtue which measures their value is Temperantia instead of Fortitudo: “qui fortitudinem modestia temperantes” (4.3.7 [3]). Both groups pos­ sess Fortitudo, but the members of the first category season their Fortitudo with modesty and temperance. To pursue enemies when they are fleeing is dishonour­ able, but the fight against those which resist must be dominated by Fortitudo. 77  GD/I, p. 103.

78  GD/I, p. 104.

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As will be repeated at length later, Temperantia, although extremely necessary, is possessed by few. Probably it is a virtue that would be obtained with the pass­ ing of the time, with aging. The first group of warriors, an example of Temperantia, gathered enough experience and achieved a number of memorable deeds; for these reasons they were able to resist temptation and avoid being overwhelmed by longing for glory. The dynamic of the episode reinforces the idea as it presents an elder telling the story to a young man. Temperantia, a virtue expected in a val­ orous warrior, is most commonly found in elders and counsellors. The next character is Uffo. Some points of his trajectory are moulded similarly to Amlethus’s, with probably some insertions taken from folklore. When young, Uffo was considered an imbecile by other people; as the narrative progresses, his true prowess becomes evident. His father, Wermundus, becomes blind as he ages, and in the meanwhile Den­ mark is challenged again by the Saxons. Uffo, who until then has never said a word, not only accepts the challenge and demonstrates his Fortitudo in many ways, but also delivers a speech besides demonstrations—somewhat clumsy and over­ stated—of strength: Uffo is so large that no cuirass (lorica) can fit him; he takes his father’s cuirass, but when he puts it on, it bursts apart. No sword remains intact when he strikes; he needs to get his father’s old one, which is buried and rusty; nevertheless, he prevails against two champions in a duel, in which he also demonstrates patience. Temperantia, of course, is the virtue which crowns his deeds; at this time, its explanation is enlarged even more, add­ ing some additional nuances. Uffo receives a nickname, Olavus “mansueti”—“the Mild,” due to his moderation: “The majority have called him Olavus and for his restrained temper he has been named ‘the Mild’”79 / “(4.5.0) [2] Hic a compluribus Olavus est dictus atque ob animi Moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus.” The story of an Olaf, son of Warmund, named the mild, moderate or prudent, was known also in Icelandic and Anglo-Saxon sources and in Sven Aggesen.80 The book’s final part lists quickly a succession of kings: Dan, Huglecus, Frotho (II), another Dan, and Fridlevus I, to who are equally quickly attributed virtues (or lack of them), accompanied by brief judgemental sentences. Apparently Saxo intends to present short examples of the virtues previously demonstrated as a way of concluding the section, as the following books will present considerable differences in their composition form and even style. The first Dan exemplifies the opposite of Uffo, his father, whose modesty receives praise. As to Frotho II, endowed with a number of abilities, Saxo repeats 79  GD/I, p. 109.

80  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” pp. 67–69.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

the superiority of intelligence over strength, of Prudentia over Fortitudo, when the king defeats a enemy who is stronger, more experienced, and apparently son of Ó� ðinn-Othinus: “Where no man had ever won by his strength, cunning prevailed”81 / “(4.8.2) Quippe, quod nullius ante viribus licuit, astutia praestitit.” The second Dan merely defeats the Saxons again, and to Fridlevus I are given more victories in which he employs wiles already used in the Gesta, such as birds carrying fire to a besieged city—as in book I when Hadingus conquers the fortress of Andwanus on the river Daugava—and the use of corpses erected on stakes in order to simulate a large army, as was used in book IV as the last stratagem of Amlethus against the Briton king. One final aspect of Temperantia which should be verified is modestia. To this purpose we shall return to Athislus from Sweden, who escaped alive from the bat­ tle with the Danes, and who provoked Wermundus’s discourse about the kinds of warriors. In that specific case, Saxo avoids using cowardice or fear to negatively characterize the Swede, even though the thematic had been used at the beginning of the book when dealing with the vices of Amlethus. Rather, he criticizes Athislus regarding humilitas. Saxo describes this man not as someone who flees from battle, but as a brave man who had the habit of walking alone fully armed, intending to prove his fortitude. Saxo even emphasizes that Athislus, although he had escaped from the battle, fought at the front line and was the last one to leave the field, despite being the person who the Danes most tried to kill. His flight assumed, accordingly, an aspect of cunning rather than of fear, however, it tainted his reputation, which made him hurt and resentful. It should be inquired, therefore, what was his main fault. Apparently arro­ gance and pride, as quickly announced at the beginning of his description: “(4.3.2) [3] In quo non minus sibi fiducia quam laudis cupido vindicavit “/ “Self-reliance claimed no lesser place in this man than hunger for praise.”82 This characteristic will cause his death, since he boasted to everybody that he killed Frowinus, ruler of Schleswig, besides to greatly diminish the value of his deeds, according Saxo: (4.3.2) [4] Inde Suetiam reversus Frowini necem non solum virtutum suarum imaginibus ascripsit, verum etiam impensiore verborum iactan­ tia prosequi consuevit, gloriam facti vocis petulantia demolitus. [5] Ali­ quanto enim speciosius virtutes silentii verecundia teguntur quam ser­ monis petulantia publicantur.

81  GD/I, p. 110.

82  GD/I, p. 102.

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(On his return to Sweden, he not only added Frowinus’s death to the roll of his personal achievements, but would also accompany this with inordi­ nate bragging, thus undermining the meritorious action by his impudent words. To conceal one’s excellences in modest silence is altogether more admirable than publishing them by loud talk.83)

His bragging was mere blustering to conceal his defeat and flight:

(4.3.12) [1] Post haec Athislus Suetiam refugus petit, Frowini caedem petulantius iactans ac facinoris huius memoriam verboso laudum sua­ rum relatu incessanter ostentans, non quod receptae cladis ruborem aequo animo ferret, sed ut recentis fugae vulnus antiquae victoriae titulis recrearet.

(Afterwards Athislus disappeared back to Sweden, yet he still swaggered bumptiously over Frowinus’s death and never ceased to chatter ostenta­ tiously about the history of his achievement. This, far from indicating that he bore the shame of his late defeat cheerfully, was because his recent flight hurt him and he tried to remedy this by recalling the credit of his old victory.84)

Saxo’s emphasis on modestia, although particularly suitable to a Christian world­ view and rather rare in the Scandinavian sources, was present already in Cicero’s De legibus, connected also to verecundia,85 and hardly represents an innovation by Saxo. The discussion of Temperantia brings a closure to the discussion regarding the values and virtues presented in the Gesta Danorum. These values, mostly the Cardinal Virtues scheme, permeate all the stories and plots, providing a guideline besides the lists of kings. From Absalon’s memories and Scandinavian material, Saxo creates new narratives shaped according to classical and Christian models. The virtues of Fortitudo and Temperantia are recurrent, and are central to the use of the scheme, as they fit particularly well to the myriad of warriors essential to the narratives. But the ecclesiastical formation and study of the Classics brings new possibilities to be explored by Saxo. There were many repetitions of stratagems: such as the use of warriors’ corpses to simulate a larger army, the alteration of contents of secret letters, the use of the testudo formation, and the sending of birds to set fire to a city. Some­ 83  GD/I, p. 102.

84  GD/I, p. 104.

85  Cicero, De Legibus, p. 190.



Virtues and Values in Saxo Grammaticus: The Four Cardinal Virtues

Table 5.2: The Development of the Cardinal Virtues Scheme Book Virtue emphasized

I

II

III IV

Exemplary character

Fortitudo (strength, resilience, both physical and moral)

Gram, Hadingus

Prudentia (wisdom, sapience, intelligence, guile)

Amlethus (full of Prudentia)

Iustitia, munificentia (justice developing to munificience, liberality) Temperantia/Constantia (temperance, endurance, persistence, stability)

Frotho I, many others Amlethus (lacks Constantia)

times, as with the second Dan, whose story is short and uses two repeated devices, it appears to the reader as some lack of creativity from the author. Saxo himself recognizes the repetition in the case of the birds setting fire to the city as some­ thing already used in Hadingus’s story in book I, and there are also repetitions of themes in the stories of Gram, Hadingus, more than one Frotho, Amlethus, Uffo, and Fridlevus I. In some instances the repetition is not merely lack of new ideas, but serves to show the same action practised by different characters, provided or not with some virtue; consisting of the same action, the repetition tells the reader that the true difference in the occasions is in its executor, usually due to the absence or pres­ ence of some virtue. One clear example of this is found in Amlethus’s story; in changing the content of a letter from Fengo he is carrying that orders his own killing, Amlethus shows Prudentia. However, when, once more in British territory, he carries another letter whose content is altered almost before his eyes, in that situation he demonstrates stultitia. The Cardinal Virtues scheme, although clearly present and fundamental in the Gesta’s composition, provides a guideline to the plots, but does not stifle the possi­ bilities. From Saxo’s creativity came readaptation and association of elements and values from different spheres in order to create a homogeneous whole. Accord­ ingly, to the four main virtues are sometimes added further meanings and dimen­ sions such as capital virtues and vices; Scandinavian themes and tales are adapted to conform in these settings, and besides the selection of lists of kings common to other traditions, a great deal of work is made to present Scandinavian mate­ rial suitable to exemplify the schemes intended. It is also clear there is a composi­ tion order that presents gradually the Cardinal Virtues one by one in the first four books, always incorporating lessons taken from the previous books, comparing examples, creating contrasts.

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One last preliminary conclusion points to the construction of a specific kind of hero which is based upon Scandinavian stereotypes, chiefly from the Viking period, but who, with the addition of Christian and Classic values, resembles greatly the Baltic crusaders of the thirteenth century, of whom the greatest was— from Saxo’s point of view—Absalon. The next books will go on to expand the main scheme, presenting the virtues jointly in the creation of that kind of hero.

Chapter 6

THE THEMATIC OF THE COUNSELLOR Up to now, the basic order of values in the Gesta Danorum particularly the focus on schemes of virtues, has been reviewed as already argued by Kurt Johannes­son. In the four first books, Saxo Grammaticus delivered several exempla and even allegories of virtues, gradually presenting them, following the methodol­ ogy to highlight one virtue at the time. The section between books V and VIII is organized in a different manner. The common use of two or more minor plots, almost independent of each other, is replaced by the focus on central characters with broader perspectives. The method was used in some way in book I when dealing with Hadingus’s career, even though the book presented at the beginning a few minor plots. The common use of judgemental and explanatory sentences underwent some changes. In the previous books the most part of exempla of virtues were used in such a way that the sententiae corroborate the narrative; from book V onwards there is a stronger focus on the narrative itself. There are still many sententiae, but their discourse mainly refers to accessory elements of the plot, sometimes dis­ placed from the main theme, not anymore proffered as summarizing it. An example of this use can be found in book V when Saxo describes the degen­ erate situation in the first phase of Frotho III’s court; there are many statements about women and marriage between members of the same social strata, but few clear declarations about the main thematic in the narrative—the dependence of the king on his advisors and counsellors. Book V deals in its entirety with the tale of King Frotho III and the hero Ericus disertus. Their stories are not two consecutive narratives about separate char­ acters, but one single plot elaborated in a complex manner. Book VI delivers the intricate story of Starcatherus, which will be extended until book VIII, although with less strength and vitality. That book begins with minor plots, necessary in order to make a connection between the current stories and the previous one; finally, these books present a particular focus on selected characters. This centrality on single characters derives from the manner in which the vir­ tues were introduced until then. In the previous books were developed characters provided with one or more virtues, but not endowed with all of them. Ericus diser­ tus, in book V, and Starcatherus, in books VI–VIII, will be heroes far more complete than the ones developed until this point.



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A remarkable feature in book V is the announcement of the birth of Christ. According to Skovgaard-Pedersen,1 after book V the Gesta Danorum entered into its second part, in which Christianity came to the world, but not to Denmark. Its influence would be felt in a period of universal peace, coinciding with the Peace of Augustus in the Roman Empire—a peace that, according to Saxo, extended to the North with the rule of Frotho III. Saxo transfers characteristics of the Goths in narratives of Late Antiquity to the Danes, in order to shape Denmark as an empire equivalent to the Roman one, encompassing the North. In book V, the Danish realms were expanded from north­ west to northeast, extending from the British Isles to Russia. These books are, therefore, a milestone, presenting Denmark in a disorganized stage in which rulers that are weak or devoid of virtues are less and less able to govern, and whose actions assume wider consequences. In it Saxo Grammaticus develops extensively a thematic inaugurated in book I, with some echoes in sev­ eral books—such as II and XIII—but whose climax is set in book XIV. We consider that thematic to be a central and nuclear narrative theme to the Gesta Danorum, and have named it “The Thematic of the Counsellor.” Saxo describes kings and warriors well provided with Fortitudo, sometimes in close association with other virtues, but notably devoid of others. Gram and Hadingus, for instance, had a great amount of Fortitudo, but an equally large lack of Prudentia. Amlethus was recognized as someone strong in Prudentia and Fortitudo, but weak when the matter involved Temperantia. Uffo, notable for both Fortitudo as Temperantia, had half of his life tainted by foolishness—evidently, the opposite characteristic to Prudentia. For some characters Saxo elaborates narratives show­ ing their fall and decadence; Amlethus’s story is exemplar in that sense. In other stories, however, the decadence of the main character is interrupted and reversed by the introduction of a counsellor or colleague who leads them to the right path and restrains them. The thematic’s origin and objectives are sufficiently clear. In first instance, they were an ideology constructed to reflect the complex relationship between King Valdemar I and Archbishop Absalon, related in the final books of the Gesta Danorum. In a last instance, is possible also to find the defence of hierocratic polit­ ical conceptions. Both reasons can reasonably be attributed to the commissioning of the work from Saxo by the archbishops Absalon and Anders, and also to the probable ecclesiastical position occupied by him at Lund, as discussed at length in previous chapters. 1  Skovgaard-Pedersen, “Gesta Danorums genremæssige placering,” pp. 20–29.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

There are a large number of possibilities which could have provided thematic models, both in Western Europe and in Scandinavia and Iceland. The duality between a king and a cleric counsellor bearing Sapientia was recurrent in the Caro­ lingian monarchy; a large range of works, from mirrors-for-princes from the same Carolingian epoch, such as De virtutibus et vitiis (ca. 800) by Alcuin, to chronicles in the Empire such as Otto of Freising’s Gesta Friderici I. Imperatoris (ca.1156–60), also provided models of behaviour to the rulers regarding the use of virtues. In the Norse world Joseph Harris defined a narrative formula of “The king and the Icelander” in his dissertation at Harvard in 1969.2 According to this formula, a stranger (usually an Icelander) enters the Norwegian court and defeats both the king and his retinue by using his eloquence.3 A clear example of this use can be found in the Hrólfs saga kraka, the fairly late (fourteenth-century) saga of King Hrólf Kraki, which also shares several characters and plots with other parts of the Gesta Danorum—we have already discussed some of the similarities between both works in the section dedicated to Iustitia. Thus, a number of sources can be studied in order to find models or inspira­ tion, using an equally varied number of methodologies. For instance, is possible to analyse partially these narrative structures according to structuralist or struc­ turalist-like models such as Vladimir Propp’s analysis of folktales and its specific plots,4 since there are some resemblance between the theme of a stranger fac­ ing a challenge and the plots, motifs, and narrative structures of some folktales. The classics made a contribution: there is a similar plot in chapters 2 and 4 of the anonymous Historia Apollonii regis Tyri, written either in the third century (the most commonly accepted date) or in the fifth or sixth (according to Kortekaas and his followers).5 Using the Counsellor’s thematic, Saxo is able to defend the king’s tutelage by churchmen and even the Church’s supremacy—although in a veiled manner—in narratives where definitively there is no church at all, and where the easiest way to deliver the work would be a simple and plain narrative focused on strong kings and warriors. As the reader follows the text, the gradual repetition of the same theme rein­ forces the image of a king guided by a counsellor; when it comes to book XIV and Absalon’s exploits, the counsellor’s supremacy over the king was repeated so 2  Harris, The King and the Icelander.

3  Martí�nez-Pizarro, “An Eirí�ks þáttr málspaka?,” p. 115s. 4  Propp, Morphology of the Folktale.

5  Hall, Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri (rev.), p. 225.

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many times, demonstrated and proved by so many exempla, digressions, and dis­ cussions of virtues, that Absalon’s own supremacy seems uncontested. The intelligence behind the use of this resource cannot be denied, although its delivery was sometimes not exactly subtle. The very existence of such a structure would lead to questioning of the traditional defence of the composition order orig­ inated by Paul Hermann. As discussed already, Hermann defended the idea, largely accepted, that books X–XIV, the “historical” ones, were written before books I–IX, the “mythical” ones. The simple existence of some plan followed throughout all the books may jeopardize the proposed structure, since it points to an idea con­ ceived and developed from the beginning. Notwithstanding the detection of such a scheme, we still hold to that order of composition; the comparison of the development of the thematic in books I, V, VI, and XIII, for instance, allows us to defend with security a greater elaboration of the theme in the previous books (I–IX), than in those following it, especially book XIII, in which the thematic is simply delineated without affecting the plot as profoundly as in the first books. If the writing order was I–XIV, instead of X–XVI then I–IX, the stage of elaboration of the thematic in book XIII could be expected to be far more elaborated and to have a greater weight in the book than it happens to have. Since the majority of the Gesta Danorum’s modern and contemporary read­ ers tend to only read the first books, the relative absence of discussion relative to this thematic is not surprising, although Saxo’s bias or political inclination has received more scrutiny. There were some inherent risks in the task proposed by Saxo, especially after Absalon’s death. Studies in codicology would point to the possibility of later alterations made in Gram’s trajectory, with the objective of emulating some deeds of Valdemar II, in the years immediately after Absalon died6 since, even writing many years after the beginning of Valdemar II’s reign, Saxo did not choose to narrate his story in the same manner as he did for the previous kings, Knut VI and Valdemar I; instead, he expanded the work towards the most ancient Danish past and the writing of the so-called “mythical” books. Despite the prominence and relevance of Archbishop Anders Sunesson, par­ ticularly in his dealings with King Valdemar II in the crusades in Estonia and Livo­ nia, and in his role as educator in Denmark and even in Rī�ga, his influence dis not have the same intensity as Absalon’s regarding Valdemar I. It has been suggested that one of the main reasons for the commissioning of Saxo to write the Gesta Danorum—a task initiated during the reign of Knut, son of Valdemar I and brother of Valdemar II—was to record and preserve the deeds of Absalon himself, at risk of being forgotten or diminished during Knut’s reign.7 According to this reasoning, 6  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, p. 149.

7  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 225.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

the king’s persona, amidst a process involving the strengthening of monarchy and centralization of the Danish realms, sought supremacy over the archbishopric and even acted in close cooperation with it, in the most part due to the disagreements with the nobility, also in process of strengthening. 8 Such a context indicates a growing risk to an individual who might write a clearly derogatory work and be openly critical of the king’s image, or who even supported plainly his submission to the archbishopric, as did the supporters of Gregorian reform in Denmark. The Northern Crusades channelled the king’s, the archbishop’s, and, in some ways, the aristocracy’s strength, in an effort coordi­ nated by the king but led under a religious banner. In that circumstance it was possible to conceal possible quarrels and infighting among the Danes, but the situ­ ation remained delicate enough for Saxo to feel compelled to take extra care when criticizing royalty, defending the supremacy of the archbishopric, or arguing in favour of hierocratic rule in Denmark. There are, of course, many clues indicating strong discordance between Saxo’s conceptions and royal official policy. Knut VI, the king who ruled Denmark in the period under which Saxo wrote most of the Gesta Danorum, was married to a Saxon princess, amidst a situation imbued with delicate and potentially explo­ sive diplomatic relations between Denmark and the Germans. Despite that, there is no mitigation of Saxo’s criticism directed towards the Saxons. Saxo reflected a position endorsed by the archbishopric of Lund, which disputed with HamburgBremen the supremacy over the North; despite that, even though negativism against the Saxons would be almost an official position assumed by the Danish archbishop, such antagonism was dangerous to the Danish rulers, and not neces­ sarily desired by them. A great share of the initial quarrels between King Valdemar I and Archbishop Eskil was centred around the dispute between Empire and papacy; while the king recognized as Pontifex maximus the antipope Victor (1159–64) supported by Bar­ barossa, 9 Eskil remained faithful to Alexander III, pope from 1159 to 1181. As mentioned before, King Knut VI was married to Heinrich Löwe’s daughter,10 being recognized also as protector and lord of Lübeck,11 the city founded by Adolf of Hol­ stein and Heinrich Löwe on the site of the old Slavic settlement of Liubice.12 8  Starcke, Denmark in World History, pp. 318–20.

9  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 117. 10  Christiansen, The Works of Sven Aggesen, p. 21.

11  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 66.

12  Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, p. 222. Regarding the dispute over the fundation of the city, see the same work at pp. 283f.

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King Valdemar II would act differently regarding this matter, confronting openly the Saxons; this antagonism, however, started only after the 1220s, a time when Saxo was already close to the end of the Gesta Danorum, and part of the con­ frontation between Danes and Saxons occurred in the division of the territories obtained in Livonia and Estonia, in the midst of the dispute for hegemony over the whole Baltic. In the forty previous years Saxo’s criticism of the Saxons was constant, at least in the passages related to them in the Gesta Danorum; the worst Danish kings, the most despicable, and those most in need of counsellors were the ones who allied themselves with the Saxons or adopted their manners. Saxo’s methodology, frequently allegorical and hermetic, along with his con­ stant use of Neoplatonic conceptions and schemes and his habit of introducing a thematic gradually, was suitable enough to defend an ecclesiastic position, hiero­ cratic in its essence, without the need of emphatic—and risky—statements. Therefore the successive thematic’s presentations will be discussed exten­ sively, although with some emphasis on the first part of the Gesta, contained in books I–IX. The references to the second part will be made mostly at the begin­ ning, presenting the possible development of the idea and its initial goals.

Some Preliminaries: The Horse, the Reins and the Rider

Located in the “historical” part of the Gesta Danorum, book XIII presents a “neu­ tral” example of Saxo’s narrative methods; it also possesses high relevance in the exposition of the Thematic of the Counsellor. Such an excerpt was used already by Kurt Johannesson in order to exemplify the allegorical methods found in the Gesta Danorum.13 The use of the adjective “neutral” with the appropriate reservations is due to the fact that this episode describe an actual event, known from other sources and therefore possible to include in a chronology, unlike the deeds presented in the first books, such as the wars of Hadingus against magic beings and similar epi­ sodes. Therefore, there is a significant reduction in at least some of the subjectivi­ ties to which the text is submitted. We are not implying neutrality on the part of the author, but instead the possi­ bility of a somewhat balanced analysis of the situation and the events narrated in it; in this case, the methodological procedure used in the previous books to insert the narrative in a totally external frame is drastically reduced. It becomes possible 13  Johannesson, Saxo Grammaticus, pp. 233ff; “Order in Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,” pp. 96f.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

at some extent to observe how actual events are modelled by the author, with the concerns regarding historicity reduced in part. The text addresses the reign of King Niels, which lasted between the years 1104 and 1134, and ended with his assassination in Schleswig. The book is rel­ evant to the discussion related with the royal succession, since the struggle between Knut Lavard and Magnus, son of Niels, is presented in detail. These two pretenders disputed the right to the throne, in a process which ended with the murder of Knut by Magnus in 1131. The latter was murdered by the men of Eric, brother of the deceased Knut, in 1134. Knut Lavard was the father of Valdemar I; both Knut and Magnus were called martyrs by their descendants and supporters who claimed their rights to the throne. Table 6.1: Main Characters of Book XIII of the Gesta Danorum

This is the history of the origin history of the Valdemarian kings, the narrative of how the ancestors of Saxo’s patrons prevailed in the struggle for the kingdom; the way in which he deals with it is, therefore, of extreme relevance. The book opens with details about the succession and immediately follows them with a story that, in a first glimpse, seems totally misplaced; a short tale is told about Ingo, the sec­ ond son of Niels who, while still a boy, tried to ride an unbridled horse. His tutor allowed him to take the reins, after which the horse threw and trampled him: (13.1.3) [1] Cuius filius Ingo, initio adolescentiae effrenis equi lascivia excussus eiusdemque ungulis artuatim obtritus, splendidissimum san­ guinem luteis viarum sordibus erogavit, tristissimoque fati genere con­ sumptus, sparsis viatim membris, lacerum humi cadaver iacuit. [2] Pae­ dagogus quippe, eum equo assuefacere cupiens, habenas manu continere permisit, quarum regimini intempestivus adolescens, pede subselliis inhaerente, contiguum solo corpus habuit. (While their son Ingo was in his early youth, he was thrown by a mettle­ some and unbridled horse and trampled to pieces, shedding his illustri­ ous blood in the filthy mire of the streets, and expiring miserably with his limbs scaltered along the road and his body mangled on the ground. For his tutor had wanted him to learn to ride, and had allowed him to hold the

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reins in his hand: but the boy was too young to manage them, and he was dragged along the ground with his foot caught in the stirrup.14)

This initial episode, in the same manner as the ones analysed up to now, will announce a theme present in the whole book. Knut Lavard, presented in this book as undisputed hero, is an example of both Fortitudo and Temperantia. However, in despite of countless warnings, Knut heads to the Haraldsted forest where he will be murdered by his own uncle, Magnus. Magnus himself, Knut, and, later, Niels, all of these men walked towards their own deaths. The message of Saxo Grammaticus is clear: all of them, from the tutor to the princes, displayed a blatant lack of Prudentia. The reasoning is completed with the story of Archbishop Asser, first in this position in Lund and Scandinavia. Asser was previously bishop at the same city, which in 1103 or 1104 was elevated to the position of archbishopric, with auton­ omy from Hamburg-Bremen.15 After the death of Knut Lavard, Magnus and his father Niels are accused in a popular court by Eric, brother of the deceased. Some turmoil occurs, the crowd attempts to kill the king, and Archbishop Asser is called on by him to pacify the populace; Eric sent Asser: “to oppose the angry mob with the reverence they owed both to his rank and to his priesthood”16 / “qui reverentiam et nobilitati suae et sacerdotio debitam irae vulgi irrumpentis opponeret” (13.7.7). An additional rein­ forcement to the image is given since Asser takes Eric’s horse’s bridle in his right hand, and by his authority the crowd calms down. Saxo deliberately chooses to take the hardest path. Instead of defending the legitimacy of the Valdemarian dynasty who rule in his own time and connecting it to the martyrdom of Knut Lavard, he takes advantage of the incident to demon­ strate the archbishop’s authority above both dynasties which had claims to the throne. From Saxo’s point of view, the responsibility for bringing peace and order to the situation—and indirectly, to Denmark—does not lies with either Eric, the uncle of Valdemar I, or his father Knut, whose murder was only possible due to his imprudence and foolishness, but on Archbishop Asser. The image of the boy Inge on the horse and the reins became a strong symbol which pervades the whole book. The control over the reins is taken by the archbishop, who asserts his supremacy; the untamed horse is compared to the unruled kingdom. 14  GD/II, p. 108.

15  Sawyer and Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p 115. 16  GD/II, pp. 130–31.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

There are nuances and factors which complicate the plot. It should be noted that, differently from the other books, and apparently disagreeing with the point that we just made, Archbishop Asser is not presented frequently, even though being the first archbishop in Scandinavia. His character is not developed in the same manner as that of other counsellors in the Gesta. The tale of the horse is his second appearance in the book, and in the previ­ ous book he is named only twice. In book XIV, Saxo refers to him more often— nine times—although jointly with Eskil and Absalon. Even so, in comparison with the number of times that the other archbishops or counsellors are referred in the text this is a very small number of quotes. Eskil is named sixteen times in book XIV; Absalon, 252 times in the same book, forty-nine times in book XV, and fifty in book XVI, besides scattered references in the whole of the Gesta Danorum, as for instance in the Praefatio, or when occasionally he is quoted by Saxo as the source of some information. These figures inspire us to draw some interesting and revealing comparisons. The archbishop to follow Asser, Eskil, was not only extremely active in the Dan­ ish church developments of the twelfth century, but was also involved in interna­ tional events regarding the Cistercian Order. Nevertheless, the number of times he is quoted or referred to is also small in comparison to the number dedicated to Absalon. A probable reason for this is that Asser and Eskil belonged to the Thrugut family, political adversaries of the Hvide family to which belonged Absalon and Anders. Also, as discussed in the first chapter, the latter family were to support the rise of the Valdemarian dynasty, particularly in the dynastic conflict of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Commissioned as he was by members of the Hvide family and ruled by the dynasty that was benefited by them, Saxo was not allowed to depict Asser as the hero of a narrative, particularly when there was in the same narrative an ancestor of Valdemar’s, as was Knut Lavard. The escape route here was to defend the institution of archbishopric as well as its supremacy, since it would be harmful be seen as a supporter of their rival family. The very risk of being misunderstood for putting Asser in a position of promi­ nence is a telling factor of the relevance of the archbishop’s supremacy to Saxo Grammaticus; the episode as a whole is exemplary as a preliminary study of the methods employed by Saxo to represent and defend the ecclesiastical power. To Saxo, that kind of power is characterized by the legitimacy and authority with which it is invested, features connected and even provided by the virtue of the Prudentia. As shall be demonstrated soon, that virtue is one of the main attributes which allow the counsellor to be recognized as such, and is the main connection

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Figure 6.1: Angers Fragment, Dialogue between Bess and Gro. The only thirteenth-century manuscript of the Gesta Danorum. Unfortunately, it contains just eight pages from book I. Source: Biblioteca Real da Dinamarca; NKS 869 g 4°: Saxo, Gesta Danorum, fragmentum Andegavense. Bifolium fractum B.

between the counsellors of the books in which there is no Christianity and the archbishops of the later books. There is one last point which should be addressed; that is the writing order of the books in the Gesta Danorum. The “Thematic of the Counsellor” is well harmo­ nized with the supposition that books X–XVI were the last to be written, and that the whole work was based upon Absalon’s memories. According to this, the whole work started with Absalon’s deeds; in that part, he was the main representative of the institution of the archbishopric, and as such should not be eclipsed by other ecclesiastics such as Asser or Eskil. As the writing advanced, the stereotype of the wise man, endowed with all the virtues but exceeding the others in Prudentia, was developed into a different kind of hero, since it was impossible to write about archbishops before the time that Christianity was established in Denmark, but it was not impossible to defend a hierocratic position with the use of stereotypes or symbols. Thus, the episode from book XIII is, although representative of the same political conception, less methodologically explored than books I and V–VIII.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

The First Occurrence of the Thematic of the Counsellor: Gram and Bessus, Hadingus and the One-Eyed Elder

(1.4.1) [2] Ex qua parvo post tempore Gram filium sustulit. [3] Cuius miri­ fica indoles ita paternas virtutes redoluit, ut prorsus per earum vestigia decurrere putaretur. [4] Corporis animique praestantissimis dotibus praeditam adolescentiam ad summum gloriae statum provexit, tantum­ que magnitudini eius a posteris tributum est, ut in vetustissimis Dano­ rum carminibus ipsius vocabulo regia nobilitas censeatur. [5] Quicquid ad firmandas acuendasque vires attinuit, acerrima ingenii exercitatione tractabat. [6] A gladiatoribus vitandi inferendique ictus consuetudinem studioso exercitii genere contrahebat. [7] Educatoris sui Roari filiam coaevam sibi collactaneamque, quo maiorem incunabulis gratiam refer­ ret, uxorem ascivit, quam postmodum Besso cuidam, quod eius strenua opera saepenumero usus fuerat, mercedis loco coniugem tribuit. [8] Quo bellicorum operum socio fretus plus gloriae sua an Bessi virtute contra­ xerit, incertum reliquit.

(After a short while she bore him a son, Gram, whose amazing genius was so reminiscent of his father’s that he was immediately believed to be treading in the same virtuous steps. Endowed with outstanding gifts of body and mind, the young man advanced himself to such a pitch of (13) fame that his descendants acknowledged his greatness by making his name in the most ancient Danish poems synonymous with royal nobility. Whatever contributed towards hardening and sharpening his strength he practised keenly and assiduously. From swordsmen he conscientiously copied methods of parrying and thrusting. To show a fuller gratitude for his fostering he took to wife his teacher Roarus’s daughter, who was of the same age and had been nourished at the same breast. Later he mar­ ried her, as a reward, to a certain Bessus, who 13 had many times taken vigorous pains to help him. It is hard to gather whether Gram reaped more renown through his own heroism or that of his comrade-in-arms.17)

We should start this section by emphasizing the following statement: “It is hard to gather whether Gram reaped more renown through his own heroism or that of his comrade-in-arms” / “[...] Quo bellicorum operum socio fretus plus gloriae sua an Bessi virtute contraxerit, incertum reliquiy.” That affirmation was made in refer­ ence to Gram, about which we have discussed previously concerning the virtue of Fortitudo. His companion and comrade-in-arms (socio) referred to in the text is 17  GD/I, pp. 15f.

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called Bessus. The heroic achievements narrated in this first part of book I are all assigned to Gram. Information given about Bessus is rather scarce. Besides these short pro­ nouncements, there are some poems. The first ones of the Gesta, they are certainly unusual; Gram starts a quest, searching to free a princess (Gro) imprisoned by a giant. Intending to frighten his foes, he wears a goatskin; there is no surprise, given Saxo’s low opinion of women, that the lady believes she is dealing with the giant himself. It is surprising, however, that in such conditions they start a dia­ logue in poetic form. The one who answers to her and keeps the conversation moving along, however, is not Gram, but Bessus (see Figure 6.1). Although Gram makes so many demonstrations of Fortitudo before and after the episode, he needs an intermediary to speak on his behalf. The same intermedi­ ary utters one more poem, in praise of Gram, and vanishes from the Gesta. He does not appear again, nor accomplish feats of any kind. In what other ways he aided Gram beforehand we are not informed. His goal and function as character in the book appears to be not exactly to diminish the main hero, but, at least, highlight some of his shortcomings. Considering Saxo’s methodology, the episode serves as a clear precedent to the series of subsequent examples presenting a king who needs not just an assistant, but a counsellor, a guide. Officially this assistant cannot be presented as more rel­ evant or important than the king, whose valour is undoubted. But the assertion of Saxo that “it is hard to gather whether Gram reaped more renown through his own heroism or that of his comrade-in-arms” makes clear what possess greater impor­ tance in Saxo’s point of view. In book XIII, in the episode discussed before regard­ ing Archbishop Asser contrasted with members of the Hvide family, the same idea is defended, although more carefully and in a veiled form. In relation to the Cardinal Virtues scheme, the episode intends to demonstrate the inaptitude of someone provides only with Fortitudo, no matter how abundant the character might be in it. Regarding the work’s general plan, the author begins to demonstrate another scheme which will gain dominance in later books, the Thematic of the Counsellor. As he usually does, Saxo sets out in the beginning of the book a later theme through some paragraph, sententia or short subplot; there­ fore, this discussed episode is an announcement. The episode precedes the first, fairly elaborate and even extensive, narrative to treat that thematic; namely the following episode of Hadingus. In a previous chapter of this book we discussed a minor mythological digres­ sion located previously to the main plot of the Hadingus episode; in this digres­ sion, the reader is acquainted with an explanation about the nature of the giants, connected to the peculiar characteristic of Hadingus being nurtured by a giantess and raised by a family of giants.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

The giants were described as the first of three races of ancient times, which were divided according to this digression into the giants proper, sorcerers, and a race originating from the interbreeding of the former two races. The end of the digression attests the superiority of Prudentia over Fortitudo when compar­ ing giants to sorcerers, size and shape to ability and intelligence: “Although in frame they yielded precedence to the former, they excelled them in acuteness of intellect.”18 / “(1.5.4) [2] Qui quantum superioribus habitu cessere corporeo, tan­ tum vivaci mentis ingenio praestiterunt.” This explanation is not merely a justification for the inclusion of giants in the plot. It is followed by two consecutive narratives of Hadingus’s life, two distinct phases that expand by narrative what Saxo previously argued almost at theoreti­ cal level. In both phases Hadingus has a tutor: at first, a giantess; after that, a mathematicus. The first introduction to Hadingus presents him as an example of Fortitudo: (1.6.1) [1] Hic primis adolescentiae temporibus felicissimis naturae incrementis summam virilis aetatis perfectionem sortitus, omisso volup­ tatis studio, continua armorum meditatione flagrabat, memor se belli­ coso patre natum omne vitae tempus spectatis militiae operibus exigere debere.

(This man’s nature so waxed and throve that in the early season of his youth he was granted the prime of manhood. Leaving the pursuit of plea­ sure, he was constantly zealous in warlike exercises; remembering that he was the son of a fighting father, and was bound to spend his whole span of life in approved deeds of warfare.19)

Hadingus’s paths under the guidance of the different tutors are opposed; evi­ dently Saxo considers Hadingus’s nature, marked by Fortitudo without external influences, but inadequate counselling or the absence of other virtues—or, most probably both—may disfigure a nature good in itself. Under the giantess’s tutelage there is a kind of suggestion of incest in the beginning: 1.6.2 [7] Cedat odibilis iste rigor, adveniat pius ille calor et Veneris mihi necte fidem, quae puero tibi prima dedi ubera lactis opemque tuli,

18  GD/I, p. 21.

19  GD/Ib, p. 25.

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officium genetricis agens, usibus officiosa tuis”

(Let this hateful strictness pass away, let that loving warmth approach, and plight the troth of love to me, who gave thee the first breasts of milk in childhood, and helped thee, playing a mother’s part, duteous to thy needs.20)

The theme of incest is considered as a “universal” taboo, with the exception of what has been called “royal” or “dynastic” incest, restricted to rare cases in some ancient societies to a privileged elite,21 or in mythical narratives when it occurs between deities connected to fertility or when the sacred marriage gives birth to a divine character or a founding dynasty. There are uncountable examples of this last circumstance—in Ancient Egyptian mythology many sacred couples were sib­ lings, such as Shu and Tefnut, Geb and Nut, Isis and Osiris, and Set and Nephthys; in Ancient Greece, Uranus and Gaia (son and mother), Chronos and Rhea (brother and sister), Zeus and Hera (idem); and also between many others in places of the world without historical connections, such as Ireland and China.22 Perhaps there is some reminiscence of these sacred elements in this excerpt, as argued by Dumézil, if the Scandinavian myth of Njörðr served as inspiration for the character of Hadingus and in the whole composition are traces from fertility myths.23 There are a lot of questions and problems regarding this identification, chiefly the impossibility of reconstructing some untouched, “archetypal” version of the myth; the other complete version of it is found in Snorri’s Prose Edda. Even in the Poetic Edda, however, incest is presented in a negative way, as seen in Lokasenna, when Loki accuses Freyr and Freyja of having slept together. It should be noted that both gods came from the family of the Vanir; in the same Lokasenna Loki accuses Njörðr of fathering Freyr and Freyja with his own sister; the references are derogatory, even though all these divinities had had a strong connection with fertility rites. In any case, incest should be regarded by its reception as something scandal­ ous even if inspired by fertility myths. Saxo used a shocking artifice to emphasize 20  GD/Ib, p. 26.

21  Wolf, Incest Avoidance and the Incest Taboos, p. 10.

22  Turner and Maryanski, Incest: Origins of the Taboo, pp. 14f.

23  Dumézil, Du mythe au roman, pp. 75f.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

how bad was the influence of Harthgrepa, the first of a series of evil counsellors. At same time as the giantess’s suggestion of incest, there occurs the stimulus to indolence, to the diminishing of the warrior spirit, and injury to the Fortitudo: (1.6.2) [1] Cuius fortem animum Harthgrepa […] amoris sui illecebris emollire conata sedula affirmatione certabat oportere eum primum genialis tori munus suis erogare connubiis, quae infantiae eius exactioris curae fomenta porrexerit primaque subministrarit crepundia. (Harthgrepa […] tried to enervate his stout spirit by her allurements of love, with repeated assertions that he must pay her the first reward of his bed by marrying her, since she had nursed him in his infancy with particular devotion and given him his first rattle.24)

The following poem, uttered by Harthgrepa, illustrates quite well the contrast intended by the giantess between war, associated by her—although not by Saxo— with negative characteristics and defining Hadingus, and physical love, evidently represented by her: (1.6.2) [3] Quid tibi sic vaga vita fluit? Quid caelebs tua lustra teris, arma sequens, iugulum sitiens? [4] Nec species tua vota trahit; eximia raperis rabie, labilis in Venerem minime.

[5] Caedibus atque cruore madens bella toris potiora probas nec stimulis animum recreas. [6] Otia nulla fero subeunt, lusus abest, feritas colitur; nec manus impietate vacat, dum Venerem coluisse piget.

(Why doth thy life thus waste and wander? Why dost thou pass thy years unwed, following arms, thirsting for throats? Nor does my beauty draw thy vows. Carried away by excess of frenzy, thou art little prone to love. 24  GD/I, p. 22.

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Steeped in blood and slaughter, thou judgest wars better than the bed, nor refreshest thy soul with incitements.

Thy fierceness finds no leisure; dalliance is far from thee, and savagery fostered. Nor is thy hand free from blasphemy while thou loathest the rites of love.25)

In other words, Hadingus, a warrior whose main characteristic is Fortitudo but who is devoid of all the other virtues, is urged by that spurious counsellor to cast away his only quality. Soon after, Harthgrepa accompanies Hadingus in his return to Denmark, as he had grown up in Sweden and was determined to fulfil the revenge due to his father’s assassination. Halfway they stop in a house in which a funeral has occurred: (1.6.4) [2] Quo comite susceptum iter ingressa penatibus forte per­ noctatura succedit, quorum defuncti hospitis funus maestis ducebatur exsequiis. [3] Ubi magicae speculationis officio superum mentem rimari cupiens, diris admodum carminibus ligno insculptis iisdemque linguae defuncti per Hadingum suppositis, hac voce eum horrendum auribus car­ men edere coegit [...]. (They set off together on the journey and, wishing to put up for the night, came, as it happened, to a house where they were celebrating in melan­ choly manner the funeral of the master, who had just died. Desiring to probe the will of the gods by magic, she inscribed most gruesome spells on wood and made Hadingus insert them under the corpse’s tongue, which then, in a voice terrible to hear, uttered these lines […]26)

Hilda Ellis-Davidson demonstrated some resemblance between this episode, mostly the words uttered by the raised dead, and parts of the Poetic Edda—such as Völuspá—in which Ó� ðinn summoned some dead völva, intending to achieve knowledge of the future.27 Besides some ubiquity in the tales of dead people awakened against their will in Norse sources, in Saxo Grammaticus the episode may be interpreted at first sight as a negative appreciation of witchcraft and sorcery, spellcasting and pagan 25  GD/Ib, p. 26.

26  GD/I, p. 23.

27  Ellis, The Road to Hel, pp. 153–56.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

practices. Indeed, soon afterwards the conjuring Harthgrepa meets her end. Still we consider that the situation should not be analysed simply as another case of a cleric judging pagan practices since quite often, although mostly in the first books, Saxo gives a great deal of attention to magic practices, usually intertwined with battle tactics, and most times associated with the virtue of Prudentia, as demon­ stration of Ingenium. Actually, part of the measurement of success in Hadingus’s life and career is given according to his relationship with the sacred; not exactly the sacred in a Christian worldview, despite Saxo being a cleric, but the connection of the domin­ ion of the magic arts as part of the abilities derived from Prudentia. The men pos­ sessing these competences are wise men, mathemathici, counsellors, and, only in the last books, priests and archbishops. Thus Harthgrepa’s fate and distorted skills should be connected to the previ­ ous narrative of giants and sorcerers as a continuation of that plot, but also, as a prequel, to the subsequent events and the sorcery that shall be used thereafter; in the first case, there is continuity with vicious arts; in the latter, the contrast with a true magician and suitable counsellor. Hence the main goal of this episode apparently is to characterize a twisted counsellor and make clear the kind of events in which a warrior guided by some­ one with those attributes would find himself involved. Sigurd Kværndrup consid­ ers that the main reason for the tribulations suffered by Hadingus at the initial stages of his life was his association with the giants, considering that species as a negative influence per se.28 We disagree with that assumption; Vagnhophtus, Had­ ingus’s foster-father, a giant and father to Harthgrepa, aided Hadingus in battle, which is at least a small evidence of value in that giant. The key to understanding the episode is in the demonstration of good and evil counsellors. Harthgrepa makes an inadequate use of characteristics that should have been used with the virtue of Prudentia; she uses sorcery, or, at least, pretends to possess magic arts, but the reckless and inappropriate manner in which she acts not only makes clear how spurious were her arts, but even leads to her death. Simulation, in that case, is the keyword; Harthgrepa is able to feign abilities and virtues, but also is capable of changing her shape and size, as is shown when she tries to convince Hadingus to have intercourse with her: (1.6.3) [2] “Non te moveat,” inquit, “insolitus meae granditatis aspectus. [3] Nunc enim contractioris, nunc capacioris, nunc exilis, nunc affluen­ tis substantiae, modo corrugati, modo explicati corporis situm arbitraria

28  Kværndrup, The Composition of the Gesta Danorum, pp. 26f.

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mutatione transformo; nunc proceritate caelis invehor, nunc in hominem angustioris habitus condicione componor.” (Don’t let the sight of my strange largeness affect you. I can make the sub­ stance of my body small or great, now thin, now capacious. Sometimes I shrivel at will, sometimes expand. At one moment my stature reaches the skies, at another I can gather myself into the narrower proportions of men.29)

The giantess is quite insistent in her intents:

(1.6.3) [11] Exsero contractos artus tensosque subinde corrugo, vultum formis partita gemellis et sortes complexa duas: maiore feroces territo, concubitus hominum breviore capesso. (I dart out my ingathered limbs, and presently, while they are strained, I wrinkle them up, dividing my countenance between shapes twain, and adopting two forms; with the greater of these I daunt the fierce, while with the shorter I seek the embraces of men.30)

Harthgrepa, thus, is strongly characterized by dissimulation and deceit; an evil counsellor, or an exemplum of a false one. After her death, Hadingus obtains another protector: (1.6.7) [1] Spoliatum nutrice Hadingum grandaevus forte quidam, altero orbus oculo, solitarium miseratus Lisero cuidam piratae sollemni pactio­ nis iure conciliat [...] [3] Quo pacto Liserus et Hadingus artissimis socie­ tatis vinculis colligati Lokero, Curetum tyranno, bellum denuntiant. [4] Quibus superatis, fugientem Hadingum praedictus senex ad penates suos equo devehendum curavit ibique suavissimae cuiusdam potionis beneficio recreatum vegetiori corporis firmitate constaturum praedixit.

(An aged man with only one eye happened to take pity on the lonely Hadingus, robbed of his nurse, and brought him into friendship with a pirate, Liserus, by establishing a covenant between them […] When this was effected and Liserus and Hadingus were bounded together in clos­ est association, they declared war on Lokerus, lord of the Kurs; however, they were defeated and Hadingus in his flight was taken on horseback by the old man to his home. There, after he had refreshed him with the aid of a soothing potion, he told him that his body would become reinvigorated and strong […]31)

29  GD/I, pp. 22–23.

30  GD/Ib, p. 27. 31  GD/I, 24.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

The name of this protector is not given; his description says that he is old, deprived of one of his eyes—“grandaevus [...] altero orbus oculo.” In the Eddas and some sagas these are attributes of Ó� ðinn; “Othinus,” in Saxo. The god has given one of his eyes in exchange for drinking from the spring of Mí�mir32 and some of his deeds in the narrative and thereafter might corroborate that identification, which is usually accepted without thorough scrutiny. Meantime, in an immediately following episode, Saxo inserts the narrative of a certain Othinus who, according to Saxo, performed wonders, ruled Byzantium, and received worship as a god throughout Europe. At this point it is helpful to remember our previous discussion about euhemerism in Saxo and the recurrence of this topos, regarding the “Matter of Rome.” Identification of the old man help­ ing Hadingus as this Othinus is not unequivocal. To Inge Skovgaard-Pedersen, the narrative was placed at this point in order to explain why Othinus was at that time near the Eastern Baltic.33 According to the episode discussed before connected to euhemerism in Saxo, Othinus was self-exiled from Byzantium due to the betrayal and adultery of his wife with Mythotinus—the “false Othinus.” Usually Saxo places Hellespontus near the Eastern Baltic, at the river Daugava; soon after, when Had­ ingus flees from his captivity, the connection of the places in Saxo’s mind will be clear; this simple geographical setting could contradict Skovgaard-Pedersen’s explanation depending on how connected are, in Saxo’s construction, the Eastern Baltic and Hellespontus. There are many traits that connect both excerpts, although at a first glimpse it appears to occurs some lack of continuity. The dispute between Othinus and Mythothinus may, among other goals, represent one more example distinguishing evil from good counsellors, like the distinction made between Harthgrepa and the one-eyed man, even though there is no king or hero receiving counselling. Two mathemathici are the main protagonists; both technically evil, since Othinus was described as someone receiving false adoration, but in the immediate context the judgements are favourable to him. There are more thematics shared with Hadin­ gus’s story such as marriage, faithfulness, sexuality, and different uses of magic. Therefore, the mythological digression reinforces the main plot of Hadingus. When analysing Skovgaard-Pedersen’s explanation about Othinus’s wander­ ings there is some degree of generalization to deal with, although the rationale is coherent when considered in the context of a supposed and reconstructed gen­ eral Scandinavian mythology. The main point in the situation is the immediate identification among Othinus, Ó� ðinn, and the one-eyed man. Besides the reason­ 32  Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe, p. 26.

33  Skovgaard-Pedersen, “The Way to Byzantium,” p. 124.

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ing’s inherent structuralism should be highlighted the lack of uniformity between Saxo’s renditions of myths and the versions conveyed throughout the Eddas. There are, however, more clues that help to discern Saxo’s intentions. This Othinus is not characterized with other attributes of Ó� ðinn, as being one-eyed, neither is the name associated with the traditional attributes of Ó� ðinn in other parts of the Gesta. Probably one reason for the placement of the narrative at that point is, instead of identifying the one-eyed man with Othinus, to distinguish one from the other. Evidently the one-eyed man was based upon Ó� ðinn, as described in other Scandinavian sources and just mentioned above, but Saxo did not intend some­ one receiving “false adoration as a god” to be the king’s next counsellor. Hence “Othinus,” named as such, is inserted in the subsequent narrative, and in his other appearances in the Gesta Danorum he is never be used as hero, or even on the side of the hero. On the contrary, Othinus usually fights against men, especially the main char­ acters, as occurring in the episodes of Balderus against Høtherus, when Høtherus must defeat not only Balderus, but the magic powers provided by his father Othi­ nus, and in the Battle of Bravalla. In that last episode (in book VIII), the Danish king is counselled by Othinus and abandoned in the midst of the battle, a pro­ cedure by itself consistent with the descriptions of Ó� ðinn in other Scandinavian sources, in which the god needs the heroes to die in battle in order to be able to count on them in the final battle of Ragnarok.34 Evidently, in which measure Saxo’s Othinus share attributes with Snorri’s Ó� ðinn is an intricate problem. Not only Snorri, but some sagas—mostly fornaldarsögur, such as Ọrvar-Odds Saga—use a narrative scheme according to which an elder appears many times using several names—“red beard” in the named saga, for instance—and not necessarily with the exact same characteristics. As just quoted, this character in Ọrvar-Odds Saga has a red beard. The most com­ mon attribute is the one-eyedness, but he can also be described as using a cloak, accompanied by crows, and sometimes named as Ó� ðinn. Usually, even without the name’s mention, the reader would be sure the mysterious wanderer is Ó� ðinn, walking in disguise among men, giants, or other beings. As discussed elsewhere in this book, the mere existence of some Scandinavian or Icelandic narrative does not imply that the same scheme can be found in Gesta Danorum; on the contrary, in many situations Saxo’s intentions are clearly the opposite, trying to approximate his book to Latin models. Our explanation as to the present situation is that this first one-eyed man is used most of all to represent 34  Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe, pp. 48–49.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

a being connected to the first of the three medieval orders—the oratore—repre­ senting wisdom, religion, and knowledge, bearer of Prudentia, but Saxo intention­ ally choose not to identify him clearly as the pagan god Ó� ðinn. Even though the god was clearly the inspiration for the character, the use of a “false god” as agent of Hadingus’s initiation provokes dubious reactions in Saxo; Othinus’s episode is a good demonstration of a similar problem: the cleric denounces Othinus’s false divinity and lures, but at the same time is clearly favour­ able to this character when he is contrasted with Mythothinus. Hadingus’s coun­ sellor is without doubt someone presented as the previous mythological digres­ sion’s mathematici, whose magic and arts were clearly superior to the giants’; most of all, this is a representative of the Prudentia’s superiority over Fortitudo. Therefore, we shall resist the temptation to identify unequivocally this elder with Othinus or Ó� ðinn. It is time to return to the narrative. After receiving the one-eyed elder’s care, Hadingus escapes from captivity following the guidance of the new advisor, and undertakes an attack on Adwanus, king of “Hellespontus,” in his fortress on the river Daugava. The river runs through the territory of the Baltic tribes, close to the frontiers of Kurland, from where Hadingus has just escaped. Hellespontus in Saxo hardly means the actual Hellespontus on the Black Sea and Asia Minor; instead it refers to the area around the Gulf of Rī�ga,35 inhabited by the Zemgalians to the south and by the Livonians to the north. Most probably Saxo drew some association between the Gulf of Rī�ga and the Daugava with the ancient route from the Varangians to the Greeks, connecting the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, of which route the Daugava was the second longest branch. In order to conquer the fortress, Hadingus use the device of sending birds with their wings in flames. After the conquest, he spares Andwanus: “although he was entitled to kill his enemy, [he] preferred to grant him life; thus he tempered his ferocity with mercy”36 / “cumque hostem tollere liceret, spiritu donare maluit: adeo saevitiam clementia temperabat.” The one-eyed elder, described as such, had no place further in the book. His role, however, was fulfilled by other elders with similar features and identified usually as “Othinus.” The influence of this—or these—mathematicus could be seen immediately, contrasting with the previous ascendance of the spurious counsellor, Harthgrepa. While the giantess urged Hadingus to abandon his Fortitudo giving preference to the luxury, the mathematicus encourages not only his perseverance in the war­ rior path, but also adds some refinement to the character. 35  Baranauskas, “Saxo Grammaticus on the Balts,” pp. 67–68.

36  GD/I, p. 25.

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The first alliance of Hadingus and his engagement in a Viking expedition was unsuccessful, and ended with his capture by Lokerus, tyrant of the Kurs. The old man freed him, gave him a fortifying potion, and initiated him in the use of devices and strategy instead of simple and plain warfare. He did not simply freed Had­ ingus from captivity; instead, he taught him how to behave and act in order to achieve success in war, instructing him in how to escape in midst of a warrior initi­ ation—Hadingus had to kill the lion sent to devour him by Lokerus and to drink its blood, a circumstance which strengthened him. In the subsequent plot, Hadingus conquered the fortification in Hellespontus using wiles, but after the conquest, demonstrates mercy and temperance. Therefore, the counselling of this elder drove back Hadingus to his natural virtue’s path, even increasing significantly his virtues—in addition to his usual Fortitudo, the virtues of Prudentia and Temperantia are also demonstrated after his escape from captivity, while shrewdly defeating Andwanus’s city and simulta­ neously sparing its ruler. While most of the components, such as the characters, places, and plots, are given some Northern flavour, there is also Western ecclesiastical guidance in the composition, and Saxo presents exempla from the two modalities of guides pre­ sented until the moment, evaluated according to their virtues. The role of the coun­ sellor is to lead Hadingus to a virtuous way, not only strengthening him in his natu­ ral virtues, but adding other ones, particularly those necessary to a successful king. After these circumstances, Hadingus avenges his dead father, killing Svipd­ agerus and defeating his son, Asmundus. Uffo, the son of Asmundus, attacks Den­ mark, and Hadingus needs to return quickly to his fatherland, where he is defeated. Refreshing himself in the sea after the battle, Hadingus meets a strange monster, which he attacks and kills. While he is bragging after the incident, a woman repre­ hends him severely and curses him: (1.8.11) [2] [...] Tantum poenae vis caelica pensat. [7] Quippe unum e superis alieno corpore tectum sacrilegae necuere manus: sic numinis almi interfector ades! ([…] Such punishment the powers of heaven dispense. For you have killed with sacrilegious hands a sky-dweller wrapped in another body: there you stand, the slayer of a benign deity.37)

The events until then demonstrated Hadingus’s incapacity to deal with supernatu­ ral and magic forces; to him is attributed ignorance and lack of Prudentia. Despite 37  GD/I, pp. 29–30.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

the advice and the help provided by the one-eyed elder, as soon as he disappeared Hadingus acts like a fool who kills a divine being without recognizing it and after­ ward even boasts about doing it. In the previous battle, in which Hadingus was defeated, there was a confused narrative with the intervention of two divine beings, one accompanying each army. A clear reason for Hadingus’s defeat was not given; the only explanation refers to the magical creatures. Therefore, there is an immediate connection between these two sections, and probably Saxo’s intention was to demonstrate the consequences of spiritual ignorance and absence of Prudentia, which leads Hadingus to use his abundant Fortitudo even in the wrong times; perhaps there is even some insinua­ tion of lack of Temperantia due the inconstancy of Hadingus and the need to con­ stantly receive proper guidance. The woman’s curse only leaves Hadingus after he offers propitiatory sacrifices,38 after which he defeats a giant, obtains a wife, and escapes from an ambush by Vikings at sea. Apparently this escape is a result of the sacrifice, which not only cancels the curse but reverses its effects; instead of being accompanied by storms, Hadingus is aided by the winds. There is no surprise that at the occa­ sion of Uffo’s defeat and Denmark’s reconquest, Hadingus receives aid from a new counsellor; an elder, at this time wearing a mantle—another characteristic of Ó� ðinn’s, although Saxo did not name it as such. To the cloaked elder is given the task of supervising the army and ordering it, aligning it in a wedge-shaped formation which led Hadingus’s forces to the vic­ tory; such formation will be used again in other parts of the Gesta Danorum. When the bjarmar, fighting for Uffo, use magic to summon storms, it is the elder who solves the situation, creating a cloud to remove the danger. This second battle is also fought by magic and tricks, with the significant distinction that this time Had­ ingus, with the elder at his side, finds himself on the victorious side. The use of a new and unknown formation is an application of Prudentia and Ingenium in the field dominated by Fortitudo. The elder’s last counsels refer not only to the campaigns of battles which Had­ ingus will fight, but also predicts the way in which he will die: “[…] predicted that he would not be destroyed through foemen’s violence but by a self-chosen kind of death, and at the same time told him he must go in for glorious campaigns, not petty fighting, and seek action in remote parts rather than on his borders”39 / “(1.8.16) [...] non vi hostili, sed voluntario mortis genere consumendum praedixit clarisque bellis obscura ac longinquis finitima praeponere vetuit.” 38  GDb, 1.8.12.

39  GD/I, 31.

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The space allocated for Hadingus’s further deeds is short and did not includes campaigns worthy to be categorized according the elder’s sayings even though a general appreciation of Hadingus’s later life encounters a number of victories. His death, however, occurs as predicted by the elder amidst a quite exquisite episode. Hundingus, the Swedish king—the similarity between the names has already gen­ erated a considerable amount of discussion and analysis—hears about the sup­ posed death of Hadingus and intends to prepare a feast in his homage. In the midst of the celebration Hundingus meets his own death, apparently meaningless: the hall’s floor contains a large opening to an equally large alcoholic beverage container; the Swede falls into it and dies, drowned. Hadingus’s reac­ tion after hearing about the occurrence is equally peculiar: “When he learnt of this, Hadingus returned his veneration with a similar courtesy, for, being unwilling to survive the dead man, he hanged himself before the eyes of the populace”40 / “(1.8.27) Quo cognito Hadingus parem veneratori gratiam relaturus exstinctoque superesse non passus suspendio se vulgo inspectante consumpsit.” In a narrative containing a great number of references to Ó� ðinn, perhaps the coherence in this last one episode will be found to have some connection with the god; it should be remembered that both drowning and hanging were the appropriate forms to offer sacrifices to the god.41 This first elaborated episode containing the “Thematic of the Counsellor” is found at the beginning of the Gesta, even though, chronologically, it must be dated as in its middle part. It presents several characteristics that will be simultaneously detailed and broadened in the following books, but that at this point still were not totally clear and developed. The setting of the whole construction refers to the very first Danes and tells their origins, so the plot should present an ambience markedly Norse; nevertheless, there is a high degree of re-elaboration and refor­ mulation of native Scandinavian traditions as Saxo uses devices such as euhemer­ ism and interpretatio romana to explain the advent of the first Norse gods. Even though there is a usage of Northern world mythical components, such as giants, and people from the North such as Kurs and Finnic Peoples, it should be remem­ bered there are a number of classical elements mixed with this core, from very meaningful places such as Byzantium to minor insertions such as the lion in Had­ ingus’s captivity in Kurland. The scheme of the Four Virtues is just at the beginning of its development; at this point, the most marked characteristic of it, perceived already from Gram’s story, but mainly from Hadingus’s, is the insufficiency of Fortitudo acting alone, as 40  GD/I, 35.

41  Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe, pp. 51–53; 143–45.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

well as how much someone provided with only this virtue needs assistance when dealing with magic and supernatural forces or facing adversaries more capable intellectually. The first counsellors—Bessus, and Hadingus’s elder or elders—seek to solve their companion’s deficiencies. The most exemplary case, mainly due to the thor­ oughly detailed narrative, is Hadingus’s; the elder—or elders—does not remain constantly by his side; in fact, quite the contrary. In all the occasions when the counsellor aids Hadingus, his shortcomings are overcome and the results are positive; in the circumstances in which the warrior makes decisions and acts by himself the results are uneven, many times resulting in defeats, injuries, and even curses. Actually, all intervention from the counsellor—at least in Hadingus’s story—occurs to emend Hadingus’s previous mistakes. In brief, this initial presentation of the counsellor is a necessary step, devel­ oping firstly the virtue of Fortitudo and making clear its deficiencies. To remedy these shortcomings a counsellor is introduced, demonstrating aspects of the vir­ tue of Prudentia; in fact, this virtue will be the main characteristic of all the follow­ ing counsellors. In this regard it is possible, although not necessarily satisfactory, to expand the Carolingian aforementioned association of kings bearing Fortitudo aided by clerics using Sapientia, recurring to the Neoplatonic theory behind Saxo’s conceptions. Ultimately Saxo relies on Platonic attributions as virtues while characteristics attributed to specific social groups, although not using the exact same correlations. To Plato, Prudentia must be the outstanding virtue of the ruler; to Saxo, almost all the rulers are lacking in it with the exception of few, among whom Amlethus in book III is noteworthy. Commonly in the Gesta Danorum, as usual in the Western and Northern medieval world, the ruler, is characterized chiefly by his Fortitudo— the virtue of the warrior, according Plato. Prudentia, while characteristic of a spe­ cific social group, is attributed in the Gesta Danorum to the counsellors in the first books—obviously, not a well-defined social group—and most of all to the clerics after the Christianization of Denmark. When the king is accordingly counselled his actions are taken with Prudentia. Thus, the most suitable ideological framework in which to insert these relationships is the conception of the Three Orders—Oratore, Belatore and Laboratore; according to this ideology, the king is the warrior of the warriors, belonging to the second order while the clerics belong to the first order. Perhaps the last elder’s counselling regarding campaigns in far places are some of the first suggestions in the Gesta about the crusades in Slavia, a theme which is central to the final books and to Absalon’s deeds—there is no need to remark how much the “Thematic of the Counsellor” owns to the character of Absalon. The writing of book I during the time of Archbishop Anders adds a broader scenario to Danish foreign affairs, conjugated to a deeper conception, on Saxo’s part, of the

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relationship between the king and the archbishop. Denmark is still engaged in crusades against pagans, but at this time in Livonia instead Slavia. Actually a great number of disputes were fought against the Germans and even Swedes in Livonia and Estonia; the wars fought against the Estonians were conducted with the aid of the previous antagonists, the Slavs. These elements are found in Hadingus’s story, even in Gram’s; the disputes with Saxons and Swedes are recurrent; the connection with the Eastern Baltic is strong and many significant events from Hadingus’s life occurred there. His war­ rior initiation occurred in Kurland but his first successful battle was won against Andwanus, “king of Hellespontus”; according Saxo, it happened in a city (urbs) on the Daugava (Düna).42 Castles and fortified settlements were built along the river Daugava during the conquest of Livonia by the Swordbrothers and the Teutonic Order, but previously to the crusades the river was already occupied by a significant number of fortifica­ tions predating the Viking Age and in many cases dating to prehistoric times. The identification of the place mentioned by Saxo has created some issues. The name was sometimes mistaken for Daugavpils/Dünaburg, as, for instance, in the commentary of Hilda Ellis-Davidson for Fisher’s edition of 2006.43 Daugavpils/ Dünaburg is placed far away on the river’s course and was founded only ca. 1275– 77 by the Teutonic Order44—more than thirty years after the conclusion of the Gesta Danorum; this issue was addressed recently by Anders Knudsen.45 Such a mistake is comprehensible, affecting the literature in wider scale due probably to the isolation among scholars from the Baltic States, URSS and West­ ern countries, despite the well-established tradition of Baltic Studies in Germany. Holger Arbman in his well-known survey of 1961, The Vikings, equated two differ­ ent places, Daugavpils/Dünaburg and Daugmale, separated by more than 2,000 kilometres, when referring to the route from the Varangians to the Greeks: “The other [route] was to reach this crossing point up the Düna, passing the walls of the fortified (but four times burnt) town of Dünaburg (Daugmaleburg).”46 If some actual place truly inspired Saxo to write about Andwanus’s fortress, notwithstanding, it probably was the hillfort of Daugmale—in German Dünhof, and not Dünaburg—cited by Arbman or, most probably, Daugavgrī�va—the Ger­ man Dünamünde. 42  GDb, 1.6.10[1].

43  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” p. 31.

44  The Livonian Rhymed Chronicle, pp. 83f.

45  Knudsen, “Geografi og topografi i Gesta Danorum,” p. 11. 46  Arbman, The Vikings, p. 96.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

Daugmale was an ancient hillfort on the Daugava and an important commerce centre between Baltic and Scandinavian peoples. Its apogee occurred between the tenth and twelfth centuries and the fortification was destroyed and reconstructed several times.47 Near to Daugmale a number of significant centres for the conquest of Livonia were built such as Holm and Rī�ga; the latter was the main city in the Eastern Baltic for centuries after the German-Scandinavian conquest of the Baltic and the most important site to shelter crusaders and merchants (see Map 1.3); it is worth mentioning, however, that in the thirteenth century the site had lost much of its previous importance as an international trading centre. Daugavgrī�va/Dünamünde means literally “mouth of the Daugava/Düna.” In chapter 4 of the Henrici Chronicon Livoniae, Henry of Livonia tells that Theodoric built in 1202 at the mouth of Daugava a monastery to which he named as “Düna­ münde.” Its placement, very close to the Baltic Sea and distant from the Livonian settlements, was strategic, allowing sanctuary to new-comers, merchants, and pil­ grims.48 Henry of Livonia, however, referred to the place before the construction of the monastery, and it is hard to tell with certainty if the author made a simple mistake or was calling the place by the German name by which it was later known. The site was attacked more than once between 1228 and 1231 by the Zem­ galians and, amidst the turbulence involving the conversion of the Kurs, there was built in the place a fortification made of stone, which provided the base for the later fortress built by the Teutonic Order.49 Archbishop Anders Sunesson was at Rī�ga after 1207 and most probably passed by Daugavgrī�va/Dünamünde; Danish pilgrims travelling to Livonia must also have been acquainted with the site, pro­ viding plenty of information to Saxo. The connection between the Daugava and Hellespontus and the route to Byz­ antium could be found in other sources. A curious interpretation from the 1240s is found in Bartholomaeus Anglicus’s De proprietatibus rerum: “It has been said that the Zemgalians came from the Gallic people, or from the Galatians, and from their people” / “Unde Semigalli sunt dicti, qui ex Gallis, siue Galatis, et illis populis processerunt.”50 Is hard to ascertain any connection between Bartholomaeus and Saxo; De proprietatibus rerum became an extremely popular work in the late Middle Ages, but it is almost impossible that Saxo had read it or had access to some draft of it. The 47  Vasks, “Latvian Archaeology,” pp. 70f; Radiņ� š, “Die Verbindungen zwischen Daugmale und Skandinavien,” Ginters, Senlatviešu pilis, p. 12. 48  Urban, The Baltic Crusade, p. 56.

49  Urban, The Baltic Crusade, p. 165.

50  Baranauskas, “Saxo Grammaticus on the Balts,” p. 68.

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kind of interpretation conveyed in it, however, could have been known to Saxo. The reasoning used by Bartholomaeus is not new to medieval scholars and could be found since Isidore of Sevilla, consisting in the comparison of words apparently similar and trying to draw connections between them; thus the name “Zemgalian” came, according to this kind of interpretation, from “semi-galian,” “semi-gallic,” or “semi-galatian”—a mixed people from the natives and Galians or Galatians. Galatia was a region of northern Asia Minor—near to the actual Hellespontus, therefore. Evidently this interpretation is wrong etymologically; the word “Zemgale” came from Latvian “zeme” (land, earth, soil) and “gals” (frontier, end, extremity); Zemgale, thus, is the Latvian land-mark. It reveals, notwithstanding, the existence of a conception among some medieval scholars that connected the mouth of the Daugava to the true Hellespontus, most probably due to the existence of the actual route from the Varangians to the Greeks and not to some superficial similarity of spelling. Finally, the presence of these elements in the narrative highlights the connec­ tion between Saxo’s context involving the conquest of Livonia and Estonia and the mythical past he describes; Hadingus’s episode, thus, represents an extremely rich source for understanding and studying political conceptions and the conflicts between Crown and Church for supremacy in thirteenth-century Denmark.

Frotho III and Ericus disertus

Frotho III and the Wicked Counsellors The next significant presentation of the Thematic of the Counsellor is found in book V, and follows closely the scheme of “The king and the Icelander” as well as the Historia Apollonii regis Tyri, with the main difference being that the stranger is a Norwegian and the king, a Dane. Ericus disertus (Eric, “the Eloquent”) becomes King Frotho’s main advisor and counsellor; in order to lessen the confusion gener­ ated by the number of King Frothos in the whole Gesta, we will call him Frotho III. As told before, the book begins what is considered by Skoovgard-Petersen and Johannesson as a new part of the Gesta Danorum, and is set chronologically around the time of the birth of Christ. Even though Denmark remains pagan in the narrative, the coming of the Saviour to the world would have brought an age of peace to the whole Earth, including the northern, western and eastern parts of Europe. With regard to the narrative of Saxo Grammaticus, “whole Earth” should be understood as Europe and parts of Asia. While in the Mediterranean world that peace was referred as the Peace of Augustus, in Northern and Eastern Europe the man responsible for accomplish­ ing it was, according to Saxo, King Frotho III, the son of Fridlevus I. The basic structuration of book V incorporates elements originated from several authors



The Thematic of the Counsellor

Map 6.1: Zemgale, Saxo’s Hellespontus, Hellespontus, and Galatia. Highlighted is the Daugava-Dniepr branch of the route from the Varangians to the Greeks, connecting the Baltic to the Byzantine world.

and thematics from Late Antiquity, particularly from Paulus Orosius (385–420), Ammianus Marcellinus (ca. 330–391), and Jordanes (sixth century). A very close rendition of the idea is delivered by Snorri in chapter 8 of the Prose Edda’s Skáldskaparmál. A certain King Fróði, son of Fridleifr, “ruled in the period when Emperor Augustus was pacifying the whole word; this was when Christ was born.”51 Other elements from the two narratives present similarity, such as the use of the term “Frotho/ Fróði’s peace,” but while Saxo describes Frotho as a Dane, Snorri calls him a Norwegian. To the Danes are assigned deeds and characteristics from the Goths, whose dominion in Late Antiquity provides inspiration for the Danish Imperium of Frotho III, as seen by Saxo. The Hunnic invasions are also echoed in the narrative, and Saxo builds a scenario in which events from Antiquity and Late Antiquity are 51  Skáldskaparmál, p. 95.

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mixed, remodelled in order to mirror events from the thirteenth century, such as the Danish expansion in the Baltic and the conquests of the Valdemarian kings. Events from the first century—such as the birth of Christ—and centuries after— for example the Hunnic wars—are mixed together in such a way that chronologi­ cal precision becomes secondary to the intended reinforcement of ideology. King Frotho III does not initiate his career brilliantly. On the contrary, the beginning of his kingdom is clearly the worst described until book V. His life is split in two parts, each one guided by a distinct counsellor; in the first one, the king is still an infant; as his father Fridlevus I is dead, the kingdom is put under the guidance of guardians after a decision in assembly. As usual, it is possible to grasp a lot of the main themes of book in the first sentences. Initially, there are some considerations about the king’s sovereignty and virtues: “Everyone held Fridlevus’s name and memory in such high esteem that the sovereignty was handed on to this very young representative of his line”52 / “Tantum siquidem ab universis Fridlevi memoriae ac nomini tributum, ut tam tenero eius sanguini regnum daretur.”53 Following, there is consideration about the role of tutors and advice in the con­ duct of the kingdom: “They also decided that the king’s minority should be super­ vised by guardians in case the monarchy should collapse owing to their ruler’s tender age”54 / “Iidem, contione praehabita, infantiam regis a tutoribus excipien­ dam duxerunt, ne ob principis puerilitatem rerum excideret summa.”55 One may argue about how common that idea would be; following common sense, a child is incapable of ruling properly and leading a kingdom. Besides the problems in the conception of childhood and defining the proper age to rule, the development of the theme presents another conception; the king’s minority becomes almost an excuse or some artifice intended to emphasize the counsellors’ undisputed role in the royal politics. The nature of these counsellors is described: (5.1.1) [5] Isulfo quoque et Aggoni octoque aliis illustribus viris non modo regis tutela credita, verum etiam gerendi sub ipso regni potestas indulta. [6] Abunde iis vires animique suppetebant, crebra non corporis tantum, sed etiam ingenii dote pollentibus. [7] Ita Danorum rem publi­ cam, exspectato regis robore, vicaria tutabantur official.

52  GD/I, p. 118.

53  GDb, 5.1.1[2]. 54  GD/I, p. 118.

55  GDb, 5.1.1 [3].



The Thematic of the Counsellor

([…] Isulfo and Aggonis together with eight other eminent men were entrusted with the protection of the king and given authority to govern the realm under him. With their abundant physical and intellectual gifts, their minds and strength were more than equal to the task. So these dep­ uties watched over the state of Denmark till the king should reach his full capacities.56)

The characteristics of these counsellors match those outlined previously in the exposition on the virtues; they were endowed with abundance of not only physical strength, but also mental prowess: “With their abundant physical and intellectual gifts, their minds and strength were more than equal to the task” / “Abunde iis vires animique suppetebant, crebra non corporis tantum, sed etiam ingenii dote pollentibus.” There is a clear continuity with the previous theme, presented natu­ rally after the examples in the previous book that stressed the need to comple­ ment Fortitudo with Prudentia. The rulers of the kingdom are provided, therefore, with both fortitude and Prudentia, chiefly in the infant king’s tutors, Colo (Koli) and Westmarus. Their virtues, however, are twisted, inclined to the evil. Westmarus possessed twelve sons, three of them called Grep; grouped with Colo’s sons, these men terrorized the Danish realms; they truly embodied a disordered, unrestrained and intemperate Fortitudo: (5.1.3) [3] His summa caestibus aut ferro dimicandi peritia exstitit. [...] [6] Filii Westmari Colonisque, cum et aetate iam puberes et animis acres essent, fiducia in temeritatem versa, ad obscenos ac degeneres ritus inquinatam flagitiis indolem contulerunt.

(They were exceedingly skilful swordsmen and boxers […] The sons of Westmarus and Colo, being ungrown in years and bold in spirit, let their courage become recklessness and devoted their guilt-stained minds to foul and degraded orgies.57)

As in the story of Hadingus and Harthgrepa, there is a close association made between degeneration and unapproved sexual practices: (5.1.3) [7] Adeo enim insolenter se indomiteque gesserunt, ut, constu­ pratis aliorum nuptis ac filiabus, proscripsisse pudicitiam atque in pro­ stibulum relegasse viderentur [...] [9] Suus nullum thalamus securitate donabat, nec quisquam fere patriae locus luxuriae eorum vestigiis vacuus erat. [...] coniugiorum reverentia pereunte [...]

56  GD/I, p. 118.

57  GD/Ib, p. 149.

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(Their behaviour was so outrageous and uncontrollable that they rav­ ished other men’s brides and daughters, and seemed to have outlawed chastity and banished it to the stews. […] A man’s own chamber was no safety to him: there was scarce a spot in the land but bore traces of their lust. […] all reverence for marriage ties died out […]58)

Nor was the king’s sister secure; being desired by the oldest of the Grep, she was locked up in a fortress for safety. It is quite reasonable to identify the sons of Colo and Westmarus as berserkir, the Scandinavian warriors who, when in battle, or, as in Saxo’s stories, had their wishes denied, reached a state of ecstatic fury. Heimskringla’s Ynglinga Saga tells of berserkir biting their shields, enraged as dogs or wolves, provided with the strength of bears or bulls. Neither iron nor fire could harm them, and they usually fought naked or dressed with furs. Sometimes they came in twos, usually broth­ ers; sometimes, they came in groups of twelve, as outlaws or even elite warriors from the court. Frequently these warriors came as unexpected visitors, defying men—usu­ ally too old or too young to fight properly—to defend their properties, wives or daughters. In these stories a hero, sometimes a stranger visiting the court or being sheltered by the injured man, acquires fame, taking place of the last one in the duel, and defeating one or more than one berserkir.59 In the analysed plot all of these elements are present; there is no space for doubt of the identification by Saxo of the members of the royal guard as berserkir, although the name is never used. Other components are added gradually in the composition mostly as Ericus disertus arrives at the king’s hall, such as the noise made by them, the comparison of them with dogs, the challenge made by them to an outnumbered visitor in the court, and the menace presented by them to the women in the realm. The use of berserkir as the hero’s nemesis perhaps was intended to present warriors personifying an extreme measure of Fortitudo, but in a limited sense; a berserkr was a menacing opponent to any warrior, a notable bearer of Fortitudo in its physical sense, and a challenge which, when overcome, would bring fame and renown to the man who had succeeded. When analysing this episode together with the digression presented in book IV, some important remarks stand out: in that book, Saxo characterizes warriors according to the virtues presented by them; the second type of warrior discussed is composed of individuals to whom Fortitudo, bravery, and physical prowess were 58  GD/Ib, p. 149.

59  Blaney, “Berserkr.”



The Thematic of the Counsellor

given in abundance, but for whom the absence of Temperantia leads to excesses such as pursuit of fleeing enemies. Their strength is nullified by their incontinence. As explanation to the twisted and incontinent behaviour of these berserkir, Saxo argues against their idleness: “The reason was that during peace-time men’s bodies had no sturdy exercise and became demoralized through inactivity, a friend to vice”60 / “(5.1.13) [12] In causa otium erat, quod expertia agitationis corpora amica vitiis quiete diffluerent.” Later, in the same book, one of the most notable of the accomplishments of Frotho III is the peace, parallel to the thirty years of peace on Earth produced after the birth of Christ; therefore, the concept of idleness cannot be immediately asso­ ciated with peace. Peace by itself should not be regarded as the cause of idleness and vicious behaviour; but rather, the lack of exercise, the inactivity, and the wrong use of Fortitudo. Perhaps there is some contradiction in the judgements of Saxo in his attempts to embellish the plot; clearly the narrative diminishes the value of previous statements regarding the value of peace with other nations, since this condition had led to the misuse of Fortitudo inside Denmark. But perhaps the underlying reasoning was more subtle; instead of merely evaluating peace and war, Saxo reflects upon Denmark’s situation in his own time; the absence of war and of danger from external enemies of Denmark (i.e. Saxons) would lead to Danes directing Fortitudo against their fellow Danes. The example of Westmarus’s and Colo’s sons is intended chiefly to demonstrate the perverted characteristics of the virtue of Fortitudo while simultaneously associating such perversion with the absence of Temperantia, to the point of comparing the char­ acters to animals. As for Prudentia and the attributes connected to the use of mental faculties and Ingenium, despite initial commendation of the king’s counsellors’ mental abilities, these qualities do not appear in the subsequent plot, and the main representative of perverted Prudentia, in this first stage, is Gøtwara, Colo’s wife. At this point of the chapter, the main attribute linked to Prudentia is eloquence, an association which will be addressed below. Gøtwara’s character is built as a skilful person, mostly in her use of language, representing the antithesis of the “good” eloquence, connected afterwards to the essential virtue to the counsellor, Prudentia. There are also some similarities with Hadingus’s evil counsellor from the first chapter, Harthgrepa, mostly in the aspect of her dissimulation. According to Saxo’s words:

60  GD/I, p. 119.

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(5.1.2) [1] Uxor Colonis erat Gøtwara, quae eximiae procacitate facun­ diae quantumlibet disertos ac loquaces enervare solebat. [2] Altercando quippe efficax erat et in omni disceptationum genere copiosa. [3] Pugna­ bat siquidem verbis, non modo quaestionibus freta, verum etiam pervi­ cacibus armata responsis. [4] Imbellem nemo feminam debellare poterat, a lingua spicula mutuantem. [5] Quosdam verbositatis petulantia refel­ lebat, alios veluti quibusdam cavillationum nexibus implicatos fallacia­ rum laqueis strangulabat. [6] Adeo vegetum mulieri ingenium fuit. [7] Ceterum condere pacta aut rescindere praepotens erat, utriusque horum efficaciam oris aculeo gestans. [8] Quippe disicere foedera ac sociare cal­ lebat. [9] Ita ad utrumlibet anceps linguae commercium fuit.

(Colo’s wife was Gøtwara, who flaunted her outstanding eloquence so much that she would quell anyone, however fluent and articulate. She was proficient in disputation and had plentiful resources in every type of argument. A warrior with words, she was armed with an equal battery of questions and stubborn replies. Though she never fought in battle, no one could vanquish this woman, whose tongue provided her with arrows. Some she confuted by her unremitting audacity of speech, others she entwined within the meshes of her ironies and strangled in nooses of sophistries. A sprightly-witted woman, highly skilled in making or break­ ing agreements, she would manipulate the sting inside her mouth to be effective either way; for this reason she was an adept at striking alliances or dissolving them as she plied the ambivalent trade of her tongue for one or the other.61)

Following Gøtwara’s counsel, ambassadors are sent in order to ask for the daugh­ ter of the king of the Huns in marriage; the consent is given only by the use of magic. Therefore, nothing good or beneficial will be achieved by the negotia­ tion; Frotho III gained his wife not by his fame and merit, but after coercion and deception. At the end of the marriage, the only result will be a large-scale war to Denmark. This marriage is presented to the reader together with the assertion of degen­ eration by which the court of Frotho III and Denmark was passing by, although the arguing followed a tortuous reasoning; the marriage brought peace, but this peace came accompanied by idleness and immorality: (5.1.11) [1] Igitur Hanunda usus (Hunorum haec regis filia erat) floren­ tissima pace triennium duxit. [2] Cuius contubernales, otio petulantiam nacti, partam quiete lasciviam improbissimis extulere sceleribus.

61  GD/I, p. 118.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

(Thus with Hanunda (the name of the Hunnic king’s daughter) at his side he spent three years in peace and prosperity. Leisure brought viciousness to his courtiers, who demonstrated this wantonness born of inactivity by the most appalling crime.62)

The peace aforementioned is worthy of note; although the argument sounds unconvincing, the intention of Saxo is to prepare the ground for further develop­ ments in the story, where a new peace will be achieved, parallel to Augustus’s peace in Rome and the birth of Christ. There are more details to be added to the king’s inability to rule properly; blind and devoid of Prudentia, he is deceived and publicly humiliated by Grep and his wife, Hanunda: (5.1.12) [3] Grep vero haud humili contentus Venere eo se temeritatis effudit, ut cum regina commercio libidinis habito tam regi perfidus quam ceteris violentus exsisteret. [4] Adolevit deinde paulatim infamia, tacito­ que gradu criminis suspicio serpsit, ante vulgo comperta quam regi.

([…] Grep, not content with humble mistresses, launched himself to such a pitch of foolhardiness that he committed adultery with the queen, becoming as treacherous to his ruler as he was savage towards the rest. Gradually the scandal spread and suspicion of his offence tip-toed silently along until it was known to the public before the king.63)

Despite general knowledge of the adultery, Grep’s threats are able to silence eve­ rybody, adding ignorance to the—already well diversified—king’s flaws: “All this, however, did not lessen his favour in Frotho’s eyes, and Grep continued to enjoy his old intimacy with him”64 / “5.1.14 [1] Nihil tamen eius apud Frothonem gratiae detractum est, quo minus consueto familiaritatis officio fungeretur.” At last, the general situation results in the general disapproval and criticism regarding the king, both by his subjects as the other nations: “This unrestrained and shameless behaviour of his warriors had made the king odious not only abroad but to his own countrymen”65 / “(5.1.12) [1] Tam effrenata militum procacitas non exteris tantum, sed etiam patriae invisum fecerat regem.” All the plot was composed with very plain intentions and without any sub­ tlety: the author’s goal is to show the escalating degeneration of the kingdom due 62  GD/I, p. 121.

63  GD/I, p. 121. 64  GD/I, p. 122. 65  GD/I, 121.

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to the lack or misrepresentation of the virtues and absence of rightful advice. Fortitudo is spread, but twisted; Temperantia, absent. Prudentia and the mental skills are evident in a few, but are even more twisted than the Fortitudo, used exclusively to accomplish malevolent deeds. At the end, this state of misrule makes the king hated by his own people, to the neighbours and nations abroad, characterizing quite well the absence of Iustitia in Denmark, virtue which should rule, in Platonic and Neoplatonic assumptions, the relationship between men. The king is weak, he does not make decisions by himself, his reputation as warrior is null everywhere abroad—on the contrary, he is despised by his neigh­ bours. Besides that, Frotho III is not only ill-advised, but consciously deceived by Grep, by his wife, and by everyone conniving at their adultery, whether advisors, courtesans, or subjects. There is no gray in the plot; everything is painted in black and white, preparing the scene for its complete inversion with the arrival of a new counsellor.

Ericus disertus (Eric, “the Eloquent”)

The man responsible for changing this terrible situation is Ericus disertus, a hitherto unknown serving Gøtarus, Norway’s king. This ruler intended to invade Denmark, since even the Danes were “disgusted” by their own king (5.2.1—pro­ prium Danos fastidire regem). He is persuaded to send first of all a reconnoitring expedition to Denmark by a speech delivered by Ericus who, after the event, receives from the king the nickname “disertus”—“Eloquent”—or, as eloquently rendered by Elton’s translation, “Shrewd-spoken.” His sudden appearance is accompanied by a description: (5.2.3) [2] Quem Gøtarus, ut imprudentem hactenus habitum, responsio­ nis suae contextum exquisita sententiarum gravitate compsisse mira­ tus, Diserti donat agnomine, excellentem eius Prudentiam appellationis honore iudicans prosequendam. ([…] Gøtarus was amazed at the way his reply had been fashioned from serious, considered opinions, since he had not previously held him a knowledgeable man. The King gave him the name Eloquent, believing that his impressive wisdom should be honoured with some title.66)

The main characterization of Ericus disertus takes in consideration the virtue of Prudentia, with which he is well provided. This primary attribution of the virtue to him is of relevance since later the hero will receive aids such as a magic potion 66  GD/I, p. 123.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

and supernatural resources which will increase virtues already possessed by him. That first and unexpected appearance, however, emphasizes his natural virtue and the recognition of this by other people; without more explanation, Ericus is sud­ denly inserted into the narrative uttering a counsel and being called “disertus” by the king. Joaquí�n Martí�nez-Pizarro, for instance, regards that order of events absurd, considering that the eloquence of Ericus should be credited to the drinking of the magic potion: “The chapter is marred by a glaring absurdity: the hero displays his gifts and earns the cognomen ‘the Eloquent’ before eating the magic food that will confer power over words.”67 His interpretation is based on belief in the existence of one or more Scandinavian documents, probably Icelandic-Norwegian, refor­ mulated by Saxo in order to write the fifth book, or that the book was inspired by chapters 3 and 4 of the Historia Apollonii regis Tyri. Probably that work had been a relevant inspiration, but we hold a differ­ ent opinion: Ericus being presented as eloquent before drinking the potion was a deliberate choice rather than incompetence from the author; indeed, as the utmost bearer of Prudentia, Ericus should be eloquent independently of drinking or not the potion, independently from external artifices; this main purpose should be understood after the analysis of the book taking in consideration the whole work. Besides the intention of presenting a virtuous counsellor, should be consid­ ered also Saxo’s bias—as observed in the construction of characters such as Gram, Hadingus and Amlethus—towards building a persona according to their nature. In the following part of the narrative, Ericus and his brother Rollerus prepare themselves to travel towards Denmark, since the previous attempt endowed by the Norwegian king failed due the magic from the Dane Oddo. In order to accom­ plish this new expedition Ericus receives a boat, as well as his nickname. Other elements, recurrent in folktales, are added to the plot: in the midst of the preparations to the travel, the brothers return home briefly, and there they receive more aid and resources. Rollerus’s mother—the characters are half-brothers— had prepared a magic potion for both; using some cunning, “ingenium” according to Saxo, Ericus exchanges the portions, taking for himself the stronger one, evi­ dently intended by the mother for her own son: “It required some mental agility in the man to take a simile from sailing to cover up his purposeful action”68 / “(5.2.7) [5] Nec tenue viri ingenium fuit, industrii operis dissimulationem a navigii con­ suetudine mutuantis.” 67  Martí�nez-Pizarro, “An Eirí�ks þáttr málspaka?,” p. 109. 68  GD/I, p. 124.

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As result of the artifice, Ericus, already gifted with Prudentia, had it augmented to the highest level of human wisdom—“(5.2.8) [...] ad summum humanae Sapi­ entiae.” A number of minor attributes are added to the character, all of it intended to add nuances to a person whose major characteristic is the virtue of Prudentia. Ericus, for example, acquires the aptitude to understand the language of both wild animals and cattle (“ferinarum pecudaliumque”), being able to understand and explain their feelings (affectio); his speech is gracious, full of proverbs: “Besides, his conversation was so gracious and refined that whatever he chose to discourse upon was embellished with a string of witty maxims”69 / “(5.2.8 [4]) Praeterea tam comis atque ornati eloquii erat, ut, quicquid disserere cuperet, continuo prover­ biorum lepore poliret.” Ericus is not only gifted with reason and eloquence; unlike Amlethus, his vir­ tues are complete, not restricted to Prudentia. He achieves constant success in combat—an indication of a great share of Fortitudo: “By eating a single tasty horsd’œuvre he had clearly attained the peak of reason and eloquence, not to men­ tion the facility for continuous success in combat”70 / “(5.2.9) Quippe sapido unius epuli gustu rationis atque eloquentiae summam nec non gerendorum prospere conflictuum gratiam assecutus videbatur.” Provided with these abilities, Ericus shall fulfil his purposes to bring the king to the path of virtues and reason. His first successes confirm him as a champion of various virtues and values, perfectly capable of using Fortitudo associated with Prudentia. Progressively all the perverted warriors and counsellors are defeated by Ericus; Oddo’s magic, responsible for the previous defeat of the Norwegian expedition, is overwhelmed by Ericus’s stratagems and ingenuity: “Victory col­ laborates with craft” / “(5.2.13) [4] Victoria arti contributa est.” A brief subplot is told, in which Ericus steals cattle to eat, escaping from the owners by using more cunning; as with Amlethus’s plot, every minor opportunity is used by Saxo in order to emphasize the abilities of the hero. The duel with Grep has greater relevance to the story as a whole. In the midst of a contest fought in poetic form whose weapons were argument and eloquence, at this point Ericus introduces himself and clearly states his values and intents: (5.3.2) [6] Regno mihi pater est, habitus facundia linguae, cui solum virtus semper amata fuit. [7] Optavi sapere tantum, discrimina morum lustravi, varium per loca nactus iter.

69  GD/I, p. 124.

70  GD/I, p. 125.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

(Regno is my father, my characteristic a fluid tongue, and prowess ever my life-long love. Wisdom was my only desire, and so I scanned the different manners of men as I travelled through many lands.71)

As just mentioned, Ericus does not neglect the other virtues. To his Prudentia and Fortitudo, Temperantia is also added, explicitely, in a statement of despisement regarding Grep’s lack of this virtue: “A blockhead, unrestrained and unseemly in his emotions, cannot conduct his affairs with due moderation”72 / “(5.3.2) [8] In rebus mens stulta modum deprendere nescit, turpis et affectus immoderata sui.” The first defeat of Grep occurrs when the villain gets lost in his own words, betraying himself and revealing his adultery with the queen: Ericus: [7] Qui dominum fallit, qui foedas concipit artes, tam sibi quam sociis insidiosus erit.

[8] Aede lupum quicumque fovet, nutrire putatur praedonem proprio perniciemque lari. Grep: [2] Non ego reginam, sicut tu rere, fefelli, sed tenerae tutor condicionis eram. Ericus: [5] En te cura premit culpae rea, tutior huic est libertas, cui mens intemerata manet.

[6] Decipitur quisquis servum sibi poscit amicum; saepe solet domino verna nocere suo.” (Ericus: […] [7] He who cheats his lord and hatches lewd designs will be a snare to his comrades and himself. [8] Whoever nurses a wolf in his home is generally thought to be fostering a thief, a murderer of his own household.

71  GD/I, p. 127.

72  GD/I, p. 127.

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Grep: [2] I never, as you believe, took advantage of the queen, but protected her when she was young and vulnerable […] Ericus: [5] See! Your pressing anxiety indicts you. Independence is safer where the mind remains untainted.

[6] He is deceived who wants a servant for his friend; a menial often damages his master.73)

One by one, all the vicious influences to the king are defeated. On their way to the king’s hall, Ericus, accompanied by his brother Rollerus, faces trials and traps, utters more sayings and proverbs, and meets the king’s berserkir howling and making animal noises. The next twisted counsellor to be defeated is Colo, respon­ sible for the keeping of the king’s goods; any intermediary who lost or damaged gifts intended for the king incurred the death penalty. Ericus pretends to carry a gift—a piece of ice concealed by a cloth—and, when delivering it to Colo, drops it in the fireplace, making everybody believe that Colo was to blame, and so ulti­ mately causing his death. Finally, the next character to be confronted and defeated is the king himself. The altercation is marked by a series of sayings, proverbs, and artifices of sev­ eral kinds, in which the king’s every word is distorted by Ericus in order to take advantage of the situation. By the use of such artifices, Ericus obtains some gifts from the king and, finally, the king’s own sister as wife; amidst the situation, Grep is killed by Rollerus. The episode is long, elaborated, and deserves special consid­ eration, for it exemplifies some principles central to our comprehension of Saxo’s schemes; here follows the central part of the dialogue between Ericus and King Frotho III: (5.3.14) [10] Tum Ericus: “Sapiens a sapientiori erudiri debet.

[11] Discendo enim doctrina proficit, dogmate disciplina provehitur.”

[12] Contra Frotho: “Quid mihi exemplaris documenti haec tua superflu­ itatis imitatio dabit?” [13] Ad haec Ericus: “Tutius regem fides parvula quam ingens vallat per­ fidia.”

73  GD/I, p. 127.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

([10] Then Ericus: “A wise man must be educated by a wiser.

[11] Teaching assists learning and sound doctrine enhances teaching.”

[12] Frotho replied: “What marvellous lesson will this over-affected style of yours teach me?” [13] To this answered Ericus: “A king is more stoutly defended by a small measure of loyalty than widespread knavery.”74)

This highlighted excerpt is particularly relevant and consists in the climax of the first altercation between Ericus and Frotho III. Through dispute of an adage Saxo begins to give some development to the king’s character, adding some depth and more dimensions to his persona. Until then the king was merely quoted and was totally deprived of action, overwhelmed, dominated, and deceived by the other court’s characters. The king’s first actions and words occurred amidst a confrontation in which intelligence, among more characteristics derived from a good use of Prudentia, got the primacy over other features; Ericus, although still the king’s antagonist, is the instigator of this. The manner by which the situation gets to this point passes by the substitution of the king’s old and wicked counsellors and supporters; at this point, Oddo, Colo, and Grep were already killed, and the adulterous queen was revealed. The king’s persona is not built as someone inept or simply foolish. On the con­ trary, he is wiser than Grep, and more capable to debate with Ericus than any of his previous followers. In his interaction with Ericus, the king is instigated to discover what happened with Oddo, and his sapience is recognized by Ericus who, notwith­ standing, affirms the need of an adequate counsellor to the king, in a saying that can be used as a perfect epitome of the “Thematic of the Counsellor”: “Sapiens a sapientiori erudiri debet”; the king is wise, but needs of someone wiser than himself. His court’s state of affairs is a more than sufficient proof of the assertion. The next passage asserts the veracity of the affirmation. Frotho’s own words are skilfully used by Ericus, who obtains the princess for himself; the king, real­ izing his mistake, needs to keep his word and authority. The circumstance is used to demonstrate the presence in the king of some virtues, even though urging some development, such as Prudentia and Constantia/Temperantia: (5.3.15) [9] Rex, promissi errore recognito, puellam tradidit, nolens incu­ riae vitium levitate rescindere, quo gravior pollicentis videretur auctori­

74  GD/I, pp. 132–33.

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tas; quamquam inania pacta revocare maturitati potius quam in Constan­ tiae deputetur

(The King realized the mistake of his promise and gave him the girl, for he did not wish to be fickle and repeal what was the fault of his inatten­ tiveness. The weight of his word must appear strong; yet to go back on foolish agreements is counted the mark of a mature rather than a shifting judgement.75)

There are still more disputes won by Ericus and Rollerus and more exempla of vir­ tues; the next opponents to be defeated are the remaining berserkir, overwhelmed in a battle fought on ice. The brothers chose the place and used proper equipment and accessories, such as resin and sand on their shoes, and once again there is a demonstration of victory and supremacy of Ericus’s Ingenium over the berserkir’s raw Fortitudo. Besides the already over-used device to demonstrate Prudentia by the use of ruses, technology, or other artifice, a connection can be made with book I, indicating also the association of other virtues such as Fortitudo and Temperantia with Ericus’s Prudentia by the reference to the ideas of “instabilitas” and “firmitatis”: (5.3.16) Tempore quod pugnae debebatur instante, Ericus cum suis cru­ statum glacie aequor ingressus lubricum instabilemque gradu hostem solearum nixus firmitate prostravit.

(When the appointed time for the battle arrived, Ericus and his men advanced on to the ice-encrusted waters; through the stability of their soles they overthrew their adversaries, since they found it slippery and treacherous underfoot.76)

In an excerpt of book I already commented here, on the first enunciation about Fortitudo, Saxo affirmed that the first Danish rulers were chosen over solid rock, “as though to augur the durability of their action through the firmness (firmitatis) of the rocks beneath them.”77 / “(1.2.1) [1] Lecturi regem veteres affixis humo saxis insistere suffragiaque promere consueverant, subiectorum lapidum fir­ mitate facti Constantiam ominaturi.” Seadfastness in association with strength is nothing more than Temperantia supporting Fortitudo; as already discussed, mostly in Amlethus’s plot, any virtue without Temperantia will suffer distortion. 75  GD/I, p. 132.

76  GD/I, p. 132. 77  GD/I, p. 14.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

In this episode of the battle on the ice, the feet of the berserkir, supposedly bearers of Fortitudo, are unstable, while Ericus’s are set in solid ground. He is, therefore, not only the true user of Fortitudo, but also the individual provided with Temperantia to keep his virtues intact. The whole picture of Ericus’s virtues is completed with the defeat of the two last of Frotho’s evil counsellors; Gøtwara, the unbeatable in words, and Westma­ rus, father of the deceased Grep. The first one challenged Ericus to a verbal and obscene contest, but was defeated: (5.3.18) [3] Primum enim orbitati adacta ac deinde verborum violentia confutata, cum opibus simul eloquentiae pretium perdidit; beavit libe­ rorum sublatorem, auctorem orbitatis suae praemio munerata, nihil pro repensanda filiorum clade praeter inscitiae probrum ac rerum inopiam referens.

(First bereaved, then silenced by a verbal onslaught, she lost her wealth and the value of her eloquence at the same time; she gladdened the remover of her offspring, enriched the man who had made her childless and reaped no recompense for her sons’ slaughter except the loss of her property and the shame of her own stupidity.78)

Her supposed Prudentia and Eloquentia were revealed as nothing more than igno­ rance imprudence, foolishness (incitia), opprobrium, and shame (probrum). The use of inopia, applicable to many kinds of poverty, in this case may indicate also poverty of style, of language—the final defeat of the previous master of rhetoric in Frotho’s hall. The last adversary is Westmarus. Considering that, although Ericus seemed to be invincible to words, perhaps he could be overwhelmed by strength; he recog­ nizes his Prudentia, but questions his Fortitudo: “Westmarus decided that if [Eri­ cus] could not be beaten with words he must be assailed by strength […] [5] Eri­ cus did not refuse the terms in case he should be thought readier with his tongue than his arm”79 / “(5.3.18) [4] [...] Westmarus verbis superiorem viribus incessere statuit [...] [5] Nec Ericus condicione uti abnuit, ne lingua quam manu promptior existimari posset.” The contest is some sort of “tug of war,” each one of the adversaries holding a rope and pulling it in opposite directions. Ericus is the winner, and the king recog­ nizes his Fortitudo: It is hard […] to tug the rope against a strong [man] / “(5.3.18) [8] Arduum […] contra fortem fune contendere.”

78  GD/I, p. 133.

79  GD/I, p. 133.

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The closure of this section follows Frotho’s final attempts to kill Ericus, after which the eloquent one flees with his bride, brother, and companions. In the pro­ cess, King Frotho III falls into the sea, wearing armour. Ericus and Rollerus save him from drowning. The following discourse is highly elaborated and lengthy, occupying almost the same room in the book as the whole dispute between Ericus and Frotho. Evidently the passage is the book’s climax, featuring a point of change in the king’s trajectory. Its elaboration differs from other parts of the Gesta Danorum; to Ellis-Davidson, it is a text closer to medieval academic debate than previous con­ tests, usually similar to disputes using traditional sayings.80 King Frotho III express his unhappiness and desire to die after had been defeated and deprived of his characteristics, goods,81 virtues,82 and even his king­ dom. Ericus’s arguments are opposed, focused in the role of Fortuna and fate83 in the situation, mostly as agents to prove Frotho. Ericus exhorts the king and ques­ tions his virtues,84 urging him to the path of Fortitudo, Temperantia, and Constantia; finally, he offers his services to the king,85 making himself Frotho’s new coun­ sellor along with the restitution of all that the king had lost until then. Finally, as demonstrated before, the reference to Fortuna and fate are signals from Iustitia. The closure of the section not only provides King Frotho III with a new counsellor, but also indicates the new path that should be followed by the king; under new guidance, this path will be followed according to the Cardinal Virtues.

Frotho the Peacemaker and Legislator, and the Danish Hegemony The following part of the book, which is the same length as the part discussed above, signals King Frotho III’s new path; at this phase, his virtues are con­ firmed and his actions acquire greater significance, bringing peace to Denmark 80  Ellis-Davidson, “Commentary,” 79.

81  “[9] Quid vita donas, quem gloria spoliasti? [10] Sororem, regnum, gazam, supellectilem et, quod iis maius est, claritudinem perdidi, tot infelix casibus, quot tu fortunatus agnosceris.” 82  “[8] Credita mihi erat rationis atque eloquentiae summa; sed quorum utroque pollere videbar, utroque destitutus sum, eo calamitosior, quod regum victor ab agresti victus videor.” 83  “[3] Tentatus es a fortuna, quo mentis habitu adversa exciperes, explorante.”

84  “[24] Insipidus est, qui numquam maeroris poculum degustavit; nemo dura non passus temperanter facilibus utitur. [25] Qui fortitudinis columen esse debueras, enervis animi specimen exhibebis?” 85  “[40] Ceterum militare tibi, si acceptaveris, volo.”



The Thematic of the Counsellor

and expanding his dominions over all the North, building a true Imperium. His first action to achieve such objectives was the execution of campaigns against the Western Slavs. Frotho was not their commander, however; Ericus disertus was the man charged with the task, which he accomplished successfully amidst a number of stratagems and sayings. The excerpt is a clear reflection of the campaigns led by Absalon against the Slavs, carried on by him instead of King Valdemar I. Few in numbers, but using artifices and virtues, the Danes conquered the Slavs and added them to their own contingents in the battles to be fought subsequently in the same book and even in later books, even though in the last cases there was not necessarily a connection with the same plot. A battle with the Norwegian king added more contingents of warriors, this time Norwegians, to Frotho’s armies. These enlarged contingents are necessary in the subsequent events, the most significant and with the largest consequences in the Gesta until this point. There is a close resemblance between the battle’s narrative and the “Battle between Goths and Huns” found in Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks, along with elements prevenient from Ammianus Marcellinus’s Res Gestae, from the Getica from Jordanes, and from Paulus Orosius’s Historiarum adversum paganos. In Saxo’s rendition, the role of the Goths in these narratives is transferred directly to the Danes while the Huns remain as the antagonists, although in allegiance with the Ruthenians. The role of the Gothic king, Ermanaric, is transferred to the Danish king, Frotho III. Ericus disertus defeats Olimarus, “king of the East,” and after that Hun, “king of the Huns,” who were assembled together and colligated to avenge the break-up of the marriage of Frotho with Hanunda, the adulterous queen. Their territories added to Frotho’s gave to Denmark a universal character. Olimarus, leading the Ruthe­ nians, was defeated first by the Danish forces, swelled by Slavs and Norwegians. He assumes the position of commander in Frotho’s army, as well as Rollerus and Ønevus, departing in search of more vassals to carry on the battle against the Huns. When the commanders return, they bring a great number of allies and trib­ utes: Rollerus defeats a certain Arthorus from Söndmöre and Nordmöre, carrying tribute; Ønevus returns with ninety ships from the Orkneys with the champions Glomerus, Hithinus, and Høginus; Olimarus defeats Thorias, “the Tall,” of Jämtland and Hälsingland, returning with contingents from Estonia, Kurland, and Aland, including several unnamed kings. After the battle is fought, the king of the Huns is defeated and incorporated into Frotho’s vassals and assigned to rule Saxony. Olimarus and Ønevus received Novgorod and Kiev, respectively, Revillus the Orkneys; to Dimarus are designated Northern Scandinavia and Lapland (Lappia); and to Dago, Estonia (Hestia). There is an interesting remark made by Saxo at the end of the section: “Frotho’s domains now embraced Russia to the east and were bounded by the River Rhine in the

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west”86 / “(5.7.13) [5] Itaque Frothonis regnum, Rusciam ab ortu complectens, ad occasum Rheno flumine limitatum erat.” Frotho put all these regions and peoples under the same laws and manners; after expeditions, disputes and fights in Brit­ ain, he is presented by Saxo as a peacemaker, ruling in peace for thirty uninter­ rupted years: (5.15.1) [1] Itaque post Britannicos triumphos Hibernasque manubias in Daniam reditum est annisque tricenis ab omni bellorum negotio temperatum est. [2] Quo tempore cunctis paene terris eximia fortitudinis laude Danicum nomen inclaruit.

(After his triumphs over the British and the spoils won from Ireland, Frotho made his return to Denmark and abstained from the whole occu­ pation of war for thirty years. During this period the Danes’ reputation for outstanding bravery shone bright through almost every land.87)

This excerpt connects that state of affairs, i.e., the Danish hegemony over the Northern world, with the Cardinal Virtues schematics. The conception of “tempero” as the absence of war is rare in Saxo, especially after the affirmations in the beginning of the book which blamed absence of war as responsible for the vicious state of Frotho’s court before the arrival of Ericus disertus. The use conjugated with the term Fortitudo—which may also be translated as “virtue,” in that case— also indicates the Cardinal Virtues scheme. However, there is no contradiction in the defence of war at the beginning with the peace achieved at this point; the cir­ cumstance is exceptional, being something of a different, divine nature: (5.15.3) [1] Per idem tempus publicae salutis auctor mundum petendo servandorum mortalium gratia mortalitatis habitum amplecti sustinuit, cum iam terrae, sopitis bellorum incendiis, serenissimo tranquillita­ tis otio fruerentur. [2] Creditum est tam profusae pacis amplitudinem, ubique aequalem nec ullis orbis partibus interruptam, non adeo terreno principatui quam divino ortui famulatam fuisse, caelitusque gestum, ut inusitatum temporis beneficium praesentem temporum testaretur auc­ torem.

(In this same age our Saviour endured the assumption of mortal garb and came to earth to redeem mankind, while the fires of war were lulled and nations enjoyed a period of the most calm serenity. It has been thought that the extensive magnitude of this peace, the same and unbroken in 86  GD/I, p. 148.

87  GD/I, p. 156.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

all parts of the world, attended the divine birth rather than an earthly emperor, and that by an act of heaven this rare gift of time signified that the Creator of time was among us.88)

The idea of a coincidence between universal peace, an Imperium of an equally universal extension, and the birth of Christ, is not new. Apparently the central idea was inspired by Paulus Orosius, in book VII, chapter 20, of his Historiarum adversum paganos, as will be seen in the following excerpt: 5 Igitur eo tempore, id est eo anno quo firmissimam uerissimamque pacem ordinatione Dei Caesar conposuit, natus est Christus, cuius aduentui pax ista famulata est, in cuius ortu audientibus hominibus exultantes angeli cecine­ runt Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae uoluntatis.

Eodemque tempore hic, ad quem rerum omnium summa concesserat, dominum se hominum appellari non passus est, immo non ausus, quo uerus dominus totius generis humani inter homines natus est.

eodem quoque anno tunc primum idem Caesar, quem his tantis myste­ riis praedestinauerat Deus, censum agi singularum ubique prouinciarum et censeri omnes homines iussit, quando et Deus homo uideri et esse dig­ natus est. tunc igitur natus est Christus, Romano censui statim adscriptus ut natus est.89

6

(So at that time, that is, in that year in which, by the ordination of God, Caesar achieved the strongest and truest peace, Christ was born, upon whose coming that peace waited and at whose birth as men listened, the angels in exultation sang: “Glory to God in the highest and on earth peace to men of good will.” At the same time, this man to whom universal supremacy was conceded did not permit himself to be called “lord of men,” rather dared not, when the true Lord of the whole human race was born among men. Also in this same year, when God deigned to be seen as man and actu­ ally to be man, Caesar, whom God had predestined for this great mystery, ordered that a census be taken of each province everywhere and that all men be enrolled. So at that time, Christ was born and was entered on the Roman census list as soon as he was born.90)

88  GD/I, p. 157.

89  Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos, libri vii, xx.

90  Paulus Orosius, History Against the Pagans, trans. Deferrari, p. 281.

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A number of elements are related; the first of all, the most evident, is the central idea concerning peace, its attribution to the birth of Christ, and its consequences in the earthly domains. Both Saxo’s and Orosius’s versions, or Saxo’s version, Orosius originals or even some intermediation by King Alfred’s translation, agree with the origin of such power: Orosius affirms that, although Caesar Augustus eschewed being called Dominus by the people, he was predestined by God. Saxo affirms that that peace attended divine will, and not some mundane force; both authors, thus, attribute a divine source to that peace. Some minor, mostly theological elements should indicate more influene of Oro­ sius over Saxo’s composition: for instance, the references, at the same excerpt, to God being “seen as man” and his incarnation. Of course such concepts are wide­ spread, grounded in wide theological discussion of texts such as John 14:8f. and Philippians 2:6–8; actually, the proper incarnation of Christ and his nature, material and spiritual, had been argued by all the Late Antiquity. The presence of such com­ mon elements adds just minor clues in comparison with the discussion over peace. Other elements found in more excerpts from Orosius are indicative of the influence of his geographical conceptions in Saxo’s work, most of all the emphasis in a quadripartite division of the world, evidently very suitable to Saxo’s prefer­ ence for quaternary schemes—such as the thoroughly discussed Cardinal Virtues. Although that division seems quite obvious to the contemporary reader, it should be remembered that medieval cartography and many of the most widespread geo­ graphical conceptions highlighted the Isidorian ternary division of word, empha­ sizing the offspring of Noah—Shem, Kham, and Jaffet. The ternary conception pervades many historical works from the Middle Ages, including the prologue of the Prose Edda and the Heimskringla, usually providing material to the development of euhemeristic narratives. As discussed before, Saxo diverges from that kind of elaboration, not in principle, but in procedure. Excerpts from books II91 and VII92 of Orosius’s Historiarum adversum paganos provide examples of a quadripartite conception of the world and the concept of four kingdoms or principates, perhaps inspired by the visions of the prophet Dan­ iel described in chapters 7, 8, and 11 from his homonymous book. 91  “5 Eademque ineffabili ordinatione per quattuor mundi cardines quattuor regnorum principatus distinctis gradibus eminentes, ut Babylonium regnum ab oriente, a meridie Carthaginiense, a septentrione Macedonicum, ab occidente Romanum [...].”

92  “ 2[...] hoc est quasi a meridie ac septentrione breuibus uicibus partes tutoris curatorisque tenuisse. 5 orientis et occidentis regnum Babylonium et Romanum iure uocitari, neminem umquam dubitasse scio [...].”



The Thematic of the Counsellor

We have already quoted Saxo affirming that “Frotho’s domains now embraced Russia to the east and were bounded by the River Rhine in the west”93 / “Itaque Frothonis regnum, Rusciam ab ortu complectens, ad occasum Rheno flumine limitatum erat.” This connection between the Cardinal Virtues and the cardi­ nal directions will be repeated in the Gesta Danorum when Saxo is dealing with Starcatherus’s story, and fits reasonably in the discussed inclination of Saxo to adopt numeric schemes. The idea of a Danish hegemony from west towards east was not an innovation of Saxo’s; Sven Aggesen, for instance, used a similar com­ parison when referring to King Knut the Great, comparing him to Alexander the Great: “Knut [...] enlarged the boundaries of his empire from farthest Thule to the empire of the Greeks, outdoing Geryon of Hesperus [...] and almost equaling the great Alexander.”94 The complete list of Frotho’s conquests later surpasses that first mark, at least towards the west. The eastern territories encompass some generic “Ruscia” with further clarifications including Novgorod and Kiev; to the west, however, this Dan­ ish empire includes the Orkneys and the British Isles; the boundary to the north was Finnmark, while to the south, Saxony; there is some emphasis on the axis east–west instead north–south, most probably due to the strong crusade ideology of thirteenth-century Denmark. Danish expansion eastwards is quite characteristic of the thirteenth-century context. The campaigns of Frotho’s that are described follow closely the ones undertaken by Absalon and the Valdemarians; Ericus disertus is victorious against Slavs and incorporates them into the Danish army as vassals of Frotho and against Olimarus, “king of the East”—whose vassals are Estonians, Kurs, and Prussians. Absalon prevailed in the same way against the Western Slavs which, in their turn, were incorporated as Danish vassals and fought alongside Valdemar II in the East, in Estonia. Some remarks should be made on Saxo’s methodology. Frotho was described as the greatest Danish king until then, born in a remarkable historical period. The last reference concerning him is the following: “So departed Frotho, most illustri­ ous of all the world’s kings”95 / “(5.16.3) [1] Hic Frothonis toto orbe clarissimi regis excessus fuit.” Everything included in Frotho’s story is marked by excess, either for good or for evil; it should be recalled that the beginnings of his career were marked by viciousness and misrule. 93  GD/I, p. 148.

94  Sven Aggesen, p. 32; Kværndrup, “The Composition of the Gesta Danorum,” p. 23–29. 95  GD/I, p. 157.

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His life suffers a drastic transition; from the worst and most vicious court in the world to the most notable ruler in the world. This dramatic change is evidently the work of Ericus disertus; even though the transformation in Frotho’s behaviour was due to Ericus’s direct counselling and action, it should be noted that, even in the good part of Frotho’s career, his greatest achievements are Ericus’s, and not truly his own. Although the conquests that expanded the Danish realm were credited to Frotho, they were executed and won by Ericus; it is the disertus who defeats the Slavs, this wise and skilled counsellor-warrior who infiltrates himself into the Eastern armies. Saxo had his own share of wisdom and sagacity, and attributes, at least offi­ cially, the glory to the king, recognizing Frotho III as the overlord of the Danish “empire.” But simultaneously he does not miss the chance to attribute adequate credit to the constitution of this empire. In all the narrative it is evident the con­ quests were carried out by his counsellor. Peace and hegemony were due to a greater power, to God himself; Ericus, therefore, was his agent, his anointed. Frotho’s peace “attended the divine birth rather than an earthly emperor”96 / “non adeo terreno principatui quam divino ortui famulatam fuisse.” Another consequence of the proper use of the virtues was the changing of the perception regarding Denmark held other nations. Before Ericus, Denmark pro­ voked hatred among their neighbours; after him, the Danish virtues and qualities were recognized everywhere. Before, “this unrestrained and shameless behav­ iour of his warriors had made the king odious not only abroad but to his own countrymen”97 / “(5.1.12) [1] Tam effrenata militum procacitas non exteris tan­ tum, sed etiam patriae invisum fecerat regem.”; after, “[…] the Danes’ reputation for outstanding bravery shone bright through almost every land”98/ “(5.15.1) [...] cunctis paene terris eximia fortitudinis laude Danicum nomen inclaruit.” There is a parallel between the four Cardinal Points, conquered by Ericus dis­ ertus and added to the Danish hegemony, and the Four Cardinal Virtues, the “tools” by which the wise warrior and counsellor achieved the deed. Ericus possesses in high degree Fortitudo, Temperantia—which drives rightly his Fortitudo—and through his intervention Frotho’s rule will be recognized as righteous—in other words, marked by the use of Iustitia—Ericus becoming himself one of the first and remarkable lawgivers. It is evident that this counsellor is well provided with all Cardinal Virtues, but, notwithstanding, Prudentia stands out. 96  GD/I, p. 157.

97  GD/I, p. 121. 98  GD/I, p. 156.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

With Ericus disertus, Saxo presents his most complete description of an ideal counsellor without exhausting the thematic. His preference for Prudentia reflects the defence of the archbishopric, of Absalon and himself, while narrating about the supposedly greatest Danish king to come into the world until then, contempo­ rary with Christ. His story is an exemplar regarding both the presentation of all the virtues in one character and the defence—and fomentation—of the Danish hegemony, translating to the epic the crusades and Danish expansion in the Baltic of the thir­ teenth century. The next character to be discussed is a counsellor whose greatest virtue is Temperantia. His name is Starcatherus.

Starcatherus Starcatherus, Virtues and Counsel There are a number of Scandinavian sources that refer to a character named Starkaðr-Starkather-Starcatherus. In addition to the narrative of his history in the Gesta Danorum, some variations or parts of it are told in Gautrekssaga, Sögubrot, Skjöldunga Saga, Ynglinga Saga, Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks, Norna-Gests þáttr, and even in Beowulf; he is depicted also in the Carta Marina and in the Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, both from Olaus Magnus. The popularity achieved by Starcatherus in Viking and medieval Scandinavia is attested by this abundance of references in the primary sources. Of all these stories, the one conveyed in the Gesta Danorum is undoubtedly the longest. Saxo dedicates a lot of space to it: three books of the Gesta Danorum contain his life, although not all at the same length, or with the same degree of attention. After Archbishop Absalon, Starcatherus is the hero to whom most room is given in the work; also, there are some remarkable features associated with him, and his story is presented in particularly favourable manner—notwithstanding the subplot of the “three sins” that makes up the narrative. The choice of three books seems to suit well to the timespan of three human lives given to the hero, as well as to the three sins committed by him. On the other hand, a lengthy storytelling is appropriate to present a hero who is strong in the virtue of Temperantia; it should be noted that the other character in the Gesta Danorum to whom is given space in more than one book—apart from Absalon—is Amlethus. In that case, this expanded space is due to the need of the author to present carefully the virtue of Temperantia, illustrating its lack with the addition of a plot in an additional book as well as the one to which he was assigned. The story of Starcatherus is presented in its most complete version in the Gesta Danorum; in the Gautrekssaga (written in the fourteenth century) a similar

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narration is conveyed, at shorter length and departing ideologically form Saxo’s version; as for the Sögubrot, it focuses mainly on the Battle of Bravalla, described by Saxo in book VIII; the most part of the details matches. The fight against the sons of Angatyr is told in the Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks, and the admonishing speech to Ingellus, in the Gesta, mirrors a narrative found in Beowulf, in which there is coincidence in some of the names, although assigned to different characters. There are minor details, quotes, and references in the other primary sources; as a whole, these fragments are invaluable for the compre­ hension of some otherwise unexplained references found in the Gesta Danorum. Lastly, a number of amendments made by Saxo to a supposed original legend, par­ ticularly in the ideological field, can only be explained by taking into consideration these fragments and scattered sources. According to these sources, a certain Starkaðr was a giant born in Norway; Saxo quotes this version and disagrees with it, considering it implausible. To him, Starcatherus’s origins should be sought in the areas to the east of Sweden, dwell­ ing place of Estonians and what Saxo calls numerous barbaric peoples; Olaus Mag­ nus disagrees with the location of Estonia, but also ascribes to Starcatherus ori­ gins in an eastern land, although in Tavastia, Finland. To Starcatherus were given three lives—this circumstance, curiously, does not seem implausible to Saxo—on condition that he commits an execrable deed in each. As told before, there is a precise correspondence of this trifold scheme with the three books dedicated to the history; they are presented in book VI, chapters 5–8, in book VII, chapters 5 and 10, and finally, in book VIII, chapters 6 and 8. In the version of the Gautreksaga, the three lives were given to Starkaðr by Ó� ðinn, while Þórr was responsible for adding the misdeeds. In the Gesta Danorum, however, although it is still Othinus who grants the extended life, there is the cor­ respondence and condition of a sin to each life-span. This addition would give some credibility to the Gesta Danorum and even argue for a resemblance of it to earlier poems, to the extent in which the undesir­ able consequences of the three lives would be seen as compatible with the darker aspects of Ó� ðinn. Massimiliano Bampi,99 commenting on Gautrekssaga, concludes that some epi­ sodes such as the narrative of the birth of Starkaðr as a giant are additions of a local tradition from Norway in order to accommodate Starkaðr’s story to the style of a late saga. Saxo, however, explicitly affirms his knowledge of this tradition; as we will discuss further, the explanation of an Estonian origin for Starcatherus can­ 99  Bampi, “Between Tradition and Innovation.”



The Thematic of the Counsellor

not be found in any other primary source, and quite possibly is only found in Saxo Grammaticus. Returning to the “Thematic of the Counsellor,” Saxo’s Starcatherus story is pre­ sented as a plot somewhat similar to that of Hadingus and Ericus disertus. The way in which Starcatherus enters the king’s hall fits the narrative to the motif “The king and the Icelander” developed extensively in Ericus disertus’s stories; the setting, however, as well as plot characteristics, is closer to the section on Hadingus. Just like Hadingus, Starcatherus had a strong connection with the East; the mother of Hadingus was a Finnic (“Phinni”) woman, his warrior initiation and first raids happened in Kurland and Saxo’s Hellespontus; giants and mythological digressions are intertwined in both narratives, including the presence of Ó� ðinn/ Othinus. Hadingus, however, is counselled by an elder, while Starcatherus is him­ self the elder who counsels someone. Foreign and Scandinavians topics alike were moulded following the counsellor narrative structure; the character of King Ingellus, the object of the elder’s exhor­ tation, presents elements that are common not only in ancient Scandinavian nar­ ratives, but Old English ones as well; nonetheless, Saxo Grammaticus’s reshaping of them is unique.100 The main characteristic of Starcatherus—concerning our goals—is his role as King Ingellus’s counsellor. In contrast with Ericus disertus, Starcatherus’s main virtue is Temperantia, even though he shows abundance in the other virtues as well. Both Starcatherus and Ericus are modelled after Absalon, as they are con­ structed with the intention of showing whole heroes, provided with all the virtues and almost flawless; despite the three fascinora of Starcatherus, Saxo’s esteem for the character is clear. Both Ericus and Starcatherus possess features of counsellors and warriors; in Ericus the virtue of Prudentia is more emphasized, while in Starcatherus Temperantia has the predominance. Stereotypically, Ericus would be approximated to a counsellor archetype, and Starcatherus derived from a warrior figure; those distinctions, however, are nuances that do not weaken the primary persona of the righteous counsellor needed by the king. Although Starcatherus’s Temperantia is extremely high, his Prudentia is never neglected, as he is, for instance, presented— between other feats—as one of the most proficient poets of the Gesta and Saxo clearly assigns the arts of language and music to the domain of Prudentia. Starcatherus makes his apearance in the first half of book VI. Between the pre­ vious book and his narrative, Saxo mentions briefly that Ericus disertus died by illness and speaks about Ericus’s son, Haldanus, and the royal succession after the 100  Malone, “Ingeld,” p. 273.

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Figure 6.2: Lassen’s fragment and part of Starcatherus’s story. The page contains the first of Starcatherus’s misdeeds. Starting at 6.5.5[2] “[...] in comune deducta sunt,” it ends at 6.5.1[6] “regiarum opum defen(sores).” Source: Det kongelige bibliotek. NKS 570 2°: Saxo, Gesta Danorum, fragmenta recentiora: II recto.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

death of Frotho III. A certain Hiarnus ascended the throne after a poetry contest, as Fridlevus II, descendant of Frotho III, was growing up in Russia. Fridlevus and Haldanus returned together to Denmark where they defeated a group of berserkir; there is some struggle with Hiarnus, who had no intention of leaving the throne, and fights with the Saxons which ended with Fridlevus being killed. His son, Frotho, was twelve years old at the time; he will be called “Frotho IV.” This is one of the many occasions in which the number twelve is used in the Gesta; in this book we have already quoted two groups composed of twelve berserkir each, but there are more instances; this feature of the Gesta Danorum was developed extensively by Kværndrup in his Tolv Principper hos Saxo (1999). Two ideas presented at the beginning of the book will be repeated subse­ quently: first, Fridlevus had grown up in Russia, in the East. More unusual, how­ ever, is the ascending to the throne by Hiarnus through a poetry competition. When dealing with Starcatherus these two subplots will be revisited as examples where the hero’s virtues will be demonstrated; not only does the the warrior come from the East, but many of his achievements and conquests occurred in the East­ ern Baltic and beyond. The poetry contest, however, represents the highpoint of the book, where the king is converted from his twisted ways by the eloquent elder who defeats other retainers by a poem contest, in which the exhortations to the king will be uttered. Fridlevus and Haldanus, during and after their victory over the berserkir, dem­ onstrate many virtues: fortitude, as a staple virtue, Prudentia, as they deceived the warriors in order to win, using their minds in addition to the common and ordinary arms, but Temperantia also when, after recognizing the value of one of them, Biorno (‘Björn’), they avoid killing him and incorporate him among their own warriors. Of course, Iustitia is satisfied when the restoration of the dynasty is executed. The association of the episode with Temperantia would seem rather obscure, and should be considered together with a digression already discussed, based upon book IV, when the four kinds of warriors were presented. Regarding the war­ riors endowed with Fortitudo, Saxo made a distinction between those provided also with Temperantia and those without it. The main difference between their behaviours lay in the way of dealing with the defeated; warriors using Temperantia never would pursue their defeated enemies when running away, and know how to recognize the value of them instead of simply slaughtering them. Starcatherus’s first appears in the story of King Frotho IV. The only survi­ vor of a shipwreck, by “strength of luck,” Starcatherus enters the service of the king thanks to his amazing moral and physical strength (“incredibilem corporis animique praestantiam”). He engaged himself in Viking expeditions while simulta­

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neously acting as guardian of the coasts for the king. His fame pervaded Denmark, reaching every province of Sweden and Saxony.101 According to Saxo: “Nature had equipped him with a superhuman physique and spiritual endowments to match, so that men believed that in bravery he was second to none”102 / “(6.5.1) [3] Siquidem excellentius humano habitu corpus a natura sortitus, ita id animi magnitudine aequabat, ut nulli mortalium virtute cedere putaretur.” There follows a discussion regarding his origins and a mythological digres­ sion—this time, focused in the interpretatio romana, but including a great dose of euhemerism; stories about his three lives are also explained to the reader, after which the author proceeds to enumerate the vast number of deeds attrib­ uted to the old and experienced warrior. To Starcatherus are ascribed successful campaigns in Russia (6.5.9), Biarmia (6.5.10 [1]), Sweden (6.5.10 [2–4]), Ireland (6.5.10 [5]—6.5.13), Kurland, Samland, and Zemgale (6.5.14 [1–2]), Russia again (6.5.14 [3–8]), Byzantium (6.5.15 [1]), and Poland (6.5.15 [2]), in a geographical setting that mirrors in some ways the conquests of Ericus disertus and Frotho III in the previous book. Between the campaigns many other deeds are mentioned, such as fights with champions (6.5.10 [1]; 6.5.14 [3–7]; 6.5.14 [8]) and even against a giant (6.5.15 [1]). There is no possible doubt regarding the hero’s high Fortitudo. The most important episode involving Starcatherus, however, occurs after these initial conquests and campaigns, and is focused in Frotho IV’s death and, chiefly, in his son’s government. The death of Frotho IV happens after an altercation between Danes and Sax­ ons; Starcatherus, at this time back in Denmark, fights Hama, the champion of the Saxons, defending King Frotho IV (6.5.17). Hama is cut through the middle by Starcatherus and the Saxons, led by Hanevus, are defeated by the Danes led by Frotho IV (6.5.18). Despite the Danish victory, the end of the story is negative to the Danes, for Frotho IV, invited as a guest to a feast given by the Saxon Svertingus, is killed when the hall is burnt (6.5.19). This event will provide the main theme of book VI and is the core of the conflict between Starcatherus and Ingellus, the son of Frotho IV. Ingellus’s reaction to the tragedy is the main reason for Starcatherus’s coun­ selling—actually, exhortation. The motive is relatively simple—it is expected of Ingellus that he will avenge his father’s death, but the new king refrains from 101  GDb 6.5.1[5]: [...] apud omnes Sueonum Saxonumque provincias speciosissima sibi monumenta pepererat [...]. 102  GD/I, p. 170.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

doing it. There is in this episode a parallel, although inverted, of Amlethus’s situ­ ation. In both narratives a father’s death calls for revenge; in Amlethus’s case, the good use of Prudentia leads to the task’s accomplishment, but the main character fails afterwards due to his lack of Temperantia. In the case of Starcatherus and Ingellus the elements are the same, but the actions almost opposite. Due to Ingellus’s avoidance of fulfilling his duties as son, the intervention of a counsellor—one provided with an enormous amount of Temperantia—is necessary. This motif is, as mentioned, almost a pretext to introduce a greater number of kings’ flaws. Ingellus is presented as a king deprived not only of Temperantia, but of all the virtues. His court is described similarly to Frotho III’s in book V previous to Eri­ cus disertus’s intervention. Although the king assumes the government aged only twelve, there is no specific appreciation regarding his incapacity to rule because of his age. The main responsibility for his vicious government lies again with the Saxons, at this time accused of behaving, and inducing the Danes to behave as well, with lack of Continentia: (6.8.7) [2] Postquam se enim Theutoniae moribus permisit, effeminatae eius lasciviae succumbere non erubuit. [...] [5] Itaque regio nostra, quae continentiam in se tamquam naturalem aluit, luxum a finitimis depoposcit (After he dabbled in Teuton fashions, he felt no shame in submitting to their unmasculine frivolities […] Our land, which had had what you might call a natural continence, now demanded its neighbours’ luxury.103)

Despite a few authors arguing differently, trying to soften or explain Saxo’s hatred for the Germans as something directed to a moral sphere and not to the Teutons themselves,104 is hard to deny some grudges of personal nature in Saxo’s colloca­ tions—at least in the first nine books. His presentation of the Germans—variously spelled as “saxones,” “theutones,” or “germanici”—is clearly derogatory. This displeasure was partly due to the altercations between the Danes and the Empire, but also probably due to aspects of court ceremonials, procedures, and manners derived from the Empire, which evidently exceedingly annoyed Saxo and which he considered as overtly luxurious. Certainly the political relations between Danes and Germans were much more multifaceted than the plain reading of Saxo leads one to suppose. For a long period of time the faction of the Welf, in particular Heinrich Löwe, “the Lion,” allied with 103  GD/I, p. 185.

104  Groh, “Das Deutschenbild in den historischen Büchern der Gesta Danorum,” pp. 143–60.

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the Danes in strifes against the Hohenstauffen. Heinrich’s daughter, Gertrude, was married to one of the most important Danish kings, Knut VI of the Valdemarian dynasty. Open warfare between Danes and Germans first occurred only in the reign of Valdemar II. Anyway, it is quite evident how bitter Saxo was regarding the Ger­ mans and he certainly did not miss any chance to state that; one of the failings of King Ingellus was to marry a Saxon princess, the daughter of Svertingus, who plot­ ted to kill Ingellus’s father, Frotho IV, and also perished at last. Saxo paints a colourful picture to emphasize how unreserved the Danes became, most of all, their king. Ingellus: (6.6.1) [2] […] relictis maiorum exemplis, totum petulantissimi luxus ille­ cebris mancipavit. [3] Igitur a bono rectoque discolor vitiaque pro virtute complexus, discissis continentiae nervis intermissisque regiae maiestatis officiis, sordidum luxuriae mancipium evasit. [4] Sane quicquid composi­ tis moribus obvium aut inconcinnum erat, excoluit. ([…] abandoned the patterns of his forebears and surrendered himself wholly to the baits of wanton extravagance. At variance with all that was good and upright, he grasped at vice instead of sound morality, severed the cords of restraint, neglected a sovereign’s duties and became a vile slave to riotous living. Any disorderliness or impropriety he cultivated to perfection.105)

In all Starcatherus’s story and in the previous episodes of Hadingus and Ericus disertus there was one specific characteristic always connected to the virtue of Temperantia, or the lack of it: sexuality. Besides behaviour regarding food and riches, Saxo shows a clear preference for using twisted sexuality to exemplify unrestraint and luxury: in the first book with Harthgrepa and her incestuous behaviour, in book V with Grep, his adultery with the queen and incontinence and rape. In Ingellus’s case there was some dominance of the thematic of gluttony, but again sexuality is present, and the character to exemplify this is the king’s spouse, called “Veneris miles”—a “soldier of the pleasures” (6.6.9). In the same manner that the one-eyed elder or Othinus in book I and Ericus disertus in book V, Starcatherus’s role will be to demote the king from these practices. The com­ bination of unrestrained sexuality and gluttony when discussing Temperantia is not something exclusive to Saxo Grammaticus; it is found, for example, in Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologica, although when explaining the use of riches his rea­ soning leads to the discussion of Iustitia. 105  GD/I, p. 175.



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Starcatherus had fought such kind of practices previously to his arrival at the Danish court. When campaigning in the East the hero defeated Wisinnus; it is not surprising at all that the foe plagued Russia very similarly to the way the berserkir defeated by Ericus disertus did Frotho III’s kingdom. Describing the misdeeds of Wisinnus, Saxo says that “he would even seize the wives of eminent men and drag them to be raped before their husbands’ eyes”106 / “(6.5.14) [5] ut etiam illustrium virorum coniuges, maritis spectantibus, raptas ad stuprum pertraheret. In book V, relative to Grep’s misdeeds, Saxo affirmed that “husbands were tormented with fear, their wives by the sport made of their bodies”107 / “(5.1.13) [10] Mariti metu, coniuges corporum suorum ludibrio vexabantur.” Before Starcatherus arrives at the hall of King Ingellus, when still in Sweden he is presented as defender and guardian of Helga, the king’s sister; again, this is a theme similar to book V, when Frotho III’s sister was harassed by Grep, the berserkr. This time the harasser was a simple man, a goldsmith who tries to conquer her with luxurious gifts; his first fault for Saxo is actually his low birth. The smith puts himself at the king’s sister lap, makes her pick lice off his head and touches her intimately. Starcatherus rewards him by leaving him “half-dead,” unconscious, hurt, and humiliated. As usual, a long poem retelling the whole episode is uttered, conveying Starcatherus’s values. Perhaps the most relevant remark of it is at its end, in which the hero differentiates the kinds of smith; it becomes clear that, besides the defence of aristocratic behaviour—a low-born man intending to marry royalty is something unacceptable to the author—a particular fault of the smith in the story is his own speciality; were he a blacksmith, his work would be praised, since such kind of smith forges weapons, revealing, according to Saxo, the proper disposition of his spirit by his work. A goldsmith is, hence, an agent of undesirable values such as lust and the love of gold and riches; not only does he also reveal the disposition of his spirit, but he induces other people to weaken themselves. Again Amlethus’s story in book IV should be remembered; when his faults due to the absence of Temperantia were listed and explained his luxury for gold received special attention in episodes like the ordering of a shield made of gold and the cost of his retinue. At that occasion Saxo compared the incompatibility of luxury—in this case, gold and riches—and the proper warrior’s Temperantia/ Continentia. This contrast is repeated in more than one episode: Hadingus, Høtherus, Rolvo Krake, Amlethus, Ericus disertus, Starcatherus—all these characters were con­ 106  GD/I, p. 173. 107  GD/I, p. 118.

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fronted with the dichotomy of luxury against Temperantia. Men dominated by lux­ ury fail when controlling their passions, being unable to act with Continentia and moderation. As said before, the unrestraint is evidenced in three main aspects: use of riches, sexuality, and gluttony. Starcatherus, as a true champion of Temperantia, demonstrates himself to be victorious in all of these aspects, including the dimensions of gluttony, added lately in the Ingellus exhortation episode. In addition to his role as protector of the king’s sister chastity, the hero also refuses costly gifts: (6.8.8) [1] At regina, ne propositi irrita abiret, iram senis donis optime propulsandam existimans, mirifici operis vittam proprio capiti detractam gremio cenitantis apposuit, benevolentiam eius, quia virtutem hebetare nequiverat, mercari cupiens. [2] Quam Starcatherus, necdum offensae acerbitate deposita, in os offerentis reiciens, plus contemptus quam vene­rationis in eo munere repositum arbitrabatur prudentique animo egit, ne cicatricibus obsito galeisque assueto capite insolitum effeminati orna­men­tum exciperet, sciens virilibus comis muliebre redimiculum inici non oportere.

(Because the queen believed the old man’s wrath could be best dispelled with gifts and so that she should not depart without satisfying her pur­ pose, she drew from her own head a beautifully made circlet and placed it in his lap as he was dining. As she could not blunt his valour she wished to buy his good will. But her offence still rankled wth Starcatherus who, considering more disdain than respect lay in the present, threw it back in her face. He acted wisely, for he knew it was indecorous to a man to put a woman’s headband on his locks and therefore had no desire to lay this unwonted article of female adornment on a head marked with scars and accustomed to helmets.108)

Starcatherus refuses lavish meals, which he considers a mark of luxuriousness: (6.8.6) [1] Cum ergo vetustos continentiae mores omnemque pristinae con­ suetudinis habitum novo luxu ac lautitia corrumpi animadverteret, rusti­ cioris escae paratum appetens cenae sumptuosioris impendium fastidivit.

(When he saw the ancient habits of temperance and all the good old customs being perverted by this new luxuriousness and unrestraint, he looked for a serving of coarse food, disdaining the costliness of a more lavish meal.109)

108  GD/I, p. 185. 109  GD/I, p. 185.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

Such continence was not a new habit; when still a Viking, Starcatherus avoided getting drunk: (6.5.8) [3] Tantam autem Starcatherus ac Bemonus servandae sobrietatis curam habebant, ut numquam ebriosam sibi potionem indulsisse dicantur, ne praecipuum fortitudinis vinculum continentia luxuriae viribus elideretur.

(Starcatherus and Bemonus were so careful to preserve temperance that they are supposed never to have resorted to intoxicating liquor, afraid that continence, a great bond between courageous men, might be force­ fully shattered if they over-indulged.110)

Regarding the connection of luxury, food, and sex, Saxo makes it explicit when Starcatherus is attacking the Saxon queen, Ingellus’s wife—as mentioned earlier, a reminder of the actual marriage between the Danish king and a Teutonic princess. The whole poem is quite heavy, including an explicit accusation of bestiality. As in Frotho III’s case, an unsuitable marriage is one of the elements contributing to the perversion of Ingellus’s government: [...] (6.9.9) [1] Uxor Ingelli levis ac petulca Theutonum ritus celebrare gestit, instruit luxus et adulterinas praeparat escas.

[...] [6] Haec procax fastu Venerisque miles, appetens escae, bene temperatos abdicat ritus simul et gulosas instruit artes.

([…] The wife of Ingellus, skittish and wanton, joys to practise Teuton rites, devises orgies and prepares adulterate foods

110  GD/I, p. 172.

[…] This insolent, haughty, sexual soldier, avid for dainties, renounces customs of proper restraint and exercises her arts of gastronomy.111)

111  GD/I, pp. 189–90.

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At this point is evident the great number of examples of Temperantia given by Starcatherus; there is plenty more, many times demonstrating not only the use of Temperantia, but sometimes conjugated with Fortitudo. The hero’s campaigns and military deeds already were quoted, such exploits being commonplace through­ out the Gesta. Similarly to Ericus disertus, however, Starcatherus achieves a large number of victories, and his victories became memorable in great part due to the use made of the virtues, and to the association made of his Fortitudo with other virtues. When defeating and humiliating the goldsmith, or when refusing to consume food considered by him to be symbols of luxury, the old warrior keeps the habits of his Viking times, considering that “continence [is] a great bond between coura­ geous men” / “fortitudinis vinculum continentia luxuriae [...] elideretur.” There is another dimension that should be analysed regarding Starcatherus’s character. Both first and last characterizations define him as someone provided with physical and spiritual gifts; to repeat an already quoted excerpt: “Nature had equipped him with a superhuman physique and spiritual endowments to match, so that men believed that in bravery he was second to none”112 / “(6.5.1) [3] Siq­ uidem excellentius humano habitu corpus a natura sortitus, ita id animi magnitu­ dine aequabat, ut nulli mortalium virtute cedere putaretur.” A common word used in book VI is animus, usually in connection with Starcath­ erus. This use is suggestive as the term possesses a very large semantic field and can be translated in many ways, from “strength,” “courage,” “bravery,” “spirit,” to “intelligence,” “cognition,” and even “reason”; sometimes it is used as synonym of both Prudentia and Fortitudo. 113 Starcatherus himself uses this wider meaning of animus when describing himself, after the poem containing the exhortation to the king that leads to the climax of the book: “Exercising mind and body, I banished everything godless from my heart’114 / “(6.9.20 [2]) Exercens animum cum cor­ pore, mente profanum omne relegavi.” Starcatherus’s intelligence is proved by the use of language, as he is proficient in writing, in composing poems, and perhaps even music. Saxo affirms that the warrior was the first chronicler of the great Battle of Bravalla, saying that he: “[…] was the first to relate its history in the Danish tongue, though it was handed down by word of mouth rather than in writing”115 / “(8.1.0) [...] qui et eiusdem proelii 112  GD/I, p. 170.

113  Blatt and Hemmingsen, Vademecum in opus Saxonis: “animus.” 114  GD/I, p. 195. 115  GD/I, p. 238.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

praecipuum columen erat, primus Danico digessit eloquio, memoriae magis quam litteris tradito.” His poetry is frequent and lengthy; in book VI it appears after the goldsmith’s defeat, at Ingellus’s exhortation—divided in two parts—and at Ingellus’s praise for the fulfilment of his obligations; in book VIII there is a long poetic passage when Starcatherus longs for death, disputes with Hatherus, remembers his deeds, and asks for his end. The amount of poems and verses attributed to him are greater than those uttered by Ericus disertus and, as discussed when studying that character’s career, are skills derived directly from Prudentia. In one ludicrous episode, already in the hall of Ingellus, Starcatherus tosses bones and provokes tears in the musician who tries to appease his wrath. Appar­ ently Starcatherus takes his place, which allows us to assume that the subsequent verses, exhorting Ingellus, were sung: “as a further flout to the player, he com­ posed this song”116 / “(6.8.12 [3]) in ampliorem histrionis suggillationem huius­ modi carmen subtexuit.” Book II contains a similar episode involving tossing bones and a long poem at the end of King Ingellus’s daughter’s marriage banquet. This King Ingellus is not the same as the one discussed above, evidently, as it is also evident that this is one of the parts of the Gesta in which Saxo used the same plot twice. The main plot at book II concerns King Rolvo Krake, and the elements common to these repetitions of the theme could be found also in Hrólfs saga kraka, centred in the motif “The king and the Icelander.” To define some archetypal or “original” narrative or even to trace the con­ nections between these uses of the same narrative line is an inglorious, perhaps impossible task. But it is possible to assert the narrative core of Starcatherus’s story was tried before book VI, and this similarity can be added to the parallels and hardships found in the Frothones problem, since the duplication of his geneal­ ogy is implied also in the duplication of Ingellus’s. Returning to Starcatherus’s skills, the replacement of the hall’s musician adds another ability to the already large number of skills mastered by the elder. It should be remembered that the art of music was briefly presented in book III, section 3.2.1, at the first lengthy presentation of Prudentia when introducing the character of Høtherus. That hero possessed not only physical strength, but also the ability to play several musical instruments in several modes, provoking a vari­ ety of reactions in their spectators. Musical skill, hence, was presented as possible due to the virtue of Prudentia, and may be used for both good and evil. 116  GD/I, p. 186.

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When Starcatherus sang his exhortation to Ingellus, the mood and the whole disposition of the king were modified and his virtues awakened; the previous music heard at the hall was a mere distraction, a stimulus to the senses but not to the mind, one more element of a hall already full of concessions to luxury. Starcatherus’s musical skills, on the contrary, were directed by Prudentia and, used coupled with eloquence, provoked behaviour change, altering completely the king’s vicious ways. Finally, Starcatherus is clearly characterized as a guardian, a counsellor, a man responsible for bringing out the best in the king, for bringing morality and virtue to his path: (6.9.8) [3] Quam porro industrium existimemus senem, qui disertissima admonitione immensum regalis animi vitium expugnavit eiusque loco, perruptis nequitiae claustris, efficacissimam virtutis sementem inseruit? (How then can we value this tireless veteran, who had stormed with his eloquent admonitions the vast corruption of the king’s mind and in its place, after bursting through the barriers of immorality, had planted a most effectual seed of valour?117)

His role is explicitly stated, most of all as an elder, but quite often as a guardian— both to King Ingellus and to his sister. Before Starcatherus’s intervention against the goldsmith the girl was unprotected: “After King Frotho’s death there had been no one to honour the father’s merits by fostering his daughter with the result that she was without any guardian to tutor her.”118 / “(6.6.2) [2] Quippe post obitum regis non existentibus, qui paterna in prole merita colerent, custodiae inops tutor­ ibusque defecta.” Obviously the role is filled by Starcatherus; so successful was his intervention that, after it, the girl becomes able to exercise the role of guardian to herself: “the girl [...] became a woman of well-trained propriety and fulfilled, as it were, the duties of a conscientious guardian over herself.”119 / “(6.6.6) [4] Quo effectum est, ut puella parentum officiis defecta eruditissimam moribus feminam ageret inque semet ipsam quasi seduli tutoris officium exerceret.” King Ingellus, revealing to his wife who Starcatherus was, describes him as his tutor since childhood: “This, he told her, was the person his father had once 117  GD/I, p. 194. 118  GD/I, p. 176. 119  GD/I, p. 177.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

assigned to watch over his upbringing, the tender guardian of his childhood.”120 / “(6.8.4) [3] [...] hunc sibi olim a patre tutorem datum infantiae suae indulgentis­ simum exstitisse custodem.” Finally, at the narrative’s climax, in the exact moment in which Ingellus’s virtues are awakened, Starcatherus receives the qualification of “educator, almost a foster-father: (6.9.17) [2] Primum enim rex vacuas carmini aures praebuit, deinde impensiori educatoris sui hortamine concitatus serum ultionis calorem animo traxit oblitusque convivae hostem induit. (6.9.18) [2] Exsulaverat siquidem probitas iuvenis, non exspiraverat; quae in lucem senili suffragatione producta opus [...]

(At first Ingellus’s ears were deaf to the song, but soon he was moved by his guardian’s (educator) more urgent exhortations and his spirit, late in the day, caught the heat of revenge […] on the guests.121 The young man’s integrity had been in exile but had certainly not breathed its last; brought to light with the old man’s assistance […]122)

In the whole episode a demand for Iustitia is made. Differently from Ericus diser­ tus’s story, where the absence of Iustitia was demonstrated indirectly by its reper­ cussions in the kingdom and abroad, in this case the vengeance of a dead father becomes the main pretext in the plot; a claim for equanimity is hold amidst the first exhortative poem: “You cannot view your noble parent’s death with equanimity?”123 / “(6.9.5) [4] Num pii cladem genitoris aequo pectore ducis?’ The fulfilment of this demand, together with some final considerations regard­ ing the whole situation, occurs in the final poem, a work praising the king’s recently awakened virtues. Ingellus kills Svertingus’s sons, and Starcatherus proffers his last poem in book VI, two more excerpts from which we should analyse here: The deed must return upon its author, the mischief recoil and crushes its architect.124 / (6.9.19) [3] Cedat in auctorem facinus, premat artificemque culpa relata suum.

120  GD/I, p. 184. 121  GD/I, p. 193. 122  GD/I, p. 194. 123  GD/I, p. 188. 124  GD/I, p. 194.

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[…] do you think we have made to Frotho adequate restitution by paying him seven deaths in revenge for one?125 / [...] an ultos Frothonem satis esse putas, qui funera septem vindictae unius impendimus?

The similarity should be noted, in the first sentence, with the reasoning presented by Saxo in book II, when concluding the exposition regarding the virtue of Iustitia: “In general, Fortune takes revenge savagely for underhand achievements”126 / “(2.8.5) [5] Adeo plerumque fortunae saevitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac falla­ cia patratur.” In “The deed must return upon its author, the mischief recoil and crushes its architect” and “Fortune takes revenge savagely for underhand achieve­ ments,” we evidently got the same conception about Iustitia, that is expressed by acts of giving to everyone according to what they really deserve, developed after Martianus Capella. In this narrative, thus, a corrupt king omits to avenge his dead father, forges allegiance with the assassins, and allows his court to descend to flagrant immo­ rality; his awakening to a righteous path is made by a virtuous counsellor. A rich episode, this incorporates ideas explored in most of the previous book, above all stressing the need of rightful advice for a just king, as in the narratives of Hadingus in book I and Ericus disertus in book V. The book presents examples from all the Cardinal Virtues in connection with the previous books, pondering about Iustitia in narratives like those found in book II (dedicated to Iustitia), and Prudentia and Temperantia in comparison with Amlethus’s story in books III and IV, also dedi­ cated to these specific virtues. Book VI develops thoroughly the role of virtues in an adequate counsellor besides the incapacity of Fortitudo alone. Starcatherus’s life, hence, connects all previous books according to the schematics of the Cardinal Virtues and the coun­ sellor. Starcatherus, Bravalla and the Crusades

Taking in consideration the atmosphere and the interrelationship with topics related to the crusades, the history of Starcatherus is distinct from the episodes of Ericus disertus. It should be noted that the areas in which Starcatherus raids and defeat enemies in the times predating his counselling of the inept king coincide with and even surpass the lands amassed by Ericus disertus and Frotho III. These expeditions, however, had by nature the character of private enterprises, owing nothing to the king’s commands. 125  GD/I, p. 194. 126  GD/I, p. 64.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

During the time of the counselling and even redemption of the king, as well as in the subsequent steps in the trajectory of Starcatherus, there is one remark­ able and continuous characteristic stressed by the author: the harmful association with the Saxons. In book VIII, Saxo writes about the Battle of Bravalla, a semi-legendary episode which took place in early Scandinavia and that supposedly engaged many of the peoples of the North. That Saxo emulates the political situation of the thirteenth century in the division of forces and alliances is not surprising, although he adds some specificity from his own making. Danes and Swedes represent the main divisions of the armies at Bravalla. The Danish army is led by Harald Wartooth, presented by Saxo as a blind king. Their allies, aside from several champions coming from many places of Scandinavia, comprise mainly contingents of Saxons, Slavs, and Livonians. The Swedish side, led by Ringus, is also composed of champions from different locations inside Scandi­ navia. Their battalions, however, are formed by men from Sweden, Gotland, Kur­ land, and Estonia. The following passage sums up many of the themes discussed here: (8.4.2) [1] Igitur, ubi praestolantibus Suetis Danicus supervenit exercitus, Ringo suis, quoadusque Haraldus aciem centuriasset, patienter considere iussis non ante signa canere praecepit, quam regem propter aquilas curru compositum aspexissent, praefatus sperare se facile collabi aciem posse, quae caeci ductamine niteretur. [2] Praeterea Haraldum supremo aetatis tempore alieni imperii cupiditate correptum non minus mente captum quam luminibus fore nec opibus exsatiari posse, qui, si annos respiciat, tumulo paene contentus esse debeat. [3] Suetis itaque pro libertate, pro patria ac liberis dimicandi necessitatem incumbere, hostem temeritate atque inso­ lentia suscepisse bellum. [4] Praeterea ex parte adversa perpaucos Danos esse, Saxones complures, aliasque effeminatas gentes in acie stare. [5] Ob quod cogitare debere Sueones Noricosque, quantum Germanos ac Sclavos Septentrionalis semper turba praestiterit. [6] Spernendam ergo aciem fore, quae potius lubrica hominum colluvione quam solido militum robore con­ texta videatur. [7] Nec parum ea oratione militum animos accendebat. (When the Danish forces came upon the waiting Swedes, Ringus, who had instructed his men to bide patiently while Harald arranged his compa­ nies in formation, forbade them to blow the battle signal till they per­ ceived the enemy king settled in his chariot near the standards; he said he trusted that troops who depended on a blind general would easily col­ lapse (46). If greed for another’s empire had seized hold of him in his declining years, he was as witless as he was sightless; such a person could not be satisfied with his wealth, even though, were he to consider his age,

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he ought to be pretty well content with a tomb. The Swedes were under strong compulsion to fight for their freedom, fatherland and children, whereas their foes had undertaken this war solely through foolhardy arrogance. On the opposing side, moreover, there were actually very few Danes; the majority who stood in the enemy line were Saxons and other girlish peoples. Swedes and Norwegians should realize how vastly supe­ rior the multitudes of the North had always been to Germans and Slavs. Their army was despicable, compounded not of solid military timber, so it seemed, but the slimy dregs of humanity. This harangue fired high the spirits of his soldiers.127)

The Danish side is led by a blind guide; some of its battalions are commanded by Slavic warrior women; a great part of its ranks is composed by Saxons and, above all, this army is driven by greed and arrogance. The Swedish side is composed by many people usually called barbarians by Saxo. In this particular excerpt, however, these tribes are praised for their brav­ ery and virtues. This army is driven to fight for their freedom. Not surprisingly, Starcatherus sides with this army, which achieves the victory. The episode sounds as a warning. After introducing a king willing to change his behaviour after Starcatherus’s counsels, Saxo shows a Denmark ruled by a blind and foolish king, who fights on the side opposed to the counsellor. Besides his pursuit of aims qualified as greedy, his main faults are the spurious coalitions with Saxons and Slavs. There are two moments in Danish history in which the advice may be welcomed, the years between 1206 and 1207, and the conquest of northern Estonia in 1219; the first moment, however, better matches the situa­ tion, since Saxo probably was dead by 1219 and the relationship with the Saxons worsened considerably. Henry of Livonia tells that in the year 1206 Valdemar II carried out a raid on the Estonian island of Saaremaa, accompanied by Archbishop Anders, who after the episode gave theological education in Rī�ga: At the same time, the Danish king, with a great army that he had been collecting now for three years, came to Ö� sel (Saaremaa). With him came Archbishop Andrew (Anders) of Lund […] The Archbishop of Lund and Bishop Nicholas, with two ships loaded with food and their whole reti­ nue, turned aside to Rī�ga. As they came into the Dvina (Daugava), they were most devotedly received by Englebert, the provost of Blessed Mary, and all the monastery […] After this, the Archbishop, calling together all

127  GD/I, p. 241.



The Thematic of the Counsellor

the clergy, gave instruction in theology, and, reading in the psalter, they spent the whole winter in divine contemplation.128

The same chronicler tells just after about some Slavs who sought sanctuary in Livonia after having been expelled from Kurland by the proper Kurs; these Slavs were probably fugitives from the Danish campaigns in Slavia and gave their name to the current Latvian city of Cēsis, at the time of these events called Wenden (see Map 1.3), in German—“of the Wends.” Some editions of the Cambridge Medieval History hold that these vendi were other people than the Western Slavs, from “unknown race.” Such opinion is isolated, dated; the same work presents other complicated arguments, such as the allegation of a Finno-Ugric origin to the Kurs,129 an idea shared by very few contemporary scholars, such as Marika Mägi.130 In these initial years of crusade in Livonia the Saxons undertook campaigns against the Estonians, helped by Livonians and Letts. The Kurs and the Estonians were not converted—conquered would be a better word—and the relations between Valdemar II, Anders, the Saxon bishops and crusaders were still amica­ ble, even cooperative. Both the Danes and the Saxons shared similar goals, such as fighting the Estonians, and were helped by Livonians and Western Slavs. Although there is no certainty about the year in which Saxo wrote the epi­ sode of Bravalla, this occasion fits quite well and is is hard to deny a connection between the events in the Baltic and the inspiration for Saxo. The opposition of Danes, Saxons, Slavs, and Livonians against Swedes, Kurs, and Estonians is hardly feasible in other circumstances. Saxo sustains his concerns regarding the associa­ tion between Danes and Saxons and probably some judgements about the exten­ sive use made by the Danes of their Slavic vassals. Saxo’s reservations are clear; there were few Danes in this “despicable” army; his tone is of advice, of concern; such alliances should not be natural to the Danes. His message to Valdemar II and even to his archbishop and patron is of caution. One decade later the situation had suffered considerable modification. In the year 1219, Valdemar II and Anders Sunesson carried out the second crusade expe­ dition in Estonia. The campaign of Tallinn/Reval was led by the Danes, but with help and support from Bishop Theodoric and his German crusaders; both parties were saved from defeat by Vitslav and his Slavs. Despite this cooperation between Danes and Germans, their relations were irretrievably degraded, frequently inter­ mediated by the pope or his legates. 128  Henricus Lettus, Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, p. 64

129  Tanner, “The Teutonic Order.”

130  Mägi, “Viking Age and Early Medieval Eastern Baltic,” p. 194.

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Table 6.2: Development of the Thematic of the Counsellor in the Gesta Danorum.

King

Counsellor

Book

Gram

Bessus

I

Hadingus

Frotho III

One-eyed man (resembles Óðinn)

Ericus disertus (Erik, “the Eloquent”)

Frotho IV and other kings Starcatherus Knut Lavard Valdemar I

Thematic in development; Asser

Absalon (prototype of the counsellor)

I

V

VI–VIII XIII

XIV–XVI

The relationship with Emperor Friedrich II had briefly improved after Valde­ mar II supported him, being rewarded with the emperor’s acknowledgement of Danish rule in Schleswig, Holstein, the Slavic lands, and Eastern Pomerania, but subsequent events were marked by open hostility; Valdemar II was captured in 1223 by Heinrich Löwe, count of Schwerin, who demanded the devolution of Hol­ stein and the submission of Valdemar as a vassal of the Empire. The exact role and influence of Saxo Grammaticus in this change cannot be ascertained; probably this was his last decade both of writing and of life. Even though the competition for land in Livonia had its share in this deterioration of affairs, Saxo’s influence was enormous in subsequent years, becoming a model for following historians and chroniclers. The content of Saxo’s advice until then highlights the use of the virtues and the accepting of counselling as essential means to the maintaining of a glorious kingdom. The image of Archbishop Absalon is emblematic of the virtuous counsel­ lor, wise and manly at the same time, and points out the role of the archbishop in royal advice. As to the crusades, they are seen as military expeditions where the clerical advice directs the royal strength towards goals which promote Denmark’s hegemony on the Baltic and ultimately promote expansion and growth of Christi­ anity. When conducted without the use of virtues and rightful counsel, however, they become greedy ventures, interested only in the taking of others’ dominions by pure physical force. With Starcatherus, Saxo brings together the stories of two Danish kings. One of them accepts his “counselling,” and the other adopts an antagonistic position in relation to him. The last one is blind, foolish; he fights moved by greed (cupiditatis) and makes an alliance with the Saxons—representing the Empire. The two plots analysed jointly link the relations between the thematics of the Cardinal Vir­ tues, the Counsellor, and the Northern Crusades, presenting a whole organic com­ position whose parts compound a complex net of systems, values, and schemes.

CONCLUSION In this book

the Gesta Danorum was studied in an approach that is almost structuralist, although heavily grounded in Saxo’s text. Instead of reading his text at face value or picking mythological motifs and comparing it with other Scandinavian sources as commonly done for a long time, we have chosen to explain it as it is: comprised of schemes and structures not imposed by historians eight centuries after its composition, but planned and developed by its author. We are perfectly aware of the difficulties, weak points, and gaps in this analy­ sis; the existence or not of a previous plan of composition is always in discussion; the writing order of the work also remains matter under discussion. At a general level, we assumed as plausible the hypothesis arguing that books X–XVI were writ­ ten first, heavily based upon Archbishop Absalon’s memories, followed by books I–IX. In these latter ones, written last but numbered as the early ones, the schemes are most visible and developed, although, as demonstrated in the course of this book, the last parts of the Gesta are not completely devoid of elaboration. That the “Thematic of the Counsellor” and the Cardinal Virtues scheme were developed in later stages of the composition is not possible to assert with cer­ tainty; the main ideological frame, however, was present throughout the work, and was drawn directly from the instructions and patronage of Absalon. Many voices can be heard through Saxo’s pen; even though the defence of Den­ mark’s hegemony and the archbishopric’s supremacy is beyond contest, Saxo’s inner motivations and prejudices are multifaceted and his own values give differ­ ent colours to this simplification. An initial guideline to our analysis was the scheme of the Cardinal Virtues, per­ ceived first by Kurt Johannesson, and put under scrutiny in this work. Although an original Ancient Greek conception transmitted by Latin and Western medieval tra­ dition, the scheme underwent reformulation due not only to Saxo’s ideology, but also to his literary ambitions, aggregating varied values, from Christian to Scandi­ navian, from clerical to aristocratic. Despite the frequency of Fortitudo, the virtues of Prudentia and Temperantia received particular attention and development. The character able to properly use all the virtues was usually an elder or guardian—the counsellor—a persona modelled according to Archbishop Absalon, and representing the institution of the archbishopric even in the books where, at least chronologically, Christianity had not yet reached Denmark. The second guideline to this work was the study of what we named the “The­ matic of the Counsellor,” a scheme or main topos revealed through the study of the uses of virtues and the shaping of characters according to it. The main role of the



176

Conclusion

counsellor is to lead the king in the righteous path, sometimes to bring him back to this path, and to keep him distant from evil influences, exhorting him to virtue and encouraging him to carry on worthy goals. Usually these goals are reflections of thirteenth-century events, most of all the Danish hegemonic agenda in the Baltic and Denmark’s engagement in the Northern Crusades, in which continuity from the Viking past is traced to the crusading present. The Gesta Danorum thus is a true reflection from the twelfth–thirteenth centu­ ries’ transition in Denmark, an epoch marked by institutions strengthening, diver­ gence and disputes of Denmark with its neighbours by dominance over the Baltic area, but Saxo’s own input and creativity cannot be underrated. The context should be regarded as the Danish Catholic apogee, as subsequent processes in the region, were marked by the supremacy of Sweden and Russia and the Protestant Reformation, accompanied by the consequent Catholic decline in the Baltic. The effects on Danish imaginary were lasting; the very Danish flag, the Dannebrog, according to the legend fell from the skies in the Battle of Lyndan­ isse during the Estonian campaigns fought by King Valdemar II and Archbishop Anders Sunesson. The Northern Crusades were used in multiple manners; at the imaginary, the crusader’s campaigns was seen as continuity of the Vikings’ expeditions; follow­ ing a more pragmatic agenda, the movement was able to channelize inner ten­ sions among monarchy, Church, and aristocracy towards a common goal, as well to discipline a military strength usually disordered and fragmented under the com­ mand of the institutions in process of strengthening. These campaigns were, therefore, the most suitable project for the expansion of Denmark, incorporating the different and particular strengths in the kingdom. Notwithstanding it should be carried on according to some parameters, virtu­ ously and under appropriate guidance; to Saxo Grammaticus, it is clear, it was not enough for the king to be strong; he must also be wise and, most of all, must have someone wiser guiding and counselling him. Last of all, despite the myriad of war­ riors and heroes in the Gesta Danorum, it is also clear that all of them represent the Danish Church and churchmen, with whom Saxo identifies himself and on behalf whom he speaks. Finally, as mentioned at the beginning of this book, our research begun as a study of a relatively narrow number of excerpts regarding the East in the Gesta Danorum. Our scope was, however, greatly expanded, revealing unexpected con­ nections and thematic richness, and demanding a deeper investigation of other cardinal points and epochs. Saxo Grammaticus, a writer from the twelfth cen­ tury, representative of a well-defined and isolated context, was revealed to us as spokesman of truly universal truths.

Appendix 1

LIST OF THE KINGS IN BOOKS I–VIII OF THE GESTA DANORUM



178

Appendix 1

Appendix 2

RULERS AND ARCHBISHOPS OF DENMARK IN RELATION TO EVENTS IN THE BALTIC, THE EMPIRE, AND THE PAPACY

1099 1002 1104 1106 1118 1119 1122

1095

1088

1086

1080

1075

1074

Benedict IX Nov. Damasus II 17/07 Leo IX 12/02

1047 1048 1049 1055 1056 1057 1058 1059 1061 1073

Callistus II 02/02

Gelasius II 21/01

Paschal II 13/08

Urban II 12/03

Victor III 24/05

Alexander II 30/09 Gregory VII 22/04

Nicholas 06/12

Stephen IX 02/08

Victor II 13/04

Pope

Nicholas (1104–34)

Eirik I Ejegod (1095–1104)

Olaf Hunger (1086–95)

Knut IV (1080/ 1081–1086)

Harald III Hen (1074–80)

Svein Estridson (1047–74)

Rulers in Denmark

Asser (1103/ 1104–1137) THRUGUT

Under archbishopric of HamburgBremen

Danish archbishops

Worms concordate

Foundation of the Templars

Pope Urban II preaches the First Crusade

Dictatus papae, Investiture controversy

Free papal election by the cardeals

Heinrich IV emperor

Beginnings of Gregorian reform

Relevant events

1118 1119 1122

1104

1099

1095

1088

1086

1080

1075

1047 1048 1049 1055 1056 1057 1058 1059 1061 1073 1074

Date

180

Date

Appendix 2

1163

1159

Alexander III 07/09

Adrian IV (Nicholas Breakspear) 4/12

1154

1157

Anastasius IV 08/07

Eugene III 15/02

Lucius II 12/03

Celestine II 26/09

Innocent II 14/02

Honorius II 15/12

1153

1152

1147

1146

1145

1144

1143

1140

1137 1138

1134

1127 1130

1124

Valdemar I (1157–82)

Sven III (1146–54) Knut V (1146–52, 1154–7)

Eric III (1137–46)

Eric II (1134–37)

Eskil (1138–78) THRUGUT

Definitive capture of Arkona by the Danes

Lübeck surrendered to Heinrich “Löwe”

Friedrich “Barbarossa” elected emperor

Bull “Divina dispensatione,” authorizing the Christians from the north to war against their own pagans; wars against the Slavic people

Families from Holstein and Nordalbíngia begin to expand their territories to Slavic lands

1168

1163

1159

1157

1154

1153

1152

1147

1146

1145

1144

1143

1138 1140

1137

1130 1134

1124

Rulers and Archbishops of Denmark

181

Urban III 25/11

Lucius III 01/09

1206

1202

1198

1195

1191

1190

1189

Innocent III 08/01

Celestine III 30/03

Gregory VIII 1187 (21/10–17/12) Clemente III 19/12

1185

1182

1181

1170 1178 1180

1168

Pope

Knut VI (1182–1202)

Rulers in Denmark

Absalon Assersen (1178–1202) HVIDE

Danish archbishops

Foundation of the Order of the Swordbrothers, or Livonian Order

Expedition of the Germans, Swedes, and Gotlanders against the Kurs is deviated from a storm and ends in Estonia Pope Innocent III calls to the Fourth Crusade

Foundation of the Order of Saint Mary from the Teutons, later Teutonic Order

Barbarossa, Adolf of Holstein, and the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen engage in the Third Crusade. Heinrich “Löwe” returns and invades Northern Germany

Saxo Grammaticus begins to write the Gesta Danorum

Fall and exile of Heinrich “Löwe”

Beginning of Bishop Meinhardt’s activities among the Livonians

Death of Albrecht, “the Bear”; hegemony of Heinrich ‘Löwe’ in Northern Germany

Relevant events

1202

1198

1195

1191

1190

1189

1187

ca. 1185

1182

1181

1180

1178

1170

Date

182

Date

Appendix 2

1241 1250

1237

1228

1227

1224

Celestine IV 24/10

Gregory IX 19/03

1220 Honorius III 18/07

1210 1216 1219

Eric IV (1241–50) Abel (1250–52)

Valdemar II (1202–41)

Peder Saxesen (1224–28) THRUGUT? Uffe Thrugotsen (1228–52) THRUGUT

Anders Sunesson (1202–22) HVIDE

The remains of the Livonian Order are absorbed by the Teutonic Order

Battle of Lyndanisse in Estonia and building of the stronghold of Tallin by the Danes

Saxo Grammaticus finishes the Gesta Danorum

Kurs’ siege of Rīga

King Valdemar II and Archbishop Anders Sunesson engage in expedition against Estonians of Saarema (Ösel). Anders remains at year in Rīga providing theological instruction

1241 1250

1237

1228

1227

1220 1224

1219

ca. 1216

1210

1206

Rulers and Archbishops of Denmark

183

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Appendix 3

GENEALOGY OF THE VALDEMARIAN KINGS



186

Appendix 3

Styrbjörn, “the Strong”

Gorm, “the Old”

Torgils Sprakalägg

Harald “Bluetooth”

Ulf Thorgilsson “Jarl”

Sven I “Forkbeard”

Sven Estridssen

Gunhild Svendsdatter

Erik I, “Ejegod” Dinamarca

Wulfnoth “Cild”

See right column

Vladimir II Vsevolodovitch from Novgorod, “Monomakh” * Boedil Thurgots­ datter

Knut III “Lavard”, duke of Schleswig

Olof Skötkonung

Godwin

Emund, “the Old”

Harold Godwinsson

Stenkil

Ghyta, of Wessex

Inge I

Mstislav I

Helena

Kristina

Ingeborg Mstislavna

Valdemar I “den Store” (“the Great”)

Rulers responsible for the conversion to Christianity of their realms

Knut VI and          



Genealogy of the Valdemarian Kings

Igor (Yngvarr) from Kiev

Sviatoslav

Vladimir, “the Great”

Ragnvald Yngligas?

Rogneda (Ragnhild) from Polotsk

Yaroslav I, “the Wise”

Boleslaw I (son of Mieszko I)

Erik, “the Victorious”

Olof Skötkonung

Ingigerd Olafsdottir

Vsevolod I Yaroslavitch

Mieszko II

Theodosios Monomachos

Constantine IX Monomachos; Byzantium (1000–1055)

Casimir I

Maria Skleraina

Anastasia?

Vladimir II Vsevolodovitch from Novgorod, “Monomakh” *

         Valdemar II

Sofiya Vladimirovna

Władysław I Herman

Henrich von Berg

Salome von BergSchelklingen Ryksa Swantostawa (from Poland) 1116– after 1156

Boleslaw III

187

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Gesta Danorum—List of Abbreviations GD

GDb

GD/II

GD/Ib

GD/d

GD/I

GD/Ic (vol. 1) GD/IIb (vol. 2) GD/h

Olrik, J., and Ræder, H. (eds.). Saxo Grammaticus, Saxonis gesta Danorum, Copenhagen, 1931.

Full Latin text in Det Kongelike Bibliotek, Copenhagen. Edition of Winkel Horn (1898) and J. Olrik (1908–12). In: http://www.kb.dk/elib/lit/dan/saxo/lat/or.dsr/index.htm. Last accessed: January 1, 2016. Christiansen, Eric. Saxo Grammaticus—Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia. Books X–XVI. The text of the first edition with translation and commentary in 3 vols. BAR International Series 84, 1980. Elton, Oliver. The Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus. New York: Norroena Society, 1905.

Friis-Jensen, Karsten (ed.), and Zeeberg, Peter (trans.) Gesta Danorum: Danmarkshistorien, 1–2. Copenhagen, 2005. Fisher, Peter (trans.), and Ellis-Davidson, Hilda (ed.). The History of the Danes—Books I–IX (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 1979, repr. 2006.

Fisher, Peter (trans.), and Friis-Jensen, Karsten (ed.). Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum: The History of the Danes, 2 vols. Oxford: at the University Press, 2015.

Hansen, William F. Saxo Grammaticus and the Life of Hamlet: A translation, History and Commentary. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1983.



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INDEX OF PERSONS

Absalon, bishop of Roskilde, archbishop of Lund, 8, 9, 14, 21, 25–27, 30, 32, 33, 35, 40–44, 48, 49, 50, 62, 63, 65, 73, 91, 92, 102, 104, 106–08, 113, 114, 129, 149, 153, 155, 157, 174, 175, 182 Adolf I von Schauenburg, count of Schauenburg and Holstein, 109, 182 Aeneas, 56 Albert von Buxhövden, bishop, 15, 16, 17 Alexander III, pope, 25, 109 Alexander, the great, 153 Amlethus, Amlóði, 85, 87–90, 92–97, 99, 100, 101, 103, 106, 129, 141, 142, 146, 155, 161, 163, 170 Anders Sunesson, archbishop of Lund, 17, 21, 25–27, 30, 32, 33, 43, 44, 51, 62, 64, 65, 108, 131, 172, 173, 176, 183 Andwanus, king of Hellespont, 101, 125, 126, 130 Angatyr, 156 Angul, Danish king, 60, 61, 75 Anselm of Havelberg, bishop, 12 Anskar, saint, 21, Ari Þorgilsson inn Fróði (“the learned”), 8, 31 Aristotle, 44 Arthorus, ruler of Söndmöre and Nordmöre under Frotho III, 149 Ascensius, Jodocus Badius, printer, 35 Asmundus, 126 Asser, bishop and archbishop in Lund, 25, 112–14, 116, 174, 180 Asser Rig, Danish magnate, 26 Athislus (a), king of the Swedes, 81, 82, 97 Athislus (b), king of the Swedes, 97, 101, 102 Attalus, Danish champion, 75

Balderus, 41, 87, 124 Balðr, Norse god, 41, 87 Barbarossa, Holy German Emperor, 17, 109, 181, 182 Bemonus, Northern warrior, 165 Bernard of Clairvaux, Cistercian monk and abbot, 12 Berthold, abbot and bishop of Loccum, 15, 16 Bessus, counsellor, 76, 115, 116, 129, 174 Birger Gunnerssen, archbishop of Lund, 36, 37 Biorno, 159 Boris, Russian saint, 24 Brutus, 56, 88

Caesar Augustus, Roman emperor, 83, 106, 132, 133, 139, 152 Celestine III, pope, 16, 181 Charlemagne, Carolingian king and emperor, 11, 39, 54 Chronos, Greek god, 118 Colo, evil counsellor, 135–38, 144, 145 Dago, ruler of Estonia under Frotho III, 149 Dan I, Danish king, 60, 61, 75 Dan II, Danish king, 100 Dan III, Danish king, 100, 101 Diana, Roman goddess, 56 Dimarus, ruler of Northern Scandinavia and Lapland under Frotho III, 149. Dionysus, Greek god, 86

Egil Skalagrímsson, 9 Englebert (Engelbert), brother of bishop Albert von Buxhövden, 172



202

Index

Ericus disertus (Erik, the eloquent), counsellor, 42, 50, 63, 73, 105, 132, 136, 140–50, 153– 155, 157, 160–63, 166, 167, 169, 170, 174 Erik I Ejegod (“the good”), Danish king, 2, 3, 184 Ermanaric, king of the Goths, 63, 149 Eskil, archbishop of Lund, 14, 25–27, 32, 109, 113, 114, 181 Eskil, bishop of Roskilde, 25 Eugene III, pope, 12, 183 Euhemeros, 53

Fengo, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95, 103 Freyja, Norse goddess, 118 Freyr, Norse god, 84, 118 Fridleifr, 83, 133 Fridlevus (as a generic name), 83 Fridlevus I, Danish king, 83, 101, 103, 132, 134 Fridlevus II, Danish king, 159 Friedrich II, Holy Roman Emperor, 174 Frigga, Norse goddess, 57–60 Frotho (as a generic name), 83, 84, 103, 133, 167 Frotho I, Danish king, 78–80, 82, 83, 103 Frotho II, “the active”, son of Huglecus, Danish king, 100, 101 Frotho III “the peacemaker”, son of Fridlevus I, Danish king, 42, 50, 63, 64, 83, 84, 105, 106, 132–34, 137–40, 144, 144, 145, 147–50, 153, 154, 159–61, 163, 165, 170, 174 Frotho IV, son of Fridlevus II, Danish king, 64, 83, 159, 160, 162, 170, 174 Frotho V, Danish king, 83 Fróði, 83, 84, 133 Frowinus, ruler of Schleswig, 97, 101, 102 Gaia, Greek goddess, 118 Geb, Egyptian god, 118

Gertrude, daughter of Heinrich Löwe, 162 Geryon, Greek giant, 153 Geza, Hungarian ruler, 23 Gleb, Russian saint, 24 Glomerus, champion from the Orkneys 149 Godfred, Danish king, 1 Gram, son of Skioldus, Danish king, 75, 76, 103, 106, 108, 115, 116, 128, 130, 141, 174 Gregory VII, pope, 25, 180 Grep, son(s) of Westmarus, 135, 136, 139, 140, 142–45, 147, 162, 163 Gro, Danish princess, 114, 116 Gøtarus, king of Norway, 140 Gøtwara, 137, 138, 147

Hadingus, son of Gram, Danish king, 7, 9, 20, 48, 50, 54, 56, 60, 76, 77, 79, 87, 88, 101, 103, 105, 106, 110, 115–23, 125–30, 132, 135, 137, 141, 157, 162, 163, 170, 174 Haldanus, son of Ericus disertus, 157, 159 Halfdan Fróðisson, 83 Hama, Saxon champion, 160 Hamlet, see Amlethus Hanunda, Hunnic princess and Danish queen, 138, 139, 149 Hanevus, Saxon warrior, 160 Harald IV Blåtand Gormsson, “Blue­ tooth”, Danish king, 1, 22, 184 Harald Hildetan, “Wartooth”, Danish king, 171 Harald Klak, Danish king, 1 Harthgrepa, giantess, 73, 77, 88, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 135, 137, 162 Hartwig II, archbishop, 15, 16 Håkon IV Håkonson, Norwegian king, 24 Håkon Haraldsson, “the good”, Norwegian king, 8, 9 Heinrich IV, Holy German Emperor, 25, 180



Heinrich Löwe, 109, 161, 162, 174, 181, 182 Henry, the Lion see Heinrich Löwe Hera, Greek goddess, 118 Hercules, Greek hero, 76, 96 Hermes, Greek god, 86 Herminthruda, queen of Scotia, 96 Hiarnus, Danish poet and king, 159 Hithinus, champion from the Orkneys, 149 Hjalti, skald, 82 Hohenstauffen, 162 Homer, 61, 86 Honorius III, pope, 20, 183 Høginus, champion from the Orkneys, 149 Høtherus, Danish king, 42, 85, 87, 124, 163, 167 Höðr, Norse god, 42, 87 Hrólf Kraki, 81, 82, 84 Humblus. Father of Dan and Angul, 75 Humblus. Danish king, son of Dan, 75 Hun, King of the Huns, 149 Hundingus, Swedish king, 128 Hvide, 26

Ingellus, son of Frotho IV, Danish king, 83, 156, 157, 160–65, 167–69 Ingo, son of Niels, 111 Innocent II, pope, 25, 181 Innocent III, pope, 17, 182 Isis, Egyptian goddess, 118 Jaffet, Noah’s son (Holy Bible), 152 Jean Bodel, Medieval French poet, 54 Jesus Christ, 44, 49, 50, 73, 106, 132–34, 137, 139, 151, 152, 155 Jón Loftsson, 30 Justinus, 35 Keto, son of Frowinus, 97 Kham, Noah’s son (Holy Bible), 152 Knut I “the great”, king of Denmark, Norway, and England, 2, 3, 13, 73, 153 Knut IV, saint, 24, 31, 180

Index

Knut V (Nilsson), ruler of Jylland, 2, 181 Knut VI, Danish king, 3, 17, 27, 43, 48, 51, 108, 109, 111, 162, 182, 184 Knut Lavard, Danish prince, and Duke of Schleswig, 24, 111, 112, 113, 174, 184 Lage Urne, bishop of Roskilde, 34 Lietmar, archbishop of Hamburg– Bremen, 25 Liserus, 122 Lokerus, ruler of the Kurs, 122, 126, Loki, Norse god, 42, 54, 118 Lothar, Holy German Emperor, 11, 25 Lotherus, Danish king, 75

Magnus Nilsson, 111, 112 Meinhardt, Augustinian monk and bishop in Livonia, 14, 182 Melbrictus, governor of the Scotts, 79 Mercury, Roman god, 70, 86 Mieszko I, Polish king, 22, 185 Mímir, 60, 123 Mythothyn, 59, 60 Nephthys, Egyptian goddess, 118 Nestor, Greek (Achaean) hero from the Trojan War, 88 Nicholas I, bishop of Schleswig, 172 Niels, Danish ruler, 2, 111 Njọrðr, Norse god, 60, 118 Noah, Biblical patriarch, 61, 152 Nut, Egyptian goddess, 118

Oddo, 141, 142, 145 Odysseus, Greek mythological hero, 88 Osiris, Egyptian god, 118 Olimarus, “King of the East” under Frotho III, 149, 153 Othinus, 57–60, 77, 101, 123–25, 156, 157, 162 Otto of Bamberg, German bishop, chronicler, and missionary in Pomerania, 11 Óláfr, “the mild”, see Uffo

203



204

Index

Óláfr Haraldsson, Norwegian king and saint, 22, 24 Óláfr Tryggvason, Norwegian king, 9, 22 Óðinn, Norse god, 13, 60, 66, 77, 87, 101, 120, 123–25, 127, 128, 156, 157, 174 Ønevus, ruler of Kiev under Frotho III, 149

Paul, apostle, 50, 69 Pál Jonsson, 30 Pedersen, Christiern, Danish humanist scholar, 35, 36, 37, 38 Regno (Ragnar), father of Ericus disertus, 143 Revillus, ruler of the Orkneys under Frotho III, 149 Rhea, Greek goddess, 118 Ringus, Swedish king in the battle of Bravalla, 171 Roarus, 115 Robert de Courçon, cardinal, 44 Rollerus, brother of Ericus disertus, 141, 144, 146, 148, 149 Rolvo Krake, legendary Danish king, 78, 81, 82, 84, 163, 167

Saemundr Fróði (“the learned”), 30 Set, Egyptian god, 118 Shem, Noah’s son (Holy Bible), 152 Shu, Egyptian god, 118 Skáði, Norse giantess and goddess, 60 Skatus, Danish champion, 75 Skjalm Hvide, 26 Skioldus, legendary and founder Danish king, 75, 76 Skjöldungar, 75, 78 Snorri Sturlusson, 8, 9, 23, 30–33, 41, 42, 53–55, 57, 66, 83, 84, 87, 118, 124, 133, 136 Solomon, King of Israel, 88 Starkaðr, 155, 156 Starcatherus, Northern (Estonian? Norwegian? Tavastian?) hero, 7,

42, 50, 56, 64, 73, 91, 92, 105, 153, 155–74 Starkaðr, see Starcatherus Stephanius (Stephan Hansen), Danish historian, 32, 37 Stephen I, Hungarian king and saint, 23, 24 Sunniva, saint, 21 Sven III, ruler of Skåne and Sjælland, 2 Sven Tjúguskegg (“Forkbeard”), king of Denmark, England, and parts of Norway, 2, 3 Sven Estridssen, Danish king, 2, 3, 184 Svertingus, 160, 162, 169 Svipdagerus, 126

Tefnut, Egyptian goddess, 118 Theodoric of Loccum, see Theodoric of Treiden Theodoric of Treiden, Missionary and Bishop in Livonia, 16, 17, 18, 131, 173 Thyra, Queen of Denmark, 88 Thor, see Þórr Thorias, “the tall”, ruler of Jämtland and Hälsingland under Frotho III, 149 Thorkillus, Danish soldier, 79, 80 Þorlákr Þórhallsson, Icelandic saint, 30 Þórr, Norse god, 66, 156 Uffo, Danish king, 93, 97, 100, 103, 106 Uffo, son of Asmundus, 126, 127 Ulfhilda, 73 Uranus, Greek god, 118 Ursa, mother of Rolvo Krake, 81, 82

Vagnhophtus, giant, 121 Vajk, see Stephen I Valdemarian dynasty, 1, 3, 10, 13, 14, 26, 27, 33, 47, 50, 111–13, 134, 153, 184 Valdemar I, Danish king, 3, 13, 14, 25–27, 33, 34, 43, 48, 50, 51, 106, 108, 109, 111, 112, 149, 174, 181, 184



Valdemar II, Danish king, 3, 17–19, 20, 26, 27, 42, 43, 47, 48, 49, 62, 64, 108, 110, 111, 153, 162, 172–74, 176, 183, 184 Valdemar Knudsen, Bishop of Schleswig, 17 Victor, antipope, 25, 109 Virgil, Roman poet, 55, 56 Vizelin of Lübeck, German missionary, 11 Vitslav, Slavic prince of Rügen, 19, 139 Wenceslaus, see Vtislav Warmund, 100 Wermundus, son of Wiglecus, Danish king, 97, 100, 101 Westmarus, 135–37, 147 Wiglecus, Danish king, 95–97 Wisinnus, 163 Zeus, Greek god, 118

Index

205

INDEX OF PLACES AND PEOPLES

Abotrites, Western Slavic tribe, 11 Arkona, 11, 12, 14, 182 Asia Minor, 60, 125, 132 Austrvegr, 63

Baltic area (see also Eastern Baltic), 1–3, 7, 9–14, 20, 24, 51, 62–64, 110, 125, 130, 131, 133, 134, 155, 173, 174, 176 Baltic peoples, xi, xvii, 16, 20, 64–66, 125, 131 Biarmia, xviii, 63, 127, 160 Bjarmaland, see Biarmia Black Sea, 54, 63, 125, 133 Bohemia, 22, 23, 24 Bologna, 26, 35 Bothnia, Gulf of, xviii Bremen, 11, 16 Britain, see Britannia Britannia, xviii, 56, 79, 80, 89, 150, 153 Britons, 79, 80, 89, 94, 95, 101, 103 British Isles, 29, 39, 103, 106, 150, 153 Byzantium, Byzantine Empire, 23, 57, 58, 60, 123, 128, 131, 133, 160, 185 Cēsis, see Wenden China, 118 Clairvaux, 26, 32 Curonia, curonians see Kurland, kurs

Dagö, island, xvi Danais see also Greeks, 60, 61 Danes, xiii, 1, 3, 10, 12–14, 17, 19, 20, 26, 39, 40, 42, 44, 50, 55, 60–65, 74, 79, 80, 96, 101, 106, 109, 110, 128, 133, 137, 140, 149, 150, 154, 160–62, 171–73, 182, 183 Daugava, river, xiv, xvi, 15, 16, 42, 62, 63, 101, 123, 125, 130–33, 172 Daugavgrīva, see Dünamünde Daugavpils, 130 Daugmale, xv, 15, 130, 131

Denmark, xiii, xiv, xviii, 1–4, 9, 10, 12–15, 17–19, 22, 24–27, 30–36, 40, 43, 44, 49–51, 62, 65, 66, 73, 78, 95, 100, 106, 108, 109, 112, 114, 120, 126, 127, 129, 130, 132, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141, 148–50, 153, 154, 159, 160, 172, 174–76, 180–83 Dniepr, river, xviii, 63, 133 Don, river, 54 Dorpat, see Tartu Duna see Daugava Dünaburg, 130 Dünamünde, 130, 131 Dünhof, see Daugmale Dvina, see Daugava Eastern Baltic, xi, xii, xiii, 3, 10, 12, 15–17, 19–21, 43, 60, 62, 63, 65, 123, 130, 131, 159 Eastern Europe, 3, 10, 12, 21, 22, 23, 24, 60, 63, 79, 123, 132, 153, 154, 159 Egypt, 118 Eistland, see Estonia Elbe, river, xviii, 2, 10, 12, 42, 47 Empire, see Holy Roman German Empire England, 2, 10, 13, 30, 153 Estonia, Estonians, xv–xviii, 3, 7, 9, 14–20, 34, 42, 62, 63–65, 79, 108, 110, 130, 132, 149, 153, 156, 171–73, 176, 182, 183 (see also Ösel)

Fellin, city, xv, 15, 16 Finland, xvi, xvii, xviii, 156 Finland, Gulf of, xviii, 3 Finnmark, xvi, xvii, xviii, 153 Finno–Ugric peoples, xi, xvii, 128, 173 Finns, xvi, xvii, 42, 157 France, x, 30, 39, 55, 61



Franks, 55 Merovingians, 39 Carolingians, 39, 107, 129 Frisians, 7 Fyn, 2, 11, 59

Galatia, Galatians 131–33 Gallic peoples, 131, 132 Garðaríki, xviii, 63 Germania, 14, 54 Germans, Saxons, Teutons Germans, xvii, 3, 7, 10–12, 14–17, 19, 20, 25, 64, 65, 109, 130, 131, 161, 162, 171–73 Saxons 3, 11, 12, 16, 19, 20, 63–65, 100, 101, 109, 110, 130, 137, 159–62, 165, 171–74 Teutons 161, 165 Germany, xii, 130, 182 Gotland, xviii, 16, 171 Gotlanders, 16, 182 Goths, 106, 133, 149 Greeks, 53, 54, 61, 63, 66, 68, 69, 82 (virtues), 85 (language), 86, 118, 125, 130, 132, 133, 153, 175 (conceptions)

Haapsalu, see Rotala Halland, 2 Hamburg, city, 2 Hamburg–Bremen, archbishop, 2, 15, 25, 109–112, 180, 182 Haukadalr, 30, 31 Hellespontus, 63, 66, 123, 125, 126, 130, 132, 131, 133, 157 HeoÞobeardan, 7 Hiiumaa, island, see Dagö Holm (latvian Mārtiņsala), island, xv, 15, 16, 131 Holmgard/Holmgardia, see Novgorod Holsatia, see Holstein Holstein, 11, 174, 181 Holy Roman German Empire, xviii, 3, 10, 17, 24, 39, 49, 63, 107, 109, 161, 174

Hólar, 30 Hungary, 21, 22, 24, Huns, 64, 133, 138, 139, 149

Index

Iberia, 4 (authors), 39 Iceland, 22, 29–32, 39–41 (literature), 54–56, 60, 61, 62, 64, 66 (scholarship), 67, 81, 83, 89 (poetry), 100, 107, 124, 141, 157 & 167 (motif “The king and the Icelander”) Ireland, 55, 118, 150, 153, 160 Italy, 30, 56 Jerusalem, 61 Jylland, 1, 2, 13, 25, 30, 34, 36, 96 Jutland, see Jylland

Kiev, xvi, 63, 149, 153, 185 Kolyban, see Tallinn Konungard/ Cønogardia, see Kiev Kurland, Kurs, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, 3, 9, 15,16, 19, 20, 63, 64, 77, 79, 87, 122, 125, 126, 128, 130, 131, 149, 153, 157, 160, 171, 173, 182, 183

Ladoga, lake, xviii Lappia, Lapland, xvi, xvii, 87, 149 (see also Finnmark) Laps, see Finns Latgale, 15 Latvia, xiv, xv, xvii, 132, 173 (see also Kurland. Latgale, Letts, and Zemgale) Leal, xv, 15, 17 Letts, 173 (see Latgale, 15) Lihula, see Leal Lithuania, Lithuanians, xviii, 15, 16, 17 Liubice, see Lübeck Liutitzians, Western Slavic tribe, 11 Livonia, Livonians, xv, xvi, xviii, 3, 12, 14–17, 19, 20, 26, 43, 62–65, 108, 110, 125, 130–32, 171, 173, 174, 182, 183 Londinium see London London, 30, 56

207



208

Index

Lübeck, city, 2, 3, 11, 20, 30, 109, 181 Lund, city, 2, 23, 25, 26, 27, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 106, 109, 112, 172 Lundenwic, see London Madgeburg, 11 Mārtiņsala, see Holm Nordalbingia, 181

Norway, Norwegians, xviii, 4, 22, 24, 30, 32–44, 64, 66, 83, 107, 132, 133, 140–42, 149, 156, 172 North Sea, xviii, 2 Novgorod, xvi, 63, 149, 153, 184, 185 Oder, river, xviii Oddi, 30 Oland, island, xviii Orkneys, islands, xviii, 149, 153 Oxford, 26, 35 Oslofjörd, see Viken Ösel, see Saarema

Palteskja/ Paltisca, see Polotsk Paris, 26, 30, 34–38, 44 Parnu, city, 15 Pilten, city, 15 Polabians, Western Slavic tribe 11 Poland, Poles, xviii, 21, 22, 160, 185 Polotsk, xvi, 63, 185 Pomeranians, Western Slavic tribe, 11 Prussia, Prussians, Old Prussians, xvi, 11, (Sambia/Sembia), xvii, xviii, 3, 7, 12, 19, 20, 42, 63, 153, 160 (Samland) Reval, see Tallinn Revalia, 17 Rhine, river, 149, 153 Rīga, city, 15, 21, 26, 43, 62, 108, 125, 131, 172, 183 Rīga, gulf of, 6, 15 Rome, 13 (papacy), 86, 106, 139 (ancient) Roskilde, 25, 27, 34 (city), 26, 31 (Chronicle of)

Rotala, city, xv, 15, 63 Runö, island, 6 Rus, see Russia 66 Ruscia, see Russia Russia, Russians, xiv, xvi, xvii, xviii, 9, 12, 16, 17, 24, 63, 64, 106, 149, 153, 159, 160, 163, 176 Rus, xvii, 7, 21, 24, 66 Ruscia, xvi, 63, 150, 153 Rut(h)enia, xvii, 7, 63, 64, 79, 149 Ruthenia, see Russia Rügen, island, 11, 12, 19

Saaremaa, island, xvi, xvii, 3, 15, 17, 20, 172, 183 Salaspils, island, see Holm Sambia, see Prussia Samland, see Prussia Sámi, see Finns Saxonia, Saxony, xviii, 16, 149, 153, 160 Saxons, see Germans Scandinavia, xi, xii, xiv, xvii, 1, 4–6, 8–10, 13, 17, 21–25, 29, 30–32, 39–41, 43–45, 53–56, 61, 66, 67, 77, 78, 82, 83, 87, 88, 92, 102–04, 107, 112, 113, 118, 123 124, 128, 131, 136, 141, 149, 155, 157, 171, 175 Scania, see Skåne Schleswig, 97, 101, 111, 174, 184 Schwerin, 174 Scithia (Saxo rendering of Scythia), 63 Scotland, Scotts, xviii, 79, 95, 96, 153 Sjælland, 1, 2, 7, 13, 26, 34, 35 Skálholt, 30 Skåne, 1, 2, 11 Slavia, Slavs, xi, xii, xvi, xvii, xviii, 2, 3, 7–12, 14, 15, 17–20, 30, 40, 49, 62–65, 109, 129, 130, 149, 153, 154, 171–74, 181 Søro, 35 Spain, Spanish, 55 Suomi, see Finns Svear, see Swedes Sweden, swedes, 12, 15, 16, 22, 30, 53, 64, 65, 81, 97, 101, 102, 120,



128, 130, 156, 160, 163, 171–73, 176, 182 Gotaland, gotar, xviii Svealand, svear, xviii, 22

Tallinn, city, xv, 15, 17, 21, 42, 173 Tartu, city, xv,15 Tavastia, xvi, xvii, 156 Teutons, see Germans Thames, river, 56 Thule, 153 Toompea, 17–19, 42 Troia Nova, see London Troy, Trojans, 54–56, 60–62, 66 Tyrkland, 54 Uppsala, 22, 23, 58, 60 Ükskülla, xv, 15, 16

Vaina, river, see Daugava Viborg, city, 2, 6, 30 Viken, xviii, 6 Viljandi, see Fellin Vindland, see Slavia Vistula, river, xviii Volga, river, xviii

Wagria, Wagrians, Western Slavic tribe, 11 Wenden, city, xv, 15, 173 Wends, see Slavs Western Europe, xii, 4, 13, 14, 21, 23, 24, 31, 39, 54, 61, 66, 79, 86, 107, 126, 129–32, 175 Yam, see Tavastia

Zeland, see Sjælland Zemgale, Zemgalians, xvi, xviii, 15, 63, 125, 131–33, 160

Index

209

INDEX OF AUTHORS AND PRIMARY SOURCES

Adam of Bremen, 7, 20; Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesia pontificum, 20 Alcuin of York, 107 De virtutibus et vitiis, 107 Ambrose of Milan, Church’s father, 69 Ammianus Marcellinus, 133, 149 Res Gestae, 149 Anglo–Saxon Chronicle, 7 Annales regni Francorum, 1 Aristotle, 44 Natural philosophy, 44 Arnold of Lübeck, 30; Chronica Slavorum, 30 Augustine of Hipo, 44, 69, 70, 72 De moribus Ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum, 70 Letter CLV (To Macedonius), 70 Ælfric, 7 Ælnoth, 31; Gesta Suenomagni regis et filiorum eius et passio gloriosissimi Canuti regis et martyris, 31 Aeschylus, 70

Bartholomaeus Anglicus, 131; De proprietatibus rerum, 131 Bede, 41, 61 Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, 61 Belleforest François de, French poet from Renaissance, 87 Beowulf, 83, 155, 156 Bible, Genesis, 57 Exodus, 7 Maccabees, (apocryphal), 69 First epistle to the Corinthians, 69 Epistle to the Ephesians, 50 Byskupa sögur, 30

Chronica Jutensis (Chronicle of Jylland) or Compendium Saxonis, 36, 37 Chronica Sialandie (Chronicle of Sjælland), 30 Chronicon Roskildense, 26, 31 Cicero, 78, 92, 94, 95, 102 De legibus, 78, 95, 102 Clement of Alexandria, 53

Daretis Phrygii de excidio Trojae historia, 54, 55 Dictatus papae, 32, 180 Dictys Cretensis Ephemeridos belli Trojani, 54, 55 Dudo of Saint–Quentin, 39, 60, 61; Gesta Normannorum or Historia Normannorum, 39, 61 Dumézil, Georges, French scholar, 41, 47, 48, 50, 54, 56, 57, 60, 84, 87, 118 Edda, see Snorri Sturlusson (Prose Edda) and Poetic Edda Egils saga Skallagrímssonar (Snorri Sturlusson?), 8, 9, 29 Eugene III, pope, 12 Divini dispensatione (letter), 12 First Grammatical Treatise in Icelandic, 31 Fredegarius Scholasticus, 54 Erik Gustaf Geijer, Swedish romantic poet, 6 Gautrekssaga, 155–56 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 54–56; Historia Regum Britaniae, 55 Gunnar of Viborg, 30 Law Code of Jylland, 30

Hauksbók, 55 Heimskringla (Snorri Sturlusson?



Ari Þorgilsson inn Fróði?), 29, 31, 53, 56, 60, 61, 66, 136, 152 Codex Frisianus, 8 Hákonar saga góða, 8 Hákonardrápa, 8 Ynglinga saga, 136, 155 Henricus Lettus, see Henry of Livonia Henry of Livonia, 16, 131, 172 Chronicon Livoniae, 15–17, 131 Herodotus, 53 Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks, 149, 155, 156 Historia Apollonii regis Tyri, 107, 132, 141 Homer, 61 Iliad, 61 Homeric Hymns, 86 Hrólfs saga kraka, 82, 107, 167 Ilias Latina, 55 Isidore of Seville, 53, 54 Íslendigabók, 31

Johannis Scotti Eriugena, 71 Annotationes in Marcianum, 71 Jordanes, 133, 149 Getica, 149 Konungs skuggsjá (Mirror-for-princes), 30, 44 Kormáks saga, 29

Livländische Reimschronik, 15 Martianus Capella, 68–71, 73, 74, 78, 79, 83, 84, 91, 170 De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, 70, 71, 73, 74, 78, 91 Norna–Gests þáttr, 155

Olaus Magnus, 89, 155, 156 Carta Marina, 155 Historia de gentibus Septentrionalibus, 155 Ọrvar–Odds Saga, 124 Otto of Freising, 107 Gesta Friderici I. Imperatoris, 107

Ovid, Roman poet, 55 Aeneid, 55, 56 Heroides, 55

Index

Paulus Orosius, 50, 133, 149, 151, 152 Historiarum adversum paganos, 149, 151, 152 Plato, 68, 69, 71, 74, 81, 84–86, 129 Laws, 85 Meno, 85 Protagoras, 74, 85 Republic, 69, 85, 86 Poetic Edda, 118, 120, 123, 124 Lokasenna, 118 Völuspá, 120 Prudentius, 70 Psycomachia, 70 Pseudo–Fredegarius, 54, 55 Gesta Francorum, 54 Quintilian, Roman rhetorician, 34

Ranke, Leopold von, German scholar, 45 Rimbert, 20 Vita Anskarii, 20 Roger Bacon, 53

Shakespeare, 87, 88 Hamlet, 87 Skjöldunga Saga, 155 Snorri Sturlusson, xii, 8, 9, 23, 30–33, 41, 42, 53–55, 57, 66, 83, 84, 87, 118, 124, 133 Prose Edda, Edda Minor or Snorra Edda, 31, 41, 42, 53, 56, 60, 61, 66, 118, 123, 124, 133 Gylfaginning, (from Prose Edda), 41 Skáldskaparmál (from Prose Edda), 83 Sögubrot, 155–56 Sven Aggesen, 26, 30–32, 34, 41, 100, 153 Compendiosa regum Daniae (or Historia brevis regum Dacie), 26, 31, 32

211



212

Index

Genealogia Regum Dacie, 31 Lex Castrensis or Witherlog, 31 Sverris saga, 32 Theodoricus, Norwegian Benedictine monk, 32 Thomas Aquinas, 78, 162 Summa Theologica, 78, 162 Trójumanna Saga, 55 Valerius Maximus, 35, 45, 68, 71, 83, 88, 92 Factorum ac dictorum Memorabilium, 68 Widsið, 7 Ynglinga saga, see Heimskringla

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

Adultery, 60, 123, 139, 140, 143, 145, 149, 162 Allegory, allegorical methods, 104, 110, 14, 44, 68, 70, 74 Alþingr, 22 Angers fragment, 36, 37, 41, 47, 48, 65, 114 Animals, 69 (appetites), 137, 142, 144 Annales school, xi, 4 Antiquity, 39, 49, 51, 53, 77, 86 Classical antiquity, 39, 49, 51, 54, 66–69, 87, 88, 106, 133, 152 Late Antiquity, 39, 67, 68, 83, 88, 106, 133, 152 Aristocracy, aristocratic ethos and values, 12–14, 24, 26, 32, 33, 35, 39, 40, 48, 67, 84, 98, 99, 109, 163, 175, 176 Armour, 80, 100 (cuirass), 148 Arms, 13, 34, 76, 79, 98, 115, 116, 119, 159 Arts, 73, 119, 167 Augustinian order, 14 Authorship, 8, 36, 53, 65, 66 Avaritia, 58, 72, 73, 78, 79–84, 95 Æsir, 56, 60 Bears, 75, 136 Benedictine order, 23 Berserkr, Berserkir, 13, 136, 137, 144, 146, 147, 159, 163 Biblical tradition, 61, 66, 69, 88 Birds, 101–03, 125 Blacksmith, 163 Blindness, 64, 87, 100, 139, 171, 172, 174 Boxing, boxers, 85, 135 Bravalla, battle of, 64, 96, 124, 156, 166. 170, 171, 173 Bull (animal), 136

Cardinal Virtues, see Virtues Cattle, 142 Celibacy, see marriage Chansons de geste, 39, 40, 55 Geste de Doon de Mayence, 39 Geste de Garin de Monglane, 39 Geste du roi, 39 Chastity, 59, 70, 136, 164 Chivalry, 13, 14, 39, 40, 55 Christianization processes, 21–23 Denmark, 129 Eastern Europe, 22–23 Livonia, 14 Northern Europe, 21 Roman Empire, 23 Scandinavia, 22–23 Cistercian order, 16, 23, 25, 13 Classics, Greco–Roman tradition, see also Antiquity, xii, 4, 34, 41, 43, 54, 66–69, 78, 86, 87, 88, 102, 104, 107, 128 Colonization, 11, 12, 14, 15, 31 Colt (animal), 89 Contests, challenges, duels, 100, 107, 136, 147 Contenders as allegories for virtues and sins, 70 Pretenders do the actual Danish throne, 2–3 Rolvo and Athislus, 81–82 Poetry contest, 142–46, 147, 159 Continentia, 72, 96, 161–166 Constantia, 72, 73, 75, 91, 95, 96, 103, 145, 146, 148 Crafts, 77, 142 Crows, 124 Crusades, 12–14, 24, 39, 40, 180, 182 Northern Crusades, xiii, 7, 9, 13, 24, 40, 63, 64, 104, 109, 155, 170, 174, 176 Wendish Crusades, 8, 10, 12, 14, 40, 43, 49, 63, 129, 153



214

Index

Livonian Crusades, 10, 16–20, 64, 108, 130, 131, 173 Danegeld, 13 Dannebrog, 18, 176 Dogs, 136 Dominican order, 23 Dragon, 79 Drang nach Osten, 10 Effeminacy, 64, 161, 162, 164, 171 Ethnicity, 4–6, 8–10 Euhemerism, 43, 53, 56, 60, 123, 128, 160

Fertility, 84, 118, Fire, 81, 82, 101, 102, 103, 125, 136, 144 Folktales, 88, 107, 141 Food, 80, 141, 162, 164, 165, 166 Foolishness, 89, 95, 97, 106, 112, 127, 139, 145, 146, 147, 172, 174 Fortitudo, cardinal virtue, 4, 68–72, 74–78, 79–81, 85, 86, 90, 91, 94, 95, 99–103, 106, 112, 115–17, 119, 120, 125–29, 135–37, 140, 142, 143, 146–48, 150, 154, 159, 160, 166, 170, 175 Fortuna, 78, 84, 96, 97, 114, 148, 170 Franciscan order, 23 Germanic languages, xiv, xv, 6 Germanic migrations, 53, 54 Giants, 56, 57, 75–77, 88, 116, 117, 119, 121, 122, 124, 125, 127, 128, 156, 157, 160 Gift–culture, 22, 29, 78. 82 Gold, 58, 59, 60, 79, 80, 82, 94, 163 Goldsmith, 57 (Latin text), 58, 163, 166–168 Greed, 78, 79, 81, 82, 94, 97, 171, 172, 174 Gregorian Reform, 24, 25, 32, 109, 180 Gymnastics, 86 Hellenism, 532 Hierocracy, xiii, xiv, 48, 50, 55, 66, 106, 109, 110, 114

Historicism, xii, 45, 53, 54, 65 Horsefly, 89 Horses, 14, 91, 110–13, 122 Hunnic wars, 133, 134, 149 Hvide family, 26, 113, 116

Ice, 15, 144, 146, 147 Incest, 117–19, 162 Indo–european tripartition, 50, 54, 84 Ingenium, 57, 77, 84, 85, 90, 117, 121, 127, 137, 138, 141, 146 Interpretatio romana, 128, 160 Íslendigasögur, 39 Iustitia, cardinal virtue, 68–73, 78, 84, 94, 95, 103, 107, 140, 148, 154, 159, 162, 169, 170 Kall–Rasmussen’s fragment, 36, 37

Lassen’s fragment, 36, 37, 158 Latvian language, xiv, xv, 131, 132 Liberalitas, 72, 73, 78, 81–84, 94, 103 Limes Saxonicus, 11 Lions, 87, 126, 128 Livonian Order, see Swordbrothers Luxury, 14, 84, 94, 95, 125, 135, 161–166, 168 Lyndanisse, battle of, 18, 176, 183

Magic, sorcery, wizardry, witchcraft, 49, 56, 57, 59, 75, 76, 77, 87, 110, 117, 120, 121, 123–127, 129, 138, 140, 141, Marriage, 25 (Celibacy), 59, 70, 90, 95–97, 105, 109, 115, 123, 136, 138, 149, 162, 163, 165, 167 Martyrs, Martyrdom, 21, 24, 111, 112 Matter of Britain, 54, 55 Matter of France, 54 Matter of Rome, 54, 55, 61, 123 Matter of Troy, 61, 62 Mirror-for-princes, xiii, 30, 39, 44, 107 Misogyny, 59, 60, 96, 97, 116, 138, 164, 168–69, 172 Mission, missionaries, 11–13, 16, 17, 21–23, 27



Modestia, 68, 92, 97, 99, 101, 102, Munificentia, 78, 81, 103 Music, 85, 86, 87, 157, 166, 167, 168 Musical instruments, 85, 86, 167 Muslims, 14 Mythology, myth, xii, xiii, 4, 23, 29, 31, 39–43, 45, 53, 54, 47, 50, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60, 61, 63, 65–67, 75–77, 87, 108, 116, 118, 123–25, 128, 132, 157, 160, 175

Neoplatonism, see Platonism Nobles, nobility, see Aristocracy Old Danish language, 5, 166 (most probably Old Norse) Old English language, 6, 7, 157 Old Germanic language, 6, 83 (corpus) Old Icelandic language, 55 Old Norse language, 4, 6, 13, 30, 55, 63, 89, 166 Orthodox Christianity, 12 Ottonides dynasty, 10

Paganism, pagans, xii, 10, 12, 13, 17, 22, 23, 31, 42, 44, 49, 53, 62, 63, 66, 69, 120, 121, 125, 130, 132, 181 Papacy, 3, 17, 24, 109, 173 Patronage and commission, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 41, 51, 62, 65, 67, 72, 106, 108, 111, 113, 173, 175 Pilgrimage, pilgrim, see also crusades, 16, 17, 20, 131 Platonism, Neoplatonism, 44, 69, 70, 74, 84, 110, 129, 140 Plesner’s fragment, 36, 37 Political conceptions, xiii, xiv, 14, 32, 41, 47–51, 61, 62, 106, 108, 114, 132 Positivism, 45 Protestant reformation, 34, 176 Prudentia, cardinal virtue, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 80, 84–92, 94, 95, 96, 101, 103, 106, 112–14, 117, 121, 125–29, 135, 137, 139–43, 145–47, 154, 155, 157, 159, 161, 166–68, 170, 175

Ragnarok, 124 Rape, 136, 162, 163 Renaissance, 34 Riddarasögur, 39, 55 Romanticism, 4–6, 45 Runestones, 30 Russian language, xiv

Index

Sapientia, 68, 69, 72, 73, 84, 85, 87, 90, 91, 107, 129, 142, 144, 145 Saule, battle of, 17 Scandinavian languages, 5 Sex, sexuality, 89, 118, 121, 123, 135, 162, 163, 164, 165 (also bestiality) Shield, 82, 94, 95, 136, 163 Skaldic tradition, Skald, skaldar, 9, 29, 31, 40, 66, 67, 82, 92, 128 Skills, 29, 85, 90, 121, 138, 140, 154, 167, 168 Social division, 10, 13–14, 26, 33, 35, 48, 69, 85 (in Plato), 92, 105, 129, 163 Three orders ideology, 125, 129 Structuralism, xiii, 32, 54, 56, 57, 107, 124, 175 Stultitia, 90, 95, 103 Sword, 9, 90, 100 Swordbrothers, military order, 17, 130, 182 Swordsmen, 115, 135 Temperantia, cardinal virtue, 68–74, 80, 91–97, 99–103, 106, 112, 126, 127, 137, 140, 143, 145–48, 154, 155, 157, 159, 161–64, 166, 170, 175 Teutonic Order, 17, 130, 131, 182, 183 Theocracy, 32, 50 Theology, 22, 26, 43, 61, 152, 172, 173 Three orders ideology, see social division Thrugut family, 25, 26, 32, 113, 180, 181, 183 Timiditas, 95 Trade, 2, 12–16, 22, 131 Slave trade, 9, 14, 15, 20, 21

215



216

Index

Þingr, 1, 2, 22

Vanir, 56, 60 Varangians, 63, 66, 125, 130, 132, 133 Vikings, xi, 2, 4–9 (concept and etymology), 10, 13, 14, 19, 104, 126, 127, 130, 155, 159, 165, 166, 176 Virtues, xiv, 4, 44, 45, 50, 51, 53, 67, 68, 69–71, 73, 74, 76–79, 81, 82, 84–86, 90, 91, 95, 100, 102, 104, 105–08, 114, 117, 120, 121, 126, 129, 134–36, 140–43, 145–48, 149, 154, 155, 157, 159, 161, 166, 168–70, 172, 174, 175 Cardinal virtues, xiii, xiv, 44, 45, 67, 68, 94, 69, 72, 92, 95, 102, 103, 116, 148, 150, 152, 153, 154, 170, 174–176 Seven Capital virtues, 69–70, 92 Theological virtues, 60–70

War, warriors, 4, 13–15, 20, 24, 29, 34, 35, 39, 40, 49, 54, 56, 60, 67, 69, 71, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 87, 90–92, 94, 96, 102, 106, 107, 110, 117, 119, 120–22, 125, 126, 129, 130, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142, 149, 150, 154, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 166, 172, 176, 181 Civil war, 1–4, 13, 25, 33 Holy war, see also Crusades, 11, 12, 40 Kinds of warrior, 97–101, 159 Warrior initiation, 20, 125, 126, 130, 157 Weapons, 79, 88, 99, 142, 163 Welf, 161 Wolf, 89, 136, 143 Wisdom, xiii, 69, 76, 84, 85, 87–90, 94, 103, 114, 121, 125, 140, 142, 143, 145, 154, 164, 174, 176 Women, 58–60, 88, 95–97, 105, 116, 126, 127, 136, 138, 157, 163, 164, 168, 169, 172 Ynglingar dynasty, 66