Proto Utian Grammar and Dictionary: With Notes on Yokuts 9783110276770, 9783110274578

Table of contents :
Abbreviations and conventions
Author’s prologue
Part 1: Introduction
1.0. Distribution and classification of Utian (Miwok-Costanoan) languages
1.1. History of Miwok studies
1.2. History of Costanoan classification
1.3. Ramaytush, Tamyen, and Chocheño
1.4. Status of Chalon and Awaswas
1.5. Criteria for classification
1.6. Holtzmann’s Law
1.7. Summary
2.0. Utian linguistics
2.1. Typology and reconstruction
2.2. The Proto Utitan homeland
3.0. Beyond Utian
Map 1: The Miwok linguistic area
3.1. The case for Yok-Utian
3.2. Utian and Yokuts plant and animal terms
3.3. Archaeological evidence
3.4. Linguistic evidence for Yok-Utian
Map 2: The Yokuts linguistic area
Map 3: The California area
3.4.1 Sound correspondences linking Utian and Yokuts
3.4.2. Canons, stem types, and relic processes
3.4.3. Relic i/a ablaut in Utian and Yokuts
Table 16: Yokuts family tree
4.0. Evidence for an Esselen substrate in Utian
4.1. Background and sources
4.2. Probable Esselen phonemic system
4.3. Rumsen historical developments
4.4. Probable loan words from Rumsen into Esselen
4.5. Direction of borrowing between Rumsen and Esselen
4.6. Probable loan words from Esselen into Rumsen, Mutsun, and Chalon
4.7. Substrate influence of Pre-Esselen on Awaswas, SF Bay, and Karkin
4.8. Residue
4.9. Evidence of contact between pre-Esselen and early Miwok
4.10. Phonology
4.11. Phonological implications
4.12. Summary
5. Future projects
Notes to the Introduction
References
Part 2: Proto Utian Grammar
6.0. Phonology
6.1. Major Utian phonological types
6.2. Proto Utian stem types
6.3. The riddle of Rumsen
6.4. Morphophonemes, morphophonemic lengthening, vowel harmony and vowel loss
6.4.1. Morphophonemes Y, H
6.4.2. Morphophonemic rules
6.4.3. Is there epenthesis in Sierra Miwok?
6.4.4. Loss with compensatory lengthening
6.4.5. Assimilation
6.5. Proto Yokuts phonology
6.5.1. Is there epenthesis in Yokuts?
7.0. Phonological developments and borrowing in Western Miwok
7.1. Sources of Lake Miwok aberrant phonemes
Map 4: The Lake Miwok area
7.2. Patwin place names of Miwok origin
Map 5: The Wintun area
7.3. Words for recent items
7.4. The development of Proto Miwok phonemes
7.4.1. Identities and near-identitites
7.4.2. Minor sound changes
7.4.3. Development of word-final sibilants in Western Miwok
7.4.4. Development of Proto Miwok *y
7.4.5. Development of Proto Utian *ṭ
7.4.6. Vowel assimilation
7.4.7. Western Miwok -m
8.0. Phonological developments in Eastern Miwok
8.1. The emergence of //Y// in Proto Eastern Miwok
8.2. Development of PMie *y in Plains Miwok and Saclan
8.3. The emergence of /ŋ/ in Sierra Miwok
9.0. The development of Utian sibilants
9.1. The development of sibilants in Miwok
9.2. Costanoan palatalization of PU *k and development of PCo *s
9.3. PCo *ṣ
9.4. Proto Utian *š
9.5. Proto Utian *ṣ
9.6. Minor sound changes
10.0. Proto Costanoan segmental phonemes
10.1. Costanoan reflexes of PU *y, PU *ṭ
10.2. Costanoan reflexes of PU *o, *a
10.3. Relic a/o ablaut
10.4. Ancient Utian stem alternation
11.0. Stems, quantitative ablaut, and grades
11.1. Proto Utian stems
11.2. The Proto Utian ablaut system
11.3. Morphologically motivated metathesis
11.4. Formation of tri-consonantal stems from longer stems in Eastern Miwok
11.5. Evolution of the Utian ablaut system
12.0. The origin of Utian metathesis and Eastern Miwok stem types
12.1. Realignment of stems in Costanoan and Western Miwok
12.2. The origin of Eastern Miwok Primary Stems
12.3. The origin of Eastern Miwok derived stems
12.4. The origin of the Eastern Miwok filler consonant /ʔ /
13.0. Pronouns
13.1. Personal pronouns
13.2. Western Miwok comitative case
13.3. Miwok first person inclusive pronouns
13.4. Development of the dual in Western Miwok
13.5. Additional Proto Utian personal pronouns
13.6. Proto Utian demonstrative pronouns
14. The Proto Utian case system
15.0. Proto Utian volitional suffixes
15.1. Etymology of a suffix
16. Increase in morphological complexity
17. An “Indo-European” type paradigm in Proto Eastern Miwok
18.0. Utian kinship terms and the status of women
18.1. Words for ‘man’, ‘woman’, and ‘person’
18.2. Utian kinship terms
19. The Utian numeral system
20. Miwok color terms
Part 3: Proto Utian Dictionary
Part 4: English-Utian Dictionary
Part 5: Mystery Sets
Author’s epilogue

Citation preview

Catherine Callaghan Proto Utian Grammar and Dictionary

Trends in Linguistics Documentation 31

Editor

Volker Gast Editorial Board

Walter Bisang Jan Terje Faarlund Hans Henrich Hock Natalia Levshina Heiko Narrog Matthias Schlesewsky Amir Zeldes Niina Ning Zhang

De Gruyter Mouton

Proto Utian Grammar and Dictionary With Notes on Yokuts by

Catherine Callaghan

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-027457-8 e-ISBN 978-3-11-027677-0 ISSN 0179-8251 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. 쑔 2014 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen 앝 Printed on acid-free paper 앪 Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Table of contents

Abbreviations and conventions .................................................................................................................... ix Author’s prologue ......................................................................................................................................... 1 Part 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 8 1.0. Distribution and classification of Utian (Miwok-Costanoan) languages .............................................. 8 1.1. History of Miwok studies .............................................................................................................. 8 1.2. History of Costanoan classification ............................................................................................ 14 1.3. Ramaytush, Tamyen, and Chocheño ........................................................................................... 15 1.4. Status of Chalon and Awaswas ................................................................................................... 16 1.5. Criteria for classification ............................................................................................................. 18 1.6. Holtzmann’s Law ........................................................................................................................ 19 1.7. Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 22 2.0. Utian linguistics .................................................................................................................................. 22 2.1. Typology and reconstruction....................................................................................................... 23 2.2. The Proto Utitan homeland ......................................................................................................... 24 3.0. Beyond Utian ...................................................................................................................................... 24 Map 1: The Miwok linguistic area ..................................................................................................... 25 3.1. The case for Yok-Utian ............................................................................................................... 26 3.2. Utian and Yokuts plant and animal terms ................................................................................... 26 3.3. Archaeological evidence ............................................................................................................. 27 3.4. Linguistic evidence for Yok-Utian.............................................................................................. 27 Map 2: The Yokuts linguistic area ..................................................................................................... 28 Map 3: The California area ................................................................................................................ 29 3.4.1 Sound correspondences linking Utian and Yokuts ............................................................ 30 3.4.2. Canons, stem types, and relic processes ........................................................................... 33 3.4.3. Relic i/a ablaut in Utian and Yokuts ................................................................................ 34 Table 16: Yokuts family tree ...................................................................................................... 38 4.0. Evidence for an Esselen substrate in Utian ......................................................................................... 39 4.1. Background and sources ............................................................................................................ 39 4.2. Probable Esselen phonemic system............................................................................................. 40 4.3. Rumsen historical developments................................................................................................. 41 4.4. Probable loan words from Rumsen into Esselen ......................................................................... 43 4.5. Direction of borrowing between Rumsen and Esselen ............................................................... 45 4.6. Probable loan words from Esselen into Rumsen, Mutsun, and Chalon ...................................... 46 4.7. Substrate influence of Pre-Esselen on Awaswas, SF Bay, and Karkin ....................................... 48 4.8. Residue ........................................................................................................................................ 49 4.9. Evidence of contact between pre-Esselen and early Miwok ....................................................... 51 4.10. Phonology ................................................................................................................................. 53 4.11. Phonological implications ......................................................................................................... 54 4.12. Summary ................................................................................................................................... 54 5. Future projects ....................................................................................................................................... 56

vi Table of contents

Notes to the Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 57 References ................................................................................................................................................... 59 Part 2: Proto Utian Grammar ................................................................................................................ 68 6.0. Phonology ........................................................................................................................................... 68 6.1. Major Utian phonological types .................................................................................................. 68 6.2. Proto Utian stem types ................................................................................................................ 70 6.3. The riddle of Rumsen .................................................................................................................. 71 6.4. Morphophonemes, morphophonemic lengthening, vowel harmony and vowel loss .................. 74 6.4.1. Morphophonemes Y, H .................................................................................................... 74 6.4.2. Morphophonemic rules..................................................................................................... 74 6.4.3. Is there epenthesis in Sierra Miwok?................................................................................ 75 6.4.4. Loss with compensatory lengthening ............................................................................... 76 6.4.5. Assimilation ..................................................................................................................... 76 6.5. Proto Yokuts phonology ............................................................................................................. 77 6.5.1. Is there epenthesis in Yokuts? .......................................................................................... 77 7.0. Phonological developments and borrowing in Western Miwok ......................................................... 78 7.1. Sources of Lake Miwok aberrant phonemes ............................................................................... 79 Map 4: The Lake Miwok area ............................................................................................................ 80 7.2. Patwin place names of Miwok origin.......................................................................................... 89 Map 5: The Wintun area .................................................................................................................... 90 7.3. Words for recent items ................................................................................................................ 91 7.4. The development of Proto Miwok phonemes ............................................................................. 91 7.4.1. Identities and near-identitites ........................................................................................... 92 7.4.2. Minor sound changes ....................................................................................................... 93 7.4.3. Development of word-final sibilants in Western Miwok ............................................... 100 7.4.4. Development of Proto Miwok *y ................................................................................... 103 7.4.5. Development of Proto Utian *ṭ ...................................................................................... 104 7.4.6. Vowel assimilation ......................................................................................................... 110 7.4.7. Western Miwok -m......................................................................................................... 110 8.0. Phonological developments in Eastern Miwok ................................................................................. 111 8.1. The emergence of //Y// in Proto Eastern Miwok ...................................................................... 112 8.2. Development of PMie *y in Plains Miwok and Saclan ............................................................ 112 8.3. The emergence of /ŋ/ in Sierra Miwok...................................................................................... 116 9.0. The development of Utian sibilants .................................................................................................. 119 9.1. The development of sibilants in Miwok.................................................................................... 119 9.2. Costanoan palatalization of PU *k and development of PCo *s ............................................... 125 9.3. PCo *ṣ ....................................................................................................................................... 128 9.4. Proto Utian *š............................................................................................................................ 129 9.5. Proto Utian *ṣ............................................................................................................................ 130 9.6. Minor sound changes ................................................................................................................ 132

10.0. Proto Costanoan segmental phonemes ............................................................................................. 134 10.1. Costanoan reflexes of PU *y, PU *ṭ....................................................................................... 134 10.2. Costanoan reflexes of PU *o, *a ............................................................................................ 137

Table of contents vii

10.3. Relic a/o ablaut....................................................................................................................... 141 10.4. Ancient Utian stem alternation............................................................................................... 143 11.0. Stems, quantitative ablaut, and grades ............................................................................................ 146 11.1. Proto Utian stems .................................................................................................................. 146 11.2. The Proto Utian ablaut system .............................................................................................. 147 11.3. Morphologically motivated metathesis ................................................................................. 148 11.4. Formation of tri-consonantal stems from longer stems in Eastern Miwok ........................... 153 11.5. Evolution of the Utian ablaut system .................................................................................... 156 12.0. The origin of Utian metathesis and Eastern Miwok stem types ...................................................... 159 12.1. Realignment of stems in Costanoan and Western Miwok .................................................... 160 12.2. The origin of Eastern Miwok Primary Stems........................................................................ 162 12.3. The origin of Eastern Miwok derived stems ......................................................................... 163 12.4. The origin of the Eastern Miwok filler consonant /ʔ/ ........................................................... 164 13.0. Pronouns ......................................................................................................................................... 166 13.1. Personal pronouns ................................................................................................................. 167 13.2. Western Miwok comitative case ........................................................................................... 168 13.3. Miwok first person inclusive pronouns ................................................................................. 168 13.4. Development of the dual in Western Miwok ........................................................................ 169 13.5. Additional Proto Utian personal pronouns ............................................................................ 170 13.6. Proto Utian demonstrative pronouns ..................................................................................... 177 14. The Proto Utian case system .............................................................................................................. 179 15.0. Proto Utian volitional suffixes ........................................................................................................ 182 15.1. Etymology of a suffix............................................................................................................ 189 16. Increase in morphological complexity ............................................................................................... 190 17. An “Indo-European” type paradigm in Proto Eastern Miwok ........................................................... 193 18.0. Utian kinship terms and the status of women ................................................................................. 197 18.1. Words for ‘man’, ‘woman’, and ‘person’ ............................................................................. 197 18.2. Utian kinship terms ............................................................................................................... 200 19. The Utian numeral system ................................................................................................................. 201 20. Miwok color terms ............................................................................................................................. 202 Part 3: Proto Utian Dictionary ............................................................................................................. 204 Part 4: English-Utian Dictionary .......................................................................................................... 500 Part 5: Mystery Sets............................................................................................................................... 523 Author’s epilogue...................................................................................................................................... 528

Abbreviations and conventions

Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (page numbers refer to Arroyo 1862) abl. ablative abstr. abstract acc. accusative agent. agentive all. allative case AM Aza McCauley (Plains Miwok) and. andative (to go and do something) app. appositional Asc. Ascención Solórsano (Mutsun consultant) AT Alexander Taylor aug. augment, augmentative BB Birdie Burris (Mins consultant) B&G Barrett and Gifford (1933) br. brother C Camanche dialect (Mins) C repeat previous consonant (in suffixes) C any consonant (in rules and canons) caus. causative CC recorded or reconstructed by the author CD Chocheño Dictionary Ceb Chocheño (East Bay Costanoan) c.f. can’t find CHM C. Hart Merriam Ckar Karkin Costanoan Con Northern Costanoan cont. continuative Cos Southern Costanoan cP clitic particle cPro clitic pronoun Cru Rumsen (Monterey, Carmel Costanoan) CS reconstructed by Catherine Schambach Cscl Tamyen (Santa Clara Costanoan) Cscr Awaswas (Santa Cruz Costanoan) Csf Ramaytush (San Francisco Costanoan) Csjb Mutsun (San Juan Bautista Costanoan) Csol Chalon (Soledad Costanoan) decl. declarative dem. demonstrative pronoun destr. destructive dim. diminutive dir. directed action discon. discontinuative dk doesn’t know the word D&K Dixon and Kroeber A

DM DU du. dur. E EB EC EM Eng. exces. excl. F FB G gen. GG GM H H HB HH HT HWH I I IK imitat. imv. inchoa. incl. indef. inf. inter. invol. iter. itive iV Iz. J JC JCo JM JS Juanita K

Duflot de Mofras Donald Ultan (Kashaya Pomo) dual durative exclamation Elizabeth Bright (Patwin field notes) East Central dialect (Mics) Elena McCauley (Mins consultant) English excessive exclusive Fiddletown dialect (Mins) Fred Beale (Miss consultant) Edward Winslow Gifford genitive Geoffrey Gamble F.G. Mengarini insert length when canonically permissible A.M. Halpern (Pomo field notes) Howard Berman’s field notes (Mics) Horatio Hale (1846) Henry Texts (Costanoan) H.W. Henshaw Ione dialect (Mins) interjection Isabel Kelly imitative imperative inchoative inclusive indefinite infix interrogative involuntary iterative andative or venitive intransitive verb Isabelle Meadows (Rumsen consultant) Jackson Valley dialect (Mip) Jeremiah Curtin (Chocheño) Juan Comelias (Awaswas) Julius Moshinsky (Sulphur Banks Pomo) Jesse O. Sawyer (Wappo) Marin Miwok consultant Alfred L. Kroeber

Abbreviations and conventions x

KW L L Lap. Laura LR loc. locat. mat. Me Mib Mic Mics Mie Mil Mim Mins Mip Misac Miss Miw MO Mrp N n.c. neg. ns o.s. P P P2

Kenneth Whistler (Patwin) Fermín de Lasuén (Rumsen) Lockford dialect (Plains Miwok) from the La Pérouse expedition Laura Ramírez (Rumsen consultant) Laura Ramírez (Rumsen consultant) locative locational maternal Mengarini (Awaswas) Bodega Miwok Coast Miwok Central Sierra Miwok Eastern Miwok Lake Miwok Marin Miwok Northern Sierra Miwok Plains Miwok Saclan Southern Sierra Miwok Western Miwok Marc Okrand’s slip file (Csjb) Mariposa dialect (Miss) noun not cognate, no cognate negative nominal suffix oneself particle (when part of speech) Alphonse Pinart Pinart’s first Awaswas vocabulary (Heizer’s Costanoan 2) P3 Pinart’s second Awaswas vocabulary (Heizer’s Costanoan 3) pas. passive pat. paternal PCo Proto Costanoan PCon Proto Northern Costanoan PCos Proto Southern Costanoan Pe Eastern Pomo pers. personal pl. plural PM Proto Maidun PMi Proto Miwok PMie Proto Eastern Miwok PMis Proto Sierra Miwok PMiw Proto Western Miwok pos. positive pp pronominal prefix PP Proto Pomo PP Prince Paul (Mip)

pro. ps Ps Pse Psw PU PW PY PYbv PYgen PYn PYnim PYnv PYsv PYv QM R RD rec. rem. rev. S SB Sch semiacc. Ser. sg. smf. s.o. Sp. s.t. stat. subj. temp. TH TS tV V V

pronoun pronominal suffix Southern Pomo Southeastern Pomo Southwestern Pomo Proto Utian Proto Wintun Proto Yokuts Proto Buena Vista Yokuts Proto General Yokuts Proto Northern Yokuts Proto Nim Yokuts Proto Northern Valley Yokuts Proto Southern Valley Yokuts Proto Valley Yokuts Queenie Miller (Mins) Paul Radin Rumsen Dictionary recent remote reversative (reverses action like English un-) Fray Vicente Sarria S.A. Barrett (1908a) Schoolcraft (1852) semi-accidental

Series singular semelfactive someone Spanish something stative subjective case temporal Twain Harte dialect (Mics) Bodega Miwok transcribed at Fort Ross transitive verb verb any vowel (in rules and canons), preceding vowel (in suffixes) vbl. verbalizer ven. venitive verb. verbalizer VG Karkin items from Victor Golla, p.c. (recorded by von Gerolt) Vimv. imperative verb Vinf. verbal infix voc. vocative vol. volitional, Volitional Series

xi Abbreviations and conventions

vs Vstem VW w Wae Waw WC WP Wp Wpcc Wph Wpr X Y ya Ychaw Ychoy Ychuk YChy Ydum Yfnv Ygash Yhom Ynut Ypal Ytach Ytu Ywik Ywol Yyaw Yyd yr

verbal suffix verbal stem Viola Waterhouse (Mics) with, i.e., w/all. ‘with allative’ Eastern Wappo Western Wappo West Central dialect (Mics) West Point dialect (Mins) Patwin Cache Creek Patwin Hill Patwin River Patwin a morphophoneme that doubles the following consonant Yosemite dialect (Miss) years ago Chawchila Yokuts Choyimni Yokuts Chukchansi Yokuts Choynok Yokuts Dumna Yokuts Far Northern Valley Yokuts Gashowu Yokuts Hometwali Yokuts Nutunutu Yokuts Palewyami Yokuts Tachi Yokuts Tulamni Yokuts Wikchamni Yokuts Wo’lasi Yokuts Yawelmani Yokuts Yawdanchi Yokuts younger

Parentheses in tables enclose possible related or interesting forms † (flag) in an entry indicates a pan-Americanism or an onomatopoetic form. Such forms are not always flagged elsewhere. ? following a form indicates a question (Cru ʔink? ‘what?’) ? one space from a form indicates either the form or the analysis is questionable, such as PU *hoj·u ? ‘ahead’. * following a phrase indicates that the phrase was constructed by the author in accordance with the morphology and syntax of the language A protected cluster cannot undergo metathesis. De-metathesis is reversal of previous metathesis. A form between slanted lines represents a phonemic interpretation. A number in parentheses refers to pages in my field notes or to microfilm reels. A number followed by “d” refers to dictionary pages. In tables or in the dictionary section, a form in parentheses is interesting but not necessarily cognate. An augmented stem is followed by /ʔ/.

Author’s prologue

This is a reference book meant especially for seminars on non-traditional languages. For this reason, suggestions for research projects will appear throughout the volume, many of which can be undertaken with a minimum of additional reference materials. The book results from over 50 years of my own research, and it represents an intellectual journey. Ironically, I know less about some things now than I did when I started. It began in the spring of 1956 when my mentor, Professor Mary R. Haas, sent me in search of a Pomo speaker as an exercise in phonetics. My inquiries directed me to Mrs. Alma Grace of San Francisco, who identified herself as Pomo. I soon realized that she did not speak a Pomo language, but Lake Miwok, which subsequently became the subject of my Ph.D. dissertation (Callaghan 1963). L.S. Freeland (1951) had already published her masterful grammar of the Sierra Miwok languages, and Sylvia M. Broadbent (1964) followed with a comprehensive grammar, texts, and dictionary of Southern Sierra Miwok. By default, I also assumed responsibility for Bodega Miwok, Northern Sierra Miwok, and Plains Miwok in addition to Lake Miwok, Miwok being a family of languages roughly at the time depth of the Germanic languages. At the same time, I began to investigate languages that had been labeled “Penutian.” Nearly 40 years earlier, Roland B. Dixon and Alfred L. Kroeber (1919) had presented extensive data linking the language families Miwok, Costanoan, Yokuts, Maidun, and Wintun into a super family which they called “Penutian” after “pen,” which resembled words for “two” in the Yokuts, Wintun, and Maidun languages; and “uti,” similar to words for “two” in the Miwok and Costanoan languages. The Pen languages and the Uti languages were originally thought to be subfamilies within Penutian, but the validity of the “Pen” subfamily was already in dispute during the 50s. Uti should not be confused with Ute, which is unrelated. Edward Sapir (1929) had expanded the original “Penutian” family to include languages and language families from Alaska south to Mexico. To avoid confusion, he renamed the original Dixon and Kroeber grouping “California Penutian.” He published little supportive evidence for his proposed Penutian superstock and considered the classification to be a framework for future research rather than a final grouping. There was a tacit assumption that “California Penutian” comprised a core set of related language families on which the larger superstock was based, much as Latin, Greek, Germanic, and Sanskrit had formed a de facto core set for Indo-European. The core Indo European languages were known to be related to each other through common morphology and sets of sound correspondences. Later, other languages and language families, such as Celtic, Albanian, Tocharian, and Anatolian were added to this core if and only if they showed systematic sound correspondences integrating their stems and affixes with core cognate sets. My fellow graduate students at Berkeley and I considered California Penutian to be a probable genetic unit comparable to Indo European. There were numerous superficial typological similarities, such as case systems, presumed CVCV(C) stems, similar pronominal systems, and a general absence of prefixes. Dixon and Kroeber had discovered over two hundred sets of resemblant forms which they considered “cognate sets.” It was our job to discover sound correspondences linking these core language families, thereby substantiating the relationship so as to accommodate additional expansion. The accepted methodology of the time was to bypass reconstruction at the shallow level—why worry about Proto Miwok when everyone could see by inspection that the Miwok languages were related to each other? The more interesting question was what other language families might be related to the Miwok languages. By the late 50s, we had much more reliable data than Dixon and Kroeber enjoyed in 1919. In addition to the Miwok sources cited above, Stanley Newman (1944) had published an excellent Yokuts grammar based on four dialects, which amounted to a comparative grammar. William Shipley was gathering material on Maidu and Hans Jørgen Uldall had left extensive notes and manuscripts on Nisenan. Harvey Pitkin had collected Wintu data, several people had elicited Patwin material, and we all shared our field notes. We were forced

2

Author’s prologue

to use older sources for the Costanoan languages, since only J. P. Harrington had collected modern data on this family, and he refused to share it with anyone. His material did not become available until after his death in 1961. Initial comparison seemed to confirm Dixon and Kroeber’s hypothesis. It was easy to assemble resemblant sets. Finding regular and recurrent sound correspondences, especially non-identical correspondences, was a different matter. Still, I “kept the faith” and accepted California Penutian as probably valid in my early articles (Callaghan 1958, 1962, Broadbent and Callaghan 1960). In one instance, (Callaghan 1967), I tried to squeeze Miwok items into one of the few non-identical sound correspondences postulated for California Penutian languages. I now recognize the futility of this attempt although that article continues to be cited by those accepting the validity of “Penutian” at some level. I owe much to the wisdom of Mary R. Haas. All of us lamented the lack of written records. Romance specialists have Latin, analogous to a well-preserved fossil of the ancestral language. Haas pointed out that in lieu of Latin, we have proto languages reconstructed at a shallow level, which can eliminate many resemblant forms resulting from borrowing or from coincidence. In the case of language isolates, internal reconstruction can provide insights into earlier stages of the language. She also insisted that we keep the meanings of potential cognates constant, especially in the initial stages of reconstruction. After we have worked out the regular sound correspondences, we will be in a better position to identify cognates with different meanings. Consequently in the early 60s, I began the long-range project of systematic Utian (MiwokCostanoan) reconstruction at several levels, which culminated in this Proto Utian grammar and dictionary with references to Yokuts, which might be related at a deeper level. I have organized the volume as follows: the Introduction includes a brief history of Miwok and Costanoan studies with evidence for their prehistory drawn from botany and archaeology as well as linguistics, followed by a summary of the linguistic evidence for kinship between Utian and Yokuts plus the caveat that genetic relationship is far from certain. I then present the evidence for an Esselen substrate in Utian. The Proto Utian Grammar summarizes the development of phonology and morphology to the extent that I have been able to reconstruct it so far. The history of individual words and morphemes is presented in the dictionary section. I intend this as a reference volume which is self-contained enough to serve as a primary reference source for a seminar in non-traditional languages. When discussing the methodology behind reconstruction, we must distinguish between discovery procedure and final exposition. No one, I hope, actually refuses to look at the broader picture until reconstruction is completed at the shallow level which in this case would be Proto Miwok and Proto Costanoan. During my graduate school years, I examined everything from Alsea to Mayan, but I did not neglect Proto Miwok. In Callaghan 1962, I compared that proto language with Mutsun, which was premature in that I lacked the Harrington data for Proto Costanoan reconstruction. I do not regret this early exercise, although I should not have attempted to reconstruct “Proto Miwok-Mutsun,” which is a meaningless unit, but assembling potential cognate sets between Miwok and Mutsun was appropriate. In 1965, Ohio State University hired me as an Assistant Professor to teach, among other things, a twoquarter sequence in Indo European. The first quarter focused on phonology, reserving morphology for the second quarter. Some time around 1970, I was looking at the Proto Indo European secondary endings and my reconstructed Proto Eastern Miwok declarative suffixes (short forms), and I realized they were nearly identical except for the third person plural (see Callaghan 1980a for details, also sections 15.1 and 17 for an updated exposition indicating that these suffixes are ultimately of volitional and andative origin). The suffixes in question had evolved independently in Proto Eastern Miwok, since they were obviously truncated versions of the long forms which showed less resemblance to Indo European. In addition, Western Miwok and Costanoan languages are synthetic rather than polysynthetic and lack person markers except in the imperative. Since there was no opportunity for borrowing from earlier stages of an Indo European language or common retention from some primordial period, the similarities were due to chance or universal tendencies causing convergence. Some years earlier, Wick R. Miller and I (1962) had demonstrated that English words fit as well into Morris Swadesh’s Macro Mixtecan Hypothesis as some of the words he cited from Indian languages, once he had decided to ignore regular sound correspondences and constancy of meaning. My only surprise had been how easy finding similarities between different languages became under those circumstances.

Author’s prologue

3

As a result of these two experiences, I underwent a slow, dark epiphany. I lost my faith in isolated paradigms and sets of resemblant forms as verification of genetic relationship, especially when these were gleaned from contemporary languages without the filter of systematic reconstruction at shallow levels. My criteria for linguistic kinship became regular and recurrent sound correspondences involving stems and affixes, with special emphasis on non-identical correspondences. In isolating languages like Thai and Chinese, compounding and syntactic structures might substitute for morphology. I gave less credence to typological similarities, since these can result from convergence, especially in the case of languages spoken in adjacent areas. At this point, it is in order to reexamine some basic concepts, starting with genetic relationship itself. Such relationship implies that two or more languages sprang from a common ancestor language at some point in the past. Verification of this relationship can come from written records, as in the case of Latin developing into the daughter Romance languages. Since sound change is essentially regular, genetic relationship can also be substantiated through the comparative method in the absence of written records, but this possibility fades out after a time depth of 6,000–8,000 years. Archeological evidence may enable us to extrapolate a bit further back. Languages unfortunately do not leave material remains. Villages can undergo language shift in a generation or two, but they usually do not do so without displacement by another culture, which will leave archaeological traces. If the population is displaced as well, or if there is extensive intermarriage, we expect DNA analysis and physical morphology to reflect this fact, but these factors are subject to drift and different interpretations. The fact remains that around 6,000 years b.p., the past becomes a great gray area under the best of circumstances as far as the comparative method is concerned. This threshold may be shallower in the case of languages like the Yuman family in which word structure is so fluid that even members of the same family disagree over common words, and reconstruction is usually possible only for stems. The time depth of Proto Indo European is approximately 6,500 years, but reconstruction is based largely on the ancient languages. If we date Proto Indo European from the time period of the forms cited, the time depth is roughly 4,000–4,500 years. In the case of languages that are predominantly agglutinating like the Uralic family, perhaps we can nudge further into the 6,000–8,000 year perimeter. At any rate, there will never be agreement among comparativists as to how far back we can go or how much evidence we need for verification. I tend to demand substantial evidence before proclaiming genetic kinship, but some of my colleagues are content with less. Comparative linguistics differs from most other sciences in one important respect. Although there are criteria for verification of genetic relationship, there are none for falsification. Evidence that all life sprang from a common source comes from similarities in the DNA structures of all known living organisms, but this hypothesis could be refuted through the discovery of a life form based on the silicon atom rather than the carbon atom. Unfortunately, there are no corresponding criteria for falsification in the case of natural spoken languages. What would it mean to say that two such languages are unrelated? Would it mean that the two languages had an independent origin at the point of language inception, whenever that was? Recent evidence (May 2013) from the sequencing of the Neanderthal genome shows that Neanderthals shared laterality with us, with the same right-hand-to-left-hand ratio of 9 to 1 that we enjoy, along with an identical FOXP2 gene complex critical to language. Moreover, we now know that Modern Europeans inherited up to 4% of their genes from Neanderthals, meaning that the two groups interbred and produced fertile offspring. These facts indicate that we must push back the hypothetical point of language inception hundreds of thousands of years if we assume that spoken language arose only once, which is debatable. Would we want to say that two languages are still genetically related after splitting apart 50,000 years ago even if we had independent evidence for the split? In short, the matter has never been systematically tackled, and some historical linguists continue to make such statements as, “It’s as big a mistake to place two related languages into separate families as to combine two unrelated languages into the same family” without realizing that they are using the undefined term, ‘unrelated’. Moreover, the absence of criteria for falsification has led to much difference of opinion over what constitutes verification since no hypothesis concerning genetic relationship between natural spoken languages can be refuted. The closest one can come to refutation is a reductio ad absurdum of the type Wick Miller and I performed, or similar exercises by Lyle Campbell using Finnish (p.c.) In some cases, there is no argument.

4

Author’s prologue

Written records show that the Romance languages are genetically related and that they descended from Latin. Other Indo European families of languages are interlocked with Latin through regular and recurrent nonidentical sound correspondences involving stems and affixes of common words, also through reconstructed morphology to the extent that it can be worked out. I now hold this to be the gold standard for verification of genetic relationship, and I am suspicious of any grouping based on different criteria such as typological similarities or mere collections of resemblant forms. It would have been a mistake to put Spanish and French into separate families at any time, or to place German and Sanscrit into separate unrelated families today. Short of that, placing two languages into separate families means only that as of now we do not have sufficient evidence to declare that they are genetically related. It was correct for early scholars to separate the Miwok languages and the Costanoan languages into separate families when data on the two families were scanty. It would be a mistake to do so now after regular and recurrent sound correspondences involving both stems and affixes have been discovered, deriving from much more extensive and accurate information. I believe that fear of falsely declaring two languages to be “unrelated” when in fact they will later prove to be distantly related has led some scholars to declare two or more languages “related” on the basis of what they know is inadequate evidence. Under such circumstances, they should state the evidence for genetic relationship but classify the languages separately. For example, the Maidun languages and the Wintun languages resemble Utian and Yokuts in syllable structure, the possession of a case system, similar pronominal systems, and relative lack of prefixes, but for now, there is insufficient evidence of enough regular and recurrent non-identical sound correspondences involving stems and affixes to postulate genetic relationship. I do not know if there is sufficient evidence to link either the Maidun family or the Wintun family genetically with a different language family. On the basis of the evidence to date, and with the above caveats, I would reclassify the so-called “California Penutian” language families as follows: Maidun Wintun Yok-Utian ? I. Yokuts II. Utian A. Costanoan B. Miwok I hope my analysis of the situation will encourage authors to make conservative linguistic classifications, but it is even more important for linguists to clearly state what their criteria are for classifying languages together as genetically related or probably so. I also propose a new term, disrelated. Two languages are unrelated (or have become disrelated) when their similarities in stems and affixes sink to the level of those expected by chance and universal tendencies once we have discounted loan words and borrowed processes. When I use the term “unrelated” in this volume, that is my implication. Unfortunately, we have not expended enough effort to determine the nature and extent of universal tendencies and chance similarities among languages presumed to be unrelated or at best, very distantly related, to establish criteria for “disrelatedness.” Moreover, the “Proto World” people, who believe that all languages sprang from a common source some 40,000–50,000 years ago, will use the results of any such research as arguments to bolster their hypothesis. The only way to guard against the phenomenon of chance similarity is to trace as many words and affixes as possible back to their source in the manner of archaeologists undertaking an excavation from shallow levels to deeper levels. At this point, it is also in order to reexamine what is meant by a reconstructed form. Ideally, it constitutes the best possible guess as to the form ancestral to reflexes listed under the starred form. We must be careful to weed out post contact loan words which can spread through related languages and mimic reflexes of proto forms, such as Lake Miwok and Southern Sierra Miwok loho- ‘lazy’ from Spanish flojo. We must also excise post contact compounds such as “fire water” which spread through the Algonkian languages with the meaning “whiskey.” We have the best chance of achieving our goal when the reflexes are non-identical and take part in established sound correspondences, such as PU *nykys ‘poison oak’ which underwent palatalization in its Costanoan reflexes and the change of *y to /./ in its Plains Miwok reflex. In the case of Utian languages, the

Author’s prologue

5

antiquity of a reconstruction is more probable when related reflexes show several grades in the established ablaut system (11.2). But what of cases where Utian resemblant forms are identical or nearly so without violating established sound changes? Do these forms represent decent from a common word in the proto language or recent spread? We cannot say for sure without additional evidence. The situation becomes even more problematic when similar words are found in other California languages. In this regard, I am indebted to Lyle Campbell (1997), who has provided us with sets of words he calls “pan-Americanisms” which are so widespread as to be unreliable for comparative purposes. An example is kaka ‘mother’s brother’. In most cases, I have formally treated such sets as potential cognates, but flagged the deepest reconstructed level in the Utian-English section of the dictionary with the symbol †. I thought this strategy would be better than omitting such sets entirely, since even nursery words can be incorporated into a language and undergo regular development from that point on. Gothic atta ‘father’ is believed to have originally been such a nursery word. Also, I hoped to preclude their rediscovery by other comparativists who might add them to the inventory without flags and caveats. But I urge readers not to assume that a starred form guarantees the antiquity of a reconstruction in the face of caveats and flags. These flags are usually omitted from the tables and the English-Utian section of the dictionary. Returning to California, evidence has been accumulating since the 70s that the Wintun, Maidun, Yokuts, and Utian speakers had separate entries into California, making a California Penutian genetic unit unlikely (see section 3, also Whistler 1977 and Golla 2011). Progress has also been made in the reconstruction of Proto Maidun, Proto Wintun, and Proto Yokuts (see Shipley 1997, Shepherd 2006, and Whistler and Golla 1986, n.d.). In my case (Callaghan 1986d), concentration on Proto Miwok uncovered an ablaut system which later proved to be nearly identical to the Proto Costanoan ablaut system (11.2), thus clinching genetic relationship between the families. Kenneth W. Whistler and Victor Golla (1986: 353) concluded their article “Proto-Yokuts Reconsidered” with the statement, “In general, the relationship between Yokuts and Utian should continue to be an extremely fruitful area for historical research.” Their article outlined an insightful set of sound correspondences linking the Yokuts dialects, and they kindly allowed me to copy the full inventory of their cognate sets. Comparison of Proto Yokuts with Proto Utian (Callaghan 1997a) revealed over 120 resemblant sets of stems and affixes involving a limited number of non-identical sound correspondences. Sets of related Utian words often participated in those correspondences, indicating similar alternations in Proto Utian. Some Yok-Utian sets involved apparent relic forms or ancient ablaut alternations present in both Yokuts and Utian. I concluded that genetic relationship between the families was probable but by no means substantiated because there were still too many unexplained details (see section 3.4). An example is the regular mutations of Yokuts stems which do not resemble the grades of the Utian ablaut system. I decided to reexamine the original Dixon and Kroeber sets upon which the California Penutian grouping had been based (Callaghan 2001), updating the forms with modern transcriptions and reconstructions at the levels of Proto Maidun, Proto Wintun, Proto Yokuts, and Proto Utian (or Proto Miwok, Proto Costanoan) when possible. Although Dixon and Kroeber had kept the meanings largely constant in their sets, they had taken great liberties with sound correspondences. This re-analysis uncovered 27 new resemblant sets and two new sound correspondences linking Yokuts and Utian, but only sporadic support for links with Wintun and Maidun. What do these discoveries mean for Penutian studies? Although some comparative scholars believe that Utian, Yokuts, Wintun, and Maidun are ultimately related at a deep level, none of them, so far as I know, still believe that the four families form a genetic subunit apart from other languages. In other words, the Penutian core has either been discredited or it has been shrunk to level of Yok-Utian. What, then, does it mean to say that a language or a language family is Penutian? It cannot mean systematic relationship to a non-existent core. The term has become so ill-defined that William Shipley (1983–1984) has called for its abandonment. Unfortunately, its ghost survives in popular maps and classifications in the original sense of “California Penutian” which outsiders believe is an accepted genetic unit. This notion predisposes them to speak of “Penutian” population movements, “Penutian” cultural items, or even a “Penutian” language without being specific, and if one is doing a statistical analysis of cultural features or DNA evidence, lumping Maidun and Wintun data with Yokuts and Utian statistics could invalidate the results.

6

Author’s prologue

At the beginning of my intellectual journey, I accepted the common wisdom that California Penutian constituted a genetic superfamily. Now, I can only say that the Miwok family is definitely related to the Costanoan family, and that Yokuts and Utian are probably related at a deeper level. I am skeptical concerning our ability to substantiate kinship with any additional languages. We can state the typological similarities of Yok-Utian with other language families apart from making larger classifications. In this volume, I present Proto Utian grammar and lexical items to the extent that I have reconstructed them, using a format that will be accessible to students in seminars on non-traditional languages. I am aware that I have barely scratches the surface of Utian and Yok-Utian studies, but I believe that I have demonstrated that careful methodology modeled after comparative Indo European studies can yield interesting and enduring results. I hope that others will be inspired to refine, correct, and build upon my work. To this end, section numbers, table numbers, map numbers, and starred forms in the dictionary section are referenced in bold type to facilitate skimming. In the dictionary section, the supportive evidence for each reconstruction is cited immediately below the starred form, i.e. Miss, Mics, and Mins hacy- ‘to halt, station’ underlie PMis *hag-y- ‘to halt, station’. Throughout these entries, I will also cite potentially related forms or noteworthy forms. In some cases, these forms are obviously related and constitute additional grades in the ablaut system. In other cases, they may be related but the details have yet to be worked out, such as Mip hoco-ju- ‘to crawl, sneak up on someone’ cited under PMi *hagi ‘to step’. In still other cases, the cited forms are noteworthy for semantic or other reasons and may constitute avenues of future research. Sometimes proto forms can be inferred from relic reflexes in a single language, such as PMi *gam ‘dead, faded, worn out’ and PMi *gam-y- ‘to trick, abuse’, based on Lake Miwok reflexes cam and camu with the same meanings and supported by PMis *gam-s. y- ‘to die’. In this case, there is an ancient Utian process of deriving verbs from monosyllabic nouns by suffixing -y. Not every form cited in the grammar section is also discussed in the dictionary section. This is especially true of Eastern Miwok verbal morphology which is complex and interrelated through polysynthesis. For example, PMie *-ko ‘3 pl. Possessive Series’ is not listed under PMi *‰iko ‘they’ even though they are historically related, but the connection is presented in Table 124. More frequently, forms earlier than proto forms will be double starred, as in PCo *-s. te ‘stative’ < **-s. -ty. This analysis is supported by PU *-s. ‘noun suffix’ and PMie *-tY- < PU *-ty ‘verbalizer’. Forms or analyses earlier than existing languages will be single-starred; i.e. Ceb -sin < *-si-n ‘future’, an analysis inferred from the Miwok cognate, Mip -si- ‘future’. Some mistakes in the source book; such as material cited from Freeland 1951, arise from an absent diacritic; specifically, the fronting symbol Freeland placed beneath the post-dental /t/. Where this diacritic was accidentally omitted, the resulting letter was misinterpreted as standing for /t. /, which explains some sets where Central Sierra Miwok is the only language in which a cognate has /t. /. I am using the following conventions: Yokuts glottalized sonorants are cited as sonorant plus closed single quote. Hence /n’/ represents glottalized /n/. Hyphens in contemporary forms usually represent synchronic analysis, e.g. Csjb -sum ‘instrumental case’. Segmentation of reconstructed forms is most commonly historical, e.g. PCo *-(s. )u-m ‘instrumental case’ even though all Costanoan reflexes show final /m/, since ¯ Miwok cognates lack final /m/. In Chocheño, we often have medial clusters of the form -C1C2- -C1C2-. Length of the first consonant in such clusters is assumed to be historically non-phonemic and it is probably also non-phonemic for synchronic purposes, but it will usually be indicated for completeness. A phrase that recurs throughout this book is “protected cluster,” meaning a cluster whose members cannot be separated through consonant-vowel metathesis because of the syllable structure in which it occurs, such as PMis*-s. k- in *pos. kal ‘lungs’ and PCo *-s. t- in *-s. te ‘stative’. Such clusters may undergo special phonological development The underlying forms of words are usually cited to the extent that we can determine what they are. This is especially important in Eastern Miwok languages where a late order rule often converts a /CVCVC/ word into a [CVCVC] phonetic sequence. When nouns are uttered in isolation, they take the nominative case which is

Author’s prologue

7

-‰ following vowels. Hence Mins /wyke-‰/ ‘fire-nom. case’ > [wyké‰] by this late order rule. The dictionary entry in this book is simply the underlying stem wyke- ‘fire’, but Freeland (1951: 169) cites Mics wïké- ‘fire’ which is the surface structure minus -‰ ‘nom. case’. Likewise, Freeland (1951: 33) cites Mics (EC) -kan ‘my’ as -kan, its phonetic realization. Linguists should be careful not to assume that the surface structure sometimes cited in tables and examples in reference books is the underlying structure especially when they are making theoretical generalizations about templates and similar structures (see also Stonham 1994). This material is based upon work supported initially by the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages at the University of California, Berkeley, California. Subsequent research was funded by a post doctorate from the American Association of University Women, a small grant from the Department of Linguistics at the Ohio State University, as well as the National Science Foundation under Grants #7727168, #7002342, #8512009, #0958809, and #9222328. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation or any other funding institution. Unmarked Western Wappo forms are from Sawyer (1965), unmarked Eastern Pomo words are from Sally McLendon’s field notes. Unmarked Southern Pomo words are from McLendon (1973: 69, 77), and unmarked Sulphur Bank forms are from George Grekoff's field notes. Central Sierra Miwok items followed by HB are from Howard Berman (1982). Unmarked Lake Miwok, Bodega Miwok, Plains Miwok, and Northern Sierra Miwok items are from Callaghan 1965, 1970, 1984, and 1987a respectively or from my field notes. Unmarked Central Sierra Miwok items are from Freeland 1951, Freeland and Broadbent 1960 or my field notes, and unmarked Southern Sierra Miwok material is from Broadbent 1964 or my field notes. Unmarked Mutsun material is from Okrand 1977 or from Okrand’s slip file. Unmarked Rumsen material is from Miller 1999, and unmarked Chocheño items are from Miller and Callaghan 1999a, 1999b. Numbers in parentheses following Miwok items refer to my field notes; i.e. “L 1258” means the item is in the Lockford dialect from the 58th page of the 12th Plains Miwok notebook. “FB 122" means that the Southern Sierra Miwok item is from Fred Beale on p. 122 of my field notes. “Juanita 3” indicates that the item under consideration is from page 3 of my Marin Miwok field notes. I wish to thank my colleague, Amy Miller, also a Miwok and especially a Costanoan scholar without whose help and insightful suggestions this volume would never have attained its present form. Dr. Miller has uncovered numerous cognate sets and cognate suffixes, and she has shed new light on sound correspondences I also wish to thank Donna Roxey and Christine Hamble of the Ohio State University Research Foundation as well as Joan Maling of the National Science Foundation for invaluable help with my recent grants, and I wish to thank our departmental computer expert, Jim Harmon, as well.. In addition to Professor Mary R. Haas, I owe a great debt to Madison Beeler and Murray Emeneau who taught me the methodology of reconstruction in Indo European and Dravidian, and also to Yakov Malkiel, who taught me to love etymologies. I dedicate this volume to the memory of those four scholars.

Part 1 Introduction

1.0. Distribution and Classification of Utian (Miwok-Costanoan) Languages The history of events leading to the establishment of kinship between Miwok and Costanoan now follows: 1.1. History of Miwok studies Miwok is a family of Central California Indian languages (see Map 1, p. 24). Sierra Miwok was once spoken on the western slopes of the Sierra Nevada Mountains from the Fresno River north to the Cosumnes River. The Plains Miwok speech area at one time extended in several dialects across the floor of the Great Valley from Ione to the western banks of the Sacramento River. Bay Miwok was once spoken by Indians living around the Mount Diablo area (see Bennyhoff 1977), and we have a short list of words and phrases in the Saclan dialect, taken by Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta at San Francisco in 1821 (Beeler 1955,1959; Callaghan 1971). Coast Miwok was formerly spoken on the Marin Peninsula north to Bodega Bay, and Lake Miwok was the language of a triangular area south of Clear Lake. We have modern transcriptions of all Miwok languages except Saclan. Unmarked Lake Miwok, Bodega Miwok, Plains Miwok, and Northern Sierra Miwok items are taken from Callaghan 1965, 1970, 1984, and 1987a respectively, as well as my field notes. Unmarked Central Sierra Miwok is taken from Freeland and Broadbent 1960 or Freeland 1951 and my field notes. Unmarked Southern Sierra Miwok is taken from Broadbent 1964 and my field notes. Marin Miwok items are taken from Callaghan and Bond n.d., from Kelly 1996, and from my field notes. On the basis of phonological, morphological, and lexical criteria, these languages can be classified as follows. Sierra Miwok consists of three closely related languages analogous to Scandinavian, a subgroup of Germanic, in that there is partial intelligibility but not full mutual intelligibility. Aboriginally, it might have comprised a dialect continuum. Bodega and Marin Miwok were dialects of the same language. Abbreviations follow divisions, subdivisions, and languages. I. Eastern Miwok (Mie) A. Sierra Miwok (Mis) 1. Southern Sierra Miwok (Miss) 2. Central Sierra Miwok (Mics) 3. Northern Sierra Miwok (Mins) B. Plains Miwok (Mip) C. Saclan (Misac), a dialect of Bay Miwok (Miba) II. Western Miwok (Miw) A. Coast Miwok (Mic) 1. Bodega Miwok (Mib) 2. Marin Miwok (Mim) B. Lake Miwok (Mil) A. L. Kroeber published a sketch of the West Point dialect of the Northern Sierra Miwok language in 1911, supplemented by notes on Central Sierra, Southern Sierra, Plains, and Coast Miwok, with passing references to Lake Miwok. L. S. Freeland gathered extensive material on the aforementioned languages (excluding Coast Miwok) during the 1920s and 30s. Her Language of the Sierra Miwok (1951) was a grammar based on Central Sierra Miwok, but it included numerous paradigms, sentences, and morphological information on the other

Introduction

9

Sierra Miwok languages. Both Freeland and Kroeber noted some of the sound correspondences linking the Miwok languages. Extensive field work on individual California Indian languages was made possible in the 1950s by the Survey of California Indian Languages (later the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages) under the direction of Mary R. Haas, Department of Linguistics, University of California at Berkeley. This interest resulted in Central Sierra Miwok Dictionary with Texts, based on the Freeland material (Freeland and Broadbent 1960), Lake Miwok Dictionary (Callaghan 1965), Bodega Miwok Dictionary (Callaghan 1970) and The Southern Sierra Miwok Language (Broadbent 1964), which includes a grammar, texts and dictionary. The Survey also funded the initial research for Plains Miwok Dictionary (Callaghan 1984), Northern Sierra Miwok Dictionary (Callaghan 1987a), and the present volume. I have also helped compile a Marin Miwok dictionary from published and unpublished sources (Callaghan and Bond n.d.). Lake and Coast Miwok are approximately as far apart as Spanish and Italian. The three Sierra Miwok languages are about as close as Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian. Plains Miwok is more divergent, and Lake Miwok is as different from the Sierra Miwok languages as English is from German. This state of affairs makes reconstruction possible at four levels: Proto Sierra Miwok (PMis), Proto Eastern Miwok (PMie), Proto Western Miwok (PMiw), and Proto Miwok (PMi). An extensive corpus of lexical and morphological items has already been reconstructed for Proto Miwok (Broadbent and Callaghan 1960, Callaghan 1972a, 1972b, 1977, 1979a, 1979b, 1980a, 1985, 1986b, 1986d, 1986e, 1987c, 1994, 2002b). Additional articles pertinent to Lake Miwok now follow: Callaghan (1958, 1964,1978a, 1980b, 1981a, 1987b, 1998b). Callaghan (1962, 1967) were early attempts at comparative Utian, but they have been superceded by later articles, as has Broadbent and Callaghan 1960 and part of Callaghan 1972a. 1.1.1. The Proto Miwok homeland We can shed light on the most probable location for the Proto Miwok homeland by citing evidence from several sources. Origin myths are no help in this regard. Extant myths place the point of creation within or near the current location of each language group (Merriam 1910, Callaghan 1978a). The most that we can deduce is that speakers have probably all occupied areas close to their pre-contact territories for generations. Archaeology may be more helpful. David A. Fredrickson believes the North Bay was the probable Proto Miwok homeland around 2,500–3,000 years ago on the basis of assemblies dating from that time to the present (p.c.). This area extended from western Solano County and the foothills of Yolo County westward into Napa County and included the southernmost tip of Lake County up through Middletown. Santa Rosa might also have been Miwok territory. If he is right, the Proto Miwok markers include projectile points, scraping tools, bead assemblies, and artifactual bone assemblies. He dates the migration of ancestral Lake Miwok Indians to the southeastern shores of Clear Lake at approximately 2,200 years ago, at which time they presumably acculturated to the local Houx and contributed items to the Houx inventory (Fredrickson and White 1994: 10).If this hypothesis is accurate, the newcomers may have contributed to the pressure on local resources, resulting in development of a triblet pattern based on interrelated families. There is evidence for a growth of exchange and status differentiation at this time. For what it is worth, I would guess the time depth of Proto Miwok to be around 2,500–3,000 years, much like that of Proto Germanic. Since the Miwok speech areas are topographically variant, fruitful clues might derive from examining the distribution of flora and fauna whose names can be reconstructed for Proto Miwok. Of course, their current distribution will not be identical with that of Proto Miwok times. Although the California climate has been relatively stable for several thousand years, there have been fluctuations in temperature and moisture, with corresponding changes in the range of some species. ¯ The animal terms (Table 1) are not particularly diagnostic. Most occur through a wide range of Central California habitats, and for some, such as PMi *hun *hunu- and PMi *halu-s. , it is impossible to be certain which animal the proto form referred to, although in the former case, I believe ‘wolf’ is more probable (see the

10

Introduction

dictionary entry for a fuller discussion). Words for ‘California roadrunner’ (Geococcyx) and ‘burrowing owl’ (Speotyto) suggest a semi-desert area (Brown and Livezey 1962: 82-83), while goose and duck terms suggest access to lakes and waterways (the order of plant and animal terms as well as their English and Latin designations are taken from Merriam 1979). To avoid confusion, I have made no attempt to update either his Latin or his English designations. Many bird terms are onomatopoeic and consequently flagged, indicating that reconstructions are tentative. Onomatopoeic terms and pan-Americans are usually not flagged in the grammar section and the English-Utian section of this volume, but they are flagged at the deepest level in the UtianEnglish section of the dictionary. A query following a reconstruction indicates uncertainty concerning sound developments or the validity of the reconstruction. Since bird feathers were heavily traded, many similarities in their names could result from borrowing, in which case any reconstruction would be invalid. Plant terms (Table 2) are much more reliable for comparative purposes.

Introduction

Table 1. Animal terms English coyote wolf antelope, bighorn pocket gopher dog chicken hawk duck hawk fish hawk California condor great horned owl barn owl burrowing owl valley quail road runner kingfisher pileated woodpecker California woodpecker lesser snow goose goose spp. lizard frog, sound of frog grasshopper head louse flea spider body louse scorpion

Eastern Miwok PMie *YolePMis *hu×uPMie *halu-s. ‘antelope’

Western Miwok PMiw *Yole Mil hun ‘panther’ Mil háh-loo ‘Bighorn (Ovis)’ CHM PMie *sywyt PMiw *s. uwut Miss hajuPMiw *haju PMie *sujuMil s. uju PMie *wek-wek Mil wekwek Mins Túk-too-koo CHM Mil Tóok-took CHM /tuktuk-/ ¯ /tuktuk/ PMie *molok *moluk PMiw *moluk ? PMie *tuku-¯liPMiw *tuku-li Mip wicikis wi¯cikih Mib wiciki PMie *t. okokoMil To-k©k´ *t. okoko- ¯ Mim To-k©k´-ke PMis *hekekeMim Hek-hék-ki CHM, ¯ *hekekeMim hekekai ‘quail’ IK PMie *Yuj()ujuMim Oo-yú-yÁ *Yujuju/Yujuju/ ? PMie *gat. a-t. aMil cada-da Mim Chah-táh-lis CHM /cat. á-li-s. / ? Miss pakpak Mil Pahk-pahk CHM PMis *palat. a-t. aMim Pál-l_´-chahk /palagak/ ? CHM PMie *wawoMim Wáh-wah CHM /wawa/ ? PMie *lowot Mim Ló-wot CHM Mins pitelePMiw *pete¯li PMis *wat. akMil¯wat. ak wat. at wa». at PMie *kogoMil kot. o PMis *ketyPMiw *ket PMiw *kuku-s. PMie *ky()ky-s. PMis *pokum PMiw *pokom PMie *gypsiPMiw *gups. i PMis *Yetym Mil Yeten

Proto Miwok *Yole ¯ *hun *hunu*halu-s. *sywyt †*haju †*suju †*wek-wek †*tuk-tuk *moluk ? †*tuku-li †*wigiki-s. †*t. ok()ok... †*hek... †*Yuj()uju

¯

*Yujuju ?

*gat. a-t. a†*pak-pak †*palat. ak †*wawo ? *lowot ? *pite-li ? †*wat. ak ?? *kot. o¯ ? *ket *kety*ky()ky-s. *pokum *gypsi *Yetym

11

12

Introduction

Table 2. Plant terms English mountain pine and nuts pine nuts, nuts gray pine and nuts cedar, cypress valley oak, tree

Eastern Miwok PMie *sanak ‘sugar pine and nuts’ PMis *sakyPMis *monuk ~ *monok ¯ Mip Yalawah Yalawas.

live oak small oak tree white oak maple

PMie *sasaMics suksuMins molaPMis *s. aji-

buckeye (tree and fruit) tree alder

PMie *YunuMip Saw-toom CHM /sotum/ ? PMis *Ya×taj ¯ PMie *Yeje- *Yeje-

elderberry tree/fruit manzanita (tree and berries) Sierra gooseberry poison oak brush wormwood (sage herb) grapes black basket root root, basket root (Carex spp.) Indian potato (Brodiae spp.) tea plant jimson weed

PMis *kiliPMie *nykys Mins lime- ‘woods, brush, branch’ PMis *kigin Mip k.c.n (/./ unexplained) PMie *mute Mip mulaPMie *suli- ‘basket root’ PMis *walaMins hukumePMis *monuj

Western Miwok Mib Sáh-nahk ‘Coast bull pine’ HWH PMiw *s. anak

Proto Miwok *san()ak ¯

*sak *saky Mil monmon *monuk ? ¯ ¯ ‘MacNab cypress’ PMiw *Yalwa-s. *Yalwas. Yalawas. *Yalawa-s. (PCo *Yalweš ‘valley oak’) *sat. a PMiw *sat. a Mil s. uk *suk ? ¯ Mil mola *mola *mola Mil s. ajs. aj-Yala *s. aji Mim Sí-e CHM /s. aji/ ? Mil Yunu *Yunu Mil s. o»om-Yala *sotum ? ¯ Mil Yantaj Yan»aj *Yantaj¯ Mil Yeje- ‘manzanita *Yeje *Yeje berries’ Mil kili ‘stickers’ *kili (not cognate) PU *nykys Mil lime ‘chamise brush’ *lime

Mil kicin

*kigin

Mil mute Mil mula Mil s. uli ‘root’ Mil wala Mil huka Mib, Mim monoi IK

*mut()e *mula *suli *wala (Csjb war ‘bulb sp.’) *huk... ?

The sugar pine (Pinus lambertiana) is conspicuous in the mixed conifer forest above 4,000-5,000 feet on the slopes of the Sierra Nevada Mountains, although it can be found as low as 2,000 feet (Griffin and Critchfield 1976: 27, 83). There are also stands in higher elevations around Clear Lake as far south as Mt. St. Helena. This tree seems to have been absent from Coast Miwok and Costanoan territory. PMie *sanak meant ‘sugar pine nuts’ and secondarily, ‘sugar pine tree’. Merriam gives Mib Sáh-nahk /s. anak/ as ‘Coast Bull Pine’ (Pinus muricata). Mil s. anak-‰ala referred specifically to the gray pine (Pinus sambiniana), -‰ala being a combining form of ‰alwa ‘tree’, and s. anak was often generalized to any nut. Mil lume meant either ‘sugar pine’ or ‘ponderosa pine’, indicating that reflexes of PMi *san()ak no longer referred to the sugar pine in Western Miwok territory. PMis *saky- meant ‘gray pine nut’. Mip saky- ‘gray pine nut, nuts’ is probably a loan word from Northern Sierra Miwok, since we would expect a cognate of the form *sak. We can infer a ¯former Western Miwok cognate of this shape from PCo *sak ‘pine nut’, which enables us to posit PU *sak *saky- ‘gray pine and nuts’. Kenneth Whistler (1977) proposed that a continuous Miwok band across the lower Sacramento River area was broken by recent Patwin arrivals. Part of his argument for this intrusion consists of evidence that Patwin words for several plants typical of Central California were borrowed from Miwok. Two such words are

Introduction

13

River Patwin gusak ‘gray pine’ and Hill Patwin sakmu ‘yellow pine’? (i.e., ‘ponderosa pine’). Both include the element sak, giving evidence for an earlier Miwok *sa k, although Hill Patwin sakmu has undergone a semantic shift. The two species coexist in Lake County, and the ponderosa pine extends to the floor of the Napa Valley near Mt. St. Helena (Griffin and Critchfield 1976: 28). Note also River Patwin Sahn-nak CHM ‘gray pine’, giving further evidence of a shift in meaning of PMi *san()nak in Western Miwok. PCo *sak meant ‘pine nut’, but the gray pine nut was the¯ commonest of the edible pine nuts in the Costanoan area. Consequently, we can reconstruct PU *sak *saky- with the central meaning of ‘gray pine nut’ and with ¯ )ak meant ‘sugar pine nut’, with some extension of meaning to other pine nuts. Most probably, PMi *san( extension to other mountain pine nuts. If so, reflexes of PMi *sak *saky- were replaced in Western Miwok by a reflex of PMi *san()ak, now applied to the gray pine and its nuts with extension to other low trees and their nuts. Mil lume ‘sugar pine, ponderosa pine’ filled the new semantic gap by referring to the mountain pine and its nuts. If the above scenario is accurate, the Proto Miwok homeland would have to include access to the high mountains. I had once favored the foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountains, partly because Sierra Miwok preserved reflexes of the two Proto Miwok words for pine nuts along with their reconstructed meanings, but the North Bay would also qualify geographically, and it would coincide much better with the archaeological evidence. PMis *monuk meant ‘incense cedar’, the gloss given by Barrett and Gifford (1933: 149), with possible extensions to ‘cypress’, the gloss given by Freeland and Broadbent for Mics monok-. We can also tentatively project *monuk back to Proto Miwok, since Lake Miwok often forms plant terms through CVC- reduplication, and Mil monmon means ‘MacNab cypress’ (Cupressus macnabiana, specimen taken and identified). Merriam designates Mil monmon-‰ala as ‘Cupressus goviniana’ (presumably ‘Cupressus goveniana, Gowen cypress’), indicating that Mil monmon-‰ala might have referred to both species of cypress. Incense cedars (Mil pojen‰ala) also grow in Lake County. Hill Patwin monmon ‘MacNab cypress’ (Whistler 1977: 162) is probably a loan word from Lake Miwok. Note River Patwin mon ‘California juniper’, which may have been borrowed from another Miwok dialect. Note also Mil s. ajs. aj-‰ala ‘maple tree’ and Mim Sí-e ‘maple’ CHM /s. aji/ ?, providing further evidence of the above reduplicating process as a Lake Miwok innovation. I assume PMi *sat. a ‘live oak’ > PMie *sasa- through progressive assimilation. PMie *sasa- and Mil s. at. a both refer to the interior live oak (Quercus wizlizenii). Mim Sáh-tah CHM (probably /s. at. a/) means ‘valley live oak’, Quercus agrifolia, also called ‘coast live oak’. The coast live oak is found in Marin County, and the interior live oak ranges along the inner slopes of the Sierras and the Coast Range and grows extensively around Clear Lake. The ranges of these two live oaks are largely non-overlapping in current Miwok territory, but they do overlap in the North Bay, so PMi *sat. a could have referred to either or both species, giving some additional ¯ Bay as the Proto Miwok homeland. support for the North PMi *‰alwa-s. *‰alawa-s. ‘valley oak’ (Quercus lobata) became a general word for ‘tree’ in both Western ¯ in meaning may have been recent in Plains Miwok, since my Miwok and Plains Miwok. The above change consultants gave only ‘tree’ for Mip ‰alawah ‰alawas, but Merriam gives ‘valley oak’. PCo *‰arweh retained the meaning ‘valley¯ oak’ (Sp. roble). This tree has a wide range in Miwok and Costanoan territories. If PMi *mola *mola referred to the white oak (Quercus garryana), we have another plant indicating access to hilly country for speakers of the proto language, but I found considerable confusion between ‘white oak’ and ‘blue oak’ in my elicitations, which may be an artifact of the local English translations. Merriam specifies ‘blue oak’ for Mins mola-, which would undercut the above Proto Miwok reconstruction. Mil mule ‘blue oak’ (Quercus douglasii) may be related to PMi *mulu- ‘black, dark blue, dark’ because blue oak acorns have a distinctive dark blue-black color when fresh, as Whistler observed (1977: 163). Patwin mule ‘blue oak’ is probably borrowed from a Western Miwok substrate. The remaining trees and shrubs whose names can be reconstructed for Proto Miwok are widely distributed throughout woodland and foothill California. PMi *sotom-‰ala ‘tree alder’ most likely refers to the white alder (Alnus rhombifolia), which grows along streams. Words meaning ‘elderberry’ and ‘manzanita’ include more than one species in the daughter languages and probably also in the parent language. Poison oak (Rhus diversiloba) has an unpleasantly wide distribution throughout California in wooded slopes below 5000 ft.

14

Introduction

Western Miwok cognates are absent for PMie *nykys ‘poison oak’, but PMi *nykys can be posited on the basis of PCo *nisis ‘poison oak’, a perfect cognate. Reflexes of PMi *kili referred specifically to the Sierra gooseberry (Ribes roezlii Regel) in Southern and Central Sierra Miwok but acquired the more general meaning of ‘stickers’ in Lake Miwok (CHM gives ‘wild rose’, Rosa spp.). PMi *suli may have meant ‘root of Carex barbarae’, a species that grows on valley flats and wet slopes, although CHM gives ‘Tulare root (Caladium mariscus) for Mip suli-. If so, there was a semantic shift whereby Mil suli became a generic term for ‘root’ and kis. i came to mean ‘file grass root’. Of course, PMi *suli could have meant ‘root’ and acquired a more specific meaning in Sierra Miwok. PMi *mula probably referred to one or more roots used for the black designs in baskets. Jimson weed (Datura meteloides) grows in sandy or gravelly dry open areas below 4,000 feet in Southern California and also in the lower Sacramento Valley. Sierra Miwok shamans ate the root or drank a tea made from this plant for its hallucinogenic properties (Barrett and Gifford 1933: 169). Isabel Kelly identified monoi as a narcotic plant, possibly jimson weed (Collier and Thalman 1991: 45, 152-153). I do not reconstruct a Proto Miwok form because I consider the Miwok words to result from the relatively recent spread of the jimson weed cult north from Southern California. The nature of plant terms reconstructed for Proto Miwok is consistent with a homeland in or close to the Central California foothills with access to valley areas and the high mountains. The foothills of the Sierras would qualify, also an area close to Mt. St. Helena in the North Bay. In view of archaeological evidence, the North Bay is more probable. 1.2. History of Costanoan classification Costanoan is a family of Central California Indian languages formerly spoken along the coast of California from the Carquinez Strait south to Big Sur. Their classification is more difficult than grouping the Miwok languages, probably because geographical and political divisions were less sharp. Kroeber (1910: 241) recognized seven Costanoan “dialects” named after nearby missions, which he divided geographically into a northern group: San Francisco (Ramaytush), Santa Clara (Tamyen), San Jose (Chocheño) and Santa Cruz (Awaswas), and a Southern group: San Juan Bautista (Mutsun), Monterey (Rumsen) and Soledad (Chalon).1 This division was based on geography and vocabulary items, although Kroeber stated that Santa Clara and San Jose might be the same language, and that of the northern languages, Santa Cruz most closely resembled San Juan Bautista (Kroeber 1910: 241). Kroeber justified his claims with comparative vocabularies that were mostly drawn from older sources, whose transcriptions he normalized. Unfortunately, he omitted length even when it was indicated in the original sources. Both vocalic and consonantal length are phonemic in Mutsun, Rumsen, and Chocheño, for which we have modern transcriptions by J. P. Harrington, and it is most probably phonemic in the other Costanoan languages as well. It should be indicated whenever possible. As far as I know, Broadbent (1957) was the first to look for sound correspondences to substantiate the division into a northern and southern branch. She found two, both largely confined to medial position, but she failed to include Chalon in the classification. Schambach (1978) filled that gap by pointing out the Northern nature of Chalon sound correspondences plus the fact that Chalon reflexes of clitic pronouns were decidedly Northern. Schambach (1978: 4) stated the sound developments as follows, where j = [y]:2 1. In Mutsun and Rumsen, PCo *-kw- > -k- intervocalically, and PCo *-kw- > -w- in all other positions. PCo *-kw- > -w()- in all other languages. 2. PCo *-tj- > -tj- in Mutsun and -g- in Rumsen. PCo *-tj- > -j- in all other languages.

Introduction

15

Karkin was unknown to the scholarly world until Beeler (1961b) published a word list taken by Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta at Mission Dolores, San Francisco on January 14, 1821. This was the language of the Carquinez Strait, and it may have survived into historic times despite its small area because of its strategic location in networks of trade; in fact, the name “Karkin” means “Trading,” or more colloquially, “Trading Post.” Beeler found sufficient differences from both Northern and Southern Costanoan to justify placing this language into a third branch of Costanoan although Ckar juyunaths /hujuna-t. / ‘tree’ (Sp. palo) and -muhue /-muwe/ ‘person’ link the language with San Francisco Bay.3 Callaghan (1988a) re-analyzed the Karkin corpus and found eleven items containing archaic roots or phonological features, some of which resembled words in the closely related Miwok family. The Miwok languages and the Costanoan languages together comprise Utian, not to be confused with Ute, a Uto-Aztecan language. Drawing on J. P. Harrington’s accurate transcriptions, Okrand (1989) concluded that Chalon reflexes represented archaic Northern Costanoan; specifically, PCo *-kw- > Csol -‰w- and PCo *-tj- > Csol -‰j-. Ascención Solórsano, Harrington’s Mutsun consultant, remembered a few words of Chalon, one of which was ma‰jan ‘coyote’, which Pinart had transcribed as ma-hia, indicating that he had used “h” to represent [‰]. Therefore Pinart’s Chalon transcription, pahaia ‘blood’ would represent /pa‰ja/, with the second a suggesting a non-phonemic echo vowel between members of a separately articulated consonant cluster. Note Csjb patjan, Cru pagan, Ceb pajan, all meaning ‘blood’ and the parallel set Csjb riga, Cru riga-, Ceb riga, all meaning ‘to speak’, for which we would reconstruct PCo *-g-. In like manner, Okrand argued that the common Chalon reflex of PCo *-kw- is -‰w-, judging by Ascensión’s Csol ‰a‰wes ‘salt’. Note Csjb ‰akes, Cru ‰akes-, Ceb ‰aweš ‘salt’. However, Harrington recorded muwe ‘man (Sp. hombre)’, which Pinart had transcribed as muhue, suggesting that Csol -‰w- was in the process of evolving into -w- (see Tables 1 and 2). 1.3. Ramaytush, Tamyen, and Chocheño Until recently, there were only two extensive published Tamyen vocabularies, one taken by Gregory Mengarini (in Powell 1877), and the second elicited by H. W. Henshaw (Heizer1955) from Felix Buelna, who apparently augmented his meager knowledge of the language with Spanish loan words, words from other Costanoan languages, and a creative imagination, giving the dialect a false appearance of divergence. An extensive Tamyen catechism has recently surfaced (Blevins and Golla 2005), demonstrating that Tamyen and Chocheño were dialects of the same language. Okrand (1991) examined three probable Ramaytush vocabularies. The first was an extensive word list taken by Schoolcraft (1852) from an Indian named Pedro Alcantara. The second was another word list identified as “Doloreño” of the Mission Dolores, transcribed by Harrington from Isidro Solis in 1912, and the third source consisted of a list of 33 items taken by Father Vicente Santa María in 1775 (see Beeler 1972). Okrand (1991: 155) placed Ramaytush between Karkin and Chocheño but closer to the latter. On the basis of the Ramaytush material in Okrand’s article plus Ramaytush sentences that Harrington’s Chocheño consultants recalled, I would conclude that Ramaytush along with Tamyen and Chocheño comprised a single language which we will call San Francisco Bay. This analysis accords with what Pedro Alcantara, Schoolcraft’s Ramaytush consultant, had reported earlier (Beeler 1972: 54): “All [the San Francisco Bay Indians] upon the land extending from the entrance to the head of San Francisco Bay spoke the same language.” The fact that the area was home to an interdependent trading community makes this conclusion all the more probable. In conclusion, the Mutsun and Rumsen languages form a unit (Southern Costanoan) linked by phonological, morphological, and lexical isoglosses, allowing for the reconstruction of Proto Southern Costanoan. San Francisco Bay and Karkin are divergent enough from Southern Costanoan languages and from each other to justify placing them in separate branches of the Costanoan family, but because of borrowing, there will be no Proto Costanoan reconstructions involving San Fracisco Bay and Karkin items only. What of the remaining two Costanoan languages, Chalon and Awaswas? The answer depends upon one’s criteria for classification. The numerals support Kroeber’s classification. Otherwise, lexical criteria favor Kroeber’s placement of Chalon in Southern Costanoan but cast doubt on the Northern status of Awaswas.

16

Introduction

Phonological criteria would unite Awaswas and Chalon with San Francisco Bay as common innovators as long as we believed that *-kw- and *-tj- were archaic Southern Costanoan retentions from Proto Costanoan, but as we shall see later, Mutsun and Rumsen were the innovators in this respect, with Karkin and San Francisco Bay preserving the original medial glides and with Chalon developing medial clusters consisting of a glottal stop plus a glide. Where the criteria are mixed, I favor a classification based on morphology, especially pronominal morphology. These features are less susceptible to borrowing. However, any classification is tentative under these circumstances. 1.4. Status of Chalon and Awaswas Chalon was the southernmost of the Costanoan languages. The numerals link Chalon with Southern Costanoan and Awaswas with San Francisco Bay. Many other Chalon and Awaswas words show affinities with both branches. Of the remaining lexical items, nearly three quarters link Chalon with Southern Costanoan as opposed to San Francisco Bay, and nearly two thirds link Awaswas with Southern Costanoan. In both cases, I am including in the count only those cases where both San Francisco Bay and Southern Costanoan are represented, but we must remember that the statistics are still weighted in favor of Southern Costanoan since we have much more Mutsun and Rumsen material than San Francisco Bay material. One important isogloss links Chalon with Rumsen, namely vowel lowering (PCo *CiCoC, *CiCoC > Csol CeCoc, CeCoC in Table 3).4 Table 3. Rumsen and Chalon vowel lowering English root

PCos *hikot.

Cos Csjb hikot. Cru xekot. -

SF Bay Ceb hikYot (may be -t. )

gopher

*sikwot

Csjb sikot Cru s. ekot-

Cscl si-bât HWH

feathers

*s. ipo-s. ¯

(not cognate) ¯

intestines

*rit. uk *rit. ok

Csjb sipos Cru s. epos. -¯ Csjb rit. uk rit. ok Cru ret. ok-

Ceb rit. uk rit. ok

Other Csol hé-kÁt HWH Cscr hiikog P2, hi-kâ´t HWH /hikot. / Csol so-wÁt HWH Cscr siuot ‘mole’P3, si-wât HWH /siw()ot/ Csol sop´-pos HWH /sepos/ Cscr si-p´s HWH Cscr ricok P2

With respect to the pronouns, especially pronominal clitics, Chalon shows affinity with Northern Costanoan as an analysis of the pronouns in Table 4 will show. Phrases followed by a star (*) were reconstructed by the author, arranging reconstructed sequences according to attested patterns. We see that Chalon first person, second person, and third person singular and plural clitic pronouns have Chocheño cognates. Corresponding Awaswas pronouns are shown to be more closely linked with Southern Costanoan, and it is assumed from other transcriptions of the Chalon word for “I” that ka hana by Pinart represents /kana/ rather than *ka‰ana. In the earliest recorded Chalon vocabulary (Hale:1846: 633), the prefix nik-, presumably meaning ‘my’, appeared with four kinship terms. In later vocabularies, nik had been reduced to ‰ik, identical with one of the Chocheño alternates. I had long wondered about the source of the latter, and Hale’s transcription plus one of Henshaw’s Chalon elicitations provided me with the answer. It included /kani-k/ ‘It is my...’, the only ¯ ¯ and Awaswas. nik ‘my’ is a reduced form of Costanoan reflex of PU *kani ‘I’ outside of Mutsun, Rumsen, /kanik/, the ultimate source of Northern Costanoan ‰ik ‰ek -k ‘my’. This is one example in which Chalon provides us with an archaic link between Northern and Southern Costanoan. Pinart’s transcription hapša ‘my father’ appears to be borrowed from Mutsun, attesting to the encroachment of patterns from the more dominant Mutsun into Chalon. Unfortunately, we have little Chalon morphology, and much of what we have analyzed is non-diagnostic. We are somewhat better off with Awaswas. A reflex of PCos *-msa ‘locational suffix’ is

Introduction

17

present in one Awaswas word, and Cscr -kniš ‘diminutive’, cognate with Csjb -kniš ‘diminutive’ appears to be active. I have also included Awaswas forms in the above table. The pronouns, much of the vocabulary, and what little we have of Awaswas morphology resemble Mutsun rather than Chocheño, although the numerals are largely Northern Costanoan and Awaswas words reflecting traditional PCo *kw and *tj show /w/ and /j/ respectively. This fact loses its former significance because *kw and *tj are secondary in Southern Costanoan, and the glides linking Awaswas with San Francisco Bay show common retention rather than innovation. Table 4. Costanoan personal pronouns English I

Chalon ka hana P /kana/ kan HWH

This is mine. It is my.... my (clitic) my father

ne-ka-nak /ne kana-k/ ¯ ¯ ká-nik HWH nik HH, ik HWH Yik Yek -k ¯ Yapa* nikápa HH Yik ik-ap-pa HWH Yek Yapa* hapša P /Yap-š-a/ kana-š ¯ ¯ Yem mene, mem im Yem -m /Yi/ HWH Yi

me thou thy his, her, its he, she, it our (your and my) our you pl. they

Chocheño kana

mak-sik HWH /maksi-k/ mák-ki HWH /maki/ maki-n makkamia P /makam-ja/ ha-ya HWH /haja/ ja

Awaswas kaan P /kan/

kan HWH kan-áp-nan HWH

Other Csjb kan < PCo *kan < PU *kan PCon *kana < PU *ka()na ‘I, my’ Ckar canac A /ka()nak/ ‘I’ Csjb kani PCos *-kw - and related sets English house

PCos *rukwa

ripe

*hikwu-s. te

gopher

*sikwot

grease, fat

*sakwer

to get fat

*sawre

to get hot

*takwa-n

north to dawn

*‰akwas *‰akwe-

Cos Csjb ruka Cru rukaCsjb hiku-šte Cru ‰iku-s. t Csjb sikot Cru s. ekotCsjb saker Cru saker Csjb sawre Cru sawre-n Csjb, Cru taka-n

*‰ak e *‰akwe

Csjb, Cru ‰akas Csjb ‰ake-n Cru ‰ake-m Cru ‰ak LR < *‰ak ?

awake, dawn

*‰awsi *‰awse

Csjb Yawse ‘awake’

salt

*Yakwe-s. ?

to salt mortar

*Yaws. e *Yurkwan

Csjb Yakes Cru YakesCsjb Yawse Csjb, Cru Yurkan

Morning Star

¯

w

¯

SF Bay Ceb ruwa

Other Csol ruhua P /ru‰wa/, Cscr ruwa Co, rua P Ceb hiw()u-šte Csol hi-wÁs-ta HWH Cscr yi-wun HWH Cscl si-ba^t HWH PMi *sywyt < PU *sywot Cscr siuot P3 ‘mole’ Ceb sawer Ceb sawre Ceb tawa ‘hot, warm’ Ceb ‰awas/š Ceb ‰awe-n Ceb ‰awe

Ceb Yaweš Ceb Yawše Ceb Yurwan

portable mortar valley oak and acorn *Yarkweh heavy, weigh molar teeth to trade

*parkwi ¯ *kara-s *karkw¯a-s ? *karkwi *karkwe

Csjb Yarkeh Cru Yarkex-

Ceb Yarweh

Csjb parki, parkeCsjb karas/š, raraš, karkas A Csjb karki A Cru karke-

Ceb parwi

Cscr taua P Csol á-was HWH Mics ‰awe-n-y- ‘to become daylight’ Csol ‰awe JPH PMiw*‰awe(s. ) < *‰awe Mics Yawsi- ‘early dawn’ < PU *Yawsi Csol YaYwes JPH Cscr aues P Csol uruhan P /YurYan/ Cscr uruan P /Yurwan/ ¯ < PU Mip Yylywe*Yylwa *¯Yylwe- ? PMi *Yalwas. *Yalawas. Csol aruix P /Yarwih/ ? < PU *Yalweš Ckar /karsa-n/

Ceb karwe ‘to lend’

Ckar karki-n ‘trading, trading place’

1.5. Criteria for classification As mentioned earlier, most classifications of Costanoan languages depend upon reflexes of *kw and *tj, which up to now have been projected back to Proto Utian in all cases. Yet their distribution is largely intervocalic and geminate, which raises the possibility that at least some of them are secondary. If so, we should be able to state the environments under which the derivative reflexes arose.

Introduction

19

Table 6 includes a set of stems with medial geminates illustrating the correspondence Mutsun, Rumsen -k-: Chocheño -w()-. These stems are usually nouns or adjectives, and where Miwok cognates exist, they likewise show -w-. Unfortunately, we lack Yokuts resemblant forms for these items. I wondered if Southern Costanoan medial -k- in these sets might be secondary. If so, we should be able to discover an environment where the development could be predicted. We note (Table 7) the existence of Costanoan cognate sets reflecting -k- in all languages for which we must reconstruct PCo *-k-, and the set for ‘no, not’ seems to reflect PCo *-kw-, with cluster reflexes in Mutsun and Chocheño. But sets with -w- in all of the daughter Costanoan languages are very rare. What could be the explanation? 1.6. Holtzmann’s Law As I examined these sets, something niggled from my graduate school days. In Gothic,*-w- > -ww- > -ggwand *-j- >-jj- > -ddj-, and a corresponding sound change also took place in Icelandic (Prokosch 1938: 92-93). Moreover, some of the Salish languages underwent a similar sound development, so there is precedent for the emergence of labio-velars and palatalized stops from corresponding glides. If my reconstructions are accurate, Proto Utian and Proto Costanoan (Table 9) had a few sets with *kw prior to Proto Southern Costanoan which could have precipitated the process, especially considering that Germanic and Salish also had earlier labiovelars. On the other hand, in Q’eqchi’ (Kekchí), w > kw and y > ty syllable initially with no prior kw (Campbell 1977). In the Natttavaaraan dialect of Finnish, jj > ddj. Other dialects of Finnish and Saami (Lapp) underwent a similar change (Campbell p.c.).We may be dealing with developments that are common worldwide. Until now, I had assumed that *-kw- should also be reconstructed to Proto Utian, but apparently there is no reason to project it beyond Proto Southern Costanoan for the sets in Table 6. Support for this conclusion comes from associated verbs with metathesis of the second vowel and the third consonant producing medial clusters whose first member is /w/. An example is PCos *sakwer ‘grease, fat’, PCos *sawre ‘to get fat’. The last five sets in Table 7 illustrate the correspondence Mutsun, Rumsen -rk-: Chocheño -rw-, indicating that Holtzmann’s Law has spread to this cluster as well and we should reconstruct PCos *-rkw- < *PU *-lw-. Confirmation comes from Miwok cognates in -lw- or -lVw-. It is possible that most or all such sets argue for PU *-lw-. The set PCo *warka ‘to cry’ shows -rk- in all daughter languages, forcing us to reconstruct the cluster PCo *-rk- as well.. 



C

Table 7. Sets arguing for PCo *-k -, PCo *-kw-, PCo *-t -, PCo *- -, and PCo *-rkEnglish enter, set (sun)

PCo ¯ *Yaku *Yako

no, not

*Yakwe, *Yekwe

belly to speak

*hutu *riga

to cry

*warka

Cos Csjb Yaku Cru YakoCsjb Yekwe

Con Ceb Yako

Other

Ceb Yakwe

Csjb hutu Csjb riga Cru rigaCsjb warka Cru warka-

Ceb hutu Ceb riga ‘to speak (spirit language)’ Ceb warka

PMis *Yewy *Y¯ewy < PU *Yakwy *Yekwy Cscr huttu P2 ‘abdomen’

¯

We will now examine the correspondence Csjb -tj-: Cru -g-: Ceb -j-, for which scholars had formerly reconstructed Proto Costanoan *-tj- (Table 8) and had projected this phoneme back to Proto Utian. This correspondence is always medial and geminate, and in two cases (PCo *‰iji ‘to come out, go out’ and PCo *huji ‘to begin’) there is an associated verb of the canon CVji. Consequently, we need not project *-tjbeyond Proto Southern Costanoan. Moreover, PMi *hoj-u-gu- ‘to be first’ and PMi *hojtu ‘to begin’ are related cognate sets with /j/. In PCos *patja-n ‘blood’ < PCo *paja-n, we have a Proto Valley Yokuts form,

20

Introduction

*phajax ‘blood’, which also shows /j/. There are clear cases where we must reconstruct Proto Costanoan *-g(the set for speak) and *-t- (the set for belly), so the correspondence under discussion cannot be part of either of these two correspondences. PCos *-tj- probably arose from PCo *-j- after *-kw- developed from PCo *-wsince there are several cases where the former development is still in progress, as in the sets for ‘to light a fire’, and ‘road runner’, and it seems not to have operated yet in the Southern Costanoan set ‘to be face up’. A development similar to Holzmann’s Law is also spreading to some sets in /t/, like woodpecker and killdeer where Arroyo elicited words with medial /t/ but Harrington obtained forms with medial /tj/. 



Table 8. Proto Costanoan *-j - > PCos *-tj - and related sets English let’s, let’s go

PCos *hitje

come out, go out woods (Sp. monte)

PCo *Yije, *Yiji < **Yij-y*hutja

ahead, in front

*hutju

to begin

PCo *huji < **huj-y-

coyote to eat dry pinole

*mutje

blood

*patja-n

toyon

*totjo-n

bone

*t. atji

light fire

*huja

roadrunner

*Yujuj

face up, to be

*c/aj()ol ?

woodpecker

*paratu(k) ?

killdeer

*tiwituk

¯

Cos Csjb hitje ‘Go!’ Cru Yige ¯ Cru Yije- Yiji-

SF Bay Ceb hij()e ¯

Csjb hutja Cru xugaCsjb hutju-j Cru xuguCsjb huji

Ceb huja

Cru magan < *matja-n Csjb mutje Cru mugeCsjb patjan Cru pagan

Ceb majan

Csjb tjotjoni Cru togon Csjb t. atji Cru gag

Ceb Yiji

Other

Yij()i

Ceb huju-j Ceb huji

Ckar juyunaths A /hujuna-t. / ‘tree’ (Sp. palo) PMis *hoju-gu(Mins hoji- ‘front’) PMi *hojtu ‘to begin’ Csol maYjan JPH, ma-hia P

Ceb muje Ceb pajan

Csol pahia P /paYja/ Cscr paian P, pâi-yán HWH /pajan/ (PYv *phajax ‘blood’)

(Ceb tujuk) Ceb t. aj()i

Csjb huj()a (Ceb Yewe) Cru YugaCsjb Yutjuj Cru Yujuj Csjb c/aj()alCru c/ajor Ceb paratat Csjb paratju Csjb paratu A Cru paratk Csjb tiwitjuk Csjb tiwituk A ‘bird’ Cru tiwutk

Csol gaei P, trá-i HWH /t. aj()i/, Cscr chaie P, tái-yi HWH /t. aji/ PMie *Yuj()uju

(PMi *palat. a) Mil tiwicik

We have just demonstrated that most instances of PCos *-kw- can be accounted for by Holtzmann’s Law operating exclusively in Southern Costanoan. Now we examine those sets which argue most compellingly for projecting *kw back to Proto Utian (Table 9), and the list is thin, consisting of three sets listed in Table 9 for which we can formulate the following rules: (1) PU *kw > PCo *kw after high vowels. Elsewhere, PU *kw > PCo *k. (2) PCo *kw > PCos *kw , Con w, Ckar w (Cscl muken- ‘person’ is unexplained). (3) PCos *kw > Cru *kw before final juncture in the dialect of Isabelle Meadows. Elsewhere, PCos *kw > Csjb, Cru /k/. (4) PU *kw >

Introduction

21

PMi *w before or after high vowels. Elsewhere, PU *kw > PMi *k. The most compelling of the three sets is the one for person, whose subsets include outcomes before final juncture, before or after high vowels, and following /a/, although it is dangerous to make generalizations on the basis of so few examples, and there is always the possibility of alternate explanations. Table 9. Possible Proto Utian sets in *kw and similar sets English person

¯ PU w *mik *mikwy-

person to become a man man (male)

husband knee

*mokw()i ¯

to sit down

*t. akw...

to stink

?

(to fart, a fart

?

to drink, fetch water

?

*t. okw...

¯ PCo, Cos Con, Ckar Other w ¯ Ceb muwe()-kma PMi *miw *miwy PCo, PCos *muk *mukwe ‘people, , person’ ‘person’ ‘person, man (male)’ (Cscl muken-) (PYgen *mukes < **muki-s Csjb muke ‘son’ Ckar -muhue A ‘woman’) ¯ Cru muke-n Csjb mukene A Csol muYwe muweh Cru¯ muk-ja×kw muk-jamk < *muk-ja-mukw ? ‘man-animate-person’ ? PCo *maku Ceb mako (Mil miw) Csol makena JPH Csjb makuh ‘people’ < **makwy ? PCo*maku-s Csf Ma cas Mib mowi ¯ Csjb makus A Csol makus JPH PCo *t. akalCeb gawra Mil tak -ane ‘to land’ (insect) *t. awra Csjb t. akal-, t. akarPMis *t. oY-×ePMie *t. oY-u-guCru t. akar-

PCos *t. awri Csjb t. awri Cru t. awir PCo *s. iwe Csjb sike < *s. ikwe ¯ *Yuwi†PCo *Yuwe ¯ *Yukwi PCos *Yukwe-

PMis *t. ok-×eMip tok-wuCeb šiwe ¯ ¯ Yuwe Yuwe Ceb Yušwe Ceb Yuš ‘bucket’

Mins sipe ‘to break wind silently’) (PMi *Yus. u ‘to drink’) ¯ (Esselen /Yetše Yeše/) (PY *Yukun < **Yukin ‘to drink’)

The subset for man (male) includes Cru -ja×kw, an animate suffix often found in words referring to people. In contemporary Rumsen dialects other than that of Isabelle Meadows, the suffix is -jamk, which was also the suffix indicated by Pinart, who transcribed the Rumsen word for boy as siniamk /sinjamk/. Either Cru mukja×kw or mukjamk ‘man (male)’ could derive from *mukw-ja-mukw, where -ja- is an animate suffix and the second /u/ became the Rumsen fleeting vowel, rendering the etymology of the suffix opaque. If -ja×kw is ultimately prior, it represents a rare survival of PU *kw in attested Costanoan words. ¯ Mutsun, Rumsen, San Francisco Bay and¯ It is possible to reconstruct PCo *mukwe ‘person, man male’ from Chalon reflexes. The Proto Miwok cognate stems are *miw *miwy ‘person’, arguing for PU *mikw *mikwy- ‘person’, where PU *i > PCo *u under the influence of preceding and following labials.5 This set also¯ ¯ alternation confined to noun stems whose second consonant is a stop (e.g. PU *kyt conforms to a Proto Utian kyty- ‘tooth’, PU *sak *saky- ‘valley pine’). Further confirmatory evidence comes from Csol makena JPH ‘people’, where make- could be a reflex of **makwy-, an a-grade of *mikwy- with -na unexplained (see 3.4.3 and 10.4). PCo *maku ‘husband’ is an apparently related stem whose reflexes show /k/ in both Mutsun and Chocheño. Unfortunately, there are no Miwok cognates for either Csol makena ‘people’ or PCo *maku

22

Introduction

‘husband’. The set for ‘knee’ is fragmentary, but it follows the same pattern with /w/ in the presumed Miwok ¯ ‘knee’. cognate, Mib mowi If PCo *t. akal *t. awra ‘to sit down’ is cognate with Mil tak-ane ‘to alight’, it suggests that PMis *t. o‰-×e‘to sit down’ < PU *t. okw-, with PMi *k > PMis /‰/ when first member of a medial cluster, with generalization throughout the derivational paradigm. Other putative sets are listed below the line because they are even more problematic and no attempt is made to reconstruct them to Proto Utian. If PMis *t. ok-×e- ‘to stink’ came from a putative PU *t. okw..., we cannot account for the fact that it did not undergo the same development as PMis *t. o‰-×e- ‘to sit down’ < PU *t. okw-; consequently I conclude it is not cognate with PCos *t. awri ‘to stink’. Mins sipe- ‘to fart quietly’ looks tantalizing, but we do not expect¯ /p/ in a cognate with PCo *s. iwe ‘to fart’. Sound symbolism may be involved. Currently, I project *‰ukwi *‰ukwe- ‘to get water, drink’ no deeper than Proto Southern Costanoan, and I believe the labio-velar to be secondary, resulting from Holtzmann’s Law. Moreover, the set lacks Miwok cognates, and the only evidence for deep labio-velars comes from Yokuts resemblant forms (PY *‰ukun < **‰ukin ‘to drink’), which are pan-Americanisms. The sole support in Utian for labio-velars deeper than Proto Southern Costanoan comes from a Chocheño obstruent in one of the alternates for ‘fetch water’ and in the Chocheño word for ‘bucket’, neither of which conform to reflex expectations from other Proto Utian sets in *kw. However, since the Costanoan and Yokuts languages were adjacent, this set might shed additional light on borrowing. ¯ In conclusion, there is limited evidence for reconstructing PU *kw. The strongest argument comes from PU w w *mik *mik y- ‘person’ and the seemingly related sets Csol makena ‘people’ and PCo *maku ‘husband’ along with PCo *mak-h-u ‘to marry a man’. The first set, as we have reconstructed it with PU *kw, conforms structurally to an ancient canonical alternation of stems whose second consonant is a stop. Csol makena ‘people’ < **maky may represent an a-grade of PU *mikwy- ‘person’, with -na an unexplained suffix, but note Ceb ‰akwe ‘no, not’, ‰akwena ‘there is none’ (Sp. no hay nada). PCo *maku ‘husband’ seems to be a related stem though the relationship is unclear. Support comes from sets for knee and to sit down. It is is also possible that an alternate scenario will prove more fruitful. 1.7. Summary Analysis of a Tamyen catechism (Blevins and Golla 2005) and new Ramaytush material has shown both Tamyen and Ramaytush, along with Chocheño, to be dialects of San Francisco Bay, thus reducing the number of Costanoan languages from 8 to 6. A further analysis of Awaswas material shows it to represent disparate dialects spoken by Indians who were apparently in the midst of language shift from a divergent form of San Francisco Bay to Mutsun. Chalon speakers may have been more gradually shifting from a Northern Costanoan language to Mutsun. Most instances of *-kw- and all examples of *-tj- date from early Southern Costanoan rather than Proto Utian. These phonemes spread outward through Southern Costanoan dialects, and in the case of *-tj-, the spread was still underway in historic times. This scenario explains why both San Francisco Bay and Miwok cognates show -w- and -j- respectively. Since Chalon has been reclassified as a Northern Costanoan language, it raises the question of why reflexes in that language should show -‰w- and -‰j- in most cases. The Chalon speech area had apparently been undergoing slow encroachment from Mutsun for generations. The simplest explanation is influence from Mutsun in the speech of bilinguals. 2.0. Utian linguistics Kinship between the Miwok and Costanoan families is not obvious on inspection, although R. G. Latham suggested it as early as 1856. In 1910, Kroeber assembled sets of resemblant forms between the two families and noted certain sound correspondences, although he concluded that genetic relationship was far from certain. Early scholars were hampered by a paucity of data, particularly on Costanoan languages. This gap was partially filled when J. P. Harrington’s field notes became available. Marc Okrand completed an excellent Mutsun (San

Introduction

23

Juan Bautista) grammar in 1977, based on a portion of the Harrington material, and Amy Miller has compiled preliminary drafts of grammars and dictionaries of Rumsen (Carmel Costanoan) and the Chocheño dialect of San Francisco Bay Costanoan, also based on Harrington’s notes. I have published three articles on Proto Costanoan (Callaghan 1988b, 1990, 1992), and Catherine Schambach has reconstructed a corpus of that proto language (1977, n.d.). As shallow reconstruction continues, it becomes increasingly possible to compare Proto Miwok with Proto Costanoan, while at the same time sifting through the materials on the daughter languages to glean those items that have survived in only one daughter language in each of the families. In Callaghan1972a, I presented the principal sound correspondences justifying the subdivisions within Miwok and linking the Miwok family to the Costanoan family. I have further substantiated Miwok-Costanoan (Utian) as a deep genetic unit by reconstructing Proto Utian lexical items, derivational morphology, and independent pronouns (Callaghan 1982, 1983, 1986a, 1986c, 1988a, 1991a, 1993, 1998a). The question of deeper affiliations is an old one. In 1919, R. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber argued that Miwok-Costanoan (which they called Uti after words for two in the two families) was in turn related to the Maidun, Wintun, and Yokuts families of California, all of which they grouped into the superfamily, Penutian. Recently, I have compared Utian with Yokuts (Callaghan 1997a) and uncovered evidence for a deeper genetic relationship between the two families, but this relationship is by no means substantiated. On the other hand, a reexamination of Dixon and Kroeber’s evidence for California Penutian in light of more recent data reveals only sporadic evidence for linking Maidun and Wintun with Utian and Yokuts (Callaghan 2001). Before we can adequately tackle the problem of deep genetic relationship, we must have a data base of grammars and dictionaries on the individual languages that is extensive enough to trace the network of loan words and borrowed constructions through California languages, as well as to identify potential cognates. It is hoped that this volume will contribute to such a goal. Genetic relationship between the Miwok and Costanoan families has been well established on the basis of sound correspondences both within and between the two families, and a significant portion of Proto Utian morphology has been reconstructed. 2.1. Typology and reconstruction At this point, I will introduce two new terms for comparative linguistics, “well-behaved languages” and “poorly behaved languages.” These phrases have no implied value connotations for speakers and listeners, referring exclusively to the ease and reliability of reconstruction and the potential for reconstructing words and morphology at a deep level. The Utian languages are extremely well-behaved for the following reasons: (1) They are highly agglutinating, allowing stems to be easily separated from suffixes. (2) They lack prefixes except for occasional reduplicating prefixes in the case of Miwok languages. This factor facilitates stem identification and decreases the incidence of fusion. (3) They have simple syllable canons, most commonly, CV() and CV()C. Medial clusters of more than two consonants are largely absent in Miwok languages and Mutsun. In Rumsen, final clusters result from automatic vowel loss, and the underlying vowel is often restored when a suffix follows the stem. In Chocheño, such clusters derive from sequences of pronominal clitics. Unfortunately, simple stem canons, coupled with a small consonant inventory, increase the possibility of chance resemblances across linguistic boundaries. (4) Metathesis of the second vowel and third consonant tends to block independent development of consonant clusters except in suffixes containing consonant clusters and closed stems of the canon CVCCVC, which do not undergo metathesis. Such clusters are called “protected clusters.” (5) The Miwok family branches rather neatly into a family tree, allowing reconstruction at each node. The branching of the Costanoan family tree was harder to disentangle. Still we are fortunate in having extensive and accurate field notes by J. P. Harrington on Chocheño for Northern Costanoan and Mutsun and Rumsen for Southern Costanoan. (6) The word is a stable unit, allowing for the reconstruction of hundreds of words to Proto Miwok, Proto Costanoan, and Proto Utian, some of which are polymorphemic stems and inflected paradigms. By contrast,

24

Introduction

it is rare that more than a monomorphemic stem can be reconstructed to Proto Yuman, and even members of the same family will give different answers when asked to translate common words (Margaret Langdon, p.c.). These six factors allow a step by step reconstruction process involving progressively deeper levels of proto languages. They also enable us to perform deep comparison with a higher level of reliability.7 The results of this reconstruction constitute the grammatical and lexical portions of this book. 2.2. The Proto Utian homeland Linguistic reconstruction should not be undertaken in a vacuum apart from environmental and archaeological considerations. James A. Bennyhoff and David Frederickson (p.c.) believe the Lower Berkeley Pattern, located inland from the Bay Area and dated around 4,000-4500 years ago, represented Proto Utian ¯speakers. This location is consistent with linguistic evidence, specifically PU *nykys ‘poison oak’, PU *sak *saky- ‘gray pine’ (Pinus sambiniana) and PU *‰alweš ‘valley oak’ (Quercus lobata), which name plants found in this area. Of course, these plants are found in many other parts of California as well. Moratto (1984: 552-553) also suggests that an Utian population entered California about that time, but he thinks it settled in the Windmiller area (close to Stockton, California), possibly extending into the Lower Berkeley area.8 Frederickson (p.c.) believes the homeland of the Proto Miwok was probably the North Bay, some 2,5003,000 years ago, with projectile points, scraping tools, bead assemblies, and artifactual bone assemblies serving as Proto Miwok markers. This area extended from Western Solano County and the foothills of Yolo county westward into Napa County, and included the southernmost tip of Lake County up through Middletown. If this scenario is accurate, the Miwok subsequently spread west to the Coast, across the valley to the Sierras and south along the foothills. Frederickson and White (1994: 10) tentatively date the time of arrival of ancestral Lake Miwok Indians in the Cache Creek area of Clear Lake at 2,200 years ago, at which point they may have acculturated to the Houx pattern and increased the pressure on local resources, resulting in the development of a tribelet pattern based on interrelated families. ¯ A North Bay homeland is consistent with plant terms that can be reconstructed for Proto¯ Miwok, including *sak *saky- ‘gray pine nut’, *san()ak ‘mountain pine nut’, *s. at. a ‘live oak’, *‰alwas. *‰alawas. ‘valley ¯ *mon ‘cedar, cypress’, *saji ‘maple’, *‰unu ‘buckeye’, *sotum ‘tree alder’, *‰antaj ‘elderberries’, oak, tree’, . *‰eje *‰eje ‘manzanita berries’, and *suli ‘basket root, Carex spp.’. The distribution of these plants indicates a homeland with access to the high mountains, foothills, woodlands, wet slopes, and probably the valley. The North Bay would qualify. The Costanoan languages appear to be as far apart as the Romance languages, or about 2,000 years.9 The East Bay was probably the Proto Costanoan homeland. Levy (1979: 8) thinks the Carquinez Strait area is the most likely site, and Karkin Costanoan has many archaic features (Levy 1976:17-18 and Callaghan 1988b). Levy also observes (1978b: 2-3) that many Coast Miwok and Costanoan terms for plants and animals peculiar to the coastal ecosystem are borrowings, which provides supporting evidence against a coastal homeland for the Proto Utians. We will examine this question in greater depth in later sections. 3.0. Beyond Utian It has been proposed (see 3.3) that pre-Utian speakers came from Western Nevada, and given that we are able to reconstruct a considerable portion of Proto Utian phonology, sound developments, lexical items, and morphology, we might ask what language family constitutes the next node back using the family tree model. In other words, what family is most closely related to Utian? In historic times, the Yokuts family of languages was spoken in the San Joaquin valley and adjacent Sierra foothills, and Whistler and Golla (1986: 352-53) listed some similarities between the two families and concluded that “...the relationship between Yokuts and Utian should continue to be an extremely fruitful area for historical research.”

Introduction

Map 1 a-c: the Miwok linguistic area

25

26

Introduction

3.1. The case for Yok-Utian In 1991, Geoffrey Gamble and I began investigating these similarities, and he coined the term “Yok-Utian” for a possible superfamily consisting of Yokuts and Utian. This question was examined in depth in Callaghan (1997, 2001) and what follows includes updated summaries of the material contained in those two articles plus some papers I have since presented on the subject (Callaghan 2002a, 2002b, 2004, 2005, 2006). More extensive comments on Yokuts resemblant material will be found throughout the grammatical and lexical portions of this book. 3.2. Utian and Yokuts plant and animal terms As mentioned earlier, the first three words of Table 10 can be reconstructed to Proto Utian, which is important because the plants in question are restricted to California west of the peaks of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. They can also be reconstructed to deeper levels of Yokuts, a fact which is consistent with a Central California homeland for speakers of both proto languages. But the Proto Utian and deep Yokuts reconstructions do not resemble each other. If there is a Yok-Utian, perhaps the homeland was outside of California. Where could it be? To answer this question, I have assembled resemblant sets between Utian and Yokuts for plant and animal terms below the line, excluding the obviously onomatopoetic animal terms and most pan-Americanisms as well as generic terms like “tree” and “worm.” I thank Lyle Campbell for pointing out additional pan-Americanisms, most of which I have omitted. In 1902 and 1935, C. Hart. Merriam was able to elicit words in Northern Paiute for all items below the line in Table 10 except “bat” and “turtle,” indicating that practically all the plant and animal terms in question were familiar to modern Indians living there, though this fact might not be significant since they are common to many other areas as well. Also, one would have to check which plants and animals were present 4500 y.a. in the Lovelock area for such a comparison to have corroborative value and we must also remember that there are probably many other areas where the same plants and animals are present. Table 10. Words for flora and fauna English

Miwok

Costanoan

gray pine valley oak poison oak mountain pine

PMis *sakyPCo *sak PMi *Yal(a)was PCo *Yarweh PMie *nykys PCo *nisis PMi *san()ak

round tule

Mil kól

n.c.

bear

n.c.

PCo *Yore-s < **Yole-s







Proto Utian ¯

Yokuts

*saky *sak *Yalweš *nykys

(PYnim *tho×) (PY *k ymyjyx) (PYv *C iwik ) PYnim *C o×oxiš < **c o×axis ?? ‘sugar pine’ PYv *k ojis ? ‘tule sp.’ Ypal kololi-s (D & K) Yn, v ului(D & K) Yn uyum (D & K) PYnim *Yaw’ghaPY*c imc im CC







fox bat (animal) wildcat ground squirrel trout turtle

Mim Ah-wáh-ke Mip simsiCsjb Shím-te-klah CHM PMi *tolo-ma PCo *torom(a) ? (from Miwok) PMiw *gite PCos *sigokna ? ¯

PMie *tal... *t. ol... PMie *Yawan-a- PCo *Yawni-s-min



*sim

PY *»o×ol < **»o×al GG ¯ PY *sixthil *sixithal PYn *sithxil (via metathesis) PY *tal’im





Ychuk Yow’

Introduction

27

3.3. Archaeological evidence Archaeologists have long noticed connections between Yok-Utian (Miwok, Costanoan, Yokuts) cultural patterns and those of a pre-Numic people in the Great Basin of northwestern Nevada. Central California is known for its highly developed basketry, which includes both twining and coiling. In a culture without pottery, boiling is accomplished by weaving a water-tight basket (either coiled or twined), filling it with water, and placing hot rocks in the basket. Alternatively, baked clay balls can be used instead of hot rocks. This technique is known as “stone-boiling.” Textile impressions on baked clay balls, and the near-absence of bone awls in early deposits suggest that ancient Central California baskets were twined (Elsasser 1978: 634). Coiling was introduced about 1000 B.C. As previously mentioned, I estimate that Miwok and Costanoan are about as far apart as Latin and Sanskrit, or about 4,500 yrs. Moratto (1984: 552ff.) suggests that an Utian population entered California about that time, probably from the Great Basin area, and settled in the Windmiller area (close to Stockton, California), possibly extending into the Lower Berkeley area. Evidence of a Great Basin origin comes from shared traits with the Lovelock Culture, including marshland adaptation, large foliate and triangular stemmed projectile points, slate rods, an extensive bone industry with similar types of awls, scapula saws or grass cutters, bone tubes, atlatl spurs, stubby basketry techniques, and shell ornaments of California origin. Why would these pre-Utians have left the Great Basin? Given the archeological evidence and their subsequent rapid spread through Central California, it is possible to infer that they were adapted to a riverinemarshland economy. About 4,500 y.a., the Great Basin underwent rapid warming, which would have dried up lakes and swamps, converting the area into desert and semi-desert. Central California with its rivers and delta system would be less drastically affected. During periods of warming, higher elevations of the Sierra Nevada Mountains also become habitable. Lovelock Indians would be familiar with conditions in California through trade required for their shell ornaments. If this scenario is accurate, the pre-Utians arrived around 4,500 y.a., too early to bring coiled basketry with them. There is increasing evidence that Utian may in turn be related to Yokuts, the language family of the San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra foothills (see Map 2 below). The Yokuts dialects consist of one, two, or at most three languages. They are mutually intelligible to a high degree, and Yokuts speakers are well acquainted with the peculiarities of other dialects, often mimicking one another. Differences are largely lexical and argue for a time depth of approximately 1,500 years for Proto Yokuts, suggesting that pre-Yokuts speakers went through a bottleneck (i.e. a severe population reduction) after separating from Proto Utian. The branching of the Yokuts dialect tree in figures 2 and 3 are from Whistler and Golla (1986: 320, 321). When the pre-Yokuts left Nevada and where they settled in California is uncertain. Frederickson (p.c.) believes that Windmiller was pre-Yokuts and these people subsequently traveled south through the foothills and into the San Joaquin Valley. If this migration scenario is accurate, there was probably extensive borrowing between pre-Yokuts and Proto Utian. Such borrowing would have continued between Eastern Miwok and Yokuts as well as Costanoan and Yokuts into modern times, especially since trade routes were east-west. These factors make the separation of loan words from potential cognates much more difficult. If Windmiller was Proto Utian rather than pre-Yokuts, it is possible that the pre-Yokuts entered California farther south. This hypothesis accords with the fact that the greatest linguistic diversity among post-contact Yokuts speakers occurs in the southern San Joaquin Valley, which includes Palewyami, a dialect with archaic features, the most prominent of which is the retention of ancient quantitative ablaut which became qualitative in all other dialects through sound changes.10 3.4. Linguistic evidence for Yok-Utian The linguistic evidence supporting genetic relationship between Utian and Yokuts has been presented in Callaghan 1997, 2001, so only an updated summary of non-identical correspondences and relic processes will be given here, although a more detailed updated exposition of resemblant sets and morphological constructions between Utian and Yokuts will occur throughout the grammatical and lexical portions of this book.11

28

Introduction

Map 2: the Yokuts linguistic area

Introduction

29

Map 3: the California area (Yok-Utian in dark black) 124°

122°

120°

42°

42° Tolowa

Chilula

Achumawi

Hupa

Whilkut Wiyot

Karok

Chi ma riko

Yurok

Shasta

Wintu

Atsugewi

Non gatl

yo Sink

Mattole

Yana

Lassik Wailaki

Kato

Maidu

Nomlaki

ne

40°

Konkow

Yuki

Patwin Pomo

W ap po

Lovelock

40° Pyramid Lake

Washo

Northern Paiute (Uto-Aztecan)

Nisenan

Lake Miwok

118°

Coast Miwok

Walker Lake

Miwok

38°

38° 124°

Stockton

San Francisco

Costanoan

Northern Valley Yokuts

M

Owens Valley Paiute

il oth Fo

on ac h

116°

e

Panamint

l l Tubatula ba

Salinan

Southern Valley Yokuts

uts

36°

k Yo

Esselen

Southern 36° Paiute Kawaiisu Chemehuevi (Uto-Aztecan)

122° Chumash

34°

Kitanemuk (Takic)

Tat avi am

Serrano (Takic) Uto-Aztecan

Gabrielino

Chumash

34° Cahuilla 120°

Luiseño

Gabr

ielino

'Iipay

Cupeño (Yuman) Tiipay

0

25

50

75

100 Miles 118°

0 25 50 75 100 Kilometer 116°

30

Introduction

3.4.1. Sound correspondences linking Utian and Yokuts The following sound correspondences link Utian and Yokuts; see Table 11. 1. PU *w- : PY *‰- before high vowels and PU *w: PY *w in other environments. This distribution is consistent with a sound law PYU *w > PY *0//_V+hi., with /‰/ serving as the default initial consonant. Alternations within Utian between ‰- and w- in potentially related words suggests a similar change underway in pre-Utian. The extent of this change has yet to be determined (see also PMi *wyl-ki ‘to light a fire, to burn’). 2. PU *j : PY *j (non-initial). One instance of PU *j-: PY *‰- in initial position suggests a distribution analogous to that of a possible Proto Yok-Utian *w under 1. 3. PU *l: PY *j. This correspondence is usually medial following Yokuts /u/, short /o/, and short /a/. PU *l: PY *l, l’: is usually found in other positions, including in clusters, especially if we consider PY *l’ to represent a historical cluster. 4. PU *-l-: PY *-‰-. It is uncertain how this correspondence fits in with the two discussed under 3. If valid, we must assume /l/ was lost and replaced by /‰/. 5. PU *s-, *s. -: PY *c-, *c -, *ch-. This correspondence is supported by *g: s, s. , š alternations between potentially related words within the Utian corpus. 6. PU s. , s: PY *t. , », *t. h. This correspondence is supported by alternations between dentals and sibilants within both Utian and Yokuts. 7. PU *y: PY *u. This correspondence usually follows Utian /w/, and it is almost in complementary distribution with the correspondence PMi *y: PY *i. If there is a Yok-Utian, we could say that Proto YokUtian *y > Proto Yokuts *u after *w, and Proto Yokut-Utian *y > Proto Yokuts *i elsewhere, with some ¯ leveling among reflexes. 8. PU *a, *a *o: PY *o. There is often relic *a/*o ablaut within Utian. Proto Utian had a single series of stops, as do all daughter Utian languages except Lake Miwok, which has recently borrowed three additional series from neighboring Indian languages (Callaghan 1964, 1987b; see also Section 7). Three series of stops and affricates can be reconstructed for Proto Yokuts, and sonorants may be plain or glottalized. Aspiration may be secondary in Proto Yokuts since plain stops are aspirated finally and also when they appear as first member of consonant clusters (Whistler and Golla 1986: 334). There is contrast between Yokuts plain and aspirated stops only in initial and intervocalic positions, but even there, Proto Utian obstruents most frequently correspond with Proto Yokuts aspirated or glottalized stops and affricates rather than with the Proto Yokuts plain series. Glottalization may also be secondary. Newman (1944: 15) believed that glottalized resonants probably resulted from clusters involving an intrusive glottal stop, since they never occurred initially in a word or in a syllable that followed a closed syllable, and Yokuts is famous for suffixinduced glottalization, sometimes called “floating” glottalization of resonants. Whistler and Golla (1986: 335) believe that glottalization of stem-final resonants and perhaps other consonants as well might derive from suffixes beginning with a glottal stop. In the above list of sound correspondences, we note that for 5 and 6, Proto Yokuts plain, glottalized, and aspirated stops function as a unit, but there is an additional correspondence that is interesting enough to be considered separately. If these sets are valid, PYU *-t. - > PY *-th-/_i, y, with the set for ‘woman, girl’ being problematic. Table 11.a. PU *w-: PY *w- (before Yokuts /a/) English to give lightning sand

¯ Utian PMiw *waja waje PU *wilep ‘lightning’ PMis *wiska-la- ¯

sky

< PU *wi()s... *wi()s. ... PMis *wali-sy- ‘to dawn’

Yokuts ¯ *wakij PY *waYin, PYnim PYnim *walam *walma PYnim *wakis. ? PYn *wal’a

Introduction

31

Y

Table 11.b. PU *w- : PY * - (elsewhere, usually before a high vowel) English to fan hot air or smoke fire to burn (GG) flower to bloom heart to sing

Utian PU *wile PMi *wyke ¯ PU *wyk-y ¯ Mip wile- wule(Mip wile-ty- wule-ty-) PMi *wys. ki Mil wili ‘tune, song’ Mil wile ‘Indian dance song’

Yokuts PYnim *Yile < **Yili PY *Yos. ith PYnim *Yos. oth < **Yos. ath PYnim *Yelaw < **Yilaw PYv *Yeliw < **Yiliw PYgen *Yus. uk < **Yus. ik PYgen *Yylykh < **Yylikh

Y

Table 11.c. Utian -, h-: w- (before Proto Utian high vowels) English to burn to burn up, catch fire trail to come to walk, go, come whiskers

Y-, hCsjb Yilon Mil Yulup PCo *Yinu

PCo *hine PCo *hejes/k < **hyjek

wPMie *wyl-ki- ‘to burn, light a fire’ Mil wilok ‘ashes, dust’ PMis *wyny- ‘to walk’ PMie *Yyny- (Mil wunuj ‘to be lost, crazy’) Mins wyjes- ? (we expect /k/ in a cognate)

In Table 11.b, ‘to fan hot air’ is a pan-Americanism, and Mil wili ‘tune, song’ may be onomatopoeic since there are similar words in the Yuman languages (Amy Miller, p.c.). Table 12 gives a tabular representation of one of the principal correspondences linking Utian and Yokuts with examples of how the same correspondence unites related sets within Utian. It is possible, of course, that PY *thuk ‘ear’ was borrowed from PCo *tuksu-s. . Table 12. PU *t. : PY *th English to dance, step ground squirrel woman, girl two two ear

Utian Yokuts ¯ ? ‘to dance, sing’ PMis *hat. y- ‘to step, stamp’ PYv *hathim h PMiw *git. e ‘ground squirrel’ PY *s. ixt il *s. ixithal ‘ground squirrel’ Csjb sigikna ‘young ground > PYn *s. ithxil (through metathesis) squirrel’ Csf Ca tra ‘girl or maid’ /kat. a/ ? Ypal ketephal’ ‘woman’ ¯ hiphal12 ?? ¯ /kot. a/ ¯? < PY *kat h h h PY *hat - *hot - in *hat -pa×ij *hoth-po×oj PU *Yot. i *Yot. - ‘two’ ¯ (Mil Yot. -ot. a ‘four: two two’s) ‘four’ ¯ PY *pa×ij *po×ij *po×oj PCo *tuksu-s. , PMis¯ *t. olko-s. PY *thuk

< PU *t. olku-s. *t. oksu-s.

The following sets (Table 13) consist of words in Yokuts and a single Utian language, or Yokuts and Plains Miwok and Northern Sierra Miwok, two Miwok languages that often borrow from each other. The sets are listed here because they will not appear in the body of the dictionary, which is arranged on the basis of items that can be reconstructed to some time depth within Utian, and I no longer reconstruct Proto Eastern Miwok items from words in Plains and Northern Sierra Miwok alone unless they participate in non-identical sound correspondences because of the possibility of borrowing between the two languages. My Plains Miwok ¯ consultants also spoke Northern Sierra Miwok. Obviously, each of these sets must be evaluated separately. The resemblance between Mil kiwil kiwil ‘ice’ and PYv *kewi < **kiwi ‘to melt’ is less likely to result from borrowing since Western Miwok territory was not adjacent to Yokuts territory. On the other hand, ‘ice’ and ‘to melt’ are fairly distant semantically.

32

Introduction

Miwok words for ‘worm’ resembling Yokuts are limited to Plains and Northern Sierra, but they participate in sound correspondence (6) linking Yokuts and Utian (see 3.2.1). Mib latmu-t. i ‘to slap, spank’ may be borrowed from Wappo, making the resemblance to PYv lap a ‘to whip’ coincidental. Of course, Wappo might have borrowed la»- ‘to beat, whip’ from Coast Miwok, in which case comparison with Yokuts is valid. Mic paja ‘pestle’ could reflect *pala, since *l > /j/ in this environment. If Plains Miwok words for ‘flower’ and ‘to bloom’ are borrowed from Yokuts, it was prior to the loss of Yokuts initial /w/ before high vowels. The final six sets are of dubious value. Miss calatu- ‘star’ does not resemble any other Miwok word for ‘star’ and was probably borrowed from Yokuts. The same may well be the case for Mins jewa- ‘to shake’. PYsv *ta‰ak ? ‘to shine (sun)’ and Mil »ulip ‘to shine, glisten’ are phonologically dissimilar. Sets for ‘frog’, ‘ball’ and ‘to smoke (pipe)’ are flagged because they are pan-Americanism (Campbell 1997: 418, n. 25). Words for ‘frog’ are also onomatopoetic and the Proto Southern Valley Yokuts form might be a compound of two words. It was thought best to include such words with caveats to forestall their rediscovery and labeling as probable cognates. Table 13. Resemblances between words in single Utian languages and Yokuts English white grass to cuckold woman, girl to dance worm to melt round tule to whip thick pestle to fear food breakfast flower to bloom to sing to stir navel fox star to shake to shine (sun) ?? †frog †ball †to smoke (pipe)

¯ ¯ Utian Csjb tcalka pal(.)ka A /galka palka/ Csf Yah wah Sch /ja()wa/ ‘grass’ Csjb jume ‘lie, cheat, deceive’ Csf Ca tra Sch ‘girl or maid’ Mib kawul ¯ ¯ kesy-, Mip kesyMins kesuMil k iwil kiwil ‘ice’ Mil kol

¯ Yokuts ¯ PYnim *golol ( *golol ?) < **c olal ( **colal ?) PYnim *jawil ‘grass, brush’ Yyaw jomu < *jumi Ypal ketephal’ ‘woman’ PYnim *khamPYnim *k at. huw ?, PYn *k ew PYv *kewi < **kiwi PYv *k ojis. ? ‘tule sp.’ Ypal kololi-s ‘tule’ D&K Mib latmu-t. i ‘to slap, spank’. PYv *lap a ¯ Note Western Wappo la»- ‘beat, whip’ ¯ GG h Mins meYitYwik met mec

Mic pa, paya D&K /pa, paja/ Csjb pojko-n ‘to get scared’ Mib tu ‘grub’

Mib welet ‘to have breakfast’ ¯ ‘breakfast’) (Mins waly¯ Mip wile- wuleMip wile-ty- wule-tyMil wili ‘tune, song’ ¯ dance song’ Mil wili ‘Indian Mip sylew-y- sylyw-yMins siwyj-y- ‘to thin and stir’ Mins sutunej-, Mip sotin Mim Ah-wáh-ke CHM /Yawaki/ ‘gray fox’. Resemblant forms occur in Wintun and Maidun. Miss calatu- (probably a loan word from Yokuts) Mins jewaMil »ulip ‘to shine, glisten’ Mil kololo Mil pololo. Note Eng. ‘ball’. Mil p oma ‘to puff, suck pipe’

.

PYnim *phaluj *phalwoj ? PYnim *p axa Ywik tuj ‘food’ GG Ywik tuju < *tuji ‘to eat’ GG PYnim *waYal PYnim *Yelaw < **Yilaw PYv *Yeliw < **Yiliw PYgen *Yylykh < **Yylikh

Ywik šaj’aw’ < *saj’aw’ ‘stirring stick’ PYgen *guthus < **c uthis PYnim *Yaw’gha

¯

¯

PY *c ajatas *c ojotis c ajtas, etc. CC PYv *jeljal ‘earthquake’ < ‘to shake’? Pysv *taYak ? PYsv *k ojoth-wo». < PYnim *kojo... PYnim *Yolol PY *pam’o-/paYom-

Introduction

33

3.4.2. Canons, stem types, and relic processes The commonest types of Utian: Yokuts resemblances will be enumerated here for the convenience of the reader (see also Callaghan 1997). Proto Utian stem types are given more detailed discussion under the appropriate sections of this book (see 6.2, 11, and 12). 1. The structure of the syllable is usually the same in Utian and Yokuts. Both Proto Utian stems and Proto Yokuts stems are commonly disyllabic, and CV- or CVC- prefixes are rare in both families. 2. Utian has an ancient pattern of CVC nouns alternating with corresponding CVC-y verbs, of which only a few relic sets remain. There are a few examples of monosyllabic Yokuts nouns paired with verbs ending in -i (see 10.4 for examples). 3. There is an ancient layer of a/i or a/y alternations within Yokuts in the final syllable of noun/verb pairs, with occasional reversals (see 3.4.3). There are similar alternations in Miwok. 4. Eastern Miwok can form Light Stems (CVCVC-) or Cluster Stems (CVCCV-) from the first three consonants and two vowels of longer stems, e.g. Mins kopt. e- ‘to shoot (with a gun)’ from kopet. a- ‘gun, air rifle’ < Spanish escopeta ‘gun’; Mins ‰ot. ik-sak-enu- ‘twelve’ from ‰ot. iko- ‘two’. Note Yyaw hotop ‘to make four’ from hotponoj ‘four’ (Newman 1944: 55). In both Yokuts and Utian, the process can cut across morpheme boundaries, as in the above examples. †5. Glottal stop functions as a filler consonant to prevent vowel clusters in Yokuts and Miwok, also as a default syllable initial consonant. Examples are Ywik tujo-‰ug ‘eater’ from tuju ‘to eat’ (Gamble 1978: 19) and Mil ko‰e-t. i ‘to knock down, push up or over’ from koo ‘to push’. This process has been flagged because it is common throughout California. †6. CVCVC is the canon of the retardative aspect in some Wikchamni and some Lake Miwok verb stems. Examples are Ywik »uj’-witi ‘to drip’, »uj’-it ‘a slow drip’ and Mil wo»-ak ‘to bend’, wo»-ak ‘to bend slowly’. †7. Repetitive stems of the canon CVC-CVC- occur in both Yokuts and Miwok. Examples are Ywik šiwšiw ‘to scratch all over’ and Mil hem-hem-es. i ‘to dig around’ < hema ‘to dig’. Of course, these last two stem types are iconic and found in many different languages, which is the reason they have been flagged. 8. Metathesis of the second vowel and third consonant is a fully operative process in Utian languages, e.g. Ceb ‰irko < PCo *‰irko ‘to defecate’ and Ceb ‰irok ‘excrement’. This type of metathesis occurs occasionally in Wikchamni Yokuts (Gamble 1978: 84) to avoid impermissible consonant clusters. The expected oblique stem of ‰a×t. huw- ‘doctor’ is ‰a×t. hw-, which would involve an impermissible cluster of three consonants. The actual oblique stem is ‰a×ut. hw-, with metathesis of the second vowel and third consonant as in Utian. Such instances of genuine metathesis are to be distinguished from the surface metathesis Yokuts stems seem to undergo in certain cases, e.g., Ywik hukuj ‘to mix’ (base), hukj-uth ‘was mixed’ (passive aorist). However, the allomorph of the passive aorist following consonants is -ith, with /i/ > /u/ through vowel harmony with the preceding /u/, followed by its loss when phonologically permissible. Consequently, this surface metathesis can be accounted for historically through vowel harmony and vowel loss. 9. The imperative is a highly marked category in all Utian languages. Imperative suffixes are the only verbal inflectional suffixes that can be reconstructed to Proto Utian (see section 15), and some of them involve object incorporation, such as *-t ‘2 sg. subj. -1 (sg.?) obj.’. Yokuts seems not to have verbal suffixes that mark person, the probable state of affairs in Proto Utian apart from Proto Utian imperative suffixes. Yokuts pronouns have special dual and plural imperative forms that follow the verb (Gamble 1993), and some of them resemble Utian imperative suffixes, although they do not always have the same meaning, as we see from the table below. Specifically, PMis *-ja-n < **-ji-aH-n is the andative imperative singular following vowels and PMis *-aH-n is the andative imperative singular following consonants. Ywik ja- can be extracted as a Wikchamni imperative marker from Ywik tuj jak ‘you two eat’ and Ywik tuj jan ‘you plural eat!’ but its Tulamni cognate is -jaha- which makes Ytu ja- look like a contraction of a longer form. But even if there is no historical connection between the Yokuts and Utian morphemes in question, the Proto Utian imperative paradigm could have resulted from a weakening of particles in pre-Utian imperative constructions much like those in some modern Yokuts dialects.

34

Introduction

Table 14. Utian and Yokuts imperatives English singular dual plural

Utian -0/ Mil hokí! ‘Go away!’ PMis *-ja-n ‘and. imv./V_’ PCo *-j ‘2 sg. imv.’ Mins ja×e-ja-n! ‘Go to bed!’

Yokuts -0/ Ywik tuj! ‘Eat!’ Ywik ja-k, Ytu jaha-k Ywik tuj jak ! ‘you two eat!’ Ywik -ja-n, Ytu -jaha-n Ywik -ja-n, Ytu -jaha-n

10. Relic a/o ablaut. There is an ablaut alternation between /a/ and /o/ in related stems within Utian, and its significance has yet to be determined. Some of these items resemble Yokuts forms, but they cannot be discussed apart from the regular development of PU *o > PCo *a within Utian (see 10.3). 11. Relic i/a ablaut. This process is more interesting because it appears to be much deeper as we see in the following section. 3.4.3. Relic i/a ablaut in Utian and Yokuts Geoffrey Gamble (p.c.) speaks of an ancient layer of i/a or y/a alternations within Yokuts in the final syllable of numerous verb/noun pairs, with occasional reversals. This process is largely inactive. A few examples will be presented here. For more, see Callaghan (1997: 52-53). The last pair of sets is the most striking, since the sets themselves constitute resemblant forms between Yokuts and Utian, and they both show i/a ablaut. Of course, deep borrowing could be involved. A fuller discussion is found under PU *hat. a ‘foot, sole, heel’. However, in comparing Utian stems with Yokuts stems, we must remember that the underlying second vowel of Yokuts verb stems is either /i/ or /a/, increasing the possibility of chance being a factor. A search for relic i/a ablaut in the second syllable of Costanoan words would constitute a valuable research project. PYnim *Yephi < Yiphi ‘to swim’ (Note PMi *Yyp-s. y, Cru Yapa-n ‘to swim’) Ywik YephYiph < *YiphYiph ‘to swim more than once’ PY *hutu < **huti ‘to know’ PYv *Yeliw < **Yiliw ‘to bloom’ PYv *hathim ‘to dance’ (PMi *hagi ‘to step’

Ywik Yepha GG < *Yipha ‘swimmer’ Ywik YephYaph < *YiphYaph ‘professional swimmer’ Ywik huta ‘a smart one’ PYnim *Yelaw < **Yilaw ‘flower’ Yhom hatasij ‘heel’ PU *hat. a ‘foot, sole, heel’)

There are Eastern Miwok verbs ending in /y/ or /u/ < *y, similarly paired with nouns ending in /a/, arguing for relic y/a ablaut. There is also a process of verb formation consisting of a Lengthened Simplex Grade (CVC-y), based on the first CVC- of the corresponding noun which sometimes ends in -a. This process goes back to Proto Utian (see 11.4) and it is still semi-active in Eastern Miwok. PU *-y > PMie *-Y-, phonemically /-u/ if the preceding vowel is /u / or /o/ and phonemically /y/ elsewhere. Examples are listed below: PMi *tumu ‘to get wood’ PMiw *tuna ‘to kick with the heel, stamp’ PMie *Yolu- ‘to dig’ PMis *syk-y- ‘to mark, tattoo’ PMie *Yom-u- ‘to fast’

PMi *tumaj ‘wood’ PMi *tyni-s. ‘heel’ (note reversal) PMi *Yola- ‘hole’ PMis *syk()a- ‘mark, tattoo’ PMi *Yo()ma ‘a fast’

In addition to relic i/a, y/a ablaut in the second syllable of some noun/verb pairs in Utian and Yokuts, there are i/a alternations involving the first syllable of resemblant stems both within Utian and within Yokuts. Sometimes these stems also constitute resemblant forms between the two families as well (see Table 15). Such

Introduction

35

stems include words for interrogative and relative pronouns, words for first and second person pronouns, words for ‘man (male)’ and related stems, and possibly the verb ‘swim’. A discussion will be presented here. Table 15. First syllable i/a ablaut in Utian and Yokuts, and related stems ¯ Utian PU *hin- *han- ‘what, that’. Note Csjb hin-han ‘how many?’ PCos *hani ‘where?’ PCos *hampi < **han-pi ? ‘which? who is it?’ PCos *hin-ka? ‘what?’ Cru Yinta(w) ‘what?’ Csjb his-ta ‘what?, why?’ PU *hin-t. i ‘what, something’ from Csjb hin-t. i-s ‘what? (obj.) and PMi *hin-ti ‘what?’. Mil -hinte, Mib hinti ‘rel. clause marker’ Csjb hin-t. i-s ‘what (obj.)’. Note tina ‘that, there’. ¯ Mi *hin-ti ‘what?’ PU *mi(n) *ma(n) ‘that, it’ Ceb min-ka-t ‘how many?’ PMi *mi() ‘that’ PMis *mi-ta-n ‘when’ (*-n ‘adv. case’) Csjb mat. u ‘why?’, Ceb mat. o ‘who?’ ¯ PMi *man-ti ‘who, someone’ (< **man-t. i ?) PU *Yiš *Yišy ? ‘he she it’ (PCos *wa- ‘he, she, it’, weak form of PCo *wak) PU *kan ‘my’

†PU *kani < *kan-ni ? ‘I (appositional)’ †PU *ka()na < **ka()-na ?? ‘my, mine; also I ?’ PU *ka ‘I (subj.)’ †PU *(m)in < **min ‘thy’ PU *mi(n) ‘thou’ PU *mo()m¯‘you pl., your pl.’ PU *mikw *mikwy- ‘person’ PCo *maku(h) ‘husband’ PMi *Yyp-s. y < **Yypy ? ‘to bathe, swim’ ¯ ‘to swim’ Cru Yapan PU *wy *wa ‘to go’ ¯

Yokuts PY *han’ ‘what?’

PY t. ha ‘that’ PYn *han’ta CC ‘what’ ¯ PYnim *-i×t. i(n)

-×t. i(n) ‘predicated gerundial’

PY t. ha ‘that’ (PY *xi ‘this’ CC) Ypal -ken’ PCos *muke(h) ‘grown son, man (male)’, an intermediate meaning. PY *moko... ‘old’, and especially PYnim *moxol < **moxol ‘to be old (man)’ look like possible cognates linked by a/o ablaut to PCo *maku ‘husband’. What is puzzling is the relationship of PYgen *mukes < **muki-s ‘woman’ to these sets. They seem too close phonetically to result from chance. In this regard, note Csjb mukurma ‘woman’, probably from *mukušma through rhotacism. Support for this development comes from Csol mukuš-ma ‘woman’, which may be an old loan word from Mutsun. Note also Csjb mukju-kniš ‘old woman’, where -kniš is a diminutive suffix’, and PYnim *mokhij ‘wife’, which looks like a related word. One does not expect words for ‘person’ to develop into words for ‘woman’. But note also Alsea mkwa‰sli ‘woman’ (Gene Buckley p.c.). This raises the possibility of a pan-Americanism. PYnim *‰ephi < **‰iphi ‘to swim’ would be a perfect cognate for PMi *‰yp-s. y ‘to swim’ if *‰yp- is the Simplex Grade of an unattested stem **‰ypy. Cru ‰apa-n ‘to swim’ is¯a potential cognate of a hypothetical ¯ pre-Miwok **‰ypy, showing the a-grade in both syllables. PCo *hiše *haše also reflects i/a ablaut in the first syllable, but medial *š poses a problem. PU *wy *wa ‘to go’ exhibits another alternation between the i/y-grade and the a-grade. In this case, we cannot say whether the first or last syllable is involved, since there is only one syllable. Going on to the personal pronouns, Ypal -ken’ ‘my’ is unlike any other Yokuts pronoun and may be an archaism. Since there was no *e in Proto Yokuts, Ypal /e/ can reflect either **a or **i or **u. Other words for first and second person pronouns may be less significant, since they resemble many in¯California. Some sets involving i/a ablaut crosscut those with a/o ablaut, as in Proto Utian *mikw *mikwy- ‘person’, Proto Costanoan *maku ‘husband’ and Proto Yokuts *moxol < **moxol ‘to be old (man)’. It is not known ¯ how Proto Yokuts *mukes < **muki-s ‘woman’ fits into the picture, but see the entry under PU for certain w *mik *mikwy- ‘person’ for one hypothesis Two Utian verbs, ‘to go’ and ‘swim, bathe’ illustrate y/a ablaut. There are sets in which PU *i corresponds to PY *i, and sets in which PU *y corresponds to PY *i but no certain sets in which PU *y corresponds to PY *y (see Callaghan 1997a: 39 for more details). I believe genetic relationship between Utian and Yokuts is probable but by no means substantiated (Callaghan 1997, 2001) since there are too many unexplained differences in the resemblant sets, and the probable time-depth of Yok-Utian, if it exists, is near 6,000 years, which is close to the threshold of recoverability through the comparative method as we now know it, although we might go deeper with comparisons designed to determine remote contact rather than genetic kinship (Nichols 1994, 95). Yokuts and Proto Yokuts at different levels of reconstruction will be cited throughout this grammar and dictionary when relevant. Yokuts reconstructions by Geoffrey Gamble are followed by GG and those by myself are followed by CC. Otherwise, Proto Yokuts material is from Whistler and Golla 1986 or the Whistler and Golla slip file (n.d.). Individual Yokuts items are from Newman (1944) and Gamble (1978, 1991, 1993, 1993, 1994).

38

Introduction

Table 16. Yokuts family tree

Introduction

39

Finally, I wish to warn readers again on two matters. First, genetic relationship between Utian and Yokuts may be probable but it has not yet been substantiated like genetic kinship between Miwok and Costanoan. Second, genetic hypotheses based largely on flagged sets, in other words, on pan-Americanisms are meaningless since such sets are an areal phenomenon and we do not at this time know their cause, especially when reflexes are identical or nearly identical. PMi *kaka ‘mother’s brother’ for example might reflect recent spread rather than forms that have been in Miwok languages for thousands of years. One might ask why I include pan-Americanisms at all. I do so for three reasons. First, they will be rediscovered and added anyway without the flags and other caveats. Second, pan-Americanisms can be used for legitimate scholarly purposes such as mapping their distribution throughout California. Another interesting ¯ items become integrated into language families and undergo non-identical study would be how often such sound changes, like PU *kik *kiky- ‘water’ in this volume. Third, I do not believe I have the right to suppress part of the evidence because some people will misuse it. 4.0. Evidence for an Esselen substrate in Utian The influence of an indigenous language on an incoming dominant language is called a substrate. The influence of the dominant language on the indigenous language is called a superstrate. Both types of evidence can be used to gage former population movements and boundaries. Since these questions are of interest to scholars of several different California Indian languages, I will go into detail rather than present a summary.13 4.1. Background and sources When the Utians arrived in California 4,000-4,500 years ago, the state was not empty. There is increasing evidence that western California was first settled during the Early Holocene by Paleo-Indians traveling down the coast of western North America from Alaska, probably subsisting on fish, shellfish, and other plants and animals of the area adjacent to the coast. They left at least three relic populations in western California; the Chumash, the Yukians, and the Esselen. Aboriginally, the Chumash occupied the area along the coast from San Luis Obispo south to Malibu Canyon and inland to the western edge of the San Joaquin Valley in addition to the Santa Barbara Channel Islands (Grant 1978). Remains found at On Your Knees Cave in Prince of Wales Island off the coast of southern Alaska (Dalton 2005) were carbon dated to 10,300 ya. The results of mitochondrial DNA analysis of these remains were compared with nearly 3500 Native American sequences. Matches were found with the Chumash of California, the Klunk Mound people of Illinois, the Tarahumara of Chihuahua in Mexico, the Cayapa coastal tribe in Ecuador, and the Mapuche and Yaghan tribes of Chile. The Chumash languages comprise a family isolate (Victor Golla, p.c.), that is a family of languages not known to be related to other languages. Analysis of artifacts and skeletal evidence indicates stable occupation of the northern Channel Islands and adjacent mainland from the early Holocene (10,000 to 12,500 bp) to the historic period despite the relatively shallow time depth of surviving Chumash languages (2-3 millennia). Loan words into Island Chumash (Klar 2002: 654658) indicate influence of a substrate language of unknown provenience, suggesting the presence of a fourth, still older relic population. Yukian (Golla p.c.) is another family isolate consisting of two languages, Northern Yukian and Wappo, with a time depth of at least 3,000 years. Yuki territory (Virginia P. Miller, 1978: 249) included most of the drainage area of the Upper Eel River in the Coast Range mountains. Wappo territory (Sawyer 1978: 257) extended from just above Nappa and Sonoma north to Cloverdale and Middletown, with an isolated patch south of Clear Lake. The two branches of the Yukian family were separated by intruding Pomo speakers, which Frederickson (1984: 510) dates at the Middle Archaic Period, between 5,000 and 2,500 ya. The Northern Yukians have distinctive physical characteristics, short stature and long-headedness, which they share only with their Athapascan neighbors immediately to the north, and which may be markers of an ancient relic population.

40

Introduction

The Esselen in historic times (Breschini and Haversat 2004:17-18) occupied the densely forested Santa Lucia Mountains south and east of the Rumsen area with limited access to the coast. These scholars place the northern boundary at the Little Sur River, but Milliken (1990: 27-33, 73) argues that this boundary should be south of the Big Sur River, with the southernmost area being bilingual. Esselen territory encompassed Soledad on the northeast. Radio-carbon dates indicate over 6,000 years for Esselen occupation of the coastal area and slightly older dates for the interior. The Esselen may have occupied lands to the north and east in earlier periods, judging by archaeological sites dated up to10,000 ya for Monterey Bay, 8,500 ya for Moss Landing north of Castroville, and around 10,000 ya for Scotts Valley north of Santa Cruz. The strongest supporting evidence comes from Esselen twined basketry, which was unlike any other California basketry except Costanoan from Carmel north to Mission San Jose. We have several basket fragments from Esselen sites as well as one complete walaheen (winnowing tray) basket. The twining was counter-clockwise, looking at the interior of the basket. Designs were often crafted by altering the slant of the weft rather than through the use of fibers of contrasting colors. Flat or tray-like baskets were decorated only in the interior. Some clay imprints in current Coast Miwok territory give evidence of an Esselen substrate in Marin County, or at least, trade between the pre-Esselen and early Western Miwok. Historical accounts indicate that the Esselen were enemies of the Rumsen and resisted missionization because they did not want to live with them (Breschini and Haversat 2004:180). Randy Milliken (p.c.) believes that too much has been made of such accounts, and that the Esselen and Rumsen lived side by side in portions of some areas. My own opinion is that both scenarios could apply. Those Esselen dissatisfied with the Rumsen encroachment could have fled to the hills while the Esselen in bilingual communities were undergoing assimilation and language shift to Rumsen. Some Esselen might have survived the mission period entirely by remaining in the rugged hills, but for those who went to the Carmel Mission, the language seems to have disappeared early. Arroyo de la Cuesta reported in 1833 that there were few Esselen left (Beeler 1977: 40). However Milliken (p.c.), who has worked extensively with mission records, believes that there were many bilinguals that were overlooked by investigators. This section investigates linguistic evidence for an Esselen substrate in current Costanoan territory and contact of some kind with early Miwok speakers. The Esselen articles consulted for this section are Beeler (1977, 1978), Kroeber (1904), Heizer (1952), and Shaul (1982, 1983, 1988, 1995). I will use the transcriptions of the original sources as presented in these articles, restoring length when appropriate. Kroeber published the Esselen material available to him at that time in their original orthography, but he also omitted consonantal length from words and affixes in his grammatical discussion of Esselen, his lists of items, and in the comparison of Esselen with other languages. Shaul believed the status of length could never be resolved and did not consider it in his analysis or list of forms (1995: 195). I am not so pessimistic. We will return to this question later. Esselen /f/ was of limited distribution and may have emerged recently from /p/. It does not figure in those words showing resemblances with Costanoan or Miwok words. /r/ is also a rare phoneme, occurring most frequently in probable loan words from Costanoan. The case is weak for more than one series of stops. Pinart records [kx] in some words, and Pinart and Henshaw sometimes indicate glottalization, but Isabelle Meadows, who learned some Esselen as a child from Pinart’s consultant, could not pronounce k (Beeler 1978: 22). 4.2. Probable Esselen phonemic system p

t

(f) m w

s n

t. ts, (»s) g (r), l

j

k (kx) x

‰

i e

u o a length; stress ?

Introduction

41

Rare phonemes are in parentheses. Isabelle always used /‰/ as a default initial phoneme, and Pinart sometimes gives “h” in this position, so we can include /‰/ in the phonemic inventory. I am using j for [y] and y for [i-] when citing modern sources for Esselen and Utian, also in my Esselen reconstitutions. Older sources are given in their original orthography. Pinart obtained an Esselen vocabulary from Omesia (Maria Omesia?), July 27, 1878. She was apparently a Rumsen married to an Esselen man. The manuscript from the Galiano expedition includes a vocabulary in both Esselen and Rumsen as well as a portion of a catechism, probably taken by Father Fermín de Lasuén, one of the founders of the Carmel Mission (Golla p.c., Shaul 1995: 192). Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta elicited an Esselen vocabulary and some phrases on May 18, 1833, specifically described as from the eastern part of Esselen territory (Beeler 1977: 41). H. W. Henshaw obtained a vocabulary in 1888 partly from a man named Pacifico but primarily from an old woman named Eulalia, who died shortly thereafter (Kroeber 1904: 50-57). J. P. Harrington’s primary Rumsen consultant Isabelle Meadows remembered some Esselen she had learned as a child from “la vieja Omesia,” probably Pinart’s Esselen consultant. All these sources include some plant and animal terms, but most animal terms come from Pinart’s word list, and there are nine words and phrases from C. Hart Merriam. When examining resemblant forms between unrelated languages in search of loan words, the most difficult problem is determining the direction of borrowing. Beeler (1978: 36) believed much of it occurred at the Carmel Mission. In addition to the Rumsen and Esselen, 5 Chalon Indians and 20 Mutsun Indians were at this mission in 1792 (Randall Milliken p.c.) when Fr. Lasuén elicited the first extensive Esselen vocabulary and a portion of a catechism in that language. Fortunately, we have a Rosetta Stone in the form of the parallel word list and catechism he took in the Monterey dialect of Rumsen. I will now examine these sets with the purpose of discovering criteria for the direction of borrowing. I begin by comparing Lasuén’s Monterey Rumsen items with J. P. Harrington’s Carmel Rumsen transcriptions to determine the value of Lasuén’s symbols and the quality of his phonetics. 4.3. Rumsen historical developments Rumsen is phonologically the most aberrant of the Costanoan languages (see Callaghan 1992), particularly the dialect of Isabelle Meadows which is most frequently cited. Historic developments from Proto Costanoan into Rumsen are discussed in Table 3 and section 6.3. Monosyllabic Stems remain (see ‘tooth, water, squirrel, nose’). Historic Light Stems become Geminate Stems, i.e. CVCV(C) > CVCV(C). Also, historic vowels are lost word finally (‘whale’, ‘wildcat’, ‘pine tree’, ‘to kill’, ‘to burn’, ‘to paint’, ‘arrow’, ‘jackrabbit’), subject to a set of constraints, the most important of which is that final clusters may not end in a sonorant (see ‘sun’, ‘father’, ‘coyote’; also ‘sardine’, ‘cypress’), and /r/ and /l/ may not end a word or be the first member of a cluster (‘stone, ‘bear’, ‘palm/sole’). Sometimes these goals are achieved by cluster reduction or syllable reduction rather than vowel preservation (see ‘mother’). There is some dialectal variation between Isabelle’s Rumsen and that recorded by Lasuén. This variation concerns loss of the syllable final vowel when the final consonant of a potential cluster is a sibilant or g (see ‘ear’, ‘to drink’, ‘mountain lion’, ‘sea otter’). In historic trisyllabic noun stems, if syllable final vowels are lost word finally, they apparently do not resurface before suffixes (see ‘hummingbird’, ‘woodpecker’, ‘killdeer’). The second vowel of the stem is shortened, followed by gemination of the first medial consonant, a development which operated in the loan word kajina ‘chicken’ from Spanish gallina ‘chicken’, although the final vowel remained, leading us to assume that the deletion rule had ceased to operate by this time. In disyllabic stems, historic second syllable vowels become fleeting vowels which are lost when final juncture follows the second syllable, but they reappear before certain suffixes. A series of cognate sets in Table 17 illustrates these developments. I am also including Rumsen items from the Monterey dialect when available in Lasuén’s manuscript. It is important to remember that both consonant and vowel length are phonemic in Rumsen, Mutsun, Chocheño, and probably all Costanoan languages, although Rumsen length can often be predicted from morphological criteria, as in the pairs ‰umx ‘wolf’ , ‰umx ‘to have to do with wolves’; git ‘to dance’ and git ‘a dance’.

42

Introduction

Table 17. Comparison of Lasuén’s Monterey Rumsen transcriptions with Harrington’s Costanoan transcriptions English tooth, teeth water squirrel nose whale wildcat pine tree to kill to write, paint to burn hair on head arrow jackrabbit sun, day father coyote stone to steal to give birth sardine cypress

Rumsen (Carmel) sit sij Yex Yus t. im, t. imexom, xomoYix, Yixanim, nimeYen, YeneYel, YeloYut. , Yut. ut. eps, t. eposgejs Yis. men ‘sun, moon, month’ Yapan magan ‘dog, coyote’ Yirek

Rumsen (Monterey) zit ziy hej huis tim (English t) ho ^m yx nim enn ‘to write’ hëllo ‘fire’ hutt teps cheish yshmen

Mutsun

Chocheño

Proto Costanoan

sit si Yeh, Yeh hus t. ime n.c. n.c. nimi ‘to fight’ Yene Yilon n.c. n.c. gejs hismen

sit si Yeh hu()s c.f. n.c. n.c. nimi ‘to lie down’ Yene n.c. n.c. n.c. gejiš hišmen

PCo *sit PCo *si PCo *Yeš PCo *hus PCos *t. ime

appan matchá ‘dog’

Yapa

matjan

Yapa majan

PCo *Yapa PCo *majan

yrrex

Yirek

Yirek

PCo *Yirak

Yat. aj Yisiw14

mother ear to drink

attay yxiu tupur tupúr sumer ‘Monte- zummir rey cypress’ Yores. arresh taret talt ‘hands, feet’ talt ‘sole’ HWH Y a n aa`n tuxs, tuxsutuxes Yukeš hukesh

mountain lion sea otter hummingbird woodpecker killdeer chicken

xeks. , xekes. Cru šuušg P Yumun paratk tiwutk16 kajina

bear palm, sole

he^kish shustu

n.c. hiswi c.f. c.f.

Ckar iracaths /Yirak-at. / A n.c. hiswi c.f. c.f.

Yores

Yoreš

n.c.

Yanan

n.c. Yukisi

c.f.

Yanan

tukšuš Yuw()eto

n.c.

c.f.

humuña paratjuk tiwitjuk kajina

c.f.

PCo *nime PCo *Yene PCos *Yilo PCo gejis ? PCo *his. men

PCo *hiswi

PCo *Yores. ¯

PCo *Yanan Yanan ¯ PCo *Yuwi *Yuwe ‘to drink, fetch water’ PCos *humuña PCos *paratuk15 Sp. gallina ‘ chicken’

Note also Ceb ‰ene ‘to paint’, ‰ene ‘relative pronoun’, Csjb giri ‘paternal aunt’, giri ‘horn’ for clear minimal pairs. In examining Table 17 we note that Fray Lasuén had a keen ear and was highly accurate. He did not always hear length, but when he did, it was there, and he indicated it by doubling the consonant or vowel in question, or sometimes by writing a circumflex accent over the vowel (see ‘wildcat’, ‘mountain lion’). He used “h” for initial /‰/ when he heard it, and he once used “h” for initial /x/ (see ‘wildcat’, although this could be an instance of dialect variation). He used “y” for initial i, and both “z” and “s” for /s/. He used “ch” for /g/ and “tch” for /-g-/ (see ‘jackrabbit’, ‘dog’). He represented both /s. / and /š/ with “sh” (see ‘jackrabbit’, ‘sun’, ‘bear’, to drink’, ‘mountain lion’, ‘sea otter’). He sometimes heard /t. /, which he called “English t,” but he usually represented /t. / as “t.” He used both “j” and “x” for /x/ (see ‘squirrel, pine tree’), but we find “x” where we

Introduction

43

would expect -s- in ‘to give birth’, and where we would expect /k/ in ‘stone’. I have assumed comparable phonology with the Carmel dialect of Rumsen since the two populations eventually settled in the Carmel Mission, but obviously, there are some differences, most of which could reflect change over time since Harrington elicited his material in the early twentieth century. Carmel Rumsen gejs instead of *gejs. ‘jackrabbit’ is unexpected. Here, the Monterey item conforms. In the Monterey dialect, vowels are retained in the final syllables of words for ‘ear’, ‘mountain lion’, and ‘sea otter’, whereas they are lost in the Carmel dialect. I will honor Lasuén’s phonetics by indicating his words with “L” instead of “Ga” for the GalianoMalaspina Expedition. 4.4. Probable loan words from Rumsen into Esselen By comparing Lasuén’s Rumsen transcriptions with his Esselen transcriptions as well as Rumsen and Esselen transcriptions of other investigators in Table 18, we can make an educated guess as to the phonetic form of many Esselen words and undertake a case by case evaluation to determine the direction of borrowing if the Rumsen and Esselen words for an item are similar. Unmarked Costanoan data are from J. P. Harrington. The existence of cognates in other Costanoan languages provides evidence for their depth in Costanoan and that the word for the item was borrowed from Rumsen into Esselen. We consider first the probable loan words from Rumsen into Esselen from Lasuén’s vocabulary and that of other transcribers. Lasuén transcribed identical words in both Esselen and Rumsen for ‘sardine’ and ‘cypress’, both of which end in “r,” a rare phoneme in Esselen, absent in common words except the word for ‘eye” (ahur L, aour LaP; /‰a‰ur/). Aboriginally, the Monterey cypress was restricted to two coastal populations, one on what is now the Seventeen-Mile-Drive north of Carmel Bay, and one on Point Lobos south of Carmel Bay, and inland from both areas was the Gowen cypress (Griffin and Critchfield, 1976: 17-18). Sardines are also typical of the Monterey area, making adoption of the Rumsen word likely for Esselen neophytes. The Esselen probably borrowed these two words from Rumsen Likewise, Esselen mumirux ‘fly (insect)’ P is probably borrowed from Rumsen mumuriwx or some similar form. Esselen shows the rare phoneme /r/, and there are cognates in all other Costanoan languages. The same arguments apply to Esselen kakaruš ‘crow’ P, and kakalu ‘raven’ P, which look like dialectal variants of the same word, probably borrowed from Cru kakaru ‘raven’. Similar words occur in Mutsun, Awaswas, and ¯ all these words are onomatopoeic. Note that Chalon, which might be related to Miwok words; of course, Henshaw gives Esselen c-ká, a- g-ká ‘crow’ HWH /‰išká ‰ajišká/ ?, probably the original Esselen word. Esselen yllex ‘stone’ L is totally unlike shiefe /šjefe/ ‘stone’, the Esselen word elicited by Arroyo and Pinart, and yllex has the form expected for a loan word from Cru yrrex L into a language in which /r/ is rare. In addition, Cru ‰irek ‘stone’ has cognates in all Costanoan languages, reconstructing to PCo *‰irak. Lasuén may here be using “x” to indicate a heavily aspirated (or affricated) /k/ though it usually represents [x].We can reconstruct PCos *mege ‘clouds’ from the Rumsen and¯ Mutsun forms. The vowel of the second syllable is lost word finally, so we have the Rumsen reflex meg mege-. Since Rumsen nouns are unmarked in the nominative and objective, meg ‘clouds’ is what a listener would hear more frequently; consequently, Esselen meg ‘clouds’ P is most certainly a loan word from Rumsen. Esselen ieiexim ‘pelican’ P /jejexim/ is also nearly identical with Cru jejexem ‘pelican’, which has the Awaswas cognate ‰e‰en ‘pelican’ P2. Again, this word was probably borrowed from Rumsen into Esselen. Cru mexre-n ‘lizard’ is bi-morphemic, a reformation based on PCos *meher ‘lizard’ through addition of the common Costanoan animate suffix -n, with automatic metathesis of the second vowel and the third consonant to avoid an impermissible final consonant cluster. The Mutsun and Awaswas reflexes of PCos *meher ‘lizard’ have added the suffix -wa ‘serpent-like’. Esselen mexelen ‘lizard’ P (probably /mexlen/ with an echo vowel between /x/ and /l/) is most certainly a loan word from Rumsen, with a substitution of /l/ for /r/.

44

Introduction

Table 18. Probable loan words from Rumsen into Esselen English sardine cypress

Esselen tupúr L zummir L

fly (insect)

mumirux P

crow

kakaruš P kakaru (a- g-ká, g-ká HWH) kakalu P kakariwx kakari ‘raven, crow’ Yirek Yirek Yirek yllex L (shiefe A, P yrrex L Ckar iracaths ¯ /šjefe/) /Yirak-at. / A meg (P) meg, mecemege-kniš megi-kniš ‘fog, mist’

raven stone clouds

Rumsen tupur sumer ‘Monterey cypress’ mumuriwx

Mutsun, etc. c.f. c.f.

Chocheño, etc. c.f. c.f.

mumuri Cscr mÅmurÁ P2

mumuri PCo *mumur-i Csol mumurex P *mumur-i Csol ká-k_- s HWH

Cscr ‰e‰en P2 meher-wa Cscr mexerua

pelican lizard

ieiexim P mexelen P /mexlen/

jejexem mexre-n

chameleon

memmnen P

grasshopper

polokong P

memnen ‘horned toad’ polokonš polokig

Proto Costanoan ¯

PCos *kakar-i < PMiw *kakalis. ? PCo *Yirak PCos *mege (Mil micpa ‘mist’) PCos *meher P2 /meher-wa/

wolf

hummux P /Yumuh/ ground squirrel hesx P /Yex/ (m´-h‘ HWH18, mexé L /mehe/)

Yumx Yex, hej L

Yumuh

Cscl oomoóg Ye()h

PCos *po()lok... Csol po-ló-k s17 HWH Csol hummux P /Yumuh/ Yeh ‘squirrel’ Csol heešš P /Yeš/

PCo *Yumuh PCo *Yeš19

Cru memne-n ‘horned toad’ is also bimorphemic although its provenience is uncertain. The word is available in only one other Costanoan language, Cscr ueklap /weklap/ ‘chameleon’ P, which is not cognate, but most likely, Esselen borrowed the Rumsen word. Esselen polokong ‘grasshopper’ is very close to Cru polokonš ‘grasshopper’, and it appears to be another word borrowed from Rumsen, since -ng is an uncommon final cluster in Esselen. It derives ultimately from Proto Southern Costanoan, although its exact original shape is indeterminate. Esselen hummux /‰umux/ P ‘wolf’ also appears to be a loan word from Rumsen, perhaps from a dialect in which /-mx/ would be an impermissible final cluster. Unfortunately, Lasuén did not record the Monterey Rumsen word for ‘wolf’. It can be reconstructed to Proto Costanoan with regular reflexes in the daughter languages. Words for I ‘ground squirrel’ provide evidence for a later layer of borrowing from Rumsen in the form of Esselen he x /‰ex/ P. Lasuén provides the earlier word, mexé, confirmed by Henshaw’s transcription, m´-h‘ ‘ground squirrel’. The Esselen words in Table 19 all have versions by Pinart except the word for ‘chicken’. ¯Eleven animal terms elicited by Pinart are followed by a suffix whose underlying form is apparently -(i)pša -(i)psa (-ikša ¯ once), and in two cases the morpheme is a stand-alone word. The initial vowel occurs after a consonant final ¯ stem except for ‘needlefish’, and it undergoes limited vowel harmony, i u if the vowel of the preceding syllable is /u/, and i e if the vowel in the preceding syllable is /e/. The reason upsa follows šeukker in the first item is uncertain, as is the meaning of this suffix except that it refers to animals, but it might be related to -ipa, which Beeler (1978: 20) analyzed as ‘people of’. Hyphens in Pinart’s vocabulary are mine.

Introduction

45

4.5. Direction of borrowing between Rumsen and Esselen In at least some cases, it is possible to determine the direction of borrowing between Rumsen and Esselen. Consider Table 19. ¯

Table 19. Animal terms in -(i)pša

-(i)psa (-ikša once)

English hawk hummingbird ant rattlesnake

Esselen šeukker upsa P ummun-ipsa P ottso-ipsa P ippis-iksa P ts´t-slk-ka-ma-thi HWH

Rumsen, etc. s. iwker Yumun Yot. owx Yipx

salamander

mekkel-epša P

whale

mekel Mék-kel CHM t. im, t. imetim L (English t)

t. ime gemm-epša P /t. em-epša/ Cscr gimme /t. ime/ P2 pishuc-pashishiy20 L šušug-ipsa P šuušg P siuyut. s A Shoo'shst CHM Cchithu L shustu L siiriš psa P (No Costanoan term recorded.) tukun-upša P ‘owl’ tuku-n; humis Cscr umiš P2 xums. , xumis. kai-yí-nap-ca HWH kajina kajina /kajina-pša/ xekkes-ipša xeks. , xekes. tamala jekesss L he^kiss L Cscr tamal P3 h‘´-h s HWH ma^´-rÁs HWH

sea otter needlefish great horned owl chicken lion

Mutsun, etc. siwker humuña Yot. ow Yipih Y Cscr h ppiua P2,

´p-p h HWH /Yipih(-wa)/ walelih

Chocheño šiwker c.f. n.c. Yipihwa © Csol h ippiš /Yipiš/ ? P

PCo PCo *s. iwker PCos *humunja20 PCos *Yot. ow PCo *Yipiš ?

palat-min c.f.

PCos *t. ime.

c.f.

tuku()li-š Csol uumiš P

(PMi *tuku-li) PCos *humi-s. ? Sp. gallina ‘chicken’

c.f. Csol hummu P21

In all but one instance, if one subtracts the suffix there is a nearly identical term in Rumsen, and that lone exception (the word for ‘needlefish’) is not available in any Costanoan language. Either this is an enormous coincidence or -(i)pša is a marker of an animal term which is perceived by bilinguals as a loan word into Esselen, usually from Rumsen. This hypothesis is strengthened by Esselen kai-yí-nap-ca ‘chicken’ HWH /kajina-pša/ , a probable loan word from Spanish gallina ‘chicken’ through Rumsen kajina ‘chicken’ because of the automatic gemination of the first medial consonant. In most cases, corroborative evidence for the direction of borrowing comes from the same criteria we used to identify probable loan words from Rumsen into Esselen in Table 18. Esselen šeukker upsa P ‘hawk’ contains the rare phoneme /r/, and Cru s. iwker ‘hawk’ has cognates in other Costanoan languages, allowing reconstruction to the level of Proto Costanoan. The Esselen word for ‘hummingbird’ is based upon the Rumsen stem after the historical loss of the final vowel (see Table 17). Esselen ottso-ipsa P ‘ant’ is likewise probably from Rumsen, whose Mutsun cognate allows reconstruction to PCos *‰ot. ow. © Esselen ippis-iksa P ‘rattlesnake’ may have been borrowed from Csol h ippiš P ‘rattlesnake’ (/wipiš/) ? rather than Rumsen. Again, Chalon shows an archaic -š where other Costanoan languages have -h. This word can be reconstructed to Proto Costanoan, and the direction of borrowing is strengthened by Hensahw’s transcription of an unrelated word for ‘rattlesnake’ which probably was the original Esselen word. ¯ Esselen mekkel-epša P ‘salamander’ is most likely from Rumsen. Merriam’s Cru Mék-kel ‘salamander’ gives evidence of Cru mekel mekel ‘salamander’. In this case, we lack corroborative evidence from Mutsun and Chocheño, since their words for ‘salamander’ are not cognate.

46

Introduction

Esselen gemm-epša P ‘whale’ is likewise a recent loan word from Rumsen t. im, which Lasuén transcribed as tim (English t). Pinart often heard /t. / as “g,” while Henshaw and Merriam heard it as “t,” allowing reconstitution (Catherine Schambach, p.c.). The word for ‘whale’ can be easily reconstructed to Proto Southern Costanoan, and again, there is an earlier Esselen word, pishuc-pashishy from Lasuén’s list, probably the original Esselen form. Similar reasoning applies in Pinart’s word for ‘sea otter’. Here, we do not have a reliable Rumsen form in the Harrington data, but Pinart’s šuušg and Merriam’s Shoo'shst allow the reconstitution /šušt. /. The most likely Esselen form is therefore /šušut. /, perhaps from a Rumsen dialect that retained the fleeting vowel in this environment. A final vowel is present in Lasuén’s Rumsen form, indicating metathesis had occurred. Again, we have more corroborative evidence from Esselen Cchithu ‘sea otter’ in Lasuén’s list, probably the original Esselen word. Whether or not this last word for ‘sea otter’ had any connection with Cru /šušut. / or shustu from Lasuén’s list is uncertain. Esselen tukun- in tukun-upša P ‘owl’ is no doubt identical with Cru tuku-n ‘great horned owl’, indicating a loan word from Rumsen into Esselen. However, there are non-cognate words in all Southern Costanoan languages including Rumsen, reconstructable to PCos *humis. ‘great horned owl’. Ceb tuku()li-š ‘great horned owl’ is obviously borrowed from Miwok, the ultimate source of Cru tukun (see the dictionary for further details). Esselen xekkes-ipša P ‘lion’ closely resembles the Rumsen word, especially Cru he^kiss from Lasuén’s list where the fleeting vowel is retained. This case is exceptional in that there are no known Miwok or Costanoan cognates for Rumsen xeks. , xekes. - ‘mountain lion’. In addition, we have two other transcriptions for the same word, one from Lasuén and one from Henshaw, both without -ipša. The most probable explanation is that in1878, Omesia, who was bilingual in Rumsen, considered the word for ‘mountain lion’ to be of Rumsen origin. I will therefore place it in my list of probable loan words from Esselen into Rumsen 4.6. Probable loan words from Esselen into Rumsen, Mutsun, and Chalon (Table 20) We will begin with probable loan words into Rumsen. We have already discussed the case for ‘mountain lion’. We do know that Esselen words found their way into Rumsen in historical times, since Esselen šoošo /šošo/ P, shoótch /šog/ L ‘dog’ was borrowed into Rumsen as the name of a dog, which Isabelle said may be from Esselen. But note Spanish chucho ‘puppy’. Esselen kinila P ‘large-headed fish’ was most certainly borrowed into Rumsen with regular loss of the final vowel (note final vowel loss in ‘hummingbird’ in Table 17). The change of /l/ to /r/ is by analogy with other animal terms ending in /r/. The only word for ‘large-headed fish’ available in another Southern Costanoan language is not cognate, which serves as weak corroborative evidence. In like manner, Cru ‰uns, ‰unas- ‘fox’ appears to be borrowed from Esselen, again with the regular loss of /a/ in the final syllable. Once more, the Awaswas forms are not cognate. The case with ‘mosquito’ is more complex. From Esselen palaka P, we would expect Cru *palak, with loss of the final vowel, shortening of the second vowel, and gemination of the medial consonant. The Rumsen word has undergone reformation by analogy with polokonš ‘grasshopper’ (see Table 18). Isabelle Meadows confused the two and did not know which was which. We note the lack of cognates in other Southern Costanoan languages. In fact, Cscr hai-yu /haju/ ‘mosquito’ HWH is cognate with PMiw *s. ojo ‘mosquito’. Merriam (1979: 244) identifies Cru ‰ix, ‰ixa- as the Monterey Pine (Pinus radiata), and Lasuén gives yx-a`y, obviously the same word and the form Rumsen speakers would have heard most frequently. The presence of /a/ in the Rumsen form as the same fleeting vowel is strong evidence that this word was borrowed from Esselen. In fact, *‰ixa-j would resemble the adverbial case of a Rumsen word from which a Rumsen speaker could extract ‰ix, ‰ixa- through a back formation. Moreover, this word does not resemble any other known Costanoan word for a pine tree.

Introduction

47

Table 20. Probable loan words from Esselen into Rumsen, Mutsun, and Chalon English lion

large-headed fish fox

Esselen xekkes-ipša jekess L h‘´-k s HWH, šoošo P shoótsh L kinnila P huniša P

Cru šošoj, šoš ‘name of dog’ kinir Yuns, Yunas-

mosquito ?

palaka P

palakans.

pine tree

yx-a`y L

Yix, Yixa-

fish

calul A, P koh‘l-koh‘l HWH

dog

Rumsen xeks. , xekes. he^kiss L

yx L c.f.

sucker trompudo salmon ?

Mutsun, Awaswas Csjb tamala Cscr tamal P3, ma^´-rÁs HWH n.c.

Other Csol hummu P21

Cscr mokog P2 Cscr tupiun P3, PMie *juwel yu-r´h HWH Csjb Kásh-soop PMiw *s. ojo /kašup/ ? CHM < PU *šoju Cscr hai-yu /hoju/ ? HWH Csjb hireni Csjb huji

Ceb hamuj Csol hu-yi HWH

Csjb kolkol Cscr tc n-wi HWH /ginwi/ Cscr kolkol P3 tá-l n HWH

Cru Yurak

keleuai P ki-lí-wa HWH

Csjb huraka

Csol tallen P Ceb huraka < PCo *huraka Ceb timli,

Csjb täl- n HWH

seeds of i-yám-pas plants for food /jampas/ ? water-tight basket »si-la HWH

jarks. ‘tarweed pinole’ HWH

cooking basket ?

apit-maku's L

xapš, xapše‘small-mouthed trinket basket’

roasting pan of roots ?

ic-pa-cá-a+ /Yišpa-šáYa/ ? HWH

Csjb jarkas ‘tarweed’ tilai ‘basket with a good base’ A

Csol tca-ya /gaja/ ‘shallow basket’

Words for ‘fish’ and ‘sucker’ also argue for a complex scenario. The earlier Esselen word calul /kalul/ ‘fish’ A, P might underlie Csjb, kolkol ‘sucker’ and Cscr kolkol P ‘trompudo’ (big-nosed fish), i.e. specific types of fish.22. Esselen koh‘l-koh‘l ‘fish’ could be the direct source of the Mutsun and Awaswas terms, or it could represent a later back borrowing into Esselen. Unfortunately, no Rumsen term is yet available in the analyzed data. Csol tallen P ‘salmon’ may well have been borrowed from Esselen tá-l n HWH, since it differs from words in other Costanoan languages which reconstruct to PCo *huraka ‘salmon’. However, both Pinart and Henshaw record a totally different Esselen word for ‘salmon’, which clouds the issue, raising the possibility that Esselen tá-l n was borrowed from Chalon. Ceb huraka underwent a meaning change to ‘a large fish that does not have much bone’, possibly ‘sturgeon’. If tá-l n is historically an Esselen word, it is possible that Ceb timli ‘salmon’ is of pre-Esselen provenience and represents an earlier level of borrowing. The [i] in i-yám-pas ‘edible seeds’ HWH probably represents a non-phonemic onset. Note Lake Miwok jac at. i [‰iyac at. i] ‘bump’. A version of the Esselen word may have been borrowed into PCos *jarkas. ‘tarweed pinole’.

48

Introduction

The final three words represent basketry terms. Csjb tilai A ‘basket with a good base’ is not in the analyzed Harrington data, which would provide a better definition and phonetic form. Mutsun is not adjacent to the Esselen speech area, which strengthens the case for substrate influence from Esselen »sila ‘water tight basket’. Esselen apit-maku's L ‘cooking basket’ is dubious as the source of Cru xapš, xapše- ‘small-mouthed trinket basket’ because of the meaning difference and the difficulty of determining which part of the Esselen word to compare, but I am including these data for completeness. Esselen ic-pa-cá-a+ /‰išpa šá‰a/ ‘roasting pan of roots’ HWH suffers the same difficulties when compared with Csol tca-ya /gaja/ ‘shallow basket’ HWH. 4.7. Substrate influence of pre-Esselen on Awaswas, SF Bay. and Karkin Beeler (1961) was the first to argue for a pre-Esselen substrate in the Bay Area on the basis of Karkin words for ‘man’and ‘woman’ and the Chocheño word for ‘sea’. Such evidence is especially significant because it cannot be discounted as recent borrowing. This portion of the book updates and expands upon Beeler’s work. In addition to the Karkin items taken by Arroyo (A) and analyzed by Beeler (1961), Victor Golla has brought to my attention a parallel vocabulary from von Gerolt (VG). This word list includes an additional word for ‘sea’ and a different transcription of the word for ‘hair’ (see Table 21). This new information plus deeper insight into Esselen phonology and morphology opens the door to a re-analysis of the Karkin material. Catherine Schambach, one of my students (1978: 11), first pointed out that it was possible to reconstitute /t. / in Chalon words by comparing multiple transcriptions, and I have expanded on this technique for Esselen interpretations. Although Arroyo rarely heard length, he usually heard /t. /, which he represented by different transcriptions, probably pointing to some allophonic variations. Most commonly, he wrote “thr” initially, intervocalically and after consonants, and “ths” or “th” before consonants and word finally (see Okrand 1977: 20-25, Callaghan 1988: 438). Occasionally, he used “ch,” introducing some ambiguity. Pinart sometimes used “tj” for /t. /, but he more commonly used “g.” Henshaw represented /t. / sometimes by “tr,” and occasionally by “t” or “ts.” Lasuén sometimes called /t. / “English t.” Arroyo transcribed the word for ‘ground’ as mathra, indicating /mat. ()a/. Pinart’s multiple transcriptions of this word (mat'ta, mathra, mats'a), plus the fact that he often heard consonantal length, tip the scales in favor of /mat. a/. This allows us to deduce that Lasuén heard intervocalic /-t. -/ sometimes as -ts- or -ds-, as in ‘on earth’. Henshaw heard initial /h/, and he indicated stress. Henshaw and Sarria sometimes heard length. Pinart used initial “h” to indicate /‰/, leading us to generalize /‰/ before initial vowels.The forms bracketed by slashes represent reconstitutions to the degree possible at present. Ckar junathramuhue ‘man’ (Sp. hombre) is probably two words, /hunat. a muwe/. muwe is cognate with Ceb muwe-kma ‘people’ and Csol muweh ‘man’ (Sp. hombre). /hunat. a/ is cognate with Ceb hunt. ag ‘old man’, and both forms might derive from some¯pre-Esselen word similar to xenot. ‘man’ (Sp. hombre), which itself is ¯ ‘male’ plus -nut -not ‘person’. In like manner, /tanot/ ‘woman’ derives from ta ‘woman, composed of ‰exe. . . ¯ for ‘tree’ (Sp. palo), ‘sea’ (Sp. mar), and perhaps ‘hair’ female’ and -nut. -not. ‘person’. The Karkin words (Sp. pelo) allow us to segment the element -nut. -nat. , which is absent from corresponding Costanoan cognates. ¯ because Arroyo’s transcription has intervocalic “r” rather than Ckar uthrunuths /‰ut. u-nut. / ‘hair’ VG is dubious, “n.” It is quite likely that pre-Esselen -nut. -not. (or some similar element) was borrowed into Karkin as an animate suffix. In the case of Ckar umunuth VG /‰umu-nut. /, we have a possible pre-Esselen source for the stem as well, since -la can be isolated from Esselen /‰imi-la/ ‘sea’ on the basis of words for ‘ten’, ‘bear’, and Henshaw’s mak-sá-la /maksa-la/ ‘ground’, which constitutes a different word from /mat. a/ ‘ground’.

Introduction

49

Table 21. Substrate influence of pre-Esselen on Awaswas, SF Bay, and Karkin English man (male)

Esselen (L, A) ejennutek L /Yexenut. -ek/

woman23

ta A, tanutek L /tanut. -ek/

person tree (palo)

¯ Esselen (HWH, P, CHM) exenoc, xennog P /Yexénot. ¯ -hé-nutc- Yexénut. xenot. / -h ´n-nutc HWH < *¯Yexe + nut. /not. *xe + not. tannug P /tánut. / tá-notc HWH < *ta ¯+nut. /not. /-nut. -not. /

hair (pelo) sea (mar)

i-mí-la HWH

/Yimí-la/

bear

kol-tá-la, kól-ta-la HWH

/kólta-la

ten ground the earth on earth noun suffix salmon ?

¯

/tomoj-la/ mak-sá-la HWH /maksá-la/ mathra, mats'a, mat'ta P /mat. a/ Matsano L,madsano /mat. a-no/ -la tá-l n HWH

koltá-la/

Costanoan Ckar junathramuhue /hunat. a muwe/ Ceb hunt. ag ‘old man’

Ckar juyunaths A /huju-nat. /24 Ceb huja ‘monte’ Ckar uthruruths A Ckar uthrunuths VG /Yut. u-nut. / Cru Yut. , Yut. u- ‘head, head hair’ Ckar umunuth VG /Yumu-nut. / Ceb Yomu

tomoila L mathra A

abalone(s) ? klatgi P

Ceb timli Csol tallen P, täl- n HWH Cscr agkis P3 (Csjb hašan) (Ceb peYa)

Finally, Cscr a gkis /‰agkis/ ‘abalones’ P3 may represent a much-mutated loan word from Esselen klatci /klagi/ P ‘abalone’ The Awaswas word differs from other Costanoan words for ‘abalone’, which constitutes slight support through negative evidence. 4.8. Residue Most of the Esselen words in Table 22 are similar enough to their Southern Costanoan counterparts to indicate that borrowing took place, but the direction and/or the details are difficult to determine. Esselen mátckas HWH , mÁ´tc-k_s HWH, both meaning ‘coyote’, probably represents confusion with magkas P ‘hare’ and should be dropped from the list. Note also Esselen mackasex (probably /magkas-ex/ P ‘badger’) Esselen hú-tcu-mas, utc-mas ‘dog’ HWH looks as if it is recently borrowed from some Costanoan language, probably Rumsen, although the meaning of -mas is uncertain. The forms are divergent enough that reconstruction of the whole word to Proto South Costanoan is not possible. In addition, Pinart, Lasuén and Henshaw all give different (and presumably earlier) Esselen words for ‘dog’ (see also Table 20). Costanoan words for ‘ear’ reconstruct to PCo *tuksu-s. , which is cognate with PMis *t. olko-s. ‘ear’, but note also PY *thuk ‘ear’. The Esselen words seem to have been borrowed from different dialects of Rumsen, and the details are difficult to untangle. This process might have been in progress in bilingual communities prior to missionization. Esselen ta^´t-si HWH ‘meat’ may well be borrowed from Csol tó-ti HWH ‘meat’, both terms probably being /tot. i/. Note that Henshaw heard Cru tot. ‘deer, meat’ as da^ts. Costanoan words for ‘to smoke’ reconstruct to PCo *s. ukmu, which is probably cognate with Mil s. umki ‘to smoke’, making it more probable that the first syllable of Esselen šuknaš ‘to smoke’ is of Rumsen origin, which leaves Esselen -naš unexplained.

50

Introduction

Table 22. Residue English coyote

Esselen mátc-kas HWH

Rumsen magan

Mutsun, etc. matjan. Cscr maian P3

hare badger

magkas P mackasex P /magkas-ex/ ? hú-tcu-mas, utc-mas can-a^´-co HWH tuxus L

Chocheño, etc. majan Csol maYjan

xugijs

huge-knis/š

n.c.

tuxs, tuxsu-

n.c.

dog ear

deer

raccoon

tuksusu P tu-sús-ni-yá HWH ta^´t-si ‘meat’ HWH

tuxes L tuucs AT /tuks/ tot. , tot. etot. e ‘deer, meat’ Cscr tooge ta^ts HWH P2, ta^-tre ‘meat’ /tot. e/ HWH

šašlana P

Sháh-shsr CHM

to smoke

šuknaš P

s. ukum

Cscr sanx'ai P2, Cscr šašok P3 sukmu

to eat

amma P

Yamxaj

Yama

deer nose

á-ma HWH ha-mák’-cu ‘food’ HWH ama A a-mí-sah HWH hoske L xorsenax P hó-c s HWH

temmeg P annaiana P

t. ot (Csf Po tah) Csol ta^´-tci ‘black-tailed deer’ tó-ti ‘meat’ HWH Csjb šašra-n Csol sa^c-c -ran /sošran/ HWH šukmu Yama

Y u s

hu()s

hu()s

usze AT /xose-nax/ ?

/Yuse/ ?

Csol uus P, hus HWH /hus/

ualkošex P /walko-šex/ (Sp. barca ‘boat’) shark swordfish

Csol hú-tc_k-nos HWH tukšuš PCo *tuksu-s. *tuhsu-s. PMis *t. olko-s. ¯

Cscr hamai Csol am-hai /Yama-j/ ‘Eat! P2 /Yamhai/ HWH

dugout canoe

temmeg P anna‰ua P

Cscr guug P3 Cscr ukkuš P2

Other PCo *majan

PCo *tot. e *tot. ?

PCo *s. ukmu Mil s. umki PCo *(h)ama *(h)amMip cama(PMis *Yywy-) ¯ ja-) (PMis *Yywy PCo*hus *huse ? Ckar Yus-te-s ¯ ‘my nose’ PMi *huk *huku

Csf wah lee ‘tule boat’ Cscl walin Me ‘canoe’

The case for ‘raccoon’ is more problematic but the most plausible scenario is that Esselen šašlana ‘raccoon’ is a loan word from Csjb šašra-n ‘raccoon’ with the addition of final -a by analogy with other animal terms. The existence of a non-identical cognate, Cru Sháh-shsr CHM ‘raccoon’, provides evidence for the depth of the form in Southern Costanoan. Note also the change of /r/, which is rare in Esselen, to /l/, which is common if we accept this scenario, but there is the difficulty that the Mutsun speech area was not adjacent to the Esselen speech area. The Chalon form looks like a loan word from Mutsun, and the Awaswas forms may represent deeper cognates, though we must remember that animal terms are subject borrowing and analogical reformation.

Introduction

51

Esselen amma P /‰ama/ ‘to eat’ is identical with Costanoan words for ‘to eat’ except in adjacent languages; note Cru ‰amxaj ‘to eat’ and Csol am-hai HWH /‰amhaj/ ‘to eat’. This fact raises the possibility that early Costanoan borrowed the word from pre-Esselen, and that it has remained unchanged through the centuries in that language because of the relative stability of the phonemes /a/ and /m/. This hypothesis is strengthened by Esselen a-mí-sah‘ HWH ‘deer’, which seems to bear a derivational relationship with Esselen /‰ama/ ‘to eat’. Note PMis *‰ywy- ‘to eat’ and *‰ywyja ‘deer’. On the other hand, Mip cama- ‘to eat’ may ¯ ¯ be a Miwok cognate, which would project *(g)ama back to Proto Utian times. Esselen words for ‘nose’ are a puzzle. They argue for underlying forms such as /hoske hose-nax ¯ was borrowing from Rumsen or /o/ if ¯the word was borrowed hošes/. One cannot expect initial /h/ if there ¯ from any Costanoan language. PCo *hu()s *huse ‘nose’ is cognate with PMi *huk *huku, reconstructing to PU *huk *huky-. This word could argue for a deeper level of borrowing from Costanoan into preEsselen, with the subsequent lowering of /u/ to /o/ because of /e/ in the second syllable. Esselen walkošex P /walko-šex/ ‘dugout canoe’ would make a good candidate for a relationship with Cscl walin ‘canoe’ Me if it were not for Spanish barca ‘boat’, which raises the possibility of borrowing from Spanish into Esselen. Finally, Esselen words for ‘shark’ and ‘swordfish’ are nearly identical with their Rumsen equivalents but differ totally from Awaswas. Unfortunately, we lack the terms in any other Costanoan language. I suspect they are recent loan words from Rumsen into Esselen, but I cannot be sure. 4.9. Evidence of contact between pre-Esselen and early Miwok ¯

An Esselen word meaning ‘hand(s), arm’, presumably /tala-nax tala-nax/ was recorded by both Lasuén and Pinart. Cru talt L probably meant ‘palm, sole’ rather than ‘hands’, judging by the word Cru’ talt HWH ‘sole’. Cscr ta-wép HWH ‘right arm below elbow’ is probably connected with Cscr -ta-wi ‘wrist’ rather than any word for ‘hand(s), arm’. Otherwise, there are no resemblant words in Costanoan languages and none in Eastern Miwok, but in Western Miwok we have Mic talik, Mil tawlik ‘arm’, presumably from PMiw *tawlik ‘arm’, indicating possible substrate influence from pre-Esselen. Esselen kéle A ‘foot’ represents the eastern dialect spoken in the Arroyo Seco (Beeler 1977: 41), which differed from the dialect recorded by Lasuén. We do not know the relationship, if any, of kéle and os-ké-li HWH ‘sole ?, foot ?, footprint ?’. This word cannot have been recently borrowed from a word in any Costanoan language, all of which have a different vocalism and medial /r/, or in the case of Rumsen, medial /r/. Esselen kéle A ‘foot’ might represent contact between pre-Esselen and early Northern Costanoan. Note Csf Ko lo ‘foot’, PCo *kolo ‘foot’, also PMi *kolo ‘foot’, but this word is a pan-Americanism. Esselen sama`s L ‘jackrabbit’ does not resemble any Costanoan word or Eastern Miwok word for that animal, and it could well represent a pre-Esselen substrate origin of early Western Miwok *gamis. . Esselen cháp-h s ‘birds’ may indicate substrate influence from pre-Esselen on early Coast Miwok, or even early Western Miwok, since Mib capis. ‘blackbird’ is closely resemblant as is the Marin Miwok form. If I am right, it is a case of an Esselen word with a general meaning (‘birds’) being borrowed with a specific meaning, ‘blackbird’, much as French champignon ‘mushroom’ was borrowed into English with the meaning ‘fairy-ring mushroom’. Esselen pishuc-pashishiy L ‘whale’ is the earliest Esselen term recorded for this mammal, and the pre-Esselen equivalent may underlie Mic pus. u ‘whale’. Esselen tollomaj /tolomax/ L ‘wildcat’ is a mystery word. It is nearly identical with its ultimate source, PMie *tolo-ma- ‘wildcat’, which is bi-morphemic. It does not resemble Cru xomo- ‘wildcat’. Csol ta^´-ro-ma HWH ‘wildcat’ appears to be identical with Csjb toroma ‘wildcat’, which differs from the Esselen word. Whether or not this situation resulted from some direct contact between Esselen and Eastern Miwok is uncertain. Esselen ká-a(h) ‘tobacco’ is unlike any Costanoan word for the plant, but it closely resembles preEastern Miwok **kas. ‘tobacco’ and also PMiw *kajaw ‘tobacco’, suggesting a pre-Esselen substrate origin for one or both words. Mil cakala ‘sifter, storage basket’ was a mystery word. I had wanted to connect it with PMie *gaka ‘storage basket’, but that is a secondary meaning for the Lake Miwok term, and -la is not a Western Miwok nominal suffix although it is an Eastern Miwok nominal suffix. Substrate influence from a pre-Esselen term

52

Introduction

Table 23. Evidence for contact between pre-Esselen and early Miwok English hands

Esselen tallanuj L

Costanoan (Cru talt L25)

arm

talannax P¯ /tala-nax tala-nax/ ‘hand(s), arm’

(Cru Yis, Yisu- < PCo *Yisu ‘hand, arm’) (Cscr ta-wép HWH ‘right arm below elbow’) (Cscr -ta-wi ‘wrist’ HWH) Cru koro; Csf Ko lo, Csjb, Csol, Cscr, Ceb koro < PCo †*kolo

foot

kéle A os-ké-li ‘sole?, foot?, footprint?’ HWH nenepassuj L /nene-pasux/ ? jackrabbit (liebre) sama`s L

(no resemblant forms)

tcáp-h s HWH

(no resemblant forms)

whale

pishuc-pashishiy L

(no resemblant forms)

wildcat

tollomaj L /tolomax/

(Cru xom, xomo-; ho ^ m L) (Csol mihîš P), ta^´-ro-ma HWH Csjb toroma, Ceb toromi  á-a(h) /k áYa(h)/ HWH (no resemblant forms) k

winnowing basket cák-a /šáka/ HWH

(no resemblant forms)

forget (olvidar)

(no resemblant forms)

come!, bring! come, come! to come

manaleneiapa P /manal Yene japa/ ? ‘I forget . . . ’ ? i-yú HWH, iyo A í-yu-í-yu HWH eio enne /Yejo Yene/ ‘I’m coming’ P

to come out, go out to drink

running water HWH

etze' L eššeeune P /Yeše Yene/ ‘I am drinking.’ tca^-lo-la^´-si /gololósi/ ?

Mib koo, Mim kolo, Mil kolo < PMi †*kolo ‘foot’ (PY *kalasa-Y ‘lower leg’ CC)

birds

tobacco

Miwok Mib talik ‘arm, wing’ Mim talik ‘arm’ SB Mil tawlik ‘arm, wing’ < PMiw *tawlik ‘arm, wing’

Mil, Mib camih < PMiw *gamis. , Mim aule /Yawle/ IK Mib gapil ‘blackbird’ Mim tcáp-pil ‘red-winged blackbird’ HWH Mib pus. u, Mim póo-soo HWH (Psw puššu ‘whale’) PMie *tolo-ma-

Mib, Mil kajaw Mim kajaw ? < PMiw *kajaw PMie *kas. y-. < **kas. . Mil cakala ‘sifter, storage basket, cakal ‘to sift’, PMie *gaka- ‘storage basket’ Mib manaj ‘to forget’ (no other Miwok resemblant forms)

(Cru Yaj!, Csjb haji! Mil Yujé ‘Come on!’ ¯ haji! /tanut. tanot. / ‘woman’, suggesting an automatic gemination rule for at least some disyllabic words. Fortunately, we have partial confirmation of our phonological conclusions. In the 1930s, Harrington discovered that his principal Rumsen consultant, Isabelle Meadows, recalled some Esselen words and phrases she had heard as a child from “la vieja Omesia,” presumably Pinart’s consultant, although as a rule, Isabelle¯ ¯ that they were mostly pejorative. One such expression was pánnawalúnna did not know their meaning, only ¯ pa`na`walúnna! /pána walúna pana walúna!/ (see Turner and Shaul 1981: 101). We can no doubt assume that pána pana means ‘son, child’, indicating that common words, as well as pronouns, might have weakened unstressed allomorphs. Another sequence was ‰úkusta xalápa ‰at.sánisa. Harrington said of the expression, “This is exceedingly important for it proves Eselen [sic] has s and has short and long vowels and has in some words penult accent.” (Beeler 1981: 96.) It also shows that Isabelle (and by implication, Omesia as well) was pronouncing words according to Esselen phonological patterns, not merely superimposing Rumsen patterns, since historic *CVCV... > Cru CVCV... if the first V is a short vowel. Note PCos *humun-ja ‘hummingbird’ > Cru humun and Sp. gallina /gajína/ ‘chicken’ > Cru kajina. Isabelle also used /‰/ as the default initial consonant, providing evidence for our earlier generalization. Returning to the older vocabularies (see Kroeber 1904), we have ta ‘woman, female’ + pana ‘son, child’ > /tapana/ ‘daughter’, also /‰asá-nax/ ‘water’, whose phonological form receives some confirmation from ¯ Isabelle’s guess. There seems to be more variation in some trisyllabic words¯ where both intervocallic ¯ ¯ consonants are continuants, as in the word {‰exe+-nut. /-not. } > /‰exénut. ‰exénot. ‰éxenot. / ‘man’. Another trisyllabic stem with apparent variation is /‰ep-éxe ‰ef-éxe ‰éf-exi(s)/ ‘person, people’, which might

54

Introduction

¯ words for ‘person’ are often etymologically related to words for derive from {‰efes+‰exe} ‘true male’, since ‘man (male)’. Still another is /tala-nax tala-nax/ ‘arm’. Isabelle said that ’úkkucta xaláppa /‰úkušta xalápa/ was an Esselen cuss word (Turner and Shaul, 1981: 103), but she did not indicate which part was the bad word. Shaul (1995: 247) interprets ‰úkusta as “little:girl” in this expression, adding that the glosses will be easily found in the works cited. Henshaw in Kroeber 1904: 54 gives u-kú+s-ki-ta-pa-ná-si as ‘little girl’, which would require much abbreviation to produce ‰úkusta. More probably, Shaul was deriving the word from /‰ukus+ta/ ‘little female’, since -ki is an adjective suffix in the previous expression and the stem of that expression would presumably mean ‘small’. However, there is another possibility. Pinart gives ukuš /‰ukuš/ as ‘to unload, discharge’ (descargar), suggesting an earthier meaning; namely ‘to defecate’ (note English ‘to take a dump’ for a similar semantic development), plus -ta, a nominal suffix (Turner and Shaul1982: 111). Esselen ‰úkkusta could have meant ‘shit’, or more colloquially, ‘shit head’. At any rate, the existence of /‰ukú()s-ki/ ‘small’ and /‰ukuš/ with a different meaning (unload, discharge) is good evidence for phonemic consonantal length in Esselen. This discussion is also relevant for substrate analysis. As mentioned earlier, Rumsen is phonologically the most divergent of the Costanoan languages, principally from the automatic gemination of the first medial stem consonant, followed by vowel loss in word-final syllables, subject to certain constraints. This fleeting vowel would resurface before specific suffixes. Since historic vowels in stem-final syllables were lost altogether in tri-syllabic stems, most Rumsen stems were disyllabic. Esselen may have been in the process of developing a similar gemination rule. If the current Rumsen area was once occupied by the Esselen, those Esselen that remained could have generalized their own gemination rule when learning Rumsen. In other words, it is possible that some of the bizarre Rumsen phonological patterns can be attributed to an Esselen substrate.

4.11. Phonological implications In the absence of modern transcriptions, it is necessary to reconstitute words and affixes to the best of our ability from multiple transcriptions. I have outlined a methodology for doing so which I urge others to follow. In particular, we should make our reconstitutions maximally informative instead of minimally so. It is better to indicate a feature such as length which may be partially predictable than to omit it altogether because we cannot determine it for every word. There may be some relationship between length and stress in Esselen as Harrington suspected, but I have included both where possible in the hope that future investigators can determine what the relationship is so as to refine upon my reconstitutions, which are first approximations. At the beginning of this investigation, I thought there were more than one series of stops in Esselen, but I have since abandoned that hypothesis. /f/ is a rare phoneme in the process of emerging from /p/ in¯ the environment of /e/, and I indicate alternations between /f/ and /p/ where they occur. Likewise, /k x/ alternations probably represent dialect variations or a sound change in progress. I do not know what [kx] represents in Pinart’s transcriptions, so I leave it intact; also Henshaw’s glottalized consonants. They may represent rare phonemes borrowed from other languages, like Esselen /r/ which was probably from Costanoan.

4.12. Summary Linguistic evidence for an Esselen substrate in areas now inhabited by speakers of Costanoan languages corroborates the evidence from archaeology and basketry patterns. Although few Esselen basketry terms were recorded, one resembles a Mutsun term, one resembles a Rumsen word, and one partially resembles a Chalon term. Lake Miwok cakala ‘sifter, storage basket’ may derive from a pre-Esselen word resembling Esselen /šáka/ ‘winnowing basket’ plus the Esselen nominal suffix -la, indicating substrate influence on early Western Miwok. The majority of resemblant forms between Esselen and Rumsen represent recent loan words from Rumsen

Introduction

55

into Esselen in bilingual communities either before, during, or immediately after the mission period, reflecting the cultural dominance of Rumsen speakers. Of those words probably borrowed from Esselen into Rumsen, one is geographically diagnostic of substrate influence. Cru ‰ix, ‰ixa-, identified by C. Hart Merriam as the Monterey pine, was most probably borrowed from Esselen yx-a`y L ‘pine tree’. In Central California, the Monterey pine (Pinus radiata) is now restricted to the Año Nuevo-Swanton area in Awaswas territory and the Monterey-Carmel populations, which are mostly in current Rumsen territory. Unfortunately, we lack an Awaswas term for ‘pine tree’, and the Chocheño word is not cognate. Other probable loan words from Esselen into Rumsen include words for ‘lion’, ‘fox’, ‘mosquito’, ‘raccoon’, several types of fish, and one of the terms for ‘dog’. The automatic Rumsen gemination rule may have had its origin in Esselen substrate influence. Table 24. Esselen phonology English I son child cuss word (Sp. rayo) woman26 daughter man (male) person people (Sp. gente), person water

Esselen (L, A) enne A panna L panajueg A

Esselen (P, S) enne P, -ene- P

Esselen (HWH, etc.) ¯ on-n HWH pána pa`na` JPH ¯ pánnawalúnna! pa`na`walúnna! JPH

tanutek L /tanut. -ek/ ta A tapanna L ejennutek L /Yexenut. -ek/26 ejenuths /Yexenut. /

tannug P tá-notc HWH exenoc, xennog P eggenoch S

¯ o-hé-nutc o-h ´n-nutc

epexe P

of-fé-h‘i ef-ach´—is CHM ‘talkative person’ a-sá-nah‘, a-sá-nas,

efes L ‘true, truly’ azanax L a-sanax P

river Sp. rayo (cuss word) small, little ojusk L (chiquito) friend, pal (Sp. vale) little girl; baby descargar (to unload: discharge, defecate ?)

a-sÁ´n-nah‘ sanax P Yúkkusta xaláppa, at-sá-ni-ca ‘an oath’ Yat.sánisa! u-kús-ki, (kxosuske P)27

¯ Reconstitution /Yéne ¯ Yene/ /pána pana/ /pana-xwex/ ? ¯ /pána walúna! pana walúna!/ /tánut. / < {ta+nut. /not. }

/ta/ /ta-pána/ ¯ /Yexéno/ut. xénot. / ¯ < *Yexe + not. /nut. *xe + not. ¯ ¯/ ¯ /-not -nut .

.

/Yep-éxe Yef-éxe Yéfexi(s)/ JPH Yeféxe (< *Yefe Yexe ?) ¯ / a sá n a x/ s/ Y  (guess)

Y asá n  a x JPH

/Yatsánis. a/ ¯ /Yoxu()sk o-h‘usk+Yukús-ki/

kxususke P ukkuš P

u-kú+s-ki- ta-pa-ná-si /Yukús-ki tapaná-si/? /Yukuš/

Csol talen P ‘salmon’ may have been borrowed from Esselen tá-lin HWH ‘salmon’, and the pre-Esselen equivalent may underlie Ceb timli ‘salmon’. Likewise, the pre-Esselen version of klatgi /klagi/ P ‘abalone’ may have been borrowed as Cscr agkis P /‰agkis/ ‘abalone’. ¯ borrowed the Esselen word for ‘man (male)’, and more strikingly, it may have borrowed Karkin may have pre-Esselen -nut. -not. ‘person’, which was interpreted as an animate suffix they subsequently attached to the pre-Esselen stem in the word for ‘sea’. Esselen kéle ‘foot’ may have resulted from contact with early Costanoan or early Miwok kolo ‘foot’. ¯ and ‘sifter’ could represent Esselen words for ‘jackrabbit’, ‘birds’, ‘tobacco’, ‘whale’, ‘to forget’, ‘come!’, the substrate influence of pre-Esselen on early Western Miwok. Esselen /‰eše ‰etse’/ ‘to drink’ may explain

56

Introduction

the anomaly of PMi *‰us. u ‘to drink’. The linguistic evidence is consistent with an Utian population moving into Central California and falling under the influence of Esselen basketry. As Utian speakers moved toward the coast and spread out, they borrowed a few terms for basketry, the sea, sea animals, and local fauna and flora. The majority of resemblant forms designating animals resulted from recent loan words from Costanoan languages, particularly Rumsen, into Esselen. Sometimes this development is corroborated by probable earlier non-rsemblant Esselen terms for the same animals. As we move south, probable loan words from Esselen for animal terms increasingly refer to inland fauna. These results are consistent with gradual occupation of Esselen territory by an advancing Utian population, eventually pushing most Esselen speakers into the hills with limited access to the ocean. A residue of mystery words remains to be explained by future research.

5.0. Future projects As mentioned earlier, this volume barely scratches the surface of Utian research and much remains to be done. A few projects stand out. 1. Comparative Costanoan sets are based largely on Harrington’s Mutsun, Rumsen from Isabelle Meadows, and the Chocheño corpora. The Awaswas material needs to be further examined, compared, and reconstituted to test my assumption that speakers were undergoing language shift from a divergent Northern Costanoan dialect to Mutsun. In like manner, the available Chalon material should be re-analyzed and reconstituted along with data on Rumsen dialects other than the one spoken by Isabelle Meadows. 2. Comparative Miwok sets are based on modern published dictionaries and grammars plus my field notes. Additional modern material can be gleaned from a full analysis of published material. 3. The Utian languages are characterized by features that are rare worldwide. These include the following. a. Fully active consonant-vowel metathesis involving the second vowel and third consonant of tri-consonantal stems. This metathesis can have meaning by itself, and it can be reconstructed for Proto Utian. b. Metathesis of medial consonant clusters in Costanoan to ensure resonant-final position. Perceptual salience is maintained in Mutsun by a non-phonemic echo vowel between the consonants. The scope of this phenomenon needs to be determined. c. A highly marked imperative involving object incorporation in some Utian languages. This is the only verbal inflection that can be reconstructed to Proto Utian. In addition, there are special imperative forms of certain verbs, and some derivational suffixes have special allomorphs in the imperative. d. In Rumsen there was morphologically motivated sound change. The second vowel was lost before final juncture in nouns of the canon CVCVC but not in durative verbs of the same canon; note ‰ist ‘a dream’, ‰isut-ta ‘in a dream’, ‰isut ‘to be dreaming’. e. In Proto Utian, clitic pronouns meaning ‘my’ and ‘thy’ are as deep or deeper than full pronouns meaning ‘I’ and ‘thou’, which is unusual on two levels, since we expect clitics to be short forms of full pronouns, and pronouns meaning ‘I’ and ‘thou’ to be primary. This phenomenon may be related to the absence of a nominative case in Proto Miwok, Proto Costanoan, and Proto Utian. 4. Are there other languages genetically related to Utian (or Yok-Utian)? This might be the most interesting question for most readers, so I have made this book maximally accessible with bold face for section numbers, table numbers, and map numbers throughout the volume, and bold face for proto forms in the dictionary to facilitate skimming, and I capitalize the names of stems and ablaut grades for the same reason. I have been looking at these languages largely alone for too long a period of time. I have overlooked much and made many false starts. No doubt my readers will note much that I have still overlooked. I envy you your fresh eyes.

Notes to the introduction

1 I have normalized modern transcriptions. j is [y], y is [i-], and raised dot () represents length. Voiceless unaspirated stops and affricates are written /p, t, t. , k, Y, c, g/. and aspirated stops are followed by a raised h. Aspiration is not ¯ word-finally in Proto Yokuts ¯ ¯or in the first member of a Yokuts consonant cluster, where it is predictable. phonemic c is [ts s] in Lake Miwok and [g ts s] in Plains Miwok. In other Miwok languages, c is [g]. Unmarked Mutsun material is from Okrand 1977 and the Okrand slip file. Unmarked Rumsen items are from Miller 1999c. Unmarked Chocheño material is from Miller and Callaghan 1999a, 1999b, and the author’s slip file. Costanoan items followed by page references are from a set of J. P. Harrington’s comparative notes titled “Henry Files.” Unmarked Lake Miwok, Bodega Miwok, Plains Miwok, and Northern Sierra Miwok material is from Callaghan 1965, 1970, 1984, 1987a and the author’s field notes. Unmarked Central Sierra Miwok material is from Freeland 1951, Freeland and Broadbent 1960, and the author’s field notes. Unmarked Southern Sierra Miwok items are from Broadbent 1964 and the author’s field notes. Most Marin Miwok words are from Callaghan and Bond, n.d., but a few are from the author’s field notes. See also Barrett 1908b. Unmarked Yokuts reconstructions are from Whistler and Golla 1986 and the Whistler-Golla slip file, and Yokuts items followed by GG were reconstructed by Geoffrey Gamble, with the level of the reconstruction indicated according to the Whistler-Golla system. CC indicates a Yokuts reconstruction by Catherine A. Callaghan. CS follows a Proto-Costanoan reconstruction by Catherine Schambach. A question mark indicates that a reconstruction is questionable or inclusion of an item is dubious on semantic grounds. Parentheses frame a related item which may not bear directly on the comparison. Items between slanted lines were normalized from old transcriptions. 2 I have updated Schambach’s sound developments to indicate the fact that medially, *kw and *tj are geminate. 3 Levy (1978: 485-86) rejected more conventional classifications of Costanoan languages in favor of a “language continuum” whose ordering was approximately as follows: Karkin-Ramaytush-Chocheño-Tanyen-Awaswas-ChalonMutsun-Rumsen, in which each of the eight languages was most closely related to the one following. His criteria were largely lexical.I argue for a different classification but must concede that Costanoan sound developments are often incomplete and some cut across major subdivisions such as between Northern and Southern Costanoan languages, a factor characteristic of a language continuum. 4 Schambach (n.d.) was the first to note this correspondence. . 5 PYgen *muk es < **muk is ‘woman’ is too close to the Utian set for ‘person’ to be explained by chance, but even if there is a Yok-Utian, we do not expect a word meaning ‘person’ to develop into the word for ‘woman’ (or vice versa). It is possible that PYgen *muk e- was a cognate that originally meant ‘person’, with the addition of a Proto General Yokuts nominal suffix *-s (often animate) conferring the meaning of ‘woman’ (note that in Indo-European *-a ‘active animate’ eventually became a marker of the feminine). How PYnim *mokhij ‘wife’ fits into this scenario is uncertain. I consider Csjb mukurma ‘woman’ to be an old loan word from Yokuts, with the stem of Csol mukuš-ma ‘old woman’ preserving an earlier stage of that word in the form of a loan word from Mutsun before rhotacism had taken place. ¯ Note also Csjb mukju-kniš ‘old woman: little old lady’. Csjb -kniš is a diminutive. 6 I now believe that PMi *Yus. u ‘to drink’ is of Esselen or pre-Esselen origin rather than cognate with PCo *Yuwi*Yuwe (see section 4). There is also the possibility that Proto Yokuts borrowed its word for ‘drink’ from Mutsun after the operation of Holtzmann’s Law.. 7 English is also a well-behaved language in that words are stable units and there is a family of closely related sister languages (the Germanic family) in addition to more distantly related languages (other Indo European families). English is a poorly behaved language in having prefixes as well as suffixes, both of which can undergo complex fusion with the stem. Also, the syllable canon is complex, allowing several initial and final cluster types. We are lucky to have a long written history of the English language to help us with comparative problems. 8 Frederickson (p.c.) favors pre-Yokuts for the Windmiller culture. 9 For what it is worth, I obtained the following glottochronological dates, using Swadesh’s 100 word list: 1.9 and 2.5 millennia for Proto Costanoan, 3.5 millennia for Proto Miwok, and 4.5 and 5.2 millennia for Proto Utian, although it was impossible to fill out the lists completely (see Callaghan 1991). 10 It is unfortunate that we have so little accurate data on the Palewyami dialect. 11 Internal reconstruction of the Yokuts stem mutations would be a fruitful project.

58

Endnotes to the introduction

12 Ypal. /e/ may derive from PY *a, *i, *u, *y (Whistler and Golla 1986: 337). 13 Section 4 of the Introduction is an updated version of a paper presented before the 2006 Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, January 6, Albuquerque, New Mexico. I want to personally thank Victor Golla, Randall Milliken, Ralph Shanks, and Gary S. Breschini for the help they gave me in its preparation. Any mistakes, of course, are my own. 14 The Rumsen reflex results from de-metathesis to avoid an impermissible final consonant cluster after loss of the second vowel. De-metathesis is in turn followed by automatic gemination of the second consonant (Callaghan 1992: 41). 15 Arroyo gives paratu ‘woodpecker’ and tiwituk ‘bird’, indicating that tj is secondary in Ascención Solórsano’s dialect. Numbers following an Arroyo transcription refer to page numbers in Mason 1916. 16 Note assimilation of the second Rumsen vowel to the lost fleeting vowel of the third syllable. 17 The Chalon word for ‘grasshopper’ was obviously borrowed from Mutsun. 18 This hyphen is in the original form. 19 Until now, I had been reconstructing PCo *-h for the correspondence Cru -x: Csjb -h: Ceb -h, which sometimes corresponds to PMi -s. < PU *-š. The Chalon words for ‘ground squirrel’ and ‘rattlesnake’ show that PU *-š survived into Proto Costanoan in some words. 20 Note also Csol hu-mi-na HWH, Cscr umuni P3, hu-mú-nu HWH, all meaning ‘hummingbird’. The Chalon form was probably borrowed from Mutsun. Pinart’s Awaswas form underwent analogical reformation, influenced by other words ending in -i ‘animate’, and Henshaw’s form shows assimilation. 21 The Chalon word given for ‘mountain lion’ appears to be the word for ‘wolf’. 22 Note English champignon ‘fairy-ring mushroom’ from French champignon ‘mushroom’ (generic). 23 I do not accept Beeler’s suggestion that Karkin runathramuwe ‘woman’ is connected to Esselen /tan ut. / ‘woman’. The Karkin word was probably derived from the word for ‘man’, from which it differs by a single phoneme. 24 Von Gerolt gives yujyunath for ‘tree’ (Sp. palo). 25 Cru talt ‘hands’ (Sp. manos) L probably means ‘palm, sole’. Note Cru tarret JPH ‘palm, sole’ and talt HWH ‘sole’. Note also Mics t. a×i- ‘palm’. 26 I take the final two letters in Arroyo’s transcription of words for ‘man’ (Sp. hombre) and ‘woman’ to be “ek” as originally transcribed (Kroeber 1904: 52) rather than “ck.” I consider it to be a suffix typical of the eastern dialect, possibly related to -ex. 27 The identification of kxosuske P as ‘small, little’ could be a mistake stemming from Spanish chiquito, which means both ‘little’ and ‘tiny child’, probably in the sense of endearment. kxususke P ‘friend, pal’ (Sp.vale) appears to be the same word. 28 The sections “Geography” and “Culture and History” are a condensation of Callaghan (1978).

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1973

Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. Collected Documents on the Causes and Events in the Bloody Island Massacre of 1850. Berkeley, California: University of California Archaeological Research Facility.

Hume, Elizabeth 2004 The indeterminacy/attestation model of metathesis. Language 80: 203-237. Jespersen, Otto 1912 Growth and Structure of the English Language. Leibzig: B. G Teubner. Johnson, Patti J. 1978 Patwin. Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 8: California, Robert F. Heizer ( (ed.), 350360. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Kelly, Isabel 1978 Coast Miwok. Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 8: California, Robert F. Heizer (ed.), 414-425. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 1996 Interviews with Tom Smith and Maria Copa. Mary E. T. Collier and Sylvia B. Thalman (eds.). San Rafael, California: MAPOM Occasional Papers, Number 6. Klar, Kathryn A. 2002 The Island Chumash language: Implications for interdisciplinary work. In Proceedings of the Fifth California Islands Symposium, D. R. Brown, K. C. Mitchell and H. W. Chaney (eds.), 654-58. Santa Barbara, California: Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History. Kroeber, A. L. 1904. The Languages of the coast of California south of San Francisco. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 2 (2): 31-80. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1910 The Chumash and Costanoan languages. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 9 (2): 237-271. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1911 The Languages of the coast of California north of San Francisco. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 9 (3): 273-435. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1917 California kinship systems. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 12: 339-96. 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 76. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. Reprinted by The Filmer Brothers Press, San Francisco, California (1953, 1967). 1941 Culture Element Distributions: XV. Salt, Dogs, Tobacco. Anthropological Records, Volume 6, Number 1. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1959 Northern Yokuts. Anthropological Linguistics 1 (8): 1-19. 1963 Yokuts Dialect Survey. Anthropological Records 11 (3). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Latham, R. G. 1856 On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. Transactions of the Philological Society, 57-115. London. Levy, Richard L 1976. Costanoan internal Relationships. Berkeley Archaeological Research Facility, University 1978a Costanoan. In Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 8: California, Robert F. Heizer (ed.), 485-489. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. 1978b The Linguistic prehistory of California: A processual view. Paper presented at the annual meeting ofl the Society for American Archaeology, Tucson, Arizona. 1979 The linguistic prehistory of Central California: Historical linguistics and cultural process. Ms., Department of Anthropology, University of Kentucky. Mason, J. Alden 1916 The Mutsun dialect of Costanoan based on the vocabulary of de la Cuesta. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 11 (7): 399-472. McLendon, Sally 1973 Proto Pomo. University of California Publications in Linguistics 71. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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Mengarini, Gregory 1877 Santa Clara vocabulary. Contributions to North American Ethnology 3: 538-49. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. Merriam, C. Hart 1910 The Dawn of the World: Myths and Weird Tales Told by the Mewan Indians of California. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company. 1955 1979 Miller, Amy 1999 2007a

Studies in California Indians (edited by the staff of the Department of Anthropology, University of California). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Indian Names for Plants and Animals among California and Other Western North American Tribes (assembled and annotated by Robert F. Heizer). Ballena Press Publications in Archaeology, Ethnology, and History, No. 14. Socorro, New Mexico.

Rumsen Dictionary Based on the Field Notes of J.P. Harrington. Ms. A report on recent theoretical approaches to metathesis and the relevance of Utian languages to metathesis research. Ms. 2007b Comparison of data from Pinart’s Costanoan (Soledad) manuscript with data reported under Costanoan I in R. F. Heizer’s Mission Indian Vocabularies of A. Pinart. Ms. 2007c Comparison of data from Pinart’s Costanoan (Santa Cruz) manuscript with data reported under Costanoan II and III in R.F. Heizer’s Mission Indian Vocabularies of A. Pinart. Ms. 2008a Comparison of Henry W. Henshaw’s Costanoan (Soledad) dta in National Anthropological Archives Manuscript #302 with Soledad data reported in R. F. Heizer’s Mission Indian Vocabularies of H.W. Henshaw. Ms. 2008b Costanoan (Soledad) data from National Anthropological Archives manuscript #853, entitled “Several items, mainly brief vocabularies, whose interrelationship is not whilly [sic] clear but seems indicated by the fact of their having been marked with the letters ‘A’ through ‘E’.” No date. Ms. 2008c A comparison of the Santa Cruz (Awaswas) Costanoan data published in R.F. Heizer’s Mission Indian Vocabularies of H.W. Henshaw with Henry W. Henshaw’s original manuscript. Ms. 2008d Women and power in Costanoan and Yokuts societies. Ms Forthcoming Agentive-adjective Morphology in Rumsen. Ms. Miller, Amy and Catherine A. Callaghan 1999a Chocheño Dictionary Based on the Field Notes of J.P. Harrington. Ms. 1999b Chocheño Grammar Based on the Field Notes of J.P. Harrington. Ms. Miller, Virginia P 1978 Yuki, Huchnom, and Coast Yuki. Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 8: 249-255. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Milliken, Randall 1990 Ethnogeography and Ethnohistory of the Big Sur District, California State Park System, During the 1770-1810 Time Period. Sacramento, California: State of California Department of Parks and Recreation. Moratto, Michael J. 1984 California Archaeology. Orlando: Florida: Academic Press. Newman, Stanley 1944 Yokuts Language of California. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, Number Two. New York: The Viking Fund, Inc. Nichols, Johanna 1994-95 The spread of language around the Pacific Rim. Evolutionary Anthropology 6: 206-15. Okrand, Marc 1977 Mutsun grammar. Ph. D. diss., University of California, Berkeley 1989 More on Karkin and Costanoan. International Journal of American Linguistics 55: 254-58. 1991 A note on San Francisco Costanoan. In A Festschrift for William F. Shipley, Sandra Chung and Jorge Hankamer (eds.), 147-57. University of California at Santa Cruz: Syntax Research Center. Pitkin, Harvey. 1985. Wintu Dictionary. University of California Publications in Linguistics 95. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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Powers, Stephen 1877. Tribes of California. Contributions to North America Ethnology, vol. 3, Department of the Interior, U.S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region (under J. W. Powell). Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. Reprinted by the University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles (1977). Prokosch, E. 1938 A Comparative Germanic Grammar. Baltimore, Maryland: Linguistic Society of America. Sapir, Edward 1929 Central and North American languages. Encyclopaedia Britannica. 14th ed., Volume 5: 138-4l. Sawyer, Jesse O. 1965 English-Wappo Vocabulary. University of California Publications in Linguistics 43. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Schambach, Catherine 1977 A preliminary reconstruction of Proto Costanoan. Ms. 1978 Soledad: A Northern Costanoan language? Ms. n.d Notes on comparative Costanoan. Schoolcraft, Henry R. 1852 Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States 2: 494-506. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 1860 Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge, Volume 2. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. Shaul, David L. 1982 A phonemic analysis of Esselen. Occasional Papers on Linguistics 10: 1-10. Department of Linguistics, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. 1983 Esselen noun thematic suffixes. Occasional Papers on Linguistics 10: 42-48. Department of Linguistics, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. 1988 Esselen: Utian onomastics. In Honor of Mary R. Haas: From the Haas Festival Conference on Native American Linguistics (ed. by William Shipley), pp. 693-703. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1995 The Huelel (Esselen) language. International Journal of American Linguistics 61: 191-239. Shepherd (Schlichter), Alice 1981 Wintu Dictionary. Report #2, Survey of California and Other Indian Languages. Berkeley: Department of Linguistics, University of California. 2006 Proto-Wintun. University of California Publications in Linguistics 137. Shipley, William 1962 Spanish elements in the indigenous languages of Central California. Romance Philology 26.1.1-21. 1983-84 Penutian among the ruins: A personal assessment. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society 15: 59-63. 1997 Proto Maidun lexicon (draft). Ms. n.d. Yokuts vocabularies. Ms. Silverstein, Michael 1975 On two California Penutian roots for two. International Journal of American Linguistics 41: 369-380. Smith, Richard n.d. Nisenan-English and English-Nisenan dictionary. Ms. Stonham, John T. 1994 Combinatorial Morphology. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Taylor, Alexander S. 1960 The Indianology of California Number 4: Santa Cruz County Indians. The California Farmer, April 5, 1860. Turner, Katherine, and David L. Shaul. eds. 1982 J. P. Harrington’s Esselen Data and “The Excelen Language.” Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, Papers in Linguistics 3: 95-124. Uldall, Hans Jo/rgen and William Shipley 1966 Nisenan Texts and Dictionary. University of California Publications in Linguistics 46. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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Velázquez de la Cadena, Mariano 1945 A New Pronouncing Dictionary of the Spanish and English Languages. Chicago and New Yori: Wilcox and Follett Company Wallace, Edith 1978 Sexual Status and Role Differences. Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 8: California, Robert F. Heizer (ed.), 683-89. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. Whistler, Kenneth W. 1977 Wintun prehistory: An interpretation based on linguistic reconstruction of Plant and Animal nomenclature. Proceedings of the Third Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society, 157-174. University of California, Berkeley. 1979 Patwin numerals: A reconstruction and its cultural implications. Ms. 1981 Ablaut in Hill Patwin. Survey reports 1981: 42-94. Reports from the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages, Report no. 1. Berkeley, California. n.d. Patwin notes. Ms Whistler, Kenneth W. and Victor Golla 1986 Proto Yokuts reconsidered. International Journal of American Linguistics 52: 317-358. n.d. Proto Yokuts reconstructions. Ms.

Part 2 Proto Utian Grammar

6.0. Phonology The following phonemic system can be reconstructed for Proto Utian. The stops and the one affricate tend ¯ ¯Miwok, they can be voiced between vowels when single. PU *g probably varied to be lenis and in¯Eastern allophonically [g ts s s. ] before consonants and final juncture judging by comparable variation in Lake and Plains Miwok. Such a variation in Proto Utian times might help explain reflexes of the objective case C (see PU *{-y }). Table 25. Proto Utian phonemes *p *m *w

*t *s *n

*t. *s. *l

*g *š

*k

*kw

*j [y]

*Y *h

*i

*y [i-] *e

*u *o

*a // (length)

Both consonants and vowels can be long or short, and length will be represented by a raised dot (). Short vowels tend to be more open and centered than long vowels but there is much variation. The Proto Utian syllable canons were *CV, *CVC, and *CV(C), a state of affairs that persisted into Plains Miwok, Western Miwok, and Mutsun. As a result, there were no initial or final consonant clusters or medial clusters of more than two consonants in Proto Costanoan.. 6.1. Major Utian phonological developments Table 26 summarizes these changes, to be considered in greater detail in succeeding sections. Only a synopsis is presented here. The Proto Costanoan inventory was the same as the Proto Utian system except that it lacked /y/ and had ¯ added /r/. Sound developments from Proto Utian¯ into Proto Costanoan were complex and will be elaborated in later sections. In summary, PU *y > PCo *i *e, sometimes *u. PU *š > PCo *h non-finally, *h *š in final position. PU *l was in the process of splitting into *l and *r (tongue-trilled) through a set of sound changes that progressed from south to north through the Costanoan languages and sometimes left doublets. A second affricate, *c/, has emerged in Proto Southern Costanoan, probably from a dialectal variant of *g followed by dialectal mixture, and it is restricted to a few words. Of the correspondences listed in Table 26 ,those underlying PU *kw are the most problematic. They involve unexpected obstruents in the daughter language, and it is hoped that further research will clarify the situation.

Proto Utian grammar

69

Table 26: Principal Utian sound correspondences PU *p *t/_e, i *t elsewhere *t. /_#, _C *t. /e, i_, _e, i *t. /á_, ó_ *t. elsewhere *g

PCo *p *t *t *t. ,*t *t. *t. *t. *g

*k/_Vhi, Vhi_ *k elsewhere *kw/_Vhi, Vhi_ *kw/a, o_ *‰ *s/i, e_ *s elsewhere *s. *š *h *m *-n*n elsewhere *-w*w elsewhere *CVlV *l elsewhere *-j*j elsewhere

PCos *p *t *t *t. ,*t *t. *t. *t. *g *c/ *s *s *k *k w *k *kw *k *k *‰ *‰ *s *s *s *s *s. , *h *s. *h, *š *h *h *h *m *m *-n– *n *n *-w- *-kw*w *w *l,*r *r *l,*r *l,*r *-j*-tj*j *j

Ceb p t t t. , t t. t. t.

š s š, j h h m – n -w()w l, r l, r -jj

*k *k *w *k *‰ *s *s *s. *s. *h *m *-n*n *-w*w *l *l *-j*j

*i *e *a *CoCo *o *o otherwise *u *y

*i *i i *e *e e *a *a a *CoCo *CoCo CoCo *o *o o *a *a a *u *u u *i, *e, *i, *e, i, e, u

*i *e *a *CoCo *o *o *u *y

g

s, š k w k ‰

PMi *p *t *t *t. *g *t. *t. *g

PMis *p *t *t *t. *g *t. *t. *g

Mip p t t t c t, c t c

*k *k *w *‰ *‰ *s *s *s. *s. *h *m *-×*n,*× *-w*w *l *l *-j*j

k k w

*i *e *a *CoCo *o *o *u *y

i e a CoCo o o u y, .

‰ ‰

s s s s h m -nn -ww l l -j

PMiw Mib *p p t. *t. *t t *t t *g c *g c *t. t. *g c *k *k *w *k *‰ *s. *s. *s. *s. *h *m,*n *-n*n,*0/ *-w*w *l *l *-j()*j

k k w

Mil p /_o, p t. t t c c t. ,d c k k w k

‰

s. s. s. s. h m,n -nn,0/ -ww j l – j

*i i *e e *a a *CoCo CoCo *o o *o o *u u *u,*o, u,o,e *e

‰

s. s. s. s. h m,n -nn,0/ -ww l l, d -jj i e a CoCo o o u u,o,e

The most striking development was the operation of Holtzmann’s Law in Southern Costanoan, which has already been discussed in detail (see 1.6). Another notable change was PU *k > PCo *s in the environment of high vowels (see 9.2). The Rumsen system was originally like Mutsun, but vowel loss introduced several new syllable types (see 6.3). Chocheño may initially have resembled Mutsun in canonical constraints, but vowel loss in pronominal particles sometimes resulted in word-final consonant clusters. PU *š and *s. merged in Proto Miwok; otherwise, the Proto Utian system remained. PMi *y merged with /u/ (occasionally, /i/) in Western Miwok. The Proto Miwok inventory of phonemes persisted into Proto Eastern Miwok and Proto Sierra Miwok. In Plains Miwok and probably Saclan (Callaghan 1971), *y split

70

Proto Utian grammar

into two phonemes, /y/ and /./. PMi *s and *s. merged in Western Miwok, Plains Miwok, Northern Sierra Miwok, and some dialects of Central Sierra Miwok although allophonically, there was much variation. PMis *s. persisted in other dialects of Central Sierra Miwok, and PMis *s. > Miss /h/ in all positions. Lake Miwok added three series of stops (voiced, glottalized, and aspirated) through loan words from neighboring Indian languages. These phonemes subsequently spread into some native Miwok words through sound changes (Callaghan 1964, 1987b). PU *t. is complex and warrants a special section. Table 27. Probable daughter phonemic systems

Proto Costanoan *p *m *w

*t *s *n *l

*t. *s.

*g *š

*r

*j [y]

*t. *s.

*g

*k

*‰ *h

*i

*u *o

*e

*a length (·)

Proto Miwok *p *m *w

*t *s *n *l

*k

*‰ *h

*i

*y [i-] *e

*u *o

*a length ()

*j [y]

6.2. Proto Utian stem types The following basic stem types can be reconstructed to Proto Miwok, Proto Costanoan, and Proto Utian. Consonant final stems are closed, vowel final stems are open. l. Monosyllabic Stems are of the canons C1V()C2, C1V(). Note PU *kan ‘my’, PMi *mi ‘thou’, PU *ni() ‘here, now’, PU *kik ‘water’, PMi *his. ‘sun’, and PU *kal ‘smoke from fire’, PU *‰et. ‘sleep, bed’. 2. Light Stems are of the canons C1VC2VC3 and C1VC2VC3V(C4). Note that //C1VC2VC3V(C4)// > /C1VC2VC3V(C4)/ by Morphophonemic Vowel Lengthening. Examples are PU *nykys ‘poison oak’ and PU *tiwituk ? ‘killdeer’. 3. Cluster Stems are of the canons C1VC2C3V(C4). Examples are PU *maks. i ‘we excl. independent pronoun’, PU *mympy ‘to close the mouth’, PU *šynty ‘eye’, PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’, and PU *‰alweš ‘valley oak/acorn’. 4. Geminate Stems are of the canons C1VC2 V(C4). Examples are PU *kani ‘I’, PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’, PU *put. ul ‘guts’, PU *sywot ‘gopher’, PU *s. olo ‘mouse’, PU *šoju ‘mosquito’, and PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’ 5. Long Stems are of the canons C1VC2V(C3). Examples are PU *hy‰y ‘yes’, PU *la¯kat ‘to name, a name’, PU *loko-s. ? ‘round tule’, PU *miny ‘thy, thine’, PU *mus-y *mus. -y ‘to suckle’, PU *papa ‘grandfather’, PU *wala ‘Indian potato’, PU *wyk-y ‘to burn, light a fire’, PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming’, PU *‰et. -y ‘to sleep’. Note that a stem can be bimorphemic. 6. Weak Stems are of the canon CVCV. Examples are PMis *gale- ‘younger brother’, PU *kolo ‘foot’, PU *‰ot. i ‘two’, and PCos *mehe ‘to see, look at’. These are called Weak Stems instead of open Light Stems to keep stem terms in line with those for the ablaut grades (see 11.2). 

Proto Utian grammar

71

6.3. The riddle of Rumsen Although Rumsen is most closely related to Mutsun, it has undergone enough phonological developments to warrant a separate section, which is an update of Callaghan 1992. The most striking of these is PCos *h > Cru /‰/ in initial position (Table 28). This change occurred most frequently in sets with Chocheño cognates, indicating that it took place soon after the separation of Northern and Southern Costanoan languages and was largely inoperative when the split between Rumsen and Mutsun took place. /-š-/ marks PCos *hiše ? ‘to do, make’ as aberrant and its reflexes probably result from recent spread rather than cognate relationship. Otherwise, the sound change involving /x/ is in progress before /u/ and¯ largely complete before other vowels. Exceptions are Rumsen reflexes of PCos *hawan ‘wife’, PCos *hine *hini ‘to come’, PCos *hikot. /t ‘root’, and PCos *horko ‘to swallow’. Before /u/, the change took place in Cru ‰uga < PCos *‰uja ‘to light a fire’ but not the equally ancient reflexes, Cru xuga < PCos *hutja ‘grove (monte)’and Cru xugu- < *hutju ‘first, ahead’. In all three cases, Holtzmann’s Law has operated in Rumsen, which rules out recent borrowing to explain the presence of Rumsen /x-/. Otherwise, Cru /x-/ was replaced by /‰-/ in ‰una- ‘to cure’, ‰urak ‘salmon’, and ‰us ‘nose’, all of them from Proto Costanoan sources, but /x-/ remains in Cru xurrek < PCo *hurek ‘sinew, tendon’. Rumsen vowel lowering is an isogloss it shares with Chalon (1.4). Otherwise, Rumsen phonological developments pertain to that language alone among Costanoan languages. Chief among them is gemination of the first medial consonant of a historic Light Stem, a change which may result from an Esselen substrate (4.3), coupled with loss of the vowel in the last syllable before final juncture (the “fleeting” vowel) in disyllabic and trisyllabic stems and some inflected forms of nouns and verbs. These rules are subject to the following phonological constraints: A. Final clusters may not end in a sonorant. B. /r/ may not end a word or be the first member of a cluster. šur ‘seagull’ indicates that this constraint is not yet total. It is in the process of spreading to word-final /l/. Hence koro ‘foot’ and xalu ‘to jump’, but ‰el, ‰elo- ‘to burn’. Earlier, Lasuén had transcribed this word as hëllo /‰elo/ ‘fire’. C. Clusters of the form C1C1 are not permitted. Note nisis ‘poison oak’ and ‰anan ‘to pity’, both with no vowel loss. D. Clusters may not consist of a long stop followed by /g/ or another stop. Sometimes such clusters undergo reduction, as in s. ekt ‘gopher’ < *s. ekot. But note s. ekot-ta ‘on the gopher’. This is not a complete statement of the constraints. Word final spirants pose a complex problem. -ts is permitted in Cru gits ‘dance’ but note Cru ‰ut. is ‘two’ and gutus ‘manzanita’. Note Cru masa ‘to cover with a lid’ < PCos *masa ‘to cover something’ but Cru *‰is ‘hand’ < PCo s ‰isu ‘hand’. A long stop may precede x, as in patx ‘lime-leaved sage’ and ‰ipx ‘rattlesnake’, but there may be a constraint involving sibilants (note Cru mišix ‘good, well’ and misix ‘pretty’). Some of these constraints resulted from a sound change in progress at the point of contact. Evidence comes from transcriptions of the same word by Lasuén and Harrington over 120 years later, such as hêkish L ‘mountain lion’, xeks. , xekis. - JPH; and tuxes L ‘ear’, tuxs, tuxsu- JPH. Lasuén transcribed “Monterey Costanoan” words from members of a population that subsequently moved to the Carmel Mission and became ancestral to Harrington’s consultants (Milliken p.c.). The following phonological rules govern loss of the fleeting vowel, subject to the above constraints. This fleeting vowel usually surfaces in disyllabic stems when a suffix follows. Apparently, such vowel loss is also morphologically conditioned in that it fails to operate on pronouns and particles such as pina ‘that’s’, pina ‘there’, and kata ‘like’. l. V > 0//_# in disyllabic stems. This rule affects both nouns and verbs. Hence wark ‘to cry’ and warka-n ‘to get to be crying’, xewx ‘to shade’ and xewxe-mp ‘to shade something’, ‰is ‘hand’ and ‰isu-jom ‘with the hand’, git ‘a dance’ and gite-tk ‘at the dance’. In the last example, -tk ‘allative case following vowels’ results from historic vowel loss in the new final syllable of the inflected word; specifically, Cru -tk < PCos *-tka ‘allative case following vowels’. But note Cru -ta < PCos *-tak ‘allative case following consonants’, indicating that the alternation of allomorphs was by now opaque through loss of *-k (see PU *to ‘allative case’).

72

Proto Utian grammar

Table 28. Rumsen loss of initial /x/ English to see mussel to give pigeon wife mouth Come here! tule, cattail valley quail whiskers to shave s.o. bird’s nest shadow to shade yes union, one one one what? to come sun to do, make Let’s go! root to want to swallow Go away! to grab, take to light a fire hummingbird sinew, tendon grove (monte) ahead, first to cure dove salmon nose

PCos *hajwe*hakaw *hara *harawu *hawa-n *haj *haji! *hale *heks. e-n *hejes *hejse *hes. e-n ? *heweh *hewhe¯ *heYe *Ye *hime-n *him*hin-ka? *hine *his. me-n *hiše ? *hitje! *hikot. *hiwse-n *horko *hot. o! *hojo *huja *humun-ja *hurek *hutja *hutju *huna*hu()nu ?? *huraka *hu()s

Mutsun hajwehakaw hara hara()wu hawan haj haji! hale hekse-n hejes hejse hese-n hewe(h) hewhe¯ heYeh YehYeh hime-n himhinka? hine hisme-n hiše hitje! hikot. hiwse-n horko hot. o! hojo¯ huja huja humuña hurek hutja hutjuhuna hununu huraka hu()s

Rumsen Yajwexakaw Yara xaraw xawan xaj Yaje! xal Yeks. e-n YejesYejse Yes. e-n xewexxewxeYe Yime-nYim-xala YimYink? xineYis. me-n xišeYig()e! xekot. Yiwse-n xorkoYot. o-! YojoYuga Yumun xurekxugaxuguYunaxunu-š-im Yurak Yus

Chocheño

Other

hara hawa haji!

Mil Yuje!

hekše-n hejek

Mins wyjesCsol os´-son HWH ¯

heYe hime-n him-hen hini hišme-n

PMi *hyYy Yy

PMis *hiYme- ‘sunny’

hij()e! hikYot. /t horko hot. o! hojo hurek huja huju huraka hus

Mil hokí!

PMis hoju-guPMi *hunis. PMi *huk

2. C1VC2VC3 > C1VC2C3/_#. Nouns undergo this rule word finally subject to the aforementioned constraints. Hence rums. ‘backbone’, rumes. -ta ‘on the backbone’ and ‰inx ‘road’ and ‰inix-ta ‘on the road’ but kakun ‘duck hawk’, xawan ‘wife’, ‰irek ‘rock, stone’, nisis ‘poison oak’, and sokog ‘laurel’. The constraints in question always block vowel loss in verb stems because of their phonological shape as in c/ajor ‘to be face up’, jokop ‘hail, snow; to hail, to snow’, and t. awar ‘to sit, live’. Historically, verbs and the rare nouns of this canon had undergone metathesis from Cluster Stems to Light Stems to avoid the impermissible consonant cluster which would result from loss of the vowel in the final syllable. Such metathesis was then followed by gemination of the medial consonant. Consequently, PCos *kaknu ‘duck hawk’ > Cru kakun and PCos *s. ukmu ‘to smoke’ > Cru s. ukum 3. C1VC2C3VC4> C1VC2C3C4/_#, again subject to the appropriate constraints. Note ‰arkx ‘valley oak’and ‰arkex-ta ‘on the valley oak’ [the dictionary gives ‘white oak’], tus. k-s. ‘a thundering, report of a rifle’ and tus. ke-s. t ‘one that makes a loud report, but kuljan ‘blackbird’ and ‰iwse-n ‘to want’, and muren ‘clover sp.’.

Proto Utian grammar

73

We see that these rules and constraints can cut across morpheme boundaries. 4. Perchance to Dream: Morphologically Conditioned Sound Change, C1VC2VC3 > C1VC2C3/_# in nouns but usually not in verbs of the same canon (durative verbs), subject of course to the appropriate phonological constraints. Hence tols. ‘knee’, tolos. -ta ‘on the knee’ but muren ‘clover sp.’ (?) and ‰itij ‘new’. The constraint against vowel loss in most durative verbs of the canon CVCVC is of tremendous theoretical importance because it is a clear case of morphological conditioning of a phonological rule, which ultimately leads to morphologically conditioned sound change, something Bloomfield (Language 1933: 353-4) claimed did not occur. Hence ‰ist ‘a dream’, ‰isut-ta ‘in a dream’, ‰isut ‘to just be dreaming; lanš ‘softness’, lanuš ‘to just be soft’. In tus. k ‘to be always making loud noises’ vowel loss has taken place despite the durative ¯ Occasionally there are doublets as if the law is still partially in operation. Note verbal nature of the word. kexše- ‘to cough’, kexeš kexš ‘to cough (dur.)’; tus. ke- ‘to fire (a gun)’, tus. ek ‘to go along firing (a gun)’ and tus. k ‘to habitually fire (a gun)’. Note the difference in meaning of members of the last doublet. 5. V > 0//_(C)# in tri-syllabic stems. Hence tiwutk ‘killdeer’ (fleeting vowel probably /u/, judging by the Mutsun cognate, tiwitjuk ‘killdeer’, but note assimilation of the second vowel to /u/ before that vowel was lost). There appears to be no restoration of the fleeting vowel in trisyllabic stems. Note also Cru gilokan ‘swallow sp.’ and Cru tirigim ‘western meadowlark’, where the final sonorant blocks vowel loss in the final syllable. In the corresponding verb, tirg ‘to have to do with meadowlarks’, -VC of the third syllable has been lost as well as the vowel of the second syllable. stem kaknu-, possibly because the calque is recent and there has been analogical reformation in favor of an emerging underlying stem. But note kaknu-s. t ‘one that has to do with duck hawks’. In s. ukmu-×k! ‘Smoke!’, the inflected form does preserve the original stem, which also appears in s. ukmu-s. t ‘one who smokes’. Another instance of historic stem re-alignment is Cru -xVn ‘passive, where V copies the preceding vowel’. This suffix is especially important since it exemplifies another response to the rule requiring deletion of wordfinal vowels when canonically permissible (see 6.3). Simple vowel deletion cannot occur here since it would result in the impermissible final consonant cluster -xn. We must assume vowel deletion followed by the insertion of an echo vowel. 6. Monosyllabic stems do not undergo vowel loss or reduction before final juncture. Hence sij ‘water’, s. ak ‘piñon’, wa ‘he, she, it’, wa ‘his, her, its’, was ‘him, her, it’. Historic re-alignment to avoid impermissible consonant clusters from loss of the vowel in the final syllable underlies many Rumsen reflexes which at first seem aberrant. Specifically, PCo *kaknu ‘duck hawk’ > Cru kakun, discussed above. The original Cluster Stem is retained in kaknu-s. t ‘one that has to do with duck hawks’, but note kakun-ta ‘El Gavilán: at Duck Hawk’, the name of a place near Salinas (a calque from the Spanish plus -ta ‘allative case after consonants’). In this case, the allative case does not follow the original 7. Yotacism. Now that we have examined the above patterns of re-alignment, it is in order to investigate another Rumsen historical development: PCos *s. , *s, *h > Cru j/_#. This rule operated in stems but usually ¯ an additional case of morphologically ¯ not in suffixes, motivated¯sound change. PU *kik *kiky ‘water’ > PCo *si(j) *sije with **sis **sise as an intermediate stage. The two Proto Costanoan stems were preserved in Rumsen, and the second may have survived in Karkin. Von Gerolt transcribed the Karkin word for ‘water’ as sichintertch /sixin-tet. ?/, /sijin-tet. /?, where /-tet. / may mean ‘my’. Note Ckar sittethrit A ‘teeth (dientes)’, presumably /site-t. it/ ‘my teeth’). In every Costanoan language except Rumsen and Karkin, PCo *sije was lost and PCo *sij > si. PU *maks. i ‘we exclusive independent pronoun’ > PCos *maks. e ‘we exclusive independent pronoun’. Reflexes of this pronoun disappeared in Chocheño. PCos *maks. e ‘we exclusive’ > pre- Rumsen *makes. > Cru makej ‘we (all of us)’. Metathesis of the final CV occurred first, avoiding loss of the final vowel, followed by gemination of medial /k/. *s. > j/_#, but note Cru maks. e-j ‘us all’, where the inflectional suffix blocks vowel loss. Note also PCru wakaj ‘he, she, it’ < *wakas. ? We now consider three additional cases of Rumsen yotacism. For instances of yotacism in other Costanoan languages, see Table 83. PCo, PCos *gahi ‘barn owl’ > pre-Rumsen *gah > Cru gaj before final juncture. Note gaji-tk ‘on the owl’,also showing /j/ by analogy with the much more common bare stem gaj, which also functions as both the subject and object in sentences.

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PCo *tahe ‘to hear, listen’ > pre-Rumsen *tah > Cru taj before final juncture. Note ka taje-n ‘I heard’ ¯ (Sp. yo oyí), illustrating that /j/ has spread ¯throughout the paradigm to non-final positions. PU *kagy *kajy ? ‘to say’ > Cru kaj kaji-, PMie *kagy-. Note Ceb ki() ‘to say’ and Mil kas. a ‘direct quotative particle’. PCo *hunuh ‘snot’ > Ceb hunuh, hunuj-pu ‘to blow one’s nose’. This is a case of protected cluster development. 6.4. Morphophonemes, morphophonemic lengthening, vowel harmony and vowel loss This section deals with Proto Utian morphophonemics. 6.4.1. Morphophonemes Y, H

¯ ¯ Although vowel harmony was common in Proto Utian, it was not obligatory. Hence PU *mus *mus. ‘breasts’, but PU *mus-y *mus-y ‘to¯nurse’. By Proto Miwok times, *y > *u if the vowel in the preceding .

syllable was *u or *o, so PU *mus-y *mus. -y- > PMi *musu ‘to nurse’. We see that this harmony cut across historical morpheme boundaries. In Proto Western Miwok, PU *y > u in most environments, merging with PMiw *u, so the question of active vowel harmony became moot. ¯ of a morphophoneme Y which harmonized with In Proto Eastern Miwok, /y/ in suffixes achieved the status the vowel of the preceding syllable. Specifically, Y > /u o/ if the vowel of the preceding syllable was /u/ or /o/. Otherwise, Y > /y/, as is the case in Proto Sierra Miwok and the daughter Sierra Miwok languages. Hence Mins ‰ot. a-ksy-m ‘I want’ but jolut. ‰u-ksu-m ‘I’m staring’, where -ksY- is contuative and -m is ‘I’. In Plains Miwok stems, *y has split into two phonemes, /y/ and /./ according to the following rules: PMie *y > Mip /./ in long or closed stem initial syllables; specifically, in stem initial syllables of the canons CV(C)- or CVC-, but there is much variation. Where the stem initial syllable showed /./, PMie *y > Mip /./ in succeeding stem syllables as well. Hence Mip wyke-‰ ‘fire nom. case’ < PMi *wyke-‰, Mip w.k.- ‘to ¯ Mip w.ski- ‘heart’ < PMi *wys. ki. ‘heart’. burn’ < PU *wyk-y, Mip k.c.n ‘wormwood’, ¯ /u/ or /o/, and Y > /./ if In Plains Miwok suffixes, Y > /u o/ if the vowel of the preceding syllable was the vowel of the preceding syllable was /./. Otherwise, Mip Y > /y/, which is [y .] in suffixes under these circumstances. Hence Mip h.‰-.g.- ‘to be sitting, to sit around’, kun-ugu- ‘to be standing’, and hacal-ygy‘to spread the legs, to crouch (cat)’, all illustrating the static suffix -YcY- following consonants. H is length when canonically permissible. Hence PMis *-nHu-ku- ‘causative’ is *-nu-ku- after consonant final stems and -nu-ku- after vowel final stems.

6.4.2. Morphophonemic rules There are two morphophonemic rules: 1. Morphophonemic Vowel Loss: V > 0//_()V. This rule has been active throughout the history of Utian languages PMis *jyly- ‘to bite’ PMis *//jyly-ak// > *jyl-ak ‘I bit’, where PMis *-ak is ‘I (perfect tense)’. PMis *//‰yps. y-ak// > *‰yps. -ak ‘I bathed’ PMis *‰yps. y- ‘to bathe’ PMis *//gapy-jY-// ‘to sweat’ PMis *//gapy-jY-a-// > *gapyja- ‘sweathouse’ In the last example, PMis *//gapy-jY// is inferred, and rule 1 operates before rule 2 to produce the word PMis *gapyj-a- ‘sweathouse’, attested in two Sierra Miwok languages. 2. Morphophonemic Lengthening: //CVCVCV...// > /CVCVCV.../. This process cuts across morpheme

Proto Utian grammar

75

boundaries and it still operates in Sierra Miwok, Plains Miwok, Lake Miwok, and Mutsun Light Stems. Consequently, we can reconstruct it for Proto Utian. There are relic forms indicating Morphophonemic Lengthening once operated in Bodega Miwok and Chocheño. It ceased to be productive in Rumsen because gemination of the first medial consonant removed Light Stems from the inventory. Miss helak ‘sky’ //helak-Y-// > helak-y- ‘to get clear, sunny’ Miss tyhan ‘really?’ //tyhan-Y-// > tyhan-y- ‘to try’ Mics manik ‘more’ //manik-Y-// > manik-y- ‘to do intensely’ Mics kojow-nu- ‘to tell someone’ //kojow-Y-// > kojow-u- ‘to tell news’ Mip talak-a- ‘mush stirrer’ //talak-Y-// > talak-y- ‘to stir (soup)’ Mil jole ‘near’ //jole-wa// > jole-wa ‘nearby’ //‰ot. o-na// > ‰ot. o-na ‘to go to gather’ Csjb ‰ot. o ‘to gather’ Csjb sukum ‘cigarette’ //sukum-e// > sukum-e ‘cigarette, obj. case’ 6.4.3. Is there epenthesis in Sierra Miwok? ¯ ¯ in Eastern Miwok, and that Y represents ¯ an ¯ alternation ¯ Note that /y/ is a fully phonemic vowel between fully phonemic vowels, specifically /y u o/ in Sierra Miwok languages and /y . u o/ in Plains Miwok. Saclan phonology was probably similar to that of Plains Miwok (Callaghan 1971). Moreover, /y/ can be reconstructed to Proto Utian, where it occurred in both stems and affixes like any other vowel. In Costanoan languages, PU *y >/i/, occasionally /u/. In Western Miwok, PMi *y > /u/, occasionally /i/. Since this is a historical grammar, we will continue to treat all phonemic vowels as co-equal and restrict the term “epenthesis” to the non-phonemic echo vowels that sometimes occur between consonants in clusters. Still it is fair to ask if /y/ (or Y) should be treated as an epenthetic vowel synchronically in Sierra Miwok. In Freeland 1950 and Broadbent 1964, /y/ (or Y) was often omitted when stem final or the vowel in a suffix, with appropriate insertion rules, reflecting the conventions of the time which placed great value on “saving” the length of a vowel. Consequently, Miss ‰yphy- ‘to swim around, to bathe’ was written ‰yp-h-. Suffixation of -ma ‘I’ would require interpolation of Y following /h/ to avoid an impermissible triple consonant cluster (/-phm-/). This yields ‰yphy-ma. ‘I’m bathing’. Suffixation of -ak ‘I perfect’ to ‰yph- rather than ‰yphywould yield ‰yph-ak ‘I bathed’ with no need for a rule involving morphophonemic vowel loss, a further saving. The strongest argument for treating Y as an epenthetic vowel in Central and Northern Sierra Miwok comes from the array of case suffixes, as these Central Sierra Miwok paradigms show. (Southern Sierra Miwok preserved a more conservative case system.) Historically, Y in Northern and Central Sierra Miwok post-consonantal genitive and objective case allomorphs became generalized to the other cases, except for the locative and temporal cases, which does not occur in these sample paradigms. In other words, historic consonant final stems were reinterpreted as vowel final stems, with Y serving as the stem final vowel. On the synchronic level, one can avoid having to state separate post-consonantal allomorphs and post vocalic allomorphs for the case suffixes by considering Y to be an epenthetic vowel, which is a huge saving. However, there are also good synchronic reasons for not considering Y to be an epenthetic vowel. 1. /y/ is fully phonemic, although it undergoes vowel harmony in suffixes, where it is written Y to capture the alternation. It does not come and go as /i/ does in Yokuts except that Sierra Miwok Y is lost before suffixes beginning with a vowel. 2. The syllable canons are so simple (CV, CVC with length functioning as a consonant) that it would be possible to “save” any of the six vowels by omitting it and stating appropriate insertion rules, although if one is going to omit a vowel, the strongest case can be made for choosing Y, as we see from the array of case suffixes in Table 29. 3. The analyses of Freeland (1951) and Broadbent (1964) entail treating the surface structure (minus Y) as basic. In doing so, one loses the Morphophonemic Lengthening Rule (//CVCVCV...// > /CVCVCV.../) which entails writing all the vowels, and this morphophonemic rule reduces the number of stem types. For example, Mics kojow-u- ‘to tell the news’ (Freeland’s 1st Conjugation Primary Stem) and kojow-nu- ‘to tell the news to someone’ (Freeland’s Stem 2) are both based on the same Light Stem by my analysis (//kojow-Y//

76

Proto Utian grammar

and //kojow-nu-// respectively), which is the historic underlying stem. 4. -Y- (ultimately from PU *-y) can function as a verbalizer, although it may be currently inactive. It seems strange for an epenthetic vowel to be a morpheme. Miss helak ‘sky’ //helak-Y-// > helak-y- ‘to get clear, sunny’ Miss tyhan ‘really?’ //tyhan-Y-// > tyhan-y- ‘to try’ Mics manik ‘more’ //manik-Y-// > manik-y- ‘to do intensely’ We conclude, therefore, that even on the synchronic level, the scales tip in favor of rejecting Y as an epenthetic vowel. However, the issue has highlighted the importance of the tension between theoretical and data oriented analyses. At the time these grammars were written, high value was placed on saving a vowel, a tradition inherited from the Sanskrit grammarians. Even though such an analysis may not turn out to be the most elegant for Sierra Miwok, the discussion brought to light an important fact on the historical level which I might have otherwise overlooked; namely, that Sierra Miwok is evolving in the direction of synchronic Y epenthesis, especially in the case of Northern and Central Sierra Miwok. Table 29. Central Sierra Miwok case system Nominative Genitive Accusative Allative Locative Ablative Instrumental Vocative

V/_-‰ V/_-× V/_-×YV/_-j ¯ V/_-t -to V/_-m V/_-mY-‰ V/_-s. V/_-

‰os. a-‰ ‘woman’ ‰os. a-×/_# ‰os. a-×Y‰os. a-j ¯ ‰os. a-t ‰os. a-to ‰os. a-m ‰os. a-m¯y-‰ ‰os. a-s. ‰os. a-s. y ‰os. a-

C/_-y‰ C/_-Y× C/_-Y×YC/_-Yj ¯ C/_-Yt -Yto C/_-mY-‰ C/_-Ym¯Y-‰ C/_-Ys. -Ys. Y C/_-y

hisik-y‰ ‘skunk’ hisik-y×_# hisik-y×yhisik-yj ¯ hisik-yt hisik-yto hisik-my-‰ hisik-ym¯y-‰ hisik-ys. hisik-ys. y hisik-y

6.4.4. Loss with compensatory lengthening In Utian cognate sets, one sometimes encounters loss of the first consonant of a medial cluster with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. No rules have as yet been determined for when this phenomenon occurs, since different languages are involved, but in every case except the set for ‘Morning Star’, the lost consonant is a sonorant. Examples now follow: Pre-Sierra Miwok **hajhaj-y- ? ‘to open the mouth’ > PMis *hahaj-y-. Note PCos *haj ‘mouth’. PU *hyl-si ? ‘to burn, burn up, kindle a fire’ > Csjb hisi, Mip h.l-s.-, PMiw *hul-is. . PMi *melna ? ‘yellowjacket’ > Miss, Mics, Mins mel×aj, Mib, Mil menani. PU *mympy ‘to close the mouth’ > Csjb mupi, PMis *mympy-. PCo *tahe < **tal-he ? ‘to hear’ > Cru taje-, Ceb tahe PMi *t. y‰le ‘star’ > PMis *t. yle- ‘Morning Star’, Mil to‰le ‘star’. PMis *t. olko-s. ‘ear’ > Miss t. olkoh, Mics t. okos. -, Mins tokos- ¯ PCo *‰unguš-min ‘stink bug’ > Csjb ‰unguš-min, Cru ‰ugus-im ‰uguš-im ?, Ceb ‰ungu()š-min. 6.4.5. Assimilation In the following sets, regressive assimilation has occurred.. PMis *gituk-nu- ‘to wink’ > Miss citu×-nu-, Mins cituk-nu-. Pre-Sierra Miwok **ho×-te-ty- ? > PMis *hot. e-ty- ‘to kneel’ > Miss hot. e-ty-, Mics hot. e-ty-.

Proto Utian grammar

77

¯ Note PMie *honoj ‘knee’, *honoj-u- ‘to kneel’. ¯ ¯ PMi *kom-ta- ? ‘to hit with the fist’ > PMis *kom-ta-, Mib kota keta. lemtip/. PMiw *lentip *lemtip ‘tongue’ > Mil letip, Mib lentepi, Mim lentip A, lemtip SB /lentip Note Mib leme ‘to lick, lap’. ¯ exclusive’ > PCos *makse, PMie *masi-. PU *maks. i ‘we . . PMi *maY-ta *meY-ta ‘to hit (with an object)’ > PMis *maY-ta-, Mip mata-, Mib meta-t. i. ¯ Pre-Costanoan **-n-pi- > PCo *-m-pi > ‘medio-passive causative’ > Csjb -mpi, Cru -mpi, Ceb -mpi. PCo *‰is. -gi ‘to bite’ > Csjb ‰igi, Ceb ‰išgi ‰iši.

6.5. Proto Yokuts phonology Whistler and Golla (1986) reconstructed the following phonemic system for Proto Yokuts. Phonemes in parentheses are based on rare correspondences. The most noteworthy feature is the absence of *e, *e from the inventory of Proto Yokuts vowels, although these vowels were subsequently introduced into the daughter languages through sound changes (Whistler and Golla 1986). Proto Yokuts was characterized by a complex quantitative system of alternations largely preserved in Palewyami. These alternations became qualitative in other dialects through the lowering of long vowels. Phonological developments within Yokuts will not be discussed except when they are relevant to individual Utian sets. Table 30. Proto Yokuts phonemes

*p *ph *p

*s

*m *m’ *w

*t *th *» *s. *n *n’ *l’

(*t. ) *t. h *».

(*c) *ch *c *x *j’

*k *kh *k *× (*×’)

*‰

*i, *i

*y, *y

*u, *u *o, *o

*a, *a

Yokuts verbal themes and most related nominal themes are disyllabic, and the underlying vowel of the second syllable of such themes is historically either /i/ or /a/ (short or long). If the vowel of the first syllable is /u/ or /y/ (short or long), underlying /i/ or /i/ of the second syllable will harmonize to the position of the preceding vowel. If the underlying vowel of the first syllable is /o/ or /o/, underlying /a/ or /a/ in the second syllable will harmonize to /o/ or /o/ respectively. Apparently, subsequent phonological developments in Palewyami rendered vowel harmony complex in that language. In all Yokuts dialects except Palewyami, underlying /u/ > /o/ and underlying /i/ > /e/. In Wikchamni, underlying /y/ > /./. The vowel lowering rule operates after the vowel harmony rule, allowing us to recapture the underlying long vowels of the first syllable. Proto Utian also had an elaborate quantitative ablaut system to be considered later. It does not particularly resemble Yokuts alternations except in relic forms and processes already discussed in 3.4. The evidence linking Proto Yokuts and Proto Utian is also summarized in that section, although we must remember that genetic kinship between the two families has not been substantiated. Further light might emerge from internal reconstruction within Yokuts to determine the nature of pre-Yokuts stem alternations, but that project is beyond the scope of this book. 6.5.1. Is there epenthesis in Yokuts? A stronger case can be made for synchronic epenthesis in Yokuts than for Sierra Miwok epenthesis. It is possible to analyze underlying /i/ in the second syllable of Yokuts verbal themes and type IIA nominal themes as epenthetic, since it is present only when canonically necessary (see Newman 1944). Why not consider it

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Proto Utian grammar

to be absent altogether and account for its presence through an insertion rule? Again, I prefer to treat /i/ as present in the underlying structure, and to account for its absence through vowel loss. There are synchronic as well as diachronic reasons for my decision. For one thing, /i/ harmonizes with the underlying long vowel of the preceding syllable rather the vowel actually present, which is not what one would expect of an epenthetic vowel. Hence Ytu ‰okuj ‘wind’ < *‰ukij and Yyaw c omu ‘to devour, make extinct’ < *c umi, where in both cases, /i/ harmonizes with the underlying preceding Yokuts vowel (/u/) rather than the vowel actually present (/o/). Contrast this state of affairs with PYv hathim ‘to dance, sing’ where there is no vowel harmony, also Ytu t. hokiš GG ‘to shoot’, again with no vowel harmony in the second syllable, this time because the underlying preceding vowel is /o/ in its own right, not /o/ < */u/. We should mention in passing that /a/ in the second syllable of a Yokuts stem harmonizes with underlying (and surface) /o/ and /o/ of the first syllable, as in PYnim *». olo < **». ola ‘to peel’ and PYgen *to‰ol < **to‰al ‘head’. In addition, underlying /a/ is absent when canonically permissible in type IIBc Yokuts nominal themes, and it seems strange to postulate two epenthetic vowels. It is more economical to account for the current distribution through vowel loss, which is also what happened historically. These facts underscore another precept I learned from my mentor Mary R. Haas: the best synchronic analysis often accords with historical development. In addition, it is easier to state rules of vowel loss rather than vowel insertion. 7.0. Phonologicald developments and borrowing in Western Miwok. These are complex and deserve separate treatment. Despite the fact that Lake and Coast Miwok are closely related (probably about 1000-1500 years apart), Lake Miwok has borrowed the voiced, aspirated, and glottalized series of stops as well as the glottalized affricates and /l/ from neighboring languages (see Table 33). They have become naturalized and spread to some native Miwok words. Since PMi *s. , *s > PMiw *s. and PMiw *g > Mil c [ts], the phonemes in parentheses in the Lake Miwok table (/g/, /g/, and /s/) occur only as alternates of other phonemes, in proper names, or in recent Spanish loan words. These loan words have made /g/ and /s/ synchronically common, as well as Mil /r/, and perhaps /f/.

Table 31. Proto Western Miwok phonemes

*p

*t

*m *w

*n *l

*t. *s.

*g

*k

*‰ *h

*i *e

*u *o

*a // (length)

*j [y]

Table 32. Lake Miwok phonemes p ph p

t th »

b

t. t. h

k kh

».

k

d ¯ c [ts s] (g) c [ts’] (g) – l s.

‰

i

u e

o

a // (length)

(f) m w

(s) n (r) l

h

j[y]

The second column is post-dental and the third column is post-alveolar. Mil /d/ is between the two. l is a voiceless spirantal “l”. – is [»l ].

Proto Utian grammar

79

7.1. Sources of Lake Miwok aberrant phonemes We see from the map on the following page that Lake Miwok was geographically isolated from its nearest relatives, the Coast Miwok, although speakers of Lake and Coast Miwok were in frequent contact. However, Lake Miwok speakers were in much more frequent contact with Patwin, Pomo, and Wappo neighbors, and in succeeding sections I will demonstrate that Lake Miwok has borrowed the phonemes /l, – , c , g/ as well as three series of stops (aspirated, voiced, and glottalized) through loan words from these languages. Once these aberrant phonemes were established, they spread to some native Miwok words through regular sound change, analogy, and sound symbolism, such as Mil kedeku < PMiw *kenekus. ‘five’ and Mil l unta < PMiw *s. u()nta ‘snot’ (see Callaghan 1987b). The isolation of the Lake Miwok speech area may be relatively recent. Kenneth Whistler (1977) argues for Patwin intrusion into the lower Sacramento Valley and adjacent foothills, basing his conclusions on Patwin plant terms of Miwok provenience. Specifically, Whistler showed that Patwin names for plants peculiar to Central California could not be reconstructed to Proto Wintun. However, they often resembled corresponding Miwok words that could be reconstructed to a deeper level of Miwok or to Proto Miwok (i.e. Wp sanak ‘(digger) pine nut’, PMi *san(·)ak ‘pine nut’; Wp sasa ‘interior live oak’, PMie *sasa- ‘live oak’). Moreover, some of the plant and animal terms that could be reconstructed for Proto Wintun, such as *handVp- ‘common kingsnake (Lampropeltis getulus)’ and *sumu ‘sugar pine’, represented wildlife limited to California and Southern Oregon. Their range plus the evidence of Miwok borrowings cited above, led Whistler to conclude that the homeland of the Proto Wintun was most likely Northwest California or Southwest Oregon, and that the Patwin were recent arrivals in Central California. James Bennyhoff (p.c.) has presented archaeological evidence for recent expansion of Wappo territory. In addition, Lake Miwok is bounded by Eastern and Southeastern Pomo, and it is close to Southern Pomo territory. The Pomo languages, Wappo, and Patwin all have multiple series of stops unlike Proto Western Miwok. In addition, Patwin has /l/ and /– /. The phonemic systems of Northern Hill Patwin, Russian River (Western) Wappo, and Eastern Pomo now follow (see Map 1, p. 23):

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Proto Utian grammar

Map 4: The Lake Miwok Area

Proto Utian grammar

81

Table 33. Phonemic systems of neighboring languages

Northern Hill Patwin: p ph p b

t th

‰

i, i

u, u

k

e, e

o, o

kh

»

d g g

m w

k

 –

s n l, r. y

l [l

t th

t t. h

»

».

a, a

¯

]

h

Eastern Pomo: p ph p b m M w W

d s n N l L

c ch c

g gh g

k kh

q

k

q

š r

x

‰

i e

u o a

h

length stress

y Y

Russian River (Western) Wappo p p m w w’

t

t

»

».

s n l l’

c c

g g

š

k k

‰

h

i, i e, e

u, u o, o a, a

y y’

An early comparison (Callaghan 1964) of Lake Miwok stems containing aberrant phonemes revealed that about 30% closely resembled corresponding words in neighboring languages. Subsequent research (Callaghan 1987b) uncovered aberrant phonemes in some Lake Miwok words with Miwok etymologies. The most probable explanation for this phenomenon was massive phonemic borrowing through loan words from neighboring languages, followed by the participation of these new phonemes in regular sound change, analogy, and sound symbolism once they had been “naturalized” into the Lake Miwok language. We will examine some of the probable loan words into Lake Miwok from neighboring Indian languages. In the Table 34, I am restricting the list to those Lake Miwok items that have no Miwok etymologies but are associated with closely resemblant Patwin forms. Borrowing should be considered “probable” for Lake Miwok items with aberrant phonemes or canons and “possible” for those words with non-aberrant phonemes and canons. Subsequent charts involving other neighboring languages are arranged in a similar fashion, and non-phonemic Lake Miwok stress is indicated throughout to aid the reader. Note Mil -pa ‘directional’, -ka ‘semi-accidental’, -t. i ‘perfective’, and -ku ‘deliberate’.

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Proto Utian grammar

Table 34. Potential loan words from Patwin Lake Miwok cákel cúdcudu, c údc udu

English bed sideways

Patwin Wp cákel EB Wph guguro DU Wph gurguro DU Wpcc guru KW Wph gakatu DU Wp ga^yyákamin EB Wph gaka KW to split

English bed to be on one’s side to turn up to lie on one’s side blackbird salamander

Wpcc gaku KW Wp g^e·yte‰, g^eyte EB Wph c ^e EB Wpcc »idu KW Wpcc »idit < *c idik Wp giyak DU Wph c ^i ws. ín EB Wph »odoy DU Wp góka EB Wph gura KW

to split (pl.) mushroom sp. fish worm to squirt heart yellowhammer hail short small bluebird to tear

Wph »uyulok DU Wp dólome‰ EB Wpcc holu KW

hummingbird Adam's apple to make a hole

Wpcc helek KW Wph hus PW *hus KW Wp yéb-oro‰, yb-uru‰ EB Wph yólciboscu EB Wph yomta DU Ps yomta H Wph kod- DU Wpcc kholu KW Wph khosí? EB Waw khósi‰

loose buzzard turkey vulture caving in



cúdi, c ú·di c akátu c ájakami c áka c áka-pa-t. i c ákal c áku-t. i c éjta

hóle hú()s.

turn onto one’s side blackbird salamander to tear up ripped up to be cracked to split (tV) manzanita mushroom worm, angleworm to squirt heart yellowhammer hail short small bluebird tear off accidentally ripped up hummingbird throat hollow, to form a hollow loose buzzard

jéb-t. e-t. i

to cave in

jólci jómta

to be sorry doctor

kodá-t. i kolá-t. i kós. i

to knock on (a door) knock (a piece) off handgame

khobá-t. i khudílik pólpol, kkéni kélis.

to gash, split Dry Lake storage basket to peel, scrape

kúpum

finger goose

c é c íd-ka-t. i c ídidik c iják c íws. i c ot. ój c ówka c úd-ka-t. i c úda-pa-t. i c ujúlak dolómen hólu

láka











Wpcc khoba KW Wpcc kudilik DU Wp kení‰ EB Wp kerta‰ EB Wph kheris DU Wph kúpum Wp láka‰ EB PW *laq KW

to be sorry doctor doctor to pound to scrape, to plane handgame bones wrapped in grass to cut off water snake plate basket to peel he peels finger small goose goose sp.

Proto Utian grammar

Table 34 continued. Potential loan words from Patwin Lake Miwok lébleb líku-t. i lúpik l ánti l e»á-t. i l én

English solar plexus to overtake, pass point blister from rubbing to throw down spouse's sibling

l ót-uk l úb-ka-t. i l úbuduk l úkaj, l úkaj

to pinch, to pick at to sip brains, front of head rabbit skin blanket

 áwaw –

mól

to gulp down to slurp to hit, guess (handgame) Sulphur Bank

núh penél

boat mountain live oak

phákphak, pákpak phí». -ak p ódwaj s. áltu s. élis. s. ikíli s. út-ka-t. i tepá-t. i tóhlok, lóhlok

egg to press down snake clown snail small eels to suck, inhale to mash a finger mudhen

tórtor túnuk túp-ka-t. i »áp-s. e-tuka »apút

green grasshopper cradle to break in two to snap, click abalone shell ornament to slice meat breast of bird bowl-shaped basket crested bluejay green pine nuts child eel helldiver (grebe)

(JI)

 áw-–  aw-as. i –

miná-t. i

»é·le »é·le »úm·a

wés. wes. ‰alá·koj ‰élaj ‰upún·ik ‰upús. min

Patwin Wph lebleb Wpcc likku KW Wp lupík EB Wpcc l ánthu KW Wph l e·ta DU Wp -lén EB Wph len DU Wpr l otúk-oro‰ Wph l ubuki DU Wph l umburuk DU Wph l ukay DU Wpcc l ukay DU Wpcc – aw-– awo KW

English meat under ribs to hurry war spear to blister to put down sister-in-law brother-in-law to squeeze, pinch to slurp brains rabbit skin blanket rabbit skin blanket devouring

Wp mináshali‰ EB

to guess

Wpcc mol DU PW *mol Wph nu DU Wp pine^l EB < PW *pene·l KW Wph phakphak DU Wpcc phi»a DU Wph porwan DU Wph saltu DU Wph selis DU Wph sikíli‰ EB Wpcc sutko KW Wpcc thep KW Wp tolok DU Wph l olok DU Wpcc tortor DU Wp tunuk DU Wp túbta‰ EB Wpcc »apse-‰a KW Wp »apút EB

willow, bay leaves large willow balsa black oak acorn black oak acorn egg to squash snake spirit snail eel to inhale, puff (pl.) to hit mudhen mudhen cricket cradle to jerk to clap the hands polished piece of shell to slice chest, breast of bird small burden basket crested bluejay green pine nuts child eel helldiver

Wph »elበEB Wpr »éli EB Wph »omo ^ y EB Wph we^swes EB Wp ‰aláka^y EB Wp ‰ilay DU Wp ‰úpunik EB Wp húppusmin EB

83

84

Proto Utian grammar

Table 35. Potential loan words from Wappo Lake Miwok copá-t. i c álaj c ó-n-‰ala c újal héla híwa hóm-ku-t. i jóko kanámo»o kanámota l áp-lap-as. i mís. ewal, mís. ·owal »úkuh

English to mash bug redwood tree cramped, crippled under, bottom to shake, rock to pull out to tell a lie Mt. St. Helena

Wappo Wae *». sopJ R Waw gále Waw c ó Waw c úyel Waw hélla Waw híwhmi‰ Wae *homJ R Wae *y(´kJ R Waw kánamo»a

English to mash bug redwood tree paralysis down below to rock to pull out to tell a lie Mt. St. Helena

to flap wings Alexander Valley purse, bag

Waw -láphWaw míšewal Waw »uku‰

to flap wings unidentified tribe small bag, sack

Table 36. Potential loan words from Sulphur Bank (Southeastern Pomo) Lake Miwok bók-bok-o-s. i dé·lwe-t. i kanókthaj, konóktaj khabá-t. i khámdut, kámdu0pajók-‰ala p út-ak s. áti ‰álih ‰íks. al, ‰íks. al

English to boil, bubble to glide Mt. Kanacktai to bump the head Kamduth madrone to kiss hitch to dig out whooping cough

‰ujúla

whirlwind

Sulphur Bank bók-bok-kit JM délknóq tay q abélla, q abél-yaq o qámdot páyoko H p ú». -ki-ya JM sat H, Ps sat H fish ‰álki JM ‰ík.šal H ‰ík JM ‰úyula H

English to boil over to float Mt. Kanacktai skull Kamduth madrone he kissed her dig whooping cough choking whirlwind

Table 37. Potential loan words from Eastern Pomo Lake Miwok búkhal

English fish trap

c íwi-dik káwik k/khóm‰as. , kóm‰as. , khúba, kúba pún-pun

rattlesnake rattles to cut, chop beets to break, smash tick

Eastern Pomo buxál PP *buhqhál chiwíY kawíkh qomáš kubákh bun

English fish trap pack basket rattlesnake rattles to carve out beets to strike an acorn tick fat with blood

Table 38. Potential loan words from Southern Pomo Lake Miwok khádo túcaj

English sweet black acorn bread fox

Southern Pomo khat. o < PP *qat. ó() duca < PP *ducá

English white oak acorn bread acorn bread fox

Proto Utian grammar

85

Table 39. Miscellaneous Lake Miwok cádada (Mics cat. at. ac écis. , c éc is. , gégis.

English kingfisher kingfisher) tanoak acorn

holót. aj Mib holocéja kín-kin kúgi, kúci (PMis *kugikugúj, kuc új s. úl

large black ants ant sound of chipmunk small good, nice) small (distr.) eagle

té()ktek

cooper hawk

wat. ák, wat. át, wa». át

sound of frog

Other Pe c ádada

English kingfisher

Waw ghégis. Pse céc eš- H Waw hólo»ew'

tanoak acorn tanbark ant

Pse c ínc in Wp kutgi EB Pe kúg [k-], Pse kúgin Wpcc kuguy DU Wp súl EB Pse súl H Waw téktekh Wph téktek EB Pse tektek Wph watak EB PW *wataq Ps wat. ak PP *wat. ak‰/q‰/

chipmunk small small, little small eagle condor chicken hawk chicken hawk hawk sp. frog frog frog frog



A few comments concerning these potential loan words are in order. They are classified under “Miscellaneous” because they have more than one possible etymology. Proto Wintun forms are from Whistler (1977: 164-165). Aspirated stops are sometimes borrowed as aspirated stops and sometimes as plain stops, a pattern which is consistent with their instability in Lake Miwok. Glottalization has been borrowed more consistently, but it is rare in Lake Miwok except in stem initial position or before stress.

86

Proto Utian grammar

Table 40a. Source languages for Lake Miwok aberrant phonemes Mil phonemes and source ph < Wph, Wpcc /ph/ th t. h kh < Wpcc, Ps /kh/ b < Wp, Wph, Wpcc /b/, Pse, Pe /b/

-b- < Ph /-mb-/ d < Wp, Wph, Wpcc /d/, Pse, Pe /d/

d < Wph /r/

Lake Miwok examples and source Mil phákphak ‘egg’ < Wph phakphak ‘egg’, Mil phí». -ak ‘to press down’ < Wpcc phi»a ‘to squash’ (source language unknown) Mil ‰ót. haja < *‰ot. a huja ‘eight: two four’s’ Mil khobá-t. i ‘to gash, split’ < Wpcc khoba ‘to cut off’, Mil khádo ‘sweet black acorn bread’ < Ps khat. o ‘white oak acorn bread’ Mil jéb-t. e-t. i ‘to cave in’ < Wp yéb-oro‰ ‘caving in’, Mil lébleb ‘solar plexis’ < Wph lebleb ‘meat under ribs’, Mil khobá-t. i ‘to gash, split’ < Wpcc khoba ‘to cut off’, Mil bók-bok-o-s. i ‘to boil, bubble’ < Pse bók-bok-kit ‘boil over’ Mil khabá-t¯. i ‘to bump the head’ < Pse q abella ‘skull’, Mil khúba kuba ‘to break, smash’ < Pe kubákh ‘strike acorn’ Mil l úbuduk ‘brains, front of head’ < Wph l umburuk ‘brains’ Mil dolómen ‘throat’ < Wp dolome‰ ‘Adam’s apple’, Mil kodá-t. i ‘to knock on’ < Wph kod- ‘to pound’, Mil kudílik ‘name of lake’ < Wpcc kudilik ‘watersnake’ Mil délwe-t. i ‘to glide’ < Pse dél- ‘to float’ ¯ ‘kingfisher’ < Pe c ádada ‘kingfisher’ Mil cádada Mil cúdi c údi ‘to turn onto one’s side’ < Wpcc guru ‘to turn onto one’s side’ Mil c úda-pa-t. i ‘ripped up’ < Wph gura ‘to tear’ Mil khádo ‘sweet black acorn bread’ < Ps khat. o ‘white oak acorn bread’ < PP *qat. ó() Mil p ódwaj ‘snake’ < Wph porwan ‘snake’ Mil p út- ‘to kiss’ < Pse p ú». - ‘to kiss’. Other cases /p -/ result from sound change. Mil »apút ‘abalone shell ornament’ < Wp »apút ‘polished shell’ Mil »ele ‘breast of bird’ < Wpr »eli ‘chest, breast of bird’ Mil »úkih ‘purse, bag’ < Waw »úku‰ ‘small bag, sack’ Mil c ájakami ‘salamander’ < Wp ga^yyákamin ‘salamander’, Mil c é ‘worm, angleworm’ < Wph c ^e· ‘fish worm’ Mil c áku-t. i ‘to split’ < Wpcc gaku ‘to split’ Mil c ó-n-‰ala ‘redwood tree’ < Waw c ó ‘redwood tree’ Mil c álaj ‘bug’ < Waw gále ‘bug’ Mil phí». -ak ‘to press down’ < Wpcc phi»a ‘to squash’ Mil kéni ‘storage basket’ < Wp keni‰ ‘plate basket’ Mil kúpum ‘finger’ < Wph kupum ‘finger’ Mil l én ‘spouse’s sibling’ < Wp -lén ‘sister-in-law’, Mil l úbuduk ‘brains, front of head’ < Wph l umburuk ‘brains’ Mil mól ‘Sulphur Bank’ < Wpcc mol ‘willow, bay leaves’ Mil – áw-– aw-a-s. i ‘to slurp’ < Wpcc – áw-– aw-o ‘devouring’? But note PU *law... ‘gulp down’, indicating that this word might have a Proto Utian etymology and that /– / might result from sound symbolism, with borrowing into Patwin. Mil tórtor ‘green grasshopper’ < Wpcc tortor ‘cricket’. Otherwise, /r/ not present in pre-contact words. Before contact, [s] was an allophone of /c/. Otherwise, it occurred in one word, kesa ‘Borax Lake’ (source language unknown).

d < Ps /t. / -dw- < Wph /-rw-/ p < Pse p » < Wp », Waw » c < Wp, Wph, Wpcc /g/, Waw /c /, /g/







». < Wpcc » ? k < Wp k l < Wp, Wph, Wpcc /l/  –

< Wpcc –

r < Wpcc /r/ s

Proto Utian grammar

87

Table 40b. Positional aberrant phonemes word final s. < Wph /s/, Pe /š/, Waw s. or Pse /š/

Mil hús. ‘buzzard’ < Wph hus < PW *hus ‘turkey vulture’, Mil kélis. ‘to peel’ < Wph kheris ‘he peels’, Mil s. élis. ‘snail’ < Wph selis ‘snail’, ¯ < Wph we^swes ‘crested bluejay’, Mil wés. wes. ¯‘crested bluejay’ ¯ ¯ h Mil kóm‰as. kóm‰as. k óm‰as. ‘ beets’ < Pe qomáš ‘beets’, Mil c écis. c éc is. gégis. ‘tanoak acorn’ < Waw ghegis. ‘tanoak acorn’ or Pse céc eš‘tanbark’ Mil t. íle ‘noon, dinner bell, dinner’ < Pse t. íle ‘noon’, Ps t. íle ‘dinnertime’, or Waw t. íle‰ ‘noon’, all ultimately from Spanish tilín ‘sound of a bell’

word initial t. < Ps, Pse, Waw /t. /

Table 40c. Evidence for Patwin obstruent fronting chain ¯

c Wpcc, Wph /»/

Mil c íd-ka-t. i ‘to squirt’, Wpcc »idu < *gidu ‘to squirt’ Mil c ídidik ‘heart’, Wpcc »idit ‘kernel’ < PW *c idik ‘heart’ Mil c ot. oj ‘short’, Wph »odoy ‘short’ < *godoy ‘short’ Mil c ujúlak ‘hummingbird’, Wph »uyuluk ‘hummingbird’ < PW *guy-u- ‘to suck’



We see from Tables 40a, 40b, 40c that there is much variation in the frequency of aberrant phonemes in Lake Miwok loan words. Among aspirated stops, ph and kh are common, but th is rare, and it has not been found so far in loan words from other Indian languages or words with known Utian etymologies. An example is thokolu ‘knee’. t. h occurs in one word of Miwok origin, Mil ‰ót. haja ‘eight’ < PMiw *‰ot. -huja ‘two fours’. I do not know if or how these facts relate to the instability of aspirated stops, which usually vary with corresponding plain stops. In the above tables, both /b/ and /d/ are relatively common as are /»/, /c /, and /k/. /p / and /». / are each represented by a single loan word, assuming Mil phí». -ak ‘to press down’ is correctly transcribed and is not actually *phí»-ak. Other instances of Mil initial /p / result from sound change or sound symbolism (see7.4.2). Mil l is common in words borrowed from Patwin, and Mil – is a rare phoneme, also ultimately from Patwin. Mil hus. ‘buzzard’ must have been borrowed into Lake Miwok after the rule resulting in the loss of final sibilants in Western Miwok monosyllables had ceased to operate (9.1). We can reconstruct PMis *hus. u‘buzzard’ which looks like a cognate, but the Sierra Miwok reflexes are irregular. Moreover, hus. ‘buzzard’ is a pan-Americanism which renders the situation even more complex, introducing the possibility of recent spread across languages. River Patwin seems unlikely as a direct source for Mil »ele ‘breast of bird’ because the River Patwin speech area is not adjacent to Lake Miwok territory. Patwin /r/ is usually borrowed as Lake Miwok /d/, but note Mil kélis. ‘to peel, scrape’ and tórtor ‘green tree grasshopper’, where /r/ has been borrowed as /l/ and /r/ respectively. In fact, Mil tórtor may be the only instance of /r/ in Lake Miwok except for Spanish loan words. Patwin /s/ and the apical stops are alveolar, which is why Lake Miwok borrowed Patwin /s/ as /s. /, which is slightly post-alveolar, rather than as /s/, which is post-dental. Likewise, Patwin /t/ and /»/ are sometimes borrowed as backed stops, which are also post-alveolar. However, Lake Miwok /t. / and /». / are rare in steminitial position or as the second consonant in a Simplex Stem (a stem of the form CVC-). Note that Pse p ú». ‘kiss’ is borrowed as Mil p út- ‘kiss’, assuming a Sulphur Bank (Southeastern Pomo) source for the stem. See McLendon (1973) for additional Pomo and Proto Pomo forms. There are four instances in which Patwin /»/ corresponds to Lake Miwok /c / in probable loan words; Mil c íd- ‘to squirt’, Mil c ídidik ‘heart,’ Mil c ot. ój ‘short’, and Mil c ujúlak ‘hummingbird’. Whistler believes these words were borrowed into Lake Miwok before the operation of the Patwin obstruent fronting chain in which PW *c > Wp /»/ (1977: 161). The presence of Lake Miwok /t. / in the first item (presumably < Patwin /d/) supports the antiquity of the borrowing, which probably took place before /d/ had become established as a Lake Miwok phoneme.

88

Proto Utian grammar

Some of the loan words participated in Lake Miwok sound changes. They will be discussed in greater detail under the appropriate phonological sections. On the morphological level, Lake Miwok occasionally borrowed polymorphemic stems, as in c údc udu ‘sideways’ < Wph guguro ‘to be on one’s side’ or Wph gurguro ‘to turn up’. In other cases, the first CVC- was borrowed as a Simplex Stem, as in c úd- ‘to tear’ from Wph gura ‘to tear’. The longer Patwin stem underlies the Geminate Stem in Mil c úda-pa-t. i ‘ripped up’. Mil c ákal ‘to be cracked’ is probably also a polymorphemic loan from Patwin, although it does not occur in the corpus thus far examined, since Patwin stems of the canon CVCal are derived intransitives (Whistler 1981: 68). As these examples indicate, extensive borrowing of polymorphemic stems has affected the development of Lake Miwok morphological patterns. An examination of these patterns would constitute an excellent research project for an interested student. Finally, there has been reshaping of some items, such as Mil p ódwaj ‘snake’, c álaj ‘bug’, túcaj ‘fox’, and holó». aj ‘large black ants’. The sequence ...aj is associated with undesirable animals in Lake Miwok (see ...aj in the dictionary section). The most striking feature of the preceding tables is the preponderance of probable loan words from Patwin, more than from all other languages combined. This fact is consistent with the slow encroachment of the culturally dominant Patwin on Lake Miwok territory (see Whistler 1977 for evidence of the northern origin of Patwin and Johnson 1978 for information on their cultural superiority). We have already discussed the evidence for this encroachment in terms of loan words for names of plants peculiar to Central California from Lake Miwok into Patwin, indicating a Miwok substrate. The direction of borrowing here, of course, is the opposite of the preceding pattern. These include four body part terms; »éle ‘breast of bird’, lébleb ‘solar plexus’, l úbuduk ‘brains, front of head’ and kúpum ‘finger’. One might wonder why such a basic term as ‘finger’ should be borrowed. In this case, we can construct a plausible scenario. In all other Miwok languages, the word for ‘finger’ and ‘hand’ is the same, including closely related Bodega Miwok. By comparing Mil ‰úku ‘hand’, Mib ‰úkuh ‘hand, fingers’, Mim ukus (SB) ‘hand, fingers’, we can reconstruct PMiw *‰úkus. ‘hand, fingers’. Presumably, pre-Lake Miwok *‰úkuh had the same two meanings, which would pose no sense of inadequacy for the monolingual native speaker. But consider the speaker who is bilingual in Lake Miwok and Patwin, especially one who has learned Patwin first. Patwin has both kúpum ‘finger’ and cem ‘hand’. Such a speaker would feel a gap when speaking Lake Miwok, and might well be motivated to supply the missing item. The Cache Creek and Long Valley Patwin were cut off by a long canyon and a secondary mountain range from the rest of the Patwin. Consequently, they had much closer intercourse with the Miwok and Pomo of Clear Lake (Kroeber 1925: 357). Intermarriage between them and the Lake Miwok Indians may have been frequent. This scenario is also consistent with the probable Lake Miwok loan word l én ‘spouse’s sibling’. Both Kroeber (1925: 364-390) and Johnson (1978: 353-354) emphasized the elaboration of cults and rituals among the Patwin. In Central California, only the Patwin had three secret societies; Kuksu, ghost, and Hesi. Semi-divine spirits known as saltu were impersonated in the Patwin ghost society. Mil s. áltu ‘clown’ is probably borrowed from the Patwin word. Mil jómta ‘doctor’, according to Barrett, refers specifically to the singing doctor (1908a: 88, fn. 36). It may be a loan word from Patwin, but it is identical with or similar to words for ‘doctor’ in three Pomo languages and Wappo. Patwin basketry was strongly influenced by the Pomo, who are world-famous for their elaboration of basket types. It may be significant that the Lake Miwok names of four birds whose feathers were used in basketry (Barrett 1908c: 141-145) are most probably loan words from Patwin, specifically c akátu ‘blackbird’, c iják ‘yellowhammer’, c ówka ‘bluebird ’, and wés. wes. ‘crested blue jay’. Abalone shell pendants were often added to feathered baskets, and Mil »apút ‘abalone shell ornament’ appears to be another Patwin loan word. In addition, the Lake Miwok names of two baskets, kéni ‘storage basket’ and túnuk ‘cradle basket’, are also of Patwin origin. Lake Miwok has apparently borrowed the name of another bird, ‰upús. min ‘helldiver or grebe’, from Patwin. This bird features in the mythology of both groups. Whistler gives Wpcc hup-s-men-kay as ‘GrebeOld Lady’ (1978:54), indicating that the Patwin form is polymorphemic and therefore that the direction of borrowing is most likely from Patwin into Lake Miwok. All these facts are consistent with a view of the Patwin as a source of culture, ceremony, and technology, much as the English have regarded the French over



Proto Utian grammar

89

the centuries, and with similar results—a flood of loan words. Since the Pomo were also world-famous for their basketry, it is possible that some Lake Miwok items of Pomo provenience entered Lake Miwok through the Patwin and acquired Patwin names. Among the probable loan words from Wappo is Mil kaná mota from Waw kánamo»a ‘Mt. St. Helena’, which is not surprising, since that mountain is in Wappo territory. Mil c’ó-n-‰ala ‘redwood tree’ is most likely also from Wappo, since redwood trees are numerous in Wappo areas. Guenoc Lake is close to Wappo territory; consequently both Mil wénok and the English translation ‘Guenoc’ may well have a Wappo etymology. However, Waw wénnokh means ‘Southern Pomo: literally, south friend’ (Sawyer 1965:81), and Southern Pomo territory was not close to Guenoc Lake. Both the Lake Miwok konoktaj- and English Mt. Kanaktai are from Southeastern Pomo (Sulphur Bank) knóq taj. Barrett (1908a:183) says the name means ‘Mountain Woman’, and the mountain is said to have some connection with a mythical woman. John Knight, one of my principal Lake Miwok consultants, said Mil khámdut is the name of the largest island in Clear Lake, about six or seven acres in size. Barrett (1908a: 206) gives kámdot as an Eastern Pomo name of a place on a small island called Buckingham’s Island, near the western shore of East Lake and close to the peninsula which separates East Lake from the main body of Clear Lake. The Lake Miwok variant khámdu0- may well have been influenced by the English, assuming the name “Kamduth” had been used by English speakers. The Lake Miwok reduplicated stem bók-bok- ‘boil, bubble’ was probably borrowed from Sulphur Bank bok-bok- ‘boil over’, although this is another case where a Lake Miwok item has an “embarrassment of riches” concerning possible etymologies. Note Mins poklu- ‘to bubble’ and the factor of onomatopoeia (see also Callaghan 1987b: 89). bók-bok mimics the sound of bubbling water or bubbling acorn mush. The miscellaneous section gives an indication of the problems of sorting out borrowed items in the Clear Lake area. Some of the words have resemblant forms in other Miwok languages as well as in more than one neighboring language. In addition, native Lake Miwok words referring to small objects or motions can undergo glottalization of an initial stop or /c/ through sound symbolism (see 7.4.2.3). Words for ‘chipmunk’, ‘hawk’, ‘frog’ and the sounds of these animals are subject to onomatopoeia. 7.2. Patwin place names of Miwok origin We will examine some Patwin place names for further evidence of a Miwok substrate in current Patwin territory. The transcriptions are from Barrett (1908a: 292-297), but we must exercise especial caution in our interpretation, since he did not record aspiration or consistently transcribe length and glottalization, thereby greatly increasing the possibility of chance resemblances between Patwin and Miwok. Table 41. Evidence for a Miwok substrate in Patwin place names Patwin hesáia

Location Suisun City

Li-waí-to (Powers)

people on Putah Creek at foothills place northwest of Tancred place east of Cortina Valley Village

kísi bakákLabe

Miwok Mip hesaMip hesa-jyMip -j()aMil, Mip, Mins -to Mil líwa ‘deep (water)’ Mil kís. i Mil, Mib pákah

English nest to build a nest animate suffix allative case file grass root (used in basketry) flower

90

Proto Utian grammar Map 5: The Wintun Area (updated from Barrett 1908a)

Northern Yukian

Nomlaki

Chico Maidu

Northeastern Pomo

Konkow River Patwin KORU Colusa

Marysville Grimes

TEBTI

Hill Patwin

he Cac

Nisenan

Wappo Na

Southern Pomo

pa

Patwin

Cr.

Kisi Lake Berryessa

Middletown

YODOI

SOUTHERN HILL PATWIN

Woodland Sacramento

Winters Liwai

R

Santa Rosa

Southern Patwin

Yountville Napa Sonoma

l Hesáia SUISUN

nto

Vallejo

Karkin

R

Miles 10 15

o Susc

me cra

5

San Francisco 20 Bay

Plains Miwok

Fairfield Sa

Coast Miwok

0

rR

Bea

Rumsey

Lake Miwok

Mount St. Helena

SAKA

BakakLabe

Southeastern Pomo Cobb Mtn

Feather R

Eastern Pomo Lucerne

Sutter Buttes

R ento

No KABALMEM Ca rth F ch ork eC r.

Clear Lake

am Sacr

Ladoga

Pittsburg

Bay Miwok Yokuts

Proto Utian grammar

91

páka-k would mean ‘flowered’ in both Lake and Bodega Miwok, a possible etymology for the first part of the Patwin place name bakákLabe, but Barrett also records pákaLabe, the name of a place on the low ridge between Little Stony Creek and Indian Creek. This looks like the same or a related name, but it is too far north to be part of a Miwok substrate. Johnson’s pahka (1978: 359) appears to be a modern transcription of the same name. Barrett defines Lábe as ‘there’ (1908a: 290). I am using L for Barrett's small cap L, which he apparently used for both [l] and [– ]. In like manner, hesáia and kisi also have plausible Miwok etymologies. Barrett claims Patwin líwai means ‘waving’, which is an unlikely etymology for a place name. Powers gives ‘Li-wai’ as the aboriginal name for Putah Creek (Barrett 1908a: 294). For what it is worth, Mil líwa means ‘deep’ (said of water). The best evidence for a Miwok substrate in this name is the suffix -to, which is an allomorph of the allative case after stems ending in consonants in Western Miwok, Plains and Proto Sierra Miwok. In Northern Sierra Miwok, it specifically refers to people from a certain location. Moreover, as we go east and south, the substrate might well be an Eastern rather than a Western Miwok language. Consequently, we have what appears to be an inflected Miwok stem with the meaning “Deep Water People” which is an appropriate etymology for a Miwok place name. 7.3. Words for recent items Lake Miwok can form new words for introduced items either through composition, as in ¯kojáni-weji ‘church: music house’; new phrases, as in hí mítun ‘clock: day count’, or borrowing, as in relós lerós ‘watch’ from Spanish reloj ‘watch’. Sometimes combinations of these processes are used, as in papél-weji ‘school: book house’, from Spanish papel ‘paper’ plus -weji ‘house’. Lake Miwok words for most of the recently introduced items are from Spanish. These words appear in Lake Miwok Dictionary (Callaghan 1965), and their provenience (often through other Indian languages) is discussed in Shipley (1962). An example of a loan word that has probably gone through another language before entering Lake Miwok is káwaj ‘horse’, ultimately from Spanish caballo ‘horse’. If Spanish caballo had been the direct source, we would expect *kawáju. Barrett gives opoini ‘horse’ as an earlier word (1908a: 74). This was probably ‰ópoj-ni ‘what one travels on; driving’ from ‰ópoj ‘to go around’ plus -ni ‘impersonal agentive’. Table 42. Words for common alcoholic beverages Lake Miwok múte-kik, wíno pot. á-kik kájkaj-kik

English wine: ‘grape water’ beer: ‘foam water’ whiskey: ‘hot water’

Spanish vino cervesa aguardiente

English wine beer whiskey

Words for one set of introduced items are of especial interest. When I asked John Knight, why the Indians had chosen composition rather than borrowing for the names of alcoholic beverages, he explained that alcohol had once been illegal on the Rancheria. Consequently, the Lake Miwok Indians used native words when they were talking about such beverages so that listening white people could not guess the topic of their conversation. 7.4. The development of Proto Miwok phonemes The developments from Proto Miwok into Western Miwok will be discussed here.

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7.4.1. Identities and near identities PMi *p, *t, *g, *k, *‰, *h, *m, *n, *w, *l, *j, *i, *e, *a, *o, and *u have generally developed unchanged into Proto Western Miwok, and from Proto Western Miwok into Coast and Lake Miwok, as we see in the following sets. In Callaghan (1972a), I proposed that PMi *g > PMiw *s. _#. I have now abandoned this hypothesis, which was supported by only a few questionable sets, and I now hold that PMi *g > PMiw *g in ¯ in Coast Miwok and underwent phonetic change in Lake Miwok to /c/ which all positions. PMiw *g remained is [ts] before vowels and [ts s] before consonants. In Bodega Miwok, there was optional gemination of medial sonorants, which contrasted with long medial sonorants that did not undergo variation. In such cases, length of the Proto Western Miwok reconstruction will be taken from the Lake Miwok cognate. An example is PMiw *heleki ‘neck’, Mil heleki ‘neck’, Mib hel()eke ‘neck’ with final /e/ resulting from progressive assimilation. Table 43. Identities and near identities Origin PMi *gago ¯ PMi *goko *gok PMi *hela PMi *hena PMi *hewe PMi *hin-ti ¯ PMi *his. PMiw *hojut hojot PMiw *hoki PMi *hona PMi *huk-e PMi *huk PMi *ka PMi *kani PMiw *ka PMi *kaka

English grandchild river bank, cliff no, not breath, wind chin what sun, day to start Go away! to copulate front, farther out nose my I door basket mother’s brother

Bodega Miwok caco ‘daughter-in-law’ cok ‘creek’ hela hena ‘breath’ hewe hinti hi hojot ‘first’ hoki

PMi *kal PMi *kene PMi *kigaw PMi *kigaw

smoke (fire) one to bleed blood

Lakd Miwok caco cok hela hena hewe hinti hi ¯ hojut hojot hoki hona-mt. i huke ‘front (person)’ huke huk ‘nose’, huk ‘front’ huk ka ka kani kani ka ka kaka ‘mother’s kaka ‘uncle’ brother’ kal kal kene kene kicaw kicaw ‘blood, to kicaw

PMi *kili PMi *kik PMi *-ko PMi *kog()a PMi *kojo PMiw *kole PMi *kome PMiw *kut PMi *loja PMi *man-ti

horn water plural house salt grass, hay moon tooth rub with one’s hands who

bleed’ kili kik -ko koca kojo kole n.c. kut loja manti

kili kik -ko n.c. kojo kole ‘hay’ komekut loja manti

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Table 43 continued. Identities and near identities Origin PMi *miw PMiw *mulak PMi *mus PMi *ne, *ne¯ PMi *pol-ku PMiw *teleka PMi *tumaj PMiw *meleja PMi *mem PMi *mi PMiw *tuna PMi *tune PMi *wali PMiw *woko PMi *‰alok PMiw *‰ata PMiw *‰ala PMi *‰ega PMiw *‰ene-ni < PMi *‰en()e PMi *‰i-ko PMi *‰oni ¯ PMi *‰omgu *‰umgu PMi *‰unu

English person to wash one’s face breast, milk this to flood three wood, stick turtle in-law (generational) you to kick with heel, to stamp daughter world older sister ear older brother east behind

Bodega Miwok mulak mu ‘breast’

Lake Miwok miw ‘husband’ mulak mu ne, ne pol-ku-¯ teleka deleka tumaj meleja mem mi tuna

father’s sister

teleka tumaj ‘wood’ meleja mem mi ¯ tuna t. una ‘to stamp’ tune ‘doll’ wali ‘season’ woko ‰alok ‰ata ‰ala ‰eca ‘behind, other side’ ‰ene-ni

they to come winter

‰i-ko ‰i-ko ‰oni ¯ ‰oni ‰omcu ‰umcu ‰umcu

buckeye

n.c.

wali ‘outside’ woko ‰alok ‰ata ¯ ‰ala ¯ ‰iga ‰eca ‰eca ‘foot, base’ ‰ene-ni

‰unu

Needless to say, the above sets exclude many variant allomorphs. There are also stems that vary in vowel or consonantal length, or both, or by metathesis of the final vowel and consonant. Many such variations are part of an ablaut system that we will describe later. 7.4.2. Minor sound changes Some of the phonemes that developed unchanged into Proto Western Miwok participated in minor sound changes that separate Lake Miwok from Coast Miwok. These changes affect native Miwok words, loan ¯ words, and words of unknown etymology. 1. PMiw *p > Mil p p /#_óC/ and /#_úC/ where C is any consonant (Table 44). PMiw *p > Mil p elsewhere. This sound change is in progress and the spread to /#_úC/ is incomplete since there are still items such as Mil púci ‘to suck, nurse’ which do not participate. Glottalization of /p/ may have been precipitated by the loan stem Mil p út- ‘to kiss’ < Pse p ú». - ‘to kiss’, which is a Simplex Grade (see 11.5). If glottalization ¯ ¯ affects one member of a derivational paradigm, it spreads by analogy to other members of the same paradigm; hence p úca-t. i púca-t. i ‘to blow quickly’ and p úca púca ‘to blow slowly’. This change has spread to two loan words that originally lacked glottalization, Mil p ódwaj < Wph porwan ‘snake’ and p údu < Wph purwaj ‘wild onion’. Note Wph purwaj ‘wild onion’ < PW *p u()r ‘wild onion’ which does begin with /p /, with loss of glottalization in some reflexes. Presumably, /p/ was plain when the words were first borrowed into Lake Miwok, and it subsequently became glottalized.

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In the case of words for ‘woman’, we can assume PMiw *pogi-s. ‘woman’ > Mil p óci póci with glottalization spreading to the Lake Miwok reflex as described above, but PW *p oqi-ta ‘woman’ suggests that Proto Western Miwok in turn borrowed the stem from a Patwin reflex that had undergone double fronting. If this is the correct explanation, we must assume Patwin initial /p / lost its glottalization when borrowed into Proto Western¯ Miwok and that Lake Miwok regained optional glottalization through regular sound change. Mil p óca póca ‘to cut off’¯ participates in the glottalization rule, but its etymology is uncertain. The po‰-la- ‘to cut open’ raises the possibility that Mics po‰- is the Simplex resemblant form Mics po‰-waGrade of a¯cognate stem, but such may not be the case since it differs in form and meaning. The final /a/ in Mil p úca púca ‘to blow’ is probably by analogy with other Lake Miwok verbs ending in /a/, judging by the probable cognates Cru put. u-p ‘wind blows’ and Mib pucu-t. i ‘to blow on something’. We note that there is a class of Patwin verbs ending in /a/, as well as a Patwin verbalizer of the form -‰a ¯ (Whistler 1981). These facts may have encouraged the spread of final /a/ in Lake Miwok verbs as well as the development of such forms as Mil p ój‰a ‘to cut off (branches, etc.)’ and Mil p óma póma ‘to puff, suck (a pipe)’. Table 44: Lake Miwok glottalization of initial /p/ Possible cognate or source

English

(†PMie *pa‰my-)

to smoke (tobacco) to break, cut branches off woman woman sister-in-law snake to cut open

¯

PMi *pej- *pojPMiw *pogis. Wph p okita DU (Wph p oksin DU) Wph porwan (Mics po‰-wa-, po‰-la-) Csjb pogor < PU *pogol †PU *put. u ? PMiw *pugu Wph purway DU ¯

Coast Miwok

Lake Miwok ¯

p óma p óm‰a ‘to puff, suck’ p ój-ku-t. i, p ój‰a ¯

Mim potcis SB ‘old woman’

a sore to blow to blow slowly

Mib pucu-t. i Mib pucu

wild onion wild onion

Mic putcu IK

p óci póci p ódwaj¯ p óca p óc a ‘to cut¯off’ p óclo-t. i póclo-t. i ‘rash’ ¯ p úca-t¯. i púca-t. i p úca púca

¯ p úcu ¯púcu

p údu púdu ‘garlic’

PMi *pej-ku *poj-ku ‘to break, cut (a branch) off’ is based on Mil p ój-ku-t. i ‘to cut something such as barbed wire, to cut something off, such as a branch or a pine cone’ plus Mics pej-ku- ‘to break a branch at the fork’. The latter verb plus related Sierra Miwok verbs derive from something like Miss peja- ‘limb of a tree’ through Simplex Grade formation (CVC-) followed by the suffix -ku- ‘deliberate action’. It is not known why optional glottalization of initial /p/ before /o/ has spread to the two verbal sets discussed above. The reason may lie in is the presence of /‰/ in p oj‰a ‘to cut (branches, etc.) off’ and p om‰a ‘to puff, suck (a pipe)’. Mil /p / would then spread by analogy through the two derivational paradigms. However, the last item is a pan-Americanism, and similar words are found in many languages. In this last set, PMis *pa‰my- ¯‘to smoke (tobacco)’, illustrates possible metathesis of the medial consonants when compared with Mil p oma p om‰a ‘to puff, suck (a pipe)’. At this point, it is not possible to determine which was the original order.

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Table 45. Glottalization in Lake Miwok verbs of position Possible cognate or source

English

PMiw *joke *jokePMis *t. o‰-×e- < PU **t. okwMiss wat. a-ty < PMi *wat. a ?

to hang to sit down, land (insect) to straddle

¯

Bodega Miwok

Lake Miwok

¯

¯

joke-t. i joke-t. e n.c.

jok-ó-ne jok-o-ne tak-á-ne ‘to land (insect)’ wa». -á-ne ‘to squat’

¯ of a Simplex 2. The second consonant is glottalized in three Lake Miwok verbs of position consisting Grade plus an echo vowel plus -n·e, which historically is a suffix cognate with PMis *-×e- *-×e- ‘mediopassive’.¯ Mil tak-á-ne ‘to land (insect)’ is probably cognate with PMis *t. o‰-×e-‘to sit down, land’ < PU *t. okw... t. akw... (see 1.5.). Note that in all these cases, the glottalized consonant precedes the stressed syllable. In two cases, glottalization has spread to related Lake Miwok words through analogy, such as jókap ‘to hang (a person)’ and wá». i ‘to spread one’s legs when lying down’. 3. Lake Miwok Onomatopoeia and Sound Symbolism. Table 46 illustrates a scenario for the emergence of Lake Miwok initial /b/ in words for bubbling sounds. /b/ is rare by comparison with /p/; and it probably first entered the language through loan words such as búkhal ‘fish trap’ from Eastern Pomo and lébleb ‘solar plexus’ from Hill Patwin, none of which were onomatopoeic. If the stem bók-bok- ‘bubble, boil’ was borrowed from Pse bók-bok-kit ‘to boil over’, it may have led to associating initial /b/ with bubbling sounds, especially since Mins poklu- ‘to bubble’ indicates pre-Lake Miwok *pók- ‘bubble’ was already in the language. If so, the stage would be set for the spread of initial /b/ to other words designating similar sounds, such as bák-s. e-t. i ‘to belch’, ultimately from Waw páke‰ ‘to belch’ and bót-bot-os. i ‘to foam and pop’ < PMi *put. ... ? ‘bubble’, also buh-buh-us. i ‘to puff (like smoke from chimney) of unknown etymology. Other scenarios are also consistent with the data. The sequence bók-bok- might have been borrowed from Lake Miwok into Southeastern Pomo and the association of Mil bók-bok- with bubbling sounds could have arisen spontaneously since the sequences bók-bok- and bót-bot- sound like the bubbling of acorn mush during stone boiling. Note also English ‘bubble’ and ‘puff’ as well as Spanish burbuja ‘bubble’. In the items on Table 47, glottalization has become associated with quick, small, or semi-accidental movement. We have instances of sound symbolism without onomatopoeia since glottalization cannot sound like such action. This development was probably precipitated by loan words like Mil kowólo-do-s. i ‘to growl (intestines)’ from Wph koworo ‘to growl (intestines)’. Here again, there may have been a similar word of Proto Miwok origin already present in Lake Miwok. Note Mins koju- ‘to growl (intestines)’. In other cases, the presence of a resemblant form with glottalization in a neighboring language, such as Waw c íw'mi‰ ‘to¯ wink’, must have encouraged the process in native Miwok words like Mil c ít-ak ‘to wink’ from PMi *gitak *gituk ‘to wink’. Glottalization in Mil kic íni ‘index finger: pointer’ may well be by analogy with the medial glottalization before a stressed vowel followed by -ne as described in the preceding section. In this instance, the process ¯ has not spread to the underlying verb, kíci ‘to point’. Usually related members of a derivational paradigm are affected, such as puc le-t. i ‘to roll once (on the ground)’. Glottalization is optional in Mil ku». ú-ku». u kut. ú¯kut. u ‘to gnaw’ < PMi *kyt. y-, and it has not spread to related stems, most of which derive from PMi *ky()t *kyty ‘tooth’. Optional glottalization has spread to at least one Spanish loan word, kugija ‘butcher knife’ < Spanish cuchilla ‘kitchen knife’. This word was glottalized only in the speech of James Knight, and it may not be properly a part of this set, since knives are not normally connected with semi-accidental action. For the first three items in Table 46, the direction of borrowing seems straight forward. Mil jeb- ‘cave in’ was borrowed as a Simplex Stem from Hill Patwin. Likewise, Mil lébleb ‘solar plexis’ and the stem of Mil khobá-t. i ‘gash, split’ were also borrowed from dialects of Hill Patwin. In the case of Mil l ubuduk ‘front of head, head, skull,’ we have an embarrassment of riches—it could descend from Proto Miwok or be a loan

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Table 46. Development of Lake Miwok sound symbolism involving /b/ Source language

English

Lake Miwok

Wp yéb-oro‰ Wph lebleb

jéb-t. e-t. i ‘to cave in’ lébleb ‘solar plexis’

Wpcc khoba Wph l umburuk

caving in meat under ribs to cut off brains

Pse q abella Pe kubákh

skull strike acorn

Pse bók-bok-kit

to boil over

Waw páke‰

to belch

khobá-t. i ‘gash, split’ l úbuduk ‘front of head, head, skull’

Other Miwok

Misac lupuluk A ‘crown of head’ < PMi *lupuluk ??

khabá-t¯. i ‘hit the head’ khúba kuba ‘to smash things’ Mins poklu- ‘to bubble’ bók-bok-os. i ‘boil, bubble’ bák-s. e-t. i ‘to belch’ Miss put. a- ‘to bubble up’ bót-bot-os. i ‘to foam and pop’ (búh-buh-us. i ‘to puff, bubble’

Table 47. Glottalization in stems suggesting small or quick movement Lake Miwok

English

Other Miwok

Proto Miwok

c idít-it-is. i c ít-ak (Waw c íw'mi‰ c akát-at-as. i ¯ phíc ak puc él-es. i pucél-es. i s. okós. o »íp-»ip-is. i kíci kic i-ni (kút

to squirt to wink to wink) to drip, be dripping to crush, mash to roll around

Mins cit. it. -yMins gituknu-

*git. i-t. y¯ *gitak *gituk

Mins cot-kaPMis *pigak-yMib púcel

*gokat ? *pigak PMiw *pug()el

PMis *s. okos. -aMib tip-le-t. i Mip kica-

*s. okos. -a PMiw ¯*tip*kiga *kigi *ky()t) *kyty)

kut. ú-kut. u ku». ú-ku». u

to make a chewing noise

Mip k.t, PMis *kytyMiss kyt. y-t. y-t. y‘to chatter (teeth)’

kugíja

kitchen knife

¯

¯

kugíja < Sp. kuchilla

cocoon rattle to flip (fish) to point index finger tooth, teeth

¯

*kyt. y- (weak stem) ‘pertaining to the teeth

word. from Hill Patwin. Worse, the borrowing could not be from Lake Miwok into Hill Patwin since it is hard to postulate how Mil l ubuduk could be borrowed as l umburuk with an -mb- medial cluster, which leaves us with the problem of accounting for the similarity to Misac lupulup A. Borrowing from Lake Miwok into Saclan is unlikely considering their geographical locations. 4. Coast Miwok Yotacism (Table 48). PMiw medial *l > Mic j, a sound change clearly in progress. This change has been observed in Light Stems, Geminate Stems, Long Stems, and one Cluster Stem, but there are

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Table 48a. Coast Miwok yotacism Origin

English

PMiw *gola PMi *kolo PMiw *mol()a PMi *mole PMiw *pulu

to wash, soak foot to pile wood to pour, spill to tip over dove

PMi *‰ole PU *t. a()li-s. PMiw *kola

coyote man (male) girl

¯

PMiw *mile *mele

bird

PMiw *‰elaj

child ¯

PMiw *‰elamo ‰elamu PMiw *‰ola-gi

niece younger sibling mother’s sister

Coast Miwok

Lake Miwok

Mib coja ‘to soak’ Mim kojo CC Mib moja

cola ‘to wash’ kolo mola mole-pa ‘to douse’ moleh-t. e-t. a pulu

Mib moj-ti-t. i Mim Pu- -yu /puju/ CHM ‘turtle dove’ Mib ‰oje Mib tajih, Mim tajis. Mib koja ‘young girl’ Mib kola ‘young lady’ Mib meje Mib mele ‘duck’ Mim é-ai /‰ejaj/ HWH Mim elai /‰elaj/ IK Mim eamu SB /‰ejamu/ ? Mib ‰oja-ci Mim ©lat. c‰ SB /‰ola-gi/

‰ole tajh (aberrant) kola

mele ‰elaj

¯ ‰elamo

‰elamu

‰ola-ci

numerous sets at the end of the table where medial /l/ remains. Yotacism is commonest after /o/ and /e/. In the set for ‘dove’, it follows /u/, and in the set for ‘man (male)’it follows /a/, indicating that it was spreading. In the last set, the Lake Miwok reflex also underwent yotacism for unknown reasons, and it ends in an aberrant consonant cluster /jh/. Most interesting are the doublets, one member of which did not undergo yotacism but acquired a specialized meaning, such as Mib ko·ja ‘young girl’ and ko·la ‘young lady’ (after first menstruation), Mim é-ai /‰ejaj/ ‘child’ (son or daughter) and elai /‰elaj/ ‘niece’, Mib mej·e ‘bird’ and mele ‘duck’. Mim olat. ci /‰ola-gi/ ‘maternal aunt’ has not undergone yotacism but Mib ‰oja-ci ‘maternal aunt’ has. The change in Bodega Miwok may have been influenced by ‰oja ‘close relative’. Mim eamu /‰eja-mu/ ‘younger sibling’, may have undergone yotacism by analogy with é-ai (/‰ejaj/ ?) ‘child’ (son or daughter). ¯ are numerous sets in which /l/ remains following /o/, as we see from the second group in the table. There The /j w/ alternations are listed next merely to complete the picture, since their relationship to jotacism, if any, is difficult to sort out. In fact, the first three rows suggest that forms in /j/ are underlying and that *j > ¯ /w/ in Coast Miwok when stress does not precede. Unfortunately, similar reasoning fails to account for observed /j w/ in other Miwok languages, so I list examples here in the hope that further research will provide illumination.

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Table 48b. Sets in medial /l/ without yotacism Origin

English

PMiw *heleki

neck

PMiw *holos. PMiw *holak PMiw *holu PMiw *kole PMiw *lola PMiw *mole PMiw *pol... PMiw *teleka PMiw *tole-s. PMi *tolo-ma

to lean to lean (pl.) to break wind hole, hollow grass, hay to wash shade, shadow to float three wildcat wildcat

PMiw *welak PMiw *‰ela ?

to want to play

PMiw *‰ola ?

stepfather, father’s brother spring (water) south, southwest to cry oar

PMiw *‰ola(s. ) ? PMiw *‰olo-m PMiw *‰olak PMiw *‰o()lak ¯

Coast Miwok

Lake Miwok

Mib heleke Mim HJl-lé-ki HWH Mib holoh

heleki

Mib hol-ak Mib holu Mib kole Mib lola Mib mole ‘shadow’ Mib poli-po Mib teleka Mim Ta^-lés HWH Mim To-ló-mah CHM Mib welak Mim ela ‘toy, tame, to play ?’ IK Mim ola SB, IK

English four eight: ‘two fours’

PMiw *páwi-s. *paji-s. PMi *‰ója (Misac /‰owot. -o‰/ ? PMis *‰ója-, Mip ‰ówaPMis *‰ojá-s. e-, Mip ‰owá-se-

hill, mountain

¯

-welak ‘benefactive’ ‰ela ‰ola

Mim Â-las+ HWH Mib ‰olo-m Mib ‰olak Mib ‰olak

‰ola ‰olo-m ‰olak-ut. e ‰olak ‰olak ‘to row’

Coast Miwok Mib húja Mib ‰ós. uwa Mim /‰os. úja/ Mib pájih, pájis.

Lake Miwok

Table 48c. /j w/ alternations Origin PMiw *húja PMiw *‰ót. -huja

holoh holoh hol-ak holu kole ‘hay’ lola mole poleja ¯ teleka deleka toleh

twin(s), double two) to name

Mim /‰ója/ ‘twins’

name

Mib ‰áwe Mim /‰áwe(s. )/

‰ót. haja

páwih

. 5. Loss of Western Miwok Final /n/ is a sound change still in progress. PMiw *n > 0//i,e_# in Geminate Stem and Cluster Stem nouns and at least one monosyllable. PMi *kyn ‘excrement’ is unattested except in ¯ defecate, break wind’ includes a Simplex Grade of the its Western Miwok reflexes, although PMi *kyn-s. y ‘to same stem. (See PMi *pul ‘wet’ and PMi *pyle *pyl ‘fish eggs’ for similar developments.) Loss of Western Miwok final /n/ affects at least two loan words from Patwin, Mil gajakami ‘salamander’ and c íws. i ‘hail’, where the source language shows -n. It does not affect tri-syllabic words where the second syllable is long or closed. Note Mil ‰upus. min ‘helldiver’ and dolomen ‘throat’. I list the last example at the end, since

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we cannot be sure final /n/ was ever present in Hill Patwin, the presumed source language. It is always possible that Lake Miwok added final /n/ by analogy with similar words such as ‰upus. min ‘helldiver’. Table 49. Loss of Western Miwok final /n/ Origin or Cognate Wp ga^yyákamin Wph c ^i ws. ín EB PMi *kyn PMi *sigin, *sig·ini

English salamander hail excrement dew

Bodega Miwok

PMi *siwen ¯ ywMics t. yw-ki < *t . PMiw *witen *weten Wph húppusmin (Wph dólome‰ EB < PW *dol ‘throat’

gall to shoot to close

s. iwi tuw-e weten

ke s. ici

Lake Miwok c ajakami c iws. i ke s. icin ¯ patch’ s. icini ‘dew s. iwin s. iwi ¯ tuw-en wite wete ‰upus. min

helldiver Adam's apple

dolomen ‘throat’)

Table 50. Lake Miwok convergence to voiced stops Origin or cognate PMie *lit. -ja¯ < PMi *lita PMis *lit. a-t. a. ¯ tuPMie *lut. u- *lu . ¯ ... *lut...? < PMi *lut . . PMi *‰yt. i *‰yt. i PMi *cit. i-ty(Wpcc »idu KW PMi *jutu-t. u-t. u- ? (Wph yutur- DU PMi *liwyt.

English to rub slippery, slick to skin

Bodega Miwok

much, many, (‰úni ‘many’) great to squirt, gush to squirt) to be shaking to tremble) shaking, chills

PMi *gat. a-t. a ? (Pe c ádada PMiw *pági-t. ak PMiw *kenékus. **ken·e ‰ukus. ‘one hand’ PMi *no

kingfisher kingfisher) six five that, there

Mim Tca-tá-lis HWH páci-t. ak kenékuh Mim kenekus. SB nó ‘that’

PMiw *‰enák PMiw *‰ómu

long, far bad

‰énak ‘far’ ‰ómu

Lake Miwok lída ‘to rub, iron’ lúdoj ‘to cut into strips’ ‰údi, ‰udí ‘great’ c idít-it-is. i jutúd-ud-us. i ‘to have the shakes’ luwú()d-ud-us. i ‘to shiver’ cádada pácadak kedéku dó dódo ‘over there’ ‰edák ‘long’ ‰óbu, ‰obú

¯ vowels, with other 6. Lake Miwok Convergence to Voiced Stops. PMi *-t. - > Mil -d- following high *lut. ..., PMi *‰yt. i members of a derivational paradigm behaving likewise, as in PMi *lit. a, PMi *lut. ... (Table 50). Otherwise, PMi *-t. - > Mil -d- following unstressed vowels. If voicing affected one instance of *t. in a reduplicating suffix, the rest followed suit. The phenomenon is spreading to reflexes of *n, and in one case, it involves PMiw *m > Mil /b/. Resemblant words in neighboring languages are included, and nonphonemic Western Miwok stress is indicated to aid the reader. Both Mil pácadak ‘six’ and Mil kedéku ‘five’ are historically bimorphemic stems whose analysis has

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Proto Utian grammar

become opaque. Mil kedéku ‘five’ < PMiw *kenékus. < **kéne ‰úkus. ‘one hand’ and Mil pácadak ‘six’ < PMiw *páci-t. ak ‘six’, where PMiw *-t. ak is an agentive suffix. The meaning of PMiw *páci, however, is unclear. Mib páci means ‘to rinse’, but ‘rinser’ is an unlikely etymology for a numeral (see entry for more options). By Lake Miwok times, both words were treated as monomorphemic stems. Mil c á dada ‘kingfisher’ has a Proto Miwok etymology with second syllable length reduction (see PMi *tuku-li ‘great horned owl’ and PMi *waka-li ‘snake, rattlesnake’ for similar developments in Western Miwok). It is not known why Mil dó ‘that (yonder)’underwent convergence to /d/ since the process usually did not operate in stem initial position. Perhaps a weak form in a compound, such as dó-‰a-do ‘here’, served as a catalyst for convergence to /d/ in the entire derivational paradigm.. 7.4.3. Development of word-final sibilants in Western Miwok ¯

Table 51. PMi *s. , *s > PMiw *s. 0//_# PMi PMiw *his. *hi *jo *jos. (PMie *jos. u- ‘to kill’) *ma *mas. *ma *mas. *mus *mu (*mus-u- ‘to nurse’) *t. is

English sun, day dead

*gami-s¯ .

*haji

*haji-s. *hagi-s. *holo-s.

Coast Miwok Mib hi Mim jo IK ‘in eclipse’ we excl. Mib ma-ko ‘we pl.’ we, our excl. Mib ma ‘we, our’ breast(s), milk Mib mu ‘breast’ Mim mÅ SB /mu/ ‘breasts (female)’ nail, claw n.c. jackrabbit Mib camih selfish, stingy Mib hajih < *haji-s.

Lake Miwok hi jok ‘dead’ < *jo-k ‘killed’ ma-ko ‘we pl.’ ma ‘we, our’ mu ‘breast, milk’

to lean

Mib holoh Mib kukuh Mim kÅkÅs SB Mib nakih ‘near, edge’ Mib nomeh Mim nome IK Mib pakah Mim Pá-kas HWH Mib pajih, pajis.

holoh, hol·oh ‘to lean (dur.)’ kukuh

*ky()ky-s.

*kuku-s.

flea

*naki(s. ) *nake(s. )

*naki-s.

end, edge

*nome-s.

cottontail

*poks. a

*paka-s.

flower

¯ *pawi-s . *paji-s. *tala-s. *tala-s.

mountain, hill

¯

to stand

wildcat *tole-s. ¯ *witis. *wetis. to open bashful *‰oja-s.

Mib talah Mib tala-po ‘to stand up’ Mim Ta^-lo´s HWH Mib wetis. Mib ‰ojah

ti ‘nail, claw’ camih hacih

nakah ‘end’ nomeh pakah pawih talah talah ‘to be standing, stand up, one by one’ toleh ¯ witih wetih ‰ojah

Proto Utian grammar ¯

Table 51 continued. PMi *s. , *s > PMiw *s. 0//_# PMi

PMiw *‰ola(-s. ) *kunus.

English spring to defecate

Coast Miwok Lake Miwok Mim Â-las+ HWH ‰ola Mib kunuh kunuh *kyn-s. y Mim kunus. CC *‰ogos. to urinate Mib ‰ocoh *‰ot. -s. u ‰ocoh Mim ‰ocos CC *‰upus. to swim, bathe Mib ‰upuh *‰yp-s. y ‰upuh antelope, Háh-loo CHM /halu/ *halu-s. bighorn ‘bighorn, Ovis’ boy, young Mim henas SB hena *hena-s. man Mib hena *huni-s. doctor, Mib huni ‘doctor’ IK huni ‘dreamer’ *huni-s. dreamer Mim hunis IK clover Mib kalih kali mustard greens *kali-s. Mim kali IK to carry on Mib ‰awih *‰awis. ‰awi the back. wife Mib kuleh kule *kule-s. ¯ Mim kules IK Mim p©tcis SB p oci poci *pogi-s. < PW woman *p oqi-ta ‘old woman’ *tuni-s. heel Mib tuni tuni *tyn·i-s. Mim tuñ-n s HWH morning, Mib ‰aweh *‰awe-s. < ‰awe PU *‰awetomorrow ‰aweh ‘to dawn’ hand, fingers Mib ‰ukuh *‰eku-s *‰uku-s. ‰uku ‘hand’ ¯ Mim ÅkÅs SB *s. awla-s. pepperwood Mim Sów-las s. awla *salwa *sawla ? berries CHM chief Mib hojpuh hojpu *haja-po *hajpo-s. ? Mim h©‰pÅs SB king (1579) Mim /hajpoh/ *‰alawa-s. valley oak Mib ‰alwah ‘tree’ *¯‰alawa-s. ‰alwa ‘tree, bush’ *‰alwa-s. Mim alwas SB Mim A-la-was HWH (Mip ‰ylywe- ‘ portable mortar’ PCo *‰urwa-n ‘mortar’) kingfisher Mim Chah-táh-lis cadada *gat. a-t. a ? CHM crow, raven Mib kakali kakali *kaka-li-s. Mim Kah-káh-lis CHM great horned Mib tukuli tukuli *tuku-li *tuku-li-s. owl Mim too-kóo-lis CHM barn owl Mib wiciki n.c. *wigiki-s. spotted owl Mim wé-chik-kas CHM

101

102

Proto Utian grammar

PMi *s. , *s > PMiw 0/_# in monosyllables. As far as is known, PMi *s. , *s > PMiw *s. in all other positions. /s/ was reintroduced into both Lake and Bodega Miwok as a separate phoneme through Spanish loan words, and in the case of Lake Miwok, also through a few words of unknown etymology such as kesa ‘Borax Lake’. PMie *s. , *s also merged in all positions in Plains and Northern Sierra Miwok except in protected clusters. PMiw *s. remained in all non-final positions in Lake, Bodega, and Marin Miwok. In final position, PMiw ¯ in Bodega Miwok with loss of -h being unexplained in Mib tuni ‘heel’. We presume that PMiw *s *s. > /h/ . > /h s. / in Marin Miwok depending upon the sub-dialect. We cannot be certain of the last development because we lack modern data on much of Marin Miwok, and most early transcribers failed to record final /h/. In Proto Western Miwok Light Stems of the canon CVCVs. , PMiw *s. > Mil h_#. In Proto Western Miwok Cluster Stems of the canon CVCCVs. and Proto Western Miwok Long Stems of the canon CVCVs. , PMiw *s. > Mil 0//_#. In both cases, we can assume that PMiw *s. > Mil /h/ which was subsequently lost before final juncture. In Proto Western Miwok Geminate Stems of the canon CVCVs. , however, PMiw *s. > Mil 0//_# in nouns but PMiw *s. > Mil h/_# in verbs. In other words, final /h/ was lost in Lake Miwok Geminate Stem nouns but remained in Lake Miwok Geminate Stem verbs. In Table 51, note Mil ‰awe ‘morning’, ‰aweh ‘to dawn’; Mil holoh ‘to lean’, holoh ‘to lean (dur.)’, and Mil talah ‘to stand’, Mil talah ‘to be standing’. This is an instance of morphologically motivated sound change occurring within Lake Miwok. PMiw *-s. is a noun suffix occurring in many terms for plants, animals, and people (see PU *-s. in the dictionary section). There is good evidence that it has been spreading to new words by analogy. The stem of PMiw *pogi-s. ‘woman’ was borrowed from a dialect of Patwin where PW *q had undergone double fronting from PW *p oqi-ta ‘woman’. PMiw *hajpo-s. ? ‘chief’ is ultimately from PMi *haja-po, which meant something like ‘let him watch!’ (see under PMi *haj a ‘to wait, watch’ for a fuller discussion). In both cases, PMiw *-s. was subsequently added to the stem. PMiw *s. awla-s. ‘pepperwood berries’ underwent similar development, and Mib hajih < *haji-s. ‘stingy’, ultimately < PMi *haji- ‘stingy’, illustrates the further spread of PMiw *-s. to adjectives associated with people. Such analogical spread may have influenced the development of PMi *paks. a ‘flower’ into PMiw *paka-s. , with segmentation of *-s. following metathesis since flowers are plants. PMiw *naki-s. < PMi *naki(s. ) ‘end, edge’ is an example of re-segmentation while PMiw *‰awe-s. ‘morning’ indicates continued spread. The final three sets on the first page of Table 51exemplify the development of another suffix, PMi *-s. y, associated with bodily activities and functions. Metathesis has rendered this suffix opaque in Western Miwok reflexes. *-s. also spread to some Marin Miwok tri-syllabic words for animals ending in the historical augmentative suffix -li-. 

Table 52. PMi *y(·) > PMiw *e( ) Cognate or Source PMi *‰y PMi *kyn PMi *wy·PMi *jymi- ? Mip m.m.-c.< *mymy(PMis *sym·it

English yes yes excrement to go

Coast Miwok

ashes to be quiet

Mib jemi

fat

Mib ‰u Mib ke

Lake Miwok he (contradistinction) ‰u ke we ‘Go!’ n.c. memu! ‘Quiet!’ s. eta)

Proto Utian grammar

103

7.4.4. Development of Proto Miwok *y In Table 52, PMi *y > PMiw *e/_# in monosyllables and related stems. The first set appears to have yielded a doublet; Mil ‰u ‘yes’ and Mil he ‘yes’ (contradistinction), but the latter might have been borrowed from English ‘hey!’. Moreover, PMi *‰y ‘yes’ is a pan-Americanism. In reflexes of PMi *kyn ‘excrement’, we must assume PMiw *-n was lost before the sound change PMi *y> PMiw *e/_# in monosyllables took place. Table 53. PMi *y > PMiw *o Cognate or Source PMi *hyka PMi *hyl-kaPMi *hylak¯

PMi *jyty *jyta PMi *myka PMi *t. y‰le ? PMi *wyt. a

English to grind to make noise noisy to break in two to drive, chase out Morning Star to scrape

Coast Miwok Mib hoka Mib hol-ka-t. i, hol-ak ‘to fart’ Mib holi Mil mok-e-t. i n.c. Mib woca ‘to plane’

Lake Miwok n.c. hol-ka-t. i ‘to fart noisily’ jota to chase out, expel to‰le ‘star’ woca

PMi *y > PMiw *e/_mVin disyllabic words. The set for ‘to be quiet’ is supported by Csjb mupi ‘to close someone else’s mouth’ and the development PU *y > PCo *u/m_. Since PMiw *ke ‘excrement’ < PMi *kyn ‘excrement’, this is another instance of loss of final /n/ in Western Miwok. In Table 53, PMi *y > PMiw *o/_C·a, where C is a stop. This rule has spread to a Cluster Stem in /-lk-/, PMi *hyl-ka- ‘to make noise’ and by analogy to related stems. It may have spread to the set for ‘star’, which has the medial cluster /-‰l-/ even though the following vowel is not /a/. In the set `to grind, sharpen', Mib hoka is the durative grade of a putative reflex *hoka, since ‘grinding’ is implicitly a durative action. Elsewhere, PMi *y > Miw *u (Table 54). In the set for ‘fish eggs’, I propose that PMi *pyl > Pre-Lake Miwok *pul > *pun > Mil pu ‘fish eggs’; in other words, that PMi *y > Mil u before final /n/ was lost.  Otherwise, we would expect PMi *y > Mil /e/. Support for this scenario comes from PMi *pu l ‘wet’, Mil pun-t. e-t. a ‘to dip up a lot of water’ (see entry for a fuller discussion).

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Proto Utian grammar

Table 54. PMi *y > PMiw *u Cognate or Source PMi *gypsi PMi *hyl-si PMi *hym... PMi *(h)yt. e! PMi *kat. y PMi *kawyl PMi *-ksy PMi *kyla PMi *kyn-s. y

English body louse to burn (iV) to hum, buzz Look! hard night continuative liver to defecate

PMi *ky()ky-s.

flea

PMi *ky()t *kyty

tooth

Mib kula Mib kunuh Mim kunus. CC Mib kukuh Mim kukus SB Mib kut

PMi *myl¯a PMi *-ny *-yn/C_

to beat genitive case

n.c. Mib -un (rare)

PMi *pyne ¯ PMi *pyle *pyl PMi *sywyt¯ PMi *s. ynty *s. yty PMi *tyni-s.

lunch fish eggs gopher eye

Mim püne IK Mib pulu ‘egg’ Mib s. uwut Mib s. ut Mib s. utu ‘forehead’ Mib tuni Mim tuñ-n s HWH

PMie *tyke< PMi *ty()k... PMi *t. yje

web

tukah

to rest, sleep

tuje-nika ‘to rest, perch, alight’

¯

PMi *t. ywPMi *wys. ki ¯ PMi *wyla *wyla (Stem 2) PMi *‰yme PMi *‰yp-s. y

heel

Coast Miwok Mib cups. i Mib hulih Mib ‰ut. e ‘to see’ n.c. Mib kawul

Lake Miwok cups. e hulih hum-um-u-s. i ‰ut. e ‘to see, look!’ kacu kawul -ks. u (frozen) kula kunuh kukuh kut, kut-ak ‘fanged’ < *kyty-ak mula -nu ‘subject case’ (post-verbal) pune pu < *pun < *pul ? s. uwut s. ut s. utu ‘eyebrows’ tuni

to shoot heart to steal

Mib tuwe Mib wus. ki Mib wula

tuw-en wus. ki ‘insides’ wula

evening to swim, bathe

Mib ‰ume Mib ‰upuh

‰ume ‰upuh

7.4.5. Development of Proto Utian *t. The development of this phoneme into Western Miwok is so complex that it cannot be efficiently understood without considering its development into Eastern Miwok languages and Costanoan languages at the same time. In Plains Miwok, there was neutralization of contrast between /t/ and /t. / in favor of /t/, a voiceless unaspirated alveolar stop. PMis *-t. - > Mins -t- with some spread of this sound change into Central Sierra Miwok (conditioning factors uncertain, possibly a sound change in progress). Examples are PU *hat. a ‘foot, sole, heel’ > Mins hata- ‘to make someone take steps’ and PMie *lut. i- ‘single, one’ > Mins luti- ‘single, one’.

Proto Utian grammar

105

1. PU *t. > PMi *g/i, e_ , _i, e. PU *-t. ‘2 pl. imv.’ > PMie *-g ‘2 pl. imv.’ following PMie *-e()‘volitional stem marker. PMie *-g ‘2 pl. imv.’ was subsequently generalized to verbs without the volitional stem marker -e()-, which presumably also reconstructs to Proto Miwok (see section 15). Mil -nco < *-n ‘2 sg. imv.’ plus -co ‘2 pl. imv.’, whose etymology is unexplained. Note that the expected change PU *t. > PMi *g/_e in PMi *puge ‘to blow (mouth)’ spread to other members of the derivational paradigm. By contrast, PU *‰at. -u ‘to be broken’ > PCos *‰at. -u-n, PMis *‰at. -u-×e- ‘to be broken’. C

Table 55. PU *t. > PCo *t. , PMi * /i, e_, _i, e ¯ Proto Utian *hat. i! *hot. o! *hat. a

†**put. ? †*put. u†*put. e *‰et. *‰et. y*‰et. -y *‰it. ... *-t.

¯ Miwok PMie*hagi-! *hogi-!

English Costanoan Go! Go away PCo *hot. o! foot to step a blowing to blow on to blow with the mouth bed, sleep bed, sleep to sleep base, behind 2 pl. imv.

PCo *hat. a(-s. )

PMie *hat. a- ‘to step s.o.’ PMi *hagi

Cru put. Cru put. uCsjb put. e

Mib pucu-t. i PMi *puge

Csjb ‰et. - ‘bed’ Cru ‰et. e-s. t ‘sleeping, sleeper’ PCo *‰et. e PCo *‰it. ka-j PCo *-t.

PMiw *‰eg ‘to sleep, sleep’ PMi *‰eg-y- ‘to sleep’ PMi *‰ega PMie *-g/*-e- (later generalized)

2. PMi *t > PMiw * t. /_e, i. This table logically belongs under the developments of PMi *t, but it is placed here for the convenience of the reader so we can consider all instances of /t. / together. The Bodega Miwok andative is -s. i (occasionally, -s. e) after Proto Western Miwok stems ending in -s. or -k and -t. i elsewhere. The Lake Miwok relic form in welik-s. i ‘to fetch’ indicates this distribution of andative allomorphs probably dates from Proto Western Miwok, but -t. i is clearly the underlying allomorph. Table 56. PMi *t > PMiw *t. /..._e, i Proto Miwok *heti¯ *-te ¯-ti *‰ite ‰ite

English mat, mattress andative that one

*‰uten

sorcerer, shaman

Mie PMis *hete PMis *-teMiss ‰itePMie *‰uten

Mib

¯

¯

-t. i -s. i s. e

‰it. i ‘he, she,

it, that’

Mil het.¯i -t. i -s. i ‰it. i ‘he, she, it’ ‰ut. el

3. Neutralization of Contrast. *PMi *t. > PMiw *t in initial position. Interestingly, there are no examples before PMi *e.

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Proto Utian grammar

Table 57. PMi *t. > PMiw *t word initially Cognate or source PMis *t. am-s. y< PMi *t. am PMi *t. ape¯ PMi *t. iki(t) PMi *t. is *t. isy Miss t. ot. -ku- ¯ < PMi *t. ot. - t. at. PMis *t. o‰-×e< **t. okw-×e ? Miss t. ulja- < PMi *t. ulPMi *t. upuPMis *t. yle< PMi *t. y‰le star Mics t. yw-ki < PMi *t. ywPMi *t. yje

English to go down (swelling) flat (rock) forehead nail, claw to braid hair

Bodega Miwok

n.c. n.c. tata

Lake Miwok tam ‘to heal (sore)’ »epele

tiki ti tatik < *tatki ?

to sit down, land (insect) shine n.c. to pull, break (string) tupu-k ‘come apart’ Morning/Evening Star n.c.

taka-ne ‘to land (insect)’ »ulip tupu-k ‘to be broken’ to‰le ‘star’

to shoot

tuw-en

to rest, sleep

tuw-e

tuje-nika ‘to rest, perch’

4. PMi *-t. ()- > PMiw *-g-/á, ó_V (usually V+hi). Since the source of some examples of Miw /o/ is PMi *y, this rule must be ordered after the rules describing the development of PMi *y (see 7.4.4.). This rule has spread by analogy to some stems of the canon *CVCVC as well as some stems with non-high second vowels, and it could have been expressed without reference to stress. Stress is non-phonemic in Western Miwok, but it will be indicated when helpful for the convenience of the reader. Some discussion of individual sets in the following table is in order. The initial sets argue for PU *hat. a ‘foot, sole, heel; to step a baby ?’ and PU *hagi ? ‘to step’, which show i/a ablaut in the second syllable with the a-grade associated with nouns (foot, sole, heel) and the i-grade associated with a corresponding verb.(to took place in Proto Miwok times step, stamp). In addition, *-t. - > -g-/_V+hi. Reflexes indicate that this change  or earlier with some analogical leveling of reflexes (see under PU *hat. a for a fuller discussion), but it is included here for the convenience of the reader since it is a related sound change. The distribution of reflexes in this set could serve as a paradigm for the sound development under discussion. In addition, there are corresponding Yokuts resemblant forms in both cases; specifically, Yhom hatasij ‘heel’ and PYv *hathim ‘to dance’. PMis *hat. -y- ‘to step, step on, stamp’ is a Lengthened Simplex Grade based on PMis *hat. e- ‘foot’ and therefore secondary. Note that the Valley Yokuts area is adjacent to Sierra Miwok (Map 2), increasing the probability of borrowing into Valley Yokuts, but we would not expect PMis *-t. - to be borrowed into Yokuts as -th-. The set for ‘woodpecker’ is based on Miss palat. a-t. a-, Mics and Mins palata-ta-, plus the Marin Miwok form. /-t-/ instead of /-t. -/ in Northern and Central Sierra Miwok is secondary, with progressive assimilation to explain /-ta-/ instead of /-t. a/. Merriam recorded stress but not length; hence the probable shape of the Marin Miwok reflex is /palágak/, given the optional Coast Miwok gemination of /l/ and recorded stress placement. -t. a- is a Sierra Miwok noun and adjective formative, and in this case, the resulting forms are onomatopoeic. We must assume that in this set as well as the set for PMi *wyt. a ‘to scrape’, the rule PMi *-t. - > -g-/a, o_ has spread to cases where a non-high vowel follows. The set for ‘hard’ is based on Mins kat. y-t. y- ‘hard’ and the Lake Miwok form. Mip katakat ‘hard’ derives from the Simplex Grade *kat- incorporated into the adjective canon (or template) C1V1C2V1C1V1C2. (Note Mip hopohop J ‘soft’.) Mics kat. ak- ‘hard’ may have a similar explanation, i.e. it may be derived from an adjective template.. I have abandoned the set based on Miss ‰at. -y- ‘to split’, Mil ‰aca ‘to tear down’ because of semantic

Proto Utian grammar

107

divergence. In the set ‘to break up’, I have abandoned my earlier reconstruction PMi *kot. -wa-*kot. -la- (1972a: 17) on the grounds that there is no Western Miwok evidence for reconstructing stem formative suffixes *-wa-, *-la- ‘destructive’ for these stems at the level of Proto Miwok. It is more economical to limit the reconstruction to Proto Sierra Miwok for *kot. -wa-, *kot. -la- based on Miss kot. -la- ‘to break all up’, Mics kot. la- HB ‘to keep breaking sticks’, Mics kot. -wa- ‘to break a branch’, and Mins kot. -wa- ‘to crack something, break something in two’. We assume prior formation of the Proto Sierra Miwok Simplex Grade *kot. - from a longer stem such as PMi *kot. a or *kot. u-, which would yield the existing reflexes Mib, kóca ‘to break up’ and kóc-u-k ‘to break off’. Also, the medial cluster *-t. w- > Miw -s. w- (not -g-) in at least one case, PMiw *‰át. aw ‘to talk’ and Mil ‰ás. wa-ni ‘to talk to someone, answer’ with metathesis of the stem final -aw to -wa, a reason for not reconstructing PMi *kot. -wa. C

Table 58. PMi *-t. (·)- > PMiw *- (·)- /á, ó_V (usually V+hi) Cognate or Source PCo *hat. a-s. , PMis *hat. e(Yhom hatasij) Mins, Mip hata- < *hat. a-

English foot, sole, heel

PMis *hat. -y(PYv *hathim) PMi *kat. y > Mins kat. y-t. yPMi *kot. ·a¯ PU *kot. a *kot. a ? PMis *kot. -u-×·e- (iV) < PMi *kot. Mins lot. u·-t. u< PMi *lot. uPMi *palat. a-

to step on, stamp to dance hard, tough hard, severe to break up person, youth to break by snapping

PMi *wyt. aMip ‰oc-s. u< PMi *‰ot. -s. u-

to scrape to urinate

PMi *‰ot. i ‘two’ Mins ‰ot. -u-×e-

Bodega Miwok

heel make someone (i.e. a baby) step

hácah ‘to stand’ (animals)

n.c.

kácu

kóca

n.c. kóca n.c.

kóc-u-k ‘to break off’ (iV)

to fix, do, work around woodpecker

lócok ‘to do something’ Mim Pál-l_´-chahk CHM /palágak/? wóca ‘to plane’ ‰ócoh Mim ‰ócos. CC ¯

to split (iV)

Lake Miwok

‰óci

‰os. ‘we two’

wóca ‰ócoh ‰ócs. u-pa ¯ ‘to spray (dog) ‰óci ‰oc ‘we two’ ‰óc-s. e-t. i ‘split open’

’

We have an instance of the development of Proto Miwok Cluster Stems into Lake Miwok Light Grades in the set ‘to urinate’. Note that PMiw *s. > Mib, Mil /h/ in final position. PMi *-s. y is a stem formative suffix found in other verbs referring to bodily activities, as in PMi *kyn-s. y ‘to defecate, fart noisily’ and PMi *‰yp¯ s. y ‘to bathe, swim’. In the set ‘two’, the development of PMiw *‰ógi ‰ogi ‘we two’ from PMi *‰ot. i ‘two’ was probably facilitated by a prior association of the latter word with first person dual forms. (Note Miss ‰ot. i·-me- ‘first person dual independent pronoun’ and Mics ‰ot. i-gi-k ‘we inclusive’.) In addition, PMiw *‰ogi ‘we dual’ underwent gemination from PMi *‰ot. i (probably [‰ot. í]), with a concomitant stress shift to the first syllable. The reason for /t·/ instead of /t. / in Mins hata- ‘to make someone (such as a baby) step’ (i.e. to hold a baby so that it can take steps) is not understood, but it probably represents a sound change in progress whose

108

Proto Utian grammar

conditioning factors are uncertain. Note PMis *palat. a-t. a- ‘woodpecker’ > Mins, Mics palata-ta-, PMis *lit. at. a- ‘smooth’ > Mins, Mics litata-, and PMis *lot. a- ‘to boil’ > Mins, Mics lota-. The set ‘to scrape’ does not present problems. In Mins lot. u-t. u- ‘to fix, do, work’, -t. Y- is a Sierra Miwok verbalizer. The source of -k in Mil lócok ‘to do something’ is unknown. 5. PMi *t. > PMiw *t. in suffixes, particles, or when a long or closed syllable follows. In other words, PMi ¯ although they *t. > PMiw *t. after unstressed vowels. Western Miwok particles may be stressed or unstressed, are more frequently unstressed. The double development that led to PMiw *kat. u *kágu < pre-Western Miwok **kat. ()u ‘thus’ serves as a confirmation of rules 4 and 5. In Mib kác·u, found only in the phrase hínti kác·u ‘how’, pre-Western Miwok *kát. u underwent the change of *-t. - to -c-, representing the expected development after /á/. Mil -kat. u ‘thus’ did not undergo sound change after unstressed /a/. For what it is worth, Arroyo gave Mim intic cathrum ona? ‘¿Cómo se dice?’ (‘How do you say?’) ‘intic cathrum’ probably represented /híntikat. u-n/ (what-how-you), as in Lake Miwok. The next set argues for PMi *kyt. y ‘having to do with teeth’, with ¯support from Miss kyt. y·-ty- ‘to teethe’. This is a Weak Stem verb (CVCV) associated with PMi *ky()t *kyty- ‘tooth’. It represents a rare alternation between /t/ and /t. / in related stems. The words for ‘frog’ and ‘sound of frog’ are onomatopoeic with the result that more than one variant exists in Lake Miwok. Also, there are resemblant forms in much of the Clear Lake area (see Table 39). Instrumental and comitative functions are easily confused or even combined into a single case as in Russian, and the English preposition ‘with’ serves both purposes. Historically, PU *-t. u ‘comitative case’ expanded its range to include instrumentality in Proto Western Miwok. This range survived in Bodega Miwok, but in Lake ¯ of ¯a special comitative case Miwok, -t. u had shrunk to expressing instrumentality alone with the emergence (see PMiw *-ni). The source of -k in Csjb -t. u-k might be related to Csjb wak -ak -k ‘he, she, it (subject)’. Table 59. PMi *t. > PMiw *t. after unstressed vowels Cognate or Source

English

PMiw *kat. u *kágu < **kat. (¯)u how? PMi *kit. it. - *t. it. ikMiss kyt. y-t. yt. y< PMi *kyt. y Miss pot. o-t. i< PMi *pot. oCsjb -t. u-k < PU *-t. u

like, that way hínti kác·u cricket to have one’s teeth chatter gray, white, dullcolored comitative case

PMis *wat. ak< PMi *wat. ak ?? Miss wat. a·-ty< PMi *wat. a-

frog

¯

to straddle

Bodega Miwok kácu (relic) hínti kat. u

Lake Miwok kat. u

pot. o-ta ‘white’

Mil kit. ít. -en kut. ú-kut. u ‘to make a chewing noise’ pot. áka ‘gray hair’

-t. u ‘instrumental and comitative case’ (not cognate)

-t. u ‘instrumental case’ wat. ák ‘sound of frog’ wa». á-ne ‘to squat’

6. PMi *t. > PMiw *t. /i, u, a_V. We know that Mip citu‰tu- ‘dried up, shriveled’ < *gut-u‰tu-, because -V1‰C2V1- is a common Plains Miwok adjective reduplication pattern. The conditions under which *u > Mip /i/ are unclear. Note that there has been neutralization of contrast in Plains Miwok between *t and *t. in favor of the alveolar position. Miss ‰yt. y-j (look-2 sg. imv)! ‘Look out!’ appears to be a special imperative form, which is synchronically suppletive. Note Miss hyjy- ‘to see’. Mil kat. i ‘to string (a bead)’ is a Weak Stem verb, a secondary development from kat. i ‘to string (beads)’,

Proto Utian grammar

109

the expected reflex of PMiw *kat. i ‘to string (beads)’, reinterpreted as a durative grade. Mib kac-en ‘to string (beads)’ incorporates the expected development of /t. ·/ after /a/. 

Table 60. Sets in /t. / following u, i, a Other Mip citu-‰¯tu < PMi *gut. u(l) *gut. Mins het. e·j-yMins het. e-‰! < PMi *(h)yt. e Miss ‰yt. y-j! ¯ PMiw *kat. i *kági < **kat. ()i Csjb pat. ar-e (obj.) < PU *pat. al

English dried up, shriveled to see Look! Look out! to string (beads)

Bodega Miwok

Lake Miwok cut. ul ‘dry’

‰ut. e

‰ut. e ‰ut. e!

kac·-en ‘to string (beads)’

kat. i ‘to string (a bead)’ kat. i ‘string beads’ pat. al ‘sores’

smallpox, measles

Table 61. PMi *t. > PMiw *t/_C, # Eastern Miwok Mins pat. i< PMi *pat. i ? Mins pit. -ki< PMi *pit. Miss put. uMip put-ku< PMi *put. -ku Mins cyt. -pu< PMi *gyt. Miss ‰at. -ku< PMi *‰at. -ku Miss mat. -ja< PMi *met. -ja Miss wat. a-ty< PMi *wat. aMiss wyt. ak-y< PMi *wyt. ak

English to wrap around

Bodega Miwok patlu-t. i < *pat. -

snap, fasten, clamp tighten to gut to gut to go down (swelling) break something open slap, spank, beat up

Lake Miwok pit-ka-t. i ‘to tighten, cinch’ put-ku-t. i cut ‰at-ku-t. i ‘to cut open’

met-aj ‘to hit, spank, whip’

n.c.

to straddle

wa». a-ne ‘to squat’

to scrape, to flesh (a hide) to scrape

wocak ‘to scratch with fingernails’ woc-ka-t. i < PMiw *wog-ka-t. i

wos. -ka-t. i

7. PMi *t. > PMiw *t/_C, #. If we compare Table 58 with Table 61, we note doublets, depending upon whether vowels or consonants follow Western Miwok reflexes of PMi *t. after a, o. There has been much analogical reformation, especially in view of stem metathesis. Stem metathesis cannot be understood apart from the Miwok ablaut system, which will be discussed in greater detail later. For now, note Mil pac-ka-t. i ‘to squeeze, wring out’ and pacak ‘to keep squeezing, rinsing’ < PMi *pat. i ‘to twist’ beside Mil pat-lu-t. i ‘to wrap, weave’ and patal, a durative form meaning ‘to wrap up’. Mil pat-lu-t. i is most likely from a Simplex Grade *pat. -, probably in turn derived from PMi *pat. i ‘to wrap around’.

110

Proto Utian grammar

In like manner, PMi *‰at. -ku ‘to break something open’ > Mil ‰at-ku- in ‰at-ku-t. i ‘to cut open’. Mil wocak ‘to scratch with fingernails’ is the Durative Grade of *wocak, the expected (but unattested) reflex of PMi *wyt. ak ‘to scrape, to flesh’. Mil wot-ka- (in wot-ka-t. i ‘to scratch someone once’) is the expected reflex of PMi *wyt. ka-, a Cluster Grade based on *wyt. ak, an underlying Light Stem verb. Vowel assimilation is assumed for Southern Sierra Miwok in the set for ‘slap’. Finally, we have an additional extension of the rule PMi *y > PMiw *o to the cluster -t. k- as illustrated by the set ‘to scrape, to flesh’. 7.4.6. Vowel assimilation There are at least two instances of vowel assimilation for which tentative rules can be stated. Unfortunately, there are few supporting examples. PMi *e > u/_k(·)u in disyllabic stems in all languages except Plains Miwok. Costanoan evidence supports such a development since PU *e > PCo *i in the same environment, resulting in assimilation to vowel height. 

Table 62. PMi *e > u/_k( )u, kCu PMi *‰ekgu *‰ek·us Mip ‰ekuh

English to dream to dream hand hand

Miwok Mil ‰úkuc Mip ‰ekcuMib ‰úk·uh Mim ukus. SB Mil ‰úku

Costanoan PCo *‰is. tu-n < PU *‰ektu PCo *‰is. u < PU *‰eku(s)

PMi *e > PMiw *i/CiC·_, Ci·C_. This is a sound change in progress. Note loss of -n in the Bodega Miwok reflex of PMi *siwen ‘gall’. 



Table 63. PMi *e > PMiw *i/CiC _, Ci C_ ¯ Proto Miwok *gikel *gikel *lile *migem¯ ‘to sup’ *semi *síme *siwen

English burden basket up, sky supper, to sup bark (tree) gall

Bodega Miwok tcikil IK lile ‘up’ micin s. ime s. iwi

Lake Miwok cikil¯ lile lili micin-¯e s. ime s. imi s. iwin

7.4.7. Western Miwok -m. PMi *m > PMiw n/_#. This change is still in process in Western Miwok, judging by Mil ton < PMi *t. om ‘cooked’ beside Mil kom < PMi *kom ‘scorched from sitting by the fire’ and Mil cam ‘died out’ < PMi *ga m ‘dead’. Note that PMiw *‰itum ‘poison oak’ is unaffected since it did not come from Proto Miwok. Note also Mim Kan-wi ‘north wind’ HWH. Mil sotom-‰ala has a Proto Miwok etymology, but is a compound which might have influenced the retention of /-m/ since it is not in word final position.

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111

Table 64. PMi *m > Western Miwok n/_# (rule in progress) Source PMi *gam PMi *kan()ym PMi *migem ‘to sup’ PU *mo()m PMi *pokum

English dead north wind supper, to sup you pl., your pl. spider, black widow

PMi *kom PMi *sotum PMi *t. om PMi *‰etym

scorched alder tree cooked, done, ripe scorpion

Western Miwok Mil cam ‘died out’ PMiw *kanin ‘north’ Mil micin-e, Mib micin Mil mon ‘you pl., your pl.’ Mib pokom, Mil pokon ‘spider’ (Mip pokone-) Mil kom Mil sotom-‰ala Mib, Mim n.c., Mil ton Mil ‰eten

8.0. Phonological developments in Eastern Miwok The Proto Eastern Miwok phonemic system is identical with the Proto Miwok system, but it will be presented here for the benefit of the reader (Table 65). The Proto Sierra Miwok system is identical with the Proto Eastern Miwok system with the addition of /×/. There was also an assimilation rule in Southern Sierra Miwok. PMis *g > Miss /s/ in disyllabic stems if the initial consonant was /s/ or if /s/ occurred in a medial cluster. Three stems are known to have undergone such assimilation: PMis *gose- ‘bedrock mortar’ > Miss sose. PMis *gypsi- ‘body louse’ > Miss sypsi-. PMis *sigin ‘dew’ > Miss sisi×-ja-. There was also an instance of dissimilation in which pre-Sierra Miwok **n > PMis *j/_×. Two Simplex Stems are known to have been involved: PMi *mun ‘to drown’ > pre-Mis **mun-×e- > PMis *muj-×e-. PMi *s. yn- > pre-Mis **s. yn-×e- > PMis *s. yj-×e- ‘to see’. Note PMi *s. ynty ‘eye’. The Plains Miwok consonantal system is the same as the Proto Eastern Miwok system except that *t and *t. have merged into an alveolar stop and *s and *s. merged into a sibilant whose position varied between the alveolar and post-alveolar positions. It was voiced between vowels. The Saclan consonantal system was probably similar to that of Plains Miwok except that the t/t. and s/s. contrasts were maintained (Callaghan 1971). Both Plains Miwok and Saclan developed a seventh vowel, /./, whose source was usually /y/. A major canonical development is also underway in Eastern Miwok. It affects disyllabic stems. PMie *C1VC2V > Mip, sometimes Mins C1VC2 V when C2 is a sonorant. The sets for ‘grandchild’ and ‘yellow jacket’ indicate that the rule is spreading to obstruents. The first vowel is usually a high vowel or /o/. This is a sound change in progress as we can see from length alternations in Plains and sometimes Northern Sierra reflexes. Table 65. Proto Eastern Miwok phonemes and canons *p *m *w

*t *s *n *l

*t. *s.

*g *j [y]

*k

*‰ *h

*i

*y [i-] *e

*a // (length)

*u *o

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Proto Utian grammar

Table 65 continued. Proto Eastern Miwok phonemes and canons PMie PMi *gago *honoj ¯ *howot. > *howot.

English grandchild knee beads

*juwel

fox

Miss n.c. ho×oj ¯ howok ¯ howos howot juwel

*kilihorn, antler kili*kulacharcoal kula*kylaliver kyla*lolok woodrat lolok*nanaman, husband na×a*molishade moli*peleto be blind ? peleyellow jacket s. us. u- ‘bee’ *s. us. u*tewyto twine tewy*waliworld waliPMi *‰oja twin(s) (Mim /‰oja/) *‰ynyto come ‰yny-

Mics n.c. ho×ojhowot. juwelkilikulakylalolokna×amolipelewali‰yny-

Mins n.c. ho×ojhowot. - (C), howot. - (F) juwel-

Mip cacohonoj Mip howot ¯

juwel juwel ¯

kili- kilikulakyla- ¯ lolok lolok nanamoli- ¯ pele- pele-

kilikulakylalolokna×amolipele- ¯ susu- susutewywali- ¯ ‰oja- ‰oja-

tew y- tewywali- ¯ ‰oja- ‰oja-

‰yny-

‰.n.-

¯

8.1. The emergence of //Y// in Proto Eastern Miwok PMi *y remained in Proto Eastern Miwok except that¯ in suffixes, it underwent vowel harmony and can be best expressed as the morphophoneme //Y//, which is /u o/ if the preceding stem vowel is /u/ or /o/, and //Y// is /y/ elsewhere. In Plains Miwok and apparently also in Saclan, //Y// is /./ if the preceding stem vowel is /./. Otherwise, //Y// is realized as in Sierra Miwok. It must be emphasized that //Y// represents a morphophonemic alternation between fully phonemic vowels and should not be considered epenthetic (see 6.4.3.). 8.2. Development of PMie *y in Plains Miwok and Saclan PMie *y was in the process of splitting into /y/ and /./ in Plains Miwok and Saclan, an isogloss linking the two languages. Originally, the distribution was allophonic, with /y/ = [.] in the stressed syllable of a word, ¯ The stressed causing any other instances of /y/ in the word to be realized as [.] through vowel harmony. syllable would be the first long or closed syllable in the word. Otherwise, /y/ was [y .]. In time, the split became phonemic through doublets, borrowing, and other changes, but the distribution remained much the same with some analogical realignment. Hence PMie *wyk-y- ‘to burn’ > Mip w.k.- , with length in the first syllable accounting for /./ and vowel harmony producing /./ in the second syllable. But PMie *wyke-‰ ‘fire-nom.’ > Mip wyké-‰ with stress on the second syllable, since ...ke‰ constitutes the first closed syllable ¯ swell’ and tykema- ‘spider web’ demonstrate that /y/ and /./ are in the word. Words such as Mip t.k.- ‘to now separate phonemes. In Mip lewys l.w.s < PMie *lewy-s. ‘thick (soup)’, only the first alternate is an expected reflex of the Proto Eastern Miwok form. Mip l.w.s is probably by analogy with l.t.p ‘lumpy, lump’. The provenience of Mip ‰yka- ‘mother’ is also unexplained. Note also PMi *kigin ‘wormwood’ > Mip k.g.n, an unexplained development of /./. The connection between PMis *‰yt. y-sy- ‘to be much, many’ and the word Mip ‰.t.-m.- ‘to grow older’ is questionable because of semantic differences.

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113

Our primary source for knowledge of Saclan is a short word and phrase list taken by Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta in January, 1821. Where Plains Miwok words show /./, cognate Saclan items have “e,” which could represent how Arroyo heard the phoneme /./, and where Plains Miwok words contain /y/, Saclan cognates show graphemic “a,” “o,” “u” or “i,” which may represent how Arroyo heard the various allophones of /y/. I interpret Misac tepepula ‘eyelashes’ as /t.p.‰la-/ with graphemic /u/ representing a non-phonemic echo vowel between /‰/ and /l/, which is sometimes present in similar environments in Miwok languages. PMie *y...y > Mip, Misac /...../ (Table 66). PMie *y > Mip i/_c (‘to scrape’, ‘sky’, ‘crow’ in (Table 67), and in the case of weca- ‘to scrape’, /i/ > /e/ subsequently because of /a/ in the following syllable. This change is in the process of spreading to other environments; specifically, following /c/ (basket awl, bed), although it may be a case of regressive assimilation in ‰eci-ni- ‘bed’. There is one instance of PMie *y > Mip /i/ in an alternate which might represent remote assimilation (kynis-tali- ‘stink bug’). Mip kiny- ‘back, behind’ is unexplained. Otherwise, PMie *y > Mip /./ before long consonants and consonant clusters (Table 68), and PMie *y > Mip /y/ in other environments (Table 69). It is assumed that Saclan followed a similar development. Note Mip nésy ‘this one’s, his, her’ where PMie *y > Mip /y/ in an unstressed syllable but Mip nes.´-n.-‰ ‘belonging to him’ when the syllable is stressed. Note also Mip nesý-my ‘this abl. case’ where we have /y/ and not /./, indicating that there is still variation in Plains Miwok reflexes of PMie *y. In the set PMie *saky-¯ ‘pine nuts’ , we expect *sak, the usual Plains Miwok reflex of the ancient Utian stem alternation *CVC *CVCy- (see 10.4). . .

Table 66. PMie *ý...y > Mip, Misac / ´... / Source PMie *gyt-

English dim, dark

g.t-.‰t.-

PMi *gy()k...

good-tasting

c.k-c.k

PMie *gylyPMie *gys. yPMi *hyl-si

c.l.- ¯ c.h.- cyhyh.l-s.-

PMie *hyk-yPMie *hy‰y PMie *kygyg PMie *kyg-my-

to coil (baskets) buzzard to burn, burn up, kindle a fire to gamble yes bone to gnaw

PMie *kygyj PMie *kyn-s. y-

back (person) to defecate

h.k.h.‰. ¯ k.c().c k.c.c.k.cm.-te‘Chewing-on-Bone’ (male nickname) k.c.j-.‰ k.n-s.-

PMie *kynys-tali-

stink bug: ‘fart-standup’ flea tooth lumpy (soup) thick (said of soup) to be quiet

kynis-tali¯ lik.n.s-ta k.k.h ( kykyh?) k.t l.t.p ¯ lewys l.w.s m.m.-c.-

¯ PMie *ky()ky-s . ¯ yPMie *kyt *kyt PMie *lytyp *lytyj PMie *lewy-s. ¯ PMie *mymy*mymy-

Plains Miwok

¯

Other PMis *gyt-py¯ ‘to get dark’ Mil cukuj gukuj ‘enjoy’ PMis *gylyMics cys. y-witnaPMiw *hulis. PMis *hykyPMis *hy‰y PMis *kygyg

Mins kycyj-y‰ PMiw *kunus. PMis *kyn-s. yMins kynys-taliPMiw *kuku-s. Misac kete A /k.t.-/ Mins lytyjPMis *lewes. Mil memu

114

Proto Utian grammar . .

Table 66 continued. PMie *ý...y > Mip, Misac / ´... / Source PMie *ne()s. y-

English this one’s; his, her belonging to him this obj. (1258) this abl. (L 1258) poison oak gopher eyes to tie, tie up tied knot tied up eyelashes

Plains Miwok nesynes.-n.-‰ nesy-c nesy-my n.k.h s.w.t n.c. tyjyt.j.-n.tyja-‰

PMie *wyk-y PMie *‰yjyky-s.

to burn mosquito

PMie *‰ynyPMie *‰yp-s. y-

to come to swim, bathe

¯ w.k.‰.j.k.k.h ‰.j.k.k.s ‰.n.‰.p-s.-

PMie *‰ypy-

father

n.c.

PMie ‰ysy-

grandmother

PMie *‰ys. y‰ys.

woman

PMie *‰ytaPMis *‰yt. y-sy-

mother to be much, many

PMie *nykys PMie *sywyt¯ PMi *s. ynty- s. ytyPMie *tyj-y-

‰.c.- (/c/ through ¯ diminutive symbolism) ‰.s.‰.h ‰ysy‰yh

(‰yka-) ‰.t.-my- ? ‘to grow

Other PMis *nes. y-

PMis *nykys PMiw *s. uwut Misac sette A /s.t.-/ PMis *tyj-y PMie *t. yp()y‰-laMisac tepepula A /t.p.‰la-/? PMis *wyk-yPMis *‰yjyky-s. PMis *‰ynyPMis *‰yp-s. yPMiw *‰upus. Misac epés A /‰.p.´-s/ ‘[his] father’ Misac esse A /‰.s.-/ Misac usuhuasi A /‰ysy‰ys-y‰/ Misac etté A /‰.t.-/

older’

Table 67. PMie *y > Mip /i/ and related reflexes Source PMie *gylaPMie *gylyPMie *kyn-s. yPMie *kynys-taliPMie *kyne¯

PMie *wyt. a¯ *wygaPMie *wyge*wyge(k) †PMie *‰awyg PMi *‰eg-y< PU *‰et. -yPMi *‰egy-

English basket awl to coil (baskets) defecate, break wind stink bug: ‘fart-stand-up’ to back up back, behind from the back to scrape

Plains Miwok cilac.l.¯ k.n-s.- ‘to defecate’ kynis-tali- k.n.s-talikynekinykin.-m. weca-

clear, sky

wicek

crow to sleep

‰awic-i- ‰awyc-i‰ec-y‰eci-ni- ‘bed’ ‰ecy-kaj-ym.

I’d better go to bed.

¯

Other

Mins kynys-tali-

PMis *wyt. aPMiw *woga PMis *wygeMins ‰awycPMiw *‰eg PCo *‰et. e

Proto Utian grammar .

Table 68. PMie *y > Mip / / Source PMie *gypsi-

English body louse

Plains Miwok c.psi-

PMie *lyn... PMie *pys. iPMie *tyni-s.

to wade, wade across different, wrong heel

l.nsi- ¯ p.si- pysit.nih

PMie *wyl-kiPMie *wys. ki-

to burn heart

w.lkiw.ski-

PMie *‰yli-

reflection, ghost

‰.l‰i-

Other PMis *gypsiPMiw gupsi Mins ly×aPMis *pys. iPMis *ty×i-s. PMiw *tuni-s. Miss wyl-ki- ‘to light a fire’ PMis *wys. kiPMiw *wus. ki Mins ‰yli-

Table 69. PMie *y > Mip /y/ ¯ Source PMie *ginpy*gynypy†PMie *hy‰-se-

English to blink, close the eyes to hiccough

Plains Miwok cinpy-

Other Mins cinpy-

hy‰-se- hys‰e-

PMie *kawyl

night

kawyl

PMie *kas. y-

wild tobacco

kasy-

PMie *kyla ¯ PMie *lak-t. y*lak-jy¯ PMie *nana-jyPMie *nes. - *nes. yPMie *nes. -yn

PMie *pa‰my-

liver to lick, lap to lick to marry a man this one; he, she, it this one’s; his, her (belonging to him this obj. (1258) this abl. (L 1258) to smoke tobacco

kylalak-tylak-jynana-jynesynesy nes.-n.-‰) nesy-c nesy-my pa‰my-

PMis *hy‰-seMil hi‰u PMis *kawyl PMiw *kawul. PMis *kas. y- (may ultimately be from Esselen) PMis *kylaPMis *lak-t. y-

PMie *pyne-

packed lunch

pyne-

PMie *pyne-tyPMie *pylePMie *saky- ?

to take lunch fish eggs pine nuts

PMie *-sY *-s PMie *tewy-

2 sg. Declarative to twine

pyne-typylesaky- (we expect *sa¯k) ¯ -sY- -h -s tewy-

PMie *t. ek-myPMie *wig-t. yPMie *wyke-

to kick with the toe have goose pimples fire

tekmywic-tywyke-

¯

¯

PMis *na×a-jyPMis *nes. PMis *nes. -y×

¯ PMis *pa‰myMil p om‰a p oma PMis *pynePMiw *pune PMis *pyne-tyPMis *pylePMis *saky¯

PMis *-sY -s PMis *tewyPMiw *tewe PMis *t. ek-myMins wic-t. yPMis *wykePMiw *wuki

115

116

Proto Utian grammar

Table 69 continued. PMie *y > Mip /y/ Source PMie *‰ama¯t. -yPMie *‰is. *‰is. yPMie *‰is. y ¯ PMie *-s. Y *‰is. PMie *‰i-my PMie *‰ymePMie *‰ys. y-ma-t. i¯ aPMie *‰ys. y-t . PU *‰ys-y- *‰ys- ?

English to play football he, she, it; this one, that one his, her, its his, her, its; he, she, it from over there portable stone mortar bear, grizzly bear ugly, angry to bite

Plains Miwok ‰amat-y‰isy‰isy¯

-sY ‰is ‰imy ‰yme‰ysy-ma-ti‰ysy-ta‰ysy-

Other PMis *‰amat. -yPMis *‰is. ¯ /‰isy/ Misac -isa A PMis *-s. Y *-s. PMis *‰i-my-‰ PMis *‰ymePMis *‰ys. y-ma-t. iPMis *‰ys. y-t. aPCo *‰is. -gi

× 8.3. The emergence of / / in Sierra Miwok Phonemic /×/ occurs nowhere in Utian except in the three adjacent and closely related Sierra Miwok languages. Whistler and Golla (1986: 333) rightly point out that Callaghan (1972) does not adequately account for its development. However, when one compares cognates between Sierra Miwok and other Miwok languages, the distribution of Sierra Miwok /×/ is largely predictable if one allows for analogy within derivational paradigms, especially the ablaut grades of verbs in which an underlying Geminate Stem reflecting PMie *-n- alternates with grades reflecting PMie *-n-. ¯ *n > PMis *×/V_V. Elsewhere, PMie *n > PMis *n, ¯ ×. Examples are the first six sets Specifically, PMie ¯ in Table 70; PMie *han()i- *han()e- ‘ceremonial house’, PMi *han *hany ‘egg, penis’, PMie *honoj ¯ *lin *liny- ‘round tule’ PMie *pana-s ‘ash tree’, PMie *sanak ‘sugar pine (nuts)’, and PMis ‘knee’, PMie . *tu×()u- *tumu- ‘thigh’ although /m/ in the Plains Miwok reflex is unexplained. By contrast, PMie *kyna‘excrement’ > PMis *kyna-t. and PMie *‰unu- ‘buckeye’ > PMis *‰unu- without the change of PMie *-nto PMis *-×-. PMie *nan-s. y- ‘to duck, dodge’> PMis *na×-s. y- where PMie *n > PMis *× under the influence of following /s. /. The development of PMie *hune- ‘fog’ to PMis *hu×e- is unexpected. I believe it was by analogy with PMie *n > ×/_k, as in PMie *hun-ki- ‘to fog up’ > Mins hu×ki-. Support for the rule PMie *n > PMis *×/V_V comes from PMie *kene- ‘one’ > PMis *ke×e- while PMie *kene-ka-k ‘seven’ > PMis *kene-ka-k where the conditions for the sound change are not met even though the two words are etymologically related (Beeler 1961a). Seven is one more than six in a senary counting system but the connection is by now too opaque for analogical change. In like manner, PMie *nana- ‘man (male)’ > PMis *na×a-, but Mics t. apicka-nana- ‘kingbird’ did not undergo change by analogy. PMie *tyni-s. ‘heel’ > PMis *ty×i-s. but the related stem Miss tyna-ca-hy- ‘to limp’ was unaffected. PMis *tyny-ma‘having a broken leg’ retained /-n-/. The reason for this lack of change is uncertain but its original canon is indeterminate because -ma- usually follows the Geminate Grade. Further evidence for the secondary nature of PMis *× comes from doublets such as PMis *ly×y-ti-(stripe-ns.) ‘band-tailed pigeon’ and Miss lyny-ni‘striped’, also Mics lyna-t. -a- (stripe- vs.-ns.) ‘striped crosswise’. This rule worked for most nouns of the canon CVnV- with their invariant stems but it often failed apply to verbs where stems of the form CVnV- alternate regularly with stems of the canon CVnV(‰)-, and¯ analogical considerations blocked the development throughout the derivational paradigm. Hence Mics honahona(‰)-‘to copulate’ (< PMi *hon¯a) did not undergone change to -×- despite the fact that the related and¯ ¯ The same is true of PMie *kyneinvariant noun stem, PMis *ha×y-¯ *ho×u- ‘egg, penis’ has changed. * kyne‰- ‘to back away’, *toni- *toni‰- ‘to think’, and *‰yny- *‰yny‰- ‘to come’. The pronoun PMis *kani- ‘I’ also failed to undergo change, in this case because of pressure from the weak pronominal alternates such as PMis *kan-y× ‘mine’.

Proto Utian grammar

117

I speculate that PMis *he×u-lu- ‘to forget’ underwent change by analogy with putative cognates of Mip henu- ‘to not know’, but this hypothesis is more speculative. Pressure from PMis *ty×is. ‘heel’ and PMis *ly×y-ti- ‘band-tailed pigeon’ may have precipitated change in Mics ly×a- ‘to wade across’ because of its phonological similarity and despite its verbal nature. PMis *-× is the word final marker of the genitive case after Sierra Miwok vowel stems. It has undergone the change from *-n to *-× by analogy with PMis *-×Y- ‘possessing’, a related non-final suffix following vowels. PMis *s. awa-n-t. it. i- (rock-gen.-tweet) ‘wren, canyon wren: rock’s tweet’, preserves -n-, the original frozen allomorph of the genitive, and -t. it. i- is onomatopoeic. Brown and Weston, Jr. (1961: 115) describe the canyon wren (Catherpes mexicanus) as sneaking in and out of rock crevices and having a cry that ends in ¯ “twee-twee-twee.” PMis *-×e- *-s. ×e- ‘passive’ always follows vowels, and the second alternate is probably original, reflecting PMie *-s. ‘non-finite’ plus *-ne- ‘medio-passive’. Once /×/ was phonemic in the proto language, the change *n > ×/s. _ may have occurred because of the retracted nature of /s. /, after which PMis *-×e- ‘mediopassive’ following other stems would develop by analogy. Note also the Sierra Miwok words for ‘wormwood’. Miss kicin with final -n has not undergone change, but in Mics, Mins kici×-y‰ ‘wormwood-nom.’, the change has occurred. More evidence that the sound change was spreading to additional environments comes from varied reflexes of PMis *tuni- ‘wild celery’. The set for ‘elderberries’ is unexplained. During my graduate school days, there was much discussion over the Neo-grammarian doctrine that sound change must be regular, which was taken to mean that there must be no unexplainable exceptions to properly formulated rules. Analogy, onomatopoeia, assimilation and similar processes were invoked only when necessary to explain away apparent exceptions, and they were considered to be subordinate to the sound laws which operated on the phonological level apart from morphological or semantic considerations. So what of instances like the Ancient Greek aorist -s- which remained in intervocalic positions, such as Greek este:sa ‘I caused to stand’, despite a sound law eliminating -s- in that environment? The Neo-grammarian Leonard Bloomfield (1933: 363) was forced to assume that intervocalic -s- ‘aorist’ had indeed been eliminated, but that it was later reinstated by analogy with those cases where -s- ‘aorist’ was retained because it followed a consonant. I hold that this explanation is unnecessarily complex. In the absence of contrary evidence, we should assume that analogy caused the retention of Greek -s- ‘aorist’ between vowels, not its loss and reinstatement. An examination of the emergence of /×/ in Sierra Miwok shows that in this case as well, analogy is coequal with strictly phonological rules (see Table 72 and 7.6 (7) for additional examples).

118

Proto Utian grammar

Table 70. Sierra Miwok

×

PMie ¯ *han()i- *han()e-

English ceremonial house egg, penis

PMis *ha×i- ¯ *ha×y- *ho×u-

*honoj

knee wolf

*ho×oj *hu×u(Ceb hun ‘wolf’) *li×yMins pa×as*sa×ak *tu×()u*na×-s. y¯ *hu×eMins hu×ki- humki*ke×e*kene-ka-k *na×aMics t. apicka-nana*ly×y-tiMiss lyn-yn-iMics lynat. -a*ty×i-s. Miss tyna-ca-hy*tyny-ma¯ aMics hon *kyne-¯ *kyne‰*t. oni- ¯*t. oni‰*‰yny- *‰yny‰**he×u- ? *he×u-lu-

¯

*lin *liny*pana-s. ? *sanak ¯ *tun()u- *tumu- ? *nan-s. y*hune*hun-ki*kene*kene-ka-k *nana-

round tule ash tree sugar pine (nuts) thigh to duck, dodge fog to fog up one seven: ‘six plus one’ man (male) kingbird band-tailed pigeon striped striped crosswise heel *tyni-s. to limp having a broken leg *hona ¯ to copulate to back away *kyne-¯ * kyne‰to think *toni- ¯*toni‰to come *‰yny- *‰yny‰*henuto not know to forget ¯ absent minded *kani- *kana- *kany- I

¯

*kani- *kany-

*kigin

wormwood

*kigin

*lyna... *tuni-

to wade across wild potato, celery

Mins ly×a- ly×a‰*tuni-

*‰ant. aj *-ny *-n *-YnY*-nY-

elderberries genitive case

*‰a×taj *-Y× *-× *-Y×Y*-×Y*s. awa-n-t. it. i-

*-ne-

C_# V_#

possessing C_ possessing V_ canyon wren, wren: ‘rock’s tweet’ medio-passive passive

*-×e-

¯

¯

*-×e- *-s. ×e-

Other Mip hane-puMil han ‘adult ¯penis’ < PMi *han *hanyMip honoj ¯ Mil hun ‘panther’ < PMi *hun *hunuMip Leén CHM /lin/ Mip panah Mip sanak, Mil s. anak ‘pine nuts’ Mip tumuMip nan-syMip huneMip hunki-muPMiw *kene Mip kene-ka-k Mip nana-

PMiw *tyni-s. , Mip t.nih (-ma- follows Geminate Grade) ¯i Mil hona-mt . Mip kyne- kyne‰¯

Mip ‰.n.- ‰.n.‰Mip henuMip henu- ‘ignorant’ Mins heׯulMil kani kani Mil kicin Mip k.c.n unexplained Mil lanuk Mins, Miss tu×i-, Mics tuni-, Mip tuniMil ‰an». aj Mip -nY Mip -0/ Mip -YnYMip -nY(Mil kolo-n kupum ‘toe: foot’s finger’) Mil -en ‘intransitive’ (relic) Mip -en-a- ‘adj. suf.’ Mil -ne (relic)

Proto Utian grammar

119

9.0. The development of Utian sibilants Three sibilants, *s, *s. , and *š, can be reconstructed for Proto Utian, and their developments are so complex that they deserve a separate section. 9.1. The development of sibilants in Miwok Proto Utian *š and *s. merged to *s. in Proto Miwok. In Proto Western Miwok, PMi *s. and *s underwent a further merger to PMiw *s. . PMiw *s. > 0//V_# in monosyllables and related stems, but note PMi *mys ? ‘body’ under Mystery Sets.. ¯ ¯in Central PMi *s. and *s remained in Proto Eastern Miwok and Proto Sierra Miwok. PMis *s. remained Sierra Miwok and became /h/ in all positions in Southern Sierra Miwok. PMie *s, *s. > Mip s h ¯0/ in final position in monosyllables (see PMi *his. ‘sun, day’, PMi *mus ‘breast, milk’, and PMi *t. is *t. isy‘fingernail, toenail, claw’). In the last case, the second stem (*t. isy-) is by analogy with alternations in monosyllabic stems of Proto Utian origin ending in a stop (see 10.4, Table 91). PMie *s. > Mip /h/ and PMis *s. > Mins /h/ in cases of protected cluster development; that is, in cases where the canon of a noun or verb protects it from metathesis of the second vowel and third consonant. Examples are PMi *pos. ol ‘lungs’ > Mip pohol, PMie *gis. y- ‘buzzard’ > Mip cihy-, and PMis *pos. -kal ‘lungs’ > Mins pohkal-. Otherwise, PMie ¯ *s, *s. > Mip /s/ and PMis *s, *s. > Mins /s/. ¯ PMi *mas. ‘we excl.’ is probably a back formation from *mas. i- ‘we excl.’ by analogy with PMi *‰is. *‰is. y- ‘he, she, it’ and PMi *t. is *t. isy- ‘nail, claw’. Unfortunately, the expected Plains Miwok reflex of PMi *‰is. , namely *‰i(h), does not occur. Table 71. Proto Miwok *-s. , *-s in monosyllables and related Costanoan stems PMie *his. *jos.

English sun, day dead

*mas. i-

we excl.

PMis Mip PMiw *his. -‘east’ hi*hi *jos. -u- ‘kill, jos-u- ‘to do, *jo to do hard’ go, leave’ *mas. i- masi-

*mas. *mu¯s *t. is *t. isy-

we excl. breast, milk nail, claw

Mics mas. *mus*t. isy-

mu¯ti tis

*ma-ko *mu Mil ti

*‰is. -

‰isy-

Mil ‰i

¯

*‰is. - *‰is. y- he, she, it

PCo *his. -me-n PCos *maks. e < PU *maks. i (*mak) ¯ *mus. PCo *tur ¯*turi-š < PU *t. is *t. isy

PMis *s > Mics /s. / in the unprotected cluster in wyks. y- ‘to go’ < PMis *wy-ksy-. PMis *s > Mics /s. / before final juncture (Table 72), thereby neutralizing contrast between /s/ and /s. / in this position as we see by contrasting Central Sierra Miwok reflexes of PMie *-s. Y ‘his, her, its’. If one allomorph of a suffix is affected, the other allomorphs undergo the same sound change by analogy even when /s. / is not in word-final position. An example is the non-final allomorph of the instrumental case (Mics -Ys. Y- Mics s. in word-final position and related allomorphs PMis ¯ *-sY/C_ ¯ *-sY- *-s /V_ ¯ *-sY *-s *-toksu *-tok *-s. Y

English instr. case instr. case 2 sg. decl. 2 pl. decl. his, her, its

Miss -sY ¯ -sY- -s -sY -toksu -hY

Mics ¯ -Ys. Y-¯ -Ys. -s. Y- -s. -s. -tos. ¯ -s. Y -s.

Mins -YsY ¯ ¯ -sY -s -h ¯ sY -toksu -tok -sY

Mip -sY ¯ -sY ¯ -sY- -h- -s -tok ¯ -sY¯ -‰is -‰isy

Mip -m()a-h -m()a-tok

Table 72b. Object incorporating declarative suffixes ¯ PMis *-mu-su ¯*-mu-s *-mu-tok *-mu-tok-su *-mu *-mu-s. -me ¯ *-ni-mas. i *-ni-mas. ¯ *-tok-ni -mas. i ¯ -mas *-tok-ni . *-mu-gi *-mu-g

English 1 sg. - 2 sg. 1 sg. - 2 pl.

Miss -musu -mutoksu

2 sg. - 1 sg. 2 sg. - 1 pl. ? 1 pl. - 2 sg.

-mu -muhme -ni‰mahi

Mics -mus. ¯ -mutos. -mutok(su) -mu -mus. me -ni‰-mas.

1 pl. - 2 pl.

-tokni‰mahi

-tokni‰-mas.

Mins ¯ -musu- ¯ -mus -mutok mutok-su -mu -ni-me ¯ -ni-masi -ni-mas -tok-ni-m

2 pl. - 1 sg.

-muci

-muc

-muci

*mu-s. -me-gi

2 pl. - 1 pl.

-muhmeci

-mus. mec

-ni-me-c

¯

-ma-t -mu -m()a-h-mas -m()a-tok ¯

-mu -ma-t()e-tok -m(¯)a-te-tok -tokmuhme

Other than Mics wyks. y- ‘to go’ and instances covered in Table 72, PMis *s > Mics /s/ in all positions¯ (Table 73). Except for Mins ‰ehe-ly- ‘child’, PMis *s > Miss, Mins /s/ in all positions. PMie *s > Mip -h -s before final juncture in polysyllabic stems. Otherwise, PMie *s > Mip /s/. Table 73. PMie *s in polysyllabic stems PMie PMis *gose*gypsiPMis *hak-siPMis *hakis PMis *hal()e(s) *hewas *hesa*hesa-jy*hik()as *hisik

English bedrock mortar body louse to smoke smoke (fire) open space parent-in-law nest build a nest duck grouse skunk

PMis *hosokon-a-

star

PMis *huk-si-

to smell (iV)

Miss sosesypsihaksihakishalehewahesahesa-jy-

Mics tcóse B&G haksihakishalehewashesahesa-jy-

hisik

hisikhosokona-

huksi-

Mins cosecypsihaksihakishaleshewashesahikashisik¯ okonahos hosokenahuksi-

Mip c.psi¯

hewas hewah hesahesa-jyhikah ¯ his¯ik hisikis hisikih

Proto Utian grammar

121

Table 73 continued. PMie *s in polysyllabic stems PMie PMi *hyl-si-

English to burn iV

Miss

PMis *kasyPMis *kimis

to bite grapevine

kasykimis

kasy-t. y-

*konas PMis *konas-y-

enemy to bark, wage war toyon marrow, spine salmon continuative trout, fish breast, milk to nurse chest (body part) tendon

konas

konaskonas-y-

kosokosot kosum -ksYlapisaj musmusunysy-li-

kosokosotkosum -kYlapisajmusmusunysyl-

koso-

koso-

-ksY-

-ksY-

musmusu-

mu-) musu-

pasuka-

pasuka-

posuka-

posuka-

raccoon chipmunk white-footed mouse willow

patkas pisupusi‰na-

patkajpisu-

patkajPís-soo CHM Pus-sé-nah CHM

patkas-e-

sakal

sakal-y-

saka-nisakysalisa×ak sawnesawen-asasasemi-lasis•i×-jasike-j ‘very’ sikesilpet sinak-ypoksusitlisiwen

saka-nisakysalisa×aksawin-ysawin-esasasemi-lasici×-y‰ sikesike-

saka-nisakyMisac sali A sanak sawin-ysawin sasasemi-lasicin-isikesikesipet Mil s. inak

PMi *sit*siwen PMi *sotum

soap root gray pine young man sugar pine to hail hail live oak bark on tree dew, dewy hurting ashes, dust marrow blow one’s nose to sprinkle gall tree alder

sit. i-t. ysiwen-

*sujuPMi *suk ? *suliPMis *symit

chicken hawk small oak basket root grease, fat

suju-

sujusuksu-

Mil s. it-it-is. i siwen Saw-toom CHM (Mil s. o»om-‰ala) sujuMil s. uk suli-

symit

symit-

*kosoPMis *kosot? PMis *kosum {*-ksY-} PMis *lapisaj (*mus *mus-uPMis *nysy-li-¯ *pasuka*posuka*patkas PMis *pisuPMis *pusi‰na PMis *sakal (loan word?) *saka-ni*saky*sali*sanak *sawin-y*sawin *sasa*semi-laPMi *sigin *sike*sike*silpet PMi *sinak

Mics

sakysalisa×aksawnisasasemi-lasici•×-yY sike-

Mins

Mip h.ls.Mib, Mil hulih

Kím-me-zoo ¯ /kimis-y‰/ CHM konakonah konas konas-y-

sujusulisymit-

122

Proto Utian grammar

Table 73 continued. PMie *s in polysyllabic stems PMie PMis *sypePMi *sywyt PMis *t/t. ipisi-si*t. isinaj *t. is-t.¯is ? *t. is t. isy*t. isy-jy-

English mt. mahogany gopher bat ant cold (weather) nail, claw to scratch

PMis *wali-sy*wasaPMi *was()in ? PMis *wy-ksyPMis *‰anis PMis *‰a×siPMi *‰eku-s PMis *‰esePMis *‰eselyPMis *‰ese-lyPMis *‰isak PMie *‰ojis PMis *‰ojsi-paPMis *‰omsu-

to dawn ponderosa gizzard to go maternal aunt son hand, finger child child to give birth he, she, it four fourth one to miss the mark ground squirrel cross niece or nephew

*‰opuk(si-) ? *‰ypsa-

Miss sypesywyt tipisisit. isyt. isyj-a‘gloves’ wasawyksy‰anis ‰a×si‰ukus ‘fist’ ‰ese‰esely‰ese-ly‰oj()is-a‰ojsi-pa‰oms. u-

Mics sywytt. ipisisit. isinajt. isywali-sywasawyks. y‰anis‰a×si‰ese‰esely‰ese-ly‰isak ‰ojis-a‰ojsi-pa‰omsu-

‰upuksi‰ypsa-

‰ypsa-

Mins sypesywytTu-bé-se-se t. isinaj- C t. is-t. is- C t. isyt. isy-jy-

Mip s.w.t tisinaj ¯ tistiti tis ¯ tis¯.-j.tisy-jy-

wali-sywasawasawasinika- ? Mil was. in wyksy‰anis‰a×si‰ukus- ‰ekuh ‰ehe-ly‰isak‰ojis-a-

‰ojse-ko-

¯ ‰opuksu‰upuksu ‰ypsa-

PMis *s. > Miss /h/ and Mics /s. / in all positions (Table 74). PMis *s. > Mins /h/ when /u/ precedes and follows (‰uhu- ‘to drink’, juhun-u- ‘to swing’). PMis *s. > Mins /h/ in protected clusters (Mins pohkal‘lungs’, suleh-ko (C) ‘ghost’, camyh-na- ‘lose through death’, -h×e- ‘passive inchoative’, and -hny- ‘mediopassive’), though in the Fiddletown dialect, sulesko- ‘ghost’ shows regular development. Protected clusters do not undergo metathesis in derivationally related forms, which would separate the members of the cluster. Otherwise, PMis *s. > Mins /s/. Contrast Mins posko- < PMis *pos. ko- ‘football’, where *-s. k- appears in an unprotected open Cluster Stem, with Mins pohkal- ‘lungs’ < PMis *pos. -kal. In the former case, members of the cluster in the related verb *pos. ok-u- ‘to play football’ have been separated through metathesis, allowing *s. and *k to develop independently. In the case of Mins wyski- < PMis *wys. ki- ‘heart’, we have the related form Mins wysik-y- ‘to come to, regain conscientiousness’, which likewise impedes special cluster development and shows the expected development PMis *s. > Mins /s/.

Proto Utian grammar

123

Table 74. Eastern Miwok *s. PMie PMis *gam-s. y*gunus. -u*halu-s. PMis *-(s. )i*his.

English to die to slide antelope adj. suffix sun, day

Miss cam-hycunhu-

PMi *huni-s. †PMis *hus. u- ?

dreamer buzzard

hunih ‘God’ huhu-

PMis *jus. e... *jus. u... PMis *jus. e(s) *kale-s. (aberrant) *kas. y*ky()ky-s. PMis *lak-s. y*lanaka-s. *lewy-s.

to swing hair on head phlegm wild tobacco flea to appear kingsnake thick

juhem-y-

¯ *lewys. -y*mas. i- *mas.

to thicken we excl.

leweh-ymahi-

*mas. o-ka*mas. ko-paPMis *makas. *moko-s.

five fifth one face manzanita berries to dodge his, her, its ash tree lungs ball, football play football to blow with the mouth to winnow to leak, burst

maho-kamahko-pamaka-

¯

*nan-s. y*ne()s. y*pana-s. PMis *pos. -kal *pos. koPMis *pos. ok-u†PMis *pus. el-y-

-hihih-‘east’

Mics cam-s. yhalus. his. -ym ‘in the east’ hus. u-wijajus. ekalej-

kaleh kahykykyh lakhy-

kykys. laks. y-

leweh-e-

(lewi-)

masi-

mas. o-ka-

maso-kamasko-pamakasmokos-

makas. mokos. -

pohkal pohkopohok-upuhel-y-

pos. kalpos. ko-

pyhi-jy-

*s. aw-tal

testicles

halhal

juhun-yjuhuskalekasykykys laksylanakas-alewes-

mas. i- mas.

nan-s. ynes. y-×

not recognize different nail feather, wing to disappear rock suckerfish pepperwood

hu‰us-

¯

nan-hynehy-×

PMi *pus. e¯ *put-su PMi . . *put. -s. e PMis *pys. i-jy*pys. iPMis *s. ala*s. alePMis *s. atpy*s. awaPMis *s. awak¯ag PMi *s. awla *s. alwa

Mins cam-sycunus-uhalus- (C) -ihis- ‘east’

nan-sypanaspohkalposkoposok-u-

hawahawakac

cunus-uhaluh ‘elk’ hi Mim hunis IK (Milhus. < PW *hus) (juhun-y-) kalej kasy- ¯ k.k.h kykyh ¯ lanakah/s lewys l.w.s

l.w.s-ymasi- ‘we pl.’ kaso-kokasko-pamokoh nan-synesypanah (posol) posko-

pus. el-y-

puheput. -s. u-

halahala-

Mip, other

Mib pus. eMil put-s. e-t. i pys. is. alas. alas. atpys. awa-

s. awtal-

pysi-jypysisalasatpysawasawahkac-isawtal-

p.sisalesawaSal-wah CHM Mil s. alwa sawtal

124

Proto Utian grammar

Table 74 continued. Eastern Miwok *s. PMie *s. aji

English maple

Miss haji

Mics s. aji

*-s. e¯ )iPMis *-(s . *s. oke- *s. ykePMis *s. oluk? *s. os. ol... ¯ *s. otil-y- *s. otliPMis *s. oton PMis *s. upkuPMie *s.¯us. u*s. ynty- *s. yty*talpas/s. PMis *tas. - ¯ PMi *tawa-s. *tawak PMi *tyni-s. *t. iga-s.

noun suffix adj. suffix all, everything hazel nut nettles to knot small basket to molt yellow jacket eye flat (rock) to break shoulder blade

-he-his. oke-

-s. e-

hoholoj hotil-yhupkuhynty-

sokes. oluks. otons. us. us. ynty-

tah-u×e- (iV) tawah tawas. -

Mins Sí-e CHM /saji/ -se-isykesolukusosoloj sotil-ysotonsupku-

Mip, other Mim Sí-e CHM /s. aji/ -se-

sosole(h) sotli¯

susu- sususytytalpastas-wa- (tV) tawas-

¯

talpas talpah Mim Ta-wak+ HWH t.nih, Mil tuni

heel ground squirrel ear to bounce screech owl

ty×ih t. icah

ty×is. t. icas. -

ty×is-

t. olkoh t. owhu-nu-

t. okos. -

tokost. owse-

wilih wyhki-

wilis. wys. ki-

wiliswyskiwysik-y-

w.ski-

PMis *‰as. e-liPMis *¯‰en-s. y*‰is. - *‰is. y*‰us. uPMis *‰us. uPMis *‰us. -te PMis *‰yjki-s. *‰yjyky-s. *‰yp-s. y*‰yp()ys. -aPMis *‰ys. a PMie *‰ys. y*-s. iPMis *gamys. -na*-ms. iPMis *-s. nyPMis *pos. -kal PMi *pos. ol

water oak heart to come to coyote to fix he, she, it to drink to drink (pres.) to fetch water chin mosquito swim, bathe bath area later bad static vol. lose through death reciprocal medio-pas. lungs’ lungs’

‰ahe-li‰en-hy‰ih-y× ‰ok ‰uhu- (perf.) ‰uhu-

‰as. e-li(‰ej-s. y-) ‰is. -yy× (gen) ‰us. u-

‰en-sy‰isy‰uhu- (perf.) ‰uhu‰uh-te-

‰usu-

PMis *s. ule-s.

ghost

¯ PMis *t. olko-s . *t. ows. e- *t. ows. uPMi *wigiki-s.

PMis *wili-s. *wys. ki-

‰yjkih ‰yphy‰ypyh-a‰yha

-hi-mhi-hnypohkal huleh

‰us. -te‰yjkis. ‰yjykys. ‰yps. y-

‰yjykys‰ypsy-

‰ys. a ‰ys. y-

‰ysa-ti‰yhy-

camys. -na-

camyh-na-.

-ms. i-s. nypos. kal-

-msi-hny-. pohkal-.

s. ules. ko-

sulehko- (C), sulesko- (F)

towsewi¯cikis/h wicikih

‰.j.k.s ‰.ps.‰ypys-a-

(‰ysy-) -si-msipohol PMiw *pos. ol

Proto Utian grammar

125

9.2. Costanoan palatalization of PU *k and development of PCo *s PU *k > PCo *s word initially before high vowels, word medially between high vowels, and word finally ¯ vowel (Table 75). This change took place after PU *C eC u > PCo *C iC u but before PU following a high 1 2 1 2 *y > PCo *e *i/C_# and before PU *y > PCo *e if the vowel in the following syllable was /i/ or /e/ (see 10.1). Subsequently, PCo *s > Cru s. /_k and PCo *s > Ceb š/i, e_. In other environments, PU *k > PCo *k (Table 76). Costanoan palatalization is discussed here because it is one source of PCo *s, one of the three sibilants (*s, *s. , and *š) that can be reconstructed for Proto Costanoan and Proto Utian. It is also a complex sound change so some explanation is in order. (1) Palatalization operated only on stems and suffixes descended from Proto Utian, and it took place during the separation of Proto Costanoan from Proto Miwok. It was complete before the differentiation of Costanoan languages from each other, unlike some sound changes within Costanoan such as Holtzmann’s Law which was still in progress at the time of contact, especially in the case of Rumsen. Accounting for instances of Costanoan /k/ in the environment of high vowels subsequent to the separation of Proto Costanoan from Proto Miwok is a separate problem. (2) Palatalization in stem medial position did not operate where the first vowel was not a Proto Costanoan high vowel. Hence it did not operate on PU *‰aku ‘to enter’ where /a/ remained in Costanoan reflexes. It did operate on PU *‰eku ‘hand’ > PCo *‰isu ‘hand’, where the rule raising *e to *i operated before palatalization. (3) Palatalization did not normally operate on PU *k in medial clusters. Hence it did not operate on PU *gulki ?? ‘to have diarrhea’, PU *s. umki ‘to smoke’, PCo ¯*tuks. u-s. ‘ear’, and Costanoan stems containing reflexes of PU *-ki ‘deliberate action’ such as PCo *hut. -ki *hut. -ke ‘to pull out’, and Csjb put. -ki- ‘to pull out hair’. It did operate on Csjb pusju < PU *pukuj ‘to make a whirlwind’ with its underlying Light Grade stem. It also operated on PU *-ky > Csjb -si ‘active causative’ where a high vowel followed, but not on PU *-ksy > Csjb -ksi ‘continuative, habitual, intensive’ where /k/ is the first member of a protected consonant cluster that does not undergo metathesis. It did operate on PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’ > PCo *‰istu(-n) ‘to dream’, probably by analogy with other forms in the Proto Utian paradigm such as PU *‰ekut > Csjb ‰isut ‘a dream, vision’ and PU *‰ekut > Cru ‰isut ‘to be dreaming, Cru ‰isut- ‘a dream’. Note that if palatalization operates on one ¯ ¯ member of a derivational paradigm, it will operate¯on all members of the same paradigm by analogy. The set PU *kik *kiky ‘water’ > PCo *si(j) *sije, presumably after passing through the stage **sis **sise, is anomalous. It is part of the special developments of sibilants before or after /e/ (see Table 83). The development PU *k > PCo *s is a major isogloss separating the Miwok and Costanoan languages, and one of the first to be recognized (Kroeber 1910: 262), although the conditioning factors were not determined until much later (see Callaghan 1962, 1972a).Part of the problem concerns instances where the correspondence seems to work in reverse (note Dixon and Kroeber 1919: 78), such as Cru make- ‘we’ and Mins masi- ‘we’, also Cru ‰uke-ši ‘to drink’ and Mics ‰us. u- ‘to drink’. In the latter case, PMi *‰us. u ‘to drink’ is probably a loan word from pre-Esselen (note Esselen /‰eše/ ‘to drink’ in Table 23). In the former case, reflexes of PMi *mas. i- ‘we exclusive’ should be compared with Csjb makse ‘we exclusive’ and related forms, arguing for a /-ks. -/ cluster in PU *maks. i ‘we exclusive’, which may in turn be derived from **maki ‘we inclusive’ through infixation of *-s. - ‘my’, though this conjecture is speculative. We suspect that examples of PCo *s from sources other than PU *k would show a similar development where Chocheño cognates are available, and we see that Table 77 proves us correct. PCo *s > Csjb s: Cru s: Ceb h/-t. _, -p_; otherwise, Ceb š/i, e, C_. In the case of words for ‘two’, one reflex, Cru ‰ut. i-s, preserves original /-s/, an ancient Costanoan nominal suffix. The Rumsen reflex also shows gemination of medial /t. / and the development PCo *o > /u/ in all languages except Karkin if the vowel in the following syllable is /i/ (Silverstein 1975: 377). The reason for metathesis in the Chalon reflex is uncertain, but in Mutsun, Karkin, and Chocheño reflexes it was occasioned by suffixation of a more recent nominal suffix, -n. The Chalon reflex also provides direct evidence for the development **s > PCo *s. /t. _, which subsequently became /h/ in all other Costanoan languages, presumably after becoming /š/ in Chocheño, which like Chalon is a Northern Costanoan language. In the case of words

126

Proto Utian grammar

for ‘three’, Cru kape-s again preserves original -s, but the earliest Chalon reflex, kapxa HH /kapha/ indicates that by Proto Costanoan times, **s had already become *h in this environment as well. Rumsen also preserves /e/ as the second vowel of the stem, which has been assimilated to /a/ in other reflexes. Table 75. PU *k > PCo *s in the environment of high vowels ¯ Proto Utian *huk *huky

¯

*kik kiky *ku()s... *kyla ¯

*kyt *kyty*-ky *nykys *pukuj *pukuj *wyk-y*‰ektu *‰ekut *‰eku

English nose, nostrils

PCo ¯ *hus *hus()e

Cos Csjb hu()s Cru ‰us, usze AT /‰use/ ? to whistle with PCos *hus. -ke Csjb hus-ke ¯ nose flute Cru ‰us. -ke ¯ e. Csjb si water *si(j) *sij Cru sij, sije-n < **sis **sise ‘to get watery’ coals, charcoal Csjb su()s liver *sira. Csjb sire ¯ Cru sire s. ire ¯ ‘heart, liver’ tooth, teeth *sit *site- Csjb si(¯)t Cru sit siteactive caus. Csjb -sipoison oak *nisis Csjb Né-sis CHM Cru nisis whirlwind Csjb pusuj-nis to make a Csjb pusju whirlwind to burn, light Csjb wesi a fire to dream *‰istu(-n) Csjb ‰istu-n. Cru ‰istu-n a dream Csjb ‰isut hand *‰isu ‘hand, Csjb ‰isu arm’ Cru ‰isu-

Chocheño, etc. hus

si Ckar sichintertch /sij()in-tet. / ? VG sire Csf Se rah Sch sit, Ckar /site-/ Ceb nišiš

Ceb ‰ištu, ‰ištu-n Ceb ‰išu

Table 76. PU *k > PCo *k elsewhere Proto Utian *gulki ??

English PCo have diarrhea, *gukri evacuations

*hek... †*kaj-kaj (onomatopoeia?) *kani ‘it is my...’

valley quail crested jay

*heks. e-n.

I (app.)

*kani

crow, raven smoke (fire )

*kakar-i ?

*kal

Cos Csjb tcukuri A /gukri/ Cru gukri-n Csjb hekse-n Csjb Ki-ki CHM /kajkaj/ Csjb kani Csjb kakari Cscr kar, kar P

Chocheño, etc. Ceb gikri ‘to give s.o. diarrhea’ Ceb hekše-n Csol kanik HWH kar.

Proto Utian grammar

127

Table 76 continued. PU *k > PCo *k elsewhere Proto Utian *kolo ¯

*kot. a *kot. o ?? *-ksy *law... *lakat *-kom *loko-s. *maks. i PCo *maku *mok()om †*paka *sak †*t. iw()ak ¯

*t. olku-s. *t. oksu-s¯. †*‰akwy *‰ekwy

English foot

PCo *kolo

Cos Csjb koro ¯ Cru koro person *kot. o *kot. o Csjb kot. no-kniš ‘young man’ continuative Csjb -ksi ¯ gulp down Csjb lawku lawu to name, a *rakat Csjb rakatname ‘a name’. Cru rakat plural *-kam Csjb -kam Cru -kan round tule *rokos. Csjb rokos Cru rokos. we excl. PCos *maks. e Csjb makse we (all of us) Cru makej husband Csjb makuh you pl. *mak()am < Csjb makam **mak-kam Cru makam. to pound, etc. Cru pakagray pine and *sak Csjb sak nuts Cru sak (guess) yellowhammer PCos *t. iwak. Csjb t. iwak ¯ Cru t. iwak ear *tuksu-s. Csjb tuksus A ¯ *tuhsu-s. Cru tuxsuno, not, *‰akwe Csjb ‰ekwe ¯ ¯ kuwe kuwe there isn’t *‰ekwe (Cru ku()

Chocheño, etc. koro Csf Co lo /kolo/ kogo, ko()t. o (once)

Ceb rakat Ceb -kam Ceb rokoš

Ceb mako Ceb makam Ceb sak

Ceb tukšuš Ceb ‰akwe

Table 77. Sets illustrating PCo *s > Csjb s: Cru s: Ceb h, š PCo *gejis ? ¯ *hij()i-s *hiji-s

English Mutsun jackrabbit gejes fire, firebrand hijis to burn, light a fire water snake and. imv. ear

¯ *lis... *-si -s ¯ *tuksu-s. *tuhsu-s. (protected cluster) *‰awe-s *‰awse *‰ot. i-s

salt to salt two

*kape-s

three

Rumsen gejes-

¯ Chocheño Other ¯ e ješ e jiš g  g  hij()is hij()iš

hisi < *hijsi ? lison-wa -ji-s tugsus A /tuhsus/ ‰akes ‰awse ‰ut. hin kapha-n

lisan¯ ¯ -si- -s -š tuxsu-

¯ lišum-ša -ji-s -ji-š tukšuš

‰awse ‰ut. is

‰aw()eš ‰awše ‰ut. hin

kape-s

Csol /ut. ši/ P kapha-n

PMi *hyl-si < PU *hyl-si ? PU *-ji ‘and.’ PMis *t. olko-s.

PMi*‰ot. i Ckar /‰ot. hi-n/ A

128

Proto Utian grammar

Table 78. Sets illustrating PCo *s > Csjb s: Cru s: Ceb s PCo PCos *gutu-s *horko-s

English manzanita throat

gutu-s

Mutsun

*kara-s

molar teeth

karas karaš

*lase-h

tongue

laseh

lasx

*lu()s *sak PCos *sama*sawer ¯ *sokoti *sokoti ?? ¯ PCos *winsiri *wina-s *wint. a-s

saliva gray pine nuts right hand fat, grease pepperwood small ticks eyebrows,

ru()s sak sama saker sokogi winsiri

rus, rususak sam P saker sokog winsiriwx

horkos

Rumsen gutu-s xorks

¯

awake, dawn north

Other

horkosa ¯

eyelashes PU *‰aw-si PCo *‰awa-s

Chocheño

lase(h) ¯ lasih lu()s luseh sak

‰akas

PMis *saky-

sawer sokote /winat. kin/ A

Ckar huinthras A

Csol /wina-s/

/wint. a-s/

¯

‰aw-se‰akas

Ckar carsan /karsa-n/ PMis *lak-t. y‘to lick’

‰awas

‰awaš

Mics ‰aw-si-

Csol á-was HWH 9.3. PCo *s. . PCo *s. /_k > Csjb š as illustrated in the first set in Table 79. In suffixes with protected clusters, PCo *s. > Csjb š: Cru s. : Ceb /j/ before nasals, /š/ elsewhere. In other cases, PCo *s. > Csjb s: Cru s. : Ceb š. After /*i, *e, *k/, the key language in distinguishing between PCo *s (where the expected reflexes are Csjb s: Cru s: Ceb š) and PCo *s. is Rumsen. Lacking Rumsen reflexes, we have potential ambiguity. PCo *-s. ‘nominalizer’ shows the common development of Csjb -s: Cru -s. : Ceb -š. In PCo *-s. -min ‘one who is or does’, however, one gets the special development associated with protected clusters in suffixes whose second member is a nasal even though PCo *-s. -min includes PCo -s. ‘nominalizer’. Ceb ‰orej-niš ‘were-bears’ (sometimes called ‘bear doctors’) < *‰oreš-niš, where -niš is a plural marker. Note that the protected cluster *-šn- cuts across morpheme boundaries. Since both Csjb ‰orej-min ‘werebear’ and Csjb ‰orej-mak ‘were-bears’ include a stem ending in /j/, it is possible that this stem is of Chocheño origin. Table 79. The development of PCo *s. PCo PCos *hes. ko *-s. < PU *-s. *-s. -te *-s. -min *‰ore-s. *heks. e-n

English make s.o. itch nominalizer stative one who is bear valley quail

PCos *hes. e-n bird’s nest

Mutsun heško -s -šte -š-min ‰ores heksen

Rumsen xes. ko-s. -s. te -s. -im ‰ores. ‰eks. en

hesen

*‰es. en

Chocheño -š -šte -j-min. ‰oreš ¯ hekšen heksen

Other PMi *-s.

PMie *hesa-

Proto Utian grammar

129

Table 79 continued. The development of PCo *s. PCo *his. -me-n PCos *kas. e *mus. *mus. i *pus. le < **pus. el *ris. *s. akar PCos *s. apah *s. araj *s. atar ? *s. a()w *s. awana *-s. i PCon *s. emi(g) ?

English sun sunny to bite breast(s) to suckle to blow with the mouth (doctoring) meat nit, nit sores red maid crow wood tick song gooseberry no más (just) bark (tree)

Mutsun hismen kase mu()s musi puser-pu

Rumsen ‰is. men

kas. emus. mus. i-

mu()š muši pušli ¯

sakar sapah saraj satar sa()w sawana -si

ris. s. akar s. apx s. ar

¯

*s. ini *s. ini *s. iwker

child chicken hawk

sini siwker

*s. iwe PCos *s. irih PCos *s. iwe-n ¯ ? *s. oklo *s. olko *s. oto(w) *-(s. )u-m *s. ukmu

to break wind golden eagle pack basket

sike sirih siwen

PCon *šurik < **s.¯ulik *taws. i *taws. e PCos *wars. in ? PCo *‰as. o-

Chocheño hišmen

black (color) fire instr. case to smoke tobacco woman

sotow -(s)um sukmu

younger brother winnowing basket raw

s. ini-×kw s. iwker

Other PMi *his. PMis *hi‰meMiss kasyPMi *mus PMie *musu PMis *pus. l-y< **pus. el

-

ris riš šakar šaraj šatar-wa ša()w šawana -ši Csf She-mee /šemi/? Csol /šimig/ ? šini-n ¯ šiwker šewker šiwe

¯

PMi *sime *semi

Mins sipe-

s. irx šiwen (š unexplained) s. okor Csf shol co te s. otow -(s. /j)om s. ukmu-

šoto -šu(m) šukmu

tawse-s-

taws. i-ns.

Csol šusisma P Cscl soorik Me tawši-k()is

warsan

waršin ‰as. o-

PMi *-s()u Mil s. umki

‰ašo

9.4. Proto Utian š. As mentioned earlier (9.0), Proto Utian *š and *s. merged to *s. in Proto Miwok (9.1). Proto Utian *š > Proto Costanoan *h. There is also a correspondence in which *š remained in Costanoan languages, but it is largely limited to Southern Costanoan, and it may represent recent spread, potentially from non-Utian sources, especially since Miwok cognates with sibilants are lacking (Table 81).

130

Proto Utian grammar

Table 80. PU *š > PCo *h, PMi *s. English this, here that, there

PCo Csol nixi P /nihi/ ‘here’ Csol ni-hé-was ‘these’ HWH *nuh()u ‘there’

PMi PMis *nes. Mip nes. y- ‘he, she, it’ Mics nos. - ‘that one’ Mip nos. u- ‘that’ PMis *‰is. - ‘that one’ Mip ‰is. y- ‘he, she, it’ PMi *‰is. PMiw *s. ojo ¯ PMi *s. u()nat . PMi *s. ynty ¯*s. yty PMi *‰alwas. *‰alweš *‰alawas.

he, she, it, his, her, its mosquito snot eye valley oak and acorn

PCon *‰i Cscr hai-yu /haju/ HWH ¯ PCo *hunuh PCo *hinte *hi()n PCo *‰arweh

PU ¯ *neš *nešy ¯

*noš *nošu ¯

*‰iš *‰išy *‰i(š) *šoju *šun... *šynty

Table 81. PCo *š: Csjb š, Cru š, Ceb š PCo PCos *hiše ?? PCo *hos. ... PCos *miši(h) ? PCo *moši ? Csjb molo-š PCos *potše ? PCo *poškujmin ?

English to do, make light (weight) to be good to get warm mole (animal) to gossip ant

PCos *šaš...

raccoon

PCos *šiwluluk

butterfly (also poppy?) small skunk blue bird sp. ground squirrel to sneeeze

Mutsun hiše hoškokte miši-mpi muši-n

Rumsen xišehošmo mišix muse-n

Chocheño, Other (‰iše-si ‘do how?’)

potše ¯ poškojmin puškujlin šašran

potšepuškujlmin Sháh-sher CHM

šiwluluk

šililkan

tihšin ‰ašit ‰e()h

tixšin tišin ‰as. ti-n ‰ex

‰ašit Csol heešš /‰eš/

(‰agxi-)

Ceb ‰ašnu

moši Mil molole

/šašer/ PCos *tihšin PCo *‰ašit¯ PCo *‰eh *‰eš †PCo *‰ašnu ?

‰asnu

¯ ‰ašnu

¯

9.5. Proto Utian *s. PU *s. > PCo *s. , PMi *s. This development is supported by a small number of sets listed below (Table 82), which feed into the development of PCo *s. discussed in 9.3. The reason that PCo *s. > Ceb /š/ instead of /j/ in the protected cluster in hišmen ‘sun’ is uncertain but it may be connected to the fact that PU *his. -me ‘sun, sunny’ is bimorphemic and that *-s. m- is not a protected cluster.

Proto Utian grammar

131

Table 82. PU *s. > PCo *s. , PMi *s. Proto Utian *his. -me *loko-s. ? *maks. i ¯ *pos. ol *pos. lo- ? *pus. el

*t. a()li-s. *-s.

English sun, sunny round tule we exclusive lungs

Costanoan PCo *his. me-n PCo *roko-s. PCos *maks. e Ceb pošrok

to blow with the mouth (doctoring) (to revive man (male) nominal suffix

PCo *pus. le < **pus. el Csjb puser-pu Ceb pušli Cru puse-) ¯ PCo *t. ali-s. *t. ale-s. PCo *-s.

Miwok PMi *his. ‘sun, day’ PMiw *loko-s¯. PMie *mas. i- mas. PMi, PMiw *pos. ol, Mip pohol PMis *pus. el-y< **pus. el Mim tajis. PMi *-s.

There are a number of instances where a sibilant or /h/ > /j/ in Utian sets other than those discussed above, and these sets are also listed in Table 83. In several of the sets in Table 83 (‘dry’, ‘water’, ‘we excl.’, ‘to hear’, ‘were-bears’, ‘spittle, and phlegm’), /j/ is preceded or followed by /e/, but no generalization can be made because different daughter languages are involved. In the case of Rumsen reflexes of words for ‘water’, the development *s > j took place much earlier, and /j/ has been lost in all Costanoan languages except Rumsen and Karkin. Cru makej ‘we (a lot of us)’ < *makes. < *maks. e ‘we exclusive’ through de-metathesis followed by gemination of the medial consonant and the development *s. > Cru j/e_#. Note that *s. follows /e/. Table 83. Anomalies PCo *kahaj ?

English head louse

¯

*kawhi *kawhe-

dry

PCos *mot. eh- ?

egg

PCos *turiš

nail, claw

*waka *wak

he, she, it

*mus. i

him, her, it to suckle

¯

PCon *s. imi(g) ? *-(s. )u-m ?

bark (tree) instr. case

PCo *‰ašit

blue bird sp.

Cos ¯ Csjb kah()aj Cru kaxakaxeCsjb kawhi Csjb mot. ej Cru mot. exCsjb turiš Cru turišCsjb wak Cru wakaj Cru wak-s. e-j Csjb musi ¯ Cru mus. imus. eCsjb -(s)um¯ Cru -(s. )om -(j)om Csjb ‰ašit Cru ‰as. ti-n

Ceb kaj

Karkin, Miwok

kawhe-pu! PMi *kaj(e) ‘Dry yourself!’ ¯

tur waka muši

PMi *t. is *t¯. isy < PU *t. is t. isy

PMie *musuMins muhnu¯

-šum -(j)um Ceb ‰ašit

¯

PMi *sime *semi PMi *-su

132

Proto Utian grammar

Table 83 continued. Anomalies Proto Miwok PMie *kale-s.

English spittle, phlegm

¯

PMis *tuktuj *tutkuj top of head

Mis Miss kaleh Mics kalej-, Mins kaleMiss tuktuj Mins tutkuj

Mip kalej

Miw

tupuj

Ceb kaj ‘head louse’ represents a case of syllable reduction rather than development of a sibilant or /h/ to /j/. In the case of Csjb ‰orej-niš ‘were-bear’ (analogous to ‘werewolf’) and Csjb ‰orej-mak ‘were-bears’, the stem may have been borrowed from a Chocheño or another Northern Costanoan language. 9.6. Minor sound changes Additional, more complex minor sound changes will be discussed under relevant entries in the dictionary section 9.6.1. Miscellaneous protected clusters. ¯ ¯ PMie *-po-ksu- ‘reflexive present’ > Miss -poksu-, Mics (EC) -poks. u-, Mics (WC) -poksu-, Mins -puksu-, Mip -poksu- -puksu- -pusu-. PMis *put. -kal ‘guts’ > Miss putkal, Mics put. kal-, Mins put. kal-. Note also Mins pus-la- ‘to hit someone in the stomach’ and pus-×e- ‘to cave in’ where *t. > Mins /s/ in unprotected clusters. 



9.6.2. PMie *-t. - > Mins -t -. ¯ In the four cases cited below, there is deep evidence for assuming PMie *-t. - > Mins -t-, but note PMi *kat. y- ‘hard (consistency), severe’ > Mins *kat. y--t. y and PMie *lyt. yp *lytyj ‘lumpy; lump, lumpy soup’ >Mins lyt. yj-.

PMie *hat. a- ¯? ‘to step someone (i.e., a baby)’ > Mins, Mip hata-. PMie *lut. i- *lut. i- ‘different, other; stranger’ > Miss

lut. i-, Mics lut. i-, Mins luti- ‘single, one’, Misac lut. eY-iki- ‘one by one’, providing evidence of /lut. i-/ ‘one’. Note Mins lut. iY-ikihistorically underlying /t. /.. PMis *palat. a-t. a- ‘California woodpecker’ > Mics, Mins palata-taPMie *lot. a- ‘to boil’ > Miss lot. a-, Mics lota-, Mins lota-, Mip lota-. Mics lot. u-tu- ‘to boil food’ provides evidence of historically underlying /t. /. 9.6.3. PMie *y > Mis u/j_p (sound change in progress). Note also PMis *jyt. -ki- ? ‘to hang, to hang up’ > Mics jut. -ki- ‘to hang something up’, probably representing the spread of this change. PMie *jypti- ‘rabbitskin blanket’ > Miss jupti-. PMie *jyp ‘saliva’ > Mics jupes-.

Proto Utian grammar

133

9.6.4. PCos *ñ > Cru n_#. PCos *humuña ‘humming bird’ > Cru humun. PCo *riña ‘mouse, meadow mouse’ > Cru rin 9.6.5. Western Miwok assimilation. PMi *C1oC2()u(C3 ) > PMiw *C1oC2()o(C3) in monomorphonemic stems where C2 is not /l/. The rule applies to the first four sets where the stem is monomorphemic and in the fifth set, PMi *‰ot. -s. u ‘to urinate’ > PMiw *‰ogos. , the rule also applies even though PMi *‰ot. -s. u was historically bi-morphemic because PMiw *‰ogos. was thenceforth perceived as monomorphemic. But note Mil ‰ocs. u-pa ‘to spray’ (dog), where a reflex of the original Cluster Grade resurfaces with /u/ as the second vowel. PMi *lot. u- > Mil loco-k ‘to do, make, fix’. PMi *pokum ‘spider, black widow’ > PMiw *pokom ‘spider’. PMi *sotum ? ‘tree alder’ > Mil s. ó»om PU *šoju ? ‘mosquito’ > PMiw *s. ójo. PMi *‰ot. -s. u ‘to urinate’ > PMiw *‰ogos. . 9.6.6. Costanoan vowel lowering. PCo *u > Cru o, Ceb o if the vowel in the preceding syllable is /a/. PCo *kaku-n ‘south’ > Csjb kakun, Cru kakon, Ceb kakun. The reason for Ceb /u/ is uncertain PCos *mahul ‘phlegm’ > Csjb mahul, Cru mahol. PCos *was. u ‘to scrape’ > Csjb wasu, Cru waso-. PCo *maku ‘husband’ > Csjb *makuh, Ceb mako. PCo *tapur ‘tree, wood, stick’ > Csjb tapur, Ceb tapor. PU *‰at. -ku ‘to split, break open’ > Ceb ‰atko. PCo *‰aku ‘to enter’ > Csjb ‰aku, Cru ‰ako, Ceb ‰ako PCos *‰akun ‘to enter’ > Csjb ‰aku-n, Cru ‰ako-n PCo *kaknu ‘hawk sp.’ > Csjb kaknu ‘duck hawk’, Cru kakun ‘bullet hawk’, Ceb kaknu ‘hawk sp.’ The ¯ Chocheño is uncertain. reason for /u/ in Rumsen and PCo *Yašnu ? ‘to sneeze’ > Csjb Yasnu Yašnu, Cru ‰agxi-, Ceb Yašnu. Onomatopoeia explains aberrant ¯ ¯ reflexes. PCos *‰at. -u-n *‰at-u-n ‘to get broken’ > Csjb ‰at-u-n, Cru ‰at. -u-n ‰at-u-n. The passive force of all reflexes may explain the lack of change in Rumsen and Chocheño. 9.6.7. Southern Costanoan vowel lowering. PU *i > PCos *e, Ceb /i/ if the vowel in the preceding syllable is /a/. PCo *kari (< **kal-y- ?) ‘to smoke’ (fire) > PCos *kare, Ceb kari. PU *maks. i ‘we exclusive independent pronoun’ > PCos *maks. e ‘we exclusive independent pronoun’. **maki ‘we incl.’ > PCos *make, Ceb *maki-n ‘we (incl. and excl.). ¯ PCo *paji-s. -te ‘to be pregnant’ > PCos *paje-s. -te, Ceb pajiš-te. PU *t. a()li-s. ‘man (male)’ > Csjb t. ares; Cscr gaariš P2, tra-r s tra-los, Ceb t. ariš. PU *‰aw-si ‘awake, dawn’ > Csjb ‰aw-se ‘awake’.

134

Proto Utian grammar

10.0. Proto Costanoan segmental phonemes The evolution of Proto Costanoan phonemes other than sibilants from Proto Utian and their subsequent development in Northern and Southern Costanoan and Karkin is discussed here. As mentioned earlier (6.1), the Proto Costanoan inventory was the same as the Proto Utian system except that it lacked /y/ and had added /r/. In addition, we have a rare opportunity to observe an additional phoneme,*c/, in the process of emerging in Southern Costanoan, and it has participated in at least one minor sound correspondence: PCos *t. > Cru c/ in medial clusters involving /l/. PCos *jolt. o ‘to have large or pricked ears’ > Csjb jolt. o, Cru jolc/o-. PCos *kel-t. e .‘to look askance’> Csjb kelt. e, Cru kelc/e-. PCos *nit. li ‘to be stooped’ > Csjb nit. li, Cru nic/li-.

¯ ¯ Dr. Miller has pointed out that there is some variation between /g/, /t. /, and /c//. Note Cru gorkon c/orkon ‘to become dry’, and this variation occurs in all related forms, such as gorkošt c/orkost ‘dry’. All example sentences with these words from Isabelle have /c// while all those from Laura have /g/ despite Isabelle’s contention that both c/orkost and gorkošt ‘dry’ mean the same thing and are used by everybody. In like manner, Isabelle says lac/aj ‘to stand, be standing’ while Laura says lagaj with the same meaning. In both cases, Mutsun cognates show only /g/. Note also that the automatic gemination rule for Rumsen medial

consonants does not hold in Laura’s dialect. ¯ lic/ust (Laura) ‘toothless’ and Cru In some cases, the dialect distribution of /c// and /g/ is reversed, as in Cru ligust (Isabelle) ‘toothless’, Cru xekc/ (Laura) ‘strength’ and Cru xekg xekt. (Isabelle) ‘strength, power, force’. In other cases, the alternate with /c// has acquired diminutive symbolism, as in Cru kegsest ‘bad’, kec/sest ‘slightly bad’, perhaps also in magan ‘coyote’ and mac/anij ruk ‘place name: ‘Coyote’s House’, ¯ apparently from Laura. In still other cases, /c// varies with /t. / within Rumsen, as in Cru murc/ump murt. ump ‘to darken’ (note Csjb murt. u ‘to be dark’). Note the following near-perfect three-way minimal pair in which there is no variation, proving that /c//, /g/, and /t. / are now distinct phonemes: ‰ec/er ‘point of needle’, ‰eger ‘iron’, and ‰et. en ‘to sleep’. Note also PCos *c/ajol- ‘to lie face¯up’ based on Csjb c/aj()al-pu ‘to put oneself face up’ and Cru c/ajor ‘to lie face up’, as well as PCos *hemc/o hamc/a, indicating that /c// is now stable enough to justify a place in the Proto Southern Costanoan inventory. 10.1. Costanoan reflexes of PU *y, PU *t.

¯

PU *y > PCo *u/m_ with a doublet in reflexes of the locative case (Table 84). Otherwise, PU *y > PCo *e *i in the second syllable of disyllabic words. The variation between *e and *i might depend upon the height of the vowel in the preceding syllable, with /e/ being more common when the vowel of the first syllable is high and /i/ being more common when the vowel of the first syllable is /a/, the opposite of what one would expect, but no rule can be formulated at the present time. PU *y, *i > PCo *e if the vowel in the following syllable is /e/ or /i/ (sets for ‘yes, thy, to burn something’). In most other environments, PU *y > PCo *i. Note that PU *t. i..., *t. y..., *t. u... > PCo *tu... word-initially (see Table 85). This last development also affected the set for ‘ear’, presumable after *o in the first syllable of PU *t. olku-š ‘ear’ underwent regressive assimilation to *u. In all the above cases, I include Miwok cognates where they are present to justify my assertion that Costanoan items stem from Proto Utian. Since it is possible that Yokuts is genetically related to Utian at a deeper level, the tables will include some phonologically similar cases showing Yokuts resemblant forms, even if Proto Utian items cannot be reconstructed with certainty because Miwok or Costanoan reflexes are lacking in the analyzed data, such as sets for ‘to swallow’ and ‘heart’, but these sets will be placed in parentheses. In the set for ‘woman’, I now believe Costanoan resemblant forms were borrowed from Yokuts (see Introduction, fn. 5), and I have abandoned the hypothesis that the development of the Yokuts word for ‘woman’ from a stem that might have meant ‘person’ is direct evidence for the high status of Yokuts women (see also 18.1). In the set for ‘ear’, PU

Proto Utian grammar

Table 84. PU *y > PCo *u, *e, *i, and related sets PCo, PU ¯ PCo *-mu *-me < PU *my (PCo *muje

English locative case

Cos Csjb -me Cru -m to eat pinole Csjb mutje Cru muge swallow with- Csjb mujku out chewing

woman PCo *muwe ¯ PU *miwy < *miw PU *mympy PU *wyky

person, man (male) to close the mouth to burn

Ceb, Csol -mu muje)

PYnim *myky < **myki ? **myku? ‘to swallow’ Csjb mukurma Csol mukušma PYgen *mukes < *mukuš-ma ‘old woman’ (PYnim *mok¯hij ‘wife’) Csjb mukeh mukenPMi *miwy *miw Cru mukeCsol muwe ‘son’ Csjb mupi PMis *mympyCsjb wesi

fire (heart ¯

¯

PCo *he‰e *¯‰e < PU *hy‰y *‰y

yes

¯ *hus PCo ¯ )e ?) < PU ( *hus( *huk *huky PU *hyl-si ?¯ PCo *hinte *hi()n < PU *šynty

nose, nostrils

to arrive to smoke (fire) continuative active caus. to cover thy to suckle

Csjb musi ¯

mene muši

PMi *miny *mini PMie *musu-

poison oak

Cru mus. imus. eCsjb Né-sis CHM /nisis/ Cru nisis

nišiš

PMie *nykys

to smell (tV) to burn (tV) eye

PU *miny PCo *mus. i ¯< PU *mus-y . *mus-y PCo *nisis < PU *nykys

to come

h

he‰e

PMi *wyky PMis *wyk-ty- ‘to catch fire’ PMi *wyke, PY *‰os. it PMi *wys. ki, PY gen *‰us. uk < **‰us. ik)¯ PMi *hy‰y *‰y

Csjb he‰e ‰eh‰e(h) Cru ‰e Csjb hu()s Cru ‰us Csjb huse-n Csjb hisi ¯ Csjb hi()n Cru xin xinteCsjb hine Cru xine/iCsjb hi()wa Csjb kare Cru kareCsjb -ksi Csjb -siCsjb mali A

¯

PCo *hine *hini¯ y < PU *(h)yn PU *hywa *hyja PCo *kar-i < **kal-y ? PU *-ksi PU *-ky PU *moly

Other ¯ *-my/C_ PMi *-m/V_

¯

hus huse

PMi *huk *huku

hin

PMi *hyl-si ¯ PMi *s. ynty *s. yty

hini

PMi *‰yny-

kari

PMi *hyja PMi *kal < PU *kal ‘smoke’ PMi *-ksy PMi *-ky PMiw *molu ¯

135

136

Proto Utian grammar

Table 84 continued. PU *y > PCo *u, *e, *i, and related sets PCo, PU PCo *pire < PU py(¯)la ¯ PCo *-si- *-s < PU *-sY *-s PU *-kyPCo *sira < PU *kyla

English Cos Ceb Other world, land, Csjb pire pire-wiš PMis *pylaj- ‘field, ¯ earth Cru pire ‘snake’ valley’ ¯ ¯ andative imv. Csjb -ji-s -ji-s -ji-š PMie *-sY *-s Cru -si- -s active caus. Csjb -siPMi *-kyliver Csjb sire sire PMi *kyla Csf Se rah Sch Cru s/s. ire ‘heart, liver’ /sira/ PCo *siwot gopher Csjb sikot Cscl si-bât PMi *sywyt ¯ ot ¯ HWH < PU *syw Cru s. ekot¯ ¯ water Csjb si si PMi *kik *kikyPCo *si(j) *sije ¯ ¯ Cru sij sije< PU *kik *kiky ¯ e tooth, teeth Csjb si()t sit PMi *kyt *kytyPCo *sit *sit Cru sit Ckar /site-t. it/ < PU *kyt *kyty ¯ ‘my teeth’ no, not Csjb ‰ekwe PMis *‰ew()y ‰akwe †PCo *‰akwe *‰ekwe PYn *s. ithxil ¯ *‰at-u-×ePMis . *‰ot. -u-×ePMi *‰ot. i ¯ PY *hath- *hothPMis *t. ole-jyPMis *t. olko-s. PY *thuk

Ckar tutper A *tutper *tutpes Ceb tur

PMie *t. yp()y‰laeyelashes‘’ ¯ ¯ Mip tatapyla*tur *turi-š PMi *t. is *t. isy Mil tis. -wa

Ceb -t.

*-t.

‰e()t. e

*‰et. e

PMie *-g PMi *puge Mip ‰ecy-

10.2. Costanoan reflexes of PU *o, *a First, we will list instances in which reflexes of PU *a remain in both Costanoan and Miwok languages (Table 86). Normally, identical correspondences between the two families are not tabulated, but I deemed it necessary in this case because the developments of PU *o in Costanoan are complex and sometimes also result in PCo *a. Specifically, Costanoan reflexes show /o/ in both syllables if the Proto Utian word had /o/ in both syllables or /o/ in the first syllable and /a/ in the second. PU *CyCoC > PCo *CiCoC, although the only example is the set for “gopher” (Table 87). PCo *o > /u/ in all Costanoan languages except Karkin if the vowel in the following syllable was /i/ and PU *o > PCo *u in all Costanoan languages including Karkin if the vowel in the following syllable was /u/ (Table 88). This development is best stated in the form of two ordered rules: PCo *o > Ckar o/_Ci; otherwise, PU *o > Co u/_C(C)V+hi. Table 89 lists sets in which PU *o > PCo *a including some in which there is a high vowel in the following syllable. The conditions under which PU *o > PCo *a rather than PCo *u in this environment are still to be determined.

138

Proto Utian grammar

Table 86. PU *a > Co a PU *hat. a

*kaj-kaj ?

Cos Ceb Cscr hatash Co Cscl hatta-m Me animate pl.(on PCos *-ja variant stems) crested jay Csjb /kajkaj/

*kan

my

Csjb kan

*ka

my

*kan

I

Csjb ka Cru ka Csjb ka()n Cru ka

*ka()-na

I, my, mine

*kani < **kan-ni ? *kal *law...

I

Csjb kani

smoke (fire) gulp down

*lakat

a name, to name we excl.

Cscr kaar P ¯ lawku Csjb lawu Csjb rakat Cru rakatCsjb makse Cru make-j Csjb mâ A /ma()/ Csjb patja-n Cru paga-n Cru paka-

*-ja

*maks. i *ma()

*paka

English foot, sole

emphatic particle blood to tap, pound

Csjb paratju Cru paratk ¯ papa *papa grandfather Csjb papa sores, rash Csjb pat. ar *pat. al ‘smallpox, ¯ measles’ *sak *saky gray pine nuts Csjb sak Cru sak w to sit down Csjb t. akar-pu *t. ak a(l) ? Sit down! Cru t. akar-ap! man (male) Csjb t. ares *t. a()li-s. Cscr tra-los HWH *wali(p) earth, world

*pala...

woodpecker

PCo *hat. a(-s. )

Other PMis *hat. ePMie *hat. a- ‘to step s.o.’ PMis *-ja

PCos *ka

Miss kajkaj ‘screech of jay’ PMis *kajka‰ja< **kajkaj-‰aPMis *-kan Ypal -ken’ < *kan’? *kin? PMi *ka

*kan

Mics kan

Ceb kana Ckar canac A Csol kanik *kani HWH ‘it is my’ kar

Mip kana

rakat

Mil lakat ‘to name people’ PMie *mas. i

PMi *kani PYnim nim ‘my’ PMiw *kal Mil – awaw

*rakat PCos *maks. e

PMiw *ma() paja-n

*paja-n

paratat PCos papa

*palatuk *papa

sak

*sak

gawra

t. areš warep

*t. awra

¯

t. ariš

PY *phajax Mil paka-t. i ‘to hit, pelt’ PMi *palat. ak PMi *papa PYgen *no-phoph Mil pat. al ‘scabs, sores’ PMis *saky-

¯

*t. ale-s. *t. ali-s.

Mil taká-ne ‘to land (bug)’ Mim tajis. PMi *wali

Proto Utian grammar

139

Table 86 continued: PU *a > Co a PU *wala

English Cos Ceb Indian potato Csjb war an herb Csjb wara A snow goose Csjb Wáh-ow waw-niš CHM someone, Csjb ‰am()a one, body Cru ‰ama father Csjb ‰apa ‰apa Cru ‰apa-n

PCo

*‰apa

Mip ‰apaPMiw *‰api Ytk opo-yo (voc.) D&K

*‰awan ‰awin ?

turtle

*‰awni-s. -min

PMie *‰awan-a-

*‰awe

morning, Morning Star

*wawo ? ¯

*‰ama ‰ama¯ *‰apa *‰api

PMi *wawo ? PMiw *‰am(a)

¯

Csjb ‰awnigmin Cru ‰awne-n

‰awni()š-min

Other PMi *wala

PYn *s. awa-xith Ychuk ‰ow’ PMiw *‰awe-s.

‰awe

Table 87. PU *o > PCo *o PU ¯ *gok ¯ *goko *kot. a *kot. o ?? *lowot *loko-s. *lona(k) ?

English clod, bank, cliff young man, person goose round tule to snore, growl

Cos Csjb tcok A clod Csjb kot. oknis (Csjb La-lok) Csjb roko-s Csjb rono

Ceb

PCo ¯

kogo ko()t. o rowot roko-š rono

¯ t o *ko . *kot. o

*roko-s. *mot. o ?

*pos. ol *pos. lo*pot. ...

Cru magar moto ‘cloud, ‘fog’ cloudy’ PCos *mege ‘cloud’ a sore, rash Csjb pogor sores, rash Csjb pat. ar to bubble Csjb poknis (boiling water) ‘thick mush’ lungs Cscr pošrok P pošrok

?

rotten (wood)

*pot. -

(*sywot

rotten wood gopher

*s. olo

mouse

¯

(*meg... *mig... *pogol *pat. al †*pok- ?? ¯

Csjb pothe-n Cru pogxe-n Cru pogexCsjb sikot Cru s. ekotCsjb šolo-n

Cscl si-bât HWH /siwot/

*siwot

Other PMi *gok(o) ‘bank, cliff’ Mil koca PMi *lowot PMiw *loko-s. Mil lonak-ut. e (Mil molpa ‘cloud’) Mil mic-pa) ‘fog’ Mil p oclo-t. i Mil pat. al Mins pokluMil bok-bok-os. i PMi *pos. ol

Mil pot. ot. om PMi *sywyt) Mil s. olo-kon

140

Proto Utian grammar

Certain sets in Table 87 deserve special discussion. The set PU *pok- ‘to bubble’ is onomatopoetic and the reflexes are divergent semantically, but I am keeping it because of the relationship to other words (see PU †*pok- for a fuller discussion). Note also Mil bot-bot-os. i ‘to foam and pop, said of acorn mush’, which is closer semantically than Mil bok-bok-os. i ‘to boil, bubble like boiling water’, although stone boiling is intimately involved with the making of acorn mush. We would expect the Mutsun reflex to be *puknis rather than poknis because of the high vowel in the following syllable. ¯ set for “rotten (wood)” show /e/ rather than /o/ in the second syllable, and the Costanoan reflexes in the Mutsun reflex of PU *gok goko ‘clod, lump of mud, bank’ lacks a second /o/. Miwok reflexes in these two sets lead us to suspect there were Proto Utian alternates with an /o/ in each syllable. Sets for ‘cloud, fog’ are highly irregular and Costanoan reflexes involve a doublet, Ceb moto ‘cloud’, and also Csjb ma gar ‘fog’ which shows the usual development PU *o > Co a (Table 89). California coastal fog consists of low clouds blown in from the ocean rather than radiation fog which is common inland, which explains the semantic connection between words for ‘cloud’ and ‘fog’. The relationship to stems with¯ /i/,¯ /e/ is uncertain. Note a similar doublet in words for ‘rash, sores’. The conditioning factors for /-t- t. g/ alternations are also uncertain. Table 88. PU *o > Ckar /o/, other Costanoan /u/ and related stems PU *joli

English red forehead, head, hair

¯

*‰ot. i *‰ot. -

*huji < **hojy *hoju ¯

*t. olku-s. *t. oksu-s.

Ceb

PCo

Other Mics jol-o-li-

to start first first, ahead front go first; old ear

Csjb huji-n

*‰oli Ckar oliths A ¯ /‰oli-t. / *‰ot. i-s ‰ut. hi-n Csol utgi P *‰ot. ši(-n) Ckar othsjin A *‰ot. hi-n /‰ot. hi-n/ huji *huji

Csjb hutju-j

huju

Csjb tuksus A tukšu-š Cru tuxsuCkar tugtun A /tuhtu-n/

*tuksu-s. *tuhsu-s.

to hear

Cru taje-

tahe

that, over there that, there

Csjb nuhu, ¯ naha(-n) Csjb nu nu Cru nu Csjb nuk

nuh()u ¯ nuxu P Csol nu no

*taše < **talše ? *nuh()u

two

¯

*t. ol¯ ? *-t. al*noš ¯ u ? *noš *no *no

Cos Cru juriCsjb ‰uri(h) Cru ‰uri

that that one

Csjb ‰ut. hi-n Cru ‰ut. i-s

‰uri

¯

Csjb nupi Cru nupi

¯

nuku Ckar nuc A

¯

*nu *nu

¯

PMi *‰ot. i *‰ot. ¯

PY *hat - *hothh

PMi *hojtu PMis *hoj-u-guPMis *hoji- ¯ PMie *hoja- *hojaPMis *t. olko-s. PY *thuk PMis *t. ole-jyMics nos. -u× ¯ ‘that person’s’ PMi *no *no

*nu-k PCos *nu-pi

¯

Mutsun reflexes of PU *noš *nošu ? ‘that, over there’ show a doublet, one with /u/ in the first syllable conditioned by the high vowel in the second syllable, and the other with /a/ in both syllables, presumably through the default development of PU *o > Co a, followed by vowel harmony. The first alternate, PCo *nuhu

Proto Utian grammar ¯

141

¯

‘that, over there’, caused PU *no *no ‘that, there’ to become PCo *nu *nu by analogy. A similar analogical development occurs in related stems, which explains PCo *nu-k ‘that’ and PCos *nu-pi ‘that one’. The set for ‘ear, to hear’ also underwent raising of /o/ to /u/ because of /u/ in the following syllable. In a related stem, PCo *taše ‘to hear’, we have the expected development of PU *o > PCo *a because the vowel in the following syllable was *e rather than a high vowel. PCo *‰oli ‘forehead’ does not have a known Miwok cognate, but it is included because it illustrates the distribution of reflexes within Costanoan. Table 89 lists examples in which PU *o > PCo *a, the expected development in cases not covered in Tables 87, 88. Included are monosyllabic stems and suffixes such as PU *jo! ‘Here is...’, PU *-kom ‘plural’, PU *mo()m ‘you pl.’, and PU *to ‘allative case’. PU *mok-kom ‘you plural’ > PCo *mak-kam through analogical pressure from PCos *ma()m ‘you pl.’ and PCo *-kam ‘plural’. Except for the set PU *mose ‘to cover up’, there is a high vowel in the second syllable of at least some Costanoan reflexes in the remainder of the cases. The reason for PCo *a instead of PCo *u in these sets has yet to be determined. Table 89. Elsewhere, PU *o > PCo *a PU *hol... *jo! *-kom *mok-kom

English to play Here is... plural you pl., your

*mo()m

you pl., your

*mokw()i

knee

*mol()i ‘to wet s.t.’ *moly

to get wet

*mose

to cover up

*mot. ...

half

Cos Ceb PCo Csjb haleti Csjb ja! Csjb -kam -kam *-kam Csjb makam makam *mak()am ¯ ¯ Cru makam ¯ *ma()m Cru mam am *‰a()m Csjb maam âm A /‰am/ Csjb makus Csf Ma cas Sch *maku-s Csol makus Csjb mala-n Ceb mari-n *mali-n Cru mala-n ‘to get wet’ Csjb mali A ‘cover genitals’ Csjb masa PCos *masa Cru masa Cru matsik P

*pogku ?

play football

Csjb pakgu

*šoju ?

ball, baseball mosquito

*-to

allative case

*t. okw... ?

stink

Csjb pakug Cscr hai-yu HWH /haju/ Csjb -tak/C_ -tak, -tka Csjb -tka/V_ Cru -ta, -tk Csjb t. awri Cru t. awir

to cover s.t.

*-tak, *-tka

Other Mib holiw Mil jo PMi *-kon PMie *mokoMil mon PY *man- ? Mib mowi PMi *mole ‘to pour’ PMiw *moluMib mos. e Mics mot. a-m ‘halfway’ PMis *pos. ok-uPMie *pos. koPMiw *s. ojo PMi *-to PMie *t. ok-t. ok PMis *t. ok-×e‘to get rotten’

10.3. Relic a/o ablaut (Table 90) This alternation is discussed under phonology rather than morphophonemics or morphology because it appears only in relic form. It is understood that a/o ablaut also subsumes a/o ablaut. The only true instances of a/o

142

Proto Utian grammar

ablaut discovered so far in Costanoan stems are the sets ‘foot, to kick’ and ‘sores, rash, to break out’ (Table 90), where Proto Utian shows doublets, one with *o in both syllables and the other with *a in both syllables. We note that PU *kala ‘to kick’ depends upon Miwok reflexes plus a single dubious Costanoan reflex, Cscl Ká-la ‘to kick’, elicited by Kroeber from an unreliable consultant. Moreover, this set is flagged (†), since it is a pan-Americanism and is therefore similar to many other California words for ‘foot’, a fact that reduces its value as evidence although pan-Americanisms are usually not flagged except in the dictionary section. Table 90. Relic a/o ablaut in Utian with notes on Yokuts PU *hat. a

English foot to step s.o. lower leg to track sneak up on heel to step stamp, dance

*hot. o

Go away!

†*kolo

foot

†*kala ??

to kick

*pat. al *pogol ? ¯ wa(l) ? *t. ak *t. awal

sores, rash a sore, a rash to sit down Sit down! hole in ground hole, opening to dig to bury to have sex egg, penis half, middle spittle, phlegm to cough to catch cold smoke tobacco skin, hide skin

Cos

Ceb Cscl hattam

Other PMis *hat. ePMie *hat. aPMis *hogon Mip hoto-juMip hoco-juYhom hatasij PMis *hat. PMis *hat. -yPYv *hathim ?

Csjb hot. o! Cru ‰ot. o-

hot. o!

Mip haci-‰! ¯ i-k/ Misac ochik A /hoc < PMie *hagi- *hogi-

Csjb koro Cru koro

koro Csf Co lo Ká-la HWH

PMi *kolo PMis *kala-×y- ‘to dance, kick with the heel’ PMis *kal-y- ‘to kick back’ PY *kalasa- CC ‘lower leg’

Csjb pat. ar Csjb pogor Csjb t. akar-pu gawra Cru t. akar-ap!

Mil pat. al Mil p oclo-t. i ‘to break out’ Mil taká-ne ‘to land (insect)’ PMie *t. o‰u-gu- ‘be sitting’ PMi *holu(j) PMie *holaw PMie *‰oluPMiw *‰ale PMi *hona¯ ¯ yPMi *han *han PMie *kawi- *kawiPMiw *kowa, Mil kowuh PMie *kale-s.¯ PMie *kole- *kols. eMip, Mins *koleh-ny¯ †PMie *pa‰my†Mil p oma p om‰a ‘to puff’ PMie *t. alkaPMis *t. ole-ga-

Proto Utian grammar

143

¯ Regular sound developments can¯account for some stem alternations I had earlier attributed to Costanoan a/o ablaut, such as PCo *tuksu-s. *tuhsu-s. < PU *t. olku-s. *t. oksu-s. ‘ear’ and PCo *ta he < **talhe, presumably from ***t. ol-še ‘to hear’ (Table 88). In the words for ‘ear’, PU *o > PCo *u because of *u in the following syllable, and in words for ‘to hear’, the normal development PU *o > PCo *a took place. Likewise, Mutsun reflexes of PU *nošu ‘that, there’ show a doublet, Csjb nuhu which is expected, and Csjb naha involving the default change of PU *o to Co /a/ followed by progressive assimilation. Even more interesting is the fact that Yokuts shows resemblant forms in some of these sets and similar sets, specifically Yokuts words for ‘heel’, ‘to stamp, dance’, and ‘lower leg’, all show /a/ rather than /o/. Mip hoto-ju- ‘to track’ and hoco-ju- ‘to sneak up on’ are probably variants of the same word, illustrating a sound change in progress. Instances of a/o ablaut more frequently involve Miwok stems. The precise circumstances under which the a-grade and o-grade appear in Miwok have yet to be determined, but we note that /t. / follows the a-grade and ¯ and PMis /g/ follows the corresponding o-grade in PMis *hat. e- ‘foot, tracks’, PMis *hat. -y- ‘to stamp, dance’, *hogon ‘lower leg’. A similar alternation can be projected to Proto Utian in PU *pat. al *pogol ‘sores, rash’. Ceb moto (< *mot. o?) ‘cloud, cloudy’ and Cru magar ‘fog’ show a reverse alternation.

10.4. Ancient Utian stem alternation Most Utian stems are disyllabic, including those that participate in the quantitative ablaut system that can be reconstructed to Proto Utian and is still partially active (see section 11.2). Some pronominal stems and a minority of Proto Utian noun stems for common items are monosyllabic and also fail to participate in the ¯ about to consider is even more ancient. Those quantitative ablaut system, indicating that the canon we are whose second consonant is a stop sometimes show a CVC CVCy- stem alternation in reflexes (Tables 91, 92). All stops other than /p/ and /‰/ are found as the second consonant, with /k/ in four sets and each of the other stops represented by a single set. In Sierra Miwok, Saclan, and apparently also Karkin, the disyllabic 

¯



Table 91. PU *CV C *CVC yEnglish tooth, teeth

PU ¯ Cos *kyt *kyty- Cru sit

Ckar PMis sittethrit A *kyty/site-t. it/

¯

sleep, bed asleep

*‰et. *‰et. y-

nose

Cru ‰us *huku*huk ¯ y*huk /‰use/ ? AT /sijin-tet. /? *kiky*kik *kiky- Cru sij ¯ Cru sije-n VG Cru muk-ja×kw -muhue A *miwy*mikw /-muwe/ *mikwyCru muke-n ‘become a man’

water (get) watery person

¯

Csjb ‰et. Cru ‰et. e-s. t ¯

Mip k.t

‰eci-ni- ‘bed’ < *‰egy-ni-

huk

*huk

kik kik.-‰¯.miw miwy-‰a-

*kik Mil kik-ak Mil miw ‘husband’ Mil miw-ak ‘married’ (woman) *ket

¯

head louse trail nail, claw

PMi *ket *kety- ??¯ PMi *muk *muku¯ *tis PMi . *t. isy

¯

PCo *tur *turi-š

¯ PMiw *kut *kutu*kut-ak ‘fanged’ *‰ec ‘to sleep’

*kety-

ken

*muku-

mu()k

*t. isy-

ti(s)

Mil muk Mib muku Mil ti

144

Proto Utian grammar

alternate has been generalized. Judging from Western Miwok and Rumsen reflexes where both stems survived, Proto Utian CVCy- stems preceded derivational suffixes and CVC stems occurred before final juncture and case suffixes. Note that a derivational suffix like -n in Cru sije-n ‘to get watery’ can turn the resulting word into a verb. Table 93 features demonstrative pronouns of these canons with a sibilant as the second consonant. It is condensed from Table 112, discussed in 13.6. In Karkin, the disyllabic alternate has been generalized. Judging from Western Miwok and Rumsen reflexes where both stems survived, Proto Utian CVCy- stems preceded derivational suffixes and CVC stems occurred before final juncture and case suffixes. Note that a derivational suffix like -n in Cru sije-n ‘to get watery’ can turn the resulting word into a verb. Table 93 features demonstrative pronouns of these canons with a sibilant as the second consonant. It is ¯ condensed from Table 112, discussed in 13.6. In the case of PMi *muk *muku- ‘trail’, no Costanoan cognates have survived, possibly because Costanoan palatalization of *k in this environment (9.2) would cause confusion with reflexes¯ of PCo *mus. ‘breast, milk’, since PU *k > PCo s when high vowels preceded and followed. PMi *ket *kety- ‘head louse’ is aberrant in having a Plains Miwok reflex ken,¯ and it also lacks known Costanoan cognates. ¯ which ends in a spirant, and its The above pattern spread in Proto Miwok to *t. is *t. isy ‘nail, claw’, reflexes configurate like the other sets in Table 91. If PCo *tur *turi-š ‘fingernail, toenail, claw’ is cognate, the Miwok stem alternation did not arise in Proto Utian times, since Costanoan reflexes do not follow the same pattern. Cognate relationship between the Miwok and Costanoan stems is possible, however, ¯ PMi *tV... corresponds to PCo *tu...(see Table 85). because of other sets in which . ¯ had also spread to some noun ¯ stems ending In addition to PMi *t. is *t. isy ‘nail, claw’, the above pattern ¯ ¯ in /n/ by Proto Miwok times (Table 92); specifically PMi *han *hany- ‘penis’, PMi *hun *hunu- ‘wolf’, PMie *lin *liny- ‘round tule’, and possibly also PMi *‰i()n *‰iny- ?? ‘tears’ if our reconstruction is accurate, although the last reconstruction is problematic. In Plains Miwok, we expect a reflex of PMi *‰i()n, not a deformed reflex of PMi *‰iny-, and Mins ‰itkaj ‘tears’ is unexplained. A similar pattern is found in Proto Utian demonstrative pronouns ending in *š (Table 93), although the distribution of reflexes from the latter pronouns is somewhat different. PU *‰iš ‘this, that, 3 sg.’, PU *neš ‘this, here’, and PU *noš ‘that, there’ are derived through internal reconstruction from several reflexes ¯ *š > 0/_# in monosyllables. Most Costanoan reflexes of PU inclding oblique stems. We must assume that PU *‰iš were replaced by reflexes of PCo *waka *wak ‘he, she, it’ except in Chocheño and Chalon. Note that Proto Utian pronominal stems of the canon *CVšy- preceded oblique cases of the pronoun, whereas Proto ¯ derivational suffixes. Utian nominal stems of the canon *CVCy- occurred before We can assume Proto Utian stems of the type *CVš *CVšy-, with final š being lost in monosyllables shortly after Proto Utian times (see also section 9.1 and Table 71). We likewise presume an intermediate stage during which PU *š > h before final juncture, bringing the development of PU *š in line with that of PU *s. and *s in Proto Miwok. Reflexes of PU *š are retained when non-final and sometimes in clitics. The *-š in PCo *turi-š ‘claws, fingernails’ may result from recent spread or phonological developments, since it does not show the expected reflexes. 

¯



Table 92. PMi *CV C *CVC y- (nasal as second consonant) English egg, penis (to copulate wolf

PCo

(*‰umuh)

round tule tears

*‰i()n

¯ PMi ¯ PMis *han *ha×y*hany*ho×u*hona¯ Mics hona*hu×u*hun ¯ *hunuMins li×yPMie *lin *liny-¯ (Mins ‰itkaj) *‰¯i()n ( *‰iny- ?)

Mip

Miw Mil han ‘adult penis’ Mil hona-mt. i) Mil hun

Léen CHM /lin/ ‰inaj < *‰iny- ?

Mil ‰in-te

Proto Utian grammar



¯

145



Table 93. PU *CV C *CVC y- (sibilant as second consonant) English he, she, it; his, her, its this, here that, there

PU ¯ PCo¯ *‰iš *‰išy ? *‰is. *‰is. y *‰i(š) ¯ PCon *‰i *neš *nešy Csol nixxi P ¯ /nihi/ ‘here’ *noš *nošu *nuh()u

PMi *‰is. *‰is. *nes. -

PMis

Mip

PMiw Mil ‰i() ¯ Mim /‰us. ‰is. /

‰isy-‰is

nesyMics nos. -

(nosu ‘gen.’)



Table 94. Monosyllabic Utian noun stems paired with verbs (CV C-y) English smoke (fire) to smoke (fire) breast, milk to nurse song to sing claws, nails to scratch sleep, bed asleep to sleep nose to smell something to emit odor

PU *kal

PCo *kar *kar-i- < ¯ **kal-y ¯ *mus *mus. *mus. *mus. -i *mus-y*mus. -y*s. aw *s. aw-e ¯ < **s¯. aw-y*tur PMi *t. is *turi-š *t. isy¯

*‰et. *‰et. y¯ *‰et. -y*huk *huky-

*huky

PMis

Mip

PMiw *kal

*mus*mus-u-

mu musu-

*mu

*t. isy-

ti(s)

*ti

*t. isy-jy< **t. is-y- ?

PCos *‰et. ? Cru ‰et. e-s. t *‰et. -e ¯ *hus ( *huku*huse ?) Cru /‰use-/ ? *hus()eCeb huse Csjb ‰use-hte < **huk-y- ?

*‰eg ‰ecy-

huk

*‰eg *huk Mib huku

Monosyllabic Utian stems are sometimes paired with corresponding verbs of the canon CVC-y, where -y is a verbalizer (Table 94), arguing that this pattern of verb derivation is also ancient. At this level, -y does not harmonize with the ¯preceding vowel. Examples are PU *kal¯‘smoke (from fire)’, PCo *kar-i (< **kal-y-) ¯ *mus. -y, ‘to suckle’. This pattern can also ‘to smoke’; PU *mus *mus. ‘breast(s), milk’, PU *mus-y¯ involve stems from the preceding pattern, such as PU *‰et. *‰et. y- ‘bed, sleep’ and PU *‰et. -y- ‘to sleep’; PU *huk *huky- ‘nose, nostrils’ and Csjb ‰use-hte ‘to give out an odor (from illness)’ < **(h)uk-y- ?. ¯ monosyllabic nouns ¯ Most Yokuts stems are also disyllabic, but there are a very few paired with verbs ending in -i, such as Ywik ‰oš ‘stolen thing’ GG, PYgen *‰o». u *‰osu < **‰u». i **‰usi ‘to steal’ GG, Ywik tuj ‘food’ GG and Ywik tuju < *tuji ‘to eat’ GG. Note also the Utian resemblant forms Csjb hat. a ‘to steal’, Mib tu ‘grub’.

146

Proto Utian grammar

An interesting case of resemblant forms between Yokuts and Utian is Mil cam < *gam ‘faded, worn out; to die away’, Mil camu < *gam-y- ‘to abuse’ and Yyaw c omu < *c umi ‘to devour, make extinct’. Note also PMis *gam-s. y- ‘to die’, based on the Simplex Grade of a longer stem, presumably *gam or *gamy-. Examples such as this one involving resemblant relic forms in both Utian and Yokuts continue to make YokUtian a viable hypothesis. 11.0. Stems, quantitative ablaut, and grades The basic Utian stem types were introduced in 6.2, and they will be repeated here in display format with examples for the convenience of the reader. These stem types can be reconstructed to Proto Miwok, Proto Costanoan, and Proto Utian. Consonant final stems are closed and vowel final stems are open. 11.1. Proto Utian stems l. Monosyllabic Stems are of the canons C1V()C2, C1V() PU *mi ‘thou’, PU *mi ‘thou’ (unstressed) open Monosyllabic Stems PU *kan ‘my’, PU *kan ‘I’, PU *kik ‘water’, closed Monosyllabic Stems closed Monosyllabic Stems PU *his. ‘sun’, PU *‰et. ‘sleep, bed’ PU *kal ‘smoke from fire’ closed Monosyllabic Stem 2. Light Stems are of the canons C1VC2VC3 //C1VC2VC3//), and C1VC2VC3V(C4) (//C1VC2VC3V(C4)//). In this last instance, //C1VC2VC3V(C4)// > /C1VC2VC3 V(C4 )/ by Morphophonemic Vowel Lengthening. Most Light Stems are disyllabic but a minority are monomorphemic and trisyllabic. The latter refer to plants and animals. PU *kolo ‘foot’ open Light Stem PU *nykys ‘poison oak’, PU *‰uten ‘sorcerer’, closed Light Stems PU *pukuj ‘to make a whirlwind’ PU *tiwituk ? //tiwituk// ‘killdeer’ closed Light Stem 3. Cluster Stems are of the canons C1VC2C3V(C4). open Cluster Stem PU *maks. i ‘we exclusive independent pronoun’ PU *mympy ‘to close the mouth’, PU *šynty ‘eye’, open Cluster Stems PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’ PU *‰alkeš ‘valley oak and acorn’ closed Cluster Stem 4. Geminate Stems are of the canons C1VC2 V(C4). open Geminate Stems PU *kani ‘I’, PU *s. olo ‘mouse’, PU *‰eku ‘hand’, PU *šoju ‘mosquito’ closed Geminate Stems PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’, PU *put. ul ‘guts’, PU *sywot ‘gopher’, PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’ 5. Long Stems are of the canons C1VC2V(C3). PU *hy‰y ‘yes’, PU¯*miny ‘thy, thine’, open Long Stems PU *musy *mus. y ‘to suckle’, PU *papa ‘grandfather’, PU *wala ‘Indian potato’, PU *wyky ‘to burn, light a fire’, PU *‰et. y ‘to sleep’ closed Long Stems PU *lakat ‘to name, a name’, PU *lokos. ‘round tule’, PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming’ 6. Weak Stems are of the canon C1 VC2 V. Underlying Weak Stem verbs are rare. An example is PCos *mehe ‘to see, look at’. 

Proto Utian grammar

147

I consider the basic or underlying stem (or grade) to be the deepest level I have been able to reconstruct, usually the lead stem in a dictionary set. Examples are PMi *lile ‘above’ and PU *šynty ‘eye’. In some cases, the deepest stem in a set leaves a reflex only in a single branch or even a single language. An examples is PMi *gam ‘dead, faded’ > Mil cam. The Proto Miwok projection is justified by PMis *gam-s. y- ‘to die’, based on a Simplex Grade of PMi *gam. In like manner, PMi *kyn ‘excrement’ > PMiw *ke, but in this case, PMi *kyn-s. y ‘to defecate’ left reflexes in both Eastern and Western Miwok and can be reconstructed to Proto Miwok. 11.2. The Proto Utian ablaut system It is obvious that some of these stems are related, such as PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’, a Geminate Stem, and PU *pukuj ‘to make a whirlwind’, which is a Light Stem; also PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’, another Geminate Stem, PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming, a dream’, a Long Stem, and PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’, a Cluster Stem. We are looking at an ablaut system which can be reconstructed in part for Proto Utian and which remained active to some degree in the daughter languages. Grades in Utian are alternations among related noun stems and verb stems. The Light Grade, Cluster Grade, and Geminate Grade have the same names and canonical shapes as the corresponding stems. Hence PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’ is both a Geminate Stem and a Geminate Grade noun. PU *nykys ‘poison oak’ is a Light Stem noun, but it would not be called a Light Grade noun without related noun or verb stems, which so far have not been discovered. PU *kani ‘I’ is a Geminate Stem pronoun but not a Geminate Grade pronoun because pronouns do not participate in the ablaut system. In other words, stems refer only to the canonical structure while grades refer to the canon of a particular noun or verb stem as it relates to other noun or verb stems in the same set. We assume that the deepest stem (or grade) that can be reconstructed in a set is the historically underlying stem but no set will exhibit all possible grades. The grade of the canon C1VC2V(C3) is called “Lengthened” rather than “Long” and the grade of the canon C1VC2V is called “Reduced” rather than “Weak” because stems of these canons are frequently derived. In like manner, the first CVC- of any stem constitutes a Simplex Grade and the first CVC- constitutes a Lengthened Simplex Grade. Hence PMis *gam- ‘die’ is the Simplex Grade of PMi *gam ‘dead’. PU *hat. ‘to step’ is the Simplex Grade of PU *hat. a- ‘foot’ and PMis *hag-y- ‘to halt someone’ is based on the Lengthened Simplex Grade of PMi *hagi ‘to step’ plus *-y ‘verbalizer’. A grade of the canon CVCy is called a Geminate Simplex Grade. PMis *komu- ‘to warm oneself by the fire’ is an example of the Geminate Simplex Grade based on PMi *kom ‘burned’. In Western Miwok verbs, the Light Grade was generalized before final juncture for historic Light Stem and Cluster Stem verbs. In other cases, the Western Miwok verbal suffix usually (but not always) determined the grade. Hence PU *hojtu ‘to begin, start’ > Mib hojot ‘to be first’ but note Mib hojto-t. i ‘started’ where the suffix, -t. i ‘perfective’ determined the Western Miwok Cluster Grade in historic Light Stem and Cluster Stem verbs. The grades were often associated with meaning as in Proto Indo-European. Light Grades and Cluster Grades reflected basic noun or verb stems. The Geminate Grade was associated with nouns, especially in triconsonantal stems. As indicated earlier, the Lengthened Grade was often derived and occurred in durative verbs and nouns, often abstract nouns. The Reduced Grade was restricted to bi-consonantal stems and will be discussed later. In Table 96, we see that Lengthened Grade nouns and verbs tend to occur in individual languages only or to be shallower in depth of reconstruction, indicating that they are derivative. Examples of shallow Lengthened Grade nouns and durative verbs are Mins hylak-i- ‘noise’, Mil kunuh ‘to keep defecating’, Mil ‰ocoh ‘to keep urinating’, Csjb pakug ‘baseball’, Csjb ‰orej-min ‘were-bear’, Mil hojut ‘to start, one by one’, Miss t. ot. uj ‘stuff that makes foam’, Mil pic ak ‘to crush or squeeze slowly’, Mil wocak ‘to scratch with fingernails’, and PCos *‰ujak- ‘afternoon, evening; to be getting late’. Of course, there are exceptions such as PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming, a dream’ and perhaps PCo *hejes/k ‘beard, whiskers’, and if the latter is cognate with Mins wyjes ‘beard, whiskers’, it also derives from a Proto

148

Proto Utian grammar ¯

Utian Long Stem noun (see 3.4.1 for other instances of /h-, ‰-/ /w-/ before high vowels within Utian). Reconstruction of this system for Proto Utian provides the clinching piece of evidence for genetic relationship between Miwok and Costanoan languages. As I mentioned earlier (6.3), Rumsen reflexes of the ¯ Lengthened Grade include both durative verbs and abstract nouns (i.e., very durative verbs); hence Cru ‰isut ‘to be dreaming’ and Cru ‰ist/_# ‰isut- ‘a dream’, since the fleeting vowel is lost from final syllables in nouns but not verbs, a clear case of morphologically conditioned sound change. Among Costanoan languages, the original ablaut system remained most active in Mutsun. Special Rumsen sound developments (see 6.3) have obscured some of the ablaut system in that language, and the Chocheño corpus is too small to reflect the full system. In addition, most of the grades are differentiated by length, which no transcriber heard systematically for Costanoan languages except Harrington. The system developed most fully in Eastern Miwok, and we can be grateful that those languages retained the historically underlying verbal stems as basic (Freeland’s Stem 1). In Costanoan tri-consonantal verbs, the Cluster Grade was generalized before final juncture and most suffixes, but the historically underlying stem appears before the Mutsun and Chocheño reflexive and reciprocal suffixes. As previously mentioned, Eastern Miwok cognates retain the historically underlying verb stem as Freeland’s Stem 1, which forms the present declarative and perfect tenses. These facts allow us to reconstruct the underlying stems of a few Proto Utian tri-consonantal verbs from the shapes of both Miwok and Costanoan reflexes, such as PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’, reconstructed from PMie *‰ekgu- ‘to dream’, which surfaces as Stem 1 in Plains Miwok. Its cognate, Mil ‰ukuc ‘to dream’, shows the Light Grade occurring automatically before final juncture in Western Miwok. In Costanoan languages, the Cluster Grade is automatic before final juncture in most verbs. Fortunately, we also have reflexive forms in two Costanoan languages, Csjb ‰istu-pu and Ceb ‰ištu-pi, both meaning ‘to dream of something’, which reveals that the Cluster Grade is the shape of the underlying Proto Costanoan verbal stem as well. In like manner, we have PCos *hejes-pu ‘to shave oneself’, which reveals PCos *hejes- to be the underlying stem meaning ‘to shave’, even though its surface form before final juncture is PCos *hejse. Note also PCos *hejes ‘beard’, a ¯ Grade noun. It is uncertain how Mins wyjes- ‘beard’ ¯ fits into this set, but it may reflect PU Lengthened *wyjes *hyjes ‘beard, whiskers’, related to pre-Utian **w **‰ before high vowels, and the regular development of PU *y > PCo *e (see 10.1). 11.3. Morphologically motivated metathesis If we examine the preceding stem types, it is evident that in tri-consonantal stems, the Cluster Grade can be derived from the Light Grade, the Lengthened Grade, or the Geminate Grade through metathesis of the second vowel and the third consonant, allowing for the subsequent rules -C2C3- > -C2C3- and -VC2C3- > -VC2C3to avoid impermissible canons. Hence PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’ could be derived from either PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’ or PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming, a dream’. Some people question that metathesis can occur on a systematic basis, claiming vowel syncope must be responsible. In 3.4.1, we encountered such an instance of surface metathesis in Ywik hukuj ‘to mix’, hukj-uth ‘was mixed’ (passive aorist)’. As previously noted, the allomorph of the passive aorist following consonants is -ith, with /i/ > /u/ through vowel harmony with the preceding /u/, followed by its loss when phonologically permissible. Consequently, this instance of surface metathesis can be accounted for historically through vowel harmony followed by vowel loss. In the Utian example cited previously, no such analysis could explain metathesis since the quality of the two vowels is different. A prominent linguist, John T. Stonham (1994: 152-59), addresses the question of metathesis in Sierra Miwok, but I should first correct a few misconceptions. Sierra Miwok is not a Costanoan language. Sierra Miwok is not even a single language but three closely related languages for reasons I have discussed earlier, although Freeland does refer to all the Miwok languages as dialects. Stonham tries to circumvent Sierra Miwok metathesis by claiming that the stem structure is such as to justify placing consonants and vowels on separate tiers, which would bypass consonant-vowel metathesis. He bases this analysis on the surface structure of Freeland’s four principal stems, which remind him of Semetic binyanim. However it is the

Proto Utian grammar

149

Central Sierra Miwok stem as a whole that has meaning, and the vowels do not have meaning apart from the consonants, all of which reduces the similarity to Semitic as well as the motivation for placing consonants and vowels on separate tiers. A full analysis of his arguments is beyond the scope of this book, especially since several other Utian languages also have clear cases of metathesis, including morphologically motivated consonant-vowel metathesis (Table 95). Ceb ‰irok ‘excrement’ is a Light Grade noun with no known Miwok cognates. The corresponding verb is Ceb ‰irko ‘to defecate’, and we know that the Cluster Grade is underlying because in closely related Mutsun, we have ‰irko ‘to defecate’, ‰irko-pu ‘to soil oneself’, a reflexive form which always follows the historically underlying stem. I enjoy citing this example when people question my claim that morphologically motivated metathesis can occur or even that genuine metathesis exists at all. In PCo *‰irko, we have the underlying shape of the verbal stem from the Mutsun reflexive, The meanings are graphic enough that the preceding example remains in peoples’ minds, and since the vowels in the two syllables are different, we cannot attribute the alternation to syncope or a similar process. Table 95: Instances of morphologically motivated metathesis Nouns, adjectives Ceb ‰irok ‘excrement’ PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’ Miss hityp ‘cold’ Miss kutew ‘messenger’ Miss t. osuj ‘thin scrawny’ Miss t. akyp ‘thirst’ Mins makyt- ‘swollen up’ Mins hakis- ‘smoke from fire’ Mins catyj- ‘humped up’ Mins cinyp- ‘squinty eyed’ Mins culak-, Mip culak ‘diarrhea’ Mins kat. yp- ‘hard feces’ Mins lolak- ‘storm’ Mip lolak ‘rainstorm’ Mins nat. yj- ‘curly’ Mins poluk- ‘flooding’ Mip poluk ‘flood’ Mins tukaj- ‘saliva’ Mins woles- ‘pond’ Mip h.tik ¯‘song’ Mip kalih kalis ‘smoke (fire)’ Mip kokic ‘a fart’ Mip lokaj ‘a braid’ Mip tykap ‘lid, drape’ Mip wicek ‘sky, clear day’ Mil letoj-pa ‘to lap’ Mil colak-po ‘to dip something repeatedly’ Csjb posol ‘posole (stew)’ < Sp. posole Miss hanis ‘harness’ < Eng. Mins liwal-a- ‘scale (for weighing) Mil ‰isal ‘to keep frying’ < Sp. asar ‘to roast’, probably through Wappo Mins kopet. -pa- ‘to be shot’ < Sp. escopeta ‘gun’

Verbs Ceb ‰irko ‘to defecate’ PU *ektu ‘to dream’ Miss hitpy- ‘to be or get cold’ Miss kutwe- ‘to send’ Miss t. osju- ‘to get thin’ Miss t. akpy- ‘to thirst’ Mins makty- ‘to rise (bread)’ Mins haksi- ‘to get smoky’ Mins catjy- ‘to arch the back’ Mins cinpy- ‘to blink, wink, close the eyes’ Mins, Mip culka- ‘to have diarrhea’ Mins kat. py- ‘to be constipated’ Mins lolka- ‘to rain cats and dogs’ Mip lolka- ‘to pour (rain)’ Mins nat. jy- ‘to curl or wave (hair)’ Mins polku- ‘to flood’ Mip polku- ‘to flood’ Mins tukja- ‘to spit’ Mins wolse- ‘to come up (water)’ Mip h.tki- ‘to sing’ Mip kalsi- ‘to smoke (fire)’ Mip kokci- ‘to fart’ Mip lokja- ‘to braid (string or hair)’ Mip tykpa- ‘to shut, close’ Mip wicke- ‘to clear up (clouds)’ Mil letjo-pa ‘to lick or lap once’ Mil colka-po ‘to dip something once’ Csjb poslo ‘to make posole’ Miss hansi-po- ‘to harness’ Mins liwla- ‘to weigh, weight’ < Sp. libra ‘pound’ Mil ‰isla-t. i ‘to fry quickly’ Mins kopt. e- ‘to shoot with a gun’

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Supporting examples are necessary. Drawing from individual Miwok languages (Table 95), we have a sample of cases where metathesis alone signals a difference in meaning, again allowing for the reduction of impermissible canons such as a long consonant followed by a consonant or in Eastern Miwok, a long vowel followed by a consonant cluster. In several instances, such as Mip lokaj ‘a braid’ and lokja- ‘to braid’, Miss kutew ‘messenger’ and kutwe- ‘to send’, one must acknowledge morphologically motivated metathesis even if one omits predictable Y, as was done in Freeland (1951) and Broadbent (1954). Nor can we postulate a sequence like //kutew-e-// where -e- is a suffix, because such a sequence would become *kutew-e- through Morphophonemic Lengthening (6.4.2), not /kutwe-/ through medial vowel loss. In citing the items in Table 95 as well as throughout this volume, I include the final Y of stems in Southern and Central Sierra Miwok which Broadbent and Freeland omit. I do so because I recognize each vowel as coequal and do not omit one of them and reinstate it through an epenthesis rule. I exclude the -Y- following noun and verb stems in the Northern Sierra Miwok Dictionary because that vowel belongs in a case suffix following nouns or as a verbalizer following verbal stems. Hence Miss hitp- ‘to be or get cold’ is cited as hitpy-, Miss t. osj- ‘to get thin’ is cited as t. osju-, and Mins makyt-y- ‘swollen up’ is cited as makyt-. PMis *timel-y- is cited in the table as PMis *timel-y- < **timel- ‘to thunder’ to clarify its underlying Light Stem, which undergoes morphophonemic lengthening when suffixed by the verbalizer *-y-. The vitality of metathesis in Utian languages is illustrated by the fact that loan words participate as we see from the examples at the end of Table 95. The first pair, Csjb posol ‘posole (stew)’ and poslo ‘to make posole’, also illustrates morphological motivation. In this case, the vowels in the two syllables are the same because they are the same in the first two syllables of Spanish posole, the source of Csjb posol. Succeeding examples illustrate loan words in which the vowels in the two syllables differ, but the suffix determines the shape of the stem (the Grade) in one member of the pair, so the examples merely illustrate metathesis without morphological motivation. We now continue discussing the ablaut system (see Table 96). In the case of PU *pukuj ‘to whirl (wind)’, we must determine the underlying Proto Utian stem from Eastern Miwok reflexes alone. Fortunately, we have PMis *pukuj-u- < **pukuj ‘to whirl (wind)’ (Stem 1), and in Eastern Miwok, Stem 1 is historically as well as synchronically underlying. We also have Csjb pusju ‘to whirl (wind)’, but the Cluster Grade of Costanoan verbs always appears before final juncture, and we lack examples before reciprocal or reflexive suffixes which preserve the original grade. The same is true for PU *wilep ‘to flash (lightning)’, where its Light Grade is determined from PMie *wilep-y- < **wilep ‘to flash (lightning)’. PMi *nenut ‘to know, recognize’ is probably cognate with ¯PCos *nans. i ‘to know, recognize’, but the details have yet to be worked out, so the lead entry, PU *nan... *nen... is queried. PMi *nenut is a Light Grade verb based on PMis *nenut-u- < **nenut ‘to know, recognize’ and Mil nentu-po ‘to realize’, where -po ‘reflexive’ has a more figurative sense when it follows the Cluster Grade. Mil nenut-po, where -po ‘reflexive’ follows the Lengthened Grade, means ‘to know oneself’. We can reconstruct PMi *nenut ‘friend, to know’ with the abstract nominal meaning ‘friend’ spreading through Sierra Miwok and the durative verbal meaning ‘to know, recognize’ restricted to Lake Miwok. Mins -‰a×ky- ‘negative’ requires a Geminiate Grade stem, as in nenut-‰a×ky- ‘to not recognize’. Here the grade is determined entirely by the suffix rather than by the meaning of the stem. PMi *hyl-ka, where *-ka was a semi-accidental suffix, probably meant ‘to make a noise’ in Proto Miwok, and Sierra Miwok reflexes retained this meaning. Western Miwok reflexes came to mean ‘to break wind’, originally as a euphemism. Note the Light Grade reflex before final juncture. Note also PMis *hylak-s. i¯ has ‘noisy’, where a Geminate Grade noun precedes the adjective suffix *-s. i-. Mins hylak-i- ‘noise’ nominalized this construction through the Lengthened Grade. The Geminate Grade of PMi *kujak *hujak ‘to whistle with the mouth’ underlies PMis *kujak-a- ‘mountain quail’ before -a- ‘impersonal agentive’, conferring the meaning of ‘thing that whistles.’ Mins kynys- ‘sound of a fart’ and PMie *poluk ‘a flood’ are Geminate Grade nouns without derivational suffixes, and both are formed from underlying Cluster Grade verbal stems. Mil ‰oco-n-jomi ‘bladder: urineposs.-place’ is based on the Geminate Grade of ‰ocoh ‘to urinate’ with loss of final /h/ before the possessive case suffix -n. Miss ‰ypyh-a- ‘bathtub’ represents another instance of the Geminate Grade before -a‘impersonal agentive’. PMis *timel-e- ‘thunder’ shows the Geminate Grade before the nominal suffix *-e-.

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PU *pogku ‘to play football’ underwent consonantal metathesis in its Mutsun reflex to position the more sonorous consonant second, and its Proto Eastern Miwok reflex underwent the change *g > *s. /_k in PMie *pos. ko- ‘football’. The same development took place by analogy in the corresponding verb, yielding PMis *pos. ok-u- < **pos. ok ‘to play football’. This is our first instance of an Eastern Miwok Cluster Grade noun corresponding to a Light Grade verb, the opposite of expectations. We have three additional examples of Cluster Grade nouns (PU *šynty ‘eye’, PMi *wys. ki ‘heart’, PMi *‰omgu ‘winter’) paired with Light Grade verbs, and in each instance, the depth of the noun is greater, raising the possibility that it is the process of metathesis that derives verbs from nouns rather than the canonical structure of the grade. Table 96. Utian ablaut system for tri-consonantal stems Light Grade Mil ‰ukuc ‘to dream’

Cluster Grade PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’ PCo *‰istu-pi ‘to dream of something’ PCos *hejes-pi ‘to PCos *hejse ‘to shave oneself’ shave’ Ceb ‰irok ‘excrement’ PCo *‰irko ‘to defecate’ Csjb ‰irko-pu ‘to soil oneself’ PMis *pukuj-u- < Csjb pusju ‘to whirl PU *pukuj ‘to (wind)’ whirl (wind)’ PMis *wilep-y- < PCo *wilpe ‘to flash’ PU *wilep ‘to flash’ PMis *nenut-u- < Mil nentu-po PMi *nenut ‘to realize’ ‘to know’ Mil mulut ‘to eat PMi *multu ‘to eat breakfast, breakfast’ breakfast’

PMiw *holak ‘to break wind’¯ PMi *hu()jak *kujak ‘to whistle’ PMiw *kunus. ‘to defecate’ Mil pol-uk ‘to flood things’ PMi *‰ot. us. -pa ‘to spray (dog)’ PMiw *‰upus. ‘to swim, bathe’ PMis *timel-y- < **timel- ‘to thunder’ PMis *pos. ok-u- < **pos. ok ‘to play football’ football

PMi *hyl-ka ‘to make noise’ PMi *kyn-s. y ‘break wind, defecate’ PMi *pol-ku ‘to flood something’ PMi *‰ot. -s. u ‘to urinate PMi *‰yp-s. y

PU *pogku, Csjb pakgu ‘to play football’ PMie *pos. ko-

Geminate Grade PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’

Lengthened Grade PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming, a dream’ PCos *hejes ‘beard’ (Mins wyjes ‘beard’)

PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’ PU *wilep ‘lightning’ Mins nenut-‰a×ky‘to not recognize’

PMis *hylak-s. i ‘noisy’ PMis *kujak-a‘mountain quail’ Mins kynys‘sound of a fart’ PMie *poluk ‘a flood’ Mil ‰oco-n-jomi ‘bladder’ Miss ‰ypyh-a‘bathtub’ PMis *timel-e‘thunder’ Csjb pakut. ‘shinny ball’

Mil nenut ‘to know’ Mins nenut- ‘friend’ PMi *nenut Mil mulut ‘to eat breakfast, one by one’ Mip mulut ‘breakfast’ < PMi *mulut Mins hylak-i- ‘noise’ PMiw *hujak ‘to whistle’ Mil kunuh ‘to keep defecating’ Mil ‰ocoh ‘to keep urinating’

Csjb pakug ‘baseball’

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Table 96 continued. Utian ablaut system for tri-consonantal stems Light Grade

Cluster Grade PCo *‰awse ‘to salt’ PCo *sawre ‘get fat’

Csjb muguw-pu ‘to eat breakfast’ PMi *kigaw ‘bleed’ PCos *‰ores. -pi ‘to become a bear’ < PCo *‰ores. ‘bear’ Csjb hiwes-mu ‘to like each other’ Csjb hesem-pu ‘to make a nest for oneself’ Ceb ‰ujak ‘earlier, in the afternoon’ ¯

PMiw *hojut *hojot ‘to start’ PMie *t. ot. uj-u- < **t. ot. uj- ‘to foam’ PMis *hakis-y- < **hakis ‘to smoke (fire)’ PMi *pigak ‘to crush, mash’

Geminate Grade PCo *‰awes ‘salt’ PCo *sawer ‘fat’ Csjb muguw ‘breakfast’ PMi *kigaw ‘blood’

Lengthened Grade Cru sawer ‘fatness’

Csjb ‰orej-min < *‰ores. -min ‘were-bear’ PCos *hiwse-n ‘to want’ Csjb hesne ‘to make a nest’ PCos *hewhe ‘to shade’ PCo *‰ujka ‘yesterday’

PCos *hiwes ‘dear one’ Csjb hesen ‘nest’ PCos *heweh ‘shadow’ Ceb ‰ujak-iš ‘in the past’

PMi *hojtu ‘to start’ Miss t. ot. ju-le-ny‘to bubble up’ PMis *haksi- ‘to get smoky’

PCos *‰ujak- ‘afternoon, evening; to be getting late’ Mil hojut ‘to start, one by one’

Miss t. ot. uj ‘beer’ foam’

Miss t. ot. uj ‘stuff that makes

PMis *hakis ‘smoke (from fire)’

¯

Mil p ic ak pic ak ‘to crush slowly, one by one’ h

PMis *kanmy- ‘to blow (wind)’ PMiw *wogka-t. i ‘to scrape’ PU *šynty ‘eye’

PMi *wyt. ak ‘to flesh (hide)’ PMis *s. ynyt-y- < **s. ynyt- ‘open eyes’ Mins wysik-y- < PMi *wys. ki- ‘heart’ *wysik- ‘to come to’ PMie *‰omug-uPMi *‰omgu < **‰omug- ‘to ‘winter’ approach winter

PMis *kanym ‘gusts’ Mil wocak ‘to scratch with nails’

Miss ‰umuc-a- ‘year’

I have used the terms ‘underlying’ and ‘derived’ rather loosely, because the system is still active in most of the daughter languages, and ‘derived’ need not mean ‘more recent’, since any of these grades could be derived from any other grade, and the history of each set must be worked out individually, a task that will be undertaken in the dictionary portion of this volume where I usually place the deepest stem I can reconstruct (or one of the deepest) as the lead entry. For example, *kyn-s. y ‘to break wind, defecate’ can be reconstructed to Proto Miwok, but this reconstruction itself is bi-morphemic, consisting of the Simplex Grade *kyn-, derived from an earlier stem, plus -s. y ‘bodily activities’. Judging by PMiw *ke ‘dung’, that earlier stem was PMi

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*kyn ‘dung’, a rare ancient monosyllabic noun which underwent loss of final /n/ before final juncture in Western Miwok monosyllables, followed by PMi *y/_# > PMiw *e. These grades are interlinked through metathesis and length variation, but it is important to remember that length is phonemic, not merely morphophonemic, in Utian languages. Examples of length variation decoupled from ablaut grades are Mil ‰ot. a ‘to cheat’ and ‰ot. a ‘two’; hena ¯ ‘wind’ and hena ‘young man’; also Mins lupu- ‘girl’ and lupu- ‘acorn pestle’, wala- ‘water snake’ and wala‘wild potatoes’; also Csjb giri ‘paternal aunt’ and giri ‘horn’, ‰ama ‘to eat’ and ‰ama ‰ama ‘body, person’. We have two Geminate Grade nouns, PCo *‰awes ‘salt’ and PCo *sawer ‘fat’, that reconstruct to Proto Costanoan, as do the corresponding Cluster Grade verbs, PCo *‰awse ‘to salt’ and PCo *sawre ‘to get fat’. Since we lack instances of these verbs before reflexive or reciprocal suffixes, we cannot be sure of their underlying forms. Csjb muguw ‘breakfast’ is also a Geminate Grade noun, but it occurs with muguw-pu ‘to eat breakfast’, a Light Grade verb. PMi *kigaw ‘to bleed’ and PMi *kigaw ‘blood’ are examples of Light Grade verbs and corresponding Geminate Grade nouns that can be reconstructed to Proto Miwok. The next four sets consist of Costanoan underlying Light Grade verbs coupled with Lengthened Grade nouns. PCo *‰ujka ‘yesterday’ and Ceb ‰ujak ‘earlier, in the afternoon’ are now adverbs readapted from their original functions. Note that PCos *‰ujak- ‘afternoon, evening; to be getting late’ shows the meanings expected for the Lengthened Grade. PMi *hojtu ‘to start’ is a Cluster Grade verb, reflected as Mil hojot, with the Light Grade occurring before final juncture. Note Mil hojot ‘to start, one by one’, a Durative Grade verb. PMie *t. ot. uj-u- < **t. ot. u-ju‘to foam’ is ultimately derived from PMie (and possibly PU) *t. ot. ‘foam’. Even though PMie *t. ot. uj-u- is therefore bimorphemic, it was subsequently treated as a monomorphemic tri-consonantal verb, and all grades are present in Southern Sierra Miwok reflexes, including t. ot. uj ‘beer’, a Geminate Grade noun that may recently have been coined. Note also t. ot. uj ‘stuff that makes foam’, a Lengthened Grade noun with a more abstract significance. In Miss t. ot. ju-le-ny- ‘to bubble up’, the Cluster Grade is automatic before the discontinuative iterative suffix -le-ny-. This suffix may be cognate with the Lake Miwok intransitive suffix -le- following the Simplex Grade. If so, -ju- has been interposed by analogy. PMis *hakis ‘smoke from fire’ is a Geminate Grade noun. Both the associated Light Grades and Cluster Grades are verbal with different meanings; PMis *hakis-y- < **hakis- ‘to smoke (stick, fire, etc. but not tobacco), and PMis *haksi- ‘to get smoky’, with more of a medio-passive force. PMi *pigak ‘to crush, mash’¯ is based on Miss picak-y- < *picak- ‘to mash’ and Mil phigak ‘to crush quickly, one at a time’. Mil phic ak pic ak ‘to crush things slowly one by one’ is a Lengthened Grade with a durative force. Glottalization often appears in Lake Miwok verbs associated with small movement. That feature and optional aspiration are deemed to be secondary, ultimately borrowed through loan words from neighboring Indian languages and then spreading by analogy and sound symbolism into some native Miwok words (Callaghan 1964, 1987b; see also 7.4.2). PMis *kanym ‘gusts’ represents another instance where a Geminate Grade noun corresponds to a Cluster Grade verb, PMis *kanmy- ‘to blow in gusts’.PMiw *wogka-t. i ‘to scrape’ is the expected Cluster Grade reflex of PMi *wyt. ak ‘to flesh (hide)’, where the grade is determined by the perfective suffix, PMiw *-t. i. Mil wocak ‘to scratch with nails’ is a Lengthened Grade’ Finally, we have three ancient Cluster Grade nouns, PU *šynty ‘eye’, PMi *wys. ki ‘heart’, and PMi *‰omgu ‘winter’, from which Eastern Miwok Light Grade verbs have been derived through the process of metathesis alone, a special Eastern Miwok development which leads to stems which are the opposite of expected grade association so far. 11.4. Formation of tri-consonantal stems from longer stems in Eastern Miwok As we can see from the examples below, tri-consonantal stems are often formed from longer stems, cutting across morpheme boundaries. The vitality of the system, especially in Eastern Miwok, can be illustrated through its treatment of loan words. Mins kopet. a- ‘gun, air rifle’ was borrowed from Spanish escopeta ‘gun’, and reinterpreted as the tri-consonantal stem kopet. - plus -a- ‘nominal suffix’, with lengthening of the medial

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vowel through the Morphophonemic Lengthening Rule. In other words, kopet. - was interpreted as a Light Grade verb, also present in Mins kopet. -pa- ‘to be shot’. This analysis resulted in the back formation of kopt. e‘to shoot with a gun’ (as opposed to a bow and arrow), further evidence of the activity of morphologically motivated metathesis and the fact that this new stem fit easily into the ablaut system which was already there. Examples of tri-consonantal stems derived from longer stems now follow: Table 97. Eastern Miwok tri-consonantal stems derived from longer stems Mins kopt. e- ‘to shoot with a gun’ PMis *micyk-na- ‘to say something, do what about a situation’ Miss musik-y- < *musik-Y- ‘to make music’ Miss muski-pa- ‘personal name’ (male): ‘Good Musician’ PMie *mas. ko-pa- ‘fifth one’ PMie *telko-pa- ‘third one’ PMis *‰ot. ki-pa- ‘second one’ Mins sawat- ‘a bad name’ Miss temok-ny- ‘to be six’ Miss t. olok-u- < //*t. olok-Y- // ‘to earmark’

Mins kopet. a- ‘gun, air rifle’ PMis *micy-ksyMiss musika- ‘music, musical instrument’ < Sp. música ‘music’ PMie *mas. o-ka- ‘five’ PMie *tel()o-k()o- ? ‘three’ PMis *‰ot. i-ko- ‘two’ Mins sawtal- < PMis *s. aw-tal ‘testicles’ Miss temo-k()a- < *temo-ka- ‘six’ Miss t. olkoh < PMis *t. olko-s. ‘ear’

Miss musika-‘music, musical instrument’ follows the normal patterns for borrowing words from Spanish, with the stressed syllable reinterpreted as a long vowel.. Miss musik-a- was then interpreted as a Lengthened Grade noun followed by the nominal suffix -a-, although this suffix is rare following the Lengthened Grade. This segmentation led to the back formation of a Light Grade verb stem followed by the verbalizer -Y-, hence //musik-Y-// > musik-y- by the Morphophonemic Lengthening Rule. A Cluster Grade automatically precedes -pa- ‘from’, which also marks ordinals . In like manner, the stem of PMie *mas. ko-pa- ‘fifth one’ is a Cluster Grade based on the first three consonants and two vowels of PMie *mas. o-ka- ‘five’, which is bi-morphemic. Note that stem derivation based on the first three consonants and two vowels cuts across morpheme boundaries as in the words PMie *mas. ko-pa- ‘fifth one’ and PMie *migyk-na- ‘to say something’. In the former case, the Cluster Grade is determined entirely by the suffix and carries no meaning of its own. PMie *telko-pa- ‘third one’ and PMis *‰ot. ki-pa- ‘second one’ are formed from underlying stems in a similar fashion. Mins sawat- ‘a bad name’ is a Geminate Grade noun based on the first three consonants and two vowels of Mins sawtal- ‘testicles’. Miss temok-ny- ‘to be six’ is the Lengthened Grade of the stem //temok-//, based on the first three consonants and two vowels of temo-k()a- ‘six’. Finally, Miss t. olok-u- ‘to earmark’ is a Light Grade verb derived from the first three consonants and two vowels of t. olkoh ‘ear’. In all the above cases, we can say which is the historically deeper stem and which is historically derived. Miss musika- ‘music’ obviously antedates the other related stems. As for the others, the longer underlying stems antedate the shorter derived stems. But we must be careful as the following set demonstrates. The above type of stem formation is so active in Utian languages that a warning is in order, especially since we depend upon linguistics to provide evidence concerning pre-history. We have just seen how Miss musika- ‘music’ along with its derivatives was treated like a native word. In the spirit of Leonard Bloomfield’s reconstruction of the Proto Algonkian word for ‘whisky’ (1946: 107), it is possible to reconstruct the Proto Utian word for ‘soup, stew’ and a corresponding Proto Utian word for ‘to boil’, both borrowed from Spanish. I have presented the set in its entirety. Mutsun and Southern Sierra Miwok reflexes are based on the first three consonants and two vowels (a Light Grade) of the borrowed word, again proving the vitality of the ablaut system.

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PU *posol N soup, stew < California Spanish pozol, pozole ‘type of pork/corn stew’. Velázquez (1945: 512) defines pozol, pozole as ‘barley and beans boiled’ from an Aztec source. This word was used by Mexicans entering California. Csjb posol N hominy, hominy posole. Note the accusative case, posol-e, which by coincidence is nearly homophonous with the Mexican word, with the stressed syllable reinterpreted as a long vowel. Miss posol N soup PU *poslo tV to boil Csjb poslo iV and tV to cook something to eat, to make pozole PMi *poslo tV to boil something

Mip poslo- poslu- pohlu- tV to boil something. Forms in -u- are judged to be by analogy with other verbs, and one version of this word has participated in the sound change *s > Mip h/_C, making pohlo- look even more like a native Plains Miwok word. Mil posol tV to boil. Note that CVC1C2V verbs (Cluster Stems) > Lake Miwok Light Stem verbs (CVC1VC2) word finally. Table 98. Monosyllabic nouns/adjectives as underlying stems Underlying stem Mil cam < PMi *gam ‘died out’ Mil hol < PMi *hol ‘log’ PMi *jos. ‘dead’ (Mil jok ‘dead’ < *jo-k ‘killed’) PMiw *kaj < PMi *kaj ‘dried up’ PU *kal ‘fire smoke’ Mil kom < PMi *kom ‘burned from sitting close to fire’ Mil num < PMi *mun ‘drowned’ PU *mus/s. ‘breast’ PMiw *til < PMi *til ‘lacking’ PMiw *tam < PMi *t. am ‘healed’ Mil ton < PMi *t. om ‘cooked, ripe’

Simplex Grade plus suffix PMis *gam-s. y ‘to die’ Mins hol-×e- ‘to fall over’ Miss hol-ku- ‘to fell’ Miss joh-na- ‘to kill for someone’

Lengthened Simplex Simplex Grade Mil camu < PMi *gam-y ‘to abuse’ Mip hol-u-kse‘to fall down’ (tree) PMie *jos. -u ‘to kill, do vigorously’

PMis *kaj-×e, Mip kaj-wy- ‘to dry up’ Mip kal-si- ‘to smoke (fire)’

Mip kaj-u-kse‘to dry up’ PCo *kar-i- < **kal-y- ‘to smoke (fire)’

Mil kom-onka ‘to scorch’ PMis *muj-×e< **mun-×e‘to drown, iV’ Mins til-wa- ‘to rush, to fly (time)’ Mil til-inka ‘to be behind, tV)’ PMis *t. am-s. y- ‘to go down (swelling)’ Mins t. om-×e- ‘to get warm’

Cru mun-i- < PU *mun-y‘to drown, tV’ PU *mus/s. -y- ‘suckle’

Mins t. om-u‘to boil over’

Reduced Grade Mil camu-t. a < *gamy- ‘wear out’ Mil holu-t. a < *holu‘to fall down’ (several trees) Mil joku-t. a ‘to die (several people)’ < *jokuMil kaju-t. a < *kajy‘to dry up’

Mil komu-t. a < *komu- ‘to scorch (several people)’ Mil numu-t. a < *munu- ‘to drown, iV (several people)’ Mil tilu-t. a < *tily‘to not reach (said of several things)’ Mil tamu-t. a < *tamy‘to heal (many sores)’ Mil tonu-t. a < *tonu‘to ripen, one by one’

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Table 98 continued. Monosyllabic nouns/adjectives as underlying stems Underlying stem

Simplex Grade plus suffix Mip ‰aj < PMi *‰aj PMis *‰aj-ki- ‘to ‘again’ (frozen noun) add on’ PCo *ris. ‘meat’ PU *huk ‘nose’ PCo *lu()s ‘saliva’ PU *‰et. ‘sleep, bed’ PMi *kom ‘burned’ PCo *mur ‘night’ PU *‰et. ‘sleep, bed’

PCos *hus. -ke ‘to play the flute’ PCo *lus-wi ‘to spit’ Csjb ‰et. -we ‘to wake up’ Mics komu- ‘to warm oneself’ PCo *mure-n < **mure-n ‘get dark’ Cru ‰et. e-s. t ‘sleeping, sleeper’ < PU *‰et. y-

Lengthened Simplex Simplex Grade Mil ‰aju-put. i < PMi *‰aj-y- ‘to gather together’ ? Ceb risi < *lis-y‘to eat meat’ Csjb ‰use-hte ‘to emit an odor’

Reduced Grade

PU *‰et. -y- ‘to sleep’

Mip ‰eci-ni- < *‰egy-ni- ‘bed’ Mics komu-gu- ‘to warm oneself’

PU *‰et. -y- ‘to sleep’

Mip ‰eci-ni- < *‰egy-ni- ‘bed’

11.5. Evolution of the Utian ablaut system The sets in Tables 96, 98 illustrate a pattern of stem alternations, some of which date from Proto Utian and pre-Utian times. Those based on a noun of the canon CVC and a corresponding verb consisting of that noun plus the verbalizer *-y comprise an ancient Utian pattern of verbalization that antedates the ablaut system (see 10.4). This pattern spread to monosyllabic nouns whose second consonant was a nasal, probably also in Proto Utian times, judging by the set PU *mun-y ‘to drown’, but certainly by Proto Miwok times (Table 92). Also ancient is the CVCy- canon, originally associated with words derived from monosyllabic nouns ending in a stop. In Proto Costanoan, the CVC-y- pattern spread to nouns ending in additional continuants, as we see from such pairs as PCo *kar ‘smoke from fire’ and PCo *kar-i < **kal-y- ‘to smoke (fire)’ and PCo *s. aw ‘song’ and PCo *s. awe < **s. aw-y- ‘to sing’. Although these alternations do not constitute an ablaut system, they represent a framework on which one can develop. Note that CVC is a de facto Lengthened Simplex Grade, and CVCy- is a de facto Geminate Simplex Grade. These are the first two grades to evolve and as we have seen, they did so in Proto Utian times. Fortunately, we have PU *‰et. ‘sleep, bed’ and PU *‰et. y- as in Cru ‰et. e-s. t ‘asleep’, also PU *‰et. -y- ‘to sleep’, illustrating all three stems. We cannot be sure of the order in which the other Proto Utian grades developed, only that they included the Simplex Grade (CVC-) plus a stem formative suffix in such verbs such as Csjb ‰et. -we ‘to wake up’, where -we is a reversative suffix the way English un- is a reversative prefix, also PMi *gam-s. y ‘to die’ based on a Simplex Grade of PMi *gam ‘died out’ plus -s. y ‘bodily function’. In both these cases, the result is a new Cluster Grade verb. Unfortunately, we lack an example of a cognate Costanoan suffix following a cognate Costanoan Simplex Grade stem derived from a monosyllabic stem. In other triconsonantal stems, the Light Grade CVCVC, the Geminate Grade (CVCVC), the Lengthened Grade (CVCVC), and the monomorphemic Cluster Grade (CVCCV) also evolved in Proto Utian times as shown by PU *pukuj ‘to whirl (wind)’, PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’, PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming, a dream’, and PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’ respectively. We know the closed Cluster Stem evolved in Proto Utian times because of PU *‰alweš ‘valley oak’. The process of producing a Simplex Grade from the first CVC- of a longer stem

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also dates from Proto Utian times as evidenced by PU *‰awe ‘morning, Morning Star’ and PU *‰aw-si ‘to dawn, to be awake’. We know the Reduced Grade of longer stems dates from Proto Miwok times because Mil ‰oni-nuka ‘to bring’ includes an irregular Weak Stem of Mil ‰oni ‘to come’. This same Weak Stem occurs in Mip ‰oninuk()u- ‘to bring’ as the regular Reduced Grade of Mip ‰oni- ‘to come’, allowing us to reconstruct a Reduced Grade, PMi *‰oni-, before the Proto Miwok causative suffix *-nu. The Reduced Grade occurs in Sierra Miwok before the verbalizer -jY-, which also follows other Reduced Grades, such as in PMis *t. ole-jy- ‘to hear’ and PMis *‰os. a-jy- ‘to marry a woman’ (note PMis *‰os. a- ‘woman’). This pattern may be the origin of the canon CVCy-, which is the Reduced Grade of the Lengthened Simplex Grade.. Hence Mil til ‘to not reach’, tilu-t. a ‘to not reach (several things), but katen ‘to kill’, katu-t. a ‘to slaughter’. Synchronically, of course, we could more economically describe the process by positing a Simplex Grade (CVC-) underlying Lake Miwok stems followed by the iterative suffix -ut. a, hence til-ut. a ‘to not reach’ and kat-ut. a ‘to slaughter’ but such an analysis would fail to capture the recurrent iterative suffix -t. a. Mil til-, the Simplex Grade, can be followed by the causative suffix -Vnka, yielding til-inka ‘to be behind in something’. In the case of PMi *jos. ‘dead’, we have PMi *s. > PMiw 0//_# following /o/, but this seems to be the only example. PMis *kaj-×e- and Mip kaj-wy-, both meaning ‘to dry up’, are also both followed by medio-passive stem formative suffixes. Mil kom ‘scorched from sitting by the fire’ seems to have entered the language after the change PMi *m > *n_# had ceased to operate. We assume it participated in the ablaut system by analogy ¯ with ton < PMi *tom ‘cooked, ripe’.¯ Mil num < *mun ‘drowned’ underwent remote consonantal metathesis. Note Mib mujmut. i munjet. i munwat. i ‘to sink, drown’, which includes the Simplex Grade mun-. Generalization of this pattern resulted in the Lengthened Simplex Grade, which formed verbs of the canon C1 VC2 -y- from stems of any canon, beginning in Proto Utian times since both Miwok and Costanoan languages are involved, as in PCo *huju ‘first, ahead’, PCo *huji < **hoj-y- ‘to begin, start’. This process became especially active in Eastern Miwok, forming transitive verbs (Table 99). In fact, PMi *t. yj-y- ‘to rest’> Mil tuju-t. a ‘to alight, one group at a time’ (iV), also Miss t. yjy- ‘to put someone to sleep’ (tV). To summarize: one of the initial stages of expansion of primitive stem alternation into an ablaut system may have occurred through the derivation of Lengthened Simplex Grades from the first CVC- of longer stems (Table 99), which as we have seen, occurred in proto Utian, and it paralleled an existing ancient pattern of deriving verbs from monosyllabic nouns by suffixing -y. Verbalization through the addition of a stem formative suffix of the canon -CV to an underlying monosyllabic noun of the canon CVC, with vowel shortening to preserve canonical integrity, may have followed. The result was an association of the Cluster Grade with verbs, which could have triggered verb formation through metathesis from stems of other shapes. 

Table 99. Stems of the canon C1V C2-Y- derived from longer stems PCo *huju < PU *hoju ? ‘ahead’ PMi *t. yje- ‘to rest, sleep’ PMie *gyla- ‘basket awl’ PMis *kokaci- ‘edible clover’ PMi *t. ap... ‘flat (rock)’ PMis *t. ole-ga- ‘skin’ PMi *‰oma ‘a fast’ PMie *‰yle- ‘coarse acorn bread’

PCo *huji < **hoj-y- ‘to begin, start’ PMi *t. yj-y- ‘to rest, sleep’ PMie *gyl-y- ‘to coil baskets’ Mins kok-u- ‘to eat clover’ Miss t. ap-y- ‘to flatten’ PMis *t. ol-u- ‘to peel, skin’ ¯ ‘to fast PMie *‰om-uMip ‰yl-y- ‰.l-.- ‘to pound acorns’

In Table 100, we have the principal ablaut grades of additional bi-consonantal stems. In most of them, the Geminate Grade is prominent, often underlying. PMi *hagi ‘to stand’, PMi *myla ‘to hit, beat’, PMis *myli‘to sing’, PMie *hat. a- ‘to step (a baby)’, PMi *tali- ‘to arise’, PMie *tepa- ‘to cut off’, PMi *t. yje ‘to rest, sleep’, PU *‰awe ‘morning, Venus’, PMis *‰oja- ‘to name’, PMi *‰us. u ‘to drink’, and PU *(h)yny ‘to come’ are Geminate Grades which are as deep or deeper in Utian than the grades of related stems. The meaning of Geminate Grade stems is often but not always inherently durative or iterative. Lake Miwok often

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forms semelfactive stems from the Reduced Grade of historically underlying Geminate Grade verbs, retaining the Geminate Grade for the iterative sense, as in Mil mula ‘to hit once’, mula ‘to spank, club’ < PMi *mula ‘to hit, beat’ and Mil tali ‘to wake up once’ < PMi *tali ‘to arise’. Table 100. Additional biconsonantal stems Geminate Grade PCos gite ‘to dance’ PMie *hat. a- ‘to step a baby’ (PCo *hat. a-(s. ) ? ‘foot, sole, heel’) PMi *hagi ‘to stand’ PMis *haja ‘to wait, watch’ PMie *hoja‘to go first; old’ PU *hoju ‘first’ (Mins hoji- ‘front’) PU *(h)yny ‘to come’

Lengthened Simplex Grade PCos gite ‘a dance’

Mins haci-wajny‘to stand around’ Mip haja- ‘to watch, care for’ Miss hoja- ‘go first; last’

Simplex Grade

Lengthened Grade

Reduced Grade

Mics hat. -pa‘to step on’

PMis *hat. -y ‘to stamp’

PMie *hat. a-ly‘to step over’

PMis *hag-×e‘to stop (iV)’ PMiw *haj-pa ‘to care for’

PMis *hag-y- PMis *hagi-ty‘to station s.o.’ ‘to stand up’ PMi *haja-po ‘chief’ PMis *hoja-na‘to start for’ PCo *huji < **hoj-y ‘start’ Mins ‰yny-na‘to drop’

PMi *hoj-tu ‘to start’ Mins ‰yn-sy‘go wrong’ ?

PMi *myla ‘to hit, beat’ PMis *myli- ‘to sing’

PMis *myla‘to hit, war’ PMis *myli- ‘song’

PMis *myl-ja‘to beat up’

Mins nake- ‘end’

Mins *nake- ‘edge’

PMi *tali ‘to arise’

PMi *tali ‘rise up repeatedly’ Mil tala-t. e ‘to stand around’ Miss tepa-ni‘Creator’ PMi *t. yj-y‘to rest, sleep’

PMis *nak-pa‘to catch up’ PMis *tal-×i- ‘to ‘wake up’

PMiw *tala-s. ‘to stand up’ PMie *tepa‘to cut off’ PMi *t. yje ‘to rest, sleep’ PU *‰awe‘morning’ PMis *‰oja‘to name’ Mib ‰ona ‘to come, arrive’ PMi *‰us. u ‘to drink’

PMie *tep-wa‘to break off’

Miss myl-y- Mil mula ‘hit with stick’ ‘to hit once’ Mins myli-ka‘to sing for’ PMis *nak-y- PMis *nake‘to reach’ ‘end, edge’ Mil tali ‘wake up once’ PMiw *tala-s. ‘stand (person)’ PMis *tep-y- Mins tepa-pa‘to cut’ ‘cut on body’ Mil tuj-u-t. a Miss t. yje-mu ‘to alight, pl.’ ‘asleep’

PU *‰aw-si ‘to wake, dawn’ Mil ‰on-t. e-t. a ‘to parade’ PMis *‰us. -te Mil ‰us. u ‘get drunk’ ‘get water’ PMi *‰uk-u ‘to enter’ Miss ‰uk-pa- ‘to come in to s.o.’ PCos *mahi ‘to close’ PCos *mah-wi ‘to open’ PCo *kuji ‘to whistle PCos *kuj-ke ‘to with the mouth’ whistle at’

PMi *‰oni ‘to come’

PMis *‰oja-s. e‘to name’ PMi *‰oni-nu ‘to bring’ PMis *‰us. u‘drink’ PMis *‰uku-j-a‘door’

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PMie *hat. a- ‘to step someone, such as a baby’ and PMi *hagi ‘to stand’ are related through i/a ablaut in the second syllable with **t. > *g/_i (see 7.4.5 for a fuller discussion). Mib ‰ona ‘to come’ and PMi *‰oni ‘to come’, PMie *hoja- ‘to go first’ and PMis *hoji- ‘front’. PMiw *tala-s. ‘to stand, stand up’ and PMi *tali ‘to arise’ are also linked through i/a ablaut in the second syllable. The Lengthened Grade is associated with nouns and durative verbs, such as PMis *myli- ‘song’ and Mil ‰us. u ‘to drink to excess’. Sometimes the Lengthened Grade is actually an underlying Long Stem verb, such as PMi *‰oni ‘to come’. The Simplex Grade is followed by a stem formative suffix which usually has meaning, such as PMis *nak-pa- ‘to catch up’ where *-pa- designates directed action. The Lengthened Simplex Grade forms transitive verbs in Sierra Miwok, such as PMis *hag-y- ‘to station someone’ from PMi *hagi ‘to stand’, but it occurs in other environments in Lake Miwok and Costanoan, such as Mil tuj-u-t. a ‘to alight, one group at a time’. The Reduced Grade forms semelfactive verbs in Lake Miwok, and it occurs before specific suffixes in Eastern Miwok, as in Mil mula ‘to hit once’ and PMis *hagi-ty- ‘to stand up’. 12.0. The origin of Utian metathesis and Eastern Miwok stem types To summarize relevant information from previous sections, all Utian languages are characterized by ablaut grades and metathesis of the second vowel and third consonant. In some cases, a specific derivational suffix triggers metathesis. Compare Mil lojaw ‘to rub one’s hands’ and lojwa-t. i ‘to rub once with one’s hands’, where metathesis is triggered by the semelfactive suffix -t. i. In most if not all Utian languages, morphologically motivated consonant-vowel metathesis can also occur, a situation which is rare worldwide. In fact, morphologically motivated metathesis has persisted in Utian languages for millennia and it can even be reconstructed for Proto Utian. An example is PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’ and PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’ with automatic reduction of *-kt- to *-kt- to avoid an impermissible cluster of a long consonant followed by another consonant. It is in order to construct a plausible scenario for its origin. We have also been accumulating evidence that Yokuts is more distantly related to Utian, so as we stated earlier, the key to the origin of Proto Utian metathesis may reside here. In Yokuts, surface consonant-vowel metathesis is not true metathesis at all. It results historically from loss of /i/ when canonically permissible (see 3.4.2), but there are a few cases of true consonant-vowel metathesis in Wikchamni Yokuts that resemble Utian such as ‰a×t. huw- ‘doctor’ whose oblique stem is ‰a×uthw- to avoid the impermissible cluster of three consonants, -×t. hw-. Here, metathesis is phonologically rather than morphologically motivated, which is far more common worldwide, and a similar situation may have been generalized into systematic metathesis in pre-Utian. In Costanoan, consonant-vowel metathesis also involved the allomorphs of a suffix. PCo *-tka, the allomorph of the allative case after vowels can be derived through simple consonant-vowel metathesis of PCo *-tak, the allomorph following consonants. In addition to consonant-vowel metathesis, consonant-consonant metathesis also occurred in some preCostanoan medial clusters consisting of a sonorant and /k/, with stop-sonorant order being preferred, possibly to maximize perceptual saliency, since in Mutsun, a non-phonemic echo vowel appeared between the stop and the sonorant (Okrand 1977: 64-66). This process even reached to the plural suffix. PCo *-kma, the allomorph of the plural suffix following vowels, involved both vowel and consonant metathesis of PCo *-mak, the allomorph following consonants, and again, consonant-consonant metathesis ensured that the stop preceded the sonorant in the ensuing cluster. Note that in each case of consonant-consonant metathesis, the resulting Proto Costanoan stop-sonorant cluster consisted of *k followed by *m, *l, or *r; also that such metathesis affected only those sets that could be reconstructed to Proto Utian. In the case of -rk- and -lk- clusters, the tendency stopped being active in pre-Costanoan times, as we see from PCo *horko ‘to swallow’, PCo *‰irko ‘to defecate’, and Csjb halkaninak ‘he became blind’. In the case of -mk- clusters, a quick survey of modern Mutsun, Rumsen, and Chocheño transcriptions failed to uncover examples in bisyllabic stems, indicating that the constraint may still be in effect. But note Ceb nikam-kam ‘these’ (Sp. estos), indicating that the constraint fails to operate across morpheme boundaries, and Cru šikra-mk ‘big girl’, where -mk may historically derive from -mkw (see the Proto Utian entry for ‘person’). The following sets illustrate the above developments:

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PU *gulki ?? ‘to have diarrhea’ > PCo *gukri. Note PMi *gul-ka ‘to have diarrhea’ and PU *l > PCo *r ¯ in this cluster. PU *-kom ‘plural’ > PCo *-mak/C_ *-kma/V_. Note the double metathesis between the two reflexes to avoid an -mk- cluster. PU *pogku ‘to play ball, a ball’ > Csjb pakgu. Although this development does not illustrate preference for a stop-sonorant order, it still illustrates a preference for placing the more sonorous obstruent after the stop. Note PMie *pos. ko- ‘ball, football’. PU *s. umki ? ‘to smoke tobacco or a pipe’ > PCo *s. ukmu. Note PMiw *s. umki ‘to smoke’. ¯ PU *t. olku-s. ‘ear’ > pre-Costanoan **t. oklu-s. > PCo *tuksu-s . ??. This etymology is problematic. Alternatively, we could reconstruct PU *t. olku-s. *toksu-s. ‘ear’. The more common consonant-vowel metathesis served an important purpose. No inflection markers for number and person can be reconstructed for Proto Utian except in the imperative. Otherwise, number and person of both nouns and verbs were indicated by pronominal particles, with the result that the noun-verb distinction was loose. I believe it was no accident that by Proto Utian times, the specific morphological function metathesis could assume was distinguishing nouns from verbs, as in PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’, PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’, the example cited above. 12.1. Realignment of stems in Costanoan and Western Miwok Mutsun is morphologically the most conservative Costanoan language, for which we can be grateful, since we have a large corpus of phonologically accurate data on that language from the notes of J. P. Harringnton. In tri-consonantal verbs, the historically underlying form of the stem is recoverable only before -pu ‘reflexive’, -mu ‘reciprocal’, -ti ‘continuative’, and perhaps -si ‘just, only’. We know this to be the case for Mutsun verbs because different stem types can occur before these suffixes, but only the Cluster Grade can appear word-finally or before other suffixes. There was much realignment of stems in Rumsen, but Chocheño morphology appears to resemble Mutsun in that respect, leading us to reconstruct the same distribution of stems for Proto Costanoan. Table 101 provides illustrative examples. In Table 101, bi-consonantal verb stems such as hara ‘to give’ and ‰ana ‘to forgive’ do not undergo change before suffixes except for morphophonemic lengthening when the canon requires it. Consequently, we have Csjb ‰ana-pu ‘to pity oneself’ and hara-pu ‘to give oneself’. But in tri-consonantal verb stems, the underlying stems of verbs appear only before the suffixes -pu ‘reflexive’, -mu ‘reciprocal’, and -ti ‘continuative’ as we can see from the different shapes of stems that occur before these suffixes (-si ‘just’ might also take the underlying stem). The Cluster Grade of tri-consonantal verbs appears before final juncture and all other suffixes with the exception of Rumsen durative verbs, which are of the canon C1V1C2V2C3, the Lengthened Grade. Hence Csjb gaklu ‘to be bent over’ shows the expected Cluster Grade before final juncture, but we find an underlying Geminate Grade before -pu ‘reflexive’ in gakul-pu ‘to bend at the hips’. PCos *hejse ‘to shave’ shows an underlying Light Grade before PCos *-pi ‘reflexive’ in PCos *hejes-pi ‘to shave oneself’. Note also PCo *hiwse-n ‘to want’ with the Cluster Grade before the suffix -n ‘verbalizer, medio-passive’ but Csjb hiwes-mu ‘to like each other’ reveals this to be another Light Grade verb. Sometimes the Cluster Grade is underlying, as in PCo *‰irko ‘to defecate’, where Csjb ‰irko-pu means ‘to soil oneself’. Note also Csjb pistu ‘to pinch’ and pistu-pu ‘to pinch oneself’. In some cases, we have further evidence from Miwok cognates that the synchronically underlying grade of the Costanoan verb stem is historically underlying as well, since Eastern Miwok also preserves historically underlying stems (Freeland’s Type 1 Primary Stem), as in PCo *‰istu-pi ‘to dream of something’ and its ¯ cognate stem PMie *‰ekgu- ‘to dream’, from which we can reconstruct PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’, a Cluster Grade verb. In the case of PCo *pusle ‘to blow with the mouth’, we conclude we are dealing with an underlying Light Stem verb from Csjb puser-pu ‘to blow (doctoring)’. Again, PMis *pusel-y- < **pusel ‘to blow with the mouth’ shows the same grade and allows us to reconstruct PU *pusel ‘to blow with the mouth’. In the case of Csjb pusju ‘to make a whirlwind’, we lack a Mutsun reflexive or reciprocal form because of semantic

Proto Utian grammar

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Table 101. Costanoan stem realignment Underlying stem plus suffix

Additional grades

Csjb gakul-pu ‘to bend at the hips’ Csjb hajwe-pu ‘to see oneself’ Csjb hara-pu ‘to give oneself’ PCos *hejes-pi ‘to shave oneself’

Csjb gaklu ‘to be bent over’ Csjb hajwe ‘to look at, see’ Csjb hara ‘to give’ PCos *hejse ‘to shave’ PCos *hejes ‘whiskers’ Csjb hesne ‘to make a nest’ Csjb hesen ‘nest’ PCos *hewhe ‘to shade’ PCos *heweh ‘shadow’ PCos *hiwse-n ‘to want’ PCos *hiwes ‘dear one’ Csjb monjo ‘to be promiscuous’ (Mins monom-u- //monom-Y// < PU *mono... ‘to like, love’)

Csjb hesen-pu ‘to make a nest for oneself’ Cru heweh-p ‘to overshadow’ Cru heweh-p ‘to shade oneself’ Csjb hiwes-mu ‘to like each other’ Csjb monoj-pu ‘to be promiscuous, to masturbate’ Csjb muguw-pu ‘to eat breakfast’ Csjb pistu-pu ‘to pinch oneself’

Csjb muguw ‘breakfast’ Csjb pistu ‘to pinch’ Csjb pistu-ksi ‘to go along pinching’ (no reflexive or reciprocal recorded) Csjb pusju, Miss pukuj-u- < PU *pukuj ‘to make a whirlwind’ Csjb pusuj, PMis *pukuj < PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’ Csjb puser-pu ‘to blow (doctoring)’ PCo *pusle ‘blow with the mouth’ PMis *pusel-y- < PU *pusel ‘to blow’ PMis **pusel-y-po-ksu- ‘blow on oneself’ Csjb t. ares-ti ‘to become a man (male)’ Csjb t. ares. < PCo *t. ali-s. ‘man (male)’ Csjb ‰ana-pu ‘to pity oneself’ Csjb ‰ana ‘to forgive’ Csjb ‰ana-pu-ksi ‘causing pity’ Csjb ‰ana-ksi ‘to pity’ PCo *‰istu-pi ‘to dream of something’ PCo *‰istu-n, PMi *‰ekgu < PU *‰ektu (Cluster Grade) ‘to dream’ (Lengthened Grade) Cru ‰isut, Mil ‰ukuc < PU *‰ekut ‘to be dreaming’ (Geminate Grade) Csjb ‰isut, Mip ‰ekuc < PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’ Csjb ‰irko-pu ‘to soil oneself’ PCo *‰irko ‘to defecate’ PCo *‰irok ‘excrement’ Csjb ‰onej-pu ‘to accompany’ Csjb ‰onje ‘to accompany, befriend’ Csjb ‰onej-ti ‘go along accompanying’ considerations, but the Miwok cognate, Miss pukuj-u- < *pukuj, allows us to reconstruct a Light Stem verb for Proto Utian. Related nouns may be of any grade, though tri-consonantal Cluster Grade nouns are rare. Examples of other grades include Lengthened Grade nouns such as PCos *hejes ‘whiskers’, Csjb hesen ‘nest’, PCos heweh ‘shadow’, and PCos *hiwes ‘dear one’. Geminate Grade nouns include Csjb muguw ‘breakfast’, PU *pukuj ‘whirlwind’, and PU *‰ekut ‘a dream’. PCo *‰irok ‘excrement’ is an example of a Light Grade noun. In this last case as in many others, it is not possible to state whether PCo *‰irok ‘excrement’ or PCo *‰irko ‘to defecate’ is underlying because they can both be reconstructed to the same depth. Once the ablaut system became entrenched, it took on a life of its own. The spread of the Costanoan Cluster Grade before final juncture and most verbal suffixes represented a generalization of the rule that formed Cluster Grade verbs from other stems through metathesis, thereby sharpening the noun-verb distinction which is otherwise obscure in many contexts because verbs lack person markers in Costanoan except in the imperative, and Costanoan nouns lack a subjective and possessive case.

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The fact that the verbal nature of a stem is semantically obvious in reflexive and reciprocal constructions could have impeded the spread of the Cluster Grade before those suffixes, and the same statement is true of the Mutsun continuative suffix -ti, which can also follow nouns, as in Csjb t. ares-ti ‘to become a man (male)’. The status of Csjb -si ‘just’ (Sp. no más) is less certain. In Western Miwok, a contrary development took place in that original Cluster Grade verb stems became Light Grade verb stems before final juncture and most suffixes. Hence PMi *mulak ‘to wash the face’ > Mil mulak, but PMi *hojtu ‘to begin’ > Mil hojot with vowel assimilation. In Eastern Miwok, the underlying verbal stems survived largely intact as Freeland’s primary stems . There was no need to sharpen the distinction between nouns and verbs in this branch of the Utian family because of the development of complex number and person markers in verbal morphology. 12.2. The origin of Eastern Miwok Primary Stems (Table 102) The process of deriving Utian verbs from monosyllabic nouns by suffixing -y ‘verbalizer’ is ancient and can be reconstructed to Proto Utian and possibly to Proto Yok-Utian (10.4), although it survives as an active process only in Eastern Miwok (11.5). In pre-Eastern Miwok, *-y- ‘verbalizer’ (now *-Y-) expanded its domain to derive verbs from Light Stem nouns of the canon C1V1C2V2C3, followed by morphophonemic lengthening (6.4.2), and this process was subsequently extended to all Light Stem verbs, forming Freeland’s type I primary stems (see Freeland 1951: 92ff and Broadbent 1964: 38ff). Cluster Stems of the canon C1V1C2C3V2 are Freeland’s type II primary stems, and they can be reconstructed for Proto Miwok and sometimes Proto Utian. The second -CV often has meaning, such as -tu ‘intransitive’, -s. y ‘bodily activities and motions’, and -ki ‘transitive’, and it has been added to a Simplex Grade of the form CVC- which may in turn have been derived from a longer stem. Additional examples of Simplex Grade formation from longer stems include Miss t. ol-wa- ‘to pick scab, remove¯ bark’ and Mins t. ol-su- ‘to peel off’ from PMis *t. ole-ga- ‘peeling’, PMi *put. -ku ‘to gut’ from PU *put. ul *put. lu- ‘belly’, PMie *kyg-my- ‘to gnaw bone’ from *kygyc ‘bone’, and PMis *t. ew-y-gy- ‘to be on all fours’ from PMis *t. ewe-jy- ‘to crawl’. The vitality of the system is illustrated by Miss pal-ny- ‘to shovel’, formed from the loan word pala- ‘shovel’. Geminate Stems (C1V1C2V2) are Freeland’s type III primary stems and they can be reconstructed to Proto Miwok. These were often inherently iterative, such as Mip loja- ‘to rub’, PMis *myla- ‘to hit, beat’, and PMie *tumu- ‘to cut wood, haul wood’. Lengthened Simplex Grades (C1V1C2-Y-) are Freeland’s type IV primary stems, and they are often derived from the first C1V1C2- of longer stems or, in the case of PU *‰aku ‘to enter, set (sun)’, through regressive assimilation and a re-interpretation of the stem. The longer stem could be any part of speech, such as PMis *kokagi- ‘edible clover’ from which Mics kok-u- ‘to eat clover’ was derived, although historically they may have been the first of Freeland’s four types of primary stems to evolve (see 12.4). There are additional less common stem types which did not feature in Freeland’s or Broadbent’s tables. These include type V primary stems (Long Stems, C1V1C2V2- where V2 is not Y) and type VI primary stems (Weak Stems, C1V1C2V2-). In Central Sierra Miwok, Long Stems do not undergo vowel gradation. Weak Stems are rare and may all be secondary. PMis *‰us. u- ‘to drink (present stem)’ is simply the Reduced Grade of PMi *‰us. u ‘to drink’, and it cannot be reconstructed further back than Proto Sierra Miwok. PMis *‰ywy‘to eat (present stem)’ may have a similar explanation.

Proto Utian grammar

163

Table 102. Origin of Eastern Miwok underlying stems Light Stem; C1V1C2V2C3

C1V1C2V2C3-Y-

PMie *helak ‘clear sky, summer’ Miss tyhan ‘really?’ PMi *kigaw ‘to bleed’ PMi *mulak ‘to wash the face’

PMis *helak-y- ‘to clear up, get to be sunny’ Miss tyhan-y- ‘to try’ PMie *kigaw-y- ‘to bleed’ PMie *mulak-y- ‘to wash the face’

Cluster Stem, C1V1C2C3V2 PMi *hoj-tu ‘to start, begin’ PMi *kyn--s. y ‘to defecate, fart’ < **kyn ‘excrement’ PMi *wel-ki ‘to get, fetch’ PU *‰ektu ‘to dream’

Mip hoj-tu- ‘to start’ Mins kyn-sy- ‘to fart noisily’ (PMiw *ke ‘excrement’) Miss wel-ki- ‘to fetch’ PMie *‰ekgu- ‘to dream’

Geminate Stem, C1V1C2V2 PMi *loja ‘to rub’ PMi *myla ‘to hit, beat’ PMi *tumu ‘to get wood’

Mip loja- ‘to rub’ PMis *myla- ‘to hit, beat’ PMie *tumu- ‘to cut wood, haul wood’

Lengthened Simplex Grade Plus -Y-, C1V1C2-YPU *hat. a ? ‘foot, sole, heel’ PMis *koka¯gi- ‘edible clover’ PMi *nakis. *nakes. ‘end, edge’ PMi *wel-ki ‘to get, to take’ PMi *wyke ‘fire’ < PU? PU *‰aku ‘to enter, set (sun)’

PMis *hat. -y- ‘to step on, stamp’ Mics kok-u- ‘to eat clover’ PMis *nak-y- ‘to reach’ PMis *wel-y- ‘to fetch, get, take’ PU *wyk-y ‘to burn, light a fire’ PMi *‰uk-u ‘to enter, set (sun)’ Long Stem, C1V1CV2-

¯

PU *hyja *hywa ‘to arrive’

PMis *hone- ‘to vomit’ PMis *hyja- ‘to arrive’ Weak Stem, C1V1CV2-

PMi *‰us. u ‘to drink’

PMis *‰us. u- (present stem) ‘to drink’ PMis *‰yywy- (present stem) ‘to eat’

12.3. The origin of Eastern Miwok derived stems (Table 103) In Eastern Miwok, the Utian ablaut system developed into underlying stems (Stem 1 or Primary Stem) whose shape could not be predicted and three principal derived stems whose shapes could be determined if the Primary Stem was known. As mentioned earlier, Eastern Miwok is the only branch of the Utian family with verbal inflection for person and number other than in the imperative. In Eastern Miwok, this system has elaborated into four sets of suffixes, two of which involve object incorporation, and the details of their development will be discussed later. Present tense is indicated by the underlying stem plus a suffix from the

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Declarative Series to mark person and number of the subject and sometimes object incorporation. The Volitional Series signals desire and commands, and this series also marks person, number, and object incorporation. The Possessive Series indicates possession of nouns and the subject of nominalized verbs. The Nominal Series expresses person and number in the noun. Otherwise, which set of person markers a particular verb takes is signaled by the last derivational suffix. By contrast, the shape of the preceding verbal stem is usually determined by the first derivational suffix, although the Third Stem can sometimes stand alone as a noun (PMis *hakis ‘smoke from fire’) or a discontinuative iterative (Mins catuk-u- ‘to twinkle’), and the Fourth Stem sometimes stands alone as a new verb (Mins haksi- ‘to get smoky’). The Second Stem is usually a derived stem determined by the following suffix, but occasionally it stands alone before the verbalizer -Yto form a new Primary Stem as in Miss gatuk-u- < *gatuk- ‘to reflect’. Mins wysik-y- //wysik-Y-// ‘to come to’ and PMie *‰omug-u- //‰omuc-Y-// ‘to approach winter’ are both Light Grade verbs derived from rare Cluster Grade nouns through the process of metathesis which again assumes morphological function, but in these Eastern Miwok cases, it operates in the opposite direction from what we have considered so far. Specifically, Light Grade verbs are derived from Cluster Stem nouns. Y

12.4. The origin of the Eastern Miwok filler consonant / / The system underlying Eastern Miwok derived stems is best illustrated by historic tri-consonantal stems, but pressure to fill out the system led in certain instances to the insertion of /‰/ as a filler consonant into biconsonantal stems. Systematic insertion of /‰/ as a filler consonant is limited to Eastern Miwok although the seeds of this process can be found in rare alternations such as Mil ko ‘to push’, ko‰ih ‘to push, push up’ where /‰/ probably arose to avoid an impermissible vowel cluster. In Costanoan and Western Miwok, words never end in /‰/, and syllable final /‰/ is rare. But note Ceb -‰- ‘transitive’, which survives as a relic infix in such pairs as hik‰u ‘to hang something up’ from hikute ‘to be hanging’, Ceb nim‰i ‘to kill, fell’ from nimi ‘to be lying down’, and Ceb taw‰a ‘to heat’ from tawa ‘to be hot (weather)’. Although the meaning is different, insertion of /‰/ as a filler consonant to form the Fourth Stem for Eastern Miwok bi-consonantal verbs results in the same stem type as the one produced by Chocheño -‰- infixation. There are only two word-final glottal stop suffixes in Eastern Miwok. The first is PMie *-‰ ‘nominative case (following vowels)’, hence PMie *wyke-‰ ‘fire’ and toko-‰ ‘really, very, all’, a frozen noun in the nominative case functioning as an adverb This suffix may have been borrowed from Yokuts but there is some evidence that it is secondary there as well, so it may result from an ancient areal phenomenon. The provenience of PMie *-‰ ‘2 sg. imv.’ is also uncertain. An example is Mins ‰ywy-‰ ‘Eat (you sg.)!’. It is possible that /‰/ ‘filler consonant’ arose through the spread of -Y- ‘verbalizer’ to inflected vowel-final stems, creating new Light Stems, hence PMis *toko‰-u- ‘to attack, keep on, do with intensity’ from PMis *toko-‰ ‘really, very, all’ and Mins ‰ywy‰-y- ‘to feed’ from Mins ‰ywy-‰ ‘Eat!’. A simple chart such as Table 103 can only hint at the enormous complexity of the Eastern Miwok stem system which varies from language to language, although it has already been simplified through recognition of the two basic morphophonemic rules, Morphophonemic Lengthening and Morphophonemic Vowel Loss (6.4.2.). The Primary Stem precedes the Declarative and Volitional Series, and it also precedes reflexive and reciprocal suffixes. The Second Stem occurs in past and future constructions and it precedes many derivational suffixes, and as we have already seen, it can be a base for a new Primary Stem. The Third Stem can stand alone as a noun or be involved in intransitive or discontinuative iterative constructions. In addition to meaning ‘heart’, Mins wyski- also means ‘sensible’ and ‘wise’, which explains the meanings of the Light Grade wysik-y- ‘to come to’ and the Geminate Grade wysik-‰a×ky- ‘to not come to’. The Fourth Stem can sometimes stand alone as a noun or a new verb, or it can occur in Sierra Miwok desiderative constructions, but such statements serve only as a thumbnail sketch. More complete statements will be found under the suffixes in the dictionary section.

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Table 103. Origin of Eastern Miwok derived stems Primary Stem (tri-consonantal)

Second Stem (Light Grade)

Third Stem (Geminate Grade)

Fourth Stem (Cluster Grade

PMis *helak-y- ‘to clear up’ < **helak (Light Stem) PMis *hakis-y- ‘to smoke (fire)’ < **hakis Mins kopet. -a- ‘gun’ < *kopet. - (Light Stem) PMie *gat-ku ‘to spark’ (Cluster Stem)

PMis *helak-

Miss helak ‘year’

Miss *helka-jy‘to be summer’ Mins haksi- ‘to get smoky’ Mins kopt. e- ‘to shoot with a gun’ PMie *gatku-

PMis *gel-ku- ‘to quit’ (Cluster Stem) PMi *wys. ki ‘heart’ PMi *‰omgu ‘winter’

Mics hakis-pu ‘to blow smoke at’ Mins kopet. -pa‘to be shot’ Mip catuk-ma‘made sparks’ Miss gatuk-u- < *gatuk- ‘to reflect’ Mins celuk-nuku‘to wean’ Mins wysik-y‘to come to’ PMie *‰omug-u‘approach winter’

PMis *hakis ‘smoke (from fire)’ Mins kopet. -‰a×ky‘to not shoot’ Mins catuk-u‘to twinkle’ Mins celuk-‰a×ky‘to not quit’ Mins wysik-‰a×ky‘to not come to’ Mins ‰umuc-‰a×ky‘to not be winter’

PMis *gelku-

Primary Stem (Bi-consonantal)

Second Stem (Reduced Grade, Light Grade)

Third Stem (Geminate Grade, Open, Closed)

Fourth Stem (Cluster Grade)

PMis *myli- ‘to sing’ (Geminate Stem) Mip ‰oni < PMi *‰oni ‘to come’ (Long Stem) Mip ‰oni‰-ma‘just arrived’ PMis *‰ywy- ‘to eat’ (Weak Stem)

Mins myli-ka-, myli‰-ny- ‘sing for’ Mip ‰oni-nuk()u‘to bring’ Mip ‰oni‰-pa‘to meet’ PMis *‰ywy-ja‘deer Mins ‰ywy‰-ny-, ‘to feed’ Mins cym-pa‘to climb after’ Mins cymy-na‘stepladder’, cymy‰-a- ‘ladder’

Mins myli‰-a×ky‘to not sing’

Mins myl‰i-ksy‘to want to sing’

PMis *gym-y- ‘to climb’ < PMis *gyme-g ‘south’ (Lengthened Simplex Grade) Mins he×-y- ‘to show off’ PMis *wyn-y- ‘to walk’ (Lengthened Simplex Grade)

Miss wyn-pa- ‘to go and return’

PMis *‰ywy- ‘to eat’ PMis *‰yw‰y- ‘food’ (perfect stem)’ Mins ‰ywy‰-a×ky‘to not eat’

Mins he׉y-cy‘a show-off’ PMis *wyny-gy ‘to walk around’

The scenario becomes more complex when one considers the role of the filler consonant /‰/, which has not spread to all instances of Second Stem verbs. Mins -ny- ‘indirective’ requires the Second Stem with /‰/ but -ka- ‘benefactive’ follows the Second Stem with no /‰/ augment. Hence Mins myli‰-ny- ‘to sing for someone to get well’ and ‰ywy‰-ny- ‘to feed someone’, but myli-ka- ‘to sing for someone’ with no filler consonant.

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Proto Utian grammar

In the case of Lengthened Simplex Grade stems, three variants of Stem 2 are possible. -pa- ‘directed action’ follows the Second Stem of tri-consonantal verbs, as in Mins kopet. -pa- ‘to be shot’, but -pa- follows the Simplex Grade of Lengthened Simplex Grade stems, such as Mins cym-pa- ‘to climb after’ from cym-y- ‘to climb’. Note also Mins cymy-na- ‘stepladder’ where -na- is an instrumental agentive suffix following a Reduced Grade, and Mins cymy‰-a- ‘ladder’ where -a- is a nominalizer following a Light Grade with /‰/ as filler consonant if necessary. Moreover, the tables in Freeland (1951) and Broadbent (1964) were not meant to include all types of Primary Stems. We also have Weak Stems of the canon C1V1CV2- and Long Stems of the canon C1V1 CV2 -, where V2 is not Y. Long Stems do not always undergo vowel gradation. Mip -ma‘recent action’ normally follows the Second Stem, as in Mip catuk-ma- ‘made sparks’, but note Mip ‰oni‰ma- ‘just arrived’ with /‰/ as filler consonant following a stem with no vowel reduction. Yet Mip ‰oninuk()u- ‘to bring’ shows a Reduced Grade with no filler consonant before the causative suffix. Mics hyjanuku ‘to make arrive’ follows a similar pattern. To summarize: the Utian ablaut system is a complex network of interconnections between related noun and verb stems, and it had a long evolution. The first layer to peel off involved the derivation of verb stems from monosyllabic nouns through the suffixation of -y ‘verbalizer’ and it may have occurred in pre-Utian times, judging by similar relic processes in Yokuts (see 10.4). Examples of such derivation are PU *mus/s. ‘breast’, *mus/s. -y ‘to suckle’ and PMi *gam ‘died out’, PMi *gam-y- ‘to abuse’ (note Yyaw c omu < *c umi ‘to devour, make extinct’). A stem of this canon is also a Lengthened Simplex Stem verb. This process expanded its range in Utian languages to form Lengthened Simplex Grade verbs based on the first CVC of any stem plus -y ‘verbalizer’ (Freeland’s Stem 4 Primary Stem, see Table 99). In Sierra Miwok languages, new Lengthened Y  Simplex Grade verbs were usually transitive. The following subentry is rich in stems and grades: PMie * ol u- (GeminateY Stem) tV to dig, dig out  PMis * ol u- tV to dig (roots, etc.) Miss ‰olu- tV to dig, to dig roots. Note ‰olu‰-ku- (Light Grade) ‘cultivated’, also ‰ol-‰ol-nu- (Simplex Grade) ‘to dig around here and there’, and ‰ole- ‘hole’, ‰ole-wi- ‘circle’. Mics ‰olu- tV to dig (roots, etc.) Mins ‰olu- iV and tV to dig, to burrow, to hollow out. Note ‰olu‰-a- ‘digging, something to dig with, digging stick’, and ‰olu-tu- (Reduced Grade) ‘to have been digging’. Mip ‰olu- tV to dig, burrow, hollow out. Note ‰olu‰-pu- ‘to dig now and then, keep digging’. The second layer to peel off formed the Utian ablaut system of tri-consonantal stems common to Miwok and Costanoan languages (Table 96). Most commonly, the Light Grade and the Cluster Grade were associated with verbs, the Geminate Grade was associated with nouns and adjectives, and underlying Light Stem nouns and verbs. Underlying Cluster Stem verbs were composed from the Simplex Grade (CVC-) of a longer stem plus a stem formative suffix of the canon -CV. A full exposition of the evolution of this system is beyond the scope of this volume and will be left to the scholars who follow me. 13.0. Pronouns In the reconstruction of proto languages, pronouns are often fossils, preserving archaic stems, suffixes, and alternations not found elsewhere in the daughter languages. English, for example, preserves pronominal cases hinting at a once more general system. Consequently, the reconstructed pronominal system of a language family may offer clues to even deeper genetic kinship. Nevertheless, such evidence cannot by itself constitute proof of deep genetic relationship. To convince ourselves of this fact, we have only to examine the Proto Eastern Miwok Declarative Paradigm (short forms), which are very close to the common Indo-European secondary endings (Callaghan 1980). Some of these endings are pronominal in origin, and their provenience will be discussed later (see 17, Table 126).

Proto Utian grammar

167

13.1. Personal Pronouns A full panoply of cases can be reconstructed for Proto Sierra Miwok first and second persons, singular and plural, with separate pronouns for the first person inclusive plural and exclusive plural (Table 108). These cases include the nominative, genitive, objective, allative, ablative, and probably also the instrumental, although the last case is attested only for Northern Sierra Miwok pronouns. Special genitive forms of the stem can be reconstructed for the first person pronouns and the second person singular pronoun. The second person plural pronoun, PMis *mi-ko-, is PMis *mi- ‘thou’ plus PMis *-ko- ‘plural’, and it is regular throughout its paradigm.¯ In the case of the second person singular pronoun, PMis *mini-, one of the alternates of PMis *miny- *mini- ‘thine’, became the stem of other oblique cases. Third person pronouns are discussed in (13.6). We cannot reconstruct all cases even for Proto Eastern Miwok personal pronouns, as we can see from the Plains Miwok paradigms (Table 109). Mip kana ‘mine’ is different from all other Miwok stems, and it appears to be cognate with PCo *kana ‘ I, my,” although it might have arisen through progressive assimilation from *kany. Other oblique cases follow a reduced stem kani- plus -te- < PMie *-te- ‘I, me Nominal Series’, which is of unknown provenience. What scanty data we have from Saclan shows a similar pattern. Misac caniteths A (/kani-te-c / or /kani-te-c/), translated as ‘with me’, appears to be an objective case of ‘I’, which ¯ is what one would elicit in Plains Miwok from a frame such as ‘he is walking with me’. (Here, -c represents [g ts], an objective case marker.) In like manner, the oblique cases of Mip mi- ‘thou’ are based on the stem ‰iny-, a reduced reflex of PMi *miny ‘thy, thine, thou’. The Plains Miwok second person singular oblique stems usually incorporate -ni< PMie *-ni- ‘thou, thee Nominal Series’, the second syllable of PMie *mini- ‘thine’. Note Misac mitheth A /mi-te-c/ ‘with thee’, which indicates that -te-c has been segmented as a general pronominal objective case marker in that language, but all this remains speculative in the absence of more Saclan data. ¯ of Mip masi-‰ ‘we excl.’ are based on Mip masi ‘ours excl.’, and they incorporate -me- < Oblique cases PMie *-me- *-me- ‘we, us Nominal Series’, also of unknown provenience. Oblique stems of Mip ‰icy-‰ ‘we du. incl.’ are based on Mip ‘‰icy ‘ours du. incl.’, and one instance of Mip ‰icy-me-my ‘from us incl.’ includes -me-. Oblique stems of Mip moko-‰ ‘you pl.’ (J) are based on moko ‘yours pl.’, and one additional elicitation of Mip moko-tokni-my ‘from you pl.’ includes -tokni- ‘you pl. Nominal Series (non-final allomorph)’. A pattern is emerging for Plains Miwok of an independent nominative case pronoun of the canon CVCV-, with an independent genitive case pronoun of the canon CVCV. Other cases are based on a stem of the canon CVCV-, often followed by corresponding Nominal Series suffixes. In all instances except for the first person singular paradigm, the oblique stem for the other cases is identical with the genitive. The original nominative case pronoun corresponding to ‰iny ‘thine’ has been lost in Plains Miwok, but comparative evidence indicates it was of the canon CVCV-. The simplest explanation is that this pattern arose independently in Plains Miwok, triggered by the CVCV- canon of Eastern Miwok first person genitive stems. Specifically, PMie *mas. i-n ‘ours’ > PMis *mas. i-× ‘ours’ and Mip masi ‘ours’, with the loss of the allomorph *-n ‘genitive case’ in Plains Miwok. This pattern extends to Plains Miwok third person and demonstrative paradigms. Hence ‰isy ‘his, hers, its’ is the genitive of ‰isy-‰ ‘he, she, it’. ‰isy- also serves as the stem of oblique cases. There are no special Nominal Series suffixes in the third person, so no suffix intervenes between the oblique stem ‰isyand the case endings. Mip ‰iko-‰ ‘they’ < PMi *‰iko ‘they’ < **‰i-ko ‘he/she/it-pl.’, which is bimorphemic, yet the Plains Miwok genitive is ‰iko, following the expected canon, and ‰iko- is also the stem for other oblique cases. ¯ suffixes from all personal More surprising is the Plains Miwok pattern for forming possessive pronominal ¯ ¯ pronouns other than the first person and the second person plural. Note {-‰in -nY} ‘thy, thou Possessive ¯ singular Possessive Series’, {-‰ic -cY} ‘our du. incl., we du. incl. Series’, {-‰is -sY} ‘third person Possessive Series’, and {-‰ik -ko} ‘their, they Possessive Series’. Segmentation in the last case violates historical morpheme boundaries. Generally speaking, consonant final case suffixes other than -‰ ‘nominative case’ as well as bare stems ending in a consonant are followed by -‰in ‘thy, thou’, -‰is ‘his, her, its; he, she, it’, ‘-‰ic ‘our, we’, and -‰ik ‘their, they’. Stems ending in vowel-final case suffixes are followed by -‰

168

Proto Utian grammar

‘nominative case’ plus -nY ‘thy’, -sY ‘his, her, its’, and -ko ‘their, they’. The first set of affixes follows the nominative case (-‰) after nouns of the canon CVCV-, and the second set follows the nominative case (-‰) of longer stems ending in a vowel although there is some variation. These suffixes represent weakened forms of ‰iny ‘thine’, ‘‰isy ‘his, hers, its’, ‰icy ‘ours du. incl.’, and ‰iko ‘theirs’ respectively. Mil kani-, the oblique stem of kani ‘I’, gives evidence for PMi *kani- ‘I (oblique stem)’. It is also possible that Mil kani- ‘oblique stem’ developed independently, since oblique cases of Mib kani ‘I’, show the full stem, as do the oblique cases of other Bodega Miwok pronouns. Unfortunately, we can say much less about Marin Miwok pronouns, since field workers usually did not record length distinctions for that dialect. In like manner, Mil ‰iko- is a reduced form of ‰iko ‘3 pl.’ with very limited occurrence, but oblique cases of Mib ‰íko ‘they’ are based on the full stem. Reduced unstressed forms of nouns and pronouns are common in Lake Miwok. Hence Mil -putu is the reduced form of putu ‘baby, child’ in words such as hena-putu ‘little boy: boy baby’. The weakened forms probably arose as unstressed alternates of the full forms, and some of them later optionally acquired stress. Mil ‰iko-n-u ‘them’ (they-subj.-obj.) is a possible canon only if unstressed; otherwise, one would expect *‰ikónu by morphophonemic lengthening. To summarize, we can tentatively reconstruct Proto Miwok oblique stems *kani- and *‰iko- from Lake Miwok and Eastern Miwok evidence, but we cannot state their distribution. PMi *mas. ‘we excl.’ > PMiw *ma ‘we pl.’, with loss of final /s. / in monosyllabic words of the canon CVs. with analogical loss in corresponding unstressed clitics, leading to homophony with PMiw *ma ‘that one’. A new construction was coined, PMiw *ma-ko ‘we-pl’, which became the appositional form of the first person plural pronoun. In Lake Miwok, oblique cases are based either on mako- or ma-. ‘we pl.’. In Bodega Miwok, oblique cases are based on the full stem, mako-. 13.2. Western Miwok comitative case PMi *mini ‘thou’ > Mim Mi-ni (HWH) /míni/ ‘thou’ when it was the lone subject of verbs lacking tense markers, as in Mi-ni-tu-nai-iti (HWH) /míni túnaj ‰ít. i/ ‘You are kicking him’. Under pressure from Mim mí ‘thou’ (in other constructions), -ni became analyzed as a suffix indicating the above distribution and applied to other pronouns. For example: Mim Ka ni-ni-tcema (HWH) /kaní-ni céma/ (I-lone subj. shout). I am shouting. Mim I-tí-ni-o-ki-ká-ni (HWH) /‰it. í-ni ‰óki káni/ (he-lone subj. strike me). He is striking me with closed hand. Mim Ma-ko-ni-su-ta-ni-t_ (HWH) /máko-ni s. út. a ní-to/ (we-lone subj. stay here-all. We (ye and I) are here. In Lake Miwok, -ni acquired a comitative force. It ceased to be used with lone pronominal subjects and instead marked compound nominal and pronominal subjects and objects, compound nouns and pronouns in other positions, and also nouns indicating accompaniment. It is not certain to what degree the comitative case has penetrated Bodega Miwok. Apparently, it is an optional marker in certain sentences involving accompaniment, but the instrumental case seems to be preferred. Page references refer to pages in my field notes. Mil mi-ni kani-ni ‰ic ‰át. aw (thou-com. I-com. we-du. talk). You and I are talking. (301) Mil ka-api-ni ka wicaj (my-father-com. I walk). I’m walking with my father. (58) Mib ‰u ‰opoj ka ‰uh-‰api-ni (he walk past his-father-com.). He was walking with his father. (440) Mib ‰us. ‰opoj ka kani-s. u (he walk past I-instr.). He was walking with me. (441) (*kanini was rejected) 13.3. Miwok first person inclusive pronouns

¯

Mins ‰ic()i- ‘thou and I’ and Mip ‰ic()y- ‘thou and I’ allow us to reconstruct PMie *‰ig()i- *‰ig()y- ‘thou and I’, the stem of the nominative. In both Northern Sierra and Plains Miwok, and presumably Proto Eastern

Proto Utian grammar

169

Miwok, there¯was some extension to ‘we inclusive’ (more than two). We can also reconstruct a genitive stem, PMie *‰igi- *‰igy-, from Mins ‰ici- and Mip ‰icy-, but beyond that, the two paradigms diverge. As mentioned above, other Northern Sierra Miwok oblique cases are based on the full stem ‰ici-, while ¯ on ‰icy-, the genitive stem. ¯ corresponding Plains Miwok oblique cases are based There was some confusion between Mil ‰oci ‰oci and Mil ‰ici, but Mil ‰oci ‰oci most frequently ¯ and I’, making the latter cognate with PMie meant ‘someone else and I’ and ‰ici most frequently meant ‘thou *‰ig()i- ‘thou and I’ and allowing us to reconstruct PMi *‰igi *‰igi ‘thou and I’. In like manner, there was confusion concerning the exact difference between Mil ‰ic and ‰oc ‘we du., our du.’, but¯ ‰ic most frequently was inclusive and ‰oc most frequently exclusive. That being the case, Mip *-‰ic *-cy ‘we du. incl. Possessive Series’ and Mil ‰ic ‘we du. incl., our du. incl.’ allow us to reconstruct PMi *‰ig ‘we du. incl., our du. incl.’. Resolution of this problem awaits analysis of the full Lake Miwok corpus including material ¯ Freeland 1947). elicited by L. S. Freeland (note Reflexes of PMie *‰igy- *‰igi- ‘thou and I.’ were lost in Central and Southern Sierra Miwok, resulting in several new independent pronouns. ‰ot. i-ko- (two-pl.) is the word for ‘two’ in all three Sierra Miwok languages, having replaced PMi *‰ot. i ‘two’. Miss ‰ot. i-me- and Mics ‰ot. i-m, both meaning ‘I and thou’, indicate ‰ot. i- might have acquired an inclusive meaning in Proto Sierra Miwok times (Freeland 1951: 30). Table 104. Additional Sierra Miwok first person dual and plural constructions Southern Sierra Miwok ‰ot. i-me- (two-we) ‘I and thou’ ¯ (two-pl.-we) ‘two of us’ ‰ot. i-ko-me‰ot. i-ci- ‰ot. i-t. i- (two-we incl.) ‘we pl. incl.’

Central Sierra Miwok ‰ot. i-m (two-we) ‘I and thou’ ‰ot. i-ko-me- (two-pl.-we) ‘we two excl.’ ‰ot. i-ci-k (two-we inc.-pl.) ‘we pl. incl.’

13.4. Development of the dual in Westerm Miwok PMi ¯*‰oti ‘two’ > PMiw *‰ogi

¯

¯

¯

¯

¯

*‰ogi *‰og ‘we du.’ > Mil ‰oci ‰oci ‰oc ‘we du. (excl.?)’, Mib ‰oci . -s. ‘we du.’ although the seeds of association between PMi *‰ot. i ‘two’ and first person dual pronouns were probably present in Proto Miwok as we can see from the Sierra Miwok paradigms (Table 104). Mib ‰oci ‘we dual’ is also the stem of oblique cases in that language (Table 106), whereas Mil ‰oci- ‘we du. excl.’ is the oblique stem and also a variant of the appositive, suggesting that it might have been the original reflex of PMi *‰ót. i ‘two’. There is no evidence of an inclusive/exclusive distinction in Bodega Miwok reflexes, and according to Henshaw, Mim Â-tc means both ‘you and I’ and ‘he and I’ although he was not always able to communicate¯ fine distinctions to his consultants. Mil ‰ici ‰ic ‘we du. incl.’ derives from PMi *‰igi ‘thou and I’ although as mentioned earlier, the distinction between Mil ‰ici and ‰oc()i was disappearing. Evidence for earlier Mil ‰ic ‘we du. incl.’ comes ¯ refers¯to Lake Miwok as the Coast Range dialect. from Freeland 1951: 30, where she The presence of PMiw *‰ogi *‰ogi *‰og ‘we du.’ triggered the development of a full dual throughout Western Miwok pronominal and nominal paradigms (Tables 105, 106). The original base *‰og()i ‘we du.’ is retained throughout the Lake Miwok reflexes of this pronoun and similar bases survive in the objective case of míkoc ‘ye dual’ (mikocic) and ‰íkoc (‰ikoci) ‘they dual’, but leveling has occurred in the other cases of the latter two pronouns. The alternative ¯analysis of -i(c) as the objective case allomorph following the phoneme /c/ is not possible since kac-u kac-uc is the objective case of kac ‘fish’. Note also that the Morphophonemic Lengthening Rule does not operate on the unstressed objective case allomorphs in question. In Bodega Miwok, there has been leveling throughout the dual paradigms, but in neither Lake Miwok nor Bodega Miwok was it possible to obtain full paradigms for all cases. ‰os.

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Proto Utian grammar

13.5. Additional Proto Utian personal pronouns Unique Proto Utian personal pronouns can be reconstructed for the first and second person. The third person was not uniquely personal in Proto Utian and was probably of demonstrative origin. PU *‰iš ‘he, she, it; his, her, its’ also meant ‘this, that’, probably its original meaning. Likewise, Miwok third person plural pronouns were derived from demonstrative plurals in the daughter families, and no single reconstruction can be posited for Proto Utian. Note PMi *‰iko ‘they’ < **‰i-ko ‘this/that-plural’, Ceb -ja ‘those, they’, related to Ceb -ja ‘plural’ < PU *-ja ‘animate plural’. Csjb hajsa ‘they’ and Cru ‰uti ‘they’ areof unknown provenience. Proto Utian first and second person pronouns were differentiated by number, and PU *maks. i ‘we excl.’, the only first person plural pronoun capable of reconstruction to Proto Utian from Utian evidence alone, is exclusive in meaning. But PCo *maki(-n) ‘we inclusive’ suggests an earlier Proto Utian form **maki ‘we inclusive’. It is possible that PU *maks. i is derived from **maki through -s. - infixation. Note Csjb -s- ‘my’ in words such as ‰an-s-a ‘my mother’ (Arroyo gives ana ‘mother’ as the underlying form). PU *kani ‘I’ may have been largely appositional. A special appositional form for the first person singular is hardly surprising, considering the frequency of statements such as “Me, I don’t like it at all.” Table 105. Lake Miwok pronominal paradigms ‰óci, ‰óci ‘we du.’ ‰oc, -c ‰ic (incl.) ¯ )n < ‰ócin ‰ic; ‰ocí( ¯ ‰óci ‰oci, ‰ócic ‰ocic ‰ocít < *‰ócit ‰icít < *‰ícit (incl.) ‰ocím < *‰ócim ‰ocít. u ‰ocíni

má¯ko ‘we pl.’ ma -m (3195) mákon (37) (but see 2006) ma-, mán mác (2002), mac (7)

míko ‘you pl.’ mon míkon, mon

subj.

káni, káni ‘I’ ka

poss. obj.

¯ ka¯ kanín-, káni kani, kánic kanic

all.

kanít < kánit kaníto

abl. instr. com.

kaním kanít. u kaníni

subj. poss. obj. all. abl. instr. com.

mí, mi ‘thou’ ‰in, -n mín-, min-, ‰in mi, mic mít mím mít. u míni

míkoc ‘you du.’ moc moc mikocic ______ míkoct. u míkocni

míkonto míkonmu míkont. u míkoni

subj. poss. obj. all. abl. instr. com.

‰ít. i ‘3 sg.’ ‰ít. in, ‰í· (1268), ‰i ‰it. ín < ‰ít. in, ‰it. i ‰it. i, ‰it. ic, ‰ít. ic ‰it. ít < ‰ít. it ‰it. ím < ‰ít. im ‰it. ít. u ‰it. ini

‰íkoc ‘3 du.’ koc ‰íkoc, koc ‰ikoci

‰íko ‘3 pl.’ kon ‰íkon, kon ‰ikonu, konu

_______

‰íkonmu ‰íkont. u ‰íkoni

¯

‰íkocni

mám mákot. u máni

Proto Utian grammar

Table 106. Bodega Miwok pronominal paradigms

app. subj. poss. obj. all. abl. instr. com.

First person singular

Second person singular Third person singular

káni ¯‘I’

¯ ¯ mí ‘thou’

¯

káni káni-n ka ka káni kaní-to ‘for me’ kaní-s. u ‘with me’ First person dual

app. subj. poss. obj. instr. com.

¯

¯

óci ‰os. -s. ‰os. ‰óci

First person plural app. subj. poss obj. instr. com.

máko (1029) máko ma máko makó-ni

¯ ¯ she, it, that’ ‰ít. i ¯ ‰it. ‘he, ¯ ¯i-n (334), ¯ ¯ ‰un -n -m ‰ít. i ‰ít. i-n ‰ít . ¯ ¯ ¯ ‰oh ¯ ¯‰us ‰os -s ‰u(h) . . . ‰ún ‰un -n ‰u(h) ‰us. -h ‰ít. i-n mí ‰ít. i mijí-to ‘to thee’ (836) ‰it. í-to¯‘there’ ‰it. í-m ‰it. ()í-mu ‘from it, there’ ‰it. í-ni ‘with him’

Second person dual míkos. míkos. míkos. mikocí-t. u mikocí-ni Second person plural

Third person dual ¯ ‰íkoci ‰íkoc()i

mikó-ni

‰íkos.

Third person plural ¯

míko-n

‰íkos. ¯

¯

‰íko ‰íko-n kon ‰íko-n ‰íko ‰ikó-t. u ‘with them’ ‰ikó-ni ‘with them’

Demonstratives ¯

app. subj. all. abl. instr.

ní ‰it. i nís. ‰it. i ¯ is’, ní ‘now’ ‘this nis. -s. ‘this, the’ ‰is. ‘that, the’ ní-to ‘here’ ní-mu¯‘from here’ ní-s. u ní-s. u ‘here is’

nó ‘that’ ¯ there’ (248) nóto ‘over nó-mu nú-mu ‘from there’

171

172

Proto Utian grammar

Table 107 summarizes the data allowing us to reconstruct first and second person pronouns to Proto Utian. We have PU *kan ‘my (probably also ‘I’ in some constructions) and *ka ‘I, my’ serving as clitics which could be either the subject of a sentence or possessor of a noun. The same is true of PU *(m)in < **min ‘thou, thy’ and PU *mo()m ‘you pl., your pl.’, also PCo *mak ‘we, our’ which is most probably a reduced form of PCo *maki-(n) ‘we inclusive’. If so, the incl./excl. was lost in PCo *mak. When the Proto Utian clitics were the subject of a sentence, their position was free but they tended to follow the first word of the sentence as in modern Mutsun. When they marked the possessor of a noun, they tended to precede the noun as in Western Miwok and modern Rumsen, but I no longer consider them to be prefixes in any Utian language. We assume PMie *mas. i- ‘we excl. pl.’ < PMi **mas. i < PU *maks. i ‘we excl. pl.’, in which case PMi *mas. ‘we, our excl. pl.’ is a short form of PMi **mas. i. If PU *ka()na < **ka()-na ‘my, mine, I’ and *kani < **kan-ni ‘I app.’, both of these pronouns were compounds in Proto Utian and their second members resemble PY *na-‰ ‘I’ and PYnim *-nim ‘my’ (Table 111), which may not be significant since both are pan-Americanisms and are therefore flagged in the dictionary section. As mentioned earlier (Table 89), PU *mok-kom ‘you pl.’ is also a compound pronoun, which explains the fact that it underwent the change PU *o > PCo *a instead of retaining the Proto Utian vowel sequence *o...o. Costanoan reflexes of the reduced particle PU *mo()m ‘you pl.’ also show the change PU *o > PCo *a. Full pronouns and clitic pronouns can be reconstructed to Proto Utian for the first and second persons singular, and plural and some of the clitics resemble Yokuts, indicating that the clitics may be older than the full pronouns and not merely reductions of those pronouns. Such a situation is understandable if the full ¯ such as PU *kani < **kan-ni ‘I appositional’, PU pronouns are historical compounds that include the clitics, ¯ Complications arise in the case *ka()na < **ka()-na ‘my, mine’, and PU *mok-kom *mo-kom ‘you pl.’ of PU *(m)in < **min ‘thy’, a clitic pronoun which resembles PY *min *man CC ‘thy’ more than the full pronoun, PU *miny ‘thy, thine’ which is also monomorphemic. Borrowing could be involved, especially since we are dealing with pan-Americanisms. Also, it could be the case that cognates of PU *miny ‘thy, thine’ have disappeared from Yokuts, assuming that Yokuts and Utian are genetically related. Another possibility is that PY *min ‘thy’ was borrowed from Utian. As mentioned earlier, PU *maks. i ‘we excl.’ is the only first person plural pronoun that can be reconstructed to Proto Utian with certainty, although PCo *maki(-n) ‘we incl.’ could be projected back to pre-Utian **maki if it is cognate with PYnim *mak-in < **maki-n ‘we du. incl. poss.’ In the case of first person plural pronouns, no clitic pronoun can be reconstructed for Proto Utian on the basis of Utian evidence alone, but PCo *mak ‘we our’ resembles PY *mak ‘our du. inc.’ Csjb mak ‘we, our’ may be a reduction of make ‘we incl.’ or it may neutralize the inclusive/exclusive distinction. The subject of most Proto Utian sentences was unmarked although the genitive case might have indicated the subject of some relative clauses. PU *kani ‘I’ may have been largely appositional. Proto Utian objective case forms can be reconstructed for the first and second persons singular, PU *kani-g ‘me’ and PU *mi-g ‘thee’. The three cases for which we can reconstruct Proto Utian forms sometimes occur on different pronominal stems. A full array of cases can be reconstructed for Proto Sierra Miwok first and second person pronouns and the third person singular (Tables 108, 112), but it is not possible to reconstruct Proto Eastern Miwok personal pronouns for all cases because Plains Miwok pronouns are often based on different stems and sometimes incorporate additional pronominal elements into the paradigms (Table 110).

Proto Utian grammar

Table 107. Proto Utian personal pronouns English

Miwok

my my I my, mine, I I (app.) me (obj.)

PMis *-kan PMi *ka PMiw *ka Mip kana ‘my, mine’ PMi *kani PMiw *kani-g

Csjb kan PCos *ka PCo *ka PCo *kana ‘I, my’ Csjb kani PCos *kani-s. (e)

*kan *ka *ka *ka()na < **ka()-na? *kani < **kan-ni ? *kani-g

thou (clitic pro.) thy, thine, thou thou (subj., app.)

PMi *‰in ¯ PMi *miny mini PMi *mi

*(m)in < **min *miny

thou (clitic pro.) thee (obj.)

PMi *mi Mil mi-c

PCos *me(n) Ceb mene ¯ PCo *me(n) *mem, *mene PCos *me PCos *me-s. PCo *maki-(n) Mics s. /_# (see 9.1.) with analogical development Consequently, I now propose PMi *-su and PU *-s. u *-su ‘instrumental case’, a change from Callaghan 2003. In Northern Sierra Miwok, the consonant final allomorphs were lost.

180

Proto Utian grammar

Table 114. Proto Utian case system following nouns PU Nom. /C_ /V_ Gen. /C_# (/C_non-final) /V_# (/V_non-final) Obj. /C_ /V_ Adv. /C_ 9_ Temp. /C_ /V_ All. /dem._ /C_ 9_ /RF &_ /V_ Abl. /C_ /V_ Instr. /dem._ /C_# (C_non-final) /V_# (V_non-final) Com. Voc. /C_ /V_

PMi

__ __ ¯ __ *-ny *-yn ?

Miss

Mics, Mins

Yokuts

-Y‰ -‰ -Y×

PY *-0/ PY *-‰ PY *-in

-×

PY *-n

*-to *-to

P\ *-my (PCo *-tu) (PCo *-tu) *-s. u ¯ *-s. u *-su

*-0/ *-‰ *-ny *-yn *-Y× *-Y×Y-Y×Y Q

× ¯ *-×Y-×Y*-y *-yg __ *-g *-g *-yj *-Yj *-j *-j *-no*-n *-to *-to *-to *-to

WR … W

–WR … W

P\

P