Picturing the True Form: Daoist Visual Culture in Traditional China 0674065735, 9780674065734

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Picturing the True Form

Harvard East Asian Monographs 342

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Picturing the True Form Daoist Visual Culture in Traditional China Shih-shan Susan Huang

Published by the Harvard University Asia Center for the Harvard-Yenching Institute Distributed by Harvard University Press Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London 2012

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© 2012 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America The Harvard-Yenching Institute, founded in 1928 and headquartered at Harvard University, is a foundation dedicated to the advancement of higher education in the humanities and social sciences in East and Southeast Asia. The Institute supports advanced research at Harvard by faculty members of certain Asian universities and doctoral studies at Harvard and other universities by junior faculty at the same universities. It also supports East Asian studies at Harvard through contributions to the Harvard-Yenching Library and publication of the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies and books on premodern East Asian history and literature. The Harvard University Asia Center gratefully acknowledges generous grants in support of the publication of this work from the following institutions: The Department of Art History at Rice University, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange, the Millard Meiss Publication Fund of the College Art Association, and the James P. Geiss Foundation of Princeton, NJ, established in honor of the late James P. Geiss (1950–2000) and sponsoring research on the Ming dynasty.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Huang, Shih-shan Susan. Picturing the true form : Daoist visual culture in traditional China / Shih-shan Susan Huang. -- 1st ed. p. cm. -- (Harvard East Asian monographs ; 342) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-674-06573-4 1. Taoist art and symbolism. 2. China--Religious life and customs. I. Title. II. Title: Daoist visual culture in traditional China. N8199.T36C64 2012 704.9'48995140951--dc23 2012004186 Jacket design by David Brody Calligraphy by Qianshen Bai Index by Livia Kohn Printed on acid-free paper Last figure below indicates year of this printing 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12

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In memory of my mother Yen Yen-fang 顏艷芳 1940–1995

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Contents Acknowledgments List of Figures Chronology

xi xv xxv

Introduction

1 2 7 13 15 18 19 21

Visual Dimensions Conceptual Framework Aniconic, Immaterial, and Ephemeral Facets of Daoism Primary Sources Daoist Tu in the Daozang Overview of the Book

INNER CHAPTERS: ESOTERIC UNDERPINNINGS 1. Imagery of Body and Cosmos Body Gods Early Divinities Planets and Bureaucrats Ritual Activation Visualizations of Stars Journeys to the Northern Dipper Imaginary Star Maps Stars in the Body Iconic Forms

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25 27 27 29 34 38 40 41 42 46

Souls and Worms The Seven Material Souls and Three Deathbringers Physical Parasites Control and Elimination Illustrating Internal Alchemy The Inner Realm The Medical Body Body Landscapes Interior Journeys

2. Mapping the World Daoist Creation Sacred Charts Heavens and Upper Worlds Vertical Heavens Lateral Expansion Earthly Paradises The Ten Continents and Three Isles The Five Sacred Peaks Grotto Heavens Hells and the Underworld Mount Fengdu Women in Hell

3. True Form Charts Metamorphoses of the Man-Bird Mountain Man-Bird Writings Birds in Heavenly Scripts The Five Sacred Peaks The Mystical Cosmos The Fengshui Connection Mountain Treasures Minerals and Herbs Magical Mushrooms

52 54 61 63 65 67 74 78 81

87 88 93 98 99 103 105 106 113 116 120 123 129

135 139 147 154 165 170 174 177 178 180

viii contents

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OUTER CHAPTERS: ART IN ACTION 4. Materiality of Daoist Sacred Space Forms of Daochang The Oratory The Public Altar Multiple Layers Multiple Stages Cultural and Religious Sources Soul Places Ritual Objects Flags and Banners Mirrors Writing Utensils Documents Spirit Money

5. Performing the Salvation Ritual The Yellow Register Purgation Calling Out the Body Gods Ascent and Summons Attack on Hell Opening the Hells The Master’s Staff Artistic Depictions Rescuing Souls Bathing and Feeding The Water Land Ritual Salvation through Refinement Internal Visualizations The External Rite Concluding Ceremonies



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189 189 190 192 195 199 202 207 213 214 221 229 231 239

243 245 247 249 254 255 257 259 262 265 267 270 272 274 277

contents ix

6. Paintings of Mobile Deities Daoist Painters at Work Preparation Sketchbooks Teamwork Priests as Painters Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water Pictorial Formulas Annual Festivals Pictorial Conventions The Heavenly Descent Daoist Deities in Procession Visualization Practice Earthly Excursions Tours of Inspection The Subjugation of Demons The Tree Goblin and the Ape Monster Ocean Crossings Crossing Over to Salvation Thunder Troops The Female Soul The Ritual Context Mobile Deities Yellow Register Painting

Epilogue

281 284 284 285 290 290 292 294 296 300 300 302 305 307 307 308 311 318 319 325 332 333 334 338

341

Reference Matter Notes Bibliography Illustration Credits Index

347 419 467 472

x contents

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Acknowledgments We shall not cease from exploration. And the end of all our exploring Will be to arrive where we started And know the place for the first time. –T. S. Eliot

O

ne of my favorite stories told by medieval Daoists concerns a man’s journey into a fantastical Daoist cavern. From the outside it appears to be an ordinary cave. But once he enters, the man starts seeing wonderful things revealed in microcosm— the lives of people; landscapes with streams and mountains and villages; and the sun, moon, and stars. He undertakes a labyrinthine and seemingly endless journey through the cavern until, one day, he suddenly emerges thousands of miles away from where he entered. The otherworldly cavern is a metaphor for the Daoist grotto heaven, a hidden earthly paradise invisible to the ordinary eye. The man’s journey in the grotto, an experience of Daoist enlightenment, symbolizes a quest for the Dao. For well over a decade, like the protagonist in the Daoist tale, I have been on a labyrinthine and seemingly endless journey. Early on, as a student of Chinese art I was fascinated by Daoist visual forms. As a graduate student I focused on the “standard” Daoist art—historical objects, mainly temple murals and scroll paintings with iconic images of the Daoist gods. In my post-doctoral years I began to dig deeper into Daoist art and primary sources, and these connected me to a trove of Daoist scholarship, all of which was new to me. This book is an attempt to synthesize and make sense of all the wonderful things I’ve seen and learned on my journey. Countless people have helped me along the way. A complete thank-you list would be too long to include here, but I owe a special debt of gratitude to specific teachers, scholars, colleagues, friends, students, and family. First, I would like to thank my mentors, Professors Shou-chien Shih and Richard Barnhart, who grounded me in the essentials of Chinese painting. I am indebted to Prof. Shih, who was my first Chinese painting teacher, because it was he who sent me on this path by suggesting that I study Daoist painting. Prof. Barnhart’s vast knowledge and creativity, especially in his attributions of anonymous paintings and non-canonical art, has been a

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constant source of inspiration and a reminder that fine scholarship is the fruit of an adventurous spirit. I am grateful to Paul Katz and Valerie Hansen, both of whom enlightened me about Daoism and Chinese religions. In my final year as a master’s degree student in Taiwan, I benefited from Paul’s insight regarding the necessity of identifying the intended audience for a given primary source. Later, his meticulous comments on my book manuscript helped give shape to the broader concepts of this book. Valerie, with her boundless energy and enthusiasm for charting new fields of inquiry, has been a constant role model. I am forever grateful for the care and support she and her family offered me when I first came to the United States. Lastly, I would be much less well-equipped as an art historian had I not had the good fortune to study with Professors Yu-min Lee, Pao-chen Chen, David Sensabaugh, and Mimi Yienpruksawan. I am indebted to many wonderful colleagues at the University of Washington and Rice University, including Patricia Ebrey, Kyoko Tokuno, Richard Smith, Diane Wolfthal, Nanxiu Qian, Linda Neagley, and Anne Chao. Their brilliant scholarship has served as an example for me. I am extremely thankful to Patricia Ebrey and Kyoko Tokuno, whom I am fortunate to count as mentors and dear friends. Over a period of six years, they read countless drafts of the chapters that would become this book. Their many insightful perceptions and suggestions have proved invaluable. I would like to thank the following scholars who have helped me with this project in myriad ways: Stanley Abe, Poul Andersen, Alain Arrault, Qianshen Bai, Stephen Bokenkamp, Lucille Chia, Sun-ah Choi, Paul Copp, Hilde de Weerdt, Patrice Fava, Robert Harrist, Kohara Hironobu, Shu-wei Hsieh, Ya-hwei Hsu, Wu Hung, Fusae Kanda, John Lagerwey, Lai Chi Tim, Seunghye Lee, Li-chiang Lin, Sheng-chih Lin, Wei-cheng Lin, Heping Liu, Xun Liu, Hui-wen Lu, Yu Ping Luk, Amy McNair, Li Qingquan, James Robson, Hsüeh-man Shen, Jie Shi, Lillian Lan-ying Tseng, Katherine Tsiang, Maggie Wan, Cheng-hua Wang, Eugene Wang, Lei Xue, Dandan Zhang, and Ge Zhaoguang. I extend special thanks to Julia Murray, who, while visiting Rice during the Spring of 2011, offered valuable feedback on my manuscript. I first met Livia Kohn in 2009 at the International Daoism conference in Wudangshan, Hubei. Her scholarship and her many other endeavors, which all seem to move forward at lightning speed, have been a great source of inspiration. She edited the first version of the complete manuscript of this book, making it much more readable while simultaneously offering numerous helpful suggestions calling on her deep knowledge of Daoism. I owe special thanks to an international group of collectors, curators, librarians, and scholars who not only assisted me during field trips to museums and libraries around the globe, but also helped me acquire many of the photo permissions for this

xii acknowledgments

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book. They include Wan-go Weng, Yien-koo King, Bai Bin, Yunru Chen, Sören Edgren, Jacque Giès, Vincent Gossaert, Maxwell Hearn, David Helliwell, Angela Howard, Graham Hutt, Anning Jing, Michael Lee, Natalie Monnet, Mei Mei Rado, Clarissa Von Spee, Jan Stuart, Hao Sheng, Franciscus Verellen, and Xie Jisheng. I am especially grateful to Ide Seinosuke, who went to great lengths to help me secure permission for image reproductions in Japan. At Rice University, I am fortunate to be supported by exceptional office staff members and librarians. Many people helped with the long list of things that needed to be done for this book to become a reality. For overseeing some of the finances I thank Lucinda Cannady; for photocopying and checking out books, Anita Cantu and Michael Domeracki; for purchasing books, Jet Prendeville, Anna Shparberg, and Michael Meng; for filling interlibrary requests, Randy Tibbits, Francine Arizmendez, and Angela Brown; for fixing computer problems, Tom Oster; and for the very time-consuming image-scanning and imageediting work, Andrew Taylor. I am also grateful for the encouragement and help I’ve had along the way from my graduate and undergraduate students at both the University of Washington and Rice University. In particular I’d like to thank Ka Ka Chan, Hsiao-wen Cheng, Alex Chermside, Euri Huang, Jeong Won Hyun, Nagisa Leonard, Tal Moriah, Adrian To, Lanzhen Wang, and Li Yang. My former graduate student, Anne Saliceti-Collins, remains a close friend. She read most of the chapters when the manuscript was close to completion and gave me valuable feedback. I would also like to acknowledge the support of my friends. They include Ja Ja Chen, Yoser Chen (and other junior high school classmates and teachers), ChihSheng Chu, James Clifton, Xiaoping Cong, Tom Ebrey, Anne Feng, Wenni and Fred Hsu, Bingyi Huang, Li-yun Huang, Codi James, Hsin-wei Li, Ting-yu Lin, Wan-ru Lin, Yi-nien Lin, Yujen Liu, Hsuan-fei Lu, Hui-chen Lu, Ken Mackie, Yun-chiu Mei, Roxane Offner, Ying-chen Peng, Lynn Niannian Sima, Joyce Tsai, Ching-ling Wang, Ammon Wang, and Yu-chi Yu. Last but not least, Christine Starkman and Linda Singer both treated me like a sister. Their creative spirit and love for art and music cheered me while I worked through the many challenges of this project. Rice University has been exceptionally generous to me and this project. Both the Department of Art History and the Office of the Dean of the School of Humanities made significant contributions to support this project. In addition, I could not have finished this book without the generous funding I received from The Royalty Research Fund (University of Washington), The Mary and Cheney Cowles Endowed Professorship (University of Washington), The Junior Scholar Award and Publication Subsidies (The Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation), The Millard Meiss Publication Fund (College Art Association), and the Geiss Subvention Awards (The James P. Geiss Foundation).



acknowledgments xiii

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Over the past several years I was fortunate to have had many opportunities to share this body of research in various public lectures and at international conferences. Feedback from audience members and conference participants helped me sharpen the arguments that have made their way into this book. In this regard I am grateful to Beijing Capital Normal University, the Academia Sinica, the University of Washington, the University of Chicago; the annual meeting of the Association of Asian Studies in Honolulu; the Fifth International Conference of Daoism in Wudangshan; the Song Daoism conference at the Chinese University of Hong Kong; and the conference of Image and Ritual at Fudan University, Shanghai. It has been my great fortune to work with a patient, creative, and efficient team of editors, designers, and artists. The professionalism and finely honed skills of my editors William Hammell and Kristen Wanner at Harvard University Asia Center, and copyeditor Deborah Del Gais, taught me a great deal about how much goes into transforming a manuscript into a publishable book. Designer Peter Holm, responsible for laying out the text and all the images, deserves special recognition for his elegant work. I am also grateful to renowned calligrapher Qianshen Bai, who wrote the qi-infused Chinese characters on page v of this book. I would be remiss not to thank my grandmother, Huang Hsiu-lian, who is 91 this year; my aunt, Yen Mei-lin; my sister, Huang Shu-june; and my other close relatives for their unfailing support and tolerance of my somewhat unconventional scholarly life. I grew up in the small town of Hsin-ying in southern Taiwan, where my father, Huang Chung-yung, provided a wonderful environment in which I was able to explore music and the humanities. I am thankful to him for all he gave me. My mother, Yen Yen-fang, was my first teacher and introduced me to the worlds of art and history. After she passed away in 1995 I felt she had been transformed into a body god who permanently resided within me, conferring her eternal protection over me. I dedicate this book to her memory and to her passion and love for knowledge and learning. Finally, I want to share my joy in this book’s publication with my partner David Brody, who designed the elegant dust jacket and who has helped edit numerous drafts of this and other texts. He is my best, closest, and wittiest friend. S.H., February 2012

xiv acknowledgments

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List of Figures Introduction Fig. 0.1. Stele with twin Daoist deities. Figs. 0.2a–b. Votive offering of two seated figures and attendants. Fig. 0.3. Lord Lao Riding on an Elephant. Fig. 0.4. Liang Kai, Daoist Deity Liberating Hell. Fig. 0.5. Manichaean painting of Jesus.

3 4 5 6 7

Chapter 1 Fig. 1.1. Visualization Diagram. Figs. 1.2a–d. Visualizations of the body gods, from the Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern. Fig. 1.3. Visualization of the body gods, from the Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot. Fig. 1.4. Visualization of the body gods, from the Dignified Pointers to Inner Nature and Destiny. Fig. 1.5. Amitābha’s Pure Land. Fig. 1.6. Images of the body gods of the inborn knots. Figs. 1.7. a–f. Jade Maidens of the Six Jia, each holding a divine talisman in green jade. Figs. 1.8a–d. Images of the body gods from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall. Figs. 1.9a–c. Images of attendants and minor deities from the Register of the Sworn Alliance with the Powers of the Orthodox Unity. Fig. 1.10. Daoist sculptures of bureaucratic gods from the Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto, Cave no. 10. Figs. 1.11 a–b. Male and female figures from the celestial procession. Figs. 1.12a–b. Visualization illustrations showing body gods called out by the adept. Fig. 1.13. A king riding in a chariot in the shape of the Northern Dipper. Fig. 1.14. “Sir Immortal Ge’s Method of Honoring the Great Northern Dipper.” Fig. 1.15. Imaginary journey to the first star of the Northern Dipper in the spring.

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26 30 31 31 32 33 34 35 35 36 37 38 39 39 40

Fig. 1.16. Diagram of the ritual dance combining the steps that mimic the Northern Dipper (Heaven) and the mystic spirals (Earth). 41 Fig. 1.17. Choreography for the dance of the Northern Dipper. 41 Fig. 1.18. Nine Palaces of the Perfected of the Nine Heavens. 42 Fig. 1.19. Illustration of the Nine Palaces as visualized by a Daoist. 43 Figs. 1.20a–b. Visualization pictures of the Purple Chamber and the Nine Palaces. 44 Fig. 1.21. “Method of Reclining in the Northern Dipper.” 45 Figs. 1.22a–g. Descent of the Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper into the Bodily Organs. 46 Figs. 1.23a–c. Visualization images of the deities of the Northern Dipper. 47 Fig. 1.24. Illustrations of the deities of the Northern Dipper. 47 Fig.1.25. Deities of the Northern Dipper. 48 Figs. 1.26a–b. Two paintings of astral and Daoist-inspired deities. 49 Figs. 1.27a–b. Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions attributed to Zhang Zengyou. 50 Fig. 1.28. Diagram of the image display on the north, west, and east walls of the outer altar. 51 Figs. 1.29a–c. Grotesque spirits and body worms. 53 Fig. 1.30. Japanese depiction of the three deathbringers. 55 Fig. 1.31. The lower deathbringer and two material souls. 56 Fig. 1.32. Ox-headed, one-legged figurine. 56 Figs. 1.33a–b. Figural representations of diseases controlled by stars. 57 Fig. 1.34. Drawing of the Heavenly Thief. 58 Fig. 1.35. The one-legged kui animal from the Eastern Sea. 58 Fig. 1.36. Turtle carrying the rolled Luo Writ in its mouth. 59 Fig. 1.37. Painting from a set of the Ten Kings of Hell. 60 Figs. 1.38a–c. Illustrations of the different generations of parasites. 62 Fig. 1.39. Representation of the seven material souls and the three deathbringers. 63 Fig. 1.40. Picture of Paying Homage to Perfection by Yanluozi. 64 Figs. 1.41a–b. Two illustrated versions of “Adding and Taking Away.” 65 Fig. 1.42. Diagram for Exchanging Mortality with Immortality through Inner Observation of Fire Kindling. 65 Fig. 1.43. Naked baby symbolizing the “end result” of internal alchemy. 66 Figs. 1.44a–b. Internal alchemical maps of the inner body. 67 Figs. 1.45a–d. Sectional Body Charts by Yanluozi. 68–69 Fig. 1.46. Chart of the Side View of the Inner Realm. 70 Fig. 1.47. Chart of the Internal Passageways. 72

xvi list of figures

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Fig. 1.48. Wang Chongyang holding a picture of a skeleton in front of his disciples to instruct the nature of an illusory life. Figs. 1.49a–b. Copy of Yang Jie’s Charts of the True Circulatory Vessels. Figs. 1.50a–b. Drawings of Persian body charts from a Persian manuscript. Fig. 1.51. Human model for acupuncture. Fig. 1.52. Textile models of inner organs. Fig. 1.53. Picture of the Ascent and Descent of the Yin and Yang Energies in the Body. Fig. 1.54. Picture of the Primordial Qi in the Body. Figs. 1.55a–b. Visualization pictures of the Daoist sacred mountain in the form of a hanging-bowl mountain. Fig. 1.56. Fan Kuan, Travelers among Mountains and Streams.

73 74 75 76 77 79 79 81 82

Chapter 2 Fig. 2.1. Seated Laozi statue commissioned by layman Du for his parents. Fig. 2.2. Scripture of the Eight Effulgences of Jade Brilliance and Golden Truth. Fig. 2.3. True Writs in Five Tablets. Fig. 2.4. Word chart showing transcriptions of Chinese characters and the stylization of the hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven. Fig. 2.5. Diagram of the Chant of the Azure Sky. Fig. 2.6. Diagram of the Great Floating Earth at Dawn. Fig. 2.7. Illustrations of the River Chart. Fig. 2.8. River Chart attributed to Chen Tuan. Figs. 2.9a–b. Diagrams of Daoist heavens. Fig. 2.10. Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands. Fig. 2.11. Illustration of the Daoist heaven. Fig. 2.12. Symbols of the Five Sacred Peaks surrounding the celestial palace and the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions. Figs. 2.13a–b. Lateral expansion of the Thirty-two Heavens. Fig. 2.14. Diagram of the Synthesized Heavens. Fig. 2.15. Diagram of Daoist Earthly Paradises. Fig. 2.16. Diagram of the Earthly Paradise. Figs. 2.17a–c. Flying Celestials’ Revolving Scripture Cabinet, Temple of the Cloudy Rock. Fig. 2.18. Detail of a Daoist robe adorned with cosmological motifs of mountains (earth), water, and stars (heaven). Fig. 2.19. Diagram of the Three Isles and Ten Continents on the Sea. Figs. 2.20a–b. Goddesses in the Palace Park, attributed to Ruan Gao.



90 91 92 92 94 95 97 98 99 100 101 102 104 105 107 107 108 110 111 112

list of figures xvii

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Fig. 2.21. Relief carving showing a layman sailing toward Penglai. 113 Fig. 2.22. Map showing the distribution of the Five Sacred Peaks and the ten major and thirty-six lesser grotto heavens. 114 Figs. 2.23a–b. Mirrors of the Five Sacred Peaks. 114 Fig. 2.24. Symbols of the true forms of the Five Sacred Peaks. 115 Fig. 2.25. True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak. 116 Fig. 2.26. Streams and Mountains in Autumn Colors, attributed to Zhao Boju. 117 Fig. 2.27. Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao in the Tiantai Mountains, by Zhao Cangyun. 118 Fig. 2.28. Mirror showing figures, deer, and a crane in front of a grotto heaven. 119 Fig. 2.29. Alchemical furnace radiating light from within a grotto, from the Illustrated Hagiography of Xu Zhenjun. 119 Figs. 2.30a–b. Diagrams of ritual lamps imitating the nonary configuration of the nine hells. 120 Fig. 2.31. Chart of the Hall of Light. 121 Fig. 2.32. Diagram of the Four Continents, Nine Mountains, and Eight Seas. 122 Fig. 2.33. Diagram of the Eight Hot Hells. 122 Fig. 2.34. Landscape of Mount Fengdu. 124 Fig. 2.35. True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat. 125 Fig. 2.36. True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu, rubbing from a carved relief stele. 126 Fig. 2.37. Grotto geography of Mount Fengdu. 127 Figs. 2.38a–b. Grotto hell at the underground court. 128 Fig. 2.39. Diagram of Lamps Imitating the Blood Lake. 129 Fig. 2.40. True Form Chart of the Blood Lake. 129 Figs. 2.41a–c. Depictions of lay people at the underground court. 131 Fig. 2.42. Hāritī surrounded by children and women, from the Long Scroll of Buddhist Images by Zhang Shengwen. 132

Chapter 3 Figs. 3.1a–b. True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain. Fig. 3.2. Talisman worn when entering the mountain. Fig. 3.3. Buddhist dhāranī charms. Fig. 3.4. Drawing of cloudlike motifs. Figs. 3.5a–c. Examples of Daoist celestial writings. Fig. 3.6. The man-bird motif. Fig. 3.7. A pair of man-birds. T-shaped banner excavated from the tomb of Lady Dai at Mawangdui.

137 138 140 140 141 142 142

xviii list of figures

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Fig. 3.8. Star of the Great Brightness (Venus). Fig. 3.9. Garud.a playing music in the Buddhist paradise. Figs. 3.10a–b. Bird-like mountains from the perspective of fengshui. Fig. 3.11. Swallow Cliff. Fig. 3.12. Bird-shaped Numinous Vulture Peak, detail from the Lotus Sutra Tableaux from the north ceiling slope of Mogao Cave no. 420. Fig. 3.13. Bird-shaped Numinous Vulture Peak, detail from a frontispiece for the Lotus Sutra. Fig. 3.14. Illustrated divinations representing the pneuma in the forms of an animal, a canopy, and a tower. Fig. 3.15. True Writing of the Mysterious Hill of the Phoenix Qi in Nine Heavens. Figs. 3.16a–b. Magical symbols evoking the eight daunters. Figs. 3.17a–c. Examples of the Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure. Fig. 3.18. Depiction of the four-eyed Cang Jie. Fig. 3.19. Documentation of starlings’ migratory flight in dense flocks. Fig. 3.20. Dragon Seal Script of Heavenly Writings. Fig. 3.21. Salvation Scripture Inscribed in Cloud Seal Script. Fig. 3.22. Talisman of the Dark Dragons. Figs. 3.23a–b. Ancient scripts inspired by birds, fish, and insects. Fig. 3.24. Daoist-inspired bird script. Fig. 3.25. Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Scheming the Mysterious. Figs. 3.26a–c. Comparison of bird-like motifs in Daoist magical symbols. Fig. 3.27. Tomb epitaph of Sir Teng. Fig. 3.28. Drawing sample for a seal showing repeated renditions of the character for “bird.” Figs. 3.29a–c. Bird-inspired talismans. Fig. 3.30. Talismans of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks. Fig. 3.31. True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak (Mount Tai). Fig. 3.32. Transmission method of the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks. Figs. 3.33a–c. Comparison of the True Form Charts of the Eastern Sacred Peak (Mount Tai). Fig. 3.34. Copy after the original area map of Mount Jiuyi from Tomb no. 3, Mawangdui. Fig. 3.35. Map of the Tracks of Yu. Fig. 3.36. Stone carvings of the god and goddess of the Eastern Sacred Peak and the celestial court. Fig. 3.37. Bureaucratic god of the underworld reviewing a hanging scroll of a temple map held by his assistant.



143 143 144 144 145 145 146 150 151 153 154 155 156 156 157 157 159 160 161 162 163 164 166 166 168 169 170 170 171 172

list of figures xix

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Fig. 3.38. Map of the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak. 173 Figs. 3.39a–d. Writings as landscape in the form of mountain ranges, trees, and rivers. 174 Figs. 3.40a–b. Fengshui charts. 175 Fig. 3.41. Diagram of the Auspicious Ghost Dragon. 176 Fig. 3.42. Illustrations of the dragon’s lair. 176 Fig. 3.43. Chen Rong, Nine Dragons. 177 Fig. 3.44. Mineral samples packed in silver boxes, excavated from Hejia village. 178 Figs. 3.45a–d. Illustrated minerals from Illustrated Materia Medica. 179 Figs. 3.46a–c. Herbs for operative alchemy and therapeutic value. 180 Fig. 3.47. Daoist jade maiden holding a tray of numinous mushrooms with dark purple dots. 181 Fig. 3.48. Woman picking medicinal herbs and mushrooms. 182 Fig. 3.49. Female Immortals, formerly attributed to Sun Jue. 183 Figs. 3.50a–d. Illustrations of magical and medicinal mushrooms and fungi. 184 Fig. 3.51. Diagram of the jiao ritual altar. 186

Chapter 4 Fig. 4.1. Diagram of the Oratory. Fig. 4.2. Table for memorials. Fig. 4.3. Short ji table. Fig. 4.4. Altar diagram for the Purgation of the Three Primes. Fig. 4.5. Diagram of a three-tiered altar based on the models established by Zhang Wanfu and Du Guangting. Figs. 4.6a–b. Three-tiered altar, from Great Rites of the Jade Hall. Fig. 4.7. Daoist ritual performance in front of a five-tiered altar erected outdoors. Fig. 4.8. Diagram of the outer (lower) altar showing the installation of twenty-four posts. Fig. 4.9. Lamp diagram, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat. Fig. 4.10. Diagram of a decentralized altar associated with the rite dedicated to a person’s life star. Fig. 4.11. Six Curtained Stages. Fig. 4.12. Modern drawing of the tomb of Prince Liu Sheng and his wife. Fig. 4.13. Interior design showing the motif of curtains at the upper border of the walls. Fig. 4.14. Noble woman and man seated in a curtained tent. Fig. 4.15. Husband and wife seated on chairs at a table.

xx

191 192 192 194 194 195 197 198 198 198 201 202 203 203 204

list of figures

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Fig. 4.16. Statue of the Sage Mother. 204 Fig. 4.17. Statue of the King of the Bright Manifestation seen through a rolled-up curtain. 205 Fig. 4.18. Performers on a theatrical stage. 206 Fig. 4.19. Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness. 208 Fig. 4.20. Talismanic writs of the nine hells inscribed on the hell-attacking banner. 209 Fig. 4.21. Three-tiered wooden pole for lamps. 209 Figs. 4.22a–b. Interior layout of the grass hut. 210 Fig. 4.23. Diagram of the Altar of the Heavenly Worthy of Nine Refinements. 211 Figs. 4.24a–c. Illustrations of the trifold bridge. 212 Fig. 4.25. “Bridge of Meeting Immortals.” 213 Figs. 4.26a–b. The Three Heavens Flag of the Lion to Eliminate the Ominous [Influence]. 214 Fig. 4.27. Diagram of Ritual Implements Surrounding the Altar. 215 Fig. 4.28. Young attendants carrying fans and pendants to prepare for a Daoist ritual. 215 Fig. 4.29. Selection of Daoist banners from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure. 216 Figs. 4.30a–c. Examples of ritual banners and flags. 216 Fig. 4.31. A Daoist banner suspended from a tall pole. 217 Fig. 4.32. Daoist banners hung on the pole outside a temple complex. 217 Fig. 4.33. Spirit-moving banner, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition. 218 Figs. 4.34a–b. Precious Canopy of the Green Mystery with a cluster of banners and the talisman for the central banner. 218 Fig. 4.35. Buddhist banner with a painted image of a bodhisattva with a glass bowl. 219 Fig. 4.36. Avalokiteśvara as Guider of Souls. 220 Fig. 4.37. Precious Banner of Great Mercy. 221 Fig. 4.38. Inner alchemical illustration of a magical mirror that kills all demons. 222 Figs. 4.39a–b. Multiarmed martial deities holding mirrors and swords. 224 Fig. 4.40. Sample of the talisman visualized by the adept on the mirror. 225 Fig. 4.41. Illustration of a mirror from a Tang Daoist text. 225 Fig. 4.42. Illustration of a mirror from Wondrous Scripture of Divine Incantations. 225 Fig. 4.43. Illustration of a Sui-dynasty iron mirror with sixteen talismans. 226 Fig. 4.44. Mirror with talismanic designs. 226 Figs. 4.45a–b. a. Daoist mirror with patterns of the sun, moon, constellations, eight trigrams, T-shaped symbols, and inscriptions. 227



list of figures xxi

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Fig. 4.46. Magic swords, from the Highest Clarity Pictures of the Cosmic Signs Embodied in Mirrors and Swords. 228 Fig. 4.47. Mirror adorned with seal-script inscriptions, the eight trigrams, the sun and moon, and five interlocking Ts. 229 Fig. 4.48. Sample of a writing knife used in ritual. 230 Fig. 4.49. Line drawing after a funerary slip bearing prayers. 232 Fig. 4.50. Memorial of the Handwritten Letters to the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water. 233 Figs. 4.51a–b. Models for the envelopes, boxes, and seals for written memorials. 234 Fig. 4.52. Sample of written prayers to be cast to the mountain, earth, and water. 235 Fig. 4.53. Sample envelopes for the memorials to the Three Officials. 235 Fig. 4.54. Jade disks for the dragon-casting tablets. 235 Fig. 4.55. Tablet inscribed with a prayer, discovered at Mount Song, Henan. 236 Fig. 4.56. Rubbing of a silver tablet dated 928. 237 Fig. 4.57. Messenger delivering the tablet to the Official of Water. 238 Fig. 4.58. New Year’s poster showing a messenger on horseback delivering a document box. 240 Fig. 4.59. Example of the huizi bill. 240 Fig. 4.60. Examples of a paper shoe and a paper hat, excavated in Xinjiang. 241 Fig. 4.61. Contemporary Taiwanese paper-pasted sculptures on display outside the inner altar of a Daoist temple. 241

Chapter 5 Fig. 5.1. Hand diagrams showing the corresponding points of the temporal cycle for the ten heavenly stems and the twelve earthly branches. Fig. 5.2. Daoist master’s visualization journey to heaven. Fig. 5.3. Daoist priest submitting the memorial at the heavenly gate. Fig. 5.4. Official kneeling to submit a written scroll to the King of Bright Responses. Fig. 5.5. Master Xu’s celestial troops descending to the ritual space. Fig. 5.6. The document staff. Fig. 5.7. Talisman of the Green Mystery Heavenly Worthy Pardoning the Sinners and Destroying Fengdu. Figs. 5.8a–c. Design templates for the talismanic banner to be attached to the document staff. Fig. 5.9. Pacing Method of Breaking Open Hell. Figs. 5.10a–b. Inner talismans inserted into the document staff.

246 251 252 253 254 255 255 256 256 258

xxii list of figures

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Fig. 5.11. A Daoist deity greeting a soul ascending from the underground prison. Fig. 5.12a–b. Dizang Bodhisattva and the Ten Kings. Fig. 5.13. Eight-door soul-summoning altar. Figs. 5.14a–c. Talismans for summoning the Divine Tiger soul catchers. Figs. 5.15a–b. Divine Tiger soul catchers. Fig. 5.16. Du Liniang’s soul descends to a Daoist altar. Fig. 5.17. Celestial River (Milky Way) flowing across the celestial map. Fig. 5.18. Talismans that transform men’s and women’s clothes. Fig. 5.19. Hungry ghosts with deformed bodies. Fig. 5.20. Five monks deliver a female soul to heaven after feeding her. Fig. 5.21. Chart of the Corporeal Landmarks. Fig. 5.22. Step-by-step visualizations of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning, the lion, and their combination. Figs. 5.23a–c. Visualization pictures associated with the liandu rite. Figs. 5.24a–b. Ritual diagrams of salvation through refinement. Figs. 5.25a–d. Bodily talismans associated with the liandu rite. Fig. 5.26. Modern rite of bridge crossing, Shanghai. Figs. 5.27a–c. Documents for entry into heaven.

259 260–61 262 262 263 264 266 267 269 271 272 273 274 275 277 278 279

Chapter 6 Fig. 6.1. Official of Heaven. Fig. 6.2. Official of Earth. Fig. 6.3. Official of Water. Fig. 6.4. Japanese drawing of the Northern Dipper Mandala Based on a Tang Model (Tōhon hokuto mandara). Fig. 6.5. Procession of Daoist deities. Fig. 6.6. Immortals and Elders in Audience with the Prime. Fig. 6.7. Beneficial Rain, by Zhang Yucai. Fig. 6.8. Line drawing after the Official of Heaven, by Federico Bianchi. Figs. 6.9a–d. Talismans composed of repetitive curvilinear lines. Fig. 6.10. Auspicious Cranes, attributed to Emperor Huizong. Fig. 6.11. Immortals in a Mountain Pavilion. Fig. 6.12. Flag of the Auspicious Cranes. Fig. 6.13. Arhats descending to a temple hall. Fig. 6.14. Relief carving of Daoist deities in procession. Figs. 6.15a–b. Line drawings of the Daoist processions. Figs. 6.16a–c. Murals in the dome-shaped, single-room tomb of a lay couple.



282 283 282 287 288 289 291 292 293 298 298 299 301 302 303 304

list of figures xxiii

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Fig. 6.17. The Great Emperor of Fusang riding in a chariot on three immaculate clouds. 305 Fig. 6.18. Celestial chariot descending on clouds. 306 Fig. 6.19. Procession of Daoist deities. Leaf no. 3 from the Album of 306 Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Fig. 6.20. Procession of Daoist Deities. Leaf no. 4 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. 307 Fig. 6.21. Expecting the Wise One and Welcoming the Entourage. 308 Fig. 6.22. An official and demonic attendants escorting a tree goblin and an ape monster. 309 Fig. 6.23. Zhong Kui’s Excursion, by Gong Kai. 310–11 Fig. 6.24. The wild man wearing a skirt made of leaves, by Lu Xingzhong. 312 Figs. 6.25a–c. Searching [for Demons] in the Mountains. 313 Fig. 6.26. Tree monsters interrogated in the underground court. 314 Figs. 6.27a–b. Tree spirits as door gods. 315 Fig. 6.28. The Grand Generals of the Waste Lands, Spirits of the Water, Earth, and Plant Life. 316 Fig. 6.29a–b. The mud and tree spirits. 317 Fig. 6.30. Demon attendants of Erlang subjugating mountain spirits. 318 Fig. 6.31. The thunder troops and the female soul escorted by an official. 319 Fig. 6.32. Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea. 320–21 Fig. 6.33. Eight immortals on clouds. 321 Fig. 6.34. Vaiśravana Crossing the Ocean. 322 Fig. 6.35. Mañjuśrī and His Entourage Crossing the Ocean. 323 Fig. 6.36. Five Arhats Crossing the Ocean. 324 Fig. 6.37. Agencies of thunder and lightning making a deafening thunderstorm. 326 Figs. 6.38a–d. Carved reliefs of thunder troops. 327 Fig. 6.39. Thunder Writ of Heavenly Seal Script. 328 Figs. 6.40a–d. Talismans of the thunder gods associated with the thunder rites. 329 Figs. 6.41 a–b. Silk Weaving, after Lou Shou, attributed to Cheng Qi. 330 Fig. 6.42. Anthropomorphic thunder gods with the bodies of a turtle, a snake, a fish, and a dragon. 331 Figs. 6.43a–d. Song tomb artifacts representing thunder divinities. 331 Fig. 6.44. The female soul escorted by a celestial officer. 332 Fig. 6.45. A Spirit Who Comes to Condole Her Bereaved Family. 333 Figs. 6.46a–b. Altar of the Three Officials. 334 Figs. 6.47a–b. Ritual diagrams based on contemporary Daoist rituals in Taiwan. 336–37

xxiv list of figures

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Chronology CHINA PROPER

NORTHERN REGIMES & BORDER LANDS

Shang dynasty, ca. 1600–1050 bce Zhou dynasty, ca. 1050–256 bce Qin dynasty, 222–207 bce Han dynasty, 207 bce–220 ce   Western Han dynasty, 207 bce–8 ce   Wang Mang’s Xin dynasty, 8–25   Eastern Han dynasty, 25–220 Three Kingdoms, 220–265 (Western) Jin dynasty, 265–316 (Eastern) Jin dynasty, 317–420 Northern and Southern Dynasties, 420–589 Sui dynasty, 581–618 Tang dynasty, 618–907 Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, 907–960

Liao dynasty (Khitans), 907–1125

Song dynasty, 960–1276   Northern Song dynasty, 960–1127   Southern Song dynasty, 1127–1276

Jin dynasty (Jurchens), 1115–1234



Xi Xia dynasty (Tunguts), 1038–1227

Yuan dynasty, 1215–1368 Ming dynasty, 1368–1644 Qing dynasty, 1644–1912

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Picturing the True Form

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Introduction

G

uo Ruoxu 郭若虛 (ca. 1041–98), the most influential art critic of eleventhcentury China, closes his painting treatise Experiences in Painting (Tuhua jianwenzhi 圖畫見聞誌) by differentiating his painting records from the “magical paintings” (shuhua 術畫) of Daoists: At the beginning of [the present] dynasty there was a Daoist adept, Lu Xizhen, whose every painting of a flower on a wall would attract bees. Even though [such masters as] Bian [Luan], Huang [Quan], Xu [Xi], and Zhao [Chang] wielded their brushes, one may be sure that there was no such manifestation as a coming of bees. Aren’t such people [who paint a flower on a wall to attract swarming bees] the same as those who gain merit by bewildering people, and find fame by confusing the practice of art? As for rustics climbing a wall and beautiful women dropping from a parapet, the dazzle of the five colors in the midst of water and the ascent of twin dragons beyond the mists—all are the products of sorcery, fantastic lies without any relation to the laws of painting. None such, in consequence, is recorded here. 國初有道士陸希真者，每畫花一枝張于壁間則游蜂至。向使邊黃徐趙 輩措筆定無來蜂之驗。此抑非眩惑取功沽名亂藝者乎？至於野人騰 壁，美女下牆，禁五彩于水中，起雙龍于霧外，皆出方術怪誕，推之畫 法闕如也。故不錄。1

Guo admits clearly that he eschewed the recording of “magical paintings” because they did not compare to the standard “artistic paintings” (yihua 藝畫) of his time. From his point of view, they did not exhibit any recognized style or technique and were ill-suited to art history proper. From the perspective of reception,2 too, such images did not stimulate cultivated intellectual responses. Instead, they exerted supernatural power over the environment and activated ritual performance.3 Although Guo’s magical paintings are not necessarily Daoist, they nevertheless relate to a vast pool of images—mostly by anonymous artists—in Daoist visual

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culture. Here magical power, more than style and execution, and certainly much more than standard convention, is a core concern both at the time of creation and when used in ritual performance. For many centuries Guo’s evaluation has exerted a serious impact on the history of Chinese art, so that Daoist stories and images have gone unrecorded and unstudied. This book remedies this situation. It investigates the visual culture of religious Daoism, 4 China’s primary indigenous religion, focusing on the period from the tenth through the thirteenth centuries with many references to both earlier and later times. Paintings, drawings, printed illustrations, diagrams, charts, maps, talismans, and magical scripts—all essential and unique to the Daoist experience—form its key sources. It places these various kinds of visual forms in the changing context of Daoist history, culture, and ritual, creating holistic perspectives of the visuality, materiality, meaning, and function of Daoist art.

Visual Dimensions Daoist art as an academic field is still in its infancy,5 and many sources remain unexplored. Stephen Little, a pioneer in the field, attributes this to the relatively small number of surviving artworks clearly identified as Daoist, as opposed to the ample number of Buddhist images in East Asia.6 Anna Seidel links the paucity of Daoist objects to their ephemerality and use in ritual: many scroll paintings, paper sculptures, and ritual objects were burnt or buried when symbolically transferred to the supernatural world.7 Moreover, as Judith Boltz and other scholars observe, Daoist primary texts treating religious and ritual practices are often arcane and “chaotically abundant,” 8 thus tending to limit scholarly access to them. When approaching Daoist art, scholars acknowledge that icon making is a “soft area” in Daoism,9 so they tend to draw on research models for iconography, iconology, and formal analysis that are associated with well-established, mainstream Buddhist art scholarship.10 The study of Daoist icons also mirrors major concerns raised in the study of Buddhist art.11 What pantheon is depicted in the painting or statue? What religious scripture, doctrine, or belief does the image reflect? What are the stylistic characteristics of the object? Who are the maker, patron, and intended audience? These and similar questions are in line with questions raised in mainstream studies of religion, art, and visual culture even beyond Asia. 12 The limitations of these valid questions become apparent when applied to the study of Daoist images. Most Daoist images examined on the basis of the Buddhist-inspired research model are iconic, figurative, and representational images of deities and immortals, material-

2 introduction

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ized in portable paintings, temple murals, sculptures, and stone steles. An intriguing object that best problematizes this approach is the sixth-century stone stele (dated 527) featuring two deities that look alike (fig. 0.1).13 The northern Chinese female Daoist officiant Wang A’shan 王阿善 commissioned it on behalf of her husband, Feng A’biao 馮阿檦, and her son, Feng Yixian 馮義顯, both deceased.14 Based on the stele’s small size and single donor, Stanley Abe suggested that it may be a “private object more appropriate to individual devotion.”15 The pairing of two deities in almost identical fashion is inspired by the Buddhist iconography of the Two Seated Buddhas (Erfo bingzuo 二佛並坐)—a standard paired iconography of the buddhas Sakyamuni and Prabhūtaratna (Duobao fo 多寶 佛) popular in the fifth and sixth centuries and derived from the scenario described in the Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經).16 Previously scholars had debated the problematic identities of the twin deities featured in the 527 stele. Arthur

Fig. 0.1. Stele with twin Daoist deities. Northern Wei dynasty, dated 527. Sandstone. 27.8  27.5 cm.



introduction 3

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Pontynen reads them as the dual presences of Laozi—the incarnate and the divine.17 Anna Seidel identifies the two seated icons as the Perfected Ones of the Left and Right found in early medieval Daoist texts.18 The stele bears a controversial inscription on the left, identifying the figure on the left as the Jade Emperor (Yuhuang 玉 皇). Stephen Little accepts the authenticity of the inscription and identifies the image on the left as the Jade Emperor and the image on the right as Laozi.19 Other scholars suggest that this inscription is a later addition.20 Such heated debates about who is who highlight the icon-driven concerns voiced in mainstream Chinese religious art scholarship. Moving beyond iconography, a similar stele dated 515, originally from southernmost Shaanxi province and now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, raises issues of workshop practice and visual convention pertinent to the making of Daoist icons (figs. 0.2a–b).21 The Boston stele is comparable to the stele commissioned by Wang A’shan: both sculptures have robes carved in long, dense, parallel lines; both are made of the same sandstone; both are almost identical in size. Even the details of the figural designs, such as the arch-shaped clothing patterns near the waists of the female attendants, and the cup-like ornaments at the center of their top knots, are similar. The overall resemblance of the two steles suggests that they may have originated in the same sixth-century southern Shaanxi.22 The common design of the twin deities in these two sixth-century Daoist steles thus reflects a Buddhist-inspired visual convention23 that may have been trans-

A

B

4 introduction

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Figs. 0.2a–b. Votive offering of two seated figures and attendants. Northern Wei dynasty, dated 515. Sandstone. 28.3  28.3 cm. a. Front view with icons; b. Back view with inscriptions.

Fig. 0.3. Lord Lao Riding on an Elephant. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 131.9  54.4 cm.



mitted by workshop artisans who made both Daoist and Buddhist icons. Once removed from its original Buddhist context, this design lacks specific iconographic features and is best understood as a ready-made template conveniently adopted to mass-produce the generic multitude of Daoist deities. Here we witness the flexible use of a figural type in a manner that differs from iconography as strictly defined. This generic quality is further reflected in the 515 inscription (fig. 0.2b). Without specifying the identities of the images, the inscription simply acknowledges that the commissioner Jiao Cai 焦采—a magistrate from Dayang 大陽 county in southernmost Shaanxi province—“respectfully made a set of icons” (jingzaoxiang yipu 敬造像一鋪) to pray for the longevity of the emperor, the health and happiness of all officials, and the harmony of families. It is a promising point of departure to acknowledge the gray zone of Daoist and Buddhist iconographies and to study this ambiguity as a cultural phenomenon. The anonymous Southern Song iconic painting (fig. 0.3) from a temple collection in Kyoto serves as an intriguing case.24 Against a seemingly blank background, the painting shows an old man seated frontally on a throne carried by an elephant. The exquisite canopy above him suggests that the image is an icon. Multiple extant Ming copies suggest that this image was popular.25 The motifs of an elephant and foreign attendants often accompany the iconic rendition of the bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Puxian 普賢) in Buddhist art, though the main icon of an old man in the scroll is quite different from conventional bodhisattva depictions.26 A recent Daoist art exhibition in Japan included this painting, suggesting that it may in fact represent Laozi.27 This Daoist connection is further supported by the several circular motifs outlined in gold and barely visible at the top of the picture. As Ide Seinosuke suggests, they may refer to stars.28 More and more studies have come to challenge the conventional identifications of certain icons.

introduction 5

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Sheng‑chih Lin re-identifies the famous Liang Kai 梁楷 (ca. early thirteenth century) painting of the Southern Song dynasty as a representation associated with Daoist salvation; formerly it was identified as illustrations of the Daoist Scripture of the Yellow Court (Huangting jing 黃庭經) (fig. 0.4). 29 Citing the Buddho-Daoist competition during the Yuan dynasty for historical context, Anning Jing similarly repositions two fragments of Daoist-looking murals in a Buddhist context, arguing that they are products made by Buddhists to glorify Buddhism.30 More recently, Christine Mollier calls attention to the pairing of Daoist and Buddhist icons in Tang-dynasty Sichuan cliff sculptures and suggests that the juxtaposition of a Laozi icon on the right and a Sakyamuni icon on the left reflected an intentional yet tacit choice by the commissioners, who placed Daoism in a role superior to Buddhism.31 The merit of this revival of iconographic studies is vividly reflected in a number of apparently Buddhist paintings produced in fourteenth-century China that reconnect with little-studied Chinese Manichaean art (fig. 0.5).32 The fact that the “true form” of Jesus can sometimes be disguised as the image of a buddha further highlights the complex and flexible landscape of religious art in traditional China.33 Given the value of iconographic studies, it is nevertheless problematic to assume that all Daoist deities depicted in paintings or statues iconographically match the pantheon described in sacred texts. The originally formless nature of the Daoist divinities described in written sources makes the creation of individual icons problematic and perhaps impossible.34 Thus, most images of Daoist deities appear generic, as reflected in extant artifacts. This makes it hard to differentiate one icon from another without relying on accompanying colophons.35 Even if some images bear distinct iconic features, within multiple Daoist experiences they function as more than just icons, for example, representing the visualized inner gods of the priest in performance.36

6 introduction

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Fig. 0.4. Liang Kai, Daoist Deity Liberating Hell. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 26  74.3 cm.

Conceptual Framework

Fig. 0.5. Manichaean painting of Jesus. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 153.5  58.7 cm.



The new study of Daoist images is fundamentally interdisciplinary.37 Rather than fixating on identifying and interpreting iconic images, this book endeavors to encompass Daoist images within what Clifford Geertz calls a cultural system of symbols, which act as both a model of and for reality.38 Daoist images examined through such a cultural lens are the threads that constitute the web of Chinese visual culture. They should not be seen as isolated and irrelevant to other cultural categories, such as those readily labeled “Buddhism,” “popular religion,” “science,” or “medicine.”39 Rather, they should be studied holistically, beyond the sectarian, media-based, methodological boundaries that compartmentalize imagerelated issues into what Eugene Wang calls “entrenched enclaves.”40 While Geertz’s concept of a cultural system of symbols is useful in helping us to see Daoism in a larger cultural context, Talal Asad’s critique of Geertz’s treatment of religious belief in terms of its emphasis on “the priority of belief as a state of mind rather than a constituting activity in the world” is well taken.41 To further strengthen belief and action, the theoretical concept of practice encourages a shift “from the study of the theological or intellectual meanings of texts and images to the investigation of their production, consumption, and physicality.”42 Pertinent to this is Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus, 43 which, according to Catherine Bell, is “an irreducible ‘unit’ of culture” or a set of habitual principles “by which individual and collective practices are produced and the matrix in which objective structures are realized within the (subjective) dispositions that produce practices.”44 Bourdieu’s concept of practice is helpful in observing Daoist religious practices. For instance, Livia Kohn sees habitus as those Daoist experiences that are “learned and habituated in a culturally determined and structured manner.”45 Habitus could also refer to various mental and physical routines associated with Daoist ritual, which not only includes dynamic ritual performance but also the variety of material objects, architectural elements, and spatial designs in the sacred

introduction 7

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arena. John Lagerwey, for example, famously acknowledges ritual as alternative scripture in the form of choreography and oral transmission; he stresses Daoist ritual performance over Daoist texts, which are but “fragments transmitted piecemeal.”46 Furthermore, the study of Daoist images sensitive to the material and visual dimensions of Daoist practices responds positively to anthropologist Webb Keane’s urge for a revisionist “anthropology of religion that does not expect a focus on ‘materiality’ merely to provide evidence of something else hidden and less tangible, such as belief.”47 An overarching theme that sums up the Daoist visual theory proposed in this book is the unique notion of true form, or zhenxing 真形.48 The concept of true form is not static, but instead entails a vigorous quest, an active journey of seeing underlying and secret phenomena through a series of metamorphoses. This particular Daoist cultivating process of seeing the hidden and unknown parallels the cultivation of Dao through which practitioners integrate themselves with the cosmos. In this regard, the Daoists define their own method of cultivated response to images, albeit it is rather different from Guo Ruoxu’s derogatory explanation. Daoist practices—meditation, visualization, and ritual performance alike—offer viewers concrete methods of cultivation for achieving “Daoist seeing.” The notion of true form highlights the Daoist strategy of secrecy and power through knowledge transmission. 49 As Hugh Urban eloquently points out, one of the basic strategies implemented widely among esoteric traditions of world religions is to “claim to possess very precious, rare, and valuable knowledge, while simultaneously partially revealing and largely concealing it.”50 In addition, esotericism entails elitism; it often involves a “skillful use of obscurity” by using “ambiguous language”51 intentionally and systematically to control “religious ideology”52 and to achieve, in Bourdieu’s words, the process of “misrecognition” that in turn empowers some people with the mysterious quality of “legitimate authority.”53 The multifaceted images, symbols, and writings associated with the notion of true form are the most effective and skillfully utilized “ambiguous language” in Daoism. The ever-changing quality of true form is highlighted in the seventh-century Daoist monastic manual Rules and Precepts for Worshiping the Dao (Fengdao kejie 奉 道科戒, DZ 1125). According to this text, the Heavenly Worthy has 500,000,000 appearances,54 none of which compares to his invisible true form: The Great Image is formless. The Ultimate Truth is free from a physical form . . . They change and transform to manifest in physical shapes. Visible temporarily, they again return into hiding. 大像無形，至真無色…應變見身，暫顯還隱。55

8 introduction

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Similarly, the robes of the nine-ranks immortals, as stated in the eighth-century Rules and Precepts Regarding Ritual Garb (Fafu kejie wen 法服科戒文, DZ 788), are all made from spontaneous clouds, floating mists, pure spontaneity, and wondrous qi.56 The higher in rank the deities are, the faster their garments change: The highest-ranking god is the King of the Law of the Grand Network. His Cap of the Primordial Worthy changes ten thousand times in a flash; his nine-colored clothing with the precious cap comes with a thousand kinds of meeting and separating; the natural cloud robe has ten revolutions and nine transformations; the floral skirt of green brocade radiates the sevenfold brightness and fourfold light . . . all described above are flying clouds, floating mists, natural wondrous qi, condensed into the [immortal] robes. . . [the robes] change forms according to the environment. . . . Changing a thousand times and transforming ten thousand times, they cannot be described. 一者大羅法王，原始天尊冠，須臾萬變，九色寶冠衣，千種離合，自然 雲披著，十轉九變，青錦華裙，七明四照…以上皆飛雲流霄，自然妙 氣，結成衣服…隨境應形…千變萬化，不可得名。57

The descriptions of the deities and their robes highlight the Daoist interpretation of true form as something linked to the cosmic qi and metamorphosis (hua 化). In Isabelle Robinet’s words, this transformation “involves making something that already exists in a given form appear under a new form.”58 In other words, an existing entity is reshaped in a different way and in a new medium so that divinities who are primordial, cosmic, and original as well as invisible in nature now appear in physical form and can be modeled in wood, metal, stone, and so on.59 At the same time the human body—visible and materially present—is transformed through ritual and cultivation into pure qi and invisible cosmic spirit.60 Metamorphosis thus applies not only to the gods, but also to Daoist believers. For the latter, the quest for true form thus entails refining internal energies through cultivation practices that allow them to go beyond the physical body to achieve a divine and formless “true body.”61 With the transforming nature of Daoist true form thus stated, it is inevitable that Daoist images are perceived as fluctuating between the inner (or esoteric, nei 內) and the outer (or exoteric, wai 外) realms, in a bonded dichotomy that underlines the division and interconnectivity of the “inner chapters” (neipian 內篇) and “outer chapters” (waipian 外篇) outlined in this book. The division of the inner and the outer in Daoist visual culture has its basis in ritual.62 The inner ritual refers to the spiritual purification of the mind (xin 心), in contrast to the outer ritual, which is manifested in physical liturgical form (xing 形).63 The Daoist inner retreats (neizhai 內齋) trace their origin



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to “the fast of the heart” (xinzhai 心齋) advocated by Confucius.64 In principle, such inner retreats aim at cultivating a state of mind that is “tranquil and solitary, roaming with the Dao” (tiandan jimo, yu dao ao’xiang 恬澹寂寞，與道翱翔).65 In practice, the inner layer of Daoist ritual mirrors closely the physical ritual performance, and takes place in the adept’s mind through visualization and meditation. This also prompts scholars to see the transmission of Daoist texts in inner and outer channels: the inner texts refer to those in internal circulation, whereas the outer texts are meant for general circulation.66 Daoist images used and viewed in these changing contexts demand different receptions. They reflect the overall features of Daoist practice that, in Catherine Bell’s words, are “to reproduce or reconfigure a vision of the order of power in the world.”67 Esoteric imagery evokes inner experiences and leads to the imaginary world of body and cosmos, cosmography, and the charts of mountains in heaven, earth, and hell. It connects to outer experiences, revealing the materiality (which includes paintings), spatiality, and ritual performance within the visible Daoist sacred space. Operating under the Daoist law of correspondence and transformation, the inner and outer mirror each other, and the boundary demarcating the two is fluent. This flexibility is vividly reflected in their constant convergence and mutual reliance, for the creation of mental images makes reference to the physical images on display in public ritual, and the picturing of the devotional images in liturgical paintings also mirrors the imaginary state of animated gods summoned by the priests performing the ritual. The inner or the esoteric, however, is superior to the outer or the exoteric. The tension between Daoist inner and outer images calls to mind the bonded relation between mental and physical images in Christian devotion. Quoting the French philosopher Bernard Stiegler, Hans Belting further situates mental and physical images in a reciprocal relationship, for just as the mental image is the “retour or the rémanence” of an objective image, the physical image cannot exist without the participation of a mental image because “an image by definition is one that is seen.”68 Similarly, in his classic study on the power of images and the theory of response, David Freedberg describes how adepts generate invisible, mental images by means of visible, material ones (invisibilia per visibilia), interpreting some forms of meditation as a mental activity dependent on “recollections of real images and stored knowledge of them,” whether assisted by “a present figured object” or not.69 Freedberg proposes a two-way communication between images and beholders. The questions he encourages scholars to contemplate include “not only beholders’ symptoms and behavior, but also the effectiveness, efficacy, and vitality of images themselves; not only what beholders do, but also what images appear to do; not only what people do as a result of their relationship with imaged form, but also what they expect imaged form to achieve, and why they have such expectations at all.”70 On the one hand, the

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images are represented as they are to carry certain meanings that evoke particular visual expectations of the beholders or users. On the other hand, what the beholders do while viewing the images plays a crucial role in determining their function. Freedberg’s attention to the interactive component in the study of images is useful in Daoist cases as well. Upon viewing the visualization pictures used to facilitate their private meditative practice, Daoist adepts are actively encouraged to imagine the energy transferred between their inner bodies and the stars. Similarly, the interactive effect of devotional paintings used in Daoist ritual lies in the dynamically drawn deities, whose movements evoke the swift descent and ascent of gods summoned by the priests during the ritual performance. Equally important, the study of Daoist visual culture has much to contribute to the multifaceted relationship of text and image.71 Numerous Daoist symbols exist in the gray zone between images and texts. An image can be a text not only because it imitates writing, but also because Daoists see “viewing” as the faculty essential to decoding a text. From the Daoist perspective of sacred scriptures, moreover, an image is a text: any materialized form reflects the highest form of text—the writing from heaven, or heavenly writings (tianshu 天書),72 condensed from the graphic or picture-like patterns of the pure cosmic qi upon world creation. Alternatively, words are no longer so strictly demarcated from other representational forms. They are treated as counterparts analogous to the imagery of a bird, a mountain, or a human body; they are also imbued with a spatial dimension in the universe. This interlocking relationship between text and image enriches our interpretation of the picture theory creatively outlined by W. J. T. Mitchell. 73 In stressing the tension between visual and verbal languages in Western culture, Mitchell encourages readers to go beyond the comparative or polarized model and think about the “imagetext” that denotes either “a composite, synthetic form” or “a gap or fissure in representation.”74 Borrowing Mitchell’s definition, the transforming and transcendental quality of Daoist “imagetexts” empowers Daoist visuality with immense freedom to traverse such pre-imposed categories as the abstract, the mimetic, the figural, the graphic, the visual, the textual, and so on. Methodologically, this inquiry also responds to the growth of interest in material and visual culture—interdisciplinary trends that have significant impact on the study of Chinese art history. Increasingly art historians are focusing their attention on nonclassical styles and periods of supposed decline. They are shifting away from masterpieces and major artists to undistinguished artifacts, some of which even lack attribution.75 Scholars from other disciplines, too, are showing an increased interest in material culture and promote the examination of visual products in a broader cultural landscape. The study of material culture is a relatively young discipline; it investigates the “material, raw or processed, transformed by human action as expres-



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sions of culture” and searches for the “cultural belief systems, the patterns of belief of a particular group of people in a certain time and place.” 76 Within this framework, researchers have begun to unearth a wide spectrum of unpublished images, ranging from anonymous drawings, paintings, sculptures, and cave sites to textiles, clothing, furniture, ritual paraphernalia, and printed books. Echoing this tendency, scholarship on religious visual culture has blossomed: it treats visuality and materiality as essential aspects of religion. Some Sinologists are now examining issues of space, practice, and material culture in religion rather than focusing on doctrines or mental states. Others highlight religious exchanges and appropriations, revealing the more complex landscape of traditional Chinese religion.77 Beyond the field of Chinese studies, art historian David Morgan, who works primarily on Christian materials, expands the framework for thinking about belief and advocates fervently for the study of “material religion.” Endorsing anthropologist Webb Keane’s notion that “religions may not always demand beliefs, but they will always involve material forms,”78 Morgan and his colleagues situate materiality and visuality squarely at the center of religion, as reflected in a series of thoughtprovoking studies that feature such key concepts as visual piety, the sacred gaze, visual religion, and the materiality of religion.79 In these discourses, visual materials are treated as primary sources for the study of religions: The opportunity at hand is to elucidate the role that visuality plays in the social construction of reality. The desired outcome is that historians and scholars of religion will come to see images and visual practices as primary evidence in the study of religion and not merely as incidental illustrations. . . . The new study of religious visual culture begins with the assumption that visual artifacts should not be segregated from the experience of ceremony . . . or prayer. Visual practices help fabricate the worlds . . . and . . . present a promising way of deepening our understanding of how religions work.80

Critical issues have been raised that challenge the mainstream scholarship of visual and material culture and facilitate a deeper integration of the studies of art and religion. For example, Morgan proposes a revisionist approach that not only examines “the physical objects” but also explores the immaterial and mental world to “evaluate objects in the broader register of mind, body, society, and culture.”81 In addition, S. Brent Plate, who works primarily on religions and films and is a fervent advocate of religious visual culture, 82 identifies four themes for future studies in the expanding interdisciplinary field: intermediality and transmediality; the visuality and performativity of texts; synopticism; and ephemerality.83 Intermediality and

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transmediality refer respectively to studies of the interrelationship and commonality of multimedia that “actively shape and reshape religions and cultures.”84 The visuality and performativity of texts, on the other hand, highlights the visual dimension of sacred texts and stresses how sacred texts are “performed” and not just “read.”85 Synopticism acknowledges the morphing and merging of religious traditions by way of the sharing of certain “symbols, icons, and designs.”86 Last but not least, ephemerality calls attention to the now-lost visuality that entails a “multimedia, interactive dimension” of images for which “formal and iconographical approaches” may seem only to “scratch the surface of the meanings possible.”87 The ephemeral ritual objects, intermediary and transmediary imagery, and performative actions that will be studied in this book go beyond the conventional domain of Daoist art, painting and sculpture, what Mircea Eliade called the “hard things” that make history.88 The quest for Daoist true form in this book is thus grounded in the various facets of the conceptual frameworks outlined above. It also benefits from the growing accessibility to illustrated books and archaeological materials, such as those found at Dunhuang and among funerary artifacts.89 Alternatively, a new perspective on Daoist visual culture provides an opportunity to re-examine these primary sources in a “more dynamic, fluid, and active” context, where “performance, movement, and bodily understandings in relation to space and material culture” may challenge the conventional analysis of the seemingly static images encountered in books or in the archaeological context.90 In this expanding view, Daoist paintings of all types and provenances can also be understood afresh.

Aniconic, Immaterial, and Ephemeral This study, which ventures into uncharted territory, hopes to bring to the fore three modes of images central to Daoist symbolism: aniconic, immaterial/invisible, and ephemeral. Aniconic imagery, possibly because it echoes the mysterious and the formless, is often nonfigural and nonmimetic. This is evident not only in the talismans, magical writings, and diagrammatical and word-like images that crowd Daoist scriptures,91 but also in the elaborate writings imbedded in ritual objects such as banners, mirrors, and paperwork used in Daoist rituals.92 Daoism’s aniconic mode is its most significant contribution to the sphere of Chinese visual culture and distinguishes it from its icon-dominated Buddhist counterpart. It also reflects Daoism’s fundamental respect for and obsession with writing, which is often deemed to be a sacred material form connected to the transforming cosmic energy. Whereas some perplexing symbols may be legible to the trained eye, many others are meant to be incomprehensible.93 It is this incomprehensibility of images



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that triggers the mystic visuality beyond here and now, thus guiding the adept to the otherworldly realm in meditation or ritual. Furthermore, the densely intertwined connections between the image and text go beyond the notion of “imagetext” proposed by W. J. T. Mitchell,94 providing a powerful means of bridging the image– text disjunction. In Daoism, the immaterial and invisible are deemed to be most closely associated with true form, which is therefore superior to any other material object: the latter is always merely a reflection of the former.95 Visualization is a key method by which adepts make invisible forms visible and vice versa.96 Recent studies of images and the brain explain how visualization works.97 According to Livia Kohn, internal imagery “is one of the earliest forms of cognition that connects to deep levels of the brain”; it creates a more direct vision than the “more distant experience conveyed by verbal communication or abstract thinking.”98 Visualized images are located in the right brain hemisphere, which connects to the unconscious and the mythical, as opposed to the left brain hemisphere, which relates to the conscious and the abstract. More amazingly, as John Ratey notes, the cognitive action associated with visualization is “carried out by the regions of the brain responsible for actual movement.”99 Indeed, more and more recent studies that explore the intersection of neuroscience with meditation have offered evidence for how meditation changes body and brain physiology100 and have demonstrated the complexity of the brain’s activities in a meditative state. Applying the concept of neuroplasticity, which refers to “the brain changes that occur in response to experience,”101 scholars find that the brain shows an enhanced and sustained attention to internal events during meditation.102 As Katya Rubia observes, “the subjective experiences of mental silence and positive emotions during meditation have very specific neurophysiological correlates in the activation and connectivity of regions that mediate internalised attention and positive affect.”103 Tests done with Tibetan Buddhist monks also led V. D. Deshmukh to conclude that in a meditative state there is a significant increase in signals in brain structures that are “involved in generating attention, emotion, and imagery.”104 Viewed in this light, mental images in practitioners’ visualization play an essential role in Daoist image making. Consequently, Daoist masters produced illustrated meditation manuals intended to help the adept better understand “what it is” and “where it is” in his visualization practice.105 Even manuals without illustrations encouraged adepts to engage in active mental image making and to compare those images with actual images.106 Of the many illustrations preserved in Daoist visualization and liturgical manuals, significant numbers are devoted to mapping Daoist cosmography, ranging from the inner body to the stars, heaven, the earthly paradise, and the underground. After all, mapping entails controlling thus generating power. Daoist cosmic maps provide outlines that allow practitioners to roam in the world,

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empowering them to control the cosmos. In spite of this, the Daoist cosmography reflected in these assorted images is by no means a systematic complex. It blends the real and the imaginary, the representational and the nonrepresentational into a “heterotopia”: the term was coined by Michel Foucault to counter the idea of utopia and to refer to “effectively enacted utopias” where other real places found within the culture “are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted.”107 In addition to the aniconic and the immaterial, one should also give due weight to the ephemeral creations of multimedia ritual objects, sacred space, and ritual performance—concerns that echo the methodological approach outlined by Plate.108 The ephemeral dimension of Daoist visual culture is closely tied to the underpinning notion of transformation of true form so prominent in Daoist visual theory. This is best manifested in ritual consumption, movement, and performance—something often excluded from traditional history based on written documentation.109 Some ritual objects may not have survived because they were intentionally destroyed after use in the ritual process.110 In ritual contexts, objects were moved around or carried by practitioners to attract, invite, or communicate with the gods, souls, or demons. Similarly, temporary spatial constructions, for example, for altars for the gods or places for the souls, were usually dismantled after the rituals occurred. These specific spatial designs constructed Daoist ritual space as a microcosm reflecting the Daoist worldview and are charged with spatial and temporal meanings as well. This study thus takes into account the dynamic quality of Daoist visuality transformed by time, action, performance, and practice. Both ritual object and ritual space help to construct an interactive site for the theatrical ritual performance, whose fleeting spectacle is instrumental to the understanding of Daoist visuality as represented in physical objects such as paintings or statues. 111

Facets of Daoism The majority of Daoist visual and textual sources were either produced or compiled in the tenth to the fourteenth centuries. They form the main data bank for this study, but in many ways continue styles and cosmologies first evolved between the end of the Han and the end of the Tang dynasty, or from about 200 to 900 CE.112 During this period, Daoists developed their core ideas and practices: rituals for communication with the gods, visualization and internal alchemy as meditative practices, codification of liturgy, proliferation of salvation ritual, and imperial patronage. Three major Daoist schools play a dominant role in the development of religious Daoism: Celestial Masters (Tianshi 天師), which arose in Sichuan in the second century and spread to the north and southeast of China by the fourth century;



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Highest Clarity (Shangqing 上清), which was based on a series of Daoist scriptures revealed to the elite circle of the Jiangnan 江南 (lower Yangzi) region in the midfourth century; and Numinous Treasure (Lingbao 靈寶), which began around the year 400 and is noted for its appropriations of Buddhist ideas, promotion of universal salvation, and codification of Daoist liturgy.113 The fourth and fifth centuries saw the formation of Daoist communications with gods in written terms. Followers of the Celestial Masters understood sickness to be caused by demons who invaded the sufferer’s body as a result of moral failings. To effect a cure, they confessed their sins to gods understood as celestial bureaucrats by presenting written memorials prepared by priests.114 Their way of communicating with the gods corresponds to what communications theorist James Carey calls the “cultural approach to communication.” Its purpose was to construct and maintain “an ordered, meaningful cultural world that can serve as a control and container for human action” and not to transmit “intelligent information.” 115 The rich collection of Daoist paperwork produced by the tradition, ranging from memorials and registers to orders, mandates, and contracts with the supernatural world, forms an impressive repository of visual materials upon which this study has selectively drawn.116 Divine communications go both ways. By praying to the gods, Daoists believed that the gods would answer through the spirit-mediums’ writings or through sacred scriptures discovered in mountain grottoes.117 An oft-cited event documenting such a divine encounter is found in the so-called Highest Clarity revelations.118 From 364 to 370, the spirit-medium Yang Xi 楊羲 (330–86), who worked for the aristocratic Xu 許 family and was active in the elite circle of Mount Mao (Maoshan 茅山), hand copied a series of revealed texts now known as the Highest Clarity scriptures.119 Written in elegant literary form, these texts reflect the elite’s fascination with visual meditations noted for mystic visions of cosmic flight and the deification of the inner body—both overarching themes crucial to Daoist esoteric image making. Through their emphasis on personal engagement in mental concentration, they also mirror Highest Clarity practice.120 Finally, the Numinous Treasure school expounded ritual and codified Daoist liturgy.121 With this development came a collection resembling the prototype for the Daoist Canon, a compilation of ritual materials and precepts codified by Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–77).122 Lu utilized a unique cataloguing method, dividing the texts into Three Caverns (Sandong 三洞),123 “the basis for much of the subsequent Daoist tradition.”124 Daoists of both the Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure traditions elevated the heavenly writings as the primordial form of the sacred scriptures, the “heavenly blueprints” or “primordial symbols of all phenomena.”125 To them, these writings

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predated the origin of the universe and were invisible to human beings, a notion that has continued to prevail in Daoism to the present day. Numerous samples of magic and talismanic Daoist writings reflect this long-lasting obsession with mysterious writings from heaven.126 In the Song dynasty, Daoism underwent an “exuberant renaissance,” and old traditions converged with new ones.127 Since many modern Daoist practices can be traced back to the Song, some scholars have identified the period as the beginning of the “modern” era in Daoist history.128 The Northern Song imperial court took a leading role in merging earlier Daoist texts into canonical compilations. One such collection is the oft-cited eleventhcentury The Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels (Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤, DZ 1032), which may reflect a “condensed version” of an imperially sponsored canon— lost today—that presumably preserved numerous Six Dynasties scriptures “codified, edited, annotated, and augmented in the Tang and culminating” in the collection under Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (r. 998–1022).129 As printing became more widely available, moreover, the first Daoist canon was issued under Emperor Huizong 徽宗 (r. 1100–1125). It was produced in Fuzhou 福州, a major printing center, where multiple versions of the Buddhist canon were also published in the eleventh century.130 In addition, fragmented sources also suggest that Huizong was much involved in Daoist image making, creating and sponsoring talismans and devotional paintings such as a set of the Three Pure Ones (Sanqing 三清).131 The Song also saw the emergence of several new Daoist schools.132 Divine Empyrean (Shenxiao 神霄) was promoted by Huizong in the twelfth century; 133 Celestial Heart (Tianxin 天心) 134 and Clarified Tenuity (Qingwei 清微) prospered in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. They all produced cosmological diagrams and talismans that they included in their new texts on healing, exorcism, and salvation rituals.135 The growth of ritual further stimulated the production of some monumental compendia, notably of Numinous Treasure ritual, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.136 At the same time, visualization continued to be a mainstay in the newly codified rituals, as new practices in internal alchemy (neidan 內丹) evolved. Internal alchemy is best described as an innovative development in breathing and meditative practice, “a form of subtle body ecstasy,” that aimed at nourishing life and attaining immortality.137 It forms a backdrop to the emergence of a new type of body imagery whose physiological features find common ground with the body imagery used in medicine. Despite its importance, Song Daoism remains largely understudied138 and will therefore be the primary focus of this book.



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Primary Sources The most comprehensive primary source for this study is the imperially sponsored Daoist Canon (Daozang 道藏) printed during the Zhengtong 正統 reign in 1445. It contains a vast collection of material, including illustrations for visualization, body charts, ritual diagrams, cosmological maps, talismans, and magical scripts.139 Of the nearly 1500 texts, many date from medieval times and were preserved in the now-lost twelfth-century canon compiled under Emperor Huizong; over half of the manuscripts come from liturgical texts written between the tenth century and the 1445 printing. Furthermore, the theoretical structure (for example, the Three Caverns) of the Daoist Canon can be traced back to the first organized collection compiled by Lu Xiujing in the fifth century.140 Although the Canon contains the largest database of images related to religious Daoism, scholars have rarely studied them.141 The original woodblocks of the 1445 Daozang had been kept in the imperial Great Hall of the Brightness (Da guangming dian 大光明殿) at the Qing court until the building was burned during the Boxer war in August 1900.142 One of the few extant copies of the Canon available at that time was the set preserved in Beijing’s White Cloud Temple (Baiyun guan 白雲觀), bestowed by the Ming emperor in 1448.143 In 1926 the publisher Hanfen lou 涵芬樓 in Shanghai published facsimiles made after the White Cloud Temple version.144 Beginning in the 1960s, Xinwenfeng 新文豐 Publishers in Taipei, Taiwan, published a reduced edition in sixty volumes, which was followed by a mainland edition reduced to thirty-six volumes based on the Hanfen lou reprint.145 In addition, more and more CDs and other electronic formats are available both in mainland China and Taiwan nowadays.146 In particular, the Academia Sinica in Taipei has included a searchable version in their electronic database (Scripta Sinica) since 2009. All these new additions make the Daozang even more accessible to modern scholars. The present study benefits greatly from the monumental compilation, The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (or Daozang tongkao 道藏 通考), co-edited by Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen.147 The product of a long-term group effort by Daoist scholars since the 1970s, this compendium provides the most up-to-date interpretive studies and dating of the texts.148 Mirroring the fully illustrated Canon, the compilation displays assorted images and thus brings to the fore the diverse visual dimensions of the texts.149 The editors further differentiate between secret instructions for internal circulation among Daoist practitioners and generally available materials shared with the public.150 For example, Highest Clarity visualization and meditation texts and Numinous Treasure liturgical manuals are all classified as esoteric. Medicinal manuals and

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texts on internal alchemy, on the other hand, are meant for a general audience. The division between internal and external circulation of texts provides a useful model for considering the reception of Daoist images.

Daoist Tu in the Daozang From a visual perspective, the miscellaneous Daoist symbols and pictures (futu 符圖) preserved in the Daoist Canon belong to Chinese tu 圖, a broad category of imagery that includes pictures, drawings, illustrations, charts, diagrams, maps, designs, and other nonlinear texts—the role of which, as a whole, is downplayed in knowledge transfer in traditional China.151 A systematic study of these Daoist images will not only help to better understand Daoism but also assist in recognizing the function of tu in Chinese visual culture and knowledge transmission. Catherine Despeux and Franciscus Verellen, among others, have identified the common ground of Daoist tu as showing the adept “the interior structure” or “the true shape” of “the workings of the universe in its raw and undiluted state.”152 How to use the Daoist tu in the Ming Daozang remains a challenge. While dating Daozang images is difficult, some provisional assumptions can be made that will generate more debates or advance scholarship. On the one hand, as Franciscus Verellen cautions, an illustration may not be coeval with the text that it illustrates; therefore it is difficult to date it any earlier than the 1445 date of printing.153 On the other hand, it is beneficial to think beyond the Ming framework and start looking for more historical references for the Daozang images that link them to other visual sources outside the Daoist Canon. The Daozang editors placed illustrated pictures and symbols in different categories.154 Images are part of miscellaneous documents classified under diverse headings: texts (benwen 本文), divine symbols (shenfu 神符), jade instructions (yujue 玉訣),155 numinous charts (lingtu 靈圖), rituals (weiyi 威儀), techniques (fangfa 方法), miscellaneous arts (zhongshu 眾術), and hagiographies (jizhuan 記傳)—that is, eight out of the total of twelve categories in the collection.156 Images also appear in the Four Supplements (Sifu 四輔), which include materials from lesser schools: Great Mystery (Taixuan 太玄), Great Peace (Taiping 太平), Great Clarity (Taiqing 太清), and Orthodox Unity (Zhengyi 正一).157 Although such classifications make the Daozang a useful catalogue showing how Daoist imagery in general is associated with different functions and sectarian traditions, it does not provide much help in detecting the typologies of images sorted by visual features. For example, talismans and magical writings appear not only under divine symbols but almost everywhere. Similarly, visualization illustrations



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with strong narrative elements appear most frequently in documents labeled as texts, numinous diagrams, techniques, and Orthodox Unity. Overall, this is challenging to modern readers, especially because certain symbols that would traditionally fall into the “image” camp when applying the image-text dichotomy are, in fact, treated by the Daoists as sacred texts. This reflects the unique Daoist intellectual framework that, as Franciscus Verellen puts it, shows “the interlocking relationship between textual and graphic elements in Daoist documents.”158 A good example that further complicates the notion of this “interlocking relationship” is the idea of so-called talismanic characters (fuzi 符字), recorded in the eleventh-century Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels. Here talismans (fu), writings (shu), and graphics (tu) are singled out as three types of symbols bearing interlocking relationships with one another: Talismans generally apply the configurations of clouds and stars. Writings differentiate and analyze the meanings of units of discourse. Graphics depict the forms of numinous transformations. Nevertheless, talismans blend written elements and images, and writings are imbedded with pictorial or graphic elements to serve both figurative and phonetic functions. 符者，通取雲物星辰之勢。書者，別析音句銓量之旨。圖者，畫取靈變 之狀。然符中有書，參似圖象。書中有圖，形聲並用。159

In approaching Chinese tu, some scholars have paired tu with hua 畫 (paintings) and shu 書 (texts). For example, Craig Clunas interprets tu as assorted configurations often found in texts and contrasts them with hua, conventionally translated as “paintings.”160 Other scholars working on intellectual, cultural, and scientific history define tu as an alternative knowledge system complementing that formed by shu, that is, conventional written texts.161 When comparing tu and shu, mainstream scholars cite the Southern Song bibliographer Zheng Qiao 鄭樵 (1104–62): Graphics (tu) are the warp threads and writings (shu) are the weft. As warp and weft alternate to form the pattern of a fabric (wen) [so graphics and writings alternate to form the meaning of a text]. . . . To see writings without graphics is like hearing a voice without seeing the form; to see graphics without writings is like seeing a person but not hearing his words… Scholars in the past conducted their scholarship with useful methods. They placed graphics on the left and writings on the right. [Hence] they sought visions in graphics, and principles in writings.

20 introduction

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圖，經也，書，緯也，一經一緯，相錯而成文…見書不見圖，聞其聲不見 其形；見圖不見書，見其人不聞其語…古之學者為學有要，置圖於左， 置書於右，索象於圖，索理於書。162

Although Zheng Qiao elevates the image to be equal to the text, he views image and text as two discrete knowledge systems. The dichotomy of text and image, however, fails to explain the semiotic complexity of Daoist experiences.163 In this regard, Mitchell’s notion of the “imagetext” is helpful for the current study since Daoist graphics often exhibit “the inextricable weaving together of representation and discourse,” and “flexible, experimental, and ‘high-tension’ relations between words and images.”164 As this book will demonstrate, the complex interconnection and flexible interchangeability of text and image embodied in Daoist tu will enrich our understanding of the text-and-image relationship in Chinese visual culture and expand W. J. T. Mitchell’s definition of “imagetext.”

Overview of the Book This book is divided into two parts. Part 1 (chaps. 1, 2, and 3) examines inner or esoteric Daoist images associated with meditation, visualization, and breathing practices; part 2 (chaps. 4, 5, and 6) examines outer or exoteric Daoist works, notably the material culture and spatial design of Daoist ritual space, ritual performance, and liturgical paintings. The division into inner and outer matches the way in which Daoist knowledge was transmitted.165 Viewed as a whole, the six chapters thus provide different access points for the Daoist grotto heavens (dongtian 洞天), the mystic otherworld in the depths of the mountains. Chapter 1 investigates how the Daoist perception of body and cosmos unfolded over time. It focuses on four types of images: body gods, imaginary journeys to the stars, grotesque spirits and body worms, as well as the body transformed through internal alchemy. Most of the images of body gods and of journeys to the stars are found in texts circulated among selected adepts. This explains why the images were considered esoteric even though they are well represented in the Daoist Canon. In contrast, illustrations of body worms and body charts used by internal alchemists were accessible to the public and in general circulation. These images cross over into the secular context and are much like depictions of disease and anatomical charts in medical texts. Chapter 2 takes the macrocosmic view and analyzes the shaping of Daoist cosmography. Cosmographic charts, especially those preserved in the Southern Song-Yuan liturgical manuals, provide a vivid glimpse of the otherwise abstract Daoist cosmos.



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Painting, architecture, and ritual robes shed additional light on visions of heaven, earth, and the underworld. Although some cosmological models studied are consistent with Buddhist and earlier prototypes, others prove to be uniquely Daoist. Chapter 3 explores the unique genre of Daoist pictures known as true form charts (zhenxing tu 真形圖), especially those associated with earthly paradises. These charts highlight the unique Daoist notion of true form, a superior body attained through meditation or spiritual revelation. Their aniconic visual quality is essential to Daoist realization, which aims to perfect the individual by uniting with an agent perceived as absolute—the Dao.166 While uniquely Daoist, their puzzling configurations relate to those found in cartography, fengshui 風水, calligraphy, talismans, and herbal medicine. Chapter 4, which opens part 2, examines the materiality of Daoist ritual space, unveiling the abundant display of ritual objects, written documents, and other paraphernalia used in a symbolic spatial arrangement. It provides a virtual tour through the sacred space, taking the reader to the abode of the gods, the place of the dead, and across the bridge to heaven. Objects used during rituals were usually burned or buried, just as temporary edifices erected for the rituals were commonly dismantled. Still, we can examine how they looked, what materials they were made of, and how they worked. Chapter 5 discusses the Yellow Register Purgation, a salvation ritual popular in Song China that is comparable to the Buddhist Water Land ritual. Song liturgical manuals, as well as modern ethnographic documentation, highlight ritual performance as a unique aspect of Daoist visual culture. Theatrical moments occur when the ritual master summons the gods in front of the altar and when he performs a soul-saving dance at the border of the ritual area symbolizing hell. Chapter 6 studies the dynamism of Daoist paintings, exploring their process of manufacture and visual conventions, as well as their role in ritual. The Southern Song triptych of the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water provides a point of departure. Three pictorial types are employed to depict mobile deities, which reflect animating processes visualized by the ritual master. The paintings in ritual context thus serve primarily as the material embodiment of the mobile deities evoked by the master. The journey through the world of Daoist visual culture undertaken in this study is not linear, but is instead like the meandering path one follows through the grotto heavens. It begins in the mind that imagines body gods and starry travels and ends with the material representations of Daoist divinities. All forms investigated, moreover, should be understood as transforming manifestations of the mystic true form of the Dao, which is the Way, the One, the center of the universe.

22 introduction

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inner chapters Esoteric Underpinnings

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chapter one

Imagery of Body and Cosmos

A

t first Daoist religious practice did not make use of images. Previous scholarship explained this omission on the basis of the philosophical definition of the Dao: “The One, or the center of the universe, the potency responsible for the creation and continued existence of the world” is mystic, formless, and empty.1 Therefore it is aniconic in nature.2 Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–77) contrasts the simple Daoist sacred space with places used by “people who followed vulgar customs” (zasu zhijia 雜俗之家) and had ornate decorations with benches, chairs, images (xingxiang 形 像), banners, and daises.3 Later in the Tang dynasty, the Buddhist monk Falin 法琳 (572–640) further differentiated a Daoist hall from its Buddhist counterpart by citing Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536),4 senior Daoist of Mount Mao and a Highest Clarity patriarch noted for his scripture compilation and his wide knowledge of Daoism, Buddhism, medicine, and pharmacology. According to Falin, Tao took turns paying tribute to Buddhism and Daoism, alternating his daily visits to their respective halls. He notes that “the Buddhist hall had sacred statues whereas the Daoist one did not.”5 On the basis of this observation, most scholars have identified sculptures and votive steles from the fifth to eighth centuries as the earliest Daoist images and regard them as having been heavily influenced by the Buddhist tradition of icon making.6 Although early Daoist ritual spaces were devoid of iconic displays, images of body and cosmos used in private cultivation were central to Daoist meditation from an early period, especially in the Highest Clarity school. Often referred to as cunsi 存 思 or simply cun 存, this practice refers to “making [something in mind] present and imagining [it],” in other words, actualizing or visualizing an internal object.7 Daoists made use of images in “the intermediary world” of visual meditation to “transform psychic contents,” thereby establishing the perception of a new spiritual body.8 The Visualization Diagram (Cunsi tu 存思圖) featured in a Six Dynasties text depicts a square meditative chamber, and the instructions filling the space describe how to visualize Daoist deities in figurative form in this contained space (fig. 1.1).9 Primary sources that deal with Daoist meditative images usually address the “individual mystical search for transcendence,” whereas other works focus on “the worship of the deities, saints, and ancestors.”10 Images intended for visualization

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Fig. 1.1. Visualization Diagram, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

practice survive mostly as illustrations in Daoist texts titled illustrated instructions (tujue 圖訣). Most early Daoist images, moreover, seem to appear in texts not in general circulation but accessible only to selected adepts.11 It is, therefore, quite possible that the under-representation or “invisibility” of such images in modern scholarship results from the privacy and selectivity of their intended audience. Early adepts who utilized such images were advised to meditate on them in solitude without anyone knowing about them. The Daoist adept perceived the world of intermediary images as a microcosm within his own body, analogous to the time and space of the cosmic world. This concept is first found in the ancient Chinese school of yin-yang cosmology and the five phases, as outlined in the Book of Rites (Liji 禮記) and the Book of Changes (Yijing 易經).12 Since a name designating a point in the human body often refers simultaneously to a celestial place, the adept’s mental visitation to these realms through ecstatic travel within his own body symbolizes his roaming in the heavenly spheres. Such visual meditation and active imagination accordingly serves to turn the adept’s body into a cosmic body, a “theater of moving gods.”13 Daoist images of body and cosmos reveal the human body to be a sacred site within which myriads of deities travel to and fro. In the Song dynasty, visualization continued as a mainstay even in newly codified rituals,14 then further expanded into internal alchemy, in which a new type

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of body imagery emerged whose physiological features found common ground with the body imagery used in medicine. Exploring Daoist images of body and cosmos, this chapter will examine four major types that highlight the interrelationship of the human body and cosmos in visualization, meditation, and breathing practices: representations of body gods, visualization pictures of journeys to stars, images of harmful souls and worms residing in the human body, and finally, symbols of internal alchemy. The richness of the Daoist imagery of body and cosmos is unique and vastly enriches the religious experiences of its adepts while opening access to a hitherto all-but-unknown universe. It also facilitates a better understanding of the visual culture of Chinese mysticism, demonology, and medicine.15

Body Gods One of the earliest type of imagery recorded in the history of Daoism is the imagery of body gods (shenshen 身神), the divine entities believed to reside in various parts of the body, ranging from major centers such as the head, eyes, and navel to the five inner organs (wuzang 五臟) of the heart, liver, lungs, kidneys, and spleen. Although body gods can and do travel in and out of the body, their prolonged absence may result in sickness or death. Hence, visualizing them and their associated body parts in detailed physicality is a powerful means of keeping them in place and thus promoting health and longevity. 16

Early Divinities Literary sources about body god visualization predate visual documentation. One of the earliest Daoist texts on the subject is the Scripture of the Great Peace (Taiping jing 太平經, DZ 1101).17 The text, in which the earliest surviving layers date to the second century, advocates the use of painted images of body gods as meditation aids to prevent sickness. Their images should be painted in full color and displayed in an empty and sunlit meditation room. The adept should face the painting in solitude and visualize the body gods appropriately.18 According to the “Method of Hanging Images to Call Back the [Body] Gods” (Xuanxiang huanshen fa 懸像還 神法): The Method of Hanging Images to Call Back the Spirits: The spirits live inside the body. There are ten spirits of spring that look like boys dressed in blue; ten spirits of summer that look like boys dressed in red; ten spirits of fall that appear like boys dressed in white; ten spirits



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of winter that look like boys dressed in black; twelve spirits of the four seasons that seem to be boys dressed in yellow. These are the gods residing in the inner organs of male adepts. The same numbers of gods [in female form] reside in those of a female. Males best meditate on [the gods] in male form, while females envision them in female form. Each should be [painted] about one chi [roughly one foot] tall. [If] the images are nicely painted and lovable, adepts will feel happy and their spirit souls promptly return to the body. 夫神生於內，春，青童子十。夏，赤童子十。秋，白童子十。冬，黑童子 十。四季，黃童子十二。此男子藏神也，女神亦如此數。男思男，女思 女，皆以一尺為法。畫使好，令人愛之。不能樂禁，即魂神速還。19

Elsewhere in the same text, the “Method of Fasting and Meditating on the Spirits to Rescue Oneself from Death” (Zhaijie sishen jiusi jue 齋戒思神救死訣) advises adepts to use painted images of the body gods of the five organs and other corresponding cosmic divinities as visual aids for meditation to attain eternal life.20 Depicted on plain silk, these deities wear robes whose colors correspond to the five phases. Their matching cosmic divinities, who appear as twenty-five anthropomorphic gods mounted on celestial steeds, are divided into five groups for the five directions.21 They wear bonnet-caps and are equipped with a variety of weapons, including arrows, crossbows, axes, gilded shields, and swords. Another early text on internal gods is the Central Scripture of Laozi (Laozi zhong jing 老子中經).22 Dating from the early medieval period, the text transposes sacred geography and divinities into the human body. Kristofer Schipper suggests that it may have been accompanied by pictures, possibly of a “purely abstract” type because they were “meant to be meditation and visualization props.”23 The body gods here are perceived not only as cosmic divinities but also as officers in a celestial administration mirroring Eastern Han administration. Certain gods are given full-length introductions, which often include biographical details such as surname, name, cognomen, birthplace, physical appearance, dress, body size, and residence in the body.24 This bodily pantheon is further supported by eighteen thousand attendant officers. For example, the highest-ranking deity is the Most High Great One (Shangshang taiyi 上上太一), hovering above the head. He appears to have a human head and a bird’s body. Next is the Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu 西王母), traditionally associated with the center of the world on Mount Kunlun 崑崙, but here assigned to the right eye and paired with the Lord of the East (Dongwang gong 東王公), who governs the left eye. In addition, there is the Jade Maiden of Great Yin of Obscure Brilliance (Taiyin xuanguang yunü 太陰 玄光玉女) who lives in the spleen, also called the Palace of Great Simplicity (Taisu

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gong 太素宮). Her husband is the Lord of the Dao (Daojun 道君)—another manifestation of the Great One who lives in the gallbladder, called the Purple Chamber (Zifang 紫房), and is served by Lord Lao (Laojun 老君), who holds the magical mushroom and a green banner. Their child is the Perfected Cinnabar Child (Zhenren zidan 真人子丹), who is seated on a bed of precious pearls at the entrance to the stomach, or the Great Storehouse (Taicang 太倉), where all the gods eat and drink. If an adept follows the text’s instructions and visualizes the gods for nine years, the Great Deity Celestial Master (Tianshi dashen 天師大神) would send another eighteen thousand officers into the adept’s body for divine protection. Together with the existing gods, they would travel in chariots driven by blue dragons, white deer, galloping horses, divine turtles, and carp and work together to “lift the adept’s body to ascend to heaven.”25 Among the many dwellings of the body gods, the abdomen is perhaps the most scenic; it contains a variety of waterways and mountains. It is also the place where the myriad gods flock together. The Jade Maidens of the Six Ding (Liuding yunü 六 丁玉女), for example, is a group of female officials who guard the kidneys and are in charge of merit evaluation.26 They routinely leave for excursions in the Great Ocean, located between the kidneys; they also ride on divine carp and turtles whose goldenyellow shells bear magical writs. They breathe the original breath of the essence of pure yin energy.27 In addition to the kidney goddesses, the Wind Lord (Fengbo 風伯) and the Rain Master (Yushi 雨師) also roam the Great Ocean,28 which is associated with a site near the navel and the small intestines, respectively.29 In the depths of the ocean, about three cun beneath the navel and adjacent to the spine near the kidneys, one reaches the most important area of the inner body, the Cinnabar or Elixir Field (Dantian 丹田). Identified as “the root of the human being,” or the Palace That Contains Essence (Cangjing gong 藏精宮), it is where men store semen and women menstrual blood.30 The body god residing in the Cinnabar Field is a nine-fen-tall baby boy dressed in red and emerging from red qi.31

Planets and Bureaucrats One of the most popular visual conventions in picturing Daoist body gods is to highlight their physical appearances as bureaucrats reporting to the stars. A good example is the Highest Clarity document on visualization, the Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern (Dadong zhenjing 大洞真經, DZ 6), collated by the Southern Song patriarch Jiang Zongying 蔣宗瑛 (d. 1281) on Mount Mao (Maoshan 茅山).32 Composed of stanzas, the scripture is meant to be recited while the adept visualizes body gods and cosmic divinities.33 It emphasizes the relationship between the divinities residing in the body and those in the heavenly sphere, encouraging the adept to embark on ecstatic journeys, soaring into the sky, absorbing cosmic energies,



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and merging with the Dao. By concentrating his mind, meditating, and breathing consciously, the adept can visualize his saliva condensing into various forms of body gods. The gods then descend from the head toward the “gates of death,” which are “precise points in the body through which a fatal breath can be inhaled,” such as the nipples, the ears, the inner organs, the bladder, and the feet.34 By navigating the body in this manner, the gods “close up the bodily orifices to make it into a hermetically sealed world.”35 A common template shared by most of the text’s fifty illustrations shows a seated adept positioned frontally or with his back to the viewer, visualizing a group of body gods floating on a cloud mass emanating from his head (figs. 1.2a–d). The planetary divinities, like Venus, Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, the Sun, and the Moon, constitute the majority of the body gods.36 Shown as officials, each holding a tablet Figs. 1.2a–d. Visualizations of the body gods, from the Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Eight deities of Mars; b. Twelve deities of Saturn; c. Six guardians; d. Divine generals with weapons. A

B

C

D

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Fig. 1.3. Visualization of the body gods, from the Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot, detail. Yuan–Ming dynasty, ca. fourteenth to fifteenth century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 1.4. Visualization of the body gods, from the Dignified Pointers to Inner Nature and Destiny, detail. Ming dynasty, seventeenth century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

in both hands before his chest (fig. 1.2a), 37 they may also appear as kingly figures wearing imperial robes and caps decorated with pendants (fig. 1.2b). Other body gods, including guardians and divine generals wearing armor and holding weapons, are military in character (figs. 1.2c–d).38 Their dress varies in style and color according to their rank and body location. This pictorial scheme of a seated adept with body gods standing on clouds emanating from his head becomes standard in later Daoist visualization pictures and is reflected, for example, in the illustrations from the fourteenth-century Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot (Yushu baojing 玉樞寶經), now in the British Library collection (fig. 1.3),39 and the seventeenth-century Dignified Pointers to Inner Nature and Destiny (Xingming guizhi 性命圭旨) (fig. 1.4).40 The pictorial conventions of deities emanating from the head, as illustrated in the Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern (DZ 6), are comparable to pictorial motifs in Buddhist visualization paintings, such as the 1180 Southern Song painting of Amitābha’s Pure Land in the Chion’in 知恩院 collection, Kyoto (fig. 1.5).41 In



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Fig. 1.5. Amitābha’s Pure Land. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1180. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 150.5  92 cm. Chion’in, Kyoto.

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Fig. 1.6. Images of the body gods of the inborn knots, from the Illustrated Instructions for How to Untie the Twelve Embryonic Knots, detail. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

this painting, the Pure Land is represented by a lotus pond with the newly reborn seated on lotus blossoms and heavenly birds floating about the jeweled terrace. Amitābha stands at the center with two attending bodhisattvas. Emanating from the Buddha’s forehead is the manifestation of two groups, each with a variety of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and arhats.42 Based on visual comparison, it is possible that the Ming printed illustrations of the Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern are derived from Southern Song prototypes contemporary with Jiang Zongying’s compilation of the text. Most early sources tend to picture higher Daoist divinities in bureaucratic attire. The Six Dynasties work, Illustrated Instructions for How to Untie the Twelve Embryonic Knots (Jiebao shi’er jiejie tujue 解胞十二結節圖訣 , DZ 1384), serves as a good example (fig. 1.6).43 The text advises the adept to visualize the assembly of body gods in order to untie (jie 解) the inborn knots (jie 結) hindering the flow of qi in the body and causing illness.44 It shows the body gods one by one, depicting them as generic bureaucrats in long robes with flowing sleeves and ceremonial caps. Some deities hold a tablet with both hands; others simply cup their hands near their waists. A colophon accompanying each image identifies the deity’s title, cognomens, and the color of his garments. The Daoist bureaucratic pantheon includes goddesses as well. Although the body gods of the inborn knots feature male bureaucrats, the body goddesses known as the Numinous Flying Jade Maidens of the Six Jia (Lingfei liujia yunü 靈飛六甲玉女), who are in charge of the cycle of time, are the subject of another even earlier Highest



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A

B

C

D

E

Clarity text dated to the Eastern Jin dynasty (figs. 1.7a–f).45 The six illustrated figures whom the adept visualizes in private meditation symbolize a group of sixty talismancarrying goddesses.46 Each illustrated maiden holds an elongated “divine talisman in green jade” (lüyu shenfu 綠玉神符). The formula for the depictions of the body gods of the inborn knots is repeated here (fig. 1.6): the Six Jia jade maidens are paired with inscriptions detailing the coloring of their images, and the titles of their talismans also evoke the names and cognomens of the sixty goddesses.

Ritual Activation The visualization of body gods also plays an important role in Daoist rites, especially during the officiant’s internal process of ritual activation. The officiant enters a state of deep meditation in order to summon the divinities from his body—part of an opening rite that also involves “Lighting the Burner” (Falu 發爐) and “Calling Forth the Officials” (Chuguan 出官).47 The twelfth-century Great Rites of the Jade Hall (Yutang dafa 玉堂大法DZ 220), compiled by the Celestial Heart Daoist Lu Shizhong 路時中 (ca. first half of the twelfth century), depicts the body gods evoked in rituals of this type (figs. 1.8a–d).48 They are shown as stereotypical master generals (guanjiang 官將) (fig. 1.8a), jade maidens (yunü 玉女) (fig. 1.8b), officials (gongcao 功曹) (fig. 1.8c), and heavenly clerics (tianli 天吏) (fig. 1.8d). These deities are comparable to the representations of officers (fig. 1.9a), young attendants (tongzi 童子) (fig. 1.9b), and generals (jiangjun 將軍) (fig. 1.9c) imbedded in a Song collection of registers (lu 籙), a major category of Daoist “imagetext” used in ordination ritual to record the miscellaneous gods “over which an initiate has command.”49

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F

Figs. 1.7. a–f. Jade Maidens of the Six Jia, each holding a divine talisman in green jade, from the Six-Jia Talismans for Summoning the Lingfei [Maidens] of the Qiongong Palace, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Figs. 1.8a–d. Images of the body gods from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Master official; b. Jade maiden; c. Official; d. Heavenly cleric.

A

Figs. 1.9a–c. Images of attendants and minor deities from the Register of the Sworn Alliance with the Powers of the Orthodox Unity, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Official in red robes and red shoes; b. Celestial girl attendant; c. General in a red cap, yellow robes, and red shoes.

A

B

C

B

D

C

The stereotypical representations of the body gods not only correspond to the imagery of divinities summoned in ritual but also resemble the typical devotional images depicted in Daoist grottoes and temples, like the twelfth-century stone carvings in the Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto (Shimenshan 石門山), Dazu 大足, Sichuan (fig. 1.10),50 and the fourteenth-century mural in the Temple of Eternal Joy, a Complete Perfection (Quanzhen 全真) sanctuary in southern Shanxi (figs. 1.11a–b).51 A series of illustrations from a Tang visualization manual known as Secret Instructions and Illustrations of the Great Visualizations (Da cunsi tu zhujue 大存 思圖注訣, DZ 875) offers alternative representations of the body gods called out by the adept, who is instructed on how to practice visualization at different times and for different purposes (figs. 1.12a–b). 52 Each section ends with a phrase that reads “the image is [illustrated] as such at the left” (qixing ruzuo 其形如左). In the Daozang version, this phrase is followed by an illustration, like fig. 1.12a, which



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bears an additional note concerning color at the upper border of the illustration: “The perfected being [adept] should wear the bluish green cap and green garments, and the rest of the figures and clouds can be drawn as [the illustrator] sees fit” (zhenren biguan lüpi, yu renwu yunqi ge quyi 真人碧冠綠帔，餘人物雲氣各取宜).53 This illustration depicts the arrival of officials, generals, and heavenly animals on clusters of clouds surrounding an adept, who meditates in a seated position inside a pavilion. The purpose of such an illustration is to show how an adept should “visualize the soldiers and horses on clouds while the adept walks [in ritual]” (xingdao shi cun yunqi bingma 行道時存雲氣兵馬).54 The accompanying text refers to these mobile deities as the celestial boys, jade maidens, heavenly deities, earth deities, sun and moon, stars, Five Emperors, and nine billion riders coming out of the adept’s organs.55 Another image (fig. 1.12b) from the same series, which depicts

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Fig. 1.10. Daoist sculptures of bureaucratic gods, from the Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto, Cave no. 10, detail. Southern Song dynasty, twelfth century. Dazu, Sichuan.

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Figs. 1.11 a–b. Male and female figures from the celestial procession, details. West wall of the Hall of the Three Pure Ones, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

bodyguards manifesting themselves in front of the adept as warriors on horses floating on tapering clouds, illustrates how to “visualize the bodyguards while ascending to the rostrum [to preach]” (deng gaozuo cun shiwei 登高座存侍衛).56 Based on this evidence, it is likely that a Southern Song ritual master would visualize images like these while summoning his body gods in ritual.57 Compared to the gods depicted in the Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern (figs. 1.2a–d), whose content veers toward self-cultivation and meditation, the depictions in this text present a larger and more dynamic assembly of body gods.



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Visualizations of Stars The second type of Daoist imagery of body and cosmos depicts the visualization of stars that enables the adept to “integrate self and Dao, body and cosmos on a higher level.” 58 This rich repertoire can be further divided into four subcategories: narrative illustrations of the adept’s journeys to the Northern Dipper, imaginary star maps, stars in the human body, and star divinities as iconic forms. The common ground of these images highlights the role of the Northern Dipper, one of the most important constellations in Chinese visual culture, and extends even beyond the religious sphere. Extant visual examples of the Northern Dipper in early and medieval Chinese art beyond Daoism abound. In the Han dynasty, the Northern Dipper appears in pictorial art as a series of seven dots joined by straight lines forming a scoop or imitating the imperial chariot, as in the rubbing retrieved from the Wu Liang

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Figs. 1.12a–b. Visualization illustrations showing body gods called out by the adept. From the Secret Instructions and Illustrations of the Great Visualizations, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Visualization of soldiers and horses on clouds while the adept walks in ritual; b. Visualization of the bodyguards while ascending to the rostrum to preach.

Fig. 1.13. A king riding in a chariot in the shape of the Northern Dipper. Rubbing of a relief carving from the Wu Liang Shrine, detail. Han dynasty. Jiaxiang, Shandong.

Shrine (Wu Liang ci 武梁祠) (fig. 1.13).59 A tenthcentury drawing in a Dunhuang calendar dated 924 (S.2404) similarly depicts an intriguing scene called “Sir Immortal Ge’s Method of Honoring the Great Northern Dipper” (Ge Xiangong li beidou fa 葛仙公禮北斗法) (fig. 1.14).60 The official-looking Immortal Ge, that is, Ge Xuan 葛 玄, 61 kneels in front of two celestial figures landing on a mattress under the scoop-like Northern Dipper diagram. The god of the Northern Dipper wears kingly robes and a cap and holds a tablet in his hands, and a female attendant stands behind him. The text below indicates that the scene takes place at night.62 This drawing calls to mind a lost painting entitled Painting of Lady Pengzu Paying Tribute to the Northern Dipper (Xie Pengzu nü li beidou xiang 寫彭祖女禮北斗像) by the painter Sun Zhiwei 孫知微 (ca. late tenth to early eleventh century) recorded in the Northern Song Xuanhe Painting Catalogue (Xuanhe huapu 宣和畫譜), reflecting part of Emperor Huizong’s painting collection. 63

Fig. 1.14. “Sir Immortal Ge’s Method of Honoring the Great Northern Dipper,” detail from a Dunhuang manuscript, dated 924. Ink on paper. 29.5  71 cm.



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Journeys to the Northern Dipper Owing to its symbolic role as the axis mundi and its position as the bridge between the sun and the moon, the Northern Dipper has played an important role in medieval Daoist ritual performance and visualization.64 The prime example illustrating the visualization journeys to the Northern Dipper appears in the Illustrated Instructions for Visualizing the Three Ones in the Five Phases of the Northern Dipper (Wudou sanyi tujue 五斗三一圖訣, DZ 765), a Highest Clarity document of the Six Dynasties that focuses on the adept’s ecstatic journey to and beyond the Northern Dipper at the Eight Nodes of the year, that is, at the beginning of each of the four seasons plus the four solstices and equinoxes (fig. 1.15). This example depicts the springtime journey to the first star of the Northern Dipper, Yang Brightness (Yangming 陽明), and shows the adept seated at the right of the picture, facing the Northern Dipper at the upper left. The Northern Dipper is represented as a graphic configuration of seven dots lined up like a scoop with a handle. A young lady standing below the Dipper may represent the celestial attendant of the first star.65 Between the adept and the Dipper are two groups of seven seated figures, moving in opposite directions. The grouping of seven echoes the seven visible stars of the Northern Dipper,66 and in each group, the figures, who wear bureaucratic robes and hold audience tablets, move along on cloud floats. The explanatory notes above the illustration designate the adept at the center as the “perfected being” (zhenren 真人), with garb different from that of the others.67 The group at the

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Fig. 1.15. Imaginary journey to the first star of the Northern Dipper in the spring, from the Illustrated Instructions for Visualizing the Three Ones in the Five Phases of the Northern Dipper. Detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 1.16. Diagram of the ritual dance combining the steps that mimic the Northern Dipper (Heaven) and the mystic spirals (Earth), from the Secret Essentials of the Most High Principal Perfected Assisting the Country and Saving the People, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

bottom ascending to the Northern Dipper represents the adept and includes the body gods called the Three Ones (Sanyi 三一), as well as other internal divinities.68 The group on top descending from the Northern Dipper may indicate the adept’s journey back to earth. From the perspective of visual study, the explanatory notes provide valuable information. Like material in similar documents (figs. 1.6–1.9, 1.12a), the notes function as color guides for illustrators. One may even infer that the original illustrations were hand-colored drawings—the dominant form of religious illustration produced before the age of printing.69

Imaginary Star Maps Daoist visualizations of stars also appear in the form of imaginary star maps. According to Poul Andersen, the Daoist ritual dances of walking along the guideline and treading on the stars of the Northern Dipper (bugang tadou 步罡踏斗), as reflected in the 1116 collection of ritual dance

Fig. 1.17. Choreography for the dance of the Northern Dipper, from the Formula of the Five Stars, the Seven Original Ones, and the Kongchang, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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diagrams compiled by a Celestial Heart master active during Emperor Huizong’s reign, can be traced back to the fourth century (fig. 1.16).70 This is comparable to the medieval choreographic diagram employed in a visualization practice called the “Method of Pacing the Empty and Constant” (Bu kongchang zhidao 步空常之道) (fig. 1.17).71 In addition to the seven visible stars, this diagram locates the two invisible ones, the Imperial Star (Dixing 帝星, or Fu 輔) and the Honorable Star (Zunxing 尊星, or Bi 弼), within the scoop.72 If an adept can see these stars, he may live for 300 or even 600 years.73 The virtual experience of pacing the void and traversing the stars is also echoed in the Tang-dynasty Precious Register of the River Chart (Hetu baolu 河圖寶籙, DZ 1396) (fig. 1.18).74 The star map here shows the nine palaces of the stellar deities as well as their nine male gods, each wearing a topknot and holding a tablet.75 These circled stations, connected by meandering lines, indicate the celestial pathways the adept visualizes.

Stars in the Body Another type of imagery pertinent to the visualizations of stars highlights the stellar presence in the adept’s inner body. This is evident in the thirteenth-century Great

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Fig. 1.18. Nine Palaces of the Perfected of the Nine Heavens, from the Precious Register of the River Chart, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 1.19. Illustration of the Nine Palaces as visualized by a Daoist, from the Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure (Shangqing lingbao dafa 上清靈寶大 法 , DZ 1221), which contains a diagram for ritual visualizations that shows the nine palaces (jiugong 九宮) lined up in the adept’s head, which in turn floats on a mass of clouds (fig. 1.19).76 This inner vision of the nine palaces is manifested in the Illustrations of the Nine Palaces ( Jiugong zifang tu 九宮紫房圖, DZ 156) circulated in the Tang and Northern Song periods and shown here in a sectional view (figs. 1.20a–b).77 The Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels praises the power of this illustration because it enables the adept to visualize and “reach the celestial deities.”78 Laid out horizontally, it should be viewed from right to left like a handscroll. As in other visualization texts discussed earlier (figs. 1.12a, 1.15), the illustrations are accompanied by short clarifying notes. They signify the process of visualization and indicate the connection between body and cosmos. On the right, the adept’s torso appears first in profile, then frontally, showing his concentration on the nine palaces in the head. Two large towers following the torso images serve as elaborations of the nine palaces illustrated in the previous two torsos. Following the towers are a series of visualizations comparable to fig. 1.15.



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The “Method of Reclining in the Northern Dipper” (Wodou fa 臥斗法), a forerunner of this technique, is first recorded in a fourth-century text.79 The text prescribes that the adept lie on a mat covered with graphic patterns of the Northern Dipper,80 which would enable him to “see the essence of the nine stars fusing and transforming into a divinity, sitting in a chariot” and illuminate the entire inner body.81 The accompanying diagram shows a child under the constellation (fig. 1.21).82 His feet point to the eighth and ninth stars, while his hands touch the second and fourth stars. In the Southern Song, the same practice appears as part of the Celestial Heart, as seen in depictions from the Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from

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Figs. 1.20a–b. Visualization pictures of the Purple Chamber and the Nine Palaces, from Illustrations of the Nine Palaces, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 1.21. “Method of Reclining in the Northern Dipper,” from the Golden Book with Jade Characters, detail. Daozang. 1445. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall (Yutangzhengzong gaoben neijing yushu 玉堂正 宗高奔內景玉書, DZ 221) (figs. 1.22a–g).83 By matching the swift flight of the stars from the sky to the practitioner’s mouth, the illustrations depict the adept’s magical absorption of the Northern Dipper. The seven stars illuminate the adept’s organs as well as his eyes, and six of the images feature an imaginary torso with a head attached to the related organ. For example, the sixth image, which shows a relation-



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ship between the sixth star and the kidneys, consists of a head- and spinal-cord body chart with the kidneys highlighted in the lower body (fig. 1.22f).

Iconic Forms Elsewhere in the Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall (DZ 221), the Northern Dipper is personified as nine figurative icons (fig. 1.23a).84 Seven are depicted as long-haired male deities in flowing robes, holding tablets in both hands in front of their chests.85 The other two, who follow the first seven, are depicted as imperial figures wearing royal caps with pendants and holding tablets in both hands. This echoes the concept of the Imperial and Honorable Stars noted in the accompanying text,86 which identifies these two figures as the invisible eighth and ninth stars. Similar iconographies of the nine star deities of the Northern Dipper are illustrated in other Daoist texts dating to the thirteenth century (figs. 1.23b–c).87 Christine Mollier notes that this iconography seems to be shared with Buddhism, since the images of the seven star deities are close to those in the Buddhist Sutra of the Great Northern Dipper (Foshuo beidou qixing yanming jing 佛說北斗七星延命經 , T.21.1307) dating to the Yuan dynasty (fig. 1.24).88 An anonymous Southern Song painting from the Japanese Hōgonji 宝厳寺 collection depicts the star deities of the Northern Dipper in a manner similar to that of the aforementioned religious texts (fig. 1.25).89 Each deity holds a tablet inscribed with the name of the star with which he is associated.90 In a background mimicking the sky at night, the star deities descend diagonally on clouds in a group formation recalling the scoop-shaped Northern Dipper.91 The seven long-haired deities are dressed in white robes embedded with nuanced, exquisite cloud patterns in gold, not unlike the golden ornaments that fill their collars and upper sleeves, and the redness of their shoes contrasts with their white clothes and the dark background. Following these seven deities are two attendant deities depicted as officials wearing ceremonial robes, multicolored in red, black, white, and gold. In the fore-

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Figs. 1.22a–g. Descent of the Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper into the Bodily Organs, from the Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. The first star in the heart; b. The second star in the lungs; c. The third star in the liver; d. The fourth star in the spleen; e. The fifth star in the stomach; f. The sixth star in the kidneys; g. The seventh star in the eyes.

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Figs. 1.23a–c. Visualization images of the deities of the Northern Dipper, from the Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. Fig. 1.24. Illustrations of the deities of the Northern Dipper, from the Sutra of the Great Northern Dipper, detail. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

ground are two female deities holding swords. Accompanying colophons written in small golden characters identify them as messengers serving the Northern Dipper: Qingyang 擎羊 on the right holds a sword and a tray-like lotus leaf and Tuoluoni 陀 羅尼 on the left carries a sword and a branch of flowers.92 The fourteenth-century



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Fig.1.25. Deities of the Northern Dipper. Southern Song dynasty, second half of the twelfth century. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 112.5  54.1 cm. Hōgonji, Shiga.

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Figs. 1.26a–b. Two paintings of astral and Daoist-inspired deities, from an incomplete set. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Hanging scrolls. Ink and color on silk. 103.5  45 cm. Zuisenji, Aichi.

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Clarified Tenuity texts associated with the ritual summoning of the gods first make reference to these two deities as messengers of the Northern Dipper. 93 According to Ide Seinosuke, the style of dress of the seven white-robed deities resembles that of the figures in the thirteenth-century Daoist text shown in fig. 1.23c. Furthermore, the Hōgonji painting is executed in late twelfth-century Southern Song court style, and its iconography may well reflect the iconographic reformation of representations of the star deities sanctioned by Emperor Huizong just prior to



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this period.94 Ide also relates the Hōgonji painting to an incomplete set of paintings of astral deities in the collection of the Zuisenji 瑞泉寺, Aichi 愛知, possibly dated to the thirteenth century (figs. 1.26a–b).95 Like the Hōgonji scroll, the Zuisenji paintings show bureaucratic deities in descending mode in diagonal compositions. Unseen in the Hōgonji painting, however, is the telling image of an old man with a bald head, who calls to mind the stereotypical Laozi (fig. 1.26b).96 In 1119, Huizong issued the official “Dress Code of the Caps and Robes of the Nine Stars and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions for the Primordial Procession” (“Jiuxing ershiba su chaoyuan guanfu” 九星二十八宿朝元冠服),97 which aimed to rectify the “eccentric” (danguai 誕怪) and at times “disrespectful” (duwu 瀆侮) earlier depictions of star deities.98 Their imagery either “exposed the deity’s naked body” (luotan qiti 裸袒其體) or showed the deity “residing in a jar” (wengfo yiju 甕缶以居),99 pictorial motifs still reflected in the enigmatic “true forms” of star deities in the oftcited Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (Wuxing ershiba su zhenxing tu 五星二十八宿真形圖) attributed to the sixth-century painter Zhang Zengyou 張僧繇 (ca. 500–550) (figs. 1.27a–b, hereafter referred to as the Osaka handscroll).100 The subject matter of the Osaka handscroll echoes the lost True Form Chart of the Five Stars (Wuxing zhenxingtu 五星真形圖) listed in the Catalogue of Missing Scriptures of the Daoist Canon (Daozang quejing mulu 道藏闕 經目錄, DZ 1430). 101 It also relates to similar titles by the Tang court painter Zhou Fang 周昉 (ca. 730–800) and the Northern Song scholar-painter Li Gonglin 李公麟 (ca. 1041–1106), both recorded in the Northern Song Xuanhe Painting Catalogue.102 It is likely that this painting, perhaps a Northern Song court copy based on an earlier

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Figs. 1.27a–b. Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions attributed to Zhang Zengyou, details. Northern Song dynasty, ca. early twelfth century. Handscroll. Ink and color on silk. 27.5  489.7 cm. a. The deity of the Vacuous Star with his torso emerging from a jar; b. The deity of Saturn in the form of a dark-skinned ox rider.

work, was once in Huizong’s collection.103 The ceremonial entourage of the Northern Dipper in the Hōgonji painting differs drastically from the wild-looking deities of the Osaka handscroll. The Hōgonji painting was probably used in a ritual for summoning the star gods.104 On the basis of a diagram in the thirteenth-century liturgical manual Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition (Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu 靈寶領教濟度金書, DZ 466) (fig. 1.28),105 the image of the Northern Dipper was to be suspended (xuan 懸) on the east [left] wall of the outer altar area next to images of the Nine Heavens (Jiutian 九天), the Six Planets (Liuyao 六曜), the Three Chancelleries (Sansheng 三省), the Three Officials (Sanguan 三官), and the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue 五嶽).106 Iconic paintings of the Northern Dipper hung not only in public rituals but also during specific private rituals. The Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels records two nine-chi-long silk Pictures of the Seven Primes (Qiyuan tu 七元圖) among ritual objects necessary for the offering rite to the Seven Primes (Qiyuan 七元), that is, the seven stars of the Northern Dipper.107 Paintings of this type are placed in the southwest section of the ritual space.108 In making offerings to the star deities, the adept visualizes them as perfected, holding jade tablets in their hands.109 They may thus be quite similar to the deities depicted in the Hōgonji painting. Moreover, to Fig. 1.28. Diagram of the image display on the north, west, and east walls of the outer altar, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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guarantee the efficacy of the visualization, it is essential to prevent others from seeing the ritual. Even when reading the petition to the gods, the adept is instructed to try to speak quietly.110 The Northern Song imperial painting catalogue Xuanhe Painting Catalogue cites numerous Daoist paintings from the early Song as images of star deities, much like those marked on the altar diagram from the liturgical manual.111 Some of these paintings may even have been transmitted to the Southern Song court and used there on ritual occasions. To sum up, the Daoist visualization of stars evokes a rich repertoire ranging from the narrative illustrations of the journeys to stars, imaginary star maps, to the depictions of the stars in the adept’s body, and representations of star divinities in iconic forms. Narrative illustrations depict the adept’s journey to the stars. Dynamic and full of movement, they stress the adept’s fervent navigation of the starry world in a diagonal composition. Although the Northern Dipper is shown in graphic configurations like a scoop, paired with its corresponding deities in figural representations, the adept is most commonly seen as a male figure wearing official robes. A Daoist visual innovation, imaginary star maps are not seen in other religious art. They are diagrams and charts denoting the travel routes adepts follow in visualization, both in private sessions and in public ritual. In both cases, the star maps are distinguished by the fluid markings of long and meandering lines that weave into a network of circuits connecting different places in the sky. Depictions of the stars in the adept’s body show human figures full of cosmic correspondences. The human torso contains stellar palaces, shown as minute architectural motifs inside the head, while transparent bodies reveal selected organs and their correspondence with the radiance of certain stars. Like imaginary star maps, these whimsical designs are uniquely Daoist. All of these images serve the common purpose of providing visual aids to the adept to facilitate his visualization practice; they are esoteric materials only accessible to practitioners. Star divinities in iconic forms, finally, are more comparable to mainstream religious art. Appearing in several sets of illustrated texts and a devotional painting, the long-haired, loosely robed Seven Stars and two other official-looking assistants suggest that the Northern Dipper’s iconography was gradually standardized by the Southern Song- to Yuan period. Many similar figures also appear in Buddhist and other sources.

Souls and Worms In opposition to the positive role of bureaucratic body gods and the luck-bestowing stars, the next category of Daoist imagery of body and cosmos features the grotesquelooking souls and worms residing in the human body that can cause sickness or death. This concept of souls and worms has ancient roots and makes reference to the

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Figs. 1.29a–c. Grotesque spirits and body worms, from the Scripture for the Protection of Life, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. The seven material spirits; b. The three deathbringers; c. The nine worms. A

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dualistic notion of spirit soul (hun 魂) and material soul (po 魄), which designates the yang and yin souls in the body, one connecting to heaven and the other linking with earth.112 Furthermore, it relates to the Han-dynasty notion of the physical three worms (sanchong 三蟲), which are leech-like worms that gnaw through people’s intestines.113 By the Tang and Song periods, Daoists had expanded the concepts of yin and yang, hun and po, and the three worms to a more complicated microcosmic system of body gods, spirits, and worms. New members include the three spirit souls (sanhun 三魂), the seven material souls (qipo 七魄) (fig. 1.29a), the three deathbringers (sanshi 三尸) (fig. 1.29b), and the nine worms (jiuchong 九蟲) (fig. 1.29c).114 By visualizing such bodily spirits in their concrete form, one could control or expel them,115 a feature that led to the creation and proliferation of the images of such body entities. While the three spirit souls reflect the wonderful manifestation of the yang forces in the body and are often illustrated as gentlemen,116 the others represent the yin counterparts of evil forces; their appearances range from the demonic and abnormal creatures to micro-organic parasites and earthworms.117 Examined as a group, these harmful souls and worms form a unique subcategory of Daoist visual culture that also converges with the little-studied visuality of Chinese demonology and disease. The earliest extant visual material detailing this subject is found in the ninth- to tenth-century Daoist illustrated handbook of “demonic entomology,”118 Scripture for the Protection of Life (Chu sanshi jiuchong baosheng jing 除三尸九蟲保 生經 , DZ 871 ) (figs. 1.29a–c).119 The text may stem from the Sichuan area; the original illustrations are attributed to a student of the Tang physician Sun Simiao (581–682).120 The following discussion will draw on visual examples from this text.

The Seven Material Souls and Three Deathbringers The seven material souls and three deathbringers are two groups of bodily spirits that are depicted in semi-figural forms. The seven material souls are basically internal demons. In opposition to the three spirit souls, who represent the intellectual, artistic, and spiritual aspects of mankind and grant adepts beneficial goodness, the seven material souls represent the instinctive needs for sleep, food, sex, and survival and tend to cause tension and sickness (fig. 1.29a).121 All are individually named and are shown in semidemonic forms, with two exceptions: Devouring Thief (Tunze 吞賊) looks like a man holding a rolled document and Expelling Filth (Chuhui 除穢) is shown as a female deity.122 Sparrow of Yin (Queyin 雀陰) and Flying Poison (Feidu 飛毒) are the most monstrous: they have human legs and bird or demon heads.123 In fact, they look quite like the other set of body demons, the three deathbringers. The three deathbringers are among the most widely documented body parasites in early and medieval literature.124 According to the Scripture for the Protection of

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Fig. 1.30. Japanese depiction of the three deathbringers, from the Scripture of Guarding on the Gengshen Days to Attain Immortality by Laozi. Meiji period. Handscroll. Ink on paper.

Life, the upper deathbringer resembles a male Daoist scholar, the middle deathbringer is depicted as a Chinese lion, and the lower deathbringer has a deformed one-legged human body with an ox’s head (fig. 1.29b).125 Sharing the same surname Peng 彭, they are imaginary brothers who create illness and trouble in the body and mind.126 The upper deathbringer resides in the head and causes headaches, tearing eyes, and runny nose; he also creates deafness, loose teeth, bad breath, wrinkles, and white hair.127 The middle deathbringer lives in the heart and attacks the five organs, prompting the commission of wrongdoings and loss of memory. Other symptoms range from anxiety and thirst to tinnitus, coughing up phlegm, and sweating while feeling cold.128 The lower deathbringer lives in the lower abdomen: he arouses desire and lust, prompting people to have intercourse with ghosts and thus end up with lower back pain, weak legs, and frequent urination.129 Developed in both Daoist and Buddhist communities in the Tang period, the night-long vigil known as “keeping watch on the the gengshen day” (“shou gengshen” 守庚申) aimed at preventing the three deathbringers from leaving the body and reporting wrongdoings to the heavenly court.130 This practice was transmitted to Japan in Tang times by way of Buddhism, as vividly reflected in a later Japanese drawing of the three deathbringers (fig. 1.30) 131 that bears iconographic traits similar to those of their Chinese prototype (fig. 1.29b). Throughout the Song, elaborate drug prescriptions and talismans were created to eliminate the three deathbringers.132 The one-legged body of the lower deathbringer looks much like the material souls called Sparrow of Yin and Flying Poison (fig. 1.31). Whereas one is modeled after a left foot, and the other two are modeled after a right foot, they all resemble an ox-headed, one-legged ceramic figurine excavated from the Southern Song tomb of the Yang family in Mianyang 綿陽, Sichuan (fig. 1.32).133 He Guozhi calls it an “object of eccentric form” (yixingqi 異形器) and describes it as having “an animal head with two horns; its mouth carries an object; its body is shaped like a leg with a hoof.”134 This comparison further suggests that an image convention of a one-legged oddity



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Fig. 1.31. The lower deathbringer and two material souls, from the Scripture for the Protection of Life, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

seems to have circulated in the Sichuan area. It is likely that this ceramic figurine refers to the ox-headed lower deathbringer; by depositing such a figurine in a tomb, it prevents the deathbringer from harming the soul. These motifs find their Buddhist counterpart in a series of thirty Pictures of the Demonic Kings of Disease (Bingguiwang tu 病鬼王圖) illustrated in the Daoistinspired tantric Buddhist text titled Method of the Seven Planets (Qiyao xingchen biexing fa 七曜星辰別行法, T.21.1309) attributed to Yixing 一行 (d. 727) (figs. 1.33a– b).135 Controlled by the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, many of these demons have basic human bodies but with different degrees of abnormality. For the purpose of healing, the practitioner must first draw the images of the demons with their specific names inscribed, then

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Fig. 1.32. Ox-headed, one-legged figurine. Southern Song dynasty. Ceramic. Excavated from the tomb of the Yang family, Mianyang, Sichuan.

Figs. 1.33a–b. Figural representations of diseases controlled by stars from the Sutra of the Great Northern Dipper, details. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. The two-headed creature as disease controlled by the lou star; b. The one-legged disease demon controlled by the wen star.

A

B

nail the images onto the wall of his residence.136 On the date when the specific star that controls the demon is in charge, the adept worships the image, offering pure wine, meat, and spirit money.137 The demon controlled by the lou star (lousu 婁 宿), for example, is a two-headed figure (fig. 1.33a).138 He will “make the bones and marrow of people’s legs hurt and make it hard to sit or lie down.”139 If one fails to worship this star, one may well lose one’s legs. The demon controlled by the wen star (wen­xing 文星), on the other hand, is a one-legged man with a goat-like beard and a horn on his head (fig. 1.33b).140 Unlike the one-legged body spirits depicted in the Daoist Scripture for the Protection of Life (fig. 1.31), though, he has a full humanlike torso similar to that of the Heavenly Thief (fig. 1.31d). The back pain caused by this demon is unbearable and feels as if one were shot by an arrow; moreover, if one fails to worship this star on time, one risks becoming totally paralyzed.141 These disease-related figural images are readily associated with an unusual drawing of a disease known as the Heavenly Thief (Tianzei 天賊) depicted in a Dunhuang manuscript dated to the late Tang (S.6216) (fig. 1.34).142 Its one-legged shape is comparable to the illustrations from the Scripture for the Protection of Life (fig. 1.31), the funeral ceramic figurine (fig. 1.32), and the Buddhist depiction of the one-legged disease demon controlled by the wen star (fig. 1.33b); its multi-headed appearance on the other hand, is similar to the Buddhist illustration of the twoheaded disease demon controlled by the lou star (fig. 1.33a). It is likely that the talisman accompanying the drawing served as “magical medicine” against the demonic disease. The text urges the sick person to swallow the talisman or to paste it onto the door to ward off the disease.



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Fig. 1.34. Drawing of the Heavenly Thief, detail. From a Dunhuang manuscript. Tenth century. Ink on paper.

Fig. 1.35. The one-legged kui animal from the Eastern Sea, from the Illustrated Classic of Mountains and Seas, detail. Ming dynasty edition, dated 1593. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Overall, the one-legged design commonly shared by these disease-related images is reminiscent of the many bizarre monopod “zoomorphic oddities” recorded in the Classic of Mountains and Seas (Shanhai jing 山海經), a compilation of ancient mythology whose contents date from the Warring States and Han periods.143 A good example is the ox-like kui 夔144 living in the Eastern Sea, illustrated in a sixteenthcentury edition as an ox-like creature with a single leg (fig. 1.35).145 As Richard Von Glahn notes, the kui is “a blue-skinned, one-legged, hornless bovine that utters a

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Fig. 1.36. Turtle carrying the rolled Luo Writ in its mouth, detail from the Dunhuang manuscript Picture of Auspicious Omens. Tang dynasty, eighth century. Handscroll. Ink and color on paper.

thunderous bellow” and provokes storms and wind whenever it moves around ponds and rivers.146 Its monopod feature, however, differs slightly from the torsoless one-legged examples examined above. What this suggests is that the material souls and deathbringers depicted in the Scripture for the Protection of Life gradually took shape as part of the visualization of disease demons pervasive in medieval China (fig. 1.31a).147 The shared depiction of one-legged anthropomorphic diseases may have been inspired by a prototype derived from ancient mythological descriptions of life in foreign lands. A rolled document is a common attribute for the three deathbringers, and sometimes they hold it in their mouths (fig. 1.29b). This is quite possibly a record of their host’s sins as filed in the heavenly administration, since such scrolls are often shown in representations of bureaucrats.148 Furthermore, in mythological or religious images, it appears to signal supernatural communication. For example, the eighth-century Dunhuang manuscript Picture of Auspicious Omens (Ruiying tu 瑞應圖, P.2683) depicts a heavenly messenger in the form of an auspicious turtle who carries the magical, heaven-sent chart known as the Luo Writ (Luoshu 雒書) in its mouth (fig. 1.36).149 The scenario is comparable to a detail of the Southern Song Ningbo painting from the set of paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell (Shiwang tu 十王圖) (fig. 1.37).150 Its full composition depicts the King of Hell reviewing a court case in which a rooster and a goose file a complaint against a butcher. In the detail in the foreground, a goose and a



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Fig. 1.37. Painting from a set of the Ten Kings of Hell. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 53.5  37 cm. Eigenji, Shiga.

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rooster hold scrolls in their mouths while staring at a reflection in the karmic mirror that shows a butcher killing a goose.151 The butcher, restrained by a guard, is visible behind the animals, and their complaint is represented by the scrolls in their mouths. Though functions and context vary, the depictions of the turtle (fig. 1.36), rooster, and goose (fig. 1.37) all carrying rolled documents in their mouths are similar to the pictorial conventions of the middle and lower deathbringers (fig. 1.29b).

Physical Parasites The Scripture for the Protection of Life continues its discussion of maladies by describing the so-called nine worms, parasites in the body (fig. 1.29c).152 Some reside in the inner organs (the heart, lungs, and stomach) and cause internal disorders such as stomachache, chest tightness, vomiting, diarrhea, coughing, asthma, tuberculosis, sore muscles, and backache. Others live in the skin and cause itching, acne, and ringworm.153 Although the nine worms represent the main group of body worms, the text also notes the existence of “countless micro-organic worms” (weichong qianwan 微蟲千萬), which look like “vegetable seeds” (caizi 菜子) and reside on the surface of the body.154 The documentation of these miscellaneous body worms in a tenthcentury Daoist text suggests that “the existence of harmful bacteria was known to the Chinese of the time.”155 The nine worms look different from the figural-animal motifs of the body spirits. Some recall insects with tentacles and eyes, others resemble serpentine earthworms. Still others are similar to single-cell organic forms seen under a microscope. Parasites illustrated in both Daoist and medical texts are similar. For instance, an almost identical array of nine worms is illustrated in an undated Daoist text, the Mysterious Golden Container (Jinsi xuanxuan 金笥玄玄, ZW 323).156 In addition, the text also depicts six generations of deathbringer worms (shichong 尸蟲) (fig. 1.38a),157 comparable to the six generations of tuberculosis parasites illustrated in the Formulas of the Immortals for Relief of Emergencies (Jijiu xianfang 急救仙方, DZ 1164), a Daozang compilation of medical texts, some of which date to the Song (fig. 1.38b).158 As these examples show, the deathbringer worm undergoes a sequence of changes, looking like a baby at first, then resembling a frog, a shrimp, a centipede, entangled hair, a pig liver, a snake, a rat, a turtle, a human body part, and so on, until it reaches the sixth generation, when it recalls a bat or “meshed noodles” (lanmian 爛 麵) (figs. 1.38a-b).159 These fanciful images are also related to pictures of parasites in a fourteenth-century medical treatise, especially the worms resembling a baby, a frog, entangled hair, a centipede, and “meshed noodles” (fig. 1.38c).160 Altogether, they reveal the little-explored visual culture of disease preserved in Daoist and medical texts.



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Figs. 1.38a–c. Illustrations of the different generations of parasites. a. Six generations of deathbringer worms, from the Mysterious Golden Container, detail. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; b. Six generations of tuberculosis parasites, from the Formulas of A

B

the Immortals for Relief of Emergencies, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; c. Illustration of parasites, from Shiyi dexiao fang, detail. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

C

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Control and Elimination Between the tenth and the thirteenth centuries, more Daoist illustrations are devoted to picturing the control or elimination of the souls and worms by way of visualization and breathing practices. One such example is from the twelfth-century Great Rites of the Jade Hall associated with the Celestial Heart (fig. 1.39).161 The image shows an assembly of the various souls and deathbringers on clouds. Since it appears after a series of pictures showcasing ecstatic journeys to the cosmos, it may affirm the idea that, with the successful practice of visualization, these spirits will come under the adept’s control. Some visual changes are worth noting: there is only one entity with a one-legged human body, and his “legged body” is now attached to a human torso dressed in official attire. Other pictures, which show the worms and spirits outside the body, symbolize the successful elimination of these negative elements from one’s body. Vivid imagery attesting to the efficacy of the practice can be found in the Picture of Paying Homage to the Perfected by Yanluozi (Yanluozi chaozhen tu 煙蘿子朝真圖) attributed to the tenth-century Daoist master Yanluozi 煙蘿子 (fig. 1.40). 162 Here we see the seven material souls and three deathbringers surrounding the adept’s head. The seven mateFig. 1.39. Representation of the seven material souls and the three deathbringers, from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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rial souls are eliminated to the left: the onelegged creature with an officer’s head may well be Devouring Thief, as shown in the Scripture for the Protection of Life (fig. 1.29a). The three deathbringers, on the other hand, are eliminated to the right. Once again, these are very similar to earlier images and include a human figure, a lion, and a onelegged being with an ox’s head.163 Yanluozi’s depiction of the exit of these negative spirits is reprinted in a thirteenth-century magical body chart (see below, fig. 1.46). The Illustrations of the Return of the Liquefied Gold to the Cinnabar Field (Jinyi huandan yinzheng tu 金液還丹印證圖, DZ 151),164 an internal alchemy work of the thirteenth century, shows a similar scenario in its image called “Adding and Taking Away” (“Choutian” 抽添) which appears as the fifteenth episode of twenty illustrations (fig. 1.41a).165 The deathbringers and souls are running away from a boiling pot, which symbolizes the body as transformed in internal alchemy. Here, too, each of the three deathbringers carries a scroll, but their looks have changed: whereas the middle deathbringer previously looked like a Chinese lion, he is now demonized and has a one-legged body with a lion’s head. The same episode is illustrated in color in a Qing-dynasty silk handscroll in the collection of the White Cloud Temple in Beijing (fig. 1.41b).166 Vincent Goossaert suggests that this painting may have been painted by Quanzhen monks in the White Cloud Temple and serves as visual documentation of its temple leaders’ “self-cultivation training for selected disciples.”167 All of these images emphasize the efficacy of Daoist internal cultivation in refining the form and quality of the body, controlling or expelling the body demons and worms, and eliminating disease. A Southern Song illustration entitled the Diagram for Exchanging Mortality with Immortality through Inner Observation of Fire Kindling (Neiguan qihuo xianfan jiaohuan tu 內觀起火仙凡交換圖) maps out their collective expulsion through inner observation (neiguan 內觀), a practice that involves visualizing fire and light inside the body (fig. 1.42).168 In what looks like a symbolic body map, the group of body bureaucrats enclosed within a circle at the top may refer to the location of the adept’s head. The five inner organs, named within small circles and arranged according to their respective locations in the body, are flanked

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Fig. 1.40. Picture of Paying Homage to Perfection by Yanluozi, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

A

B

Figs. 1.41a–b. Two illustrated versions of “Adding and Taking Away.” a. From the Illustrations of the Return of the Liquefied Gold to the Cinnabar Field, detail. Daozang. 1445. Ming Dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; b. Illustrations of the Return of the Liquefied Gold to the Cinnabar Field, detail. Qing dynasty, seventeenth–eighteenth centuries. Handscroll. Ink and color on silk. 20  1,200 cm.

by flames on two sides. Notes inscribed along the border of the chart acknowledge the elimination of parasites through the head and of worms through the bladder.169

Illustrating Internal Alchemy

Fig. 1.42. Diagram for Exchanging Mortality with Immortality through Inner Observation of Fire Kindling, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Internal alchemy advocates “retracing one’s steps along the road of bodily decay” by extracting the true yin (zhenyin 真陰) from the yang force and the true yang (zhenyang 真陽) from the yin force.170 Between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, various treatises on internal alchemy used pictures and charts to explain the complex inner visions concerning the macrocosmic/microcosmic processes and the circulation of qi.171 This visual strategy departs from Tang treatises, which mainly advocate text-based inner observation.172 Since these texts often addressed issues impacting health and longevity, they appealed to the general public, who saw them as practical, macrobiotic ways to achieve longevity and nourish life (yangsheng 養生).173 The more internal alchemical ideas were in general circulation, the more they intersected with



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pharmacology and medicine. Therefore a close examination of the images accompanying these texts will also shed light on the visual culture of Chinese health, healing, and medicine. Many Southern school works on internal alchemy contain visual images.174 Sometimes they pair single motifs to symbolize the inner blending of yang and yin,175 for example, when a tiger is paired with a dragon176 or a tripod with a furnace.177 The trademark image symbolizing the end result of internal alchemy, moreover, is a naked baby inside a circle (fig. 1.43).178 The motif of a tortoise swimming in water or the presence of a toad symbolizes the sublimation of pure yin (figs. 1.45a–b, 1.46).179 These texts also contain instructive charts (juetu 訣圖) mapping the interrelations of inner organs and energy conduits in order to explain the “Method of Embryo Respiration” (Taixi 胎息) (figs. 1.44a–b).180 This is a breathing method whose ultimate goal is to help the adept to form an imaginary embryo in his abdomen that collects the primary qi, the perfect essence of life.181 Once this primary qi is collected, the adept no longer needs the “husk” (his physical body), hence reaching immortality.182 The Chart of the Formula of the Reverted Embryo (Huandan jue tu 還 丹訣圖), contained in the Song-dynasty Illustrations of the Mystery of the Cultivation of Perfection (Xiuzhen taiji hunyuan zhixuan tu 修 真太極混元指玄圖, DZ 150 ) (fig. 1.44a), maps the imaginary “lesser” and “larger” energy conduits, the microcosmic and macrocosmic orbits, which both begin at the kidneys. 183 A circle at the lower center of the chart bears an inscription that reads “internal alchemy” (neidan) and denotes an imagined site where the embryo forms. The “lesser” conduit symbolizes the orientation of the internal energy that rises up to the liver, heart, and lungs, descending to the spleen, or the Yellow Court, an important site where the formation of the embryo takes place.184 The “larger” conduit, on the other hand, traces the route of energy that travels through the three gates of the spinal column to the brain, where it is marked the “celestial palace” (tiangong 天宮). There the energy further blends with the “divine water” (shenshui 神水) into what becomes denser and darker conduit.185 Overall, the interrelated locations of the five organs and the imaginary embryo call to mind another “instructive chart” in the same text, showing the bureaucratic body gods emanating from the associated organs (fig. 1.44b).186 In mapping the energy conduits of the inner body, illustrators tend to replace the actual names of the body parts with architectural designations. The larger route illustrated in fig. 1.44a offers a good example. Departing from the kidneys, it passes

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Fig. 1.43. Naked baby symbolizing the “end result” of internal alchemy, from Illustrations of the Return of the Liquefied Gold to the Cinnabar Field, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

A

Figs. 1.44a–b. Internal alchemical maps of the inner body, from Illustrations of the Mystery of the Cultivation of Perfection, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Chart of the Formula of the Reverted Embryo; b. Chart of the Refinement of Energy and Perfection of Spirit.

B

through three gates (guan 關) alongside the spinal column, which rises to the brain, here called the celestial palace. After mixing with the divine water generated there,187 it flows to the tongue, called the jade pond (yuchi 玉池). From there it moves down to the throat, known as the multistoried tower (chonglou 重樓),188 and eventually descends to the central area around the spleen. While many architectural metaphors can be traced back to the Scripture of the Yellow Court, they also form part of the standard vocabulary in Song-Yuan internal alchemy.189

The Inner Realm Perhaps the most intriguing visual products associated with internal alchemy are the Charts of the Inner Realm (Neijing tu 內境圖), which feature the magico-realistic inner torso in sectional views, with or without the head (figs. 1.45a–d, 1.46).190 The earliest known creator of this kind of depiction is the tenth-century Daoist Yanluozi, who compiled a series of six body charts highlighting the head and the trunk viewed from different angles (figs. 1.39, 1.45a–d). 191 In the thirteenth century, the Side-View Chart of the Inner Realm (Neijing cemian tu 內境側面圖) (fig. 1.46)



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A

B

synthesized Yanluozi’s sectional analyses into a single rendition.192 As Catherine Despeux and others have shown, these charts not only map out the Daoist vision of a cosmic body but also reveal the sophisticated anatomical knowledge in medieval Daoism.193 Yanluozi’s two side-view charts place alchemical symbols in the thorax and abdomen (figs. 1.45a–b). Framing both charts is the Bone of the Heavenly Pillar (Tianzhu gu 天柱骨), the main support of the body, which is composed of the archshaped spinal column and its twenty-four vertebrae (fig. 1.45b).194 The numerology

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Figs. 1.45a–d. Sectional Body Charts by Yanluozi, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Chart of the Right Side of the Inner

C

Realm; b. Chart of the Left Side of the Inner Realm; c. Chart of the Front Side of the Inner Realm; d. Chart of the Back Side of the Inner Realm.

D

of twenty-four not only accurately reflects anatomical structure but also corresponds to the qi of the twenty-four solar periods of the year (two per month), also known as the twenty-four energy nodes (jieqi 節氣).195 Three animals marked as the goat cart (yangche 羊車), deercart (luche 鹿車), and oxcart (niuche 牛車) are moving up the path of the spinal column from bottom to top (fig. 1.45a). The animal motif originally derives from the Buddhist scripture of the Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經, T.9.262), where it serves as a metaphor for expedient means, that is, teaching at different levels.196 Shifted to the Daoist context of the human body, the



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animals now symbolize the internal mechanism of moving energy upward against the natural current. 197 At the end of the spinal column is a circular configuration with a tortoise emanating radiant light amid waves. This is the drinking tortoise (yingui 飲龜) that symbolizes the sublimation of true yin. In addition to the spinal cord, other prominent symbols of internal alchemy cluster in the central abdomen. These include the naked baby or imaginary embryo (fig. 1.45a) and the intermingling dragon (yang) and tiger (yin) (fig. 1.45b). Both are situated below the crescent-shaped area marked as the Yellow Court (Huangting 黃庭) and above the Lower Cinnabar Field (Xia dantian 下丹田).198

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Fig. 1.46. Chart of the Side View of the Inner Realm, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

The thirteenth-century Side-View Chart of the Inner Realm (fig. 1.46) incorporates many stock motifs from Yanluozi’s sectional body charts.199 Notably, it has the paired dragon and tiger, the naked baby, the tortoise in water, the three animal carts, and the spinal column, whose twenty-four vertebrae correspond to the twenty-four energy nodes.200 Outside the head, the three deathbringers on the right and the seven material souls on the left recall depictions in the Picture of Paying Homage to the Perfected Being (fig. 1.40). Floating above the head is the Perfected Being of Niwan (Niwan zhenren 泥丸真人) who appears in bureaucratic attire inside a cloud circle. He is the body god guarding the head, the highest-ranking section and thus comparable to Daoist heaven. The symbolic presence in the head of a celestial palace like the Jade Hall (Yutang 玉堂) contrasts with the Daoist hell known as the Northern Capital at Luofeng (Beidu Luofeng 北都羅酆), which is located in the lower abdomen.201 Viewed as a whole, they reflect the microcosm of an internal paradise and an underworld realm within a Daoist body.202 The Side-View Chart of the Inner Realm uses a bold approach in adopting old motifs in a new framework in which a human head in three-quarters view is attached to a torso supported by the crescent-shaped spinal cord to the left, leaving the border of the body open on the right. The almost-transparent quality of its appearance evokes “a feeling of cosmic flow” and ignores “the fleshy body of humanity,” in stark contrast to the flesh and muscles dominating body charts produced in the European tradition.203 This body structure, moreover, is the direct compositional forerunner of later illustrations, such as the multiple versions of the Qing-dynasty Chart of the Internal Passageways (Neijing tu 內經圖) (fig. 1.47) and Chart of Cultivating Perfection (Xiuzhen tu 修真圖).204 Literary sources dating to the Song-Yuan period document viewers’ experiences with Daoist body charts like those of Yanluozi. Zhou Mi 周密 (1232–98), for example, links the charts to methods of embryo respiration. He says: To gaze inwardly at the five organs and come to see the lungs [as] white, the liver green, the spleen yellow, the heart red, and the kidneys black, first acquire the Picture of the Five Organs or another chart by Yanluozi. Hang the images on the wall. Scrutinize them daily to become familiar with the shapes of the five organs and six viscera. Then try to imagine that your heart is a flaming fire and its light penetrates into the Lower Cinnabar Field, which is located three cun below the navel. 內視五臟，肺白，肝青，脾黃，心赤，腎黑，當先求五臟圖，或煙蘿子 之類，常掛於壁上，使日常熟識五臟六腑之形狀也。次想心為炎火， 光明洞徹，入下丹田中，丹田在臍下三寸。205



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Fig. 1.47. Chart of the Internal Passageways. Qing dynasty, nineteenth century. Ink and color on silk.

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Other Song and Yuan records similarly suggest that Yanluozi’s body charts were widely used by both Daoist practitioners and scholar officials, including members of Su Shi’s (1037–1101) 蘇軾 circle.206 Moreover, these pictures were all reported to be on display in private settings, such as a scholar’s studio or a priest’s chamber. What Zhou Mi refers to as “the Picture of the Five Organs or another chart by Yanluozi” may resemble Yanluozi’s front-and-back body charts marking the correlative positions of the inner organs (figs. 1.45c–d). The back-side chart (fig. 1.45d) differs from the front-side chart (fig. 1.45c) in that the spinal cord crosses the center and shows the kidneys on both sides. Both charts also relate to the now-lost Illustrations to the Scripture of the Yellow Court (Huangting tu 黃庭圖) recorded in Song catalogues.207 Literary sources suggest that Song people employed these pictures as visual aids to facilitate breathing practice as outlined in the Scripture of the Yellow Court.208 It is likely that Daoists used these pictures to teach awareness of the inner body, just as the Complete Perfection patriarch Wang Chongyang 王重陽 (1113–79) instructed his disciples on the illusionary nature of human existence by showing them a small picture of a human skeleton (fig. 1.48).209 Although the Scripture of the Yellow Court is particularly famous because many renowned calligraphers, including Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–61), copied it,210 no painting to date is identified clearly as Illustrations to the Scripture of the Yellow Court.211 Seen in this way, the body charts associated with Yanluozi affirm the legacy of Daoist illustrations of the Scripture of the Yellow Court.212 Fig. 1.48. Wang Chongyang holding a picture of a skeleton in front of his disciples to instruct the nature of an illusory life, detail. North wall of the Hall of Redoubled Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.



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The Medical Body As Joseph Needham remarks, “internal alchemists were extremely interested in the most advanced anatomy of their day.”213 Yanluozi’s sectional body charts showcasing the inner organs support this observation (figs. 1.45c–d). They are the earliest extant anatomical body charts produced in premodern China.214 Daoist knowledge of the internal body may well have had an impact on medical studies in Song times. This is quite obvious in the anatomical body charts by Emperor Huizong’s physician Yang Jie 楊介 (ca. twelfth century).215 Yang admits that his medical charts were based on Yanluozi’s body charts, plus his personal observations made while doing dissections of criminals.216 He corrected Yanluozi’s misplacement of the liver and spleen (figs. 1.45c–d),217 as seen in a thirteenth-century copy of his 1113 text, Charts of the True Circulatory Vessels (Cunzhen huanzhong tu 存真環中圖) (figs. 1.49a–b).218 Yang Jie’s body charts also seem to have made their

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Figs. 1.49a–b. Copy of Yang Jie’s Charts of the True Circulatory Vessels, in Xuanmen maijue neizhao tu, detail. Yuan dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Figs. 1.50a–b. Drawings of Persian body charts from a Persian manuscript, detail. Fourteenth century.

way beyond China into the Arab world during the period when China and Persia were both under Mongol rule. A set of fourteenth-century Persian drawings of body charts (Aya Sofya MS 3596) discovered in Istanbul in 1939 are so similar to Yang Jie’s that they may be copies made after the Chinese prototypes (figs. 1.50a–b).219 Medical interest in the inner body in Song times clearly manifests itself in the manufacture of statues.220 The Northern Song imperial medical official Wang Weiyi 王惟一 (ca. 987–1067), who served under Emperor Renzong 仁宗 (r. 1023–63), designed two bronze models of the human body (tongren 銅人) for educational purposes.221 One, put on display in the Buddhist Temple of the Prime Minister (Xiangguo si 相國寺), in the capital of Kaifeng 開封, was thus accessible to the public.222 Noted for the 354 acupuncture points (shuxue 腧穴) marked on its surface,223 this model contained a set of life-size wooden inner organs neatly stuffed inside.224 The creation of the now-lost Song bronze models were

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an ambitious three-dimensional realization of the earlier, two-dimensional medical illustrations of the body, such as those recorded in the first government-sponsored book on acupuncture, the Imperial Benevolent Classic of Acupuncture (Taiping shenghui fang 太平聖惠方), printed under the patronage of Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 976–97) in 992.225 A Mingdynasty bronze sculpture now in the Hermitage, Moscow, is said to reflect the Song bronze models (fig. 1.51).226 The Song manufacture of life-size bronze models must have been regarded as one of the greatest scientific inventions of the time. Possession of a material object of this type could evoke political power as well, for it demonstrates the regime’s control and manipulation of scientific knowledge. The 1127 Jurchen Jin confiscation of the now-lost bronze acupuncture effigy originally in the hands of the Northern Song court provides further support for this argument.227 On the other hand, an acupuncture model known as the Bronze Man of the Bright Hall (Tongren mingtang 銅 人明堂) is recorded in the fourteenth-century Liao History (Liao shi 遼 史) as a tributary gift given by the Later Jin (Houjin 後晉, 936–47) to the Khitan Liao 遼 (907–1125).228 Although the text does not specify the origin of the model, it is evident that these bronze acupuncture models were regarded as desirable objects by the political regimes of tenth- to eleventh-century China and the states that surrounded it. Contemporary with the production of these models is a fascination with adding the inner organs to religious sculptures, both Daoist and Buddhist. The earliest extant and best-known examples of such fabricbased additions are deposited inside a cavity in the back of a dated Song (985) wooden statue of Shakyamuni Buddha preserved in the Seiryōji 清 涼寺, Kyoto (fig. 1.52).229 Produced and donated by the Northern Song nun Qingxiao 清曉 from Taizhou 台州 in Zhejiang 浙江,230 some organs contain incense, others gems, and most are inscribed with Brāhmī and Sanskrit characters.231 Together with other materials placed inside the statue, they serve “to authenticate and enliven the sculpted image.”232 Watanabe Kōzō, among other Japanese scholars, attributes the knowledge of the inner body demonstrated by the Seiryōji deposit to an understanding of the Daoist five organs as well as to Chinese anatomical study.233 A similar set of mock organs made of silk and cotton, deposited in the Northern Song arhat (or luohan 羅漢) statue in the Buddhist Monastery of the Numinous Cliff (Lingyan si 靈岩寺), Shandong 山東,234 suggests that depositing mock organs in religious statues may have been a popular practice at that time.235

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Fig. 1.51. Human model for acupuncture. Ming dynasty, ca. fifteenth century. Bronze.

Fig. 1.52. Textile models of inner organs. Northern Song dynasty, before 985. Artifacts deposited in the wooden statue of Sakyamuni Buddha.

Tang and Song writers documenting mock human organs in Buddhist statues usually linked their fabrication to both the medical and Daoist traditions.236 Although there is no extant Tang or Song Daoist statue with such organs,237 Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933) writes about the making of Daoist statues with inner organs in Chengdu 成都 and includes one portrait sculpture of the Celestial Master (Tianshi zhen 天師真) that responded to devotees’ inquiries with a magical efficacy (lingyan 靈驗) that was quite marvelous.238 On the basis of Du’s description, the appearance of these Daoist statues resembled the Song acupuncture models or equivalent Buddhist figurines. The sculptor Liu (Liu chushi 劉處士) painted the surface of the Celestial Master sculpture, which had a throat with twelve junctures, a structural detail that recalls classical Daoist body charts (figs. 1.45b, 1.46), with gold and colored pigments. Then he stuffed its interior with replicas of the five organs, viscera, and stomach, all made of cloth and stitched together with colored brocade. In addition, a mirror made of mercury (shuiyin jing 水銀鏡) and the five fragrances



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(wuxiang 五香) were deposited alongside the mock inner organs. Depositing mirrors and mock organs in religious statues was a common practice in medieval China,239 but in Daoism in particular adding the mirror and spices alongside mock organs may reflect the intention to further cleanse the organs of the divine statue.240 This observation finds further support in Daoist meditation and visualization practices, which employ mirrors as material aids to reveal one’s inner organs, purifying them and illuminating one’s inner self.241 Furthermore, the five fragrances were considered purifying spices in Daoist bathing.242 All in all, the physicality of this portrait statue of the Celestial Master helps us to better understand the “true form” of a Daoist body: it consisted of a body in the process of transformation with anatomical loci essential for internal alchemy and with other material aids for ultimate purification.

Body Landscapes Internal alchemy is also well-known for its analogy between the interior of the human body and landscape imagery. Since landscape serves as a standard reference for nature as a whole, the “landscape in miniature” of the body’s interior is comparable to the internal microcosmic display of a cosmic body. A good example appears in the Illustrated Ascent and Descent of the Yin and Yang Energies in the Body (Tixiang yin yang shengjiang tu 體象陰陽升降圖), 243 found in Highest Clarity master Xiao Yingsou’s 蕭應叟(ca. early 1200s) commentary to the Scripture of Salvation (Duren jing 度人經, DZ 1), a major work compiled and expanded under Emperor Huizong (fig. 1.53).244 Xiao submitted his commentary to the Southern Song emperor Lizong 理宗 (r. 1225–64) in 1226.245 Although the title of Xiao’s text suggests that it is intended as a commentary to an earlier Daoist scripture, its content instead reflects his personal interest in internal alchemy.246 A similar chart entitled Picture of the Primordial Qi in the Body (Yuanqi tixiang tu 元氣體象圖) also appears in a treatise by the Yuan Daoist Chen Zhixu 陳致虛 (1290–ca. 1368) (fig. 1.54).247 The inclusion of body landscape charts in these texts suggests that alchemists of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were the primary audience for such landscape illustrations. A number of literary sources of the Tang and Song describe the internal landscape. For example, Laozi’s body248 changed into the sacred landscape of the cosmos: His left eye became the sun; his right eye, the moon; his head, Mount Kunlun; his hair, the constellations . . . his intestine, the snakes; his belly, the sea; his fingers, the Five Sacred Peaks . . . his kidneys, the Real Father and the Real Mother of humanity. 左目為日，右目為月，頭為崑山 ; 髮為星宿…腸為蛇 ; 腹為海 ; 指為五 嶽…乃至兩腎，合為真要父母。249

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Fig. 1.53. Picture of the Ascent and Descent of the Yin and Yang Energies in the Body, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 1.54. Picture of the Primordial Qi in the Body, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

This myth parallels that of the cosmic giant Pangu 盤古, whose body turned into different aspects of the world. As the Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels notes,250 Pangu’s eyes became the sun and the moon, his arms and limbs turned into the four compass points and the Five Sacred Peaks, his hair came to be grass and trees, his blood and body fluids were transformed into streams and rivers, and finally, his teeth and bones changed into gold and minerals.251 Monumental landscape painting, which prospered in the Song, similarly draws on the anthropomorphic metaphor. The eleventh-century landscape treatise Lofty Message of Forest and Streams (Linquan gaozhi 林泉高致), written by the court painter Guo Xi 郭熙 (fl. 1060s) and further edited by his son Guo Si 郭思 (jinshi 1082),



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describes the ideal landscape as a living, organic cosmic body.252 Water is compared to blood in the veins,253 whereas rocks are the bones, mountains the face, grasses and trees the hair, and pavilions the eyebrows and eyes.254 Since Guo Si submitted this treatise to Emperor Huizong in 1117, Alfreda Murck suggests that the overwhelmingly Daoist character of the treatise may be the result of his catering to the emperor’s interest in Daoism.255 The anthropomorphic vision of landscape discussed in Guo Si’s treatise is comparable to Xiao Yingsou’s body landscape, which contributes to the ongoing discourse of body and landscape in the Southern Song and defines an alternative analogy of human body to landscape. From the perspective of internal alchemy, it serves as a metaphorical depiction of the progression and regression of inner energies within a human body (fig. 1.53).256 The picture shows a grand view of myriad hills piling up frontally from the sea. Roofed edifices, including an impressive multistoried tower on the right, denote imaginary nodes which facilitate the circulation of inner energies, depicted as meandering rivers encircling the hills at the center like a loop.257 Many loci marked in this mountain diagram reflect the standard internal alchemical vocabulary shared by similar images (figs. 1.45a–b, 1.46). At first glance, Xiao’s frontal mountain differs drastically from the visual norm of Daoist sacred mountains258 which typically show Mount Kunlun in its classical form, with a narrow base and wide top that resemble a hanging bowl (yanpen 偃盆) (figs. 1.55a–b). This visual interpretation of the Queen Mother of the West’s mountain paradise as a hanging garden (xuanpu 懸圃 or 玄圃) has existed since ancient times.259 The twelfth-century illustration (fig. 1.55a) of the visualization practice of “flying high” (gaoben 高奔) from Lu Shizhong’s text, which also depicts iconic representations of the Northern Dipper (fig. 1.23a),260 features a visualized flight to the sun. An adept stands in waves of water, perched on an eroded rock whose shape resembles a hanging bowl. The rock motif symbolizes Mount Kunlun in the adept’s mind, and the accompanying text urges the adept to “visualize the body transforming into Mount Kunlun, with the ocean below it” (cun zishen wei Kunlun shan, xia wei dahai 存自身為崑崙山, 下為大海).261 A similar mountain form also appears in Lu Shizhong’s illustration of a visit to the Mountain of Jade Capital located in the highest Daoist heaven, known as the Heaven of the Grand Network (Daluo tian 大羅天) (fig. 1.55b).262 The image depicts another version of the “body landscape” to be used to visualize the body transforming into the Mountain of Mystery Capital (Xuandu shan 玄都山), also known as the Mountain of Jade Capital (Yujing shan 玉京山). At the same time, Lord Lao receives adepts in audience inside the Jade Hall, a celestial site similarly marked in thirteenth-century body charts (figs. 1.46, 1.53).263 Departing from the mainstream Daoist sacred mountain, Xiao’s body landscape recalls Northern Song monumental landscape painting, best represented by the early eleventh-century Travelers among Mountains and Streams (Xishan xinglü 谿山行旅)

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Figs. 1.55a–b. Visualization pictures of the Daoist sacred mountain in the form of a hanging-bowl mountain. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Inner Vision of Flying to the Sun with the Dragon on Fire in the Yang Grotto, from Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall, detail; b. Visualization of Paying Homage to the Jade Hall and the Primordial Qi, from Great Rites of the Jade Hall, detail. A

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by Fan Kuan 范寬 (fl. 1023–31) (fig. 1.56).264 The composition here is strongly vertical and frontal, and the short, pointed “rain-drop” texture strokes fill the rocky surfaces. In addition, there are small trees growing atop the hills, and various architectural motifs dot the landscape. Xiao’s image can be seen as a monumental landscape in miniature. Furthermore, studying both images requires the viewer to undertake a mental and visual journey through complicated landscape constructions: one enters the landscape from the closest point at the bottom of the picture plane and crosses the water and the bridge, stopping at the various gates and pavilions, then gradually makes one’s way to the summit.265 Stephen Little interprets the “inner principle” resonating within Fan Kuan’s painting as a reflection of the “concept of cosmic order that is essentially Daoist in origin.”266

Interior Journeys The text accompanying Xiao’s body landscape explicitly urges the viewer to see the mountain as the self: The body is the furnace and the stove amid heaven and earth; its central palace is the alchemical tripod, while beyond it is the great void. 此身為天地爐竈，中宮為鼎，身外乃太虛。267



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Fig. 1.56. Fan Kuan, Travelers among Mountains and Streams. Northern Song dynasty, ca. 1000. Hanging scroll. Ink and light color on silk. 206.3  103.3cm.

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Seen in this way, the mountain image also serves as a mental map that assists an adept to embark on an inner spiritual journey. Just as in viewing a Song landscape scroll, one begins in the foreground of this miniature landscape, confronted first with the Sea of Suffering (Kuhai 苦海), a term borrowed from Buddhism and here indicating the Ocean of Qi or the Lower Cinnabar Field. Along the low hills separating the ocean from the streams above it is a gate motif in the lower right corner, located immediately above the water. The label indicates that it is the gate of the underworld prison or hell known as Fengdu (Fengdu guan 酆都關). This signpost is reminiscent of the signpost of the underworld in another body chart discussed earlier (fig. 1.46). The massive ocean rises further up to the Yellow Court (spleen) on the left and to the Gate of Life (Mingmen 命門) on the right. The middle section is dominated by the river running in a loop, with various architectural motifs placed at different junctures and a horizontal bridge connecting its two gates.268 According to Catherine Despeux and Livia Kohn, the vertical stream flowing on the left and right sides of the loop may refer to the meridians running along the front and back of the body. The Residence of the God Wuying (Wuying fu 無英府), situated inside the lower loop, is the imaginary embryo. 269 The vertical stream along the left loop, that is, the multistoried tower, refers to the throat; below it is the heart, marked as the Scarlet Palace (Jianggong 絳宮). Above the bridge, the Golden Gate (Jinque 金闕) refers to the mouth, which assumes a central position inside the upper loop. Continuing upward, various refining stations marked in the landscape are in the head. The celestial Upper Capital of Jade Mountain (Yushan shang jing 玉山上京)—an alternative term for the celestial Mountain of Jade Capital—radiates in the upper-left corner of the loop; it denotes a site in the brain where the energies are collected, blended, and refined.270 Other sites signifying the correlation of the celestial realm and the brain include Mount Kunlun, marked at the summit of the landscape,271 and the Mysterious Heaven (Xuantian 玄天), the Daoist heaven beyond earth. An intriguing nine-storied ziggurat in the upper right corner is called the Noble Terrace Sheltering [the Heaven of the Grand] Network (Yuluo xiaotai 鬱羅蕭台), a term referring to a celestial construction located on the summit of the Mountain of Jade Capital and first mentioned in the Scripture of Salvation.272 Xiao’s commentary further explains that this nine-storied terrace corresponds to the brain. 273 The phrase “the Noble Terrace Sheltering [the Heaven of the Grand] Network” is also associated with a Daoist architectural design promoted by the Northern Song court274 and especially by Emperor Huizong.275 In 1113, a miracle occurred while Huizong was hosting the Grand Offering to the Heaven of the Grand Network (Luotian dajiao 羅天大 醮). When celestial cranes came to flock above the palace, the emperor witnessed the manifestation of a nine-storied treasure terrace (baotai jiuceng 寶臺九層) in the sky showing a golden plaque with the terrace’s name in seal script.276 Lin Lingsu 林靈素



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(1076?–1120), one of the few “trained eyes” who also claimed to witness this miracle, recommended that Huizong build a monumental altar named after the terrace for worshiping heaven. The proposed construction was twice the size of the usual altars to Heaven. 277 What, then, is the significance of miniaturization in Daoism? Whereas Fan Kuan shows a grand mountain in his two-meter-tall hanging scroll, Xiao Yingsou’s body landscape probably was a small illustration in a book commentary, designed exclusively for the imperial gaze. In Fan’s painting, human figures are dwarfed and only appear as a tiny element among the ten thousand things that co-exist in nature.278 Such figures do not appear at all in Xiao’s miniature landscape because humanity is now embodied through the sheer presence of landscape imagery. What seems to be envisioned in Xiao’s mountain chart is not just one dominant mountain, but layers of miniature mountains piling up from bottom to top. The idea of seeing infinite mountains in one’s body highlights the perception of body as microcosm and recalls phrases in the Scripture of the Yellow Court, stating that the myriad body gods are on a par with hundreds and thousands of piled-up mountains connecting to one another.279 Experiments associated with the scale of imagery, as seen in Fan’s monumental landscape and Xiao’s miniature mountain, fit within Susan Stewart’s analysis of the miniature versus the gigantic. 280 She argues that miniaturization “not only bears the tangible qualities of material reality but also serves as a representation of a reality that does not exist.”281 Most important, it implies turning the world inward and focusing on “infinitely profound interiority.”282 It is the “gemlike” quality of the miniature that evokes the fantastic and creates “an ‘other’ time, a type of transcendent time which negates change and the flux of lived reality.”283 Viewed in this way, the fashioning of Xiao’s internal alchemical picture of the human body as a landscape mimicking Northern Song monumental landscape painting is a thoughtful rather than an abrupt choice for, in Rolf Stein’s words, “the more altered in size the representation is” from the original object, “the more it takes on a magical or mythic quality.”284 Daoists in traditional China were preoccupied with the correlation of body and cosmos. This is evident in visualization pictures detailing body gods, starry journeys, internal deathbringers and body worms, as well as charts and maps of the inner body denoting the physiological workings of internal alchemy. They serve as visual aids and material mirroring of the adept’s visualization, meditation, and breathing practices. Daoist imagery of body and cosmos has an interactive dimension that derives from the adept’s active, imagined, two-way movement between those two spheres. In representing body gods, some images of bureaucratic gods are generic, whereas others highlight the gods’ movements as they exit the adept’s body, stressing their ability to be summoned swiftly and to navigate within the cosmos. The evocation

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of body gods, though not visible to the audience observing the ritual, plays a crucial role in the officiant’s visualization and the performance of “calling forth the officers” at the beginning of the ritual. The visualization pictures of stars, on the other hand, emphasize the correlation between the stars and the individual. Some feature the adept’s travel to the stars, whereas others focus on the stars’ coming to the adept, either in private meditation or in ritual performance. Stars have multiple forms ranging from graphic scoop-shaped constellations, to imaginary star maps, to iconic depictions of stellar deities. When picturing grotesque spirits and body worms, Daoists envisioned an encyclopedic array of health-threatening body residents, some of which are comparable to the imaginary parasites recorded in medical treatises of the Song, Yuan, and Ming periods. The visual conventions of these body spirits and worms constitute a significant part of the understudied visual culture of disease, which overlaps with that of demonology. The diverse visual forms of internal alchemy reflect another facet of the Daoist fascination with the microcosmic self. Song-Yuan internal alchemy departs from the earlier text-based tradition and contributes new vocabulary to Chinese visual culture by evolving a rich visual and textual language designed to facilitate the adept’s mapping and visualizing of the inner body. This unique visual genre, or “visual internal alchemy,” bridges religion and medicine through its exploration of a transparent body that reveals not only the inner organs but also the metaphysical mechanism of inner energies. The physiological body charts cross over from the religious domain to converse with the visuality of the medical and anatomical body. Another type of body landscape links the Daoist visual interpretation of the cosmic body with the newly established art of landscape painting current in the Song period. In terms of distribution, most images of body gods and starry travel from the Daozang are associated with early texts of the Highest Clarity or Song Celestial Heart documents. The images are restricted materials circulated only among selected adepts, which is perhaps why they have remained secret in the broader context of Daoist visual culture. On the contrary, the images of interior spirits, body worms, and illustrations and diagrams related to internal alchemy were in general circulation during the Song and Yuan times. Consequently, they overlap with visual productions associated with nurturing life, health, and medicine made outside the Daoist circle.



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chapter two

Mapping the World

D

aoists endeavored to map the complex origin and structure of the world to facilitate their ecstatic soul journeys and communicate with the gods and spirits. From early on, certain stars, celestial palaces, sacred mountains, and the underworld had corresponding loci in the body, but they reflect only a partial view of a much larger Daoist universe. What does the Daoist world look like, from the beginning of its formation to the time when heaven, earth, and hell are fully inhabited with different divinities and beings? How are these different places connected? With what kinds of visual language do Daoists make sense of this cosmography? What are the unique Daoist contributions to the making of Chinese religious cosmography? How do they relate to, and how are they appropriated in, other aspects of Chinese culture? Previous scholarship has focused mainly on the philosophical and conceptual sides of Daoist cosmology, 1 touching little upon issues of cosmography. This may be partly due to the fragmented nature of visual materials. As John Henderson notes, China did not have any systematic representation of the rest of the world nor any depiction of paradise in relation to earth before the seventeenth century, unlike their European and Islamic counterparts.2 Europeans began producing mappae mundi, so-called T-O maps, in the seventh or eighth century.3 They tend to place the world in a flat, ring-shaped pattern, with Asia on top (east) and Europe and Africa at the bottom (west). Sometimes the Garden of Eden is marked on top (east) with Jerusalem at the center. 4 In contrast, the Qur’an describes Islamic cosmology as a multilayered, hierarchical complex. The sky, spread like a canopy over the earth, contains seven heavens, paired with seven layers of earth below. Like the European T-O maps, the majority of Islamic cosmological charts are circular.5 The fragmentary visual evidence for Daoist cosmography, on the other hand, reveals a loosely defined overview of the structure of the cosmos that is by no means a coherent system. Documentation for this freely defined cosmic construct is found in Daoist cosmic charts, ritual diagrams, and internal alchemical illustrations from Daoist texts of the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, as well as additional painting, sculpture, architecture, and other artifacts. As a whole, these images help to bring

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to the fore the multiple perspectives concerning Daoist creation; they also shed light on the Daoist formation of heaven, earthly paradises, and the underworld— the tripartite universe that constitutes the foundation of Daoist cosmography.

Daoist Creation Creation myths and stories are the foundation for cosmography. Daoists embraced mixed beliefs about creation that encompassed three major models: evolution-based cosmogony is derived from ancient cosmology; the Celestial Masters Daoism views Laozi as creator; and finally, the Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasures’ teachings regard the heavenly scriptures as the origin of the world.6 The first and oldest derives from ancient Chinese cosmogony, where world development is presented in evolutionary terms and as a “result of the unfolding of an implicit order.”7 The Daode jing explains this numerically: The Dao gave birth to the one. The one gave birth to the two. The two gave birth to the three. And the three gave birth to the ten thousand things. The ten thousand things contain yin and embrace yang, and achieve harmony by the mixing of qi. 道生一，一生二，二生三，三生萬物，萬物負陰而抱陽，沖氣以為和。8

This gradual unfolding is characterized by the interaction of yin and yang, whose joining as the third entity leads to the proliferation of the myriad things.9 Other complimentary modes underpinning this evolving process concern the five phases (wuxing 五行) and the eight trigrams (bagua 八卦), which provide additional correlative references in terms of numbers, seasons, directions, colors, and types of animal.10 Before these events, the true form of the Dao existed in a state of formlessness11 that denotes chaos (hundun 混沌), 12 undivided, shapeless, and full of the original qi (yuanqi 元氣), as if it were a sealed sack.13 In the Zhuangzi 莊子, this primordial condition assumes a “faceless” personification in the guise of Emperor Hundun of the Center (Zhongyang zhi di 中央之帝), who is said to be devoid of the seven openings (qiqiao 七竅) for seeing, hearing, eating, and breathing. Ironically, when other cosmic emperors bore (zao 鑿) seven openings into him, his constituent primordial qi is diffused and he dies.14 The story of Emperor Hundun posits a paradoxical view of evolution: as the world advances, it becomes less pure and more vulnerable. Based on this view, medieval Daoists add an alchemical perspective and re-conceptualize the movement of the

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Dao as a two-way journey. While the world progresses from the Dao to multiplicity, the adept cultivates himself in reverse, returning from multiplicity to the Dao.15 The second model of world creation presents the deified Laozi as the creator of the world.16 The fifth-century Inner Explanation of the Three Heavens (Santian neijie jing 三天內解經, DZ 1205) reflects the Celestial Masters’ vision of Lord Lao as the “direct product” of the Dao.17 According to this text, Laozi is born from the left armpit (ye 腋) 18 of a primordial goddess called the Jade Maiden of Mysterious Wonder (Xuanmiao yunü 玄妙玉女), herself a result of condensed original qi. Like her, Laozi embodies the coagulation of primordial qi. Since he is white haired at his birth, he is called Mr. Old (Laozi) or Old Lord (Laojun 老君).19 Under Laozi’s guidance, heaven and earth are formed by the rising and declining energies of yin and yang, respectively.20 Laozi’s association with Daoist creation may in turn have stimulated the widespread manufacture of Laozi icons.21 Extant statues from the sixth and seventh centuries, for instance, feature the deified Laozi with certain iconographic features, although these images are not necessarily affiliated with Celestial Master Daoism. In the stone stele22 commissioned by layman Du Shijing 杜世敬 for his parents and made in 568, during the rule of the Northern Zhou dynasty, the seated Laozi is accompanied by two attendants, each of whom holds a tablet (fig. 2.1). Many of its visual characteristics, including the hairstyle of a topknot, the triangular-shaped mustache, and the T-shaped arm rest before him,23 reflect the standardized features of later Laozi statues.24 The third model of world creation is linked to the lore of the heavenly scriptures promoted by the Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure schools. It empowers the sacred texts as celestial symbols transformed naturally out of condensed qi before the world came into being. A Highest Clarity manuscript dated to the early medieval period, the Scripture of the Eight Effulgences of Jade Brilliance and Golden Truth (Jinzhen yuguang bajing feijing 金真玉光八景飛經, DZ 1378), describes the glaring spectacle of the hidden scripts (yinshu 隱書).25 A handwritten copy of this text was found in Dunhuang (P. 2728) (fig. 2.2). Dated to 692, it was transcribed by Wu Zhong 鄔忠, a member of the Temple of the Pure Capital (Qingduguan 清都觀 ) 26 in Tang Chang’an: [The script] formed above the Nine Heavens and before primordial light. Its mysterious radiance flows and shines everywhere, unstable as if not there, then again as if there . . . It persisted for over seven thousand years. Its patterns are immensely bright, extending above mysterious emptiness and into the primordial void. [One may] look at it yet cannot measure it, [one may] demolish it yet cannot destroy it.27 Its red glow penetrates in the Ten Heavens.



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Fig. 2.1. Seated Laozi statue commissioned by layman Du for his parents. Northern Zhou dynasty, dated 568. Sandstone. 35 cm ht.

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乃生九天之 上，无 [元] 影 [景] 之先。玄光流 映，若无 [元]若懸[存]…積七千餘年[劫]，其 文甚明，仰著空玄之 上，太虛之中，覽亦不 測，毀亦不亡，煥赤[赫]洞耀，徹照十天。2 8

Fig. 2.2. Scripture of the Eight Effulgences of Jade Brilliance and Golden Truth, detail from a Dunhuang manuscript, transcribed by Wu Zhong of the Temple of the Pure Capital. Tang dynasty, dated 692. Handscroll. Ink on paper.



Wang Ka identifies this Dunhuang manuscript as one of five fragments originally from the same document.29 Since some characters transcribed in the other related fragment (S. 238) were newly fabricated under Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 690–705),30 it is likely that it reflects Empress Wu’s support of Daoist scripture copying. Medieval Numinous Treasure Daoists elaborated on the heavenly writings, adding more layers of contextuality, materiality, and spatiality. Each character is described as one square zhang in size (zi fang yizhang 字方一丈), and “its eight corners are suspended in empty vastness” (bajiao chuimang 八角垂芒).31 These texts “are said to be inscribed upon the walls, gates, platforms, halls, and palaces of different heavenly buildings.”32 In particular, five sets of primordial symbols known as the True Writs in Five Tablets (wupian zhenwen 五篇真文) are placed in the four directions and the center of the universe.33 Made from jade, they are inscribed on tablets of gold in the highest heavens.34 An early version of such a set of symbols is preserved in the fifth-century Numinous Treasure Perfected Script in Five Tablets Written in Red Celestial Writing on the [Heavenly Worthy of] Original Commencement and the Five Ancient Lords (Wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 五老赤書玉篇真文 天書經, DZ 22) (fig. 2.3).35 The graphs are written in cloud seal script (yunzhuan 雲篆), which is noted for its square composition and repetitive “spirals, flowing lines,” and “curves.”36 Numinous Treasure Daoists also introduced a unique auditory element to Daoist creation: the sonic form of the heavenly scriptures, also known as the hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven (dafan yinyu 大梵隱語),37 a kind of “pseudo-Sanskrit”38 that functions as the Daoist counterpart to Buddhist dhāranīs or mantras. This sound-form is incomprehensible to humans. As shown in a comparative chart prepared by Stephen Bokenkamp,39 the magical symbols denoting the names of the deities from the fifth-century

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Fig. 2.3. True Writs in Five Tablets, from The Perfected Script in Five Tablets Written in Red Celestial Writing on the [Heavenly Worthy of] Original Commencement and the Five Ancient Lords, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 2.4. Word chart showing transcriptions of Chinese characters and the stylization of the hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven, by Stephen Bokenkamp.

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Numinous Treasure scripture The Self-Generating Jade Graphs and Inner Sounds of All the Heavens (Zhutian neiyin ziran yuzi 諸天內音自然玉字, DZ 97) have no meaning when “translated” character by character (fig. 2.4). Rather, the power and meaning of these graphs derive from uttering the sounds of the words that signify the names of the deities. The sound-form of Daoist graphs and their auditory aspect thus play a meaningful part in understanding the visuality of Daoist creation. Since these texts cannot be “read,” how then are they transmitted? The Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi tianzun 元始天尊) 40 first pronounced their sound-form for selected deities to hear. They then passed them on to lesser deities in other, interpretive or translated forms, including spell-like formulas, 41 and these lesser divine beings in turn made them accessible to select mortals.42 Scriptural transmission is thus a multimedia procedure, ranging from the auditory to the visual and the textual.

Sacred Charts Synthesizing these multiple models of creation, Song Daoists introduced new visual idioms to illustrate Daoist creation. As a result of Emperor Huizong’s promotion and expansion of the Numinous Treasure Scripture of Salvation (DZ 1),43 tu, or diagrams, were widely perceived as symbols equivalent to the primordial heavenly scriptures. The Diagram of the Chant of the Azure Sky (Biluo kong ge zhi tu 碧落空歌之圖, hereafter referred to as the Azure Sky Diagram) (fig. 2.5) and the Diagram of the Great Floating Earth at Dawn (Da fuli tu zhi tu 大浮黎土之圖, hereafter referred to as the Floating Earth Diagram) (fig. 2.6) are found in the early twelfth-century Talismans and Diagrams of the Highest Scripture of Universal Salvation (Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing futu 靈寶無量度人上品妙經符圖, DZ 147),44 a commentary to the Scripture of Salvation (Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing 靈寶無量度人上品妙 經, DZ 1).45 Since the preface is attributed to Emperor Huizong46 and the main text celebrates the supreme status of the Divine Empyrean school, Michel Strickmann and Catherine Despeux associate this text with the Divine Empyrean Daoists active at Huizong’s court, especially Wang Wenqing 王文卿 (1093–1153).47 The two diagrams serve as visual interpretations of the key phrase biluo kong ge da fuli tu 碧落空歌大浮 黎土 mentioned both in the beginning and throughout the Scripture of Salvation.48 Stephen Bokenkamp finds that this complex phrase is composed of three pseudoSanskrit terms: pyek lak 碧落, byou lei 浮黎, and k’ung ka 空歌. As a whole, it denotes a “celestial locale” associated with “the sixth heaven of the northeast,” where the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning revealed the scripture to other deities.49



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Fig. 2.5. Diagram of the Chant of the Azure Sky, from the Talismans and Diagrams of the Highest Scripture of Universal Salvation, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Echoing ideas derived from evolution-based cosmogony, the two diagrams present the formation of heaven and earth as a result of cosmic qi dividing after the primordial chaos. The Azure Sky Diagram shows a net of curvilinear lines connecting with one another (fig. 2.5). Its dynamic patterns evoke the fluid, light, and transparent yang qi uplifting to form heaven. On the other hand, the Floating Earth Diagram is filled with dark solid forms (fig. 2.6), mingled with little crescent shapes in the void. The dark solid forms signify yin qi sinking down to form earth. The two diagrams did not emerge spontaneously; instead, the Sovereign of the Heavenly Perfected (Tianzhen huangren 天真皇人) created them. As Hsieh Shu-wei points out, this deity plays an important role as a transmitter of heavenly scriptures in Numinous Treasure Daoism. In the Scripture of Salvation, he is in charge of “translating” and “interpreting” the sound-form of the celestial scriptures

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Fig. 2.6. Diagram of the Great Floating Earth at Dawn, from the Talismans and Diagrams of the Highest Scripture of Universal Salvation, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

initially taught by the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning to lesser deities and elevated mortals.50 Seen in this way, the two diagrams serve as the alternative true form of the sacred scriptures as interpreted by the Sovereign of the Heavenly Perfected. How then does he interpret the heavenly scriptures in diagrammatical terms? The tu is a primordial symbol “translating” the heavenly sound of the scriptures. The repetitive spirals of the Azure Sky Diagram may reflect the visual “soundscape”51 of the rhythms, musicality, and vibrations of the sacred scriptures as chanted by the gods; they also correspond to the 360 meridians (mai 脈, jing 經, luo 絡) in the human body.52 On the other hand, the tu are also a map of the world. The Sovereign of the Heavenly Perfected finalizes the Floating Earth Diagram in a purple brush, setting the chart against a green background with yellow patterns



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and red contours53 —a procedure of applying multiple colors to mark lands, water sources, and contours, comparable to mapmaking. Finally, the tu exerts talismanic power and is taken as medicine. The accompanying text of the diagrams advocates the benefit of swallowing or ingesting ( fuyong 服用) the diagrams or carrying (pei 佩) them on one’s body to derive protection from the gods and enhance one’s health. The Daoist notion of tu as heavenly symbols resonates with the ancient lore of textlike patterns or signs revealed in nature as auspicious symbols that guarantee Heaven’s approval of the ruler’s mandate.54 References in Zhou-Han apocrypha (lit. weft texts; chenwei 讖緯) 55 highlight two kinds of auspicious charts revealed from the rivers: one from the Yellow River known as the River Chart (Hetu 河圖), the other from the Luo River called the Luo Writ (Luoshu 洛書).56 Instead of being revealed by gods, like the Azure Sky and Floating Earth Diagrams and other Daoist heavenly writings, the River Chart and the Luo Writ were brought to light by divine animal messengers like a turtle (fig. 1.36), a dragon (fig. 2.7),57 and a horse, all of which emerged from rivers.58 At times the heavenly text simply “reveals itself” in nature, as depicted in the Tang-dynasty Dunhuang manuscript showing the River Chart as a rolled document emerging from a lotus pond (fig. 2.7). Early and medieval sources brag about the whimsical patterns inscribed on such charts, ranging from archaic seal script (gu zhuanzi 古篆字), through bird script (niaowen 鳥文) and tadpole script (kedou shu 科斗書), to cosmological signs of the sun, the moon, the stars, and the Five Sacred Peaks. They also discuss the precious materials with which the charts were made, like jade or silk brocade.59 Although no extant example supports the imagined appearance of such graphs,60 Daoist scripts inspired by ancient ways of writing may well reflect the legacy of the River Chart graphs.61 The earliest extant graphic examples of the River Chart dating from the Song reflect a growing interest in numerology inspired by commentary on “the patterns and processes of cosmic change” promoted by Neo-Confucian scholars as they studied the Book of Changes and its divinations.62 One version, preserved in the Daozang, is attributed to Chen Tuan 陳摶 (d. 989) (fig. 2.8).63 It interprets the coded language of heaven in equally sized solid and void dots connected with cords, which function as signifiers of numbers. Although the visual idiom of lined dots recalls the ancient convention of constellations, what this widely copied formula manifests most is a perfect design of the cosmological order numerically. When added in any direction, the sum of the dots is always fifteen.64 The Daoist Azure Sky and Floating Earth Diagrams (figs. 2.5, 2.6) and Chen Tuan’s River Chart share a common interest in interpreting cosmology by charts in the Song period; 65 however, the diagrammatic principles reflected in the use of visual idioms in these charts are very different. On the one hand, the Azure Sky and

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Fig. 2.7. Illustrations of the River Chart delivered by a dragon (right) from the water (right) and emerging from a lotus pond, details from a Dunhuang manuscript. Tang dynasty.

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Fig. 2.8. River Chart attributed to Chen Tuan, from Charts for Exploring the Deep Meaning of Symbols and Figures of the Book of Changes, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Floating Earth Diagrams are similar to the carefully delineated configuration of the River Chart in that they are also composed on an invisible square template. On the other hand, the precise, grid-like configuration of the River Chart that results from the designer’s mathematic manipulation of numbers is in sharp contrast to the irregular, qi-­evoking designs seen in the Azure Sky and Floating Earth Diagrams, which highlight the unique Daoist interpretation of tu as primordial symbol. Despite the fact that the cell-like spirals in the Azure Sky Diagram are intended to be analogous to the 360 meridians running through the body, the number 360 is only symbolic and does not coincide exactly with the diagram’s patterns.

Heavens and Upper Worlds A wide variety of charts preserved in Song Daoist texts shed light on the shaping of the tripartite Daoist cosmography including heavens, earthly paradises, and the underworld. Selected charts provide some of the earliest extant diagrams charting the Daoist heavens. These space-based charts, which feature nonlinear text written

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A

Figs. 2.9a–b. Diagrams of Daoist heavens. Daozang. Ming dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Two Realms of the Heaven of the Grand Network, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail; b. Ritual Diagram of the Altar of Refinement showing multiple heavens, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail.

B

in small regular script and arranged in a map-like format,66 serve as a blueprint for the spatial construction of the cosmos or the microcosmic ritual space (figs. 2.9a–b, 2.13b). Used in a ritual context, they supply a plan for the priest’s arrangement of the liturgical space. In meditation, they function like a space map, offering spatial guidance to facilitate the adept’s mental journeys.

Vertical Heavens Daoism developed a vertical cosmography featuring multiple heavens, some of which are adapted from Buddhist cosmology. The Two Realms of the Heaven of the Grand Network (Daluo er jing 大羅二境) from the thirteenth-century liturgical manual depicts the highest layers of Daoist heavens (fig. 2.9a). 67 The highest heaven is the Heaven of the Grand Network, the abode of the Mountain of Jade Capital, and the palace of the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning (fig. 1.55b)—a celestial site that also corresponds to the human head (figs. 1.46, 1.53).68 Below it are the Three



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Clarities (Sanqing tian 三清天), with Jade Clarity on top, Highest Clarity in the middle, and Great Clarity at the bottom.69 In Chinese art, many devotional works bearing the title of the Heavenly Worthy depict Daoist deities from these heavens.70 As the diagram notes, the Heaven of the Grand Network and the Three Clarities are “beyond the Three Worlds” (sanjie zhi shang 三界之上), a term first taken over from Buddhism in fifth-century Numinous Treasure texts (e.g., DZ 97) and frequently used in medieval Daoism.71 In Buddhism, the Three Worlds (Skt. Tri-dhātu) indicate the vertical, tripartite cosmology rooted in pre-Mahāyāna philosophy: the Worlds of Desire (Kāma-dhātu; Yujie 欲界), Form (Rūpa-dhātu; Sejie 色界), and Formlessness (Ārūpya-dhātu; Wusejie 無色界). They rise vertically from the bottom to the top of the universe, encompassing all the worlds of living beings.72 The World of Desire includes the abode of hell dwellers, ghosts, animals, people, and gods; the World of Form is the residence of various saints and deities; and the World of Formlessness does not have any physical presence in cosmology, for none of its beings have shape or location.73 Buddhist heavens occupy the upper level of the World of Desire and the entire World of Form. The lowest are the Six Heavens,74 located in the upper level of the World of Desire, where the thirty-three gods and the four kings live on the summit and the four terraces of Mount Sumeru (Xumi shan 須彌山, Miaogao shan 妙高山), the tallest mountain at the center and the Buddhist axis mundi connecting earth and heaven.75 This Buddhist cosmology is presented visually in a colored drawing titled Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands (Sanjie jiudi zhi tu 三界九地之圖) from a Dunhuang manuscript (P. 2824) (fig. 2.10).76 Earlier research dates this drawing to the ninth to tenth centuries, based mainly on the accompanying text, which contains citations from Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (600–664) translation of the Abhidharmakosha (Abidamo jushe lun 阿毘達磨俱舍論, T.29.1558). 77 Comparable visual examples in medieval China and Japan reflect the wide diffusion of Buddhist cosmology in East Asian visual culture.78 The Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands consists of seven pieces of paper pasted together in a vertical alignment.79 From bottom to top, the drawing shows hell, earth, and heaven. Hell is a gated fortress80 above which is earth, composed of multiple concentric ranges of mountains and seas that echo the “nine lands” cited in the title. At the center is Mount Sumeru,81 with half of its height under water.82 It has a cubic shape, wider at the top and narrower at the base.83 The multistoried complex on its top, which resembles a multistoried Chinese pagoda with traditional rooftop design and occupies almost 80 percent of the chart, symbolizes the multitude of heavens.84 The Buddhist heavens illustrated in the Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands provide a comparative perspective for examining the fashioning of

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Fig. 2.10. Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands, detail from a Dunhuang manuscript. 213.6  29.3 cm. Tang dynasty, ca. ninth to tenth century. Ink and color on paper.

Daoist heavens. The Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition (DZ 466), 85 for example, contains a diagram for the arrangement of ritual space associated with the Daoist soul-saving ritual (fig. 2.9b). 86 It shows the Worlds of Desire, Form, and Formlessness laid out in accordance with their rankings. Above them are the Four Heavens of the Seed People (Zhongmin sitian 種 民四天), 87 placed next to the Three Worlds and closer to a mock bridge in front of the main altar, which is centered on the image of the god Vermilion Mound (Zhuling 朱陵). 88 As the diagram specifies, the Three Worlds are further divided into twenty-eight layers, 89 so that the Four Heavens of the Seed People and the Three Worlds combine into thirty-two heavens. When the Heaven of the Grand Network and the Three Clarities are included, the vertical alignment of Daoist heavens totals thirty-six (fig. 2.9a).90 Fig. 2.11. Illustration of the Daoist heaven, from the Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot (ORB99/161), detail. Yuan–Ming dynasty, ca. fourteenth to fifteenth century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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Extant artifacts offer additional examples of Daoist vertical heavens. The fourteenth- to fifteenth-century Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot has an illustration depicting the grand view of the vertical heavens (fig. 2.11). 91 A seven-storied palace is situated at the center of a bowl-shaped mountain rising from the sea. Administrative deities labeled as “the million numinous beings from the three realms” (sanjie wanling 三界萬靈) and “the host of officials of the thunder department” (leibu guanzhong 雷部官眾) are arriving from different directions toward the center, traveling on clouds. The vertical placement of the celestial palace on top of a mountain amid the sea recalls the convention of Buddhist cosmology reflected in the Dunhuang drawing (fig. 2.10). This same compositional convention found in the British Library print later appears as the design of a Daoist vestment (fig. 2.12).92 In the Qing dynasty, the template of a multistoried celestial palace flanked by water and divinities, moreover, becomes the standard embroidered design on the back of vestments.

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Fig. 2.12. Symbols of the Five Sacred Peaks surrounding the celestial palace and the Twentyeight Lunar Mansions. Detail of a Daoist priest’s robe. Qing dynasty, early nineteenth century. Painted silk gauze. 147  170 cm.

Lateral Expansion There are also traditions within medieval Daoism where the heavens are arranged laterally rather than vertically. The now-lost Diagram of the Three Worlds (Sanjie tu 三界圖) described in the Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels outlines this layout: The thirty-two heavens are divided into four groups next to one another. Arranged in the four directions, they are all located on the same celestial level. Their accumulated energies hover smoothly above them. 三十二天四傍並，分列四方，一重四天，積氣相承，扶搖而上。93

The notion of thirty-two heavens derives from the Numinous Treasure school’s teachings in the early medieval period.94 As Stephen Bokenkamp explains, the thirtytwo heavens form a circle below the realm of the Heaven of the Grand Network, where the Mountain of Jade Capital is located. They “are divided into four groups of eight, one in each of the four directions.”95 The Buddhist connection, as Bokenkamp suggests, may lie in its concept of the thirty-three gods (deva), a Sanskrit term that “is regularly translated as tian 天 (heavens) in Chinese Buddhist scripture.”96 The Numinous Treasure notion of the thirty-two heavens underlies the cosmological model depicted in two Song Daoist charts—one pictorial (fig. 2.13a) and the other graphic (fig. 2.13b)—representing the thirty-two heavens linked horizontally to form a circle.97 The illustration from the Northern Song Illustrated Pantheon of the Three Spheres (Sancai dingwei tu 三才定位圖, DZ 155), which may be based on a large scroll submitted to Emperor Huizong by grand councilor Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1121) in 1100,98 shows thirty-two radiating celestial palaces perching on clouds and forming a circle (fig. 2.13a). These may well be the thirty-two heavens juxtaposed laterally in space. The diagram’s circular composition is related to the example from the Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure (DZ 1221),99 which places the names of the thirty-two heavens in an oval formation (fig. 2.13b). At the center of Zhang’s illustration is a sacred mountain with a vertical pillar and a wide platform housing the palace of the Jade Emperor. Divine administrators traveling from all directions come toward this central peak, identified as the Mountain of Jade Capital,100 to pay tribute to the Jade Emperor. A synthesized diagram from a thirteenth-century Numinous Treasure text (DZ 219) combines vertical and lateral orders as well as inner and outer divisions (fig. 2.14).101 The diagram shows an aerial view of the upper half of the egg-shaped cosmos against the earth, reflecting the legacy of the traditional Theory of the Spherical Heaven (huntian shuo 渾天說), in which heavenly concentric spheres enclose the earth within like an egg white covers a yolk in a chicken egg. 102 The innermost tripartite



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A

Figs. 2.13a–b. Lateral expansion of the Thirtytwo Heavens. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; a. Thirtytwo heavens surrounding the Mountain of Jade Capital in a circle, from Illustrated Pantheon of the Three Spheres, detail; b. Thirty-two Heavens with individual names, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail.

B

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Fig. 2.14. Diagram of the Synthesized Heavens, from Great Rites of the Book of Universal Salvation, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

circle refers to the higher ranges of the Three Clarities; the outermost square edges, which outline lower heavens like the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions and the thirtytwo heavens, may refer to conjunction points where heaven and earth meet.103

Earthly Paradises Another central feature of Daoist cosmography are earthly paradises, called the realms of the immortals (xianjing 仙境),104 which consist of an imaginary group of ten continents and three isles (shizhou sandao 十洲三島) 105 surrounding China. Added to these are a cluster of mountains, peaks, and grottoes known as auspicious places and grotto heavens (fudi dongtian 福地洞天).106 Well-known sites include Penglai 蓬萊, located in the Eastern Sea, and Mount Kunlun in the Western Sea,107 as well as ten great grotto heavens (shida dongtian 十大洞天), thirty-six small grotto heavens (sanshi liu xiao dongtian 三十六小洞天), and selected Chinese mountains called the seventy-two blissful lands (qishi er fudi 七十二福地).108



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Literary records suggest that images of the earthly paradises, though not extant, were part of Daoist visual culture in traditional China. The Daoist priest Li Sicong 李思聰 (ca. 1050), who was active in Jiangxi 江西, submitted six pictures of the Grotto Heavens and Ocean Peaks (Dongtian haiyue liu tu 洞天海嶽六圖) to Emperor Renzong to celebrate his birthday.109 On the basis of this title, two other now-lost images recorded in the Daozang, the Map of the Nine Heavens in the Great Cavern (Dadong jiutian tu 大洞九天圖) and the Picture of Caves and Cavities in Landscape (Shanshui xuedou tu 山水穴竇圖), can be identified as representations of earthly paradises as well.110 Though none of these images survives, it is likely that they were rendered either as map-like diagrams or as pictorial landscapes, as the following discussion will attest.

The Ten Continents and Three Isles The oft-cited sixth-century Record of the Ten Continents (Shizhou ji 十洲記) pre­sents vividly descriptive, picture-like accounts of these wondrous lands.111 The ten continents are described as households of the immortals, treasure troves of magical herbs, mushrooms, minerals, and auspicious animals like phoenixes and unicorns.112 Based on this text, Li Fengmao maps out a ring-shaped paradise cosmography,113 with Mount Kunlun in the northwest and isles like Penglai (Pengshan 蓬山), Fangzhang 方丈, and Yingzhou 瀛洲 to the northeast and east (fig. 2.15).114 Li’s layout recalls the Sinocentric worldview reflected in ancient Chu silk manuscripts and the “maplike textual layouts” of the Classic of Mountains and Seas.115 A Southern Song Daoist diagram (fig. 2.16) from the Numinous Treasure text (DZ 219) lays out the earthly paradises in a ring-shaped formation comparable to that of Li Fengmao’s map (fig. 2.15).116 Such a cosmological arrangement may well have been imitated in the construction of a Daoist ritual space, with Mount Kunlun at the center flanked by other mythological figures positioned in a circle.117 Mount Kunlun’s pivotal role in Daoist cosmography, moreover, may reflect the Daoist response to Mount Sumeru’s crucial place in Buddhist cosmography. The Five Sacred Peaks are paired with the four cardinal directions, with the Central Sacred Peak (Zhongyue 中嶽) corresponding to Mount Kunlun. From Southern Song Numinous Treasure sources, it becomes apparent that the earthly paradises are the guardian points on earth that secure (an 安) and fix (zhen 鎮) the sacred cosmography. As the accompanying text notes, they are all located “under the Three Luminaries [sun, moon, and stars], above the earth, and amid the vast oceans” (sanguang zhixia, dadi zhishang, juhai zhizhong 三光之下，大地之上，巨海之中).118 Other visual representations of Daoist realms appear in garden design, sculpture, embroidery, architecture, and painting.119 For example, the Sui imperial garden in the early seventh century featured a mock three isles at the center of a pond that

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looked like “the sea with a circumference of more than ten li.”120 Similarly, in the garden of the Tang Emperor Yizong 懿宗 (r. 859–73), a wooden sculpture showcasing the mock three isles was decorated with miniature palaces in gold and silver and was known as the Isles of Hidden Perfection (Cangzhen dao 藏真島) 121 after a story of a Daoist who reduced himself in size to enter the mystic world. Medieval textual sources suggest that the ten continents and three isles were standard motifs that appeared on Tang ritual paraphernalia as well. The flying celestials’ canopy (feitian gai 飛天蓋), made by the craftswoman Lu Meiniang 盧媚娘 for the Tang court, is such an object.122 The term feitian 飛天 may be a Buddhist-inspired expression, originally used in medieval Chinese Buddhism to describe flying deities and apsaras associated with music.123 Consisting of five stories, the canopy was one zhang wide and contained a splendid pictorial representation of the ten continents and three isles, together with celestial deities, palatial architecture, phoenixes, and

Fig. 2.15. Diagram of Daoist Earthly Paradises, by Li Fengmao. Drawing.



Fig. 2.16. Diagram of the Earthly Paradise. From Great Rites of the Book of Universal Salvation, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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unicorns. When the canopy was carried by a ritual participant in a procession, its overall design must have evoked a dynamic earthly paradise, with immortals and deities in motion. According to the Tang tale, Lu Meiniang embroidered the motifs in five-colored silk threads on golden brocade.124 As indicated in the seventh-century Daoist monastic manual, embroidery was a major medium for icons, canopies, and banners.125 Viewed from this perspective, a canopy made of elaborately embroidered imagery like this was indeed a precious creation. The term feitian also describes a type of Daoist bookcase called the flying celestials’ scripture cabinet (feitian cang 飛天藏), which was popular in Song temples.126

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Figs. 2.17a–c. Flying Celestials’ Revolving Scripture Cabinet, Temple of the Cloudy Rock, Jiangyou, Sichuan. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1181. Wood. 100  72 cm. a. Detail of the cabinet; b. Diagram of an aerial view of the cabinet; c. Wooden figurines originally attached to the cabinet. A

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One extant example, a twelfth-century wooden cabinet in the Temple of the Cloudy Rock (Yunyan si 雲岩寺) in Jiangyou 江油, Sichuan,127 is an eight-sided revolving bookcase (fig. 2.17a). Built in the form of a palatial building, it is constructed around a ten-meter-high vertical axis attached to a horizontal wheel at its base (fig. 2.17b).128 Exquisite carvings of over seventy celestials or immortals float on all sides of the palatial structure (fig. 2.17c).129 By turning the wheel and seeing the cabinet and its stored books revolving, devotees feel as if they have read or transcribed all of the scriptures contained within. The moving images of the immortals, moreover, have a dynamic effect similar to the motion of the earthly paradise embroidered on Lu Meiniang’s flying canopy. Another Daoist paradise image is found in a mural in the fourteenth-century Temple of Eternal Joy (fig. 2.18).130 A priest-like figure wears a robe that showcases embroidered clusters of blue, green, and gold miniature mountains, rising from white clouds.131 Against these floating mountains and clouds the light-blue brocade of the robe forms an ocean-like background, with the white dots scattered over the blue surface symbolizing the constellations. Black linear patterns denoting waves appear along the lower edges of the sleeves, and the overall design of the robe evokes the immortal isles in the sea. Many Daoist paradise sites are islands: for example, the three isles, sometimes referred to as the three mountains (sanshan 三山),132 is a cluster of imaginary islands in the Eastern Sea. Susan Stewart links the idea of the island to the symbolic metaphor of the miniature world, the “other” realm.133 Since an island is detached from land, the paradise remains perfect and uncontaminated by the real world, at least “so long as its absolute boundaries are maintained.”134 This vision is successfully elucidated in the Diagram of the Three Isles and Ten Continents on the Sea (Haizhong sandao shizhou zhitu 海中三島十洲之圖), taken from a Northern Song internal alchemy manual (fig. 2.19).135 Mimicking the mapping of the inner organs, the Daoist sacred islands are arranged as clusters of encircled miniature mountains, piled up hierarchically. According to the accompanying text, the auspicious places in the dusty world (chen shi fudi 塵世福地) located at the very bottom of the chart refer to the mundane world and match the abdomen.136 Above this are ten circles divided into four groups. The purple palace (zifu 紫府) is just a little above the dusty world. It refers to the closest celestial station that an adept can reach.137 The other nine islands further divide into three circles connected with each other by a meandering route from the lower isles (xiadao 下島), through the middle isles (zhongdao 中島), to the upper isles (shangdao 上島).138 As for the three clusters of isles, they are analogous to the three passes (sanguan 三關) in the body defined by internal alchemists as the imaginary junctures in the inner body that are responsible for the circulation of qi.139 As Li Fengmao points out, Song Daoists commonly perceived the



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Fig. 2.18. Detail of a Daoist robe adorned with cosmological motifs of mountains (earth), water, and stars (heaven). East wall of the exterior surface of the main altar, Hall of the Three Pure Ones, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

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Fig. 2.19. Diagram of the Three Isles and Ten Continents on the Sea, from Diagrams on the Mystery of Ultimate and Primordial Chaos for the Cultivation of True Nature, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

three isles and ten continents as the lowest level of paradise. Since they were closer to the human world and offered a direct stairway to heaven, they were sought after by immortality seekers and were highly popular in Daoist cosmography.140 There is both visual and textual evidence to show that immortal islands are depicted in seascape paintings in Tang and Song times.141 For example, the breathtaking handscroll of Goddesses in the Palace Park (Langyuan nüxian 閬苑女仙) attributed to the tenth-century artist Ruan Gao 阮郜 is painted in ink, color, and gold on silk (figs. 2.20a–b), originally in the Song imperial collection. In the fourteenth century, this painting entered the collection of a Daoist temple sponsored by the Yuan imperial court.142 A 1334 colophon by Shang Ting 商挺 indicates that the painting was viewed by the Daoist community in the Hall of Perpetuated Celebration (Chengqing tang 承慶堂) in the Temple for Admiring Perfection and Longevity (Chongzhen wanshou gong 崇真萬壽宮) in Dadu 大 都 (present-day Beijing).143 Ruan’s scroll depicts an immortal island in the Palace Park (Langyuan 閬苑), a locale reserved exclusively for goddesses.144 The painting’s setting is noted in the Daoist Diagram of the Three Isles and Ten Continents on the Sea (fig. 2.19) among the middle isles, where it is paired with the Jade Pond (Yaochi 瑤池) on Mount Kunlun, the residence of the Queen Mother of the West.145 The artist shows the Palace Park isolated in the middle of an ocean punctuated by seething waves (fig. 2.20a); its shores are characterized by eroded cliffs (fig. 2.20b) whose shapes and textures recall the pictorial conventions of Mount Kunlun and the celestial Mountain of Jade Capital (figs. 1.55a–b).146 Accompanied by a white phoenix, a group of goddesses meets in an area shaded by bamboo and pine trees, where they read, write, play instruments, and prepare food and drink (fig. 2.20a). More flying goddesses—one on a crane, another on a dragon, yet others on clouds—are coming to join the feast. The immortal isle is nevertheless not totally disconnected from the outside world, as is evident in the naturally formed rocky bridge in the lower right corner (fig. 2.20b). By connecting the isle to the land on the other side of the ocean and highlighting the isle’s accessibility, the bridge-like rock formation invites and arouses further interest in the attainment of immortality.



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Another version of this subject is found on the rear wall of the tomb of the layman Yu Gongzhu 虞公著 (d. 1226) and his wife in Pengshan 彭 山, Sichuan (fig. 2.21).147 On a stone relief in the burial chamber, a male figure and a crane stand on a boat at the center of the sea. Cloudlike mountains dotted by mysterious grottoes, minute pavilions, hidden passageways, and magical mushrooms are visible in the distance, beyond the ocean. An inscription identifies the mountain as Penglai.148 At the foot of the mountains a bearded deity dressed in a long robe is walking with a crane.149 This overall scenario reflects a paradise landscape, an ideal destination for the tomb’s occupants where their contentment and prosperity will continue in the afterlife. In Dieter Kuhn’s words, the stone relief can be seen as a pictorial extension of the funeral practice of using “all kinds of written characters” to signify “happiness, wealth, and longevity” in Song tombs. 150

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Figs. 2.20a–b. Goddesses in the Palace Park, details, attributed to Ruan Gao, Five Dynasties period. Handscroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 42.7  177.2 cm. a. The immortal isle amid the sea; b. The eroded shores and a rock bridge.

Fig. 2.21. Relief carving showing a layman sailing toward Penglai. From the rear wall of the tomb of layman Yu Gongzhu and his wife. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Stone. Pengshan, Sichuan.

The Five Sacred Peaks The Daoist notion of earthly paradises mixes the imaginary sites with select places in the real world. Moving from the imaginary sites (like the ten continents and three isles) to the real mountains, the following will explore the Five Sacred Peaks and their associated grotto heavens.151 These select sites were deemed as numinous places where one could achieve immortality and thus were given great importance in Daoist sacred geography formulated during the Tang and Song dynasties. On the map (fig. 2.22),152 the Five Sacred Peaks are positioned as “fixed points” defining the four cardinal directions and the center of China. These symbolic locations signify their role as spatial guardians within the cosmological system that was an intrinsic component of imperial religious belief since ancient times.153 The numerical grouping of five mountains echoes other groupings of



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five frequently used in Daoism, such as the five phases and five directions (wufang 五方).154 The symbolic cosmography of these mountains is elucidated through images on a variety of artifacts, including bronze mirrors, temple steles, and ritual robes. A Tang bronze mirror from the Shōsō-in 正倉院 collection shows four clusters of mountains with auspicious deer and trees along the rim (fig. 2.23a). 155 Together with the central knob, which symbolizes another cluster of mountains,156 they form a set of five. Their correspondence to the five directions echoes the spatial arrangement of the Five Sacred Peaks on the map (fig. 2.22). The circular frame of the mirror, too, evokes the experience of peeking at an imaginary grotto heaven. The cosmography of the Shōsō-in mirror is related to the alternative visuality of the Five Sacred Peaks seen in a Tang mirror recorded in Emperor Huizong’s catalogue of antiquities, the Antiquities Illustrated (Bogu tu 博古圖) (fig. 2.23b).157 Five graphic insignia—four circular symbols for each of the cardinal directions and a square symbol for the center—replace

Fig. 2.22. Map showing the distribution of the Five Sacred Peaks and the ten major and thirty-six lesser grotto heavens.

Figs. 2.23a–b. Mirrors of the Five Sacred Peaks. a. Mirror decorated with the motifs of the Five Sacred Peaks. Tang dynasty. Bronze. 31  0.9 cm; b. Illustration of a Tang mirror showing the true forms of the Five Sacred Peaks, from Antiquities Illustrated, detail. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Fig. 2.24. Symbols of the true forms of the Five Sacred Peaks. Rubbing of a stele on Mount Tai. Ming dynasty, dated 1378. Ink on paper.

the pictorial mountains of the Shōsō-in mirror. These talismanic images belong to the unique Daoist visual tradition of the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue zhenxing tu 五嶽真形圖).158 Numerous Ming and Qing steles dedicated to the Five Sacred Peaks illustrate similar sets of symbols rendered within squares, which are comparable to the symbols on the Tang mirror. A rubbing of a 1378 stele retrieved by Edouard Chavannes from Mount Tai (Taishan 泰山) shows each peak with its symbol: the eastern in the northeast, the southern in the southeast, the western in the southwest, the northern in the northwest, and the central in the center (fig. 2.24). 159 Together they highlight the symbolic cosmography of the Five Sacred Peaks. In the nineteenth century, these talismanic symbols also appear in the design of a priest’s cosmic robe, that is, the robe bearing the multistoried heavenly palace introduced earlier (fig. 2.12).160 The insignia of the Five Sacred Peaks appear on the outskirts of a ring of twenty-eight stars framing the celestial palace.161 A different sign system for the map-like True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks exists in traditional China—a topic that will be further explored in chapter 3. Such mystic symbols contain secrets that lead to the earthly paradise and may be used by Daoists when entering the sacred mountains. The True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, for example, denotes numerous mountain treasures and the hidden cosmological junctures to celestial and immortal lodgings (fig. 2.25). Locations marked as grottoes are linked to natural resources such as medicinal herbs and alchemical minerals. Some are simply magical sites that evoke supernatural powers:



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the Heavenly Horse Grotto (Tianma xue 天馬穴),162 the Dragon Grotto (Longxue 龍 穴), and the Traveling Palace of the Lord of the Eastern Peak (Dongyue jun biegong 東嶽君別宮).

Grotto Heavens A Daoist grotto heaven is a geo-religious phenomenon best described as a cavern or a “stalactite cave” envisioned as a heaven or paradise.163 The exquisite grotto formation in the early twelfth-century blue and green landscape painting attributed to the Song imperial family member Zhao Boju 趙伯駒 (d. ca. 1162) depicts such a locale (fig. 2.26).164 Applying ancient macro-microcosmic correspondence systems, Daoists compare the grotto cosmography to the human body as an organic whole: just as the body has channels of qi (qimai 氣脈), so the earth contains pores and holes that link hidden inner conduits.165 In addition, each grotto serves as an entrance to the transcendent and microcosmic world of “the other.” The naturally formed architectonic features found inside a grotto, for example, are called stone chambers (shishi 石室). Some are said to accommodate hundreds or thousands of people; others are

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Fig. 2.25. True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 2.26. Streams and Mountains in Autumn Colors, attributed to Zhao Boju, detail. Song dynasty, early twelfth century. Handscroll. Ink and color on silk. 55.6  323.2 cm.

furnished with stone beds and desks and preserve natural food, including spring water and medicinal mineral stones.166 In other words, Daoists see the grotto heaven as a numinous site in nature where one can encounter immortals and auspicious animals. It is also a place to practice visualization, meditation, and alchemy, as well as being the source for magical herbs and minerals and the hiding place for sacred scriptures. 167 In the fourth century, Highest Clarity Daoists designated earth immortals (dixian 地仙) as celestial administrators governing mountains and grottoes in south China, a region known for its fantastic Karst landform, including stalactite caves, stalagmite rocks, tunnels, sinkholes, and sinking streams.168 Many grotto heavens subsequently identified manifest the newly evolving sacred Daoist geography.169 Numerous Song literary accounts cite wondrous experiences associated with grotto heavens. A wellknown story, recorded in both Daoist and non-Daoist sources of the tenth and eleventh centuries, relates the extraordinary experience of a Buddhist monk who traversed a mysterious tunnel and found a cavern near Mount Tiantai (Tiantai shan, 天台山; in modern-day Zhejiang).170 Along this wondrous “grotto trek,” the monk passed through waterlogged paths, which led him to mountains and rivers. He also entered a bustling market and met local residents who looked just like people in the real world. After walking for many miles, he exited from a small opening and discovered that he was on the seacoast in northern Shandong.171



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A pictorial version of the magical encounter with the other world in the grotto heaven of Mount Tiantai is found in a little-studied handscroll by Zhao Cangyun 趙蒼雲 (fl. late thirteenth to early fourteenth century) and dated around the year 1400.172 It features two Han-dynasty hermits, Liu Chen 劉晨 and Ruan Zhao 阮 肇, who “stumble upon a magical realm of immortals” inside a mythical cave while gathering herbs on Mount Tiantai.173 The painting visually narrates the “Other Peach Blossom Spring” which, like its counterpart story, Tao Qian’s 陶潛 (365–427) celebrated Record of the Peach Blossom Spring (Taohua yuan ji 桃花源記), is a frequent topic of Daoist poetry of the Tang period. 174 The scroll opens with an episode showing the two men carrying a staff, an axe, and a basket of herbs to the entrance of a cave-like terrace.175 After wading through a stream, two female immortals and their attendants greet them at the shore (fig. 2.27).176 From here, the handscroll depicts the two men in an outdoor banquet with more immortals who look just like ordinary people.177 The painting ends with the two men’s exiting from the immortal world within the cave, which is duly “sealed” again and is no longer visible to the human world.178 Stories about unexpected encounters in grotto heavens are popular in Song literature. The scholar-official Wen Tong 文同 (1018–79) recounts how he acquired a screen painting based on the eyewitness account of a local layman, who witnessed an outing of the grotto deities in a valley in Lizhou 利州, Sichuan.179 The celestial entourage included a bearded old man; his attendants, who carried fans and canopies; and animals such as roosters, tigers, and deer. Wen Tong’s story also calls to mind a bronze mirror dated 1331 and made by the Jiangxi artisan He Dezheng

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Fig. 2.27. Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao in the Tiantai Mountains, by Zhao Cangyun, detail. Yuan dynasty. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 22.5  564 cm.

Fig. 2.28. Mirror showing figures, deer, and a crane in front of a grotto heaven. Yuan dynasty, dated 1331. Bronze. 19.9 cm. diam.

何德正 who lived in Changsha, Henan (fig. 2.28).180 It shows a scenario of an old man under a tree with attendants and animals which is similar to the description noted by Wen Tong. A deer carrying an object is crossing a bridge, and a crane peeps out from the entrance to a grotto.181 Another story recorded by the Song scholar Lu You 陸游 (1125–1209) describes his visit to a grotto near a Han-dynasty ruin in western Sichuan in 1173.182 At the entrance to a stone chamber, he could still see cinnabar, mica, and other rare stones scattered on the ground.183 These mineral remains suggest that an earlier visitor— perhaps a Daoist practitioner—may have performed alchemy there. Similarly, an illustration accompanying the Ming hagiography of the transcendent Xu Xun 許遜 (239–336) depicts an alchemical furnace radiating light from within a grotto (fig. 2.29).184

Fig. 2.29. Alchemical furnace radiating light from within a grotto, from the Illustrated Hagiography of Xu Zhenjun, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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Hells and the Underworld Hell is located at the bottom of the tripartite Daoist cosmography, beneath the earthly paradises and multiple heavens. Unlike the Western notion of hell, which denotes a place of everlasting torture,185 Daoists see hell as a form of purgatory, “a temporary abode” for “those who are not yet part of the celestial hierarchy.”186 Before the arrival of Buddhism, Daoists followed the mainstream views of the afterlife and associated the underworld with the mystic Yellow Springs (Huangquan 黃泉) or the abode of the dead on Mount Tai.187 From the fifth century onward, they adopted the Buddhist idea of earth prisons (diyu 地獄), which are noted for their systematic structure and elaborate postmortem punishments and sufferings as well as for their preoccupation with universal salvation. 188 By the Tang and Song periods, Daoist cosmology involved a gigantic underworld system, structured in multiple groupings of eight, nine, eighteen, twenty-four, or thirty-six hells.189 Despite this wide variety of categories, the overarching feature of Daoist hells is the presence of mountains or water.190 One early medieval theory deriving from ancient otherworld lore locates the Daoist hells under Mount Tai and others of the Five Sacred Peaks, with Mount Tai as their central headquarters.191 This association is also reflected in the marking of the earth prison cavern (diyu xue 地獄穴) on the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak (fig. 2.25).192 Here, the otherworld is modeled after ancient bureaucratic society, with jailors locking the dead away to prevent them from harming the living.193 The other frequently mentioned conception of hell prevalent in Daoism focuses on the hells of ninefold darkness (jiuyou yu 九幽獄),194 also called the nine hells

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Figs. 2.30a–b. Diagrams of ritual lamps imitating the nonary configuration of the nine hells. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper a. Diagram of the lighting lamps for the nine hells, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail; b. Overview of the nine hells, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail.

(jiuyu 九獄), which spread out in nine directions: four cardinal, four ordinal, and the center. They are located under the nine layers of earth (jiulei 九壘), illustrated in a thirteenth-century Daoist text as nine vertical layers connecting heaven and hell.195 Tang and Song sources sometimes use the term ninefold darkness to refer to Daoist hells in general; at other times they treat them as a subdivision of the grand inferno of Fengdu 酆都.196 Diagrams of ritual lamps from the Southern Song197 show that the ninefold darkness is constructed according to the nonary scheme of a three-bythree grid (fig. 2.30a). Its cosmological design parallels that of the Song version of the Hall of Light (Mingtang 明堂), a significant category of cosmological edifice used for ritual purposes since ancient times (fig. 2.31).198 The names of the nine hells are inspired by a Buddhist model.199 A Southern Song ritual map of lights marks the nine prisons (fig. 2.30b): 200 the Wind and Thunder Hell (Fenglei 風雷) in the east, the Fire Hell (Huoyi 火翳) in the south, the Diamond Hell (Jinggang 金剛) in the west, the Cold Hell (Mingleng 溟冷) in the north, the Boiling Hell (Huotang 鑊湯) in the northeast, the Copper Pillar (Tongzhu 銅柱) in the southeast, the Butchery Hell (Tuge 屠割) in the southwest, the Fire Cart Hell (Huoche 火車) in the northwest, and the Universal Plunder Hell (Pulue 普掠) at the center.201

Fig. 2.31. Chart of the Hall of Light, detail. Wenxian tong kao. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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Fig. 2.32. Diagram of the Four Continents, Nine Mountains, and Eight Seas, detail. Fozu tongji. Southern Song dynasty, ca. 1260. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

The nonary configuration departs from the convention of Buddhist hells as recorded in literary sources.202 The aerial-view Buddhist cosmological map showing the nine mountains and eight seas (jiushan bahai 九山八海) is a good example (fig. 2.32).203 Both the hot and cold hells are located underneath the outermost edge of the concentric ring in the south, beneath the Southern Continent (Jambudvīpa, or Nanzhou 南洲) and the Small Iron Wire Mountains (Cakravāda, or Xiao tiewei shan小鐵圍山) that encircle the edge of the earth like an iron wall, preventing the ocean from falling into the void. 204 The eight hot hells are structured vertically, resembling a truncated pyramid (fig. 2.33).205 King Yama (Yanmoluo wang 閻摩羅 王), the chief supervisor of the underground prisons, resides in a palace underneath the outskirts of the Iron Wire Mountains, to the south of the Southern Continent.206

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Fig. 2.33. Diagram of the Eight Hot Hells, detail. Fozu tongji. Southern Song dynasty, ca. 1260. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Mount Fengdu Mount Fengdu,207 which by the thirteenth century had become hell central, is the most significant contribution to the development of Daoist hells. Its first appearance in early medieval China was as an underworld headquarters described as an imaginary mountain called Fengdu or Luofeng 羅酆. Part of the six heavens, it was located under the dark north pole and opposite the place of life in the south.208 Fengdu’s administrative bureaus include the six courts governed by the Northern Emperor (Beidi 北帝); 209 Daoist adepts are advised to meditate on these underground offices and learn their designations by heart in order to be pardoned and have their names erased from the registers of death. Tang and Song religious and secular accounts all reflect a growing tendency to link the imaginary Fengdu to a real place called Fengdu 豐都 and its neighboring Mount Pingdu (Pingdu shan 平都山) in Sichuan. This relocation may be a response to the reshaping of Daoist cosmography by the tenthcentury Daoist Du Guangting and his Sichuan circle.210 An illustrated Highest Clarity text, the Three Ways to Go Beyond the Heavenly Pass (Shangqing tianguan santu jing 上清天關三圖經, DZ 1366), from the late fifth or early sixth century, offers a vivid description of this site: Mount Fengdu is located in the north, in the position of the celestial stem gui. Therefore the Northeast is known as the Gate of Demons, the root of the energy of death. The mountain is 2,600 miles high and 30,000 miles in circumference. Its grotto heaven begins right beneath the mountain; it measures 15,000 miles in circumference. Above and below, there are palaces and residences of demons and spirits. On top of the mountain are the six courts, with another set of them deep inside the grotto. Each palace is about 1,000 miles in size. They are the palaces of the demons and spirits of the six heavens. 酆都山在北方癸地，東北為鬼戶死氣之根，山高二千六百里，周迴三 萬里，其山洞元在山之下，周迴一萬五千里，其上下並有鬼神宮室。山上 有六宮，洞中又有六宮。一宮周迴千里，是為六天鬼神之宮。211

The accompanying illustration shows the netherworld administrative offices in rocky hills surrounded by water (fig. 2.34).212 To the right, six bureaucratic deities descending on clouds may indicate the celestial officers governing the six courts.213 Visual materials associated with Mount Fengdu in the Southern Song also represent a unique grotto hell whose geographic features resemble those of a grotto heaven. The True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu (Fengdu zhenxing tu 酆都真形圖),214 a talismanic map of the underworld, was utilized by Daoist masters in a salvation ritual



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Fig. 2.34. Landscape of Mount Fengdu, with the palatial buildings of the six courts on the hills, from Three Ways to Go Beyond the Heavenly Pass, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

during an ecstatic underworld journey (fig. 2.35). Among the eight samples preserved in the Daozang, seven are from Southern Song and Yuan liturgical manuals.215 This example, which is strongly reminiscent of the true forms of sacred mountains circulating in the Tang and Song (figs. 2.25, 3.1a, 3.31, 3.33c), shows the labyrinthine landscape in black, dotted by open tunnels and caves of various shapes. The map’s inscriptions serve as location markers for an impressive hell bureaucracy, with grotto bureaus indicated in a hierarchical order. The Northern Capital (Beidu 北都) and the Palace of the Heavenly Emperor (Tiandi gong 天帝宮), residences of the Northern Emperor (the supervisor-in-chief), are marked as two cave-like loci near the northern border.216 An inscription suggests that the hell connects to heaven through this node. At the upper right corner is the Bureau of Transforming Lives (Biansheng fu 變生府), perhaps an office in charge of transmutation and rebirth. The tripartite judicial bureaus known as the Three Primes (Sanyuan 三元) are marked as a series of grottoes at the center of the map. They include the Six Grottoes of the Upper Prime (Shangyuan liudong 上元六洞) in a horizontal oval cave above the triad, the Office of the Middle Primordial (Zhongyuan caoju 中元曹局) in a coiling configuration in the middle, and the tunnel-like Six Courts of the Lower Prime (Xiayuan liugong 下元六宮) at the bottom. These three bureaus are associated with the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth and Water, the chief administrators in charge of life and death.217 Other administrative units, which include the loci of the Great God of

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Fig. 2.35. True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Drizzling Coldness (Mingleng dashen 溟冷大神),218 the Court of the Venerable Old Man (Zhangren gong 丈人宮), the Bureau of Tortuous Springs (Quanqu fu 泉曲府), and the Messengers of the Six Heavens (Liutian shizhe 六天使者), are constructed to guard the Prisoners’ Cave (Yuxue 獄穴) in the lower right corner.219 The True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu was quite popular, as is evident from its reproduction in liturgical manuals as well as from the archaeological identification of two almost identical diagrams carved in stone. One, a stele from a tomb in Jiangxi, is dated to 1179 (fig. 2.36); 220 the other is an epitaph from a tomb in Zhejiang, which dates to 1238.221 In both cases, the true form charts share the location designations characteristic of the printed samples preserved in the Daozang.222 Another illustration pointing to the association of the grotto structure with hell is taken from the thirteenth-century Celestial Heart text (DZ 220). 223 In its sectional view of the multilayered Fengdu, the grotto hell assumes the form of a series of three



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Fig. 2.36. True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu, detail. Rubbing from a carved relief stele excavated from a tomb. Southern Song dynasty, ca. 1179. Gao’an, Jiangxi.

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caverns under the mountains: from right to left, these are identified as the Office of the Three Primes (Sanyuan caozhi 三元曹治), the Prisoners’ Cave, and the Secret Palace of Ninefold Darkness (Jiuyou yingong 九幽陰宮) (fig. 3.37). The notion of a grotto hell is further supported by a drawing from an undated professional sketchbook in the Cleveland Museum collection (hereafter referred to as the Cleveland album) (figs. 2.38a–b).224 The album is traditionally dated to the Southern Song period but may in fact be a professional sketch book collecting drawings made by different hands at different times throughout the Southern Song and Yuan periods. In the lower right corner of the picture (fig. 2.38b), the overhanging rock formation attached to the interior of the cave mirrors the stalactite caverns characteristic of the Daoist grotto heavens (figs. 2.26, 2.29), but instead appears to be a cave where prisoners stay before being received by the divine administrator presiding over the underground court seen in the upper left. Chilled by the wind blown by an Fig. 2.37. Grotto geography of Mount Fengdu, from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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Figs. 2.38a–b. Grotto hell at the underground court. Details of leaf no. 39 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm. a. The underworld court; b. The prisoners in the grotto hell.

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ox-like monster outside the cave, three naked sinners with disheveled hair bundle up and crawl inside the cave, while others remaining outside are freezing in the cold air.225

Women in Hell

Fig. 2.39. Diagram of Lamps Imitating the Blood Lake, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 2.40. True Form Chart of the Blood Lake, from the Golden Book of Great Salvation According to the Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure Traditions, detail. Ming dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

A special underground space in the grotto hell of Mount Fengdu is reserved for women who died in childbirth. Known as the Blood Lake Hell (Xuehu yu 血湖獄), it is a filthy lake underneath the cracks of the Hell beneath the Rock (Xiashi yu 硤石獄). Prisoners here include women who died in childbirth or as the result of abortion, accident, or disease. Even children who died during their mothers’ deliveries end up here.226 Diagrams in liturgical manuals locate the Blood Lake in relation to other abodes in hell, 227 placing it near the Hell beneath the Rock and to the left of the Northern Yin Hell (Beiyin yu 北陰獄), the Cold Hell (Mingleng yu 溟 冷獄), and the Large Iron Wire Mountain (Da tiewei shan 大鐵圍山) (fig. 2.39).228 Fengdu headquarters is marked in the northwestern corner of the diagram. The Blood Lake’s irregular contours evoke the sensation of a fluid realm where female sinners who died in childbirth crawl, move through its cracks, suffer from poisonous liquids that penetrate body and mind, and endure incessant torture at the hands of thousands of demonic jailors.229 In a Ming revision of the thirteenthcentury liturgical manual, the diagram called the True Form of the Blood Lake (Xuehu zhenxing 血湖真形) reconfigures the Blood Lake Hell as a labyrinthine grotto complex under the sea (fig. 2.40).230 The black-and-white configuration of the grotto complex resembles the True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu (figs. 2.35, 2.36). The increased emphasis on the Blood Lake Hell in the Southern Song may have to do with the on­going competition over salvation



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rites between Buddhists and Daoists.231 The thirteenth-century Daoist Jin Yunzhong 金 允中 singles out this hell as a new invention by his contemporaries in western Zhejiang that was intended to “threaten pregnant women so that they pay fees to commission ritual services.”232 It is, on the other hand, quite obvious that Daoists adapted this hell from the Buddhists who describe it in a group of texts under the rubric Blood Bowl Sutra (Xuepenjing 血盆經). Although these writings date to the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, their themes and textual elements can be traced back to works of the medieval period.233 The Blood Bowl Sutra recounts the story of the mothersaving Mulian 目蓮 (Maudgalyāyana) from the Ullambana Sutra Spoken by the Buddha (Foshuo Yulanpen jing 佛說盂蘭盆經). The cult of Mulian was popular in the Tang period.234 Although the original story relates how he saved his mother from the realm of hungry ghosts, the revised narrative recounts his descent to hell, where he witnesses his mother and other women submerged in an enormous lake of menstrual blood.235 Depictions of female sinners in hell also appear in Chinese religious paintings. Among the representations from the series of underground courts featured in the Cleveland album is one showing women and children receiving their judgments (fig. 2.41a).236 The presence of a layman wearing a Mongolian-style hat in the lower right corner suggests that this drawing may be among other select illustrations from the album that is dated to the Yuan period,237 when Mongolian fashions were introduced to China (fig. 2.41b).238 In the foreground, a demonic jailor carrying a shoulder pole with two sacks of children pulls a cart tied to his waist, filled with children (fig. 2.41a). Standing to the right and left of the jailor are women holding naked babies in their arms. In the upper right corner, a motherly woman sits on a couch-bed fanning more than a dozen babies (fig. 2.41c). This depiction may be derived from the visual tradition of Hāritī (Guizimu 鬼子母)—the mother of demons—and her nine demonic children, an iconography that originated in India and was transformed in Chinese visual culture. In the Tang stone carvings in Bazhong 巴中, Sichuan province, this subject was interpreted with a humanistic tone. Cave nos. 68 and 82, for example, depict the mother of demons as a caring parent seated amid her babies and holding the youngest in her arms.239 In the late twelfth-century Long Scroll of Buddhist Images (Fanxiang juan 梵像卷) by professional painter Zhang Shengwen 張勝溫 (ca. 1180), who was active at the court of the Dali 大理 kingdom in Yunnan 雲南, southwest China, Hāritī appears as a caring mother, seated in front of a set of folding screens decorated with paintings of waves (fig. 2.42).240 She is fondly flanked by nine children and five other women, who are playing or breastfeeding the children.241 It is likely that the vignette of the woman and children depicted at the upper right in the Cleveland drawing (fig. 2.41c) is inspired by this visual convention of Hāritī and her nine children and may refer to the spirits of women and unborn babies who died during the childbirth. 242

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Figs. 2.41a–c. Depictions of lay people at the underground court. Details of leaf no. 28 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.18  38.40 cm. a. Underground court; b. Lay couple (the man wearing a Mongolian hat); c. Woman fanning children.

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Fig. 2.42. Zhang Shengwen, Hāritī surrounded by children and women, detail from the Long Scroll of Buddhist Images. Dali kingdom, dated 1180. Handscroll. Ink, color, and gold on paper. 30.4  1881.4 cm.

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The Daoist cosmography that evolved from early medieval times to the Song and Yuan periods is not a systematic whole. Infused with esotericism and mysticism, the visuality of the Daoist world absorbed various cultural models that were not necessarily coherent or even compatible with one another. The flexibility and ambiguity perceived in the Daoist world identify it with Foucault’s “heterotopia,” where “several spaces” and “several sites that are in themselves incompatible” are otherwise juxtaposed “in a single real place.”243 Valuable primary sources for the study of Daoist cosmography include conventional visual materials such as painting and sculpture and other types of artifacts such as mirrors, clothing, and architectural constructions; in addition, the miscellaneous Daoist tu preserved in Song and Yuan documents reinforce this evidence through their imagery. The tu are of different kinds: some are geared toward the graphic and the abstract, whereas others are more pictorial and representational. A particular type—mostly from liturgical manuals only circulated internally—is a “spatial text” employing nonlinear designs as an efficient means of charting the cosmos or ritual space. The growth of Daoist rituals in the Song and Yuan periods may have prompted the proliferation of such diagrams: Daoist priests who possessed such cosmic diagrams enhanced their power to conduct rituals as well as to roam the universe. The Daoists employed vertical and lateral diagrammatical models to chart the world. The vertical model is linked to the tripartite array of celestial court, earthly humanities, and underground hell; it also corresponds to the correlative layout of heaven, earth, and water.244 The lateral model, which is equally important, is a forceful tool to expand the Daoist cosmography based on the established vertical model. When absorbing Buddhist elements, Daoists compete to fashion a cosmographic model that surpasses the Buddhist counterpart. This is vividly reflected in the vertical alignment of the heavens beyond the Buddhist-inspired Three Worlds and its additional expansion in the lateral dimension. In addition to drawing upon Buddhism for inspiration, Daoism utilized a diagrammatical model of a nonary grid, which evokes the ideal political cosmology of ancient China, as the spatial framework for its multi-chambered underground prison. As Daoist salvation rituals proliferated in the Song, the preoccupation with the underground world was articulated further through the unique True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu popular in the Southern Song period. It serves as an imaginary rescue road map to search for souls in the labyrinthine underground prison. The most remarkable Daoist contribution to Chinese religious cosmography lies in the elaborate mapping of the multitude of earthly paradises. This novel vision situates immortal realms in the mundane world, blending real mountains and caverns with imaginary wonderlands in the sea and microcosmic grotto heavens in mountain



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caverns into a “heterotopia” of sacred geography. It exerts a great impact on visual culture, as reflected in numerous images of immortals isles, magical grottoes, and sacred mountains in landscape paintings and graphic designs. The spheres of heaven, earth, and the underworld mirror one another. The notion of the grotto heaven, for example, helps to shape the formation of Daoist hell which, judging from the visual materials in diagrams and paintings, mirrors other spheres of Daoist cosmology. Like heaven, the underworld is imbued with bureaucratic offices and gods to supervise its prisoners. The labyrinthine hell, which is comparable to the earthly paradise with its microcosmic grotto heavens, is noted for its under-sea geography. Deep within this realm, a vile space is reserved for suffering women, whose images are often paired with the souls of children in pictorial art depicting the underground court.

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chapter three

True Form Charts

D

aoist visuality is unique in its notion of true form, or zhenxing 真形, a term coined by medieval Daoists and documented in numerous texts of that time. Broadly speaking, true form can apply to a deity, an icon, a mountain, a purified self, an internal organ, a talisman, or a picture.1 It denotes the original shape something has as part of Dao, the inner, invisible, and formless quality of an entity, in contrast to its outer, visible, and concrete attributes. With a framework thus established, seeing the true form requires religious discipline and practice. Daoists advocate rigorous meditation and visualization as the most efficient way to see true form. Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (283–343) description of Lord Lao in the Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Keeps to Simplicity (Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子內篇, DZ 1185) is an oft-cited example of a Daoist deity’s true form: His body is nine feet tall, of a yellow coloring. He is bird-mouthed and has an arched nose. His bushy eyebrows are five inches long, his ears measure seven inches. There are three vertical lines on his forehead, his feet are marked with the eight trigrams, and he lies on a golden turtle. 長九尺，黃色鳥喙，隆鼻，秀眉長五寸，耳長七寸，額有三理上 下徹，足有八卦，以神龜為床。2

In the Tang dynasty, various hagiography texts further elaborate on Lord Lao’s “unpredictable true form” (zhenxing buce 真形不測),3 stressing its amorphous, ambiguous, and formless qualities. One fragment transmitted under the title Sage Record of the Emperor of Primary Chaos (Hunyuan huangdi shengji 混元皇帝聖紀) and preserved in the eleventh-century Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels 4 compares the marvelous Lord Lao to the true Dao, both formless and invisible to ordinary eyes.5 Lord Lao is said to appear in myriad forms, “sometimes flying, sometimes walking, . . . sometimes a foreigner, and sometimes a Chinese.” He is not always in human form, however; “sometimes [he] is a mountain and sometimes [he] looks just like Mount Tai.”6

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Lord Lao’s true form also encompasses some Buddhist-inspired elements. This is evident in the closing remarks of the same essay, which advise how to meditate on Lord Lao’s forms: on his dharma body (fashen 法身), that is, his “seventy-two [divine] signs” (qishi’er xiang 七十二相) and “eighty-one good [marks]” (bashi yi hao 八十一好); and on his true body (zhenshen 真身), “which is like [the energy] in the empty void, perfect and pure, not living and not extinguished.”7 The references to such Buddhist concepts as dharma body and true body in this narrative of Lord Lao’s true form reflect the Daoist adaptation of Buddhist nomenclature and doctrines. As Livia Kohn points out, the seventy-two signs and eighty-one marks of Laozi highlight the competitive Daoist response to the Buddhist remarks of the thirty-two primary divine signs and eighty secondary marks of Buddha.8 From this comparative perspective, the Daoist notion of true form in all of its complexity may also be interpreted as a response to the medieval Buddhist discourse on the terms “zhen” 真 (true, perfect, or real) and body in Buddhahood.9 The most innovative symbols pertinent to the concept of true form in Daoist visual culture are the emblems known as the true form charts (zhenxing tu 真形圖). Departing from the figurative image-making principle that dominates the creation of iconic deity images like those of Buddha (fig. 1.5) and Lord Lao (fig. 2.1), true form charts employ a unique visual language noted for its intricate associations between the semi-abstract images and texts. Classified as numinous charts in Daozang,10 their aniconic and diagrammatic designs evoking mountain-based paradises, sacred sites (fig. 2.25), and hells (fig. 2.35) are among the most innovative creations in Daoist visual culture. The Daoists believed that contemplating these charts would lead them to achieve immortality and attain the inherent truth of the formless Dao. The two most important groups of true form charts circulating in the Tang–Song periods are the centerpieces of this chapter: the True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain (Renniao shan zhenxing tu 人鳥山真形圖) (figs. 3.1a–b) associated with the imaginary Daoist paradise known as the Man-Bird Mountain, and the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (figs. 2.25, 3.31, 3.33c) that evoke China’s sacred mountains, which are also counted among the earthly paradises in Daoist cosmography. Visually, true form charts of mountains are the hybrid “imagetexts” created by medieval Daoists, and they challenge the conventional dichotomy of text and image. Composed within a box-like structure filled with aniconic bizarre patterns, they blend the genres of text, image, talisman, magical script, and map. At first glance, their patterns call to mind clouds, flames, paisley, body parts of birds, claws and teeth of wild animals, and even phalli and eggs. Their aniconic and non-representational nature divorces them from the mainstream visuality central to Chinese Buddhist art at the time.

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Figs. 3.1a–b. True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Diagram A, from the Picture of the Scripture of the Mystic Vision of the ManBird Mountain, detail. b. Diagram B, from the Primordial View of the Mountain Form of the Man-Bird Mountain, detail.

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Daoists perceive true form charts as the esoteric manifestation of sacred scriptures or as the material reflections of heavenly writings condensed from pure cosmic qi at the moment when the world was being generated.11 For this reason, heavenly writings are closer to the formless Dao in their visualization of Daoist teachings and are on a higher plane than the iconic representations found in devotional paintings and sculpture. Daoists stress the secret and rare transmission of true form charts as well as their related celestial symbols, forecasting severe punishments if someone should leak them inappropriately.12 Such mystic notions also echo the ancient lore of the heaven-sent River Chart and the Luo Writ. Both the true form charts and the heavenly writings are noted for their association with numinous mountains, however, and differ markedly from the heaven-sent documents that emerged from the rivers.13 This bond between sacred signs and mountains, moreover, reflects the paramount role of mountains in Daoist cosmography. The Daoist notion of entering the mountains (rushan 入山) addresses the central importance of mountains while simultaneously pointing out the risks of such travel.14 Mountains were perceived not only as numinous sites for meeting immortals, for self-cultivation, and for obtaining natural treasures, but also as dangerous terrain inhabited by threatening animals and nasty goblins.15 Ge Hong introduces his “Methods for Entering the Mountains” (“Dengshan zhidao” 登山之道) as follows: 16 All mountains, whether large or small, house various spirits and higher powers. The strength of these divinities is directly proportional to the size of the mountain. To enter the mountains without the proper recipe is to be certain of anxiety or harm. . . . Lack of preparation may cause you to meet with tigers, wolves, or poisonous insects that will injure you. Mountains are not to be entered lightly. 山無大小，皆有神靈。山大則神大，山小則神小也。入山而無術， 必有患害…或令人遭虎狼毒蟲犯人。不可輕入山也。17

He then lists true form charts together with other “must-have” emblems such as talismans, seals, and mirrors to protect travelers, summon deities, and expel wild animals and horrible goblins. For example, the Talisman Worn When Entering the Mountain (Rushan peidai fu 入山佩帶符), with its concentric spiral design on top, is one of the eighteen talismans illustrated alongside Ge Hong’s text (fig. 3.2). 18 Nevertheless, Ge Hong singled out the True Form charts of the Five Sacred Peaks and the Esoteric Writs of the Three Sovereigns (Sanhuang neiwen 三皇內文) as the most powerful and protective emblems for mountain travel.19

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Fig. 3.2. Talisman worn when entering the mountain, detail. Baopuzi. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Metamorphoses of the Man-Bird Mountain Extant visual sources suggest that the charts of the Man-Bird Mountain and the Five Sacred Peaks are two major types of true form charts whose images were well preserved in Daoist illustrated texts. Both categories are associated with sacred sites that constitute Daoist paradises, but the Man-Bird Mountain refers to an imaginary place, whereas the Five Sacred Peaks are real places in China. The rich visual elements assembled in these seemingly bizarre symbols provide excellent materials to further evaluate the Daoist use of image and writing as it was transformed from various cultural practices, melding into a new set of “imagetexts” that cater to holistic Daoist experiences. The two versions of the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain, hereafter referred to as diagrams A and B, are Daoist mystic symbols that were illustrated in Daoist texts and circulated in medieval China (figs. 3.1a–b). Diagram A, entitled Chart of the True Form of the Topography of Most High Man-Bird Mountain (Taishang renniao shanxing zhenxing tu 太上人鳥山形真形圖), is illustrated in an undated text known as the Picture of the Scripture of the Mystic Vision of the Man-Bird Mountain (Xuanlan renniao shan jing tu 玄覽人鳥山經圖, DZ 434) and dated by scholars to the period from the Six Dynasties to the Tang.20 Diagram B, from a text entitled Primordial View of the Mountain Form of the Man-Bird Mountain (Yuanlan renniao shanxing tu 元覽人鳥山形圖), is preserved in the eleventh-century Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels.21 The box-like compositions of both diagrams are filled with convoluted curvilinear patterns in black and white22 that evoke the Man-Bird Mountain’s vaporous, gaseous, soft, and light qualities and serve as a visual reference to its wondrous qi (miaoqi 妙氣).23 In John Lagerwey’s words, what these images attempt to portray is “a mountain of qi.”24 Elements of writing are imbedded in both diagrams. In diagram A, a text inscribed in small regular script appears at the double border (fig. 3.1a). The text-image juxtaposition resembles the single-sheet design of Buddhist charms known as the Dhāranī Chart of the True Words (Tuoluoni zhenyan 陀羅尼真言), which were popular in the ninth and tenth centuries (fig. 3.3).25 The charm was portable and could either be worn on the practitioner’s body or kept in the home. Devotees recited the inscribed spells and meditated on the central icon to activate the symbol’s protective power. The fact that Daoists borrowed the Buddhist design for their true form charts suggests that the extant charts had a similar function and were probably created in the same period.26 Diagram B’s overall design does not relate to other commonly used objects, though its archaically inspired patterns may derive from the visual conventions of antiquity. For example, its free-flowing, abstract motifs distantly allude to the cloud motifs popular in Han art, like the clouds on the lavishly carved



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Fig. 3.3. Buddhist dhāranī charms, printed by the Bian family of Longchifang, Chengdu county, Sichuan. Tang dynasty, after 757. Single sheet. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. 31  34 cm.

reliefs imbedded in the doors of Han tomb no. 1 at Dahuting 打虎亭, Mixian 密縣, Henan (fig. 3.4). Furthermore, the magical script’s horizontal, band-like layout and its interplay with other cloud-like patterns resemble the surface decoration on ancient bronze vessels, paintings, and textiles. 27 Diagram B also introduces written elements in its design. The archaic-looking characters stretching across the center seem partially “revealed” through the cascade of convoluted forms (figs. 3.1b, 3.5a).28 These illegible “words” reflect the Daoist visuality of heavenly writings, a basic concept of the Daoist scriptural tradition.29 The script’s curvilinear strokes recall Numinous Treasure magical writs like the secret seal script (mi zhuanwen 祕篆文), the true writs

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Fig. 3.4. Drawing of cloudlike motifs after the relief carvings on the door of tomb no. 1 (M1), Dahuting, Mixian, Henan. Eastern Han dynasty.

A

C

Figs. 3.5a–c. Examples of Daoist celestial writings. a. Daoist writs, detail of Diagram B (fig. 3.1b) from the Primordial View of the Mountain Form of the Man-Bird Mountain. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; b. The celestial script of the Three Qi, detail from a Dunhuang manuscript. Ink on paper. Tang dynasty, seventh–eighth century; c. Daoist writs, rubbing from a tombstone. Northern Song dynasty, early eleventh century. Chengdu, Sichuan. B

(zhenwen 真文), the celestial patterns (tianwen 天文), the hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven, and the spontaneously created jade characters (ziran yuzi 自 然玉字)—all interchangeable names referring to the cosmic scripts radiating from different parts of space.30 Comparable examples of such magical writs include the Tang-dynasty Dunhuang manuscript (P. 2865) (fig. 3.5b),31 the fifth-century True Writs in Five Tablets from the Daozang (fig. 2.3),32 and recent Northern Song archaeological finds of similar texts carved on tombstones (fig. 3.5c).33 Daoist literature of the Six Dynasties describes the Man-Bird Mountain as a far-away earthly paradise. Some associate it with the imaginary Continent of



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Concentrating Caves (Juku zhou 聚窟洲) at the southwestern rim of the ring-shaped Daoist cosmography (fig. 2.15).34 Others fuse Buddho-Daoist elements in the myth, speaking of it as the Kunlun Man-Bird Mountain (Kunlun renniao zhi shan 崑崙 人鳥之山) and locating it in a foreign land with a pseudo-Sanskrit name. There immortals-in-residence chant Daoist scriptures in the language of the Great Brahmā Heaven.35 The Picture of the Scripture of the Mystic Vision of the Man-Bird Mountain and the Primordial View of the Mountain Form of the Man-Bird Mountain no longer represent the Man-Bird Mountain as an earthly paradise. Instead, they “upgrade” the Man-Bird Mountain by relocating countless versions of it to innumerable heavens.36 They also emphasize the mountain’s hybrid configuration of man and bird and the suspended heavenly writings condensed from wondrous qi surrounding it. Most important, they situate the diagrams in the context of meditation and interpret the true form as a landscape of the mind visible only through the adept’s visualization. The true form, once successfully imagined in the adept’s mind, is efficacious in stimulating his sensation of flying, for the envisioned mountain will then transfer its qi to him, lighten his body, and lead him to heaven.37 The dark, bird-like torso silhouetted in the center of diagram A shows a bird standing like a human, with his beak facing left and his two wings attached to the back of his body (fig. 3.6). The image echoes the textual description of the hybrid physicality of the Man-Bird Mountain as “bearing the image of a human and the shape of a bird” (you ren zhixiang, you niao zhixing 有人之 象，有鳥之形).38 The man-bird appears as a mythological creature in early Chinese art, 39 for example in the T-shaped banner excavated from the Western Han tomb of Lady Dai 軑 at Mawangdui 馬王堆 (168 bce), where a pair of man-birds are shown as auspicious creatures safeguarding the tomb occupant’s ascension to heaven (fig. 3.7). 40 The rich imagery of the man-bird art echoes written descriptions of the wild and foreign places recorded in texts such as the Classic of Mountains and Seas, which describes strange creatures in different parts of the world.41 According to Vera Dorofeeva-Lichtmann’s reconstruction of a world map based on this literary account, 42 the hybrid man-bird with a human face and a bird’s body inhabited the Central Mountains, which were located between the Yellow River and Yangtse basin, but also dwelled along the eastern seaboard.43 Daoists assimilate the man-bird from this ancient tradition, turning him into a

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Fig. 3.6. The man-bird motif, detail of Diagram A (fig. 3.1a) from the Picture of the Scripture of the Mystic Vision of the Man-Bird Mountain. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 3.7. A pair of man-birds. T-shaped banner excavated from the tomb of Lady Dai at Mawangdui, detail. Western Han dynasty, 168 bce. Ink and color on silk. 205 cm (length), 92 cm (upper width), 47.7 cm (lower width).

Fig. 3.8. Star of the Great Brightness (Venus). From Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, attributed to Zhang Zengyou, detail. Northern Song dynasty, early twelfth century (?). Handscroll. Ink and color on silk. 27.5  489.7 cm.

deity. As early as the second century, the appearance of the highest-ranking body god is described as having “a man’s head and a bird’s body.” 44 Even the true form of Lord Lao is a bird-man bearing a bird’s beak.45 Furthermore, representations of the True Form of Great Brightness (Taibai xing 太白星), a star commonly associated with the planet Venus, consist of a woman’s torso atop a phoenix-like bird; an example appears in the Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions attributed to Zhang Zengyou (fig. 3.8). 46 The man-bird motif is prevalent in religious art beyond Daoism. Medieval Buddhists, too, have a man-bird figure called Garud. a (Jialou luo 迦樓羅 or Jialing pingjia 迦陵頻伽), who resides in paradise and is best known for his musical talent. In Tang and Song paintings, he appears as a standing bird with a human torso and human arms, playing musical instruments and singing in the Pure Land (fig. 3.9).47 In diagram A, the intriguing imagery of the man-bird merges with the image of a bird within a mountain (fig. 3.1a). This birdmountain combination is associated with a visual convention found in Tang and Song fengshui manuals, 48 which focus on “the divinatory art that observes and interprets the energies of the earth,”49 such as the siting

Fig. 3.9. Garud. a playing music in the Buddhist paradise, detail from the south wall of Yulin Cave no. 25. Tang dynasty. Wall painting. An’xi, Gansu.



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of a tomb, a residence, or a temple.50 The fengshui masters consulted these manuals to discover the land’s underlying true form by detecting the inherent quality of its qi as exemplified in its external shape and orientation.51 Tang and Song records regularly refer to fengshui configurations as charts of mountain forms (shanxing tu 山形圖),52 a nomenclature closely corresponding to that associated with the Daoist true form charts. A series of mountains illustrated in the Northern Song fengshui manual entitled New Book of Geography (Dili xinshu 地理新書) are configured as bird-shaped mountains that may have inspired the imagery of the Daoist man-bird mountain.53 One mountain here looks like a phoenix and manifests “the appearance of a marquis or a king” (houwang xiang 侯王相) (fig. 3.10a).54 Equally auspicious is a mountain resembling a dancing crane, for it predicts that one will obtain an official post in the government.55 Alternatively, a mountain in the form of a flying bird suggests a plain life-style for one’s offspring (fig. 3.10b), and a mountain shaped like a frightened bird is an ominous sign.56 It is likely that the visual culture developing within the discourse of Tang and Song fengshui further shapes and stimulates the “visual imaginations” of “mountains, rocks, and stone pictures” perceived in later times, including what Robert Harrist calls “images made by chance” or “chance images” depicted in some seventeenth-century pictures.57 An illustration from the 1609 printed book

A

B

Figs. 3.10a–b. Bird-like mountains from the perspective of fengshui, from Tujie jiaozheng dili xinshu, details. Northern Song dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Auspicious mountain configuration mimicking a phoenix; b. Ominous mountain configuration mimicking a flying bird.

Fig. 3.11. Swallow Cliff, detail. Hainei qiguan. Ming dynasty, 1609. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Fig. 3.12. Bird-shaped Numinous Vulture Peak, detail from the Lotus Sutra Tableaux from the north ceiling slope of Mogao Cave no. 420. Sui dynasty, early seventh century. Wall painting. Dunhuang, Gansu.

Marvelous Views within the Seas (Hainei qiguan 海內奇觀) features the scenic sites surrounding the Buddhist Monastery of the Numinous Cliff (Lingyan si 靈巖寺) (fig. 3.11).58 The rock formations are noted for their ambiguous shapes linking landscape with humans and birds. Along the travelers’ route is the bird-like Swallow Cliff (Yanyan 燕巖), situated across from the anthropomorphic Rock Embraced by a Monk (Sengbao shi 僧抱石).59 Although Harrist does not specifically link these later examples to the visual culture of fengshui, he accounts for the Chinese obsession with such “strange pictures” by suggesting that they may derive from “China’s major philosophical and religious traditions—Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism,” especially the belief in seeing nature as “a self-generating system, animated by ceaseless transformations” and in perceiving mountains and rocks as “configurations of energy.”60 Seen in this light, the bird-like motif in diagram A (fig. 3.6) may well reflect the fengshui convention of a bird-like mountain that signifies a numinous site. Shared by medieval Buddhists, this visual strategy is especially evident in the fantastic imagery of the Numinous Vulture Peak (Lingjiu shan 靈鷲 山), a sacred site where the Buddha is said to have preached. The late sixth-century Mogao Cave 420 at Dunhuang preserves a mural of the Lotus Sutra Tableaux (Fahua jingbian 法華經變) on its north ceiling slope (fig. 3.12).61 The summit of the birdlike mountain formation is capped with the profile of a bird’s head; it is as if the bird were inserted into the peak, with the rest of its body transformed into the substance of the mountain. A similar visual trick is employed in the Southern Song frontispiece for the Lotus Sutra, where a falconheaded mountain appears behind the preaching Buddha (fig. 3.13).62 From the perspective of text-to-image transformation, as Eugene Wang suggests, the bird-shaped mountain may Fig. 3.13. Bird-shaped Numinous Vulture Peak, detail from a frontispiece for the Lotus Sutra. Southern Song dynasty, twelfth century. Handscroll. Gold ink on indigo sutra paper. 24.5  1,222.7 cm.



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be the result of the designer’s literal interpretation of the phrase “Numinous Vulture Peak.”63 Perceived in another light, it is precisely this bird-like formation that fills the peak with such mystery and celestial power, in the same way that the Daoist Man-Bird Mountain and the auspicious mountains resembling a dancing crane or a phoenix mirror are so numinous. A less well-known visual tradition delineating the numinous qualities of cloud and vapor configurations is also inspired by fengshui; 64 Tang and Song sources call these charts for observing qi (wangqi tu 望氣圖). 65 They appear in the thirteenthcentury encyclopedia under categories such as celestial patterns, pronostics of the sun and moon (riyue zhan 日月占), pronostics of wind and clouds (feng zhan qixiang zhan 風占氣象占), and precious qi (baoqi 寶氣).66 In depicting these energies, one strategy is to interpret the abstract qi in figurative terms. This is evident in an eighth-century Dunhuang manuscript (S.3326) featuring illustrated divinations based on qi shapes (fig. 3.14). The qi comes in myriad forms, including an animal, a canopy, and a tower. According to the accompanying text: Fig. 3.14. Illustrated divinations representing the pneuma in the forms of an animal, a canopy, a tower, and a tree, details from a Dunhuang manuscript. Tang dynasty, eighth century. Ink on paper. 24.4  330 cm.

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If one finds qi in one’s house and courtyard resembling a leaping wolf or tiger, a son of a general will come into being. One can also expect to be promoted to a higher office in less than three years. 凡人家及園中有氣如狼虎騰躍蹲伏者，必出將軍之子，及封公侯，不 出三年。67

Read in this way, diagram A (fig. 3.1a) may well be the Daoist version of a qi chart, and the bird-like motif within the diagram (fig. 3.6) is one of the myriad animal-like forms of qi.

Man-Bird Writings Like the qi-evoking patterns, writings on the true form charts of the Man-Bird Mountain (figs. 3.1a–b) also play an important role in helping the adept to meditate and visualize. This is especially clear in the texts in small regular script that fill the double border of the Chart of the True Form of the Topography of Man-Bird Mountain (fig. 3.1a).68 The writing on the outer edge begins with the character at the top right and reads clockwise, and the inscription on the inner edge begins with the character at the bottom right and also reads clockwise. John Lagerwey dates the two texts to the eighth century, noting that they borrow some phrases from the descriptions of two mythological mountains visualized by Six Dynasties Highest Clarity Daoists as lands of the immortals.69 The diagram may well have functioned like the Buddhist dhāranī chart mentioned earlier (fig. 3.3), where the adept used the inner picture for visualization and the border text for recitation.70 The text on the outer edge evokes the first stage of the adept’s process of visualization and passage to the Man-Bird Mountain: 71 太上人鳥之山 峻而難踰 不天不地 不沈不浮 絕險綿邈 崔嵬崎嶇 神真是遊 元氣烟愠 玉液泓澄 灌溉靡伏 百二十官 天府相由

The Most High Man-Bird Mountain, Is so high it is hard to climb. It is neither heaven nor earth, Neither sinking nor floating. Ravines and precipices go on forever: Imposing summits, mountain paths. The perfected is roaming. In the rising mist of primordial qi, Jade liquid [saliva], abundant and pure, Irrigates the body continuously. One hundred and twenty celestial officers Follow one another in the heavenly office.



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Sun and moon darken and brighten; For scarlet trees to grow in particular, And their fruit are like pearls. The white-jade [cliffs] are craggy, Sweet-wine springs flow from crevices. Clouds emerge, mushrooms grow; Thunder dies away, evils scatter; Trees and birds know how to speak. All because of the sacred power! Gentlemen who have returned to their youth Fetch [water] from its [the mountain’s] fragrant streams. If you can get here, You become a companion of the perfected. If you do not know this Dao, Like the myriad things you turn to dust and ashes. In the transmission from mouth to ear [oral] It is called the Celestial Tower. 72

日月昏明 絳樹特生 其實皆珠 白玉嵯峨 醴泉出隅 雲出芝生 震滅邪驅 木鳥能語 此是神夫 還年之士 挹其芳流 子能得之 真人可儔 不知此道 萬為土灰 口耳之經 名為天樓

Many phrases of the text, including the evocations of “neither heaven nor earth” and the celestial bureaucracy of 120 officials, as well as the jade saliva, sweet wines, scarlet trees, and mushrooms, are all copied from the fourth-century description of another mythological mountain called the Primordial Mountain (Taiyuan zhi shan 太元之山).73 What is unique to this text, however, is the notion of magical birds and trees as celestial messengers capable of speech and of transmitting secret teachings only to the adept orally. The authority of written words is being called into question, and as John Lagerwey suggests, the sacred scripture evoked here seems to be an unwritten one, delivered only through a “master-to-student chain of transmission.” Moreover, “the master is most likely not a human master, and his mode of revelation is more likely to be by dream or by vision than by text.”74 Similar notions are reflected in the text inscribed on the inner edge of the chart: The form of the Most High Man-Bird, Is on the right side of the mountain: Where the jade maidens climb up, Fair figures ascending the rising summit. Purple clouds are floating, Sweet dew falls abundantly Golden ponds and jade rooms Are at the corners of the mountains Branchless grass

太上人鳥之形 山之右流 玉女所登 窈窕巍巍 紫雲飄飄 甘露霏霏 金池玉房 在乎其隈 無枝之草

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Never withers, in summer or in winter Its mysterious sap, once exhausted, will regenerate, Covering the grass with flowery lushness. The ignorant masses compete to go, But as soon as they are there, they will all die. Only the Highest Lord Can climb without crumbling. Pour out flowing essence and rinse his mouth with it, Hence he is able to fly in heaven. Golden rays form a halo; The perfected qi rides the thunder. The Master closes his eyes, Focusing on the eight daunters continuously. Divine animals of the primordial born from stones, So their sound is difficult to trace. Formed by the pure qi, The earth mountain never collapses. This book is named the Heavenly River, And it will be transmitted orally far and wide. This is the mysterious light,

冬夏不衰 玄液反生 上下華蕤 愚兆兢往 至皆死歸75 惟有太上 能登不頹 漱挹流精 以致天飛 金光圓生 真氣乘雷 夫子瞑目 長在八威 石生神獸元始　 其音難追 一 所成 土山不摧 書名天漢 口傳無陂 是謂玄輝

The immortal.

仙也

The vision of a misty summit with golden ponds and jade rooms and the condemnation of the “stupid folks” who rush to the mountain and die derive from the fourthcentury description of the mythological Mountain of the Long Valley (Changgu zhi shan 長谷之山).76 Jade maidens have been added to the divine mountain administration, paired with the 120 male celestial officers mentioned in the outer text. There are also many metaphors common to both texts. Li Fengmao, for example, links the “flowing essence,” which gives those who drink it the ability to fly, to the “jade liquid” and the “sweet wine” mentioned in the outer text. He sees them as allusions to the purified qi circulating in the adept’s body while he is in a state of meditative trance.77 Furthermore, the inner text’s conclusion reinforces the notion of an “audio heavenly text.” As stated in the text, meditation on the Man-Bird Mountain works with visualizing a set of divinities called bawei 八威 crucial to Daoist visualization. The term literally means “eight powers,” a name Edward Schafer translates as “eight daunters” to refer to the “luminous octad” or “projected squad” of astral power.78 The eight daunters serve as a kind of “cosmic highway patrol” during meditation, illuminating and penetrating the universe as well as the human body and facilitating the adept’s safe journey through space and a variety of “baneful vapors and evil mists.”79 A variety of “imagetexts” preserved in the Daozang make reference to the eight daunters. These include an early Highest Clarity register entitled True Writing of the Mysterious Hill



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of the Phoenix Qi in Nine Heavens (Jiutian fengqi xuanqiu zhenshu 九天鳳氣玄丘真 書),80 where a flying bird is visible amid labyrinthine lines and a plethora of divinities’ names written in small regular script (fig. 3.15).81 The eight daunters and the Master of the Nine Qi (Qiuqi zhangren 九 丈人), a deity evoked in the lore of the Man-Bird Mountain,82 are named to the upper right and upper left of the bird.83 Other heavenly writings and talismans that evoke the eight daunters include one Song example called the dragon script of the eight daunters (bawei longwen 八威龍文) (fig. 3.16a),84 which has coiling patterns that recall the feathers of a bird and dots connected by lines that are reminiscent of constellations or cosmic illuminations. One Highest Clarity chart, called the Register of the Eight Daunters Summoning the Dragons (Bawei zhaolong lu 八威召龍籙) (fig. 3.16b), even takes its name from this powerful octad.85 Here the image of the dragon is repeated in a series of talismans to stress the notion of dragonsummoning; the text suggests that the chart be drawn in red.86 In addition to the Daozang, the visual culture of the eight daunters extends to Song funerals where, according to Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin, a type of magical, demon-dispelling writ is carved on Song tombstones. Known as the True Writ of the Eight Daunters (Bawei zhenwen 八威真文),87 its writing style is related to the repository of Daoist secret seal script inscribed on tombstones in Tang and Song China (cf. fig. 3.5c).88

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Fig. 3.15. True Writing of the Mysterious Hill of the Phoenix Qi in Nine Heavens, from the Highest Clarity Register for the Instructions on the Emanations from the Labyrinth, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Figs. 3.16a–b. Magical symbols evoking the eight daunters. Details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Dragon Script of the Eight Daunters, from Talismans and Diagrams of the Highest Scripture of Universal Salvation, detail; b. Register of the Eight Daunters Summoning the Dragons, from the Highest Clarity Register for the Instructions on the Emanations from the Labyrinth, detail. A

B

To sum up, the True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain taken as a whole is a sacred scripture, and to learn the secret teachings contained by it, one should not only read but also visualize and recite it. Why, then, are the two inscriptions on diagram A arranged in this manner? According to the Daozang text that illustrates the diagram: The characters in the void inscribed outside the mountain include 124 facing left and 120 facing right. Together, there are 244 characters. Mentally recite [them] and [only] say the abbreviated secret instruction. 山外空虛之字，向左百二十四，向右百二十，合二百四十四字。誦之在 心，訣在師口。89

Diagram A contains precisely 244 characters, with the 124 words of the outer text corresponding to the “characters in the void” facing left and the remaining 120 words corresponding to the “characters in the void” facing right.90 The first sentence of the inner text explicitly states that the form of the Man-Bird is indeed “on the right side of the mountain.” Together, the two texts of diagram A thus reflect the full revelation of the 244 celestial words on the location of Man-Bird Mountain and signal their role in preparing and guiding the adept to roam in the visualized paradise. The heavenly writings were allegedly first carved (keming 刻銘) in the void by the Heavenly King of Primordial Beginning, ruler of the Man-Bird Mountain, and his



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visitor, the Queen Mother of the West. Each magical character is one square zhang in size, a standard measurement for the heavenly script as described in medieval Numinous Treasure scriptures. Together these mysterious words “are suspended in the sky and are still preserved there for future transmission” (xuanzai kongzhong, yijie houxue, yujin cunyan 懸在空中，以接後學，于今存焉). 91 Given this situation, does the magical script on diagram B reflect another group of heavenly writings said to appear inside the Man-Bird Mountain? The Daozang text offers the following information: There are eleven spontaneous words inside the mountain. Abbreviated secret instructions for oral recitation are included here: [when] arrowshaped dragons move around [and] deities manifest themselves, dreadful calamities will be eliminated and the ominous will be dispelled. 山內自然之字，一十有一。其訣口中寄文附出：弓龍行，神出，除凶殃， 辟非祥。92

These eleven words are also recorded in another Six Dynasties text featuring collections of magic words.93 The diagram’s script is quite illegible, possibly intentionally so, to screen the text from untrained eyes. At the same time, the current illegibility may also result from mistakes made by transcribers of the chart over multiple transmissions. Looking at the script from right to left, one can vaguely make out that the dark vertical coiling patterns divide the horizontal layout of the magical script into four sections, and that these four sections consist of three, two, three, and three writs respectively. Together these words form eleven magical characters that may well symbolize the “eleven spontaneous words inside the mountain.” The content of the “eleven spontaneous words” in diagram B further recalls the true writs of the five tablets transmitted in the Numinous Treasure tradition. From the early fifth century on, the five tablets would be arranged in the Daoist altar’s five directions.94 A thirteenth-century version from a liturgical manual includes repetitive phrases echoing a similar summoning of magical dragons and other divinities with the goal of eliminating evil and disasters. Here dragons are heavenly messengers who carry and reveal heavenly writings.95 Diagrams A and B represent two fragmented signs containing the Man-Bird Mountain’s secret messages, which together form a symbol set. Assembling fragmented signs in sets has the advantage of allowing for the addition of more layers of “security code” to the already esoteric transmission, which was intended to be passed on to a select few so that it would not be leaked to undeserving outsiders. Indeed, making symbols in sets is an important Daoist strategy for restricting the transmission of esoteric knowledge.96 The majority of symbol sets come in

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B

C

Figs. 3.17a–c. Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure. Details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Talisman of the Center from the set of Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure, detail; b–c. Left and right halves of the Talisman of the Center, from the Perfected Script in Five Tablets Written in Red Celestial Writing on the Original Commencement and the Five Ancient Lords, details.



groups of three and five.97 In addition to the two versions of the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain, some wellknown examples include the Three Tablets of Heaven, Earth and Water (Tian di shui sanjian 天地水三簡) (fig. 4.52),98 the True Forms Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (figs. 2.25, 3.31, 3.33c),99 the True Writs in Five Tablets (fig. 2.3),100 and the Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao wufu 靈寶五符) (fig. 3.17a).101 In some versions, each symbol is further subdivided into right and left sections (figs. 3.17b–c).102 Echoing the concept of symbol sets, literary accounts dealing with the transmission of Daoist sacred scriptures and symbols often deliberately obscure their whereabouts by noting that they exist in fragments hidden in different locations in sacred mountains.103 In general, the number five is more terrestrial and essentially horizontal, and is associated with the five phases, the five directions, the Five Sacred Peaks, the five inner organs, and so on. The number three is a more celestial number and fundamentally vertical, as it corresponds to the Three Heavens, the Three Primes, and the trinity of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity (the three elixir fields in the body).104 Groupings of two, such as the coupled symbols of the Man-Bird Mountain, evoke the notion of inner (or esoteric) and outer (or exoteric). Diagram A is associated with words in the void outside the mountain, whereas diagram B connects to natural words inside. This may also explain why the legible writings in diagram A surround the chart on the outside; in contrast, diagram B’s magical script is inside the chart and contains more

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arcane Daoist writs. Within the overarching Daoist system of knowledge transmission, however, both charts fall into the category of esoteric materials not easily accessible to outsiders. In conclusion, the study of the True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain illuminates a dimension of Daoist visuality tied to mysticism. Beginning with Six Dynasties stories of earthly paradises in foreign lands, the metaphor of the manbird, reflected most explicitly in diagram A, comes to be associated with the cultural metaphor of an auspicious man-bird, traceable to ancient funerary art and prevalent in medieval paintings featuring Buddhist paradises and Daoist star deities. The insertion of writings in a box-like chart, as in diagram A, suggests the influence of Buddhist charms popular in the Tang and Song periods. The imbedded symbols of diagram B, however, imitate the mystical calligraphy of Daoist heavenly writings, which resemble ancient seal scripts. Finally, the existence of two different versions of the chart suggests a visual system crucial to medieval Daoism: the fashioning of sets of symbols in which each part is assigned a fragment of the complete body of knowledge to be transmitted. The invention of symbol sets is thus a security measurement intended to safeguard the transmission of esoteric teachings.

Birds in Heavenly Scripts Bird imagery, often connected to celestial power, has played a significant role in the shaping of Daoist magical symbols, including pictures, writs, scripts, charts, and talismans. What, then, is the role of birds in Daoist creation? How do they inspire the visual culture of Daoist magical symbols? The introduction of bird imagery in Daoist “imagetexts” has its roots in the lore of heavenly scripts, which often makes reference to the myth of how Chinese writing was first created, especially because of its association with the subsequent development of bird script in ancient calligraphy.105 According to legend, the minister Cang Jie 倉頡, who served the legendary Yellow Emperor, first invented writing by imitating the tracks of birds (niaoji 鳥跡).106 A celebrated cultural hero, Cang Jie also appears in pictorial representations of the Daoist pantheon in the Southern Song and Yuan periods, where he is shown as a scholarly deity with multiple eyes (fig. 3.18).107 Ever keen on predating other traditions, however, the Daoists claim that the creation of heavenly writings preceded Cang Jie’s bird-inspired character making.108 What Daoist scholars call bird’s tracks (niaoji) 109 eventually encompassed the dynamic movements of birds in the sky. The flight patterns of flocks of birds, like the soaring formation visible in the “bird flash” caught on video over North America

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Fig. 3.18. Depiction of the four-eyed Cang Jie. Detail of leaf no. 11 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm.

Fig. 3.19. Documentation of starlings’ migratory flight in dense flocks. Photographic image rearranged from a video shot near Otmoor, England, February 2007.

and England in 2007, point to how such motions could inspire the development of calligraphic forms (fig. 3.19).110 Responding to the myth of the creation of Chinese writing, medieval Daoists recounted their own version of the creation of Daoist heavenly writings. This is evident in the oft-cited Declarations of the Perfected (Zhengao 真誥, DZ 1016) by Tao Hongjing (456–536).111 It records the revelation of the Lady of Purple Tenuity (Ziwei furen 紫微夫人, hereafter “the Lady”) to the spirit medium Yang Xi (330-386) and explains just “how the messages from the celestial world can be relayed to the human world through the medium” of stylized scripts.112 The Lady begins by introducing the heavenly scripts in evolutionary terms. When yin and yang first divided, the first and highest-ranking celestial writs emerged, including the script of the three primes and eight assemblies (sanyuan bahui 三元八會), and the eight-dragon cloud-seal script (balong yunzhuan mingguang zhizhang 八龍雲篆明光之章).113 As these evolved, they were reduced to the dragon-phoenix seal script (longfeng zhizhang 龍鳳之章) and the abbreviated Brahmā script (shunxing fanshu 順形梵書), both of which “spread through the thirty-six heavens and ten directions.”114 These four celestial scripts were known in the fifth century, but no actual samples survive. For these, we have to turn to the Song dynasty. Two of the four celestial scripts have the word “dragon” in their names. Dragons are magical flying creatures and often serve as symbolic heavenly messengers. 115 In select dragon-inspired scripts and talismans preserved in Song Daoist texts, dragons are in fact signified in bird-like forms, which in turn echo the pictographic elements in ancient bird-inspired scripts. An undated Song text associated



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Fig. 3.20. Dragon Seal Script of Heavenly Writings, from the Great Magic from the Purple Book of the True King of the Highest Divine Empyrean Jade Purity, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 3.21. Salvation Scripture Inscribed in Cloud Seal Script, from the Marvelous Book of Salvation in Seal Script, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

with the Divine Empyrean promoted by Emperor Huizong illustrates the dragon script of heavenly writings (longzhang tianshu 龍章天書) (fig. 3.20). 116 This dragon script is a more complicated variation of the cloud seal script, 117 a basic Daoist script inspired by the ancient, elongated seal script 118 and distinguished by its winding strokes imitating clouds (fig. 3.21). 119 Compared to the cloud seal script, the dragon script is more ornate and complex in its basic structure: the dragons each have round bird-like faces with dotted eyes, Y-shaped mouth openings to the left, two horns tapering to the right, and curved bodies made up of a single, curvilinear stroke beginning at each dragon’s head (fig. 3.20). The long, winding stroke defining the dragon’s body, moreover, resembles the character gong 弓 (arrow) and recalls the arrow-shaped dragon (gonglong 弓龍) mentioned in the “spontaneous words” inscribed inside diagram B (figs. 3.1b, 3.5a). 120 According to Monika Drexler, swirling symbols like this could be associated with myriad words in talismans, ranging from the characters yi 一 (one), liu 六 (six), and di 地 (earth) to long 龍 (dragon) and xian 仙 (immortal); the intertwined lines, furthermore, could refer to the characters jiu 九 (nine), yuan 元 (essence), and so on. 121 Although there is a certain degree of stylistic cohesion to the dragon script, the individual characters shown in figure 3.20 are all different. Each word

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Fig. 3.22. Talisman of the Dark Dragons, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

is composed of two to six dragons and each utilizes the basic compositional principles of traditional Chinese characters, that is, a square formation containing left/right or top/bottom components. Occasionally additional graphs, such as the character ri 日 (sun) or a square-shaped constellation, are imbedded to add a cosmological dimension. 122 In some characters, the dragons are intertwined or connected with one another, creating a sense of continuity and fluidity in the overall construct. A less complicated but equally fluid design is seen in the Mysterious Dragon Talisman (Xuanlong zhi fu 玄龍之符) dated to the Southern Song (fig. 3.22). 123 It consists of four bird-like dragons, three of which are coiled and stacked one on top of another, their heads turned to the left. The fourth extends downward, and his thread-like body is superimposed vertically over the lower two. 124 The dragons’ heads look rather bird-like (figs. 3.20, 3.22), a feature they share with the bird forms that appear in the bird-and-fish script on the lid of a bronze vessel (hu 壺) found in the Western Han tomb of Liu Sheng 劉勝 (165– 113 bce), Prince Jing of Zhongshan (Zhongshan Jingwang 中山靖王); the bronze, dated to the second century bce, was excavated in Mancheng 滿城, Hebei. 125 The character jin 菳 (splendid), seen here reproduced from a modern line drawing, is composed of playful images of birds and fish (fig. 3.23a). 126 Its upper section consists of two double-headed birds, below which are two horizontally stretched

A

B

Figs. 3.23a–b. Ancient scripts inspired by birds, fish, and insects. a. Bird script for the character jin, detail of the inlaid design on the lid of a hu bronze vessel from the tomb of Liu Sheng. Western Han dynasty, second century bce. Mancheng, Hebei. b. Fish and insect scripts. Detail of the inlaid script on the Qin seal discovered in 1098, from Yunlu manchao, detail. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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birds and a fish; the latter is connected to a tall, standing bird with a pointed beak, open wings, and long, skinny legs. Symmetrically arranged on both sides of the tall bird are two additional birds seen in profile, each pecking at a fish. The last “stroke” of the character shows a horizontal fish supporting the tall bird. 127 The overall design of the script resembles the so-called fish seal script (yu zhuan 魚篆) or fish-and-insect seal script (yuchong zhuan 魚蟲篆) associated with Li Si 李斯 (ca. 284–208 bce) and originally engraved on a Qin seal (fig. 3.23b). 128 According to an early thirteenth-century collection of anecdotes, this jade seal was reportedly discovered by a layman in 1098 near Xianyang 咸陽, Henan. 129 Certain details, especially the birdheads and the curved, intertwined bodies of the birds, are similar to the designs of the Daoist dragon script (fig. 3.20) and the dragon-inspired talisman (fig. 3.22). On the basis of these stylistic comparisons, the potency of Daoist “imagetexts” may have been further enhanced by drawing upon inspiration from examples of ancient scripts known and circulated during the Song period. 130 The Tang and Song periods marked a new phase in the development of bird script. The stele erected on Mount Gou (Goushi shan 緱氏山) in Henan in 699 to commemorate the Daoist immortal Wang Ziqiao’s, that is, Prince Jin’s (Jin Wang Ziqiao 晉王子喬, fl. 565–549 bce) ascension to immortality (shengxian 昇仙) riding on a white crane, is a good example (fig. 3.24).131 Its design has long been attributed to the stele’s sponsor, Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 690–705), noted for reinventing Chinese forms of writing.132 The script is characterized by the motif of a naturalistically rendered bird seen in profile, which appears either at the beginning of a stroke or as decoration. The Daoist-inspired script, moreover, is in tune with the Daoist content of the stele, which celebrates the legend of Wang Ziqiao’s achieving immortality.133 As Yuho Tseng observes, the bold application of the flying-white (feibai 飛白) technique, which is reflected in the execution of each brushstroke, “endows special power in the supernatural world.”134 Empress Wu’s magical script serves as an excellent demonstration of the medieval reinvention of the ancient bird script, a pictographic derivative of the seal script also known as bird seal script (niaozhuan 鳥篆) or bird-and-insect script (niaochong shu 鳥蟲書).135 Numerous Tang-Song texts, including Zhang Yanyuan’s 張彥遠 (815–ca. 875) Records of Famous Paintings of All Dynasties (Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記) of the mid-ninth century, trace the origin of bird script to the bird symbols drawn on banners and flags to commemorate the auspicious omens of the scarlet sparrow and the red crow in ancient times.136 For Zhang, the picture-like bird script has the same source as painting.137 Echoing Zhang’s notion, the eleventh-century manual Building Standard (Yingzao fashi 營造法式), issued by the Northern Song government, defines bird script as one of the six scripts created by Cang Jie and explains

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Fig. 3.24. Daoist-inspired bird script. Rubbing after a stone stele commemorating the Daoist immortal Prince Jin, commissioned by Empress Wu. Tang dynasty, dated 699. Mount Gou, Henan. Ink on paper. 343.5  158 cm.

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that to write it one should “begin with strokes that resemble the head of a bird.”138 The editor notes that although the bird script is “still called a kind of script,” it is in fact “a sort of picture.”139 The intermingling of word and image in the bird script subsequently triggered the Daoist invention of a pictographic “bird text” in the Southern Song (fig. 3.25). 140 It appears, for example, as the opening piece of the Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Plotting the Mysterious (Kaitian cexuan jing 開天策玄經, DZ 1220), associated with Clarified Tenuity Daoism in Fujian 福建.141 Matching the theme of opening the heavens in the title, the scripture begins with a bird text consisting of twenty dark bird symbols in varied positions. The connection between birds and opening the heavens reflects the merging of Daoist creation concepts with the legend of Cang Jie. The bird symbols bear diverse perspectives: some are in profile, others fly with open wings, yet others head up and down, back and forth, and around. The rich graphic symbols of this bird text help to provide a better understanding of the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain (diagram A, figs. 3.1a, 3.26b). For example, the bird symbols described as fluid (liu 流) and form (xing 形) are both shown flying toward the right (fig. 3.26a); their zigzag-shaped feathers are reminiscent of the pointed, triangular flames in diagram A (figs. 3.1a, 3.26b). They are also comparable to a similar phoenix-wing design in the Highest Clarity register (figs. 3.15, 3.26c). Finally, the dot-shaped pointed bird heads of the twenty bird signs in

Fig. 3.25. Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Scheming the Mysterious written in bird script, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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A

B

C

Figs. 3.26a–c. Comparison of bird-like motifs in Daoist magical symbols. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Opening essay of the Scripture for Opening the Heavens, detail of fig. 3.25; b. True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain, Diagram A, detail of fig. 3.1a; c. True Writing of the Mysterious Hill of the Phoenix Qi in Nine Heavens, detail of fig. 3.15.

the bird text also call to mind comparative shapes in diagrams A and B (figs. 3.25, 3.1a-b). Like the Daoist dragon script and dragon-inspired talisman discussed earlier (figs. 3.20, 3.22), the bird text of the Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Plotting the Mysterious (DZ 1220) is part of the larger antiquarian culture of the Song. Both on the personal and institutional levels, the growing interest in collecting antiquities not only stimulated the deciphering and publishing of ancient epitaphs and archaic scripts on antique vessels; it also inspired the making of new scripts.142 The antiquities catalogue compiled by Wang Qiu 王俅 (fl. twelfth century) poses a controversial case. Here Wang includes an inscription he claims was retrieved from the ancient tomb epitaph of Sir Teng (Tenggong muming 滕公墓銘) (fig. 3.27).143 His illustration shows a series of dark chunky signs resembling the negative visual effects of a rubbing; some script-like symbols look like the body parts of a bird. Already by the fourteenth century scholars had begun to question the characters’ authenticity,144 suggesting that they might be the cataloguer’s fabrications and conveyed the Song antiquarian taste in script-making rather than transmitting real examples of ancient script. The dark, bird-like signs from this controversial tomb inscription, however, are not unlike the Daoist bird symbols in the Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Plotting the Mysterious (fig. 3.25). Though both bear labels that associate them with the untraceable past, they may be best seen as fabrications catering to the Song taste in archaism and as evidence of Song antiquarian predilections.145



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Fig. 3.27. Tomb epitaph of Sir Teng, detail. Xiao tang jigu lu. Southern Song, dated 1176. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

In addition to their presence in heavenly scripts, birds are also evoked in talismans. An eighth-century Dunhuang fragment (P. 2559) contains a talismanic chart filled with various magical characters of birds (fig. 3.28).146 Double-contour lines characterize both the writings and the framing; they suggest that the talisman is a traced copy, although no specific stroke orders are given.147 The accompanying instructions tell the adept to transcribe the model drawing onto a woodblock made from Sophora japonica (huai 槐) 148 and coat the block with waterproof yellow glue, then transcribe the talisman in vermilion; 149 he should also color the outer frame in red and the inner frame in black. This Dunhuang text (P. 2559) does not explain the function of the illustrated talisman, but another manuscript (S. 3750) does. It details the lore of the Five Sacred Peaks and mentions the “Talisman and Seal [Granted by] the Lord of the Western Sacred Peak [to] Prohibit Access to the Mountain” (Xiyue gong jinshan fu yin 西嶽 公禁山符印).150 Reading the two texts together, it becomes possible to interpret the bird-inspired talisman in P. 2559 as the “talisman and seal” (fuyin 符印) granted by the Lord of the Western Sacred Peak to “control mountain goblins and subjugate all birds” (shangyan shanjing, xiazhi baiqin 上厭山精，下制百禽).151 The character yin 印 (stamping) at the center of the drawing in P. 2559 may suggest that the wooden talisman was used as a seal. Medieval Daoists believed that stamping a talisman in the air or onto a patient’s body was efficacious in subjugating demons and curing illnesses.152 Illustrations of bird-inspired talismans appear in an early thirteenth-century compilation associated with the Divine Empyrean (figs. 3.29a–c).153 These include the Talisman of the Chorus of the Nine Phoenixes (Jiufeng qichang fu 九鳳齊唱

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Fig. 3.28. Drawing sample for a seal showing repeated renditions of the character for “bird,” detail from a Dunhuang manuscript. Tang dynasty, eighth century. Handscroll. Ink and color on paper. 25.9  272.8 cm.

符) (fig. 3.29a), the Talisman of the Light of the Nine Cranes (Jiu guang baihe fu 九光白鶴符) (fig. 3.29b), and the Talisman of the Humming of the Eight Luan Birds (Baluan tongming fu 八鸞同鳴符) (fig. 3.29c). Each is depicted in its decomposed form (sanxing 散形) on the right and in its assembled form (juxing 聚形) on the left.154 The decomposed form lays out a step-by-step illustrated explanation of talisman making, and the assembled form presents the integrated talisman in its complete form.155 For example, in its decomposed form the Talisman of the Chorus of the Nine Phoenixes shows how the first stroke consists of a long, wavy line extending vertically through the center, beginning with a vortex on top and ending with another spiral at the bottom (fig. 3.29a). While drawing this line, the adept chants, “Primordial qi disperses, evening clouds glow” (yuanqi sankuo, yunxia caiguang 元氣 散擴，雲霞彩光). Next he adds nine repetitive symbols of phoenixes, four on each side of the central line and one at its lower end. While drawing these symbols, he intones, “[May the qi] condense into nine phoenixes who fly and dance in radiance” (jiehua jiufeng, feidao jiumang 結化九鳳，飛蹈九芒). The talismans featuring cranes and mythical luan birds are different in composition. The crane talisman repeats the character guang (light) in the upper part to highlight the notion of brightness associated with the white cranes. The talisman of the luan birds has a particularly distinctive spiral configuration, a sign of the harmonious musicality produced by the heavenly birds.



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A

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C

According to Li Yuanguo, the structure of a talisman can be compared to the human body: it has three main parts, the head, the abdomen, and the feet, with the head referring to the top of the talisman and the feet to the bottom. If a talisman is composed of left and right parts, the left is the head, and the right is the feet. 156 The abdomen or central section of the talisman is like the body’s inner organs, where the qi is concentrated. Applying this principle to these bird-inspired talismans, the left and right sides of the Talisman of the Chorus of the Nine Phoenixes (fig. 3.29a) may refer to the head and feet of the talisman, respectively. The crane talisman (fig. 3.29b), on the other hand, bears a vertical tripartite structure of head, abdomen, and feet. Finally, the repetitive spiral configurations enclosed inside the talisman of the luan birds evoke the embodied qi (fig. 3.29c). As this exploration of visual materials is extended beyond the True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain themselves, it becomes clear that many of their visual elements converge with principles underlying Daoist magical scripts and talismans. The prominent role of birds in these sacred symbols highlights their inspirational role both in myths regarding the creation of Chinese writing as well as in Daoist heavenly writings. Despite their diversity in type and function, all of these birdinspired designs reinvent archaic conventions—both graphic and calligraphic—to create magical Daoist symbols. Daoist tu—such as the True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain—thus provide a site where myriad cultural conventions meet. The all-inclusive character of these true form charts also holds true for the charts of the Five Sacred Peaks.

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Figs. 3.29a–c. Birdinspired talismans, from Great Rites of the Book of Universal Salvation, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Talisman of the Chorus of the Nine Phoenixes; b. Talisman of the Light of the Nine Cranes; c. Talisman of the Humming of the Eight Luan Birds.

The Five Sacred Peaks The visuality of the true form charts highlights the unique interlocking relationship of heavenly writings and sacred mountains, two concepts prominent in Daoist cosmology. The textually embellished true form charts are the materialized “image­ texts” of the immaterial Daoist heavenly writings, celestial signs coagulated from pure and primordial energies when the universe first unfolded. They are thus tied to esoteric and secret Daoist teachings and deemed to be the highest sacred scriptures, which are only revealed to humans occasionally and cannot be taken lightly once divulged. Consequently, their makers intentionally adopted ambiguous, hybrid, and nonrepresentational visual idioms to make them difficult for ordinary people to comprehend, yet decipherable for trained adepts. Their esoteric, hybrid, and aniconic visual forms further reinforce the myth of their secret transmission. The interconnection between the obscure quality of the visual form and Daoist esotericism posits an important paradigm universal to Daoist image making for numerous other graphic designs, scripts, and charts packed into Daoist texts produced in traditional China. Like the true form charts, they are alternative types of sacred texts, to be realized by visualizing their forms in cosmic space, by reciting their words, and by uttering their sounds. In medieval China, the best-documented true form charts are related to the Five Sacred Peaks. Past scholarship divides them into two types, script-like signs and map-like charts.157 Recent studies suggest that the map-like charts play a more important role in medieval Daoist discourse because they were reserved for internal circulation by an audience of initiates, as opposed to other materials that were more publically available.158 Nevertheless, both categories of visual documentation should be examined. An early example of script-like signs occurs on the Tang mirror of the True Form of the Five Sacred Peaks illustrated in Emperor Huizong’s antiquities catalogue and discussed earlier (fig. 2.23b).159 Originally the signs may have been imbedded in the design to enhance the talismanic power of the mirror, which was for use particularly when venturing into a mountain.160 More recently, Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin have reidentified these insignia as Talismans of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue zhenxing fu 五嶽真形符), based on a comparable set of talismans recorded in a fourteenth-century text preserved in the Daozang (fig. 3.30).161 The inscription accompanying each talisman links the symbol with a sacred mountain. In terms of their visual design, the five talismans are rendered as geometric shapes, with the talismans of the south and north in the form of a raindrop and an oval, respectively, and the talismans of the east, west, and center more square in appearance. Most notably, the symbol for the Eastern Sacred Peak



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Fig. 3.30. Talismans of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks, from Transmitted Secrets of the Inner Writs of the Three Sovereigns, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

resembles the character tai 泰, suggesting that it is a script-inspired symbol referring to Mount Tai.162 Four comparable versions of the map-like true form charts are preserved in three medieval Numinous Treasure texts preserved in the Ming Daoist Canon (figs. 2.25, 3.31, 3.33c); 163 each version is a set of symbols containing five to nine charts.164 In three versions, inscriptions are embedded in the serial charts as location markers (figs. 2.25, 3.33c), thus turning the mysterious forms into map-like configurations.165 Two of the four versions are from Southern Song Numinous Treasure liturgical manuals; the other two are undated,166 but are also classified as Numinous Treasure. Some scholars think that the two undated sets are earlier because their accompanying texts call them archaic versions (guben 古本) (figs. 2.25, 3.31, 3.33c).167 They are similar in terms of their content: each includes nine charts, five of which correspond to the charts of the Five Sacred Peaks, with the remaining four matching four other mountains that serve as their assistants (zuoming 佐命) and lords (chujun 儲君) and work to support them.168 But they do differ visually: one bears no inscription and is square in shape (fig. 3.31), whereas the other has cartographic information embedded in it and is elongated in format (figs. 2.25, 3.33c). Fig. 3.31. True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak (Mount Tai), from Archaic Version of the Chart of the True Form of the Five Sacred Peaks, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Scholars tend to identify the set without inscriptions as the oldest extant example, linking it to the fourth-century true form chart of the Five Sacred Peaks already lauded by Ge Hong as the most powerful emblem for entering a mountain (fig. 3.31).169 Charts in this group are all composed as black chunky squares with twisting border contours and irregular curvilinear shapes voided in white within the template. Their “mystery box” design has a counterpart in other Tang and Song mystic symbols, such as the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain, as well as a number of box-like charts associated with the Divine Empyrean (figs. 3.1a, 2.6).170 These visual connections suggest that the extant, wordless archaic version also existed in the Tang and Song periods and could be dated later than the fourth century, a dating that actually matches those of Inoue and Schipper based on textual comparison.171 The other archaic version, which contains inscriptions in small regular script, provides additional information. The inscriptions tell of the associated mountains’ natural resources and the locations of grottoes and stone chambers, thereby turning the true form charts into customized Daoist maps showcasing mountain terrains in bird’s-eye views. In the chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, for example, five repetitive legends reading “climb up from here” (congci shang 從此上) appear at five points on the upper, lower, and left borders, suggesting that the chart was intended as a mountain map for travelers or pilgrims (figs. 2.25, 3.33c). Additional directional markers note that the chart is constructed on a south-north axis, with the south on the top and the north at the bottom. The highest part of the mountain seems to be in the upper right corner of the chart. Two separate inscriptions note that “Yu [the Great] of the Xia came here, at this point 14009 zhang and two chi high” (Xia Yu daoci wan siqian jiuzhang er chi 夏禹到此萬四千九丈二尺) and that “The world above here cannot be reached” (shangfang shijie buke dao 上方世界不可到).172 The text also suggests that the original was multicolored: Mountain forms are in black, water sources are in red, and entrances to grottoes are marked in yellow dots. 黑者山形，赤者水源，黃點者洞穴口也。173

Before the arrival of woodblock printing, religious manuscripts or symbols were copied by hand in medieval China.174 Although examples preserved in the Daozang are printed in monochrome, these map-like charts most likely were colorful drawings originally. Quite possibly they resembled the multicolored true form charts drawn “in vermilion and black on high-quality silk” and carried by the adept “in a pouch,” as stated in the Dunhuang fragment (S. 3750) associated with the transmission rite for the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (fig. 3.32).175



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Scholars of Chinese geography and science have long regarded the true form charts as examples of Daoist maps.176 In 1910 Ogawa Takuji, in a classic comparison, paired a modern contour map of Mount Tai with an eighteenth-century Japanese copy of the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak (figs. 3.33a–b).177 The formal similarities between the two prompted Ogawa to suggest that the Daoist diagram included geographic traits of a real mountain. The Japanese copy, although of a much later date, preserves some cartographic features not seen in extant Chinese specimens of the true form charts,178 indicating that it reflects a different model, perhaps one that is indeed linked to Daoist maps. Despite this optimistic speculation, it is unclear what the scientific source was for Ogawa’s topographical map of Mount Tai. Furthermore, the inconclusive comparison between Ogawa’s survey map and the satellite view of Mount Tai available in the most updated electronic Google earth map makes the topographic theory of the true form charts less convincing.179 Adding the inscribed archaic version of the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak preserved in the Ming Daoist Canon to Ogawa’s pair, the contour lines on the right borders show some significant differences. The triple wavelike patterns resembling geographic contours in the first two samples (figs. 3.33a–b) are transformed into a smoother, single-curve line here (fig. 3.33c). In the same way, the patterns on the bottom borders near the lower left corners of the charts in figures 3.33a and 3.33b are curved U-shapes, in contrast to the pointed, claw-like patterns of figure 3.33c. Similar stylization occurs along the upper border of figure 3.33c, which recalls the shapes of birds’ feathers and heads illustrated in other Daoist symbols (figs. 3.25, 3.26a–c). This comparison suggests that even though the designer of the extant true form chart may have reconfigured its cartographic traits into more schematized, myth-provoking designs, its main visual idioms are not representational or topographical. Indeed, the overall visual strategy for the true form charts departs from Chinese cartography as documented over the millennia. An early extant example of Chinese mapmaking, the second century bce map of Mount Jiuyi (Jiuyi shan 九疑山) found at Mawangdui180 shows aerial views of multiple concentric rings that have a ripple effect; these are the mountain’s geographic designations, and the nine pillar-shaped configurations, viewed frontally, stand for its nine peaks (fig. 3.34).181 The linearly constructed, ripple-like rendition of the mountain’s geography recalls the curvilinear lines of the modern contour map of Mount Tai (fig. 3.33a).182 By the

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Fig. 3.32. Transmission method of the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks, detail from a Dunhuang manuscript. Tang dynasty, eighth century. Ink and color on paper. 26  45 cm.

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Figs. 3.33a–c. Comparison of the True Form Charts of the Eastern Sacred Peak (Mount Tai). a. Modern contour map of Mount Tai; b. Japanese copy of the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak. Edo period, Eighteenth century; c. “Archaic version” of the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, from Old Version of the Chart of the True Form of the Five Sacred Peaks, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Fig. 3.34. Copy after the original area map of Mount Jiuyi from Tomb no. 3, Mawangdui, detail. Western Han dynasty, second century bce. Ink and color on silk.

twelfth century, mapmaking in China had reached a sophisticated level, and its impact on visual culture extended as far as landscape painting.183 As Hilde de Weerdt has shown, maps of the time played an important role in the growth of the empire-wide infrastructure and were also the subject of empire-wide examinations.184 One such advanced empire map is the Map of the Tracks of Yu (Yuji tu 禹迹 圖), carved on a monumental stone in north China in 1136 (fig. 3.35).185 A scientifically charted map on minute grids, it shows rivers and land boundaries in minute linear fashion.186 The map’s name evokes the mythical inspection tour undertaken by Yu the Great and contains a symbolic reference to the empire.187 The allusion to the ancient mythical ruler, moreover, resonates with the lore of the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks, for many of these map-like charts bear location markers denoting the highest sites of the mountains Yu once visited and measured.

The Mystical Cosmos The map-like True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks deliver a unique mystic vision of the Daoist cosmos. They encompass the perspectives from all directions of the Six Harmonies (liuhe 六合)—above, below, east, west, north, and south—and reflect the Daoist visualization of omnipresent deities who can see “all-there-is.”188 Strategically, the maker of the map-like charts employed an aerial view to deliver the divine perspective.189

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Fig. 3.35. Map of the Tracks of Yu, detail. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1136. Stone stele. Photograph.

It is as if the gods were gazing at the sacred mountains from the Daoist heavens. The lore of the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks does indeed speak of such a deity:

Fig. 3.36. Stone carvings of the god and goddess of the Eastern Sacred Peak and the celestial court, from the Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto, Cave no. 11, detail. Southern Song dynasty, twelfth century. 288  386 cm (measurement of the niche). Dazu, Sichuan.

The True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks . . . were produced by the Supreme Lord of the Three Heavens 190 . . . .Looking down at the Six Harmonies [of the world], he gazed at the different lengths among oceans and rivers and investigated the different heights among hills and mountains. Then he named and positioned the Pillar of Heaven and arranged the patterns of Earth. He also placed the Five Sacred Peaks and their assistant mountains into their correct positions. 此五嶽真形圖…乃三天太上所出…三天太上道君，下觀六合，瞻海河 之長短，察丘山之高卑，名立天柱，安於地理，植五嶽而擬諸鎮輔。191

Not only is there a deity in the highest heaven keeping an eye on the world, but there is also a mountain-deity in each sacred mountain who oversees the terrain.192 Medieval textual and visual sources record numerous examples of murals and sculptures of the deities of the Five Sacred Peaks. At the Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto in Dazu, for example, there are Southern Song stone carvings of the god and goddess of the Eastern Sacred Peak and their entourage (fig. 3.36).193 Seated at the center in front of a screen, the god and goddess are larger than the rest of the assisting male bureaucratic gods flanking the central icons in multiple rows to the left, above, and below. In the horizontal register below the god and the goddess two officials unfold a handscroll. They may represent the record-keepers at the Court of the Eastern Sacred Peak who document the sins and virtues of the deceased souls. In addition, painted imagery of the gods of the Five Sacred Peaks is juxtaposed with other devotional images in the Daoist sacred space, as indicated in a thirteenth-century Daoist ritual diagram (fig. 1.28).194 A drawing from the Southern Song- to Yuan-dynasty Cleveland album that may have served as a



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Fig. 3.37. Bureaucratic god of the underworld reviewing a hanging scroll of a temple map held by his assistant. Detail of leaf no. 29 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.18  38.40 cm.

template for a mural design depicts a bureaucratic god at work, gazing at a temple map mounted on a scroll and held by his assistant (fig. 3.37).195 The painting-withina-painting before the celestial administrator shows two views of the same temple, the pictorial and the cartographic. At the top of the scroll is a pictorial vision of the temple on a cliff, surrounded by mountains and trees. Below it is a framed map, applying multiple viewpoints to lay out architectural motifs in symmetrical fashion. The temple’s cartographic layout is much like the Map of the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak (Zhongyue miao tu 中嶽廟圖; ca. 1200), originally carved on a stone stele in Henan when North China was under Jurchen-Jin rule (fig. 3.38).196 Seen in this way, the temple depicted in the painting-within-a-painting in the Cleveland album may well be the resident temple of the gazing god. Similarly, the intended audience for the temple map on the stone stele may not only have included pilgrims but also the god of the Central Sacred Peak. Just as Christian scholars in medieval Europe saw “the whole sensible world” as “a kind of book written by the finger” of the god,197 medieval Daoists compared the natural patterns of the Five Sacred Peaks with heavenly writings:

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The mountain ranges bend back upon themselves and the smaller hills wander back and forth. The height of the mountains and the extent of their slopes are shown by lines turning and curving. Indeed, they look like written characters. 陵迴阜轉，山高隴長，周旋逶迤，形似書字。198

Fig. 3.38. Map of the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak. Rubbing after a stone stele in the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak, Dengfeng, Henan. Jin dynasty, ca. 1200. Ink on paper. 126  73 cm.

The analogy between landscape and writings echoes the creation as described in the Declarations of the Perfected (DZ 1016); it also links with landscape shapes one may see from an airplane today or, in the medieval context, from a high summit.199 Also, numerous Han-to-Tang rock and mountain engravings (moya 摩崖) turned medieval geology into a “landscape of words.” 200 This phenomenon may well have inspired the Daoists to visualize landscape as words and vice versa. The landscape seen through Daoist eyes, then, “is not a natural phenomenon” but a cultural product reflecting the Daoist “perception of the raw material of nature.”201 Indeed, many Daoist talismans and magical writs attest to the unique visuality of the script-like landscape (figs. 3.39a–c). A talisman accompanying the wordless archaic version exhibits such an aerial vision of “heaven and earth, mountains and rivers, mounds and hills” (tiandi shanchuan qiu­ling 天 地山川丘陵), executed with bold calligraphic brushstrokes and punctuated by angular turns and thickening tips (fig. 3.39a).202 In comparison with this “ecological” talisman, the Southern Song magical writs in the names of dragons and phoenixes look more like characters assembled from tree trunks and branches (fig. 3.39b),203 which may in turn have been inspired by ancient engraved seal-script characters discovered on antiquities and recorded in Song antiquities catalogues.204 Daoists



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Figs. 3.39a–d. Writings as landscape in the form of mountain ranges, trees, and rivers. a–c. Details, Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; a. Talisman, from Old Version of the Chart of the True Form of the Five Sacred Peaks, detail; b. Dragon script, from the Scripture of Salvation, detail; c. Hidden script, from Register for the Instructions for the Highest Clarity Secret Writings of the Jade Purity of the Three Luminaries of the Great Arcane, detail. d. The Waterfall of the Pending Cloud Sea, attributed to Li Gonglin, from the Painting of the Mountain Villa, detail. Southern Song–Yuan dynasty, ca. thirteenth–fourteenth century. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 28.9  364.6 cm.

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may have employed these landscape-evoking symbols to summon supernatural powers dwelling in the landscape. Thus Tang Highest Clarity Daoists used a series of twelve hidden scripts to summon the myriad mountain and water deities, including those of the Five Sacred Peaks (fig. 3.39c).205 Each hidden script is colored in blue and red and resembles a vertical map of waterways, presenting an intricate network of thin, winding lines that recall the talismanic waterfall depicted in the painting of the Mountain Villa attributed to the eleventh-century scholar-painter Li Gonglin 李公麟 (ca. 1041–1106) (fig. 3.39d).206

The Fengshui Connection Another less explored visual convention for the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks derives from the art of fengshui, a topic introduced above. From the perspective of geomancy, an auspicious spot (jidi 吉地) is one where qi assembles (qiju 氣聚); its opposite is an inauspicious spot (xiongdi 凶地) where qi scatters (qisan 氣散).207 Tang and Song fengshui treatises, especially those of the Jiangxi school,

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Figs. 3.40a–b. Fengshui charts. Yang Yunsong, Diagrams of the Descending Configurations of Twelve Dragons, from the manuscript edition of the Yongle dadian. Ming dynasty, 1567 copy of the two surviving chapters from the orginial edition of 1408. a. The greeting dragon; b. the killing dragon.

contain illustrations of land configurations (figs. 3.10a–b, 3.40a–b, 3.41).208 To the trained eye, they are collections of metaphorical dragons and dragons’ lairs (longxue 龍穴). Each dragon’s lair is an inner space formed by a dragon, as in the examples from the 1607 encyclopedia Illustrated Compendium of the Three Powers (Sancai tuhui 三才 圖會) (fig. 3.42).209 In shape, an ideal dragon’s lair resembles a grotto, a horseshoe formation, or a pair of cradling arms, but the A B cavity created within the welldefined mountain range also remains open so that the qi can flow freely within.210 In fengshui, the term “dragon” refers to the turning contours and related geographic configurations of a geographic area. Examples include the Tang-dynasty Diagrams of the Descending Configurations of Twelve Dragons (Shi’er long jiangshi tu 十二龍降勢圖) by the geomancer Yang Yunsong 楊筠松 (834–906) (figs. 3.40a– b).211 Here the greeting dragon (yilong 揖龍) refers to an auspicious spot because it possesses a well-armed lair capable of assembling fluid qi (fig. 3.40a). The killing dragon (shalong 殺龍), on the other hand, symbolizes an unlucky site, for the land shows no such well-protected space (fig. 3.40b). Applying these concepts, the fengshui master’s task is to “seek the true dragon” (mi zhenlong 覓真龍) or the “true form.”212 As Stephan Feuchtwang notes, the fengshui diagrams are not depictions of a static condition but rather “dialectic” signposts acknowledging “a process or state of being in flux and always in some kind of relation to another symbol.”213 By assembling the single motifs (or area views) of dragon and dragon’s lair, one can construct a more complex configuration surveying a larger area. This approach is exemplified in the diagram of the Auspicious Ghost Dragon ( Jiguilong 吉鬼龍) from a series of large tomb-siting charts, originally hand copied in monochrome ink for the imperial Ming Great Encyclopedia of the Yongle Reign (Yongle dadian 永 樂大典) (fig. 3.41).214 It is likely that this series of charts was copied from earlier Tang or Song sources. The compositional principle of filling an elongated mystery box with transforming visions of contrasting yin and yang in flux is comparable to the charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (figs. 2.25, 3.31, 3.33c).215 Visually, the true form mountain charts adopt the concept of the “dragon’s lair” but transform the



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Fig. 3.41. Diagram of the Auspicious Ghost Dragon, detail from the manuscript edition of the Yongle dadian. Ming dynasty, 1567 copy of the two surviving chapters from the original 1408 edition.

Fig. 3.42. Illustrations of the dragon’s lair, from the Illustrated Compendium of the Three Powers, detail. Sancai tuhui. Ming dynasty, dated 1607. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Fig. 3.43. Chen Rong, Nine Dragons, detail. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1244. Handscroll. Ink and color on paper. 46.2  1096.4 cm.

appearance of the fengshui lairs into pockets of negative space, like enclosed circular grottoes and tube-shaped or phallus-like cavities open to the outside. Popping up from the center of this tomb-siting chart is a dragon’s face in profile, the voided dot resembling its eyeball. The dragon’s “body” swirls to form multiple lairs. Opposite the dragon’s face is a character that reads “welcome” (ying 迎), perhaps to denote the lair as “armed” by dark lands connected to the open space leading outside.216 This lively zoomorphic imagery resonates with the dynamic physicality of the rainevoking dragons depicted by the Southern Song painter Chen Rong 陳容 (first half of the thirteenth century) (fig. 3.43) as well as the chimeric forms in the true form charts.217 The shared visual elements in fengshui, painting, and Daoism open an additional dimension for experiencing the visuality of Daoist mysticism.

Mountain Treasures Medieval Daoists traveled to the Five Sacred Peaks to seek out minerals, herbs, and fungi for their alchemical and healing qualities. This is evident in the inscriptions on the archaic version of the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks, which reveal an impressive list of mountain treasures (figs. 2.25, 3.33c). These highly desirable natural treasures fall into three major categories: minerals, herbs, and magical mushrooms or fungi generically called zhi 芝. Supporting visual sources make it clear that medieval Daoists accessed illustrated handbooks of these natural resources before embarking on a quest in the mountains: they are marked on obscure loci that resemble enclaves or deep cavities.



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Minerals and Herbs The minerals noted on the true form charts most likely refer to alchemical raw materials used in Daoist laboratories to produce elixirs. The charts cite transparent quartz (bai shiying 白石英) and purple quartz (zi shiying 紫石英), as well as mercury or cinnabar (liuzhu 流珠). In the eighth century, some mineral samples were packed in silver boxes and deposited in the Hejia 何家 village hoard near Xi’an (fig. 3.44).218 The contents of the containers included transparent white and purple quartz, cut hexagonally, as well as vermilion-red cinnabar packed with dark amber. In addition, there was a large box reserved exclusively for eighteen liang of the best stalactitic calcite” (shangshang ru 上上乳).219 This icicle-shaped mineral, found hanging from the roofs of caverns, consists of solidified cylinders of calcium-carbonate deposit formed by the dripping of mineral-rich water within the caves.220 Though not specifically marked on the true form charts, Mount Tai and Mount Song are known to have rich deposits of this mineral. Inscriptions on the archaic versions of the true form charts also highlight other minerals: “stone-gall” blue vitriol (shitan 石膽), “flowing yellow” sulphur (liuhuang 流黃), copper carbonate (zengqing 曾青), “sky-blue” copper (kong qing 空 青), stannic oxide (shigui 石桂), and jade (baiyu 白玉 and cangyu 蒼玉). These are illustrated in a monumental catalogue of materia medica (bencao 本草) preserved in the Daozang, which also includes a whole pharmacy of medicinal minerals, herbs, woods, flowers, animals, insects, and so on221 depicted in diverse shapes, from rocky to liquid and from flower-like cubes to yam-like loaves (figs. 3.45a–d). Liu Zhaorui further identifies copper carbonate as one of the essences of the five stones (wushi zhi jing 五石之精) frequently evoked as magical medicine (shenyao 神藥) in guarding the tomb texts (zhenmu wen 鎮墓文) that are inscribed on ceramic jars and buried in Eastern Han tombs.222 The Daozang pharmacopoeia, moreover, is based on a Northern Song catalogue compiled by the medicinal officer Kou Zongshuang 寇宗爽 (ca. early twelfth century) and published under Huizong’s patronage in the early twelfth century.223 The Daozang illustrations are probably faithful to the Song original, since they are quite similar to those found in the thirteenth-century reprint of the bencao catalogue by Tang Shenwei 唐慎微 (ca. 1056–1136), the seminal model for Kou’s version first issued by the Northern Song government in the late eleventh century.224 What is less well known is Kou’s connection to Daoist circles in Bianjing (modern Kaifeng). The leading Divine Empyrean master Zhang

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Fig. 3.44. Mineral samples packed in silver boxes, excavated from Hejia village. Xi’an, Shaanxi. Tang Dynasty, eighth century.

Figs. 3.45a–d. Illustrated minerals, from Illustrated Materia Medica, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. “Stone-gall” blue vitriol; b. Sulphur; c. Copper carbonate; d. “Sky-blue” copper.

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Xubai 張虛白 (ca. early twelfth century) included Kou’s catalogue in the now-lost Daoist Canon compiled under Huizong and also kept Kou’s original manuscript in a Daoist temple in the capital. 225 The main focus of traditional Chinese pharmacopoeia is on medicinal herbs—a fact already clarified through use of the word for pharmacopoeia, namely, bencao, meaning herb-based.226 The Daoists’ preoccupation with herbs is evident from the inscriptions on the archaic version as well. In the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, for example, aromatic and healing plants such as sweet herbs (gancao 甘 草), miscellaneous medicinal herbs (za yaocao 雜藥草), and fungi and herbs (zhicao 芝草) are marked on grotto-like loci on the map (figs. 2.25, 3.33c). Other charts from the same set make similar designations for sites for medicinal herbs (yaocao 藥草) and divine herbs (xiancao 仙草). Medieval Daoists acquired herbal knowledge by consulting picture books kept in their libraries.227 Besides Kou’s catalogue, the Daozang also preserves a fully illustrated herbal handbook called Songs of the Numinous Herbs by the Immortal of the White Clouds (Baiyun xianren lingcao ge 白雲仙人靈草歌, DZ 932) attributed to the twelfth Highest Clarity patriarch Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647–735).228 It describes fifty-five plants, giving a title, illustration, brief explanation, and hymned verse for each (figs. 3.46a–c).229 Catherine Despeux dates this manual to the eighth to tenth centuries and notes the diverse properties of the illustrated herbs, ranging from mollifying or fixing minerals in operative alchemy to “therapeutic virtues or help to prolong life.” 230 On the alchemical side, the dark-green earth treasure herb (dibao cao 地寶草) is useful for operative alchemy (fig. 3.46a).231 The herb has a straight stem with tiny leaves and grows on water; when boiled into liquid, it mollifies realgar and cinnabar. On the therapeutic side, the herb of assembled grains (hesui cao 合穗草), with its red flowers and light purple stamens, is good for improving intelligence (fig.



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3.46b),232 and the green mountain herb (shanqing cao 山青草) can turn white hair back to black and can help in soothing scared children (fig. 3.46c).233

Magical Mushrooms In the medieval Daoists’ study of zhi, often translated as magical mushrooms or fungi, the extensive scope of their knowledge far exceeded that of other pharmaceutical naturalists. Robert Campany sees zhi as a “generic word for protrusions or emanations from rocks, trees, herbs, fleshy animals, or fungi (including mushrooms).”234 Zhi as such forms an essential part of Daoist “alternative cuisines,” kitchen feasts either visualized or enacted in rituals that were believed to lead to longevity and immortality. The image of the numinous zhi (lingzhi 靈芝) with its coiling cloudlike cups is very common even today; the fourteenth-century mural at the Daoist Temple of Eternal Joy presents an older example (fig. 3.47).235 In a procession scene flanking three walls of the main hall, a jade maiden holds a tray with offerings of cloud-like mushrooms with dark purple dots.236 True form charts mark multiple locations where assorted zhi grow. They include the purple rock excrescenses (zishi zhi 紫石芝) from the Eastern Sacred Peak, the flat fungi (pingzhi 平芝) from the Western Sacred Peak, the primordial mysterious fungi (taixuan zhi 太玄芝) from the Northern Sacred Peak, and the stony spring exudations (shiquan zhi 石泉芝) from the Central Sacred Peak.237 This classification reflects the sophisticated expertise of medieval Daoists, evident, for example, in Ge Hong’s Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Keeps to Simplicity (DZ 1185), which discusses herbalism in a religious context.238 Ge lists

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Figs. 3.46a–c. Herbs for operative alchemy and therapeutic value, from the Songs of the Numinous Herbs by the Immortal of the White Clouds, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Earth treasure herb; b. Herb of assembled grains; c. Green mountain herb.

Fig. 3.47. Daoist jade maiden holding a tray of numinous mushrooms with dark purple dots, detail. North wall of the Hall of the Three Pure Ones, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

five major types of zhi, rock, wood, herb, flesh, and tiny, noting that each of them includes over a hundred species.239 Their variegated shapes include a wide spectrum of “buildings, palanquins and horses, dragons and tigers, human beings, or flying birds.”240 As Michel Strickmann notes, these zhi enable one “who eats them to transcend the normal limits of space and time,” for they “grant powers of longevity, invisibility, levitation and immersion.” 241 Joseph Needham suggests that Daoists systematically used zhi as “hallucinogenic substances” in ritual and cultivation.242 All in all, the multifaceted magical powers of zhi go beyond the acknowledged healing power of certain subcategories of zhi, whose more limited medical efficacy was only recognized for treating piles and tumors.243 Pertinent to the textual discourse on zhi is its visual tradition. Ge Hong also claims that an illustrated volume on zhi was in circulation in his day, a claim supported by a list of illustrated books in his library collection. The list includes Illustrated Wood Excrescenses (Muzhi tu 木芝圖), Illustrated Fungi ( Junzhi tu 菌芝圖), Illustrated Inner Excrescenses (Neizhi tu 內芝圖), Illustrated Rock Excrescenses (Shizhi tu 石芝圖), and Illustrated Fungi for the Great Souls (Dapo zazhi tu 大魄雜芝圖).244 Although none of these pictures survives, it is reasonable to assume that they may have served as Daoist adepts’ zhi-picking guides. Other textual sources suggest that medieval Daoists deemed certain images efficacious in guiding them to find fungi and medicines in the Five Sacred Peaks. For example, an early Numinous Treasure text lists a Picture of Picking Mushrooms in the Mountain (Caizhi kai­shan tu 採芝開山圖) and a certain Diagram of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue tu 五岳 圖) among the Twenty-four True Diagrams (Ershisi zhentu 二十四真圖) formed by natural qi.245 In the Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels, the encomium accompanying the Picture of Picking Mushrooms in the Mountain similarly evokes the imagery of a zhi-picking, feathered transcendent traveling on swift winds to the summit of the numinous peaks to find the “five kinds of zhi” and the “divine herbs” growing from frost.246



true form charts

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The little-studied pictorial tradition identified through the broadly defined title Illustrated Medicinal Herb Picking (Caiyao tu 採藥圖) provides a link to the recorded illustrated volumes on zhi. 247 This correlation in subject matter is evident in a small colored drawing on hemp paper, which was deposited in a Buddhist statue at the Liao-dynasty pagoda in Yingxian 應縣, Shanxi, and dated to before the mid-eleventh century (fig. 3.48).248 The unusual picture shows a young female mushroom picker dressed in an animal-fur cloak and a skirt made of leaves worn outside her pants. Carrying a backpack full of herbs, she holds in her right hand a bunch of zhi with five orange cups growing out of two connected stems. In her left hand, she holds an axe, perhaps intended as a tool for zhi picking. The bundle of rolled documents suspended from her waist may include a text with a sampling of the zhi illustrations that had been so fervently recorded in medieval sources. Although previous scholarship identifies this figure as the mythical ruler and inventor of agriculture Shennong,249 based on the figural design it is more plausible to see it as a generic representation of a zhi picker, a role often assigned to female Daoists in later pictorial art.250 This later painting tradition is epitomized by an anonymous fan painting of female zhi and herb pickers in the Philadelphia Museum of Art, formerly attributed to the otherwise unknown early fifteenth-century painter Sun Jue 孫玨 and recently relabeled as an anonymous Yuandynasty painting (fig. 3.49).251 Three beautiful young women wear shawls and skirts made of weeds and leaves just like the figure depicted in the Liao scroll. The nails on their bare toes are so long that they look like recluses living in the wild mountains. Two of the three women carry square boxes filled with large leaves and twigs on their backs. The container carried by the figure on the left, in particular, has an architectonic form capped by a canopy-like umbrella adorned with miscellaneous pendants, including a small skeleton mask; suspended from the

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Fig. 3.48. Woman picking medicinal herbs and mushrooms, detail. From deposits in the wooden Buddhist statue, Yingxian pagoda, Shanxi province. Liao dynasty, before the mid-eleventh century. Drawing. Ink and color on paper. 54  34.6 cm.

Fig. 3.49. Formerly attributed to Sun Jue, Female Immortals. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Album leaf. Ink and color on silk. 25.1  23.5 cm.

exterior of this box is a fan decorated with a monochrome painting of bamboo. Both this woman and her companion hold fanciful trophies in their hands, one resembling a multi-cupped mushroom and the other looking like an anthropomorphic ginseng with leaves growing on top. The select paintings discussed above provide additional context in which illustrated mushroom handbooks may have been created and used. The most comprehensive extant illustrated handbook dedicated to zhi is the Northern Song Catalogue of Fungi and Herbs (Taishang lingbao zhicao pin 太上靈寶芝草品, DZ 1406) preserved in



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D

Figs. 3.50a–d. Illustrations of magical and medicinal mushrooms and fungi. a–c. From the Catalogue of Fungi and Herbs, details. Daozang. A B C Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink the Daozang (figs. 3.50a–c).252 The Northern Song imperial bibliography lists this title on paper. a. Yellow jade under the subdivision fu’er 服餌 (drug taking) alongside the Songs of the Numinous mushroom guarded by a Herbs by the Immortal of the White Clouds discussed earlier, as well as other illustra- tiger and fish; b. Fungus tions and texts on medicinal herbs and fungi.253 Judith Boltz dates it to the early Song, of a daunting man; c. Ox-foot-shaped China mainly because of its avoidance of the personal name of Emperor Zhenzong.254 The Catalogue of Fungi and Herbs features 127 kinds of zhi, “some commonplace root; d. Beehive-shaped China root, from the and others fantastic in form.”255 Most are not found in Song bencao literature,256 Chongxiu Zhenghe jingshi making it likely that the catalogue is a unique Daoist contribution.257 The anony- zhenglei beiyong bencao, mous author, furthermore, takes an explicitly Daoist tone in the preface, asserting detail. Northern Song that the work serves to “attain the path to perfection and immortality” (de zhen dynasty. Woodblock xianlu 得臻仙路) and that one had better “take [the zhi] according to the illus- print. Ink on paper.

trations” (yitu qufu 依圖取服).258 Like the zhi described by Ge Hong, those listed here will grant the adept magical powers like extending one’s life, making the body lighter,259 and becoming invisible. Each picture bears a title on top and has text on the left explaining the name, shape, location, and efficacy of the zhi. In terms of compositional design, the illustrator depicts each zhi in a landscape setting featuring the so-called one-corner composition popular in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This pictorial convention often places a tree or shrub on an overhanging rock in one corner, from which the landscape extends diagonally across the picture plane into the far distance.260 The inclusion of a landscape background in the bencao pictures does not appear in the Northern Song prototype and may suggest a new trend in the Southern Song. It is likely that the present illustrations from the Daozang are based on a model dating from the twelfth to thirteenth centuries.

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Recent scholarship has called attention to the fantastic visuality of the zhi illustrated in the catalogue.261 Some images celebrate Daoist mysticism by adding celestial guards to the settings, showing the zhi under the close watch of deities, humans, demonic guards, and animals such as a fish, bird, deer, goat, ox, or tiger.262 Representing this type is the yellow jade mushroom (huangyu zhi 黃玉芝), which has multiple cups and numerous branches and grows on Penglai (fig. 3.50a). It is guarded by a tiger and a fish. The other type of zhi resembles a human form, perhaps referring to the flesh mushroom (rouzhi 肉芝) described by Ge Hong.263 One such sample is the fungus of a daunting man (renwei zhi 人威芝), which grows on the Central Sacred Peak (fig. 3.50b).264 In another case, according to Du Guangting’s record of the miracle that took place in the year 747, an efficacious fungus grew into an image of the Heavenly Worthy (zhicao Tianzun 芝草天尊).265 Finally, the magical mushroom exhibited by Emperor Zhenzong at the imperial court in 1017 was of an anthropomorphic type because it is reported to have resembled the Perfected Warrior (Zhenwu 真武).266 Some zhi are efficacious in prolonging one’s life to 90,000 or 100,000 years, 267 whereas others are noted for transforming one’s faculties, including making the body lighter, training to disappear at will, and improving vision. For example, the China root fungus (fuling zhi 茯苓芝) (fig. 3.50c), transformed from the thousand-year-old condensation of pine resin falling to the ground, can empower one’s vision to “see things beyond ten thousand miles.”268 Notably, its fancy ox-shaped design is different from the beehive version depicted in Tang Shenwei’s bencao catalogue (fig. 3.50d).269 Not surprisingly, the bencao catalogue lists calming and thirst quenching as the major benefits of this fungus and does not mention anything about obtaining magical vision.270 In conclusion, the Daoists designate sacred mountains as sites where the materialized forms of heavenly writings manifest themselves. This is why the true form charts of the Man-Bird Mountain and the Five Sacred Peaks are all associated with earthly paradises. Here we encounter a distinct Daoist perception of the “landscape of the qi,” or “mind landscape,” noted for its abstract forms moving beyond representation. Their common formula is characterized by a box-like composition filled with irregular, semiabstract, qi-evoking shapes that resemble the intermingling of yin (void) and yang (solid). This Daoist theorization leads to a broader formula of Daoist mystic visuality interpenetrating landscape with “imagetexts” and cosmic qi. In fashioning such hybrid “imagetexts,” Daoists seek inspiration from existing cultural patterns beyond Daoism, like the imagery of a hybrid man-bird, charts of fengshui and qi observation, cartography, and bencao illustrations of minerals, herbs, and fungi. The true form charts also incorporate other Daoist designs, including magical writs, talismans, and registers. These symbols, which are continually negotiating the relationship between text and image, constitute the mainstream of Daoist visual culture and reflect the aniconic visuality unique to the religion.



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Multiple charts are preserved in medieval and Song Daoist texts; nevertheless, the true form charts remain largely esoteric and underrepresented in Daoist visual culture, probably because they were privately transmitted and had ritual significance. Medieval Daoists advocate that a ritual should take place in a domestic setting at midnight, when “no one sees” (wuling ren jian 勿令人見) or “is told” (buke tazhi 不可他知).271 An adept receiving the transmission exhibits the charts at the altar table together with offerings of wine, rice, meat, dates, vegetables, and flowers.272 The True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain, for example, is placed on a golden mirror.273 The adept then calls upon the body gods to assist them in summoning the mountain gods of the true form charts. In the visualization, the deities descend to the ritual space, floating on clouds and filling the air.274 A rare diagram associated with the ritual master Zhang Wanfu 張萬 福 (fl. 713) shows the display of such charts in an elaborate jiao 醮 ritual setting (fig. 3.51).275 Although not explicitly marked, the accompanying text specifies that the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks are on display, joined by offerings of red towels on the altar to the east. Also, the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain is paired with the Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure and the True Writs in Five Tablets on the southeastern altar.276 Among the myriad gods whom the officiant invites to descend are the lord and assistant gods of the Five Sacred Peaks and the perfected numinous deities of the Man-Bird Mountain.277 The final “transmission” of the true form chart in this ritual is through burning. The priest either swallows the ashes with water or splashes the ash water onto his body, thereby transferring the power of the true form chart onto himself.278 This is Daoist mystery at work: the immaterial true form is born from the formless Dao, then is embodied in material forms through the multiple charts copied in Daoist scriptures, and eventually goes back to the ineffable and invisible realm in the ritual. These repetitive cycles leading from the esoteric to the exoteric and back again to the esoteric—one domain always shaped by, and shaping, the others—define the true realm of Daoist magic.

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Fig. 3.51. Diagram of the jiao ritual altar where the True Form Charts of the Man-Bird Mountain and the Five Sacred Peaks are on display with other initiation documents, from Ritual for Offering to the Gods of Registers of the Three Caverns, the Five Methods, and the Orthodox Unity Covenant, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

outer chapters Art in Action

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chapter four

Materiality of Daoist Sacred Space

R

itual plays an important role in Daoist visual culture. Even the esoteric true form charts (figs. 2.25, 3.1a–b, 3.33c) associated with Daoist meditation and visualization practices entail an “outer” ritual dimension through which the “inner” experiences are transformed. This chapter will move from the content of Part I’s “inner” chapters, which examined the esoteric underpinnings of Daoist visual culture, and shift the reader’s focus to the “outer” chapters of Part II, where the performative, visual, and material dimensions of Daoist ritual are investigated. The Daoist ritual space is simple and portable. Often called the Enclosure of the Dao (Daochang 道場), it is created by lighting an incense burner placed at the center of a designated area.1 When the smoke of the incense is gone, the sacred space is dissolved.2 Similarly, if a ritual is held inside a temple, its interior is rearranged temporarily to accommodate a particular ceremony.3 Just as the space is temporary, so most objects used in medieval Daoist ritual, like banners, written documents, spirit money, and even scriptures and paintings, are ephemeral: they are routinely burnt, buried, or discarded after use.4 It is thus quite a challenge to reconstruct the materiality 5 of such temporary ritual space and ornamentation. There are, however, liturgical manuals from the twelfth to thirteenth century documenting ritual instructions and repertoire. Compilations such as the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao yujian 靈寶玉鑒, DZ 547), the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition (DZ 466), the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat (Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 無上 黃籙大齋立成儀, DZ 508), and the two versions of the Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure (DZ 1221 and DZ 1223) 6 all contain important visual materials ranging from diagrams and floor plans to illustrations of ritual offerings, liturgical paperwork, and ritual paraphernalia.

Forms of Daochang Daoist sacred space comes in two forms: the private, enclosed oratory (jingshi 靜室 or 靖室) for retreats or fasts7 and the public altar (tan 壇) for sacrifices and offerings

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to the gods.8 There is some continuity between them in a physical sense, since early oratory furnishings play a role in later Daoist rituals. They are also profoundly different because, with the evolution of the Daoist ritual repertoire, the original plan of a centered altar expanded to a vast space that included additional altars and subdivisions.

The Oratory The enclosed oratory, a place for self-cultivation and confession, was originally associated with the Celestial Masters in the Eastern Han and early medieval periods. In Shu (modern Sichuan), where the early Celestial Masters communities lived, oratories were close to the parish halls (zhi 治).9 Their main characteristics were cleanliness and simplicity, as the fifth-century Daoist Lu Xiujing (406–477) points out: For those who worship the Dao, the oratory is the place of absolute piety. Its outside should be separate and cut off, not adjacent to other buildings. Its interior should be pure and empty, not cluttered with superfluous objects. When opening and closing the door, do not bang it recklessly or rush through it. The chamber should be sprinkled, swept, purified, and revered. It should always be kept as such as if the gods dwelled there. 奉道之家，靖室是致誠之所，其外別絕，不連他屋。其中清虛不雜餘 物，開閉門戶，不妄觸突，灑掃精肅，常若神居。10

Only after fasting and purification (including rinsing one’s mouth with water) can one enter; once having entered, one is not allowed to converse socially.11 The oratory is also a place where an adept makes a confession in the presence of a master (rujing qishi 入靖啟事). Upon entering, he kowtows three times; if the master is seated far from the entrance, he bows in that direction.12 As for the oratory’s structure, Tao Hongjing (456–536) notes that it should be a thatched hut with four pillars, three rafters and two beams, a south-facing window, and a wooden bench (banchuang 板床) at the center of the room.13 A sample diagram of the south-north-axis floor plan of an oratory,14 preserved in an early twelfthcentury Daoist text, may exemplify this design (fig. 4.1). At the center of the south wall is an opening that may serve as the only source of light for the inner space. This may be the location for “a screen-door entrance that could be easily moved,”15 or “a small paper-covered window” on the seated adept’s eye level.16 The adept, who faces north, sits on a mat (xizuo 席坐) with a table of scriptures (jing’an 經案) placed before him. Additional dotted lines in the diagram orient the adept and indicate the sequence of prescribed actions that he is to follow at specific points within the ritual

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Fig. 4.1. Diagram of the Oratory, from Chart for Analyzing the Wonderful and Superior Book of Salvation, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

space. Based on the Visualization Diagram discussed earlier (fig. 1.1), we may deduce that the adept contemplating within this enclosed space is actively engaged in visualizing Daoist deities. Lu Xiujing stresses the plainness of the interior: [Inside the oratory] there should be only four objects: an incense burner, an incense lamp, a table for memorials, and a writing knife. [The room] should be simple and clean. How can one spend more than a hundred qian on [furnishing] it? Compared to those vulgar people [whose oratory is cluttered] with such decorations as couches, images, banners, and canopies, what a difference between the complicated and the simple, the luxurious and the plain? 唯置香爐，香燈，章案，書刀四物而已。必其素淨，政可堪百餘錢耳? 比雜俗之家，床座形像幡蓋眾飾，不亦有繁簡之殊，華素之異耶? 17



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Fig. 4.2. Table for memorials, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig 4.3. Short ji table, detail. Xinding sanli tu. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1175. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Lu’s remark reflects the aniconic and simple taste of the Daoist elite at the time. The four items mentioned—incense burner, incense lamp, table, and writing knife— continue to play an essential role in Daoist ritual. Both the fragrance of the incense and the light of the lamp are efficacious in attracting and guiding the gods to the site. Incense smoke is also seen as a form of dynamic energy that transmits messages to the sacred world.18 The memorials table and the writing knife are symbolic accessories for writing. All the items were probably placed on the table for preparation of petitions and memorials. A design, preserved in a thirteenth-century ritual illustration,19 shows a low wooden table (1.2 chi tall) with twelve legs (six on each side) and patterns of constellations on the table surface (fig. 4.2).20 The overall model refers back to the archaic short table known as a ji 几, depicted in the twelfth-century edition of the tenth-century Illustrations of the Three Ritual Classics (Sanli tu 三禮圖) as part of a set of objects required for state rituals (fig. 4.3).21 This ji is also the same height but has only four legs and its surface is comparatively wider. Similar motifs appear in Song paintings as well (figs. 4.31, 6.3, 6.5).22

The Public Altar The most important spatial construct for public rituals is the altar, whose visuality symbolizes “a combination of time cycles, a model of the universe.”23 Built mostly

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outdoors in early times, it was later enclosed and covered.24 The typical Daoist altar in medieval China consists of either two or three tiers.25 The two-tiered altar used for early Numinous Treasure rites, for example, symbolizes heaven and earth. At the center of the altar, a nine-chi lamp stand holds nine lamps that in turn symbolize the light illuminating the Ninefold Darkness in the underground world.26 Both tiers of the altar are square in shape and surrounded by doors and posts.27 A three-tiered altar is illustrated in the Ming Daozang version of the sixth-century Daoist encyclopedia, Essence of the Supreme Secrets (Wushang biyao 無上秘要, DZ1138) (fig. 4.4).28 This altar is used for the Purgation of the Three Primes (Sanyuan zhai 三元齋), 29 held on the fifteenth day of the first, seventh, and tenth months of the lunar calendar in honor of the bureaucratic triad of the Three Officials, who check on people on these days. Although it has been debated whether or not the diagram comes with the original text,30 the diagram reflects the basic configuration of an early Daoist altar. It shows a bird’s-eye view of a square space defined by a three-tiered altar made of vermilion mud. The only objects on display are five sets of incense burners, each placed on a short green table (qing ji’an 青几案) and juxtaposed with other pledges (zhenxin 鎮信), which are demarcated but not illustrated on the top tier. As a whole, the altar is a microcosmic symbol of the tripartite division of Heaven, Earth, and Water; it mimics the shape of a mountain, thus linking it to the celestial abode of the Mountain of Jade Capital.31 The incense burners on the three tiers, too, are miniatures of sacred mountains encapsulating cosmic qi.32 On the bottom level, the markings of the eight trigrams fixate cosmological directions and manifest time.33 The Essence of the Supreme Secrets also lists ritual artifacts and offerings for various occasions, including miniature golden dragons, colored textiles, and the talismanic True Writs in Five Tablets, but without illustrations. Placed to the north, east, south, west, and center of the altar, the five tablets attract “pure cosmic forces to the altar” and are used in rituals to the present day.34 The twelfth-century Established Order of Daoism (Daomen dingzhi 道門定制, DZ 1224) shows the three-tiered altar used by the medieval master Zhang Wanfu (fl. 713) and by Du Guangting (850–933) (fig. 4.5).35 The accompanying text notes that the altar should be made of mud and wood, its surface decorated with engraved images and lacquer paintings of lotus flowers or magical mushrooms. After the ritual, it should be stored in a large lacquer cabinet in a temple. 36 Compared to the sixthcentury diagram (fig. 4.4), this altar is surrounded by more artifacts, notably three Daoist statues (sanzun jing xiang 三尊經像) displayed on the top level.37 Two tables for displaying written memorials to the gods (zou’an 奏案) and other documents on liturgical procedures (weiyi an 威儀案) are set next to the statues. Wooden placards (bang 牓) of the eight trigrams are placed on the second tier of the altar, and placards indicating the ten directions and ten doors are placed on the lowest tier. The placards,



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Fig. 4.4. Altar diagram for the Purgation of the Three Primes, from the Essence of the Supreme Secrets, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.5. Diagram of a three-tiered altar based on the models established by Zhang Wanfu and Du Guangting, from the Established Order of Daoism, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Figs. 4.6a–b. Threetiered altar, from Great Rites of the Jade Hall, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Profile view of a three-tiered altar; b. Bird’s-eye view of the upper and middle tiers.

A

written in green, yellow, red, and black to correspond to the relevant cardinal directions, are decorated on top with images of dragons and phoenixes on clouds or with simple lotus flowers.38 The Tang three-tiered altar determines the basic model for Song practice, but undergoes increased embellishments with placards, lamps, banners, and other implements. Its overall structure is a combination of the inner altar (neitan 內壇) (the upper level), the middle altar (zhongtan 中壇), and the outer altar (waitan 外壇) (the lower level).39 Although sizes may differ,40 they are usually square and have multiple doors and placards in the four directions. The Song Celestial Heart text Great Rites of the Jade Hall (DZ 220) preserves a diagram showing a three-tiered altar in profile,41 with doors marked at the corners of the lower tier and banners decorating the top and middle tiers (fig. 4.6a). Another diagram in the same text provides a bird’s-eye view of the upper altar (fig. 4.6b).42 The Heavenly Door is marked at the northwest corner, matching the Earth Door in the southeast. The entire setup is based on the Later Heaven (Houtian 後天) arrangement of the Book of Changes trigrams.43 Four banners marking the four directions decorate the border. As regards the ritual objects on the altar table (dong’an 洞案), they center around the Three Treasures (Sanbao 三寶), namely, the Dao, the scriptures, and the masters of the religion—a tripartite concept adopted from Buddhism, where it originally referred to the Buddha, the dharma, and the sangha.44 This tier also hosts the talismans and the True Writs in Five Tablets, which are protected by the canopy (chuang 幢) and streamer (jie 節) flanking the table.

Multiple Layers Although the three-tiered altar is the norm, alternative designs exist. The altar staging three statues of the Heavenly Worthies by the Northern Zhou Daoist Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 (365–448), for example, was five-tiered.45 In the early eleventh century, an exceptionally elaborate nine-storied altar decorated with colorful banners was commissioned by Emperor Zhenzong. Specially made for the Yellow Register Enclosure of the Dao (Huanglu daochang 黃籙道場), it was erected shortly after the first legendary descent of the heavenly writings and in the hope of welcoming yet another magical descent in 1008.46 The overall spectacle of a Daoist altar in ritual context must have looked like the wall painting depicted inside the Hall of the

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Purified Yang from the fourteenth-century Daoist Temple of Eternal Joy (fig. 4.7).47 The mural shows a group of priests—some standing, some on mats—performing a ritual in front of a five-tiered altar. The statue of a seated deity is set on the uppermost tier, five placards are exhibited on the front of the third tier, and ritual implements such as banners and fans are suspended from poles surrounding the altar. Far from merely illustrating the content of the accompanying cartouche, which is about the magical manifestation of the Immortal Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓 at a Daoist feast in a local county in Shanxi, the mural depicts the meticulous materiality and ritual performance in a well-constructed Daoist ritual space, perhaps reflecting the Complete Perfection ceremony performed at the Temple of Eternal Joy.48 In the center of the ritual space stands a Daoist master on a mat; he holds a tablet and bows in front of the altar, as if he were performing the memorial submission to the gods. He is accompanied by ten assistant priests also holding tablets: two stand beside a table in front of the altar, two kneel on a mat behind him, and the remaining six stand on either side of him. Other figures present at the ritual may be lay devotees and acolytes. Unlike the mural of the Temple of Eternal Joy (fig. 4.7) or the Tang model (fig. 4.5), the Celestial Heart altar diagram does not show any image on display (figs. 4.6a–b). This is perhaps because the images—either paintings or statues—were moved to the additional ritual area outside the main altar, as reflected in other diagrams showing images put on view in the expanded area outside the main altar (figs. 1.28, 4.18). In the Song period, the noteworthy features of a typical three-tiered altar are the posts (zuan 纂) and lamps flanking the altar. A sectional altar diagram from a thirteenth-century manual shows twenty-four posts “placed at the corner and at equal intervals along the sides” of the outer altar (fig. 4.8).49 This number serves as a symbolic reference to the natural cycle of the twenty-four solar periods of the year crucial to Daoist liturgy.50 The same manual also shows a lamp diagram with an array of 159 sets of lamps surrounding the outer altar (fig. 4.9).51 The lights are symbolic, representing Heaven, Earth, hell, the twenty-eight constellations, the Five Sacred Peaks, and so on.52 On some occasions the layout of the lamps in the ritual space mimics the configurations of heaven and hell (figs. 2.30a–b).53 In the Song period, the lighting ceremony usually took place on the night before the ritual officially began.54 As more and more rituals were conducted indoors, the altar space was decentralized to include multiple altar tables, some erected in the central area, others flanking the border of the space. The Six Dynasties Practical Almanac for the Offering of the Memorial of the Original Star (Yuanchen zhangjiao licheng li 元辰章醮立成 曆, DZ 1288) shows the layout of the altar associated with the individual’s life star (yuanchen 元辰),55 believed to be in charge of personal destiny (fig. 4.10).56 The large elongated table in the center is for “pledges” (xinwu 信物), or offerings. To its right

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Fig. 4.7. Daoist ritual performance in front of a five-tiered altar erected outdoors, detail. West wall of the Hall of Purified Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

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Fig. 4.8. Diagram of the outer (lower) altar showing the installation of twenty-four posts, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.9. Lamp diagram, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

is the master’s (daoshi 道士) place; to its north is the table for petitions and memorials (zhangcao 章草). Seats reserved for the cosmic emperors of the four directions appear at the center of the northern, eastern, southern, and western sides.57 On all the border tables are small circles representing votive lamps for the Dipper and the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions. Outside the main altar, to the left of the main space, are three subsidiary altars for the ancestors, the Stove God (zhaizao 宅 ), and the Earth God (sheji 社稷).58 The accompanying text specifies items to be used as sacrifiFig. 4.10. Diagram of a decentralized altar associated with the rite dedicated to a person’s life star, from the Practical Almanac for the Offering of the Memorial of the Original, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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cial offerings and pledges: money, rice, silk, divination stalks, oil, and silk threads, a substitute body in metal and two gold rings, paper, brushes, ink, a correction knife, and incense. Furthermore, at the end of the service, the priest presents additional wine, dried meat, and pieces of silk in five colors.59

Multiple Stages When the ritual space moved indoors, the main altar—even the three-tiered altar— was placed against the north wall, turning a full-circle altar into a one-sided, frontal one. To compensate for the limited space available at this point, additional stages were added on both sides, probably on the east and west walls of the interior space. As part of the development of the decentralized ritual area, a new spatial design that evolved in the late Tang and Song periods features multiple stations outside the main altar to serve as symbolic seats for gods and former ritual masters. These additional stages are called canopies (zhang 帳), seats (wei 位), tents (wo 幄), curtained tents (zhangwo 帳幄), chambers (tang 堂), or curtains (mu 幕). It is likely that this change was due to the gradual shift of Daoist ritual construction from outdoor to indoor areas, combined with the tendency to use a decentralized altar space as opposed to one centrally oriented altar. For example, the text accompanying the altar design by Zhang Wanfu and Du Guangting mentions two canopies, one at each side of the three-tiered altar (fig. 4.5).60 Inside the tents are rich installations of iconic images (tuxiang 圖像) and altar tables (ji’an 几案).61 The east tent is dedicated to the Three Officials, and the west station honors the Five Ritual Masters (Wushi 五師), the Daoist patriarchs who initiated the ordination.62 Thirteenth-century liturgical manuals commonly refer to curtained stages as curtains (mu 幕), and to the daochang as altars and curtains (tanmu 壇幕).63 I simply call them stages.64 Depending on the type of ritual being performed, a variety of curtained stages are erected to summon different divinities.65 The ritual master calls the deities to assemble using the so-called curtain-rolling (juan lian 卷簾) rite, visualized by him after all the lamps in the ritual space have been lit as a means of “transforming” the area into a sacred place.66 Borrowing from the political practice of the court, where the emperor received an official’s report after the curtains surrounding the throne had been raised, the curtain-rolling rite marks the gods’ descent to their designated stages.67 Daoist multiple stages come in two types: those with two-curtained stages and those with six.68 Those with two are for ordinary purifications, whereas those with six are for the Yellow Register Purgation (Huanglu zhai 黃籙齋), a major salvation ritual popular in the Song.69 A diagram from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition (DZ 466) shows their positions in relation to the main altar (fig. 4.11).70 The accompanying text not only identifies the divinities on



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each stage but also states that the scrolls with the images should be hung at the center of each stage: In front of the [main] altar, set curtained stages on the right and left walls. For purgations held on ordinary occasions, only two curtained stages are necessary: the stage for the Six Masters on the left; and the stage for the Three Officials on the right. For the Yellow Register Purgation, six curtained stages are required: stages for the Dark Master, Heavenly Master, and Master of the Ritual Inspector on the left; and stages for the Five Emperors, Three Officials, and Three Masters on the right. Each stage should be covered with curtains on three sides. In the center hangs the sacred image. Offerings include flowers, lamps, and candles. 壇前立左右幕在兩壁。如平常建齋，只立二幕，左六師, 右三官。如建 黃籙齋，則立 六幕，左玄師，次天師，次監齋大法師，右五帝，次三官， 次三師。每幕皆以幔圍之三面，中懸聖像，香花燈燭，供養如法。71

Judging from the phrase “hangs” in reference to the sacred image, it is plausible that the deity was represented in painted, not sculpted, form.72 The six curtained stages mentioned above are identical to those mentioned in other thirteenth-century manuals, which suggests that they were standard at the time.73 It is likely that the new expansion of multiple curtained stages in turn stimulated the growing production of sets of devotional paintings in hanging scroll format in the Southern Song and Yuan periods.74 On occasion the addition of twelve chambers (tang 堂) facilitated preparation for different ritual procedures.75 Since the term tang is sometimes interchangeable with the term mu, it is likely that the chamber’s physical construction was not necessarily that of an enclosed room but may at times have been similar to that of a curtained stage. These spaces also serve a variety of functions. The Chamber of Silence (Jingmo tang 靜默堂), for example, is a sort of preparatory room where priests meditate during breaks from their ritual activities at the main altar,76 whereas the Chamber of Concentration (Jingsi ge 精思閣) is the area where Daoist clerics write magical writs, talismans, and registers.77 Located in a hidden place, it enshrines the master’s swords and seals, “behind which hung the paintings of the officials of the Numinous Treasure” (xuan Lingbao guanshu shengxiang yuhou 懸靈寶官屬聖像于後).78 In the Chamber of Green Florescence (Qinghua tang 青華堂), priests recite scriptures to save souls,79 and images of the Mysterious Green Emperor (Qingxuan shangdi 青玄 上帝) and perfected beings on his right and left are enshrined there, alongside the cosmological Diagram of the Chant of the Azure Sky (fig. 2.5).80 The Chamber of the

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Fig. 4.11. Six Curtained Stages, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Divine Tiger (Shenhu tang 神虎堂) is dedicated to divine soul catchers whom the master evokes to summon the deceased; 81 it houses either the soul catchers’ name tablets or their sacred images. The Altar of the Divine Tiger (Shenhu tan 神虎壇)— perhaps an altar set up inside the chamber—is said to display the Diagram of the Great Floating Earth at Dawn (fig. 2.6) at the room’s center.82 Last but not least, the Curtained Stage of Heavenly Physicians (Tianyi mu 天醫幕) summons the healing divinities capable of “recognizing [the souls’ deformed] shapes” (bianxing 辨形) and of making medicines (zhiyao 製藥). The pantheon showcases “physicians who produce [new] forms” (shengxing boshi 生形博士) and the medicine-picking youth (caiyao tongzi 採藥童子), as well as an assembly of numinous officials (lingguan 靈 官) and minor clerks (xiaoli 小吏) specializing in medicine and healing.83 Both the divine soul catchers and the heavenly physicians are lower-ranking celestial divinities summoned by the master in a salvation ritual.84



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Cultural and Religious Sources The tent-like constructions of Daoist multiple stages exert profound cultural authority because they are reminiscent of edifices used in ancient rites.85 Since the stages physically resembled ancient covered tents of brocade and raised curtains known from early tombs, their appearance validates their association with ancient ceremonial practices. In addition to evoking a sense of archaism (guyi 古意) through their structure, these stages also allude to ancient Chinese techniques for designating sacred space.86 Based on both three-dimensional artifacts and mural imagery, Wu Hung argues that a tent, like a canopy flanking the formless Laozi in some Han mirrors, designates the symbolic position of the deceased or the sacred.87 The tents placed in the reception room of the Western Han tomb of Prince Liu Sheng in Mancheng (modern Hebei) were originally covered on top and draped with silk around the sides (fig. 4.12); 88 they symbolize the presence of the souls of the prince and his wife. Incense burners, lamps, and vessels were placed before and around the tents as symbolic ritualistic offerings to the couple.89 In its construction of sacred space, early Buddhist practice also utilizes this visual strategy of erecting a tent in a ritual space as a symbolic place for the sacred. The painted ornaments of the ceiling and walls of Mogao Cave 285 in Dunhuang, constructed in 538–39 (fig. 4.13),90 simulate the pennons and sashes of a canopy suspended from the four corners of the ceiling. Along with the rolled-up curtains91 running along the upper border of the walls, these painted motifs imitate the decoration of a curtained tent, a furniture style92 popular among the southern elite and contemporary with the cave’s

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Fig. 4.12. Modern drawing of the tomb of Prince Liu Sheng and his wife. Mancheng, Hebei. Western Han dynasty, second century bce.

Fig. 4.13. Interior design showing the motif of curtains at the upper border of the walls, detail from Mogao Cave no. 285. Western Wei dynasty, dated 538–39. 6.4 w.  6.3 d.  4.3 m. ht. (cave dimensions). Dunhuang, Gansu.

Fig. 4.14. Noble woman and man seated in a curtained tent, detail. Rubbing after a relief carving. Northern Wei dynasty.

construction (fig. 4.14). The imagery of fabrics and textiles is shared with and reinforced further in the sensuous descriptions in the medieval novel Esoteric Stories of Emperor Wu of the Han (Hanwudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳, DZ 292),93 which describes the colorful silks, brocades, and tapestries that decorated the emperor’s palace where he awaited the Queen Mother of the West.94 From the tenth to the fourteenth centuries, motifs of curtains became a popular visual means of demarcating secular space in tomb paintings. For example, the painters of the 1099 tomb 95 excavated in Baisha 白沙, Henan, used motifs of curtains and rolled-up screens as a framing device to compose an interior scene resembling a layman’s residence (fig. 4.15). In some cases,96 additional motifs of beams and lintels are painted on the wall’s borders to create the screen-like illusion of a curtained stage as seen by the audience. The overall appearance of curtain designs in tomb art is similar to the stage-like constructions found in Song and Yuan temples. The stage arrangement associated



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with the eleventh-century statue of the Sage Mother (Shengmu 聖母) in the Memorial Shrines of Jin (Jinci 晉祠) in Taiyuan 太原, Shanxi, is a good example (fig. 4.16).97 As we learn from Tracy Miller, the Sage Mother is “shown on a wooden chair dated 1087,” framed by what seems to be a Song-dynasty tripartite wooden screen with painted waves.98 Such a screen-like spectacle is further echoed in an altar installed in a sixteenth-century tower nearby to house an iconic statue.99 Likewise, the 1316 statue of a local god called King of the Bright Manifestation (Mingying wang 明應王),100 who is worshiped as the main iconic image in the Water God Temple (Shuishen miao 水神廟) in southern Shanxi, is set on a similar stage (fig. 4.17). According to Anning Jing, the king is flanked by a multifold clay screen

Fig. 4.15. Husband and wife seated on chairs at a table, detail. From a tomb in Baisha, Henan. Northern Song dynasty, dated 1099. Wall painting.

Fig. 4.16. Statue of the Sage Mother, detail of the altar stage of the Hall of the Sage Mother, Memorial Shrines of Jin. Northern Song dynasty, dated 1087. Clay painted in color. 228 cm. ht. Taiyuan, Shanxi.

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embellished with painted images of “a landscape, bamboo groves, flowers and buildings,” just like the Sage Mother.101 An architectural imitation of rolled-up blinds is set across two pillars flanking the statue, partly covering it.102 An additional string tied to the pillars hangs like a curtain, possibly a modern addition. The theatricality of the altar design in the Water God Temple is echoed in the mural of a frontally composed performance stage103 depicted near the entrance to the temple and facing the main altar (fig. 4.18).104 The title of the performance, which is inscribed horizontally on the curtain skirt, reads: “The actress from Zhongdu [with a specialty in] the miscellaneous musical [popular in the] Mount Taihang [area] is performing a show here” (Dahang sanyue Zhongduxiu zaici zuochang 大行散樂 忠都秀在此作場).105 The accompanying date suggests that this performance may have taken place in 1324. The background for the stage is highlighted by two cloth scrolls hung against the curtain, which, when taken together, depict a warrior waving his sword to fight a green dragon.106 This dramatic and lively subject is implicitly connected to the theatrical encounters occurring on stage during the performance. In opposition to the screens framing the static icons of the Sage Mother and the King of the Bright Manifestation, this curtain screen gains additional impact from its theatrical context: what is “framed” by the curtains is indeed a site where actions occur. The curtained stage possesses an animated dimension that provides insight in evaluating Daoist curtain screens. After all, the curtained stage “framing” a Daoist Fig. 4.17. Statue of the King of the Bright Manifestation seen through a rolled-up curtain, detail of the altar of the Water God Temple. Yuan dynasty, 1316. Hongtong, Shanxi.



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Fig. 4.18. Performers on a theatrical stage, detail from the eastern side of the south wall, Water God Temple. Yuan dynasty, dated 1324. Wall painting. 390  312 cm. Hongtong, Shanxi.

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statue or painting should be perceived as a site where the actions of the myriad gods are manifest as well.

Soul Places The decentralized ritual space allows for expansion of the Enclosure of the Dao so that its multi-staged area can not only encompass numerous seats for Daoist gods, but also include a separate section for deceased souls. In the Song period, Daoist salvation rituals grew exponentially, adding rites such as attacking the hells, rescuing imprisoned souls, bathing and feeding them, refining and reshaping them, and finally sending them off to heaven.107 To accommodate these rituals, an area outside the main altar space was created, separate from the places for the gods. Whereas curtained stages house the divine gods, the separate ritual space reserved for the souls consists of earth mounds marked by lamps and banners to symbolize the multichambered underground prison in which the suffering souls were trapped. In the salvation ritual performance that would release the incarcerated souls, the ritual master starts from the area far away from the main altar, then gradually moves toward it while leading the summoned souls onto the path of purity and salvation. The Southern Song Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness (Jiuyou jiao tu 九幽醮圖) provides an elaborate map showing the layout of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness (Jiuyou jiao 九幽醮) associated with the Yellow Register Purgation (fig. 4.19).108 The Offering for the Ninefold Darkness is a universal salvation rite (pudu 普度) held on behalf of a deceased person (wangling 亡靈) as part of a requiem service (gongde 功德), yet is also intended to save all suffering souls and hungry ghosts in the universe. The diagram maps out a labyrinthine space with diverse terrains of gods and ghosts and heavens and hells placed on a north-south axis. The gods’ places are near the northern end, whereas the souls’ places are in the south: the sacred and the dead thus do not mingle. As reflected in the chart, the most sacred space is the square area near the northern border. With an incense table set in the center, the Three Pure Ones are assigned the noblest position in the center of the northern area, flanked by twelve manifestations of the Heavenly Worthy Who Saves from Suffering (Jiuku tianzun 救苦天 尊).109 The west and east borders house six stations for lesser divinities. They are placed symmetrically, three on each side, perhaps on curtained stages: altars for the Five Sacred Peaks, the Three Officials, and the Fengdu Emperor are joined by other stages dedicated to various Masters of the Past. In the middle of the chart, next to the six stages, twenty-four tablets of hell officials (yuguan 獄官) are set symmetrically on both sides of the north-south axis, marking the symbolic presence of the deities in charge of the underground prisons. In front of each tablet, a clean kerchief and a fresh bouquet of flowers are served as offerings.110



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Fig. 4.19. Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness, from the Outline of the Ritual for the Unobstructed Night Retreat and the Offering to [the Souls in] the Nine Realms of Darkness of the Yellow Register, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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The spatial divisions from here to the southern end of the chart relate to the theme of soul saving. The seat of the dead (wangling wei 亡靈位) is far removed from the altar, in the lower left (western) corner of the chart, possibly indicating that the subjects of the ritual are not only individual souls but also all those imprisoned in hell, whose symbolic seat occupies the southern end. Next to the hell compound are two bathhouses (yushi 浴室), one at each side, which serve to clean newly exiting souls.111 From here the souls move further into the sacred space, to a feeding room called the grass hut (jiaoguo 茭郭), which is located at the middle of the central axis. A heavenly bridge (tianqiao 天橋) set across the top of the hut marks the final departing path for the souls to ascend to heaven. Hell is located at the southern extremity, at the far opposite end from the highest gods, the Three Pure Ones and the Heavenly Worthies. A popular construction model in nonary form divides the square into nine subdivisions. Thus the hells of ninefold darkness consist of nine mounds of clean sand and pebbles, each of which bears a title plate (yupai 獄牌) identifying the specific prison (fig. 2.30a), a hell-attacking banner (poyu fan 破獄幡) bearing talismanic writs inscribed in cinnabar (fig. 4.20), and three lamps erected on a three-tiered pole (fig. 4.21).112 A sand wall with four doors on the four sides surrounds the outer limits of the mounds.113 Another element in the spatial design of a Song salvation ritual is the main “guest house” where the deceased souls are summoned and fed after the Daoist master goes through the hell. Called the grass hut, it is constructed six chi wide and one zhang tall, with a grass-covered roof and curtained doors opening at the four sides.114 In the Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness, the grass hut appears at the center of the elongated daochang; it is literally at the crossroads of heaven and hell (fig. 4.19). To the north are the six curtained stages for the gods, and to the south sit twenty-four tablets of hell officers. Other manuals advise that the grass hut be built beside the altar, in a remote site, but with a roof one zhang Fig. 4.20. Talismanic writs of the Fig. 4.21. Three-tiered wooden high as well.115 A diagram entitled Grass nine hells inscribed on the hellpole for lamps, from Great Rites Hut Model (Jiaoguo shi 茭郭式) 116 notes attacking banner, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming that the grass hut is a square construction Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock with eight doors opening at the four sides dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. and the four corners (fig. 4.22a). Banners print. Ink on paper.



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and flags are attached to the doors to demarcate the cosmic directions. Inside, offerings including foods (hu 斛) such as tea, wine, and fruit, as well as spirit money and multicolored silks, are placed at the center; all are necessary for souls in transformation.117 Tablets surrounding the food identify the levels of the souls according to the Buddhist-inspired Six Realms: heaven, humans, gods, hell, hungry ghosts, and animals (fig. 4.22b).118 Near the offerings is a basin, a symbol of the cleansing and healing of the souls. In the Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness, the final touch in the sacred space reserved for the souls is a man-made bridge called the Bridge to Heaven (Tongtian qiao 通天橋), located on top of the grass hut (fig. 4.19).119 In other Southern Song ritual diagrams, the bridge motif appears in various sacred spaces. The diagram entitled The Altar of the Heavenly Worthy of Nine Refinements (Jiulian tianzun tan 九鍊 天尊壇) associated with the Yellow Register Purgation, for example, situates the Bridge of the Law (Faqiao 法橋) in the southeastern corner of the altar, separated by treasure flowers (baohua 寶華) from the ninefold darkness in the southwest (fig. 4.23).120 In the Curtained Stage of Refinement for Salvation (Liandu mu 鍊度幕), the Bridge for the Ascent to Heaven (Shengtian qiao 升天橋) is linked directly to the main icons in the north (fig. 2.9b).121 Despite the bridge’s various locations in these diagrams, its presence in the ritual space is significant because it is tied especially to the final stage of the salvation ritual. When the master sends the souls to heaven across the bridge, this is clearly a metaphor for salvation. Thus the word du 度 for “crossing” also means “saving” and “releasing.”122

A

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Figs. 4.22a–b. Interior layout of the grass hut. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Grass Hut Model, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail; b. The position of the tablets of the Six Realms and the offerings, from the Outline of the Ritual for the Unobstructed Night Retreat and the Offering to [the Souls in] the Nine Realms of Darkness of the Yellow Register, detail.

Fig. 4.23. Diagram of the Altar of the Heavenly Worthy of Nine Refinements, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Similar illustrations of trifold bridges from different ritual manuals suggest the presence of a shared visual convention for depicting these objects in the Southern Song (figs. 4.24a–c).123 The bridge usually begins with a gate on the right that bears a title plaque reading “Bridge for the Ascent to Heaven.” Beyond the gate is a pavilion sometimes labeled the Bureau of the Vermilion Mound who is the God of Life (Zhuling fu 朱陵府). A gate near the left side, toward the end of the bridge, is the Gate of Opening Light (Kaiguang men 開光門), which leads to the Treasure Terrace of Rebirth in Heaven (Shengtian baotai 生天 寶臺).124 Two of three examples also show a troop of three male messengers holding tablets and two female figures holding banners and accompanied by dragons, all moving toward the bridge. These figures may mimic the priests’ ritual actions or serve as mental images visualized by the ritual master. A bridge scene in the fourteenth-century mural from the Hall of Purified Yang (Chunyang dian 純陽殿) in the Temple of Eternal Joy appears to derive from this visual convention as well (fig. 4.25).125 In a handsomely composed architectural compound, an angled, trifold bridge with a gate very much like those in Song manuals leads across the lotus pond. A title plaque on top of the gate reads “Bridge of Meeting Immortals” (Yuxian zhiqiao 遇仙之橋). In its center stands a two-storied pavilion, from which a horizontal passageway connects the bridge to another archi-



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A

B

C

Figs. 4.24a–c. Illustrations of the trifold bridge. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Diagram of the Treasure Terrace of the Rebirth in Heaven, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail; b–c. The messengers of the Divine Tigers, the bridge of the Vermilion Mound, and the Treasure Terrace of the Rebirth in Heaven, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail, and the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail, respectively.

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Fig. 4.25. “Bridge of Meeting Immortals,” detail. North wall of the Hall of Purified Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

tectural structure. This second structure leads to yet another pavilion in the distance where two people sit conversing.

Ritual Objects Although the architectonic structure and the bright lamps flanking the altar may be the most eye-catching elements for an audience observing the spectacle of a Daoist rite, other important ritual paraphernalia and ritual objects displayed in the daochang may be hidden or mobile, be present only temporarily, or be minute in size.



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Far from being merely static objects displayed in the ritual space, they form an active part of the material ritual performed by the priests, and are touched, moved around, or carried by the ritual participants. It is through the ritual participants’ use of the objects that their liturgical power is activated. The following discussion of ritual objects is thus elaborated in a loose sequence that suggests a possible viewing order by which the audience sees these ritual objects along with the ritual performance. It begins with the most eye-catching flags and banners raised in the ritual space, and then it moves on to smaller objects that may not be so visible to the audience at first glance, like mirrors and writing utensils, and to the ephemeral artifacts like written documents to the gods. Within such a material context of Daoist ritual thus outlined, it is equally important to observe that a large quantity of ritual objects, especially those made of paper, are burnt during the ceremony as a transformation from the material to the immaterial world.

Flags and Banners Ritual spectators easily see the towering display of pennants and banners at the altar, but they may not readily grasp the nuances of different designs, not to mention the miscellaneous writings and symbols imbedded in them (fig. 4.6a). The Three Heavens Flag of the Lion to Eliminate the Ominous [Influence] (Santian bixie shizi zhi jie 三天辟邪師子之節) (fig. 4.26a) erected on the upper tier of the Celestial Heart altar (fig. 4.6b), for example, has an intricate design following a template illustrated in the twelfth-century Great Rites of the Jade Hall (fig. 4.26b).126 The dragon-shaped hook atop the pole features a frontal design of a lion face, made of painted maple wood (fig. 4.26a),127 which is connected to an elongated pennant of green silk measuring 3.6 chi in length and 1.5 chi in width.128 Additional decorations include four streamers of pompoms flanking its sides and bottom. A separate illustration in the same text shows a detailed sample of the talisman to be inscribed on the flag: 129 it consists of a series of vertically oriented spiral patterns like reverse question marks on top, a horizontally oriented swirl shape at the bottom, and some characters resembling ri 日 (sun) and gui 鬼 (ghost) in between (fig. 4.26b). Beside the ritual implements fixed in certain locations, other objects are carried by participants as performance utensils, thus becoming mobile objects. The Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition lists twelve such objects (in six pairs) that constitute stanA

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Figs. 4.26a–b. The Three Heavens Flag of the Lion to Eliminate the Ominous [Influence], from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Overall design of the jie flag; b. Talisman to be inscribed onto the jie flag.

B

Fig. 4.27. Diagram of Ritual Implements Surrounding the Altar, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.28. Young attendants carrying fans and pendants to prepare for a Daoist ritual, detail. South wall of the Hall of Purified Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.



dard ritual paraphernalia (weiyi 威儀). It requires twelve Daoist boys or girls (daotong 道童), each holding one item, to walk with these objects outside the perimeter of bright lamps surrounding the daochang and guarding the altar (fig. 4.27).130 The mural of the Temple of Eternal Joy provides a good visual example, showing the young Daoist attendants carrying fans and pendants to prepare for a ritual (fig. 4.28).131 The ritual implements all exhibit different designs. The five-tiered flag (jie 節) made of five-colored silk is suspended from a bamboo pole, whose top hook is in the form of a golden phoenix supporting the silk strips in its mouth. A beaded net covers the surface of the octagonal canopy (chuang 幢). The three-tiered flag (jing 旌) made of five-colored silk is similar to the jie but does not have silk strips. The beaded banner (zhufan 珠旛) comes with beaded brocade; its jade pendants are suspended from a hook in the form of a golden phoenix. The fan of fivefold brightness (wuming shan 五明扇) suspended from a pole is made of wood and is coated in gold; it bears painted images of the constellations, the Five Sacred Peaks, and the oceans. Last but not least, the crane feather (heyu 鶴羽) refers to a kind of red wooden pole decorated with a sculpted image of crane feathers.132 Although no illustrations of these items are available, the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure offers a visual repertoire of the flag, the canopy, the fan, the banner, and so on (fig. 4.29).133 Except for the fan,134 all items have a similar design of strip-like pendants hanging from hooked

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Fig. 4.29. Selection of Daoist banners from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

poles and resemble the ritual paraphernalia at the Daoist celestial court (figs. 0.4, 6.3, 6.5). It is likely that Daoist pennant makers were inspired by imperial paraphernalia; for this reason some of the illustrated models resemble examples of pennants and flags used in state rites, some of which are depicted in the tenth-century Illustrations of the Three Ritual Classics (fig. 4.30a–c).135 Like flags, banners in traditional Daoism were efficacious objects that served to “invite good fortune, extend auspiciousness, improve life expectancy, protect long life, and ease old age.”136 These goals were also indispensable for rituals. Some Southern Song137 and Yuan paintings138 indicate how Daoist banners were suspended on a towering pole outdoors; their long streamers fluttering in the sky became a landmark for the temple A (figs. 4.31, 4.32). In addition, banners also served as the priests’ performing tools in the salvation ritual. Priests used them to summon souls, rescuing them from hell and releasing them after properly feeding and cleansing them.139 Thirteenth-century manuals document many Daoist banners, describing them as anthropomorphic objects with body parts comparable to those of humans.140 The triangular part at the top of the banner is called the head, the elongated section at the center is its belly, the two narrow, vertical strips flanking the belly are the arms, and finally, the two elongated streamers attached to the bottom are the legs. Like a human, a banner also has a front and back.141 We know of a number of banner templates (figs. 4.33, 4.34a–b, 4.37).142 The Spirit-Moving Banner (Qianshen fan 遷神旛),143 for example, is made of vermilion

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C

Figs. 4.30a–c. Examples of ritual banners and flags, detail. Xinding sanli tu. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1175. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.31. A Daoist banner suspended from a tall pole, detail. Daoist Deity Liberating the Soul from Hell, by Liang Kai. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 26  74.3 cm.

Fig. 4.32. Daoist banners hung on the pole outside a temple complex, detail. West wall of the Hall of Purified Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

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silk and is forty-nine chi long, the largest standard size recorded (fig. 4.33).144 In the salvation ritual, this banner is erected in the east division of the nonary hell compound.145 Arms and belly are suspended from the triangular head, reaching to the same level as the legs. The size of the belly is almost the same as that of the legs. Because its main function is in soul summoning, the inscriptions on the banner all evoke soul-saving deities. The belly bears the name of the Great One, the Heavenly Worthy Who Rescues from Suffering (Taiyi jiuku tianzun 太乙救苦天尊). On the two arms are the names of additional soul-saving Heavenly Worthies of the Ten Directions Who Save from Suffering (Shifang jiuku tianzun 十方救苦天尊). On the legs are the names of two perfected beings who serve as their attendants.146 Finally, the Precious Canopy of the Green Mystery (Qingxuan baogai 青玄寶蓋) is composed of a group of banners constituting an even grander banner complex known as the precious canopy (baogai 寶蓋 or baochuang 寶幢); these objects were raised above the daochang during the announcement (zhengzou 正奏) of a ritual performance (fig. 4.34a).147 This grouping consists of a ten-cornered (shijiao 十角) canopy, with ten four-chi-long petite banners suspended from its ten corners, and a larger banner (two zhang and four chi long) hung at the center. The larger banner at the center bears the seal-script-inspired Nine-Dragons Talisman (Jiulong fu 九龍符) on its belly,148 the name of the Great One and a summary of the purpose of the ritual (zhaiyi 齋意) at the arms and legs, all executed in white powder (fig. 4.34b). The ten petite banners bear different names of the Heavenly Worthies of the Ten Directions Who Save from Suffering.149 To better understand the specific features of a Daoist banner, it is useful to

Figs. 4.34a–b. Precious Canopy of the Green Mystery with a cluster of banners and the talisman for the central banner. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Precious Canopy of the Green Mystery, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail; b. Nine-Dragons Talisman inscribed on the belly of the central banner of the canopy, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail. A

B

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Fig. 4.33. Spiritmoving banner, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition. detail. Daozang. Ming Dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

compare its design with a Buddhist example like the ninth-century Dunhuang banner from the British Museum collection (fig. 4.35).150 Daoist banners have more space for writings, in clear visual contrast to the strong iconic and figurative depiction of the Buddhist bodhisattva. The Daoist banners depicted in the Song and Yuan paintings discussed above have much longer arms, which reach to the bottoms of their legs (figs. 4.31, 4.32), whereas the overall composition of the Buddhist banner has a more human appearance. This feature is also reflected in Buddhist scroll paintings discovered at Dunhuang, such as the oft-cited Avalokiteśvara as Guider of Souls (Yinlu pusa 引路 菩薩) (fig. 4.36). 151 The format of the flying banner attached to the stem of lotus held in the bodhisattva’s left hand shows that its arms do not reach to the bottoms of its legs. Finally, extant banners discovered in the Dunhuang library cave suggest that the Buddhist banner normally has two to four legs, 152 in contrast to the two-legged Daoist banners depicted in Song and Yuan liturgical manuals and paintings. The nonfigurative and aniconic features evident in the Daoist banner highlight Daoist reliance on writings when in contact with the supernatural world. The fully inscribed banners function as moving texts that help the master communicate with gods and souls.153 Made of yellow silk and completely covered with writing, the Precious Banner of Great Mercy (Daci baofan 大慈 寶旛) is a typical example of a Daoist written banner for soul saving (fig. 4.37).154 On its belly are ten evenly distributed magical writs in cloud seal script invoking the Great One to save souls.155 Two five-character regulated poems are inscribed on its arms, and two fourcharacter verses appear on its legs. These texts evoke the vastness of the underworld of Fengdu, including its layered mountains and its hot and cold ponds. Most important, they call forth the infinite light of the gods to illuminate the dark abyss, from which ancestral souls would follow the banner to ascend to heaven.156

Fig. 4.35. Buddhist banner with a painted image of a bodhisattva with a glass bowl, from Mogao Cave no. 17, Dunhuang, Gansu. Tang dynasty, late ninth century. Ink and color on silk. 172.5  18 cm.



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Fig. 4.36. Avalokiteśvara as Guider of Souls, from Mogao Cave no. 17, Dunhuang, Gansu. Tang dynasty, late ninth century. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk with gold leaf. 80.5  53.8 cm. British Museum, London.

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Fig. 4.37. Precious Banner of Great Mercy, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Mirrors Contrary to the eye-catching sizes of flags and banners displayed in public space, mirrors used in Daoist ritual are small objects that can be physically handled.157 In private rituals, Daoists used mirrors for visualization, transmission, and internal alchemy practices. In public, mirrors were often paired with swords, lamps, and water basins; to subjugate demons the priest would at times “enact” the mirrors along with talismans. Samples of Daoist mirrors illustrated in Tang and Song Daoist texts suggest that talismans or inscriptions were the preferred surface decoration, as opposed to figural or iconic motifs.158 In visualization practices, Daoist mirrors serve as the material agency to reveal the true form of the adept, enabling him to obtain powers of “omniscience, multilocation, and communication with the gods.”159 The number of mirrors used for Daoist meditation and visualization ranges from one or two to as many as four. Lord Lao’s Instruction on the Four Bright Mirrors (Laojun sigui mingjing yaojue 老君四規明鏡要 訣), for example, advises adepts to gaze into four mirrors placed to his front, back, left, and right.160 Mirrors range in size from three cun to one chi and two cun in diameter,161 and should ideally have no imperfections.162 When gazing at a mirror, the adept should see a myriad of gods “in the four directions.”163 In a private rite for visualizing the Dipper (cunshen candou 存神參斗), eight mirrors suspended from the top of a tent are arranged to reflect light on the configuration of the Dipper drawn on the ground.164 Mirrors are also used in transmission rites165 and internal alchemy. In the transmission rite for the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain, a ritual held in secret, the adept is advised to place the true form chart on a golden mirror on the altar.166 This action may take its cue from the reflective nature of a mirror: attaching the mirror to



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the chart may help to reveal the true form of the paradisal mountain pictured on it. In the lore of internal alchemy, on the other hand, mirrors are compared to “priceless pearls” that can “kill demons” (sha yiqie chimei 殺一切魑魅). The accompanying illustration from Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels shows a mirror suspended from a stand,167 drawing a visual connection between the circular mirror and the symbolic form of the embryo (fig. 4.38). Livia Kohn traces the Daoist use of mirrors in visualization to a Han-dynasty story regarding a magical square mirror ( fangjing 方鏡) capable of showing “a person’s intestines” and indicating “both disease and bad humors within.”168 The same story was recounted by the Northern Song editor who catalogued the Antiquities Illustrated, in which he incorporated a section on Emperor Huizong’s impressive collection of 133 early and medieval mirrors.169 As Patricia Ebrey notes, the legendary Han mirror of this tale is described as four chi in height and five chi nine cun in width.170 Its large size resembles that of the karmic mirror often depicted in Buddhist paintings such as the Southern Song Ningbo set of the Ten Kings of Hell.171 At the underground court of King Yama, an oval-shaped standing mirror encompasses the full figure of the butcher and reveals his bad deeds, killing the goose and the rooster (fig. 1.37). 172 Eugene Wang calls such a mirror a “karma screen,” comparing its function to “our modern television screen in playing back video clips of one’s past deeds.”173 The Buddhist association of karma with mirrors was incorporated into the Daoist demon-subjugating rite called Lighting Up Lamps and Placing Mirrors (Diandeng lijing 點燈 立鏡).174 As recorded in the fourteenth-century Daoist Method, United in Principle (Daofa huiyuan 道法會元, DZ 1220), the spell associated with this rite is incanted as follows: “the bright lamp lights up the thousand-year-old ghost, the karmic mirror reveals the ten-thousand-year abnormity” (mingdeng zhaochu qiannian gui, yejing zhaochu wannian xie 明燈照出千年鬼，業鏡照出萬年邪).175 Although this Buddhist connection partially underpins the role of Daoist mirrors used in ritual, the mirrors themselves are typically not as large as the karmic mirrors depicted in Buddhist paintings. In addition to these cultural and religious sources for the use of mirrors in Daoist ritual, their function has much to do with mirror lore as it was inspired by medieval Daoists’ explorations in the mountains. As outlined in the Book of the Master Who

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Fig. 4.38. Inner alchemical illustration of a magical mirror that kills all demons, detail. Yunji qiqian. Northern Song dynasty, early eleventh century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Keeps to Simplicity (DZ 1185), Ge Hong tells how to use mirrors to tell harmful demons from benevolent gods: As for the spirits of the aged of the myriad beings, they are capable of assuming human form to dazzle human eyes, and they often test people. It is only when reflected in a mirror that they are unable to alter their true form. Therefore, in the old days, all Daoists entering the mountains would dangle a bright mirror nine cun [28 cm] or more in diameter from their backs so that aged demons would not dare approach. If there is one who comes to test [you], he should be examined in the mirror. If it is a transcendent or a benevolent god of the mountains, it will look like a human when gazed upon in the mirror. If it is the spirit of a bird, beast, or evil demon then its true form will be visible in the mirror. Also, if an old demon should come, it is certain to walk backwards when leaving. You can turn the mirror to reflect its back. If it is an aged demon, it is sure to have no heels. If it has heels, it is a mountain god. 又萬物之老者，其精悉能假託人形，以眩惑人目而常試人，唯不 能於鏡中易其真形耳。是以古之 入山道士，皆以明鏡徑九寸已 上，懸於背後，則老魅不敢近人。或有來試人者，則當顧視鏡中， 其是仙人及山中好神者，顧鏡中故如人形。若是鳥獸邪魅，則其 形貌皆見鏡中矣。又老魅若來，其去必却行，行可轉鏡對之，其 後而視之，若是老魅者，必無踵也，其有踵者，則山神也。176

In addition to visualization, transmission, and internal alchemy, mirrors have power to discern “truth” and quell demons. In Daoist public rituals, mirrors are often juxtaposed with swords, implying a defensive or protective purpose.177 Martial representations of the Great General of the Tianpeng Deity (Tianpeng dayuanshuai 天蓬大元帥) (fig. 4.39a) and the god of the Jidu 計都 star (fig. 4.39b) show both of these fierce multiple-armed deities holding swords and mirrors.178 A Tang Daoist text records a subjugation rite in which a bright mirror is suspended with a sword above a basin of clean water; evil-quelling talismans are inscribed on the mirror so that “the hundred evil forces dare not offend” (baixie bugan fan 百邪不敢犯).179 Here, the demon-quelling power of a mirror is manifested most effectively through the talismans inscribed on it. Similarly, the Song-dynasty Celestial Heart Construction Method for the Five Hells (Jian wuyu fa 建五獄法) requires a mirror inscribed with “talismans of mountain spirits and wild eccentrics” (shanjing yeguai fu 山精野怪 符), written in vermilion ink. This mirror is then placed in the center of a basin, and a lamp is situated on top of the mirror with a sword resting across the lamp.180 A



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Figs. 4.39a–b. Multiarmed martial deities holding mirrors and swords. Details of leaves nos. 11 and 21 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaves. Ink on paper, 34.35  38.4 cm. a. Great General of the Tianpeng Deity; b. God of the Jidu star.

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similar talismanic mirror is to be placed on top of a pile of rice in the construction of the hell compound associated with the Highest Clarity Great Subjugation by the Tianpeng Deity (Shangqing Tianpeng fumo dafa 上清天蓬伏魔大法).181 It is important to note the interactive nature of mirrors with talismanic inscriptions in some Daoist rituals. To invoke the power of the mirror, the practitioner holds the inscribed side upward, recites spells, and blows cosmic qi onto it.182 A detailed exposition of the ritual role of such mirrors appears in the comprehensive Method of Revealing the Form of the Ghost (Zhaogui xianxing fa 照鬼現形法) associated with early twelfth-century Celestial Heart Daoism.183 Its step-by-step instructions include holding the mirror in the right hand, visualizing the talisman on the mirror, placing the mirror on the table, performing the lion-hand gesture (shizi yin 師子印) 184 in front of the mirror, and reciting the names of the deities. The text also illustrates a sample of the talisman inscribed in vermilion ink and visualized by the adept on the inner side of the mirror (fig. 4.40).185 Finally, the adept visualizes himself being transformed into the Deity of the Northern Yin (Beifang yinshen 北方陰神) while holding a mirror in his right hand, pinching the second thumb of his left hand, and picturing the five-colored light radiating from the mirror. As this is happening, all the demons reveal their true forms in front of the mirror.186

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Fig. 4.40. Sample of the talisman visualized by the adept on the mirror, from Secret Essentials of the Most High Assisting the Country and Saving the People, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

The close relationship between mirrors and talismans in Daoist subjugating rituals is highlighted further in the visual conventions for Daoist mirrors illustrated in Tang-Song Daoist texts (figs. 4.41, 4.42).187 A predominant design shows talismanic writings arranged in eight strips that radiate out from the center of the mirror like the spokes of a wheel. According to Wang Yucheng, a Tang-dynasty bronze mirror in the Henan Provincial Museum collection is decorated with a very similar design.188 Often the mirror ornament is further enhanced with symbols of constellations or the eight trigrams. It is likely that these illustrations reflect the visual tradition of what the Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels describes as Pictures of Bright Mirrors (Mingjing tu 明鏡圖), which function as a sort of amulet to summon the gods and identify demons and ghosts.189 The dominant talismanic patterns in Daoist mirror

Fig. 4.41. Illustration of a mirror from Highest Clarity Illustrations of Precious Mirrors of Long Life, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



Fig. 4.42. Illustration of a mirror from Wondrous Scripture of Divine Incantations for Subduing Demons of the Emperor of the North, Set Forth by Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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designs differ from those of mainstream Chinese bronze mirrors: Han mirrors are noted for their geometric designs, cosmic symbolism, and other auspicious images of gods and divine creatures, whereas the most popular designs for Tang mirrors are filled with a plethora of dragons, sea creatures, and grapes.190 Daoist talismanic mirrors also differ from Liao and Song Buddhist mirror types, some of which show iconic images incised on their reflecting sides.191 The talismanic mirrors illustrated in the Tang-Song Daoist texts are linked to an elaborate Sui-dynasty iron mirror with sixteen talismans (Sui shiliu fu tiejian 隋十六符鐵鑑), once collected by Emperor Huizong and recorded in Antiquities Illustrated (fig. 4.43). 192 The editors of Huizong’s antiquities catalogue explained that “using sixteen talismanic seal script characters” on mirrors was to “ward off evil.”193 The mirror’s round surface is divided into three nested circles: the inner circle contains the eight trigrams, the middle circle bears eight arch-shaped talismans, and the outer circle is filled with eight square-shaped talismans, punctuated with different symbols of the constellations. Additional inscriptions in small regular script accompany the arch-shaped talismans in the middle circle; they denote such celestial locations as Purple Tenuity (Ziwei 紫薇), Chamber of the Eastern Emperor of the Old Lord (Dongdi laojun tang 東帝老君堂), Rear Chamber of the Great Simplicity (Taisu houtang 太素后堂), House of the Highest Clarity (Shangqing guan 上清館), and so on. Its overall design is comparable

Fig. 4.43. Illustration of a Sui-dynasty iron mirror with sixteen talismans, detail. Chongxiu Xuanhe bogu tu. 1588 edition. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.44. Mirror with talismanic designs, excavated from a tomb near Luoyang. Tang dynasty. Bronze. 22 cm diam. Mengxian, Xiguo, Henan.

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to several extant Tang bronze mirrors, including one excavated near Luoyang, Henan (fig. 4.44). 194 Fukunaga Mitsuji compares Daoist mirrors with swords, highlighting their commonality as symbolic objects charged with cosmic energy and as material artifacts made of similar metal.195 Shawn Eichman notes the similarity between the sword’s “sacred microcosm that embodied primordial energy” and the human body.196 The interconnection of mirrors and swords is not only reflected in archaeological finds from Warring States, Han, and Song tombs, where they were often found juxtaposed,197 but also in the Tang text, Highest Clarity Pictures of the Cosmic Signs Embodied in Mirrors and Swords (Shangqing hanxiang jian jian tu 上清含象劍 鑑圖, DZ 431), 198 which illustrates three mirrors and two swords (figs. 4.45a, 4.46). Sima Chengzhen (647–735), the Highest Clarity Daoist priest from Mount Tiantai who was active at the Tang court, designed these items and submitted the actual objects he fabricated to Emperor Xuanzong 玄宗 (r. 712–56).199 Both the mirrors and the swords are inscribed, a feature shared by the banners and other Daoist ritual objects discussed earlier in this chapter. One mirror design recorded in Sima Chengzhen’s illustrated text deserves further examination because of its intriguing assembly of images and words (fig. 4.45a).200 Decorated with the sun, the moon, and the constellations around its circumference, its center is composed of nested square shapes whose outermost patterns resemble the

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13洞

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7貞

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10規

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Figs. 4.45a–b. a. Daoist mirror with patterns of the sun, moon, constellations, eight trigrams, T-shaped symbols, and inscriptions, from the Highest Clarity Pictures of the Cosmic Signs Embodied in Mirrors and Swords, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; b. Diagram showing the word order of the inscription on the mirror.



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eight trigrams. The central square design is based on the nonary scheme of a three-by-three grid comparable to the standard cosmological design of the Hall of Light (fig. 2.31). Five identical square symbols, each of which consists of four intersecting T’s, are arranged in a cross with one square201 at the center of the mirror and the other four positioned along horizontal and vertical axes around it. Eugene Wang reads these symbols as the Five Sacred Peaks.202 The remaining four units at the corners within the nineunit grid are filled with sixteen seal-script characters, which, if read according to their coded order, would denote a meaningful text. Similar designs are found on some Tang-to-Song extant mirrors,203 like the Tang mirror excavated near Luoyang, Henan (fig. 4.47).204 This suggests that there may have been a standard template in circulation at that time. Reading the text on the mirror requires that it be rotated four times in a specific order. Based upon the word order marked by the numbers in the diagram (fig. 4.45b), the first turn centers on the four characters at the outermost corners (characters nos. 1–4). Beginning with the character tian 天 (heaven) at the upper right, the viewer moves to di 地 (earth) in the lower right corner, followed by han 含 (embodying) in the lower left corner, and ends with xiang 象 (phenomena) in the upper left corner. On the second turn clockwise, the viewer moves to the characters (nos. 5–8) following the numbers 1 through 4 at each corner along the outermost perimeter. The third turn takes in the four characters (nos. 9–12) on the outermost border preceding numbers 1 through 4 at the corners; in other words, if the mirror is turned counterclockwise, these four characters are read in sequence. Finally, the reading is completed and ends at the center of the mirror when the four characters (nos. 13–16) that are not contiguous with the outermost perimeter are read as “mirroring penetratingly the hundred spirits”

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Fig. 4.46. Magic swords, from the Highest Clarity Pictures of the Cosmic Signs Embodied in Mirrors and Swords, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

(dongjian bailing 洞鋻百靈). To summarize, this creative layout of words invites the viewer to focus his gaze on this inwardly moving spiral, an action that highlights the magical power of the mirror to penetrate and reveal.

Writing Utensils

Fig. 4.47. Mirror adorned with sealscript inscriptions, the eight trigrams, the sun and moon, and five interlocking Ts. Excavated from a tomb near Luoyang. Tang dynasty. Bronze. 20.7 cm. diam.

The widespread presence of writing utensils in traditional Daoist daochang suggests the importance of writing in Daoism. The main repertoire consists of brushes, paper, ink, and a writing knife, 205 all of which were already venerated by the Daoist clergy in the second century when they were used as “pure” offerings, distinct from animal flesh or money.206 The priest, like a bureaucrat in charge of paperwork, is “first and foremost a scribe” who employs writing as “his prime means of command over the spirit world.”207 All the petitions the Daoists submit to the gods are written memorials, just like official paperwork in the imperial administration, where the names of the gods as well as the persons concerned are acknowledged. Most of these written documents are “actualized through burning” at the end of the ritual.208 By the early fifth century, as a result of the high demand for paperwork in Daoist ritual, Celestial Masters priests allowed each household within the community to pay the rice tax with its equivalent in writing utensils, for example, thirty pieces of paper, a writing brush, and a stick of ink cake.209 In the third- to fourth-century ritual text entitled Petition Almanac of Chisongzi (Chisongzi zhangli 赤松子章曆, DZ 615), which only circulated internally among initiates and is recorded in several Song catalogues,210 paper, ink, brushes, ink cakes, and a writing knife stand out as the most essential items required for rituals for all sorts of events, ranging from natural disasters through sickness and death to relocation. In the early eighth century, Daoist codes list specific quantities of paper, brush, and ink as necessary contributions whenever an adept seeks help from a priest.211 Still, despite these large amounts, only few remain in Daoist tombs.212 Uniquely Daoist, the writing knife is also called the dragon-headed writing knife (longtou shudao 龍頭書刀) and is thus distinguished from regular writing brushes in ritual inventories.213 The thirteenth-century Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure compiled by Jin Yunzhong shows it as being six cun long, made of steel, and with a dragon head made of silver attached to the handle (fig. 4.48).214



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It is placed on the left of a memorial table, paired with a brush and other miniature artifacts such as the golden fish (jinyu 金魚) and the jade wild goose (yuyan 玉雁) on the right.215 As a ritual implement, the writing knife derives from an ancient correcting tool that was used to cut away erroneous writings on bamboo strips.216 As vividly recorded in ritual compilations from the tenth century onward, it is a symbolic utensil reserved for the delivery of written memorials (baibiao 拜表 or fabiao 發 表).217 Body gods of lesser rank, such as assistant bookkeepers, scribes, and messengers, are summoned by the ritual master to perform the final collation and editing of the memorials before they are sent off to the heavenly court.218 While some body gods pour water on the ink cake and grind it, others scrape off any mistakes they find in the paperwork using the dragon-headed writing knife, then dip the ink to add any missing words with the “sharp pen with long brushes” (changmao libi 長毛利筆).219 The thirteenthcentury texts assign an additional role to the writing knife: it is used by the gods to scrape off (xiao 削) the names of adepts previously registered in the book of death.220 Paper is another unique category among Daoist ritual items since it serves as a symbolic medium on which all communication with the gods—ranging from legible writings to purely magical signs—are to be recorded.221 As outlined in the Petition Almanac of Chisongzi (DZ 615), each ritual (be it a prayer for rain or health, an exorcism of the plague, or the putting out of a fire), consumed on average 100 to 240 sheets of paper.222 In the early seventh century, monasteries often had a papermak­ ing place (zhizhi chu 治紙處) attached to their scriptorium (xiejing fang 寫經坊).223 Although the paper produced in the monastic workshop was mainly for scripture copying, it probably also answered the demand for paper offerings in rituals. Song Daoist rituals demanded even more paper. Part of this reflects the growing sophistication of papermaking at the time. In order for a ritual to be efficacious, the written memorials had to be presented on good-quality paper; by no means were they to be done on dirty paper.224 An anecdote from Hong Mai’s 洪邁 (1123–1202) Record of the Listener (Yijian zhi 夷堅志) reflects this standard.225 It tells the story of a local priest who prepared an envelope holding eulogies to the gods as part of a jiao offering. He used paper so roughly made that it had deteriorated before he could even submit it to the gods. The Celestial Master present at the time complained about it and suggested that the whole package be replaced with something better. When the local priest

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Fig. 4.48. Sample of a writing knife used in ritual, from the Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

heard of this, he was so ashamed that he held another jiao the next day to apologize to the gods for his carelessness.226 The Southern Song Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat (DZ 508) lists a variety of papers for the Yellow Register Purgation.227 Different sizes and qualities of memorial paper (zhuangzhi 狀紙), totaling more than one thousand pieces, are requested for writing memorials.228 The yellow scripture paper (huang jing zhi 黃經 紙), popular among Song art collectors for labeling paintings and calligraphic pieces,229 is here employed toward the making of Nine-Dragons Talismans and Registers of Rebirth in Heaven (Shengtian baolu 生天寶籙).230 Other miscellaneous kinds of paper include yellow paper (huangzhi 黃紙) and white ripe paper (bai shouzhi 白熟紙).231 The most popular Daoist paper is perhaps green paper (qingzhi 青紙), used for inscribing all kinds of talismans, including the True Writs in Five Tablets (fig. 2.3) and contracts for ascending to heaven (shengtian juan 昇天券).232 It is different from the so-called green-verses paper (qingci zhi 青詞紙) used for writing memorials to the gods.233 A special entry consisting of “thirty-eight sets of green paper made in Fuzhou” (Fuzhou qingzhi sanshiba fu 福州青紙三十八幅) may reflect a local specialty.234 Although medieval sources shed light on the diverse functions of paper in Daoist ritual, especially in regard to the writing of talismans and memorials, it is important to note that piles of blank paper were also displayed frequently. Poul Andersen describes the blank paper designated for the True Writs in Five Tablets and found on contemporary altars.235 Instead of placing the true writs in the designated directions, an empty pad of paper is sometimes juxtaposed with writing utensils in their reserved locations as a symbolic request to the first Celestial Master Zhang Daoling to supply the magical writs.

Documents According to Kristofer Schipper, the Daoist use of written documents as a means to communicate with the gods finds its ancient roots in the Feng and Shan sacrifices in the second century bce.236 The earliest Daoist written documents to gods, the confessional writings to the Three Officials, embody a practice that later merged with the rite of casting the dragon (toulong 投龍), a ceremony held outdoors to mark the close of a ritual.237 Besides writing to the Three Officials, however, a lot more paperwork was required in the Song period to address a growing Daoist pantheon. Standard templates for the format of the paper, the envelope, and the casket are illustrated in liturgical manuals. The history of Daoist documents addressed to the gods can be traced back to the so-called handwritten letters to the Three Officials (Sanguan shoushu 三官手 書), a type of text first found among the Celestial Masters in the second century.238 These confessional documents are meant to be drafted, then delivered to the Three



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Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water to seek pardon. The symbolic delivery takes place during a post-confessional ritual in three locations: the first document is buried (or burnt) at a mountain as a token of its delivery to the Official of Heaven, the second document is buried in the ground near the altar to symbolize its delivery to the Official of Earth, and the third document is thrown into a river or a lake as a communication with the Official of Water.239 Although no handwritten letters to the Three Officials survive, Wang Yucheng suggests that Han-dynasty examples may have resembled the funeral finds of Eastern Han Daoist wooden slips bearing prayers that look like talismanic writs written in red ink (fig. 4.49).240 Schipper has uncovered a tenth-century petition titled the Memorial of the Handwritings to the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water Submitted by a Daoist Priest (Daoshi tiandishui sanguan shoushu luzhuang 道士天地水三官手書籙狀, DZ 617) 241 that attests to the long-lasting practice of submitting written confessions to the Three Officials (fig. 4.50). The adept should acknowledge his sins by itemizing all his transgressions one by one (yishi yitiao 一事一條) beginning with what he did at the age of seven.242 The formula calls for detailed information on the adept’s wrongdoings, including where and when they occurred, and instructs him to avoid any indirect or grandiose statements, reporting everything in a straightforward fashion. Archaeological specimens of such memorials have not yet been found. Categories of written documents began to increase in the fifth and sixth centuries; 243 by the thirteenth century they included announcements (shu 疏), proclamations (shen 申), petitions (zhang 章), memorials (biao 表), and reports (zhuang 狀).244 Reports, for example, were written invitations to the gods issued several days before a ritual. The highest-ranking reports (zouzhuang 奏狀) went to the Three Pure Ones, the Emperors of the North and South Poles, the Heavenly Worthy of the Vermilion Mound, and the Heavenly Worthy of the Ten Directions. Mid-level invitations (shenzhuang 申狀) were sent to the Three Officials, the Four Saints, the Fengdu Emperor, the Dipper, the Twentyeight Mansions, and the Emperors of the Five Sacred Peaks. As for the lowest-ranking ones (diezhuang 牒狀), they were for the underworld officers, jailors, and soul catchers.245 Since many documents were sent (burnt) during the seven days prior

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Fig. 4.49. Line drawing after a funerary slip bearing prayers, excavated from a tomb in Shaojiagou, Gaoyou, Jiangsu. Eastern Han dynasty. Wood. 28  3.8 cm.

Fig. 4.50. Memorial of the Handwritten Letters to the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water Submitted by a Daoist Priest, from Most High Memorials That Proclaim Mercy and Are Helpful in Working Wonders, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

to the ritual, 246 a Daoist master had to write and prepare them in advance. To prepare to draft the texts, he also had to bathe, fast, and cleanse himself first.247 Then he would compose each petition or manifesto according to a strict format in which each line of the text had to be composed of seventeen words and be one cun and two fen wide or two cun and four fen wide. In addition, the term “your servant,” literally “officer” (chen 臣), used by a government bureaucrat when submitting documents, in this case signifies the priest who submits the paperwork; it cannot appear at the top of the line, nor can the word ghost (gui 鬼) be used first in a paragraph.248 The written documents, once completed, are sealed in envelopes and placed in containers or boxes made of wood or textiles.249 The Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure (DZ 547) illustrates some samples (fig. 4.51a).250 The packing materials for a written memorial include the innermost “perfect envelope” (yuanfeng 圓封), the three inner containers (nei fanhan 內方函), and the outermost box (muhan 木函).251 On the envelope, the upper column is reserved for the name(s) of the recipient(s), whereas the space in the lower column is for the Daoist priest’s signature, using the required appellation of officer as his title. The inner containers come in three colors—the innermost container is green, the middle yellow, and the outermost white—and their address format is similar to that of the envelopes. The outermost layer of the paperwork package is a wooden box that measures one chi two cun long and four cun wide and is made either of cypress or Catalpa kaempferi (zimu 梓木). The bottom of the wooden container is decorated with patterns of the constellations.252 Additional seals are sometimes stamped on the documents as well as the envelopes (fig. 4.51b),253 and some seals, such as the one to be stamped on the box envelope (fenghan yin 封函印), are still used today.254 John Lagerwey cites contemporary field studies to reveal the time-consuming preparation and hard work in which Daoist masters engage long before the ritual.255



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A

A master from southern Taiwan, for example, “has a good two weeks’ work ahead of him to prepare the necessary documents.”256 He also undertakes other painstaking tasks, such as rolling up numerous written documents, fumigating them with incense, and inserting among them “three sticks of incense in flat rectangular envelopes.”257 Preparing the envelopes and the box-style wrapping made from paper requires yet another set of skills. For the sake of ritual efficacy, the master must address and stamp each envelope individually and personally.258 Before written documents were replaced by printed messages, Daoist practitioners also made the box envelopes: “Starting with a flat B six-inch wide, two-foot long double sheet whose two long sides have been glued together, one produces from it, by folding, a rectangular box with three-inch-wide sides that shuts by interlapping folds on either end.”259 The entire procedure of “rolling, fumigating, and folding” takes several Daiosts “at least two hours, a job they do while other members are hanging up the scrolls and preparing the altar.”260 All of this carefully prepared paperwork, however, is meant to be burnt at the end of the service. Among the numerous divine documents prepared for a Daoist ritual, the three individual texts addressed to the Three Officials are the primary set compiled; these texts are delivered to the respective deities in a rite known as casting the dragon tablets (toulong jian 投龍簡).261 This postritual practice, developed in the fifth century, merges with the earlier convention of sending handwritten letters to the Three Officials. During an excursion beyond the ritual site, Daoist practitioners

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Figs. 4.51a–b. Models for the envelopes, boxes, and seals for written memorials. a. Models for envelopes, inner containers, and the outer box for sealing written memorials, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper; b. Examples of Daoist seals to be stamped on the written memorials or envelopes, from the Golden Book of Great Salvation According to the Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure Traditions, detail. Zangwai daoshu. Ming dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.52. Sample of the written prayers to be cast to the mountain, earth, and water, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.54. Jade disks for the dragon-casting tablets, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.53. Sample envelopes for the memorials to the Three Officials, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

bury written prayers in the mountains, grotto heavens, or blissful lands or throw them into sacred rivers and lakes. Many templates for such documents are preserved in the Daozang alongside their related accessories. By the thirteenth century, a standard set of such written prayers comprised a mountain tablet (shanjian 山簡), an earth tablet (tujian 土簡), and a water tablet (shuijian 水簡); their writing conventions ranged from regular scripts to talismanic writs (fig. 4.52).262 In some cases, the tablets are packed with additional layers of other materials for more protection. First, they are sealed in three rectangular cloth pouches (dai 袋), whose design is comparable to that of the envelopes (figs. 4.53, 4.51a).263 Second, the pouches are bundled with blue silk threads, golden rings (jinniu 金鈕), and jade bi disks of different shapes, which replace human hair and blood given when making vows to form a covenant (meng 盟) and when undergoing Daoist initiation (fig. 4.54).264 The mountain tablet is bundled with a green jade disk, whose round shape echoes Heaven; the earth tablet is bundled with a yellow jade disk, whose square shape matches Earth; and the water tablet is bundled with a black jade disk that is either hexagonal or octagonal.265 The tablets are often buried on the mountainside or thrown into a lake together with miniature golden



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dragons (jinlong 金龍) made of precious gold or other metals.266 The dragon, who acts as a divine messenger traveling speedily across the universe,267 is therefore called the Golden Dragon Dispatcher (Jinlong chuanyi 金龍驛 傳), like the official postman riding on horseback to deliver government documents over long distances.268 The golden rings cast with the dragon are intended to “control the dragon much like the reins of a horse.”269 Prior to being delivered with the tablets, the miniature dragons are part of the offerings displayed on the altar, where they are placed on top of the True Writs in Five Tablets or are associated with the writing utensils.270 Similar artifacts such as the golden fish and the jade wild goose serve as alternative choices.271 According to Zhang Wanfu, the jade wild goose symbolizes the respect for order and ritual, and the golden fish serves as a messenger to the Official of Water.272 The rite of casting the dragon tablets became a national ritual in the Tang period, when it was carried out by the imperial house and local rulers.273 There are abundant specimens of the tablets, either documented in historical catalogues or discovered at archaeological sites.274 One of the most stunning is the gold tablet of the year 700 commissioned by Empress Wu Zetian (fig. 4.55).275 Originally thrown into a crevice on the northern peak of Mount Song by the Daoist official Hu Chao 胡超 (ca. 674–713),276 it was discovered in 1982. Another jade tablet dated to 928 and sponsored by the ruler of the Wu Yue 吳越 kingdom, Qian Liu 錢鏐 (852–932), was excavated from Lake Tai (Taihu 太湖) in the seventeenth century and recorded in an antiquity manual of 1778 (fig. 4.56).277 This tablet bears an unusual framing design showing elaborate ornaments of a dragon’s head on the upper border, a dragon’s swirling body

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Fig. 4.55. Tablet inscribed with a prayer, discovered at Mount Song, Dengfeng, Henan. Tang dynasty, dated 700. Gold. 36.5 cm. long.

Fig. 4.56. Rubbing of a silver tablet dated 928, detail. From the Jin shi qi. Wu Yue kingdom.

on the right and left borders, and watery waves on the lower border, all of which echo the expression “casting the dragon.”278 Three scrolls from an incomplete set of Buddhist liturgical paintings associated with the Water Land ritual echo the rite of casting the dragon. Commissioned by the Ming court in 1454, their Daoist-inspired scenarios depict a messenger on horseback taking the tablets to the Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water, respectively.279 In the painting showcasing the delivery to the Official of Water,280 the messenger is shown twice in the picture (fig. 4.57). In the upper part, he stands by his horse, receiving the



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Fig. 4.57. Messenger delivering the tablet to the Official of Water, detail. From a set of Water Land paintings commissioned by Shang Yi and Wang Qin. Ming dynasty, dated 1454. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 149  90 cm.

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written document packed in an elongated box; below, the messenger ties the document box to his shoulder, then gallops into the realm of water, marked by the waves behind the misty clouds.281

Spirit Money Paper is present in Song Daoist ritual not only as part of the offering of writing utensils and as the main medium for written documents, but also as spirit money, imitation cash burnt for gods, ghosts, and ancestors.282 In the context of a salvation ritual, spirit money is often on display with other offerings or in places reserved for the soul (fig. 4.22b). When the ritual is over, the spirit money is burnt. According to Hou Ching-lang, burning paper money was a popular Daoist and Buddhist practice in the Song dynasty. It served as a token payment to the Celestial Treasury managed by a host of supernatural “bank tellers.”283 The belief behind it sees life as a “loan” in that “to be born is to receive an advance payment” and “to die is to have exhausted one’s loan from the Celestial Treasury.”284 Upon receiving “reimbursement” by way of spirit money, the treasury staff either accumulates new credits on behalf of the deceased or pays off the original of the ritual sponsors, giving them extended years (sui 筭).285 As Anna Seidel notes, spirit money came in various forms in the early Tang, including “gold, silver, cashpieces (cut out of paper), and silk.”286 Based on modern Taiwanese samples collected by Hou, it is likely that the different sorts of paper money mentioned are differentiated by the specific colors decorating individual paper money bills.287 Daoist sources from the tenth to thirteenth centuries also use the term money horse (qianma 錢馬) to refer to spirit money.288 According to the twelfth-century master Sun Xubai 孫虛白 (ca. early twelfth century), who served at Emperor Huizong’s court, this type of paper money bears the images of a horse and a figure painted on a good piece of paper.289 Master Sun criticized lay people who invented “inauthentic” versions that replaced the horse picture with other depictions like a dragon, a crane, or other astral divinities and deities of Heaven and Earth.290 In addition to their auspicious overtones, these images all evoke the metaphor of a heavenly messenger who may expedite the “money transfer.” Indeed, given the large amounts of spirit money required in Daoist rituals, one may speculate that instead of manually drawing horses and figures on sheet after sheet of money, these images were printed and mass-produced by way of the more affordable woodblock printing technology blossoming in the Song.291 Although no direct evidence sheds light on the makers of these ritual artifacts, it is likely that commercial stores or workshops outside the religious community were the makers of paper money. Ellen Laing and Helen Hui-ling Liu’s study of pasted-paper sculptures in contemporary Taiwan offers an inspiring comparison292 by demonstrating



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that most paper used for ritual functions nowadays is not made by Daoist priests—although it is said that in the old days “black-headed” Daoist priests were trained in making paper sculptures293 —but by craftsmen and apprentices in commercial pasted-paper shops (huzhi dian 糊紙店). They cut the paper, paste it, and create bamboo structures for the sculpted figurines and architecture.294 It is likely that workshops in Song China that supplied Daoist ritual objects followed a similar system. The motif of a Daoist messenger delivering written documents on a horse, seen earlier in the Ming painting discussed above (fig. 4.57), is reflected in a popular version of the theme reproduced as a modern single-sheet New Year’s print (fig. 4.58).295 Though there are no extant samples of Song spirit money, it may well have looked like real printed bills, such as the Southern Song huizi 會子 shown here (fig. 4.59).296 According to Richard von Glahn, the motifs on the bill consist of coins near the upper edge and a narrative scene below the text showing “two men carrying bales of grain into a storehouse under the watchful supervision of a figure in official robes.”297 In thirteenth-century ritual compilations, images of animals appear on different kinds of spirit money. In addition to horse-related images, such as the “horse on clouds” (yunma 雲馬), the “walking horse” (buma 步馬), the “golden money cloud-driven treasure horse” (jinqian yunyu baoma 金錢雲馭 寶馬), and the “faith money attendant horse” (xin qian congma 信錢從馬), some also feature “carts pulled by dragons” (longche 龍車) and “carriages pulled by phoenixes” (fengnian 鳳 輦).298 Although there is no direct evidence to connect these items with the paper horses (zhima 紙馬) sold in the stationery shops and on the streets of Song metropolitan cities, these textual descriptions nevertheless suggest an association both with the three-dimensional paper-pasted artifacts and two-dimensional printed illustrations produced during the Song period.299 An archaeologically excavated Tang paper hat and shoe from Xinjiang support the existence of such

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Fig. 4.58. New Year’s poster showing a messenger on horseback delivering a document box. Modern. Single sheet. Woodblock print. Ink and color on paper. 29.5  25.5 cm. Fig. 4.59. Example of the huizi bill. Southern Song dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Fig. 4.60. Examples of a paper shoe and a paper hat, excavated in Xinjiang. Tang dynasty. Paper.

Fig. 4.61. Contemporary Taiwanese paper-pasted sculptures on display outside the inner altar of a Daoist temple. Photograph.

paper goods (fig. 4.60).300 Finally, paper sculptures, like the handsome-looking marshal riding on an auspicious animal,301 are still displayed in contemporary Daoist rituals and popular funerals in Taiwan (fig. 4.61).302 As expected, they are burnt as part of the rite, to serve as messengers to the other world.303 The utilitarian artifacts and spaces created for Daoist sacred experiences provide new sources and points of departure for research on material religion,304 a relatively new field that grows from studies of material culture. Applying this concept to the Daoist context, the myriad aspects of material culture discussed—oratory, altar, additional places for gods and souls, ritual implements, written memorials, writing utensils, and spirit money—all become what David Morgan calls “a matrix in which belief happens.” Daoist materiality manifests itself in a multidimensional religious context. It includes not only concrete objects but also sacred space. Echoing Morgan’s notion of “the matter of belief,”305 Daoist ritual space is by no means an “indifferent container” where religion happens; 306 nor is it “the empty opposite of things.”307 Rather, it is a meaningful cultural construct that renders certain things visible: it makes “the unknown familiar” and wrests “order from chaos.”308 A Daoist sense of “self, community, and cosmos” emerges from these “material routines.”309 Daoist ritual space expands from a single altar to a complex assembly of various spatial components and diverse materials, and its spatiality reflects Daoist cosmology. Since the Southern Song, the space for a salvation ritual has situated the highest celestial court in the north and the secondary gods in the east and the west, separating them from the souls and from hell in the south. The place between heaven and hell is reserved for humanity, as symbolized by the performing Daoist master active in the ritual space. Traveling back and forth between heaven and hell, he seeks



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to rectify the cosmic order. Daoist salvation ritual is not only a spatial construction, but also a temporal one. This is reflected in the separate arrangements of the ritual areas dedicated to the main deities summoned from heaven in the north and the hell compound in the south, where the priest rescues souls. The activities surrounding summoning the gods occur during the day, whereas the actions involving summoning and rescuing souls take place at night. The study of the materiality of Daoist sacred space and ritual objects requires consideration of their mobile, performative, and ephemeral aspects. Many objects are not static when seen in a ritual context. Rather, they are carried and moved around by ritual participants from one place to another, and some are even crucial to the priests’ ritual performance. In the context of Daoist materiality, there is a direct link between material ephemerality and religious efficacy: the fact that wooden and paper documents and paper spirit money burn easily (and thus become immaterial) symbolizes their effortless passage to the other world. Because wood and paper are flammable, they are transformed more easily than other, more enduring materials.310 Paper in particular is honored in Daoist rites as the major medium for ritual documents, spirit money, and divine messengers. The lengthy memorials and complex registers detailing the purposes of the ritual and the names of the gods and spirits all reflect the heavy paperwork that characterizes Chinese bureaucracy. Aniconic designs of talismans and writings, which play a major role in the spectacle of Daoist ritual, apparently share the same aniconic visual appeal observed in the study of the true form charts. It is most evident in the talismanic and text-oriented designs of Daoist banners and flags, which differ markedly from icon-based Buddhist banners, and also pervades Daoist mirrors and numerous talismans and divine documents, all of which are embellished with writings and assorted symbols that we now call “imagetexts.” In addition to these various objects, there are other “mobile materials” associated with the performing priest. Ritual vestments (fafu 法服 or daoyi 道衣) (fig. 2.12) 311 are one of the “most visually spectacular works of Daoist ritual art.”312 The decoration of the priest’s cap symbolizes heaven with the sun, moon, and stars; his robe symbolizes the earth with the forms of the Five Sacred Peaks.313 As a whole, ritual vestments represent “images of the structures of the cosmos . . . unified in the Dao.”314 Furthermore, the priest’s performance props (tablet, sword, ruler, seals, and so forth) 315 are part of who he is and enable him to enact the proper ritual and give shape to the dynamic power of Dao. Together with the percussion assembly of bells, drums, clappers, gongs, and cymbals played loudly by some Daoists while ceremonial activities are ongoing,316 these mobile objects exemplify the impermanent nature of performative visuality in Daoist ritual.

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chapter five

Performing the Salvation Ritual

I

n 1198, the Temple of Heavenly Celebration (Tianqingguan 天慶觀), located in Raozhou 饒州, Jiangxi, held a ritual called the Grand Offering of the Yellow Register (Huanglu dajiao 黃籙大醮) on behalf of the dead family members of a thousand lay followers, each of whom contributed 1,200 qian 錢 to sponsor it.1 When the ritual was about to conclude, several significant encounters occurred: The merchant Fu San saw his recently deceased mother approach. She wore the same clothes as when alive. Wet from head to toe, she came from a distance and joined the offering banquet. Fu was so sad to see her that he could not bear to stay and quickly returned home in tears. 市儈傅三，見近所亡母，著生前衣服，上下皆溼，自遠而來，入供筵中。 傅瞻視悲痛不堪處，垂泣遽還。2

In a similar way, the layman Zhou Si 周四 also encountered his beloved wife, who had passed away in childbirth a month earlier: When the Daoist priests were summoning souls, Zhou saw his wife in the murky darkness. She was dressed in white, walking in water. [He could] hear the sound of splashing water [while she walked]. When she came before him, her feet were still wet. 及法眾攝召之際，周睹其在茫昧中，通身白衣，行水內，聞水聲。至 前，兩足猶溼。3

These ritual scenarios are among the many popular stories about Daoist salvation rites recorded in Hong Mai’s Record of the Listener. Perhaps the most sensational is the extraordinary ritual event observed by the twelve-year-old boy Shu Jie 叔介, who participated in a Yellow Register Offering on behalf of his deceased mother, Lady Zhao 趙: 4 Three days prior to [the ritual], [the Daoist master] summoned the soul to bathe. The twelve-year-old young son [of the deceased woman]

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missed his mother so much that he only volunteered to stay in the bathhouse [erected in the ritual area] and hold the banner to wait [for his mother’s descent]. As soon as he entered, he started wailing, saying: “[I see] Mother descending from the banner and sitting on the chair. She puts her feet into the wash basin and leaves her clothes hung on both sides [of the chair] . . . .” [After the soul bathed, the master] guided her east near the name tablet [dedicated to her]. Master Huang saw the Lady sitting there. 先三日，招魂入浴。幼子叔介，年十二歲，以念母之切，願自入室持幡 伺視。既入，慟哭，云：「母自白幡下，坐椅上，垂足入浴盆，左右挂所 著衣…」 已而迎魂至東偏靈位，黃師見夫人在坐。5

Emotionally exhausted, Shu Jie fell asleep in the ritual area. In his dream he saw a supernatural scene in the Chamber of the Divine Tiger, also erected nearby. A procession of dozens of soul catchers dressed in robes of golden brocade carried a sedan chair holding a goddess. At its four corners the chair was decorated with golden ornaments depicting a phoenix carrying a ball made of golden thread in its mouth. Two celestial boys leading the procession held a golden incense burner and an open jar.6 The story of Shu Jie is just one example of the many Song literary accounts that center on the efficacy of the Yellow Register Purgation and detail “true stories” relating what happens “when the living meet the dead.” These tales attest to the prevalence of Daoist salvation rituals performed in the Song, sponsored equally by commoners, wealthy individuals, local aristocrats, and the imperial court.7 During this period, the Yellow Register Purgation was on a par with the Water Land ritual, a Buddhist service also noted for its theme of universal salvation.8 Both rituals originated in the tenth century and became more elaborate in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.9 Although the deities summoned in the Daoist ritual are different from those summoned in its Buddhist counterpart,10 both rituals share certain structural components, as they both begin with the purification of a ritual space, followed by the summoning of the gods and souls and the destruction of the underground prison, and concluding with rites for deliverance of those souls.11 There are, however, unique features in Daoist Yellow Register Purgation not seen in its Buddhist counterpart. These include the elaborate ritual preparation, the contractual relationship between masters and disciples, the distribution of written petitions to gods, and the internal rite at the closure of the ritual devoted to refining the souls.12 Furthermore, although the Buddhist ritual shares with the Daoist one a notion of breaking into the underground prison to save souls, it is achieved by the chanting of spells, and not by the performance of ritual choreography and other theatrical actions in the ritual

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space that are more characteristic of Daoist practices. This theatrical performance devoted to summoning and saving the souls therefore marks the unique dimension of Daoist salvation ritual. Pertinent to our study of ritual space and ritual objects, the Yellow Register Purgation can be examined as the site of convergence for important cultural and religious activity. Many ritual diagrams, including the Diagram of the Six Curtains (fig. 4.11), and many ritual objects discussed in the previous chapters were introduced into the Yellow Register Purgation in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and they formed an inseparable part of the ritual performance. The performance of the Yellow Register Purgation is thus essential to our understanding of Daoist visual culture and will be the focus of this chapter.

The Yellow Register Purgation Outlined in detail in the Liturgical Manual for the Yellow Register Purgation (Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上黃籙齋儀, DZ 507) by Du Guangting (850–933), the Yellow Register Purgation is called either a purgation (zhai 齋) or an offering (jiao 醮) in various Song sources.13 In the twelfth-century Established Order of Daoism (DZ 1224) it is listed among the ten basic Daoist zhai.14 Presided over by the Official of Water of the Lower Primordial (Xiayuan shuiguan zhuzhi 下元水官主之), the Yellow Register Purgation offers benefits that extend to the family, the country, the living, and the dead. It promises to save the ancestors of seven generations as well as the suffering souls in the three bad realms of rebirth hell (santu 三塗).15 Although stories about the Yellow Register Purgation—such as those recorded in the Record of the Listener —were intended to entertain and thus elicited an emotional response, they reveal only half of the ritual scenario. Their focus on lay participants’ visions of the dead and the gods does not explain the actual ritual performance—which, of course, is the reason why they are so efficacious. What, then, are the mechanics of the performative aspects of the ritual? Relevant accounts in Southern Song liturgical manuals indicate that twelfth- and thirteenth-century ritual developments encompassed adjusting methods and addressing contemporary needs.16 In particular, the Yellow Register Purgation observed at this time elaborated lengthy ritual procedures that highlight the practitioner’s summoning, searching, rescuing, and refining of deceased souls. In Edward Davis’ words, “these ‘new’ rituals all concern . . . various trips to the other world undertaken by the Daoist priest . . . in order to gain the release of the souls of the deceased from the earth-prisons, bring them into the ritual area, and then transform the deceased into a divinity.”17 Although these liturgical accounts also tell of episodes in which the deceased appeared during



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the priest’s soul-summoning ritual and the soul was subsequently cleansed, they are narrated not from the audience’s point of view, but rather from the practitioner’s perspective. Focusing on liturgical terms, they outline the specific procedures used by the trained Daoist master. How, then, does the master actually perform these rituals? As documented variously in contemporary Taiwan, Hong Kong, and mainland China, some aspects of Daoist ritual remain mysteriously (and regretfully) invisible to the public eye. Many subtle actions performed by both master and acolytes are either done so quickly that they go unnoticed or are hidden from view.18 They include mental visualizations of gods and secret hand gestures and finger signs that are performed inside the sleeves and correspond to the cycle of the ten heavenly stems (shigan 十干) and the twelve earthly branches (shier zhi 十二支) (fig. 5.1).19 Any ritual observed and described merely from an outsider’s perspective, therefore, is by necessity incomplete. It is only through careful study of the Southern Song liturgical manuals compiled for ritual specialists, supplemented by visual sources and ethnographic reports from contemporary Taiwan, that one can hope to recapture the priests’ actual actions. Let us now follow the footsteps of a Daoist master’s ritual performance as he evokes the body Fig. 5.1. Hand diagrams showing the corresponding points of the temporal cycle for the ten heavenly stems and the twelve earthly branches, from Discussion on the Arcana of the Circulation of Qi in the Suwen, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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gods, ascends to heaven to invite the deities, undertakes a soul-saving journey to hell, summons the souls, and sends them off to heaven for ultimate salvation. Written sources suggest that a Yellow Register Purgation may be held for three, five, or seven days with a varying order of rites.20 The basic outline of the ritual, however, is universal.21 The key components include the Daoist master’s visualization and preparation to summon the gods, the attack on hell, the rescue of the souls, and the salvation of the souls. In a three-day program, for example, the core daytime activities are punctuated by the tripartite walking of the Dao (xingdao 行道), which includes a series of daily practices performed by the priests in the morning, at noon, and in the afternoon.22 The ritual components associated with communicating with the gods in heaven (the yang force) are often held during the day, whereas those for saving ghosts and souls (the yin force) take place at night.23 As part of the liturgical procedure prior to the actual ritual, the Daoist master delivers and burns a large quantity of written documents to the various deities and spirits whom he aims to summon to the ritual during the announcement (fabiao 發 表), which is sometimes performed for seven days prior to the ritual.24 The night before the ritual, the rite of lighting lamps (fendeng 分燈) is observed; 25 the master lights the lamps on the main altar with a candle, then the acolytes light all others in the daochang. The master also presides over the sealing of the altar (jintan 禁壇) and the nocturnal announcement (suqi 宿啟), which purify the altar against demonic disruptions,26 placing the True Writs in Five Tablets in the five directions as a token of sacred construction.27 All these preritual procedures represent the opening of the sacred space; they remain part of the basic framework of Daoist ritual.28

Calling Out the Body Gods To initiate any communication with the gods, a ritual master must go through a meditation to summon his body gods, a practice adopted into medieval ritual from early self-cultivation and meditation techniques. This opening rite involves the procedures called “Lighting the Incense Burner” (Falu 發爐) and “Calling Forth the Officials” (Chuguan 出官), 29 which match the reverse actions of “Extinguishing the Incense Burner” (Fulu 復爐) and “Containing the Officials” (Naguan 納官) at closing. Both are documented in medieval liturgical manuals as a continuation of visualization practice.30 The term “incense burner” here entails a double meaning: it refers to both the imaginary incense burner in the master’s body and that held by the master. As both are lit, they transform the master’s body (bianshen 變身).31 The ritual master invokes the Most High Lord Lao (Taishang laojun 太上老君), mentally visualizes the body gods, absorbs the cosmic forces into his body, and externalizes the inner energies toward the incense burner that he holds in his right hand, a symbolic action that “ignites” it. This incense burner corresponds to the symbolic



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one in the master’s abdomen, or Lower Cinnabar Field. Facing the altar in deep meditation, the master “clicks his teeth three times and inhales, directing his breath and energies” from his head to the lower abdomen.32 Clicking the teeth is analogous to assembling the spirits of the body, as well as to knocking on the Gate of Heaven (tianmen 天門).33 With his fingers, moreover, the master touches the points in his left palm corresponding to the energies of his Upper, Middle, and Lower Cinnabar Fields to activate their energies.34 He then imagines himself calling forth an imaginary entourage of thirty-two or thirty-six “spiritual officers, messengers, attendants, golden boys and jade maidens, incense officers and guardians of the Five Emperors.”35 Concluding this, he places a pin in the shape of a flaming pearl at the top of his crown, thereby symbolically igniting the imaginary inner incense burner in his body. Thus the ritual master transforms his body from the ordinary to the sacred. The rite of “Calling Forth the Officials” is an extension of the “Lighting of the Incense Burner.” In thirteenth-century liturgical manuals, this procedure is called the Routine of Surveying Officers and Soldiers (Tongyue libing xingshi 通閱吏兵 行事) and always follows the rite of the “Lighting of the Incense Burner.”36 The master evokes the names of the body gods who will accompany him to the heavenly court. 37 He visualizes their distinctive attributes, costume, and signs: officials wear heaven-pervading caps (tongtian guan 通天冠) and golden bells around their waists; minor officials ride chariots driven by flying dragons; young attendants are dressed in colorful garments and hold banners; messengers hold jade tablets and carry banners and canopies at the end of the entourage.38 In contemporary Taiwan, while the Daoist master quietly meditates, the chanter stands next to him and strikes the drums twenty-four times, singing the “Incantation for Lighting the Incense Burner” (Falu zhou 發爐咒).39 In Kristofer Schipper’s words, “what the cantor says, the [Great] Master accomplishes in meditation.”40 The incantation reflects the visualization of the master, who imagines calling the body gods by name, one after the other. The tenth-century formula recorded by Du Guangting still matches chants used in Taiwan today: Oh, the Highest Lord Lao of the Three Energies, Mysterious,

無上三天

Original, and Primordial of the Supreme Three Heavens:

玄元始三

Call from my body the attendants

召出臣身中

To the merits of the three [spheres] and five [directions],

三五功曹

The messengers on the left and the right,

左右官使者

The golden boys who guard the incense,

侍香金童

The jade maidens who transmit the words,

傳言玉女

The officers who attend the symbols of the Five Emperors

五帝直符直日

太上老君

On assignment today,

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And other incense officers,

香官使者

Thirty-six in each group.

各三十六人

Come out quickly!

速出關啟

I am here burning incense

臣今正爾燒香

For such and such person in such and such official position

奉為某官某乙

And on behalf of his family and the state

為國為家

To initiate the supreme Yellow Register Purgation

修建無上黃籙大齋

For this number of nights.

若干日夜

May the cosmic energies from the ten directions of the Highest

願得太上十方正真生

Descend and spread through my body!

降流入臣等身中

May [my] announcement be communicated rapidly

所啟速達上御

To the throne of the Highest Sovereign Jade Emperor

至真無極大道

Of the Great Dao of Utmost Perfection Without Limit! 41

玉皇上帝御前

To facilitate the visualization, the Daoist master presumably also consulted visualization pictures like those included in meditation manuals (figs. 1.2a–d, 1.6, 1.7a–f, 1.8a–d, 1.9a–c, 1.12a–b). In his mind, the master visualizes the body gods whose names are chanted coming to him swiftly. From the spectator’s point of view, however, the master just sits there motionless, “as if he were made of dead wood” (ru kumu 如枯木).42

Ascent and Summons Once the Daoist master gathers the inner gods from his body, he is ready to ascend to summon the outer gods in heaven.43 Assigning himself the position of commanderin-chief, he surveys the body gods and lines them up in order of rank to create “a magnificent procession which precedes and surrounds him on his way to the gates of Heaven.”44 To invite the celestial gods to the ritual, the master has to send a memorial to them (baibiao 拜表 or yangong 言功)—a central act in Daoist ritual.45 Often performed “on stage outside the closed ritual area,” this moment marks the first major ritual performance “in which the priests step out of this closed area and into the public area.”46 The memorial, which is written in vermilion ink on yellow silk (huangzeng zhubiao 黃繒朱表), is read aloud by the master, who asks his body gods to correct any mistakes in the document before he submits it; to emphasize this point, the writing knife (fig. 4.48) is accessible on the altar table.47 Finally, the master sets out on his visualization journey in the company of the officials and soldiers he called out from his body earlier. The Tang-dynasty Buddhist Falin describes this practice vividly: “First [the Daoist practitioner] submits the memorial by calling out the generals, officials, and soldiers residing in his body. The Daoist master and other people all hold tablets in their hands, calling the officials of the gods (xiangshen



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chengchen 向神稱臣).”48 In the Daoist ritual performance in contemporary Taiwan, the rite is noted for its abundant deployment of talismans.49 As John Lagerwey observes, while performing this portion of the ritual, the Daoist master has “a whole packet of” talismans and registers “written in red on small rectangular slips of yellow paper” and tied to his tablet, the back of his robe, and his crown.50 After the visualization, the Daoist master picks up his audience tablet and performs a “dance on the stars” in the daochang, tracing the outline of the Northern Dipper in the middle of the ritual area.51 Then he resumes a meditative posture and prostrates himself by folding his legs and arms under his body and resting his face on his hands, all while still holding the audience tablet. Taking his cues from inner alchemical practice, the master uses his body as an intermediate site of visualization. He imagines himself turning into a newborn baby—the perfected (zhenren)—as generated from his inner body, first in the Cinnabar Field and then in his heart. The vital energy filling his five organs is transformed into fivecolored clouds, on which he rides off, led by the body gods. Swiftly they ascend from the Vermilion Palace (heart) to the Twelve-Story Tower (trachea), cross the Rainbow Bridge (tongue), and “feel as if they had already traveled several thousand miles.”52 They arrive at the top of the head, then enter the cavity inside the crown. There stands the Golden Gate, which holds a golden plaque with jade characters (jinpai yuzi 金牌 玉字) that read “Gate to the Three Heavens” (santian men 三天門).53 By the gate, two celestial guards dressed in astral officers’ robes (xingguan fu 星官服) are waiting.54 Here petitions are submitted for detailed examination. The body gods accompanying the master at this point remain behind, leaving him to enter alone. Stepping inside, he approaches a grand celestial assembly resting on golden purple clouds. He bows and kneels down before the highest god, seated on a lion throne. Then he submits the petitions, saying: “I, this minor officer, visit your court today and recite the sacred scriptures in order to petition you for [something] for [somebody]. I beg for your response.”55 At the conclusion of his meditative journey, he enjoins the body gods to return to his body, and then proceeds to burn the written memorials. Strong support for the textual descriptions of this estatic journey is also found in Daoist visual culture. A fourteenth- to fifteenth-century printed illustration from the Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot offers a good pictorial reference (fig. 5.2).56 While the performance of the ritual continues in the temple area in the lower right corner of the picture, the meditating master ascends to the heavens to pay homage to the heavenly deities. Dressed like an immortal deity and holding a tablet in his hands, the master becomes an official of the gods. A contemporary Taiwanese painting decorated with an intriguing scene of the Golden Gate and a celestial realm that resembles the visualization scenario is of a type often hung behind a Daoist altar while the master submits his memorial (fig. 5.3).57

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Fig. 5.2. Daoist master’s visualization journey to heaven, from the Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot, detail. YuanMing dynasty, ca. fourteenth–fifteenth century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. British Library, London.

From a roofed palatial gate, decorated on both sides with curtains, hanging draperies, and ornamental motifs of intertwining dragons wrapped around its pillars, auspicious clouds emanate. Inside the entryway, the word que 闕 (meaning “gate”) is written as a large red character. A Daoist master, dressed in a ceremonial robe and wearing a topknot, kneels in front of the gate with his back to the viewer; he is flanked by four standing officials, who may represent four deified Daoist Celestial Masters from the past.



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Fig. 5.3. Daoist priest submitting the memorial at the heavenly gate. Twentieth century. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on paper. 190  95 cm.

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Fig. 5.4. Official kneeling to submit a written scroll to the King of Bright Responses, detail from the west wall of the Water God Temple. Yuan dynasty, dated 1324. Wall painting. Hongtong, Shanxi.

Although the depiction of the heavenly gate as the main subject of a Daoist painting seems to be a modern invention, the notion of visiting the gods at the Gate of Heaven is well documented in medieval sources.58 In addition, the kneeling Daoist submitting the rolled document at the gate closely resembles an official depicted in an early fourteenth-century (1324) mural in the Water God Temple in Hongtong, Shanxi (fig. 5.4).59 According to Anning Jing, this mural shows a rain-making ritual, and the bowing figure may be an official envoy sent by the imperial court to submit a petition to the King of the Bright Manifestation, the patron god of Mount Huo (Huoshan 霍山).60 Unlike the folded scroll depicted in the contemporary painting, the handscroll here is fully unrolled, with some mock characters that look like cloud seal script. After visualizing the ascent to heaven to submit the memorial, the master goes to each curtained stage to invite the various gods to descend. This ritual performance is characterized by a series of highly repetitive hymns sung in front of the various stations, each of which is reserved for a specific god whose symbolic presence is often represented by either a statue or a painting. The master first visits the curtained stage of the Dark Master (yi Xuanshi mu 詣玄師幕) situated at the right of the main altar, as noted in the diagram entitled the Six Curtained Stages (fig. 4.11).61 Facing the stage, he offers incense and leads the acolytes in bowing to the image displayed on the altar, after which the ritual’s donor (zhai guan 齋官) in his turn offers incense and bows to the stage. The master then reads the invitation chant to the Dark Master (qing Xuanshi song 請玄師頌), while the donor offers incense and tea. Finally, the master announces the letter (xuanshu 宣疏) to the god, then burns it (fenshu 焚 疏). The master and donor then complete their visits by repeating the rite before each of the other curtained stages.62 The scenario of the gods’ descent to the ritual space is a popular pictorial subject in both Chinese religious texts and popular fiction. For example,



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Fig. 5.5. Master Xu’s celestial troops descending to the ritual space, from the Illustrated Hagiography of Xu Zhenjun, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

the Illustrated Hagiography of Xu Zhenjun (Xu taishi zhenjun tuzhuan 許太史真君 圖傳, DZ 440) contains a representation of an offering held on the fifteenth day of the eighth month63 in which Master Xu’s celestial chariots and troops descend to the outdoor ritual space amid variegated clouds (fig. 5.5). Just as the gods and spirits are invited to descend, at the conclusion of the ritual they are escorted back in a special ceremony known as sending off the gods (songshen 送神).64 When the “purifying gathering” (jinghui 淨會) is over and the merit of the ritual is accomplished, the altar is dismissed and the myriad deities are escorted away (jietan song liexian 解壇送列仙).65 The master returns to each altar to deliver farewell chants to the gods; both the god-summoning and god-sending chants evoke the dynamic visuality of gods in motion.

Attack on Hell The development of the Yellow Register Purgation in the Southern Song came to incorporate a sequence of soul-saving performances by the ritual master. The growing

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concern with the underworld is also reflected in the increasing numbers of memorials dispatched to the myriad bureaucratic gods in charge of the underworld prisons, including the Ten Kings of Hell and numerous hell officials in charge of Mount Fengdu.66 The soul-saving repertoire encompasses various dramatic ritual performances: breaking open hell, summoning the souls to bathe, feeding them, and purifying them for their send-off to heaven.67 The overarching intent is to release the imprisoned souls from hell, bring them to the ritual area, and transform them into divine entities.68

Opening the Hells From the spectator’s point of view, the highlight of the ritual is the performance known as the attack on hell (poyu 破獄) or “breaking open hell,” 69 which usually takes place on the first night of the Yellow Register Purgation. The purpose of the rite, which conjures up hell as an underground prison where sinners are locked up by jailers and undergo torture,70 is to break the prison locks, release the sinners, and direct them to the ritual area for salvation. Many features of breaking open hell are still preserved in the so-called attacking the fortress (dacheng 打城), a ritual commonly observed today.71 The performance takes place mainly in the nonary hell compound that imitates the topography of the nine hells (figs. 2.30a–b).72 As suggested by the Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness (fig. 4.19),73 this compound is best located at the extreme border of a ritual area, far away from the gods’ places. The main stage props required by the Daoist master and other acolytes include lamps, a ritual staff (fig. 5.6),74 and miscellaneous banners and talismans (figs. 5.7, 5.8a–c).75 Before the master performs military actions in the hell compound, he burns incense in the Chamber of Silence and prays to the gods.76 He chants incantations to request the ritual staff from the Heavenly Worthy77 and places nine hell-attacking talismans, drawn on thin paper, into his sleeve.78 Holding the staff in one hand and the incense in the other, he visualizes himself

Fig. 5.6. The document staff, from the Golden Book of Great Salvation According to the Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure Traditions, detail. Zangwai daoshu. Ming dynasty. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. Fig. 5.7. Talisman of the Green Mystery Heavenly Worthy Pardoning the Sinners and Destroying Fengdu, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.



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transforming into the Heavenly Worthy Who Saves from Suffering.79 Then walking according to the Pacing Method of Breaking Open Hell (Poyu gang shi 破獄罡 式), 80 which imitates the Dipper, he approaches the east side of the hell compound, guided by his acolytes, who hold candles to light the way (fig. 5.9).81 The master also performs the hand gesture evoking the Five Sacred Peaks by interlocking the fingers of both hands to symbolize the action of lifting up the underground prison.82 Upon arriving at the hell compound, the acolytes circumambulate it while enunciating spells to light up the lamps.83 There are twentyseven lamps in total, three lamps in each subdivision of the nonary construction.84 The lamps are essential for the ritual, since their light serves as the guiding force to open the road for the master’s journey to hell as well as to guide the imprisoned souls out of darkness.85 The master reads a series of documents to invite the gods and spirits. Next, he burns the talismans associated with destroying hell’s lock and opening the prison gate,86 while also visualizing the light penetrating the underground prison: [The master] visualizes the energies in green, yellow, and white spreading with the ashes and radiating light, which penetrates ten thousand zhang down into earth. [There] he sees the underground

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Figs. 5.8a–c. Design templates for the talismanic banner to be attached to the document staff, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. The front and back of the banner; b. Talisman of the Ten Directions of Mysterious Transformation, inscribed on the front of the banner; c. Talisman of the Heavenly Worthy of the Ten Directions Who Saves from Suffering, inscribed on the back of the banner.

Fig. 5.9. Pacing Method of Breaking Open Hell, from the Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

prison, with countless officers of interrogation, who all face the gate of the prison to receive the talismanic orders which then break the lock and open the gate. All the sinful souls are released; they follow the light to visit the ritual area. 存青黃白三色之 ，隨灰散布，光芒照徹，下入地中萬丈。下見此方 地獄等處，不計數目千曹萬局，考對之司，悉皆望闕領受符命，毀鎖開 張，盡放罪魂，隨光來詣道場。87

The spectator at this point sees the master taking physical action in the hell compound. He first attacks from the east, then winds around (xuanrao 旋遶) clockwise to the south, the west, and north, and from here turns to the northeast, the southeast, the northwest, and finally arrives at the center.88 Each time he reaches a subdivision, he repeats the following actions. First, he approaches the lamps and burns the banner. He clicks his teeth nine times and silently recites the Incantation for Opening to the Light (Kaiguan zhou 開光咒) while offering the Talisman for Breaking Open Hell (Poyu fu 破獄符), which matches that specific division.89 Moving about, he points up to the source of light with his left hand and holds a ritual staff in his right hand.90 From his robe, he takes a copy of the Talisman of the Green Mystery Heavenly Worthy Pardoning the Sinners and Destroying Fengdu (Qingxuan tianzun jiuku po fengdu fu 青玄天尊救苦破酆都符),91 which is in the shape of a bureaucratic deity with talismanic writs in his body (fig. 5.7). He recites the Incantations for Transforming the Forms (Huaxing zhou 化形咒), then burns the talisman. After this, he brings out another talismanic symbol, the True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu, and recites the Secret Instructions of Jade Purity (Yuqing jue 玉清訣) (fig. 2.35).92 Finally, he burns the true form chart, blows the ashes toward the northeast, and splashes water on the ground.93 Moving on, he repeats these actions at each subdivision.94

The Master’s Staff A crucial ritual implement for the master is his ritual staff, often called the document staff (cezhang 策杖), 95 because it is stuffed with talismanic documents (fig. 5.6). Made of a length of hollow bamboo, it is five chi and five cun long; of its nine nodes (jiujie 九節), the second is turned slightly toward the left whereas the third is movable, to allow the insertion of talismanic documents. 96 Documents include the Inner Talisman of the Five Spirits Breaking Open Hell (Wuling poyu cezhang neifu 五靈破獄策杖內符) and a set of Inner Concealed Talismans of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue neihui fu 五嶽內諱符) firmly sealed in yellow wax (figs. 5.10a–b).97 Since the talismans are deposited inside the staff before the ritual, they are invisible to spectators.



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Figs. 5.10a–b. Inner talismans inserted into the document staff, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Inner Talisman of the Five Spirits Breaking Open Hell; b. One of the five Inner Concealed Talismans of the Five Sacred Peaks.

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As John Lagerwey points out, 98 the document staff derives from the fifth-century divine staff (shenzhang 神杖), a private ritual object with protective powers used by Daoist priests in daily life. The staff exerts magical power: Point the staff to heaven, and the celestial deities will pay respect to you. Point the staff to earth, and the earth spirits will welcome you. Point to the four directions, and the demons and ghosts will capitulate. Point to the abyssal earthprison, and the sinful souls will [be granted] ascension and salvation. 以杖指天，則天神設禮。指地，則地祇奉迎。指四方八表，則萬鬼束 形。指地獄幽牢，則罪魂昇度。99

When used by a Daoist priest during the breaking open of hell, a seven-cun-long banner 100 made of yellow brocade is attached to the second node (fig. 5.8a).101 At the front, it bears the elongated Talisman of the Mysterious Transformation of the Ten Directions (Shifang xuanhua fu 十方玄化符) (fig. 5.8b).102 At the back, it has the Talisman of the Heavenly Worthy of the Ten Directions Who Saves from Suffering (Shifang jiuku tianzun fu 十方救苦天尊符) (fig. 5.8c),103 a figurative talisman comparable to the talisman the master burns when breaking open hell (fig. 5.7).104 The talismanic figure holds a staff divided into multiple sections, echoing the ritual tool held by the master.

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Artistic Depictions

Fig. 5.11. A Daoist deity greeting a soul ascending from the underground prison, detail. Daoist Deity Liberating Hell, by Liang Kai. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 26  74.3 cm.

A rare Daoist handscroll by the Southern Song artist Liang Kai (figs. 0.4, 5.11), 105 now in the Wan-go Weng collection, depicts scenes reminiscent of the visualization associated with the rite of breaking open hell. The Daoist god seated on a lotus seat at the center of the handscroll is identified by Lin Sheng-shih as the Heavenly Worthy Who Rescues from Suffering.106 Though extant sources are not sufficient to fully support this iconographic interpretation, the divinity is certainly a Daoist celestial savior, probably one of the numerous Heavenly Worthies evoked in Daoist salvation ritual. Flanking the main deity is a celestial entourage of officials, generals, and maidens, all floating on clouds and facing left (fig. 0.4). In front of the heavenly court is a kneeling figure in Daoist ceremonial robes holding a tablet; he may represent a Daoist priest submitting a report.107 The central scene thus reflects a Daoist master’s visualization journey to the heavenly court to invite the gods—an internal ritual he experiences while performing the public rite in the temple setting, which is depicted at the lower right corner of the picture (fig. 0.4). The scene that relates directly to the narrative of breaking open hell appears in the lower left corner,108 where the interior of an underground prison built around a cave with a locked gate and parapet walls is guarded by demonic jailors who stand at the



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door (fig. 5.11). It differs from typical hell scenes crowded with suffering sinners (fig. 2.38a),109 however, in that there is no prisoner here. In addition, the cangues used to restrain prisoners are thrown to the ground, and even more magical, a boiling cauldron surrounded by flames is transforming into a lotus pond.110 A layman who appears to be a Song scholar-official (possibly the sinner) is ascending on clouds of steam that rise from the cauldron. He is greeted by a Daoist deity who stands on the cluster of clouds above, radiating beams of light. The scenario recalls how the Daoist master visualizes his own transformation into the Heavenly Worthy Who Rescues from Suffering, breaking open hell with infinite light and guiding the sinner to the ritual area. Liang Kai’s scene of liberating hell is thematically linked to an intriguing hanging scroll titled Dizang Bodhisattva and the Ten Kings (Dizang shiwang tu 地藏十王圖) (figs. 5.12a–b); 111 their shared content indicates the need for further examination of the latter painting from a Daoist ritual perspective. Daoist and Buddhist paintings of the Southern Song to Yuan periods make use of the same generic and widely disseminated representation of the underground prison, including its parapet wall, as is seen in both of these paintings. This hanging scroll diverges from typical Buddhist models, however, in that a larger group of over thirty saviors is descending to hell to save the sinners. In particular, the monkish figure at the top of the scroll and the twelve bureaucratic gods with their assistants in the middle prompted previous researchers to identify them as the bodhisattva Dizang 地藏 and the Ten Kings of Hell and to regard the overall work as illustrating the Buddhist salvation ritual known as the Water Land ritual (Shuilu fahui 水陸法 會).112 Still, the Buddhist scriptural connection to

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Fig. 5.12a–b. Dizang Bodhisattva and the Ten Kings. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 120  52.6 cm. Hirokawadera, Osaka. a. Full view of the painting; b. The messenger on horseback holding a banner inscribed with writing, detail.

this painting remains suggestive and indirect, leaving room for an alternative interpretation. The white banner held by the red-garbed rider on a white horse in the lower right corner testifies to the possible Daoist association of this painting. As the rider advances, he turns back to observe the souls of the men, women, and a single child who are following him to exit the prison. Inscribed with the phrase “the Soul-Leading Commanderin-Chief Messenger” (tong yinling wanghun shizhe 統引領亡魂使者) (fig. 5.12b), 113 the rider’s banner resembles the Daoist model (figs. 4.31–4.34a–b, 4.37) more than the Buddhist type (figs. 4.35–4.36). Its long arms, reaching to the bottom of its legs, and the writing on its belly adhere closely to the Daoist prototype and present convincing evidence for this association. By the Southern Song, the Buddhist Ten Kings of Hell had been merged into Daoist salvation rituals.114 In addition to rites dedicated to the Ten Kings, liturgical hymns thanking the Ten Kings (xie Shiwang 謝十王) are imbedded in Daoist ritual performances of the time.115 Furthermore, a Daoist prayer (qingci 青詞) composed by the Neo-Confucian scholar Zhen Dexiu 真德秀 (1178– 1235) mentions the memorial to the Ten Kings announced in the Yellow Register Purgation (Huanglu Shiwang biao 黃籙十王表). 116 In the Southern Song, illustrated booklets known as Precious Copies of the Jade Almanac (Yuli baochao 玉曆寶鈔) began to circulate that reveal popular perceptions of the Ten Kings and the underworld courts.117 Seen from this perspective, it is also entirely possible to view this scroll within a Daoist ritual context rather than as a Buddhist product.



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Rescuing Souls After the heroic attack on hell, the master initiates another rite to call the souls to be rescued, which is conducted at the Chamber of the Divine Tiger, an eight-door altar (fig. 5.13).118 On the altar the images or name tablets of the Divine Tiger soul catchers are displayed; the master summons them to search for the souls of the deceased in the infinite darkness and to bring them to the ritual area.119 Using a variety of talismans, ranging from a figurative one in the form of a dark and dynamic messenger with a circle of light (fig. 5.14a), to an emblematic face (fig. 5.14b), to a mixture of talismanic writs and a human head (fig. 5.14c),120 the master calls upon the soul catchers to gather at the altar. The soul-catching troop working for the Divine Tiger department consists of some higher-ranking deities, such as the lords and ladies of the Northern Dipper, and minor divinities such as jade maidens as well as the soul-catching messengers of the upper, middle, and lower divisions.121 As reflected in extant Daoist illustrations, these soul catchers are dynamic martial officers. For example, the True Forms of the Three Messengers of the Divine Tiger (Shenhu san shizhe zhenxing 神虎三使者真形), illustrated in the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure (DZ 547),122 shows them carrying a halberd

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Figs. 5.14a–c. Talismans for summoning the Divine Tiger soul catchers. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Complete form of the Most High Divine Tiger Soul-Catching Talisman, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail; b. Step-by-step instructions and the complete form of the Talisman That Reveals the Messenger, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail; c. Divine Tiger SoulCatching Talisman, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail.

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Fig. 5.13. Eight-door soul-summoning altar, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

and talismanic documents while marching toward the Bridge to Heaven (figs. 4.24c, 5.15a). The Great Rites of the Jade Hall (DZ 220), on the other hand, illustrates an even larger procession of male and female deities amid the clouds, holding banners and swords (fig. 5.15b).123 These soul catchers appear at the end of a lengthy list of Divine Tiger Officers and Generals of the Inner Bureau of the Mysterious Darkness (Shenhu xuanming neisi guanjiang 神虎玄冥內司官將), which identifies the names of twenty-three soul catchers.124 The overall visuality of these illustrations recalls the tangible quality of the young boy Shu Jie’s dream vision as recounted by Hong Mai.125 The actual soul-summoning performance, which is highly theatrical, takes place near the Chamber of the Divine Tiger126 and begins when the Daoist master hangs a figurine above the ground and displays tea and wine as offerings. Made of clean-cut grass (jingchu 淨芻), the figurine is clothed in the deceased’s garments and is stuffed with the magical Numinous Treasure words and phrases known as the hidden language of the great Brahmā heaven cited from the Scripture of Salvation (DZ 1).127 Accompanying the master are a boy and a girl who together hold a banner and stand beside him. Grasping a banner in his right hand, the priest moves the fingers of his left hand while murmuring the secret formula (mijue 秘訣) to summon the souls.128 He burns some talismans and paper money and chants incantations to summon the souls. Finally, he uses the banner to strike the figurine to the ground, an action symbolizing the souls’ arrival. He then sprinkles water on the ground and leads the summoned souls to the bathing area, where they cleanse themselves and change clothes.129

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Figs. 5.15a–b. Divine Tiger soul catchers. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. True Form of the Three Messengers of the Divine Tiger, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail; b. Divine Tiger Officers and Generals of the Inner Bureau of the Mysterious Darkness, from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall, detail.



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A seventeenth-century rendition of the moment of the soul’s arrival appears in an illustrated edition of Tang Xianzu’s 湯顯祖 (1550–1616) popular novel Record of the Soul Returning to the Peony Pavilion (Mudanting huanhun ji 牡丹亭還魂記) in an episode entitled “The Roaming Soul” (Hunyou 魂遊) (fig. 5.16).130 On a roofed terrace facing the garden, the soul of the female protagonist Du Liniang 杜麗娘 descends to an altar prepared by a Daoist nun for her salvation and rebirth. Du’s soul was attracted by the embroidered banners, the red-cloud lamps (yunxia deng 雲霞 燈), and the plum branches decorating the sacred statues of the Lady of the Eastern Fig. 5.16. Du Liniang’s soul descends to a Daoist altar, detail. Mudanting huanhun ji. Ming dynasty, seventeenth century. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

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Peak (Dongyue furen 東嶽夫人) and the Perfected Consort of the Southern Dipper (Nandou zhenfei 南斗真妃) at the altar. As she sprinkles the plum blossoms on the altar, the light sputters and the banners flutter, thus informing the audience of her arrival.131

Bathing and Feeding The rite of bathing the souls is also performed on the first night of the Yellow Register Purgation.132 As Edward Schafer points out, the notion of soul bathing in Daoist ritual may be linked to the ancient custom of ritual bathing, “a necessary prelude to a ritual act.”133 In the Daoist context, its purpose is to cleanse the summoned souls, who had become filthy and polluted in hell. Only after the souls are clean can they be led to the ritual area for feeding and refining. Waving banners, the Daoist priest guides the souls to the bathhouses set up outside the daochang. He also evokes the Heavenly Worthy Who Pours the Celestial River (Tianhe guanmu tianzun 天河灌沐天尊) to lead the male and female souls to their respective bathhouses.134 Using a willow branch, an acolyte splashes water on the ground to clean the path for the souls.135 As reflected in the Southern Song Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness,136 the bathhouse area is divided into two separate sections at both sides of the hell compound at the southern end of the ritual area (fig. 4.19).137 The bathing area is thus located at the intersection of life and death, where the souls can be transformed. The two bathhouses on the left are marked as bathhouses for deceased souls (wangling yushi 亡靈浴室) and are reserved for the souls whose family has commissioned the ritual. The other two on the right, called bathhouses for orphaned spirits (guhun yushi 孤魂浴室), are for all the souls within the universe who are to be saved by the ritual.138 The exact location of the bathhouses may vary according to ritual settings; however, it probably is much like the spatial arrangement in the Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness.139 Bowls, towels, and stools are on display inside the bathhouses; stacks of funeral clothes and spirit money are nearby.140 Fragrant hot water (xiangtang 香湯) or orchid bath water (lantang 蘭湯), prepared by boiling five spices (wuxiang 五香) with some fragrant orchid flowers, is available for bathing.141 The bath water has mediating powers that facilitate the transfer of souls from the underworld to the ritual space.142 An acolyte stirs the wooden ladle in the bathing bowl thirty-two times while chanting the spells,143 after which the master intones the spells and the other participants in the ritual then chant the “Ode of the Eastern Well” (Dongjing song 東井頌), verses transmitted in Daoism from early medieval times.144 The ode evokes the Celestial River pouring into the Eastern Well (tianhe guan dongjing 天河灌東井). The notion of the Celestial River is a recurring theme in Daoist bathing rites for the souls, as reflected in hymns calling upon the Heavenly Worthy to pour water from the Celestial River



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Fig. 5.17. Celestial River (Milky Way) flowing across the celestial map, detail of the ceiling painting in Yuan Yi’s tomb. Northern Wei Dynasty, dated 526. Luoyang, Henan.

to bathe the summoned souls.145 It is likely that the metaphor of the Celestial River echoes the early Chinese notion of the Milky Way, depicted in medieval tombs as a river flowing across celestial maps decorating tomb ceilings, such as this colorful rendition in Yuan Yi’s 元乂 (d. 526) tomb dated 526 (fig. 5.17).146 Once the bathing water from the Celestial River is in place, the souls can then bathe in the pond filled with orchids (muyu lanchi shang 沐浴蘭池上) while golden lads are scattering fragrant flowers (jintong saxianghua 金童灑香花).147 The master visualizes blending the cosmic energies of the sun, moon, and stars in the bathing water while chanting the “Ode of the Eastern Well.” At the end of the rite, to deliver new clothes to the souls, he burns the Talisman That Transforms Women’s Clothes

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Fig. 5.18. Talismans that transform men’s and women’s clothes, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming Dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

(Bian nüyi fu 變女衣符) and the Talisman That Transforms Men’s Clothes (Bian nanyi fu 變男衣符) (fig. 5.18).148 The accompanying chants call forth the stars and pure cosmic energies, causing them to condense into new clothes for the souls,149 as seen in the dot-like constellations and the qi-inspired spiral lines of the talismans. The feeding of souls and hungry ghosts takes place on the second night of the Yellow Register Purgation.150 The priest carrying the banner visits the grass hut, where food and other offerings are on display (figs. 4.22a–b). Splashing water with a willow branch, the master circumambulates the food three times.151 As reflected in the Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness, the hut is at the very center of the daochang and away from the hell compound (fig. 4.19). The soul feeding continues during the following night and turns into the grand feast known as the Great Offerings of the Mysterious Capital, Pure Feast of the Jade Mountain (Xuandu daxian Yushan jinggong 玄都大獻玉山淨供). This reflects what is generally referred to as the pudu banquet.152 Charles Orzech and others who study the Daoist universal salvation rite (or pudu banquet) and the Buddhist rite known as “releasing the mouth of flames” (fangyankou 放焰口) call attention to the many similarities underlining these ghost-feeding feasts.153 Traceable to the eighth and ninth centuries,154 the Buddhist rite includes dramatic performances of “an assault on hell followed by a banquet for hungry ghosts.” Instead of using written talismans, Buddhist practitioners chant mantras to summon the ghosts, open the hells, release the ghosts’ constricted throats (due to extreme thirst), and transform the offering of food and water into milk and sweet dew (ganlu 甘露).155

The Water Land Ritual The breaking open of hell, the summoning of the souls, and the subsequent feeding are all quite close to Buddhist salvation rituals such as the Water Land ritual, the most influential Buddhist salvation ritual in medieval China.156 Stephen Teiser notes that “Daoist parallels” appear already in the sixth-century Scripture on Great Offerings (Yujing xuandu daxian jing 玉京玄都大獻經, DZ 370), which includes “a parallel cast of characters as well as phrases employing the same locutions” as the Buddhist Ullambana Sutra Spoken by the Buddha (Foshuo Yulanpen jing 佛說盂蘭 盆經, T.16.685).157 Like Buddhists, Daoists in medieval China acknowledged that “sinners in hell can only be released by collective offerings.”158



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The Water Land ritual is an all-encompassing rite of food bestowal (shishi 施食), whose goal is to comfort all the spirits and souls on land and sea, especially the sponsoring family’s ancestors and relatives.159 Although it has its origin in Buddhism, it was widely practiced by all Chinese religions in medieval times. Song textual sources credit the formation of the ritual to the Liang Emperor Wudi 梁武帝 (r. 502–49),160 but according to Daniel Stevenson, it was probably a Song invention.161 Widely disseminated in the tenth and eleventh centuries, the Water Land ritual summons large numbers of divinities, such as bodhisattvas, arhats, and the Ten Kings of Hell, to the ritual area and enlists them to descend to hell to rescue the suffering souls. This is an important ritual performance comparable to breaking open hell in the Yellow Register Purgation.162 Many of these summoned deities and spirits, including the various celestial and terrestrial lords—the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water, the gods of the Five Sacred Peaks, and numerous other figures—are also evoked in Daoist rituals.163 Evidence for the breadth and eclecticism of this selection appears in the tenthcentury Painting Record of Yizhou (Yizhou minghua lu 益州名畫錄), which records a set of paintings by Zhang Nanben 張南本 (ca. late ninth century) on display in the Water Land Building (Shuilu yuan 水陸院) of the Monastery of the Treasure Calendar (Baoli si 寶曆寺) in Chengdu.164 Zhang’s multiple scrolls encompassed divinities who spanned the boundaries of Buddhism and Daoism, for his painted pantheon consisted of “the heavenly deities and earthly spirits, the Three Officials and Five Emperors, Thunder Sire and Lightning Mother, the divine immortals of the Sacred Peaks and Marshes, as well as the emperors and kings of ancient times,” 165 divinities who may well have been adopted from the Daoist tradition. This tradition of making paintings for the Water Land ritual is vividly reflected in some extant sets of Water Land paintings (shuilu hua 水陸畫) or murals dated to the Ming and Qing periods.166 During the Northern Song period, both the imperial house and scholar-officials played major roles as fervent patrons of Water Land paintings. In 1054, Emperor Renzong bestowed more than 500 scrolls of Water Land paintings on the Chan Monastery of Flowering Majesty (Huayan chan yuan 華嚴禪院) in the capital Bianjing 汴京 (modern-day Kaifeng).167 On a more modest scale, Su Shi’s 1093 “Eulogies for the Water Land Images” (Shuilu faxiang zang 水陸法像贊) mentions an array of painted images of deities from the Buddhist pantheon exhibited in the Water Land ritual he commissioned for his deceased wife. 168 They range from the Buddha through bodhisattvas, arhats, bureaucratic officials, and hell dwellers, to hungry ghosts.169 Some of these Water Land scrolls, like the figures in Zhang Nanben’s paintings in Chengdu, likely depict the Daoist cosmic divinities of mountains and rivers.

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Fig. 5.19. Hungry ghosts with deformed bodies, detail. Hungry Ghosts. From the set of Six Realms paintings. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 104.7  47 cm.

In the Southern Song, the Water Land ritual became even more popular, as documented in both Buddhist and non-Buddhist records.170 The thirteenth-century monk Zhipan 志槃 (ca. 1260) from Siming 四明 (modern-day Ningbo), who was the author of the Chronicle of Buddhism (Fozu tongji 佛祖統紀), a history of Tiantai Buddhism, also composed a liturgical manual for the Water Land ritual and had it carved on woodblocks for printing.171 Ide Seinosuke identifies Zhipan’s major network, especially the temples in the vicinity of the Dongqian 東錢 Lake in eastern Ningbo, as a booming center of Water Land rituals.172 As codified by Zhipan, the ritual involves displaying twenty-six scrolls of Water Land deity paintings.173 Nevertheless, no comprehensive Buddhist ritual manual associated with the Water Land ritual during this period has yet been identified that can compare to Daoist compendia compiled in the thirteenth century.174 Though no complete set of such paintings survives from the Song period, some Song Buddhist paintings illustrate the Six Realms (fig. 5.19),175 the feeding of hungry ghosts,176 and the delivery of souls for salvation (fig. 5.20).177 It is likely that they served a similar liturgical purpose. Although traditionally labeled as Buddhist, they share with Daoism the visuality of ghosts and souls being fed by a ritual master. In picturing hungry ghosts, the sixscroll set of the Six Realms in the collection the Shin Chion’in 新知 恩院, Shiga 滋賀,178 depicts an array of emaciated humans in deformed shapes. Some have balloon-like bellies179 or tumor-like chins; others have long hair growing all over their faces and bodies (fig. 5.19). These grotesque-looking bodies highlight the souls’ sufferings as they wander in the wild. The purpose of a salvation ritual, whether Buddhist or Daoist, is to summon the hungry ghosts, feed



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them, cleanse them, and send them on to salvation. A vivid scene from the set of Five Hundred Arhats (Wubai luohan 五百羅漢) produced by late twelfth-century Ningbo workshop artists180 reflects this concern (fig. 5.20). A female soul ascends to heaven on clouds after being treated in an altar area set up in a garden and presided over by five monks. In opposition to the hungry ghosts in rotten clothes, the lady is dressed in clean and elegant robes of different fabrics in orange-red, green, and blue. Long red sashes hang elegantly from her belt and flow down her back. Her hair is coiffed in a bun, embellished with golden ornaments and white tassels, unlike the entangled hair of the hungry ghosts.

Salvation through Refinement To get a new and purified body for the retrieved, cleansed, and fed souls, the Daoist master has yet to perform the most vital rite, that of salvation through refinement (liandu 鍊度).181 Scholars acknowledge that no Buddhist counterpart is equivalent to this portion of Daoist ritual, which overall is a rite of internalization.182 First incorporated into the Yellow Register Purgation in the Southern Song period and still performed today,183 it takes place on the last night of the ceremony and aims to forge new divinities out of the deceased souls by way of the ritual master’s refinement of his own body.184 It has two components: the internal visualization and the external ritual performed in the daochang. Since the efficacy of the external rite depends entirely on the potency of the master’s meditation, he visualizes first, then performs the ritual.185 The term liandu comes from Daoist alchemy, where lian 鍊 refers to the purification of both external metal and internal psycho-physical elements. It implies that the deceased will undergo a material process that enables the soul to return to its [refined] form (fanxing 返形).186 Early Highest Clarity Daoists in particular often speak of refining the qi (lianqi 鍊氣) and refining inherent nature (lianxing 鍊形), indicating a self-cultivating practice aimed at one’s individual transfiguration into an immortal.187 Within this context of self-cultivation, Highest Clarity Daoists visualize fire and water as important metaphors that signify the transformative and purifying states of body and mind.188 The twelfth-century ritual masters introduce such a private practice into the ritual context; they also redefine its benefits from individuals to the entire community and even to universal salvation.189 In the thirteenth century, this internal sublimation rite is further incorporated into the ritual of the destruction of hell, perhaps as a unique component to compete with the Buddhist counterpart of salvation ritual.190

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Fig. 5.20. Five monks deliver a female soul to heaven after feeding her, detail. From the set of Five Hundred Arhats by the workshop of Lin Tinggui and Zhou Jichang. Southern Song dynasty, 1177–88. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 111.5  53.1 cm.

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Internal Visualizations In a meditative state, the Daoist master imagines himself transforming into the Heavenly Worthy Who Rescues from Suffering; he goes on a mental journey within his body to search for, rescue, and purify the souls lost in hell. Through a process of inner alchemy or internal refining, the master purifies his vital energy to save and transform all beings in the underworld prisons. At the end, he visualizes a new transcendent body forged for the summoned souls. Since all this takes place mentally, what the ritual spectator may see is the Daoist master seated quietly with eyes closed, sometimes murmuring softly.191 According to Judith Boltz and John Lagerwey,192 a ritual formulary derived from twelfth-century Divine Empyrean literature and later preserved in thirteenth-­century Numinous Treasure texts offers “a unique example of the choreographic expertise with which a twelfth-century master has charted organic travels in a soteriological dimension.”193 Using this formulary, Boltz drew the Chart of Corporeal Landmarks, correlating inner alchemical nodes and locations in the ritual master’s body with the cosmology of heaven and hell (fig. 5.21).194 Based on this formulary, the master launches the internal rite in his microcosmic body.195 Here hell is associated with the abdomen, situated in the opposite direction from heaven, which is located in the head. The underworld prison of Fengdu corresponds to the area of the stomach and the small and large intestines. The two kidneys are the palace gates of Fengdu (Fengdu gongmen 酆都宮門), controlling the exits of the prison in the ninefold darkness. This mapping corresponds to the thirteenthcentury internal alchemical body charts, where the lower abdomen is marked as the “Northern Capital at Luofeng” (fig. 1.46).196 The steps of this meditation process, as outlined by both Boltz and Lagerwey,

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Fig. 5.21. Chart of the Corporeal Landmarks. Line drawing by Judith Boltz.

Fig. 5.22. Step-by-step visualizations of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning, the lion, and their combination, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

begin with the master’s breathing into the Cinnabar Field in his abdomen and visualizing himself congealing the light of the nine qi (jiuqi zhiguang 九 之光) into an imaginary baby in the Water Bureau (Shuifu 水府) between the kidneys.197 The baby ascends through the spine to the head in the central cranial chamber, transforming into the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning, who will hereafter supervise the salvation. Enclosed by a precious pearl (baozhu 寶珠), he now sits on a five-colored lion (wuse shizi 五色獅子) transformed by the cloud energies of the five organs.198 Boltz convincingly links this picture-like description to a visualization image preserved in Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure (DZ 1221) (fig. 5.22).199 In this illustration, the three circles seem to reflect the gradual steps of visualization: first, to visualize the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning seated in one’s head; second, to visualize a lion in one’s heart; and finally, to visualize the deity riding on the lion and enclosed by a precious pearl.200 Trillions of light rays coming from the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning now turn into myriad celestial troops who descend to open the gates of the Fengdu prison (i.e., the kidneys). The overwhelming light flashes into the depths of the darkness, turning the prison into a land of purification and refinement, a scenario not unlike that visualized by the master when performing the rite of breaking open hell. All souls are led to the vast sea below the prison to bathe.201 This watery part of the transformation is called the refinement through water (shuilian 水鍊). After this bath, the Heavenly Worthy sends golden lads and jade maidens to offer clean clothes to the souls.202 The master visualizes the Heavenly Worthy of the Great One Who Saves from Suffering and the Heavenly Worthies of the Ten Directions Who Save from Suffering chanting and descending from heaven while sprinkling sweet dew to nurture the souls. The spinal column plays a crucial role in this rite. It is visualized as the Great Bridge of the Divine Law of Ascending to Heaven (Shengtian da faqiao 升天大法橋) and serves as a metaphor for the artificial bridge on display in the ritual area (figs. 4.23, 4.24a–c).203 It extends up to the master’s heart, now visualized as a fiery pool and called the Scarlet Palace or the Bureau of the Vermilion Mound (Zhuling fu 朱陵府). The latter term also indicates the central part of the physical bridge in the ritual area (fig. 4.24c).204 Following the celestial beings, the souls cross the bridge and arrive at the master’s heart. From here, the master visualizes them going through refinement by fire (huolian 火鍊).205 Later, the souls are carried upward by red dragons leaping out of the fire and moving through the



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Twelve-Story Tower. The visualized journey ends with the ascent of the souls to the Realm of Jade Purity (Yuqing jing 玉清境), located in the master’s head.206 Illustrations from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall (DZ 220) seem to offer visual aids for this internal liandu rite (figs. 5.23a–c). The Illustration of an Infant Emerging from the Water (Ying’er chushui tu 嬰兒出水圖),207 for example, refers to the refinement by water (fig. 5.23a). Its counterpart,208 echoing the refinement by fire, illustrates an infant emerging from fire (fig. 5.23b). An imaginary trifold bridge above the fire209 —symbolizing the spine—connects the two stages (fig. 5.23c).

The External Rite The external rite mirrors the master’s internal visualization, as the master repeats the steps of the meditation visualization, this time using physical actions and performance. The master performs an exterior ritual in the middle of the ritual space, as suggested in liandu ritual diagrams (figs. 2.9b, 4.23, 5.24a–b).210 At times, a devotional image (a statue or a painting) of the deity-in-chief, the Great Emperor of the Vermilion Mound (Zhuling dadi 朱陵大帝) (figs. 2.9b, 4.23) or the Great One (fig. 5.24a), might be on display at the main altar.211 Other name tablets and talismans evoking troops of celestial saviors are also present. Although floor plans differ according to source, necessary structures always include a square pool for refinement by water (shuilie chi 水 池) and a round pool for refinement by fire (huolie chi 火 池), sometimes with a door beside each pool (fig. 5.24b).212 The pool for refine-

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Figs. 5.23a–c. Visualization pictures associated with the liandu rite, from the Great Rites of the Jade Hall, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Illustration of an Infant Emerging from the Water; b. Illustration of an Infant Emerging from the Fire; c. Bridge of the Law of the Highest Longevity Refinement.

Figs. 5.24a–b. Ritual diagrams of salvation through refinement. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Diagram of the Altar for Salvation through Refinement, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail; b. Precious Altar for Ninefold Refinement to Revive the Corpse, from Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure, detail.

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ment by water is decorated with a yellow banner and is filled with fresh water from a well. The pool for refinement by fire is distinguished by its dark red banner; the Daoist master faces the sun and uses bamboo sticks and incense to light the fire.213 The highlight of the external liandu rite is the salvation through refinement by water and fire,214 with the refinement by water performed first in front of the water pool, followed by the refinement by fire at the fire pool.215 The master begins by visualizing the deities descending to surround the ritual space. He then uses the steps of the “Pace of the Dipper” to reach the pool for the refinement by water. Holding the various talismans that evoke the celestial generals and Heavenly Worthies in charge of the water pool, he blows on each with qi that he visualizes absorbing from the celestial Eastern Well, chants an incantation, and burns it.216 Next, he performs the choreography of the guideline of the fire bell of the Southern Dipper (Nandou huoling gang 南斗火鈴罡) as he moves on to the pool for the refinement by fire.217 According to Evelyne Mesnil, “fire bell” refers to the essence of the nine stars of the Dipper. Its beams shine as far as 1000 li, and by invoking it the master increases the acuity of his visualization, so he can subdue the ten thousand spirits.218 Next he blows water on additional talismans and lets the talismans drop into the fire pool.219 He then burns the talismans, including the symbols associated with different parts of the human body, to forge new transcendent forms for the souls.220 Southern Song liturgical manuals preserve a large repertoire of bodily talismans alluding to the five organs and six viscera and other body parts, including the sense organs, the brain, the hair, the fingers, the toes, the veins, the cells, the embryo, as well as the essence, qi, the spirit, and so on (figs. 5.25a–d).221 The talisman for the kidneys,222 for example, comes with a semisymmetrical pair of elongated shapes, each with a circular design at the center and two leg-like motifs at the bottom (fig. 5.25a), whereas the talisman for the heart resembles a blossoming flower in a candle stand (fig. 5.25b).223 Both are executed as thick, black patterns with tortuous outlines, recalling the true form charts of mountains (figs. 2.25, 3.1a–b, 3.31, 3.33c).224 Unlike these designs, the talisman for the brain is based on linear graphics that resemble the tissue patterns of a brain (fig. 5.25c).225 Still other talismans assume the form of a standing man or a woman (fig. 5.25d) 226 and resemble those used in the rite of breaking open hell; their common visual grammar consists of seal-script-inspired talismanic writs transcribed within the contours of a standing human figure (figs. 5.7, 5.8c).227 Some bodily talismans incorporate the terms sheng 生 or huasheng 化生 to evoke the notion of reviving, growing, and transforming. This central concept, which supports the Daoist goal of rebirth,228 is exemplified in the liandu rite: to transform the soul into a complete bodily form (zhengxing 整形 or hua quanxing 化全形) after

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Figs. 5.25a–d. Bodily talismans associated with the liandu rite. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Talisman for refining the kidneys, from the Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure, detail; b. Talisman for refining the heart, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail; c. Talisman for refining the brain, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail; d. Front and back sides of the talismans for refining a man and a woman, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail.

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rebirth.229 Seen in this light, a Daoist master also acts like a medical doctor, performing mental and physical rectifications to refine the body and mind of the deceased in his rituals.

Concluding Ceremonies The liandu rite concludes with a dramatic performance at the Bridge of the Divine Law. The Daoist master summons the soul-leading god, the Emperor of the Vermilion Mound, whose image is on display in the ritual space (figs. 2.9b, 4.23).230 He visualizes the deity standing in front of the bridge to lead the souls across the bridge: the god is eight chi and three cun tall, is dressed in blue embroidered robes, and holds a banner in his right hand.231 This part of the ritual may also involve the master’s crossing the ritual bridge, a temporary construction set up in the ritual space. The thirteenth-century Daoist Jin Yunzhong, often critical of the Daoists of his time, once said mockingly that this bridge was attached to a four-door pavilion above the water in many Southern Song rituals and that the fish swimming in the water were symbolic heavenly messengers, not unlike dragons.232 Daoist rituals today



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include a bridge crossing rite (duqiao yi 度橋儀) which developed from the bridgecrossing performance of the liandu rite in Song times, but is sometimes performed separately.233 A documentary photo taken in Shanghai shows the relatives of the deceased holding a long piece of white cloth at both ends and supporting it across a mock paper bridge placed on a table (fig. 5.26).234 This action symbolizes the bridge crossing. To close the liandu rite, the Daoist master burns a large quantity of registers and talismanic symbols to provide the souls with “passports” to heaven (figs. 5.27a–c).235 These documents, which are necessary for the journey of salvation, are variously called contracts (hetong 合同), celestial rebirth registers (shengtian lu 生天 籙) (fig. 5.27a), immigration certificates (yiji juan 移籍券) (fig. 5.27b), or tallies for ascension to heaven (shengtian juan 升天券) (fig. 5.27c).236 Visual examples reflect the diverse designs of such celestial documents. A precious register (baolu 寶籙),237 for example, bears a pictorial motif in the center that shows a figure dressed in bureaucratic attire, standing inside an architectural structure and floating on clouds (fig. 5.27a). On top of the register the name of the deceased and his celestial destination, the Upper Palace of Southern Prosperity (Nanchang shang gong 南昌上 宮), are noted. Flanking the central image are the names of the divinities who are summoned to accompany the deceased on his journey to salvation. The design of the immigration certificate,238 on the other hand, is aniconic (fig. 5.27b). An elongated document covered with magical writing in seal script, its purpose is to receive Fig. 5.26. Modern rite of bridge crossing, Shanghai. Photograph.

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Figs. 5.27a–c. Documents for entry into heaven. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Precious birth register for heaven, from the Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat, detail; b. Immigration certificate to heaven, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail; c. Left and right parts of the tally for heaven written in the composite or multiple script, from the Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition, detail.

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authorization from the Jade Emperor to grant the soul salvation. Alternatively, the intriguing tally for heaven (fig. 5.27c) consists of left and right parts; its content is written in the composite or multiple script (fuwen 複文) first seen in the secondcentury Scripture of the Great Peace (DZ 1101) (fig. 5.27c).239 The two components may be intended for different recipients, the soul and the celestial bureau. In conclusion, the Yellow Register Purgation is the most popular and ecumenical Daoist salvation ritual in traditional China. The Daoist master conducting the rite actively communicates with the gods and the dead, both physically and mentally. This exchange is conveyed in part through his physical actions: he burns incense, recites scriptures, chants hymns, and makes offerings to the gods at different altars in the ritual space. At night, moving to the place for the souls, he dances, waves banners, casts spells, and burns talismans to first save the souls from hell, then cleanse, feed, and transform them. Not always visible to the observer’s eye, the ritual involves many different aspects of meditation, internal journeys, chanting of incantations, and physical actions. Not only does the master communicate with the gods, he also actively relates to the dead. During the ritual performance conducted over a span of several nights, he has a busy soul-saving schedule, beginning with the heroic attack on hell and continuing with the subsequent summoning, cleansing, and feeding of souls. At the close of the ritual, he performs further visualization during the liandu rite to help the deceased to forge new and pure bodies and then sends off the souls in the ritual space by assisting them in crossing the bridge to heaven and burning the talismans of body parts and tallies for heaven. This study has brought to the fore a more dynamic and holistic perspective of Daoist salvation rites. Daoist ritual performance is an alternative medium in the



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study of art and religion,240 for its emphasis on ritual movement, action, and time makes it a powerful perspective through which we may enrich our understanding of materiality as a process.241 Examined from this performative angle, Daoist salvation ritual is not a mere liturgical text but a series of actions that “activate” the material and immaterial images, whether that involves the Daoist master’s singing eulogies in front of the curtained stations reserved for gods, his performing the “Pace of the Northern Dipper” while opening hell, or his burning talismans to reshape the deceased bodies.

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chapter six

Paintings of Mobile Deities

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mong the various media examined in this book, pictures and paintings are  perhaps the most effective and prevalent in Daoism because they bridge art and ritual. Both in private and in public, they play a vital role in the changing Daoist experience. On the private side, early Daoist practitioners advocated hanging pictures of body gods in private meditation chambers to facilitate solitary visualization and breathing exercises. These images, although not extant, were incorporated into medieval scriptural illustrations of body deities in bureaucratic robes. By the tenth to thirteenth centuries, Daoist pictures displayed in private space had shifted from representations of body gods to map-like body charts featuring inner organs and imaginary channels related to internal alchemy. Proper visualization of these images along with breathing exercises supposedly helped the adept to cultivate a “true form” of the self. In a development that began in the Song period and paralleled this tradition of private cultivation and esoteric uses of certain images, liturgical paintings have assumed a prominent position in the public space dedicated to Daoist ritual. This is why, according to the annotations in many ritual diagrams, paintings of the gods of the stars, planets, and sacred mountains were hung in separate curtained stations, which in turn “framed” the ritual area extended from the main altar (figs. 1.28, 4.11).1 At times, aniconic pictures utilized in private meditation were displayed in the public sphere as liturgical objects as well. The true form charts of the Man-Bird Mountain (figs. 3.1a–b) and the Five Sacred Peaks (figs. 2.25, 3.31, 3.33c), so vital to Daoist esoteric experience, for instance, were venerated at altar tables associated with medieval ordinations (fig. 3.51).2 Similarly, the talismanic Diagram of the Great Floating Earth at Dawn, which evoked the shape of qi at the moment of cosmic creation, was present at the soul-summoning station in the daochang (fig. 2.6).3 In these cases, the immediate viewers of the exhibited images were the performing Daoist priests who “did things” in front of, around, or with the images. Paintings and pictures viewed in such a context are far from mere static decorations; rather, they are meaningful objects and powerful visual receptacles whose images provoke the performers’ actions in ritual. By the Song dynasty, many liturgical paintings were executed on silk in hanging

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Fig. 6.3. Official of Water. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 125.5  55.9 cm.

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Fig. 6.1. Official of Heaven. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 125.5  55.9 cm.

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Fig. 6.2. Official of Earth. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 125.5  55.9 cm.

scroll format (zhou 軸). In marked contrast to murals, scroll paintings are portable and can be installed in different settings, thus catering to the changing context of ritual exhibition. The flexibility of the format—a selection of scrolls by different painters made at different times that can be assembled easily and quickly— allows for the display to be adapted to a variety of rituals, ritual spaces, and ritual dimensions. It is therefore not surprising to see religious hanging scrolls— Daoist and Buddhist alike—occupy a prominent role in the Song imperial collection, best documented in Emperor Huizong’s Xuanhe Painting Catalogue issued in the early twelfth century.4 According to Patricia Ebrey, among the 6,397 paintings listed here, 376 items were Daoist.5 It is likely that the court collected these paintings not only for aesthetic reasons, but also for liturgical purposes. Some of these scrolls, which may have been transmitted to the Southern Song court, were also recorded in the 1199 imperial inventory Record of Paintings from the Zhongxing Library (Zhongxing guange chucang tuhua ji 中興館閣儲藏圖畫記).6 Since liturgical paintings were consumable artifacts, they naturally wore out after being used repeatedly in rituals. It is partly for this reason that the court requested professional painters to make copies of old paintings on a regular basis.7 Although most Daoist liturgical paintings from the Song imperial collection are lost, a rare and valuable set of the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water (Tian di shui sanguan tu 天地水三官圖), which will form the primary case study for this chapter, reflects the tradition of imperial production and collection of Daoist art in the Song period (figs. 6.1–6.3; hereafter referred to as the Boston triptych). 8 Composed of three scrolls, the Boston triptych features the oldest Daoist judicial triad. Previous studies date the triad to the Southern Song period and suggest, based on its style, that it may be a court production.9 The Boston triptych demonstrates a new pictorial trend in religious art, blending narrative pictorial motifs with iconic depictions. The dynamic Daoist deities represented in the set also reflect the new fash-



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ion in religious paintings of the time, highlighting close connections between the depicted images and the “mobile deities” summoned and visualized by the primary viewers in a ritual context.10 A close examination of these visual traits will thus shed light on the various sources—compositional and cultural—on which the artists drew and explain how these factors contributed to their role as mobile deities. To introduce this case study, I first propose a sequence for studying Daoist painting, from the opening stages of its production to its completion and use in a ritual context. The chapter begins with some general speculation about the image-making process as it applies to our understanding of Daoist paintings like the Boston triptych, moves on to the case study of the set, and concludes with the image-viewing context as it relates to their display and use in a ritual setting. Besides providing close visual analysis of the set, this study will also investigate larger issues concerning how the painting milieu relates to the ritual context,11 what pictorial conventions artists employed to reinforce the link between liturgical painting and ritual performance, and how these pictorial conventions are associated with the broader visual culture beyond Daoism.

Daoist Painters at Work Traditionally Daoist painters undertake a series of procedures. First, they consult both visual and textual models, and then they make sketches, designs, or copies of chosen samples. They often work as a team to create murals or set paintings. Leading artists, as supervisors or head painters, assign jobs to assistants or artisans who work at divided tasks or different parts of the project.

Preparation Before beginning work on a liturgical painting, which often depicts images of gods and demons, a painter consults religious texts and familiarizes himself with visual conventions.12 Sun Zhiwei 孫知微 (fl. 1100), a professional painter active in the Shu region noted for religious paintings, did just that. Prior to composing the mural of the deities of the Nine Planets (jiuyao 九曜) for a temple in Chengdu,13 he consulted Daoist scriptures and, based on his understanding of these texts, drew a water bottle held by one of the celestial attendants to symbolize the star deities’ controlling power over water.14 After Sun composed the painting in monochrome ink, an assisting painter in charge of coloring took the liberty of adding a lotus flower to the seemingly empty bottle. Sun criticized this addition as misleading, a departure from his original intent.15 Since textual sources do not always provide information about Daoist images, artisans seek visual cues in earlier works of art. This is vividly recorded in an anec-

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dote on the statue of the Jade Emperor prepared for the imperial Daoist temple, the Palace of Bright Response from Jade Purity [Heaven] (Yuqing zhaoying gong 玉清 昭應宮) located in the Song capital Kaifeng.16 The statue was part of the ambitious temple project commissioned by Emperor Zhenzong after the legendary event of the descent of the heavenly writings in 1008. When the court celebrated the completion of the temple on New Year’s Day in 1015, the Palace of Bright Response from Jade Purity [Heaven] was arguably the largest temple ever built in medieval China.17 When the statue’s supervisor ordered the court artists to search through the now-lost Daoist canon and the Records of the True Realms (Zhenjing lu 真境錄) for visual references,18 the artists could find no instructions regarding the icon’s dress code. Long Zhang 龍章, an artisan specializing in furnishing and coloring (zhuangran 裝染) religious statues, then mentioned a Tang-dynasty Jade Emperor statue he once saw in a Daoist village temple. The supervisor accepted his recommendation and ordered court artisans to furnish the new statue with the “little-dragon-print shawl in ninecolored brocade” (jiuse liluo pi 九色螭羅帔) to match the Tang statue.19 In addition to textual sources and works of art, visions of the underworld remained a source of inspiration for painters. Sun Zhiwei, for example, once went to see a spirit medium for consultation on how to paint demons and gods.20 The spirit medium summoned the ghost of Wang Sanlan 王三郎 from the underworld to offer his eyewitness report. Wang notes: Those who are in ugly and deformed shapes are all demons and monsters. As for the gods, they look tall and sturdy in exuberant spirit, just like the noble officials in the mortal world . . . If they interfere and harm [the humans], they are perhaps the spirits of earth and woods, the thousand-year-old abnormalities, and the blood-sucking demons. 形狀醜惡怪異之者，皆是魍魎輩。神者，一如陽間尊貴大臣，體貌魁 梧，氣岸高邁…或有侵害者，恐是土木之精，千歲異物，血食之妖鬼 也。21

Sketchbooks A basic working method underlying the practice of religious painting in medieval China is the painters’ use of preparatory sketches, drawings, sample templates, and copy books—all of which medieval records usually call fenben 粉本.22 The sketches discovered at Dunhuang remain the best visual repository today of such items.23 Although most examples are explicitly Buddhist, they shed light on the sketches prepared for Daoist picture-making in medieval China. Based on sixty-five ink drawings dated to the ninth and tenth centuries, Sarah



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Fraser divides the preparatory sketches associated with Dunhuang mural practice into several types, each serving a different purpose.24 Highly abbreviated compositional sketches give an idea of the spatial organization of the pictorial program; 25 free-hand drawings of individual motifs reflect the painters’ experiments of a figure’s proportion or repetitive studies of a complex motif.26 Particularly related to mural practice, moreover, are the pounces, which refer to designs on paper true to the size of the mural-to-be and pricked with holes.27 The artist places the pounce on the wall and spreads powder over it, thus creating a tracing outline of the specific design. Such devices are most efficient in creating mass reproductions of images.28 Although Dunhuang sketches may reflect the visual products of local artists working in the Gansu area, medieval records suggest that some fenben produced by court artists or based on earlier masterpieces excelled in quality and were greatly appreciated by later collectors as art pieces.29 In the Song period, court artisans had to submit a design draft (gao 稿) before they finalized any painting assignment.30 Court painters in charge of a mural also made reduced-sized samples (xiaoyang 小樣 or xiaoben 小本) of it after the project was completed. Such samples represent relatively polished miniature models of the finished paintings and are therefore useful for future reference.31 Guo Ruoxu’s Experiences in Painting records the efficiency of such reduced-sized samples in assisting Northern Song court artists of different generations to renovate temple murals when the originals were destroyed or had faded away.32 The murals from the state-sponsored Temple of the Prime Minister (Xiangguo si 相國寺), for example, were renovated several times during the Northern Song period.33 First painted by the Khitan artist Gao Yi 高益 (ca. later half of the tenth century),34 the sectional murals featuring Tejaprabha Buddha and the Nine Planets (Chishengguang jiuyao 熾盛光九曜) 35 and other Buddhist tableaux to decorate the temple corridors were repainted by Gao Wenjin 高文進 (ca. 950–after 1022) after the original had deteriorated.36 He repainted the mural by referencing the old reduced sample made by Gao Yi and preserved at court. The process also involves tracing a model image—perhaps a pounce—onto wax paper, and then pasting it onto the wall (yi lazhi moqi bifa hou yiyu bi 以蠟紙模其筆法後移于壁).37 After a few years, Gao Wenjin’s repainted mural was again renovated by younger court painters who also relied on the reduced sample preserved at the court (neifu suocang fuben xiaoyang 內府所藏副本小樣).38 Although these renovations used the reduced-sized sample as their general guideline, Guo comments that each of the renovated murals “shows some innovative ideas” (geyou xinyi 各有新意).39 By the fourteenth century, art collectors admired the sense of spontaneity and naturalness manifested in some Song fenben and collected them fervently.40 Though no direct example is extant, some drawings produced in China and Japan provide a glimpse of what they might have looked like.

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Fig. 6.4. Japanese drawing of the Northern Dipper Mandala Based on a Tang Model (Tōhon hokuto mandara). Heian period, dated 1148. Ink on paper. 115.5  51.5 cm.

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A Japanese ink drawing on paper dated 1148, referred to as the Northern Dipper Mandala Based on a Tang Model (Tōhon hokuto mandara 唐本北斗曼荼羅), for example, reflects a type of fenben after a Tang or Song model (fig. 6.4).41 The drawing features a seated Buddha at the center, flanked by stellar deities. The celestial entourage as a whole moves diagonally toward the left. Graphic symbols of the constellations appear on top of the picture plane. Scholars compare this composition to the Dunhuang silk painting entitled Tejaprabhā Buddha and the Five Planets and dated 897.42 Nevertheless, the linear drawing reflects a Song-inspired style. The five star deities standing close to the Buddha—two female and three male—are dressed in courtly robes; they resemble the gods of the Northern Dipper seen in the Southern Song Hōgonji painting (fig. 1.25). Farther to the right and below are fierce guardians with fluttering strips, wielding weapons. Based on the drawing style and the iconographic features, these figures resemble stereotypical star deities as depicted in the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes, which may represent a Southern Song copybook by painters working in a professional workshop or atelier (fig. 6.5).43 Because the visual culture of star deities was prevalent in both Daoist and Buddhist art, the Cleveland drawing could serve as a template for either a Daoist or a Buddhist painting. Unlike the Cleveland drawing, which includes inscriptions that identify the specific stellar figure, the inscriptions in the Northern Dipper Mandala Based on a Tang Model describe the coloring of the figures’ garments, belts, halos, fires, and so on (fig. 6.4). For example, the five stellar figures should all be painted in beige, and the stars in gold. 44 In contrast to the detailed delineation of the Buddha and the star deities standing closely around him, minute group figures on mushroom-like clouds above the Buddha are so abbreviated that they do not bear any facial or bodily details. This abbreviated quality resembles some Dunhuang compositional sketches, whose main purpose is to lay out the spatial organization of the picture and not to denote the exact likeness of each motif.45 The most exquisite example of

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Fig. 6.5. Procession of Daoist deities. Leaf no. 21 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century (?). Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm.

Fig. 6.6. Immortals and Elders in Audience with the Prime, by Wu Zongyuan, detail. Northern Song dynasty, early eleventh century. Handscroll. Ink on silk. 44  580 cm.

a reduced drawing is found in a Daoist handscroll entitled Immortals and Elders in Audience with the Prime (Chaoyuan xianzhang 朝元仙仗) attributed to the Northern Song painter Wu Zongyuan 武宗元 (fl. 1004–50), from the C. C. Wang family collection (fig. 6.6).46 Executed in monochrome ink on silk, the painting survives as a long handscroll. It shows a sweeping procession of three celestial lords accompanied by an impressive parade of jade maidens, jade boys, golden girls, guardians, and officials. The celestial entourage is crossing a long bridge from the right to the left. Although most motifs throughout the painting are complete, some small details attest to its preparatory nature. They include the lotus leaves without venerations, 47 the abbreviated insignia painted on the ceremonial fan, 48 and the missing bridge tiles in certain areas.49 The elongated plaque above each deity identifies him or her and highlights this handscroll’s role as a visual instruction or guideline for a painting,50 which may not include the inscriptions. Nevertheless, unlike the majority of preparatory drawings that are rougher and more abbreviated, the overall execution of this painting is so polished that scholars have seen it as a reduced sample of a Daoist temple mural.51 Strictly speaking, Wu’s handscroll is not a mere “plain linear drawing” (bai­miao 白描).52 Rather, details such as the borders of the long sleeves, the hairstyles, and the caps are all gently done in ink wash, with additional linear outlines defining the motifs.53 These details imitate the execution of a painting in color, in terms of its application of solid colors to certain areas and its further definition of colored areas with linear outlines. Moreover, this painting bears traces of mural practice. For instance, the leading guardians who open the road for the entourage, and thus appear at the very end of the painting, are fully equipped with meticulously designed metal armories. These heavy-loaded motifs evoke the thick, opaque, and relief-like textuality of armories often seen in religious murals.54 In addition, the uninterrupted long lines dancing around the picture plane are so powerful that they possess a sense of qi. Such brushstrokes call to mind the legendary ability of some medieval mural



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painters, who drew oversized figures on the walls with continuous, unbroken, long brushstrokes. The confident and robust brushstrokes that are “as sharp as if carved by a knife” (ru daohua 如刀劃) 55 also seem to preserve what Richard Barnhart calls the “drama and spirit” of the wall paintings of the time.56 Given the visual evidence linking this monochrome painting to paintings in color and murals, it is thus plausible to assume that it reflects a reduced sample of a mural.

Teamwork Textual records document Wu Zongyuan’s active participation in major Daoist murals sponsored by the Northern Song court, including making mural paintings for the now-lost temple Palace of Bright Response from Jade Purity [Heaven],57 the imperial temple associated with the descent of the Heavenly Text. Among the one hundred painters selected for the job, Wu Zongyuan was designated the head of the left team, which was to work in tandem with the right team led by Wang Zhuo 王 拙.58 Because Wang is credited with painting the walls with “five hundred numinous officials and celestial ladies in audience with the Prime” (wubai lingguan zhong tiannü chaoyuan deng bi 五百靈官眾天女朝元等壁),59 Wu probably painted similar or compatible topics on the corresponding walls.60 To accomplish an extraordinary mural project like this one, numerous artists and artisans need to work as a team. Literary records suggest that other leading court painters, including Gao Wenjin and Wang Daozhen 王道真 (fl. ca. 977–ca. 1014) who were both in charge of planning and organizing (jidu 計度), also played supervisory roles in the mural project.61 The wide-ranging pictorial themes shown in the temple murals also require a variety of painters whose strengths and specialties vary. Besides the main pictorial program featuring Daoist divinities such as the Great One, the Heavenly Worthies, the star deities, jade maidens, guardians, and other figures, the murals also feature landscape, architecture, and narrative paintings of auspicious omens associated with the Eastern Sacred Peak and the area south of the Fen River (Fengyin 汾陰).62 These miscellaneous themes may have been fused with images of divinities in a large-sized composition, or were possibly depicted separately from the pantheon paintings.

Priests as Painters Throughout Chinese history, Daoist priests have participated in making paintings on a wide range of themes, including iconic paintings of deities and portraits of Daoist masters, narrative paintings of the immortals’ hagiographies, dragons, birds, flowers, bamboo, and landscape.63 Different from the majority of professional painters working within Daoist subject matter, the priest-painters in general approach painting as an integral part of their religious and ritual practice. In some cases,

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Fig. 6.7. Beneficial Rain, by Zhang Yucai, detail. Yuan dynasty, early thirteenth to fourteenth century. Handscroll. Ink on silk. 26.8  271.8 cm.

certain visual features of their paintings reflect the other ritual experiences in which they are actively engaged. For example, the late Tang Daoist priest-painter Li Shouyi 李壽儀 (ca. late ninth to early tenth century) from the Shu region would fast and burn incense before he painted the icons of Daoist deities.64 The ninth- to tenthcentury Shu region is noted for its miraculous records of the iconic imagery of the Celestial Master Zhang Daoling.65 Zhao Keyan 趙可言, another local priest-painter active in the Shu region at that time, painted a portrait of Zhang Daolin after his dream intervention with the Celestial Master. This portrait became an efficacious object helping him in prognostication prior to his performance of any healing, exorcism, or rain-making ritual.66 Past scholarship has linked Daoist dragon paintings to the ritual performances tied to rain-making. These dragon paintings were especially associated with the Orthodox Unity (Celestial Master) Daoists at Mt. Longhu (Longhu shan 龍虎山, in modern-day Jiangxi province), who were active in the Southern Song and Yuan.67 A rare dragon handscroll by the thirty-eighth Celestial Master Zhang Yucai 張羽材 or 張與材) (ca. 1295–1316) entitled Beneficial Rain (fig. 6.7) 68 is reminiscent of that by Chen Rong (fig. 3.43), who served earlier at Mt. Longhu as a Southern Song magistrate.69 As Wen Fong observes, the rain-evoking magic of such dragon paintings derives from the painters’ fantastic suffusion of ink onto the painting surface, “creating a tidal wave in an electric storm.”70 The mysterious dragons, some dissolving in the atmosphere and others emerging, add a level of visual dynamism that seems to enliven the painting surface. The abundant qi embodied in the ecstatic movement of the painter’s brush, as evident in Zhang Yucai’s scroll, recalls his similar trancelike state of qi transfer while drawing a dragon-evoking talisman. It is the ink and the brush—two essential objects for a Daoist priest—that act as the magical media enabling him to traverse freely between the practices of art and ritual. According to Shih Shou-chien, the common technique of deploying splashing ink and speedy brushstrokes, as witnessed in the dragon paintings by Chen Rong and Zhang Yucai, may reflect a local visual tradition transmitted only among Daoists.



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To apply this idea even more broadly, such a Daoist-inspired style can be further observed in the landscape, bird-and-flower, and plant-and-insect paintings by both Daoist practitioners and followers.71 This is evident in the orchid painting by the forty-fifth Celestial Master Zhang Maocheng 張懋丞 (1387–1444) excavated from the Ming tomb of Prince Huai’an 淮安 (Wang Zhen 王鎮) in modern-day Jiangsu province.72 The orchid is executed in wet monochrome ink using quick brushstrokes, which resemble Daoist talismanic calligraphy.

Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water The overall image-making process that involves the consultation of textual and visual sources, the use of preliminary sketches, and the collaboration of several artists is pertinent to our understanding of the Boston triptych. Made by anonymous painter(s)— perhaps the Southern Song court painter(s)—the set paintings came from the same professional painting tradition.73 The set depicts the Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water and their retinues in three scrolls, a format comparable to many sets of paintings of these deities collected at the Song court.74 These earlier examples were painted by renowned ninthto tenth-century masters such as Fan Qiong 范瓊, Sun Zhiwei, Zuo Li 左禮, Zhu Yao 朱繇, and Sun Wei 孫位, many of whom were active mural painters in the Shu region.75 The introduction of sets of paintings (taohua 套畫) as a new format marks a significant transition in religious visual culture from murals to portable scrolls.76 Recent exhibitions displaying the Boston triptych in American museums showed the Official of Heaven at the center (fig. 6.1), the Official of Earth on the right (fig. 6.2), and the Official of Water on the left (fig. 6.3).77 This lateral juxtaposition of the triad in charge of heaven, earth, and water is equivalent to

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Fig. 6.8. Line drawing after the Official of Heaven, by Federico Bianchi.

Figs. 6.9a–d. Talismans composed of repetitive curvilinear lines, from the Daoist Method, United in Principle, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. True Talisman to Ward Off the Misfortunes of Destiny; b. Talisman of the Upper Prime; c. Talisman to Summon the Messengers of the Three Primes; d. Talisman for summoning.

A

B

C

D

the vertical tripartite structure of the Daoist cosmos. Especially in the Southern Song period, their role as underworld powers is reflected in the presence of their various grotto bureaus in Fengdu (fig. 2.35). The growing importance of the Yellow Register Purgation increasingly highlights the role of the Official of Water,78 further enhancing the centrality of the triad in Daoist ritual. The Official of Heaven scroll (fig. 6.1) depicts this god’s court descending on tapering clouds.79 Positioned diagonally on the picture plane, the Official of Heaven is receiving a report from an official holding a tablet and kneeling in front of his throne. This may be connected to visualization scenarios such as that depicting a Daoist priest’s visit to the heavenly court to submit a memorial (fig. 5.2). The heavenly court is decorated with magnificent furniture and paraphernalia. The Official of Heaven is seated on a two-tiered podium. In front of him is a short table that resembles the ji table used in meditation and ritual (figs. 4.2, 4.31, 6.6).80 Various celestial officers, maidens, and generals hold flags, fans, streamers, a rolled document, a casket, a brush, and a wrapped square seal, objects that echo the material display in the Daoist ritual space. Furthermore, the graphic effect of the winding clouds (fig. 6.8) 81 resembles the curvilinear designs of the talismans whose universal power lies in summoning (zhao 召) the gods and spirits (figs. 6.9a–d).82 Departing from the heavenly realm, the Official of Earth takes the viewer to a mountain landscape—a visual cue highlighting his control over earth—arranged as a typical Southern Song composition, with trees and rocks extending diagonally inward and back from one side of the picture plane (fig. 6.2). The painting depicts the inspection tour of the Official of Earth, who is seen whipping his horse while riding toward a bridge over a turbulent stream. The presence of demon attendants and a falcon suggests a challenging outing. In the foreground, across the bridge, another group of the deity’s subordinates appears grotesque and fanciful. Leading



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them is a fierce-looking official who wears a red robe, a black official cap, and dark boots and holds a rolled document. Behind him, two demon attendants pull a subjugated ape and a tree monster by a rope. Moving away from heaven and earth, the viewer encounters a clamorous seascape in the Official of Water scroll (fig. 6.3). The Official of Water rides a dragon, sweeping across the water with his troops, who hold halberds, strike gongs, and carry rolled documents. The presence of the dragon recalls its Daoist roles as a divine messenger moving across cosmic realms and as a rain inducer.83 Below the deity, two officers riding turtles resemble the stereotype of the river god.84 The turtle rider immediately below the Official of Water stares directly and attentively at the onlooker, drawing a powerful visual link between the viewer and the central focal point of the painting. The half-revealed roofs under the water in the lower right corner suggest the god’s suboceanic headquarters. Against a dark and stagnant sky, a group of hybrid creatures in charge of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain are creating a storm to the left. Standing in front of them, an old woman emerges from the clouds and is escorted away by an officer, who holds a rolled document. As a set, the scrolls depict different actions in the three major cosmic realms, yet the triptych as a whole reflects an organic pictorial program suggested by the correlative compositional designs among the three. At the center, the heavenly court is composed along a central vertical axis and is shown on flying clouds. To its right, the Official of Earth depicts figures moving from the right to the left, that is, toward the heaven scroll at the center. This action is mirrored in the composition of the Official of Water, where the movement is reversed, and the figures advance from left to right, again moving toward the central scroll. The lateral positions of the Officials of Earth and Water and their center-focused compositional orientation suggest the subordinate roles of these deities in the Daoist hierarchy, which regards the center as superior to the periphery and the right as superior to the left.85

Pictorial Formulas Many pictorial motifs of the Boston triptych suggest a visual tie to earlier paintings of the Three Officials. One example is the now-lost triptych of the Three Officials by the late Tang painter Zhu Yao, documented by the scholar-official Yuan Haowen 元 好問 (1190–1257),86 who lived under the Jurchen.87 Zhu’s Three Officials, too, came in three scrolls.88 According to Yuan’s description, each scroll had a particular landscape setting as a background: heaven had a cassia tree and a full moon; earth featured a big tree under a mountain cliff; and the water scroll was set “amid the waving seas and misty clouds.” Specific motifs also resembled the Boston triptych: each of the Three Officials “had the bearing of a great man” (daren xiang 大人相) and “wore the garb of a king” (wangzhe fu 王者服); and each led a retinue of female attendants,

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generals, and demon assistants.89 The deity of heaven sat beside a ji table; his attendant officers held paperwork and stood nearby.90 The deity of earth rode a white horse and, with his entourage, passed a big gnarled tree on the mountain as an officer holding documents bowed to the god from under the cliff. Like the tree monster in the Boston triptych, this earth deity’s entourage included a naked tree spirit (shumei 樹魅) uprooting a tree.91 As for the deity of water, he rode a dragon amid roiling seas and misty clouds. But instead of having turtle riders, as in the Boston triptych, Zhu’s painting depicted a bookkeeper holding a rolled document and riding a rhinoceros as he exited from the Water Bureau.92 In eleventh-century Kaifeng, members of literati and religious circles also saw a now-lost Official of Water attributed to Yan Liben 閻立本 (ca. 600–673).93 Although this painting was circulated at the time as a single scroll, it may well have belonged to an original set of three. The Chan Buddhist monk Jingyin Juelian 淨因覺璉 (1009–90) once showed it to Su Shi and his father Su Xun 蘇洵 (1009–66); Su Xun later wrote a poem to commemorate the viewing. 94 On the basis of that record, the composition of the scroll was similar to that of the water scroll in the Boston triptych. In a windy seascape, the Official of Water rode a green dragon (canglong 蒼 龍) that was about to ascend to heaven (longxing yu shangtian 龍行欲上天). Below the deity were two accompanying officers who rode side by side on a fish and a big turtle (zuoyou cheng yu yuan 左右乘魚黿). The rest of the entourage consisted of eight or nine eccentric-looking figures scattered across the water, wielding long knives and flags, who “were neither demons nor barbarians” (fei gui fei rongman 非 鬼非戎蠻). Yan’s painting is comparable to the Boston Official of Water in terms of its representations of thunder and lightning in the sky and the image of the Wind Lord carrying a tiger-skin bag (hunang 虎囊) amid dark mists. In Yan’s painting, the official, with three feathered demigods (yicong san shenren 翼從三神人) following, was shown moving toward the Gate of Heaven.95 In spite of these similarities, Su Xun made no mention of a female ghost escorted by an officer and pushed away by the hybrid creatures in charge of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, a telling scene in the Boston Official of Water that relates to innovative salvation rituals of the Song period. Furthermore, Yan’s painting showed a young female attendant next to the deity holding a feathered fan attached to a pole,96 whereas in the Boston scroll none of the attendants is female. The connection between these earlier examples of the Three Officials paintings and the Boston triptych suggests that professional painters in traditional China share a repertory of pictorial formulas. In the same way that the two sixth-century Daoist steles introduced at the beginning of this book evolved from standard templates, many painted images of gods and demons in the Boston triptych are inherited from earlier paintings and are based on established figural types and compositional



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formulas that may not have specific iconographic features (figs. 0.1, 0.2a–b). The representations of the Three Officials, for example, are all based on the stereotype of a bureaucratic god with long robe and scholar’s cap. Similarly, the fierce-looking assistant officials and demon attendants working for the Three Officials are generic figural types based on the conventions of demon quellers. These typologies reflect the standardization of religious painting resulting from the expansion of workshop practice. This creative system of ready-made formulas assists the artists in executing images of gods numbering in the dozens, hundreds, or even thousands, an expanded population of divinities that catered to the growing pantheon summoned and evoked in rituals of the period. Pictorial formulas are widely used in other visual cultures as well. Hans Belting speaks of “figure types” and “ready-made formulas” in European icon making in late antiquity.97 Whereas the imagery of the Virgin Mary reflects a general “sacred type of figure,” the imagery of St. John draws from the “tragic variant of the theatrical mask.” Belting makes an additional connection between the pictorial formulas and theatrical masks, whose function is to “conceal the individual actor and reveal the role that the actor performs on stage.” He then links the practice of using universal types in icon making to the Western tradition of Neoplatonic philosophy, which favors “a general truth” beyond particulars over “the singular phenomenon of nature.”98 Although in traditional China there was no repertory of “ideal” types, the shared formulas that were used to shape Daoist divinities engender the masklike theatrical quality of Daoist gods and spirits, who are noted for their animated performance in visual culture.

Annual Festivals The increased presence of the Three Officials in painting reflects their expanded role in medieval Daoism and in popular festivals. From the earliest beginnings of organized Daoism in the Celestial Masters school of the Later Han, submitting memorials and petitions to the Three Officials were central Daoist rites. Another ritual dedicated to the Three Officials and developed from early Celestial Masters practice is called the Purgation of the Three Primes,99 which takes place on the fifteenth day of the first, seventh, and tenth months of the lunar calendar (fig. 4.4).100 Both the ritual and the gods are known from the early Celestial Masters’ formative phase, during which they established these annual ceremonies.101 In the fifth century, the triad converged with another Daoist trinity known as the Three Pure Ones, who are superior deities representing the three major schools of medieval Daoism,102 and they came to be in charge of a massive bureaucracy that reviewed human behavior and decided on the individual’s fate. 103 According to the fifth-century Numinous Treasure Scripture on the Prohibitions and Merit of the Three

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Primes (Sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing 三元品誡功德輕重經, DZ 456), the Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water govern the Upper, Middle, and Lower Realms of the world and supervise nine bureaus, one hundred twenty officers, and billions of underlings.104 Best noted for their judicial role in checking people’s moral behavior and recording all deeds in formal registers (bu 簿), they enter the names of those who have accumulated merits in the green book of life (qingbu 青簿), and those who have committed heinous sins in the black book of death (heibu 黑簿).105 In the Tang and Song periods, the Three Officials were further integrated into state rituals and popular festivals. The Tang government designated the Festivals of the Three Primes (Sanyuan jie 三元節) as state holidays observed on the days of the Upper Prime (Shangyuan jie 上元節), the Middle Prime (Zhongyuan jie 中元 節), and the Lower Prime (Xiayuan jie 下元節).106 In particular, because the first two coincided with the Lantern Festival (after the New Year) and with the Buddhist Ghost Festival (Yulanpen 盂蘭盆), they were documented in great detail. The Festival of the Upper Prime, celebrated on the fifteenth day of the first lunar month, was associated with the Official of Heaven as a giver of good fortune. At the Song court, people would light numerous lamps, keeping them bright for three to eighteen days, and imperial family members, including the emperor, would visit major state-sponsored Daoist or Buddhist temples to pay tribute to the ancestral gods.107 The numerous mountain-shaped tents (shanpeng 山棚) erected near the city gates and major temples of the capital were especially spectacular.108 The tent across the Xuande Tower (Xuande lou 宣德樓), for example, was decorated with colorful silk ornaments, its structure painted with images of immortals and narrative scenes of herb sellers and diviners in the street market.109 Tens of thousands of lamps brightened the site, and people flocked there, competing to see the emperor on the eve of Upper Prime. After midnight the emperor returned to the palace, and all lights were extinguished.110 The well-studied court masterpiece Auspicious Cranes, attributed to Emperor Huizong himself, documents an extraordinary crane sighting on the evening after Upper Prime in 1112 (fig. 6.10).111 Maggie Bickford praises this as “the most impressive” of the paintings of auspicious images attributed to Huizong on the basis of “its opaque beauty and compelling pattern.”112 The painting captures the magical moment when twenty white cranes flocked above the Northern Song palace, trilling and warbling in harmony with the ritual music playing inside. “Citizens of the capital walking about all bowed in reverence, gazing from afar. They sighed deeply over the unusual spectacle.”113 A woven counterpart to Huizong’s painting exists in the form of a Northern Song kesi 緙絲 tapestry; 114 it may have served as a prototype for the painting or may reflect a material transfer inspired by it (fig. 6.11).115 Following the 1112 crane-sighting miracle, the court in 1116 ordered the fabrication of the Flags of the Auspicious Cranes (Ruihe qi 瑞鶴旗) to add to the imperial paraphernalia.116



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Fig. 6.10. Attributed to Emperor Huizong, Auspicious Cranes, detail. Northern Song dynasty, early twelfth century. Handscroll. Ink and color on silk. 51  138.2 cm.

Fig. 6.11. Immortals in a Mountain Pavilion, detail. Northern Song dynasty, early twelfth century. Album leaf. Silk tapestry. 28.2  35.8 cm.

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Fig. 6.12. Flag of the Auspicious Cranes, detail. Huangchao liqi tushi. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Though this model is not illustrated in Song sources, its design may be the basis for the Qing imperial Flag of the Auspicious Cranes (fig. 6.12).117 The Festival of the Upper Prime continued in the Southern Song capital of Hangzhou. The newly built imperial Temple of Spectacular Numina (Jinglinggong 景靈宮), for example, housed a grand pavilion of lanterns, possibly similar to the mountain-shaped tents built in the Northern Song, to welcome the descent of the Official of Heaven.118 The state prison, moreover, held special offerings and purifying rituals to ward off malevolent spirits.119 Perhaps the most eye-catching sight was the parade of masqueraded, court-sponsored dancers and singers, who marched through the city wearing colorful costumes and masks of different theatrical types. The purpose of such a parade, aside from entertaining the public, was to drive away misfortune and evoke good luck by following the ancient custom of exorcism at the beginning of each year. 120 The Festival of the Middle Prime, which honored the Official of Earth and was observed on the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month, merged with the Buddhist Ghost Festival in the Tang and Song periods and became linked with ancestor worship.121 On this day, worshippers flocked to Daoist and Buddhist temples, wishing to release ghosts and ancestors from hell and help them to attain salvation. In Daoist temples, priests recited the Scripture of Salvation (DZ 1) 122 and presided over grand salvation banquets (pudu jiao 普度醮) in which food was distributed to all the wandering souls to help in achieving universal salvation.123 At the same time Buddhist temples hosted the Ghost Festival gatherings, which included performances of Mulian rescuing his mother from hell (Mulian jiumu 目蓮救母) in temple theaters.124 Court ladies set off from the palace to visit the imperial tombs, and officials from the Minister of Worship (Cibu 祠部) ordered an enclosure of Dao erected and came to burn piles of paper money for those who had died in battle. They also sent hundreds of lamps down river as a tribute to the ghosts and deities of the seas.125 The Festival of the Lower Prime fell on the fifteenth day of the tenth lunar month and honored the Offical of Water. Following the customs of the Upper and Middle Primes, the court had lamps lit in the palace for three days, and the imperial household visited state temples to pray for the ancestral gods.126 In addition, people commonly bathed and fasted on this day,127 while major temples held jiao offerings.128 Those held in the Palace of the Treasure Register of the Highest Clarity (Shangqing Baolu gong 上清寶籙宮) in Kaifeng proved especially efficacious. On the evening after, the Lords of Longevity (Changsheng 長生) and Green Florescence (Qinghua 青華) descended to the Hall of the Divine Empyrean.129 Although this festival and its observances were not as well documented as those of the Upper and the Middle Prime, the prominent role of the Official of Water in Daoist salvation rituals was underscored by his position as the deity-in-chief of the Yellow Register Purgation. 130



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Pictorial Conventions Going beyond the compositional structure and traditional observances associated with the Three Officials, the rich visual repository of the Boston triptych reveals yet another facet of Daoist paintings in action: the transmission and appropriation of selected pictorial conventions commonly shared by professional painters in traditional China. From the visual point of view, making Daoist paintings such as the Boston triptych can be imagined as a process of the painter’s intentional selecting, appropriating, re-inventing, editing, and assembling of specific pictorial conventions whose organic presentation in a triptych brings forth the “true form” of the Three Officials. Three prominent picture types lay the foundation for the pictorial vocabulary of the Boston triptych: the heavenly descent (jianglin 降臨), as pictured in the Heaven scroll (fig. 6.1); the earthly excursion (chuxing 出行), as reflected in the Earth scroll (fig. 6.2); and the ocean crossing (duhai 渡海), as depicted in the Water scroll (fig. 6.3). The commonality underlying these different pictorial modes is the artists’ interest in the animated actions of these mobile deities, who are shown in motion and on journeys. This also suggests a new trend in religious visuality—Daoist and Buddhist alike—in the making.

The Heavenly Descent The maker of the Official of Heaven placed the heavenly court diagonally on a large cluster of clouds stretching along a central vertical axis. The clouds’ tapering tail turns toward the top of the picture plane, suggesting that the heavenly court is descending vertically, in opposition to the ascending movement suggested by the small cluster of clouds emerging in the lower right corner. The overall scenario, then, can be interpreted as a magical encounter between the heavenly court and the kneeling officer, who is accompanied by his emissary standing by outside. The Official of Heaven is one of what Ide Seinosuke defines as “pictures of [supernatural] descent” 131 popular in Southern Song religious paintings. Comparable examples include the Hōgonji and Zuisenji paintings featuring the descent of astral deities (figs. 1.25, 1.26a–b), the Dizang Bodhisattva and the Ten Kings showing bureaucratic gods descending to hell (fig. 5.12a), and the Shin Chion’in Six Realms depicting hungry ghosts coming down to earth (fig. 5.19).132 Finally, numerous scrolls from the one-hundred-scroll set of Five Hundred Arhats, painted between 1177 and 1188 by the Ningbo workshop artists led by Lin Tinggui 林庭珪 and Zhou Jichang 周季 常, feature the magical descent of arhats, that is, fully enlightened masters of early Buddhism (figs. 5.20, 6.13).133 The Five Hundred Arhats celebrates the popular cult of these Buddhist saints.134 Its liturgical overtones are particularly strong, as the enlightened ones are shown

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Fig. 6.13. Arhats descending to a temple hall, detail. From the set of Five Hundred Arhats by the workshop of Lin Tinggui and Zhou Jichang. Southern Song dynasty, 1177–88. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 111.5  53.1 cm.

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either descending to a domestic altar 135 or landing in a temple hall (fig. 6.13).136 There they are welcomed with incense, offerings, devotional statues, and paintings.137 Ide Seinosuke links these arhat paintings to the Buddhist milieu of the East Money Lake (Dongqian hu 東錢湖) area to the east of Ningbo, a region where prosperous Tiantai 天台 monasteries encouraged their devotees to sponsor Water Land rituals and other rites as tokens for salvation.138 From a visual point of view, the overarching compositional scheme shared by these “pictures of supernatural descent” is the downward movement of groups of figures positioned in a diagonal pattern within the vertical picture plane. In some examples, moreover, corresponding motifs, such as the souls in hell, the laymen at the domestic altar, or the guardian outside the temple, are depicted at the end or goal point of this moving force, as the final objective of the deities’ movements (fig. 6.13). Moreover, the fashion in which gods and spirits are depicted in such a descending mode vividly mirrors their summoning performed by Buddhist and Daoist priests in salvation rituals.

Daoist Deities in Procession The innovative design of the heavenly descent and depictions of Daoist deities in procession, especially those identified as “pictures of chaoyuan 朝元,” that is, those featuring the deities’ procession in audience with the Prime, share certain pictorial conventions.139 Wu Zongyuan’s Immortals and Elders in Audience with the Prime (fig. 6.6), the Southern Song relief carving from the Archaic Cave of the Three Pure Ones (Sanqing gudong 三清 古洞) at the Southern Mountain Grotto (Nanshan 南山), Dazu, Sichuan (fig. 6.14),140 and the fourteenth-century Temple of Eternal Joy murals (figs. 1.11a–b, 2.18) all provide evidence for representing these pageants.141 Scholars have traced the lateral procession convention to the still earlier visuality of imperial processions,142 as reflected in the sixth-century stone carv-

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Fig. 6.14. Relief carving of Daoist deities in procession, detail of the left wall of the central pillar of Cave no. 5, Southern Mountain Grotto (Nanshan), Dazu, Sichuan. Southern Song dynasty. 160  175 cm.

ings of imperial processions crowding the exit walls of some Buddhist cave temples in Longmen 龍門 and Gongxian 鞏縣, Henan.143 In the Northern Song, similar arrangements for horizontal processions are found in tombs, where they present the tomb occupant’s journey to the otherworld. In the 1094 tomb of the Northern Song Daoist priest Dao Zhizai 戴知在, on Mount Gezhao (Gezaoshan 閣皂山),144 Jiangxi, the two side walls illustrate procession scenes executed as linear carvings that mirror each other. The drawings after the carvings reconstruct two processions, each of seven male Daoists in bureaucratic garb holding tablets in their hands (figs. 6.15a–b).145 According to the archaeological record, the procession scenes are on the northern and southern walls of the tomb, juxtaposed with the depiction of the heavenly banquet on the western wall at the rear.146 The overall design underscores the tomb occupant’s longing to join the heavenly audience. The epitaph affirms this by saying that, before he died, Dai had a dream in which he was “in audience with the Prime on a mountain in the sea” (hai­shan chaoyuan 海山朝元).147 The Lord of Eastern Florescence (Donghua dijun 東華帝 君), who is in charge of life and death, had summoned him to serve in his office.148 The epitaph concludes with a blissful evocation: “In audience with the Prime on the immortal island, where jade nectar and golden grass grow. May the blessing extend to the offspring” (chaoyuan xiandao, yuli jincao, qingji houkun, yi er zisun 朝元仙島， 玉醴金草。慶及后昆，宜爾子孫).149

A

Fig. 6.15a–b. Line drawings of the Daoist processions, after the relief carvings on the north and south walls of the tomb of the Daoist priest Dai Zhizai. Northern Song dynasty, dated 1108. Mount Gezhao, Jiangxi.

B

The chaoyuan picture type is also appropriated in the 1108 tomb of a layman, discovered in 1998 in Pingyang 平陽, Xinmi 新密, Henan (figs. 6.16a–c).150 In the upper section of the tomb chamber above the cornice, a lay couple is seen marching across a trifold bridge, escorted by a group of female figures holding a casket and a banner (figs. 6.16a–b); the adjacent image is of a heavenly palace radiating light (fig. 6.16c). Since both the trifold bridge and the palace motifs are found in illustrations of the bridge to heaven in several Southern Song liturgical manuals (figs. 4.24a–c), the overall intent of the mural program is readily linked to the idea of “transfer” or “salvation.”151



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A

Figs. 6.16a–c. Murals in the dome-shaped, single-room tomb of a lay couple. Northern Song dynasty, dated 1108. Pingyang, Xinmi, Henan. a. Line drawing showing the tomb’s pictorial program; b. The deceased couple crossing the trifold bridge in a procession, detail from the upper part of the northeastern wall; c. The radiating heavenly court on clouds, detail from the upper part of the north wall.

B

C

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To summarize, the chaoyuan pictures examined above emphasize the figures’ movements along a horizontal axis. Their laterally oriented actions stand in sharp contrast to the vertically or diagonally oriented actions portrayed in pictures of supernatural descent, a difference that may well be the result of different formats and media. Both Wu’s painting and the Temple of Eternal Joy mural replicate the format of a temple wall, whose width is usually longer than its height, as is the case of the Hall of Three Pure Ones at the Temple of Eternal Joy.152 This horizontal layout forms a contrast with the vertically or diagonally oriented movement highlighted in the Official of Heaven and other Southern Song pictures of supernatural descent, which maximize the dynamic top-to-bottom movement through the vertical format of a hanging scroll. Furthermore, images of chaoyuan and pictures of supernatural descent differ in their cosmic orientation: whereas the figures in chaoyuan pictures are “going” to the Daoist heaven, the gods who make a supernatural descent are “coming” from the opposite direction, that is, from heaven. Fig. 6.17. The Great Emperor of Fusang riding in a chariot on three immaculate clouds on the summer solstice, from the Illustrated Secrets of the Eight Ways of Highest Clarity, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Visualization Practice Since Daoists had already begun employing visualization pictures in early medieval times, their representational conventions may have served as a prototype for Southern Song pictures. The Illustrated Secrets of the Eight Ways of Highest Clarity (Shangqing badao miyan tu 上清八道秘言圖, DZ 430), a Tang text, is a good example of such possible prototypes (fig. 6.17).153 As Edward Schafer defines them, the eight ways (badao 八道) consist of an octet of cosmic lights that makes up the “mystic roads taken by the sun and moon.” Schafer interprets the illustrated instructions as visual aids that help the adept to locate and identify the deities traveling on these roads at different times “by the color patterns in the mists that curl around their vehicles.”154 Since colors are important cues for visualization in this case, it is likely that the original illustrations were multicolored.155 The illustrations show the deities arriving in chariots on clouds. For example, the fourth illustration,156 which is associated with visualization on the summer solstice, depicts the Great Emperor of Fusang (Fusang dadi 扶桑大帝) in the form of a bureaucratic god, riding in a boxlike chariot on three immaculate clouds (san suyun 三素雲).



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Fig. 6.18. Celestial chariot descending on clouds, detail. The Nine Songs, attributed to Li Gonglin. Southern Song dynasty, after 1190. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 33  81.8 cm.

The transmission of similar pictorial modes can be traced in Song paintings, such as the plain linear drawing of the Nine Songs handscroll attributed to Li Gonglin,157 now in the Liaoning Provincial Museum (fig. 6.18). Scholars have dated it to the Southern Song, after Emperor Guangzong 光宗 (r. 1190–94) declared his reign, that is, around 1190.158 Here the main deity is also clad in bureaucratic garments and is seated in an elaborate boxlike chariot covered by an exquisite canopy. Two dragons pull the chariot, escorted by four celestial officers who stand to their sides. Other celestial members flanking the chariot include two officers riding on horses and ten celestial attendants carrying ritual paraphernalia. The heavenly entourage descends diagonally on clouds approaching the hills surrounding a cluster of buildings visible from a bird’s-eye view above. Since a similar motif appears in a drawing from the Cleveland album (fig. 6.19),159 the chariot rider descending on clouds is clearly a standard motif widely used by professional painters at that time.

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Fig. 6.19. Procession of Daoist deities. Leaf no. 3 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm.

Earthly Excursions Viewing the Official of Earth from the perspective of workshop practice, Richard Barnhart convincingly argues that “the drawing, brushwork, color application, and compositional design” all reflect “the necessary mechanical processes by which the image was formed” (fig. 6.2).160 Indeed, the landscape and figural motifs in this painting were very likely painted by different hands.161 The landscape, mixing the idiom of the Li Cheng and Guo Xi school of the Northern Song (the cloudlike rock texture and the crab-claw-shaped wintry branches) and the court style of the Southern Song (the gnarled tree trunks and the long and elegant tree twigs),162 functions as if it were stage scenery. It is inserted to provide a setting, very much like the schematized and decorative forms of landscape settings in the twelfth-century set of Five Hundred Arhats manufactured by the Ningbo workshop artists.163 This also suggests that the painters deployed topological modes and designs from their copy books, or fenben, to compose this painting.

Tours of Inspection

Fig. 6.20. Procession of Daoist Deities. Leaf no. 4 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm.

At the heart of the Official of Earth is the main scene featuring the deity’s excursion on horseback to inspect his realm (fig. 6.2), accompanied by a marching entourage carrying a canopy and other ritual paraphernalia for him. The image fits into a typological mode well known among professional painters, as reflected in a drawing from the Cleveland album illustrating the excursion of a Daoist king (fig. 6.20).164 Like the Official of Earth, the regal horse rider turns his head back to review his retinue. Two attendants holding an axe and a sword, respectively, walk at the front of the group to open the way. One is closer to the viewer and is turning around to look back at the rest of the group. The Official of Earth follows a similar formula, with two martial officers leading the way, both holding axes in their hands. The one who turns his back toward the viewer also looks back at the group behind him. Similar motifs are used in later temple murals and reduced samples for murals in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 165 The Official of Earth’s journey is also inspired by the pictorial theme of the royal excursion, or chuxun 出巡, whose basic formula is that of a ruler with a reti-



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Fig. 6.21. Expecting the Wise One and Welcoming the Entourage, detail. Southern Song dynasty, thirteenth century. Hanging scroll. Ink, color and gold on silk. 195.1  109.5 cm.

nue of guards and heralds. A large hanging scroll entitled Expecting the Wise One and Welcoming the Entourage (Wangxian yingjia 望賢迎駕),166 possibly an early thirteenth-­century court production reflecting the Southern Song academic styles of Liu Songnian 劉松年 (fl. 1155–1218) and Li Song 李嵩 (1166–1243), serves to emphasize this connection (fig. 6.21). In a landscape setting similar to that of the Official of Earth, the imperial entourage is “framed” by towering trees on the right and rocks and shrubs in the lower right corner. Even the elaborate canopies in both paintings are comparable.

The Subjugation of Demons Another theme highlighted in the Official of Earth is demonic subjugation, which takes place in the foreground (fig. 6.22). The painter must have been familiar with the popular pictorial depictions of Zhong Kui 鍾馗, a Tang-dynasty scholar-official whose “posthumous career” as demon queller is widely celebrated in Chinese folklore and visual culture.167 Zhong Kui’s Excursion by Gong Kai 龔開 (1222–1307), 168 a Hangzhou artist who lived through the Southern Song–Yuan transition, presents

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Fig. 6.22. An official and demonic attendants escorting a tree goblin and an ape monster. Official of Earth, detail. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 125.5  55.9 cm.

Zhong Kui and his demon attendants in procession (fig. 6.23). The demon queller is depicted as a commander-in-chief, wearing an official’s cap and boots, followed by demon attendants assisting him in quelling little ghosts hung on poles.169 In the eighth colophon at the end of the painting, the poet Song Wu 宋无 (1260–1340) links Zhong Kui to the Daoist underworld realm of Mount Fengdu, where sinful prisoners are subjugated.170 Indeed, the image of Zhong Kui as a fierce-looking, low-ranking bureaucratic clerk in the otherworld becomes a generic figural type frequently seen in Southern Song paintings of underworld courts, such as the Ten Kings of Hell produced by the Ningbo workshops171 and the many drawings of the underworld court preserved in the Cleveland album.172 The demon-quelling scene in the Official of Earth (fig. 6.22) recalls the Daoist



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notion of “entering the mountains” outlined in the fourth-century Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Keeps to Simplicity (DZ 1185) by Ge Hong. He describes numerous harmful mountain spirits that appear in diverse forms.173 A type of “talking tree,” for example, is identified as a specter called Cloudy Sun (Yunyang 雲陽), which conceals itself inside a giant tree and haunts mountain travelers by talking to them. Another harmless “sprite of the hundred-year-old tree” (baisui mu zhi jing 百 歲木之精) is hidden within an ancient tree.174 Other miscellaneous kinds of mountain sprites appearing as disguised deities or humans include tigers, wolves, foxes, deer, apes, rams, dogs, boars, tortoises, and fish.175 By knowing the tree spirit’s name and shouting it upon hearing its voice in the mountain, one will receive instant immunity from harm.176 Similarly, the fourth-century Celestial Master scripture Demon Statutes of Nüqing (Nüqing guilü 女青鬼律, DZ 790),177 which communicates the Daoist perception of eschatology,178 records numerous names for the demons (gui) and sprites (jing 精) of mountains, woods, rocks, tigers, snakes, foxes, and apes, to name but a few, in the hope of drawing out their otherwise deceptive true forms: The one-thousand-year-old tree turns into a human, the one-hundredyear-old rock becomes a female attendant. Demons take shapes in the myriad forms of animals. If you know their names, the demons will reveal their true forms. 千年之木成人，百歲之石為僮女。百獸之形，皆有鬼形。子知其名，鬼 復真形。179

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Fig. 6.23. Gong Kai, Zhong Kui’s Excursion. Yuan dynasty, late thirteenth century. Handscroll. Ink on paper. 32.8  169.5 cm.

As a consequence, medieval Daoists prescribe magical incantations against demons. The fourth-century Scripture of Cursing Demons (Zhougui jing 咒鬼經, DZ 1193), also a Celestial Master scripture, declares: The Celestial Master said:

天師曰

I am the scourge that kills all misfortunes in Heaven and Earth,

吾為天地除萬殃

I transform to the human world to be a demon king.

變身人間作鬼王

My body tall to one zhang and six [chi], my case square and even,

身長丈六頭面方

My teeth are made of copper and iron, they shine through my mouth

銅牙鐵齒銜鋒鋩

................... Thus I search out hundreds of demons, valiant and strong,

募求百鬼勤豪強

As soon as I catch them I kill off the numerous misfortunes.

得便斬殺除凶殃

I carry the divine spells, who would dare approach?

吾持神咒誰敢當 急去千里勿當殃

Passing fast over a thousand miles, I free all from misery. Swiftly, swiftly, in accordance with the statutes and ordinances!

180

急急如律令

These phrases function as a sort of incantation to ward off demons. They provide a glimpse of how the theme of demon subjugation is expressed in the Daoist textual tradition parallel to the visual tradition, as reflected in the Boston triptych.

The Tree Goblin and the Ape Monster This medieval lore of demonology is at the root of the visuality of the mountain goblin and ape monster as depicted in the Official of Earth. The tree goblin in partic-



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ular is represented as an aberrant monster, blending the elements of a tree, a woman, and an animal; its treelike horns, human arms and legs, knoll-like nipples, and skirt made of weeds all contribute to this impression. The anthropomorphic body barely covered by a skirt is similar to the stereotype of a mountain man or herb picker, 181 like the dark-skinned, long-nailed, hairy figure depicted in a painting from the late twelfth-century set of Sixteen Arhats from the Lu Xinzhong 陸信忠 workshop in Ningbo (fig. 6.24).182 In opposition to the masculine mountain man in the Ningbo painting, the tree monster in the Official of Earth has gnarled nipples, suggesting a female body. Fantastic mountain demons, including females, are also depicted in the fourteenth-century painting of Searching [for Demons] in the Mountains (Soushan tu 搜山圖) in the Palace Museum, Beijing (figs. 6.25a–c).183 As a popular genre in Chinese narrative painting, these scrolls draw upon the wellknown legend of the local Sichuan deity Erlang (Erlang shen 二郎 神) quelling mountain demons and spirits.184 Extant versions share the common motif of a seated general supervising demonic attendants and soldiers as they subjugate weird and grotesque spirits in the mountains.185 These paintings highlight the conflict by illustrating dramatic actions and strenuous fights between the soldiers and the mountain spirits. In the Beijing handscroll, Erlang’s troops arrest a plethora of mountain spirits whose diverse physical forms reflect a rich repertoire of demonology and monstrosity as depicted in Chinese visual culture (fig. 6.25a). Whereas some mountain spirits appear as animals, like the deer or an ape comparable to the ape in the Official of Earth (fig. 6.22), others seem to be in disguised or transitional states. For example, some of the female spirits look like beautifully dressed women wearing tiny orange-red shoes that even suggest bound feet, a physical trait resulting from a unique Chinese erotic practice.186 In addition, the transitional image of a treelike goblin dragged over the ground by a demonic soldier vividly emphasizes the dramatic moment of monstrous transformation (fig. 6.25b). Embodying the hybrid appearance of a human, a tree, and a beast, this spirit’s shape combines anthropomorphic body parts, protruding tree branches stretching out from its arms, legs, and head, and a wolf’s mouth with sharp, bestial teeth. In terms of gender, it is also likely that this monstrous demon, too, is female, given that it wears a short skirt like the one worn by the tree spirit in the Official of Earth (fig. 6.22) and is surrounded by its demon fellows, who are all disguised as women. This hypothesis is supported by another female mountain demon-in-transition in a cave near the tree before the tree goblin (fig. 6.25c).

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Fig. 6.24. Lu Xingzhong. The wild man wearing a skirt made of leaves. Detail of the fourth scroll from the set of Sixteen Arhats. Southern Song dynasty, late twelfth century. Hanging scroll mounted as a panel. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 80  41.5 cm.

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Figs. 6.25a–c. Searching [for Demons] in the Mountains, details. Yuan dynasty, ca. fourteenth century. Ink and color on silk. 53.3  533 cm. a. Erlang’s demonic soldiers arresting mountain spirits; b. Treelike goblin; c. Mountain spirit with an upper body disguised as a beautiful woman and a lower body that has been transformed into a reptile-like creature.

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With a womanly upper body, she has a beautiful yet frightened face, an elaborately coiffed hairstyle, and erotically exposed breasts partially revealed by her low-cut red garment. Her lower body, however, is that of a scaly reptile, suggesting that she may be a snake spirit disguised as a woman.187 The imagery of tree monsters forms a unique spectacle of demonology in Chinese religious painting. In a drawing from the Cleveland album,188 three tree monsters appear in the underworld court as prisoners being interrogated by judges (fig. 6.26). Two stand beside a group of floral and botanic spirits on the right,189 and another kneels on the ground on the left. Trunks and twigs grow out of the tops of their heads; their bodies are knotted and twisted. Like the tree monster depicted in the Boston triptych, they also have gnarled nipples and wear short skirts made of leaves. Not all tree spirits, however, are perceived negatively in Chinese paintings. For example, the two easily neglected tree spirits,190 painted on the northern exit walls next to the rear door of the Hall of Purified Yang at the Temple of Eternal Joy, serve as door gods guarding the entrance to the temple hall (figs. 6.27a–b). On the



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western side of the north wall, moreover, the pine tree spirit,191 identified by the pine branches growing out of his head, appears wearing a long robe and holding a container (fig. 6.27a). On the eastern side of the north wall stands his counterpart, a willow tree spirit (fig. 6.27b). The two willow branches sprouting from his trunk-like skull provide visual cues for his status as a tree spirit. Portrayed as an aging martial figure, he has bushy white eyebrows and holds a wrapped sword in his hands. Quite possibly the tree monsters, once subjugated by the gods, changed their role from aberrant and harmful mountain creatures to lesser servants working for the supernatural bureaucracy, just like other demon attendants depicted in the Boston triptych.192 This assumption is further supported by two stories illustrated in the Hall of Purified Yang murals that narrate Lü Dongbin’s conversion of an old pine tree sprite (du lao songjing 度老松精) as well as his conversion of the immortal Guo (zai du Guo xian 再度郭仙), who had been an old tree sprite in his previous life.193 Ming images of tree monsters also appear in Buddhist paintings.194 The most visually provocative painting, now in the collection of Musée Guimet, is from the incomplete set of Water Land paintings,195 originally commissioned in 1454 by the

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Fig. 6.26. Tree monsters interrogated in the underground court. Detail of leaf no. 40 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm.

Figs. 6.27a–b. Tree spirits as door gods, details. North wall of the Hall of Purified Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi. a. Pine tree spirit at the western side of the north wall; b. Willow tree spirit at the eastern side of the north wall.

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Ming court, under the supervision of the eunuchs Shang Yi 尚義 and Wang Qin 王勤 (fig. 6.28). Here the tree spirits appear amid other “generals of the wilderness and inhabi­tants of water, land, and air, beings who dwell in grasses and woods” (kuangye dajiang shuilu kongju yicao fumu 曠野大將水陸空居依草附木). At the upper center of the painting is a one-eyed tree trunk, with a human chest and arms and a hook-shaped mouth that turns into a tree branch. Below this creature is a multiheaded, multieyed monster, who may represent some sort of spirit of mud or rocks. Its deformed physicality is very similar to the monstrous faces of the “mud eccentrics” (tuguai 土怪) peeping out of the earth, as they are depicted in another mid-fifteenth-century Water Land painting, originally commissioned by the Ming court and donated to the Monastery of Precious Peace (Baoning si 寶寧寺) (fig.



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Fig. 6.28. The Grand Generals of the Waste Lands, Spirits of the Water, Earth, and Plant Life, detail. From the set of Water Land paintings commissioned by Shang Yi and Wang Qin. Ming dynasty, dated 1454. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 140.5  78.6 cm.

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Fig. 6.29a–b. The mud and tree spirits, details from Four Modes of the Six Realms. From the set of Water Land paintings originally preserved in the Monastery of Precious Peace. Ming dynasty, ca. 1460. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 115  60.5 cm. a. Mud eccentrics; b. Tree spirit.

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6.29a).196 In the air, an anthropomorphic tree trunk appears amid human souls (fig. 6.29b). As Caroline Gyss-Vermande and others point out, their visual features resemble similar motifs seen in the Musée Guimet scroll (fig. 6.28).197 Another monstrous type subjugated in these paintings is the ape (fig. 6.22). One of the earliest extant renditions of the subject of the demon search is preserved in the Cleveland album (fig. 6.30).198 According to Wu Hung, the inclusion of ape spirits in this genre is linked to the Han-dynasty Sichuan legend of the demonic ape who lived in the mountains and abducted women. The popular motif of the archer shooting an ape demon often appears in early funeral art as an apotropaic symbol to ward off evil and protect the hun soul on its way to the world of the deceased.199 The drawings from the Cleveland album show intriguing ape monsters captured along with other animal spirits in the mountains.200 In leaf no. 45,201 on the right, an ape stands beside a goat spirit; behind her is another, younger ape who cringes in terror (fig. 6.30). On the left, a demon attendant carries a baby ape tied to a pole. Throughout the drawings, the mountain spirits taken into custody divide into two groups: one category dressed in clothing as humans, the other appearing in animal form. This division is comparable to the distinction made between the ape and tree monsters in the Boston triptych. Both the gestures and physical features of the clothed mountain spirits, moreover, suggest femininity.202 This may reflect traditional lore about demons disguised as women who trick mountain travelers. Echoing the vivid visual description of Erlang’s subjugation of ape monsters in the mountains is a Song tale of a Daoist master’s subjugation of an ape spirit in a domestic setting. Recorded in Hong Mai’s Record of the Listener, 203 the story tells of how Zhang Xujing 張虛靖 (fl. early twelfth century),204 the Celestial Master of Mount Longhu, once helped Emperor Huizong’s beloved official Cai Jing 蔡京 (1047–1126) subjugate an ape sprite (yuannao 猿猱) who had possessed his granddaughter-in-law and disturbed his household. In a deep meditative state, the master manipulated



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Fig. 6.30. Demon attendants of Erlang subjugating mountain spirits. Leaf no. 45 from the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes. Southern Song dynasty, ca. thirteenth century. Album leaf. Ink on paper. 34.35  38.4 cm.

the “true form” of the ape specter by setting it on fire and burning its body bit by bit. The fire first burnt the ape’s fingers, then extended gradually to its whole body, demonstrating how Zhang’s miraculous power could destroy the evil spirit possessing the young woman. The overarching message of the story also reflects popular Song perception of the Daoist master, who is often renowned for his ability to subjugate disguised demons and spirits. In sum, the narrative details in the Official of Earth vividly show the Daoists’ longterm preoccupation with subjugating the demonic. The theme of salvation is hinted at through the inconspicuous presence of the bridge motif and the inclusion of the subjugated demonic tree monster and ape spirit who are ready to cross the bridge. This scenario subtly echoes the role of the Official of Earth, who through religious power, saves and welcomes the transformation of the demonic into the divine realm, and the understated bridge motif discreetly evokes its use in Daoist salvation rites, both internal (figs. 5.21, 5.23c) and external (figs. 4.24a–c).205

Ocean Crossings In picturing Daoist cosmography, artists utilized the motif of water as a medium or boundary divider when they wanted to connect or separate the supernatural from the human realm. This is the case in several seascapes of earthly paradises, like the goddesses’ playground in Goddesses in the Palace Park attributed to Ruan Gao (fig. 2.20a) and the relief of Penglai from the tomb of Yu Gongzhu and his wife (fig. 2.21).

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Fig. 6.31. The thunder troops and the female soul escorted by an official. Detail from the Official of Water. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 125.5  55.9 cm.

The Official of Water presents yet another symbolic facet of seascapes: it shows a site of salvation, as designated by the presence of the agencies of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain and the escorted female soul above the sea (figs. 6.3, 6.31).206 The subtle cue that links salvation to seascape, however, appears in the actions of the animated Official of Water and his marine entourage when they undertake their “ocean crossing,” or du 渡, which is a homonym for du 度, “salvation” or “bridgecrossing.” Images of ocean-crossing gods or bridge-crossing gods, as portrayed in the Official of Water and the Official of Earth (fig. 6.2),207 thus were perceived as powerful redemptive symbols.

Crossing Over to Salvation Seen from this angle, the seascape of the Official of Water (fig. 6.3) is not so much a vision of a Daoist earthly paradise, as it is a turbulent “battlefield” in which the god strives to rectify the world order through his dynamic actions. The symbolic meaning of water in Daoist cosmography is closely related to inner alchemy and Daoist ritual in the Song. In the Southern Song and Yuan inner alchemical body charts (figs. 1.53, 1.54), the lowest realm of the body landscape is labeled the sea of suffering (kuhai 苦海), a Buddhist-inspired term referring to the area below the kidneys and near the bladder, also visualized as the Daoist hell Fengdu (fig. 1.46). Similarly, when a Daoist master performs the internal liandu rite, he goes through a mental journey in his body to save and transform the souls lost in the watery realm of hell (fig. 5.21).



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6/13/12 12:10 PM

The imaginary ocean in the body can also be traced back to the early medieval period. In the Central Scripture of Laozi (DZ 1168), the Great Ocean in the body is guarded by kidney goddesses riding on carps and turtles,208 as well as by the Wind Lord and the Rain Master located near the navel and the small intestines.209 The mural of the Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea (Baxian guohai 八仙過海) depicted at the Temple of Eternal Joy 210 presents a fourteenth-century version of Daoist salvation art that applies the seascape convention (fig. 6.32). The painting appears on the northern wall above the rear door of the Hall of Purified Yang, 211 the second hall in the temple complex dedicated to Lü Dongbin, both a popular immortal and Complete Perfection “patriarch, instructor, and role model.”212 Lü himself is depicted in the second place from the left.213 The eight immortals are lined up in horizontal formation as if walking on water, heading west,214 and each immortal stands on some sort of magical device, such as a drum, a fish, a tortoise, or a willow branch.215 The ocean is framed by shores on both sides, reflecting a pictorial strategy that draws attention to the salvation theme by alluding to the immortals’ power to cross the sea. The mural may have as its source a story about the immortals commonly featured in popular drama, folktales, and folk art.216 An image of the immortals standing on clouds that decorates the surface of a Jin-dynasty pillow of Cizhou 磁州 ceramic ware217 has a similar composition and appears to be drawn from the same source (fig. 6.33).

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Fig. 6.32. Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea, detail. North wall above the rear door of the Hall of Purified Yang, Temple of Eternal Joy. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Wall painting. Ruicheng, Shanxi.

In addition, a number of Yuan bronze mirrors excavated in Henan and Hunan provinces repeat this same design of the immortals crossing the sea.218 This imagery assumes additional symbolic meaning, however, when it is positioned above the door of a Complete Perfection temple. It is as if, by crossing the door’s threshold, temple visitors “cross over” from this world to the realm of immortality, receiving the help and blessings of the eight immortals above the door.219 The theme of salvation is further celebrated in the many narrative episodes crowding the interior walls of Fig. 6.33. Eight immortals on clouds, detail. Ceramic pillow made by the Zhang Family. Cizhou type ware. Jin dynasty. 41.2  19  14.6 cm.



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the hall and highlighting Lü’s successful conversions (du 度) of both humans and spirits.220 Both the Official of Water (fig. 6.3) and the Temple of Eternal Joy mural (fig. 6.32) reflect the Daoist interpretation of the art of salvation in seascape mode. There are also earlier Buddhist prototypes that link such paintings with salvation, for example, the ninth-century Dunhuang scroll featuring the guardian king Vaiśravana (Bishamen tianwang 毗沙門天王) and his entourage crossing the waters (fig. 6.34).221 Like the soul-leading bodhisattva escorting the devotee on clouds (fig. 4.36),222 the ocean-crossing guardian represents a new Buddhist picture type popular in the ninth and tenth centuries and available to Buddhist laymen in the form of small portable scrolls. Their overarching visuality pre­sents a savior god welcoming devotees; in this flexible system, the two picture types offer multiple options for salvation, one by water, the other by air. In content, two Buddhist murals showing the processions of Mañjuśrī (Wenshu 文殊) and Samantabhadra (Puxian 普賢) that appear, respectively, on the southern and northern sides of the western wall of Yulin 榆林 Cave no. 3, An’xi 安西, Gansu, apply the pictorial convention of ocean-crossing gods on a much larger scale.223 Dated to the late twelfth century, they were made when Gansu was part of the Tangut Xi Xia kingdom.224 The mural on the southern side,225 for example, depicts Mañjuśrī riding a lion across the sea (fig. 6.35). His crew members include some Daoist-looking bureaucratic gods comparable to the star deities in the Northern Dipper Mandala Based on a Tang Model (fig. 6.4). The notion of salvation is hinted at in almost-invisible narrative details near the top. From an open gate at the entrance to the mountain grotto, which leads to a temple complex in the mountain,226 a ray of light emerges. To the right of the mountain, naked figures drawn in minute size and

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Fig. 6.34. Vaiśravana Crossing the Ocean, detail, from Mogao Cave no. 17, Dunhuang, Gansu. Tang dynasty, ninth century. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 37.6  26.6 cm.

Fig. 6.35. Mañjuśrī and His Entourage Crossing the Ocean, detailfrom the north side of the western wall, Yulin Cave no. 3. Xi Xia dynasty, twelfth century. Wall painting. An’xi, Gansu.

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Fig. 6.36. Five Arhats Crossing the Ocean, detail. From the set of Five Hundred Arhats by the workshop of Lin Tinggui and Zhou Jichang. Southern Song dynasty, dated 1177–88. Hanging scroll. Ink and color on silk. 111.5  53.1 cm. Daitokuji, Kyoto.

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pale ink are marching on a rainbow toward heaven: they may represent ascending souls blessed by Mañjuśrī.227 The number of seascape paintings illustrating Buddhist deities crossing the ocean increases in the Southern Song period. Many scrolls among the Ningbo set of Five Hundred Arhats, like the Five Arhats Crossing the Ocean in the Daitokuji collection, attest to this (fig. 6.36).228 As in the case of the Official of Water (fig. 6.3), the seascape here also occupies two-thirds of the picture plane, juxtaposed against the gloomy sky that appears on the top. The arhats stand on magical vehicles, including a dragon, a turtle, and a divine shell, a positioning that recalls similar devices used by the eight immortals depicted on the wall painting at the Temple of the Eternal Joy (fig. 6.32).229 The schematized waves punctuated by parallel curving lines and the rhythmical contours of the billows also resemble the rendition of waves in the Official of Water.230 In the Southern Song context, the Ningbo arhat paintings may well have been displayed in a Buddhist rite summoning the arhats’ magical powers.231 It is significant that the Daitokuji scroll depicts a full moon amid dark clouds in the sky (fig. 6.36).232 The full-moon motif 233 may allude to the night of the full moon, on the fifteenth day of the lunar month, the date when the arhats were summoned to descend to the temple and participate in the ritual honoring of the cult of arhats.234

Thunder Troops The task of exorcising the soul in the Official of Water goes to the thunder troops, composed of four demonic figures who represent the agencies of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain (fig. 6.31). A demonic figure in charge of thunder stands at the very left; he strikes a group of wheel-shaped drums with a stick and carries a shiny mirrorlike object that may be associated with lightning. Below the drums are three figures in charge of wind and rain: one wields a halberd with his wind bag open, while another carries a bag on his back. They are masters of wind. Between them is a third figure. Although the silk has been retouched and the image is blurry, on closer inspection one can see that this is a feathered creature with a bear head; he holds a bowl, a symbol of the rainmaker who is spreading raindrops.235 This imagery of the thunder divinity 236 derives from ancient mythology, where he has been depicted as possessing a dragon body and a human head, and residing in the Thunder Pond. Since the Han, the shape of thunder has been interpreted as a circular chain of drums (liangu 連鼓); this chain is often paired with the Thunder Lord (Leigong 雷公), a guardian who hauls the drums with one hand and strikes them with the other.237 The pairing of the chain drums with a guardian forms the basic iconographic features of thunder in medieval Chinese visual culture, including Buddhist art. Since the third century, the rain master, the minister of thunder and lightning, and



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the deity of the sire wind (Yushi leidian sikong fengbo shen 雨師雷電司空風伯神) have been venerated as a single group of divinities in state rituals dedicated to heaven.238 At the popular level, the natural phenomena of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain generally coincide with the manifestation of supernatural forces, either ghosts or gods, as reflected in numerous literary sources dating to the Tang and Song periods.239 Twelfth- and thirteenth-century visual materials suggest that thunder troops imagery forms a set of popular stock motifs utilized in many media and diverse contexts of religious visual culture. Although these images do not portray the thunder troops in exactly the same iconographical terms, they subscribe to a common visual grammar. In addition to the circular chain of drums and a drummer, the troops sometimes also have figures making lightning, wind, and rain. The thunder troops also appear frequently in Buddhist art.240 Their popularity is reflected in their frequent appearance in the frontispieces of the Lotus Sutra commonly found under the Khitan Liao, Song, and Tangut Xi Xia.241 In some cases, the thunder god is paired with a dragon to indicate benevolent rain bestowed by the Buddha.242 In other examples, the agencies of thunder and lightning appear together to symbolize disastrous and deafening thunderstorms, which are then dispersed by the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin), who rescues the laymen who have called upon him for assistance. In the Southern Song Lotus Sutra frontispiece designed by Wang Yi 王儀 and associated with twelfth-century Hangzhou,243 the lightning agency is represented by a figure holding a pair of circular, mirror-like devices in both hands (fig. 6.37). The mirrors, when turned downward, will emanate streaks of light that symbolize lightning, a device comparable with, though not identical to, the motif depicted in the Official of Water (fig. 6.31). The monumental stone reliefs at the Baodingshan 寶頂山 cliff complex in Dazu, Sichuan (figs. 6.38a–d),244 present perhaps the most compelling imagery of thunder troops contemporary with that of the Official of Water scroll. Accessible to the public, the carving was supervised by the monk Zhao Zhifeng 趙智鳳 (b. 1159) and executed between the late twelfth and mid-thirteenth centuries.245 The site hosts a rich repertoire of large-scale sculpture, ranging from the canonical Buddhist pantheon to more secular themes catering to a popular audience. The thunder troops are laid out horizontally on a cliff (fig. 6.38a).246 The thunder god striking the circle drums has a dog’s head (fig. 6.38d), and to his right is the

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Fig. 6.37. Agencies of thunder and lightning making a deafening thunderstorm, detail of the seventh frontispiece of the Lotus Sutra, designed by Wang Yi. Southern Song dynasty, twelfth century. Folding booklet. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. 31.4  59.5 cm.

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Figs. 6.38a–d. Carved reliefs of thunder troops, details from Baodingshan. Southern Song dynasty, late twelfth to mid-thirteenth century. Stone. Dazu, Sichuan. a. Diagram showing the sectional arrangement of the relief; b. Relief of the rain god riding on a dragon; c. Relief of the Lady of Lightning holding a pair of mirrors; d. Relief of the wind god carrying a wind bag and the dogheaded thunder god striking the drums.

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Wind Lord, an older man who turns a wind-inflated bag upside down while releasing air (fig. 6.38d).247 This motif is comparable to the two figures carrying balloonshaped wind bags in the Official of Water (fig. 6.31). To the thunder god’s left, the Lady of Lightning, who holds a pair of mirror-like objects in her upraised hands, represents a new element in the visuality of thunder troops that did not appear in earlier examples (fig. 6.38c).248 To her left an old man holding a bowl-like object in his left hand rides on a dragon (fig. 6.38b).249 He may be the Rain Master.250 Next to him, another officer who has rolled up the paperwork unfolding over his left arm may be a stereotypical bureaucrat checking human records.251 In spite of the damage to the lower portion of the cliff, which originally depicted a “scene of an overcast sky dense with torrential rain clouds,” Angela Howard calls attention to two additional figures carved between the Lady of Lightning and the Rain Master, “two men lying on the ground, struck dead by lightning.”252 As shown in the diagram outlining Baodingshan’s partial carving repertoire (fig. 6.38a), the thunder troops are sandwiched between two areas featuring sutra tableaux whose overarching theme is Confucian-inspired filial piety.253 To the right, the carvings relate stories of the Buddha Sakyamuni repaying his parents’ kindness through skillful means.254 To the left, more secular scenes detail the caring acts of parents toward their children.255 Viewing the reliefs as a whole, the insertion of the thunder troops between these two sets of sutra illustrations reflects Zhao Zhifeng’s desire to



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convey a moral lesson to viewers: those who did not learn to repay their parents would be punished by forces of nature.256 The popular notion that thunder and lightning would serve as agents of punishment for failure to act with filial piety 257 also appears in medieval Daoism; however, here it is implemented through a bureaucratic procedure that involves a formal written notice of one’s wrongdoing. All violations of loyalty to one’s ruler or of filial piety to one’s parents are first recorded by the Three Officials, then punished by the thunder department using severe thunder strikes.258 Once the punishment is executed, the celestial offices prepare a document known as the Thunder Writ in Heavenly Seal Script (Leiwen tianzhuan 雷文天篆) or the True Writ of the Thunder Seal Script (Leizhuan zhenwen 雷篆真文) (fig. 6.39) 259 written in a style resembling ancient seal script or Daoist heavenly script. Punishment included being marked during the thunder and lightning strike, as in the case of a layman whose body was inscribed with four characters reading “not filial to father and mother” (buxiao fumu 不孝父母).260 Such markings are said to be recorded on the skin of the offender (arms, back, chest, stomach, thighs) or on the surface of an object (a pillar or the wall of a building, the bottom of a frying pan) after the subject was struck.261 Given the widespread perception of thunder’s immense chastising powers, it is not surprising that Song Daoists with various sectarian affiliations developed thunder rites (leifa 雷法) that evoke the positive power of thunder in healing, exorcism, and rainmaking.262 The thunder rites became so popular that Buddhists and shamanists adopted the practice.263 Daoist masters, especially those from the south where thunderstorms were fierce and frequent, used them to summon thunder gods to produce rain or to subjugate demonic forces that caused misfortune and disease.264 Many divine marshals, such as Deng 鄧, Xin 辛, Zhang 張, and the popular marshal Guan Yu 關羽, were co-opted by the thunder department (leibu 雷部) at this time.265 In terms of healing, practitioners evoke thunder to ward off disease and effect cures. As explained in the Clarified Tenuity Prayer Guidelines (Qingwei qidao neizhi 清微祈禱內旨), the most efficacious time to practice thunder healing is the first thunder day in spring, although any time thunder is present may also work.266 Upon hearing the sound of thunder, the practitioner faces in its direction and pinches the joints of his right hand while chanting spells, a procedure much like the standard “Lighting the Incense Burner.” At the same time, he visualizes pure thunder qi (leiqi 雷 ) entering his inner organs through the channels connecting them to the finger joints he is

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Fig. 6.39. Thunder Writ of Heavenly Seal Script inscribed “not filial to father and mother,” detail. Discovered during the Han dynasty after someone was struck by thunder, from Daoist Method, United in Principle, detail. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

pressing.267 To heal a patient, the master exhales toward the patient the purified qi that he just inhaled while repeating the same hand movements and reciting the same spells. The overall scenario resembles the absorption of the Northern Dipper as illustrated in a Southern Song Celestial Heart text (DZ 221) (figs. 1.22a–g).268 A typical healing spell for the thunder rite reads as follows: Figs. 6.40a–d. Talismans of the thunder gods associated with the thunder rites. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper. a. Talisman of the Black Killer, from the Correct Method of the Celestial Heart of the Highest Clarity Tradition, detail; b. Talisman of the Great God in Fire, from Daoist Method, United in Principle, detail; c. Talisman of Obtaining Water from the Heavenly River, from Daoist Method, United in Principle, detail; d. Talisman of a Messenger, from Daoist Method, United in Principle, detail.

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I receive the qi of the Thunder Lord, the daunting voice of the Lady of Lightning to eliminate the myriad diseases in the body . . . They empower me to make the generals of the five phases and the troops of the Six Jia quell the hundred evils and exorcise myriad sprites. Quickly, quickly, in accordance with the statutes and ordinances! 吾受雷公之 ，電母之威聲，以除身中萬病…令吾得使五行之將，六 甲之兵，斬斷百邪，驅滅萬精，急急如律令。269

Once chanting is complete, he inhales the thunder qi through the nose and swallows it with saliva nine times; he also swallows ten times through the mouth.270 The thunder divinities evoked in this spell are much like the diverse images of thunder troops in visual materials. The addition of the Lady of Lightning (fig. 6.38c) in both may well reflect the addition of feminine power to the Daoist thunder department in the Song (fig. 6.38c). Her absence in the Official of Water (fig. 6.3), on the other hand, suggests that this representation of the thunder troops follows an older pictorial model, one possibly similar to the Yan Liben attribution viewed by Su Shi and his father in the eleventh century.271 The newly formulated thunder rites inspire the creation of talismanic true forms for the thunder troops, 272 making a specifically Daoist contribution to the visual culture of thunder in Song and Yuan China (figs. 6.40a–d). The thunder gods are

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often described as the Black Killer (Heisha 黑刹) or messengers (shizhe 使者) or marshals (yuanshuai 元帥) working for the Department of Exorcism (Quxie yuan 驅邪院),273 the office in charge of the thunder rite. A typical talisman shows one or more dynamic thunder gods drawn in solid black, often with one leg bent and the other in the act of springing forward. This highlights the warrior-like action of the god: “moving his left foot, thunder and lightning arise; moving his right foot, wind and rain arrive.”274 In addition, the black figure is often accompanied by a coiling line that symbolizes the expedient delivery (sufa 速發) of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain.275 Often the talismanic figures also have birdlike features, such as a beak (figs. 6.40b–d) 276 or a pair of wings (fig. 6.40d).277 In some cases, they hold a stick with a character that reads imperial decree (chi ) in one hand and a long stick in the other (figs. 6.40a–b, 6.40d).278 In other examples, they hold two short nail-like sticks or a sharp knife (fig. 6.40c).279 A rain-evoking talisman shows the thunder god encircled by a coiling line that ends in the character shui 水 (water); above this configuration is the scoop-shaped Dipper, the source from which the rain falls (fig. 6.40c).280 A Yuan-dynasty scroll attributed to the little-known artist Cheng Qi 程棨 (ca. thirteenth century) 281 presents a rare painted example of talismanic imagery of the thunder gods (figs. 6.41a–b). In the seventh section of this narrative handscroll entitled Silk Weaving, showing the residence of a family cultivating silkworms, a talismanic image of a thunder god executed in monochrome ink on a piece of yellow paper is mounted on the interior wall (fig. 6.41b). Additional dot-like and seal-like markings in vermilion ink are visible on the top and in the lower left corner of the paper. These red markings may serve as signs of activation, imply-

Figs. 6.41 a–b. Attributed to Cheng Qi, Silk Weaving, after Lou Shou, details. Yuan dynasty, mid- to late thirteenth century. Handscroll. Ink and color on paper. 32  1232.5 cm. a. Women feeding silkworms; b. Talismanic drawing of the thunder god pasted on the wall.

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Fig. 6.42. Anthropomorphic thunder gods with the bodies of a turtle, a snake, a fish, and a dragon, from Explanations of the Mysteries of the Thunder Rites, details. Daozang. Ming dynasty, dated 1445. Woodblock print. Ink on paper.

Figs. 6.43a–d. Song tomb artifacts representing thunder divinities. a. Demonic figurine carrying a drum on his back. Northern Song dynasty, excavated from a tomb dated 1072. Ceramic. Pujiang, Sichuan. b. Demonic bird-headed figurine with wings. Northern Song dynasty, excavated from a tomb dated 1072. Ceramic. Pujiang, Sichuan; c. Boar-headed figure crouching on a drum. Southern Song dynasty, excavated from the tomb of the Yang family. Ceramic. Mianyang, Sichuan. d. Snakelike creature with a human face. Southern Song dynasty, excavated from the tomb of the Yang family. Ceramic. Mianyang, Sichuan.

ing that the talisman was in fact ritually sanctioned by a religious practitioner before being mounted onto a domestic wall. It is likely that this thunder-evoking talisman was deemed efficacious in safeguarding farmers’ lives by regulating the weather. In addition to the talismanic images of thunder divinities, other illustrations from a Divine Empyrean text feature anthropomorphic thunder gods that look like a turtle, a snake, a fish, and a dragon (fig. 6.42).282 Scholars link them to certain Song tomb artifacts, including a guardian carrying a large drum on his back (fig. 6.43a),283 a bird-headed creature with wings (fig. 6.43b),284 a boar- or pig-headed figure A

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crouching on a drum (fig. 6.43c),285 and a fish-like creature with a human face (fig. 6.43d),286 all from the Sichuan area.

The Female Soul The subject of all this exorcistic activity in the Official of Water is the female figure standing in front of the thunder troops (fig. 6.44).287 An officer who resembles Zhong Kui in the Official of Earth and holds a rolled document is taking her into custody (fig. 6.22). Based on her hairstyle and dress, her sunken eyes and facial wrinkles, she is a female ghost, perhaps newly released from the underground prison during the salvation ritual and awaiting procession to her proper resting place.288 Huddled and trembling in the wind and rain brought forth by the thunder troops, she gazes into the distance as she is escorted away. A very similar scenario also appears in Buddhist Waterland paintings used in rituals for sending souls to their proper resting place. A fifteenth-century liturgical painting, originally commissioned by the Ming imperial court for the Buddhist Monastery of Precious Peace in Shanxi, offers a convincing visual comparison (fig. 6.45).289 Like the female ghost in the Official of Water, a woman in white funeral robes appears near the top of the painting. Under the supervision of the bureaucratic gods, she is being guided by a demon snake and escorted by three demonic attendants. The inscription in the upper right corner of the scroll suggests that she is a wandering ghost who has come to console her bereaved family. Regarded as a malevolent spirit, she is instead sent away by demon soldiers activated during the ritual—very likely the Water Land ritual where the painting was once displayed. This comparison suggests that the female figure in the Boston scroll is also a female soul. Like the ape demon and the tree monster captured in the realm of earth, the human ghost is regarded as an aberration harmful to the living. As Judith Boltz notes,290 the twelfth-century Celestial Heart master Lu Shizong distinguishes two types of perversity: the small and the great. Small perversities are human souls who await release from the underworld, like the female soul depicted in the Official of Water (figs. 6.3, 6.44). Great perversities are falsely enshrined entities in Daoist and Buddhist temples or spirits attached to mountains and forests, like the ape and the tree monster in the Official of Earth (figs. 6.2, 6.22).

Fig. 6.44. The female soul escorted by a celestial officer. Official of Water, detail. Southern Song dynasty. Hanging scroll. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 125.5  55.9 cm.

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The compelling likeness of the female ghost suggests that she represents a dead soul summoned to the ritual by the Official of Water. The scenario also calls to mind the association of water with female ghosts coming to the Yellow Register Purgation, as recorded in Hong Mai’s eyewitness accounts: both Fu San’s deceased mother and Zhou Si’s deceased wife were soaked to the bone when they appeared to their relatives.291 Upon witnessing his deceased wife, Zhou Si could still hear the noise of the water that his wife splashed while walking.292 These female ghosts must have crossed the watery boundary that separated them from the living. Applying this cosmography, what emerges in the Official of Water is an imaginary depiction of the ritual performed by the Official of Water and the thunder divinities he summons. The wandering soul transcends the realm of the “sea of suffering” and proceeds to her proper resting place, where she will no longer disturb the living.

The Ritual Context

Fig. 6.45. A Spirit Who Comes to Condole Her Bereaved Family, detail. From a set of Water Land paintings originally preserved in the Monastery of Precious Peace. Ming dynasty, ca. 1460. Hanging scroll. 117  62 cm. Ink and color on silk.

The organic pictorial program of the Boston triptych does not merely reflect aesthetic concerns, but is actually a portable Daoist altar. On the basis of the thirteenth-century liturgical manual Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition (DZ 466),293 the ritual space associated with the Yellow Register Purgation is used to display portable images of the Three Officials, either on a side wall or on an additional stage (figs. 1.28, 4.11).294 The diagrams do not specify the number of scrolls on display, but non-Daoist sources suggest that the standard format for the Three Officials paintings consists of three scrolls. The Boston triptych may well reflect the kind of painting set produced for such liturgical purposes. When viewing the Boston triptych in a museum setting, with the heaven scroll at the center, the earth scroll on the right, and the water scroll on the left, one notices that the set echoes the hierarchical order of the Three Officials in a ritual context. Modern statues in Chinese temples, as documented by Hachiya Kunio in the 1980s, confirm this.295 The central position is always reserved for the highest god, and the



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right position is superior to the left. The Three Officials, it should be noted, are always arranged in the same way. Thus when their images are enshrined in the Palace of the Three Primes (Sanyuan gong 三元宮) (fig. 6.46a) 296 in Shanghai, the sculptures may look identical (fig. 6.46b), but their name tablets distinguish them and are displayed in the correct order, which corresponds with that of the Boston triptych.

Mobile Deities What kind of activities, then, did the beholders perform in front of the Boston paintings when they were displayed in a ritual setting? Who were these beholders? And how were the paintings made to work in an active ritual? Primary beholders include the Daoist Grand Master and his assistants, who at the beginning of the ritual go to each stage and invite the gods to descend.297 When arriving at the stage for the Three Officials, the master chants their hymns. As is the case with the mobile deities depicted in the Boston triptych, the invitation hymns implore the deities to be active and animated, not unlike the way the Highest Clarity Daoists of early medieval times did.298 For example, the hymn to the Official of Heaven reads: 天官乘寶輦

Official of Heaven: ride in your jeweled chariot

And with your colorful entourage, descend to the mundane banquet.299 彩仗下凡筵

The Official of Earth is invoked as follows: 地官來下降

Official of Earth, come and descend On a five-cloud chariot [ornamented with] flags and banners.

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旌擁五雲輿

And finally, the Official of Water is summoned:

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Figs. 6.46a–b. Altar of the Three Officials. Interior of the Three Officials Hall, Palace of the Three Primes, Shanghai. a. Diagram of the Three Officials Hall, by Hachiya Kunio; b. Statues of the Three Officials.

水官龍駕降

Official of Water, in your dragon carriage, Descend to us as cloudy brocades stir the ocean waves.

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雲錦起滄波

The hymn evokes the deities not just as a “passive audience for the performance,” but also as active participants.302 Just as the gods and spirits are summoned to descend at the beginning of the ritual, at the end they are escorted back to their realm. The Grand Master returns to each stage to deliver farewell hymns to the gods: Official of Heaven: return to the Jade Department,

天官還玉府

Your jeweled chariot entering the golden gate.

寶駕入金門

................... Official of Earth: return to the Mountain Department,

地官回嶽府

Rising up high in your five-cloud chariot. 303

高陟五雲軿

................... 復命驪龍駕

Once again commanding the dragon chariot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

水官歸洞府

Official of Water: return to the Grotto Department To bestow good fortune and emoluments without limits.

304

福祿賜無窮

To conclude, the hymns to the Three Officials highlight the deities in dynamic motion, as if the gods’ ability to come and go among different spheres determined their efficacy and power. The repetitive evocations of the gods’ descent vividly echo the celestial descent in the heaven composition, the dynamic excursion in the earth scroll, and the sweeping exorcist parade in the water scroll. It is therefore plausible that the comprehensive array of the pantheon in the Boston triptych was meant to correspond to the beholders’ ritual expectations: to see them summoned, exert their exorcist powers, and leave again for their supernatural abodes. According to studies of contemporary Daoist ritual by John Lagerwey and Lü Chuikuan,305 the notion of “mobile deities” (dong de shenming 動的神明) is particularly relevant to the lower-ranking deities crowding the outer altar (waitan 外壇) of the modern daochang (Fig. 6.47a).306 Mostly marshals and miscellaneous officers and soldiers, these active deities are “summoned” by the master, their “commander-inchief,”307 to assist him in executing ritual duties (zhixing fashi 執行法事).308 When summoning these lower-ranking mobile deities, Daoist priests use demands such as “come to the altar immediately” (jisu daotan 疾宿到壇) and “no delay allowed” (buxu jiyan shike 不許稽延時刻) to urge them to arrive promptly in the ritual area.309 These mobile deities stand in stark contrast to the so-called “immobile deities” (budong de shenming 不動的神明),310 who are the highest-ranking and thus are honored on the northern wall of the inner altar area (neitan 內壇) (fig. 6.47b).311 They include



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the Three Pure Ones and the Heavenly Worthies, and the priest calls himself their “servant” when he addresses them.312 In the modern context the Three Officials do not quite fall into the category of the mobile deities in the outer altar because they appear on the southern wall where the Three Realms Table (Sanjie tan 三界壇) and the Pavilion of the Three Officials (Sanguan ting 三官亭) are located (figs. 6.47a–b).313 This marks a change from the Southern Song practice, where they tended to be on the east or west side, thus representing second-tier divinities and assuming a more active role in human affairs than the highest gods (fig. 1.28). In spite of this difference, the modern concept of “mobile deities” capable of being summoned to the ritual space provides a useful angle to better understand the visual strategy and ritual efficacy underlining the Boston triptych.

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Figs. 6.47a–b. Ritual diagrams based on contemporary Daoist rituals in Taiwan. a. Ritual diagram outlined by the Daoist priest Chen Rongsheng, by John Lagerwey. Tainan, Taiwan; b. Ritual diagram of the jiao offering, by Ōfuchi Ninji. Taoyuan, Taiwan.

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Yellow Register Painting The contextual study of the Boston triptych sheds light on how Daoist liturgical paintings may be displayed, viewed, and used in a salvation ritual like the Yellow Register Purgation. A brief examination of liturgical paintings like these, which are called in later sources “Yellow Register paintings” (Huanglu hua 黃籙畫 or Huanglu tu 黃籙圖) and are the Daoist counterpart to Buddhist Water Land paintings, yields additional insight into the function of these scrolls. The term “Yellow Register painting,” though not found in Song records, frequently appears in much later sources and is used by modern scholars to refer to Daoist liturgical paintings in general. According to nineteenth-century gazetteers for Yangzhou 揚州 prefecture,314 from 1840 to 1853, the local Temple of Virtuous Oneness (Zhenyiguan 貞一觀) “acquired 108 hanging scrolls of the Yellow Register from the Temple of Celestial Treasures” (shoude Tianbao guan huanglu yi bai ba zhou 收得天寶觀黃籙一百八軸), which may have been imperial gifts from the Qing court.315 The 108 scrolls depicted an assembly of deities, ranging from the numerous Heavenly Worthies to the Jade Emperor, the Perfected Warrior, and the like. An inscription on each scroll detailed the rankings of the individual deities depicted.316 Ten of the scrolls had additional documentation regarding their date of 1637 and their original commissioners, a couple who were Ming imperial relatives associated with the consort of Emperor Sizong 思宗 (r. 1628–44).317 Furthermore, the 1880 Yangzhou gazetteer refers to these paintings as “hanging scrolls of the Yellow Register,” a term that echoes the Daoist Yellow Register Purgation. The notion that Daoist Yellow Register painting is a counterpart to Buddhist Water Land painting is reinforced in Xie Shengbao’s recent study of more than 500 scrolls of Daoist and Buddhist devotional paintings from the Ming and Qing dynasties in the Gansu collections.318 Xie cites one particular colophon of 1871 from a Qing liturgical painting, noting that it was one of the “sixty-two scrolls of paintings of deities for the Yellow Register” (Huanglu shenxiang liushi er zhou 黃籙神像六十二 軸).319 Although there is no direct textual evidence to show that the term “Yellow Register painting” was actually used during the Song period to refer to Daoist liturgical paintings, scholars have adopted it as the academic nomenclature for practical reasons, to facilitate the study of Daoist art. Seen in this way, the Boston triptych can be viewed as the Song equivalent to the later Yellow Register paintings. In conclusion, the study of Daoist devotional painting has entailed the exploration of different contexts, from the image-making process and its framework, to the imageviewing context where the activities of the audience become relevant. Both contexts are helpful in achieving a better understanding of the visual features of Daoist devotional paintings. The specific case study of the Boston triptych of the Three Officials

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of Heaven, Earth, and Water sheds light on the interrelationship between the visuality of Daoist paintings and their contexts. What emerges in Song visual culture as another powerful visual strategy in the making of devotional paintings is the introduction of narrative elements to previously icon-oriented paintings.320 This narrative quality is achieved by adding sitespecific landscape motifs or by grouping figures in such a way that they interact with one another to provoke a story-like scenario. In the Boston triptych, this is apparent in the Official of Heaven’s interacting with the kneeling officer in the air, the Official of Earth’s receiving the subjugated ape and tree monster on a mountain, or the Official of Water’s monitoring the exorcism of the soul performed by the thunder troops on the sea. The overall effect of injecting narrative elements in devotional art helps viewers to better grasp the underpinning of the divinities as told by the artists. When more and more narrative motifs are treated as pictorial formulas, they form a compositional type, such as the ocean-crossing of the gods, which underlines a cluster of Daoist and Buddhist paintings sharing a similar theme of salvation. The use of compositional types, like the use of pictorial formulas, thus proves to be an effective tool for Daoist picture making. Some compositional types can be combined, synthesized, or alternated according to the particular pantheon depicted or the specific religious or ritual function of the work in progress. By freely assembling and re-assembling different compositional types, artists generate inexhaustible resources for new inventions. Thus the complex Daoist painting comes into being, bringing art and religion together and embodying myriad actions. When viewed in a ritual context, the Boston triptych of mobile deities imparts additional meaning. Reflecting the format of the set popular in Song religious painting, it consists of three hanging scrolls whose compositional design becomes a portable Daoist altar: the Official of Heaven at the center, the Official of Earth on the right, and the Official of Water on the left. The triptych highlights the oldest Daoist judicial triad as mobile deities. Their animated images mirror the active gods the ritual master summons in front of the altar, where paintings of the Three Officials are on display. The triptych thus serves as an effective medium to enliven both the visible and invisible ritual actions stemming from the master’s visualization: to see the gods summoned, exert their exorcist powers, and be escorted away.



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Epilogue

Y

ang Weizhen 楊維楨 (1296–1370), a Yuan-dynasty scholar and poet, wrote in the preface to Xia Wenyan’s 夏文彥 (fl. fourteenth century) Precious Mirror of Painting (Tuhui baojian 圖繪寶鑑) completed in 1365: When it comes to the judgment of paintings, some reflect the likeness, while others capture the spirit. Those which capture the spirit are [art works that manifest] a sense of life and movement through spirit and consonance. Examples like this include the paintings of a cat on the wall that exterminates the rats, the ocean-crossing bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara [Guanyin] who stops the winds, the sacred Perfected Warrior who responds to worshippers’ inquiries, and the portrait which manifests the depicted person’s spirit. If paintings can achieve this, doesn’t their ability to [manifest] life and movement through spirit consonance surpass that of nature? 論畫之高下者，有傳形，有傳神。傳神者，氣韻生動是也。如畫猫者張 壁而絕鼠，大士者渡海而滅風，翊聖真武者叩之而響應，寫人真者即 能奪其精神。若此者，豈非氣韻生動機奪造化者? 1

Yang praises those images that evoke responses from viewers as qi-imbedded images. After all, high art should not merely reflect physical likeness, but enliven and transcend its invisible qi, which in turn generates visible force over the phenomenal world. Ironically, what Yang admires here are exactly the “magical paintings” Guo Ruoxu omits in his record. Yang’s insight is an important counterpoint to the stronger voices within the mainstream of Chinese art criticism. Like the “magical paintings” Yang observes, the power-evoking Daoist images, not well explored by Guo Ruoxu and mainstream art history scholarship, beg for a new approach beyond aesthetic assessment, stylistic analysis, or iconographic identification. Since they are first and foremost religious artifacts that are “textually interpenetrated” and “ritually deployed,”2 their visual dimensions are deeply interconnected with the changing Daoist contexts and experiences of visualizing, activat-

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ing, and empowering them. Images studied from this holistic perspective stimulate researchers to rethink the keywords3 of Daoist visual culture and begin to chart the questionnaire4 for a Daoist image theory. The following questions are fundamental: (1) Visual analysis: what constitutes the visual vocabulary of Daoist visual culture? (2) Classification: what are the typologies of images in terms of forms and media, and what is their interrelationship? (3) Iconography and beyond: what are the iconographic features of specific Daoist icons? For those idols that do not possess distinctive iconographic features, what accounts for their generic quality? (4) Word and image: how are text and image used in shaping Daoist visuality and its knowledge system? Are they interchangeable? (5) Art and practice: what are the religious meanings and ritual functions of Daoist images? How are their visual features connected to Daoist religious and ritual experiences? (6) Context: in what contexts are images circulated? (7) Audience and reception: who are the intended and/or actual audiences? How do they respond to images? (8) Visibility, materiality, and mobility: what do we do with those images crucial to Daoist experiences that are invisible, immaterial, and mobile? (9) Comparative visual culture: what makes Daoist visuality similar to or different from other aspects of Chinese visual culture such as Buddhist art? As revealed in this book, these questions have guided us to explore the esoteric world of Daoist visual culture. The thread linking the seemingly distinct images discussed in various chapters is the notion of zhenxing, or true form—a key concept underlining the visual and ideological principles of Daoist visuality. Throughout this book, Daoist true form multiplies itself in myriad forms, media, time and space, from mental images, visualization pictures, bodily and cosmic charts, to ritual materials, ritual space and performance. Just like the Dao, which entails two-way movement between simplicity and multiplicity, the transforming and encompassing true form does not fixate on one single form or nonform; rather, it entails interactive, multisensory and transmedia experiences that involve constant changing, reshaping, and mirroring. This preference for arbitrary imagery serves as an efficient visual strategy to strengthen Daoism’s power by way of secrecy, esotericism, and mysticism. Pertinent to this is the prominent role of the vital energies—qi—in the theorization of Daoist image making. To put it in semiotic terms, what is signified in the Daoist sign5 system is qi; the myriad forms are the signifiers. Qi can thus be perceived as the unifying element that connects and traverses time and space. The other key concept of Daoist visuality is the polarization of inner and outer images and the interconnectivity and tension between the two. Comparable to the

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dichotomy of inner and outer are other pairing ideas that include the esoteric and the exoteric, the private and the public, the microcosm and the macrocosm, the mental and the physical, the immaterial and the material, the invisible and the visible, and so on. The pictures associated with the inner system refer to the private and mental images generated in visualization, meditation, and breathing exercise, as well as the artifacts made to correspond to such internal experiences. They include the visualization pictures of body gods, body worms, and starry travels, internal alchemical charts of the inner body, maps and representations evoking Daoist cosmology and cosmography, and true form charts of the earthly paradise and sacred mountains. The images associated with the outer system cover the multimedia materiality tied to the physical rituals and encompass diagrammatic designs of ritual space; ritual artifacts, including flags, banners, mirrors, writing utensils, written documents, and paper money; and the mobile spectacle of ritual performance. Just like the yin and the yang that depend on and contain each other, Daoist images from the inner and the outer systems do not subscribe to an absolute dichotomy. For example, the visualization pictures used by the adept in private meditation also serve as the Daoist master’s visual aid when he conducts a public ritual. Some materials conveniently labeled “inner” in this book, such as the body charts associated with internal alchemy, are not strictly esoteric because they are also available to a general audience in medical books. Likewise, although the related literature on the true form charts of sacred mountains stresses their mythical transmission as extremely secret and selective, charts widely documented outside Daoist sources suggest that their mystic overtones may reflect the popular perception of Daoist visual culture more than actual practice. Conversely, many facets of external ritual performance, such as the priests’ soft chanting, their hand gestures, and their visualization activities occurring in situ, remain esoteric knowledge because they are almost unnoticed by the public audience. Moreover, ritual materials such as written memorials to the gods, spirit money, and paper sculptures, visible in the exoteric ritual, are soon invisible and transferred to the esoteric world by burning. Last but not least, paintings of mobile deities in front of which priests perform the ritual also mirror the mental vision of the gods with whom the master is communicating. All these “inside out” and “outside in” examples attest to Daoist images’ interconnectivity and exchangeability. The aniconic, immaterial/invisible, and ephemeral are the three outstanding modes characterizing the proliferation of Daoist images in traditional China. The aniconic refers to talismans, magical writings, and true form charts; the immaterial mode deals with visualization and mental images; the ephemeral includes not only those ritual documents, artifacts, and paper money burnt in ritual, but also animated ritual performance. Though each mode posits unique visual qualities, examples of



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the three modes also overlap one another. For example, a majority of talismans can be classified in the aniconic mode, but those burnt in ritual can also be examples of the ephemeral mode. Surprisingly, mainstream Daoist visuality does not depend on icons—though these are most familiar to students of Chinese religious are—but on aniconic, abstract, and nonrepresentational imagery. I use the term “aniconic” literally and not interpretively. The aniconic refers to those images that are not figurative icons, usually assumed to be the core of Chinese religious art. It would be misleading, though, to make the generalization that all aniconic Daoist images are devoid of “iconic” power. On the contrary, many Daoist aniconic symbols—talismans, registers, magical writs, and true form charts alike— may appear “iconic” to intended viewers. This is because the ambiguity between words and images, legibility and illegibility, the representational and the nonrepresentational has transformed these visually embellished signs from simple writings or pictures into unique visual forms of “imagetexts” that do “more than arbitrarily signify” their contents.6 Like icons, these “imagetexts” are devotional objects closely tied to religious gaze, visualization, and worship. Here is Daoist visuality truly in the making. In order to highlight the universal quality of Daoist true form, it downplays the iconic and the representational and develops the aniconic and the abstract to better connect the two seemingly separate but in fact interlocking knowledge systems of text and image. The nonrepresentational idiom not confined to the mimetic principle is also advantageous in terms of picturing the indefinite qi. This innovative visual strategy of appropriating elements of writings to create new visual forms highlights the long-lasting veneration and fascination with writings in religious Daoism. The theory of the Daoist “imagetext” is further elevated from a simple interface of text and image to one imbedded with cosmological and spatial dimensions, for according to the Daoist perception of world creation, the “imagetext” is part of the landscape. It will require more research to make a comprehensive comparison between Daoist and Buddhist visual cultures in traditional China.7 But a preliminary assessment is useful here to help clarify Daoist identity and stimulate future debate.8 The major difference between Daoist and Buddhist visual culture lies in the Daoist prioritization of abstract writings and symbols, in addition to the anthropomorphic idols or figurative representations inspired by mainstream Buddhist art in traditional China. This is evident in the abundant repertoire of talismans and magical writings, as well as their imbedded designs on Daoist ritual banners, mirrors, and ritual documents; the word-imbedded visual forms also include the nonfigurative diagrams, charts, and nonlinear texts detailing Daoist cosmology and sacred space. All these examples reinforce the interlocking relationship of text and image in Daoism and highlight the reliance on images in the Daoist transmission of knowledge.

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In spite of their differences, Daoist and Buddhist visual cultures have much in common, for example, the pictorial art and ritual associated with salvation. Both share a concern with soul saving and posthumous judgment, as exemplified in the Daoist Yellow Register Purgation and the Buddhist Water Land ritual, as well as the respective liturgical paintings associated with these rites. Telling examples of this Buddho-Daoist convergence include the recurring depictions of the heavenly descent of gods, journeys to hell, underworld courts, and deities crossing the ocean. The myriad savior gods summoned to serve both religions include the thunder troops and the Ten Kings of Hell. The gendered underground prison for women, be it the blood bowl or the blood lake, marks another shared vision of the underworld. As a whole, what these examples portray is a flexible religious community supported by believers who pay more attention to pragmatic concerns with sickness and death than to doctrinal orthodoxy and sectarian loyalty. It also shows that the power of a religion is not always found in its uniqueness, but equally important, in its encompassing capacity to mold itself into the broader landscape of the religious lives of all kinds of people. The overlap of Daoist and Buddhist visual cultures also underlines their competitive nature. It is thus productive to investigate this gray zone. With regard to picturing visualization, Buddhist images popular in traditional China highlight the pantheon of Buddha and bodhisattvas and the external natural phenomena of sun, moon, and water. For the Daoist counterpart, the basic repertoire features the interactivity between the body gods residing inside the adept’s body and the corresponding cosmic energies of the stars, the sun, and the moon; it also focuses on the adept’s virtual journeys back and forth within the universe. In charting the world, the Daoists embrace the multilayered vertical cosmology inspired by the Buddhist cosmology of the Three Worlds, but add more layers to surpass the Buddhist prototype. As a result, the Daoists develop their own vertical cosmology, including but not restricted to the tripartite universe composed of heaven, earth, and water, as reflected in the triptych of the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water; they also expand the lateral dimensions of heaven, earth, and hell, evident in the cosmic charts of the thirty-two heavens, the multiple isles and sacred mountains on earth, and the nine hells, all mirrored in ritual. The most remarkable Daoist contribution to Chinese religious cosmography lies in the elaboration of earthly paradises. This novel view situates immortal realms and paradises in the mundane world, blending real mountains and imaginary lands into a grand system of sacred geography, noted for its interconnected grotto heavens and blessed lands. It has exerted a great impact on Chinese visual culture, evident in images of immortals isles, magical grottos, and sacred mountains in paintings and graphic designs. There are many questions about Daoist visual culture that await further research.



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Continuing the thread of comparative thinking, the strong overlaps between Daoist body and medical body, Daoist macrobiotics and Chinese pharmacology, suggest that it will be promising to study Daoism, Chinese religions, medicine, and science from a visual and art historical perspective. Furthermore, Daoism’s unique primary sources also raise new issues for the study of visual and material culture in general. For example, the vast illustrated liturgical manuals compiled in the Southern Song and Yuan periods offer raw materials that students of Daoist visual culture can draw on to approach new topics, such as “ritual visual culture” and “material Daoism.” New findings may in turn encourage new conceptualizations of Chinese religious visual culture and material religion. In addition, what emerges from this study is the interrelationship among Daoist paintings, illustrations, graphs, charts, talismans, and scripts. They break such traditional categorical boundaries as tu (graph), hua (painting), shu (text), zi (writing), and fu (talisman) and thus encourage us to re-examine these sources from the broader perspective of Chinese symbols. The interrelationship between tu and hua, for instance, can offer an additional comparative database for the study of Chinese painting in terms of style, meaning, and context. From this holistic and interdisciplinary perspective, it is hoped that these symbols will eventually be seen as integral to a larger system that manifests the shape of Chinese visual culture.

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Notes Introduction 1 THJWZ 6: 495b. Cf. the translation in Soper 1951, 104. I would like to thank Livia Kohn, Nanxiu Qian, and Hsiao-wen Cheng for their input on this translation. Guo Ruoxu records another magical anecdote associated with a wall painting of a hawk by the tenth-century Daoist priest Li Guizhen 厲歸真. The painting was so potent that it scared away the birds who used to perch on the statue in front of the wall. See THJWZ, 2: 473a; Soper 1951, 29. For more on Daoist priests as painters, see Ebrey 2008, 296–97 and also chap. 6 in this book. 2 For classic works of Western art history that stress the significance of studying the response to images, especially their popular reception, see Freedberg 1989; Morgan 1998, 2005. For more references, see Morgan 2004, 43 (n. 30). 3 S. Huang 2005, 63. 4 Religious Daoism first took shape in the second century and rose to prominence during the fourth and fifth centuries. It is quite different from philosophical Daoism, characterized by the philosophy of Laozi (ca. sixth century bce) and the summation of his teachings in the classic Daode jing 道德經 (ca. 350 bce). In spite of these differences, many facets of early Daoist philosophy and other ancient beliefs remain inspirational to the worldviews and practices of religious Daoism. Thus by the fifth century, Laozi had become a full-fledged

deity, worshiped in icons seen as the body of the Dao. Similarly, Daoists developed a notion of the human body as a microcosm analogous to the cosmic world which goes back to early concepts of yin-yang and five phases (wuxing 五行) cosmology. Moreover, Daoist meditative rituals of summoning gods and demons and journeying through earth, heaven, and the underworld were inspired by ancient shamanism. For selected studies of the development of religious Daoism from the second to the fifth century, see Strickmann 1977; Mather 1979; Robinet 1993; 1997, 53–183; Kohn 1992, 8, 81–95; 1993a, 161–88; 2000; Bokenkamp 1996–97, 64; 1997; Kohn and LaFargue 1998; Little and Eichman 2000, 14–15, 18; Gregory and Ebrey 1993, 23–24; Ware 1933: 248; Hendrischke 2000, 2006; Nickerson 2000; Raz 2004, 2005, 2009; Hsieh Shu-wei 2010b. 5 For selected studies of Daoist art, see Wang Yucheng 1991a, 1991b, 1996; 2000a, 2000b, 2003a, 2003b; 2006; Katz 1993, 1999; Hsieh Shu-wei 1994; A. Jing 1994a, 1994b, 1996, 2002b, 2007, 2008a, 2008b; Hu Wenhe 1994, 2004; Yamada 1995; Abe 1996–97; Bokenkamp 1996–97; Wang Yi’er 1997, 2011; Little 1998, 2000; Su Qiming 1999; Li Fengmao and Xie Zongrong 1999; Lin Shengchih 1999a, 2003, 2007; Little and Eichman 2000; Wu Hung 2000, 2002a; Eichman 2000; S. Huang 2001, 2005, 2010, 2011a; Zhang Mingyuan 2002; M. Wan 2003;

Wan Chui-ki 2010, 2011a, 2011b; X. Liu 2004; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006; Verellen 2006; Liu Zhaorui 2007; Meng Sihui 2008, 2011; Komjathy 2008, 2009; Arrault 2008; Arrault and Bussotti 2008; Fava 2008; You Zi’an 2008; Mollier 2008, 2010; Xu Yilan 2009; Fava 2009, forthcoming; Saitō 2009; Li Fengmao and Zhang Zhixiong 2010; Arrault and Wang Yucheng 2010; Delacour et al. 2010; Saitō et al. 2010; Gesterkamp 2008, 2011; Li Song 2008; Li Song 2011; Xu Wei 2011. 6 Little 2000, 709. For major exhibition catalogues on Daoist art, see Su Qiming 1999; Little and Eichman 2000; You Zi’an 2008; Saitō 2009; Delacour et al. 2010. 7 Seidel 1989–90, 272. 8 Seidel 1989–90, 228; Boltz 2006, 496. From a slightly different perspective, Franciscus Verellen calls for further disciplinary integration of the studies of art history and religious history; see Verellen 1995b, 330. 9 Verellen 1992, 256. For a study of the Buddhist influence on early Daoist art, see Little 1998. 10 Chinese Buddhist art developed from the icon-driven teachings of Buddhism as it was introduced into China in the first century and came to prosper there in the medieval period. For the sixth-century references to the term “teaching by means of icons” (xiangjiao 像 [象] 教), see WS 114: 11a. For selected examples of Buddhist art studies in English

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that focus on the iconography, style, makers, patronage, and intended audience of Buddhist images, see Soper 1966; Weidner 1994, 2001; Howard 1996, 2001; Abe 2002; Fraser 2003; D. Wong 2004; Q. Ning 2004; McNair 2007. For classic art history studies of iconography and iconology by Western art historians, see Panofsky 1972, 1982; Mitchell 1986; Cassidy 1993. For a study of the application of iconography and iconology to Chinese religious art, see Wany Xiaoyang and Yao Yibin 2008, 98–124. Although icons are prominent in Buddhist art, scholars also discussed other forms of visuality in Buddhist traditions, such as narrative painting, sutra copies, talismans, relic deposits, and other use of materials in Tantric traditions. For selected studies, see Murray 1982, 2000; H. Shen 2001; Li Jining 2002; Robson 2008; Harrist 2008, 157–217; S. Lee 2009, 2010; Ledderose 2004. For an examination of the state of the field of Chinese Buddhist art studies, based mainly on English and Japanese publications from 1999 to 2008, see Lin Sheng-chih 2010a. According to Julia Murray, “the development of three-dimensional effigies” in Confucianism also “owed something to the stimulus of Buddhism.” See Murray 2010, 19. For selected studies of Confucian icons, see Murray 2001, 2009, 2010. 11 For selected examples of Daoist art studies drawing on Buddhist iconographic, stylistic, and ritual approaches, see Seidel 1989–90, 269–73; A. Jing 1994a, 1994b, 2002b, 2007, 2008a; Abe 1996–97; Bokenkamp 1996–97; Little 1998, 2000; Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 2007; Little and Eichman 2000; Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 1–4, 14–19, 23, 25–28, 32; L. Yang 2001b; Hu Wenhe 1994, 2004; Kobayashi 2006, 2007; Gesterkamp 2008, 2011; Wany Xiaoyang et al. 2010; Y. Luk 2010; Li Song 2011. For a survey of

assorted surviving Daoist artifacts, see Little 2000; Wang Yucheng 2006. For textual studies of Daoist icon making and Daoist art, see Reiter 1988; Wang Yi’er 1997; Kohn 2003a, 163–70; 2004, 97–102. For a study of Daoist art associated with female practitioners of internal alchemy, see X. Liu 2004. For additional bibliographic references, see Verellen 1995b, 330. 12 Plate 2002, 5, 11–12. 13 Little and Eichman 2000, 170–71 (pl. 33); W. Yu 1997, 298–99 (pl. 344); Ōmura 1915–20, 168–69; Matsubara 1966, 218 (fig. 190); pl. 190; Pontynen 1980b, 309–12 (fig. 4); Seidel 1984, 333–35 (pls. 53–56); Abe 1996–97, 69–70, 80; Liu Zhaorui 2007, 192 (fig. 88). 14 Hu Wenhe 2004, vol. 1, 118. For the documentation of the other inscriptions on the stele, especially the information associated with the donor Wang A’shan, see Chen Yuan 1988, 28; Yamada 1995, 25. 15 Abe 1996–97, 80. 16 T.9.262: 27c–33b. Extant examples are found in the Yungang and Longmen caves, as well as in the form of portable bronze statues. For additional discussions of this subject, see Lin Baoyao 1989, 1991; E. Wang 2005a, chap. 1. Franciscus Verellen discusses a Tang anecdote regarding the Buddho-Daoist iconographic debate over an engraved Daoist Heavenly Worthy (seen on a temple column in Tang Chang’an), which is arguably like an image of Vimalakirti; see Verellen 1992, 251–55. 17 Pontynen 1980b, 312. 18 Seidel 1984, 334–35. 19 Little and Eichman 2000, 170–71 (pl. 33); Arrault and Wang 2010, 46 (fig. 3). 20 Shi Fu 1962, 54; Abe 1996–97, 70 (n. 3); Hu Wenhe 2004, vol. 1, 118–20 (fig. 28); Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 2, 629–30 (fig. 5.13); Liu Zhaorui 2007, 192.

21 Sirén 1970, vol. 2, pl. 126B; Abe 1996–97, 80 (fig. 1). Cf. the earliest dated (424) Daoist stele commissioned by Wei Wenlang 魏文朗 (the stele features two seated deities—one Daoist and the other Buddhist—in the main niche) in Hu Wenhe 2004, vol. 1, 28–29 (pl. 1). For more studies of the Wei Wenlang stele, see D. Wong 2004, 109–14 (fig. 7.3); E. Wang 2005a, 29–31, 41–45 (figs. 1.22, 1.23); Miao Zhe 2006b. 22 For more on regional styles of Buddhist sculpture in early medieval China, see Matsubara 1966 (for Daoist statues, see 211–29); Abe 2002; D. Wong 2004, 71–134. For more on workshop practice in Ming painting, see Barnhart 1998; for studies of workshop practices in religious paintings in Ningbo and southern Shanxi during the Song and Yuan periods, see S. Huang 1995; Steinhardt 1987; Baldwin 1994; Ide 1992, 1993; Ledderose 2000, 163–85; Meng Sihui 2008; 2011, esp. 151–60. For workshop practices in funeral art, see L. Tseng 2000; Li Qingquan 2004; Lin Sheng-chih 2008. 23 For a set of Tang-dynasty stone carvings of twin Laozi icons in Yunuquan 玉女泉, Mianyang 綿陽, Sichuan, see Wany Xiaoyang et al. 2010, 79 (fig. 2-1-14). 24 The painting is in the temple collection of the Shinshō Gokurakuji 真正 極楽寺, Kyoto. For an illustration, see Saitō 2009, 32, 347 (pl. 27); Yonezawa and Nakata 1971, 86 (pl. 80). 25 There are four extant later copies, three of which are of Ming date; see Weidner 1994, 400–402 (esp. 401) (fig. 22), 78–79 (pl. 29 [cat. no. 65]). For a Qing-dynasty embroidery version, perhaps an imperial production from the Qianlong reign, see Guoli gugong bowu yuan 1992, 88–91 (pl. 29). The 1992 catalogue identifies the central icon as the Samantabhadra bodhisattva manifested in the form of an arhat; see Guoli gugong bowu yuan 1992, 134. I

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would like to thank Ide Seinosuke for calling my attention to these copies and for sharing his research with me. 26 Cf. the typical iconographies of Samantabhadra on an elephant, as shown in Song, Xi Xia, and Yuan Buddhist art; see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 128, 130, 135 (pls. 136, 138, 140). 27 See Miyazaki in Saitō 2009, 347 (cat. entry for pl. 27). Toda Teisuke has also cited Kubo Noritada regarding the alternative interpretation of the icon as Laozi; see Toda in Yonezawa and Nakata 1971, 104. 28 Ide Seinosuke, personal correspondence, March 6, 2011. As Ide notes, in the Qing imperial embroidered version whose composition is very similar to the Song Laozi painting, there are six circular motifs on the upper part of the scroll, with each circle containing a tiny elephant motif; see Guoli gugong bowu yuan 1992, 88 (pl. 29). Similar circular motifs with tiny elephants also appear in the two Ming painted versions (one in the Kyoto National Museum and the other in the Royal Ontario Museum); see the cat. entry in Weidner 1994, 402 (n. 5). Whether the circles with elephants derive from earlier prototypes or are later re-inventions remains a question. 29 Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 2007. Cf. A. Jing 2002b, 77–79; 2007. 30 A. Jing 1994b; 2002b, 26–58. For a different reading of the iconography of these two fragmented murals, which are now at the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto, Canada, see Gesterkamp 2011, 97–105. A similar representation of the fourteenthcentury bureaucratic pantheon was depicted on the west wall of the Buddhist temple Qinglong si 青龍寺, Shanxi province. These Daoist-looking deities appear below the more canonical icons of the buddhas and bodhisattvas, suggesting the Buddhist incorporation of Daoist deities in the lower-ranking



pantheon; see Dai Xiaoyun 2009, 132 (pl. 5.3). 31 Mollier 2010. 32 For the Plate, see Gulácsi 2009, 113 (fig. 1a). For studies of the Seiunji painting, see Izumi 2006; Gulácsi 2009. While Gulácsi dates it to the twelfth–thirteenth century, most Japanese scholars now see it as a Yuan-dynasty Manichaean painting dating to the fourteenth century. 33 For another Manichaean painting from the Yamato Bunkakan collection, Nara, see Gulácsi 2009, 118 (fig. 6). Previously labeled as a Buddhist painting (for example, see Ide 2001, 11 [pl. 20]), scholars now see the Yamato Bunkakan scroll as a Manichaean painting dating to the fourteenth century. For updated studies of Manichaean paintings produced in Yuan China, see the articles by Yoshida Yutaka 吉田豊 and others published in nos. 119 (Feb. 2009) and 121 (Mar. 2010) of the Yamato bunka 大和文華. In addition, a recent exhibition organized by the Yamato Bunkakan reconsiders these paintings from the Manichaean perspective; see Yamato Bunkakan 2011. I would like to thank Ide Seinosuke and Huang Liyun for their input on the recent scholarship. 34 The seventh-century Daoist monastic manual states the limitation of representing myriad Daoist divinities in material form and contrasts the ideal images of formless and colorless deities with those fleeting manifestations of the gods captured in pictures; see DZ 1125, 24: 747c–749a; Kohn 2004a, 97–102; Verellen 2006, 160, 165. For more discussion of formless divinities, see Li Gang 2007, 155. 35 Visual materials suggest that certain Daoist divinities bear stronger iconographic features than others. For the iconography of the Daoist warrior deity Zhenwu in the Ming dynasty, see Lin Sheng-chih 1999a; Giuffrida 2008; Little and Eichman

2000, 291–311. For the iconography of the Eight Immortals in the Jin and Yuan periods, see A. Jing 1996; S. Huang 1995, 26–31. For the iconography of the deities of the Northern Dipper, see Ide 2000, 373–74; 2001, 63; Mollier 2008, 134–73; S. Huang 2010, 81–84. For the generic representations of Daoist deities, see the fourteenth-century mural of the Daoist pantheon depicted in the Three Purities Hall at the Temple of Eternal Joy (Yongle gong 永樂宮) in southern Shanxi, see Xiao Jun 2008. Many of the figural motifs depicted in the Temple of Eternal Joy are comparable to those from Buddhist temples of the same period in the neighboring southern Shanxi area and are perhaps made by artisans working in a local tradition or workshop; see S. Huang 1995 (esp. 1–6); Steinhardt 1987; Meng Sihui 2008, 2011. For a different interpretation of the mural that focuses on identifying who is who in the depicted pantheon, see Wang Xun 1963; A. Jing 1994a (esp. 285–318); 1994b. For a collection of Southern Song-Yuan drawings featuring generic-looking deities with colophons citing their individual identities, see the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes in the Cleveland Museum of Art, reproduced in Yu Yi 1979. 36 Also, see Reiter 1988, 66. 37 Cf. David Morgan’s notion of the interdisciplinary nature of “the new study of religious images” in Morgan 2000, 42. 38 Geertz 1973, 87–125 (esp. 93–94). 39 Morgan 2008, 5; Asad 1993, 27–54; Clunas 2007, 15. For recent studies of medicine and religion in medieval China, see Despeux 2010. For recent studies of Daoism, science, and technology in traditional China, see Jiang Sheng and Tang Weixia 2002, 2010. 40 E. Wang 2005a, xix. 41 Asad 1993, 47; Keane 2008; Morgan, 2010, 1. 42 Klassen 2008, 136.

notes to pages 5–7 349

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43 Bourdieu 1977. For a study of Daoist ritual theory and practice, drawing on Bourdieu’s practice theory, see Bell 1992b; Andersen 2001. For more reflections on Bourdieu’s practice theory and religious visual culture studies, see Morgan 2010, 67–68. 44 Bell 1992b, 79, 148 (n. 51–52); Bourdieu 1977, 78–83. 45 Kohn 2003a, 113. 46 Lagerwey 1985; 1987, 276; 2005, 55–56. Also, see Johnson 1989, 31. 47 Coleman 2009, 360. 48 Robinet 1993, 163. For more discussion of the Daoist true form, see chap. 3 in this book. For more on the notion of form (xing 形) in Daoism, see Li Gang 2007, 154–56. 49 For theoretical and cross-cultural studies of the strategies of secrecy and power in esoteric religious traditions, see Urban 1997, 1998. For an application of Urban’s theories to the study of Chinese religions, see Campany 2006 (esp. 293–94); Hudson 2007 (esp. 25–26). 50 Urban 1998, 235. For more on the strategies of secrecy, see Urban 1997, 1998. For a summary of Urban’s seven strategic principles, see Hudson 2007, 25–26. 51 Urban 1998, 238. See also Hudson 2007, 26. In his study of European art from ca. 1880 to 1920, the modern art historian Gamboni calls attention to the “potential images” and “ambiguity and indeterminacy” in modern art; see Gamboni 2002. According to Mark A. Cheetham’s review of 2008, Gamboni “parses the varieties of accidental, hidden, and indefinite images from what he argues are the interlocked perspectives of the work’s creator and its receivers.” 52 Urban 1998, 238. 53 Bourdieu 1990, 141. For more on the conceptual framework of the notion of secrecy, power, and knowledge, see Bellman 1984; Bourdieu 1991. See also Hudson 2007, 25 (n. 74). 54 DZ 1125, 24: 748a. 55 DZ 1125, 24: 747c. My translation is

based on Kohn 2004b, 97. For a similar description of the formless Lord of the Heavenly Almighty in the Daoist genesis, see YJQQ 2: 19. 56 Kohn 1993a, 333–43 (esp. 340). 57 DZ 788, 18: 228b–c. Cf. Kohn 1993a, 337–40. 58 Robinet 1993, 163. 59 The seventh-century monastic manual lists eighteen ways to make sacred images (zaoxiang 造 像). The ranking system is divided into eighteen levels. The highest (and first) level is to carve them “in precious jade, jasper, carneole, and other precious stones like the Seven Treasures.” The lowest (and the eighteenth) level is to print them on paper, model them in mud, scratch them on bricks, make them from assembled earth, engrave them on tiles, chisel them in bone, carve them in ivory, cut them in wood, shape them in piled-up snow, or paint them in ashes. Paintings of sacred images on silk and walls are ranked as twelfth and thirteenth. For the complete list, see Kohn 2004a, 98. For the original text, see DZ 1125, 24: 747c–748a. 60 For an art historical study of the human body as a microcosmic source of macrocosmic values in calligraphy, see Hay 1983. 61 Li Gang 2007, 156. 62 See, for example, the discussion of the “inner” and “outer” retreats or purgations (zhai 齋) in DZ 485. 63 See, for example, the definition of the “nei” and “wai” retreats in the Southern Song text in DZ 93, 2: 477a. 64 DZ 485, 9: 93a. It is likely that this text is part of a group of eleventhcentury liturgical manuals associated with the Northern Song court; see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 998–99. For more information about the notions of neizhai and xinzhai, see DZ 219, 3: 618b; DZ 93, 2: 477a; DZ 90, 2: 377a; DZ 103, 2: 620b, 640a. 65 DZ 485, 9: 93a.

66 Kristopher Schipper and Franciscus Verellen classify the Daozang texts in two main categories: “texts in general circulation” and “texts in internal circulation”; see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1347–92. 67 Bell 1992b, 81. 68 Belting 2005, 51; Stiegler 1996, 165–82. 69 Freedberg 1989, 162. For more studies on seeing the invisible in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, see Nie 2005. 70 Freedberg 1989, xxii. 71 For selected past scholarship of text and image in Chinese art, see Murray 1980, 1982, 1993, 1998, 2000, 2007; Chen Pao-chen 2005, 2007, 2010, 2011; Murck 2000. See also Kohara Hironobu’s series of earlier studies of Chinese narrative handscrolls revised in Kohara 2005 (esp. 153–91, 297–450). 72 For a comprehensive study of the development of heavenly writings in early medieval Daoism, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005. 73 Mitchell 1994. 74 Mitchell 1994, 83. 75 For selected examples, see Cahill 1994; Barnhart 1993; Wu Hung 1996, 2010; Ledderose 2000; Stuart and Rawski 2001; Clunas 1997, 2007; Howard 2001; Abe 2002; Fraser 2003; D. Wong 2004; E. Wang 2005a; McNair 2007; Murray 2007; Harrist 2008. For updated analyses of style with rich cultural and historical insights, see W. Fong 1994; Shih Shou-chien 1995b; Ide 2001; Kohara 2003, 2005. Also, see the entries and articles in vols. 1–7 of Ebine et al. 1997–2001. 76 Prown 1982, 6. For the visual culture questionnaire proposed by nineteen art and architecture historians, film theorists, literary critics, and artists, see Alpers et al. 1996. For more studies of visual and material culture in the West, see Prown 1982; Bryson et al. 1994 (esp. xv–xxix); Mirzoeff 1999; Appadurai 1986;

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Kingery 1996; Wang Cheng-hua 2001. For selected examples of Chinese visual and material culture studies by scholars outside the art history field, see Ebrey 1999a, 1999b, 2008; Teiser 1994, 2006; C. Yü 2001; Kieschnick 2003; selected chapters in Weidner 2001. For a recent study of the Chinese tomb, focusing on questions of “materials, mediums, sizes, shapes and colours selected for a tomb, and how these physical and visual elements were manipulated, transformed and combined to serve various religious and artistic purposes in funerary art,” see Wu Hung 2010, 85–148. For a study of the material aspect of Daoist heavenly scriptures, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2010b, 254–93. 77 Teiser 1994, 2006; Katz 1999; Eichman 2000; C. Yü 2001; Zhiru 2007; Mollier 2008, 2010; Arrault 2008; Fava 2008; Robson 2008, 2009. 78 Keane 2008, 124; Morgan 2010, 8. 79 Morgan 1998, 2000 (esp. 42–43, 51), 2005; Morgan 2008, 2010 (esp. 7–8); Plate 2002 (esp. 5, 10–11), 2004 (esp. 51). Keane 2008, 124. Also, see the newly launched journal Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art, and Belief founded by Morgan, Plate, and others in 2005. 80 Morgan 2000, 51; Plate 2002, 10–11; 2004, 51. 81 Morgan 2010, 13. 82 For selected publications dealing with methodological issues, see Plate 2002, 2004. 83 For further elaboration, see Plate 2004, 51–62. 84 Plate 2004, 51. 85 Plate 2004, 57. 86 Plate 2004, 58. 87 Plate cites Navajo (Dineh) sand paintings and Tibetan sand mandalas as visual examples of ephemeral religious arts; see Plate 2004, 61–62. 88 Plate 2004, 60; Eliade 1958, 216. 89 For selected studies of Daoist visual culture drawing on archaeological materials, see Wang Yucheng 1991a,



1991b, 2003a; Hu Wenhe 1990, 1994, 2004; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006; Liu Zhaorui 2007; A. Jing 2008a; Wu Hung 2010, 57–61. 90 I am inspired by Timothy Insoll’s introductory remarks on archaeology and material religion; see Insoll 2009, 262. 91 Legeza 1975; Chaves 1977; Y. Tseng 1993, 75–96; Liu Xiaoming 1995; Li Yuanguo 1997, 2000; Despeux 2000; Mollier 2003; Verellen 2006; Robson 2008, 135–38, 163–66. 92 For additional discussion, see chap. 4 in this book. 93 Cf. David Morgan’s discussion of the Islamic calligraphic renderings of passages from the Qur’an as visual and iconic images; see Morgan 2000, 45. For more on word and image in Islamic calligraphy, see the essays and the bibliography in Plate 2002, 89–124. 94 Mitchell 1994. 95 Robinet 1993, 163. For studies of the formless and transforming Laozi, see Kohn 1996; 2003a, 164; Wu Hung 2002a. For more discussion of the notion of form (xing 形) in Daoism, see Li Gang 2007, 154–56. 96 The fourth-century Baopuzi neipian (DZ 1185) includes good examples of metamorphosis; see Robinet 1993, 163. 97 For studies of imagery and the brain, see Korn and Johnson 1983, 4–11; Ratey 2002, 97–108; Kohn 2008b, 130–32; Gregory 1998. See also Liu Yongming 2004; Liu Yongming and Cheng Rong 2005. 98 Kohn 2008b, 130. 99 Ratey 2002, 147; Kohn 2008b, 130. 100 Rubia 2009, 1. For selected studies of neuroscience and meditation, see Deshmukh 2006; Cahn and Polich 2006; Lutz, Dunne, and Davidson 2007; Davidson and Lutz 2008; Rubia 2009; Raffone and Srinivasan 2010. I would like to thank Ken Mackie for directing me to these sources. 101 Davidson and Lutz 2008, 171.

102 This resulted in the “increased low frequency activation of theta and alpha bands.” See Rubia 2009, 3; Cahn and Polich 2006. 103 Rubia 2009, 1. 104 Deshmukh 2006, 285. For more on neuroscience and Buddhist meditation, using examples drawn primarily from advanced Tibetan practitioners of meditation like the Dalai Lama, see Lutz, Dunne, and Davidson 2007; Davidson and Lutz 2008. I would like to thank Julia Murray for her input. 105 For studies of meditation in Highest Clarity Daoism, see Robinet 1989, 1993; Kohn 1989b. For illustrations used in meditation, see S. Huang 2010. 106 Franciscus Verellen calls attention to the quality of “iconic narratives” evident in some medieval Daoist miracle accounts, which “served simultaneously as vehicles and as objects of devotion.” See Verellen 1992, 257. 107 Foucault 1986, 24. For an application of Foucault’s notion of heterotopias in the study of Chinese Buddhist art, see E. Wang 2005a, 317–97. 108 Plate 2004, 60–62. 109 Eliade 1958, 216; Plate 2004, 60–62. 110 For a study of contemporary religious artifacts made for burning, see Laing and H. Liu 2004. 111 For selected studies of Daoist rituals, see Lagerwey 1987, 1995; Lü Chuikuan 1994; Liu Zhiwan 1994; Hachiya 1995; Dean 1998; Ōfuchi 2005; Asano 2005. For the religious and ritual dimensions of Daoist paintings and statues, see Katz 1993; Hsieh Shu-wei 1994; A. Jing 1994a, 1994b, 2002a, 2002b, 2008; S. Huang 2001, 2002; Li Xiaoqiang 2003; Gesterkamp 2008, 2011; Maruyama 2010. 112 For the importance of the Six Dynasties period and the Song dynasty in the history of religious Daoism, see the selected studies in Schipper 1967, 1975b; Strickmann 1977, 1979; 1980,

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211–17; Stein 1979; Lagerwey 1981, 2009; Van der Loon 1984; Boltz 1987; Robinet 1997; Bokenkamp 1997; Davis 2001; Chen Guofu 1963; Chen Yuan 1941; essays in Ebrey and Gregory 1993; Verellen 1995b. 113 Strickmann 1977; Mather 1979; Robinet 1993; 1997, 53–183; Kohn 1992, 8, 81–95; 1993a, 161–88; 2000; Bokenkamp 1996–97, 64; 1997; Kohn and LaFargue 1998; Little and Eichman 2000, 14–15, 18; Gregory and Ebrey 1993, 23–24; Ware 1933: 248; Hendrischke 2000, 2006; Nickerson 2000; Raz 2004, 2005, 2009; Hsieh Shu-wei 2010b. 114 Seidel 1989–90, 266; S. Huang 2001, 8; Lai Chi Tim 2002a, 8; Kohn 2004a, 5. For more studies of Tianshi dao, see Chen Guofu 1963, 98–101, 260–61, 275–76, 308–69; Kleeman 1998; Kleeman in Pregadio 2007, 981–86. 115 Carey 1989: 18–19; Morgan 2008, 3. 116 For recent studies of Daoist written documents, see Maruyama 2004; Li Zhihong 2011a, 183–95; 2011b. For a study of Daoist ordinations and registers, both in talismanic and pictorial formats, see Y. Luk 2010, 2011. 117 Seidel 1989–90, 266. For more on child-mediums, see Davis 2001. For more on models of concealment and disclosure of sacred texts in medieval Daoism, see J. Tsai 2006. Cf. the Tibetan tradition of concealing and unearthing Buddhist Treasure texts from “a mountain, a cave, the interior of a statue, a temple wall,” and so on—the first discovery being made in the eleventh century, see Gyatso 1993. I would like to thank Kyoko Tokuno for directing me to this source. 118 Strickmann 1977, 1979; Ledderose 1983. 119 Robinet 1993; 1997, 114–48. For more on the Maoshan revelation, see Strickmann 1977. For a list of the Highest Clarity texts, see Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 103–8. 120 Robinet 1997, 121; Strickmann 1980, 211–12; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005.

121 For selected studies of Numinous Treasure Daoism, see Ōfuchi 1974; Bokenkamp 1983, 1997; Bell 1988; Raz 2004; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 325–413. For an inspiring interpretation of a Daoist stele drawing on religious sources associated with Numinous Treasure Daoism, see Bokenkamp 1996–97. 122 Bell 1988; Chen Guofu 1963, 62–70; Bokenkamp 1983, 440–41; Strickmann 1980, 214; Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 108–10; Schipper and Verellen 2004, 11–17; Raz 2009. 123 The Three Caverns are the Cavern [Penetrating] Truth (Dongzhen 洞真), the Cavern [Penetrating] Mystery (Dongxuan 洞玄), and the Cavern [Penetrating] Divinity (Dongshen 洞神); see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 15; Strickmann 1980, 212; Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 75–89. 124 Bell 1988, 366. Cf. the Chinese Buddhist bibliographical catalogues (jinglu 經錄) in Tokuno 1990. 125 Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 325–413 (esp. 325, 345); 2007a. 126 For the roles of scriptures in Daoism, see Andersen 2005, 13–17. For studies of talismans and magical writs, see Wang Yucheng 1991a, 1991b, 1996; Xiao Dengfu 1993; Drexler 1994; Liu Xiaoming 1995; Andersen 1996; Li Yuanguo 1997, 2000; Chuang Hung-i 1999; Despeux 2000; Mollier 2003; Ren Zongquan 2004; Yao Zhouhui 2004; Sakade et al. 2005; Verellen 2006; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 2007a; Tsuchiya 2010; Li Fengmao and Zhang Zhixiong 2010. 127 Strickmann 1978; Seidel 1989–90, 234; Van der Loon 1984; Gregory and Ebrey 1993, 26–27; Matsumoto 2001a, 2006a, 2006b; Lai Chi Tim 2011. 128 Strickmann 1980, 211; Lagerwey 1987; Schipper 1993; Maruyama 1995; Davis 2001, 231. 129 Yunqi qian may reflect part of the canonical compilation called The

Great Song Heavenly Palace Treasure Canon (Da Song tiangong baozang 大宋天宮寶藏) compiled under Emperor Zhenzong’s patronage; see Chen Guofu 1963, 134; Seidel 1989–90, 234; Van der Loon 1984, 33; Schipper and Verellen 2004, 27–28. For more studies on Zhenzong and Daoism, see Cahill 1980; Liu Jingzhen 1995; A. Jing 2002b, 59–99. 130 CBBM 127: 1b, 2a; Strickmann 1978, 342–44; Ebrey 2000, 68–69. The interaction between Daoism and printing in the Song goes beyond imperial patronage. See Catherine Bell’s study of the eleventh-century morality book Treatise of the Most High on Action and Retribution (Taishang ganying pian 太上感應 篇, DZ 1167) in Bell 1992a. For more on Daoism and printing, see Strickmann 1993. For the printing of the Buddhist canon in Song Fuzhou, see Nakamura 1985. As Michel Strickmann noted in an unpublished paper in 1979, the initiative for the first printing of a Daoist canon in the twelfth century was part of a return to indigenous high religion at a time of foreign military threat along the northern frontiers; see Seidel 1989–90, 234. For studies of Daoist landscape paintings, see Neill 1981; Shih Shou-chien 1995b; Huang Liyun 2003. For a study of Fujian paintings from the Song to the Ming, see Purtle forthcoming (a). 131 Huizong’s three scrolls depict Laozi, the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi tianzun 元始天 尊), and the Highest Lord of the Dao (Taishang daojun 太上道君). In his correspondences with the Daoist Liu Hunkang 劉混康, Huizong discussed Liu’s talismans enthusiastically. See DZ 304, 5: 568c, 569c, 667c. See also Gyss-Vermande 1995; Ebrey 2000, 99; 2011, 61. For a comparison of Huizong’s use of dragon imagery and Daoist talismans and seals as its possible sources of inspiration, see Ebrey 2011, 60–63.

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132 Gregory and Ebrey 1993, 26–27; Davis 2001. 133 Boltz 1987. 26–30; Ebrey 2000; Li Yuanguo 2001, 2002b, 2003b, 2007. Michel Strickmann attributes Huizong’s support of the newly founded Divine Empyrean school of Daoism to the “national consciousness of Chinese religiosity” in opposition to Buddhism, which was fervently supported by the rulers of the Khitan Liao rulers who were threatening the Song from the north; see Seidel 1989–90, 234. 134 Li Zhihong 2011a. 135 Boltz 1987, 33–41; Hymes 2002. 136 Strickmann, 1980, 211; 1978; Boltz 1987, 41–46. Ritual manuals compiled from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries include DZ 466, DZ 508, DZ 547, DZ 1220, DZ 1221, and DZ 1223. 137 Baldrian-Hussein 1989–90; Kohn 1993a, 313–19; Robinet 1997, 212–56; Pregadio 2006b; Hudson 2007; Kohn and R. Wang 2009; Robinet 2011. 138 The 2011 international conference on Song Daoism held at the Chinese University of Hong Kong reflects this concern. The main topics outlined by the conference organizer include: Daoist history and lineages; Daoist ritual; Daoism and exorcism; Daoism and politics; Daoism and literature; Daoist archaeology/sacred sites; Daoism and local cults; inner alchemy; Daoist temples; Daoism and Buddhism. 139 For scholarship on the Daoist Canon, see Fukui 1952; Chen Guofu 1963, 174–89; Strickmann 1980, 211–13; Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 75–120; Andersen 1990a; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1–52, esp. 32–51. 140 Chen Guofu 1963, 189; see Verellen’s preface to Schipper and Verellen 2004. For more on the ritual theory in Lu Xiujing’s work, see Raz 2009. 141 For recent studies of graphic designs from the Daoist Canon, see Despeux



2000; Verellen 2006; S. Huang 2010, 2011a. 142 Chen Guofu 1963, 174, 181; Goossaert 2007, 346. 143 Chen Guofu 1963, 174; Goossaert 2007, 346. The Baiyun guan version, though considered the Ming version, bears a repair date of 1845. It contains a series of folded volumes (14 cm wide and 38 cm tall), each with yellow brocade covers; see Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 97–99. Meng Yongcai 孟永才 (d. 1881) was the Baiyun guan Prior (Jianyuan 監院) in charge of the repair project. I would like to thank Liu Xun’s input regarding Meng’s involvement with several Daozang repair projects in Beijing and Shenyang. For a study of the Daoist Canon in late imperial and modern Beijing, see Goossaert 2007, 345–51; for more on Meng Yongcai, see 144, 155, 172, n. 346, 348. 144 Hanfen lou was part of the publishing house known as Shanghai shangwu yinshu guan 上海商務印 書館. For more information on the Hanfen lou reprinting project, see the editor’s preface at the beginning of the series. Five hundred sets of the 1926 Hanfen lou reprint were sold to sinological libraries all over the world; see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 40. See also Goossaert 2007, 351. For the 1598 reprint of the Daozang in the collection of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, see Monnet 2004, 116–19. 145 For two other oft-cited versions published in 1977 in Taiwan, see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1485– 1526. For the incomplete collection of the Daozang texts in Japan, see Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 97–99. For a punctuated version of the Daozang texts, see the series Zhonghua daozang 中華道藏 in Zhang Jiyu 2004. 146 For example, Hong Baijian 洪百堅 has introduced his CD at the fifth international Daoism conference at Wudangshan 武當山 on June 19, 2009. This CD includes incomplete

texts and computerized diagrams from the Daozang. For a related website updating the progress of the project, see . 147 Schipper and Verellen 2004. For a book review, see Boltz 2006. 148 Cf. Ren Jiyu and Zhong Zhaopeng 1991. For more recent compilations devoted to definitions and studies of keywords and key concepts in Daoism, see the Daoism Handbook (Kohn 2000) and The Encyclopedia of Taoism (Pregadio 2007). 149 Also, see Verellen 2006. 150 Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1347–92. 151 For selected studies of Chinese tu, see Reiter 1990; Hegel 1998; Despeux 2000; Dorofeeva-Lichtmann 2004; Fraser 2003; Verellen 2006; Bray et al. 2007, 1–78; Murray 2007; Wu Hung 2007a; E. Wang 2007; S. Huang 2010, 2011a. 152 Despeux 2000, 499. Despeux divides Daoist graphics into talismans, registers, and three other kinds of diagrams associated with the “true shape of a geographic feature,” the content of the Yijing, and the human body, respectively. See Despeux 2000, 498–99. Verellen divides Daoist symbols into “visualization,” “pictorial metaphor,” and “dynamic symbols.” See Verellen 2006, 160. For a study of the talismans and symbols related to Celestial Masters (or Orthodox Unity) Daoism, see Li Fengmao and Zhang Zhixiong 2010. For a study of Daoist ordinations and related registers, see Y. Luk 2010, 2011. 153 Verellen 2006, 159. Recent studies have begun to unearth the history of Daoist printing; see Lin Sheng-chih 1999a; Wan Chui-ki 2010; L. Chia 2011. 154 For an index to the classification of Daozang texts, see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1302–1438. 155 Cf. the translation as “Exegesis” in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1396, 1406, 1415. 156 Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 21, 36; Verellen 2006, 159, 176–82.

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157 Ozaki in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 1, 85–88; Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1423–38. Verellen 2006, 160. 158 Verellen 2006, 160. 159 YJQQ 7: 116. Cf. the translation in Verellen 2006, 179. Verellen noted that the language describing the “talismanic character” evokes that used in the Yijing; see Verellen 2006, 179; Lewis 1999, 262–78. 160 Clunas 1997, 104–11. 161 Reiter 1990, 314–16; Ge Zhaoguang 2002, 74–75; Bray et al. 2007, 1; Murray 2007, 3. 162 TZ 72: 1b–2a. Cf. Francesca Bray’s translation in Bray et al. 2007, 1. 163 I refer to the concept of religious visual culture proposed in Morgan 2000, 43. 164 Mitchell 1994, 83, 91. 165 For examples of Daoist literature transmitted in two versions whose titles echo the pairing of inner and outer, see the Inner and Outer Scriptures of the Yellow Court (DZ 331, 332); the Inner and Outer Chapters of the Baopuzi (DZ 1185, 1187). 166 Kohn 1992, 8.

Chapter 1 1 Kohn 1992, 109. 2 For a recent study of Laozi iconography that applies this concept, see Wu Hung 2002a. For the mysterious appearance of Laozi, see Kohn 1996, 1998. 3 DZ 1127, 24: 780c. 4 Strickmann 1979; Ishii 1980; Yoshikawa 1998. 5 T.52.2110: 535a; Chen Guofu 1963, 268. 6 Bokenkamp 1996–97; Abe 1996–97; L. Yang 2001b; Kohn 2003a, 164–68. 7 Kohn 2008a, 129. For more on the early notion of the Daoist body and its link to the “multispirit body metaphor,” see Bokenkamp 2007b. 8 Robinet 1989, 159–60; 1993, 48–54; Kohn 2009a, 6–9; Verellen 1992, 256. For a recent study of Daoist visualization pictures, see Xu Yilan 2009, 151–217. Buddhist visualizations in

medieval China relate to the Pure Land associated with the Buddha Amitābha (Amituo fo 阿彌陀佛). The Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha of Limitless Life Spoken by the Buddha (Foshuo guan Wuliangshou fo jing 佛說觀無量壽佛經, T.12.365) offers detailed instructions for sixteen visualizations (shiliu guan 十六觀); see Ryūkoku 2004, xiv–xvii. In the Tang and Song, the sixteen visualizations inspired many art works. See Shi Pingting 2002, 100–107, 141, 145, 149, 157, 177, 181–82, 193–94, 201, 214, 235, 237 (pls. 73–85, 115, 120, 136, 162, 167–68, 184–85); Zhao Shengliang 2002, 110–11, 142–43, 145–46 (pls. 90–91, 118–19, 121–22). Also, see E. Wang 2000, 117–19 (figs. 12a–b). 9 DZ 7, 1: 1: 558a. Maruyama Hiroshi discusses Six Dynasties spatial associations with visualized deities in the Daoist meditative chamber; see Maruyama 2004, 215–17. 10 These two aspects have formed the essential categories of the Daoist textual tradition since the fifth century; see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 16. 11 For an overview of Daozang “texts in general circulation” vs. “texts in internal circulation,” see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1347–92. 12 For a study of Yijing, see Smith 2009. 13 Robinet 1993, 52. 14 A type of internal or private ritual, visual meditation was conducted individually by Daoist adepts and was deemed superior to external or public forms of ritual. For a study of internal alchemy in the thunder rites, see S. Chao 2009. 15 Kohn 1992, 2009b; Despeux 1994, 2005, 2007; Mollier 2006. For recent studies of the Dunhuang medical manuscripts, some of which include diagrams, see V. Lo and Cullen 2005. 16 Robinet 1993, 64–65. 17 Wang Ming 1960. For Taiping jing studies, see Lin Fushi 1993, 1998, 2009; Hendrischke 2006; Liu Zhaorui 2007, 63–98. The text was

transmitted in multiple versions and re-edited in the third and sixth centuries. See Li Gang 1994. Its circulation in the tenth to thirteenth centuries is documented in various sources, e.g., YJQQ 6: 98, 6: 104; 7: 12; 11: 223; 12: 277; 49: 1087, 119: 2628; TPYL, Jingshi tushu gangmu: 44a; SS 158: 15a. 18 Lin Fushi 1993, 236–38; 2001; Hendrischke 2006; S. Huang 2010, 61–62; Gesterkamp 2011, 186–87. 19 Wang Ming 1960, 21-22. Traditional Chinese units of measurement of fen, cun (equals 10 fen), chi (equals 10 cun), and zhang (equals 10 chi) changed from time to time in history. But generally one fen is about 0.2–0.3 cm, one cun is about 2.14–3.15 cm, and one chi is about 21.35–31.6 cm. 20 Wang Ming 1960, 292–93. 21 Wang Ming 1960, 293. 22 YJQQ 18–19. See also DZ 1168, 27: 141–56; P. 3784; Schipper 1993, 108–12; 1995a; Katō 1996; 2002, 68–70; Liu Yongming 2006; Neswald 2009, 30–33. 23 Schipper 2005, 95. See also Gesterkamp 2011, 188. 24 YJQQ 18–19. 25 YJQQ 18: 433. 26 YJQQ 18: 423. These female deities are personifications of the six combinations of the celestial stem ding with the various terrestrial branches in the sexagenary cycle. See Andersen 1989–90, 34; Mugitani in Pregadio 2007, 695–97. For a “Picture of the Jade Maidens of the Six Yin,” see YJQQ 80: 1835. 27 YJQQ 18: 423, 429–30, 434; 19: 449. 28 YJQQ 18: 430. 29 YJQQ 18: 425. 30 YJQQ 18: 428–29; Schipper 1993, 106. 31 YJQQ 19: 441. This child metaphor also plays a pivotal role in the visualization of body gods in the Huangting jing, one of the oldest Daoist texts central to the Highest Clarity. The text divides into an “outer” classic, the Huangting waijing yujing 黃庭

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外景玉經 (DZ 332), and an “inner” one, the Huangting neijing yujing 黃 庭內景玉經 (DZ 331; YJQQ 11–12). For studies, see Schipper 1975a; Robinet 1993, 55–96; Kohn 1993a, 181–88; Baldrian-Hussein 2004. 32 Robinet 1983; 1993, 97–117. For more on the Dadong zhenjing in the Six Dynasties context, see Kim 2006. 33 Robinet 1993, 104. 34 Robinet 1997, 133. 35 Robinet 1993, 103. 36 The numbers of planetary deities from each star vary: Jupiter has nine, Mars eight, Venus seven, Mercury five, and Saturn twelve; see DZ 6, 1: 516–18. 37 More illustrations are found in DZ 6, 1: 516–18, 521, 524, 527–29, 543. 38 One particular trinity consists of a general “who resembles the Great General of Tianpeng” (Tianpeng dajiang 天蓬大將); see DZ 6, 1: 520a. 39 Cf. the non-illustrated text in DZ 16. I would like to thank Graham Hutt of the British Library for kindly granting me permission to view this print in July 2008. The scripture bears a controversial date of 1333; see Eichman in Little and Eichman 2000, 237–39 (pl. 73); Eichman 2000, 40–42. A colophon at the end of the text is associated with the Daoist Cai Fasong 蔡法聳, who repaired the print in an unknown year known as the Year of Longfei 龍 飛 (dragon flight), a pseudo-reign commonly used in Ming and Qing texts; see Rao Zongyi 1970, 5; Wan Chui-ki 2010, 144–45. Wan Chui-ki disputes the 1333 date and dates the illustrated print to the fifteenth century in the early Ming, based mainly on the style of the doublecontoured clouds and the arrangement of the five ritual vessels on the altar in multiple scenes; see Wan Chui-ki 2010. The dating of the illustrations deserves further investigation from other stylistic angles. 40 Cf. ZW 314, 9: 589b; XMGZ, zhen: 336. For more illustrations from the



British Library edition, see Little and Eichman 2000, 348–49 (pl. 132). For other editions, see Needham et al. 1983, 43, 48, 58, 64, 96, 101, 104, 125, 202, 230 (figs. 1546, 1548, 1552, 1554, 1574, 1577, 1580, 1591, 1609, 1615); X. Liu 2009, 78, 97, 99 (figs. 5–7). For more on the bibliography of the Xingming guizhi, see Shirai 2004. 41 For more discussions, see Ide 2000, 78, 381–82; 2001, 52–53 (pl. 8); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, figs. 138, 142; Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, figs. 57, 64. Several episodes depicted in the thirteenth-century Illustrated Handscroll of the Nanzhao Kingdom (Nanzhao tu juan 南詔圖卷) show comparable motifs of an icon of Avalokiteśvara visualized by a monk and emanating from his head; see Chapin 1944, 190–92 (pls. 8–9, 10); 1972, 27 (fig. 6); Li Lincan 1967, pl. 41. For more on Buddhist art associated with the Nanzhao and Dali kingdoms in southwestern China, see Lee Yumin 2005, 2010. For a study of the Xi Xia Amitābha paintings excavated in Khara Khoto, see Lee Yumin 1996. 42 I would like to thank Ide Seinosuke for sharing useful study materials associated with this painting. 43 DZ 1384, 34: 98a. Not included in early canons, this work was probably added from a Song source. See Schipper and Verellen 2004, 32. 44 These “inborn knots” formed in the body at birth. See DZ 1384, 34: 96; Robinet 1993, 139–43; Katō 2002, 74–88. 45 DZ 84, 2: 171b, 172b, 173a, 174a, 175a, 176a. For dating, see Robinet in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 174–75. For a Tang-dynasty (dated 738) handwritten copy of the text (without illustrations), see W. Fong 1992, 130–31 (pls. 17, 17a). 46 DZ 84, 2: 170a–b, 176c. 47 Asano 2003, 170–72; Davis 2001, 307–8; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 400–441. This connection between visualization and ritual is

documented in several lost scriptures listed in the fifteenth-century Catalogue of Missing Scriptures of the Daoist Canon (Daozang quejing mulu 道藏闕經目錄, DZ 1430). Two such texts on Pictures for Calling Forth the Officials (Chuguan tu 出官圖) and Pictures for Meditating on the Officers (Gongcao sishen tu 功曹出官圖) have the heading Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity), referring to the Daoism of the Celestial Masters school. They may have been visual aids for a master to call forth his body gods in ritual; cf. DZ 795. Other texts with the prefix “Zhengyi fawen” 正一法 文 are related to Meng Anpai 孟安排 (fl. 699). See YJQQ 6.18a; Schipper and Verellen 2004, 467. For more on the “Lighting the Burner” and “Calling Forth the Officials,” see chap. 5 in this book. 48 Boltz 1987, 33–38; Hymes 2002; Andersen in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1070–73; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 715–16; Davis 2001, 56–57; Matsumoto 2006a, 360–62. For more on the Celestial Heart Daoism, see Li Zhihong 2011a. 49 See Miller in Pregadio 2007, 39–42. The figural motifs illustrated here are from a Song collection of registers associated with the Orthodox Unity tradition; see DZ 1208, 28: 426a– 480c. For the dating of this document, see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 971–72. For a composite example of a Daoist register preserved in this text and its possible inspiration for Emperor Huizong’s design of his double dragon seals, see Ebrey 2011, 62 (fig. 21). For more studies on Daoist registers, see Benn 1991; Despeux 2000, 501; Kohn 2003b; Maruyama 2004, 137–69; Ding Huang 1995, 1996, 1997; Y. Luk 2010. 50 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 68 (pl. 71). This cave hosts the trinity of the Three Emperors (Sanhuang 三皇) on the main wall, with the bureaucratic officers and martial guardians on

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both side walls. Minute sculptures of bureaucratic gods representing the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (Ershiba su 二十八宿) are found on the upper registers of the side walls; for illustrations, see 64–85 (pls. 68–89). For more on the Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto carvings, see Suchuan 2007. 51 Xiao Jun 2008, 135. For more studies on the mural of the Temple of Eternal Joy, see Katz 1998; A. Jing 1994a; Hsieh Shu-wei 1994; S. Huang 1995; Gesterkamp 2011, 76–97; Li Song 2011, 33–114. 52 For illustrations, see DZ 875, 18: 719a–723a. Cf. the unillustrated version in YJQQ 43: 953–56, 963–66. Also, see Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 498. For more studies of these illustrations, see Xu Yilan 2009, 156–67; Gesterkamp 2011, 154; Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 259–60. 53 DZ 875, 18: 721a. 54 DZ 875, 18: 719c. 55 DZ 875, 18: 719c–720b. For more discussion of the Daoist concept of “walking in ritual” (xingdao 行道), see Matsumoto 1983, 218–20; Asano 2003, 169–70. 56 DZ 875, 18: 722a. 57 For a study of the Song Divine Empyrean master’s visualization of his trip to heaven in the thunder rite (leifa 雷法), see S. Chao 2009. 58 Robinet 1989; Kohn 1992, 96–116; 1993, 257. 59 Zhongguo shehui 1980, 51 (fig. 49); L. Tseng 2001, 173, 226; 2011, 4 (fig. 0.3a). Cf. A. Jing 1991, 155 (fig. 12); 2002, pl. 4–24. For more Han visual conventions of constellations as lined dots, see Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan 2008, vol. 1, 22–26 (pls. 21–26), 29 (pl. 28); L. Tseng 2011, 241, 244, 249, 272, 320–21, 325–27, 330–31 (figs. 4.5, 4.8–4.10, 4.14, 4.34a–b, 4.35, 5.17–5.19, 5.22b, 5.24, 5.27b–c, 5.33a–b, 5.35a–b); A. Jing 1991, 156–57 (fig. 13). For more on the stone carvings of the Wu Liang Shrine, see Wu Hung 1989; C. Liu

et al. 2005. For associations of the Northern Dipper with the imperial chariot in Tang and Song sources, see BTSC 150: 7b; TPYL 7: 3b; XYXFY 28; YH 1: 2a. On Daoist stars, see Schafer 1977. 60 Arrault and Martzloff 2003, 190–93, 209 (fig. 7); Mollier 2008, 149–52 (fig. 4.3). 61 Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 444–45. 62 Mollier 2008, 141–42, 149. For more on Chinese belief in baleful stars, see C. Hou 1979. 63 XHHP 4: 73a. For more study of this catalogue, see Ebrey 2008, 257–310. 64 Kohn 1992, 110, 114; Mollier 2008, 134–73. Already the Central Scripture of Laozi notes that the Northern Dipper resides in the head, thorax, and abdomen of the inner body. See Schipper 1993, 108. Daoist practitioners in medieval China form various hand signs for flying to the five stars of the Northern Dipper or for corresponding to the seven stars of the Northern Dipper. The Daoists perform the hand signs both in self-cultivation, healing, and other ritual performance. For samples of such hand signs recorded in the 1116 Celestial Heart text, see DZ 1227, 32: 107a–b; Mitamura 2002, 244 (fig. 11.2). 65 Kohn 1993a, 213. Cf. Tianguan santu jing, DZ 1366, 33: 808b–818c; Robinet 1989, 178; Kohn 1993a, 257–67. Scholars have suggested that the Tianguan santu jing was added to the Daozang from a Song canon; see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 32. The convention of geometric stellar motifs accompanied by stellar figures may derive from ancient practices, such as those related to the motifs depicted in wall paintings excavated from the Western Han tomb; see Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan 2008, vol. 1, 22–26 (pls. 21–26), 29 (pl. 28). 66 The Northern Dipper consists of seven visible stars and two invisible ones. For a diagram, see Kohn 1993a, 213.

67 DZ 765, 17: 218a. 68 Robinet 1993, 124–27; Kohn 1989a; 2007. 69 Drège 1999. 70 The illustration is from the 1116 Celestial Heart text compiled by Yuan Miaozong 元妙宗, active during the Zhenghe reign of Emperor Huizong; see DZ 1227, 32: 103c. Also, see Andersen 1989–90, 18, 37; Andersen in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1060; Little and Eichman 2000, 200; Legeza 1975, 113 (fig. 18); Little and Eichman 2000, 200 (pl. 52); E. Wang 2000, 129–30 (fig. 18); 2005a, 379–80 (fig. 6.27); Clunas 2007, 72 (fig. 52). For a diagram of the “Pacing Method of Breaking Open Hell” whose ritual choreography imitates the configuration of the Northern Dipper, see fig. 5.9 in this book. 71 DZ 876, 18: 725a–b. Kongchang 空 常 refers to the invisible stars; see Robinet in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 172. 72 Robinet 1989, 172–73. 73 YJQQ 24: 547–48; 25: 563. 74 DZ 1396, 34: 245a; Mollier 2008, 166, 170 (fig. 4.11); Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 602–3. Although not identical, medieval tombs preserve abundant visual examples of diagrammical renditions of constellations; see 2010, 160–62, 175 (figs. 153–55, 164). 75 The convention of representing the nine star gods and their palaces in circles is also prominent in two other Tang texts; see DZ 791, 28: 478a; DZ 1392, 34: 174c–175b; Mollier 2008, 168–69 (fig. 4.10). 76 Esposito in Pregadio 2007, 775–77. This is similar to the torso image in DZ 879, 18: 743c–744a; Mollier 2008, 164 (fig. 4.8). Sara Neswald has identified the Nine Palaces in the head as mentioned in the Huangting jing with the corresponding points of Mount Kunlun, the celestial dwelling of Queen Mother of the West; see Neswald 2009, 30.

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77 DZ 156, 3: 128b; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 612. The visual tradition of Jiugong zifang tu can be traced back to the Six Dynasties; see the fifth-century documentation in DZ 1407, 34: 338c. This earlier tradition, however, as demonstrated by Marc Kalinowski, features nonary abstract diagrams rather than figural pictures; see Kalinowski 1997. 78 YJQQ 80: 1833. 79 DZ 879, 18: 743c–744a. 80 Robinet 1993, 207. 81 Mollier 2008, 163. 82 DZ 879, 18: 743c; Mollier 2008, 164 (fig. 4.8). 83 DZ 221, 4: 133b–134c; Robinet 1993, 208; Mollier 2008, 163–64. For a similar description of “Reclining in the Northern Dipper” and the original layout of the illustrations, see DZ 221, 4: 132a–134c. 84 DZ 221, 4: 129b–130b. 85 Cf. the iconography of these seven star deities in the form of perfected beings who “wear jewelry crowns and colorful shawls and hold jade tablets in their hands” in YJQQ 25: 563. 86 DZ 221, 4: 130b. The Daoist temple Baiyun guan in Beijing preserves two statues of astral deities, representing the eighth (Fu) and the ninth (Bi) stars. For more on this topic, see Fava and Kalinowski 2008. I would like to thank Patrice Fava for sharing this information with me. 87 DZ 220, 4: 10a–11a; DZ 751, 17: 53a–54b; Mollier 2008, 157 (fig. 4.5). Cf. the illustrations from the 1615 printed version of the DZ 751 in the Waseda University Library, Tokyo; see Saitô 2009, pl. 208, 166. 88 T.21.1307; see Xiao Dengfu 1993, 109–13, esp. 112; Mollier 2008, 136–40, especially 139 (fig. 4.1); Robson 2008, 150–52 (fig. 7). Cf. the different iconographies of the deities of the Northern Dipper depicted in a Buddhist drawing copied in Heian Japan (dated 1148) after a Tangdynasty model (fig. 6.4 in this book). 89 Ide 2000, 373–74; Ide 2001,



60–64 (pl. 14); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 172 (fig. 121). Cf. a pair of hanging scrolls depicting astral deities descending in a similar style; see Ide 2001, 61 (fig. 69). 90 Ide 2000, 373. 91 I would like to thank David Brody for his input on the Hōgonji composition. For identifications of the individual deities depicted in the painting, see Ide 2000, 373. For more about the Southern Song compositions featuring mobile Buddhist and Daoist deities descending in clouds, see S. Huang 2005; Ide 2000, 2001, 2008, 2009a. For an innovative interpretation of a Song copy of a Tang court painting whose composition echoes the diagram of the Northern Dipper, see the Northern Song Copy of Zhang Xuan’s Lady Guoguo on an Outing (Fang Zhang Xuan Guoguo furen youchun tu 仿張萱虢國夫人 遊春圖) in Miao Zhe 2006a, fig. 2 (unnumbered page) and 34. 92 I would like to thank Ide Seinosuke for providing visual materials for my study of this painting. 93 In these fourteenth-century sources, the two messengers are further identified as the “Qingyang Messenger [Yang Ruming]” (Qingyang [Yang Ruming] shizhe 擎羊 [楊汝明] 使 者) and the “Tuoluoni Messenger [Geng Miaozhen]” (Tuoluo [Geng Miaozhen] shizhe 陀羅 [耿妙真] 使 者), members of the Northern Dipper troops. See DZ 1220, 28: 820b, 29: 15c; DZ 218, 3: 611c. See also Skar in Pregadio 2007, 804–5. 94 Ide 2000, 373; Ide 2001, 63. 95 Ide Seinosuke and others note that the original Zuisenji paintings consisted of a set of three scrolls, one of which was lost in a fire in 1656; see Ide 2001, 61 (fig. 69), 63; Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 314 (entry of pl.124). Ide also links the imperial figures depicted in the extant scrolls to the Southern Song court connection; see Ide 2001, 61 (fig. 69), 63. See also Nara Kokuritsu

Hakubutsukan 2009, 174 (pl. 124); Saitō 2009, 146 (pl. 177), 368. 96 Ide 2001, 63; Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 314; Saitō 2009, 368. 97 SDZLJ 136: 482. See also Ide 2000, 373; Ide 2001, 63. 98 Huizong’s revised iconography may resemble the Southern Song minute stone carvings of the bureaucratic gods and goddesses of the Twentyeight Lunar Mansions at the Shimenshan Grotto, cave no. 10. For plates, see Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 64–65, 68, 85 (pls. 68, 71, 88–89). 99 SDZLJ 136: 482. 100 See Osaka Shiritsu Bijutsukan 1994, 18–19 (pl. 4), 329–30; Little and Eichman 2000, 132–37 (pl. 12). Recent studies associate this painting with the High Tang painter Liang Lingzan 梁令瓚; see Meng Sihui 2000; Shan Guoqiang 2010. I would like to thank Tong Peng of the National Taiwan Normal University for sharing her 2011 term paper on this subject with me. The motif of a figure with a jar is preserved in a fifteenth-century Buddhist liturgical painting; cf. an old man wearing long robes and seated in a jar in the scroll depicting the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (EO 668) from the 1454 Water Land paintings in the Musée Guimet, reproduced in Little and Eichman 2000, 249 (pl. 79); Delacour et al. 2010, 114 (pl. 2). 101 DZ 1430, 34: 512a. 102 XHHP 6: 78a; 7: 83a. 103 Ebrey 2008, 295. 104 The iconography of the Hōgonji scroll is comparable to the fifteenthcentury Water Land painting from the Buddhist Monastery of Treasure and Peace (Baoning si 寶寧寺). See Shanxi 1985, pl. 74; Mollier 2008, 171 (fig. 4.12); Ide 2001, 63–64. For a recent thesis on the Baoning si paintings, see Chen Junji 2009. Cf. a slightly different rendition of the divinities of the Northern Dipper in the 1454 scroll in the Metropolitan

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Museum of Art, presumably originally from the 1454 imperial set of the Water Land paintings in the Musée Guimet collection; see Eichman 2000, 42 (fig. 9). 105 DZ 466, 7: 27c–28a. 106 S. Huang 2001, 13 and fig. 4. Also, see Maruyama 2004, 243 (fig. 4); Gesterkamp 2011, fig. 47. 107 YJQQ 25: 565–66. 108 YJQQ 25: 566. Other ritual objects include twelve “replacement figurines” (dairen 代人). These may possibly be wooden or metal minute figural shapes that take on the adepts’ sins. Besides, the adepts should prepare for rice, silk, golden and jade rings, bronze coins, paper, a writing brush, an ink cake, an incense burner, an altar table, pure water, five sets of brocade of faith in green, vermilion, white, black, and yellow to be placed in the five directions, fruit, and two clean couch beds; see YJQQ 565–66. 109 YJQQ 25: 563. 110 YJQQ 25: 564, 567. 111 Paintings of astral deities are listed under the headings of “Daoist and Buddhist Paintings” (“Daoshi” 道 釋) and “Figure Paintings” (“Renwu” 人物). See XHHP, 64–75, 78, 83; S. Huang 2001, 14; Ebrey 2008, 293–97; Gesterkamp 2008, 45, 302–5(Table 2.2). 112 Kohn 1997; 2010, 119. For a study of hun and po in ancient philosophy and ritual, see Y. Yü 1987, 369–78. For an art historical case study of the Han-dynasty T-shaped banner discovered in Lady Dai’s tomb at Mawangdui, applying the theory of hun and po, see Wu Hung 1992. 113 LH 16: 3a–b; Kohn 1995a, 35. 114 Kubo 1961; Kohn 1993b, 1995a, 1995b, 1997, 97–102; 2010, 119–27; Xiao Dengfu 2002, 258–371. 115 Eugene Wang calls attention to the Buddhist visualization of the impure body, in which one sees “one’s hair, nails, skin, arteries, veins, muscles, bones, marrow, spleen, kidneys, heart,

lungs, liver, gall bladder, intestines, stomach, viscera in both states, fat, meninx, spittle, saliva, tears, pus, sweat, grease, phlegm, and skin ulcers.” See E. Wang 2005b, 81, 379 (n. 6). T.16.660: 287b. For similar descriptions of visualizing the skeleton and inner viscera as evidence of the impure body, see T.3.185: 475b; T.3.189: 632c. The fifth-century Buddhist text Visuddhimagga popular in Theravada countries also discusses meditating on corpses and maggots; see Wright in Buswell 2004, 649; Ñyanamoli 1976, 173–90. For more on the visualization of the skeleton in medieval Chinese Buddhism and Daoism, see I Lo-fen 2005, 90–91. For more discussion on visualizing the impure body in Indian Buddhist literature, see Wilson 1996. For visual examples from medieval Central Asia and China (Kizil caves nos. 77 and 212) representing the Buddhist visualizations of the skeleton, see Itakura 2008, 114–15 (figs. 8–9). For an excellent study of images of a decaying corpse in Japanese Buddhist art, see Kanda 2005. 116 DZ 871, 18: 697b; DZ 220, 4: 7b–c; ZW 314, 9: 524a. 117 The seven material souls are the immediate counterparts to the three spirit souls. Livia Kohn further pairs the three deathbringers as the counterpart worms of the pure body gods known as the Three Primes (Sanyuan 三元); see Kohn 1998a, 97–102. 118 Mollier 2006, 86. 119 Fig. 1.24 contains a series of illustrations rearranged from DZ 871, 18: 700a–701c. For more studies of this subject, see Kubo 1961; Kohn 1993b, 1995a, 1995b, 1998, 97–102; 2010, 119–27; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 364; 2006, 174–75. 120 Schipper and Verellen 2004, 364. A 1225 Daoist stele from Sichuan known as the Stele Inscription for the Highest Extinction of Tuberculosis (Taishang duanchu fulian beiming 太上斷除伏連碑銘) also makes prominent references to the belief

in the three deathbringers and nine worms; see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1251–95. The term fulian mentioned in the Sichuan stele title refers to a disease comparable to tuberculosis; see DZ 1164, 26: 657. For a Northern Song or Jin relief carving of a narrative scene on the stone stele entitled “Shrine Record of the Perfected Being Sun on Mount Wutai, Huayuan, Yao County” (“Yaozhou Huayuan xian Wutai shan Sun Zhenren ciji” 耀州華 原縣五台山孫真人祠記) now in the Jingying miao in Yaowangshan 葯王 山, Yaoxian 耀縣, Shaanxi, see He Zhongjun and Wu Hongzhou 2001, “Statues and Portraits of Famous Doctors,” 34 (fig. 4). 121 YJQQ 54: 1193–95; Kohn 1998a, 97–98; Schipper 1993, 134–35. 122 The seven material souls are: Deathbringer Dog (Shigou 尸狗), Hidden Arrow (Fushi 伏矢), Sparrow of the Yin (Queyin 雀陰), Devouring Thief (Tunze 吞賊), Flying Poison (Feidu 飛毒), Expelling Filth (Chuhui 除穢), and Smelly Lung (Choufei 臭肺); see DZ 871, 18: 697–98. Cf. the translation of these names in Kohn 1998a, 98. 123 Mollier 2003, 412, 425; 2006, 99. 124 The alchemist and pharmacologist Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343) noted that the three deathbringers are body parasites and harmful agents of human mortality that leave one’s body and mount to heaven to report one’s misdeeds on the gengshen days, occurring once in every sixty-day cycle. For documentation of the three deathbringers in Six Dynasties Daoist texts, see DZ 1016, 20: 519; DZ 1185, 28: 183, 193; Ware 1966, 77, 115; DZ 426; DZ 1365; Xiao Dengfu 2002, 272–84. For more on Ge Hong, see Pregadio in Pregadio 2007, 442–43. Also, see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1272–83. 125 The illustration is a re-arrangement of the images retrieved from DZ 871, 18: 699b–c.

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126 DZ 871, 18: 699b–c. Cf. YJQQ 81: 1854–55. 127 DZ 871, 18: 699b. 128 DZ 871, 18: 699c. 129 DZ 871, 18: 699c. 130 QWGJ 1: 14; YYZZ 2: 5a; TSJS 76: 7a; Xiao Dengfu 2002, 302–18; S. Huang 2007, 249–50. 131 Kubo 1961, 481–84, esp. 481. This drawing is part of the undated manuscript scroll entitled Scripture on Guarding on the Gengshen Days to Attain Immortality by Laozi (Laozi shou gengshen qiu changsheng jing 老 子守庚申求長生經). The transcribed text is attributed to the Tang-dynasty Buddhist monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (ca. 596–664), and the Japanese monk Enchin 圓珍 (814–91) was identified as the transmitter of the text. For more studies on this subject, see Kohn 1993b, 1995a, 1995b; Xiao Dengfu 2002, 323–28. The other Japanese illustrated scroll (dated to the Meiji period) depicts the three deathbringers as a demonic figure, a horse, and a child attacking a man from the head, the waist, and the foot; see Kubo 1961, 526 (fig. 122); Xiao Dengfu 2002, 355–57. 132 WYYH 228: 9a, 261: 5a; YJQQ 81–83: 1857–89; YS 3: 19a, 5: 45a, 8: 14b; Xiao Dengfu 2002, 302–8. For samples of talismans associated with preventing or curing diseases, see Yao Zhouhui 2004, 51–60. 133 He Zhiguo 1988, 71 (fig. 3.4). 134 He Zhiguo 1988, 72. 135 T.21.1309. For a study of this text, see Xiao Dengfu 1993, 94–98. 136 Xiao Dengfu 1993, 94–97. 137 The text refers to spirit money as “paper money” (zhiqian 紙錢) in different colors; see T.21.1309: 453b–456c. 138 T.21.1309: 456a. 139 T.21.1309: 456a. 140 T.21.1309: 456c. 141 T.21.1309: 456c. 142 Mollier 2003, 412, 425; Cedzich 1995, 152–57; Harper 2005, 142–43 (fig. 6.2). The name of the monster



(Tianzei) is noted in the other Dunhuang manuscript (P. 2856r); see Mollier 2003, 412; Harper 2005, 142–43. 143 Von Glahn 2004, 90–91, esp. 91. 144 For a classic study of kui, see Granet 1926, vol. 1, 310–12; vol. 2, 505–15. See also Birrell 1993, 134–35; Von Glahn 2004, 90. 145 The illustration is from the 1593 illustrated edition published by Hu Wenhuan 胡文煥; see Ma Changyi 2003, vol. 2, 149. For a translation of Shanhai jing, see Birrell 1999. For the Ming and Qing illustrations of the one-legged and one-armed resident of a foreign land called Rouli 柔利 based on the Shanhai jing, see Ma Changyi 2003, vol. 6, 1094; SCTH, dili 14: 20a. 146 The kui recorded in Baize tu has slightly different features as that recorded in Shanhai jing, although both examples show monopod creatures; see Von Glahn 2004, 90. 147 More examples of figural representations of diseases are from the Dunhuang materials. The 877 printed almanac discovered in the Dunhuang library cave (Or.8210/P.6) represents the demons of diseases as a series of five figures wearing short skirts and holding objects. Accompanying inscriptions list their names and the method to exorcise them, as well as the particular temporal cycle of the heavenly stem and earthly branch each demon corresponds to. See Whitfield and SimsWilliams 2004, 302 (pl. 264); Arrault and Martzloff 2003, 200–204, 207 (fig. 5); S. Huang 2007, 262 (fig. 5). Similarly, the ninth- to tenth-century Dunhuang drawing (P. 2682) referred to as the Pictures of the Diagrams of Spectral Prodigies of White Marsh (Baize jingguai tu 白澤精怪圖) depicts the personified images of the epidemic as eight naked boys pulling a fire-cart; see Shanghai guji 1994–2005, vol. 17, 229; Von Glahn 2004, 107 (fig. 13). For more studies

of this manuscript, see Harper 1985, 491–92. For a visual documentation of diseases in late imperial China, focusing on the pathological body recorded in Lam Qua’s medical portrait paintings in the nineteenth century and other medical photographies in the early twentieth century, see Heinrich 2008. 148 For visual examples, see the Southern Song artifacts of the Ten Kings of Hell in both painting and sculptural forms in Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 164–67 (pls. 163–65); Ide 2000, 132–33 (pls. 90–100); 2001, 56–58 (figs. 56–58); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 85–91 (pls. 79–82); Saitô 2009, 130–31 (pl. 160); Howard 2001, 48–49 (figs. 50–51). 149 Drège 1999, 165. For more information about this document, see Shanghai guji chubanshe 1994–2005, vol. 17: 235–41; Matsumoto 1956; Rao Zongyi 1969. According to Lillian Lan-ying Tseng, a synonymous title, ruiyingtu 瑞應圖, appeared in the Han times; see L. Tseng 2011, 106–7. 150 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 167 (fig. 165); 2009, 90 (fig. 82). Now in the collection of Eigenji 永源寺, Shiga 滋賀, this painting belongs to one of the ten hanging scrolls that make up a set of Ten Kings of Hell. For a study of this subject, see Ledderose 2000, 163–85. For a juxtaposition of the ten scrolls as a set, see Ide 2000, 132 (figs. 90–99). For a similar depiction of the karmic mirror in the other Ten Kings scroll made by the Ningbo workshop led by Jin Chushi (late twelfth century, before 1195), see W. Fong 1992, 336–37 (pl. 74a); Wu Hung 1996, 166 (fig. 135); E. Wang 2005a, 250 (fig. 5.4). 151 For more discussion on the karmic mirror, see Sawada 1991, 87–88. 152 The illustration is synthesized from original illustrations in DZ 871, 18: 700a–701c; for the names of the nine worms, see 18: 700a. Also, see

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Verellen 2006, 174–75; Cook in Pregadio 2007, 844–46. 153 DZ 872, 18: 700a–701b. 154 DZ 872, 18: 700a. 155 Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 364; C. Liu 1971. 156 See ZW 323, 9: 791b–794b. 157 ZW 323, 9: 795a–b. 158 The illustration is synthesized from DZ 1164, 26: 646b–647c. For more study on this compilation, see Sivin in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 774–77. 159 ZW 323, 9: 791b–794b; DZ 1164, 26: 646b–647c. 160 SYDXF 9: 13b–15b. 161 DZ 220, 4: 7b–c. For more studies on Yutang dafa, see Boltz 1987, 36–37; Matsumoto 2006a, 365–67. 162 DZ 263, 4: 690a–b; Needham et al. 1983, 108–10; Despeux 1994, 31–36. For the fourteenth-century dating of this text, see Baldrian-Hussein in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 799–800. Another Song diagram explicitly states that by practicing the insight meditation (neiguan 內觀) and visualizing fire and light inside the body, the adept will eliminate the three deathbringers, the seven material souls, and the nine worms; see DZ 150, 3: 102a. 163 Despeux 1994, 125. 164 For a study of the illustrations, see Xu Yilan 2009, 182–87. 165 This treatise compiled by Longmeizi 龍眉子 is associated with the Southern school (Nanzong 南宗) of internal alchemy. Each illustration is accompanied with a textual explanation at its left; there are twenty illustrations in total. See DZ 151, 3: 107a. For more on this subject, see Kohn 1993a, 230–36. For Longmeizi, see SQW 302: 8–11. 166 For more episodes from this handscroll, see Little and Eichman 2000, 344–47 (fig. 131). 167 Goossaert 2007, 29. 168 DZ 150, 3: 102a. See also Sakade 1991, 75 (fig. 12). Although this may resonate with the Buddhist concept of

mysterious meditation (xuanguan 玄 觀), Daoist insight meditation begins with visualizing “more concrete forms of gods within the body.” This image dimension is not mentioned by the Buddhist prototype. For more on this subject, see Kohn 1989b, 766. 169 DZ 150, 3: 102a. 170 Phrases such as “reverting” (huan 還), “returning” (fan 返), “reversion” (ni 逆), or “turning [nature] upside down” (diandao 顛倒) are often used in internal alchemical discourse to highlight such a counter-natural formation; see Needham et al. 1983, 25–26. Moreover, a related notion called xiuzhen 修真 means “refining perfection” or “regenerating, restoring or repairing the primary vitalities.” This term appears in many internal alchemical texts; see Needham et al. 1983, 67–129. For more studies of internal alchemy, see Needham et al. 1983; BaldrianHussein 1989–90, 1996–97; Hudson 2007; Robinet 2011. 171 See Baldrian-Hussein, Kohn, and Despeux in Pregadio 2007, 762–71; Verellen 2006, 171–76, 182. 172 Kohn 1989b. Much of the Song neidan theorizing is influenced by the Neo-Confucianism of that time; see Needham et al. 1983, 69. 173 Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1373–76; Kohn 2009b, 4. Clarke Hudson translates yangsheng as the macrobiotic practice; see Hudson 2007, 165. 174 Baldrian-Hussein in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 780, 812–34; Zeng Zhaonan 2000. 175 For a textual study of the symbolic elements and allegorical terms used in internal alchemy, see Hudson 2007, 328–50. 176 DZ 263, 4: 712c; DZ 1068, 24: 72c. See also Hudson 2007, 344. 177 DZ 151, 3: 104b. 178 DZ 151, 3: 107b. See also Xu Yilan 2009, 205–6 (fig. 2.25). Cf. similar motifs of a baby enclosed by circle(s) in DZ6, 1: 553a; DZ 155, 3: 124c–125a. 179 In DZ 240, 4: 371b, the illustration

has a tortoise in water, though the accompanying inscription refers to the image as the “circle of the illumination of a toad.” Also, see Baldrian-Hussein in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 829. For a motif of a toad symbolizing the power of yin, see DZ 151, 3: 105b. For the pairing of a “gold (or metal) crow in the sun” and a “jade toad (or rabbit) in the moon” in alchemical discourses, see Hudson 2007, 346. 180 DZ 150, 3: 100c, 101c. 181 Needham et al. 1983, 75. A series of intriguing map-like diagrams included in the following Song texts await further study: DZ 149; DZ 150. For a study of the technique of “embryonic breathing,” see Katō 2002, 114–26. 182 Needham et al. 1983, 75. 183 See also Needham et al. 1985, 77 (fig. 1562); Sakade 1991, 74 (fig. 11). Baldrian-Hussein classifies this text as a twelfth-century text of the Zhongli Quan 鍾離權–Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓 neidan tradition in general circulation; it may be related to another Northern Song treatise of the similar subject. See Baldrian-Hussein in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 802–4, 1368. For more on the lesser reverted embryo (or recycled elixir), see Hudson 2007, 339. 184 Needham et al. 1983, 77. 185 Needham et al. 1983, 77–78. 186 DZ 150, 3: 101c; Needham et al. 1983, 80 (fig. 1564); Sakade 1991, 75 (fig. 12); Kohn 1993a, 322 (fig. 33); Despeux 2010, 69 (fig. 3). 187 The metaphor of divine water is borrowed from the vocabulary of alchemical practice; see Pregadio 2006a, 208. 188 In other diagrams the throat is referred to as the twelve-storied tower, analogous to the twelve months of the year; see figs. 1.45b, 1.46 in this book. Also, see X. Liu 2009, 109, 223 (fig. 17). 189 The jade pond and the twelve-storied tower as metaphors of the mouth

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and the throat respectively can be traced back to the Huangting jing; see DZ331, 5: 909a, 910b; YJQQ 11: 202, 206, 236. For a study of a Northern Song commentary of the Huangting jing, see Baldrian-Hussein 2004. 190 Needham et al. 1983, 107–10; Zhu Yaping 1992; Despeux 1994, 31–38; 2000, 519, 521–23. Sakade Yoshinobu calls these diagrams Neijing tu 內景 圖; see Sakade 1991. 191 The charts reproduced here refer to the third to the sixth body charts, featuring the left, right, front and back sIdes of the inner body. For a complete layout of Yanluozi’s six body charts, see DZ 263, 4: 690a–b. Also, see Needham et al. 1983, 108–10 (figs. 1583–85); Despeux 1994, 32–36; Sakade 1991, 58–59 (fig. 6); Pregadio in Pregadio 2007, 77 (fig. 12). 192 For the chart preserved in a Daoist text, see DZ 1024, 21: 595a; Despeux 1994, 40–43; Despeux in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 773–74. For the chart preserved in the Southern Song encyclopedia Shilin guangji 事林 廣記, see Needham et al. 1983, 112; Sakade 1991, 61 (fig. 8). For the Qingdynasty painting and rubbing of a similar subject, see Li Jingwei 1992, 85; Little and Eichman 2000, 350 (pl. 133); Komjathy 2008, 2009. 193 Needham et al. 1983, 107–10; Sakade 1991, 57–65; Despeux 1994, 31–38, 110–33, 149–50; 2000, 519, 521–23. 194 Despeux 1994, 32. 195 Zhu Yaping 1992, 62; Despeux 1994, 32, 38. Beneath the spinal column is the marrow path (suidao 髓道), a spinal canal stretching longitudinally from the bottom of the body to the brain, “along which the [qi] circulates up.” See Needham et al. 1983, 108. 196 T. 262, 9: 12c. In order to persuade his three sons playing inside the burning house to exit, an elder man allures them with the goat-cart, deer-cart, and ox-cart outside the gate. For a translation of the parable, see Hurvitz 1976, 59–61. For a visual representation of the three carts



in the Southern Song Lotus Sutra printed frontispiece (the second juan), see Guoli gugong bowuyuan 1995, 19 (pl. 7). For the representations of the three carts in later inner alchemical illustrations, see the seventeenth-century Yuandao yiqi 元 道一 reproduced in Sakade 1991, 79 (fig. 15); Despeux 1994, 151 (fig. 41); 2010, 68 (fig. 2). See also ZW 314, 9: 566b. For translations of the early Complete Perfection text which describes the related features of these animal-cart motifs in meditation, see Komjathy 2007. 197 Despeux 1994, 149–50. 198 Anatomically, this crescent-shaped area where the Yellow Court is marked represents the diaphragm, which separates the thorax from the abdomen. The couple residing in the Yellow Court are the Old Mother of the Yellow Primordial (Huangyuan laomu 黃元老母) and the Sire of the Yellow Primordial (Huangyuan laogong 黃元老公); see Despeux 1994, 32–33. 199 Despeux 1994, 40–43. For a similar version, see Needham et al. 1983, 112 (fig. 1586). 200 Despeux 1994, 32, 38. For the lovely girl (whose image appears above the child) and its relation to mercury in internal alchemy, see Hudson 2007, 347. 201 In the visualization rite known as liandu 鍊度 and performed by the Daoist master as part of the salvation ritual, the lower abdomen is associated with the prison in Fengdu; see DZ 407, 6: 556a–b; DZ 219, 3: 945a–b. For studies of the texts associated with this rite, see Boltz 1983; Lagerwey 1987, 233–35. 202 For more discussion of the Daoist master’s internal visualization during the performance of the Salvation Ritual through Refinement, see chap. 5 in this book (esp. fig. 5.21). 203 Despeux and Kohn 2003, 177. For a comparative study of the expressiveness of the body in ancient China and

Greece, see Kuriyama 1999. I would like to thank Marcia Brennan for her input on this image. 204 This painting is reproduced in Li Jingwei 1992, pl. 200, 85. For more studies of the Qing Neijing tu and Xiuzhen tu, see Needham et al. 1983, 115 (fig. 1587); Schipper 1986, 186–87; Sakade 1991, 46–51 (figs. 1–2); D. Wang 1991–92; Despeux 1994; Little and Eichman 2000, 350 (pl. 133); X. Liu 2004, 92–93; Komjathy 2008, 2009; Goossaert 2007, 223, 289–90; Xu Yilan 2009, 213–17. For a comparable body chart used by the Celestial Master in contemporary Taiwan, see Li Fengmao and Zhang Zhixiong 2010, 342 (fig. 9). For more on the medicine and medicinal artifacts at the Qing court, see Guan Xueling 2008. 205 GXZS, jian ji: 4. 206 DPQ J 9: 9; SSJS 46: 24; Q JJ 76: 14b. 207 Recorded pictures sharing the common phrase Yellow Court (Huangting 黃庭) in the titles include: Picture of the Inner Landscape of the Yellow Court and Five Organs (Huangting wuzang neijing tu黃庭五 藏內景圖); Picture of Gazing Inward at the Yellow Court by Laozi (Laozi huangting neishi tu 老子黃庭內視圖); and the oft-cited Picture of the Yellow Court, Five Organs,and Six Viscera (Huangting wuzang liufu buxie tu 黃 庭五藏六腑補瀉圖) and Picture of the Inner Landscape of Yellow Court (Huangting neijing tu黃庭內景圖). See CWZM 9: 10; TZ 67: 7; XTS 59: 10b–11a. The Daozang preserves a text entitled Huangting wuzang liufu buxie tu, though it only shows individual animal symbols of the five organs; see DZ 432, 6: 687b, 688b–c, 689c, 690c, 691c. 208 WL 11: 19b–20a. Both Catherine Despeux and Farzeen BaldrianHussein trace the Yanluozi body charts to the Huangting jing. Isabelle Robinet, on the other hand, associates them with the medical tradition

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361

of the Huangdi neijing 黃帝內經, arguably the earliest medical book in ancient China, which was originally composed in the Han dynasty and later expanded in commentaries and editions. See Despeux 1994, 112; Robinet 1993, 67; Baldrian-Hussein 2004, 194. For more studies on the Huangdi neijing, see C. Zhou 1996; Unschuld 2010, 263–96. 209 Wenwu chubanshe 1958, fig. 113; Xiao Jun 2008, 311; Katz 1999, 154 (fig. 6); I Lo-fen 2005, 113 (fig. 19). Cf. the Southern Song album leaf (Beijing Palace Museum collection) called the Skeleton Puppet Show (Kulou huanxi tu 骷髏幻戲圖) by the court painter Li Song 李嵩 (1166–1243), who paints a skeleton performing a skeleton puppet show in front of children—a metaphor reflecting the consciousness of a fleeting life; see I Lo-fen 2005 (for a plate, see 100 [fig. 1]); Itakura 2008, 116–22 (for a plate, see 117 [fig. 10]); Hong 2011; Tong Wen’e 2006, 35–40. The various graphic depictions of the inner body and skeleton form a contrast with the stereotyped notion that human body is invisible in Chinese art; see Hay 1994. 210 For a rubbing of a Song stone engraving transcribing the Huangting jing in small regular script, attributed to Wang Xizhi, see Little and Eichman 2000, 338–39 (pl. 128). 211 Traditionally labeled as an illustration of the Huangting jing, the Daoist scroll by Liang Kai of the Southern Song, now in the Wan-go Weng collection, has been recently re-identified as an image of Daoist salvation. See Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 2007; A. Jing 2007; Little and Eichman 2000, 178–79 (pl. 37). See also fig. 0.4 in this book. 212 The Yanluozi tradition of inner body charts may not be the only visual tradition stimulated by the Huangting jing. One lost painting by Li Gonglin is recorded with accompanying colophons in the literati circle of Su Shi, who transcribed the scripture as

a farewell gift to the Daoist Master Baoguang 葆光 from Sichuan. Li Gonglin later created an illustration based on the scripture and attached it at the beginning of Su’s text. Li also added the portraits of Su and himself to the end of the painting. Su further wrote a eulogy in his own copy, admiring “the Perfected Being of the Yellow Court, the dancing God of the Embryo,” the twelve magnificent gods in the brain. Huang Tingjian, probably present at the scroll-signing, wrote another eulogy after Su’s. Here Huang stresses the esoteric transmission of the scroll and advises Master Baoguang to “leave the scroll to the dragon hiding in the deep water” rather than transmitting it to someone who does not deserve it. See DPQ J 94: 10. 213 Needham et al. 1983, 111. For a study of early Daoists’ healing activities, see Lin Fushi 2002. 214 Zhu Yaping 1992. For a study of the anatomical and imaginative aspects of the Chinese depictions of the viscera, see Kuriyama 2001. 215 Despeux 2005, 24–31. 216 Needham et al. 1983, 111, 113. 217 Despeux 2005, 28–29. I would like to thank Professor Chih-Sheng Chu (M.D.) (Division of Cardiology, Department of Internal Medicine in Kaohsiung Medical University Hospital, Kaohsiung, Taiwan), who helped me in reading these anatomical body charts. 218 See Xuanmen maijue neizhao tu in Jin Shiying and Jin Pu 1996, 273. Cf. 1315 Japanese copies of Yang Jie’s body charts in Huang 2003, 18–21. 219 According to Myasita Saburō, these are two of seven body charts from a Persian manuscript (Aya Sofya MS 3596) discovered in 1939 in the Aya Sofya Library in Istanbul, Turkey. They were “copied at Tabriz in 1313–14 by Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmūd Qawwām al-Kirmānī,” who is “one of the scribes employed by Rashīd al-Dīn al-Hamadānī (ca.

1247–1318), a Persian physician and prime minster under the greatest of the Mongol rulers of Persia, Ghāzān Mahmud Khān.” See Miyasita 1967, 489–90; Needham et al. 1983, 113. 220 Catherine Despeux studies the imagery of skeletons illustrated in Southern Song and Yuan treatises associated with forensic medicine; see Despeux 2005, 20, 22; 2007. 221 YH 63: 27; XZZTJCB 105: 26a; Goldschmidt 2008: 31–36. For rubbings of Wang Weiyi’s illustrated text on acupuncture which was originally engraved in the Northern Song capital, see Fu Weikang and Li Jingwei 2000, wenwu tupu juan, 110 (pl. 237); Huang Longxiang 2003, vol. 1, 209–13 (pl. 87). For rubbings of body charts based on the Ming duplicates of the Song original stone carvings of Wang Weiyi’s illustrated text, see Huang Longxiang 2003, vol. 1, 204–6 (pl. 84). For archaeological discoveries of lacquer and terra cotta figurines bearing meridians or acupuncture points, see V. Lo 2007, figs. 1–2, 418–19; Fu Weikang and Li Jingwei 2000, wenwu tupu juan, 57 (pl. 127). For other medieval documents regarding the moxibustion charts from the Dunhuang manuscripts, see V. Lo 2005. 222 LYJ 4: 16–18; YH 34: 6; 160: 45a; Goldschmidt 2008: 34. For more studies on the Temple of the Prime Minister, see Soper 1948; Xiong Bolü 1985; Duan Yuming 2004; Lesbre 2005. 223 YH 63: 28a; Unschuld 2000, 85. The names of the acupuncture points on the bronze statue were inlaid in gold (cuojin shu 錯金書) beside each locus. “The figure was made in two halves, front and back, which could be fitted together to make a whole body.” See Zhou Mi’s comment in QDYY 14: 251–52; Goldschmidt 2008, 34. 224 Huang Longxiang et al. 2004, 358; Goldschmidt 2008, 34. For later Buddhist liturgical paintings depicting patients who died of acupuncture

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and a quack doctor causing patients’ death by acupuncture, see Shanxi sheng bowu guan 1985, pls. 166, 177. 225 For the complete text, see Cao Hongxin 2005, vols. 2–8. For an introduction to this text, see Huang Longxiang 2003, vol. 2, 720–22; for an example of the acupuncture body chart illustrated in the Taiping sheng huifang 太平聖惠方, see 721 (pl. 248.1). A recent discovery of a Northern Song painted tomb in Hancheng 韓城, Shaanxi province, bears an unusual “medical mural” which showcases a male figure holding a book with a title on the cover that reads Taiping sheng huifang. He appears to the right side of the wall painting, featuring a group of servants preparing medicine for the male scholarly master, who was depicted at the center of the wall. For a study of the wall paintings from this tomb, see Kang Baocheng and Sun Bingjun 2009; for a color plate, see 169. I would like to thank Yu Yu-chi for guiding me to this source, and for Professor Kang Baocheng for his generosity in providing the photography of the tomb painting for me to study. For more on medicine in the Northern Song, see Goldschmidt 2006, 2008; Unschuld 2010, 161–66. 226 This statue’s hair is described in minute detail and acupuncture points are marked all over the body, including the head; see Huang Longxiang 2003, vol. 1, 219–23 (for the plate, see 219); Huang Longxiang et al. 2004, 2005. Cf. a later Japanese statue of the ancient sage Shennong 神農 with schematic mock organs; see Saitō 2009, 279 (pl. 357). For more on the Japanese renditions of the “Bronze Man” and “Charts of the Bright Hall,” including copies from Chinese versions in later times, see Nagano 2001. 227 JKYL 11: 18. 228 LS 4: 19. The interest of fabricating the human body crosses the border of medical science to the funeral



and religious visual culture. Life-size wooden manikins discovered in Liao tombs in Xuanhua 宣化 and Beijing (both in modern-day Hebei province) represent yet another type of representation of body unique to the Liao burial practice. Take the late eleventh- to early twelfth-century female figurine excavated from tomb IIMI in Xuanhua, 1998, as an example. Bearing seventeen movable joints, this figurine contains the cremated ashes of the deceased in the hollowed chest. Selected joints, such as those demarcating the ankles, elbows, and knees, highlight the anatomical traits resembling a real person. The likeliness of the effigy is further reflected in the individualized facial features. For more studies, see Zhang Xiande 1980, 33 (fig. 11); Steinhardt 1997, 337–38 (fig. 312); Guojia wenwu ju 2000, 110; H. Shen 2005, 100–101 (and fig. 11); H. Shen, ed. 2006, 218–19 (pl. 52); Li Qingquan 2008, 263–67. 229 Maruo et al. 1966, zuhan, pl. 48, 68; kaisetsu, 53–60; Watanabe 1956; Henderson and Hurvitz 1956, 22–25; Ishihara 1975a–b; Oku 2009, 43. 230 Maruo et al. 1966, kaisetsu, 54. 231 Henderson and Hurvitz 1956, 22–24; Maruo et al. 1966; Kaisetsu, 53–54; Ishihara 1975a, 18–19. 232 K. Tsiang 2010, 218. 233 Watanabe 1956; Ishihara 1975a, 1975b. For an alternative view linking the Buddhist mock human organs to Indian medicine introduced to Song China, see Ishihara 1956. 234 The mock organs were deposited in the eighth arhat statue from a group of thirty-two Song arhat statues preserved in Lingyan si. For a plate, see Lingyan si 1999, 44l; for more on the Lingyan si arhat statues, see 29–44. For a classic study of the cult of arhats in China, see Michihata 1983. For studies of lohan paintings, see W. Fong 1958; Lee Yumin 1990a, 1990b, 2010; Seinosuke 2000, 2001, 2008, 2009a, 2009b. Helmut Brinker

calls attention to a Northern Song Guanyin statue that also “contained in its hollow interior incense and cloth simulacra of human entrails.” See Brinker 2011, 10–12 (figs. 1–2). 235 According to Lin Wei-cheng’s study of Buddhist relics, the Song dynasty also saw a growing interest in rendering Buddhist relics in more concrete bodily forms, such as the golden imagery of buddha’s feet carved on the surface of the coffin-shaped silver reliquary in the Pagoda of Wondrous Communication (Miaotongta 妙 通塔) at the Temple of Inheriting Heaven (Chengtian si 承天寺) in Lianshui 漣水, Jiangsu 江蘇, and the reliquary deposit of a miniature bronze statue of a crouching buddha fashioned after the stereotyped iconography of the Buddha’s Nirvana in the eleventh- to twelfth-century Pagoda of the Teaching Monastery of Flourishing Sagehood (Xingsheng jiao si ta 興聖教寺塔) in Songjian 松江 county outside Shanghai; see Lin Wei-cheng 2010a, 23–24. For more on the representations of the Buddha’s Nirvana in Chinese relic deposits, see H. Shen 2003. For a recent discovery of several examples of the Tang-dynasty clay statues bearing a real body of a monk within each clay statue, see Feng Jicai 2009, 312–19. 236 YYZZ 6: 1a; HJ 10: 6a; Watanabe 1956, 30–31. 237 For recent scholarship on later (mostly Qing and modern) Hunan Daoist statues that contain deposits of consecration certificates (yizhi 意 旨), medicines, paper money, and more, see Arrault 2008; Arrault and Bussotti 2008; Fava 2008. 238 DZ 590, 10: 826c; YJQQ 119: 2610– 11. For more on the efficacy of various images of the Celestial Master recorded by Du Guangting, see DZ 590, 10: 826c–829c; Mesnil 1996–97, 152. For more on Du Guangting and the Daoist liturgy developed in the Shu region at that time, see Verellen

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1989a, 1989b, 1992. For more on Du Guangting’s Daoist tales, see Luo Zhengming 2005. 239 For more on mirrors in Buddhism, see E. Wang 2005a, 247–55; H. Shen 2006; H. Shen, ed. pls. 73a–c, 270–73; Liu Yi 2008, 201–90. 2 40 The Daoists believe that the divine bodies bear clean organs. A fascinating story from the Yijian zhi 夷堅 志 tells of the Perfected Wu’s (Wu zhenren 武真人) dream journey to the celestial court of the Empress of Earth (Houtu 后土), where she was invited to take out her inner organs in her stomach for cleaning. After the celestial attendants washed her stomach and intestines in the jade basin, they put them back into her body and sealed it. See YJZ, dingzhi, 653. See also Matsumoto 1983, 234; 1990, 191. For more on the anecdotes of Daoist healing recorded in Yijian zhi, see Chuang Hung-i 2005. 241 For more on mirrors in Daoism, see Fukunaga 1973; Cahill 1986; Kohn 1998a, 69–71; 2007, 130–31; Liu Yi 2008, 134–200. For more references to the mirror as a metaphor for the mind in the Zhuangzi, Chan Buddhism, and Neo-Confucianism, see Kohn 1998b. 242 For more on Daoist bathing, see YJQQ 41: 888–901; Schafer 1956; Kohn 2003a, 114–19. 243 DZ 90, 2: 334b; Boltz 1987, 206–7; Sakade 1991, fig. 13, 77; Despeux 1994, 38–40; Despeux and Kohn 2003, 185–87. 2 44 For a study of the Scripture of Salvation (DZ 1), see Strickmann 1978. For a study of the Ming illustrations of this text, see Wan Chui-ki 2011b. 245 See the date of the preface in DZ 90, 2: 333c. 2 46 See Zeng Zhaonan 2000. 247 DZ 1068, 24: 71a. Also, see Needham et al. 1983, fig. 1581, 105; Despeux 1994, 41; Verellen 2006, 173 (fig. 8.10). For more information about Chen Zhixu, see Pregadio in

Pregadio 2007, 262–63; Hudson 2007; Roboinet 2011, 12–14, 18, 34, 54, 71, 77–79, 84–91, 96–97. 248 For a study of a body chart entitled Chart of the Skeleton of Lord Lao (Laojun kulou tu 老君骷髏) possessed by the contemporary Orthodox Unity priest Yi Songyao 易宋堯 from Hunan province, see Fava 2009. 249 T.52.2103: 144b; Kohn 1995c, 54–55. 250 YJQQ 56: 1216. Cf. Kohn 1993a, 169. 251 Cf. the analogy of body and cosmos stated by Ge Hong and recounted in YJQQ 14: 371. 252 LQGZ, 499b. For studies of Guo Xi, see W. Fong 1984; 1992, 93; 1996, 130–33; Barnhart 1997, 116–18; P. Foong 2000. 253 Cf. the notion of “water is the blood of earth” (shui nai di zhi xuemai 水乃 地之血脈) in Taiping jing 太平經; see DZ 1101, 24: 410a; see Wang Ming 1960, 119. For an exhibition catalogue showing the wonders of Chinese rocks as the “kernels of energy, bones of earth,” see Hay 1985. 254 LQGZ. For translations in English, see Bush and H. Shih 1985, 167; Sakanishi 1935. 255 Murck 2000, 197–202; personal correspondence with Alfreda Murck, November 17, 2008. 256 Verellen 2006, 173. For a study of the progressive and regressive time cycles in Daoist ritual, see Schipper 1986. 257 Needham et al. 1983, 107. 258 DZ 221, 4: 124b; DZ 220, 4: 6b–c. 259 Shin 2011, 8–12. 260 DZ 221, 4: 124b. For more information about this text, see Andersen in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1073–74. The term gaoben means “the meditative ascent to and internalization of the qi of the sun, the moon, and the Northern Dipper.” It derives from the chapter on “Flying High” mentioned in Huangting jing, and the visualization practice associated with this can be traced to the visualization practices of the Highest Clarity in the Six Dynasties; see YJQQ 12: 257; Robinet 1993, 187–200; 1989. For

more illustrations from the Southern Song texts dealing with the “flying high” practice, see DZ 220, 4: 8–9; 221, 4: 123–27; 435, 6: 698–703. For discussions of these illustrations, see Boltz 1993a; Laing 1998, 36–37 (fig. 9); E. Wang 2000, 117, 121 (fig. 13). 261 DZ 221, 4: 123b. Also, see Sakade 1991, 78–80. The depiction of an adept riding on a dragon to the sun reflects the visualization text, which urges the adepts to visualize clouds of fire descending from the sun, their transformation into a bridge, and finally into a dragon who may take the adepts to the sun. See DZ 221, 4: 124b. For comparable illustrations from the other Celestial Heart text, see DZ 435, 6: 699b–c, 701b–702c. 262 This illustration is part of the method called “Paying Homage to the Jade Hall and the Primordial Qi” (“Chao yutang ye yuanqi” 朝玉堂謁 元氣); see DZ 220, 4: 6b–c. Also, see Boltz 1987, 37 (fig. 6). 263 DZ 220, 4: 6b. 264 Lin Boting 2006, 54–59 (pl. 6). For selected studies of this painting, see W. Fong 1984; 1996, 125–30; Barnhart 1997, 100, 102. 265 Cf. Schipper’s viewing process of the nineteenth-century Neijing tu in Schipper 1986, 186. 266 Little 2000, 722. 267 DZ 90, 2: 334b. My translation is based on Despeux and Kohn 2003, 186. For a full-length translation of the accompanying text, see 186–87. 268 The Gate of Heaven situated at the left side of the bridge refers to the solar plexus; see Despeux and Kohn 2003, 187. 269 Despeux and Kohn 2003, 185. 270 DZ 90, 2: 356a. 271 According to the Huangting jing, Mount Kunlun corresponds to the head; see YJQQ 11: 236; 12: 299. 272 The term appears in the Duren jing ten times; see DZ 1, 1: 3b, 72b, 86b, 132c, 158c, 262b, 303c, 330b, 337c, 405b. 273 DZ 90, 2: 356a–b. According to Wang Qizhen’s 王契真 Lingbao dafa

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上清靈寶大法, this terrace corresponds to the back of the neck; see DZ 1221, 31: 250b. 274 During the period 995 to 997, the architecture painter Lü Zhuo 呂拙 submitted a sample drawing of the Desolate Terrace in the Sheltering Great Canopy of Heaven to Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 976–97) as part of the construction project of the Temple of Jade Clarity (Yuqing gong 玉清宮). Lü Zhuo later was appointed by the Northern Song court to the Daoist priest of the Temple of Jade Clarity; see SCMHP 3: 459a. 275 NGZML 12: 18a–b; DZ 92, 1: 468b–c. 276 DZ 92, 1: 468b–c. 277 NGZML 12: 18a–b. For a study of Lin Lingsu, see Ebrey 2000; Lee Li-liang 2006. 278 W. Fong 1996, 128. For a study of figures in Song landscape painting, see Barnhart 1989, esp. 65–66. 279 YJQQ 11: 237, 248. 280 Stewart 1993, esp. chs. 2 and 3. I would like to thank Marcia Brennan who introduced me to this work. 281 Stewart 1993, 60. 282 Such is the case with the dollhouse; see Stewart 1993, 60. 283 Stewart 1993, 43, 60, 64. 284 Stein 1990, 52.

Chapter 2 1 For selected studies of Chinese and Daoist cosmology, see Graham 1986; Henderson 1984; Major 1984, 1993; Needham et al. 1956, 216–345; Bokenkamp 1997, 15–20, 165–66, 234–37; Lagerwey 1981, 33–38, 40–42, 80–82; Robinet 1984, 1: 130–40, 221–28; 1997b, 7–14, 42–46, 92–94, 158–62, 234–30; 2002; Kleeman 2005; Cullen, Robinet, and Pregadio in Pregadio 2007, 47–60. 2 Henderson, 203. 3 For selected studies of the mappae mundi, see Harley and Woodward 1987, 283–370; Scafi 2006, 108–15; Needham et al. 1959, 528–32.



4 Harley and Woodward 1987, 302–3. I would like to thank Linda Neagley and Diane Wolfthal for their input on this subject. 5 For a study of Islamic religious cosmography, see Karamustafa 1992. 6 Kohn 2008c, 115–18. For selected translations of Daoist texts associated with creation, see Kohn 1993, 33–62. 7 Cullen in Pregadio 2007, 47. 8 Girardot 2008, 45; He Shiji 1970, vol. 3, 15–16; Jiang Xichang 1970, vol. 3, 278–80. 9 For a study of yin-yang theory, see Graham 1986. See also Kohn 2008c, 115; Cullen in Pregadio 2007, 51–53. 10 For useful tables showing the yinyang and five phases correlation, see Tables 1 and 25 in Pregadio 2007, 52, 1070; Kohn 2001, 44. For more studies on the five phases and eight trigrams, see Major 1984, Andersen 1990b; Cammann 1990; Smith 2009. For art historical studies on related themes, see Louis 2003a; M. Wan 2003. 11 See Zhang Heng’s 張衡 (78–139) remark translated by Cullen in Pregadio 2007, 47. 12 For a study of the theme of hundun in early Daoism, see Girardot 2008. 13 Robinet in Pregadio 2007, 48–49, 523–25. According to the Daode jing, the yuanqi is even earlier than or equivalent to hundun; see Pregadio in Pregadio 2007, 1192. 14 See the translation from chap. 7 of Zhuangzi in Girardot 2008, 64. 15 Robinet in Pregadio 2007, 54. 16 One of the earliest extant texts detailing the deified Laozi is the late second-century Scripture of Laozi’s Transformation (Laozi bianhua jing 老子變化經), whose Sui-dynasty manuscript dated 612 (S. 2295), transcribed by Wang Chou 王儔 and collated by the Daoist priest from the Mysterious Altar of the Mysterious Capital (Xuandu xuantan 玄都玄 壇) in Chang’an, was discovered in the Dunhuang library cave. For a reproduction of the manuscript, see

Li Defan 1999, vol. 4, 2141–46. For a study of this text, see Liu Yi 2005, 368–417. For a selected translation, see Kohn 2008c, 115–16. 17 Kohn 2008c, 116. 18 This is inspired by the Buddhist notion of the Buddha, who leaves his mother through her right side (youxie 右脅) (see Kohn 2008c, 116), as well as the story of Lady Wukouguang 無 垢光 (Immaculate Light) born from her mother’s left hand, as accounted in the fifth-century Buddhist apocryphal sutra Sutra of the Transformation of the Female Body (Foshuo zhuan nüshen jing 佛說轉女身經); see T.14.564: 921a. A Xi Xia Buddhist frontispiece of Foshuo zhuan nüshen jing illustrates this story, though the accompanying colophon says that she is born from the right side of her mother; see TK 8 in Zhongguo shehui et al. 1996–2000, vol. 1, 198 (fig. 54.2); Saliceti-Collins 2007, 103–5, 238 (fig. 2.51). 19 DZ 1250, 28: 413b. 20 Kohn 2008c, 116. 21 For selected studies of the visual representations of Laozi in Chinese art, see Hu Wenhe 2008; Pontynen 1980a–b; Wu Hung 2002a; Fava 2009. 22 Hu Wenhe 2004, 146 (fig. 42); 2008, 101 (fig. 16); Liu Zhaorui 2007, 195 (fig. 91). Note that both Hu and Liu date this statue incorrectly to 567. I would like to thank Ide Seinosuke for his insight on this statue. 23 In the early middle ages, it is trendy to have the T-shaped armset attached to a ji table as the domestic furniture. For a story of Han Kangbo’s 韓康伯 mother leaning on an old ji (yin guji 隱古几), see “Xianyuan” 賢媛, no. 19 in Shishuo xinyu 世說新語, in Yu Jiaxi 1993, vol. 2, 697. For a translation, see Mather 1976, 355. For more on Shishuo xinyu, see N. Qian 2001. I would like to thank Nanxiu Qian for guiding me to these sources. For an archaeological example of the ji with an arm rest, see L. Yang 2001b, 51 (fig. 42).

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24 For comparable visual examples of the Laozi and Heavenly Worthy (Tianzun) statues dated 583, 661, 668, 709, see Hu Wenhe 2004, 164–65, 182–83, 184–196, 198–200 (figs. 48, 58, 60, 63–67, 72); the Laozi statue dated 567 (Freer Gallery) in L. Yang 2001b, 36 (fig. 7). For more studies of medieval Daoist statues, see L. Yang 2001a–b; Abe 1996–97; Bokenkamp 1996–97; Little and Eichman 2000, 163–71, 181–84 (pls. 29–33, 38–42). 25 DZ 1378, 34: 54c. 26 This Qingduguan may be the same temple with which the eighth-century Celestial Master Zhang Wanfu was affiliated; see DZ 507, 9: 371c. For more documentation of Daoist manuscripts from Dunhuang library cave, see Ōfuchi 1978–79. 27 This sentence structure is patterned on the Daode jing (juan 14). 28 This citation is based on P. 2728; see Li Defan 1999, vol. 4, 1982. The Chinese in brackets is the Daozang variant; see DZ 1378, 34: 54c. For selected translation of DZ 1378, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 285–86; Eichman 2000, 38. 29 Wang Ka 2004, 85–86. The dating of these fragments is provided in S. 238; see Li Defan 1999, vol. 4, 2003. 30 Li Fengmao 1995, 123. For more studies on the copying of Daoist scriptures in medieval China, see Li Fengmao 1995; Zhang Zehong 2000; Kohn 2003a, 159–63; Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 107; Monnet 2004, 110–14 (pls. 73–78); Eichman 2000. 31 DZ 97, 3: 545c. These phrases are cited frequently in numerous medieval Daoist texts; for selected examples, see DZ 1138, 25: 66c; DZ 1, 1: 63a, 218a, 259b, 388c; DZ 219, 3: 614b. See also Ware 1933, 244; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 287–88; Kohn 2003a, 159. 32 Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 377. For a detailed list of the celestial locations of the heavenly writings based on the Numinous Treasure scriptures, see Appendixes II and III in Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 388–91.

33 Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 351; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 1060. 34 Kohn 2008c, 117. 35 DZ 22, 1: 783b; for the complete five sets, see 776b–783b. Hsieh Shu-wei counted 668 graphs in total, different from Bokenkamp’s counting of 672 characters. See Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 353; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 1060. 36 Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 354; 2010, 101–3, 105, 108, 112, 114, 118–19, 122–23, 256, 261. For more on the Daoist writings, see Tsuchiya 2010. 37 For studies of dafan yinyu, especially its audio aspect, see Bokenkamp 1983, 462–65; 1997, 385–89; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 297–98; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 25–26, 233–40; 2010b, 104–7. An anecdote recorded in Yijianzhi attests to the popularity and efficacy of the dafan yinyu; see YJZ, zhiyi, 2: 804–5. For a study of the concept of the Brahmā in Daoist Numinous Treasure scriptures, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2011. 38 Zürcher 1980, 110–12; Bokenkamp 1997, 387. 39 Bokenkamp 1983, 463. The samples of these heavenly scripts are retrieved from DZ 97, 2: 532a–b; for the names of the deities associated with the sounds of these graphs, see 532c–533a. See also Bokenkamp 1997, fig. 5, 431. For more study on this text, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 33, 238–39, 361–74. 40 Bokenkamp 1997, 380–82. 41 Kohn 2008c, 117–18. 42 Bokenkamp 1983; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 36. 43 The Scripture of Salvation preserved in the Daozang has sixty-one chapters; see DZ 1, 1: 1a–417a. Except for the first chapter, which can be connected to the Six Dynasties Numinous Treasure literature, the other sixty chapters appear to be the Song fabrication under the leadership of Huizong and the influential Shenxiao Daoist master Lin Lingsu 林靈素 (ca. 1076–1120). For a classic study, see Strickmann 1978. For

more on Lin Lingsu, see Ebrey 2000, 104–7; 2006, esp. 251 (n. 51); Lee Li-liang 2006; S. Chao 2006, esp. 327–38. 44 For the two diagrams, see DZ 147, 3: 64a–b. For almost identical diagrams, see DZ 219, 3: 1042b–c. A diagram called the True Form Chart of the Most High King of Divine Empyrean (Gaoshang shenxiao wang zhenxing tu 高上神霄王真形圖) is comparable to the Floating Earth Diagram; see the undated Shenxiao text in DZ 1219, 28: 566a. For a study of these charts, see Despeux 2000, 511–13, 525–26. 45 For studies of this scripture, see Strickmann 1978; Bokenkamp 1997, 373–438. 46 For the preface attributed to Huizong, see DZ 147, 3: 62b–63a. 47 According to Michael Strickmann, the preface of this commentary attributed to Emperor Huizong and the many diagrams imbedded in this text further suggest that it is a Shenxiao product closely associated with Huizong’s milieu. More precisely, Strickmann proposes that the text was authored by the Shenxiao Daoist Wang Wenqing in 1120. See Strickmann 1978, 344–46. See also Despeux 2000, 511, 525; Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1084. 48 DZ 1, 1: 1c, 36a, 132b–137a, 182b, 189c, 286c, 382a, 402c. See also Bokenkamp 1997, 405. For a study of this complex term, see Bokenkamp 1991; 1997, 383, 432–33 (n. 1). 49 Bokenkamp 1997, 432 (n. 1); 1991, 71; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 372–73. 50 For more on Tianzhen huangren, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 238–39, 343–49; 2007b; 2010b, 125–66. See also Wan Chui-ki 2011a. 51 Recent scholarship of religion and sacred sound calls attention to the spatial metaphor implied in soundscape and the complex connection between “a patterned form of sonic expression” and “religious practice

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and their emplacement in time and space.” For more on soundscape and religious mediation, see Schulz 2008, esp. 173. For a recent study of the sound and writing in medieval Daoist cosmology, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2011. 52 DZ 147, 3: 64a. Stephen Bokenkamp traces the term biluo 碧落 to Tang poetry, and interprets it as the celestial realm in the northeast or the “azure mists in a celestial locale.” See Bokenkamp 1991, esp. 71; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 372–73. 53 DZ 147, 3: 64b. 54 For a study of the ancient roots of Daoist heavenly writings, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 109–94; for selected scholarship on the Mandate of Heaven, see 109–112 (for more references, see 109, n. 1); Seidel 1983. 55 Dai Renjun 1966, 30–35; Yasui and Nakamura 1971–92, esp. 2: 73; 2: 86; 6: 89–91, 136, 174; Chen Pan 1979, 1991; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, esp. 14 (n. 11), 144–54; 2007, 192. 56 For scholarship on the River Chart and the Luo Writ, see Kaltenmark 1960, 568–70; Dai Renjun 1966; Ledderose 1978–79, 33–36; Yasui and Nakamura 1971–92, 6; Chen Pan 1991; Seidel 1983; Major 1984; Despeux 2000, 499; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 133–54; E. Wang 2005a, 199, 217, 231–32; Henderson 1994, 213–16. 57 See Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994–2005, vol. 17, 238b. 58 Despeux 2000, 499. For an illustration of a horse wading in the river with the dotted River Chart imprinted on its side, see the sixteenth-century illustration from the printed commentary of the Book of Changes, reproduced in Henderson 1984, 214 (fig. 8.9). 59 SYJ 2: 2a; SuiS 69: 9b–10a; Shanghai guji chubanshe 1994–2005, vol. 17, 239 (fig. 13.9). 60 The Tang-dynasty Records of Famous Paintings of All Dynasties (Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記) groups the River Chart with the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks under the



category called “Secret Paintings and Precious Diagrams” (“Mihua zhentu” 祕畫珍圖); see LDMHJ 3: 136. 61 Henderson 1994, 213–14. 62 Smith 1991, 108; Henderson 1994, 213–15. For more studies on the evolution of the Yijing, especially in the Song period, see Smith 2009, chap. 5. For the Yijing diagrams discussed by Song scholars, see Shi Wei et al. 1994, 1–585. 63 DZ 158, 3: 168a; Despeux 2000, 519–20; LJT 1: 8–9. These diagrams are comparable to the diagrams in DZ 159, 3: 214. Also, cf. Henderson 1994, 215 (fig. 8.10). A “coin chart” consisting of forty-five coins and following the model of the Hetu was discovered in 1996 in a thirteenthcentury tomb in Sichuan. It reflects the visual presence of the River Chart in the funerary context. Zhang Xunliao and others associate the presence of such an artifact in Song tombs as a new cultural phenomenon blending Daoism and the lore of fengshui. See Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1067; for more examples from archaeological finds, see 1063–1188. For more studies, see Kalinowski in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 747; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1063–1188; Shi Wei et al. 1994, 1–585; Wang Yongkuan 2006, 102–28; Smith 2009, chap. 5. 64 The number fifteen here refers to the duration between the new moon day and a full moon day, and vice versa. 65 For a discussion of the popularity of tu in the Song Neo-Confucian context, see Florian 1990. 66 The selected diagrams are from DZ 1221, 30: 733a–b; DZ 466, 7: 31b. For more on Daoist cosmology and its reflection in the design of Daoist ritual space, see Gesterkamp 2011, 189–200. 67 DZ 1221, 30: 733a. 68 A painting entitled the Painted Image of the Heavenly Worthy of the Grand Network (Daluo tianzun huaxiang 大羅天尊畫像) was commissioned

at the Tang court; see WYYH 781: 16a–b. 69 The names of the Heavens of the Three Clarities as inscribed on this diagram reflect the synthesized notions of the Three Clarities (Sanqing 三清)—Jade Clarity, Highest Clarity, and Great Clarity— and the Three Heavens (Santian 三 天)—Pure Tenuity (Qingwei tian 清 微天), Leftovers of Yu’s Food (Yuyu tian 禹餘天), and Great Scarlet (Dachi tian 大赤天). For more on the formation of the Heavens of the Three Clarities, see Kohn in Pregadio 2007, 840–44, esp. Table 18, 841. 70 XHHP 1: 65a, 2: 66b–67a, 3: 70a, 4: 75a, 16: 110a. For the iconic trinity of the Three Clarities painted on the wall behind the main altar of the Hall of Redoubled Yang in the fourteenth-century Daoist temple Yongle gong, see Xiao Jun 2008, 352–54. For a set of Qing paintings of the Heavenly Worthies of the Three Clarities from the Baiyun guan collection, see Little and Eichman 2000, 228–30; Kohn in Pregadio 2007, 842 (fig. 64). 71 For the citations of this term in the fifth-century Numinous Treasure text, see DZ 97, 2: 542a, 555b, 556a, 556c, 559a, 561a. For the phrase “the vast Grand Network beyond the Three Worlds” (“Sanjie zhi shang miaomiao Daluo” 三界之上渺渺大 羅), see the sixth-century Wushang biyao, DZ 1138, 25: 8a; see also YJQQ 3: 36. For more on the concept of Brahmā in the shaping of heavens in Numinous Treasure Daoism, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2011. 72 Sadakata 1997, esp. 41, 58–59 (fig. 17); D. Wong 2008, 54–57. 73 For detailed divisions of these worlds, see Sadakata 1997, 41–67. 74 Sadakata 1997, 57–59. 75 Sadakata 1997, 29. 76 The drawing is executed in orange, yellow, and ink; see Shanghai guji chubanshe 1994–2005, vol. 18, pl. 8 (unnumbered page), 382–86. For

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a study of this drawing, see Hu Tongqing 1996. I would like to thank Francoise Wang for guiding me to the sources on this topic, including his unpublished research notes on P. 2824. For a similar monochrome sketch from the Dunhuang manuscript P. 2012 dated by Kuo Liying to the similar period, see Shanghai guji chubanshe 1994–2005, vol. 1, 140–41; L. Kuo 2000, 53–63, esp. 56 (fig. 9). 77 Hu Tongqing 1996, 48. For a different version translated by Paramārtha, see T.29.1559. 78 For more comparable images of the Buddhist vertical cosmology in Chinese and Japanese visual cultures, see T.49.2035: 308 a–c, FZTJ, 32: 364–67; Sadakata 1997, 85; Y. Wang 2005, 106 (fig. 2.17); D. Wong 2008, 58–59 (fig. 3.1a–c). For a textual record of a mural of Mount Sumeru surrounding by the sea, painted by Wang Tuozi 王陀子 in the famous Sweet Dew Temple (Ganlu si 甘露 寺) in the Tang capital Chang’an, see LDMHJ 3: 136. 79 Francoise Wang, unpublished research notes. 80 Not shown in the illustration here, the hell compound in the Dunhuang drawing shows two rows of subdivided architecture motifs (not shown in fig. 2.10) below the gate; see Shanghai guji chubanshe 1994–2005, vol. 18, 386. For more discussion, see Hu Tongqing 1996, 49–50. 81 Mount Sumeru is 160,000 yojanas tall. A yojana refers to a Vedic measure of distance used in ancient India. One yojana is approximately seven kilometers; see Sadakata 1997, 27. 82 One explanation says that a yojana is about seven kilometers; see Sadakata 1997, 25–30. 83 Earlier examples of Mount Sumeru with a similar design appear in the fifth- to sixth-century Dunhuang murals, such as the depiction on the north slope of the ceiling in Mogao Cave 249; see D. Wong 2008, 57, as

well as pl. 3.2 on an unnumbered page. For a relief example, see the sixth-century stele from the Buddhist temple site known as the Wangfo si 萬佛寺, Sichuan, reproduced in Watt et al. 2004, 224 (pl. 126); D. Wong 2004, 157 (fig. 10.3). 84 Sadakata 1997, 56. For more references, see also Bokenkamp 1997, 399 (n. 32). 85 DZ 1221, 30:733a. 86 This ritual diagram shows the layout of the Daoist ritual space prepared for the rite known as salvation through refinement, aiming at getting a new and purified body for the retrieved, cleansed, and fed souls in the Daoist salvation ritual. For more on the liandu rite, see chap. 5 of this book. 87 For citations of the Si zhongmin tian in selected Daoist texts, see DZ 770, 17: 794a; DZ 1, 1: 193a. 88 Zhuling is the god of the south and granter of life, who is summoned frequently by ritual masters to preside over a salvation ritual. A similar ritual diagram shows Zhuling as the main deity at the altar; see DZ 466, 7: 30a. For more discussion, see chap. 5 of this book. 89 As the diagram shows, the Three Worlds include the four heavens of the World of Formlessness (wuse jie si tian 無色四天), the eighteen heavens of the World of Form (sejie shiba tian 色界十八天), and six heavens of the World of Desire (yujie liu tian 欲界六 天). 90 This number corresponds to the Highest Clarity system of thirty-six heavens established in the early medieval period; see Miller in Pregadio 2007, 849–51, esp. Table 20, 850. 91 For more studies of this illustrated text, see Eichman in Little and Eichman 2000, 237–39 (pl. 73); Eichman 2000, 40–42; Wan Chui-ki 2010. 92 Little and Eichman 2000, 195 (pl. 50), 198. Cf. Wilson 1995, 42–43 (figs. 1–2). 93 YJQQ 21: 489.

94 See Miller in Pregadio 2007, 847–48, esp. Table 19, 848; Bokenkamp 1997, 382–83. 95 Bokenkamp 1997, 383. 96 Bokenkamp 1997, 399 (n. 32). For a study of the multiple meanings and visual representations of heaven in early China, see L. Tseng 2011. 97 DZ 155, 3: 125a; DZ 1221, 30: 733b. 98 DZ 155, 3: 125a. Also see Schipper and Verellen 2004, fig. 32, 876; Gesterkamp 2011, 192, fig. 54. For records of Zhang Shangying’s submission to Huizong, see “Jin Sancai dingwei tu zou” 進三才定位 圖奏 in QSW 102: 140. I learn about this source in Patricia Ebrey’s unpublished book manuscript Huizong: Emperor of China. For more on Sancai dingwei tu, see Xu Yilan 2009, 33–43; Wan Chui-ki 2011a. 99 Cf. a similar diagram in DZ 219, 3: 628a. Also, compare the names of the thirty-two heavens in DZ 87 listed by Miller in Pregadio 2007, Table 19, 848. 100 DZ 220, 4: 6b–c. 101 Chen Zhaoyin 1994, 148–49. 102 For a well-cited definition by the first-century astronomer Zhang Heng 張衡, see Needham 1959, 217; L. Tseng 2011, 50, 302, 386 (n. 104). For the Daoist scholar Ge Hong’s support of this theory, see YJQQ 2: 17. According to Lillian Lan-ying Tseng, the earliest extant celestial chart based on the Han view of the Spherical Heaven is the tenth-century chart carved on the ceiling of the tomb of the King of the Wu Yue 吳越 Kingdom; see L. Tseng 2011, 314–15 (fig. 5.12). 103 Cf. the reconstructed diagram in Chen Zhaoyin 1994, 155. 104 Miura 1983; Verellen 1995a; Ledderose 1983; Li Fengmao 1988. 105 YJQQ 26: 592–95, 601–2. 106 Miura 1983; Verellen 1995a. 107 YJQQ 26: 603–4; DZ 598, 11: 54a–b. For a recent study of the construction of Penglai in Chinese lore of paradise and garden culture, see Shin 2011.

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108 For a list of their names, see YJQQ 27: 608–31. This system reflects a gradual historical synthesis based on Plans of the Palaces and Bureaus in Heaven and Earth (Tiandi gongfu tu 天地宮府圖) by Sima Chengzhen 司 馬承禎 (647–735), Record of Grotto Heavens, Blessed Places, Ducts, Peaks, and Great Mountains (Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji 洞天福地嶽瀆名 山記) by Du Guangting (850–933), and Anthology of the Abyssal Cavern (Dongyuan ji 洞淵集) by the Northern Song Daoist Li Sicong. See DZ 599, 11: 56a–59b; DZ 1062, 23: 834a–c; YJQQ 26: 596–607, 27: 608–31; Miura 1983, 1–3; Verellen 1995a, 272–75; Miura in Pregadio 2007, 369–71. 109 DZ 1062, 23: 834a–c; JXTZ 105: 66a; Li Fengmao 1986, 158. 110 See nos. 202 and 203 in DZ 1430. 111 DZ 598, 11: 51–55. For translations in English, see Smith 1990; Kohn 1993, 49–55. For more on this text, see Li Fengmao 1986, 123–85. For its role in Korean maps of the sixteenth century, see Robinson 2010. 112 Li Fengmao 1986, 140–43. 113 Li Fengmao attributes the ringshaped cosmography to prototypes seen in Han-dynasty mirrors and Buddhist wheel charts, which originated in India; see Li Fengmao 1986, 132–33. 114 For more study of the Penglai, Yingzhou, and Fangzhang as a low watery paradise in ancient and medieval China, see Shin 2011. 115 Dorofeeva-Lichtmann 2007, 217–18, 220, 270–87, 293. As Li Fengmao notes, the conceptualization of a central land surrounded by waters also reflects the shared religious cosmography well established in North and West Asia; see Li Fengmao 1986, 128. 116 DZ 219, 3: 628b. Cf. DZ 1221, 30: 734b. These diagrams recall the now-lost True Form Charts of Mount Kunlun, Mount Zhong, Mount Penglai, and the Divine Continents



(Kunlun Zhongshan Penglai shan ji Shenzhou zhenxing tu 崑崙鍾山蓬 莱山及神洲真形圖) mentioned in the sixth-century Records of the Ten Continents; see DZ 598, 11: 55a; Li Fengmao 1986, 136. For more discussion of the extant examples of the True Form of mountains, see chap. 3 in this book. 117 Li Fengmao 1986, 148; Xiao Dengfu 1989, 260. 118 DZ 219, 3: 628c. See also DZ 1221, 30: 734b. 119 Ledderose 1983; Munakata 1991; Laing 1998. For Japanese images inspired by Daoist earthly paradises, see Saitō 2009, 266–73. For a discussion of the Chinese influence on Asuka garden design, see Kosugi 1935, 73–100. 120 Ledderose 1986, 170. 121 DYZB, zhong: 6b–7a. See also Stein 1990, 52–53; Needham et al. 1959, 41. 122 Li Fengmao 1986, 154; DYZB, zhong: 2a–b. 123 According to Zhao Shengliang, the Chinese notion of feitian in Buddhist art does not restrict to the Buddhist deities apsara; see his updated study on the Dunhuang feitian in Zhao Shengliang 2007. 124 Li Fengmao 1986, 154. 125 DZ 1125, 24: 747c, 753a; Kohn 2004, 98, 116. 126 The Daoist revolving bookcase derived from the Buddhist revolving sutra cabinet (zhuanlun cang 轉輪藏), first introduced to Tang Buddhist temples and became popular in the Song period; see Goodrich 1942; Chen Guofu 1963, 228–31; Huang Minzhi 1996; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1224–32. The Northern Song government building standards, the Yingzao fashi 營造法式 (published in 1103), contains printed samples of the Daoist and Buddhist bookcases imitating celestial buildings; see YZFS 32: 19a–22b; for a sample of the Buddhist revolving bookcase, see 21b. See also Steinhardt 2002, fig.

5.39. For an architectural study of the construction of the revolving sutracabinet, see Q. Guo 1999. 127 I would like to thank Prof. Angela Howard for granting me the permission to publish two of her photos (figs. 2.17a, 2.17c). For a plate, see also Shimada and and Nakazawa 2000, 293 (pl. 230). Although the temple was a ninth-century piece of architecture, the cabinet was built in 1181; see Huang Shilin 1991; SCTZ 27: 3a–b. 128 Huang Shilin 1991, 22–24. 129 For more images of wooden sculptures originally attached to the revolving scripture cabinet, see Huang Shilin 1991, 27–31. 130 Xiao Jun 2008, 115; Shih Shou-chien 1984, 282; S. Huang 1995, 18–19. For an interdisciplinary study of the religion and murals of Yongle gong, see Katz 1999. 131 The embroidered design of immortal mountains on the sea remained a popular motif for Daoist priest’s robes during the Qing; see Little and Eichman 2000, 198 (pl. 50). For more information on medieval Daoist vestments, see Kohn 2003a, 147–59. 132 DZ 149, 3: 96c. 133 Stewart cites Lilliput in Gulliver’s Travels as an example; see Stewart 1993, 67–68. 134 Stewart 1993, 68. 135 DZ 149, 3: 96c. For a study of this chart and its related text, see Baryosher-Chemouny 1996, 20–28. Also see Baldrian-Hussein in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 802–3. Note that the definition of the three isles and ten continents in this illustrated text is different from that in YJQQ 26: 590–607. 136 DZ 149, 3: 96c. 137 DZ 149, 3: 96c. 138 The lower isles include the Peach Blossom Spring (Taoyuan 桃源), Scarlet City (Chicheng 赤城), and the Mysterious Gate (Xuanguan 玄 關); the middle isles include Jade Pond (Yaochi 瑤池), Hibiscus

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(Furong 芙蓉), and Palace Park (Langyuan 閬苑); the upper isles include Penglai, Fangzhang, and Yingzhou; see DZ 149, 3: 96c. 139 DZ 149, 3: 96c–97a; Li Fengmao 1986, 173. 140 Li Fengmao 1986, 161–62. 141 Shih Shou-chien 1984, 281; Sullivan 1980, 97–99; S. Jang 1992. For more on the themes and techniques in Chinese landscape paintings evoking Daoist paradises and sacred mountains, see Vinograd 1979; Laing 1998; Munakata 1991; Hartman 1993; Boltz 1993a. 142 For a plate, see Gugong bowuyuan 1978, vol. 1, 80–83. For more studies of this painting, see Suzuki 1987, 1: 147–49; Wang Cheng-hua 1998, 86; S. Huang 2002, 93–97; H. Lee 2010, 95–101, 259 (n. 61). This painting is one of the few extant pieces that bear a half title inscription, a coded cataloguing system associated with Emperor Huizong’s imperial collection; see Wang Yaoting 2010, 118–19. It is also one of the few extant works that bears the registry marking derived from the Text of One Thousand Characters (Qianzi wen 千 字文) system related to the Southern Song court; see Barnhart 1995, 93; S. Huang 2002, 95. 143 Gugong bowuyuan 1978, vol. 1, entry text, 14. 144 For a comparable painting depicting different islands amid panoramic seascape, see the Yuan-dynasty handscroll by Puguang 普光 in Little and Eichman 2000, 370–71 (pl. 145). 145 For a Ming painting depicting the Queen Mother of the West in the Jade Pond from the National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China; see Little and Eichman 2000, 156–57 (pl. 26). 146 DZ 221, 4: 124b; DZ 220, 4: 6b–c. 147 Kuang Yuanying 1985; for the stonerelief landscape, see 6 (pl. 18); Kuhn 1996, 356 (fig. 8.8); Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1322–23. For more on the interior design of the tomb, see Y. Hsu 2010, 223–24.

148 Ren Xiguang 1958, 85; Kuhn 1996, 348 (n. 21). 149 Kuang Yuanying 1985, 391. 150 Kuhn 1996, 347. James Cahill interprets the unusual discovery of a tenth-century landscape hanging scroll in the Liao tomb at Yemaotai 葉茂台 as a Daoist retreat or paradise, an example of the grotto heaven theme. See Cahill 1988, 44–45 (fig. 28). Cf. Li Qingquan’s interpretation of this painting stressing the theme of “chess playing” in the landscape of grotto heavens, in Li Qingquan 2008, 203–12. Selected tomb paintings discovered in northern China from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries feature landscape paintings on the main wall of the tomb. For the landscape painting in monochrome ink depicted on the rear wall of the rear chamber of the 924 tomb by Wang Chuzhi 王處直 in Quyang 曲 陽, Hebei, see Hebeisheng wenwu et al. 1998, pls. 13–14. For a later version of monochrome landscape depicted on the rear wall of the 1342 tomb of the Complete Perfection priest Feng Daozhen 馮道真 in Datong 大同, Shanxi, see Su Bai 1989, 184–85 (pl. 187). For an excavation report, see Datong shi 1962. 151 For more studies on the Five Sacred Peaks, see Verellen, 1995a; Chavannes 1910b; Ono 1963; Sawada 1991, 249–87; Lui Hui 1994; Robson 2009; Robson in Pregadio 2007, 480–82, 755–59; Goossaert in Pregadio 2007, 917–18, 947–48. 152 Verellen 1995a, 274. Also, see Robson 2009, Map 1, 26. 153 Robson 2009, 25–56. For more discussions of the Five Sacred Peaks, see chap. 3 of this book. 154 Clunas 2007, 122. 155 For a plate, see Shōsō-in Jimusho 1976, pl. 23; 1995, 217 (South Section 70). Also, see Munakata 1991, 43–44 (figs. 30–31); for similar Tang mirrors, see 99–100 (pls. 44–45). For a study of these objects, described as mirrors showing the true form of the

Five Sacred Peaks, see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1768–83. For more studies on Chinese mirrors in Daoism and Buddhism, see Liu Yi 2004a–b. For studies of Tang bronze mirrors, see Yen Chüan-ying 1989. For a study of the archaism of Tang mirrors, see Louis 2009. 156 Kohara Hironobu compares the style of the mountains in this mirror with landscape paintings in Dunhuang Mogao Cave 103 and the Admonitions Scroll (Nüshizhen tu 女史箴圖) attributed to Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之; see Kohara 2005, 80–81 (figs. 18–21). 157 CXBT 28: 21b; Zhang Xuanliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1807–9. Cf. Qing-dynasty bronze mirrors bearing similar designs in He Lin 2007, 214 (pl. 126), 252–53 (pl. 159), 274 (pl. 173). For a recent study of this catalogue, see Ebrey 2008, chap. 6. For more samples of Daoist mirrors preserved in the Daozang, see DZ 429, 431. 158 See chap. 3 in this book. 159 Chavannes 1910, fig. 55. Cf. two seventeenth-century specimens from Mount Tai, reproduced in Chavannes 1910, figs. 56, 58; the 1604 specimen from Mount Song reproduced in Little and Eichman 2000, 358 (pl. 137); the 1612 version in Clunas 2007, 124 (fig. 99). For more research on Mt. Tai, see Ono 1963; Liu Hui 1994; Dott 2005. 160 Little and Eichman 2000, 198 (pl. 50); cf. 197, 199 (pls. 49, 51). 161 Cf. the insigna of the Five Sacred Peaks on other Daoist robes reproduced in Wilson 1995, 42–43 (figs. 1–2). 162 For an exhibition catalogue featuring the visual culture of the heavenly horses along the Silk Road, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2008. 163 Verellen 1995a, 271. Raoul Birnbaum discussed the caves of Mount Wutai 五臺, “the famous Buddhist pilgrimage center” whose sacred landscape reflects “the interrelation of Buddhist concepts” with “native Chinese tradi-

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tions.” Birnbaum classified the caves into the following types: dwelling caves, paradise caves of mountain lords, manifestation caves, and caves of initiatory rebirth; see Birnbaum 1990. 164 Richard Barnhart situates the painting in the political context of the turmoil of the Song dynastic changes in the early twelfth century, and associates the painting with “the celebrated story of paradise gained and lost, ‘Peach Blossom Spring.’” He further questions the attributed title of the painting, arguing that it is spring, rather than autumn, that is featured in the landscape; see Barnhart 1997, 129–31 (fig. 121). For a different detail of this painting featuring the grotto heavens, see Vinograd 1979, 109 (fig. 7). A portable landscape painting on silk discovered in the tenth-century Liao tomb in Yemaotai depicts an alternative version of the grotto heavens; see Cahill 1988, 44–45 (fig. 28); Li Qingquan 2008, 203–7. Depictions of grotto formations comparable to that featured in Zhao Boju’s painting are found in the temple murals depicted in the different halls of the fourteenth-century Daoist Temple of Eternal Joy, Shanxi. See, for example, the detail showing Lü Dongbin seated in the cave conversing with He Xiangu kneeling outside the cave in Wenwu chubanshe 1958, 53 (fig. 57); Katz 1999, 161 (fig. 10); Xiao Jun 2008, 199; Watt et al. 2010, 143 (fig. 172). For other scenes showing a cavern with a half-open door, see Xiao Jun 2008, 318, 330. For more on the representations of grotto heavens in Chinese art, see Xu Yilan 2009, 261–313. In addition, many landscape motifs resembling grotto heavens are nicely preserved in the Korean copies of Northern Song Mizangquan 秘藏 詮 prints, now in the Nanzenji 南禅 寺 collection, Kyoto; see Egami and Kobayashi 1994, pls. XIX, XXVI, XXXV, XXXVII, XLVIII.



165 An oft-cited example in Daoist literature is Mount Bao (Baoshan 包 山) (in modern-day Jiangsu), which is said to be connected to Langye 瑯 琊 (in modern-day Shandong) by underground tunnels; see TPHYJ 91: 8a; Li Fengmao 1986, 192. 166 TPYL 44: 9b; 47: 18b–19a; 48: 12a. An impressive “survey report” by Du Guangting (850–933) inspects the width, depth, and length of the multiple stone chambers inside the Grotto of the Flaming Sun (Yenyang dong 焰陽洞) located on Mount Yang (Yangshan 陽山) in Sichuan; see QTW 929: 990–91. Chen Mingda links this literary description to the structure of the cliff tombs (yamu 崖墓) in Pengshan 彭山, Sichuan; see Chen Mingda 2003, 65. For the example of the “nine-thousand-yearold food” left by Wang Ziqiao 王子喬 in the stone chamber of the Shaoshi Mountain (Shaoshi shan 少室山), west of the Central Sacred Peak, Mount Song (Songshan 嵩山), see YJQQ 112: 2457. 167 YJQQ 112: 2457; DZ 1384, 34: 100. 168 Li Fengmao 1986, 208–10; 1988, 48–50. 169 Li Fengmao 1988, 11. 170 Although a Buddhist monk, the protagonist of the story is said to practice the embryonic breathing to survive the journey; see DZ 591, 10: 878b–c; TPGJ 54: 7b, 398: 9a; YJQQ 112: 2457. For a translation of this story, see Verellen 1995a, 269. Cf. TPGJ 54: 7b, 398: 9a; YJQQ 112: 2457. 171 DZ 591, 10: 878b–c; Verellen 1995a, 269. 172 Executed in nuanced shades of monochrome ink on paper, the painting was signed by a little-known painter who called himself Gathering Clouds Mountain Man (Cangyun shanren 蒼雲山人), who was “a member of the Song royal family who lived through the Mongol conquest.” See Hearn and W. Fong 1999, 80–87 (pl. 3); for the episode

illustrated here, see 83 (pl. 3e). See also Kohara 2005, 16–17 (fig. 2). 173 For an undated illustrated text on the hagiography of the Tongbo Perfected Being (Tongbo zhenren 桐柏真人) associated with Mount Tiantai, see DZ 612. 174 The story of the two hermits originates from a sixth-century collection of wonder tales called Youming lu 幽 明錄, which only survives in fragments and abbreviated versions; see Schafer 1986, 667–71. For a study linking Tao Qian’s “Record of the Peach Blossom Spring” with an early Numinous Treasure text (DZ 388), see Bokenkamp 1986. 175 Hearn and W. Fong 1999, 81; for the complete handscroll, see 80–87. 176 Hearn and W. Fong 1999, 81–83, 87–88. The diagonal compositional strategy as reflected in this episode, with the water separating the female deities and the two men, who are only shown in torsos at the lower right corner of the picture plane, compares to the Southern Song Buddhist handscroll, Biographies of the Eight Lofty Monks (Ba gaoseng tu 八高僧圖) by Liang Kai; see the fifth episode of the Eight Lofty Monks reproduced in Fu Xinian 1988, 100 (pl. 70). 177 Hearn and W. Fong 1999, 84–85. 178 Hearn and W. Fong 1999, 86–87, 89. 179 DYJ 22: 4b–6a; Long Xianzhao et al. 1997, 96–97. 180 The mirror bears an inscription that identifies the maker He Dezheng 何德正, a native of Jiangxi but a resident in Changsha (yuju Changsha 寓居長沙); see Little and Eichman 2000, 354 (pl. 136); He Lin 2007, 190 (pl. 107). 181 For two Jin-dynasty bronze mirrors bearing similar motifs, see Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman 1992, 861–62. 182 WNWJ 18: 1; Wu Hung 2005, 2: 493. 183 For more on the Daoist alchemical ingredients excavated in the Han funeral site in Mianyang (Sichuan), see He Zhiguo et al. 2007.

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371

184 DZ 440, 6: 722a–b. See also Little and Eichman 2000, 315 (pl. 115, section 1a); Xu Yilan 2009, fig. 1.39. For more on this illustrated text, see Xu Yilan 2009, 96–118; Xu Wei 2011. For a study of different illustrated versions of the hagiography of Xu Xun, including DZ 440, see Xu Wei 2011. For a study of the common themes and forms of hagiographies in Chinese pictorial art, see Murray 2000. 185 For a study of the materiality of the Christian hell, see Oestigaard 2009. 186 Lynn in Pregadio 2007, 69; Teiser 1993. 187 Xiao Dengfu 1989, 359–64; Seidel 1987, 1989–90, 255. Wu Hung cites ancient sources and interprets the Yellow Springs as “the final destination of all mortal human beings after death” and “the imagined location of innumerable graves constructed over several thousands of years.” See Wu Hung 2010, 7. 188 Xiao Dengfu 1989, 359–443; Lynn in Pregadio 2007, 70–71; Bokenkamp 1997, 374–76; Sawada 1991; Teiser 1993, 1994.  189 Xiao Dengfu 1989, 385. 190 For the example of twelve river springs as loci of Daoist hell, see Xiao Dengfu 1989, 363–68. 191 DZ 369; DZ 658; Xiao Dengfu 1989, 359–63; Ono 1963; Tanaka 2002, 123–38. 192 DZ 441, 6: 740c–741a. 193 Lynn in Pregadio 2007, 69–70; Maeno 1975, 112–49. 194 For a citation in the Sui-Tang Numinous Treasure text, see DZ 336, 6: 90a. The term appears most frequently in the Song-Yuan liturgical manuals; see DZ 219, 3: 931c; DZ 466, 7: 29b, 8: 429b, 502b, 819b; DZ 547, 10: 143b, 144a, 152a, 348a, 364a; DZ 1221, 30: 948c, 31: 1c, 40c, 112a, 238b. 195 For a diagram, see DZ 219, 3:628c. For more study on jiulei, see Xiao Dengfu 1989, 391–408. 196 Xiao Dengfu 1989, 397–405. 197 DZ 466, 7:29b; 1223, 31: 2c–3a.

198 In ancient China, the Mingtang was conceived not only as an ancestral temple but also as a microcosm where the ruler acts according to seasonal changes. The Mingtang thus represents the ideal political temporal space which correlates a good government with the proper cosmic order. For different diagrams of the Mingtang recorded in the Song texts, see XDSLT 4: 57–58, 73; LJT 3, 4, 8. For textual records of the Song discourse of the Mingtang construction as a nine-room plane, see WXTK 73; YH 95, 96; TZ 151, 161; JZYH 76. For more studies on the Mingtang, see J. Liu 1973; Wang Meng’ou 1981; Henderson 1994, 212–13; M. Hwang 1996; Wu Hung 2005, 642–58; Lewis 2006, 260–73; L. Tseng 2011 (esp. 70–88 for its spatial layout). 199 The names of the nine hells first appear in Tang Daoist sources; see DZ 543, 10: 72a–b; Xiao Dengfu 1989, 398–99. 200 DZ 1223, 31: 2c–3a. For studies of Daoist rites of lighting lamps in medieval China, see Schipper 1975b; Zhang Zehong 1999, 200–228; Li Yuanguo 2003a; Hsieh Shu-wei 2010a; Lin Sheng-chih 2011. 201 For a detailed description of the nine chambers of hell, see DZ 508, 9: 604–5. 202 Medieval Chinese literary sources picture diverse models of Buddhist hells, ranging from sets of two, three, four, six, eight, ten, fifteen, and eighteen hells, to thirty and even sixty-four hells. See Xiao Dengfu 1989, 72–100; Sawada 1968, 6–14. Sadakata 1997, 47–54. 203 For a plate, see T.49.2035: 305a; FZTJ 32: 360. For a partial translation of the text, see Y. Jan 1966. 204 Sadakata 1997, 26–27; D. Wong 2008, 54. 205 T.49.2035: 316b; X.131: 392a. Within this framework, each of the subdivided hells is further broken down to sixteen horizontal “wings.” As illustrated in the diagram featur-

ing the Hell of Waiting for Life (Denghuo 等活) one of the eight hot hells, the sixteen “wings” are attached evenly to the central square along the border, accessible through the four doors open to each side of the border. See X.131: 392b. Cf. the Eight Cold Hells divided into the upper and lower levels, each housing four sub-units of hells; see X.131: 393a. A fifteenth-century scroll from the set paintings used in the Buddhist Water Land ritual depicts the eight cold hells on top of the eight hot hells; see Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 144. For a study of the Buddhist world map in Japan, see Muroga and Unno 1962. 206 T.49.2035: 316b, 317b; Xiao Dengfu 1989, 100–109. 207 In the lore of internal alchemy, Mount Fengdu is marked in the abdomen of the body. 208 Robinet 1993, 217–18; 1989, 180–82; Kohn 1992, 109–10. 209 DZ 1366, 33: 811b–c; DZ 1016, 20: 579a; Mollier 1997; Chenivesse 1997, 1998; Tanaka 2002, 139–46. For the corpus of Daoist texts related to the cult of the Emperor of the North, see Andersen, Lagerwey, Schipper, Kalinowski, Schmidt, and GyssVermande in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1188–1202. 210 YJQQ 27: 626, 28: 645, 119: 2628–29; YJZ, zhikui 5: 1257; Chenivesse 1997, 1998, 46; Mollier in Pregadio 2007, 423; Li Yuanguo 1999a, 371–72, 380; Hahn 2000, 697. For a study of Mount Pingdu as a center of Daoism, see Wang Ka 1995. 211 DZ 1366, 33: 811b–c. The translation is based on Kohn 1993, 265. 212 DZ 1366, 33: 812a; Robinet 1993, 219; Robinet 1989, 181. The Southern Song bibliography lists the title of this text alongside other pictures dealing with Daoist cosmology, such as the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks and the Picture of the Great Grotto in the Nine Heavens. Such a grouping suggests that the Southern

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Song bibliographer treats this text as an illustrated document; see TZ 72: 11b–12a. 213 Li Yuanguo 1999a, 375. 214 DZ 508, 9: 609c; Chenivesses 1997; Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1016 (fig. 45). 215 Although these eight versions have slightly different titles, they share a similar template. See DZ 466, 8: 298b; DZ 219, 3: 1030a; DZ 547, 10: 346c–347a; DZ 1221, 30: 815b, 31: 5b; DZ 1223, 31: 597a; DZ 1412, 34: 420b–c. For more study of these diagrams in ritual and funerary contexts, see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1239–50. 216 For studies of the Northern Emperor and his association with death and the exorcist tradition in Daoism, see Mollier 1997; Robinet 1993, 216–18. 217 Xiao Dengfu 1989, 382–83, 416, 419–22. By the thirteenth century, the Three Officials are in charge of a massive bureaucratic administration in the Daoist pantheon. For an impressive chart showing the complex organization of the Three Primes administration, see DZ 219, 3: 629a–c. For more study on this subject, see chap. 6. 218 This deity is evoked in the Southern Song Daoist salvation ritual (Yellow Register Purgation); see DZ 508, 9: 720a. 219 Sandrine Chenivesse’s translation of “Prison Residence” (Yuzhai 獄宅) should be corrected; see Chenivesse, 1997, 53, 55. 220 Chen Xingyi 1989, 86 (fig. 1); Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1239–50, esp. 1240. 221 Zheng Jiali and Guo Yong 2006. 222 The 1238 diagram has an additional place marked as the Black Pond. This is the same as the Daozang example reproduced in DZ 508, 9: 609c. 223 DZ 220, 4: 67c–68a. 224 Although it is not clear whether the drawing has its source in a Daoist or Buddhist context, it is probable that its imagery reflects widely shared,



pan-religious assumptions about the underground prison. For a plate, see Yu Yi 1979, 39. James Cahill sees this album as “preparatory studies for handscroll painting” or “ ‘fenben’ preserving the designs of some earlier works.” See Cahill 1994, 94. Kohara Hironobu associates the album with the Ningbo workshops who produced sets of paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell during the Southern Song and Yuan periods; see Kohara 2005, 478. For studies of representations of hell in medieval China, see Teiser 1988a, 1994; Ledderose 1981a–b, 2000. 225 The imagery of a hell prison in grotto formation is present in the early sixteenth-century (completed in 1507) mural from the Temple of the Eastern Sacred Peaks, Ji and Yi (Dongyue jiyi miao 東嶽稷益廟) in southern Shanxi; see L. Lu 2007, fig. 6.17; Ding Fengping et al. 2011, 27. For a recent study of this temple, including its murals and stele inscriptions, see Li Song 2011, 227–55. A detail of the mural depicts the entrance to a cave prison at Mount Fengdu. Sinners in fetters pass by an outdoor gate marked as the gateway to the Fengdu prison (fengdu yumen 酆都獄門). The prisoners enter the dark grotto hell deep inside the mountain after the guardians and officers checking on them; see Ding Fengping et al. 2011, 27. In the fourteenth-century scroll Searching [for Demons] in the Mountains (Soushan tu 搜山圖) in the Palace Museum, Beijing, the soldiers working for the deity Erlang set fires in a cluster of caves under the trees to capture the half-woman and halfanimal mountain spirit and a baby ape hiding inside the caves, and a goat spirit pulling out from the cave; see Fu Xinian 1989, 103–4 (pl. 72). 226 DZ 538; Zhang Zehong 1999, 225. 227 DZ 547, 10: 350b. Cf. the similar diagrams in DZ 1221, 31: 5a; ZW 698, 17: 89a. 228 The Small and Large Iron Wire Mountains appearing at the vicinity

of the Blood Lake Hell are named after the mountains encircling the Buddhist cosmography; see fig. 2.32 in this book; T.49.2035: 305a. 229 DZ 547, 10: 350b–c. 230 ZW 698, 17: 283a. 231 For the two undated Daoist scriptures evoking the Blood Lake Hell, see DZ 72, 2: 36c–40c; DZ 538, 9: 892b–97a. Also, see Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 983, 993; Sawada Mizuho 1968, 32–33. Cf. X. 1.23. For more discussion, see Zhang Zehong 1999, 225; Glassman 2008; Cole 1998, 192–225. 232 DZ 1223, 31: 597. 233 Glassman 2008, 176; Soymié 1965, 127–37. For more studies on this subject, see Soymié 1965; Takemi 1983; Cole 1998, 197–99; Seaman 1981; Glassman 2008. I would like to thank Kyoko Tokuno for guiding me to these sources. 234 For the version in the Buddhist Canon, see T.16.685. For studies on this subject, see Teiser 1988b. 235 Glassman 2008, 176. Stephen Teiser calls attention to a fourteenth-century Japanese illustrated printed text copied after a Southern Song Chinese text recounting Mulian’s saving his mother in hell. One narrative episode illustrated on top of the text depicts Mulian standing in front of the walled Prison of the River of Embers (Huihe diyu 灰河地獄), inside which sinners with long hair—perhaps all women—are swimming in liquid with their arms raised. For a plate, see Teiser 2006, 240–41. For translations of two late-nineteenth-century popular accounts of the Mulian legend, see Grant and Idema 2011. For more information on this Japanese illustrated text, see Miya 1968. 236 For a plate, see Yu Yi 1979, 28. 237 It deserves more study to further explore the dating of the Cleveland album. Based on the stylistic analysis, the different leaves of this album may be executed on different dates and by different hands.

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238 For a comparable image of a male figure wearing the triangular Mongolian hat, see the Yuan-dynasty printed frontispieces of the Lotus Sutra, reproduced in Guoli gugong bowuyuan 1995, 28–30 (pls. 10–12). See also the wall paintings from the tombs discovered in Chifeng 赤 峰 county (Ulanahad) in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, discussed in Steinhardt 1990, 199, 202–6 (figs. 2, 5–12); Su Bai 1989, 182 (pl. 184). For more tomb paintings reflecting the Mongolian fashion of men’s hats, see Wang Xiaoyang 2010, 261, 263, 264, 274. For extant specimens of a Mongolian hat, see Steinhardt 1990, 210 (fig. 19); Denny 2010, 76, 79, 83 (figs. 106, 111, 115). The motif of a man wearing a Mongolian hat also appears in Ming Water Land paintings; see the wall painting of the Monastery of the Universal Buddha (Pilu si 毘盧寺) in Jin Weinuo 1988, 177 (pl. 172); see also the Baoning si Water Land paintings in Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 163. 239 Lei Yuhua and Cheng Chongxun 2006, 101–2, 128. For the study of Ming-Qing narrative paintings known as Raising the Alms Bowl ( Jiebo tu 揭缽圖), see Murray 1982. For a newly published handscroll depicting this subject and attributed to Li Gonglin, see Zhang Yuqing 2011. For the origin of the iconography of Hāritī, see Lesbre 2000; Hsieh Ming-liang 2009. For the development of the iconography of the Demon Mother of Nine Demons (Jiuzimu 九子母) in Song and preSong China, see Hsieh Ming-liang 2009, esp. 124, 153 (fig. 31). 2 40 For a plate, see Chapin 1972, pl. 44, section 114; S. Huang 2002, 458 (fig. 5.10). For more studies of this painting, see Li Lincan 1967; Lee Yu-min 2005, 2010; W. Ho and W. Fong 1996, 214–17 (pl. 95, figs. 79–82). 241 Cf. the breastfeeding motif of a monstrous woman to a small monster

depicted in the fifteenth-century Water Land painting originally commissioned by the Ming court and donated to the Baoning si; see Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 84. 242 For images of female sinners—some with exposed breasts in tortured positions—in the set of Southern Song Buddhist paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell produced by the Ningbo workshop, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 86 (pl. 80); Ledderose 2000, 164, 168 (figs. 7.2–7.3, 7.7–7.8). For Ming-dynasty depictions of women who died in childbirth or committed suicide, see the mural associated with the Water Land ritual in the Monastery of the Universal Buddha in Shijiazhuang, Hebei province, in Wang Sufang and Shi Yongshi, 2002, 186. For visual representations of a tortured woman exposing her breasts in fifteenthcentury European painting, see the study of the torture of Saint Agatha and the sanctification of sexual violence in Easton 1994. I would like to thank Diane Wolfthal for introducing this source to me. 243 Foucault 1986, 25. 2 44 Cf. Anning Jing’s notion of the Daoist tripartite vertical cosmology of heaven, earth, and humanities evident in the compositional design of Han bronze mirrors; see A. Jing 2008b, 9.

Chapter 3 1 For selected citations of zhenxing in medieval Daoist texts, see DZ 22, 1: 788c; DZ 55, 1: 895c; DZ 56, 1: 899b–900c, 903b; DZ 219, 3: 694c, 695b, 958c, 1030a–b; DZ 1185, 28: 229c; DZ 1125, 24: 747–48; YJQQ 102: 2204–8, esp. 2007–8. For more citations in other sources, see TPYL 667: 10a; CWZM 10: 5b; TZ 67: 20a, 22b, 23a. See also Schipper 2005, esp. 104–5. 2 DZ 1185, 28: 229c. My translation is based on Kohn 1996, 232 (n. 19); Ware 1966, 256. For studies of the

Inner and Outer Chapters of Baopuzi (DZ 1185 and 1187), see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 70–72. 3 For a study of various Tang hagiographical texts of Lord Lao, see Kohn 1996, 1998. 4 YJQQ 102: 2204–8, esp. 2007–8. Schipper relates this text to a hagiography by the Daoist scholar Yin Wencao 尹文操 (d. 688) active at the court of Emperor Gaozong 高宗 (r. 712–55); see Schipper 2005, 104–5. For related Northern Song texts on Laozi including DZ 770 and DZ 774, see Kohn 1996; Verellen in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 872–75. 5 YJQQ 102: 2207. 6 YJQQ 102: 2207. 7 YJQQ 102: 2208. Cf. the translation in Schipper 2005, 105. The Buddhist truth body is the same as the dharma body, in that it was first used in reference to relics in the seventh century and then more widely accepted in the ninth century. In Buddhism, the true body is in fact an “antithesis of body . . . whose essence is incorporeal,” for any visible form of Buddha is just an ephemeral manifestation of the Buddha; see E. Wang 2005b, 79–81, esp. 81; Assandri 2009, 180. For more discussions, see K. Tsiang 2005; H. Shen 2001, 2005. For a visual example of Laozi’s transformation, see the Southern Song handscroll by Wang Liyong 王利用 (ca. 1120–after 1145) depicting the ten manifestations of Laozi in Little and Shawn 2000, 174–75 (pl. 35); Xu Yilan 2009, 81 (fig. 1.22). For a study of the visual sources concerning Lord Lao’s eightyone transformations, see Kubo 1972. 8 Kohn 1996, 207–25, 226–27. 9 Suh-an Choi studies the overlapping concern of zhen 真 in medieval Buddhism and Daoism in her dissertation (University of Chicago, forthcoming). For related visual studies touching upon the Buddhist notion of zhen, see H. Shen 2005; Li Qingquan 2008, 263–67. 10 Although we have no direct docu-

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mentation, it is plausible that the early transmission of the true forms only existed within the internal Daoist community and not for popular audiences. Cf. the classification (internal vs. general circulation) of the texts related to the true forms in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1354, 1359, 1383. 11 YJQQ 3: 32; Hsieh Shu-wei 2007a, 2010b; Bumbacher 1995; Campany 2002, xxii. The transmissions of the true form charts of the Man-Bird Mountain and the Five Sacred Peaks occur once every one hundred years and forty years respectively; see YJQQ 79: 1805; 80: 1838. 12 YJQQ 79: 1804–6; 80: 1839–40. Also, see Fukui in Fukui et al. 1983, vol. 2, 125–26; 1990, vol. 2, 95–96. 13 According to medieval sources, it is the Daoist deities who first carved the True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain in the void of the Man-Bird Mountain; see YJQQ 80: 1838. Similarly, copies of the True Form Chart of the Five Sacred Peaks incised on walls of obscure stone chambers in sacred mountains in China would only “emerge” in front of the adept after his advanced meditation in situ. See the frequently cited story of Bohe 帛和 in SXZ 7: 3b; TPYL 663: 10b–11a. 14 Celestial Master Daoism situated its headquarters on mountains; its earliest text also listed names of mountain demons. On the other hand, the early Highest Clarity text evokes mountains more than seventy times; see Schipper 2005, 94–97. 15 Hahn 1988; Birnbaum 1990, 116; Kleeman 1994, 230–32; Ward 1995; Wu Hung 2000, 83–84; Von Glahn 2004, 78–97. 16 DZ 28: 235c. The term rushan appears in the title of a text known as the Classic of Entering the Mountains (Rushan jing 入山經) cited in the Song imperial encyclopedia Taiping yulan as a special Daoist handbook prepared for those who plan to



embark on a journey to the mountains; see TPYL 670: 6b. 17 Ware 1966, 279–80; DZ 1185, 28: 235c. 18 BPZNP 4: 22a. 19 DZ 1185, 28: 236b, 240a–242c; Campany 2002, 66–67. For samples of the script of the three sovereigns, see DZ 466, 8: 275. Also see Chen Guofu 1992, 71–78. 20 DZ 434, 6: 697c. John Lagerwey dates this illustrated text to the eighth century; Li Fengmao associates it with the Six Dynasties Highest Clarity Daoism. See Li Fengmao 1982, 402–3; Lagerwey 1991, 136. See also E. Wang 2005a, 204–5 (fig. 4.10). 21 DZ 1032, 22: 575b; YJQQ 80: 1836– 40. See also E. Wang 2005a, 204–5 (fig. 4.11); Xu Yilan 2009, 180–81 (fig. 2.19). 22 DZ 147, 3: 64a–b; DZ 1219, 28: 566a. 23 YJQQ 80: 1836–37; DZ 434, 6: 696. Cf. a copy of the Eastern Han tomb painting of a celestial map showing curvilinear cloud-like qi (from Zaoyuan 棗園, Pinglu 平陸, Shanxi) in Zhongguo shehui 1980, 48 (pl. 46). 24 Lagerwey 1997, 79. 25 For a plate, see Beijing tushuguan 1961, fig. 1. See also W. Yu 1997, vol. 3, 156–57 (pl. 163); Li Jining 2002, 21 (fig. 6). Cf. a similar design in Li Jining 2002, 22 (fig. 7). For scriptural sources, see T.20.1153, 1154. Extant dhāranī charms exist in different media. Besides drawings and prints, there is also the “hybrid” kind, which combines drawing and printing. For more studies of dhāranī in medieval China, see Copp 2005, 2008; Ma Shichang 2004; E. Wang 2007, 71–73 (figs. 3.13–3.14); K. Tsiang 2010, 218–47. For a study of the devotional use and symbolic function of Buddhist sutras, see Campany 1991. Han bronze mirrors also imbed characters in a square composition around the knobs of mirrors, a practice that may have served as a possible visual prototype for the Daoist charts; see

Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman 1992, 176–77, 184–90, 194–97, 201–2; He Lin 2007, 38–41 (pls. 19–20), 46–49 (pls. 22–23). I would like to thank Shi Jie for his input on this. 26 For more studies of Daoist and Tantric Buddhist spells, see Matsumoto 2001b; Sakade et al. 2005; Strickmann 2002; Robson 2008; Li Yuanguo 1996b. 27 This is a drawing copied after the original stone carvings on the door of the tomb no. 1 in Dahuting; see An Jinhuai and Wang Yugang 1972, 58 (fig. 8). For plates of the original multiple gates with similar designs, see Henan sheng wenwu 1993, black and white pls. 2–3, 10–11, 16–17 (unnumbered pages); for rubbings, see 34, 37, 39, 41, 59, 62, 65, 68, 78, 80, 82, 85, 88, 90, 92, 95 (figs. 19, 21, 23, 25, 40, 42, 45, 48, 56, 58, 60, 62, 65, 67, 69, 71). I would like to thank Shi Jie and Wu Hung for directing me to the Dahuting sources. For more studies of the Han tombs in Dahuting, see An Jinhuai 1994; Ma Xinyu 1995, 2000; Huang Yafeng 1999; Zhang Yana 2005. As Wu Hung and Shi Jie pointed out in personal communication regarding my lecture given at the University of Chicago on May 5, 2011, the printing of the true form chart has the effect of highlighting the black-and-white juxtaposition of void and solid patterns, thereby simulating the black-and-white contrasts of a rubbing taken after a carved image. Whether or not this potential visual connection to rubbings has something to do with the blooming of rubbing making and antiquarianism in the Song remains unclear. For more studies of Chinese rubbings, see McNair 1995, 1994; Ma Ziyun 1960; Wu Hung 2002b; Harrist 2008, 20–22, 158, 160–61; Starr 2008. For specimens of ancient bronze decorations, see W. Fong et al. 1980, esp. 224–25. Cf. cloud-like motifs in the Han funeral painting;

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375

see a copy in Zhongguo shehui 1980, 48 (fig. 46); L. Tseng 2011, 260 (fig. 4.25); Luoyang shi wenwu 2010, vol. 1, 120–49. Cf. the cloud-like motifs in Han embroidery; see W. Yu 1997, 118–21 (pls. 132–35). 28 DZ 1032, 22: 575b; YJQQ 80: 1837. 29 Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 2007, 2010b; Verellen 2006, 177. 30 For a study of the mi zhuanwen, see Wang Yucheng 1991b. For samples of the zhenwen, see DZ 22, 1: 776b– 783c; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 1061 (fig. 76). For a fifth-century text on the ziran yuzi, see DZ 97; Schmidt in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 222. For an example of the zhenwen sheet used in a contemporary Daoist ritual, see the photograph in Matsumoto 2001b, 174. For an explanation of the dafan yinyu, which is sometimes referred to as the ziran yuzi, see DZ 90, 2: 378a. For a sample of the hidden language of the thirtytwo heavens (sanshi’er tian yinyu 三 十二天隱語), see DZ 1220, 28: 732. According to Stephen Bokenkamp, the dafan yinyu are the “words and phrases found in the Numinous Treasure scriptures that are said to be powerful words from the language of the Thirty-two Heavens in past kalpas.” See Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 297. For more studies, see Bokenkamp 1983, 1989, 1991; 1997, 385–89; Wang Yucheng 1996, 2003a; Zürcher 1980, 107–12; Tsuchiya 2010. For the teaching of burning the dafan yinyu inscribed in vermilion ink in order to prevent the demonic disturbance in the mountain, see DZ 1, 1: 307a–b. 31 For a plate, see Little and Eichman 2000, 206 (pl. 56); Eichman 2000, 38 (fig. 3); Tsuchiya 2010, 78 (fig. 14). The magical inscription in this Dunhuang manuscript (P. 2865) derives from the incantations at the end of the Duren jing (DZ 1); see Eichman in Little and Eichman 2000, 207. 32 DZ 22, 1: 783b. For more samples in

the Daozang, see DZ 22, 1: 776b– 783a; DZ 97, 2: 532a–c; Bokenkamp 1983, 463; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 1060–62; Schmidt in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 215–16. For a translation of the selected Six Dynasties texts which include the true writs, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 392–413; 2010b, 63–124. For a comparable script type from a Dunhuang Daoist manuscript (P. 2865), see Little and Eichman 2000, 206. 33 The sample illustrated here is from the Northern Song tombstone; see Weng Shanliang 1990, 9. For more samples from Tang and Song tombs, see Wang Yucheng 1991b; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2004; 2006, vol. 5, 1496–99; Tsuchiya 2010, 80 (figs. 14–15). For a study on inscribed stones excavated in Tang and Song tombs, see Morgan 1996. 34 DZ 598, 11: 52b–c; YJQQ 26: 597–601; JZYH 86: 11–14. For an English translation of the text, see Smith 1990. 35 DZ 425, 6: 644c; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 236; Despeux 2000, 506. 36 YJQQ 80: 1836; DZ 434, 6: 696b. For the dating of the texts, see Li Fengmao 1982, 402–3; Lagerwey 1991, 136. 37 YJQQ 80: 1838; DZ 434, 6: 696b. Li Fengmao associates this with the “art of riding a chariot” (chengjiao shu 乘蹻術) practiced by Six Dynasties Highest Clarity Daoists. In a deep meditative state of mind, the adept visualized himself riding a chariot driven by a dragon, or a deer, or a tiger, surging across thousands of miles amid the immortal mountains; see Li Fengmao 1982, 401–2. The catalogue of lost scriptures recorded in the Daozang includes a certain Shangqing Scripture on the Art of Riding a Chariot (Shangqing taishang longjiao jing 上清太上龍蹻經), which originally included both talismans and pictures; see DZ 1430, no. 19. 38 DZ 434, 6: 696b.

39 Waterbury 1952, 73–140; Wu Hung 2005, l; Munakata 1991, 19 (fig. 6). For a man-bird interpreted as the ancient doctor Bianque 扁鵲 performing acupuncture to patients, see the Eastern Han relief tile from Shandong known as “Objects Relating to Famous Doctors,” reproduced in He Zhongjun and Wu Hongzhou 2001, 49 (fig. 1). 40 Their dress code, which includes a scholar-official hat with strings tied to the neckline, as well as the billowing robes that cover their bird bodies, suggests that these man-birds are members of the group of divine messengers and auspicious creatures depicted in the banner, escorting the tomb occupant Lady Dai to heaven. For studies on the Mawangdui banner, see Hunan sheng bowuguan et al. 1973; Wu Hung 1992; E. Wang 2009; L. Tseng 2011, 169–205. Wang Yucheng further links the man-birds in Han art to talismanic writings on Han funeral jars (jiezhu qi 解注 器) evoking magical man-birds, and suggests that both the pictorial and talismanic man-birds associated with Han tombs may serve as heavenly messengers; see Wang Yucheng 1991a, 51–52 (fig. 2.2). Cf. the motif of “a creature with a human face and a bird body, who is holding a needle ready to apply acupuncture to a group of people,” originally carved on a stone engraving decorating a tomb excavated in Shandong; see W. Yu 1997, vol. 2, 208 (pl. 242). 41 Yuan Ke 1985; Birrell 1999; Strassberg 2002; Dorofeeva-Lichtmann 2007. 42 Dorofeeva-Lichtmann 2007, 287 (fig. 11a). 43 The man-bird residing in the East is Goumang 句芒, who “rides in a chariot led by a pair of dragons”; see Dorofeeva-Lichtmann 2007, 289. For an illustration of man-birds from the 1597 version illustrated by Jiang Yinggao 蔣應鎬 (ca. late sixteenth century), see Ma Changyi 2003, vol. 5, 991.

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44 YJQQ 18: 418. For more on the immortal physiognomy, see Kohn 1996. 45 DZ 1185, 28: 229c. See also Yamada 1995, 23. Among the sage rulers, Yu had the beak of a bird; see Yoshioka 1959, 37; Kohn 1996, 213, 232. 46 Little and Eichman 2000, 132–37; Ebrey 2008, 295. A painting bearing the same title is recorded in Emperor Huizong’s painting catalogue; see XHHP 1: 64. 47 This mural image is from the south wall of the Yulin cave no. 25 dating to the mid-Tang period; see Liu Yuquan 1999, 122 (pl. 103). Garud. a is often paired with the life-sharing bird (gongming niao 共命鳥), another heavenly bird bearing double human heads; see Liu Yuquan 1999, 123 (pl. 104); Hsieh Ming-liang 2010, 18–25. A Southern Song painting dated to 1180 depicts the Amitābha’s Pure Land with the presence of both Garud. a and the life-sharing bird; see fig. 1.5 in this book; Katsuki 2006, 14, 43, 56–65. Song architectures adopted both Garud. a and the life-sharing bird as decorative motifs; see YZFS 33: 9a–b. Less well known is Garud. a’s power to heal and to bring rain, functions that, from the Tang dynasty on, intersect with the role of the Daoist thunder god; see Meulenbeld 2007, 78–90; Strickmann 2002, 232. In addition to the man-bird motif associated with Garud. a, a ninth-century set of paper slips excavated from the Dunhuang library cave contain a colored drawing of a bird-headed female spirit protecting children; see Whitfield 1982–84, vol. 2 (pl. 75); Chen Ming 2010, 1125–27 (esp. 1127). 48 This applies to the Jiangxi school of geomancy; see Smith 1991, 131–71, esp. 132–39; Henderson 1994, 217. For the application of geomancy theories in the study of Chinese landscape art, see Clunas 1996, 178–89; Harrist 1998, 94–96 (figs. 23–26). For more studies of Chinese fengshui, see



Feuchtwang 1974; Kalinowski 2003; Liu Hsiang-Kwang 2010. 49 Kohn 1996, 199. 50 For selected studies of Chinese fengshui, sometimes translated as geomancy, see Bodde 1959; Eitel 1973; Feuchtwang 1974; Smith 1991, 131–71; Kalinowski 2003; Bruun 2008. For a study of Chinese landscape painting, applying the concept of fengshui or qi, see Hay 1978; Laing 1998. 51 Haiwai xinfaxian 2003, 383–87, 437, 441, 444, 465. 52 In the Southern Song bibliography, charts aiming to illustrate the ideal sites for the living and the dead bear such titles as Diagram of the Phenomenon of Residence (Xiangzhai tu 相宅圖), Diagram of Mountain Forms of All Dynasties (Lidai shan­ xing tu 歷代山形圖), and Diagram of the Survey of Mountain Forms (Shanxing zonglan tu 山形總覽圖). They are recorded in the section of geomancy manuals, which can be further divided into the Books of Residence (Zhaijing 宅經) for the living and Books of Burial (Zangshu 葬書) for the dead. See TZ 68: 51–56. A ninth-century painting record lists geomantic pictures such as Chart of the Siting of the Household and Garden (Xiangzhai yuandi tu 相宅園 地圖) and Chart of the Siting of the Household in the Yin and Yang Realms (Yinyang zhaixiang tu 陰陽宅相圖); see LDMHJ 3: 28. Similar titles are in SuiS 34: 33–34. 53 The extant version is a Jin-dynasty copy of the Northern Song original; see TJDLXS, 118. 54 TJDLXS, 118. 55 TJDLXS, 118. 56 TJDLXS, 119. 57 Harrist 2003; 2011. 58 HNQG, 6: 25a. Hainei qiguan is an illustrated book of famous places and natural wonders designed by Chen Yiguan 陳一貫 (ca. early seventeenth century), carved by the Anhui carver Wang Zhongxin 汪忠信 (ca. early seventeenth century) and printed

by the Zhejiang publisher Yang Erzeng 楊爾曾 (ca. early seventeenth century). For more studies on this printed book, see L. Lin 2011; Harrist 2011, 571. 59 HNQG 6: 25a. Cf. the illustration of the Hawk Cliff (Yingyan 鷹巖) from the same book; see HNQG, 6: 18a; Harrist 2003, 44 (fig. 10); Harrist 2011, 571 (fig. 2). For more comparable illustrations from this printed book showcasing mountains and rocks resembling the forms of a lion, a monkey, an auspicious deer, a Buddhist saint, an immortal’s hand, a monk, and a young lady, see HNQG, 6: 17a, 18a, 19a, 22a, 25a, 26a. For Western counterparts of patterned stones that resemble something else, see the discussion of pictorial stones in Baltrušaitis 1989, 61–105; Harrist 2011, 571 (n. 4). 60 Harrist 2003, 39–40. 61 See also Zhao Shengliang 2002, 50 (pl. 37); E. Wang 2005a, 196 (fig. 4.5). 62 See also Weidner 1994, pl. 20; Harrist 1998, fig. 35; E. Wang 2005a, pl. 10. 63 E. Wang 2005a, 194; for an inspiring connection of the Numinous Vulture Peak and the Man-Bird Mountain, see 192–205, esp. 199, 204–5. 64 Deng Wenkuan and Liu Lexian 2003; Chen Pan 1991, 665–750. Cf. the illustrated text on weather in DZ 1275. 65 LDMHJ 3: 26–29; TZ 68: 19–20; Deng Wenkuan and Liu Lexian 2003, 36. 66 TZ 68: 19–20; Deng Wenkuan and Liu Lexian 2003, 36. 67 There are twenty-three illustrations of qi in this manuscript (S. 3326). The most complete reproduction is in Zhongguo shehui 1990–95, vol. 5, 36–43, esp. 36–39. Also see Deng Wenkuan and Liu Lexian 2003, 81; Drège 1999, 123 (fig. 18). Chen Pan discusses the other fragmented Dunhuang manuscript, which depicts similar phenomena of qi divined for military purposes; see Chen Pan 1991, 737–50.

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68 DZ 434, 6: 697c. For a translation of these two texts into French, see Lagerwey 1991, 135–36. 69 Lagerwey 1991, 136. 70 For the auditory component of true form, see Robinet 1993, 29. 71 For a translation into French, see Lagerwey 1991, 135. 72 Lagerwey 1985, 50. 73 DZ 1185, 28: 194c; Ware 1966, 121. See also Lagerwey 1991, 136. 74 Lagerwey 2005, 50. 75 The character in the diagram is not clear. Cf. a similar phrase of “yuren wangwang, zhi jie sigui” 愚人妄 往，至皆死歸 in the fourth-century Baopuzi neipian; see DZ 1185, 28: 194c. 76 DZ 1185, 28: 194c; Ware 1966, 121. See also Lagerwey 1991, 136. 77 Li Fengmao 1982, 401–2. 78 Schafer 1986, 675. For a list of Daoist texts that mention the eight daunters, see Schafer 1986, 673–77. Also see DZ 30; DZ 361. 79 The eight daunters are associated with another group of eight divine lamps, known as the eight phosphors (bajing 八景). They are further connected to different sets of Daoist octets denoting both space and time, such as the eight directions (bafang 八方), the eight nodes (bajie 八節), the eight ways (badao 八道), and the eight concourses (bahui 八會), all of which can be linked to the concept of the eight trigrams; see Schafer 1986, 674–75. See also the commentary on the Huangting neijing yujing 黃 庭內景玉經 preserved in DZ 263, 4: 847a–b. The bawei are also known as the eight numens (baling 八靈), see DZ 263, 4: 866b–c. According to the early sixth-century Numinous Treasure text, the eight daunters are among the fourth-ranking divinities, along with the resident deity-inchief of the Man-Bird Mountain, the Heavenly King of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi tianwang 元始 天王). This chief deity is the teacher of the Queen Mother of the West and

other jade maidens and messengers, the River Lord (Hebo 河伯), the Goddess of the Luo River (Luoshui shennu 洛水神女), and the Lords of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue jun 五嶽君); see DZ 167, 3: 276a–278a. Also, see Ishii 1968, 115–22, esp. 121. 80 DZ 1392, 34: 169c. Kristofer Schipper calls this diagram an “ancient document” based on the names of the deities it contains; see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 607. For more studies of Daoist registers, see Ding Huang 1995, 1996, 1997. The visual features of Daoist registers have yet to be examined in detail; see Y. Luk 2010, 2011; Zhang Xunliao 2011. Some of the most elaborate registers are preserved in the Song text related to the Orthodox One tradition; for selected examples, see DZ 1208, 28: 443a, 450a–b, 453b–c, 455b–c, 459a–b, 459c–460a, 460b– 461b, 463b–464a, 465c, 470a, 472c, 478a; for the registers evoking nine phoenixes or a nine-headed phoenix, see 450c–451a, 473b–c. 81 The register was originally colored, since it contains color instructions: the bird should be drawn in red and other parts in red, blue, and yellow. 82 YJQQ 80: 1838. For documentations of this deity in the early medieval Daoist pantheon, see DZ 167, 3: 276b. 83 Other divinities summoned through this register include heavenly generals and destiny officers, as well as a host of guardians, jade maidens, and messengers. Quite possibly, the entourage summoned may have been a group of deities associated with a celestial mountain, as indeed there is “a messenger guarding the mountain who leads one hundred thousand soldiers from the Heavenly Emperor.” This inscription is at the lower part of the bird image; see the register in DZ 1392, 34: 169c. 84 The symbol is from a Song set of five cosmic symbols corresponding to the five directions; see DZ

147, 3: 81c–82c; Li Yuanguo 2000, 91, 182. Also, the eight daunters are mentioned in the context of the jade characters of the five directions in red (wufang chishu yuzi 五方赤書玉字) in DZ 466, 8: 372a. For other magical writs bearing the titles of the eight daunters, see DZ 22, 1: 777b, 782a; DZ 1224, 31: 730a–733a. 85 DZ 1392, 34: 172a–c. 86 DZ 1392, 34: 172c. Patricia Ebrey (2001) discusses selected Tang and Song Daoist talismans, registers, and seals associated with dragon motifs; for the Daoist seal bearing the inscription “Dragon Script of the Eight Daunters” (Bawei longwen 八 威龍文), see 63 (fig. 22); DZ 1221, 30: 902c. 87 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 5, 1494–1511. For a comparable true writ preserved in the Daozang, DZ 1224, 31: 730a–733a. 88 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 5, 1494–1528; Wang Yucheng 1991b. 89 DZ 434, 6: 698a. 90 Despeux 2000, 506. 91 DZ 434, 6: 696c; YJQQ 80: 1838. 92 DZ 434, 698a. 93 DZ 128, 2: 865a. 94 DZ 22, 1: 776b–783b; DZ 466, 8: 367b–374b. The True Writs in Five Tablets contain 668 characters and predate the cosmic origin; see YJQQ 7: 112–13. For more studies, see Kobayashi 1982 ; Bell 1988, 376; Huang Kunnong 1998; Raz 2004; Andersen 2005, 15–16; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 338–53, 391–412; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 1060–62; Tsuchiya 2010. 95 DZ 466, 8: 373a–374b. 96 In traditional China, both religious and secular paintings were often produced in a set. They can be viewed individually or as a set. For extant specimens, see Yamato Bunkakan 1995. Cf. the medieval Dunhuang chain-sutra (lianxie jing 連寫經) or the practice of copying religious texts in series; see Mollier 2008, 16; L. Kuo 2000, 694–95.

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97 About the symbolic meanings of the numbers one, two, three, and five in Daoism, see Robinet 1995; Robinet in Pregadio 2007, 853–54. 98 For a selected example, see DZ 466, 8: 374b–c. 99 The illustrations shown in this book are from different sets. For complete sets of the true forms of the Five Sacred Peaks, see DZ 219, 3: 737b–739b; DZ 441, 6: 737c–740a, 740c–743c; DZ 1221, 30: 813b–815b. 100 Also referred to as the jade characters of the five directions in red; see DZ 22, 1: 776b–783b; DZ 466, 8: 367b–374b; DZ 352, 6: 196a–198b. 101 DZ 388, 6: 338b–339a. For the Talisman of the Center, see DZ 22, 1: 783c. For more studies, see Yamada 1989; Raz 2004. 102 DZ 22, 1: 777b–783c. For the two half-charts forming the Talisman of the Center, see 780c–781a. Also, see Bokenkamp 1983, 455–56; Raz 2004, 324. 103 TPYL 672: 1–12; 673: 1–14. Also, see YJQQ 106: 2298–2301; 112: 2433. For an inspiring study on the patterns of concealment and disclosure in early Daoism, see J. Tsai 2006. 104 Robinet 1995, 198–209; Robinet in Pregadio 2007, 853–54. 105 Louis 2003b, 20–21; Ma Guoquan 1983. 106 YJQQ 7: 114; CFYG 554: 1a; TPYL 79: 3a; SWJZ 15, shang: 1a–b; Rao Zongyi 1998, 34–36; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 42–53; 2010b, 69–70, 84. 107 For similar representations of a foureyed figure and a six-eyed figure in the fourteenth-century Daoist temple Yongle gong in Shanxi, see Xiao Jun 2008, 144, 174. For a literary reference to the four-eyed Cang Jie, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 47–48. For Cang Jie’s legend and its significance in Chinese history of calligraphy, see Shih Shou-chien 2010c, 584–87; for related images, see 585 (figs. 1–2). For more discussion of Cang Jie in the context of Chinese immortal physiognomy, especially the eyes,



see Kohn 1996, 212. For an Eastern Han relief carving of the four-eyed Cang Jie from a late second- to early third-century tomb in Yi’nan 沂南, Shandong, see Wu Hung 2010, 184 (fig. 172). Lin Sheng-chih sees this image as an early example reflecting the didactic template depicting sages under the trees; see Lin Sheng-chih 2010b, 183 (fig. 35). 108 YJQQ 79: 1793–94; DZ 219, 3: 736b; Ge Zhaoguang 1998, 46; 2008, 20–24. 109 This is based on the translation in Acker 1954, 63 (n.1). 110 The “calligraphic” performance revealed by the soaring mass of birds flying in dense flocks is well captured in an eye-opening video documenting the starlings’ migration; see the YouTube video posted by Dylan near Otmoor, England, in February 2007: . For a similar phenomenon near the border of Scotland in 2011, see the video entitled “Murmuration” posted at and photography posted at . I would like to thank Anne Feng for bringing this to my attention. 111 DZ 1016, 20: 491a–b, 493a–b. Cf. YJQQ7: 111–14. For studies of this text, see Ishii 1968, 1987; Yoshikawa 1998. Wang Yuanjun 2002. 112 Ledderose 1984, 256. For a study of the Highest Clarity revelations, see Strickmann 1977. For a study of calli­ graphy and Daoism, see Yoshikawa 1987b, Wang Yuanjun 2002. 113 DZ 1016, 20: 493b. Edward Schafer relates the “eight assemblies” (or “eight concourses” in his words) to the “eight points in the sky where the twelve units of the Jupiter cycle meet the ten celestial trunks.” See Schafer 1986, 674. 114 DZ 1016, 20: 493b. Also, see

Ledderose 1984, 256; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 253–54; 2010b, 87–98; Li Fengmao and Zhang Zhixiong 2010, 330. 115 In a Southern Song Numinous Treasure scripture, the script of the three primes and eight assemblies is also referred to as the dragon script of the eight daunters; see DZ 219, 3: 616b; Li Yuanguo 2000, 91. For a study of the dragon as a messenger in Daoism, see Chen Zhaoyin 1994. 116 DZ 1219, 28: 562a. Also, see Y. Tseng, 83 (fig. 4.14); 104 (fig. 5.25). Kristofer Schipper dates this text to the Ming Dynasty; see Schipper’s entry in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1094–95. For a definition of the dragon script, see YJQQ 7: 113, 119. For a different interpretation of the “dragon and phoenix script,” which resembles graphic forms of tree branches, see DZ 219, 3: 778; Li Yuanguo 2000, 92. 117 DZ 80, 2: 150b. Also, see Legeza 1975, 81 (fig. 54). For more discussion on the cloud seal script, see Hsieh Shu-wei 2010b, 101–3, 105, 108, 112, 114, 118–19, 122–23, 256, 261. For an archaeological specimen of the cloud seal script, inscribed on a stone stele announcing Emperor Huizong’s Daoist revelation, see Ebrey 2011, 63 (fig. 23); Yao Sheng 1965, 147. 118 A good example of the ancient small seal script is the rubbing of the 219 bce stele of Mount Yi (Yishan bei 嶧山碑) attributed to Li Si 李 斯 (fl. 221–208 bce), originally in Shandong; see Ledderose 2000, 20 (fig. 1.16); Y. Tseng 1993, 53 (fig. 3.58). 119 For a definition of the cloud seal script, see YJQQ 7: 114. Also, see Li Yuanguo 1997, 41; 2000, 91–92. For an example of the cloud seal script carved on the stone stele announcing Huizong’s Daoist revelations, see Ebrey 2011, 63 (fig. 23). 120 DZ 434, 6: 698a. 121 Drexler 1994, 115. 206–32. 122 It is a conventional practice in the design of talismans to include the

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symbols of stars, constellations, sun and moon; see Drexler 1994, 85–121; Andersen 1996, 142. 123 DZ 547, 10: 244a. Cf. the step-bystep instruction of the talisman bearing the same title in DZ 466, 8: 415c. 124 To draw this talisman, the Daoist probably follows this stroke order: he begins with the dragon on top, continues with the one below it, and then moves on to the vertical one, finishing with the dragon at the bottom. Cf. DZ 219, 3: 876c. 125 For a plate of the hu vessel (Vessel A) and more analysis, see Louis 2003b, 10. For a transcription of the lid design, see Zhang Zhenlin 1979, 164, 167. For an archaeological report, see Zhongguo shehui kexue yuan kaogu 1980, 43–48 (for a drawing of the vessel, see 44 [fig. 26]). 126 The illustration is rearranged from the transcription of the lid design published in Zhang Zhenlin 1979, 167. 127 For more analysis, see Louis 2003b. 128 This jade seal was reportedly discovered in 1098 by a layman in Xianyang, Henan. For an illustration of the seal and a rendering of the ancient script in Chinese characters, see YLMC 15: 2b; for more documentation, see 9a–11a. I would like to thank Ya-hwei Hsu for directing me to this source. 129 YLMC 15: 9a–10b. 130 Tsuchiya Masaaki compares Daoist writs to ancient bird and insect scripts; see Tsuchiya 2010, 81. For a similar strategy of reviving ancient motifs or conventions in Tang Daoist literature, see Ge Zhaoguang 2008. 131 Shimonaka 1989, pl. 66; Y. Tseng 1993, 72; E. Wang 2005a, 149–51, 200; H. Lee 2010, 72–73 (fig. 2.3). For cranes discussed in medieval literature, see Schafer 1983; for Wang Ziqiao’s “ascent to heaven mounted on a crane,” see 373. Also, see L. Xue 2009, 111–23. 132 For Empress Wu’s interests in script-making, see Lin Shitian 2002.

For more studies of Wu Zetian and Mt. Song, see the essays in Wang Wenchao and Zhao Wenrun 2003. 133 For an oft-cited story of Prince Qiao playing a syrinx to mimic the sound of a phoenix in the Yin-Luo region, see LXZ, juan shang 13b–14a; TPGJ 4: 1b. 134 Y. Tseng 1993, 71. 135 For an early account of bird seal script, see HHS 90 xia: 12b, 107: 12b; for an early account of bird-andinsect script, see SWJZ 15 shang: 4a. 136 LDMHJ 1: 1b; TPYL 750: 17a; 681: 15b; CFYG 861: 6b; XHSP 2: 5a; YH 45: 11b; JZYH 1b–2a; QSKS 18: 1b; SHGSH 1: 4a–b. A similar idea is reflected in the bird seal script recorded in YJQQ 7: 113. About the red crow, see Schafer 1977, 163. For more on Zhang Yanyuan’s date, see Pai Shih-ming 1995, esp. 22–24. 137 E. Wang 2005a, 200. 138 YZFS 2: 10b. 139 YZFS 2: 14b. For a study of the Chinese writings and visual culture of birds, see Han Xuehong 2011. 140 DZ 1220, 28: 688c. Also, see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1107 (fig. 56); Monnet 2004, 116 (pl. 80a). 141 DZ 1220, 28: 688c. For the history of the Clarified Tenuity, see Boltz 1987, 39, 68–70; Skar in Pregadio 2007, 804–5; Schipper and Yuan in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1106–7. 142 Ebrey 2008, 76–101, 108–10, 150–203. 143 XTJGL, xia: 70a–b. Laszlo Legeza introduced a fourteenth-century text, which includes a similar illustration, with each symbol juxtaposed with a translated character; see Legeza 1975, fig. 19. 144 FSK 1: 40b–41a; XGB: 13b. The ancient inscriptions recorded in Wang Qiu’s catalogue may be “traced freehand”; see Y. Hsu 2010, 151–52. 145 For studies of archaism and antiquarianism in the Song, see W. Fong 1976; Harrist 1995; Chen Fangmei 2005; Sena 2007; Ebrey 2008; Y. Hsu 2010. 146 Nathalie Monnet refers to this talisman as Talisman for Blocking the

Mountain (Jinshan fu 禁山符); see Monnet 2004, 55 (fig. 30). See also Drège 1999, 153; Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 68. 147 Monnet 2004, 55 (fig. 30). Some talisman samples preserved in the Daozang provide step-by-step instructions showing the stroke order; see, for example, figs. 3.29a–c, 5.14b in this book. 148 Like auspicious peach and pear wood, Sophora wood is considered efficacious in dispelling demons; see Despeux 2000, 535. Different kinds of hard wood of fruit trees, such as pear, jujube, catalpa, ginkgo, and boxwood, are often made into blocks for traditional Chinese prints; see T. Tsien 1984, 196; Bussotti 2007, 465. For basic principles for talismanmaking, including tools and procedures, see Chuang Hung-i 1999, 24; Yao Zhouhui 2004, 20–38. 149 Poul Andersen links the practice of writing talismans in red to the cosmic metaphor of the “red writs”—also known as the True Writs in Five Tablets—emerging out of the void at the time of genesis; see Andersen 2005, 14–16. 150 Zhongguo shehui 1990–95, vol. 5, 155b. Previous scholars identified P. 2559 and S. 3750 as fragments of a joint document transcribing Tao Hongjing’s text on the transmission rite of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks and the Writs of the Three Sovereigns (Sanhuang wen 三皇文); see Ōfuchi 1960, 88–89; Schipper 1967, 118; Monnet 2004, 55; Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 63–67. For the Talisman and Seal [Granted by] the Lord of the Western Sacred Peak [to] Prohibit Access to the Mountain), see DZ 1239, 32: 179a; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 457, 461. 151 Zhongguo shehui 1990–95, vol. 5, 155b. 152 The Daoists in medieval China also made seals on woodblocks; see Strickmann 1993; 2002, 123–93; Drège 1999, 152; Raz 2004, 325, 332; Robson 2008, 153–54.

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153 DZ 219, 3: 877a–b. Cf. DZ 547, 10: 244b. 154 Despeux 2000, 534–35; Li Yuanguo 2000, 112–13. 155 Li Yuanguo 2000, 114–16. 156 Li Yuanguo 2000, 107. 157 For selected studies, see Inoue 1926; Schipper 1967, 141; Schipper 2005, 99–103; Kominami 1984, 333–34; Boltz’s entry in Pregadio 2007, 1075–77; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1751–1833. 158 Scholars classify related texts of the true forms of the Five Sacred Peaks as sources in internal circulation; see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1354, 1383. Cf. the text of the Man-Bird Mountain, which is classified as a text in general circulation; see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1359. 159 CXBT 28: 21b; Inoue 1926, 10; Schipper 1967, 129. 160 DZ 1185, 28: 236a; Liu Yi 2004, 67–69. 161 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1802; Liu Yi 2004, 68–69; DZ 856, 18: 584c–585b. Also, see Schipper 1967, 129; Judith Boltz’s entry in Pregadio 2007, 1075. 162 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1802. 163 For four different extant versions, see DZ 219, 3: 737b–739b; DZ 441, 6: 737c–740a, 740c–743c; DZ 1221, 30: 813b–815b. Kristofer Schipper discusses the different functions and circulations of the charts in both early Highest Clarity and later Numinous Treasure communities; see Schipper 1967, 131–50. For more studies of these charts, see Ogawa 1910, 413; Needham 1959, 546, 565–68; Li Fengmao 1986, 57; E. Wang 2005a, fig. 4.16, 214. 164 This corresponds to the medieval textual description of the symbols in sets, which includes five continuous pictures (lian wutu 連五圖) of the true forms of the Five Sacred Peaks and additional images of the assistant mountains attached to the end of the five pictures; see YJQQ 79: 1791.



165 DZ 219, 3: 737b–739b; DZ 1221, 30: 813b–815b; DZ 441, 740c–743c. 166 For the samples from the thirteenthcentury manuals, see DZ 219, 3: 737b–739b; DZ 1221, 30: 813b–815b. For the two undated versions, see DZ 441, 6: 737c–740a, 740c–743c. 167 DZ 441, 6: 737c–740a, 740c–743c. Kristofer Schipper first dated the “archaic versions” to the Song period and later proposed a Ming date for them; see Schipper 1967, 150; 2005, 102. Catherine Despeux treated the “archaic versions” as “pre-Song” charts without further commentary; see Despeux 2000, 504–5. Note that the true form published by Despeux should be re-identified as the Central Sacred Peak and not the Southern Sacred Peak; see 504. Judith Boltz identifies the aforementioned “archaic versions” as the “earliest forms”; see Boltz in Pregadio 2007, 1077. 168 The five peaks mentioned in the titles of the first five charts are: Mount Tai of the Eastern Peak, Mount Heng (Hengshan 衡山) of the Southern Peak, Mount Song of the Central Peak, Mount Hua (Huashan 華山) of the Western Peak, and Mount Chang (Changshan 常山) of the Northern Peak. The four assistant mountains mentioned in the remaining four charts are: Mount Huo (Huoshan 霍山), Mount Qian (Qianshan 潛山), Mount Qingcheng (Qingcheng shan 青城山), and Mount Lu (Lushan 廬山); see DZ 441, 6: 737c–740a, 740c–743c; YJQQ 79: 1792–93; 100: 2182. For a study of the Southern Sacred Peak and its related symbols, see Robson 2009, 84–89. 169 DZ 1185, 28: 236b; Despeux 2000, 505; Boltz in Pregadio 2007, 1077. 170 DZ 147, 3: 64a–b; DZ 219, 3: 1042c; DZ 1219, 28: 566a. 171 Inoue 1926, 43; Schipper 1967, 150. For more on the Daoist contributions to the study of geography in the Six Dynasties, see Li Yuanguo 2006.

172 DZ 441, 6: 740c–741a. For a clear reproduction, see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1237 (fig. 77). 173 DZ 441, 6: 743c; DZ 219, 3: 739b; Schipper 1967, 140. For more on the cartographic value of the True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, see Jiang Sheng 2008. 174 Cf. the Highest Clarity register with a drawing of a phoenix in red discussed earlier in this chapter in fig. 3.15; DZ 1392, 34: 169c. 175 Zhongguo shehui 1990–95, vol. 5, 155b. This is comparable to the device of drawing true forms on a piece of blue or white brocade (zeng 繒) and carrying the brocade in a purple pouch; see YJQQ 79: 1812. 176 Ogawa 1910, 413 (figs. 1–2); Needham 1959, 546 (fig. 224); E. Wang 2005a, 214 (fig. 4.16). 177 The two diagrams published by Ogawa are oriented differently. Cf. Ogawa 1910, 413 (figs. 1–2); Needham 1959, 546 (fig. 224). 178 These similarities include the threewave patterns at the right border, the concentric display of butterfly-like curves in the left part of the charts, and the concave outlines cutting into the interior of the lower left corner of the charts. 179 See . I would like to thank Wu Hung for this suggestion; Andrew Taylor assisted me in researching the satellite maps of Mount Tai. 180 Unno 2002, 27 (fig. 4.1). The map was discovered in Tomb no. 3 at Mawangdui, near today’s Changsha, Hunan province. The map encompasses areas crossing today’s Hunan, Guangdong, and Guangxi provinces, a region where the tomb occupant’s feudal state was located. See Fu Juyou 1992, 151; Kominami 1984, 359; Wenwu chubanshe et al. 1994, pl. 6; E. Wang 2005a, 211 (fig. 4.14). Cf. the eighth-century Illustrated Record of Mount Jiuyi ( Jiuyi shan tuji 九疑山圖 記) recorded in Song bibliographies;

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381

see WYYH 737: 3b, 832: 1b; 832: 10a–11b; TZ 66: 9a–b. 181 According to Robert Harrist, the cartographic principles that combine the aerial and frontal views, as reflected in the Mawangdui map, apply to later map-like images as well; see Harrist 1998, 93–94. 182 Kominami 1984, 359. 183 This is evident in the handscroll painting titled Mountain Villa attributed to Li Gonglin; see Harrist 1998, 94. 184 De Weerdt 2009, 2011. 185 De Weerdt 2009, 151 (fig. 2). Also, see Needham 1959, fig. 226; Unno 2002, 27 (fig. 4.2), 30. 186 For more maps dating to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, see Unno 2002, 27–30; Needham 1959, 548–49 (figs. 225–26); De Weerdt 2009, 148–58. 187 De Weerdt 2009, 149. 188 Li Fengmao 1986, 56–57, 135–36; E. Wang 2005a, 292–94. 189 Needham 1959, 565–67; Kominami 1984, 332; Li Fengmao 1982, 56; E. Wang 2005a, 292, 294. 190 Elsewhere this god of creation is known as the Heavenly Perfection Lord of the Dao (Tianzhen daojun 天 真道君); see YJQQ 79: 1790. 191 YJQQ 79: 1797. Cf. DZ 292, 5: 51c; DZ 1241, 32: 189b. Cf. the translation in Needham 1959, 566; E. Wang 2005a, 294. 192 The gods-in-chief of the Five Sacred Peaks, known as the Lords of the Five Sacred Peaks, each take a turn every five hundred years. For their ranking in the sixth-century Numinous Treasure pantheon, see DZ 167, 3: 277b; Ishii 1968, 119. For an early medieval Numinous Treasure scripture documenting the visualized forms of the deities of the Five Sacred Peaks, see DZ 352, 6: 198c–200c; Hsieh Shu-wei 2005, 360. Cf. YJQQ 79: 1791–93, 1809. For more epigraphic sources documenting the temples or icons of the gods of the Five Sacred Peaks, see Long Xianzhao et al. 1997, 25–27, 122–23, 136.

193 The niche features the god and goddess of the Eastern Sacred Peak. Flanking them are seventy-five male figures dressed in official robes and divided into five tiers. Below the thrones is a horizontal arrangement of eighteen bureaucratic gods, who may represent the infernal officers. For a plate, see Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 86 (pl. 90). For more discussions, see Hu Wenhe 2004, 116; Von Glahn 2004, 171 (fig. 25); Wang Xiaoyang et al. 2010, 143; Suchuan 2007, 59 (fig. 8). For a Jin-dynasty wooden statue of the god of the Eastern Sacred Peak (dated 1189) enshrined in the Temple of the Eastern Sacred Peak (Dongyue miao 東嶽廟), Jincheng 晉城, Shanxi, see Shimada et al. 2000, 192 (fig. 202). For a Yuan-dynasty mural of an entourage of the deities of the Southern Sacred Peak at the Temple of the Northern Sacred Peak (Beiyue miao 北嶽廟) in Shanxi, see Gesterkamp 2008, 367–68 (pls. 10–11); Steinhardt 1998. For a drawing of the deities of the Five Sacred Peaks that may reflect a sketch or reduced sample of a mural, see Yu Yi 1979, 5. Records of the murals by Zhang Suqing 張素卿 and Zhang Nanben 張南本 are recorded in YZMHL, 190b, 191b. For a study of Zhang Suqing, see Mesnil 1996–97. For modern statues of the gods in temples dedicated to the Central and Southern Sacred Peaks, see Hachiya 1995, vol. 2, 132–44, 346–49. 194 Painting(s) of the Five Sacred Peaks are positioned next to those of the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water on the eastern wall of the sacred space; see DZ 466, 7: 27c–28a. Also see S. Huang 2001, 13 and fig. 4. Also, see Maruyama 2004, 243 (fig. 4). 195 For a complete view of the drawing, see Yu Yi 1979, 29. The composition of a figure seated in front of a piece of screen furniture while viewing a hanging scroll held by a servant is comparable to the printed illustration

accompanying the Orthodox Essentials of Eating and Drinking (Yinshan zhengyao 飲膳正要), a collection of recipes designed for the imperial court and first printed in 1330 (the current edition is around 1450–60); see YSZY 1 : 42; Clunas 2007, 200 (fig. 170). For more research on this illustrated text, see Shang Yebin 2010. 196 Wang Shucun, ed. 1988, 161 (pl. 149); Tanaka in Ebine et al. 1997–2001, vol. 6, 314 (fig. 312). 197 I quote from Hugh of Saint Victor’s (ca. 1078–41) Didascalicon; see Scafi 2006, 125. 198 YJQQ 79: 1797; Needham 1959, 567; E. Wang 2005a, 294. For similar phrases, see the Preface to the Charts of the True Forms of the Five Peaks (Wuyue zhenxing tu xu 五嶽真形圖 序) attributed to Dongfang Shuo 東 方朔 in YJQQ 79: 1790. 199 E. Wang 2005a, 294. 200 After the Tang, the practice of carving writings into landscapes continued, as is evident in two twelfth-century inscriptions carved near the sites of earlier inscriptions; see Harrist 2008, 278–79. Although the moya examples analyzed by Harrist are all legible words and not talismans or magical writs, Hsuehman Shen in a public presentation in Seattle in 2004 calls attention to some extant specimens of medieval rock engravings from Shandong moya showing talismanic symbols mixed with carved Buddhist sutras. In addition to the moya visuality, Clarrissa von Spee points out that the theme of scholars reading ancient steles (Wanghou wenshi du gubei 王侯文士 讀古碑) became an established narrative subject in paintings collected in the Northern Song court. Emperor Huizong’s painting collection, for example, included at least six scrolls of Sui and Tang paintings entitled Reading the Stele (Dubei tu 讀碑圖). She also cites Li Cheng’s Reading the Stele by Pitted Rocks (Dubei keshi 讀 碑窠石) in the Osaka Municipal

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Museum as an extant example of this genre. See Von Spee (Shi Mingli) 2010, 152. A longer version of Von Spee’s study in English will appear in the forthcoming volume Telling Images of China: Essays in Narrative Painting and Visual Culture, co-edited by Shane McCausland and Yin Hwang. For more on Li Cheng’s Osaka painting in the context of Song landscape painting practice, see Sturman 1995, esp. fig. 26. 201 See Robert Harrist’s reference to Simon Schama in Harrist 2008, 18; Schama 1995, 10. For more studies of landscape, culture, and power, see Mitchell 1994; Power 1998. 202 DZ 441, 6: 737b; for more similar talismans, see 737a–c. 203 DZ 1, 3: 778a; for more similar examples, see 775b–778a. Also, see Li Yuanguo 2000, 92. 204 Cf. the seal script engraved on an ancient weapon and reproduced by Lü Dalin 呂大臨 (1044–93) in KGT 6: 16b. For more on Lü Dalin and his antiquities catalogue, see Ebrey 2008, 84–85, 87, 95, 110, 144, 146, 151, 153, 172, 347–48; Y. Hsu 2010, 216–27. For more on antiquarianism in the Song, see Chen Fangmei 2005; Sena 2007; Y. Hsu 2010. 205 DZ 1386, 34: 131a; for more examples of similar images, see 130c–131b. Cf. DZ 1220, 732a–733c. 206 Guoli gugong bowuyuan 1989–2008, vol. 15: 285; Legeza 1975, fig. 49. For a study of the extant copies of Li Gonglin’s Mountain Villa, see Harrist 1998, 113–18. 207 Haiwai xinfaxian 2003, 385–86. 208 Smith 1991, 133. 209 Haiwai xinfaxian, 385–95; SCTH, dili 16: 52a; Clunas 1997, 79 (fig. 39). 210 For more examples of lairs, see the diagrams from Yang Yunsong’s Twelve Staff Patterns in GJTSJC 47: 6881; Smith 1991, 142 (fig. 4.3); Harrist 1998, 95. 211 Haiwai xinfaxian 2003, 385–95. 212 Haiwai xinfaxian 2003, 383–87, 437, 441, 444, 465.



213 Feuchtwang 1974, 108; Smith 1991, 139. 214 The current edition is a sixteenthcentury copy of the fifteenth-century original. The volume (juan 14219) with the fengshui charts is now in the British Library. See Haiwai xinfaxian, 412, 415. I appreciate Graham Hutt’s assistance to show me this volume in July 2008. 215 DZ 441, 6: 739c; YJQQ 79: 1792. 216 Haiwai xinfaxian, 415. 217 T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 223–30, 232–35 (pl. 83); vol . 2, 77–79; 1997, 91–95, 197–201 (pl. 92). For more studies on Chen Rong, see Lin Shuzhong 1994a–b; Purtle forthcoming (b). I would like to thank Jenny Purtle and Huang Yining for sharing their unpublished studies with me. For more on the imagery of dragons, Emperor Huizong, and the Daoist connections, see Ebrey 2011. 218 Needham et al. 1974, fig. 1335 (unnumbered page between 304 and 305); Li Jingwei 1992, 40–41; Fu Weikang and Li Jingwei 2000, wenwu tupu juan, pls. 201–3 (unnumbered pages) and 116–17; He Zhongjun and Wu Hongzhou 2001, “Medicinal Artifacts,” 82 (figs. 3–4); Hansen 2003. For a list of the nomenclature of chemical substances, ores, and minerals, see Needham et al. 1974, 156, 164–84. For more on Chinese alchemy and cinnabar elixirs, see Needham et al. 1976; Pregadio 1996, 2000. For a study of the earliest extant chemical substances associated with alchemical practice, discovered in the Han tomb at Shuangbaoshan 雙包山, Mianyang 綿陽, Sichuan, see He Zhiguo et al. 2007. For visual samples of the medicinal minerals discovered in the tomb of the Han-dynasty Nanyue King in Guanzhou, see He Zhongjun and Wu Hongzhou 2001, “Medicinal Artifacts,” 81 (fig. 1). For the medicinal specimens of the cinnabar (zhusha 朱砂) and agate (manao 瑪瑙) used at the Qing court, see Guan Xueling

2008, 80, 86, 162 (figs. 7, 15, 36). For studies of tombs associated with Daoists, see Datongshi wenwu 1962; Datongshi bowuguan 1978; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2004, 2006; Bai Bin 2007a–b. 219 Cf. the secondary stalactitic calcite (ci shangru 次上乳) excavated from Hejia Village and reproduced in He Zhongjun and Wu Hongzhou 2001, “Medicinal Artifacts,” 82 (fig. 4). 220 For an illustration of stalactite (shizhongru 石鍾乳) hanging within a cavern, see DZ 768–69, 17: 280a. Cf. CZJZBB 3: 83. 221 For illustrations, see DZ 768–69, 17: 289b, 290a, 290c, 303a. Cf. CZJZBB 3: 90a–b, 92a. For more information on bencao, see Yamada 1997, esp. 27–101; Despeux in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 765–69; Despeux, ed. 2010; Needham et al. 1986, esp. 279–91; Matsumoto Kika 2000. For more on pharmacology, see S. Wang 2005; Mayanagi 2005; Unschuld 2010, 179–81. For more studies of Daoism, science, and technology in medieval China, see Jiang Sheng and Tang Weixia 2002, 2010. 222 The four other essences include cinnabar, realgar (xionghuang 雄 黃), alum (fan 礬), and the magnetic stone (cishi 慈石); see Liu Zhaorui 2007, 291. For a study of Chinese magical medicine focusing on the Daoist and Buddhist techniques of exorcism, spells, and so on, see Strickmann 2002. For studies of medicine and religion in medieval China, see Despeux, ed. 2010. 223 CZJZBB; Needham et al. 1986, 283, 286–87. For records of Zhang Xubai (style name Baiyun zi 白雲子), see LXABJ 9: 5a; TZ 63: 7a; 67: 33a. 224 The original edition of Tang Shenwei’s bencao catalogue was printed in 1080–90. The oldest extant reprint is the 1249 edition printed by Zhang Cunhui 張存惠 in Pingyang 平陽, Shanxi. The table of contents in this reprint divides the bencao into the following subcategories: jade

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and stones (yushi 玉石), herbs (cao 草), woods (mu 木), wild animals (shou 獸), domestic animals (qin 禽), insects and fish (chongyu 蟲魚), fruit (guo 果), rice and grains (migu 米 穀), vegetables (cai 菜); see CZJZBB. Also, see Bussotti 2007, 469–73. Cf. the illustrations of plants, animals, birds, fish, and fruit accompanying the collection of recipes designed for imperial pleasures of the Yuan dynasty and first printed in 1330; see YSZY 3: 209–325; YSZYCJ. For more on this text in terms of its pharmacological, historical, and multicultural values, see Shang Yanbin 2010. For a discussion of selected illustrations from the bencao manuals printed from the Song to the Ming periods, see Yamada 1997, 37, 41, 43, 48–49, 102, 138. 225 Needham et al. 1986, 287. Needham does not provide the primary source. 226 The term bencao first appears in Han dynasty texts; see QHS 12: 11a; 92: 9b. For a third-century record of China’s earliest materia medica, Shennong bencao, see BWZ 4: 7a. For selected studies of medieval Dunhuang manuscripts on bencao, see Wang Shumin 2005; Mayanagi 2005; Engelhardt 2010. For a comprehensive bibliography on medieval Chinese bencao and medicine, see Despeux, ed. 2010, 1307–63. 227 A Northern Song medical mural was discovered in Hancheng, Shaanxi, in 2009. The mural depicts the male tomb occupant dressed like a scholar official at the center, accompanied by servants preparing for medicine near a table depicted to his right side. One servant holds the government-issued medicinal encyclopedia Taiping shenghui fang first published in the late tenth century. The depiction of this medicinal book may suggest that servants consult it for packing medicine for the master. For plates, see Kang Baocheng and Sun Bingjun 2009. 228 DZ 932, 19: 328c–335a. The title of

this illustrated text is recorded in the Southern Song bibliography; see TZ 67: 35b. 229 DZ 932, 19: 329a, 300a, 333a–b. Cf. the unillustrated text in DZ 933. 230 Despeux in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 342. Several Song bibliographies record this catalogue as an anonymous work; see CWZM 10: 3a; TZ 67: 35b. Paintings on herbalism are recorded in Tang and Song painting history. For pre-Tang examples, see the bencao pictures recorded in LDMHJ, 3: 137a. For three different versions of illustrated bencao manuals dated to the Southern Song period, see Zheng Jinsheng 2007. In 1220, the Southern Song painter Wang Jie 王介 (ca. early thirteenth century) painted a three-volume illustrated manual featuring 206 medicinal herbs grown in his neighborhood; see LCYBC. For a Ming copy in color on paper in the National Library, Beijing, see Zheng Jinsheng 2007, 1–51; Fu Weikang and Li Jingwei 2000, wenwu tupu juan, 116–17 (pl. 245). For more information on Wang Jie, see Zheng Jinsheng 2007, 63–64, 66–77. 231 DZ 932, 19: 330a. 232 DZ 932, 19: 329a. 233 DZ 932, 19: 333a–b. The herb has clustered roots and red flowers, which resemble yellow essence (huangjing 黃精), a top-ranking herbal medicine grown on Mount Song and Mount Mao. For an illustration of the yellow essence, see DZ 768–69, 17: 340c. 234 Campany 2002, 25, 27. 235 Jin Weinuo 1988, 107 (pl. 103). See also Xiao Jun 2008, 97. 236 Campany 2002, 25. 237 DZ 441, 6: 740c–743c. 238 DZ 1185, 28: 209a–211b; Ware 1966, 179–86. Also, see Strickmann 1966; Little and Eichman 2000, 340–41; Campany 2002, 27–28; Cadonna in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 770–71. 239 DZ 1185, 28: 209a–b; Ware 1966, 179; Campany 2002, 27. Cf. DZ 1406; DZ 855, 18: 575a–c.

2 40 DZ 1185, 28: 211b; Ware 1966, 185; Campany, 27. 241 Strickmann 1966, 11. 242 Needham 1974, 121. 243 Strickmann 1966,18. 2 44 DZ 1185, 28: 210c–211b, 246a; Ware 1966, 183, 185, 379–82. For a study of rock excrescenses, with an illustration from the 1877 Japanese manual of natural history, see Nishimura 1995, 87–88. 245 DZ 671, 11: 640c–641a; YJQQ 80: 1829, 1835. The True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks are also deemed efficacious in summoning hundreds of zhi in front of the adept; see YJQQ 79, 1790. For the Dunhuang manuscript (P. 2440) listing the twenty-four diagrams, see Li Defan 1999, vol. 3, 1594–1620, esp. 1618–19. Also see Little and Eichman 2000, 201–2 (pl. 53). A diagram bearing the similar title Picture of the Immortal Picking Mushrooms and Surveying the Mountain (Shenxian caizhi kaishan tu 神仙採芝開山圖) is mentioned in the fifth-century text; see DZ 1407, 34: 342a. For a study of the Numinous Treasure Twenty-four True Diagrams, see Raz 2005. 2 46 YJQQ 80: 1829. 247 For a painting called the Herb Picking in the Cloudy Mountain (Yunshan caiyao) by the Southern Song court painter Ma Yuan 馬遠 (1190–1279), see NSYHL 7: 5a. For an anonymous Painting of Xu Fu Picking Medicinal Herbs (Xu Fu caiyao tu 徐福採藥圖), see LSMXXJ 371: 7a; for an anonymous Painting of Medicinal Herb Picking on Mount Tiantai (Tiantai caiyao tu 天台採藥圖), see CTYJ 11: 1b. Its subject matter can be compared with that of the handscroll by Zhao Canyuan (fl. late thirteenth–early fourteenth century) depicting Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao “carrying the axe to Mount Tiantai to pick medicinal herbs” (xi zhulu wang Tiantai shan caiyao 攜鋤筥往天台山採藥); see Hearn and W. Fong 1999, 81 (pl. 3a), and see also fig. 2.27 in this book.

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248 Shanxi sheng wenwu ju 1991, 9, 18. 249 Shanxi sheng wenwu ju 1991, 18; Hou Kai and Feng Pengsheng 1982, 29, 31. 250 On the eastern wall of the Hall of Purified Yang (Chunyang dian 純陽 殿) in the Yuan-dynasty Temple of Eternal Joy, there is a scene depicting the immortal Maiden He (He Xiangu) and other young fellows selling medicinal herbs they have picked in the mountains; see Katz 1993, 161 (fig. 10); Xiao Jun 2008, 186, 199. For a fourteenth-century(?) painting signed by Chen Yuexi 陳月 溪 and depicting a female figure in a similar herb-picking outfit, now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, see T. Wu 1996, 117 (fig. 148); Watt 2010, 142 (fig. 171). For a 1503 painting of Shennong, by Guo Xu, see Delacour et al. 2010, 241 (fig. 54); the Mingdynasty mural in the Monastery of the Universal Buddha depicts Shennong and Fuxi as a group; see Wang Sufang and Shi Yongshi 2002, 107. 251 Little and Eichman 2000, 334 (pl. 127). 252 DZ 1406. See also Little and Eichman 2000, pl. 129, 341; Campany 2002, 28 (fig. 1); Schipper and Verellen 2004, 770 (fig. 13); Despeux 2010, 67 (fig. 1). For selected illustrations of zhi whose names correspond to those inscribed on the True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks or are mentioned in Ge Hong’s picture collections, see DZ 1406, 34: 323a, 327a, 329b, 330b. For a study of Western drawings of fungi, see Freedberg et al. 2005. 253 CWZM 10: 3a–b. Also, see TZ 67: 35b. 254 Boltz 2006, 508. Also, see Little and Eichmann 2000, 340; Cadona in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 770–71. 255 Little and Eichman 2000, 340. 256 The thirteenth-century reprint of Tang Shenwei’s bencao catalogue lists six kinds of zhi at the end of the “best herbs” section but does not provide pictures; see CZJZBB 6: 168a.



257 Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen classify this source as a medicinal and pharmacological text in general circulation; see Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1375. 258 DZ 1406, 34: 316. 259 Feeling light may also facilitate the Daoist’s visualization process during the ritual of “riding the sedan” and roaming in the cosmos just like the ancient Yu. 260 For samples of the Song landscape paintings reflecting the one-corner composition, see W. Fong 1992, 246–300. 261 Little and Eichman 2000, 341 (pl. 129); Campany 2002, 28 (fig. 1); Schipper and Verellen 2004, 770 (fig. 13). 262 For examples of zhi with guard(s), see DZ 1406, 34: 316b–c, 318b–c, 319a, 324b, 325c, 327a, 328a, 329c, 335a–c. Cf. the ways that sacred scriptures are guarded by celestial powers in TPYL 672: 10a–b. 263 For illustrations of zhi in anthropomorphic forms, see DZ 1406, 34: 320c, 329a, 334a–b. For more discussion, see Strickmann 1966, 13–14. 264 DZ 1406, 34: 319b. 265 DZ 590, 10: 818c–819a. 266 SS 63: 17, 22b–23a. In 1013, Emperor Zhenzong invited his close officers to view 37,108 magical fungi and mushrooms collected by Ding Wei 丁 謂 (962–1033); see YH 200: 37a. 267 DZ 1406, 34: 316b, 319b. The zhi that grants the longest life span for humans is the fungus of a stone mortar (shijiu zhi 石臼芝). Those who eat it can live as long as 600,000 years; see DZ 1406, 34: 318c. 268 DZ 1406, 34: 322c; Schipper and Verellen 2004, 770. 269 CZJZBB 12: 17a. Cf. a similar illustration from the twelfth-century Japanese manuscript Memoir on Several Varieties of Drug Plants (Yakushi shō 藥種抄) by the Buddhist monk Kanyu 観祐 (ca. twelfth century) reproduced in Needham et al. 1983, 33 (fig. 1544). For printed

illustrations of mushrooms and fungi used in imperial cooking in the Yuan Dynasty, see YSZYCJ, 30–31. 270 CZJZBB 12: 296a. For a cubeshaped fuling specimen collected at the Qing court, see Guan Xueling 2008, 79 (fig. 3). For more medieval documentations on the fuling from the Dunhuang manuscripts, see the index in Despeux, ed. 2010, 1210. 271 YJQQ 79: 1808, 80: 1838. For more on the ritual aspect associated with the true form charts, see Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 53–70. 272 YJQQ 79: 1808, 80: 1838–39. The True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain is sealed inside a pouch of purple brocade, framed inside a mirror; see 80: 1839. 273 YJQQ 80: 1838–39. 274 YJQQ 79: 1808–9, 80: 1839. 275 DZ 1212, 28: 493a–b; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 461. For a study of Daoist liturgical formation by Zhang Wanfu, see Murayama 2004, 420–57, esp. 425–26. 276 Other symbols on display include the River Chart and configurations of the Dipper; see DZ 1212, 28: 492b–493a. 277 DZ 1212, 28: 495a–b. 278 YJQQ 79: 1808, 80: 1840.

Chapter 4 1 For more on Daoist ritual and ritual space, see Schipper 1993, 91–92; 1995b; Yamada 2000; Lagerwey 1987, esp. 25–48; Kohn 2003a; Li Xiaoqiang 2003; Maruyama 2004, 2010; Li Fengmao 2006; Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 2009a, 2009b, 2011, forthcoming; Zhang Zehong 1999, 2003. 2 The modern term dajiao 打醮 (ritual) refers to a temporary altar set in a community, perhaps covered by a tent composed of wooden structures and decorated with colorful papers and textiles. Once the ritual is over, the tent is folded. See Chen Yaoting 2003, 4, 6, 180. 3 This also corresponds to Poul Andersen’s observation of jiao rituals held in contemporary Taiwan: the

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inside of the temple is rearranged for the jiao ritual, replacing its tutelary deity with the supreme Daoist gods; see Andersen 1995, 186. For more studies of altar and temple space, see Katz 1993, 49–53; Nickerson 2005, 140–41; Gesterkamp 2008, 121–22. 4 Seidel 1989–90, 272. For a list of things burnt after a thirteenthcentury salvation ritual, including scriptures, banners, cloth, pennons, and “camels and horses” (perhaps made from paper), see DZ 508, 9: 444c–445a. 5 For selected methodological studies of materiality, see Wu Hung 2002b, 2007b; 2010, 35–148; Insoll 2009; Keane 2008; Morgan 2010; Morgan, ed. 2010. 6 DZ 219, DZ 466, DZ 508, DZ 547, DZ 1221, DZ 1223. For more studies, see Boltz 1987, 41–46; Despeux 2000, 526–27; Asano 2000, 2002, 2003; Tanaka 2000; 2002, 190–204; Maruyama 2002, 2004; Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1014–28; Matsumoto 1983, 226–29; 2006b, 139–91; Zhang Zehong 1999, 90–103; Lagerwey 2011. 7 For studies of jingshi, see Yoshikawa 1987a; Ishii 1987; Kohn 2003a, 108–9; Tanaka 2000, 94–97; 2002, 191–96; Maruyama 2004, 214–17. 8 The Daoist altar adopts several features from the ancient imperial rituals for Heaven and Earth held on sacred mountains; see Schipper 1993, 92; Seidel 1989–90, 266; Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 166–67. 9 See Boltz in Pregadio 2007, 573. The building called the Hall of Venerating Emptiness (Chongxu tang 崇虛堂) is often situated at the center of a parish (zhi), see Tanaka 2000, 95; 2002, 192. 10 DZ 1127, 24: 780c. For the translation, cf. Kohn 2003a, 108. For more studies of Lu Xiujing’s definition of an oratory, see Bumbacher 2000, 482; Yoshikawa 1987a, 140–44. 11 YJQQ 45: 1012, 1015. 12 See the citation from the Orthodox

Unity Register (Zhengyi lu 正一籙) in YJQQ 45: 1007–8. For visualizing deities in different directions of the jingshi, see fig. 1.1 of this book (DZ 7, 1: 558a); Maruyama 2004, 215–16. 13 DZ 1016, 20: 596c–597a; Yoshikawa 1987a, 129. The four major functions of the jingshi in early medieval Daoism include serving as a mountain hermitage, a place for prayer and repentance, a hut of retreat and study, and a site of alchemical elixirs; see Kohn 2003a, 108. 14 DZ 148, 3: 91b. Also, see Boltz in Pregadio 2007, 574 (fig. 50). 15 Kohn 2003a, 108. 16 Boltz in Pregadio 2007, 574. 17 DZ 1127, 24: 780c. For the translation, cf. Kohn 2003a, 108. Also, see Maruyama 2004, 216–17; Schipper 2005, 93. 18 Schipper 1993, 85; Lagerwey 1987, 85; Little and Eichman 2000, 218. The burning of incense in Daoist ritual practice can be traced back to ancient rites as recorded in the Yili and Liji; for its symbolic meaning and varieties, see Fukui 1952, 119–20; Yamada 2000, 88–89; Tanaka 2000, 96; Asano 2000, 128; 2003, 127–30; Zhang Zehong 1999, 91–92; 2003, 424–42; Chen Yaoting 2003, 228–31. The early eighth-century Daoist monastic code lists fifteen kinds of incense burners made of different materials and used in medieval Daoist monasteries: carved jade; cast gold; pure silver; gilded stone; cast copper; pure iron; the seven treasures; carved wood; with multicolored paintings; pure lacquer; porcelain; brick; stone; bamboo; other currently available materials. See DZ 1125, 24: 753a; Kohn 2003a, 167; 2004a, 116. 19 DZ 547, 10: 281c. Cf. ZW 698, 17: 104. 20 The table measures 1.2 chi tall, 1.8 chi wide, and 1.2 chi deep; see DZ 547, 10: 281c. 21 XDSLT 8: 114. For more studies of this manual, see Ding Ding 2006; Ebrey 1999b, 39; Y. Hsu 2010, 25–36.

For more on the motif of ji in Daoist art, see Liu 2001b, 51. 22 For a comparative motif of the shortlegged table in Fusheng Expounding the Classics (Fusheng shoujing 伏生 授經) attributed to the Tang artist Wang Wei 王維, see Osaka Shiritsu Bijutsukan et al. 1994, 16 (pl. 3), 329; Toda 1997, 54; Barnhart et al. 1993, 84; Barnhart 1995, 93; S. Huang 2002, 171–72; Wang Yaoting 2010. Similar table designs appear in early and medieval tomb art; see Henan sheng wenwu 1993, figs. 32–33, 45–46. For more examples of Han-dynasty and Sixteen Kingdoms tomb paintings in Henan, Shandong, and Gansu, see Wang Yaoting 2010, 100–101 (figs. 6.7–6.9). The shortlegged table also appears in multiple scrolls from the set paintings of the Five Hundred Arhats produced by the late twelfth-century Ningbo workshop; see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 122, 132 (pls. 104–17, 104–37). 23 Schipper 1986, 189. For more studies of Daoist altars, see Lagerwey 1987, 25–48; Tanaka 2000; Maruyama 2004, 223–45. 24 By the thirteenth century, many ritual diagrams recorded in liturgical manuals suggest that the public altar was constructed within an indoor space framed by three walls and decorated with liturgical paintings of Daoist divinities; see DZ 466, 7:27c–28a. The Daoist altar has its source in the outdoor altar used in ancient imperial feng and shan rituals held on sacred mountains; see Schipper 1993, 92; Seidel 1989–90, 266. For a study of pre-Tang Daoist ritual, including the construction of Daoist altars, see Lü Peng-zhi 2008. For a study of medieval Daoism and the feng and shan rituals, see J. Tsai 2003. 25 Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 165–67, 273; Maruyama 2004, 223–29. 26 For studies of Daoist rites of lighting lamps, see Schipper 1975b; Li

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Yuanguo 2003a; Hsieh Shu-wei 2010a; Lin Sheng-chih 2011. 27 This is based on the fragmented text known as “Shangyuan jinlu jianwen” 上元金籙簡文 associated with the early Numinous Treasure Daoism and reconstructed by Lü Peng-zhi. For specific measurements of the altar, see Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 154. The two-tiered altar as the oldest form of Daoist altar constructed outdoors is echoed in the thirteenth-century description of the ancient altar; see DZ 466, 7: 28a. 28 DZ 1138, 25: 189b; Lagerwey 1987, 30; Little 2000, 19 (fig. 4). For more discussions of the Wushang biyao, see Lagerwey 1981; Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 118–19; Maruyama 2004, 218–21; Lü Pengzhi 2008, 264–71; Tanaka 2000, 101–4. 29 For more on the Purgation of the Three Primes, see Lü Peng-zhi 2011, forthcoming. See also Kohn 2004a, 5; Benn 2000, 319; Li Fengmao 1999, 73–87. 30 Because the diagram only exists in the Daozang version and not in the Dunhuang manuscript version, some scholars argue that the diagram is a later addition and should not be considered as part of the original text. See Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 167 (n. 2); Yoshioka 1966, 289–90; Wang Ka 2004, 223. According to Lü Peng-zhi, the earliest record of the three-tiered Daoist altar can be traced to the Sui History; see Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 167 (n. 2), 273. See also Tanaka 2000, 98. 31 Lagerwey 1987, 29; Schipper 1995b, 100; Tanaka 2000, 106; Maruyama 2004, 223. 32 Ledderose 1983, 178. 33 For the analysis of the eight trigrams of a Daoist altar, see Lagerwey 1987, 26–48, esp. 27, 31–34, 36, 37, 40. Also, see Schipper 1986, 189; Raz 2005, 28. 34 Dean 2000, 659, 672; Lagerwey 1987, 32; Tanaka 2000, 101, 107;



Matsumoto 2001b, 174; Maruyama 2004, 219, 226. For more on ritual objects for early Daoist altars, see Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 165–66. For early documentation of the placement of the Five True Writs at a Numinous Treasure altar, see DZ 1278. For more studies of the True Writs in Five Tablets, see Bokenkamp 1997, 394–95 (n. 1); 1983; Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 1060–62; Raz 2004; Maruyama 2004, 218, 226–27, 241 (fig. 1), 242 (fig. 3). For a photo showing the True Writs in Five Tablets placed at an altar table during the Nocturnal Invocation performed in contemporary Taiwan, see Lagerwey 1987, 306 (fig. 12). 35 Since this altar is modeled after the one used in the ancient imperial rite of heaven held on the round mound (yuanqiu 圓丘) outdoors, its simplicity preserves the sense of archaism (guyi 古意); see DZ 1224, 31: 739b–c; Tanaka 2000, 109 (fig. 1); Boltz 1987, 52 (fig. 11); Gesterkamp 2011, 163 and fig. 46. For more on Zhang Wanfu, see Maruyama 2004, 417–57. 36 DZ 1224, 31: 739b. It is helpful to examine this diagram with another detailed textual account by Zhang Wanfu documenting the altar made for the ordination ceremony of two Tang princesses and installed in the imperial Monastery of Returning to Immortality (Guizhen guan 歸 真觀) in Chang’an in 711. The altar was replete with colorful pennants and textiles of all sorts. The poles surrounding the altar were decorated with banners showing the auspicious motifs of “ethereal beings, sacred beasts and birds, numinous flora, radiant suns, flying clouds, precious metals and stones, and landscape.” Cushions and mats made from multicolored brocades covered the floors. See DZ 1241, 32: 196c–197c; Benn 1991, 27. For more on the ordinations of Tang princesses, see Maruyama 2004, 432–37. For more information on the altar for the Golden Register

Retreat (Jinlu zhai 金籙齋) associated with Du Guangting, see Tanaka 2000, 107–8. 37 The placement of three statues on a Daoist altar can be traced back to the practice by the Northern Zhou Daoist Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 (365–448); see WS 114: 37a–b; SuiS 35: 38; Mather 1979, 115. 38 DZ 1224, 31: 739b. Cf. a similar altar diagram in DZ 220, 4: 117c. Wushang biyao discusses the inscriptions of the ten doors at the three-tiered altar as well; see Tanaka 2000, 102–3. For samples of the talismanic writs marked in different colors, see DZ 1224, 31: 737c–739b. 39 DZ 466, 7: 20c–26b; DZ 508, 9: 384a–385a; DZ 1223, 31: 438b–440a. Cf. Wang Qizhen’s remarks in Shangqing lingbao dafa, in which he refers to the three tiers of the altar as the lower-level altar, the middle-level altar, and the upper-level altar; see DZ 1221, 30: 940b–941a. Also, see Lü Chuikuan 1994, 82–83; Tanaka 2000, 107–9; Maruyama 2004, 227–29. 40 For a chart showing the different measurements of altars recorded in thirteenth-century liturgical manuals, see Tanaka 2000, 106 (table 4). Based on Tanaka’s table, the average measurement of a recorded Song altar has a lower tier that is about thirtyeight square chi, and a total height of about a little over nine chi. 41 DZ 220, 4: 117c. For more studies of the Celestial Heart Daoism, see Li Zhihong 2008; 2011a; Matsumoto 2006a, 354–402. 42 DZ 220, 4: 14c. 43 The title of this diagram states that “the middle altar displays eight doors,” but these doors are not shown in this diagram. Instead, the eight doors of the middle tier are illustrated in the next diagram specifying the section view of the middle tier; see DZ 220, 4: 14c–15a. For a comparative chart listing different numbers of doors associated with various altar designs in five major Southern Song

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liturgical manuals (DZ 219, DZ 466, DZ 508, DZ 1220, DZ 1221), see Tanaka 2000, 106. 44 Kohn 2004a, 60. According to Tanaka Fumio, the “seat of the Three Treasures” (Sanbao wei三寶 位) frequently cited in Song liturgical manuals may suggest that there were ritual tablets of the Three Treasures in Song altars; see Tanaka 2000, 108. For a re-arranged Southern Song ritual diagram showing the “tablets of the Three Treasures” (Sanbao pai 三寶牌) placed on the top level of the altar, see Maruyama 2004, 242 (fig. 2). For other tablets associated with the Heavenly Worthies of the Ten Directions and the Five Sacred Peaks, which may be placed on the top and middle levels, respectively, of the Southern Song Daoist altar, see Maruyama 2004, 227–28. 45 It was located in the southeastern outskirts of the capital Pingcheng 平 城 (modern-day Datong, Shanxi) and was sponsored by the Northern Wei Emperor Taiwu around 430; see WS 114: 37a–b; SuiS 35: 38; Mather 1979, 115. See also Lü Peng-zhi 2008, 238. For studies of early Daoist icons, see Yamada 1995; Kohn 2004a, 97–102. See also the essays by different authors in Li Song, ed. 2008, 67–148; Saitō in Saitō et al. 2010, 83–94.  46 XZZTJCB 68: 1b. See also Zhongguo daojiao 1991, 229–330; S. Huang 2002, 199. 47 See Xiao Jun 2008, 239. 48 A much smaller scene in the upper left corner of the altar mural shows Lü Dongbin writing cursive script on the temple wall; see S. Huang 1995, 23. For classic studies of the narrative stories of Lü Dongbin depicted in the murals of the Hall of Purified Yang, see Katz 1993, 1999. 49 This refers to the diagram of the outer altar; see DZ 508, 9: 384c–385a. Cf. the diagram of the inner altar in Schipper 1986, 189–90 (fig. 1); DZ 508, 9: 384b. 50 Schipper 1986, 189; 1978, 374–81. For

the names of these twenty-four periods, see Needham et al. 1959, 404–5. The Daoist inner alchemical body charts (figs. 1.45b, 1.46) also associate the twenty-four vertebrae with the twenty-four energy nodes; see chap. 1. 51 DZ 508, 9: 385a; Schipper 1986, 191 (fig. 2). Cf. similar lamp charts in DZ 466, 7: 26b–c; DZ 1221, 30: 940c–941a; DZ 1223, 31: 438c. Documentation of lighting in Daoist ritual space can be traced back to the sixth century; see Wang Chengwen 2001; Li Yuanguo 2003a. 52 For an altar diagram chart showing the lamps in the forms of constellations surrounding the main altar, see the Convention of the Overall Stars (Zong xing tan tu shi 總星壇 圖式) in DZ 547, 10: 246a–b. See also Gesterkamp 2011, 166 and fig. 52. Maruyama Hiroshi re-arranges this chart (omitting the lamps) and calls attention to the placement of the True Writs in Five Tablets in the ritual space; see Maruyama 2004, 227, 241 (fig. 1). 53 DZ 547, 10: 143c. 54 For more studies of Daoist lighting rituals, see Schipper 1975b; Li Yuanguo 2003a; Chen Yaoting 2003, 93–103. 55 DZ 1288, 32: 706b. Also, see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 135–36. Cf. a Tang-dynasty de-centralized ritual diagram (DZ 1212, 28: 493a–b) illustrated as fig. 3.51 in this book. 56 Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 135. 57 Cf. Schipper’s reading of Five Emperors in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 135. 58 Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 135. 59 Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 135. 60 DZ 1224, 31: 739b. 61 The character yuan in yuanxiang 圓 像 is incorrect and the word should read tuxiang 圖像; see DZ 1224, 31: 739b. Cf. DZ 1223, 31: 440a–b.

62 DZ 1224, 31: 739. In Jin Yunzhong’s Shangqing lingbao dafa, the “Five Masters” were listed as “Three Masters,” and they represented the three ritual supervisors: Scripture Master (Jingshi 經師), Text Master (Jishi 籍師), and Salvation Master (Dushi 度師); see DZ 1223, 31: 440b– c. For a study of the Scripture Master in medieval Daoism, see Kim 2011b. For a study of Daoist ordination rites, see Maruyama 2004, 103–35. 63 DZ 466, 7: 20c–31b; DZ 508, 9: 384a–387b. 64 S. Huang 2001, 13–15; Ge Zhaoguang 2002, 75–78. 65 Chen Yaoting 2003, 186–91. 66 DZ 466, 8: 189b. 67 Chen Yaoting 2003, 161–62. The Daoist ritual use of curtains in disguising and revealing the symbolic presence of the divinity is not unlike that associated with the material display of the medieval Christian altar. In her study of the early Netherlandish painting, Barbara G. Lane compares the 1457 iconic painting Madonna with Saints Jerome and Francis by Petrus Christus to the material dimension of an altar. She posits that the “elaborate throne, with its decorative curtains” depicted in the painting resembles “the secret chamber where the priest enacted the miracle of Transubstantiation,” a dramatic performance taking place in front of the altar when curtains “were drawn around altars . . . to hide the miracle from view and thereby enhance its mystery.” See Lane 1984, 25; for a plate, see 22 (pl. 14). I would like to thank Diane Wolfthal for introducing me to this source in our co-teaching seminar “Medieval Visual Culture in China and North Europe,” held at Rice University in Spring 2011. 68 DZ 466, 7: 28a, 45b–46a. 69 The thirteenth-century ritual master Jin Yunzhong criticizes contemporary usage and insists that two curtained stages are the only authentic formula

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for ritual; see DZ 1223, 31: 440b. Jin probably thinks of the model by Zhang Wanfu and Du Guangting stated in DZ 1224, 31: 739b. For a classic study of the Huanglu zhai, see Liu Zhiwan 1983. 70 DZ 466, 7: 28a; S. Huang 2001, 14–15, 24 (fig. 5). 71 DZ 466, 7: 28a. For a study of the Dark Master (Xuanshi 玄師), see Kim 2011b. 72 S. Huang 2001, 14–15; Gesterkamp 2011, 160. 73 The following texts provide similar descriptions of the six curtained stages, though no ritual diagram is included; see DZ 508, 9: 595c–596a; DZ 547, 10: 246; DZ 1221, 30: 942a–b. 74 S. Huang 2011c, 257–60. 75 The following three thirteenthcentury liturgical manuals list slightly different repositories of chambers: DZ 466, 7: 28a–29b, 31a–b; DZ 1221, 30: 942b–943b; DZ 508, 9: 596a–c. See also Tanaka 2000, 110; Maruyama 2004, 233–34; Gesterkamp 2011, 169. 76 DZ 466, 7: 28a–b, 46a; DZ 1221, 30: 943b–c. 77 See also Maruyama 2004, 233–34. For visual samples of Daoist registers, both from the Ming Daoist Canon and from contemporary artifacts, see Y. Luk 2010, esp. 235–37, 385, 392, 399–403 (figs. 1, 120, 142, 153–59, 161). 78 DZ 466, 7: 28b. 79 DZ 1221, 30: 942b. 80 DZ 1221, 30: 942b. For the illustration of the Diagram of the Chant of the Azure Sky, see DZ 147, 3: 64a, or fig. 2.5 in this book. 81 This station is referred to as a curtained stage or a chamber in different texts; see DZ 1223, 31: 441a– b; DZ 466, 7: 29a, 47b–c. About the divinities of the Divine Tiger, see Davis 2001, 234. For other additional stations, such as the Curtained Stage of the Judicial Officials (Jianlin mu 監臨幕), the Curtained Stage of the



Generals and Officers (Jiangli mu 將 吏幕), and the Curtained Stage of the Memorial Officials (Zhangguan mu 章官幕), see DZ 466, 7: 28b. Though no source specifies the exact location of these stations in the sacred ritual space, it is plausible to assume that they are erected along the west and east sides of the Enclosure of the Dao, flanking the north side, which is reserved for the highest gods. 82 DZ 1221, 31: 10b. 83 DZ 466, 7: 47c–48a. See also Maruyama 2004, 233, 399. 84 The legacy of medieval use of curtained stages is preserved in lively contemporary Taiwanese Daoist rituals noted for their colorful curtains and trappings, as well as paintings featuring images of divinities. See Su Qiming 1999, 12–15, 18; Lü Chuikuan 1994, 147–48, 150–52, 159, 166 (figs. 2–4, 13–19, 45, 66, 70). 85 DZ 1224, 31: 739. Ge Zhaoguang also highlights archaism as an important element in Daoist visual culture; see Ge Zhaoguang 2006. 86 DZ 1224, 31: 739b. 87 Wu Hung 2005, 515–17, 599–602. For a study of the canopy as a material designation of the sacred position of the formless god in early Daoism, see Wu Hung 2002a. For more visual examples of canopy tents in tomb paintings, see Wu Hung 2010, 68–69, 71–75, 80–82 (pls. 63, 66–68, 70, 78–79, 81–82). Responding to Wu Hung’s research, Stephen Bokenkamp calls attention to a Qingdynasty court painting that depicts a canopy exhibited at an imperial Daoist altar. Bokenkamp suggests that the painting may serve as visual evidence of the continuing symbolic function of the canopy in Daoist ritual in later times; see Wu Hung 2005, 521–22. For an illustration of this painting, see Little and Eichman 2000, 190–91 (pl. 44). 88 W. Fong et al. 1980, 326 (fig. 112); Wu Hung 2010, 29 (fig. 18). 89 Wu Hung 2005, 600.

90 For a plate, see Duan Wenjie 1985, 86–87 (pl. 86). See also Dunhuang wenwu yanjiu suo 1981, vol. 1, pls. 114, 122, 130–32, 138–39. 91 Motifs of rolled-up curtains go back to Han-dynasty funerary art, for example, the painted rolled-up curtains in the scenes of banquets and musical performances in Dahuting tomb no. 2 or the relief carvings of similar motifs in Dahuting tomb no. 1; see Henan sheng wenwu 1993, 168–71 (figs. 132–34); color pls. 38–44 (unnumbered pages); Wu Hung 2010, 184 (fig. 172). See also a rubbing from an Eastern Han tomb of a feast in W. Yu 1997, vol. 2, 185–86 (pl. 185). 92 Wang Shucun et al. 1988, 18 (pl. 13); Nagahiro 1969, pl. 29 (unnumbered page), 147; Kohara 2005, 84, 114 (figs. 24–25, 65). For similar relief images showing a curtained tent, see Huang Minglan 1987, 83, 91 (figs. 91, 99). The motif of a curtained tent or a curtain house as a covered space for Buddhist deities is also found in other sixth-century Mogao caves, such as Cave 303; see E. Wang 2005a, 70–71 (fig. 2.1). 93 For a translation, see Smith 1992. For more studies of this text, see Schipper 1965; Li Fengmao 1986, 21–122. For a pictorial representation of the Queen Mother of the West descending to Emperor Wu, see Liao tomb no. 1 in Baoshan 寶山, Chifeng 赤峰, Inner Mongolia, reproduced in Neimonggu wenwu 1998, 85 (fig. 31). 94 Kohn 2003a, 167–68; DZ 292, 5: 47c; DZ 1241, 32: 189b; Smith 1992, 482. Li Fengmao dates the Hanwudi neizhuan to the late fourth to early fifth centuries; Kristofer Schipper dates it to the sixth century. See Li Fengmao 1986, 21–122, esp. 85; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 115. Although this text is preserved in the Ming Daozang, thus often referred to by scholars as a Daoist source, Kristofer Schipper suggests we treat it not as a primary

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Daoist source but as “a literary production composed from a number of different sources” that combines Daoist hagiography and “the dynastic histories with legendary accounts.” See Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 116. 95 Su Bai 1957, pl. 22; Wu Hung 1996, 177 (fig. 143); Hansen 2000, 272–75. For more studies of Song painted tombs in Baisha, see Su Bai 1957; Wang Xiaoyang 2010, 195–96, 200, 202–4; W. Lin 2011, esp. 15–18. For comparable examples of painted curtains in the tenth- to eleventhcentury tombs, see Hebeisheng wenwu 1998, pls. 1, 3, 6, 10, 13, 18, 23–24, 26–27; Feng Hui’s tomb in Xianyang shi wenwu 2001, 51 (pl. 52); Zhengzhou shi wenwu 2005, 92–101 (figs. 117–24). For a newly excavated Song tomb with similar paintings discovered in the neighborhood of Zhengzhou and Dengfeng, see the news released on March 7, 2011, at . 96 See, for example, the 1097 tomb excavated in Heishangou 黑山溝, near Dengfeng 登封, Henan, reproduced in Zhengzhou shi wenwu 2005, 98 (fig. 121). 97 For a plate, see Shi Yan 1988, 92 (pl. 85); Miller 2007, 27 (fig. 2.8). Cf. H. Lee 2010, 58 (pl. 1.11). 98 See the explanatory notes of fig. 2.8 in Miller 2007, 27. Cf. the four-panel design of a folding screen depicted in the 1180 handscroll entitled the Long Scroll of Buddhist Images, painted by Zhang Shengwen for the ruler of the Dali kingdom; see fig. 2.42 in this book. See also Chapin 1972, pl. 44, section 114. S. Huang 2002, 458 (fig. 5.10). 99 Miller 2007, 161 (fig. 7.3). 100 For a plate, see A. Jing 2002a, fig. 1.21. 101 A. Jing 2002a, 39–40. Cf. selected drawings of the underground court

flanked by painted screens in the Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes in the Cleveland Museum; see Yu Yi 1979. 102 Cf. the composition depicted in the drawing from the Cleveland album in Yu Yi 1979, 2. 103 For a plate, see Jin Weinuo 1988, 91 (pl. 87); A. Jing 2002a, fig. 1.53; Liao Ben 1989, 215–26. For visual documentations of Song-Jin-Yuan theater stages extant in the Pingyang region where this mural was located, see Liao Ben 1997, 117–18. 104 The mural may have been painted by a group of local professional painters, as suggested by the colophon listing such artists as Wang Yanda 王彥達, Hu Tianxiang 胡天祥, Ma Wenyuan 馬文遠, Yuan Yancai 元彥才, and so on on the upper side of the theatrical mural; see Liao Ben 1989, 224. 105 To inscribe the names of the performance on the theatrical curtain on the stage is a standard practice in the Yuan; see Liao Ben 1989, 223; for more about the theatrical aspect of this mural, see 221–23. The term “Zhongdu” 忠都 may refer to Puzhou 蒲州 (today’s Yongji 永濟 county) in southern Shanxi, and the term “Zhongdu xiu” 忠都秀 may refer to the nickname of an actress performing in this area; see Liao Ben 1989, 219; 1997, 117. 106 Liao Ben suggests that the motifs depicted on these two pieces of cloth scrolls may be related to the deity Erlang killing the dragon—a theme that echoes the zaju 雜劇 drama known as the Deity Erlang from Guankou Beheading the Dragon (Guankou Erlang zhan jianjiao 灌口二 郎斬健蛟) popular in the Yuan and Ming period; see Liao Ben 1989, 217. 107 Matsumoto 1990; S. Huang 2001, 189–97; Davis 2001, 227–36; Maruyama in Pregadio 2007, 510–11. 108 DZ 514, 9: 755b–c. For dating of this text, see Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1001–2. For a study of the pudu ritual and its Buddhist

counterpart, see Orzech 2002. For a study of contemporary gongde rituals, see Ōfuchi 2005, 305–677. 109 For studies of Jiuku tianzun, see Yusa 1989; Lin Sheng-chih 2003; Xiao Dengfu 2006. For comparative studies of Jiuku tianzun and Buddhist deities such as Dizang 地藏 and Guanyin 觀音, see Zhiru 2007, 212–16; Mollier 2008, 174–208. 110 DZ 514, 9: 755c. 111 Cf. the display of the bathhouse at the southern end of the ritual space designed for the later Water Land ritual, reproduced in Dai Xiaoyun 2009, 49 (fig. 2.24). 112 DZ 1221, 31: 3b. Cf. DZ 219, 3: 900c. For a variety of banners, talismans, and ritual charts associated with the nine hells, see DZ 466, 8: 578–581; DZ 508, 9: 603–9; DZ 1221, 31: 65a. For the formula for the talismanic writs inscribed on the nine banners, see DZ 1221, 31: 65. 113 DZ 547, 10: 348a–b. Cf. DZ 219, 3: 900c. 114 DZ 547, 10: 252b; DZ 466, 7: 29; DZ 1221, 31: 442a–b. One source notes that the grass hut should be set in front of the Universal Salvation Chamber (Pudu tang 普度堂); see DZ 508, 9: 387b. 115 DZ 466, 7: 29b. 116 DZ 547, 10: 252b. 117 DZ 514, 9: 755c. 118 DZ 514, 9: 755c. For a Buddhist visual example showing the Six Realms within a wheel, see the Southern Song rock carving in Dazu, Sichuan, reproduced in Howard 2001, 7–8 (figs. 9–10); Teiser 2006, 230 (fig. 9.4). For more study of the Buddhist wheel, see Teiser 2006, esp. 163–92, 221–38. For a Daoist inner alchemical illustration showing the Buddhist-inspired wheel, see DZ 151, 3: 103c–4a. 119 DZ 514, 9: 755b. 120 DZ 466, 7: 30a. 121 DZ 466, 7: 31b. Cf. a later ritual diagram of the Water Land ritual, which also shows a bridge of univer-

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sal salvation; see Dai Xiaoyun 2009, 49 (fig. 2.24). 122 Hartman 1993; S. Huang 2001, 40–41. 123 For the bridge motifs assembled in this chart, see DZ 1221, 31: 6b–c; DZ 508, 9: 607b–c; DZ 547, 10: 257b–c. Also, see Lagerwey 1987, 236–37. Cf. these bridge motifs with a series of similar illustrations in a fifteenthcentury compilation, see ZW 698, 17: 104–5. 124 The image in Shangqing lingbao dafa does not show the label for the pavilion; the caption of the Treasure Terrace of the Rebirth in Heaven appears at the beginning of the bridge; see DZ 1221, 31: 6b. Cf. a twelfth-century sample of a threetiered Stage of Birth in Heaven with detailed measurements, see DZ 1227, 32: 113a–b. 125 The scene is depicted on the north wall of the hall; see Xiao Jun 2008, 182–83, 212; for the narrative of the story of “Saving Mr. Sun Who Sells Fish” (“Du Sun Maiyu” 度孫賣魚) see 44 in Xiao Jun 2008. 126 DZ 220, 4: 15b. Cf. similar illustrations in ZW 698, 17: 78a, 79a. 127 DZ 220, 4: 15c. 128 DZ 220, 4: 15c. 129 DZ 220, 4: 15b. 130 DZ 466, 7: 27b–c. Also, see Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 107 (fig. 19). 131 Wenwu chubanshe 1958, 60; Xiao Jun 2008, 270. 132 DZ 466, 7: 27c. 133 DZ 547, 10: 243a–b. Cf. a similar repertoire illustrated in ZW 698, 17: 77–78. For studies of this text (ZW 698), see Zhang Zehong 1998; Liang Dehua 2008. The ritual implements illustrated in these Daoist manuals are comparable to similar objects in Daoist paintings. See the murals from the Yuan-dynasty Temple of Eternal Joy in Xiao Jun 2008, 270. 134 DZ 547, 10: 243a. 135 XDSLT 9: 123, 126–27. For a study of the Sanli tu ritual manual, see Ding 2006. For more paintings with



Song imperial ritual implements, see the Northern Song Illustration of the Imperial Guard of Honor (Lubu tu 鹵簿圖) in the National Museum of History in Beijing, and the Southern Song Welcoming the Carriages (Yingluan tu 迎鑾圖) in the Shanghai Museum. For plates, see W. Yu 1997, vol. 3, 238–43 (pl. 245); Fu Xinian 1988, vol. 4, 22–23 (pl. 18). For a study of the Lubu tu, see Ebrey 1999b; for studies of the Yingluan tu, see Murray 1985, 1986, 1990–92. For more comparable examples in Daoist art, see the Southern Song painting of the Daoist Official of Heaven and the Yuan-dynasty printed version of the Yushu jing in Little and Eichman 2000, 233, 239 (pls. 69, 73). 136 Kohn 2003a, 168. The early Tang monastic manual (DZ 1125) records twenty-one kinds of banners; see Kohn 2004, 116; Li Yuanguo 2002a, 13. For more studies of Song Daoist banners, see Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 101. 137 This detail is from Liang Kai’s monochrome ink drawing handscroll depicting Daoist deities liberating the soul from hell, now in the Wan-go Weng collection. See Little and Eichman 2000, 178–79 (pl. 37); Lin Sheng-chih 2007, 66–67 (fig. 1); A. Jing 2007, 72 (fig. 5). For more studies on this painting, see Lin Shengchih 2003; A. Jing 2002b, 77–79. 138 Xiao Jun 2008, 241. This episode from the Yuan-dynasty Temple of Eternal Joy mural is a story about a pregnant nun; it is depicted next to the right side of the five-tiered altar illustrated in fig. 4.7 in this book (Xiao Jun 2008, 239). 139 The use of banners in death rituals has a long tradition beyond Daoism. See, for example, the studies on banners in early soul-summoning and death rituals in Wu Hung 1992; Y. Yü 1987. 140 For samples of Daoist ritual banners, see DZ 466, 8: 577b–582a; DZ 508, 9: 602c–605c; DZ 547, 10: 159c–170b.

141 For example, see the notions of “the belly of the banner,” “left hand,” “right hand,” “right foot,” “left foot” as references to different parts of the banner in DZ 547, 10: 161–63. These terms are still used by scholars of Japanese Buddhist banners; see Hickman 1973, 6–7; Kurata 1967, fig. 89. For more on Japanese banners, see Itō 2011. 142 The two examples are from DZ 466, 8: 577c; DZ 547, 10: 162a–c. 143 DZ 466, 8: 577c. For two illustrations of a banner bearing the same title but slightly different writings on the banner, see DZ 508, 9: 602c–603a; Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 101 (fig. 13); DZ 547, 10: 163a. 144 While the Fengdao kejie mentions the banners can be as long as one thousand zhang, the longest banners illustrated in Song Daoist texts are forty-nine chi long. See Li Yuanguo 2002a, 13. 145 DZ 219, 3: 895b. 146 DZ 466, 8: 577c. 147 DZ 547, 10: 161b. Cf. ZW 698, 17: 377b. For more documentations of the variety of the precious canopies, see Li Yuanguo 2002a. 148 DZ 508, 9: 609b. For more samples of the seal-script-inspired Nine Dragons Talisman, see DZ 1221, 31: 111b–c; DZ 466, 8: 295b, 301b, 350c, 428c, 480b–c. 149 DZ 547, 10: 161b–c. 150 Whitfield 1982–84, 55 (pls. 28); Whitfield and Sims-Williams 2004, 157 (pl. 58). For more visual examples of medieval Chinese Buddhist banners, see Zhao Feng 2007, 58–87 (for a diagram illustrating the terms of different parts of a banner, see 58); 2010, 60–123; visit the British Museum website at For more on Buddhist banners, see Hickman 1973. 151 For a plate, see Whitfield and SimsWilliams 2004, 241 (pl. 178); cf. 332 (pl. 298). For more visual examples

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391

of Buddhist banners with similar designs, see also the banners depicted in the tenth-century illustrated Dunhuang manuscripts (P. 2003-3; Or.8210/S.3961) of Ten Kings of Hell in Teiser 1994, fig. 3a; Whitfield and Sims-Williams 2004, 306, 332–33 (pl. 297). 152 Zhao Feng 2007, 5–8. 153 For more samples of talismans to be inscribed on Daoist banners, see Ren Zongquan 2006, 177–89. 154 DZ 547, 10: 162a–c. For more similar examples, see DZ 466, 8: 581a; DZ 1221, 31: 65a. 155 DZ 547, 10: 162b. 156 DZ 547, 10: 162b. 157 For more on Daoist mirrors, see Fukunaga 1973; Schafer 1978–79; Cahill 1986; Kohn 1998a, 69–71; 1998b; 2007, 130–31; Wang Yucheng 2000b; Little and Eichman 2000, 214 (pls. 58) ; Liu Yi 2004a ; 2004b, 134–200; A. Jing 2008b; Louis 2009, esp. 224–29. For Daoist and Tantric uses of mirrors, see Strickmann 2002, 125, 206–7, 212, 215, 216–17, 233, 237, 239, 272, 278–79. 158 For a classic study of Daoistinspired inscriptions on medieval bronze mirrors, drawing on extant examples from the Freer Gallery of Art as the main visual source, see Cahill 1986. 159 Kohn 1998a, 70. See also Liu Yi 2004b, 144–52. 160 YJQQ 48: 1068–74. Cf. DZ 1207, 28: 422b–423c; Kohn 1998a, 70. 161 For different measurements of mirrors associated with visualization practices, see YJQQ 48: 1068, 1074, 1076; DZ 1206, 28: 418b; DZ 1207, 28: 422b–c; DZ 1221, 30: 669c. See also Liu Yi 2004b, 160. 162 YJQQ 48: 1068; DZ 1207, 28: 422b; Kohn 1998a, 69. For major Tang and Song Daoist texts detailing the visualization method involving mirrors, see YJQQ 48: 1074–76; DZ 1245, 32: 226; DZ 1126, 775b–776a. For more studies of these texts, see Liu Yi 2004b, esp. 144–58; Kohn

1998a, 69–71; 2007, 130–31. For more on mirrors in Daoism, see Fukunaga 1973; Cahill 1986; Liu Yi 2004b, 134–200. For more references to the mirror as a metaphor for the mind in the Zhuangzi, Chan Buddhism, and Neo-Confucianism, see Kohn 1998b. 163 Kohn 1998a, 69. Suzanne Cahill noted an early medieval bronze mirror from the Sackler collection whose inscription bears such “nicknames” of body gods as the Green Eye (Qingmuzi 青目子) and the Central Light (Guangzhongzi 光 中子), while the inscription of the other second- to third-century mirror bears a phrase that may refer to body gods seated “in the central courtyard” (zuo zhongting 坐中庭) of the inner body. See Cahill 1986, 66, 70 (n. 20). Though these nicknames of body gods are not found in medieval Daoist texts, the possible connection between the body gods and mirrors calls to mind the evocation of the Lord of the Bright Mirror (Mingjing jun 明鏡君), his 120 officials, and three attendant boys and nine attendant girls residing in one’s head and in charge of the eyes, discussed in the lore of Daoist visualization; see the text on the Method of Great Illumination (Mingzhao fa 明照法) in YJQQ 48: 1075. Cf. DZ 1206, 28: 418a–b; DZ 1126, 24: 776a; DZ 1245, 32: 226b. See also Liu Yu 2008, 153. 164 DZ 1221, 30: 669a. 165 For more on mirrors and Daoist transmission rites, see Liu Yi 2004b, 154–56. 166 YJQQ 80: 1838–39. 167 YJQQ 72: 1605. 168 Kohn 1998a, 70. For a complete story, see XJZJ 3: 4a–5a. 169 Ebrey 2008, 201; CXBT 28: 5a. Cf. TPGJ 403: 3246–47. For more stories of mirrors with supernatural powers in the late eighth- to early ninth-century Record of an Ancient Mirror (Gujing ji 古鏡記), which is credited as the “depository of all previous mirror lore,” see Koffler

1995; Warner 2002–3; J. Chen 2004; Louis 2009, 227. Cf. TPYL 912: 5b–6a; GJTSJC 798.228: 2155c–57c. Shen Gua 沈括 (1031–95) recounts the “mirrors which can penetrate the light” (touguang jian 透光鑑) and “reflect the designs on their backs”; see MXBTJZ 19: 634–35. See also Ebrey 2008, 184. Needham et al. 1962, 93–95. For more anecdotes on mirrors, see MXBTJZ 19: 630; 21: 673, 698; GJTSJC 798.226: 2139a–2143b, 798.227: 2144a–2152c, 798.228: 2153a–2159b. For an anecdote recorded in the Qing fiction Dream of the Red Chamber (Honglou meng 紅樓夢) regarding a Daoist’s mirror used as a healing object whose rear side shows an “image of a human skeleton,” see Rushton 1986, 64. I would like to thank Lanzhen Wang for sharing this source with me. 170 See Ebrey’s endnote 127 in Ebrey 2008, 420. See also XJZJ 3:4b. 171 Cf. E. Wang 2005a, 250 (fig. 5.4). 172 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 167 (fig. 165); 2009, 90 (fig. 82). Cf. W. Fong 1992, 336–37 (pl. 74a); Wu Hung 1996, 166 (fig. 135). 173 E. Wang 2005a, 249. For more on mirrors in Buddhism, see E. Wang 2005a, 247–55; H. Shen 2006; Liu Yi 2004b, 201–90. 174 DZ 1220, 30: 75a–b. See also Liu Yi 2004b, 137. 175 DZ 1220, 30: 77b. 176 DZ 1185, 28: 236a. Cf. DZ 1245, 32: 226b; YJQQ 48: 1077; Liu Yi 2004b, 139–40. My translation is largely based on Kleeman 1994, 231; Louis 2009, 224. Cf. Ware 1996, 281. 177 A Song Daoist text describes the construction of a Daoist altar as filling with “mirrors and swords.” See DZ 1285, 32: 651a. See also Liu Yi 2004b, 136–37. For a classic study of Daoist mirrors and swords, see Fukunaga 1973. 178 For more on the judicial roles of Daoist martial deities, see Katz 2008. For more on Tianpeng, see Liu Zhiwan 1987; Meulenbeld

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2007. 76, 130–31, 145, 150, 152 (n. 112), 300, 311. Swords and mirrors also appear frequently in esoteric Buddhist iconography. See, for example, the Southern Song painting of the One-Thousand-Eyed, One-Thousand-Armed Guanyin (Qianshou qianyan Guanyin 千手千 眼觀音), now in Eihoji 永保寺, Gifu 岐阜, Japan; reproduced in Ebine et al. 1997–2001, vol. 6, 69 (pl. 63). Ide Seinosuke links the painting to the Southern Song court milieu in Hangzhou; see Ide 2000, 125; 2001, 25–27. The use of a mirror to subjugate demons and ghosts is also seen in a fifteenth-century Water Land painting, where an underground jailor in charge of the eight hot hells is deploying a mirror to reflect upon the sinners suffering in fire; see Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl.144. 179 DZ 578, 10: 711c. For an introduction to this text, see Despeux in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 356. 180 DZ 1227, 32: 79c. 181 DZ 1220, 30: 76a; Liu Yi 2004b, 140–41. For more on mirrors in Daoist (and Tantric) exorcistic rituals, see Katz 1995, 84; Strickmann 2002, 125, 206–7, 212, 215, 216–17, 233, 237, 239, 272, 278–79. 182 Liu Yi 2004b, 141–43; DZ 219, 3: 806c. 183 DZ 1227, 32: 93a–c; Liu Yi 2004b, 142–43. 184 Although it is not clear what the lionhand gesture may refer to, readers can grasp the diversity of Daoist hand gestures in Ren Zongquan 2004. 185 DZ 1227, 32: 93c. 186 DZ 1227, 32: 93c. 187 Wang Yucheng compares fig. 4.41 to an actual bronze mirror dated to the Tang and belonging to the Henan Provincial Museum collection; see Wang Yucheng 2000b, 47–50 (figs. 15–16). The Ming Daozang illustrates approximately fifteen templates for Daoist mirrors; eleven are from the Tang texts related to Shangqing and



Zhengyi Daoism, and four are from a Song text. See DZ 429, 6: 679c; DZ 1412, 34: 424c–425a; DZ 1208, 28: 448c. For more on mirrors and talismans in Daoism, see Liu Yi 2004b, 197. 188 Wang Yucheng 2002b, 48–49 (fig. 16). 189 YJQQ 80: 1835. For similar citations from other sources, see Liu Yi 2004b, 157. 190 This is seen in Emperor Huizong’s collection of Han and Tang mirrors, as illustrated in Antiquities Illustrated; see Ebrey 2008, 184–96; 202 (Table 6.2). For more visual examples of Han and Tang mirrors, see Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman 1992; Wang Yucheng 2000b. Edward Schafer compares Han and Tang mirrors and highlights the new concept of a mirror as a moon in the Tang. Pertinent to this is a new type of mirror decorated with images of “the inhabitants of the moon,” including “a cinnamon tree, an alchemical hare, a dancing toad, and the divine lady.” See Schafer 1978–79, 56. Francois Louis calls attention to Tang archaic bronze mirrors, whose designs recall ancient conventions; Louis also regards certain Daoist mirrors as examples of the archaic mirrors of the Tang; see Louis 2009. For more studies of Chinese bronze mirrors, see Shen Congwen 1958; Hunan sheng bowuguan 1969; Zhou Shirong 1987, 1993; Wang Shilun 1987; Luoyang bowuguan 1988; Yen Chüan-ying 1989; E. Wang 1994; He Tangkun 1999; H. Shen 2006. Francois Louis discusses the Tang perceptions of archaic bronzes; see Louis 2009. 191 E. Wang 2005a, 251 (fig. 5.5); H. Shen 2006. For exceptional examples of Liao and Yuan bronze mirrors cast with Buddhist charms or Khitan characters, see Wang Shilun 1987, fig. 176; Zhou Shirong 1993, 172–73 (figs. 257–58). 192 This is based on the 1588 edition; see

CXBT 30: 14a, 1588 ed.; Ebrey 2008, 197 (fig. 6.37). Cf. the Siku quanshu edition in CXBT, 30: 14a; GJTSJC 798.226: 2136a; Wang Yucheng 2002b, 52 (fig. 19). Ebrey attributes Huizong’s unique choice of collecting mirrors to his “interlinked interests” in “auspicious signs and Daoism.” See Ebrey 2008, 196. 193 Ebrey 2008, 201. 194 The Henan mirror was excavated in Mengxian 孟縣, Xiguo 西虢; the inscriptions differ slightly from those on the Sui iron mirror illustrated in Huizong’s Antiquities Illustrated; see Luoyang bowuguan 1988, pl. 206 (and page 25 of the explanatory text); Zhou Shirong 1993, 189–90 (fig. 293). For a rubbing of the same mirror, see Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman 1992, 892. For a comparable Tang mirror in the Palace Museum collection, see Wang Yucheng 2002b, 50 (fig. 17); He Lin 2007, 146–47 (pl. 78). The same design also appears in the Southern Song (1176) jade handbook, a reflection of the media transfer in Chinese material culture; see Wang Yucheng 2002b, 50–51 (fig. 18). For a Song bronze mirror in the Palace Museum collection bearing a large talismanic design with stars flanking the top and the sides, with a snake and a turtle (the symbolism of the Dark Warrior) in the foreground, see He Lin 2007, 164–65 (pl. 87). 195 Fukunaga 1973, 72–73. 196 According to Eichman, the connection between a sword and the human body is reflected in the notion of corpse liberation (shijie 尸解), “the belief that the body could be refined in the same way that a cicada or snake sheds its old skin as it develops a new one.” When adepts died, they “used a sword to take the place of their corpse in the coffin; this sword was like the skin left behind by a snake, taking the shape of the deceased but reverting to its original form after burial.” See Little and Eichman 2000, 215. For more on the Daoist notion of shijie, see

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Robinet 1979; Kirkland in Pregadio 2007, 896–97. 197 For tombs of the Warring States and Han periods, see Fukunaga 1973, 74–75; for Song tombs, see Liu Yi 2004b, 195. 198 For the complete illustrations of three mirrors and two swords, see DZ 431; 6: 683c–84b, 685a–c. For more on this text, see Fukunaga 1973; Schafer 1978–79, 58; Koffler in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 617–18 (fig. 53); Little and Eichman 2000, 214–15 (pl. 58); Louis 2009, 227, 229 (fig. 11). 199 Fukunaga 1973, 59–72; Liu Yi 2004b, 161–64. For more on Daoist priests as mirror makers, see Liu Yi 2004b, 159–64; E. Wang 2005a, 248. 200 Fukunaga 1973; Wang Yucheng 2002b, 31–38. 201 The t motif may derive from the Han mirror designs with l and t motifs; cf. Luoyang bowuguan 1988, pls. 24–25, 29–31, 40. 202 E. Wang 2005a, 213; this reading is based on a similar mirror design in the Palace Museum collection, reproduced in fig. 4.17a on 215. See also Guo Yuhai 1996, pl. 121; He Lin 2007, 150 (pl. 80). 203 For comparable examples, see Luoyang bowuguan 1988, pls. 81, 83; Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman 1992, 763–64; E. Wang 2005a, 215 (fig. 4.17). 204 Luoyang bowuguan 1988, pl. 83. See also Wang Yucheng 2002b, 33–36 (figs. 3–4). 205 The writing knife is also highlighted by Lu Xiujing as one of the four “necessary objects” in an oratory; see DZ 1127, 24: 780c. 206 Strickmann 2002, 6. 207 Strickmann 2002, 6. For more studies of Daoist clerics as calligraphers, see Ledderose 1984; Ebrey 2008, 244–55. 208 Strickmann 2002, 7; Dean 2000, 671. 209 DZ 785, 18: 212; Ge Zhaoguang 1998, 49. 210 DZ 615, 11:173–231. See Schipper in

Schipper and Verellen 2004, 134–35; Kohn 2003a, 205; Van der Loon 1984, 110; Wang Zongyu 2009; Lü Pengzhi 2008, 211–20; Maruyama 2004, 27, 42, 49, 69–70, 77, 89, 92, 99–100, 144, 168, 305, 445, 453, 590. 211 DZ 463, 6: 973–76. 212 Datongshi wenwu 1962, 37 (fig. 28); Asano 2000, 142 (n. 42). 213 For selected entries on the dragonheaded writing knife, see DZ 129, 2: 866b; DZ 1127, 24: 780; DZ 463, 6: 973a–975c; DZ 466, 7: 33b; DZ 508, 9: 383b, 495c, 513b–c; DZ 547, 10: 278a. 214 DZ 1223, 31: 438b, 638b; DZ 508, 9: 383b; DZ 547, 10: 278a. Also, see Asano 2000, 131. 215 DZ 1223, 31: 503c. For further documentation of the golden fish and jade goose, see DZ 129, 2: 866b; DZ 508, 9: 660b, 664a; DZ 466, 7: 33b; DZ 508, 9: 434a. Also, see Asano 2000, 133–34. 216 ZLZS 40: 14b. It is likely that the knife excavated in the tomb of the Yuan-dynasty Daoist Feng Daozhen is a Daoist writing knife; see Datongshi wenwu 1962, 37 (fig. 28). 217 DZ 507, 9: 328a; DZ 508, 9: 383b; DZ 1223, 31: 638b–c; DZ 500, 9: 138b. Delivering the written memorials is part of the announcement rite, which includes five main parts: purification, invitation to the gods, summons, dispatch, and dismissal of the gods. For a study of this ritual in contemporary Taiwan, see Lagerwey 1987, 68–89, esp. 69. 218 DZ 507, 9: 328a; DZ 500, 9: 138b; C. Liu 1991, 770. 219 DZ 507, 9: 328a. Cf. DZ 508, 9: 513b–c. 220 DZ 508, 9: 383b. An undated text entitled Yulu zidu jietan yi 玉籙資 度解壇儀 gives a colorful description of how the writing knife is to be used by the body gods called out by the Daoist master: these body gods, who serve as scribes and messengers, would pour ink on the ink cake and grind the ink to help the priest

prepare the written documents to be sent to the gods. They also use the writing knife to collate any mistakes they find on the petition documents; see DZ 500, 9: 138; C. Liu 1991, 770. 221 Paper was invented in China in the late first century. For the history of Chinese paper, see Needham et al. 1974; Bloom 2001, 32–45, 230, 231. 222 DZ 615, 11:173b–174c, 175b–178b. 223 DZ 1125, 24: 745c–746a; Kohn 2003a, 162–63. 224 See, for example, the twenty-third rule listed in DZ 547, 10: 278c. 225 YJZ, bing 5: 401. For studies of the Yijianzhi, see Hansen 1990; Inglis 2006. 226 YJZ, bing 5: 401. 227 DZ 508, 9: 661b–662c. 228 DZ 508, 9: 661b–662c. 229 SSWJHL 27: 216; MXBTJZ, bubitan 2: 967. 230 For visual examples of the Nine Dragons Talismans, see DZ 1221, 31: 111b; DZ 466, 8: 295b, 301b, 350c, 428c, 480b–c; DZ 508, 9: 6–9b. For visual examples of the register or coupon of rebirth in heaven, see DZ 508, 9: 661b; DZ 466, 8: 481a. For a new study of the typologies of the Daoist Registers of Rebirth in Heaven, see Zhang Xunliao 2011. For studies of Daoist registers, see Ding Huang 1995, 1996, 1997; Y. Luk 2010, esp. 157–98, 235–37, 385, 392, 399–403; 2011. 231 DZ 508, 9: 661b–c, 662b–c. For an example of a talisman for attacking hell written on yellow paper, see DZ 508, 9: 631b. According to Matsumoto Kōichi, the frequent use of yellow paper for talisman writing may be due to the sacred symbolism associated with the color yellow; see Matsumoto 2001b, 181. 232 DZ 508, 9: 661b; DZ 466, 8: 480c. On how ordinary people in traditional China used contracts for transactions, not only in daily life but also in the afterlife, see Hansen 1995. 233 DZ 508, 662a–c. The term qingci in medieval China also refers to the

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imperial edicts; see CS 35: 14b. For more on Daoist qingci, see Maruyama 2004, 171–208. 234 DZ 508, 9: 662b. 235 Andersen 2005, 16. 236 Schipper 1995b, 100. 237 For a classic study of the toulong rite, see Chavannes 1919. Also, see Matsumoto 1983, 222–23; Liu Zhaorui 2005; 2007, 235–70. 238 Lai Chi Tim 2002a. 239 SGZWZ 8: 26a–b; Zhongguo daojiao 1991, 68; S. Huang 2001, 8. 2 40 For a plate and a translation of the text, see Wang Yucheng 2003a, 484 (fig. 1.1); Liu Zhaorui 2007, 135 (fig. 38). For other Qin and Han specimens of talismanic writings found in Dunhuang and Turfan, see Liu Zhaorui 2007, 70 (figs. 21–22), 354–55 (fig. 139). 241 DZ 617, 11: 319b–320a; Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 482. For more research on Daoist written memorials, see Schipper 1974; Maruyama 2004; Li Zhihong 2011a, 183–95; 2011b. 242 DZ 617, 11: 319b–320a. For a similar statement, see DZ 1205, 28: 81. 243 Benn 2000, 313. 2 44 Matsumoto 1983, 227–28; 2006, 143–53. For selected samples of the documents of various types, see DZ 466, 646c–714a; DZ 1223, 31: 513b– 58c. Also, see Lagerwey 1987, 61–66; Ren Zongquan 2006, 289–335. For formulas for the various documents used in contemporary Daoist rituals, see Ōfuchi 1983, 423–62; 2005, 265–304. 245 Matsumoto 1983, 227–28; 2006a, 143–47. 2 46 DZ 466, 7: 34b. 247 DZ 508, 9: 433a. For the notion of Daoist bathing, including the herbal ingredients and spices to be put in the boiling water, the benefit of bathing, as well as the selected dates for bathing, see YJQQ 41: 888–901; DZ 1126, 24: 770b–c. For more information on Daoist bathing, see Kohn 2003a, 114–19; Schafer 1956.



248 DZ 508, 9: 433a. Cf. DZ 466, 8: 817c–818c. 249 For a study of Daoist written documents, envelopes, and containers, see Ren Zongquan 2006, 274–335. 250 DZ 547, 10: 281b–c. Also, see Ren Zongquan 2006, 281–82 (figs. 146.1, 146.2, 147.1). 251 As John Lagerwey observes from contemporary Daoist ritual in Taiwan, the gods who receive the documents in boxes are of a higher rank than those who receive the documents in flat rectangular envelopes. See Lagerwey 1987, 67. 252 DZ 547, 10: 281b–c. For more talismanic samples to be inscribed at the bottom of a container or a box, see Ren Zongquan 2006, 193. 253 ZW 698, 17: 95–99. For more instructions concerning the different uses of seals on various ritual documents, see DZ 466, 8: 805a–806a; DZ 547, 10: 142b–c. For the method of worshiping seals, see DZ 1221, 31: 9b. For more examples of Daoist seals, see fig. 3.28 in this book; DZ 1220, 30: 123b, 167b–168a; DZ 1223, 31: 398b–399b; DZ 508, 9: 629b–630a; Ebrey 2011, 63 (fig. 22). For studies of Daoist seals, see Xiao Dengfu 1989; Strickmann 1993; Zhang Zehong 1999, 95–96; Wang Yucheng 2000a; Wu Hung 2000, 84 (fig. 12); 2005, 493 (fig. 22.11); Ren Zongquan 2006, 246–73; Liu Zhaorui 2007, 131–74; Hsieh Shu-wei 2010b, 271–73. For a broader introduction to Chinese seal making, applying the concept of modular production, see Ledderose 2000, 159–60. 254 Some of these seal conventions are still preserved in modern Daoist seals; see Su Qiming 1999, 178–79. 255 Lagerwey 1987, 60–67. For a study of the documents used in Daoist rituals in contemporary Taiwan, see Maruyama 2002. 256 Lagerwey 1987, 60–61. 257 Lagerwey 1987, 67. 258 Lagerwey 1987, 67.

259 Lagerwey 1987, 67. 260 Lagerwey 1987, 67. 261 DZ 410, 6: 563b–567b. Also, see Lai Chi Tim 2007, 51–52. 262 DZ 547, 10: 333a–b. For a variety of designs, see DZ 547, 10: 316a–c; DZ 219, 3: 939a–941a. 263 DZ 547, 10: 316b–317a. For more samples of the envelopes for other Daoist documents to other deities, including the underworld officers and jailers, see DZ 547, 10: 317b–321c. 264 DZ 547, 10: 334c. The number of golden rings used in the toulong rite varies, ranging from nine to twentyseven; see DZ 1241, 32: 194a; DZ 507, 9: 361b; DZ 508, 9: 584b–585a, 659c–660a; Asano 2000, 128. For a study that links Daoist ordination and military covenants in early Zhou, see Kohn 2003b. 265 Cf. DZ 219, 3: 940c–941a. Also see Asano 2000, 129–30 (figs. 1–2). 266 For selected examples, see DZ 219, 3: 941a; DZ 304, 5: 658b; DZ 307, 5: 751a. Elsewhere in the sixth-century Daoist text, three golden dragons are listed as objects of faith to be thrown into the sacred mountains or sacred rivers alone; see DZ 1138, 25: 115b. A bronze dragon of this sort, excavated from the West Lake in Hangzhou in the 1950s, sheds light on what such an artifact may look like. Some researchers claim that this dragon artifact was related to the rite of casting the dragon tablets sponsored by the King of the Wu Yue kingdom in the tenth century. For a reproduction, see Zhao Youqiang 2002, 35 (fig. 6). 267 DZ 507, 9: 361b. 268 DZ 508, 9: 584b; Chen Zhaoyin 1994, esp. 172–73. In the Tang, an alternative messenger consisting of a golden or jade fish was also used for delivering messages to the Official of Water; see DZ 1241, 32: 195b. 269 DZ 1241, 32: 194a; Chen Zhaoyin 1994, 176–77. 270 DZ 508, 9: 659c, 663c; DZ 466, 7: 33a–b. Also, see Asano 2000, 123. 271 DZ 129, 2: 866b; DZ 508, 9: 660b,

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395

664a; DZ 466, 7: 33b; DZ 508, 9: 434a. Also, see Asano 2000, 133–34. 272 DZ 1241, 32: 195b. 273 For a study of the rite in the Tang, see Zhang Zehong 2007. 274 Wang Yucheng 1991b, figs. 6–7. 275 The object is in the Henan Provincial Museum. For a plate, see Watt et al. 2004, 297 (pl. 190). See also H. Lee 2010, 70–72 (pl. 2.2). For a translation of the inscription on the slip of gold, see Barrett 2008, 90–91. For more studies of Wu Zetian and Mount Song, see Wang Wenchao and Zhao Wenrun 2003. For more on dragon casting in the Tang, focusing on a Dunhuang document, see Barrett 2002; Liu Zhaorui 2007, 236–41. 276 Hu Chao refers to the Daoist priest Hu Huichao 胡惠超 associated with the Temple of Floating Curtains (Youwei guan 游帷觀) in Hongzhou 洪州, Jiangxi. For his biographical records, see DZ 296, 5: 253c, 258c–259c, 305c; for a mural of Hu’s portrait depicted on the wall of the Temple of Floating Curtains, see 259c. 277 JSQ 2: 587–88. See also Chavannes 1919, 64 ; Liu Zhaorui 2007, 242 (fig. 108). For more on Daoism sponsored by the royal family of the Wu Yue kingdom, see Zhao Youqiang 2002; Zeng Guofu 2008; Liu Zhaorui 2007, 241–44. For the Buddhist artifacts associated with the Wu Yue culture and excavated at the Thunder Peak Pagoda (Leifeng ta 雷峰塔) site in Hangzhou, Zhejiang, see Zhejiang sheng wenwu 2002. 278 Chavannes published another rubbing from the Wu Yue tablet bearing the same date and a similar framing design of dragon and water ornaments. These rubbings reflect multiple tablets thrown into Lake Tai at the same event; see Chavannes 1919, 65. Also, see Liu Zhaorui 2007, 241 (fig. 107). 279 For plates, see Delacour et al. 2010, 290–93 (pls. 76.3a–c). For a study of

this subject, see Gyss-Vermande 1991. 280 Delacour et al. 2010, 291 (pl. 76.3a). 281 Similar themes highlighting messengers delivering information to other cosmic realms are depicted in several Ming-to-Qing liturgical paintings, now in the collection of the Capital Museum in Beijing; see Han Yong et al. 2004, 112, 115, 194–95 (pls. 73, 77, 154–55). In a Qing-dynasty painting, one messenger in the upper part of the picture is shown riding on a dragon ascending to heaven, while the other one on the ground is about to mount a horse; see 194 (pl. 154). 282 For studies of the traditional and contemporary practice of burning paper money or paper artifacts to ancestors and ghosts, see C. Hou 1975; Laing and Liu 2004; Scott 2007; Blake 2011. 283 C. Hou 1975, 14–15, 34–49; Seidel 1978, 421–25. See also Sawada 1991, 187–205. Hou provides French translations of two twelfth- to thirteenthcentury Daoist scriptures, which detail the funds of life (shousheng qian 受生錢) one is expected to reimburse to the heavenly treasury. These texts are still recited today; see C. Hou 1975, 34–49. DZ 333, 5: 915a–916b; DZ 653, 11: 418a–20b. For a translation of DZ 333, see Kohn 1993a, 344–50. Also see Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 986–87. For a visual representation of a man and woman burning paper money to redeem the previous wrongdoings of their family member Zhang Quzheng, see the twelfth-century Xi Xia Buddhist illustrated print of the Sutra of the Golden Light ( Jin guanming jing 金光明經) from the collection of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg (TANG 376, Inventory 95), in Piotrovsky 1993, 264 (pl. 77); Saliceti-Collins 2007, 90–99. For visual samples of paper money retrieved from contemporary Taiwan, see C. Hou 1975, 198–204, 215–16.

284 There are two major rites for burning paper money: one, called reimbursing the treasury (tianku 填庫), “refers to the money offerings made during the traditional funeral rites performed by one’s descendants.” The other, called restoration of good fortune (buyun 補運), refers to the money offerings made while one is alive; see Seidel 1978, 421. 285 C. Hou 1975, 34–40. For a study of increasing the life account in medieval Daoist and Buddhist literature, see Mollier 2008, 100–133. 286 Seidel 1978, 425. 287 For samples of paper money made in contemporary Taiwan, see C. Hou 1975, 197–204, 215–16. 288 This term is first mentioned in a tenth-century ritual manual by Du Guangting, see DZ 521, 9: 816a. For selected citations in the thirteenthcentury ritual compilation, see DZ 508, 9: 661c, 663a, 664c. 289 DZ 1224, 31: 677a. 290 DZ 1224, 31: 677a. 291 For studies of printing in the Song, see Edgren 1989; S. Huang 2007. 292 Laing and Liu 2004. 293 Laing and Liu 2004, 74–75; Dean 1993, 43. 294 Laing and Liu 2004, 84 (fig. 22), 52–55 (pls. 50). 295 This colored print entitled Messenger of the Talisman to the Three Realms (Sanjie fushi 三界符使) can be viewed at: . For a study of Chinese popular prints of deities, see Laing 2010. 296 For a plate, see Neimenggu qianbi yanjiuhui 1987, pl. 1.1; Von Glahn 2006, 93 (fig. 3). 297 Von Glahn 2006, 98; S. Huang 2007, 258 (fig. 20). 298 DZ 1224, 31: 709b, 711a; DZ 508, 9: 663a–b, 664c. Also, see Asano 2000, 122. 299 TPGJ 300: 9a; DJMHL 7: 39; MLL 6:181. Edgren 1989, 33; Van Gulik

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1935, 46; Zhang Xiumin 1989, 157–58; S. Huang 2007, 259. Scholars such as Ellen Johnston Laing note that a shop with the small paper house exhibited in front of it is depicted in the Qingming scroll by Zhang Zeduan; see Laing and H. Liu 2004, 11, 181 (n. 4); Hansen 1996, 197. 300 Needham et al. 1985, 111 (fig. 1086). 301 Schipper 1993, unnumbered page between 112 and 113. Cf. Li Fengmao and Xie Zongrong 1999, 15. For an illustration of the burning of a paper-pasted pavilion, see Laing and H. Liu 2004, 94 (pl. 46). For more documentary photographs of paperpasted artifacts in contemporary Daoist rituals, see Lagerwey 1987, 311, 313, 321 (pls. 17, 19, 27); Ōfuchi 2005, 20, 25 (figs. 57, 69). 302 Li Fengmao and Xie Zongrong 1999, 15. 303 C. Hou 1975; Laing and Liu 2004; Scott 2007; Blake 2011. 304 Morgan, ed. 2010; Morgan 2010. For more theoretical and case studies applying the concept of material religion, see the newly launched journal Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art, and Belief; J. Tsai 2006; Coleman 2009, Insoll 2009; Oestigaard 2009; W. Lin 2010b. 305 This is the subtitle of his edited book; see Morgan 2010. 306 Morgan 2010, 8. 307 Morgan 2010, 15. 308 Morgan 2010, 15. 309 Morgan 2010, 8. 310 I would like to thank Anne SalicetiCollins for her input. Cf. different purposes in ephemeral art deployed by different cultures, such as the Navajo (Dineh, the Native American tribe) sand paintings or the Tibetan sand mandala; see Plate 2004, 60–61. 311 Wilson 1995; Schipper 1995b, 103; Kohn 2003a, 147–59; Tanaka 2005, 2010; Su Qiming 1999, 187–91; Lagerwey 1987, figs. 9–10, 13, 18, 20, 22, 24. I am grateful for the feedback of Dandan Zhang, a Ph.D. student at the Chinese University of Hong



Kong, who is working on a dissertation on the extant Ming and Qing Daoist priests’ ritual robes. For the proper respect to the Daoist caps and ritual robes in medieval Daoist texts, see DZ 1126, 24: 768a–769a; DZ 333, 18: 230a–231b; Kohn 1993a, 336–43. For a Jin-dynasty Daoist robe with more than 100 embroidered cranes, see the excavation report of the late twelfth-century tomb of the Daoist priest Yan Deyuan 閻德源 near today’s Datong 大同, Shanxi, in Datongshi bowuguan 1978, pl. 2. For more visual examples of Daoist priests’ robes of Qing and modern dates, see Little and Eichman 2000, 190–98 (pls. 44–51); Su Qiming 1999, 187–91; Lagerwey 1987, 303–4, 307, 312, 314, 316, 318 (figs. 9–10, 13, 18, 20, 22, 24), esp. 312. For more studies of the ritual robes in contemporary context, see Ōfuchi 1983, 210–11, 717; 2005, 52–53, 559; Li Fengmao and Xie Zongrong 1999, 16–17; Maruyama in Pregadio 2007, 455–57; Xiong Pinhua 2007. For studies of Buddhist robes worn by monks, see Kieschnick 1999; Chen Yuexin 2009. 312 Little and Eichman 2000, 195. Cf. studies of African traditional religions which highlight costume as “a powerful means of changing identity.” See Morgan 2000, 46. 313 DZ 788, 18: 230a. 314 Little and Eichman 2000, 195. 315 Schipper 1995b, 103. For the fivethunder tablet (wulei ling 五雷令), see ZW 698, 17: 100; Su Qiming 1999, 176. For Daoist seals, see DZ 1223, 31: 398b–399b; ZW 698, 17: 95–99; Su Qiming 1999, 178–79; Ren Zongquan 2006. For rulers, see Su Qiming 1999, 177. 316 For visual samples of Daoist ritual instruments, see Su Qiming 1999, 194–95, 197. For more on Daoist ritual music, see Pu Hengqiang 2000.

Chapter 5 1 YJZ, sanzhi, ji juan, 2: 1319. 2 YJZ, sanzhi, ji juan, 2: 1319.

3 YJZ, sanzhi, ji juan, 2: 1319. 4 YJZ, bingzhi, 10: 448–49. 5 YJZ, bingzhi, 10: 448–49. 6 YJZ, bingzhi, 10: 449. 7 For studies of Daoist Yellow Register purgations and offerings as recorded in Du Guangting’s Evidential Miracles in Support of Daoism (Daojiao lingyan ji 道教靈 驗記, DZ 590; YJQQ 120–21) and Yijian zhi, see Liu Zhiwan 1983; Davis 2001, 173–75; S. Huang 2002, 184–89; Matsumoto 2006a, 139–223 (for records from Hong Mai’s Yijian zhi, see esp. 200–221); 2006b. For more on the Song elite’s preoccupation with death, the underworld, and salvation, see H. Liao 2002. 8 For comparative studies of the Daoist Yellow Register Purgation and the Buddhist Water Land ritual, see Matsumoto 2006b; Davis 2001, 172–78, 227–41; Lagerwey 2011. Lai Chi Tim’s recent study of the thirteenth-century liturgical manual by Jin Yunzhong highlights the legacy the Southern Song Yellow Register Purgation inherited from ancient Daoist rites (as illustrated, for example, in their written documents and their emphasis on the body); see Lai Chi Tim 2011. 9 Davis 2001, 172. 10 Matsumoto 2006a, 143–63; 2006b, 641, 643–45. 11 Davis 2001, 172–73. For more on the similarities between the two rituals, see Matsumoto 2006b, 644–48; Lagerwey 2011. 12 Lagerwey 2011; Matsumoto 2006a, 176–77; 2006b; Lai Chi Tim 2011. 13 Although many scholars distinguish a zhai retreat from a jiao offering, the interchangeable use of these two terms in the Song literary sources suggests that previously separate rituals were integrated into a series of flexible rites at the time. See Liu Zhiwan 1983, vol. 1, 428–86; Matsumoto 1983, 210–36, esp. 227; 1990, 187; Davis 2001, 227–28. For more studies on modern field

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work, see Lagerwey 1987, 51–59, 169–94; Ōfuchi 2005, 31–32. For earlier Daoist references to the Yellow Register Purgation, see the early medieval Numinous Treasure liturgical texts preserved in the fragmented Dunhuang manuscripts and discussed in Lü Peng-zhi 2011 and Wang Ka 2007, 366–407. 14 DZ 1224, 31: 712c–713a. Also, see Liu Zhiwan 1983, vol. 1, 430–31. 15 DZ 1224, 31: 713a. 16 DZ 219, DZ 466, DZ 508, DZ 547, DZ 1221, DZ 1223. 17 Davis 2001, 231–32. 18 The fragmented nature of a spectator’s vision of Daoist ritual is meticulously expressed by the film producer Patrice Fava, who devotes his career to filming Daoist rituals; see Fava 1995. 19 For hand diagrams indicating the placements of the cyclical signs, see DZ 1022, 21: 486c; Despeux in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 772 (fig. 14). For hand diagrams indicating different points associated with exorcism, see DZ 466, 8: 252c; DZ 562, 10: 550b. For studies of Daoist hand signs and finger movements, see Mitamura 2002; Matsumoto 1983, 206; 2001b, 200–201; Ren Zongquan 2004. 20 For the three-day program, see DZ 466, 7: 36c–37a. For different versions of the five-day program, see 33b–35a, 38c–40b. For various Tangto-Song popular accounts examined by Liu Zhiwan regarding the Yellow Register Purgation in three, five, or seven days, see Liu Zhiwan 1983, 459–74. 21 For a sample of the program, see DZ 508, 9: 589a–595b. For studies of the basic outline of Daoist ritual, see Schipper 1985; 1993, 72–99; Lagerwey 1987, 51–67, 169–95; 2011; Andersen 1995, 192. 22 DZ 508, 9: 592a–593a; Lagerwey 1987, 106–7; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 1005–6. 23 DZ 466, 7: 34b–35a.

24 DZ 466, 7: 34b. In the Southern Song manual, the fabiao “was often repeated three times before the ‘real fast,’” first one hundred days prior to the ritual, second one month prior, and finally one week prior. See Lagerwey 1987, 69; DZ 466, 7: 33b–34b. Also, see Matsumoto 2006a, 154. In rituals observed in contemporary Taiwan, the fabiao is held on the morning of the first day (or late at night the day before) of the ritual; see Andersen 1995, 192. 25 DZ 547, 10: 143c; DZ 508, 9: 590c–591a; DZ 466, 7: 34c, 375a–c. For more studies, see Schipper 1975b, 4–13; Li Yuanguo 2003a; Hsieh Shu-wei 2010a; Lin Sheng-chih 2011. For a documentary photo of the fendeng performed in contemporary Taiwan, see Ōfuchi 2005, 5 (pl. 14). 26 For selected accounts of the suqi rite, see DZ 466, 7: 34c, 77c–81b; 426c–429a; 814a–816b; DZ 508, 9: 591a–592a. For more studies, see Schipper 1985, 41–61; Lagerwey 1987, 90–105, 306 (pl. 12); Andersen 1989–90, 15–53; 1995, 192; Davis 2001, 230; Sellman 2008. 27 DZ 508, 9: 471a–474a; Matsumoto 1983, 203–4; Schipper 1993, 87–88; Davis 2001, 230. For its modern counterpart, see Lagerwey 1987, 103. Also, see Andersen 1995, 192. 28 These opening rites are mirrored by the closing rites; see Andersen 1995, 192. 29 For studies of “Chuguan” and “Falu” in contemporary Daist rituals, see Matsumoto 1983, 205–10; 1990, 167–71; Ōfuchi 1983, 224–25; 2005, 66–67; Lagerwey 1987, 110–11, 121–23; Schipper 1993, 96–98; Dean 2000, 667; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 400–401; Bokenkamp 2007b, 141–42. 30 DZ 507, 9: 181c–183a; DZ 508, 9: 471c–472b, 571c–572b; Asano 2003, 170–71; Davis 2001, 307–8 (n. 7); Dean 2000, 664; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 400–401. 31 Ōfuchi 1983, 224–25; 2005, 66–67;

Andersen 1995; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 401. 32 Schipper 1993, 96. 33 Lagerwey 1987, 121–22. 34 Lagerwey 1987, 122; Ōfuchi 1983, 272b; 2005, 114. 35 DZ 508, 9: 481b. 36 DZ 508, 9: 481b–482c; DZ 466, 7: 82c–83c; Asano 2003, 171–72. 37 In Wang Qizheng’s Shangqing lingbao dafa (DZ 1221), the author distinguishes the functions of the body gods called out in the rite of “Lighting the Incense Burner” from those summoned in the rite of “Calling Forth the Officials”; see Asano 2003, 172. 38 DZ 466, 7: 83a–c. 39 Schipper 1993, 96. 40 Schipper 1993, 96. 41 DZ 507, 9: 181c–182a. My translation is based on the other version (DZ 1, 1: 3a) translated in Schipper 1993, 97. Cf. DZ 508, 9: 567a; DZ 466, 7: 156a–b; Lagerwey 1987, 122–23. Note that in some texts, the number of the evoked body gods is thirty-two, not thirty-six; see DZ 1, 1: 3a; DZ 466, 7: 82c. See also Matsumoto 1983, 207–8. 42 DZ 219, 3: 991b; Schipper 1993, 96. 43 Matsumoto 1990, 174, 189. 44 Schipper 1993, 98. 45 Andersen 1989–90, 40–47; 1995, 192; Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 206–7; Lagerwey 1987, 149–67; Matsumoto 1983, 220–22; Ōfuchi 1983, 336–42; 2005, 178–84; Davis 2001, 230–31. For a documentary photo of the baibiao performance in contemporary Taiwan, see Ōfuchi 2005, 3–4, 9 (pls. 8–10, 29); 19–20 (figs. 54, 57). 46 Andersen in Pregadio 2007, 206. 47 This particular rite is called the announcement of merit (yangong 言 功), see DZ 507, 9: 327. 48 T.52.2110: 500a. Also, see S. Huang 2001, 18. 49 Lagerwey 1987, 152. 50 Lagerwey 1987, 152, 314 (pl. 20). 51 Andersen 1989–90; Little and Eichman 2000, 200.

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52 DZ 466, 8: 483a–b. Also, see Hsieh Shu-wei 1994, 152–53. 53 DZ 466, 8: 483a. 54 DZ 466, 8: 483a–b. 55 DZ 466, 8: 483b. 56 Saso 1990, 120; S. Huang 2001, 20 (fig. 14). 57 Su Qiming 1999, 102. This reflects a standard composition of liturgical scrolls used in Daoist rituals in contemporary Tainan, Taiwan; cf. Maruyama 2004, 222; 2010, 138–39 (fig. 5). Also, see Schipper 1975b, vii; Ōfuchi 2005, 4 (pl. 12). For a documentary photo showing the display of this painting behind the altar, see Schipper 1993, unnumbered photo between 112 and 113. An almost identical scroll is displayed in a more complicated Daoist altar in modern Taiwan. It is hung in the central altar, behind the altar table, with three iconic paintings of the Three Purities flanking both sides and behind the painting. “At the bottom of the Gate scroll, the highest priest, in a red robe, is in a seated position, presenting a memorial to the Way. In the foreground, are the ‘lamps of destiny’ of the community leaders.” See Lagerwey 1987, 308 (fig. 14). For an alternative modern painting showing only a large character que at the center of the scroll, see Schipper 1975b, viii. 58 For a scenario of visiting the Queen Mother of the West at the Gate of Heaven, see DZ 1016, 20: 518a. For more discussion, see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 3, 755–803. 59 A. Jing 2002a, fig. I.36. 60 A. Jing 2002a, 115–19. 61 DZ 466, 7: 28a. 62 DZ 508, 9: 590b–c. 63 For the illustration, see DZ 440, 6: 731b–c. For more studies, see Boltz 1987, 70–78; Little and Eichman 2000, 314–17 (pl. 115). For a study of pictorial hagiography in Chinese art, see Murray 2000. 64 DZ 508, 9: 464c. 65 See the farewell eulogies to the Three Officials in DZ 508, 9: 587b; DZ



466, 7: 88a. 66 Matsumoto 1990, 185–86; Davis 2001, 234. 67 DZ 508, 9: 592a–594b. 68 Davis 2001, 231–32; Zhang Zehong 1999, 159–60. 69 For selected documentations of the rite of breaking open hell, see DZ 219, 3: 892–906c; DZ 466, 7: 182b–199a; DZ 547, 10: 335c–350c. DZ 1221, 31: 63c–71c. 70 Newly developed in the Southern Song, this ritual may reflect the Daoist adaptation of Buddhist elements, especially those related to the Tantric Buddhist practice of breaking open hell by way of chanting spells popular in the late Tang and Song periods; see Boltz 1983, 508. For an opinion against the Tantric connection, see Chen Yaoting 2003, 114–15. 71 For more studies, see Ōfuchi 1983, 502–10, 834–35; 2005, 344–52, 676–77; Lagerwey 1987, 216–37; Matsumoto 2001b, 66–67; Nickerson 2005. 72 For similar visual examples of the nine-mound hell compound, see DZ 466, 7: 29b–c; DZ 219, 3: 895b–c; DZ 547, 10: 348c–349a; DZ 508, 605c. 73 DZ 514, 9: 755b. 74 ZW 698, 17: 100b. 75 DZ 547, 10: 336b–337b. Cf. a similar talisman with a figural drawing of the Heavenly Worthy in Matsumoto 2001b, 179. 76 DZ 466, 7: 182b–c; DZ 1223, 31: 573. Also, see Lagerwey 1987, 229. 77 DZ 466, 7: 182c–183a. 78 DZ 1223, 31: 573b. 79 DZ 1223, 31: 573b; DZ 466, 7: 183a; DZ 508, 9: 521c. See also Lagerwey 1987, 229, 231; Davis 2001, 233. 80 DZ 1223, 31: 574a. 81 DZ 1223, 31: 573b; DZ 466, 7: 183b. 82 DZ 1220, 30: 313b–c; for an illustration of the hand gesture evoking the Five Sacred Peaks, see 313b. It is not sure exactly when this hand gesture is performed during the rite of the

attack on hell. 83 DZ 466, 7: 183b. For studies of Daoist spells, see Li Yuanguo 1999b; Matsumoto 2001b. 84 DZ 508, 9: 605c. 85 For the illustration, see DZ 1221, 31: 2c–3b; DZ 547, 10: 348c–349a. For documentations of the ritual construction of the nine hells, see DZ 1221, 31: 1–2; DZ 466, 7: 29. For studies of lamp rituals, see Schipper 1975b; Zhang Zehong 1999, 200–228; Wang Chengwen 2001; Li Yuanguo 2003a; Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 962–63. 86 DZ 466, 7: 183b–184c. 87 DZ 1223, 31: 573b. Cf. the translation in Lagerwey 1987, 229. 88 DZ 466, 7: 185a–187b; DZ 1223, 31: 572a–573a. Also, see Lagerwey 1987, 231. 89 DZ 508, 9: 522b; Lagerwey 1987, 231. 90 DZ 1223, 31: 574a; DZ 508, 9: 521; Lagerwey 1987, 231; Davis 2001, 233. 91 DZ 1221, 31: 69b. Cf. DZ 508, 9: 609c. 92 DZ 508, 9: 524c. 93 DZ 508, 9: 524c; DZ 547, 10: 346c–347a; DZ 466, 7: 187b. Also, see Lagerwey 1987, 231. 94 DZ 1221, 31: 69c. 95 DZ 1223, 31: 569a–b; DZ 547, 10: 335c–336a. Also, see Lagerwey 1987, 228–29; Davis 2001, 233; Zhang Zehong 1999, 99. 96 DZ 1223, 31: 569a; DZ 547, 10: 336a. Tang Daoist texts record the specific names of the nine nodes of the staff, making reference to the stars; see DZ 1126, 24: 776a–b; DZ 1207, 28: 420a. 97 DZ 547, 10: 336b; for the other four Talismans of the Five Sacred Peaks, see 10: 336c. Cf. the Talismans of Five Emperors Breaking Open Hell (Wudi poyu cezhang fu 五帝破獄策 杖符) and the Talisman to Invite the Nine Spirits to the Document Staff (Qing jiuling cezhang fu 請九靈策 杖符) in DZ 219, 3: 1056a–b; ZW 698, 17: 101a; DZ 1221, 31: 64c. The tradition of inserting talismans into the Daoist staff can be traced to early

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medieval practices; see Hsieh Shu-wei 2010b, 274–93. For visual prototypes of “a religious professional” holding “a special ceremonial staff ” in Han art, see Tang Changshou 1993, 122; Wu Hung 2000, 82–83 (figs. 6, 8, 9); 2005, 491. 98 He cites DZ 352, 6: 191b; see Lagerwey 1987, 228. 99 DZ 547, 10: 335–36. For similar texts on the Method of the Divine Staff (Shenzhang fa 神杖法), see YJQQ 48: 1081; DZ 427, 6: 661b; DZ 352, 6: 191b ; DZ 219, 3: 754c–755a. 100 DZ 547, 10: 337b. 101 DZ 1223, 31: 569. 102 DZ 547, 10: 336c–337a. 103 DZ 547, 10: 337a. 104 DZ 1221, 31: 69b. 105 For a plate showing the complete painting, see Little and Eichman 2000, 178–79 (pl. 37); Lin Shengchih 2007, 66–67 (fig. 1). For different interpretations of the iconography of the painting, see Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 2007; A. Jing 2002b, 77–79; 2007. 106 Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 96–98; 2007, 60. 107 Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 94. For a detail of the ritual scene, see A. Jing 2007, 72 (fig. 5). 108 For a plate, see A. Jing 2007, 71 (fig. 4). 109 For more visual example of torture in hell, such as the Daoist printed illustration accompanying the fourteenth- to fifteenth-century Yushu baojing in the British Library, see Wan Chui-ki 2010, 161 (fig. 26). Besides, see Buddhist paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell produced by the Ningbo workshops in the Southern Song and Yuan periods in Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 85–92 (pls. 80–83). The motif of a figure ascending from the prison is also comparable to a mural detail from the Hall of Redoubled Yang at the Temple of Eternal Joy, see Xiao Jun 2008, 299. 110 Cf. the Southern Song set of the Five Hundred Arhats made by the Ningbo

workshop artists reproduced in Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 111 (fig. 22); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 149–50 (pls. 104.72, 104.73); 2011, 83–84 (pls. 72–73). 111 For a plate, see Tōbu Bijutsukan et al. 1998, 168 (fig. 135); Ide 2001, 65 (fig. 75); Lin Sheng-chih 2003, 111 (fig. 23); Saitō 2009, 133 (pl. 163); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 173, 313 (pl. 122). For more studies of this painting and the related visual materials, see Takasu 2009, 365–66. For medieval stories about the magical descent of Bodhisattva Dizang and his entourage to hell to release the sinners, see Sawada 1991, 108–9; for an anecdote of a painting of Bodhisattva Dizang seen at a mounter’s studio, see YJZ, yizhi, 17: 332–33; Sawada 1991, 110–11. For a study of the cult of Dizang in medieval China, see Zhiru 2007. For studies of the Ten Kings of Hell, see Ledderose 1981a–b; 2000, 163–85; Teiser 1994. 112 Scholars cite the Sutra of Cultivating the Ten Kings for Giving Life to the Seven [Ancestors] (Foshuo yuxiu shiwang sheng qi jing 佛說預修十 王生七經) and the Ritual Manual for the Water Land Ritual for Sages and Commoners in the Dharma Worlds (Fajie shengfan shuilu shenghui xiuzhai yigui 法界聖凡水 陸勝會修齋儀軌) as the scriptural foundations for this painting; see X.1.21; X.74.1497. For studies of the Buddhist Water Land ritual, see Makita 1957; Weidner 1994, 280–82; Strickmann 1996, 369–411; Stevenson 2001. For studies of the Buddhist Water Land paintings, see Weidner 2005; Dai Xiaoyun 2009; Chen Junji 2009. 113 Tōbu Bijutsukan et al. 1998, 168 (fig. 135); Saitō 2009, 133 (pl. 163). 114 For the cult of the Ten Kings of Hell in medieval China, see Teiser 1994. For studies of the lore of the Ten Kings and Daoism, see Xiao Dengfu 1996; Takasu 2009.

115 DZ 215; DZ 219, 3: 1049c; DZ 466, 7: 741a–745a; Lagerwey in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 1002–3. 116 XSWJ 48: 39a–b. Also, see Matsumoto 2001a, 62–63; 2006a, 213–19. Maruyama 2004, 173–208 (esp. 201). For more Daoist prayers written by Zhen Dexiu and other Song scholar officials, see Maruyama 2004, 186–208. 117 The Yuli baochao refers to a popular genre of illustrated booklets on the lore of the Ten Kings of Hell. A Southern Song version is said to be associated with the Liao traveling monk called the Worthy of Plain Stupidity (Danchi zunzhe 淡痴尊 者). While traveling in Sichuan, he transmitted his Yuli teachings to his disciple known as Master Who is Not Beguiled (Wumi daoren 勿迷 道人), who copied the teachings in 1098, and had them published as the Yuli baochao in 1130 in Hangzhou. For more studies, see Yoshioka 1975; Sawada 1991, 23–26, 235–43; Takasu 2009, 335. 118 DZ 1221, 31: 11a. At times, there are two additional altars dedicated to male and female deceased souls, respectively. For more versions of different diagrams of the soulsummoning altar with eight doors, see DZ 219, 3: 1008a; DZ 547, 10: 213a–b; DZ 547, 10: 212c–213a; DZ 1223, 31: 576b; DZ 466, 8: 246b.The soul summoning is performed in a different order in the Daoist salvation ritual in contemporary Taiwan; see Lagerwey 1987, 183; Ōfuchi 1983, 537–40; 2005, 379–82. 119 DZ 466, 7:29a; DZ1223, 31: 441a–b; DZ 508, 9: 596c; DZ 547, 10: 187a– 188b, 198c–215c. Also, see Davis 2001, 234. 120 DZ 547, 10: 214a–b, 215b; DZ 1221, 31: 30b. The talisman showing a dark and animated soul catcher compares to many talismanic figures associated with the Celestial Heart thunder rite; see selected samples in Drexler 1994, 161. For a modern example of the

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soul-catching talisman, see Ōfuchi 2005, 26 (fig. 73). 121 For lists of names of the divinities honored in the Chamber of the Divine Tiger, see DZ 508, 9: 596c; DZ 220, 4: 53b–c; DZ 1223, 31: 575b–c. 122 DZ 547, 10: 257b–c. 123 DZ 220, 4: 53c. 124 DZ 220, 4: 53b–c. 125 YJZ, bingzhi, 10: 449. 126 DZ 547, 10: 213a–b. Also, see C. Liu 1991, 773. 127 DZ 22, 1: 780a. Bokenkamp in Pregadio 2007, 297–98. For an anecdote of an officer’s dream concerning printing the dafan yinyu on thousands of pieces of paper dyed in yellow and burning them for the souls of the deceased, see YJZ, zhiyi, 804. 128 For a visual example of the soulsummoning banner, see DZ 508, 9: 605a–b. 129 DZ 547, 10: 213a–b. Cf. DZ 466, 8: 819c. 130 MDTHHJ, juan shang: 67. 131 MDTHHJ, juan shang: 67–70. 132 DZ 514, 9: 749b–c. A separate bathing rite for orphan spirits is held the next evening; see DZ 508, 9: 532b–c. Also, see Matsumoto 2001a, 52–53; 2001b, 67–69; Asano 2003, 213; Asano in Pregadio 2007, 753; Lagerwey 1987, 183–84; Ōfuchi 1983, 537–40; 2005, 379–82. 133 Schafer 1956, 59; for more on ritual bathing in the Song period, see 69. 134 DZ 508, 9: 532c. Cf. DZ 466, 7: 313b–c, 377a, 417b. Similar hymns are still chanted by Daoists today; see Ōfuchi 1983, 539; 2005, 381. 135 DZ 508, 9: 532b; DZ 514, 9: 749c. 136 DZ 514, 9:755b. 137 DZ 514, 9:755b–c. 138 DZ 514, 9:755c. 139 Hong Mai’s stories of the deceased souls coming to the ritual space to bathe may refer to the ritual bathing area similar to what is marked in this diagram. See YJZ, sanzhi, ji juan, 2: 1319; bingzhi, 10: 448–49. As Ōfuchi Ninji shows, in Daoist rituals held in



contemporary Taiwan, places such as the pavilion for bathing (muyu ting 沐浴亭), the site of wintry forests (hanlin suo 寒林所), and the destination for all (tonggui suo 同歸所) are set up at the southeast or southern end of the daochang to serve a similar purpose. See Ōfuchi 1983, 204, 206; 2005, 46, 48, 678. 140 DZ 508, 9: 660c. 141 DZ 508, 9: 532c ; DZ 514, 9 : 749c. The making of Daoist xiangtang requires mixing the five spices of white angelica (baizhi 白芷), green wood (qingmu xiang 青木香), white sandal­wood (baitan xiang 白檀香), old spice (chenxiang 沈香), and sweet pine (gansong 甘松) and boiling them in purifying east-flowing water (dongliu­ shui 東流水); see DZ 93, 2: 476c. 142 Asano 2003, 95. 143 For the content of the spells, see DZ 514, 9: 749c–750a. 144 DZ 514, 9 : 750a–b; DZ 508, 9: 532c– 533a. The Hymn of the Eastern Well can be traced to Six Dynasties (fifthcentury) texts; see DZ 1407, 34: 338b; Matsumoto 2001a, 52; 2006a, 165. Pertinent to the hymn is the Diagram of the Eastern Well (Dongjing tu 東 井圖), listed as one of the twentyfour Numinous Treasure diagrams. Adepts who wish to seek the Dao are advised to obtain the diagram in conjunction with bathing to get rid of the filth; see DZ 671, 11: 641a; YJQQ 80: 1833. This diagram is also mentioned in fourth- to fifth-century Daoist texts, see DZ 28: 246a; DZ 1407, 34: 338b. For more studies of the Diagram of the Eastern Well, see Raz 2005, 40–57, 64–65; Bokenkamp 1983, 459; Boltz 1983, 501. 145 For example, the Heavenly Worthy of the Celestial River is the major deity evoked in the bathing rite. 146 The heavenly river depicted in Yuan Yi’s tomb is noted for its blue waves and red contour lines. It is depicted along the central axis of a circular celestial space on the ceiling dotted with more than 300 stars, see Wu

Hung 2010, 51 (pl. 43); Zhongguo shehui 1980, 57 (fig. 55). For more studies of the celestial images in Yuan Yi’s tomb and comparative sources, see Lin Sheng-chih 1999b, esp. 197 (fig. 1); L. Tseng 2003, esp. 379 (fig. 1). For the tenth-century painting showing the Milky Way across the constellation painted on the ceiling of Feng Hui’s 馮暉 tomb, excavated in Xianyang 咸 陽, Shaanxi province, see Xianyang shi wenwu 2001, 44 (pl. 46). 147 DZ 508, 9: 532c–533a. 148 DZ 1221, 31: 86a. Cf. DZ 466, 8: 332a. For the verses associated with these talismans, see DZ 466, 7: 313c. For more related incantations announced while burning the talismans, see DZ 1221, 31: 246a. 149 DZ 1221, 31: 86b. Cf. DZ 466, 7: 313c. 150 DZ 466, 7: 34c. 151 DZ 466, 7: 314b–316b. 152 DZ 466, 7: 318c–319a. See also Chen Yaoting 2003, 117; Teiser 1988b, 35–40. 153 The term yankou, literally translated as “the mouth of flames,” refers to the king of the ghosts (guiwang 鬼 王) with an “ugly appearance and an emaciated body” and “mouth is in fire so that his throat is as the point of a needle” (kouzhong huo ran yan ru zhenfeng 口中火然咽如針鋒); see T.21.1313: 464c. For studies of fangyankou, see Shengkai 2000; Orzech 2002. 154 Orzech 2002, 221. For primary scriptures, see T.21.1313, T.21.1314, T.21.1315, T.21.1318 155 Orzech 2002, 221. See also T.21.1315: 467a–468a. 156 Daniel Stevenson mentions several Buddhist rituals that deal with similar scenarios: the Repentance of the Waters of the Samādhi of Compassion (Cibei sanmei shuichan 慈悲三昧水懺), the Golden Light Rite of Repentance (Jinguangming chanfa 金光明懺法), the Offering to the Gods (Gongtian yi 供天 儀), and the Water Land ritual; see Stevenson 2001, 40. For a comparison

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of Daoist Yellow Register Purgation and the Buddhist Water Land ritual, see Davis 2001, 172–73, 236–41; Matsumoto 2006b; Lagerwey 2011. 157 T.16.685. For a comparative study of the Daoist pudu and the Buddhist fangyankou ghost-feeding feasts, see Orzech 2002. For more studies of the Buddhist Ghost Festival (Yulanpen 盂蘭盆) and popular religion, see Teiser 1988b; Sawada 1991, 120–39. 158 Teiser 1988b, 38. 159 For the association of the Water Land ritual with other Buddhist ritual distributions of food, a common topic discussed in the Ullambana Sutra (T.16.685) and other Buddhist texts, see Stevenson 2001, 31–32, 60 (n. 3). Some of the earliest literary accounts for the Water Land ritual are all related to the Sichuan area; see X.57.961: 115a–116a. In the Southern Song period, the Water Land ritual was recorded in numerous Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources, which designate Jinshan 金山 as a ritual center; see YJZ, jiazhi, 17–18, 120–21; bingzhi, 423, 456, 457, 461, 465, 497; zhibu, 1602, 1742. See also X.74.1497; X.75.1513: 304a; T.49.2035: 321b–322a, 418a, 425b, 456b, 463b; X.57.961. For more studies of the Water Land ritual, see Makita 1957; Davis 2001, 172–73, 175, 236–41, 298, 299; Stevenson 2001; Teiser 1988b, 108; Weidner 2005; Ide 2001, 60–61; Matsumoto 2006b; Lagerwey 2011. 160 For more stories related to the origin of the Water Land ritual, see Matsumoto 2006b, 642–43. 161 Stevenson 2001, 43. A Ming hanging scroll from the collection of the Capital Museum in Beijing depicts the origin of the Water Land ritual. The upper part of the scroll is a horizontal composition showing a king and a prestigious monk seated in a palatial setting and flanked by attendants; the lower part of the scroll is dedicated to a lengthy text transcribed in small regular script (and originally composed by the

Song monk Zongyi 宗頤), tracing the origin of the Water Land ritual practice to the time of Emperor Wudi. This painting bears the seal and colophon of Empress Cisheng (Cisheng huang taihou 慈聖皇太后), who received this title in 1578 and died in 1614. This painting is therefore likely to be associated with imperial patronage in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. For a plate, see Han Yong et al. 2004, 78 (pl. 37). 162 Davis 2001, 239–40. 163 Stevenson 2001, 54, 69 (n. 103). 164 YZMHL, 191b. Literary records trace the early tradition of the Water Land ritual to the Sichuan area around the tenth and eleventh centuries. Yang E 楊鍔 (1032–98), a native of Sichuan, composed one of the earliest liturgical manuals for the Water Land ritual “on the basis of oral traditions of his native Sichuan.” Four abstracts and a postscript from Yang E’s Manual of the Water Land Ritual (Shuilu yi 水陸儀) are preserved in X.57.961: 113c–114b, 116b–119a; see Stevenson 2001, 35, 62 (n. 17). 165 YZMHL, 191b. 166 For selected visual examples of Ming and Qing Water Land paintings, many of which depict Daoist deities, see Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985; Wang Sufang and Shi Yongshi 2002; Beijing wenwu 2004; Weidner 1994, 280–87, pls. 15–17; 2005; Little and Eichmann, 2000, 248–51 (pls. 78–81); Han Yong et al. 2004; Delacour et al. 2010, pls. 2–3, 5, 7.3, 13.1–13.3, 43, 70.1, 76.1–76.3, 82.1, 83.1–83.2; You Zi’an 2008, 140–41, 144–59, 164–65, 168–69; Saitō 2009, 72 (pl. 82); 150–51 (pls. 182–84); Su Qiming 1999, 62–73; Dai Xiaoyun 2009. For more studies, see Gyss-Vermand 1988, 1991; Chen Junji 2009; Dai Xiaoyun 2009; Li Song 2011, 175–225. 167 WXJ 9: 1. Also, see Huang Qijiang 1997, 106. 168 X.57.961: 115a–116b. Fozu tongji confirms that the “images” (xiang 像) mentioned in Shishi tonglan

are in painted form; see T49.2035: 418a, 463b. It is likely that the set of Water Land paintings used by Su Shi consisted of sixteen scrolls in total; see Li Song 2011, 183–84. Su Shi recorded sets of the Sixteen Arhats and Eighteen Arhats used in family ritual services. He bestowed upon his brother Su Zhe 蘇轍 the set of Zhang Xuan’s 張玄 (ca. tenth century) Eighteen Arhats that he had acquired in Hainan, urging Su Zhe to worship the paintings on birthday occasions; see DPQ J 98: 15a–b; see also Lee Yumin 2010, 122, 127–28. Dai Xiaoyun discusses the spatial arrangement of liturgical paintings in the contemporary Water Land ritual; for three diagrams showing the layout of the ritual space, see Dai Xiaoyun 2009, 39, 49 (figs. 2–14, 2–24). 169 X.57.961: 115a–116b. 170 For discussions of the Water Land ritual in non-Buddhist sources, see YJZ, jiazhi, 1: 17–18; 14: 120–21; bingzhi, 7: 423; 11: 456–57, 461; 12: 465; 15: 497; bu, 6: 1602; 21: 1742. 171 T.49.2035: 321c. 172 Ide 2001, 60–61; 2009a–b, 2011; Kondō 2011. For a Choson reprint (dated 1470) of Zhipan’s Water Land ritual manual, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 180 (pl. 116). For a complete reproduction of the set of Five Hundred Arhats (with details of the inscriptions) originally commissioned by village people and local officials of the Ningbo area and donated to the Hall of Merit and Peace (Hui’an yuan 惠安 院) in Ningbo, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2011. For more social and historical background on this set, see Ide 2009a, 2009b, 2011; Kondō 2011. 173 X.57.961: 321c. For more paintings which may be used in a Water Land ritual context, including the set of paintings of the Five Hundred Arhats, see Ide 2001, 60–79; 2008, 2009a, 2009b, 2011; Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2011.

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174 John Lagerwey speculates that this may imply that ritual played a more central role in Daoism than in Buddhism; it may also suggest that Chinese Buddhism developed an elaborate liturgy from Daoist inspiration. See Lagerwey 2011. 175 This illustration is from the set of six hanging scrolls depicting the Six Realms in the Shin Chion’in; see Takasu 1999; Ide 2001, 62 (fig. 70); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 177 (pl. 123); Saitō 2009, 144–45 (pl. 176). The paintings of the Six Realms play an important role in medieval Japanese art history. For selected scholarship, see Komatsu and Akiyama 1977; Izumi et al. 2007; Takasu 1996, 1999; Itakura 2008. 176 For visual examples of paintings of hungry ghosts, see selected scrolls from the Southern Song set of Five Hundred Arhats paintings by the Ningbo workshop painters Lin Tinggui and Zhou Jichang in T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 138 (pl. 29); 1997, 70 (pl. 36); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 149 (pl. 104.72), 155 (pl. 105); 2011, 83 (pl. 72), 96 (pl. B3). 177 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 122 (pl. 104.18); 2011, 29 (pl. 18). 178 For more study on this painting, see Takasu 1999, esp. 74–76. 179 Takasu relates the ghosts with balloon-like bellies to “the hungry ghosts without wealth”; see Takasu 1999, 75. 180 S. Huang 2005, 66 (fig. 7); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 122 (pl. 104.18); 2011, 29 (pl. 18). 181 For studies of the liandu rite, see Boltz 1983; 1996, 184; Lagerwey 1987, 233–35; C. Liu 1991, 771–74; Matsumoto 2001a, 53–56; 2006a, 168–75; Davis 2001, 234–35; Zhu Yiwen 2010. 182 Lagerwey 2011. 183 For the liandu rites performed in contemporary Taiwan and China, see Chen Yaoting 2003, 104; Ōfuchi 1983, 561–65; 2005, 403–7; Lai Chi



Tim 2007, 230–33; Maruyama 1999; Zhu Yiwen 2010, 1, 3 (n. 6). 184 For the Buddhist parallel reflected in such Buddhist scriptures as the Yujia jiyao jiu a’nan tuoluo ni yankou guiyi jing 瑜伽集要救阿難陀羅尼焰 口軌儀經 (T.21.1318) and other Tang Tantric texts, see Boltz 1983, 508–9. 185 Boltz 1983, 490. 186 For example, the notion of “returning to the form” is stated multiple times throughout the Scripture of Salvation (DZ 1). See also Li Gang 2007, 155–56. 187 Boltz 1983, 495; Maruyama 1999, 38; Li Gang 2007, 161–64. 188 Kim 2011a, 131–36. 189 DZ 1221, 31: 217; DZ 1223, 31: 441. For Southern Song and Yuan liandu texts stressing the internal refinement, or neilian 內錬, see Zhu Yiwen 2010, esp. 1–2. 190 Lagerwey 1987, 232–37. Scholars have called attention to the different focuses of the liandu rite in different Daoist sects in the Southern Song; see Li Zhihong 2008; Zhu Yiwen 2010, 2–3. 191 Chen Yaoting 2003, 109. 192 Boltz 1983; Lagerwey 1987, 233–35. 193 Boltz 1983, 490. For the two texts, see DZ 407, 6: 556a–c; DZ 219, 3: 944c–946a. For a translation of DZ 407, see Lagerwey 1987, 233–35; for a translation of DZ 219, see Boltz 1983, 496–509. For a related text on the liandu rite compiled by the Southern Song scholar, poet, and painter Zheng Sixiao 鄭思肖 (1241–1318), see DZ 548, 10: 439–73. 194 Boltz 1983, 510. 195 Boltz outlines fifteen steps that constitute the liandu internal rite; see Boltz 1983, 509–11. 196 DZ 1024, 21: 595a. 197 DZ 407, 6: 556a; DZ 219, 3: 945a; Boltz 1983, 498; Lagerwey 1987, 233. 198 DZ 407, 6: 556a; DZ 219, 3: 945a; Boltz 1983, 499; Lagerwey 1987, 233. 199 DZ 1221, 30: 672c; Boltz 1983, 499 (n. 21), 505 (fig. 2). 200 Boltz 1983, 499 (n. 21). 201 DZ 407, 6: 556b; DZ 219, 945b; Boltz

1983, 502; Lagerwey 1987, 234. 202 DZ 407, 6: 556b; DZ 219, 3: 945b; Boltz 1983, 503; Lagerwey 1987, 234. 203 DZ 466, 7: 30a. 204 DZ 547, 10: 257b–c. 205 The overall scenario reflects the inner alchemical notion of burning the body (fenshen 焚身), a breathing practice to “eliminate illnesses or demonic influences which might hinder the entering of the in-depth meditations needed for the completion of the immortal embryo.” See Kohn 2008a, 180–81; BaldrianHussein 1984, 160–64. 206 DZ 407, 6: 556c; DZ 219, 3: 945. The liandu visualization methods recorded in Wang Qizhen’s Lingbao dafa differ slightly from the formula preserved in DZ 407 and DZ 219; see DZ 1221, 31: 250a–251a. Also, see Matsumoto 2006a, 170–75. 207 DZ 220, 4: 58b. 208 DZ 220, 4: 59a. 209 DZ 220, 4: 68b–c. 210 DZ 466, 7: 30a, 30c, 31b. 211 DZ 548, 10: 460; DZ 508, 9: 534b; DZ 466, 7: 30c; Chen Yaoting 2003, 111. According to the thirteenthcentury scholar Zheng Sixiao, the Great Emperor of the Vermilion Mound belongs to the personified divinities of the South Pole (Nanji 南 極) or the Upper Palace of the South Prosper (Nanchang shang gong 南 昌上宮) in charge of salvation and immortality; see DZ 548, 10: 460. For more explanations of the Great Emperor of the Vermilion Mound, see Shi Xiaojun 2004, 28. While no extant Southern Song visual image attests to the specific iconography of the Great Emperor of the Vermilion Mound, the Heavenly Emperor of the Lord of the South Pole (Nanji tiandi jun 南極天帝君) depicted in the Northern Song monochrome baimiao handscroll by the court painter Wu Zongyuan 武宗元 gives us a comparative perspective of the possible image displayed in the Song liandu rite. For a plate, see Zhongguo

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gudai shuhua 1999, vol. 2, 79 (pl. 62). For the Ming-dynasty mural of the Great Emperor of the Longevity of the South Pole, see Wang Sufang and Shi Yongshi 2002, 65. In the modern Cangnan 蒼南 region along the coast of southeastern Zhejiang and bordering on the province of Fujian, where the Southern Song Numinous Treasure liturgical tradition remains strong, a yellow paper-sculpted image of the Heavenly Worthy of the Vermilion Mound Who Saves Lives (Zhuling duming tianzun 朱陵度 命天尊) is reported to be placed on the bridge, leading the souls to the final salvation in the liandu ritual performance; see Lagerwey and Lü Chuikuan 1993, 192. 212 DZ 1221, 31: 146b. Cf. a different spatial arrangement, with a squareshaped pool for refinement by water placed in the northwest, and a round pool for refinement by fire placed in the southeast, see DZ 508, 9: 535c. See also Matsumoto 2006a, 168. According to Wan Chui-ki, the illustrated Scripture of Salvation printed in 1406 depicts a scene of the transforming souls dressed like Daoist priests and crossing over the pool for refinement by fire. For more discussion, see Wan Chui-ki 2011b, 286. 213 DZ 1221, 31: 252b; Chen Yaoting 2003, 108–9. 214 The water pool bears a symbol of the kan trigram, while the fire pool bears a symbol of the li trigram. 215 Zhang Zehong 1999, 182–87. 216 DZ 508, 9: 537b; DZ 466, 8: 500c. Note that the procedures recorded in these two texts are reversed. Also, see Matsumoto 2006a, 168–70. 217 DZ 508, 9: 536c–537a; DZ 466, 8: 501a. According to Kim Jihyun, the Six Dynasties Highest Clarity scriptures refer to the “flowing gold and fire bell” (liujin huoling 流金火 鈴) as a symbol of the power of the celestial army. The “bell of flowing gold” (liujin ling 流金鈴), for

example, has the power to ward off the evil spirit in the Six Heavens; see Kim 2011a, 128–31. The tenth-century Yizhou minghua lu records the mural images of “Tianpeng, the Black Killer, Xuanwu, and the Fire Bell” (Tianpeng Heisha Xuanwu Huoling 天蓬黑煞玄武火鈴), perhaps referring to them as four individual martial gods; see YZMHL, 198. Among the four, Tianpeng, Xuanwu, and the Black Killer are three members of the Four Saints (Sisheng 四聖) pantheon; see A. Jing 2002b, 91–116; see also Gesterkamp 2011, 28. According to Evelyne Mesnil, the fire bell was considered the essence of the nine stars of the Northern Dipper, and was the key of an ancient exorcist formula; it was used to increase vision acuity during meditation, as well as to subdue the ten thousand spirits with its beams shining as far as 1000 li; see Mesnil 1996–97, 152. Cf. A. Jing 2002b, 106. For a comparable Celestial Heart talisman entitled Xuanwu and the Black Killer (Xuanwu heisha fu 玄 武黑煞符), see DZ 566, 10: 616a–b; Drexler 1994, 161; S. Chao 2011, 57 (fig. 3.5). For a drawing image of Tianpeng in the form of a martial figure flanked by fire that resembles bells, see Yu Yi 1979, 11. 218 Mesnil 1996–97, 152. 219 DZ 508, 9: 536c. 220 DZ 508, 9: 538c–539c. 221 DZ 466, 8: 309a–314b, 335a–338b; DZ 508, 9: 622a–626a; DZ 547, 10: 417a–423c; DZ 1221, 31: 179b–182b. 222 DZ 547, 10: 421a. Cf. DZ 508, 9: 622b; DZ 466, 8: 335b. 223 DZ 466, 8: 335a. Cf. DZ 508, 9: 622a; DZ 547, 10: 421b. 224 DZ 434, 6: 697c; DZ 1032, 22: 575b; DZ 441, 6: 737c–738a, 740c–741a. 225 DZ 508, 9: 622a. Cf. DZ 466, 8: 335a; DZ 547, 10: 422b. 226 DZ 466, 8: 347c–348a. Cf. DZ 1221, 31: 168a–b. 227 DZ 1221, 31: 69b. It is likely that they were associated with the Divine Empyrean Daoist Liu Hunkang,

who worked closely with Emperor Huizong. See DZ 1223, 31: 582a. Chen Yaoting 2003, 107; Boltz 1983, 490; Shi Xiaojun 2004, 27. For a study of the Emperor Huizong and Liu Hunkang, see Gyss-Vermand 1995 and Ebrey’s forthcoming book Huizong: Emperor of China. 228 For a study of the Daoist and Buddhist rebirth, see Bokenkamp 2007a, 162–92. 229 See the description of the rite of [obtaining] the complete form (quanxing yi 全形儀) in DZ 466, 7: 167. 230 For the content of the talismans announced by the Daoist master during this rite, see DZ 466, 7: 500–508. 231 DZ 466, 8: 479b. 232 DZ 1223, 31: 653b; Chen Yaoting 2003, 135. 233 Chen Yaoting 2003, 130, 136–37. See also Matsumoto 2001b, 56–60, 69–70. Dai Xiaoyun publishes a later diagram associated with the Water Land ritual, which shows the display of the bridge of universal salvation (pudu qiao 普度橋); see Dai Xiaoyun 2009, 49 (fig. 2.24). 234 The male relative holds the cloth on one end, and the female relative holds the cloth at the other; see Chen Yaoting 2003, 130, 136–37. The liandu rite performed in contemporary Taiwan requires the son of the deceased to walk back and forth on the bridge from seven to nine times; see Ōfuchi 1983, 836; 2005, 678. Maruyama’s field report of a ritual of merit (gongde 功德) held in rural Kaohsiung 高雄 in southern Taiwan also shows that the liandu ritual ended with the crossing of the Naihe 奈何 Bridge, originally derived from the Buddhist bridge said to be the first conjuncture to purgatory; see Maruyama 1999, 38. For pictorial motifs of the Naihe Bridge depicted in Dunhuang manuscripts (P. 2003–5, P. 4523–24), see Teiser 1994, figs. 5a–b.

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235 For selected samples, see DZ 466, 8: 335a–367a. Cf. the funeral tallies for the deceased souls in popular practices; see Sawada 1991, 206–12. Zhang Xunliao summarizes various types of Daoist registers of celestial rebirth based on the visual features; see Zhang Xunliao 2011. 236 DZ 466, 8: 350c–353c. 237 DZ 508, 9: 618a–b. For more studies of Daoist registers, see Ding Huang 1995, 1996, 1997; Matsumoto 2001b, 195–99; Y. Luk 2010, 2011; Maruyama 2004, 103–35. 238 DZ 466, 8: 350c. 239 DZ 466, 8: 351a–352a. Cf. DZ 508, 9: 616c–617b. For visual examples of the fuwen in the Taiping jing, see DZ 1101, 24: 524b–541c. See also Matsumoto 2001b, 170; Tsuchiya 2010, 73 (fig. 1). 2 40 I am inspired by S. Brent Plate’s notion of “media” as a potential new theme in art and religion for future inquiry; see Plate 2004, 51–55. For a methodological study of medium and representation in Chinese painting, see Wu Hung 1996. 241 Morgan 2010, 66. Another prominent aspect of Daoist ritual performance that is less documented is Daoist music and chanting; see Lü Chuikuan 1994; Boltz 1996; Pu Hengqiang 2000; Fu Limin 2003.

Chapter 6 1 DZ 466, 7: 27c–28a. See also S. Huang 2001, 13 and fig. 4; Maruyama 2004, 238, 243 (fig. 4); Gesterkamp 2011, 160–89; fig. 47. 2 DZ 1212, 28: 493a–b. 3 DZ 1221, 31: 10b. 4 XHHP. For a recent study, see Ebrey 2008, 257–310. 5 The most popular are those hanging scrolls depicting the Three Officials, the Three Pure Ones, the Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning, Lord Lao, and the astral deities. See Tables 8.1 and 8.4 in Ebrey 2008, 262, 294. 6 Paintings registered in this inven-



tory were inspected by the court connoisseur Yang Wangxiu 楊王休 in 1199. In 1210, each collected item was further impressed with a documentation seal of the Imperial Library (Mishusheng 秘書省) on the reverse side; see NSGGLXL, 3: 10a–11a. See also S. Huang 2002, 49–56. 7 For more information on the registration, mounting, and copying of religious paintings in the Southern Song court, see S. Huang 2001, 33–49. 8 S. Huang 2001, 2002, 2005. For more information about previous scholarship on this triptych, see S. Huang 2001, 6 (n. 5). The triptych entered the American museum’s collection from Japan in 1912; some experts have also speculated that the paintings might have come from a temple in north China; see S. Huang 2002, 149. For more studies, see T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 116–21 (pls. 16–18); vol. 2, 34–35; 1997, 63–65, 149–50 (pls. 21–23); Little and Eichman 2000, 233–35 (pl. 71); Ide 2000, 66, 124 (pls. 58–60). 9 Wu Tung and others date the paintings to the first half of the twelfth century; this is mainly based on the landscape style and its association with the Northern Song Li-Guo tradition; see T. Wu 1997, 63–65, 149–50 (pls. 21–23); Little and Eichman 2000, 233–35 (pl. 71); Ide 2000, 66, 124 (pls. 58–60). For a different opinion, which dates the paintings to the second half of the twelfth century or the early thirteenth century and draws on landscape, figural, and religious pictorial conventions, see S. Huang 2002, 149–74. 10 S. Huang 2005. 11 For selected studies of painters’ practice in Chinese art history, see Steinhardt 1987; Murray 1993; Cahill 1994; Baldwin 1994; Fraser 1996, 1999, 2000, 2003; S. Huang 1995; 2002, 60–147. 12 Kohn 2004a, 99. 13 Sun’s mural of the Nine Planets is

for the Temple of Longevity and Peace (Shouning yuan 壽寧院) in Chengdu; see XHHP 4: 72b. A number of fragmented drawings copied by Heian artists and now in multiple collections shed light on the visuality of the medieval Japanese Nine Planets. Made before 1160, the extant drawings are drawn on a vertical series of paper; they may also derive from Tang-Song models introduced to Japan by way of Buddhism; see Ono 1934b, 33–35; Nakano 1979, 29; S. Huang 2002, 69, 359 (fig. 3.5). For records by the Japanese monk Jōjin 成尋 (1011–81), who witnessed the liturgical paintings of the Nine Planets and Seven Stars displayed among the Buddhist pantheon in the imperial Pavilion of the Jade Saliva (Yaojin ting 瑤津亭) at the Northern Song court in 1073, see Hirabayashi 1978, 236. See also Ono 1934a, 238; 1934b, 34; Nakano 1979, 29; S. Huang 2002, 69. 14 THJWZ 3: 479a. For more documentation on Sun Zhiwei, see SCMHP 1: 449b; XHHP 4: 72b–73a. See also Chen Gaohua 1984, 142–65. For more on the Shu painting history from the late Tang to the tenth century, see Wang Weimin 2005. 15 THJWZ 3: 479a. 16 SCMHP 2: 455a. 17 For studies on the Palace of Bright Response from Jade Purity [Heaven], the events of the Heavenly Texts, and the broader discussion of Zhenzong’s patronage of Daoism and Daoist art, see Cahill 1980; Wang Shengduo 1996, 87–115; A. Jing 1994a, 193–207; 2002b, 59–90; Liu Jingzhen 1995; H. Liu 2003, 138–39. For an in-depth study of the Daoist art of this temple, see Wu Yu 2005. 18 It is likely that the Records of the True Realms refers to the records of Daoist grotto heavens composed by a Daoist priest; see XCLAZ 75: 16b; DXTZ, 23b. 19 SCMHL 2: 455a. See also Wu Yu 2005, 148.

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20 MTKH 10: 1a–3b; Chen Gaohua 1984, 147–49. 21 MTKH 10: 2a–3b; Chen Gaohua 1984, 148. Cf. a similar comment in SCMHP, 458b. 22 The Dunhuang library cave has preserved a rich repository of diverse kinds of fenben; see Fraser 2003. For more studies of the preparatory drawings used by artists working in traditional China and Japan, see Cahill 1994, 88–102; Fraser 2003, esp. 54–130; Murray 1993, 140–47, esp. 143 (fig. 73); Hamada 1970. For a study on the use of fenben in tomb murals, drawing examples from the Liao tomb murals discovered in Xuanhua, see Li Qingquan 2004. 23 Fraser 1996, 1999, 2000, 2003; Drège 1999; Monnet 2004. 24 Fraser 2003, 58–108. 25 For example, see the sketches for the Amitabha’s Paradise and the Visualization of Queen Vaidehi in Fraser 2003, 56, 59 (figs. 2.2, 2.4). 26 For example, see Fraser 2003, 78–82 (figs. 2.13–2.17). 27 Fraser 1996; 2003, 102–8, esp. 102 (fig. 2.29) and pl. 14. For more visual examples, see Drège 1999, 103. For a discussion of the step-by-step mural painting procedure, see Gesterkamp 2008, 145–50; 2011, 208–18. For the use of xiuhua 朽畫, which refers to drawing charcoal designs directly onto the wall, see SCMHP, 1: 450a; Fraser 2003, 102–3; Gesterkamp 2008, 148, 222–23. 28 Fraser 1996; 2003, 102. 29 For example, in the tenth century during the dynastic transition, some fenben related to earlier paintings were treasured items painters and collectors competed to acquire. The painter Zhao Dexuan 趙德玄 relocated to the Shu region from the metropolitan area in the midtenth century; he carried with him over a hundred Tang and pre-Tang paintings, many of which are fenben or copies he himself made; see YZMHL, 192a. For more discus-

sion of the use of fenben in Buddhist paintings in Sichuan and Yunnan areas, especially concerning the arhat paintings associated with the Zhang Xuan 張玄 (ca. 890–930) tradition and the Buddhist Monastery of the Great Divine Mercy (Dasheng ci si 大 聖慈寺) in Chengdu, see Lee Yumin 2010, 122–34. For a study of the literary sources related to the Buddhist art associated with the Monastery of the Great Divine Mercy, see Wang Weimin 2005. 30 GGYL, shang: 8b; ZWZ 5: 6a; NSYHL 1: 1a. 31 Cf. Lennert Gesterkamp’s differentiation of the reduced-sized design (xiaoyang) made at the preparatory stage from the “small-scale copy (fuben xiaoyang 副本小樣) of the murals for renovation purposes.” See Gesterkamp 2008, 145–64; 2011, 212, 216, 219 (esp. n. 41). For a later example of such reduced samples associated with the Ming Temple of Venerating Goodness (Chongshan si 崇善寺) in Taiyuan, Shanxi, see the two sets of Shijia shizun yinghua shiji tu 釋迦世尊應化示蹟圖 and Shancai tongzi wushisancan tu 善財童子五十 三參圖 dated between 1456 and 1458, reproduced in Zhongguo fojiao 1996; see also Murray 2000, 87–89 (figs. 9–12); Jin Weinuo 1996. 32 THJWZ, 477a, 478b, 486a, 494a. For a translation of this text in English, see Soper 1951. For more studies on the socio-political, cultural, and artistic aspects of this temple, see Soper 1948; Xiong Bolü 1985; Duan Yuming 2004. 33 See also Gesterkamp 2008, 152–53; 2011, 32, 216. 34 Lesbre 2005, 144, 157 (n. 19). 35 THJWZ 3: 478b. See also Lesbre 2005, 146–47, 151–53. Gao Yi’s mural of Tejaprabha Buddha and Nine Planets may resemble the 897 Dunhuang scroll entitled Tejaprabha Buddha and the Five Planets (British Museum, 1919.0101,0.31); see Whitfield 1982–84, vol. 1, pl. 27;

Whitfield and Sims-Williams 2004, 232 (pl. 162); A. Jing 1991, 155 (fig. 11). For more information about Gao Wenjin, see Chen Gaohua 1984, 204–8. 36 THJWZ 3: 479b. For more information about Gao Wenjin, see Chen Gaohua 1984, 204–8; H. Liu 2003. 37 SCMHP, 450b. See also Lesbre 2005, 148–49. 38 THJWZ 6: 494a. See also Lee Yumin 2010, 133. 39 THJWZ 6: 494a. 40 HJ, 902a. For a study of Tang Hou’s (fl. 1322) Huajian 畫鑑 (Examination of Painting) and the art appraisal in the early Yuan period, see D. Y. Chou 2004, 2005. The singlesheet Buddhist print of Bodhisattva Maitreya (Mile pusa 彌勒菩薩) dated 984 and designed by Gao Wenjin (fl. 976–1022) was deposited in the Northern Song wooden statue of the Shakyamuni Buddha in Seiryōji 清 涼寺, Kyoto (brought back to Japan from China by Chōnen); it may reflect a sort of reduced drawing of a larger silk painting or mural. For a plate, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 125 (pl. 133). For a study of the deposit of the Seiryōji Buddha statue, see Henderson and Hurvitz 1956; Oku 2009. The Northern Song court painting entitled The Peacock King (Kongque mingwang 孔雀明王) in the Ninnaji 仁和寺 (Kyoto) collection compares to Gao Wenjin’s printed Maitreya; see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 1996, 155 (pl. 158). For more discussion, see S. Huang 2002, 97–101. 41 Ono Genmyō suggests that the original Chinese model for this drawing may be associated with the Tang Emperor Wenzong’s 文宗 (r. 827–40) visualization of the deities of the Northern Dipper in Mt. Zhongnan (Zhongnan shan 終南山); see Ono 1934b, 31–33, esp. 31. Hamada Takashi, on the other hand, suggests that the Chinese model may be of a Song date; see Hamada 1970, 90.

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For more studies, see Hamada 1970, 48, 88 (figs. 64, 122); A. Jing 1991, 157 (fig. 14); 2002, 218–20 and pl. 4.26; S. Huang 2002, 68 (n. 22), 358 (fig. 3.4). For the front and back of the drawing, see Saitō 2009, 161 (pl. 195). 42 A. Jing 1991, 156–57 (fig. 14); 2002, 219–20 (pl. 4.23). See also Whitfield 1982–84, vol. 1, 320–21 (pl. 27); S. Whitfield and Sims-Williams 2004, 232–33 (pl. 162); H. Lee 2010, pl. 2.24. For a tenth-century rendition of the same subject on the mural of the Mogao Cave no. 61, see Whitfield 1982–84, vol. 1, 320. 43 Yu Yi 1979, 21. For more on the Cleveland album as a collection of the “master-models” of a professional workshop, see Gesterkamp 2008, 162–64. For case studies of Chinese painting workshop practices, see the studies of the Lu Xinzhong workshop specializing in Buddhist Ten Kings of Hell set paintings, in Ledderose 1981a–b; 2000, 163–85. For the study of horse paintings associated with the Ming-dynasty Zhe-school painter Hu Cong 胡聰 and his workshop, see Barnhart 1993, 18; 1998. 44 Taguchi 1976–80, 289; S. Huang 2001, 68. Cf. the coloring instructions accompanying some of the Daoist illustrations (figs. 1.9a, 1.9c, 1.12a, 1.15, 1.20a–b) discussed in this book. 45 See, for example, Fraser 2003, 59, 69 (figs. 2.4, 2.9a). 46 Little and Eichman 2000, 241 (pl. 74). The title of this painting is recorded in the Xuanhe huapu; see XHHP 4: 75a. For selected studies, see Xu Bangda 1956; Barnhart 1983, 50–53 (fig. 13); Cahill 1994, 93–94; Fraser 2003, 114–16; Gesterkamp 2008, 159–61. For another comparable scroll attributed to Wu Zongyuan from the Xu Beihong Museum, Beijing, see Fraser 2003, 115 (fig. 3.4); Li Song 2008. For more historical documentations of Wu Zongyuan, see SCMHP 1: 448b; THJWZ 3: 477a–b; Chen Gaohua 1984, 245–62.



For studies of Daoist paintings featuring the theme of chaoyuan, see Hsieh Shu-wei 1994; Gesterkamp 2008, 2011. 47 For example, see the empty leaves attached to the lotus stems held by the golden girls and jade maidens in Zhongguo gudai shuhua 1999, vol. 2, 78–79, 84–85 (pls. 62, 65). 48 The symbol of the Mountain of Jade Capital depicted on the fan only shows the outline and does not reveal details; see Zhongguo gudai shuhua 1999, vol. 2, 79 (pl. 62). Cf. the completely painted symbols on a Daoist fan motif depicted on the mural of the Temple of Eternal Joy; see Xiao Jun 2008, 240. 49 Although most areas of the bridge bear triangular tile-like designs at the bottom, a certain section of the bridge is left undecorated; see Zhongguo gudai shuhua 1999, vol. 2, 81 (pl. 63). 50 Some leaves in the Cleveland album also bear inscriptions above the depicted deities identifying them; see Yu Yi 1979, 5, 11–16, 19, 24–26. 51 Xu Bangda 1956; Barnhart 1983, 52; Fraser 2003; Gesterkamp 2008, 159–61. 52 For studies of the baimiao paintings in Song painting history, see Barnhart 1970, 1976; Barnhart et al. 1993, 73–155. 53 For selected comparable examples of monochrome paintings that also bear similar traces, like colored paintings or murals, see Mahāprajāpatī Nursing the Infant Buddha by the Yuandynasty professional painter Wang Zhenpeng 王振鵬 (ca. 1270–after 1330) in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, reproduced in T. Wu 1996, 278–81 (pl . 107); the handscroll of Debate Between Vimalakirti and Manjustri by the Jin-dynasty Shanxi painter Ma Yunqing 馬雲卿 (fl. 1230) in the National Palace Museum, Beijing, discussed in Fraser 2003, 118 (fig. 3.6a–c); the fourteenth-century handscroll entitled Daoist Divinity

of Water in the Freer Gallery of Art, discussed in Weidner 1986, 8–9 (fig. 2); Fraser 2003, 126 (fig. 3.11). 54 For a visual example of the relief-like armory in the fourteenth-century Temple of Eternal Joy mural, see Xiao Jun 2008, 179. 55 The original comment derives from Mi Fu, who criticizes Wu Zongyuan for not being able to change his hard-mural brushwork habit when he paints on soft silk; see HS, 981. For a study of Mi Fu’s Hua Shi, see Kohara 1995; 2003, 197–250. 56 Barnhart 1983, 52; for its change in calligraphic brushwork that creates “a new impression of movement in the painted forms” not seen in earlier murals, see 1983, 53. 57 For selected historical documentations of Wu’s participations in painting the murals of the Palace of Bright Response from Jade Purity [Heaven], see SCMHP 1: 448b; THJWZ 3: 477a; XHHP 4: 75a. 58 SCMHP 1: 448b, 452b. It seems to have been standard practice in Song China to divide mural painters into two groups, in charge of the eastern and western walls respectively; see the case of the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak in THJWZ 3: 480a. See also Chai Zejun 1997, 76; Gesterkamp 2008, 141–42. 59 SCMHP 1, 452a. 60 Xu Bangda 1956. For an innovative reconstruction of the measurement of the temple mural whose size matches the ratio of length and width of Wu’s handscroll, see Gesterkamp 2008, 160–61. 61 SCMHP 1: 450b–51a. See also Gesterkamp 2008, 146–47. 62 Painters in charge of painting landscapes include Yan Wengui 燕 文貴 and Pang Chongmu 龐崇穆; see THJWZ 4: 482a–b; SCMHP 2: 454b; GGJ 78: 5b. For the landscape paintings associated with Yan Wengui and his followers, see Osaka Shiritsu Bijutsukan et al. 1994, 22–23 (pl. 8), 330; Lee and W. Fong 1967;

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W. Fong 1975; 1992, 87–91 (esp. pl. 10); Barnhart 1983, 38–43; Chen Yunru in Lin Boting 2006, 246–51 (pl. 40); Ebrey 2008, 290 (fig. 8.7). For painters in charge of architectural subjects, see the biographical notes of Lü Zhuo 呂拙 and Liu Wentong 劉 文通 in SCMHP 3: 459a, THJWZ 4: 486a–b. For information on the narrative pictorial design related to the auspicious omens of the Eastern Sacred Peak and other places, see XZZTJCB 70: 8b–9a; YH 200: 35a–b. See also Bickford 2006, 486. For more discussion of architecture paintings in the Northern Song, see H. Liu 2002. The repertoire of Daoist paintings in the pre-Song and Northern Song period is well reflected in Emperor Huizong’s painting catalogue (XHHP); see Ebrey 2008, 293–97. For a study of chinese auspicious motifs, see Bickford 1999. 63 Some Daoist priests such as Zhang Suqing 張素卿, Chen Ruoyu 陳若 愚, Li Shouyi 李壽儀, and Li Bashi 李八師 active in the late Tang- to tenth-century Sichuan region are noted for their paintings of devotional icons, portraits and narrative themes of hagiographies; see YZMHL, 190b–191a, 198b, 200a; THJWZ 2: 472a, 3: 481a; THBJ, 860a. For a study of Zhang Suqing, see Mesnil 1996–97. The Tang Daoist priest Hu Huichao 胡惠超 (or Hu Chao 胡超) (ca. 674–713) is also said to have painted a self-portrait on the rear wall of a Daoist temple; see DZ 296, 5: 259b. The tenth-century Master Liu (Liu daoshi 劉道士) from the Jiangnan area is good at painting landscape in the style of Dong Yuan 董源. His signature landscape places a Daoist figure at the left of the landscape painting, contrasting that by the Buddhist monk painter Ju Ran, who places a monk at the left of his landscape painting; see THJWZ 3: 481a; THBJ, 868a. For a related study, see Barnhart

1989. The late tenth-century priest Lü Zhuo drafted an architectural sample drawing for the Daoist imperial building commissioned by the Northern Song Emperor Taizong (r. 976–997); see SCMHP 3: 459a. Among the Daoist priests close to Emperor Huizong in the early twelfth century, Li Derou 李德柔, who is noted for making personal pigment of red lead (zhu­qian 朱鉛) from earth and minerals, specializes in narrative paintings of hagiographies; see Ebrey 2008, 296–97. This is comparable to another Daoist close to Huizong, Xu Zhichang 徐知常, who is also good at didactic paintings and narrative paintings depicting stories about immortals; see THBJ, 861a; Ebrey 2008, 296. In the Yuan period, some Daoist priests active in the modern-day Zhejiang area excel at figure painting in the style of the Southern Song court painters Li Song 李嵩 (1166–1243) and Ma Lin 馬麟 (ca. 1215–56); see the notes on Wang Jingsheng 王景昇 (a Daoist priest from Hangzhou) and Ding Qingxi 丁清溪 from Qiantang; see THBJ, 889b. The Yuan-dynasty painter Huang Gongwang 黃公望 (1269–1354), whose landscape style is traditionally classified as the literati art, is a Complete Perfection Daoist priest. For a study, see Hay 1978. 64 YZMHL, 200a. 65 In his Daojiao lingyan ji, Du Guangting devotes a chapter (juan 8) to the efficacy of the image of the Celestial Master; see DZ 590, 10: 826c–829c. 66 DZ 590, 10: 829a; Mesnil 1996–97, 153. 67 Recorded priest-painters noted for their dragon paintings include the Southern Song Ouyang Chuweng 歐 陽楚翁 and his son Xueyou 雪友, the Yuan dynasty Wu Xia 吳霞, as well as the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth Celestial Masters Zhang Yucai and Zhang Sicheng 張嗣成 (d. ca. 1344) also of the Yuan dynasty. See THBJ

4: 877a–b; 5: 889b. For studies of the Yuan dynasty landscape paintings by the Longhushan Daoist Fang Congyi 方從義 (ca. 1302–93), see Neill 1981; W. Fong 1992, 472–73 (pl. 113); Huang Liyun 2003. Longhushan emerged as a significant Daoist center between the eighth and ninth centuries, when a Zhang family from the area claimed to be the heirs of Zhang Daoling, the founder of the Celestial Master Daoism in the Han Dynasty. For the mountain gazetteers compiled during the YuanMing-Qing periods, see XXLHSZ; LHSZ. For more on this topic, see Goossaert in Pregadio 2007, 702–4. For a study of Daoist ink painting associated with the Ming dynasty Fujian painter Chen Zihe 陳子和, see Shih Shou-chien 1995a; 2010a, 329–50. For a study of the Celestial Masters in the Southern Song, see Matsumoto 1982. 68 W. Fong 1992, 362–65 (pls. 81a–b); Shih Shou-chien 2010a, 336 (pl. 223); Watt 2010, 148–50 (fig. 176). For more visual studies of dragons, see Ebrey 2011; Purtle forthcoming (b). 69 W. Fong 1992, 367; Shih Shou-chien 2010a, 336. 70 W. Fong 1992, 366. The ninthcentury mural Jiuhai shenlong 九海 神龍 (Divine Dragons of the Nine Seas) inside the Yuju hua 玉局化 (Temple of the Jade Bureau) in the Shu region and painted by Sun Wei 孫位 (fl. ninth century) is said to be efficacious in inducing rain as a response to local residents’ prayers; see YJQQ 122: 2689–90; Verellen 1989a, 118–19; Mesnil 1996–97, 151–52. For more on Sun Wei, see YZMHL, 1: 189a. Alternatively, the Buddhist counterpart of the arhat paintings by the monk painter Guan Xiu 貫休 (ca. 832–912) are deemed efficacious in inducing rain; see THJWZ 2: 476a. 71 Shih Shou-chien 1995a. For a study of the Daoist elements in the bird-andflower and plant-and-insect paintings

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by the fifteenth-century professional painter Sun Long 孫隆, see Lin Wan-ru 2010. 72 The painting is dated to around 1430; see Shih Shou-chien 2010a, 341 (fig. 226); Rao Zongyi 1993; Xu Bangda 1987; Jiangsu sheng Huai’an xian 1987, 12. 73 For a close analysis of the painting practice associated with the Boston triptych, see S. Huang 2002, 149–74. 74 For the Northern Song court collection of sets of the Three Officials paintings, see XHHP 2: 67b, 68a, 3: 69b–70a, 71a–b, 4: 72b, 6: 78a. For the Southern Song court collection of the same subject, see NSGGLXL 3: 10b–11a. 75 XHHP 3: 70a. For additional documentation on these painters, see THJWZ 1: 469b; 2: 471b, 474a; NSGGLXL 3: 10b, 12b, 14a; THBJ 2: 852a, 857a, 858b. A set of Three Officials paintings circulated in Ming-dynasty Suzhou was attributed to the Southern Song court painter Li Song; see YYB, 11a–b. 76 For an innovative exhibition focusing on Chinese paintings in set format, see Yamato Bunkakan 1995. For a study of sets of paintings, especially paired paintings (duifu 對幅), in Chinese art history, see Fujita 2000. Lothar Ledderose’s classic study of the sets of paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell by the Ningbo workshops in the Southern Song also points out that a set of ten scrolls may be displayed on both side walls of a worship hall, with five scrolls on each side. This is suggested by the orientation of the scrolls from the set, with five kings depicted facing left and the other five turning right; see Ledderose 2000, 180. For an alternative example of how arhat paintings may be displayed in a domestic setting along with food offerings in front of the paintings, see the “paintings within the painting” depicted in one scroll of the Five Hundred Arhats set made by the Ningbo artists Lin



Tinggui and Zhou Jichang in Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2011, 12 (pl. 1). 77 For a reproduction of the triptych, placing the three paintings according to the relative positions in which they were exhibited, see S. Huang 2005, 68–69 (figs. 9a–c); See also S. Huang 2001, 5–6 (esp. n. 4); 2002, 5. 78 DZ 1224, 31: 713a. 79 The technique of coloring the background is comparable to that used in Emperor Huizong’s Auspicious Cranes. See Ide 2000, 124; S. Huang 2002, 169–70. 80 For more comparable ji motifs, see Henan sheng wenwu 1993, black and white pls. 32–33, 45–46; Wang Yaoting 2010, 94–95, 100–101. 81 S. Huang 2001, fig. 10; 2002, 231, 503 (fig. 7.10). I would like to thank Wu Hung for his valuable input. 82 The talismans are rearranged from DZ 1220, 28: 825c, 736b, 760b, 713a. See also S. Huang 2001, fig. 11; 2002, 503 (fig. 7.10). 83 For a Southern Song painting showcasing dragons as rainmakers, see Chen Rong’s Nine Dragons dated 1244 in T. Wu 1996, 224–35 (pl. 83); 1997, 91–95 (pl. 92). See also fig. 3.43 of this book. 84 For a comparable example, see the image of the River God in the Southern Song Nine Songs handscroll attributed to Zhang Dunli 張敦禮 in T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 259 (pl. 97); 1997, 195 (fig. 91). For the presence of a turtle in the Buddhist seascape painting, see Xi Xia Yulin Cave no. 3 (12th century?) in Dunhuang yanjiuyuan 1997, vol. 19, 190 (pl. 171). 85 S. Huang 2002, 259–60. 86 YSXSWJ 34: 455–56. 87 For selected studies of the intellectual, cultural, and artistic milieu under Jurchen rule, see Tillman and West 1995; Laing 1988; 2003. 88 XHHP 3: 70a. 89 YSXSWJ 34: 455–56. 90 YSXSWJ 34: 455. 91 YSXSWJ 34: 455.

92 YSXSWJ 34: 456. 93 DPQ J 27: 13b–14b; Chen Gaohua 1987, 49–50. 94 DPQ J 27: 13b; Chen Gaohua 1987, 49. For more information on the Chan master Jinying juelian (also known as Dajuelian 大覺璉 or Dajue huailian 大覺懷璉), see X.79.1560: 528b–29a; Huang Qijiang 1997, 111–13, 226–27, 248, 253, 258–59, 282, 321–22. 95 DPQ J 27: 14a. 96 DPQ J 27: 14a. 97 Belting 1994, 132. 98 Belting 1994, 132. 99 DZ 1138, 25: 189b. For a recent study, see Lü Peng-zhi 2011. 100 DZ 1138, 25: 189b. See also Lagerwey 1987, 30–31; Little in Little and Eichman 2000, 19. 101 Kohn 2001, 71. 102 YSXSWJ 34: 456. For more studies, see Robinet 1995; Kohn 2003a, 32, 137, 217. 103 Akizuki 1961; Ōfuchi 1985; Li Fengmao 1999, 53–110. 104 DZ 456. See also Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 230–31. Cf. the Tang Daoist text with similar content; see DZ 36, 1: 836a–837c, 841a, 844b–c. 105 For the green and black books, see DZ 456, 6: 875a, 875c, 876b, 877a, 879b, 883a-b. For sixty itemized “Sins against the Precepts of the Three Primes” (Sanyuan pinjie zuimu 三 元品戒罪目) as recorded by the Three Officials, see 880a–883a. For a translation, see Kohn 1993a, 100–106; 2003a, 137; 2004b, 187–94. See also Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 230–31. 106 DZ 456, 6: 883a. For more discussion of the Festivals of the Three Primes, see Li Fengmao 1999, 73–87; Wang Qiugui 1990. 107 For selected documentation of the Festival of the Upper Prime as observed in the Northern Song, see SHY Dixi 10: 1–8, Yue 5: 37, Li 51: 19–20, Li 52: 9, Li 57: 27–28.

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108 SHY Dixi 10: 1–2, Li 57: 28. 109 SHY Li 57: 28. 110 SHY Li 57: 28. 111 For studies of this painting, see Sturman 1990; Bickford 2002–3, esp. 81–84; 2006, 459–64; Ebrey 2000, 101–2 (fig. 4); 2008, 126 (pl. 21); Barnhart 1997, 123–24. 112 Bickford 2002–3, 82. 113 Cf. Sturman 1990, 33; Bickford 2006, 461. For a reproduction of the colophon, see Fu Xinian 1988, vol. 3, 97 (pl. 47). For more on crane paintings associated with Huizong’s court, see Schafer 1983, 384; Ebrey 2000, 102–3 (fig. 6). 114 W. Fong et al. 1996, 248–49 (pl. 127); Bickford 2002–3, 82–83 (fig. 9). For more on Chinese textiles and embroidery, see Zhongguo zhixiu fushi 2004–5, vols. 1–2. 115 Cf. the crane paintings on the ceiling of the Jin-dynasty tomb discovered in 1993 in Wangshang village near Dengfeng, Henan; see Zhengzhou shi wenwu 2005, 180–81, 190–91, 193–95 (pls. 225–26, 235–36, 238–40); Wu Hung 2010, 58–60 (esp. figs. 55–56). 116 SHY Yufu 3: 2, Ruiyi 1: 23. Although there are illustrated samples of imperial flags with pictorial symbols in the Northern Song illustrated manual Sanli tu, no flag depicting the auspicious crane(s) is illustrated; see XDSLT 9; 121–22, 124–25. 117 HCLQTS 11: 11a. For more discussion of Song imperial flags used in imperial processions, see Ebrey 1999b, esp. 53–54. For comparative images of cranes depicted in the Five Dynasties, Song, Jin, and Liao tombs, see Hebei sheng wenwu et al. 1998, pls. 1–2; Hebei sheng wenwu 2001, pls. 12, 15, 16, 31, 33, 47–48, 79–80, 83–84; Zhengzhou shi wenwu 2005, 180–81, 190–91, 193–95 (figs. 225–26, 235–36, 238–40). For a study of the cranes of Mount Mao as recorded in medieval Chinese literature, see Schafer 1983. For a study of the famous Eulogy on Burying Cranes (Yiheming 瘞鶴銘) calligraphy carved

on a stone in the Six Dynasties and discovered in the eleventh century, see L. Xue 2009. 118 Zhongguo daojiao 1991, 268–69. SS 109, li zhi, no. 62. 119 MLL 1: 140. 120 MLL 1: 140. Cf. DJMHL 5: 35. 121 SSGJ 29: 942, 953; 30: 969–70; XCLAZ 75: 4, 8, 10; MLL 15: 257. See also Yoshioka 1959, 369–411; Li Fengmao 1999, 53–110; Teiser 1988b, 35–42. 122 SSGJ 10: 324, 29: 941–42. 123 XCLAZ 75: 4, 8, 10; MLL 15: 257. 124 DJMHL 8: 49–50. 125 DJMHL 8: 49–50; MLL 4: 160; WLQS 3: 381; XHLRFSL, 111. 126 SSGJ 30: 974; 37: 1155; SHY Dixi 10: 2, 8, Li 3: 1, Li 29: 28, Li 51, 19–20. 127 SSGJ 37: 1154. 128 SHY Ryuyi 1: 23. 129 SHY Ryuyi 1: 23. 130 DZ 1224, 31: 713. 131 Ide 2001, 61–66; 2008. 132 These paintings are all included in a recent exhibition featuring Southern Song and Yuan paintings associated with Ningbo; see the entries by Taniguchi Kosei 谷口耕生 in Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 312–14 (n. 118–19, 121–24). 133 For more visual examples from the Five Hundred Arhats set featuring their heavenly descent, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 115–16, 120, 122–25, 149; Suzuki 1982–83, vol. 4, 17 (JT10–001, 44/100), 18 (JT10–001, 51/100), 22 (JT10–001, 100/100); W. Fong 1992, 344–45 (figs. 145–46); S. Huang 2002, 433–34 (figs. 4.34, 4.35); 2005, fig. 6, 66. Of the 100 scrolls of the original set transported to Japan in the thirteenth century and later transferred to the Daitokuji 大德寺 in Kyoto, six scrolls were reported lost and replaced by copies made by the seventeenth-century painter Kano Tokuno. According to Wen Fong, there are two further, previously unnoticed, scrolls identified as Muromachi copies. The scrolls

are now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, two are in the Freer Gallery, and all the other eighty scrolls and eight Japanese copies are in the Daitokuji temple collection, the Kyoto National Museum, and the Nara National Museum. For more information, see W. Fong 1992, 375–76 (n. 21); Ide 2001, 66; 2009, 254. For more studies of this set, see W. Fong 1958; 1992, 269, 272, 287, 343–45, 348, 361, 366, 375–76, 386 (figs. 115–16, 119, 144–47, 149, 154–55, 160); Ide 2001, 66–70; 2009a, 2009b; 2011; S. Huang 2002, 132–46; Levine 2005, 287–313. 134 People in medieval China venerated different sets of arhats: sixteen, eighteen, or five hundred. For more on their cult, see Shohan 1983. 135 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 114; Ide 2001, 66 (fig. 76); S. Huang 2001, 433 (fig. 4.34); 2005, 65 (fig. 4). 136 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 120; S. Huang 2001, 433 (fig. 4.33). 137 For more about the Five Hundred Arhats and Buddhist rites, see S. Huang 2002, 134–36; Ide 2009, 256–57. 138 Ide 2000, 127–34; 2001, 60; 2009, 256–57; Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 167. 139 For studies of Daoist chaoyuan paintings and their relation to ritual, see Hsieh 1994; Gesterkamp 2008, 2011. See also Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1204, 1206. 140 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 11 (pl. 12). For more images from Cave no. 5, see 1–13 (pls. 1–14). For more studies on this cave, see Hu Wenhe 1990; Li Xiaoqiang 2003; A. Jing 2011. 141 For the murals of the Sanqing Hall, see Xiao Jun 2008, 84–179. For more studies, see Hsieh 1994; A. Jing 1994a, 2002b; S. Huang 1995, 7–37; Gesterkamp 2008, 173–84; 2011, 76–97. 142 In his public lecture on the Shōsō-in treasures at the National Taiwan University in 1993, Marshall Wu linked many objects depicted in Wu

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Zongyuan’s scroll to the Shōsō-in ceremonial objects originally bestowed by the Tang imperial house on Emperor Shōmu 聖武 (r. 724–49). For a recent exhibition catalogue of the Shōsō-in treasures, see Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2008. See also S. Huang 1995, 12–13. For more comparison of the chaoyuan pictorial theme with earlier visual conventions related to Buddhist donors and procession scenes in the tombs in medieval China, see Gesterkamp 2008, 71–87; 2011, 57–74. 143 For the two fragments of Northern Wei wall reliefs from the Central Cave of Binyang (Binyang zhongdong 賓陽中洞) at Longmen, Henan, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art and Nelson-Atkins Gallery, respectively, see McNair 2007, 38–44 (figs. 2.7, 2.8, 2.9). For more Northern Wei examples of wall reliefs featuring similar imperial processions, see the exit (southern) walls of Caves 1, 3, and 4 at Gongxian 鞏縣, located in Xiaopingjin 小平津 to the northeast of Luoyang 洛陽, Henan; see Henan sheng wenwu 1983, pls. 36–41, 103, 143–49, 216–19. For more discussion, see S. Huang 1995, 13–14. 144 The thirty-third Blissful Land of Daoist sacred geography, Gezhaoshan 閣皂山 has been associated with Ge Xuan and Numinous Treasure Daoism. From the late Tang to the late Yuan periods, it was the center of Numinous Treasure Daoism. For more information, see Goossaert in Pregadio 2007, 447–48; Jiangxi sheng wenwu 1991, 98–99. 145 Jiangxi sheng wenwu 1991, esp. figs. 5–6; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1189–1213, esp. 1203, 1205. 146 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1201–2. 147 For the tomb epitaph, see Jiangxi sheng wenwu 1991, 97–98; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1191, 1201. 148 This deity is one of the three



main male deities depicted in Wu Zongyuan’s handscroll. Zhang Xunliao identifies the Lord of Eastern Florescence with the Lord of the East (Dongwang gong 東王公); see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1204. 149 Jiangxi sheng wenwu 1991, 98; Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 4, 1191. 150 Zhengzhou shi wenwu 2005, 41–54; for the plate, see 48 (pl. 64). 151 For studies of the earlier pictorial conventions of ascending to heaven in early and medieval China, see L. Tseng 2011; Zhang Qianyi 2010. 152 According to Lennert Gesterkamp, the mural on the eastern wall of the Hall of the Three Pure Ones measures 27.92 meters in length and 4.38 meters in height; see Gesterkamp 2008, 160. For more on the comparison of the measurements of Wu Zongyuan’s scroll with existing wall paintings, see Gesterkamp 2011, 224–27. 153 DZ 430. Isabelle Robinet dates this text to the Tang, noting that it is an illustrated version of a still earlier Six Dynasties text (DZ 1376). See Robinet in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 144–45, 617. For an unillustrated version, see YJQQ 51: 1127–31. 154 Schafer 1986, 673. 155 Cf. other Daozang illustrations, which may also have assumed the form of multicolored drawings in medieval China; see figs. 1.6–1.9, 1.12a–b, 1.13 in this book. 156 DZ 430, 6: 681b. 157 Zhongguo gudai shuhua 1999, vol. 5, 108–15 (pls. 91–98); for more discussion of this painting, see the entry for this painting on page 22 of the explanatory texts of the same book; Kohara 2005, 160. For scholarship on the Nine Songs paintings, see Del Gais Muller 1981, 1986; Kohara 1974, no. 65, 148–49; 2005, 153–91; T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 256–61 (pl. 97); vol. 2, 87–88; 1997, 194–96 (fig. 91); Murray 2007, 68–69. Cf. a similar

motif of a kinglike figure in a chariot surrounded by his entourage in Li Gonglin’s illustrations of the Classic of Filial Piety; see Barnhart et al. 1993, 90–91 (pl. 1). 158 There are several reasons why scholars date this painting to the Southern Song period after 1190. First, the inscriptions accompanying each illustration avoid the taboo characters for the names of the Song emperors, the latest of whom is Emperor Guangzong, who began his rule in 1190. Second, stylistically speaking, both the painting and the calligraphy of the inscriptions suggest a Southern Song date. Third, the painting bears the seal of the Southern Song official Hong Xun 洪勛. I would like to thank Lu Hui-wen for her input regarding the calligraphic style of the inscriptions. 159 Yu Yi 1979, 3; S. Huang 2001, 25 (fig. 8). 160 Barnhart 1997, 106. 161 S. Huang 2002, 162. 162 For more discussion of the landscape style of this painting, see S. Huang 2002, 159–64. 163 S. Huang 2002, 137–39, 159–63. 164 Yu Yi 1979, 4. See also Cahill 1994, 96 (fig. 3.24); S. Huang 2001, 28 (fig. 15), 37. Cf. a twelfth-century Xi Xia 西夏 (1038–1227) painting on silk depicting Vaisravana (Buddhist Guardian of the North) discovered at Khara Khoto; see Piotrovsky 1993, 218–19 (pl. 54). 165 The pictorial mode of a horse rider and his retinue is still preserved in the legacy of mural paintings in later times. Extant examples include the 1326 mural from the Temple of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue miao 五 嶽廟) in Fenyang 汾陽, Shanxi, and the 1483 reduced copy of the murals (now mounted in two albums) from the Temple of Venerating Goodness, Taiyuan 太原, Shanxi. For the image from the Wuyue miao, see S. Huang 2002, 238 (fig. 7.15), 506; Liu Yongsheng and Shang Tongliu 1991;

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Chai Zejun 1997, 74–79; Gesterkamp 2008, 141, 144, 152, 259–60. For the 1483 reduced sample, see Zhongguo fojiao 1996, Shijia shizun yinghua shiji tu, pl. 23; Jin Weinuo 1996. 166 For a plate, see Zhongguo meishu 1988a, vol. 4, 24–25 (pl. 19). For more studies of this painting, see Li Lincan 1973a; Laing 1975; S. Huang 2001, 28 (fig. 16), 37; 2002, 87–92, 165–66. 167 For a study of Zhong Kui in folklore literature, see Hu Wanchuan 1980. For a study of Zhong Kui and the Great Exorcism (danuo 大儺), see Von Glahn 2004, 104–6, 122–28. For a Southern Song painting depicting the subject of the Great Exorcism, see Sun Jingchen 1982; S. Huang 2002, 78–80; Meng Fanyu 2011. 168 Lawton 1973, 142–49 (pl. 35); Little 1985, esp. 95 (fig. 26); H. Lee 2010, 236–38 (pl. E.9). Cf. the other two handscrolls of Zhong Kui’s procession by the early Yuan professional painters Yan Hui 顏輝 and Yan Geng 顏庚, now in the Cleveland Museum and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, respectively; see Lee 1962, 1993; W. Fong 1992, 368–73 (pls. 82a–b, figs. 157–58); S. Huang 2001, figs. 27, 34. For a study of Wen Zhengming 文徵明 and Qiu Ying’s 仇英 Zhong Kui in a Wintry Forest (Hanlin Zhong Kui 寒林鍾馗) as a unique subcategory of Zhong Kui paintings reflecting the Ming literati’s innovative response to popular culture, see Shih Shou-chien 2008; 2010, 243–68. 169 Cf. the imagery of five ghosts depicted above the front gate of the Liao-dynasty tomb (dated 1093) by Zhang Wenzao 張文藻 at Xuanhua 宣化; see Wu Hung 2010, 228 (pl. 222). 170 For a translation of Song Wu’s colophon, see Lawton 1973, 146–48. 171 W. Fong 1992, 336–41 (pls. 74a–g). For selected studies of the Buddhist paintings produced by the Ningbo workshop artists in the Southern Song period, see Ledderose 1981a–b; 2000, 163–85; W. Fong 1958; 1992,

332–48; Ide 1992, 1993, 2001, 2009a, 2009b, 2011; S. Huang 1995, 92–109; 2002, 129–47. 172 There are fourteen scenes of the underworld court preserved in the Cleveland album; see leaves nos. 27–40 in Yu Yi 1979, 27–40. The schematized demon queller based on the Zhong Kui model appears in a newly identified Manichaean painting made in thirteenth-century southern China; see Gulácsi 2009, 118 (fig. 6). 173 DZ 1185, 28: 237c–238a; Ware 1966, 287–88. 174 DZ 1185, 28: 237c; Ware 1966, 287. Similar descriptions of these tree spirits are documented in the Dunhuang manuscript (Baize jingguai tu, P. 2682), see Shanghai guji chubanshe 1994–2005, vol. 17, 231. See also Chen Pan 1991, 275. For more discussion of mountain goblins (shanxiao 山魈), see Von Glahn 2004, 78–97. 175 DZ 1185, 28: 238a; Ware 1966, 288. 176 For more on the mountain specters recorded by Ge Hong, including a childlike qi 蚑 with a single, inverted foot, see Von Glahn 2004, 89–90. 177 DZ 790. For studies of this text, see Lagerwey 1997, 79; Matsumoto 2001b, 143–47; Lai Chi Tim 2002b; Strickmann 2002, 79–88; Kohn in Pregadio 2007, 780–81; Nickerson in Pregadio 2007, 64; Bai Bin and Dai Lijuan 2007. 178 For more on apocalyptic eschatology in Daoism, see Mollier in Pregadio 2007, 97–98. 179 DZ 790, 18: 242c. See also Lagerwey 1997, 79. 180 My translation is mainly based on Kohn 2008c, 118–19. For more on analysis of early medieval Daoist texts that address the issue of cursing demons, see Matsumoto 2001b, 143–53. For an inspiring discussion of the energy of words, especially concerning the notion of zhou 咒 in medieval religions, see Mollier 2008, 89–94. 181 Cf. the dress design of the herb picker

in the Liao painting reproduced in fig. 3.48 of this book. For later Chinese and Japanese images of the ancient sages Shennong and Fuxi dressed similarly, see Hachiya 1995, vol. 2, 74; Saitō 2009, 19, 358, 277–79 (pls. 10–11, 354–57); Delacour et al. 2010, 241 (fig. 54). The stereotype of Shennong wearing a skirt made of weeds is different from the Eastern Han prototype, which shows him fully clothed; see Wu Hung 2010, 184 (fig. 172). 182 T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 167 (pl. 44), 181; vol. 2, 56. A comparable set of the Sixteen Arhats by the same workshop is now in the collection of the Shōkokuji 相國寺, Kyoto. I would like to thank Ide Seinosuke for this information. 183 Fu Xinian 1989, 103–7 (pl. 72); Zhu Jiajin 1983, 108–11 (pl. 35). For more studies of the Soushan tu as a genre of narrative painting, see Li Lincan 1973b; Huang Miaozi 1980; Jin Weinuo 1980; Chen Pao-chen 1984; Wu Hung 1987, 107–8. For the most comprehensive study of multiple versions, see Kohara 2005, 451–82. 184 As the cult of Erlang spread throughout China during the Song dynasty, pictures of Erlang quelling mountain demons became popular and were often included in temple murals or in narrative scrolls. For records of tenth- and eleventh-century artists who painted Soushan tu, see SCMHP 1: 448; THJWZ 3: 476b. 185 Wu Hung lists seven extant versions in Wu Hung 1987, 108 (n. 56). 186 The tiny bound feet of the disguised female mountain spirits are most evident in another episode in the handscroll, where a tiger is capturing a group of female demons. One demon whose chest is shot by an arrow exposes her breasts in a sexually arousing manner, as her arms and legs open up and turn into hairy animal body parts, perhaps those of a bear. The other demon in custody has the upper body and tail of a fox,

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but its lower body is still human in form and its feet wear a tiny pair of red shoes, which suggest bound feet. For more studies of this painting, see Li Lincan 1973b; Huang Miaozi 1980; Jin Weinuo 1980; Chen Pao-chen 1984; Wu Hung 1987, 108–9. 187 A snake with intertwined body is depicted elsewhere in this handscroll. 188 Yu Yi 1979, 40; S. Huang 2001, 31 (fig. 22), 39. 189 According to Caroline GyssVermande, the lady wearing a flower in her hair and the babies with leaves atop their heads may represent natural fairies. They are comparable to the images in the 1454 Water Land paintings in the collection of the Musée Guimet; see Gyss-Vermande 1988, 106–22. For a plate, see Little and Eichman 2000, 259 (pl. 84); Clunas 1997, 19 (pl. 1); Delacour et al. 2010, 141 (pl. 13.1). 190 Xiao Jun 2008, 266–68. 191 Xiao Jun 2008, 266–67. 192 Cf. the image of a tree deity (shushen 樹神) depicted in a tenth-century Dunhuang manuscript (P. 3358); see Monnet 2004, 56 (pl. 31); Delacour et al. 2010, 301 (pl. 79.1). 193 The murals illustrating these stories do not show any comparable imagery of tree monsters; see Katz 1993, 160 (fig. 9); Xiao Jun 2008, 42, 197–98. See also S. Huang 1995, 22. 194 For a group of walking tree trunks in procession in Raising the Alms Bowl, a seventeenth-century handscroll depicting the Buddhist narrative theme of Hāritī, the mother of demons, see Murray 1982, 264 (fig. 20), 283; S. Huang 2001, 33 (fig. 21), 39. 195 Little and Eichman 2000, 259 (pl. 84); Delacour et al. 2010, 141 (pl. 13.1); Clunas 1997, 19 (pl. 1); Weidner 2005, 68 (pl. 4). This scroll (EO 684) is from the “Series A” Water Land paintings in the Musée Guimet collection. It is among the thirtythree scrolls dated 1454 acquired by Paul Pelliot in Beijing in late 1900; the Musée Guimet acquired two



more scrolls from the same set in 1990, making the total number of scrolls for the “Series A” group thirtyfive; see Weidner 2005, 66. For more studies of this set of Water Land paintings, see Gyss-Vermande 1988, 113–20; Barnhart 1993, 105–6; Little and Eichman 2000, 248–53, 259, 271; Delacour et al. 2010, 114–17, 124–25, 140–41, 232–33, 276–77. 196 Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 150. For more research on the Water Land paintings associated with this temple, see Chen Junji 2009. 197 Gyss-Vermande 1988, 113–20; Little and Eichman 2000, 259; S. Huang 2001, 39–40; Weidner 2005, 68. 198 Yu Yi 1979, 41–50. 199 Wu Hung 1987, 108–9 (nn. 56–57). 200 Leaf nos. 41, 42, 44, 45 depict the ape spirits in varied forms; see Yu Yi 1979, 41–42, 44–45. For more studies, see Wu Hung 1987, 108; S. Huang 2002, 240; Kohara 2005, 458 (fig. 10). For leaf nos. 41, 42, 44, 45, which show different forms of ape spirits, see Yu Yi 1979, 41–42, 44–45. For Western representations of humanlike animals, or animal-like humans, see the discussion of animal physiognomy in Baltrušaitis 1989, 1–57. 201 Yu Yi 1979, 45; S. Huang 2001, 30 (fig. 20), 38; Kohara 2005, 471 (fig. 29). 202 For example, see the feminine dog spirit dragged by a tiger in leaf no. 44, reproduced in Yu Yi 1979, 44; Kohara 2005, 469 (fig. 25). 203 YJZ, zhiwu, 1120–21. See also Meulenbeld 2007, 127. 204 For a study of Zhang Xujing, see Matsumoto 1982, 340. 205 For more discussion of this, see S. Huang 2001, 40–41. 206 Robert J. Maeda discusses this painting in his survey of water paintings; see Maeda 1971, esp. 260, 288 (pl. 20). 207 For more discussion of the bridge crossing as a theme of salvation, see S. Huang 2001, 40–41; 2002, 245–47. 208 YJQQ 18: 423, 429–30, 434; 19: 449. 209 YJQQ 18: 425.

210 For a plate, see Xiao Jun 2008, 262–65. According to an inscription on the north wall, the murals of the Hall of Purified Yang were completed in 1358; see S. Huang 1995, 20. For the identification of the eight figures in the mural, see S. Huang 1995, 28–31; A. Jing 1996. For studies of the eight immortals in dramas, popular religion, and art, see Chen Yueqin 1992; Shi Zhaoyuan 1982; Pu Jiangqing 1936; Clart 2009; Augustin 2010. For a later application of a similar ocean-crossing composition to depict multiple immortal figures, see the Ming-dynasty court painter Shang Xi’s 商喜 Four Immortals Honoring the God of Longevity (Sixian gongshou 四仙拱壽) dated to the fifteenth century in W. Fong et al. 1996, 346 (pl. 167). 211 For the wall position of the Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea, see the floor plan in Katz 1993, 155 (fig. 7). For more discussion of the murals from the Hall of Eternal Spring, see Katz 1993, 149–76. 212 Katz 1993, 79; for more discussion of the cult of Lü Dongbin, see 52–93. For a study of the mystical experience of encountering immortals in Complete Perfection Daoism, see Komjathy 2007, 216–38. For more scholarship on the development of Complete Perfection Daoism in the Jin and Yuan periods, see Hachiya 1992; Goossaert 2001; Wang Zongyu 2005, 2007. For a sixteenth-century painting album portraying the Complete Perfection patriarchs, see Wang Yucheng 2003b. 213 For the identification of the eight figures in the mural, see S. Huang 1995, 28–31. 214 It is likely that the scene refers to the popular story of the eight immortals crossing the sea to visit the Queen Mother of the West for her birthday. The composition shows the eight immortals heading toward the left side of the picture plane, which corresponds to the west.

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215 Xiao Jun 2008, 264–65. 216 Katz 1993, 188–89 (fig. 17); S. Huang 1995, 28–31. 217 The pictorial imagery of the eight immortals appears on the top of the pillow, and the sides of the pillow are decorated with painted peonies and bamboo. The base of the pillow bears an inscription that reads, “Made by the Zhang Family” (“Zhangjia zao” 張家造). See Zhang Ziying 2000, 110–11 (pl. 52); Cai Zi’e and Hou Zhigang 2008, 210 (fig. 4.10). Cf. the theatrical figures in the openwork of a porcelain pillow (excavated from Yuexi 岳西, Anhui 安徽 province) misidentified in past scholarship as the eight immortals; see Watt 2010, 62 (fig. 87). Regarding the dating of the pillow, Chen Jiejin 陳晉階 identifies it as thirteenth- to fourteenthcentury Jingdezhen 景德鎮 ware; see Ebine et al. 1997–2001, vol. 7, 358 (fig. 304). Wu Hung dates it to the eleventh century; see Wu Hung 2010, 90 (fig. 91). For more studies of the Cizhou ware, see Mino and K. Tsiang 1980; Hasebe 1996; Nakazawa in Shimada and Nakazawa 2000, 264–66. For later visual examples of both group and individual images of the eight immortals, see Saitō 2009, 226–27, 240–41(pls. 285, 298–99); Hachiya 1995, vol. 2, 42, 153, 215, 318–20. For a Qing album leaf showing miniature screen paintings of the eight immortals displayed as the background panel for three name tablets for the Three Pure Ones set on an altar table, in front of which Daoist priests are performing with music, see Little and Eichman 2000, 192 (pl. 45). 218 For two Yuan bronze mirrors (excavated in Hunan and Henan, respectively) with scenes of the eight immortals crossing the sea, see Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman 1992, 885–86. 219 A systematic study should investigate the pictorial program and symbolic meanings associated

with the door(s) of Chinese tombs and temples. As early as the Han period, gates play a symbolic role in funerary art to symbolize “an entrance to Heaven or an entrance only to the world of the immortals ruled by the Mother Queen of the West.” See L. Tseng 2011, 205–33 (esp. 221). One particular motif that exerts a long-lasting legacy in Chinese visual culture shows a figure standing at a half-open gate; see the examples carved on the stone coffins from Sichuan, in Wu Hung 2000, 89 (fig. 21); L. Tseng 2011, 222–23 (figs. 3.76a, 3.77a), 264 (fig. 4.28b). This motif may be related to the flourishing of a door motif in later tombs from the Liao, Song, and Jin dynasties. Either painted or rendered in relief, this motif shows a servant peeking through a half-open door; see Su Bai 1957, 28 (figs. 28–29); Zheng Luoming 1995; Liu Wenzhe and Zhang Fulin 1999; Feng En’xue 2005; Zhang Peng 2006 ; Li Qingquan 2008, 68, 71, 92–93, 112, 117; 2011; Wu Hung 2010, 229–31 (pls. 224–26); Hebei sheng wenwu 2001, pls. 31–32, 47, 62–63, 66–67, 78, 82. As for religious art, certain motifs are often depicted at the doors or entrances to a temple. For example, one pictorial theme often depicted on the walls adjacent to the entrance to Tang Buddhist cave temples in Dunhuang is the debate of Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī, represented as paired images. See, for example, Mogao Cave no. 103 in Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo 1981, vol. 3, pls. 154–55. The other pairing motifs that are depicted on the side walls at the entrance of a cave temple are the entourages of Mañjuśrī (Wenshu 文殊) and Samantabhadra (Puxian 普賢); see the example of the Yulin 榆林 Cave no. 3, An’xi 安 西, Gansu, in Zhao Shengliang 2002, 228–42 (pls. 191–207). Alternatively, extant murals from the Yuan and Ming temples in Shanxi suggest a

popular trend pairing the underground prison and hungry ghosts with the soul-leading bodhisattva on the corresponding walls adjacent to the temple entrance. See the sixteenth-century wall paintings from the Monastery of the Universal Buddha in Kang Dianfeng 1998. 220 For examples, the murals depict the stories of Lü Dongbin converting the old pine spirit, the immortal Guo, and Maiden He; see S. Huang 1995, 22. For the plates, see Xiao Jun 2008, 182–270. For more discussion, see Katz 1993, 149–76. 221 The painting is traditionally called the Xingdao tianwang 行道天王; see R. Whitefield 1983, vol. 1, pl. 16; S. Whitefield 2004, 190 (pl. 94). Sarah Fraser calls attention to a late ninth-century sketch of Vaiśravana (P. 5018), which may reflect the kind of preparatory drawing on which the finished painting is based; see Fraser 1999, 74 (fig. 13). For the cult of Vaiśravana in medieval China, see Hansen 1993. 222 Whitfield and Sims-Williams 2004, 241, 332 (pls. 178, 298). 223 S. Huang 2005, 65. For plates, see Zhao Shengliang 2002, 228–42 (pls. 191–207). The murals reflect the fresh artistic statement put forward by the painters. For example, the landscape settings, including the monumental mountains executed in monochrome ink wash and textual strokes, are reminiscent of the Northern Song landscape tradition transmitted in portable scroll format. Even the lightly colored figures and the linear renditions of misty clouds and waves are different from the opaque and colorful mural conventions that dominated the mainstream tradition of earlier murals. The compositional convention derives from the Tang murals of transformation tableaux showing the two deities coming from different directions to attend the Buddha’s assembly (fuhui tu 赴會 圖). For the Tang mural of Mañjuśrī

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and his entourage moving on clouds to attend the Buddha’s assembly, as painted on the ceiling of the Mogao Cave no. 31, see S. Huang 1995, 11 (figs. 1–9). A pair of relief carvings of Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra crossing the ocean in the Northern Song Buddhist temple Temple of Prosperity (Longxing si 隆興寺) in Zhengding 正定, Hebei, bear comparable compositions; see Liang Sicheng 1933, 26–28 (figs. 45–46); Soper 1948, 37. 224 For a study of this cave, see SalicetiCollins 2005. 225 Dunhuang yanjiuyuan 1997, pl. 165; Zhao Shengliang 2002, 228 (pl. 191). See also S. Huang 2002, 465 (fig. 5.26). 226 Lin Wei-cheng interprets this mountain as Mount Wutai 五台; see W. Lin 2006, 253. For a study of the vision and visuality of Mañjuśrī and Mount Wutai in the tenth century, focusing on the Dunhuang Mogao Cave no. 61, see W. Lin forthcoming. 227 I would like to thank Anne SalicetiCollins for sharing her on-site observations with me. 228 For selected examples, see S. Huang 2001, 33 (fig. 25); 2002, 395, 456–57 (figs. 3.68, 5.7–5.9); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 116 (pl. 104.6), 146 (pl. 104.66), 147 (pl. 104.67); 2011, 17 (pl. 6), 77 (pl. 66), 78 (pl. 67), 102 (pl. B9). For more on arhat paintings in Chinese art, see Lee Yumin 1990a–b, 2010; Ide 2000, 2001, 2008, 2009a, 2009b, 2011. 229 In another scroll from the same set, the arhats stand on a dry reed branch, a circular bamboo mat, a rug, and a crutch; see T. Wu 1996, vol. 1, 144 (pl. 35); 1997, 78 (pl. 42); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2011, 102 (pl. B9). See also S. Huang 2002, 152 (fig. 5.7), 456. 230 S. Huang 2001, 42. 231 This is suggested in the visual evidence of “paintings within a painting” depicted in a scroll associated with the set paintings of Five



Hundred Arhats by the Southern Song Ningbo workshop. Currently in the Daitoku ji collection, this painting depicts multiple hanging scrolls of arhat images displayed in front of offerings in a domestic setting, where a ritual is presided over by a monk, accompanied by two scholar officials and what look like their family members in lay garments. Outside the house, five arhats are descending diagonally on clouds to the ritual. For a plate, see W. Fong 1992, 344–45 (figs. 145–46); Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 114 (pl. 104.1); 2011, 12 (pl. 1). 232 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 146 (pl. 104.66); 2011, 77 (pl. 66). 233 For studies of night views in Chinese and Japanese paintings, see Itakura 1993a, 1993b. 234 S. Huang 2001, 43. 235 For a study of rainmaking in medieval China, see Capitanio 2008. 236 For a recent study of Daoist thunder gods, see Meulenbeld 2007. 237 As early as in the Han dynasty, Wang Chong 王充 (27–ca. 100) records that the painter depicts the thunder as “a circle of drums strung together” (lei lei ru liangu zhixing 纍纍如連鼓之 形) and the thunder god as a human with the appearance of a guardian, hauling the circle of drums with his left hand and pounding them with his right; see LH 6: 25a. This universal characterization can be found in such early texts as Huainaizi, Shanhai jing, and Jiuge. See S. Huang 2002, 252 (n. 62); Ma Changyi 2003, vol. 6, 1231–32. For an Eastern Han image reflecting Wang Chong’s literary description of thunder and the thunder god, see the Eastern Han rubbing of the brick relief (A04–03) from Tengxian 滕縣, Shangdong, from the online database of the Documentation and Information Center for Chinese Studies, Kyoto University (http://kanji.zinbun. kyoto-u.ac.jp/db-machine/imgsrv/ takuhon/type_g_b/html/a04-03.

html); see also Meulenbeld 2007, 54 (fig. 2.4). Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin call attention to a kind of funerary relief carving with the imagery of the thunder god encircled by a chain drum; for a possible Southern Song example (now in the Sichuan Mianyang Museum), see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 1, 2; vol. 6, 1658 (fig. 20.17), 1664. For more on the development of the thunder gods, see Li Yuanguo 2003b, 212–41. 238 GJTSJC, 490: 39a. For more documentation of state rituals for the thunder troops, see 39b–41a. 239 See the poems by Wei Qumou 韋渠 牟 and Su Shi in GJTSJC, 489: 31b. For a study of the thunder divinity from Tang to Yuan, see Meulenbeld 2007, 44–99. 2 40 For the earliest appearance of the thunder and wind gods in Buddhist art, see the mural on the ceiling of Mogao Cave no. 249. See Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo 1981, vol. 1, pl. 104. An intriguing image from the Southern Song Ningbo set of the Five Hundred Arhats depicts a bureaucratic god holding a tablet and the thunder troops descending from the sky to pay tribute to arhats seated on nearby rocks. The 2009 catalogue labels this scroll as Visit of the Official of Water. See Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, 123 (pl. 104.19); 2011, 30 (pl. 19); Levine 2005, 292 (pl. 133). Ide Seinosuke links the presence of the water god to the East Money Lake area, where the paintings originated; see Ide 2009, 257. 241 For more discussion, see S. Huang 2011b; 2011d. 242 See the third juan of the Liao printed frontispiece in Shanxi sheng wenwuju 1991, 109 (fig. 17). 243 Guoli gugong bowuyuan 1995, 23 (pl. 7). For a study of the Southern Song Buddhist frontispieces, see Miya 1983; S. Huang 2011b; 2011d. Cf. the eighth juan of the Liao-dynasty Lotus Sutra excavated from the

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415

Shijia timber pagoda in Yingxian, Shanxi. See Shanxi sheng wenwuju 1991, 7 (pl. 7). See also the 1189 Xi Xia printed frontispiece (TK 90) in Zhongguo shehui 1996–2000, vol. 2, pl. 10. In popular divination prints associated with Hangzhou, the thunder god appears alone in negative divinations as an indication of the angry god and forthcoming punishment; see S. Huang 2007, 277, 282 (figs. 33–34). 2 44 For more plates, see Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 9 (the unnumbered drawing), 78–81 (pls. 86–90). 245 For a comprehensive study of the stone carvings at Baodingshan, see Howard 2001. See also Kucera 2002. For more information about this site, see Chongqing Dazu 1999, vols. 2–3. For selected scholarship on the TangSong Buddhist and Daoist carvings in Sichuan, see Hu Wenhe 1990, 1994, 1999, 2004; Suchuan 2007; Chongqing Dazu 2007; S. Lee 2009; Yao Chongxin 2011. 2 46 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 9. 247 Howard 2001, 27. 248 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 79 (pl. 88). The motif of one or more female figures in charge of lightning exists in extant Xi Xia, Yuan, and Ming painting and print. See the Xi Xia Buddhist printed frontispiece (TK 90) of the Lotus Sutra dated 1189 in Zhongguo shehui 1996–2000, vol. 2, pl. 10; 326. For more study of the Xi Xia Buddhist art, see Lee Yumin 1996; SalicetiCollins 2007. For the depiction of two female figures holding mirror-like objects in the Yuan-dynasty (dated 1310) handscroll of The Divinities of Water attributed to He Cheng 何澄 in the Freer Gallery of Art, see Weidner 1986, 8–9 (fig. 2). The agency of lightning as a woman holding a pair of mirrors (one of which reflects her face) is also depicted in the Ming imperial Water Land painting associated with the Baoning si; see Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 114. Early literary accounts—both in official records and

in Daoist texts—that pair the Lady of Lightning with the god of thunder date to the Northern Song and Jin periods. For selected Song Daoist references, see DZ 1250, 32: 390b; DZ 1227, 32: 119c; DZ 219, 3: 663a, 828c–829a; DZ 566, 10: 633c; DZ 466, 7: 770a, 8: 637a, 801b, 803a, 816b. The name of the Lady of Lightning— Jiang Yuanjun 江元君—is listed in the pantheon for the Southern Song Yellow Register Purgation; see DZ 508, 52: 685a. For a modern hanging scroll of the Lady of Lightning at an altar where a name tablet that reads “Jiang Yuanjun” is dedicated to her, see the photograph of a Daoist temple in Shanghai in Hachiya 1995, vol. 2, 15 (fig. 68). In Northern Song imperial processions, the flag of the Lady of Lightning is paired with the flag of the Thunder Lord; see SHY Yufu 2: 7. The Jin-dynasty theatrical presentation at court was performed by five to six female dancers who wore makeup and bright robes and stood behind other performers. They raised their hands with shiny mirrors, “just like the imagery of the Lady of Lightning painted in temples.” See JKBS, 41–42; SCBMHB 20. 249 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 80 (pl. 89). 250 Cf. the stone carving of the Rain Master at the Cliff of Lord Lao (Laojunyan 老君巖), Dazu; see Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 140 (pl. 159). 251 Cf. Chen Mingguang in Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 6. 252 Howard 2001, 28. 253 Howard 2001, 24–27, 30–38. 254 The two tableaux carvings on the theme of repaying one’s parents and filial piety are based on the Sutra of Requiting Parental Kindness (Fumu enchong jing 父母恩重經) and the Sutra of the Buddha Repaying [His Parents’] Kindness with Great Skillful Means (Da fangbian fobao’en jing 大方 便佛報恩經); see T.85.2889; T.3.156. Also see Howard 2001, 26–27, 30–38.

For more on the Dunhuang paintings associated with these scriptures and the theme of filial piety, see Kyan 2006. 255 Howard 2001, 30–38. 256 Howard 2001, 28. In Southern Song printed temple divinations entitled the Efficacious Sticks of Tianzhu (Tianzhu lingqian 天竺靈籤), the demonic thunder god appears alone with the circle drums in slips that predict bad fortune. Like the Baodingshan thunder troops, the presence of thunder in these divinations symbolizes imminent punishment by forces of nature. See S. Huang 2007, 277 (figs. 33–34), 282. 257 For a story of the layman Wang Si, who in 1170 was punished because of his failure to be filial toward his father and died as the result of being deafened by thunder, see YJZ, dingzhi, 601. 258 DZ 1220, 29: 245c. 259 For examples of the thunder script, see DZ 1220, 29: 248b–255c. For more discussion, see Li Yuanguo 1997, 42; 2003b, 280–81. 260 DZ 1220, 29: 248c. 261 DZ 1220, 29: 245c, 247a–b. The Record of the Listener records a story of the farmer Qiu Shiliu 邱十六 being killed by the thunder gods in a thunderstorm. After the accident other farmers working with him found Qiu’s dead body with some characters inscribed on his left arm; see YJZ, san zhiren, 1472–73. 262 For selected studies of the thunder rites in the Song, see Matsumoto 1979; 2001b, 205–31; 2006; Boltz 1987, 47–49, 178–79, 186–88, 210–11; 1993; Drexler 1994; Despeux 1994, 138–42, 173–91; Skar 1995, 1997; Skar in Pregadio 2007, 627–30; Davis 2001, 24–30, 80–82; Li Yuanguo 2002b, 2003b, 2007, esp. 202; Reiter 2007a–b, 2009; Capitanio 2008, 202–21; S. Chao 2009. For thunderrelated primary sources preserved in the Daozang, see Meulenbeld 2007, 376–80.

416 notes to pages 326–28

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263 Matsumoto 1983, 232; 1990, 190. 264 As Liu Zhiwan points out, the thunder rite has two major functions: first, to exorcise ghosts; second, to induce rain. Descriptions of performances are numerous. In Fuzhou (Fujian), Zhang Kezhe 張克真 learned it as practiced by the Clarified Tenuity Daoists. He performed it in the Monastery of Light Transformation (Guanghuasi 光化寺) and used it to drive away a fox spirit (yaohu 妖 狐) residing in the temple; see Liu Zhiwan 1994, 65–91, esp. 69–71. 265 For example, Deng Bowen 鄧伯 溫 was canonized as Chief Marshal of the Thunder Division (Leibu zhushuai 雷部主帥); other thunder gods associated with Marshal Deng include Xin Hanchen 辛漢 臣 and Zhang Yuanbo 張元伯; see Meulenbeld 2007, 100–127. For more studies of the thunder rites in the Song, including the Tianxin zhengfa and the Clarified Tenuity legacy, see Andersen 1991, 81–131; Boltz 1987, 33–41; Davis 2001, 21–30, 67–86; Li Yuanguo 2003b, 153–211. For visual examples of Daoist marshals, see leaf no. 12 of the Cleveland album in Yu Yi 1979, 12. For a study of the cult of Guan Yu, see Ter Haar 1999. 266 DZ 1220, 28: 715b–c. 267 Matsumoto 1983, 231; 1990, 188. 268 DZ 221, 4:129b–130b. 269 DZ 1220, 28: 715c; Matsumoto 1983, 231; 1990, 188. 270 Matsumoto 1983, 189; 1990, 230. 271 DPQ J 27: 13b; Chen Gaohua 1987, 49. 272 The talismans are retrieved from DZ 566, 10: 616b; DZ 1220, 29: 163c, 369c, 385a. For a variety of talismans with the motif of a black messenger, see DZ 566, 10: 616b, 622a, 630c, 649a; DZ 1220, 29: 163c, 168a, 168c, 169a, 171a, 173a, 368c–370a, 370c, 372a, 373b, 385a, 396b, 397a, 403a, 404c, 405a, 407c, 409c, 410c, 411b–c, 433a, 572b, 573c, 574a, 687c, 688b–c, 702b, 703b; DZ 1200, 30: 217b, 220c, 224a, 249c, 330a, 381c, 394a–b, 396a,



397a, 408a–b, 409c, 410c, 415c, 416b, 423c, 427a, 431a, 437a, 443a–b, 459b, 475a, 487b, 520a, 580c, 582a, 585c, 587c–588a, 589c, 608b, 609a–c, 621b. For more studies, see Boltz 1987, 48; Drexler 1994; Andersen 1996; Monnet 2004, 117, 119 (fig. 80); Despeux 2000, 510, 517 (figs. 8, 17); Meulenbeld 2007, 100 (fig. 3.1). For a sample of such a talisman referred to as the Talisman of the True Form of the Marshal (Yuanshuai zhenxing fu 元帥真形符), see DZ 1220, 30: 589b–c. 273 For a list of the martial deities working for the Department of Exorcism, see DZ 220, 4: 111a–b; DZ 566, 10: 641c–642a; DZ 1220, 29: 152b–c. For a sample seal issued by this department, see DZ 1220, 29: 829c. 274 DZ 1220, 29: 384c. 275 DZ 1220, 29: 385a. 276 DZ 1220, 29: 163c, 369c, 385a. For more discussion of the bird features of the thunder god, see Meulenbeld 2007, chap. 2. 277 DZ 1220, 29: 385a. 278 DZ 566, 10: 616b; DZ 1220, 29: 163c, 385a. 279 See a talisman evoking Guan Yu in the form of a black marshal holding a sharp knife in DZ 1220, 30: 589c. 280 DZ 1220, 29: 369c. 281 For more on this painting now in the Freer Gallery, visit the electronic database of the Freer’s Song and Yuan paintings, “Group 1: Figure Painting,” “Poem illustration and genre painting,” at . The illustration featured here appears in the seventh section of the handscroll. The painting belongs to the tradition known as Pictures of Tilling and Weaving (Genzhi tu 耕 織圖); for a study of this subject, see Hammers 2011. 282 DZ 1254, 32: 429a. See also Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1739 (fig. 20.64). The thunder gods with their dragon-like and snakelike bodies are comparable to the ancient motif of the hybrid creature

with a human face and a scaled dragon body, which is depicted in the Western Han painted tomb in Cijian 磁澗, Luoyang; see Luoyang shi wenwu 2010, vol. 1, 86 (pl. 15). 283 This image is one of two similar objects excavated from the 1072 tomb of a couple in Pujiang 蒲江 (Sichuan); see Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1659 (fig. 20.12). 284 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1733–35 (figs. 20.62). 285 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1658, 1662 (figs. 20.15); He Zhiguo 1988, 71 (fig. 3.3). For more on the pig-headed figurines discovered in Five Dynasties and Song tombs in Sichuan, see Bai Bin 2007b. 286 Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1734, 1736 (figs. 20.63). 287 Also see S. Huang 2001, 36 (fig. 30). 288 Cf. the female figures in the Southern Song court paintings in Zhongguo meishu 1988a, vol. 4, 24–25, 86–87 (figs. 19, 59). Judith Boltz calls attention to two concepts of ghosts. One is guhun 孤魂, or desolate souls, who “remain unmourned, deprived of offerings, and thus forgotten.” The other is zhipo 滯魄, or stagnant souls, understood as “the force of life whose restoration to earth is obstructed.” See Boltz 1996, 178. 289 Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 132. 290 Boltz 1993b, 272. 291 YJZ, sanzhi, ji juan, 2: 1319. 292 Edward Davis calls attention to the notion of “realness” and “materiality” of the dead as described in this story; see Davis 2001, 180. 293 DZ 466, 7: 27c–28a. 294 S. Huang 2011c, 257–60. 295 Hachiya 1995, vol. 1, 39, 65, 103, 122, 298; 2005. 296 Hachiya 1995, vol. 1, 39; vol. 2, 20 (pl. 91). 297 For the procedure, see DZ 508, 9: 590a–b. 298 The invitation eulogies to the Three Officials are recorded in two texts; see DZ 508, 9: 586a; DZ 466, 7: 87b–c, 123a–b.

notes to pages 328–34 417

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299 DZ 508, 9: 586a; DZ 466, 7: 87b, 123a. 300 DZ 508, 9: 586a; DZ 466, 7: 87b, 123a. 301 DZ 508, 9: 586a; DZ 466, 7: 87c, 123a. 302 Cf. David Morgan’s comment on the divine in Morgan 2010, 65. 303 DZ 508, 9: 587ba; DZ 466, 7: 88a, 125c. 304 DZ 508, 9: 587b; DZ 466, 7: 88b, 125c–126a. 305 Lü Chuikuan 1994, 51–52; Lagerwey and Lü Chuikuan 1993. 306 Lagerwey 1987, 37. For more discussion of the division between the inner and outer altars in the contemporary Daoist daochang, see Lü Chuikuan 1994, 84; Lagerwey 1987, 44–46. For more varieties of ritual diagrams based on contemporary rituals observed in Taiwan, see Ōfuchi 1983, 203–4; 2005, 45–46. For more on contemporary Daoist altars and paintings of Daoist deities, see Maruyama 2010. For studies of the performative and animated icons in Byzantium, see Pentcheva 2006, 2010. 307 Lagerwey 1987, 44. 308 Lü Chuikuan 1994, 52. 309 Lü Chuikuan 1994, 51. 310 Lü Chuikuan 1994, 52. 311 For the diagram, see Ōfuchi 1983, 204; 2005, 46. 312 Lagerwey 1987, 44. 313 According to John Lagerwey, the positioning of the Three Realms

Table at the south end of the ritual space highlights the jurisdictional character of the Three Officials. “The Daoist, in performing the Offering under the watchful eyes of the Three Officials, is ‘rendering an account’ of what he has received from his masters to these inspectors of the fast and thereby progressing toward immortality.” See Lagerwey 1987, 46. 314 XZYZFZ 5: 21b. Cf. Y. Luk 2010, 161; Ding Huang 1996, 761–64. 315 The Daoist priest Xu Wensong 徐問 松 raised funds to acquire the scrolls. See XZYZFZ 5: 21b. Y. Luk 2010, 161; Ding Huang 1996, 762–63. 316 Ding Huang 1996, 763. 317 The donors were Tian Hongyu 田 宏遇 (d. ca. 1644) and his wife Madame Wu (Wushi 吳氏). Tian was the “father of the favorite consort of the Chongzhen emperor”; see Y. Luk 2010, 161. See also Ding Huang 1996, 763. 318 Xie Shengbao 2008. 319 Xie Shengbao 2008, 359. 320 For selected studies of Chinese narrative paintings, see Chen Pao-chen 1987; Murray 1998; Kohara 2005.

Epilogue 1 THBJ, preface, 847a; see also DWZJ 11: 13a. For a study of the Tuhui baojian and its circulation in and impact on East Asian art history, see Shih Shou-chien 2010b; for the Yuan edition of Tuhui baojian in which











Yang Weizhen’s preface in cursive script was published, see 267 (fig. 3). 2 Morgan 2000, 51. 3 Cf. key words in religion, media, and culture in Morgan 2008. 4 Cf. the questionnaire on religious visual culture in Plate 2002, 5; the art history questionnaire in Alpers et al. 1996. 5 For a discussion of “sign” in the key words of material religion studies, see W. Lin 2010b. 6 Cf. David Morgan’s comment on the visuality of the Qu’ran and Islamic calligraphy in Morgan 2000, 45. For the concept of “imagetext,” see Mitchell 1994, 83. For more discussion of this concept, see the Introduction to this book. 7 In addition to Buddhist art, more and more studies of the visual culture of Confucianism may offer additional materials for a comparative study of Daoist and Confucian art. For selected scholarship on the visual culture of Confucianism, see Wu Hung 1989; Murray 1992, 1997, 2007, 2009, 2010. For more bibliography, see W. Lu and Murray 2010, 107–12. 8 For selected studies of Buddo-Daoist comparisons of spells, talismans, exorcism, divination, and other ritual aspects, see Strickmann 2002, 2005; Robson 2008. For a recent comparative study using extensive visual sources, see Mollier 2008.

418 notes to pages 334–44

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Bibliography

Abbreviations DZ

P. S. SKQS

T.

X. ZW

DZ 7 DZ 16

Daozang 道藏. Sanjia ben 三家本 ed. 36 vols. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe; Shanghai: Shanghai shuju; Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1988. Pelliot collection of Dunhuang manuscripts, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris. Stein collection of Dunhuang manuscripts, British Library, London. Wenyuan ge siku quanshu dianzi ban 文淵閣四庫全 書電子版. Electronic ed. Hong Kong: Dizhi wenhua chubanshe, 1999. Taishōshinshū Daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經, edited by Takakusu Jujirō 高楠順次郎 et al. 85 vols. Tokyo: Taishō issaikyō kankōkai, 1924–32. Also in CBETA electronic database http://www.cbeta.org/index.htm Xinzuan xu zang jing 新纂續藏經. In CBETA electronic database http://www.cbeta.org/index.htm Zangwai daoshu 藏外道書, edited by Hu Daojing 胡 道靜. 36 vols. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1992–94.

Note: This bibliography is divided into two sections: Primary Sources and Secondary Sources. Of the primary sources, major Daoist and Buddhist sources, as well as Dunhuang manuscripts, are grouped together and presented directly below. Other primary sources begin on p. 422.

Primary Daoist and BuddhistSources Works from Zhengtong daozang 正統道藏 (DZ), 36 vols. Beijing: Wenwu; Shanghai: Shanghai shudian; and Tianjin: Guji chubanshe, 1988. Texts are numbered according to Schipper and Verellen 2004.

DZ 6

DZ 30 DZ 36 DZ 55 DZ 56 DZ 72 DZ 80 DZ 84 DZ 90 DZ 92 DZ 93 DZ 97 DZ 103 DZ 128 DZ 129

Daoist Sources

DZ 1

DZ 22

Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing 靈寶無量度 人上品妙經 Shangqing dadong zhenjing 上清大洞真經

DZ 147 DZ 148 DZ 149 DZ 150 DZ 151

Dadong yujing 大洞玉經 Jiutian yingyuan leisheng puhua tianzun yushu baojing 九天應元雷聲普化天尊玉樞寶經 Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 元 始五老赤書玉篇真文天書經 Yuanshi bawei longwen jing 原始八威龍文經 Taishang taixuan nüqing sanyuan pinjie bazui miaojing 太上太玄女青三元品誡拔罪妙經 Gaoshang taixiao langshu qiongwen dizhang jing 高上 太霄琅書瓊文帝章經 Taishang yupei jindang taiji jinshu shangjing 太上玉 佩金璫太極金書上經 Yuanshi tianzun jidu xiehu zhenjing 元始天尊濟度血 湖真經 Yunzhuan duren miaojing 雲篆度人妙經 Shangqing qionggong lingfei liujia zuoyou shangfu 上 清瓊宮靈飛六甲左右上符 Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing neiyi 元始 無量度人上品妙經內義 Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing zhujie 元始 無量度人上品妙經註解 Taishang dongxuan lingbao wuliang duren shangpin jingfa 太上洞玄靈寶無量度人上品經法 Taishang lingbao zhutian neiyin ziran yuzi 太上靈寶 諸天內音自然玉字 Yuqing wuji zongzhen Wenchang dadong xianjing zhu 玉清無極總真文昌大洞仙經註 Taishang qiuxian dinglu chisu zhenjue yuwen 太上求 仙定錄尺素真訣玉文 Taixiao langshu qongwen di zhang jue 太霄琅書瓊文 帝章訣 Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing futu 靈寶無 量度人上品妙經符圖 Wuliang duren shangpin miaojing pangtong tu 無量度 人上品妙經旁通圖 Xiuzhen taiji hunyuan tu 修真太極混元圖 Xiuzhen taiji hunyuan zhixuan tu 修真太極混元指 玄圖 Jinye huandan yinzheng tu 金液還丹印證圖

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DZ 155 DZ 156 DZ 158 DZ 159 DZ 167 DZ 215 DZ 218 DZ 219 DZ 220 DZ 221 DZ 240 DZ 263 DZ 292 DZ 296 DZ 304 DZ 307 DZ 331 DZ 332 DZ 333 DZ 336 DZ 352 DZ 370 DZ 388 DZ 401 DZ 407 DZ 410 DZ 425 DZ 426 DZ 427 DZ 429 DZ 430 DZ 431 DZ 432 DZ 434 DZ 435 DZ 440 DZ 441

Sancai dingwei tu 三才定位圖 Shangqing dongzhen jiugong zifang tu 上清洞真九宮 紫房圖 Dayi xiangshu goushen tu 大易象數鉤深圖 Yishu gou yin tu 易數鉤隱圖 Dongxuan lingbao zhenling wei ye tu 洞玄靈寶真靈位 業圖 Difu shiwang badu yi 地府十王拔度儀 Xuanshu zougao yi 玄樞奏告儀 Lingbao wuliang duren shangjing dafa 靈寶無量度人 上經大法 Wushang xuanyuan santian yutang dafa 無上玄元三天 玉堂大法 Wushang santian yutang zhengzong gaoben neijing yushu 無上三天玉堂正宗高奔內景玉書 Yuqing jinsi qinghua biwen jinbao neilian danjue 玉清 金笥青華祕文金寶內鍊丹訣 Xiuzhen shishu 修真十書 Hanwudi neizhuang 漢武帝內傳 Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 歷世真仙體道通鋻 Maoshan zhi 茅山志 Xiyue Huashan zhi 西嶽華山志 Taishang huangting neijing yujing 太上黃庭內景玉經 Taishang huangting waijing yujing 太上黃庭外景玉經 Lingbao tianzun shuo luku shousheng jing 靈寶天尊說 祿庫受生經 Taishang dongxuan lingbao yebao yinyuan jing 太上洞 玄靈寶業報因緣經 Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing 太 上洞玄靈寶赤書玉訣妙經 Taishang tongxuan lingbao sanyuan yujing xuandu daxian jing 太上洞玄靈寶三元玉京玄都大獻經 Taishang lingbao wufu xu 太上靈寶五符序 Huangting neijing yujing zhu 黃庭內景玉經註 Lingbao dalian neizhi xingchi jiyao 靈寶大鍊內旨行持 機要 Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhongjian wen 太上洞玄 靈寶眾簡文 Shangqing taiji yinzhu yujing baojue 上清太極隱注玉 經寶訣 Shangqing taishang basu zhenjing 上清太上八素真經 Shangqing xiuxing jingjue 上清修行經訣 Shangqing changsheng baojian tu 上清長生寶鑑圖 Shangqing badao miyan tu 上清八道祕言圖 Shangqing hanxiang jian jian tu 上清含象劍鑑圖 Huangting neijing wuzang liufu buxie tu 黃庭內景五 臟六腑補瀉圖 Xuanlan renniao shan jing tu 玄覽人鳥山經圖 Taishang yuchen yuyi jielin ben riyue tu 太上玉晨鬱儀 結璘奔日月圖 Xu taishi zhenjun tuzhuan 許太史真君圖傳 Dongxuan lingbao wuyue guben zhenxing tu 洞玄靈寶 五嶽古本真形圖

DZ 456

Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan pinjie gongde qingchong jing 太上洞玄靈寶三元品誡功德輕重經 DZ 463 Yaoxiu keyi jielu chao 要修科儀戒律鈔 DZ 466 Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu 靈寶領教濟度金書 DZ 500 Yulu zidu jietan yi 玉籙資度解壇儀 DZ 507 Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上黃籙齋儀 DZ 508 Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 無上黃籙大齋立 成儀 DZ 513 Huanglu zhai shizhou santao badu yi 黃籙齋十洲三島 拔度儀 DZ 514 Huanglu jiuyou jiao wu ai ye zhai cidi yi 黃籙九幽醮 无礙夜齋次第儀 DZ 521 Taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen dazhai yangong yi 太上靈寶玉匱明真大齋言功儀 DZ 538 Taiyi jiuku tianzun shuo badu xuehu baochan 太一救 苦天尊說拔度血湖寶懺 DZ 547 Lingbao yujian 靈寶玉鑒 DZ 548 Taiji jilian neifa 太極祭鍊內法 DZ 562 Lingbao jingming xinxiu jiulao shenyin fumo bifa 靈寶 淨明新修九老神印伏魔秘法 DZ 566 Shangqing Tianxin zhengfa 上清天心正法 DZ 578 Shesheng zuanlu 攝生纂錄 DZ 590 Daojiao lingyan ji 道教靈驗記 DZ 591 Luyi ji 錄異記 DZ 598 Shizhou ji 十洲記 DZ 599 Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji 洞天福地嶽瀆名 山記 DZ 612 Shangqing shidi chen tongbo zhenren zhen tuzan 上清 侍帝晨桐柏真人真圖讚 DZ 615 Chisongzi zhangli 赤松子章曆 DZ 617 Taishang xuanci zhuhua zhang 太上宣慈助化章 DZ 623 Taishang xuanling beidou benming changsheng miao jing 太上玄靈北斗本命長生妙經 DZ 653 Taishang laojun shuo wudou jinzhang shousheng jing 太上老君說五斗金章受生經 DZ 658 Taishang miaoshi jing 太上妙始經 DZ 671 Taishang wuji dadao ziran zhenyi wucheng fu shang­ jing 太上無極大道自然真一五稱符上經 DZ 751 Taishang xuanling beidou benming yansheng zhenjing zhujie 太上玄靈北斗本命延生真經注解 DZ 765 Shangqing jinque dijun wudou sanyi tujue 上清金闕帝 君五斗三一圖訣 DZ 768–69 Tujing yanyi bencao 圖經衍義本草 DZ 770 Hunyuan shengji 混元聖紀 DZ 774 Youlong zhuan 猶龍傳 DZ 785 Laojun yinsong jie jing 老君音誦戒經 DZ 788 Sandong fafu kejie wen 三洞法服科戒文 DZ 790 Nüqing guilü 女青鬼律 DZ 795 Zhengyi chuguan zhangyi 正一出官章儀 DZ 855 Taiqing jinque yuhua xianshu baji shenzhang sanhuang neibi wen 太清金闕玉華仙書八極神章三皇 內祕文 DZ 856 Sanhuang neiwen yibi 三皇內文遺祕

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DZ 871 DZ 875 DZ 876 DZ 879 DZ 932 DZ 933 DZ 1016 DZ 1022 DZ 1024 DZ 1032 DZ 1062 DZ 1068 DZ 1101 DZ 1125 DZ 1126 DZ 1127 DZ 1138 DZ 1164 DZ 1167 DZ 1168 DZ 1185 DZ 1187 DZ 1193 DZ 1205 DZ 1206 DZ 1207 DZ 1208 DZ 1212 DZ 1219 DZ 1220 DZ 1221 DZ 1223 DZ 1224 DZ 1227 DZ 1239 DZ 1241 DZ 1245 DZ 1250 DZ 1254 DZ 1275 DZ 1278

Taishang chu sanshi jiuchong baosheng jing 太上除三 尸九蟲保生經 Taishang laojun da cunsi tu zhujue 太上老君大存思圖 注訣 Taishang wuxing qiyuan kongchang jue 太上五星七元 空常訣 Shangqing jinshu yuzi shangjing 上清金書玉字上經 Baiyun xianren lingcao ge 白雲仙人靈草歌 Zhong zhicao fa 種芝草法 Zhen gao 真誥 Suwen rushi yunqi lun’ao 素問入式運氣論奧 Huangdi bashiyi nanjing zuantu jujie 黃帝八十 一難 經纂圖句解 Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤 Jin dongtian haiyue biao 進洞天海岳表 Shangyangzi jindan dayao tu 上陽子金丹大要圖 Taiping jing 太平經　 Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 洞玄 靈寶三洞奉道科戒營始 Dongxuan lingbao daoxue keyi 洞玄靈寶道學科儀 Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe 陸先生道門科略 Wushang biyao 無上秘要 Jijiu xianfang 急救仙方 Taishang ganying pian 太上感應篇 Taishang laojun zhongjing 太上老君中經 Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子內篇 Baopuzi waipian 抱朴子外篇 Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing 太上正一咒鬼經 Santian neijie jing 三天內解經 Shangqing mingjian yaojing 上清明鑑要經 Taishang mingjian zhenjing 太上明鑑真經 Taishang sanwu zhengyi mengwei lu 太上三五正一盟 威籙 Jiao sandong zhenwen wufa zhengyi mengwei lu licheng yi 醮三洞真文五法正一盟威籙立成儀 Gaoshang shenxiao yuqing zhenwang zishu dafa 高上 神霄玉清真王紫書大法 Daofa huiyuan 道法會元 Shangqing lingbao dafa 上清靈寶大法 Shangqing lingbao dafa 上清靈寶大法 Daomen dingzhi 道門定制 Taishang zhuguo jiumin zongzhen biyao 太上助國救 民總真秘要 Zhenyi xiuzhen lüeyi 正一修真略儀 Chuanshou sandong jingjie falu lüeshuo 傳授三洞經 戒法籙略說 Dongxuan lingbao daoshi mingjing fa 洞玄靈寶道士明 鏡法 Chongxu tongmiao shichen Wang xiansheng jiahua 沖 虛通妙侍宸王先生家話　 Leifa yixuan pian 雷法議玄篇 Yuyang qihou qinji 雨暘氣候親機 Dongxuan lingbao wu gan wen 洞玄靈寶五感文



Wuyue zhenxing xu lun 五嶽真形序論 Yisheng baode zhuan 翊聖保德傳 Yuanchen zhangjiao licheng li 元辰章醮立成曆 Shangqing yuanshi pulu taizhen yujue 上清元始譜錄 太真玉訣 DZ 1366 Shangqing tianguan santu jing 上清天關三圖經 DZ 1373 Shangqing waiguo fangpin qingtong neiwen 上清外國 放品青童內文 DZ 1376 Shangqing taishang dijun jiuzhen zhongjing 上清太上 帝君九真中經 DZ 1378 Shangqing jinzhen yuguang bajing feijing 上清金真玉 光八景飛經 DZ 1384 Shangqing taiyi dijun taidan yinshu jiebao shi’er jie jie tujue 上清太一帝君太丹隱書解胞十二結節圖訣 DZ 1386 Shangqing dadong sanjing yuqing yinshu juelu 上清大 洞三景玉清隱書訣籙 DZ 1392 Shangqing qusu jue ci lu 上清曲素訣辭籙 DZ 1396 Shangqing hetu baolu 上清河圖寶籙 DZ 1406 Taishang lingbao zhicao pin 太上靈寶芝草品 DZ 1407 Dongxuan lingbao ershisi sheng tujing 洞玄靈寶二十四 生圖經 DZ 1412 Taishang yuanshi tianzun shuo beidi fumo shenzhou miaojing 太上元始天尊說北帝伏魔神咒妙經 DZ 1430 Daozang quejing mulu 道藏闕經目錄 DZ 1281 DZ 1285 DZ 1288 DZ 1365

Works in Zangwai daoshu 藏外道書 (ZW). 36 vols. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994. Texts are numbered according to Komjathy 2002, 83–105. ZW 314 ZW 323 ZW 698 ZW 951

Xingming guizhi 性命圭旨 Jinsi xuanxuan 金笥玄玄 Shangqing lingbao jidu dacheng jinshu 上清靈寶濟度 大成金書 Baiyun xianbiao 白雲仙表

Buddhist Sources

Works from Taishō shinshū Daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 (T.), edited by Takakusu Jujirō 高楠順次郎 et al. 85 vols. Tokyo: Taishō issaikyō kankōkai, 1924–32. T.3.156 T.3.185 T.3.189 T.9.262 T.12.365 T.14.564 T.16.660 T.16.685 T.20.1153

Da fangbian fo bao’en jing 大方便佛報恩經 Taizi ruiying benqi jing 太子瑞應本起經 Guoqu xianzai yinguo jing 過去現在因果經 Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經 Foshuo guan Wuliangshou fo jing 佛說觀無量壽佛經 Foshuo zhuan nüshen jing 佛說轉女身經 Foshuo baoyu jing 佛說寶雨經 Foshuo Yulanpen jing 佛說盂蘭盆經 Pupian guangming qingjing zhisheng ruyi baoyin xin wuneng sheng da mingwang da suiqiu tuoluoni jing 普 遍光明清淨熾盛如意寶印心無能勝大明王大隨求陀 羅尼經

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Lao xue an biji 老學庵筆記, 10 juan, by Lu You 陸游 (1125–1210). SKQS ed. LYJ Lingyan ji 靈巖集, by Tang Shichi 唐士恥 (ca. 1180– ca. 1240). SKQS ed. MDTHHJ Mudanting huanhun ji 牡丹亭還魂記, by Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 (1550–1616). In Mingdai banhua congkan 明代版畫叢刊, vol. 3. Taipei: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, 1988. MLL Mengliang lu 夢粱錄 (1274), 10 juan, by Wu Zimu 吳自牧 (ca. late thirteenth century). In Dongjing menghua lu wai sizhong 東京夢華錄外四種. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1956. MTKH Maoting kehua 茅亭客話, by Huang Xiufu 黃休復 (ca. late tenth–early eleventh century). SKQS ed. MXBTJZ Mengxi bitan jiaozheng 夢溪筆談校證, by Shen Gua 沈括 (1031–95). Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. NGZML Neng gai zhai man lu 能改齋漫錄, 18 juan, by Wu Zeng 吳曾 (ca. 1141). SKQS ed. NSGGLXL Nansong guange lu, Nansong guange xulu 南宋館 閣錄, 南宋館閣續錄, 10 juan, by Chen Kui 陳騤 (1128–1205). SKQS ed. NSYHL Nansong yuanhua lu 南宋院畫錄 (preface dated 1721), 8 juan, by Li E 厲鶚. SKQS ed. QDYY Qidong yeyu 齊東野語, 20 juan, by Zhou Mi 周密 (1232–98). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983. QHS Qian Hanshu 前漢書, 120 juan, by Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). SKQS ed. Q JJ Qiu jian ji 秋澗集, 100 juan, by Wang Yun 王惲 (1227–1304). SKQS ed. QSKS Qunshu kaosuo 群書考索, by Zhang Ruyu 章如愚 (ca. 1127–1279?). SKQS ed. QSW Quan Song wen 全宋文, edited by Zeng Zaozhuang 曾棗莊 and Liu Lin 劉琳. 360 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 2006. QTW Quan Tang wen 全唐文. In Tang wen shiyi 唐文拾 遺, edited by Lu Xinyuan 陸心源(1834–94). Taipei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1962. QWGJ Quan wengong ji 權文公集, 10 juan, by Quan Deyu 權德輿 (761–818). SKQS ed. SCBMHB Sanchao beimeng huibian 三朝北盟會編, 250 juan, by Xu Mengxin 徐夢莘 (1126–1207). Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. SCMHP Shengchao minghua ping 聖朝名畫評, 3 juan, by Liu Daochun 劉道醇 (fl. 1050s). In Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 中國書畫全書, edited by Lu Fusheng 盧輔 聖 et al., vol. 1, 446–59. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1992–99. SCTH Sancai tuhui 三才圖會, 106 juan, by Wang Qi 王圻 (1565 jinshi). Reprint of 1607 edition. In Xuxiu siku quanshu 續修四庫全書, no. 1233. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. LXABJ

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SSJS SSWJHL

SuiS SWJZ SXZ SYDXF SYJ THBJ

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TPGJ TPHYJ TPYL

Sichuan tongzhi 四川通志 (1729), 47 juan, by Huang Tinggui 黃廷桂. SKQS ed. Song da zhaoling ji 宋大詔令集, 240 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Sanguozhi 三國志, Weizhi 魏志, by Chen Shou 陳壽 (233–97). SKQS ed. Shanhu gou shi hua 珊瑚鉤詩話, 3 juan, by Zhang Biaochen 張表臣 (fl. 1142). SKQS ed. Songhuiyao yigao 宋會要輯稿, 460 juan, edited by Xu Song 徐淞 (1781–1848) et al. Beijing : Zhonghua shuju, 1957. Song shi 宋史, 496 juan, edited by Tuo Tuo 脫脫 (1314–55). SKQS ed. Suishi guangji 歲時廣記, 40 juan, by Chen Yuanjing 陳元靚 (ca. 1225–64). In Suishi xisu ziliao huibian 歲時習俗資料彙編. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1970. Song shi ji shi 宋詩紀事, by Li E 厲鶚 (1692–1752). SKQS ed. Shaoshi wenjian houlu 邵氏聞見後錄, 30 juan, by Shao Bo 邵博 (ca. 1122–58). In Tang Song shiliao biji congkan 唐宋史料筆記叢刊. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983. Sui shu 隋書, 85 juan, by Wei Zheng 魏徵 (580–643). SKQS ed. Shuowen jiezi 說文解字, 30 juan, by Xu Shen 許慎 (fl. 55–125). SKQS ed. Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳, 10 juan, by Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343). SKQS ed. Shiyi dexiao fang 世醫得效方, 19 juan, by Wei Yilin 危亦林 (1277–1347). SKQS ed. Shiyi ji 拾遺記, 10 juan, by Wang Jia 王嘉 (ca. 390). SKQS ed. Tuhua baojian, 6 juan, by Xia Wenyan 夏文彥 (ca. 1312–70). In Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 中國書畫 全書, edited by Lu Fusheng 盧輔聖 et al., vol. 2, 843–93. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1992–99. Tuhua jianwen zhi 圖畫見聞誌, by Guo Ruoxu 郭若 虛 (ca. 1041–98). In In Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 中 國書畫全書, edited by Lu Fusheng 盧輔聖 et al., vol. 1, 465–96. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1992–99. Tujie jiaozheng dili xinshu 圖解校正地理新書, by Wang Zhu 王洙 (997–1057). Reprint of the 1190–95 ed. Taipei: Jiwen shuju, 1985. Taiping guangji 太平廣記, 500 juan, by Li Fang 李昉 (925–96). SKQS ed. Taiping huanyu ji 太平寰宇記, 200 juan, by Le Shi 樂史 (930–1007). SKQS ed. Taiping yulan 太平御覽, 1000 juan, by Li Fang李昉 (925–96). SKQS ed.

Tangshi jishi 唐詩紀事, 81 juan, by Ji Yougong 計有 功 (ca. 1126). SKQS ed. TZ Tongzhi 通志, 200 juan, by Zheng Qiao 鄭樵 (1104–62). SKQS ed. WL Weilüe 緯略, 12 juan, by Gao Sisun 高似孫 (1158– 1231). SKQS ed. WLJS Wulin jiushi 武林舊事 (thirteenth century), 10 juan, by Sishui qianfu 四水潛夫. In Dongjing menghua lu wai sizhong 東京夢華錄外四種. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1956. WNWJ Weinan wenji 渭南文集, by Lu You 陸游 (1125–1210). SKQS ed. WS Weishu 魏書, 130 juan, by Wei Shou 魏收 (506–72). SKQS ed. WXJ Wuxi ji 武溪集, by Yu Jing 余靖 (1000–1064). SKQS ed. WXTK Wenxian tong kao 文獻通考, 348 juan, by Ma Duanlin 馬端臨 (1254–1324?). SKQS ed. WYYH Wenyuan yinghua 文苑英華, 1000 juan, by Li Fang 李昉 (925–96). SKQS ed. XCLAZ Xianchun Lin’an zhi 咸淳臨安志 (1268), 100 juan, by Qian Yueyou 潛說友 (1244 jinshi). SKQS ed. XDSLT Xinding sanli tu 新定三禮圖 (961), 20 juan, by Nie Chongyi 聶崇義 (ca. tenth century). 1175 edition. In Zhongguo gudai banhua congkan 中國古代版畫 叢刊, vol. 1. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988. XGB Xuegu bian 學古編, 1 juan, by Wu Qiuyan 吾丘衍 (ca. fourteenth century). SKQS ed. XHHP Xuanhe huapu 宣和畫譜 (early twelfth century), 20 juan. In Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 中國書畫全書, edited by Lu Fusheng 盧輔聖 et al., vol. 2, 60–131. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1992–99. XHLRFSL Xihu laoren fansheng lu 西湖老人繁勝錄, by Xihu laoren 西湖老人 (ca. Southern Song dynasty). In Dongjing menghua lu wai sizhong 東京夢華錄外四種. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1956. XHSP Xuanhe shupu 宣和書譜 (early twelfth century), 20 juan. In Zhongguo shuhua quanshu 中國書畫全書, edited by Lu Fusheng 盧輔聖 et al., vol. 2, 4–59. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1992–99. XJZJ Xijing zaji 西京雜記, 6 juan, attributed to Liu Xin 劉 歆 (d. 23). SKQS ed. XMGZ Xingming guizhi 性命圭旨 (preface dated 1615), by Yin zhenren 尹真人. In Daozang jinghua 道藏精華, vol. 1. Taipei: Ziyou chubanshe, 1974. XSWJ Xishan wenji 西山文集, by Zhen Dexiu 真德秀 (1178–1235). SKQS ed. XTJGL Xiao tang jigu lu 嘯堂集古錄 (preface dated 1176), 2 juan, by Wang Qiu王俅 (ca. twelfth century). In Sibu congkan xubian 四部叢刊續編, no. 12039. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshu guan, 1934. TSJS

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Illustration Credits Figure 0.1 Photo courtesy of the National Museum of Chinese History, Beijing. 0.2 (a) and (b) Photos © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Museum purchase with funds donated by contribution, 10.311. 0.3 Photo courtesy of the Shinshō Gokurakuji, Kyoto/Kyoto National Museum. 0.4 Photo courtesy of the Wan-go H.C. Weng collection. 0.5 Photo courtesy of the Seiunji, Kōfu. 1.1 DZ 7, 1: 558a. 1.2 (a) DZ 6, 1: 517a; (b) DZ 6, 1: 518a; (c) DZ 6, 1: 539c; (d) DZ 6, 1: 537a. 1.3 © British Library Board (ORB 99/161). 1.4 © British Library Board (15111.e.7). 1.5 Photo courtesy of Chion’in, Kyoto/Nara National Museum. 1.6 DZ 1384, 34: 98a. 1.7 (a–f ) DZ 84, 2: 171b, 172b, 173a, 174a, 175a, 176a. 1.8 (a) (b) (c) DZ 220, 4: 74c–75b. 1.9 (a) DZ 1208, 28: 465a; (b) DZ 1208, 28: 466c; (c) DZ 1208, 28: 430a. 1.10 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 68 (pl. 71). Photo reprinted with permission from Chongqing chubanshe, Chongqing. 1.11 (a) (b) Jin Weinuo 1988, pls. 90, 93. 1.12 (a) DZ 875, 18: 720c–721a; (b) DZ 875, 18: 722a–b. 1.13 Zhongguo shehui 1980, 51 (fig. 49). 1.14 © The British Library Board (Or.8210/S.2404). 1.15 DZ 765, 17: 219a. 1.16 DZ 1227, 32: 103c. 1.17 DZ 876, 18: 725a–b. 1.18 DZ 1396, 34: 245a. 1.19 DZ1221, 30: 673a. 1.20 (a) (b) DZ 156, 3: 128b–129b. 1.21 DZ 879, 18: 743c. 1.22 (a–g) DZ 221, 4: 133b–134c. 1.23 (a) Rearranged by the author from DZ 221, 4: 129b–130b; (b) Rearranged by the author from DZ 220, 4: 10a–11a; (c) Rearranged by the author from DZ 751, 17: 53a–54a. 1.24 T. 21.1307. 1.25 Photography courtesy of Hōgonji, Shiga/Nara National Museum.

1.26 (a) (b) Photography courtesy of Zuisenji, Aichi/Nara National Museum. 1.27 (a) (b) Photography courtesy of Osaka Municipal Museum of Art. 1.28 DZ 466, 7: 27c–28a. 1.29 (a–c) Rearranged by the author from DZ 871, 18: 700a–701c. 1.30 Kubo Noritada collection. Kubo 1961, 481. 1.31 Rearranged by the author from DZ 871, 18: 698a, 699c. 1.32 He Zhiguo 1988, 71. 1.33 (a) (b) T.21.1309: 456. 1.34 © The British Library Board (Or.8210/S.6216). 1.35 Ma Changyi 2003, vol. 2. 149. 1.36 Photography courtesy of the Bibliothèque national de France (P. 2683). 1.37 Photography courtesy of Eigenji, Shiga/Nara National Museum. 1.38 (a) Rearranged by the author from ZW 323, 9: 791b–794b; (b) Rearranged by the author from DZ 1164, 26: 646b–647c; (c) Rearranged by the author from SYDXF 9: 13b–15b. 1.39 DZ 220, 4: 7b–c. 1.40 DZ 263, 4: 690a. 1.41 (a) DZ 151, 3: 107a; (b) Little and Eichman 2000, 347. Photo reprinted with permission from the White Cloud Temple collection (Baiyun guan), Beijing. 1.42 DZ 150, 3: 102a. 1.43 DZ 151, 3: 107b. 1.44 (a–b) DZ 150, 3: 100c, 101c. 1.45 (a–d) DZ 263, 4: 690a–b. 1.46 DZ 1024, 21: 595a. 1.47 Li Jingwei 1992, 85 (pl. 200). Museum of Medical History, Beijing. 1.48 Wenwu chubanshe 1958, fig. 113. 1.49 (a) (b) Rearranged by the author from Jin Shiying and Jin Pu 1996, 275. 1.50 (a) (b) Rearranged by the author from Miyasita 1967, 489. Aya Sofya Library, Istanbul. 1.51 Huang Longxiang 2003, vol. 1, 219. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photo reprinted with permission from Qingdao chubanshe, Qingdao. 1.52 Photo courtesy of Seiryōji, Kyoto.

This content downloaded from 128.112.200.107 on Fri, 11 Oct 2019 20:17:13 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

1.53 DZ 90, 2: 334b. 1.54 DZ 1068, 24: 71a. 1.55 (a) DZ 221, 4: 124b; (b) DZ 220, 4: 6b–c. 1.56 Photo courtesy of the National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. 2.1 Photo courtesy of the University Art Museum, Tokyo University of the Arts. 2.2 Photo courtesy of the Bibliothèque nationale de France (P.2728). 2.3 DZ 22, 1: 783b. 2.4 Bokenkamp 1983, LP#7, 463 (Chart based on DZ 97, 2: 532a–b). Photo reprinted with permission from Stephen Bokenkamp. 2.5 DZ 147, 3: 64a. 2.6 DZ 147, 3: 64a–b. 2.7 Photo courtesy of the Bibliothèque nationale de France (P.2683). 2.8 DZ 158, 3: 168a. 2.9 (a) DZ 1221, 30: 733a; (b) DZ 466, 7: 31b. 2.10 Photo courtesy of the Bibliothèque nationale de France (P.2824). 2.11 © The British Library Board (ORB99/161). 2.12 Photo courtesy of the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. The John R. Van Derlip Fund (42.8.293). 2.13 (a) DZ 155, 3: 125a; (b) DZ 1221, 30: 733b. 2.14 Rearranged diagram based on DZ 219, 3: 972c. 2.15 Li Fengmao 1986, 133. 2.16 DZ 219, 3: 628b. 2.17 (a) Photo courtesy of Angela Howard; (b) Huang Shilin 1991, 25 (fig. 8); (c) Photo courtesy of Angela Howard. 2.18 Xiao Jun 2008, 115. Photo reprinted with permission from the Cultural Relics Press. 2.19 DZ 149, 3: 96c. 2.20 (a–b) Photography courtesy of the Palace Museum, Beijing. 2.21 Kuang Yuanying 1985, 6 (pl. 18). 2.22 Robson 2009, 26 (Map 1). Photo reprinted with permission from James Robson. 2.23 (a) Shōsō-in Jimusho, ed. 1995, 217. Photo reprinted with permission from Shōsō-in. (b) CXBT 28: 21b. 2.24 Chavannes 1910, fig. 55. 2.25 DZ441, 6: 740c–741a. 2.26 Photo courtesy of the Palace Museum, Beijing. 2.27 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Ex. Coll.: C. C. Wang Family, Partial and Promised Gift of Oscar L. Tang Family, 2005 (2005.494.1). Image © The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2.28 Photo courtesy of the Palace Museum, Beijing. 2.29 DZ 440, 6: 722a–b. 2.30 (a) DZ 466, 7: 29b; (b) DZ 1223, 31: 2c–3a. 2.31 WXTK 73: 14b. 2.32 FZTJ, 360a–b. 2.33 FZTJ, 392a.

2.34 DZ 1366, 33: 812a. 2.35 DZ 508, 9: 609c. 2.36 Chen Xingyi 1989, 86 (fig. 1). 2.37 DZ 220, 4: 67c–68a. 2.38 (a) (b) © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.39. 2.39 DZ 547, 10: 350b. 2.40 ZW 698, 17: 283a. 2.41 (a–c) © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.11. 2.42 Photo courtesy of the National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. 3.1 (a) DZ 434, 6: 697c; (b) DZ 1032, 22: 575b. 3.2 BPZNP 4: 22a. 3.3 Beijing tushu guan 1961, pl. 1. 3.4 An Jinkuai and Wang Yugang 1988, 58 (fig. 8). 3.5 (a) DZ 1032, 22: 575b; (b) Photo courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (P.2865); (c) Weng Shanliang 1990, 9. 3.6 DZ 434, 6: 697c. 3.7 Hunan sheng bowu guan 1973, pl. 77. 3.8 Photography courtesy of Osaka Municipal Museum of Art. 3.9 Duan Wenjie and Wu Jian 1993, 109 (pl. 112). Photo reprinted with permission from the Cultural Relics Press. 3.10 (a) (b) TJDLXS, 118–19. 3.11 HNQG 6: 25a. 3.12 Dunhuang wenwu yanjiu suo 1981, vol. 2, pl. 72. 3.13 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund 1970.64. 3.14 © The British Library Board (Or.8210/S.3326). 3.15 DZ 1392, 34: 169c. 3.16 (a) DZ 147, 3: 82a; (b) DZ 1392, 34: 172c. 3.17 (a) DZ 388, 6: 338c; (b–c) DZ 22, 1: 780c–781a. 3.18 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.11. 3.19 Rearranged by the author from 3.20 DZ 1219, 28: 562a. 3.21 DZ 80, 2: 150b. 3.22 DZ 547, 10: 244a. 3.23 (a) Rearranged by the author from Zhang Zhenlin 1979, 167; (b) YLMC 15: 2b. 3.24 Shimonaka 1989, pl. 66. 3.25 DZ 1220, 28: 688c. 3.26 (a) Rearranged by the author from DZ 1220, 28: 688c; (b) Rearranged by the author from DZ 434, 6: 697c; (c) Rearranged by the author from DZ 1392, 34: 169c. 3.27 Rearranged by the author from XTJGL, xia: 70a–b.

468 illustration credits

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3.28 Photography courtesy of the Bibliothèque national de France (P.2559). 3.29 (a-c) DZ 219, 3: 877a–b. 3.30 Rearranged by the author from DZ 856, 18: 584c–585b. 3.31 DZ 441, 6: 737c–738a. 3.32 © The British Library Board (Or.8210/S.3750). 3.33 (a) (b) Ogawa 1910, 413; (c) DZ441, 6: 740c–741a. 3.34 Unno 2002, 27 (fig. 4.1). 3.35 De Weerdt 2009, 151 (fig. 2). The Xi’an beilin collection. 3.36 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 86 (pl. 90). Photo reprinted with permission from Chongqing chubanshe, Chongqing. 3.37 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.29. 3.38 Wang Shucun et al. 1988, 161 (pl. 149). 3.39 (a) DZ 441, 6: 737b; (b) DZ 1, 3: 778a; (c) DZ 1386, 34: 131b; (d) Photo courtesy of the National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. 3.40 (a) (b) © British Library Board (Or.14446). 3.41 © British Library Board (Or.14446). 3.42 SCTH, dili 16: 51a. 3.43 Photograph © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Francis Gardner Curtis Funds, 17.1697. 3.44 Needham et al. 1974, fig. 1335. 3.45 (a) DZ 768–769, 17: 289b; (b) DZ 768–769, 17: 303a; (c) DZ 768–769, 17: 290c ; (d) DZ 768–769, 17: 290a. 3.46 (a) DZ 932, 19: 329a; (b) DZ 932, 19: 300a; (c) DZ 932, 19: 333a–b. 3.47 Jin Weinuo 1988, pl. 103, 107. 3.48 Shanxi sheng wenwu ju 1991, 10. 3.49 Photography courtesy of the Philadelphia Museum of Art. Purchased with Museum funds from the Simkhovitch Collection, 1929. 3.50 (a) DZ 1406, 34: 316b; (b) DZ 1406, 34: 319a; (c) DZ 1406, 34: 322c; (d) CZJZBB 12: 17a. 3.51 DZ 1212, 28: 493a. 4.1 DZ 148, 3: 91b. 4.2 DZ 547, 10: 281c. 4.3 XDSLT 8: 114. 4.4 DZ 1138, 25: 189b. 4.5 DZ 1224, 31: 739c. 4.6 (a) Rearranged by the author from DZ 220, 4: 117c; (b) Rearranged by the author from DZ 220, 4: 14c. 4.7 Xiao Jun 2008, 239. Photo reprinted with permission from Cultural Relics Press, Beijing. 4.8 Rearranged by the author from DZ 508, 9: 384c–385a. 4.9 DZ 508, 9: 385a. 4.10 DZ 1288, 32: 706b. 4.11 DZ 466, 7: 28a. 4.12 W. Fong et al. 1980, 326 (fig. 112). 4.13 Duan Wenjie 1985, 86–87 (pl. 86). 4.14 Wang Shucun et al. 1988, 18 (pl. 13).



4.15 Su Bai 1957, pl. 22. 4.16 Shi Yan 1988, 92 (pl. 85). 4.17 Photo courtesy of Anning Jing. 4.18 Jin Weinuo 1988, 91 (pl.87). 4.19 DZ 514, 9: 755b–c. 4.20 DZ 1221, 31: 65a. 4.21 DZ 1221, 31: 3b. 4.22 (a) DZ 547, 10: 252b; (b) DZ 514, 9: 755c. 4.23 DZ 466, 7:30a. 4.24 (a) DZ 1221, 31: 6b–c; (b) DZ 508, 9: 607c–608a; (c) DZ 547, 10: 257b–c. 4.25 Xiao Jun 2008, 212. Photo reprinted with permission from Cultural Relics Press, Beijing. 4.26 (a) DZ 220, 4: 15c; (b) DZ 220, 4: 15b. 4.27 Rearranged by the author from DZ 466, 7: 27b–c. 4.28 Wenwu chubanshe 1958, 60. 4.29 DZ 547, 10: 243a–b. 4.30 XDSLT 9: 123, 126, 127. 4.31 Photo courtesy of the Wan-go H.C. Weng collection. 4.32 Xiao Jun 2008, 241. Photo reprinted with permission from Cultural Relics Press, Beijing. 4.33 DZ 466, 8: 577c. 4.34 (a) DZ 547, 10: 161b; (b) DZ 508, 9: 609b. 4.35 © The Trustees of the British Museum (1919,0101,0.120). 4.36 © The Trustees of the British Museum (1919,0101,0.47). 4.37 DZ 547, 10: 162a–c. 4.38 YJQQ 72: 1605. 4.39 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.11 and 2004.1.21. 4.40 DZ 1227, 32: 93c. 4.41 DZ 429, 6: 679c. 4.42 DZ 1412, 34: 425a. 4.43 CXBT 30: 14a, 1588 ed. 4.44 Luoyang bowuguan 1988, pl. 206. 4.45 (a) DZ 431, 6: 683c–684a; (b) Diagram by the author. 4.46 DZ 431, 6: 685a–b. 4.47 Luoyang bowuguan 1988, pl. 83. 4.48 DZ 1223, 31: 638b. 4.49 Wang Yucheng 2003a, 484 (fig. 1-1). 4.50 DZ 617, 11: 319b–320a. 4.51 (a) DZ 547, 10: 281b–c; (b) ZW 698, 17: 95–99. 4.52 DZ 547, 10: 333a–b. 4.53 Rearranged by the author from DZ 547, 10: 316b–317a. 4.54 DZ 547, 10: 334c. 4.55 Photo courtesy of Henan Museum. 4.56 JSQ 2: 587–88. 4.57 Musée des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France (EO681). Photo courtesy of Réunion des Musée Nationaux/Art Resource, NY. 4.58 Photo courtesy of Columbia University, Anne S. Goodrich

illustration credits 469

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Collection, C. V. Starr East Asian Library (NYCP. GAC.0001.03a). 4.59 Neimenggu qianbi yanjiuhui et al. 1987, pl. 1.1. 4.60 Rearranged by the author from Needham et al. 1985, 111 (fig. 1086). 4.61 Li Fengmao and Xie Zongrong 1999, 15. 5.1 DZ 1022, 21: 486c. 5.2 © British Library Board (ORB 99/161). 5.3 Su Qiming 1999, 102. 5.4 Photo courtesy of Anning Jing. 5.5 DZ 440, 6: 731c. 5.6 ZW 698, 17: 100b. 5.7 DZ 1221, 31: 69b. 5.8 (a) DZ 547, 10: 337b; (b) DZ 547, 10: 336c–337a; (c) DZ 547, 10: 337a. 5.9 DZ 1223, 31: 574a. 5.10 (a-b) DZ 547, 10: 336b. 5.11 Photo courtesy of the Wan-go H.C. Weng collection. 5.12 Photo courtesy of Hirokawa-dera, Osaka/Nara National Museum. 5.13 DZ 1221, 31: 11a. 5.14 (a) DZ 547, 10: 214a–b; (b) DZ 547, 10: 215b; (c) DZ 1221, 31: 30b. 5.15 (a) DZ 547, 10: 257b–c; (b) DZ 220, 4: 53c. 5.16 MTTHHJ, juan shang: 67. 5.17 Zhongguo shehui 1980, 57 (fig. 55). 5.18 DZ 1221, 31: 86a. 5.19 Photo courtesy of Shin Chion’in, Shiga/Nara National Museum. 5.20 Photo courtesy of Daitokuji, Kyoto/Nara National Museum. 5.21 Boltz 1983, 510. 5.22 DZ 1221, 30: 672c. 5.23 (a) DZ 220, 4: 58b; (b) DZ 220, 4: 59a; (c) DZ 220, 4: 68b–c. 5.24 (a) DZ 466, 7:30c–31a; (b) DZ 1221, 31: 146b. 5.25 (a) DZ 547, 10: 421a; (b) DZ 466, 8: 335a; (c) DZ 508, 9: 622a; (d) DZ 466, 8: 347c–348a. 5.26 Chen Yaoting 2003, 130. 5.27 (a) DZ 508, 9: 618a–b; (b) DZ 466, 8: 350c; (c) DZ 466, 8: 351a–52a. 6.1 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Special Chinese and Japanese Fund, 12.881. 6.2 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Special Chinese and Japanese Fund, 12.880. 6.3 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Special Chinese and Japanese Fund, 12.882. 6.4 Photo courtesy of Tokyo University of the Arts. 6.5 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.21. 6.6 Photo courtesy of the C. C. Wang Family Collection.

6.7

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Gift of Dillion, 1985 (1985.227.2). Image © The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 6.8 S. Huang 2001, fig. 10. Drawing commissioned by the author. 6.9 (a) DZ 1220, 28: 825c; (b) DZ 1220, 28: 736b; (c) DZ 1220, 28: 760b; (d) DZ 1220, 28: 713a. 6.10 Photo courtesy of Liaoning Provincial Museum. 6.11 Photo courtesy of National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. 6.12 HCLQTS, 11: 11a. 6.13 Photo courtesy of Daitokuji, Kyoto/Nara National Museum. 6.14 Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 4, 11 (pl. 12). Photo reprinted with permission from Chongqing chubanshe, Chongqing. 6.15 (a-b) Jiangxi sheng wenwu et al. 1991, figs. 5–6. 6.16 (a) Zhengzhou shi 2005, 43 (fig. 54); (b) Zhengzhou shi 2005, 48 (pl. 64); (c) Zhengzhou shi 2005, 48 (pl. 63). 6.17 DZ 430, 6: 681b. 6.18 Photo courtesy of Liaoning Provincial Museum. 6.19 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.3. 6.20 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.4. 6.21 Zhongguo meishu 1988a, vol. 4, 24–25 (pl. 19). Photo reprinted with permission from Shanghai Museum. 6.22 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Special Chinese and Japanese Fund, 12.880. 6.23 Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.: Purchase, F1938.4. 6.24 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. William Sturgis Bigelow Collection 11.6130. 6.25 (a-c) Photography courtesy of Palace Museum, Beijing. 6.26 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.40. 6.27 (a–b) Xiao Jun 2008, 266, 268. Photography reprinted with permission from Cultural Relics Press, Beijing. 6.28 Musée des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France (EO 684). Photo courtesy of Réunion des Musée Nationaux/Art Resource, NY. 6.29 (a–b) Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 150. 6.30 © The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund in honor of Dr. Ju-hsi Chou and Gift of various donors to the department of Asian Art (by exchange) 2004.1.45. 6.31 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Special Chinese and Japanese Fund, 12.882. 6.32 Xiao Jun 2008, 262–63. Photo reprinted with permission from Cultural Relics Press, Beijing. 6.33 Zhang Ziying 2000, pl. 52.

470 illustration credits

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6.34 © The Trustees of the British Museum (1919,0101,0.45). 6.35 Dunhuang yanjiu yuan 1997, pl. 165. Photo reprinted with permission from Cultural Relics Press, Beijing. 6.36 Photo courtesy of Daitokuji, Kyoto/Nara National Museum. 6.37 Photo courtesy of the National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Republic of China. 6.38 (a) Chongqing Dazu et al. 1999, vol. 2, 9. Photo reprinted with permission from Chongqing chubanshe, Chongqing. (b) Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 80 (pl. 89). Photo reprinted with permission from Chongqing chubanshe, Chongqing. (c) Chongqing Dazu 1999, vol. 2, 79 (pl. 88). Photo reprinted with permission from Chongqing chubanshe, Chongqing. (d) Howard 2001, 27. Photo courtesy of Angela Howard. 6.39 DZ 1220, 29: 248c. 6.40 (a) DZ 566, 10: 616b; (b) DZ 1229, 29: 163c; (c) DZ 1220,



29: 369c; (d) DZ 1220, 29: 385a. 6.41 (a–b) Photography courtesy of Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.: Purchase, F1954.20. 6.42 DZ 1254, 32: 429a. 6.43 (a) Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1659; (b) Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1735; (c) Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1662; (d) Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin 2006, vol. 6, 1736. Photos reprinted with permission of Bai Bin. 6.44 Photo © 2012 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Special Chinese and Japanese Fund, 12.882. 6.45 Shanxi sheng bowuguan 1985, pl. 132. 6.46 (a) Hachiya 1983, vol. 1, 39; (b) Hachiya 1983, vol. 2, 20 (pl. 91). 6.47 (a) Lagerwey 1987, 37; (b) Ōfuchi 1983, 204.

illustration credits 471

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Index abdomen, 29, 55, 66, 68, 70, 71, 109, 164, 248, 272, 273, 356n64, 361n198, 361n201, 372n207 Abhidharmakosha (Abidamo jushe lun 阿毘 達磨俱舍論), 100 Abidamo jushe lun. See Abhidharmakosha acupuncture, 362n221, 362n223–24, 363n225–26, 376n39, 376n40 Admonitions Scroll (Nüshizhen tu 女史箴 圖), 370n156 Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes, 127–28, 130–31, 154, 171–72, 224, 288, 306–7, 309, 313–14, 317–18, 349n35, 373 n237, 390n101–2, 407n43, 407n50, 412n172, 417n265 alchemy, 15, 17, 19, 21, 26–27, 64–67, 70, 78, 80, 84–85, 109, 117, 119, 179, 180, 221–23, 270, 272, 281, 319, 343, 348n11, 353n138, 354n14, 360n165, 360n170, 360n175, 361n200, 372n207, 383n218. See also internal alchemy Altar of the Heavenly Worthy of Nine Refinements ( Jiulian tianzun tan 九鍊天 尊壇), 210–11, 273–74, 277 altar: 22, 186, 189, 192–95, 205, 213–15, 221, 254, 386n8; construction of, 386n24; decentralized, 196, 198–99; diagram of the jiao ritual, 186; of the Divine Tiger, 201; doors at, 387n38, 387n43; images on, 262; measurements of, 387n27, 387n40, 391n124; objects on, 195–98, 213–14, 387n33–34; at ordination, 387n36; portable, 283, 333; sealing of, 247; to summon souls, 262; tiers of, 193–95, 387n27, 387n30, 387n39, 391n138; uses today, 335–37, 418n306 Amitābha, 31–33, 354n8, 355n41, 377n47, 406n25 aniconic, 8, 13–15, 22, 25, 136–37, 165, 185, 192, 219, 242, 278, 281, 343–44. See also iconography

animals: carts of, 69, 240, 361n196; physiognomy of, 413n200. See also bird, deer, elephant, dragons, fish, goose, horse, lion, phoenix, pig, snake, tiger, toad, wolf animated: curtained stage, 205 (see also curtains: on stages); gods, 10, 296, 300, 319, 334 (see also deities: mobile; processions); icons in Byzantium, 418n306; images, 339; ritual performance, see ritual: performance; soul catcher, 400n120 (see also messengers: of the Divine Tiger; soul catchers) announcement: 218, 232, 247, 249, 397n217; of merit, 398n47; nocturnal, 247 anthropomorphic: banners, see banners; deities, see deities; idols, 344; mushrooms, see mushrooms; tree goblins, 312, 317 (see also trees; monsters) Anthology of the Abyssal Cavern (Dongyuan ji 洞淵集), 369n108 Antiquities Illustrated (Bogu tu 博古圖), 114, 222, 226, 393n190, 393n194 antiquity, 139, 236, 296, 350n69. See also Antiquities Illustrated; archaic; archaism Anxi, Gansu, 322–323 ape, 309–11, 317, 318, 332, 373n225. See also monsters; trees apsaras, 107, 369n123 archaism, 96, 139–40, 161, 164, 166–69, 173, 177–79, 192, 202, 236, 240, 303, 370n155, 380n145, 381n167, 387n35, 389n85, 393n190. See also Antiquities Illustrated; antiquity; archaic archaeology, 13, 141, 227, 232, 351n90, 362n221, 365n23, 380n125; Daoist, 125, 353n89, 353n138, 367n63, 379n117 architecture, 202, 205, 213, 278, 290, 365n274, 407n62, 408n63 arhats, 33, 76, 268, 300; eighteen, 402n168,

410n134; paintings of, 302, 325, 348n25, 406n29, 408n70, 409n76, 415n228; sets of, 410n134, 415n229; sixteen, 312, 402n168, 410n134, 412n182; statue, 363n234. See also Five Hundred Arhats ascension: to heaven, 295, 380n131, 393n196; from hells, 400n109; meditative, 364n260; in ritual, 247, 249–53, 273; of souls, 259, 270; tallies for, 278–79; in visualization, 253. See also heavens; hells; ritual; souls audiences, 203, 338, 342; divine or heavenly, 290, 302, 303 (see also processions); general, 343; intended, 2, 26, 172, 348n10; of initiates, 165; passive, 335; popular, 326, 375n10; of ritual, 203, 213–14, 246, 257, 342; tablet, 250 Auspicious Cranes, 297–99, 409n79 Auspicious Ghost Dragons ( Jiguilong 吉鬼 龍), 175–76 Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin 觀音), 326, 341, 363n234, 391n139 Avalokiteśvara as Guider of Souls (Yinlu pusa 引路菩薩), 219–20, 355n41 Ba gaoseng tu. See Biographies of the Eight Lofty Monks Baiyun xianren lingcao ge. See Songs of the Numinous Herbs by the Immortal of the White Clouds Baize jingguai tu. See Pictures of the Diagrams of Spectral Prodigies of White Marsh babies, 29, 61, 66, 70–71, 250, 273–74, 360n178 Bai Bin, 150, 165 Baodingshan. See Mount Baoding Baoshan. See Mount Bao Barnhart, Richard, 290, 307 banners, 13, 25, 29, 108, 158, 189, 191, 195, 207, 210–11, 214–20, 255, 343;

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anthropomorphic 216; to attack hells, 209; Buddhist, 219–20; burning of, see burning; Daoist, 216–19, 242, 391n136; designs of, 242; and fans, 196; flags and, 158, 213–21; of Great Mercy, 221; and hells, 390n112, 392n153; kinds of 214–15; lamps and, 207; in manual, 391n136; of messenger, 261; of rider, 261; for refinement, 276; for souls, 219, 265; in ritual, 189, 195–96; raising of, 21; spiritmoving, 216, 218; studies of, 391n139– 14; talismans on, 218, 221, 392n153; templates for, 216, 256; to summon souls, 401n128. See also anthropomorphic; Buddhism; colors; Dunhuang; Mawangdui; ritual; silk; talismans Baopuzi neipian. See Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Keeps to Simplicity bathing: Daoist, 78, 265–266, 364n242, 395n247; rite for orphan spirits, 401n132; in ritual, 263, 265, 401n133, 401n139, 401n145; of souls, 207, 209, 265–66, 401n132–33, 401n139, 401n144–45 Bawei zhaolong lu. See Register of the Eight Daunters Summoning the Dragons Bawei zhenwen. See True Writ of the Eight Daunters Baxian guohai. See Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea Belting, Hans, 10 Beneficial Rain, 291 Bianjing 汴京, 178, 268 Bianque 扁鵲, 376n39 Bickford, Maggie, 297 Biographies of the Eight Lofty Monks (Ba gaoseng tu八高僧圖), 371n176 birds, 11, 143, 154, 185; character for, 163; cranes, 83, 111, 119, 158, 163–64, 215, 297–99, 380n131, 397n311, 409n79, 410n117, 410n115; and dragons, 156; flight patterns of, 154–55, 379n110; head of, 331; life-sharing, 377n47; magical, 148; in paintings, 290, 347n1; in imperial recipes, 384n224; in scripts, 154–65; as symbol, 161; in talismans, 163; and thunder god, 300, 417n276; and writing, 154–55; in visualization, 150; visual culture of, 380n139. See also Man-Bird; Numinous Vulture Peak Black Killer (Heisha 黑剎), 329–30, 404n217

blood bowl, 345 Blood Bowl Sutra (Xuepen jing 血盆經), 130 Blood Lake, 345; Hells, 129, 373n228, 373n231 bodhisattva, 33, 219, 268, 322, 341, 345, 348n25–26, 400n111, 406n40 body: bureaucrats in, 64; burning of, 403n205; charts, 18, 21, 46, 64, 67–68, 71–75, 77, 80, 83, 85, 272, 281, 319, 343, 361n191, 361n204, 361n208, 362n212, 362n217, 362n218, 362n219, 362n221, 363n225, 364n248, 388n50; as child, 354n31; and cosmos, 10, 21, 26–85, 364n251; dharma, 136; figurines of, 363n228; human, 9, 11, 26; and image, 10; imaginary world of, 10; impure, 358n115; inner realm of, 67–73, 362n209, 362n212; invisible, 184, 362n209; landmarks in, 272; landscapes in, 78–80; medical, 74–77; and metaphor, 354n7; as microcosm, 350n60; models of, 75; and mushrooms, 185; as sacred site, 26; and sword, 227; parasites in, 61–65; sides illustrated, 68–69; stars in, 42–45; transformation of, 247; true, 136; worms in, 21 (see also worms, deathbringers). See also body gods body gods, 6, 21, 27–46, 246–47, 249–50, 343, 345, 394n220; calling of, 247–49; in ritual, 398n37, 398n41; names of, 392n163; pictures of, 281 Bogu tu. See Antiquities Illustrated Bohe 帛和, 375n13 Bokenkamp, Stephen, 91–93, 103 Boltz, Judith, 2, 184, 272–73, 332 Book of Changes (Yijing 易經), 26, 96, 195, 353n152, 367n58, 367n62 Book of Rites (Liji 禮記), 26, 386n18 Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels (Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤), 17, 20, 43, 51, 79, 103, 135, 139, 181, 222, 225 Books of Burial (Zangshu 葬書), 377n52 Books of Residence (Zhaijing 宅經), 377n52 Boston triptych, 283–84, 292, 294–95, 300, 311, 313–14, 317, 333–39, 345, 405n8, 409n73 Bourdieu, Pierre, 7–8 Brahmā, 366n37, 367n71, 376n30; Heaven, 91, 141–42, 263, 367n71 (see also heavens); language of, 91–92, 141–42 (see also hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven); script, 155

breathing, 21, 329, 403n205; embryonic, 66, 360n181, 371n170; exercises, 281; and meditation, 273; to eliminate worms, 63 Bridge for Ascent to Heaven, 210–11, 273 Bridge of Meeting Immortals, 213 Bridge, Naihe, 404n234 Bridge, Rainbow, 250 bridges, 81, 83, 391n124; Buddhist, 404n234; crossing of, 276–79, 289, 293; and dragons, 364n261; in ritual, 273–74, 276, 404n211; of universal salvation, 404n233; motifs of, 210, 391n123; over streams, 293; to heaven, 22, 209–10, 263, 364n268; to immortality, 111, 213; of the Law, 210, 277; spinal column as, 273; trifold, 211–12, 274, 303–4, 407n49. See also names of specific bridges brocade, 109, 202–3, 215, 244, 258, 285, 334, 353n143, 358n108, 381n175, 387n36. See also embroidery; silk; textiles Bronze Man of the Bright Hall 76. See also Hall of Light Buddha: assembly for, 414n223; birth of, 365n18; body of, 136; feet of, 363n235; nirvana of, 363n235; in pantheon, 345; Prabhūtaratna (Duobao fo 多寶佛), 3; seated, 288; Shakyamuni, 6, 8, 406n40; sites of, 145; stories of, 327; Tejaprabha, 406n34 buddhas, two, 3 Buddhism: adaptations from, 83, 195, 348n11, 399n70; appropriation of, 16; art in, 5, 13, 342, 347n10, 349n26, 351n107, 418n7; banners in, 219; 391n139, 391n150, 392n151; bodies in, 374n7; canon of, 17, 373n234; as category, 7; caves in, 303, 370n163, 414n219; charms in, 139, 393n191 (see also dhāranī); charts in, 369n113; communities of, 55; competition with, 130; concepts of, 319; connection to, 103; cosmology in, 98, 368n78; vs. Daoism, 344–45, 403n174, 404n228, 418n8 (see also Buddho-Daoism); deities in, 389n92; depictions in, 57; donors in, 410n133, 411n142; festivals in, 297, 299; glorification of, 6; heavens of, 100; hells in, 122, 372n202; iconography of, 393n178; icons in, 355n41; images in, 2, 56; influence of, 120, 122, 133; inspiration from, 4, 107, 136, 210; language of, 91; liturgical paintings in, 237; and Man-Bird motif, 144; meditation in,



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index 473

Buddhism (continued) 351n104, 360n168; mirrors in, 222, 226, 364n239, 392n173; models in, 260; monks in, 25, 117, 249, 269, 271, 295, 359n131, 371n170, 385n269, 402n161, 405n13, 408n63, 408n70; narrative in, 413n194; and Northern Dipper, 357n88; paintings in, 31, 286, 332, 349n33, 357n100, 362n224, 371n176, 400n109, 406n29, 407n53, 408n70, 409n84, 412n171, 416n248; pantheon of, 326, 405n13; paradises in, 154; pilgrimage in, 370n163; practices of, 147; priests in, 302; printing in, 396n283, 406n40; relics in, 363n235; revolving sutra cabinet in, 369n126–27; ritual in, 22, 244, 267–70, 401n156; robes in, 397n311; and sacred space, 202; saints in, 377n59; scholarship on, 2; scriptures of, 403n184; sculptures in, 348n22; spirit money in, 239; statues in, 182, 363n234; sutras of, 382n200; symbols in, 375n25; tantric, 56, 348n10, 375n26, 392n157, 393n181, 399n70, 403n184; temples of, 145, 297, 368n83; texts of, 46, 69, 402n159; thunder gods in, 326, 415n240; Tiantai, 269, 302; Tibetan, 14, 351n87, 351n104, 352n117; treasures in, 352n117; tree sprites in, 314 (see also trees); visualization in, 31, 354n8, 358n115; water imagery in, 322; wheel in, 390n118 Buddho-Daoism, 5–6, 55, 76, 142, 239, 260, 283, 288, 299–300, 302, 332, 338–39, 344–45, 348n16, 357n91, 358n111, 369n126, 383n222, 396n285, 404n228, 416n245. See also Buddhism: vs. Daoism Building Standard (Yingzao fashi 營造法 式), 158, 369n126 Bureau of Tortuous Springs (Quanqu fu 泉曲府), 125 Bureau of Transforming Lives (Biansheng fu 變生府), 124 burning: of artifacts, 351n110; of banners, 257; of demon, 318; of documents, 232; of money, 263, 396n282–84, 401n127; ritual, 214, 247, 253, 276, 386n4, 386n18; of talismans, 401n148 (see also talismans) Cai Fasong 蔡法聳, 355n39 Cai Jing 蔡京 (1047–1126), 317 Caiyao tu. See Illustrated Medicinal Herb Picking

calligraphy, 22, 154, 173, 350n60, 379n107, 394n207, 410n117, 411n158; and Daoism, 379n112; Islamic, 351n93, 418n6; talismanic, 292 (see also talismans) Calling Forth the Officials (Chuguan 出 官), 34, 85, 247–48, 355n47 Campany, Robert, 180 Cang Jie 倉頡, 154, 158, 379n107 Cangyun shanren 蒼雲山人, 371n172 Capital of Jade Mountain, 83 Catalogue of Fungi and Herbs (Taishang lingbao zhicao pin 太上靈寶芝草品), 183–84. See also mushrooms Catalogue of Missing Scriptures of the Daoist Canon (Daozang quejing mulu 道藏闕經 目錄), 50, 355n47 caves. See grotto Celestial Heart (Tianxin 天心), 17, 34, 42, 44, 63, 85, 125, 195–96, 214, 223–24, 329, 332, 355n48, 356n64, 356n70, 364n261, 387n41, 400n120, 404n217. See also Great Rites of the Jade Hall Celestial Masters (Tianshi 天師), 15, 77, 88, 89, 190, 229, 231, 291, 296, 310, 311, 317, 355n47, 355n49, 361n204, 363n238, 364n248, 375n14, 393n187, 408n65, 408n67, 408n67 Celestial River, 149, 265–66, 401n146. See also stars: Milky Way Celestial Treasury, 239 celestials: flying, 107–9; officers, 149; scripture cabinet of, 108. See also deities; heavens; paradises Central Sacred Peak (Zhongyue 中 嶽), 106, 371n166, 381n167; magical mushrooms from, 180, 185; Map of the Temple of, 172–73; Temple of, 407n58. See also Mount Song Central Scripture of Laozi (Laozi zhong jing 老子中經), 28, 320, 356n64 Chamber: of Concentration (Jingsi ge 精思閣), 200; of the Divine Tiger (Shenhu tang 神虎堂), 200–201, 244, 262, 263 (see also altar: of the Divine Tiger); of the Eastern Emperor of the Old Lord (Dongdi laojun tang 東帝 老君堂), 226; of the Great Simplicity (Taisu houtang 太素后堂), 226; of Green Florescence (Qinghua tang 青華 堂), 200; of Silence (Jingmo tang 靜默 堂), 200, 255 Chang’an, 89, 365n16, 368n78, 387n36, 371n180

Changsha, 381n180 chants, ritual, 163, 244, 248, 253–55, 257, 261, 263, 265–67, 273, 276, 311, 328–29, 334–35, 399n83, 401n134 Chart for Analyzing the Wonderful and Superior Book of Salvation, 191 Chart of Corporeal Landmarks, 273 Chart of Cultivating Perfection (Xiuzhen tu 修真圖), 71, 361n204 Chart of the Formula of the Reverted Embryo (Huandan jue tu 還丹訣圖), 66 Chart of the Hall of Light, 121, 363n226. See also Hall of Light Chart of the Internal Passageways (Neijing tu內經圖), 67, 71–72, 361n204, 364n265 Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness ( Jiuyou jiao tu 九幽醮圖), 207–10, 255, 265, 267. See also Ninefold Darkness Chart of the Siting of the Household and Garden (Xiangzhai yuandi tu 相宅園地 圖), 377n52 Chart of the Siting of the Household in the Yin and Yang Realms (Yinyang zhaixiang tu 陰陽宅相圖), 377n52 Chart of the Skeleton of Lord Lao (Laojun kulou tu 老君骷髏圖), 364n248. See also skeleton Chart of the True Form of the Topography of Most High Man-Bird Mountain (Taishang renniao shanxing zhenxing tu 太上人鳥山形真形圖), 139, 147 Charts for Exploring the Deep Meaning of Symbols and Figures of the Book of Changes, 98 Charts of the Inner Realm (Neijing tu 內境 圖), 67 Charts of the True Circulatory Vessels (Cunzhen huanzhong tu 存真環中圖), 74 charts, 19, 75, 93–97, 133, 135, 175, 344, 388n50; instructive (juetu 訣圖), 66. See also diagrams; names of individual true form charts Chavannes, Edouard, 115 Chen Zhixu 陳致虛 (1290–ca. 1368), 78, 364n247 Chen Rong 陳容 (13th c.), 177, 291, 409n83 Chen Rongsheng, 336 Chen Ruoyu 陳若愚, 408n63 Chen Tuan 陳摶 (d. 989), 96–97 Chen Yiguan 陳一貫 (17th c.), 377n58 Chen Yuexi 陳月溪, 385n250

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Chen Zihe 陳子和, 408n67 Cheng Qi 程棨 (13th c.), 330 Chengdu, 77, 268, 284, 405n13, 406n29 Chief Marshal of the Thunder Division, 417n265 Chifeng (Ulanahad), 374n238 Chishengguang jiuyao. See Tejaprabhā Buddha and the Nine Planets Chisongzi zhangli. See Petition Almanac of Chisongzi Chongqing guange chucang tuhua ji. See Record of Paintings from the Zhongxing Library Chongxiu Xuanhe bogu tu 重修宣和博 古圖, 226 Chongzhen emperor, 418n317 Christianity, 10, 12, 172, 372n185, 388n67 Chronicle of Buddhism (Fozu tongji 佛祖統 紀), 122, 269, 402n168 Chu sanshi jiuchong baosheng jing. See Scripture for the Protection of Life Chuguan tu. See Pictures for Calling Forth the Officials Cinnabar Field, 29, 64–65, 70–71, 83, 248, 250, 273; Lower, 70–71, 83, 248 cinnabar, 119, 178–79, 209, 383n218, 383n222 Clarified Tenuity (Qingwei 清微), 17, 160, 380n141, 417n264–65 Clarified Tenuity Prayer Guidelines (Qingwei qidao neizhi 清微祈禱內旨), 328 Classic of Entering the Mountains (Rushan jing 入山經), 375n16 Classic of Filial Piety, 411n157. See also filial piety Classic of Mountains and Seas (Shanhai jing 山海經), 58, 106, 142, 359n145–46, 415n237 Cleveland album. See Album of Daoist and Buddhist Themes Cliff of Lord Lao (Laojunyan 老君巖), 416n250 Clunas, Craig, 20 coloring, 34, 135, 284–85, 288, 407n44, 409n79. See also colors colors: of banners, curtains, and pennants, 195, 219–20, 387n36, 389n84; of body gods, 27–28, 31, 33–34, 248; of containers for Daoist documents, 233; in correspondence theory, 88; of Daoist charts, illustrations, registers, and

talismans, 36, 64, 96, 162, 167, 174, 305, 378n81, 387n38; in drawing, 100, 188, 377n47, 411n155, 414n223; five, 1, 108, 199, 215, 224, 250, 273; of deities and gods, 46, 334, 357n85; guides for illustrators, 41, 378n81, 407n44; of mock inner organs, 77 (see also silk); nine, 9; in painting, 111, 182, 266, 284, 289–90, 307, 386n18, 407n53, 409n79; of paper, 231, 385n2, 394n231; of paper money, 239, 359n137 (see also paper: money); in print, 396n295; in sculpture, 77, 285; of textiles, 193, 203, 210, 215, 297, 299, 387n36 (see also brocade; embroidery; silk; textiles); in light, 224; of Lord Lao, 135 (see also Lord Lao; Laozi); and visualization, 305 (see also visualization). See also coloring Complete Perfection (Quanzhen 全真), 35, 64, 73, 196, 320–22, 361n196, 370n150, 408n63, 413n212 Confucianism, 10, 145, 327, 348n10, 418n7. See also Neo-Confucianism Continent of Concentrating Caves (Juku zhou 聚窟洲), 141–42 Convention of the Overall Stars (Zong xing tan tu shi 總星壇圖式), 388n52 Copy of Zhang Xuan’s Lady Guoguo on an Outing (Fang Zhang Xuan Guoguo furen youchun tu仿張萱虢國夫人遊春 圖, 357n91 cosmogony, 88, 94 cosmography, 88, 106, 114–16, 345, 365n5, 369n115; Buddhist, 100, 122, 106, 373n228 (see also Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands); Daoist, 10, 14–15, 21, 87–88, 98–99, 105–6, 111, 120, 123, 133, 136–38, 142, 318–19, 333, 343; grotto, 116; lateral, 103–5, 133, 345; Islamic, 365n5; ring-shaped, 106, 369n113; vertical, 99, 103, 121–22, 133, 153, 293, 345. See also cosmology; heavens cosmology, 133, 272, 374n4; Buddhist, 99, 100, 102, 345, 368n78; Daoist, 120, 134, 165, 241, 343–44, 365n1, 367n51, 367n66, 372n212, 374n244; tripartite, 100, 374n244; vertical, 342, 374n244. See also cosmography; heavens cosmos, 8, 385n259; charting of, 133; control of, 15; creation of, 11, 88–93, 138, 350n55, 380n149, 382n190; Daoist, 8, 21, 241, 293; egg-shaped, 103; mystical,

170–73; structure of, 87, 99, 133, 242, 293; vision of, 170 Court of the Venerable Old Man, 125 cranes. See birds culture: activity of, 245; and altars, 202; landscape as, 173; material, 2, 8, 11–13, 21, 241, 344, 346, 350n76, 351n76, 386n5, 393n194, 417n292; models of, 133; symbols in, 7; unit of, 7; visual, passim Cunsi tu. See Visualization Diagram Cunzhen huanzhong tu. See Charts of the True Circulatory Vessels curtains (mu 幕), 199, 203, 205, 245, 251, 253, 388n67, 389n84, 389n91, 390n95; on doors, 209 (see also altar: doors at; gates); on stages, 199–201, 203, 205, 207, 209, 253, 388n69, 389n73, 389n81, 389n84; on stations, 280; on tents, 199, 202, 389n92. See also names of individual curtained stages Curtained Stage of the Generals and Officers (Jiangli mu 將吏幕), 389n81 Curtained Stage of Heavenly Physicians (Tianyi mu 天醫幕), 201 Curtained Stage of the Judicial Officials (Jianlin mu 監臨幕), 389n81 Curtained Stage of the Memorial Officials (Zhangguan mu 章官幕), 389n81 Curtained Stage of Refinement for Salvation (Liandu mu 鍊度幕), 210 Da cunsi tu zhujue. See Secret Instructions and Illustrations of the Great Visualizations Da fangbian fobao’en jing. See Sutra of the Buddha Repaying [His Parents’] Kindness with Great Skillful Means Da Song tiangong baozang. See Great Song Heavenly Palace Treasure Canon Dadong zhenjing. See Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern dafan yinyu. See hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven Dahuting 打虎亭, 140, 375n27, 389n91 Dali Kingdom, 132, 390n98 Danchi zunzhe. See Worthy of Plain Stupidity Dao Zhizai 戴知在, 303 Dao, 22, 30, 135, 247 Daochang. See Enclosure of the Dao Daode jing 道德經, 88, 347n4, 365n13, 366n27



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Daofa huiyuan. See Daoist Method, United in Principle Daoism, 15–18; charts of, 19; conferences on, 353n138, 353n146; history of, 15–18, 347n4, 351n112; studies of, 347n5; texts of, 18–19; vs. Buddhism, see Buddho-Daoism Daoist Canon (Daozang 道藏): categories in 18–19, 21, 354n10 Daoist Deity Liberating Hells, 6, 217, 259 Daoist Divinity of Water, 407n53 Daoist Method, United in Principle (Daofa huiyuan 道法會元), 222, 293, 328–29 Daoist Official of Heaven, 391n135 Daojiao lingyan ji. See Evidential Miracles in Support of Daoism Daomen dingzhi. See Established Order of Daoism Daozang quejing mulu. See Catalogue of Missing Scriptures of the Daoist Canon Dapo zazhi tu. See Illustrated Fungi for the Great Souls Dark Master (Xuanshi 玄師), 200, 253, 389n71 Dazu 大足, 35–36, 171, 302, 326–27, 348n11, 390n118, 416n250 dead: books of, 230; gates of death, 30; place of, 22; seat of, 209; visions of, 245. See also hells deathbringers, three (sanshi 三尸), 53–64, 71, 84, 358n117, 358n120, 358n124, 358n131, 360n162 Deathbringer Dog (Shigou 尸狗), 358n122 Debate between Vimalakirti and Manjustri, 407n53 Declarations of the Perfected (Zhengao 真誥), 155, 173 deer, 29, 69, 114, 118–19, 185, 310, 312, 361n196, 376n37, 377n59. See also animals deities: abode of, 22; anthropomorphic, 28, 331; arriving, 305; as bureaucrats, 29–34, 84, 117, 124, 147, 172, 296, 300, 332, 357n98, 415n240; colorless, 349n34; descent of, 253–54; early, 27–29; of earth, 36, 198; of fire, 329; generals, 30, 34, 389n81; guardians, 30, 38, 290, 302, 314, 322, 326, 378n78, 378n83, 385n262; holding mirrors, 224; images of, 284; of life, 211; marshals, 328–30; martial, 330, 393n178; mobile, 11, 22, 36, 281–339, 357n91 (see also animated: gods); of Northern Dipper, see Northern Dipper;

paired, 3; petitions to, 232; planetary, 30; in procession, see processions; ranking of, 350n59; in ritual, 248; seated, 4, 196, 348n21; sending off of, 254; and stages, 200; summoning of, 347n4; swords of, 28; twin, 3, 348n23; of water, 416n248. See also body: gods in; Three Officials Deity Erlang from Guankou Beheading the Dragons (Guankou Erlang zhan jianjiao 灌口二郎斬健蛟), 390n106. See also Erlang Deity of the Northern Yin (Beifang yinshen 北方陰神), 224 Demon Statutes of Nüqing (Nüqing guilü 女 青鬼律), 310 demons: ape, 313–18; as assistants, 295; chants against, 311; character for, 214; cursing of, 412n180; as guards, 185; of diseases, 53, 56–57, 359n147; gate of, 123; identification of, 225; images of, 284; king of, 311; kui, 58, 359n146; lore of, 53, 85; and mirrors (see also mirrors), 223; and monsters (see also monsters), 311–13; mother of, see Hāritī; Mother of Nine Demons; in mountains, see mountains: demons and goblins in; names of, 310; of lou star, 57; paintings of, 295; quellers, 296, 308–9, 412n172 (see also Zhong Kui); quelling of, 151, 222, 296, 308–312, 380n148, 404n217, 412n172, 412n184; snake, 332; in underworld, 285. See also ape; hungry ghosts; trees Deng Bowen 鄧伯溫, 417n265 Desolate Terrace in the Sheltering Great Canopy of Heaven, 365n274 Despeux, Catherine, 19, 68, 83, 93, 179 Devouring Thief (Tunze 吞賊), 54, 64, 358n122. See also seven material souls Dhāranī Chart of the True Words (Tuoluoni zhenyan 陀羅尼真言), 139 dhāranī, 91, 140, 147, 375n25 diagrams, 2, 17–20, 42, 52, 85, 87, 93–96, 98, 106, 121, 125, 129, 133–34, 139, 142, 152, 161, 181, 189–90, 196, 336–37, 344, 353n152, 386n24, 418n306; fengshui, 175; ritual, 171, 210, 245, 274–75, 281, 333, 336; Water Land ritual (see also Water Land ritual), 390n121, 402n168. See also charts; ritual; names of individual true form charts Diagram for Exchanging Mortality with Immortality through Inner Observation

of Fire Kindling (Neiguan qihuo xianfan jiaohuan tu 內觀起火仙凡交換圖), 64–65 Diagram of Daoist Earthly Paradises, 107. See also paradises Diagram of Lamps Imitating the Blood Lake, 129 Diagram of Mountain Forms of All Dynasties (Lidai shanxing tu 歷代山形 圖), 377n52 Diagram of Ritual Implements Surrounding the Altar, 215 Diagram of the Altar for Salvation through Refinement, 275 Diagram of the Altar of the Heavenly Worthy of Nine Refinements, 211 Diagram of the Chant of the Azure Sky (Biluo kong ge zhi tu 碧落空歌之圖, or Azure Sky Diagram), 93–96, 98, 200, 389n80 Diagrams of the Descending Configurations of Twelve Dragons (Shi’er long jiangshi tu 十二龍降勢圖), 175 Diagram of the Eastern Well (Dongjing tu 東井圖), 401n144 Diagram of the Eight Hot Hells, 122 Diagram of the Five Sacred Peaks, 181. See also Five Sacred Peaks; True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks Diagram of the Four Continents, Nine Mountains, and Eight Seas, 122 Diagram of the Great Floating Earth at Dawn (Da fuli tu zhi tu 大浮黎土之圖 or Floating Earth Diagram), 93, 95, 98, 201, 281, 366n44 Diagram of the Oratory, 191 Diagram of the Phenomenon of Residence (Xiangzhai tu 相宅圖), 377n52 Diagram of the Six Curtains, 245 Diagram of the Survey of Mountain Forms (Shanxing zonglan tu 山形總覽圖), 377n52 Diagram of the Synthesized Heavens, 105 Diagram of the Three Isles and Ten Continents on the Sea (Haizhong sandao shizhou zhitu 海中三島十洲之圖), 11, 109 Diagram of the Three Worlds and Nine Lands (Sanjie jiudi zhi tu 三界九地之 圖), 100 Diagram of the Three Worlds, 103 Diagram of the Treasure Terrace of the Rebirth in Heaven, 212

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Diagrams on the Mystery of Ultimate and Primordial Chaos for the Cultivation of True Nature, 111 Didascalicon, 382n197 Dignified Pointers to Inner Nature and Destiny (Xingming guizhi 性命圭旨), 31 Dili xinshu. See New Book of Geography Ding Qingxi 丁清溪, 408n63 Ding Wei 丁謂 (962–1033), 385n266 directions, ritual, 114–15, 198, 209, 218, 247, 256–57, 358n108, 378n84, 379n100 Discussion on the Arcana of the Circulation of Qi in the Suwen, 246 diseases: culture of, 61, 85; and demons, 53, 56–57, 359n147; healing of, 328–29, 359n132; images of, 58–59, 359n147; and petitions, 229; prevention of, 27; and qi-flow, 33; representations of, 359n147; rituals for, 230; talismans for, 359n132; tuberculosis, 358n120. See also medicine Divine Dragons of the Nine Seas, 408n70 Divine Empyrean (Shenxiao 神霄), 17, 93, 156, 162, 167, 178, 272, 299, 331, 353n133, 356n57, 366n43–44, 366n47, 404n227 Dizang 地藏, 260, 390n109, 400n111 Dizang Bodhisattva and the Ten Kings (Dizang shiwang tu 地藏十王圖), 260, 300, 400n111 Dizang shiwang tu. See Dizang Bodhisattva and the Ten Kings documents: burning of, 247, 343; submission of, 253; containers for, 233–34; for gods, 231; for heaven, 278–79; kinds of, 232; in ritual, 189, 231–38, 242, 394n217, 394n220, 395n241, 395n244, 395n249, 395n251, 395n253, 395n263; studies of, 352n116; wrappings of, 239. See also paper Dong Yuan 董源, 408n63 Dongfang Shuo 東方朔, 382n198 Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji. See Record of Grotto Heavens, Blessed Places, Ducts, Peaks, and Great Mountains Dongyuan ji. See Anthology of the Abyssal Cavern donors, 3, 253, 348n14, 411n142, 418n317. See also Buddhism, donors in doors. See curtains; gates; salvation; tombs Dragons Script of the Eight Daunters (Bawei longwen 八威龍文), 150, 377n86 dragons script of heavenly writings (longzhang tianshu 龍章天書), 156

dragons: arrow-shaped, 152, 156; blue, 29; body, 417n282; in bird-like forms, 155–57; in Buddhist painting, 325; casting of, 231, 234–37, 395n237, 395n266, 396n275; chariot of, 306, 325, 335, 376n37, 376n43; dark, 157; double dragon seals, 355n49, 378n86; and Erlang, 390n106; in fengshui, 175; golden, 193, 235–36, 395n266; green, 205, 295; greeting vs. killing, 175, 390n106; Grotto, 116; hiding, 362n212; image of, 150, 195, 214, 236, 352n131, 378n86, 383n217, 408n68; lairs of, 175–76; in landscape, 175; in mirror designs, 226(see also mirrors); magical, 152, 155; as messengers, 96–97, 152, 236, 277, 379n115; nine, 177, 218, 231, 394n230, 409n83; in paintings, 177, 290–91, 408n67, 409n83, 408n70 (see also Chen Rong); and phoenixes, 155, 173, 195; on pillars, 251; in procession, 211; rain-evoking, 175, 409n83; as rainmakers, 409n83; and Rain Master, 327; red, 273; riding of, 111, 248, 294–95, 325, 327, 364n261; scripts of, 150–51, 155–56, 158, 161, 174, 378n86, 379n115–16; in spirit money, 239–40; studies of, 408n68; talismans of, 156, 158, 161, 218, 231, 291, 380n124; in textiles, 285; and thunder, 325–26, 331, 417n282; true, 175; and tigers, 66, 70–71, 181; and water, 396n278; on writing knife, 229; in visualization pictures, 81; summoning of, 150 Dream of the Red Chamber (Honglou meng 紅樓夢), 392n169 Dress Code of the Caps and Robes of the Nine Stars and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions for the Primordial Procession, 50. See also Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions Drexler, Monika, 156 Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933), 77, 123, 185, 193–94, 199, 245, 248, 363n238, 369n108, 371n166, 387n36, 388n69, 396n288, 397n7, 408n65 Du Liniang 杜麗娘, 264 Du Shijing 杜世敬, 89 Dunhuang: almanac, 359n147; apsaras at, 369n123; artifacts from, 13; banners at, 219–20, 391n150 (see also banners; Buddhism); calendar from, 39; chain-

sutra at, 378n96; charts from, 167, (see also charts; diagrams); documents from, 396n275 (see also documents); drawing at, 102, 368n80, 359n147, 368n80; library cave at (or Mogao Cave no. 17), 219–20, 322, 365n16, 366n26, 377n47, 391n139, 406n22; manuscripts from, 57–59, 89, 91, 96–97, 100, 141, 146, 162–63, 167–68, 354n15, 359n142, 359n147, 362n221, 368n76, 376n31–32, 377n67, 384n226, 384n245, 385n270, 387n30, 392n151, 397n13, 398n13, 404n234, 412n174, 413n192; medical texts at, 354n15, 384n226 (see also medicine); murals at, 145–46, 202–3, 368n83, 414n219; mushrooms depicted at, 385n270(see also mushrooms); paintings at, 370n156, 416n254; scrolls from, 322, 406n35; silk painting at, 220, 288, 322; sketches at, 285–86, 288 (see also sketches); talismans from, 395n240(see also talismans). See also grotto: Mogao; Mogao Cave earth: conduits in, 117; Empress of, 364n240; excursion on, 300; journeys across, 307; layers of, 121; mounds of, 207; Official of, 232, 282, 292–94, 299, 307, 318, 334–35, 339 (see also Three Officials) Eastern Sacred Peak (Dongyue 東嶽): Court of, 171; gods of, 171, 382n193; map of, 168; magical mushrooms from, 180; omens of, 408n62; paintings of, 290; symbol of, 165; Temple of, 373n225, 382n193; True Form Chart of, 116, 120, 166–69, 179, 381n173. See also Mount Tai Eastern Well, 265–66, 276, 401n144. See also Diagram of the Eastern Well Ebrey, Patricia, 222, 283 Efficacious Sticks of Tianzhu (Tianzhu lingqian 天竺靈籤), 416n256 eight assemblies, 379n113, 379n115 Eight Daunters (Bawei 八威), 149–51, 378n78–79, 378n84, 378n86, 379n115 eight immortals (baxian 八仙), 320–22, 325, 349n35, 413n210, 413n214, 414n217. See also immortals Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea (Baxian guohai 八仙過海), 320, 413n211, 414n218 Eight Nodes (bajie 八節), 40, 378n79



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Eight Phosphors (bajing 八景), 378n79 eight trigrams (bagua 八卦), 88, 135, 193, 225–29, 365n10, 378n79, 387n33 eight ways (badao 八道), 305, 378n79 elephant, 5, 349n26 Eliade, Mircea, 13 embroidery, 106, 108, 348n25, 376n27, 410n114. See also brocade; silk; textiles embryo: imaginary, 66, 70, 83; immortal, 66–67, 70, 83, 222, 273, 362n212, 403n205; Respiration, 66, 71; reverted, 66–67, 360n183; symbolic form of, 222 Emperor Gaozong 高宗 (r. 712–55), 374n2 Emperor Guangzong 光宗 (r. 1190–94), 306, 411n158 Emperor Huizong 徽宗 (r. 1110–1125): canon under, 17–18, 78, 179; catalogue of, 114, 178, 226, 283, 377n46, 407n62, 408n62; Daoists under, 42, 93, 239, 317, 356n70, 366n43, 368n98, 404n227, 408n63; Daoist texts compiled by, 78; catalogue of antiquities, 114, 165 (see also Antiquities Illustrated); deities sanctioned by, 49–50, 357n98; design of, 355n49; mirrors of, 165, 222, 226, 393n190, 393n192, 393n194; painting by, 297–98, 352n131, 409n79, 410n113; painting collection of (see also Xuanhe Painting Catalogue), 39, 51, 222, 283, 352n131, 370n142, 377n46, 382n200, 408n62, 410n113; physician of, 74, 80; revelation of, 379n117, 379n119; seals designed by, 355n49; sponsoring Daoism, 83–84, 93, 103, 156, 178, 353n133, 366n46, 366n47, 368n98, 383n217; treatise submitted to, 80; writings of, 366n46–47 Emperor Lizong 理宗 (r. 1225–64), 78 Emperor Renzong 仁宗 (r. 1025–63), 75, 106, 268 Emperor Sizong 思宗 (r. 1628–44), 338 Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 976–997), 76, 365n274, 408n63 Emperor Wenzong 文宗 (r. 827–40), 406n41 Emperor Wudi 武帝 (r. 502–49), 268, 402n161 Emperor Xuanzong 玄宗 (r. 712–56), 227 Emperor Yizong 懿宗 (r. 859–73), 107 Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (r. 998–1022), 17, 184–85, 195, 285, 352n129, 385n266, 405n17 Empress Cisheng 慈聖 (d. 1614), 402n161

Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 690–705), 91, 158–59, 236, 380n132, 396n275 Enchin 圓珍 (814–891), 359n131 Enclosure of the Dao (Daochang 道場), 189, 195, 199, 207, 209, 213, 215, 218, 229, 247, 250, 267, 270, 281, 418n306; bathhouse at, 265; directions in, 389n81, 401n139; feeding at, 267; today, 335 ephemeral, 12–13, 15, 189, 214, 242, 343–44, 351n87, 374n7, 397n310. See also immaterial Erlang 二郎, 312, 317–18, 373n225, 390n106; cult of, 412n184 erotic, 312–13. See also feminine; gender; women Ershisi zhentu. See Twenty-four True Diagrams esoteric: versus exoteric, 8–9, 343, 350n62– 63, 354n165; images, 10, 21; retreats, 9; scripts, 89; teachings, 154; transmission, 165. See also ritual: inner and outer; space: inner Esoteric Stories of Emperor Wu of the Han (Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳), 203, 389n94 Esoteric Writs of the Three Sovereigns (Sanhuang neiwen 三皇內文), 138, 380n150 Essence of the Supreme Secrets (Wushang biyao 無上秘要), 193–94, 387n38 Established Order of Daoism (Daomen dingzhi 道門定制), 193–94, 245 Eulogies for the Water Land Images (Shuilu faxiang zang 水陸法像贊), 268 Eulogy on Burying Cranes (Yiheming 瘞鶴 銘), 410n117 Europe: art in, 350n51; hells in, 374n242; icons in, 296, 418n306; visual culture in, 388n67 Evidential Miracles in Support of Daoism (Daojiao lingyan ji 道教靈驗記), 397n7, 408n65 Examination of Painting (Huajian 畫鑑), 406n40 exorcism: 17, 230, 328, 332, 339, 353n138, 373n216, 383n222, 393n181, 398n19, 404n217, 417n264, 418n8; Department of, 330, 417n273; Great, 412n167. See also ritual Expecting the Wise One and Welcoming the Entourage (Wangxian yingjia 望賢迎 駕), 308

Expelling Filth (Chuhui 除穢), 54, 358n122. See also seven material souls Experiences in Painting (Tuhua jianwenzhi 圖畫見聞誌), 1, 286 Fafu kejie wen. See Rules and Precepts Regarding Ritual Garb Fahua jingbian. See Lotus Sutra Tableaux Falin 法琳 (572–640), 25, 249 Fan Kuan 范寬 (fl. 1025–31), 81–83 Fan Qiong 范瓊, 292 fans: carrying, 118; paintings on, 182, 407n48; in ritual, 196, 215, 289, 293 (see also banners; flags) Fang Congyi 方從義 (ca. 1302–93), 408n67 Fang Zhang Xuan Guoguo furen youchun tu. See Copy of Zhang Xuan’s Lady Guoguo on an Outing Fanxiang juan. See Long Scroll of Buddhist Images feminine, 329, 413n202. See also erotic; gender; women Feng A’biao 馮阿檦, 3 Feng Daozhen 馮道真, 370n150, 394n216 Feng Hui 馮暉, 401n146 Feng Yixian 馮義顯, 3 Fengdao kejie. See Rules and Precepts for Worshiping the Dao Fengdu 酆都, 83, 121, 123–29, 207, 219, 232, 257, 272–73, 293, 319, 361n201; Mount, 123–28, 255, 309, 372n207, 373n225. See also hells; True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu fengshui 風水, 22, 143–46, 174–77, 185, 367n63, 377n48, 377n50, 383n214 Festival of Lower Prime, 299 Festival of the Three Primes, 297 Festival of Upper Prime, 299 festivals: annual, 296–99. See also names of individual festivals figurines: Buddhist, 77; Daoist, 108; sculpted, 240; ritual, 358n108; lacquer and terra cotta, 362n221; medical, 362n223; pig-headed, 331, 417n285. See also statues filial piety, 327–28, 416n254, 416n257. See also Classic of Filial Piety fire: bell, 404n217; refinement by, 273–76; visualization of, 360n162 fish: 157, 295, 310, 320, 394n215; carp, 29, 320; creature, 332; golden, 230, 395n268; and mushrooms, 185; and thunder, 331

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Five Arhats Crossing the Ocean, 324–25 Five Emperors, 36, 200, 248–49, 268 five fragrances (wuxiang 五香), 78. See also five spices Five Hundred Arhats, 270–71, 324, 300–301, 307, 325, 400n110, 402n172– 73, 403n176, 409n76, 410n133, 415n231, 415n240 five phases, 26, 28, 88, 329. See also directions Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue 五嶽): 51, 78, 96, 102, 113–16, 120, 139, 153, 162, 164, 171, 175, 180–81, 185–86, 196, 207, 215, 228, 232, 256, 268, 281, 290, 370n151, 370n153, 370n155, 375n11, 375n 12, 379n99, 381n164, 381n167, 381n168, 388n44, 399n82, 407n62; as design, 242; lords of, 378n79, 382n192; paintings of, 382n194; on robes, 370n161; talismans of, 165, 257–58; travels to, 177. See also True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks five spices (wuxiang 五香), 265, 401n141. See also five fragrances Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao wufu 靈寶五符), 153, 186. See also Five True Writs; True Writs in Five Tablets Five True Writs, 387n34. See also Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure; True Writs in Five Tablets flags, 214–20, 343, 410n116–17, 416n248. See also banners; fans Flying Poison (Feidu 飛毒), 54–55, 358n122. See also seven material souls flowers, 47, 178–79, 186, 193, 195, 200, 205, 207, 210, 265–66, 290, 384n233 Formulas of the Five Stars, the Seven Original Ones, and the Kongchang, 41 Formulas of the Immortals for Relief of Emergencies, 61–62 Foshuo beidou qixing yanming jing. See Sutra of the Great Northern Dipper Foshuo guan Wuliangshou fo jing. See Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha of Limitless Life Spoken by the Buddha Foshuo Yulanpen jing. See Ullambana Sutra Spoken by the Buddha Foshuo yuxiu shiwang sheng qi jing. See Sutra of Cultivating the Ten Kings for Giving Life to the Seven [Ancestors] Foshuo zhuan nüshen jing. See Sutra of the Transformation of the Female Body

Foucault, Michel, 15, 133 Four Immortals Honoring the God of Longevity (Sixian gongshou 四仙拱壽), 413n210 Fozu tongji. See Chronicle of Buddhism Freedberg, David, 10 frontispiece, 145, 326, 361n196, 365n18, 374n238, 415n242, 415n243, 416n243, 416n248 Fu San 傅三, 243, 333 Fujian 福建, 160, 352n130, 404n211, 408n67 Fumu enchong jing. See Sutra of Requiting Parental Kindness fungi. See mushrooms furniture, 12, 190–93, 202, 293, 365n23, 382n195, 386n22 Fusheng Expounding the Classics (Fusheng shoujing 伏生授經), 386n22 Fusheng shoujing. See Fusheng Expounding the Classics Fuxi 伏羲, 385n250, 412n181 Fuzhou 福州, Fujian, 17, 231, 352n130, 417n264 Gansu, 143–45, 203, 219–20, 286, 322–23, 338, 386n22, 414n219 Gao Wenjin 高文進 (fl. 976–1022), 286, 290, 406n35–40 Gao Yi 高益 (ca. 10th c.), 286, 406n35 gardens, 80, 87, 106–7, 264, 270, 368n107, 369n119, 377n52 Garud.a ( Jialou luo 迦樓羅 or Jialing pingjia 迦陵頻伽), 143, 377n47 Gate of Heaven, 248–49, 251–53, 295, 364n268, 399n58 Gate of Life, 83 Gate to the Three Heavens, 250 gates: and pavilions, 81; in painting, 251–52, 322, 368n80, 373n225, 399n57; in ritual, 211; in tombs and funeral art, 375n27, 412n169, 414n219; of death, 30; Gate of Demons, 123; of Fengdu, 272–73; Golden Gate, 83, 250; opening of, 257; palatial, 251; three, 66–67; of heavenly building, 91; of hell, 100; of the underworld prison, 83, 256–57, 259, 368n80, 373n225; Mysterious Gate, 369n138; motif, 83. See also names of individual gates; dead: gates of; Han dynasty: gates in Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343), 135, 138, 167,

180–81, 184–85, 223, 310, 358n124, 364n251, 368n102, 385n252, 412n176 Ge Xuan 葛玄, 39, 411n144 gender, 312, 345. See also erotic; feminine; women Gezhaoshan. See Mount Gezhao Ghost Festival, 297, 299, 402n157 Goddess of the Eastern Sacred Peak, 171, 382n193 Goddess of the Luo River, 378n79 Goddesses in the Palace Park (Langyuan nüxian 閬苑女仙), 111–13, 318 Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition (Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu 靈寶領教濟度金書), 46, 51, 99, 101, 120, 129, 189, 199, 211, 215, 218, 234, 255, 275, 277, 279, 333 Golden Gate, 83, 250, 335 Golden Register Retreat (Jinlu zhai 金籙 齋), 387n36. See also Yellow Register Purgation Gong Kai 龔開 (1222–1307), 308, 310 goose, 61, 222, 230, 236, 394n215 Goossaert, Vincent, 64 Goumang 句芒, 376n43 Goushi shan. See Mount Gou Grand Generals of the Waste Lands, Spirits of the Water, Earth, and Plant Life, 316 grass hut (jiaoguo 茭郭), 209, 390n114 Great Deity Celestial Master (Tianshi dashen 天師大神), 29 Great Emperor of Fusang (Fusang dadi 扶 桑大帝), 305 Great Emperor of the Longevity of the South Pole, 404n211 Great Encyclopedia of the Yongle Reign (Yongle dadian 永樂大典), 175–76 Great General of the Tianpeng Deity (Tianpeng dayuanshuai 天蓬大元帥), 223 Great God in Fire, 329 Great God of Drizzling Coldness (Mingleng dashen 溟冷大神), 125 Great Offerings of the Mysterious Capital, Pure Feast of the Jade Mountain (Xuandu daxian Yushan jinggong 玄都大 獻玉山淨供), 267 Great One (Taiyi 太一), 22, 28–29, 218–19, 290 Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure (Shangqing lingbao dafa 上清靈寶大法), 43, 99, 103–4,



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index 479

Great Rites of Highest Clarity (continued) 120, 189, 209, 212, 229–30, 255–56, 262, 267, 273, 275, 387n39, 388n62, 391n124, 398n37, 403n206, 364n273 Great Rites of the Book of Universal Salvation, 105, 107, 164 Great Rites of the Jade Hall (Yutang dafa 玉堂大法), 34–35, 80, 63, 127, 195, 214, 262–63, 274. See also Celestial Heart Great Song Heavenly Palace Treasure Canon (Da Song tiangong baozang 大宋天宮寶 藏), 352n129 Great Storehouse (Taicang 太倉), 29 grotto, 35, 134, 178, 371n16 6; cosmography of, 116; Dragon Grotto, 116; heavens (dongtian 洞天), 21–22, 105–6, 113–14, 116–20, 123, 134, 235, 345, 369n108, 370n150, 371n164, 405n18; hells, 127–28 (see also hells); Longmen, 303, 348n16, 411n143; Mogao, see Mogao Cave; Southern Mountain, 302; Yulin, 322–23, 377n47, 414n219; Yungang, 348n16 Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之, 370n156 Guan Xiu 貫休 (ca. 832–912), 408n70 Guan Yu 關羽, 328, 417n279 Guankou Erlang zhan jianjiao. See Deity Erlang from Guankou Beheading the Dragons Gujing ji. See Record of an Ancient Mirror Gulliver’s Travels, 369n133 Guo Ruoxu 郭若虛 (ca. 1041–98), 1, 8, 286, 341, 347n1 Guo Si 郭思 (jinshi 1082), 79 Guo Xi 郭熙 (fl. 1060s), 79, 307 hagiographies, 19, 119, 135, 254, 290, 371n173, 372n184, 374n4, 390n94, 399n63, 408n63 Hainei qiguan. See Marvelous Views within the Seas Hall of Eternal Spring, 413n211 Hall of Light (Mingtang 明堂 of Bright Hall), 76, 121, 228, 363n226, 372n198 Hall of Merit and Peace (Hui’an yuan 惠 安院), 402n172, 410n133 Hall of Perpetuated Celebration (Chengqing tang 承慶堂), 111 Hall of Purified Yang (Chunyang dian 純 陽殿), 196–97, 213, 215, 217, 313–15, 320, 385n250, 388n48, 413n210 Hall of Redoubled Yang (Chongyang dian 重陽殿), 367n70, 400n109

Hall of the Divine Empyrean (Shenxiao dian 神霄殿), 299 Hall of Venerating Emptiness (Chongxu tang 崇虛堂), 386n9 Han dynasty: 15, 38, 54, 58, 157, 190, 202, 222, 231, 296, 328; administration of, 28; astronomy in, 368n102; funerary art, 389n91; gates in, 414n219; legends of, 317; mirrors in, 226, 369n113, 374n244, 375n25, 393n190, 394n201; relief of, 376n39, 379n107; texts of, 361n208, 384n226; thunder in, 415n237; tombs in, 142, 178, 227, 356n65, 371n183, 375n22, 376n37, 383n218, 386n22, 394n197, 395n240, 417n282 Han Kangbo 韓康伯, 365n23 Han Wudi neizhuan. See Esoteric Stories of Emperor Wu of the Han Hangzhou, 299, 308, 326, 393n178, 395n266, 396n277, 400n117, 408n63 Hāritī (Guizimu 鬼子母), 130, 132, 413n194, 374n239. See also Mother of Nine Demons Harrist, Robert, 144 He Cheng 何澄, 416n248 He Dezheng 何德正, 118, 371n180 He Xiangu 何仙姑, 371n164, 385n250, 414n220 Heaven of the Grand Network (Daluo tian 大羅天), 80, 83, 99–101, 103 heavens: Brahmā, 92, 142, 263; Buddhist, 100; deity of, 295; descent from, 276, 299–302, 305–6, 335; description of, 98; and earth, 14, 193, 235; Earth, and water, 193, 345, 382n194; Emperor of, 378n83; gate to, 195, 252, 414n219; innumerable, 142; lateral, 103–5; nine, 51, 89; official of, 282; palace of, 67; pillar of, 68, 171; rite of, 387n35; Four Heavens of the Seed People (Zhongmin sitian 種民四天), 101; six, 123, 404n217; spherical, 103, 105, 368n102; texts of, 290, 405n17; thirty-two, 101, 103–5, 345, 368n99, 376n30; thirty-three, 103; thirty-six, 155, 368n90; Three, 153, 248, 250, 367n69; vertical, 99–102; writings of, 195, 350n72. See also paradises; Three Officials Heavenly Emperor of the Lord of the South Pole (Nanji tiandi jun 南極天帝 君), 403n211 Heavenly Horse Grotto, 116

Heavenly King of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi tianwang 元始天王), 151, 378n79 Heavenly Perfection Lord of the Dao (Tianzhen daojun 天真道君), 382n190 Heavenly Thief (Tianzei 天賊), 57–58 Heavenly Worthies of the Ten Directions Who Save from Suffering (Shifang jiuku tianzun 十方救苦天尊), 218, 273, 388n44 Heavenly Worthies, 195, 209, 276, 290, 336, 338, 367n70, 388n44. See also individual names of Heavenly Worthies Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi tianzun 元始天尊), 93–95, 99, 185, 225, 266, 273, 352n131, 399n75, 405n5 Heavenly Worthy of the Vermilion Mound Who Saves Lives (Zhuling duming tianzun 朱陵度命天尊), 404n211 Heavenly Worthy Who Pours the Celestial River (Tianhe guanmu tianzun 天河灌 沐天尊), 265, 401n145 Heavenly Worthy Who Saves from Suffering (Jiuku tianzun 救苦天尊), 207, 256, 259–60, 272, 390n109 heavenly writings (tianshu 天書), 11, 16, 91, 96, 138, 140, 142, 150–52, 154–56, 164–65, 172, 185, 195, 285, 350n72, 366n32, 367n54 Hebei, 157, 202, 363n228, 370n150, 374n242, 415n223 hells: in body, 273; chambers of, 372n201, 399n72; court of, 412n172; deliverance from, 299, 373n235; description of, 120–23; 129–34, 136; and grottoes, 373n225; hot, 393n178; journey to, 124, 247, 256, 272, 300, 319, 345, 400n110; kinds of, 120–21, 372n205; nine, 120–21, 255, 390n112, 399n85; of Ninefold Darkness, see Ninefold Darkness; numbers of, 372n202; opening of, 254–62, 270, 276, 399n69; in ritual, 22; women in, 129–34, 261, 345, 373n235, 374n242; and World of Desire, 100. See also Fengdu; Ten Kings of Hells Henan, 139–40, 158–59, 173, 203, 225–26, 236, 303–4, 321, 386n22, 390n95, 390n96, 393n187, 393n194, 396n275, 410n115, 411n143, 414n218 Henderson, John, 87 Herb Picking in the Cloudy Mountain, 384n247

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herbs: 22, 177–80, 201, 395n247, 401n141; 178–79, 185; picking of, 182, 201, 385n250, 412n181; and fungi, 179 (see also mushrooms). See also materia medica (bencao 本草); medicine; mushrooms Hetu baolu. See Precious Register of the River Chart Hetu. See River Chart Hidden Arrow (Fushi 伏矢), 358n122. See also seven material souls hidden language of the Great Brahmā Heaven (dafan yinyu 大梵隱語), 91, 366n37, 376n30, 401n127 Highest Clarity (Shangqing 上清): 16, 25, 88–89, 100, 117, 147, 174, 270, 334; chart, 150; communities of, 381n16; heaven of, 100; house of, 226; masters, 78, 174, 179, 227, 334; mirrors in, 225–27, 393n187; practices of, 270, 376n37, 351n105; registers, 149–51, 160, 381n174; revelations, 16, 379n112; ritual of, 224; school, 25, 89; teachings of, 88, 117, 147, 368n90; texts, 29, 40, 85, 89, 123, 305, 352n119, 375n14,, 375n20, 352n119, 404n217; visualization in, 18, 29, 40, 364n260 Highest Clarity Great Subjugation by the Tianpeng Deity, 224 Highest Clarity Illustrations of Precious Mirrors of Long Life, 225 Highest Clarity Pictures of the Cosmic Signs Embodied in Mirrors and Swords (Shangqing hanxiang jian jian tu 上清含 象劍鑑圖), 227–28 Highest Clarity Register for the Instructions on the Emanations from the Labyrinth, 150–51. See also registers Highest Clarity Secret Writings of the Jade Purity of the Three Luminants of the Great Arcane, 174 Hōgonji, 46, 51, 48, 51, 288, 300, 357n104 Hong Kong, 246, 397n311 Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123–1202), 230, 243, 263, 317, 333, 401n139 Hong Xun 洪勛, 411n158 horses: chariots of, 29; on clouds, 36, 38; heavenly, 370n162; inspection on, 307; of messenger, 96, 240; of money, 239; in ritual, 261; and spirit money, 239, 241 Hou Ching-lang, 239 Howard, Angela, 327, 369n12 Hsieh Shu-wei, 94

Hu Chao 胡超 (ca. 674–713), 236, 396n276, 408n63 Hu Cong 胡聰, 407n43 Hu Huichao 胡惠超, 396n276, 408n63 Hu Tianxiang 胡天祥, 390n104 Hua Shi, 407n55 Huainainzi, 415n237 Huajian. See Examination of Painting Huandan jue tu. See Chart of the Formula of the Reverted Embryo Huang Gongwang 黃公望 (1269–1354), 408n63 Huang Tingjian, 362n212 Huangdi neijing 黃帝內經, 361n208 Huanglu hua 黃籙畫 or Huanglu tu 黃籙 圖. See Yellow Register paintings Huanglu Shiwang biao. See Memorial to the Ten Kings Announced in the Yellow Register Purgation Huangting jing. See Scripture of the Yellow Court Huangting tu. See Illustrations to the Scripture of the Yellow Court Hugh of Saint Victor’s (ca. 1078–41), 382n197 Hunan, 321, 363n237; 364n248, 376n40, 381n180, 393n190, 414n218 Hundun, 88, 365n12 hungry ghosts, 269, 403n176, 403n179 Hunyuan huangdi shengji. See Sage Record of the Emperor of Primary Chaos Huoshan. See Mount Huo hymns. See chants iconography, 2–6, 46, 49, 52, 130, 341–42, 348n10, 349n30, 349n35, 354n2, 357n85, 357n98, 357n104, 363n235, 374n239, 393n178, 400n105, 403n211 icons: Daoist and Buddhist, 6; early, 388n45; on embroidery, 108; forms of, 46; making of, 2. See also aniconic; iconography Ide Seinosuke, 5, 46, 269, 300, 302, 355n42, 357n92, 365n22, 393n178, 412n182, 415n240 Illustrated Ascent and Descent of the Yin and Yang Energies in the Body (Tixiang yin yang shengjiang tu 體象陰陽升降 圖, 78–79 Illustrated Compendium of the Three Powers (Sancai tuhui 三才圖會), 175–76 Illustrated Fungi ( Junzhi tu 菌芝圖), 181

Illustrated Fungi for the Great Souls (Dapo zazhi tu 大魄雜芝圖), 181 Illustrated Hagiography of Xu Zhenjun (Xu taishi zhenjun tuzhuan 許太史真君 圖傳), 119, 254 Illustrated Handscroll of the Nanzhao Kingdom (Nanzhao tu juan 南詔圖卷), 355n41 Illustrated Inner Excrescenses (Nei zhi tu 內 芝圖), 181 Illustrated Instructions for How to Untie the Twelve Embryonic Knots ( Jiebao shi’er jiejie tujue 解胞十二結節圖訣), 33 Illustrated Instructions for Visualizing the Three Ones in the Five Phases of the Northern Dipper (Wudou sanyi tujue 五 斗三一圖訣), 40 Illustrated Materia Medica, 179 Illustrated Medicinal Herb Picking (Caiyao tu 採藥圖), 182 Illustrated Pantheon of the Three Spheres (Sancai dingwei tu 三才定位圖), 104 Illustrated Record of Mount Jiuyi ( Jiuyi shan tuji 九疑山圖記), 381n180 Illustrated Rock Excrescenses (Shizhi tu 石 芝圖), 181 Illustrated Secrets of the Eight Ways of Highest Clarity (Shangqing badao miyan tu 上清八道秘言圖), 305 Illustrated Wood Excrescenses (Muzhi tu 木 芝圖), 181 Illustration of an Infant Emerging from the Water (Ying’er chushui tu 嬰兒出水 圖), 274 Illustration of the Imperial Guard of Honor (Lubu tu 鹵簿圖), 391n135 Illustrations of the Mystery of the Cultivation of Perfection (Xiuzhen taiji hunyuan zhixuan tu 修真太極混元指玄圖), 66 Illustrations of the Nine Palaces ( Jiugong zifang tu 九宮紫房圖), 43 Illustrations of the Return of Liquefied Gold to the Cinnabar Field ( Jinyi huandan yinzheng tu 金液還丹印證圖), 65–66 Illustrations of the Three Ritual Classics (Sanli tu 三禮圖), 192, 216, 391n135, 410n116 Illustrations to the Scripture of the Yellow Court (Huangting tu 黃庭圖), 73 images: aniconic, see aniconic; of birds, 154; and brain, 351n97; categories of, 346; conventions of, 300; efficacy of, 408n65;



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index 481

images (continued) formation of, 307; hanging, 200; iconic, 199; kinds of, 12; making of, 350n59; in monasteries, 349n34; multimedia, 15 (see also media); painted, 402n168; as text, 11; of torso, 356n76; types of, 342; in Western art, 347n2. See also iconography; icons; painting; murals imagetexts, 11, 14, 21, 136, 139, 149, 154, 158, 165, 185, 242, 344, 418n6 immaterial, 12–15, 165, 186, 214, 242, 280, 342–43 immortality: ascension to, 158; attaining, 17, 66, 111, 113, 136, 158, 184; gods in charge of, 403n211; progess to, 180, 418n313; the realm of, 321; seekers, 111 immortals: earth, 117; feathered, 181; images of, 297; lands of, 147; looks of, 379n107; in mural, 413n210; realms of, 105. See also eight immortals Immortals and Elders in Audience with the Prime, 289, 302 Immortals in a Mountain Pavilion, 298 Imperial Benevolent Classic of Acupuncture (Taiping shenghui fang 太平聖惠方), 76, 363n225, 384n227 incense burner: 189, 191–93, 202, 244, 358n108, 386n18; lighting of, 247–48, 328, 355n47, 398n37 Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Keeps to Simplicity (Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子內篇), 135, 138, 180, 223, 310, 351n96, 354n165, 374n2, 378n75 Inner Explanation of the Three Heavens (Santian neijie jing 三天內解經), 89 Inner Vision of Flying to the Sun with the Dragons on Fire in the Yang Grotto, 80 inner. See esoteric invisible, 9–10, 13–14, 17, 136, 186, 246, 257, 322, 339, 341–43, 350n69; body, 184, 362n209; stars, 42, 46, 356n66, 356n71; invisible true form, 8 (see also true form). See also immaterial; visible intermediality, 12. See also media internal alchemy (neidan 內丹), 15, 17, 19, 21, 26–27, 64–67, 70, 78, 80, 84–85, 87, 109, 221–23, 250, 272–73, 281, 319, 343, 348n11, 354n14, 360n165, 360n170, 360n175, 360n183, 361n200, 372n207, 388n50, 403n205; See also alchemy Iron Wire Mountains, 122, 373n228 Isles of Hidden Perfection, 107

Jade Emperor (Yuhuang 玉皇), 4, 103, 279, 285, 338 Jade Hall, 71 Jade Maiden of Great Yin of Obscure Brilliance (Taiyin xuanguang yunü 太 陰玄光玉女), 28 Jade Maiden of Mysterious Wonder (Xuanmiao yunü 玄妙玉女), 89 jade maidens (yunü 玉女), 3, 36, 149, 180–81, 248, 273, 289, 290, 293, 378n79, 378n83, 407n47 Jade Maidens of the Six Ding (Liuding yunü 六丁玉女), 29 Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao yujian 靈寶玉鑒), 157, 189, 192, 210, 215–16, 218, 221, 233–35, 256, 258, 262–63, 277 jade pond (yuchi 玉池 or Yaochi 瑤池), 67, 111, 360n189, 369n138, 370n145 jade: characters, 140, 235; liquid, 149 Jesus, 6–7 Jiang Yinggao 蔣應鎬 (ca. 16th c.), 376n43 Jiang Yuanjun 江元君, 416n248 Jiang Zongying 蔣宗瑛 (d. 1281), 29, 33 Jiangnan, 16, 408n63 Jiangsu, 232, 292, 363n235, 395n240 Jiangxi, 106, 118, 125, 126, 174–75, 243, 291, 303, 371n180, 377n48, 396n276 Jiao Cai 焦采, 5 jiao. See ritual Jiebao shi’er jiejie tujue. See Illustrated Instructions for How to Untie the Twelve Embryonic Knots Jiguilong. See Auspicious Ghost Dragons Jin dynasty, 34, 172–73, 320–21, 371n181, 377n53, 382n193, 397n311, 407n53, 409n87, 410n115, 416n248, Jin guanming jing. See Sutra of the Golden Light Jin Yunzhong 金允中 (13th c.), 130, 229, 277, 388n62, 388n69, 397n8 Jing, Anning, 6, 204, 253 Jingyin Juelian 淨因覺璉 (1009–90), 295, 409n94 Jinyi huandan yinzheng tu. See Illustrations of the Return of Liquefied Gold to the Cinnabar Field Jinzhen yuguang bajing feijing. See Scripture of the Eight Effulgences of Jade Brilliance and Golden Truth Jiugong zifang tu. See Illustrations of the Nine Palaces

Jiutian fengqi xuanqiu zhenshu. See True Writing of the Mysterious Hill of the Phoenix Qi in Nine Heavens Jiuyi shan. See Mount Jiuyi Jiuyi shan tuji. See Illustrated Record of Mount Jiuyi Jiuyou jiao tu. See Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness Jōjin 成尋 (1011–81), 405n13 journey: dream, 364n240; ecstatic, 29, 63, 87, 124, 250; interior, 81–85, 272, 279 (see also esoteric); mental, 99, 272, 319; of god, 293, 307; of salvation, 278; safety during, 150; to hell, 247, 256, 345; to heaven, 259; to the Northern Dipper, see Northern Dipper; to stars, see stars; to otherworld, 303; to the mountains, see mountains: entering of; virtual, 345; through space, see space; visualized, 249, 251, 274; through the universe, 345, 347n4; underworld, 124. See also meditation; visualization Junzhi tu. See llustrated Fungi Kaifeng, 75, 178, 268, 285, 295, 299 Kaitian cexuan jing. See Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Plotting the Mysterious Kanyu 観祐 (12th c.), 385n269 kidneys, 29, 45, 66, 71, 78, 276, 320 King of Bright Responses, 253 King of the Bright Manifestation, 204–6, 253 King of the Law of the Grand Network, 9 King Yama, 122, 222 Kohn, Livia, 7, 14, 83, 136, 222 Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 (365–448), 195, 387n37 Kou Zongshuang 寇宗爽 (ca. 12th c.), 178 Kuhn, Dieter, 112 Kunlun shan. See Mount Kunlun Kyoto: 5, 31, 76, 324, 348n24, 349n28, 371n164, 406n40, 412n182; Daitokuji, 325, 410n133, 415n231 Lady Immaculate Light (Wukouguang 無 垢光), 365n18 Lady of Purple Tenuity (Ziwei furen 紫微 夫人), 155 Lady of the Eastern Peak (Dongyue furen 東嶽夫人), 264 Lady Zhao 趙, 243–44

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Lagerwey, John, 8, 139, 147, 148, 233, 250, 258, 272–73, 335–36 Lake Dongqian東錢, 269 Lake Tai (Taihu 太湖), 236 lamps: at the altar, 196, 199, 213, 215; charts of, 388n51; of destiny, 399n57; for Dipper, 198; divine, 378n79; and festivals, 297, 299; as markers, 207, 209; mirrors, 221, 223; as offerings, 200, 202; as ritual objects, 255–57; rites of lighting (fendeng 分燈), 120, 247, 256, 372n200, 386n26, 398n25, 399n85 landscape: art of, 377n48, 377n50; in body, 78–80; motifs, 111–13, 318, 339; in murals, 290, 414n223; painting, 79–85, 116–17, 134, 170, 370n141, 370n150, 370n156, 385n260, 405n9, 407n62, 408n63, 408n67; pictures of, 184; sprites in, 310; in tombs, 113, 370n150; writings in, 382n200 Langyuan nüxian. See Goddesses in the Palace Park Lantern Festival, 297 Laojun kulou tu. See Chart of the Skeleton of Lord Lao Laojun sigui mingjing yaojue. See Lord Lao’s Instruction on the Four Bright Mirrors Laozi bianhua jing. See Scripture of Laozi’s Transformation Laozi shou gengshen qiu changsheng jing. See Scripture on Guarding on the Gengshen Days to Attain Immortality by Laozi Laozi zhong jing. See Central Scripture of Laozi Laozi: and altar, 202; body of, 78; as creator, 88–89; deified, 365n16; development of, 347n4; and Heavenly Worthy, 366n24; icons of, 6, 89, 349n27; iconography of, 354n1; in painting, 5, 349n28; presences of, 4; representations of, 365n21; seated, 90; transformations of, 351n95, 374n7; true form of, 143. See also Lord Lao lay followers, 113, 131, 260, 302–4 Leiwen tianzhuan. See Thunder Writ in Heavenly Seal Script Leizhuan zhenwen. See True Writ of the Thunder Seal Script Li Bashi 李八師, 408n63 Li Cheng, 307, 382n200 Li Derou 李德柔, 408n63

Li Fengmao, 106–7, 109, 149, 369n115, 375n20, 389n94 Li Gonglin 李公麟 (ca. 1041–1116), 50, 174, 306, 362n212, 374n239, 382n183, 383n206, 411n157 Li Guizhen 厲歸真, 347n1 Li Shouyi 李壽儀 (9th–10th c.), 291, 408n63 Li Sicong 李思聰 (ca. 1050), 106, 369n108 Li Si 李斯 (ca. 284–208 bce), 158, 379n118 Li Song 李嵩 (1166–1243), 308, 362n209, 408n63, 409n75 Li Yuanguo, 164 liandu. See salvation through refinement rites Liang Kai 梁楷, 6, 217, 259–60, 362n211, 371n176, 391n137 Liang Lingzan 梁令瓚, 357n100 Liang, Ellen Johnston, 239 Liao dynasty, 76, 182, 226, 326, 353n133, 363n228, 370n150, 371n164, 389n93, 393n191, 400n117, 406n22, 410n117, 412n169, 412n181, 414n219, 415n242, 415n243 Lidai minghua ji. See Records of Famous Paintings of All Dynasties Lightning: 294–95, 319, 325–26, 328, 330; Lady of, 327, 329, 416n248; Mother of, 268. See also Thunder Li-Guo tradition, 405n9 Liji. See Book of Rites Lin Lingsu 林靈素 (ca. 1076–1120), 83, 365n277, 366n43 Lin Sheng-chih, 6, 259 Lin Tinggui 林庭珪, 271, 300–301, 324, 403n176, 409n76 Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu. See Golden Book of Salvation According to the Numinous Treasure Tradition Lingbao wufu. See Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing. See Scripture of Salvation Lingbao yujian. See Jade Mirror of the Numinous Treasure Lingfei liujia yunü. See Numinous Flying Jade Maidens of the Six Jia Linquan gaozhi. See Lofty Message of Forest and Streams lion: 55, 64, 377n59; face of, 214; fivecolored, 273; flag of, 214; hand sign of, 224

Little, Stephen, 2, 4, 81 Liturgical Manual for the Yellow Register Purgation (Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上 黃籙齋儀), 245 liturgy. See ritual Little, Stephen, 2, 4, 81 Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao in the Tiantail Mountains, 118 Liu Chen 劉晨, 118, 384n247 Liu Hunkang 劉混康 (1036–1108), 352n131, 404n227 Liu Sheng 劉勝 (165–113 bce). See Prince Jing of Zhongshan Liu Songnian 劉松年 (fl. 1155–1218), 308 Liu Wentong 劉文通, 407n62 Liu Zhiwan, 398n20, 417n264 liver, 27, 61, 66, 71, 74, 358n115 Lofty Message of Forest and Streams (Linquan gaozhi 林泉高致), 79 Long Scroll of Buddhist Images (Fanxiang juan 梵像卷), 130, 132, 390n98 Long Zhang 龍章, 285 Longhu shan. See Mount Longhu Longmeizi 龍眉子, 360n165 Lord Lao (Laojun 老君), 5, 29, 80, 135, 226, 247, 374n3–4, 405n5. See also Laozi Lord Lao’s Instruction on the Four Bright Mirrors (Laojun sigui mingjing yaojue 老 君四規明鏡要訣), 221 Lord of Eastern Florescence (Donghua dijun 東華帝君), 303, 411n148 Lord of Green Florescence (Qinghua dijun 青華帝君), 299 Lord of Longevity (Changsheng jun 長生 君), 299 Lord of the Bright Mirror (Mingjing jun 明鏡君), 392n163 Lord of the Dao (Daojun 道君), 29, 352n131 Lord of the East (Dongwang gong 東王 公), 28, 411n148 Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮 華經), 3, 69, 326, 361n196, 374n238, 416n248 Lotus Sutra Tableaux (Fahua jingbian 法華 經變), 145 Lower Cinnabar Field. See Cinnabar Field Lü Dalin 呂大臨, 383n204 Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓, 196, 314, 320–22, 360n183, 371n164, 388n48, 413n212, 414n220 Lu Meiniang 盧媚娘, 107



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index 483

Lu Shizhong 路時中 (12th c.), 34, 80, 332 Lu Xinzhong 陸信忠, 312, 407n43 Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–77), 16, 18, 25, 190–91, 386n510, 394n205 Lu Xizhen 陸希真, 1 Lu You 陸游 (1125–1209), 119 Lü Zhuo 呂拙, 365n274, 407n62, 408n63 Lubu tu. See Illustration of the Imperial Guard of Honor Luo Writ (Luoshu 洛書), 59, 96, 138 Luofeng 羅酆, 71, 123, 272. See also Fengdu Luoshu. See Luo Writ Luoyang, 226, 228, 229, 266, 411n143 Lushan. See Mount Lu Ma Lin 馬麟 (ca. 1215–56), 408n63 Ma Wenyuan 馬文遠, 390n104 Ma Yuan 馬遠 (1190–1279), 384n247 Ma Yunqing 馬雲卿 (fl. 1230), 407n53 Madonna with Saints Jerome and Francis, 388n67 Mahāprajāpatī Nursing the Infant Buddha, 407n53 Maitreya (Mile pusa 彌勒菩薩), 406n40 Man-Bird: 154k, 185, 376n39, 376n40, 376n43; Mountain, 136–37, 139–46, 151, 186, 281, 375n11, 375n12, 376n43, 377n63, 378n79, 381n158; motif, 376n40, 377n47; writings, 147–53. See also Numinous Vulture Peak; paradises; mountains Manichaeism, 6–7, 349n32–33, 412n172 Mañjuśrī (Wenshu 文殊), 322–23, 414n219, 414n223, 415n226; and Vimalakīrti, 414n219 Manual of the Water Land Ritual (Shuilu yi 水陸儀), 402n164 Maoshan. See Mount Mao map of Mount Jiuyi. See Mount Jiuyi Map of the Nine Heavens in the Great Cavern, 106 Map of the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak. See Central Sacred Peak Map of the Tracks of Yu, 170 map-like configurations, 106, 115, 165–67, 170, 281, 360n181 mapmaking, 96, 168, 170 mapping, 14, 66, 87, 109, 133, 272 maps: 2, 14, 19, 85, 136, 166, 168, 343; celestial, 266, 375n23; cosmological, 18, 122; Daoist, 14, 167–68; empire, 170; European and Islamic, 87; for pilgrims, 167; Google earth, 168; inscriptions,

124; internal alchemical, 67; in Japan, 372n205; Korean, 369n111; of body, 64, 66, 84; of Mount Tai, 168–69, 381n179; of stars, 38, 41–42, 52, 85; of the underworld, 123–26, 133; of waterways, 174; mental, 83; Mawangdui, 381n180, 382n181; mountain treasures marked on, 179; ritual, 121, 207–8; temple, 172–73; traditional, 168; world, 87–125, 142 Marvelous Book of Salvation in Seal, 156 Marvelous Views within the Seas (Hainei qiguan 海內奇觀), 144–45, 377n58 Master Baoguang 葆光, 362n212 Master of the Nine Qi (Jiuqi zhangren 九 丈人), 150 Master, Dark, 389n71 Masters, Five, 388n62 materia medica (bencao 本草), 178–79, 184–85, 383n221, 383n224, 384n224, 384n226, 384n230, 385n256. See also medicine materiality, 2, 22, 91, 196, 280, 342, 386n5; of the Christian hell, 372n185; of Daoist saced space, 189–242; Daoist, 241–42; of the dead, 417n292; multimedia, 343; of religion, 12. See also space: materiality of; visuality: and materiality Mawangdui, 142, 168, 170, 376n40, 381n180, 382n181 medicine, 7, 17, 22, 25, 27, 66, 362n220, 363n225, 363n237, 384n226; and Daoism, 362n213; and internal alchemy, 66; and mushrooms, 181; and religion, 85, 346, 349n39, 363n228, 383n222; body in, 27, 346; figurines in, 362n221, 362n223, 362n226; herbal, 22, 384n233; Indian, 363n233; in Qing, 361n204; magical, 57, 96, 178, 383n222; making, 201, 384n227; picking, 201. See also materia medica (bencao 本草) meditation: and diagrams, 142; on Fengdu, 123; forms of, 10–11; and images, 8, 15–18, 21–22, 25–27; inner observation, 64, 360n162; microcosmic orbit, 66–67; mysterious, 360n168; and neuroscience, 14, 351n100, 351n104; place for, 117; and ritual, 272, 343; terminology of, 360n170; and trance, 149–50; and true form, 135. See also visualization Memoir on Several Varieties of Drug Plants (Yakushi shō 藥種抄), 385n269

Memorial of the Handwritings to the Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water Submitted by a Daoist Priest (Daoshi tiandishui sanguan shoushu luzhuang 道 士天地水三官手書籙狀), 232–33 Memorial to the Ten Kings Announced in the Yellow Register Purgation (Huanglu Shiwang biao 黃籙十王表), 261. See also Ten Kings of Hells; Yellow Register Purgation memorials (biao 表), 193, 230, 232, 235, 249, 252–53, 255, 296, 343, 394n217, 398n24, 398n45 Meng Anpai 孟安排 (fl. 699), 355n4 meridians (mai 脈, jing 經, luo 絡), 83, 95, 98, 362n221 Mesnil, Evelyne, 276 messengers, 230, 236–39, 241, 248, 261–62; black, 417n272; body gods as, 394n220; celestial, 148; Daoist, 240; divine, 96, 155, 230, 236, 240, 242, 294, 330, 357n93, 376n40, 378n79, 378n83, 396n281; of the Divine Tiger, 262–63 (see also soul catchers); dragon as, 379n115; fish as, 395n268; heavenly, 59, 152, 155, 277; male, 211; of the Northern Dipper, 49, 357n93; of the Three Primes, 293; soul-catching, 262; talisman of, 329–30 Messengers of the Six Heavens (Liutian shizhe 六天使者), 125 Messenger of the Talisman to the Three Realms (Sanjie fushi 三界符使), 396n295 metamorphosis, 9, 351n96 Method of Fasting and Meditating on the Spirits to Rescue Oneself from Death (Zhaijie sishen jiusi jue 齋戒思神救死 訣), 28 Method of Great Illumination (Mingzhao fa 明照法), 392n163 Method of Hanging Images to Call Back the [Body] Gods (Xuanxiang huanshen fa 懸像還神法), 27 Method of Paying Homage to the Jade Hall and the Primordial Qi (Chao yutang ye yuanqi 朝玉堂謁元氣), 364n262 Method of Reclining in the Northern Dipper (Wodou fa 臥斗法), 44, 46 Method of Revealing the Form of the Ghost (Zhaogui xianxing fa 照鬼現形 法), 224 Method of the Divine Staff (Shenzhang fa 神杖法), 400n99

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Method of the Seven Planets (Qiyao xingchen biexing fa 七曜星辰別行 法), 56 Methods for Entering the Mountains (Dengshan zhidao 登山之道), 138. See also mountains: entering of Mi Fu, 407n55 Miaofa lianhua jing. See Lotus Sutra microcosm, 26, 65, 71, 84, 117, 134, 343, 347n4, 350n60 Miller, Tracy, 204 mind (xin 心): and image, 9–10; true form, 142; fasting of, 10; landscape of, 185; state of, 7 minerals, 79, 106, 115, 117, 177–80, 185, 383n218, 383n222, 383n224, 408n63 Ming dynasty: bronze in, 76; court of, 315, 332, 374n241, 416n248; Daozang in, 19; diagram in, 129; emperor of, 18; encyclopedia of, 175; hagiography of, 119; images in, 5; imperial relatives of, 338; mural in, 404n211; painter in, 408n67, 413n210; painting from, 240, 409n75; and Qing, 268, 338; scroll of, 402n161; steles in, 115; temple in, 406n30; woodblock of, 254–55 miniature: artifacts, 230; bronze statue, 363n235; golden dragons, 193, 235–36; landscape, 78, 81, 83–84, 193; models of paintings, 286; mountains, 109, 193; palace, 107; screen paintings, 414; world, 109 mirrors: activation of, 224; on altar, 186; bronze, 114, 226, 321, 370n157, 371n181, 392n163, 393n187, 414n218; Daoist, 221–22, 225, 370n157, 392n157, 393n187, 393n190; and swords, 221, 223, 227, 392n177, 393n178, 393n194, 394n198; with chart, 385n272; description of, 221–28; exorcistic, 138; and Five Sacred Peaks, 114; Han, 202, 369n113, 374n244, 375n25; images on, 119; in Emperor Huizong’s collection, 114, 222, 226, 393n190, 393n192; in hells, 393n178; in ritual, 222; in theater, 416n248; in transmission rites, 221, 223; inscription on, 371n180; to kill demons, 222; and lightning, 326; measurements of 392n161; of mercury, 77; and mind, 364n241; and mountains, 222–23, 370n156; and Northern Dipper, 221; Qing, 370n157; and recitation, 225;

in ritual, 214, 242, 343; square, 222; stories of, 392n169; studies of, 370n155, 392n157–58; Sui, 226; on, 227; talismans on, 223–25, 242; Tang, 165, 221, 225–26, 370n155, 393n187, 393n190; turning of, 228; use of, 221; and visualization, 221, 223, 225, 392n162; Yuan, 321, 414n218 media, 7, 281, 291, 305, 326, 342, 375n25, 405n240, 418n3; transfer, 393n194. See also images: multimedia; intermediality; transmediality Mitchells, W. J. T., 11, 14, 21 Mollier, Christine, 6, 46 Mogao Caves: no. 17, 219–20, 322, 365n16, 366n26, 377n47, 391n139, 406n22; no. 31, 415n223; no. 61, 407n42, 415n226; no. 103, 370n156, 414n219; no. 249, 368n83, 415n240; no. 285, 202–3; no. 303, 389n92; no. 420, 145 Monastery of Light Transformation (Guanghuasi 光化寺), 417n264 Monastery of Precious Peace (Baoning si 寶寧寺), 315, 317, 332–33, 357n104, 374n241, 416n248 Monastery of Returning to Immortality (Guizhen guan 歸真觀), 387n36 Monastery of the Great Divine Mercy (Dasheng ci si 大聖慈寺), 406n29 Monastery of the Numinous Cliff (Lingyan si 靈巖寺), 76, 145, 363n234 Monastery of the Treasure Calendar (Baoli si 寶曆寺), 268 Monastery of the Universal Buddha (Pilu si 毘盧寺), 374n238, 374n242, 385n250, 414n219 monsters, 309–17, 332, 412n186, 413n193 Morgan, David, 12, 241 Most High Memorials That Proclaim Mercy and Are Helpful in Working Wonders, 233 Mother of Nine Demons (Jiuzimu 九子 母), 374n239. See also Hāritī Mount Baoding (Baodingshan 寶頂山), 326–27, 416n245, 416n256 Mount Bao (Baoshan 包山), 371n165 Mount Gezhao (Gezhaoshan 閣皂山), 303, 411n144 Mount Gou (Goushi shan 緱氏山), 158–59 Mount Huo (Huoshan 霍山), 253, 381n168 Mount Jiuyi (Jiuyi shan 九疑山), 168, 170 Mount Kunlun (Kunlun shan 崑崙山), 28, 78, 80, 83, 105, 106, 111, 142, 356n76, 364n271

Mount Longhu (Longhu shan 龍虎山), 291, 317, 408n67 Mount Lu (Lushan 廬山), 381n168 Mount Mao (Maoshan 茅山), 16, 25, 29, 384n233, 410n117 Mount Pingdu (Pingdu shan 平都山), 123 Mount Qian (Qianshan 潛山), 381n168 Mount Qingcheng (Qingcheng shan 青城 山), 381n168 Mount Shaoshi (Shaoshi shan 少室山), 371n166 Mount Song (Songshan 嵩山), 178, 236, 370n156, 371n166, 380n132, 384n233, 396n275. See also Central Sacred Peak Mount Sumeru (Xumi shan 須彌山), 100, 106, 368n78, 368n81, 368n83. See also Buddhism; Man-Bird; mountains; paradises Mount Tai (Taishan 泰山), 115, 120, 135, 166, 168–69, 178, 370n159, 381n174; See also Eastern Sacred Peak Mount Tiantai (Tiantai shan 天台山), 117, 227, 371n173, 384n247 Mount Wutai (Wutai shan 五台山), 370n163, 415n226 Mount Yang (Yangshan 陽山), 371n166 Mount Yi (Yishan 嶧山), 379n118 Mount Zhongnan (Zhongnan shan 終南 山), 406n41 Mountain of Jade Capital (Yujing shan 玉 京山), 80, 83, 99, 103, 103–4, 111, 193, 407n48 Mountain of Mystery Capital (Xuandu 玄 都山), 80 Mountain of Small Iron Wire (Cakravāda, Xiao tiewei shan 小鐵圍山), 122 Mountain of the Long Valley (Changgu zhi shan 長谷之山), 149 Mountain of the Rock Gate Grotto (Shimen shan 石門山), 35–36, 171, 355n50 mountains: caverns under, 127; charts of, 10; Daoists on, 375n14; engravings on (moya 摩崖), 173; entering of, 115, 138, 167, 223, 310, 375n16; demons and goblins in, 138, 312–13, 317, 375n14, 412n174, 412n176; gods and immortals in, 117, 171–72; and grottoes, 105; herbs in, 180; in body, 29; in painting, 293; list of, 381n168; nine, 122; and paradise, 112; prayers in, 235; and rocks, 377n59; sacred, 80, 134, 165, 343; as self, 81;



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mountains (continued) shape of, 144; treasures in, 177; and writing, 11 mouth of flames, 267, 401n153, 402n157 Mudanting huanhun ji. See Record of the Soul Returning to the Peony Pavilion Mulian目蓮 (Maudgalyāyana), 130, 299, 373n235 murals: 3, 109–10, 171–72, 180–81, 196, 202, 204–6, 211, 215, 253, 268, 283–84, 286, 289–90, 302–5, 307, 314, 320, 322, 325, 349n30, 349n35, 356n51, 363n225, 368n78, 368n83, 369n130, 371n164, 373n225, 374n242, 377n47, 382n193, 384n227, 385n250, 388n48, 390n103, 390n104, 390n105, 391n133, 391n138, 396n276, 400n109, 404n211, 404n217, 405n13, 406n22, 406n27, 406n31, 406n35, 406n40, 407n42, 407n48, 407n53, 407n54–57, 407n60, 408n70, 410n141, 411n152, 411n165, 412n184, 413n193, 413n210–11, 413n213, 414n219– 20, 414n223, 415n240; of the Lotus Sutra Tableaux, 145; measurements of, 407n60, 411n152; medical, 363n225, 384n227; painters, 292, 407n58; sketches for, 286. See also painting; sketches mushrooms, 29, 106, 148, 177, 384n245, 385n263, 385n266, 385n269, 385n270; anthropomorphic, 185, 385n263; magical (or zhi 芝), 112, 177, 180–88, 193. See also herbs; medicine Mysterious Altar of the Mysterious Capital (Xuandu xuantan 玄都玄壇), 365n16 Mysterious Golden Container ( Jinsi xuanxuan 金笥玄玄), 61–62 Mysterious Green Emperor (Qingxuan shangdi 青玄上帝), 200 Nanzhao tu juan. See Illustrated Handscroll of the Nanzhao Kingdom Nara, 349n33, 357n89, 357n95, 359n148, 359n150, 386n22, 392n172, 400n109–11, 410n133 Needham, Joseph, 74, 181 Nei zhi tu. See Illustrated Inner Excrescenses Neijing cemian tu. See Side-View Chart of the Inner Realm Neijing tu. See Chart of the Internal Passageways Neo-Confucianism, 96, 261, 360n172, 364n241, 367n66, 392n162. See also Confucianism

New Book of Geography (Dili xinshu 地理 新書), 144 New Year, 240, 285, 297 Nine Palaces (Jiugong 九宮), 42–44, 356n76; illustrations of, 43 Nine Songs, 306, 409n84, 411n157 nine worms (jiuchong 九蟲), 53–54, 61, 358n120, 359n152, 360n162 Ninefold Darkness (jiuyou 九幽), 120–21, 127, 193, 207–10, 255, 265, 267; chart of, see Chart of the Offering for the Ninefold Darkness; hells of (jiuyou yu 九幽獄), 120, 209; Offering for, 207; prison in, 272; Secret Palace of (Jiuyou yingong 九幽陰宮), 127 Ningbo, 59, 222, 269–70, 300, 302, 307, 309, 312, 325, 348n22, 373n224, 374n242, 386n22, 400n109–10, 402n172, 403n176, 409n76, 410n132, 410n133, 412n171, 415n231, 415n240 Northern Capital (Beidu 北都), 71, 124 Northern Sacred Peak, 180; Temple of (Beiyue miao 北嶽廟), 382n193 Northern Dipper (Beidou 北斗): 46–47, 49, 51, 80, 356n59, 364n260; absorption of, 45, 262, 329; in body, 356n64; deities, 39, 48, 51, 262, 288, 357n93, 357n104, 406n41; diagram of, 39, 41, 357n91; iconography of, 349n35, 357n88; journeys to, 38, 40–41; lamps for, 198; Mandala, 287–88, 322; Pace of, 250, 256, 276, 280, 385n276; qi of, 364n260; and rain, 330; reclining in, 44, 357n83; representations of, 80; stars of, 40, 356n66, 357n86, 404n217, 405n13; treading of, 41 Northern Emperor (Beidi 北帝), 123–24, 372n209, 373n216 Northern Song dynasty: archaeology of, 141; building standards, 369n126; court, 268, 290, 365n274, 382n200, 405n13; government, 158; handscroll, 403n211; painter, 50, 289; paintings, 298, 406n40, 414n223; palace, 297; repertoire in, 407n62; schools of, 307; statue, 406n40; temple, 415n223; texts, 109, 144, 182, 371n164; tombs, 303, 376n33; tradition, 405n9 Northern Wei dynasty, 3–4, 203, 266, 348n21, 388n45, 411n143 Northern Zhou dynasty, 89–90, 195, 387n37 numerology, 68, 96, 113, 153, 228, 368n90, 378n79

Numinous Flying Jade Maidens of the Six Jia (Lingfei liujia yunü 靈飛六甲玉女), 33–34 Numinous Vulture Peak (Lingjiu shan 靈 鷲山): 145–46; bird-shaped, 145; and Man-Bird Mountain, 377n63. See also Buddhism; Man-Bird; mountains; paradises Numinous Treasure (Lingbao 靈寶): communities of, 381n163; cosmology of, 103; Daoism, 16–17, 387n27, 411n144; diagrams, 401n144; pantheon, 382n192–93; ritual, 18, 193, 404n211; studies of, 352n120; teachings, 88–89, 91; texts of, 94, 100, 106, 152, 166, 181, 273, 296, 366n43, 371n174, 372n194, 376n30, 384n245, 397n13, 379n115; words of, 163; writs, 140 Nüqing guilü. See Demon Statutes of Nüqing Nüshizhen tu. See Admonitions Scroll ocean, 106, 111–12, 122, 171, 215, 320, 335; in the body, 28–29, 83, 320; crossing (duhai 渡海), 300, 318–19, 322, 325, 339, 341, 345, 413n210, 415n223; of qi, 83 Official of Earth, 307–12, 318–19, 332 Official of Heaven, 292–93, 300, 305 Official of Water, 245, 294–95, 300, 319, 322, 325, 326–27, 332–33, 335 Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water. See Three Officials Old Mother of the Yellow Primordial (Huangyuan laomu 黃元老母), 361n198 One-Thousand-Eyed, One-Thousand-Armed Guanyin, 393n178 oratory, 189–92, 386n7, 386n12–13 ordination, 34, 199, 281, 387n36, 388n62, 395n264 organs, five (wuzang): 27, 46, 61, 65–66, 71, 76, 78, 153, 164, 273, 276, 328, 361n207, 363n226, 363n233, 364n240; mock, 76, 79, 363n226, 363n234. See also kidneys; liver; spleen Orthodox Essentials of Eating and Drinking (Yinshan zhengyao 飲膳正要), 382n195 Orthodox Unity Register (Zhengyi lu 正一 籙), 386n12 Orthodox Unity. See Celestial Masters Orzech, Charles, 267 Osaka, 50, 261, 357n100, 382n200, 386n122 Outline of the Ritual for the Unobstructed Night Retreat and the Offering for the

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Souls in the Nine Realms of Darkness of the Yellow Register, 208, 210 Ouyang Chuweng 歐陽楚翁, 408n67 Ouyang Xueyou 歐陽雪友, 408n67 Pacing Method of Breaking Open Hells (Poyu gang shi 破獄罡式), 256 Pagoda of the Teaching Monastery of Flourishing Sagehood (Xingsheng jiao si ta 興聖教寺塔), 363n235 Pagoda of Wondrous Communication (Miaotongta 妙通塔), 363n235 pagodas, 100; of the Liao dynasty, 182, 416n243 painters: architecture, 365n274; court, 50, 79, 286, 290, 292, 362n209, 384n247, 403n211, 408n63, 409n75, 413n210; Daoist, 284–92; of Ningbo, see workshop: Ningbo; priests as, 290–92, 347n1; professional, 130, 283–84, 290, 295, 300, 306–7, 390n104, 407n53, 409n71, 412n168; 284–90, 407n59; workshop, 403n176 Painting of Lady Pengzu Paying Tribute to the Northern Dipper (Xie Pengzu nü li beidou xiang 寫彭祖女禮北斗像), 39 Painting of Medicinal Herb Picking on Mount Tiantai (Tiantai caiyao tu 天台採 藥圖), 384n247 Painting of the Heavenly Worthy of the Grand Network (Daluo tianzun huaxiang 大羅天尊畫像), 367n68 Painting of the Mountain Villa, 174, 382n183, 383n206 Painting of Xu Fu Picking Medicinal Herbs (Xu Fu caiyao tu 徐福採藥圖), 384n247 Painting Record of Yizhou (Yizhou minghua lu 益州名畫錄), 268 paintings: artistic, 1, 20–22; contemporary, 252; blue and green landscape, 109, 111, 116; copying of, 405n7; Daoist and Buddhist, 260–61, 339, 358n111 (see also Buddhism; Yellow Register Painting); by Daoist priests, 284–92; dragon, 177, 290–91, 408n67, 409n83, 408n70; drama of, 290; by Emperor Huizong, 297–98, 352n131, 409n79, 410n113; liturgical, 21, 283; exhibition of, 409n76, 410n132; on fans, 182, 407n48; gates in, 251–52, 322, 368n80, 373n225, 399n57; Laozi in, 5, 349n28; magical, 1, 341; miniature, 286, 414; paired, 409n76;

portable, 3, 182; production of, 284; in ritual, 281; sacred, 350n59; sand, 351n87; scroll, 2, 283; sets of, 292, 373n224, 409n76; as sources, 133; Tibetan, 397n310; of women recluses, 182. See also Boston triptych; Dunhuang; landscape; Ming dynasty; murals; Northern Song; painters; tombs Palace of Bright Response from Jade Purity (Yuqing zhaoying gong 玉清昭應 宮), 285, 290, 405n17 Palace of Great Simplicity (Taisu gong 太 素宮), 28 Palace of the Heavenly Emperor (Tiandi gong 天帝宮), 124 Palace of the Three Primes (Sanyuan gong 三元宮), 334 Palace of the Treasure Register of the Highest Clarity (Shangqing Baolu gong 上清寶籙宮), 299 Palace That Contains Essence (Cangjing gong 藏精宮), 29 palaces: celestial, 87, 91, 103, 369n108; miniature, 107; Nine Palaces (Jiugong 九宮), 42–44, 356n76; stellar, 52; underground, 123. See also names of individual palaces Pang Chongmu 龐崇穆, 407n62 Pangu 盤古, 79 pantheon, 2, 6, 28, 33, 154, 201, 231, 268, 290, 296, 326, 335, 339, 345, 349n30, 349n35, 373n217, 378n82, 382n192, 404n217, 405n13, 416n248 paper, 239–242, 250, 255, 394n221, 397n299; colors of, 231, 385n2, 394n231; money, 239, 263, 299, 343, 359n137, 363n237, 396n282, 396n283, 396n284, 396n287; green-verse, 231; horses (zhima 紙馬), 240; made in Fuzhou, 231. See also documents paperwork, 13, 16, 189, 229–31, 233–34, 242, 294–95, 327. See also deities: as bureaucrats paradises, 14, 87, 103–5, 369n138, 370n150, 371n163, 371n164, 406n25; in Buddhism, 154; Daoist, 109, 136, 139, 370n141; earthly, 14, 22, 88, 98, 105–9, 113, 115, 120, 133–34, 136, 141–42, 154, 185, 318–19, 343, 345, 369n119. See also Buddhism; Daoism; heavens; Man-Bird; mountains; Numinous Vulture Peak parish, 190, 386n9

patronage: of Buddhist images, 268, 314–15, 332, 348n10, 374n241, 402n172, 402n261; of Daoim and Daoist art, 3–6, 15, 178, 285, 338, 348n21, 352n129–30, 367n68, 405n17, 408n63; imperial, 15, 76, 178, 285, 314–15, 332, 352n129–30, 367n68, 374n241, 402n261, 408n63 Pavilion of the Jade Saliva (Yaojin ting 瑤 津亭), 405n13 Pavilion of the Three Officials (Sanguan ting 三官亭), 336 Peacock King (Kongque mingwang 孔雀 明王), 406n40 Pelliot, Paul, 413n195 Penglai 蓬萊, 105–6, 112–13, 185, 318, 368n107, 369n114, 369n138 Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern (Dadong zhenjing 大洞真經), 29–31, 33, 37 Perfected Being of Niwan (Niwan zhenren 泥丸真人), 71 Perfected Cinnabar Child (Zhenren zidan 真人子丹), 29 Perfected Consort of the Southern Dipper (Nandou zhenfei 南斗真妃), 265 Perfected Script in Five Tablets Written in Red Celestial Writing on the [Heavenly Worthy of] Original Commencement and the Five Ancient Lords (Wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 五老赤書玉 篇真文天書經), 90, 92, 153 Perfected (or Dark) Warrior (Zhenwu 真武 or Xuanwu 玄武), 185, 338, 341, 349n35, 393n194, 404n217 performance, 13, 335, 379n110; animated, 296; bridge-crossing, 278 (see also bridges); Buddhist, 267–268, 299; dramatic, 267, 277, 388n67; musical, 389n91; soul-saving, 254, 274; soul-summoning, 263; theatrical, 245, 390n105. See also ritual: performance Petition Almanac of Chisongzi (Chisongzi zhangli 赤松子章曆), 229–30 petitions (zhang 章), 192, 198, 229, 232, 244, 250, 296, 394n220 phoenixes, 106–7, 111, 144, 146, 150, 155, 215, 241, 380n133, 381n174; Nine Phoenixes, 160, 162–64, 378n80 physiognomy, animal, 413n200; immortal, 377n44, 379n107 Picture of Auspicious Omens (Ruiying tu 瑞 應圖), 59



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Picture of Caves and Cavities in Landscape (Shanshui xuedou tu 山水穴竇圖), 106 Picture of Gazing Inward at the Yellow Court by Laozi (Laozi huangting neishi tu 老子黃庭內視圖), 361n207 Picture of Paying Homage to the Perfected by Yanluozi (Yanluozi chaozhen tu 煙蘿子 朝真圖)), 63–64, 71 Picture of Picking Mushrooms in the Mountain (Caizhi kaishan tu 採芝開山 圖), 181 Picture of the Great Grotto in the Nine Heavens, 372n212 Picture of the Immortal Picking Mushrooms and Surveying the Mountain (Shenxian caizhi kaishan tu 神仙採芝開山圖), 384n245 Picture of the Inner Landscape of the Yellow Court and Five Organs (Huangting wuzang neijing tu 黃庭五藏內景圖), 361n207 Picture of the Primordial Qi in the Body (Yuanqi tixiang tu 元氣體象圖), 78–79 Picture of the Scripture of the Mystic Vision of the Man-Bird Mountain (Xuanlan renniao shan jing tu 玄覽人鳥山經圖), 137, 139, 142 Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (Wuxing ershiba su zhenxing tu 五星二十 八宿真形圖), 50, 143. See also Twentyeight Lunar Mansions Pictures for Calling Forth the Officials (Chuguan tu 出官圖), 355n47. See also Calling Forth the Officials Pictures for Meditating on the Officers (Gongcao sishen tu 功曹出官圖), 355n47 Pictures of Bright Mirrors (Mingjing tu 明 鏡圖), 225 Pictures of the Demonic Kings of Disease (Bingguiwang tu 病鬼王圖), 56 Pictures of the Diagrams of Spectral Prodigies of White Marsh (Baize jingguai tu 白澤精怪圖), 359n146, 412n174 Pictures of the Seven Primes (Qiyuan tu 七 元圖), 51 Pictures of Tilling and Weaving (Genzhi tu 耕織圖), 417n281 pigs, 61, 331, 417n285 Pingdu shan. See Mount Pingdu Plans of the Palaces and Bureaus in Heaven

and Earth (Tiandi gongfu tu 天地宮府 圖), 368n108 Plate, S. Brent, 12 pledges (zhenxin 鎮信), 193, 196, 199, 358n108 powers: celestial, 385n262; magical, 221, 258; miraculous, 318; and mushrooms, 181, 185; and secrecy, 350n53; studies of, 350n49; supernatural, 1; of thunder, 328 Practical Almanac for the Offering of the Memorial of the Original Star (Yuanchen zhangjiao licheng li 元辰章醮立成曆), 196 Precious Canopy of the Green Mystery (Qingxuan baogai 青玄寶蓋), 218 Precious Copies of the Jade Almanac (Yuli baochao 玉曆寶鈔), 261, 400n117 Precious Mirror of Painting (Tuhui baojian 圖繪寶鑑), 341, 418n1 Precious Register of the River Chart (Hetu baolu 河圖寶籙), 42 Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot (Yushu baojing 玉樞寶經), 31, 101–2, 250, 251, 391n135, 400n109 Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall (Yutangzhengzong gaoben neijing yushu 玉堂正宗高奔內景玉書), 44–47, 80 Primordial Mountain (Taiyuan zhi shan 太元之山), 148 Primordial View of the Mountain Form of the Man-Bird Mountain (Yuanlan renniao shanxing tu 元覽人鳥山形圖), 137, 139, 141, 142 Prince Huai’an, 292 Prince Jin, 158–59 Prince Jing of Zhongshan (Zhongshan Jingwang 中山靖王) Liu Sheng 劉勝 (165–113 bce), 157, 202 Prince Qiao, 380n133. See also Wang Ziqiao printing, 17–19, 41, 167, 239, 269, 375n25; Daoism and, 352n130, 353n153, 375n27, 401n127. See also Song dynasty Prison of the River of Embers (Huihe diyu 灰河地獄), 373n235 processions, 37, 50, 108, 180, 244, 249, 263, 288–89, 302–5, 307, 309, 322, 410n117, 411n142, 411n143, 412n168, 413n194, 416n248. See also animated; deities: mobile; murals

Pure Land, 31–33, 143, 354n8, 377n47 Purgation of the Three Primes (Sanyuan zhai 三元齋), 193–94, 296, 387n29 Purple Chamber (Zifang 紫房), 29, 44 qi 氣: and acupuncture points, 75; assembly of, 175; conduits of, 66; cosmic, 9, 11, 13, 29, 138, 185; and healing, 329; and images, 341–45; illustrations of, 377n67; landscape of, 185; meridians of, 95–96, 117; and mountains, 139, 145; natural, 181; nine, 273; nodes of, 69; observation of, 146; ocean of, 83; primary, 66; primordial, 89, 147, 163, 165; of thunder, 329; wondrous, 9 Qian Liu 錢鏐 (852–932), 236 Qianshan. See Mount Qian Qianzi wen. See Text of One Thousand Characters Qing dynasty, 18, 64, 71, 115, 297, 338, 367n66, 383n218, 396n281, 413n194 Qingcheng shan. See Mount Qingcheng Qingduguan. See Temple of the Pure Capital Qingwei qidao neizhi. See Clarified Tenuity Prayer Guidelines Qingxiao 清曉 (nun), 76 Qingyang 擎羊, 47, 357n93 Qiu Shiliu 邱十六, 416n261 Qiu Ying 仇英, 412n168 Qu’ran, 87, 351n93, 418n6 Queen Mother of the West, 28, 111, 152, 203, 356n76, 370n145, 378n79, 389n93, 399n58, 413n214, 414n219 Rain Master (Yushi 雨師), 29, 320, 325–26, 327, 416n250 rain: benevolent, 326; evoking, 330; Garud.a and, 377n47; inducing of, 328–29, 408n70, 417n264; thunder, lightning, wind and, 294–95, 319, 325, 329, 332; inducer, 294. See also ritual; talisman; thunder rainbow, 325; bridge, 250 rainmaker, 325, 409n83 rainmaking, 328, 415n235 Raising the Alms Bowl ( Jiebo tu 揭缽圖), 374n239, 413n194 Reading the Stele (Dubei tu 讀碑圖), 382n200 Reading the Stele by Pitted Rocks (Dubei keshi 讀碑窠石), 382n200

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Realm of Jade Purity (Yuqing jing 玉清 境), 274 Record of an Ancient Mirror (Gujing ji 古鏡 記), 392n169 Record of Grotto Heavens, Blessed Places, Ducts, Peaks, and Great Mountains (Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji 洞天 福地嶽瀆名山記), 369n108 Record of Paintings from the Zhongxing Library (Chongqing guange chucang tuhua ji 中興館閣儲藏圖畫記), 283 Record of the Listener (Yijian zhi 夷堅志), 230–31, 243, 245, 317, 364n240, 366n37, 416n261 Record of the Peach Blossom Spring (Taohua yuan ji 桃花源記), 118, 371n174 Record of the Ten Continents (Shizhou ji 十 洲記), 106, 369n116 Records of Famous Paintings of All Dynasties (Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記), 158, 367n60 Records of the Soul Returning to the Peony Pavilion (Mudanting huanhun ji 牡丹亭 還魂記), 264 Records of the True Realms (Zhenjing lu 真 境錄), 285, 405n18 refinement, 272–73, 403n189 registers (lu 籙): of Highest Clarity, 381n174; of life, 297, 327; precious, 278; of rebirth, 278, 394n230, 405n235, 405n237; studies of, 352n116, 378n80–81; today, 250. See also charts; diagrams; talismans Register of the Eight Daunters Summoning the Dragons (Bawei zhaolong lu 八威召 龍籙), 150–151 Register of the Sword Alliance with the Powers of the Orthodox Unity, 35 religion: anthropology of, 8; and art, 280; material, 12, 241, 346, 351n79, 351n90, 397n304, 418n5; popular, 7; theory of, 345 Repentance of the Waters of the Samādhi of Compassion (Cibei sanmei shuichan 慈悲三昧水懺), 401n156 rites, external, 270, 274 rites: bathing, 263, 265, 401n132–33, 401n139, 401n145; feng and shan, 386n34; of lighting lamps, 120, 247, 256, 372n200, 386n26, 398n25, 399n85; of repentance, 401n156. See also ritual; thunder

Ritual Diagram of the Altar of Refinement, 99 Ritual for Offering to the Gods of Registers of the Three Caverns, the Five Methods, and the Orthodox Unity Covenant, 188 Ritual Manual for the Water Land Ritual for Sages and Commoners in the Dharma Worlds (Fajie shengfan shuilu shenghui xiuzhai yigui 法界聖凡水陸勝會修齋儀 軌), 400n112 Ritual for Releasing the Mouth of Flames (fangyankou 放焰口), 267. See also mouth of flames ritual: actions in, 186; activation of art in, 34; adaptation to, 283; as alternative scripture, 8; of announcement, 394n217; and art, 281, 342; bathing in, 263, 265, 401n132–33, 401n139, 401n145; banners in, 189, 195–96; body gods in, 34–38; canopy in, 107; conclusion of, 277–280; cuisines, 180; cycles in, 364n256; dance, 41; and diagrams, 133 (see also diagrams: ritual); drums in, 331–32, 415n237; external, 274–77; family, 402n168; feeding, 267; food in, 210, 268; imperial, 386n5; inner and outer, 9; instruments in, 397n316; Jiao 醮 offering, 186, 245, 336–37, 385n2–3, 397n13; lamps in, 120; Lighting the Burner (Falu 發爐), 34; manuals of, 14, 22, 346, 402n164; of merit (Gongde 功德), 207, 404n234; objects for, 22; objects in, 2, 213–14; offerings to gods, 397n7, 401n156; paraphernalia (weiyi 威儀), 12, 107, 214; performance, 1, 8, 10, 15, 21–22, 40, 85, 196, 207, 214, 218, 242, 245–46, 249–50, 253, 255, 261, 268, 279, 284, 291, 343, 356n64, 403n211, 405n241; private, 354n14; purgation, 245; rain-making, 253, 291; routines of, 7; of salvation, 17, 133, 207, 216, 218, 259; space of, 21, 106, 189, 207, 242, 342, 385n1; stages in, 199–201, 205, 388n69, 389n81, 390n103; studies of, 351n111; tablets, 207, 210, 237, 242, 250, 274, 388n44; texts in, 16; and theater, 205–6, 296, 321; theory, 350n43; and True Form Charts, 385n271; and visual culture, 189; visualized, 22; walking, 356n55; registers in, 34. See also Calling Forth the Officials (Chuguan 出官); Great Offering of Yellow Register (Huanglu

dajiao 黃籙大醮), 243; Purgation of the Three Primes (Sanyuan zhai 三元齋); Salvation through Refinement (liandu 鍊度); Water Land ritual (Shuilu fahui 水陸法會); Yellow Register Purgation (Huanglu zhai 黃籙齋); and other individual names of rituals River Chart (Hetu 河圖), 96–98, 138, 367n56, 367n58, 367n60, 367n63, 385n276, 409n84 River Lord (Hebo 河伯), 378n79 robes: in Africa, 397n312; astral, 39, 46, 50, 250, 288, 357n100; funeral, 332; of body gods, 31, 33, 35; bureaucratic, 40, 281, 306; Daoist, 110, 370n161, 397n311; of deities, 28, 35, 46, 244, 277, 285; of demons, 312; designs of, 369n131, 370n161; in detail, 110; of immortals, 9; Mongolian, 130–31, 374n238; of Northern Dipper, 39; of priest, 102, 110, 369n131; official, 240, 294, 376n40; ritual, 22, 114, 240, 242, 248, 251, 259, 397n311; of souls, 270 Robinet, Isabelle, 9 rock excrescenses, 180, 384n244 roosters, 61, 118 Ruan Gao 阮郜, 111–12, 318 Ruan Zhao 阮肇, 118, 384n247 Ruicheng, Shanxi. See Temple of Eternal Joy ruiying tu 瑞應圖. See Picture of Auspicious Omens Rules and Precepts for Worshiping the Dao (Fengdao kejie 奉道科戒), 8, 391n136, 391n144 Rules and Precepts Regarding Ritual Garb (Fafu kejie wen 法服科戒文), 9 Rushan jing. See Classic of Entering the Mountains Sage Mother (Shengmu 聖母), 204–6 Sage Record of the Emperor of Primary Chaos (Hunyuan huangdi shengji 混元皇 帝聖紀), 135 Salvation Scripture Inscribed in Cloud Seal; 156 Salvation through Refinement (liandu 鍊度), 242–45, 270–72, 332, 361n201, 361n202, 368n86, 403n181, 403n183, 403n206, 403n211¸403n189–90, 403n195, 404n211, 404n234–35 salvation: and art, 345; banquets for, 299;



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index 489

salvation (continued) and doors, 322; granting of, 279; in fiction, 264; term for, 210, 319; universal (pudu 普度), 207, 267, 270, 390n114; and water, 319. See also bridges; journey; ritual; Salvation through Refinement Samantabhadra (Puxian 普賢), 5, 322, 348n25–26, 414n219, 415n223 Sancai dingwei tu. See Illustrated Pantheon of the Three Spheres Sancai tuhui. See Illustrated Compendium of the Three Powers Sanhuang neiwen. See Esoteric Writs of the Three Sovereigns Sanli tu. See Illustrations of the Three Ritual Classics sanshi. See deathbringers Sanskrit, 76, 103; pseudo, 91, 93, 142. See also Brahmā Santian neijie jing. See Inner Explanation of the Three Heavens Sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing. See Scripture on the Prohibitions and Merit of the Three Primes Sanyuan pinjie zuimu. See Sins against the Precepts of the Three Primes Scarlet Palace (Jianggong 絳宮), 83, 273 Schafer, Edward, 150, 265, 305 screens, 190; and curtains, 203; folding, 130, 390n98; karma, 222; motif in art, 130, 171, 204–5, 382n195, 390n98, 390n101; painting, 118, 414n217 Schipper, Kristofer, 18, 28, 167, 231–32, 248 script: bird, 96, 154–65, 380n130, 380n135– 36, 380n139; Brahmā, 155; on charts, 139; cloud seal, 91, 379n117–19; composite, 279; dragon, 150, 158, 161, 378n86, 379n115–16; esoteric, 140; fish seal, 158; heavenly, 155, 328, 366n39; hidden, 174; magical, 137, 140, 154, 164; reinvention of, 158; seal, 96, 278, 376n30, 383n204; thunder, 416n259 Scripture for Opening the Heavens and Plotting the Mysterious (Kaitian cexuan jing 開天策玄經), 160–61 Scripture for the Protection of Life (Chu sanshi jiuchong baosheng jing 除三尸九蟲 保生經), 53–57, 59, 61, 64 Scripture of Cursing Demons (Zhougui jing 咒鬼經), 311 Scripture of Laozi’s Transformation (Laozi bianhua jing 老子變化經), 365n16

Scripture of Salvation (Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing 靈寶無量度 人上品妙經), 78, 83, 93–94, 263, 299, 364n244, 364n272, 376n301, 366n43, 403n186, 404n211 Scripture of the Eight Effulgences of Jade Brilliance and Golden Truth (Jinzhen yuguang bajing feijing 金真玉光八景飛 經), 89, 91 Scripture of the Great Peace (Taiping jing 太 平經), 27, 279, 354n17, 364n253, 405n239 Scripture of the Yellow Court (Huangting jing 黃庭經), 6, 67, 73, 84, 354n165, 354n31, 356n76, 360n189, 361n208, 362n210, 362n212, 364n260, 364n271, 378n79 Scripture on Great Offerings (Yujing xuandu daxian jing 玉京玄都大獻經), 267 Scripture on Guarding on the Gengshen Days to Attain Immortality by Laozi (Laozi shou gengshen qiu changsheng jing 老子守庚申求長生經), 55, 359n131 Scripture on the Prohibitions and Merit of the Three Primes (Sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing 三元品誡功德輕重經), 297 scriptures, 2, 13, 108, 151, 165, 189, 366n30, 369n126–27, 378n96 sculptures, 2–3, 6, 36, 56, 133. See also statues Sea of Suffering (Kuhai 苦海), 83, 319. See also ocean Searching [for Demons] in the Mountains (Soushan tu 搜山圖), 312–13, 373n225, 412n183–84 Secret Essentials of the Most High Assisting the People and Saving the Country, 41, 225 Secret Instructions and Illustrations of the Great Visualizations (Da cunsi tu zhujue 大存思圖注), 35, 38 Secret Instructions of Jade Purity (Yuqing jue 玉清訣), 257 Seidel, Anna, 2, 4, 239 Seiryōji 清涼寺, 76, 406n40 Self-Generating Jade Graphs and Inner Sounds of All the Heavens (Zhutian neiyin ziran yuzi 諸天內音自然玉字), 93 seven material souls (qipo 七魄), 54, 63, 71, 358n117, 358n122, 360n162 Shaanxi, 4–5, 363n225, 384n227 Shancai tongzi wushisancan tu, 406n30

Shandong, 39, 76, 117, 371n165, 376n39, 379n107, 379n118, 386n22, 415n237 Shang Ting 商挺, 111 Shang Xi 商喜, 413n210 Shang Yi 尚義, 238, 315–16 Shanghai, 18, 278, 334, 363n235, 391n135 Shangqing badao miyan tu. See Illustrated Secrets of the Eight Ways of Highest Clarity Shangqing hanxiang jian jian tu. See Highest Clarity Pictures of the Cosmic Signs Embodied in Mirrors and Swords Shangqing lingbao dafa. See Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure Shangqing taishang longjiao jing. See Shangqing Scripture on the Art of Riding a Chariot Shangqing tianguan santu jing. See Three Ways to Go Beyond the Heavenly Pass Shanhai jing. See Classic of Mountains and Seas Shanxi, 37, 182, 196, 204, 206, 213, 215, 217, 253, 332, 348n22, 370n150, 388n45, 397n311, 371n164, 373n225, 375n22, 382n193, 382n193, 383n224, 390n105, 406n30 Shaoshi shan, Mount Shaoshi Shen Gua 沈括 (1031–95), 392n169 Shennong 神農, 182, 363n226, 384n226, 385n250, 412n181 Shih Shou-chien, 291 Shin Chion’in 新知恩院, 269, 300, 403n175 Shishuo xinyu 世說新語, 365n22 Shiwang tu. See Ten Kings of Hell Shizhi tu. see Illustrated Rock Excrescenses Shizhou ji. See Record of the Ten Continents Shōsō-in 正倉院, 114–15, 370n155, 411n142 Shu Jie 叔介, 243–44, 263 Shu. See Sichuan Shuilu faxiang zang. See Eulogies for the Water Land Images Shuilu yi. See Manual of the Water Land Ritual Sichuan, 6, 15, 35–36, 54–56, 108–9, 112–13, 118–19, 123, 130, 140–41, 171, 190, 291, 292, 302, 312, 317, 326–27, 331–32, 348n23, 358n120, 362n212, 363n238, 367n63, 368n83, 371n166, 371n183, 383n218, 390n118, 400n117, 402n159, 402n164, 406n29, 408n63, 408n70, 414n219, 415n237, 416n245, 417n283, 417n285

490 index

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sickness. See disease Side-View Chart of the Inner Realm (Neijing cemian tu 內境側面圖), 67–71 signifiers, 96, 342 signs, 136, 138, 144, 151–52, 155, 160–61, 163, 165, 227, 230, 233, 248, 342, 344; hand, 246, 248, 256, 393n184, 356n64, 398n19 silk: banners, 218–19; blue, 235; brocade, 96; flags, 215; green, 214; manuscripts, 106; mock organs made of, 76; multicolored, 199, 203, 210, 215; as ritual offerings, 199, 358n108 (see also ritual); ornaments, 297; pennant, 214; spirit money, 239 (see also spirit money; paper: money); tents draped with, 202 (see also curtains: on tents); threads, 199, 235; true form charts on, 167; weaving, 330 (see also Pictures of Tilling and Weaving); worms, 330; yellow, 219, 249. See also brocade; colors; embroidery; textiles Silk Road, 370n162 Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647–735), 179, 227, 369n108 Sins against the Precepts of the Three Primes (Sanyuan pinjie zuimu 三元品戒罪目), 409n105 Sir Immortal Ge’s Method of Honoring the Great Northern Dipper (Ge Xiangong li beidou fa 葛仙公禮北斗 法), 39 Sire of the Yellow Primordial (Huangyuan laogong 黃元老公), 361n198 Six Dynasties: calligraphy in, 410n117; Daoists of, 147; paradises in, 154; practices of, 364n260, 376n37; studies of, 351n112, 354n9, 381n171; texts from, 25, 33, 40, 139, 141, 152, 196, 357n77, 375n20, 401n144, 404n217, 411n153, 376n32 Six Harmonies, 170–71 Six Jia (Liujia 六甲), 33–34, 329 Six Planets (Liuyao 六曜), 51 Six Realms, 210, 269, 300, 317, 390n118, 403n175 Sixian gongshou, Four Immortals Honoring the God of Longevity skeleton, 358n115, 362n209, 362n220, 392n169. See also Chart of the Skeleton of Lord Lao; Skeleton Puppet Show Skeleton Puppet Show (Kulou huanxi tu 骷 髏幻戲圖), 362n209

sketches (fenben 粉本), 127, 284–86, 288, 292, 307, 368n76, 373n224, 382n193, 406n22, 406n25, 406n29, 414n221 Smelly Lung (Choufei 臭肺), 358n122. See also seven material souls snakes, 61, 78, 310, 313, 331–32, 393n194, 393n196, 413n187, 417n282 soldiers: demon, 312–13, 332, 373n225; divine, 36, 38, 248–249, 329, 335, 378n83 Song dynasty: altar in, 195, 387n40, bibliographies, 381n180, catalogues of, 229; court style of, 46; culture of, 161; Daoism in, 16–17, 93; funerals in, 150; government of, 178; history of, 351n112; imperial family of, 117; literary accounts of, 117; liturgical manuals in, 388n44; monk of, 402n161; period, 207; printing in, 17, 352n130, 396n291; records of, 338; ritual in, 239, 245; scholars of, 119; scripts in, 150, 155; shops in, 240; sources of, 297, 397n13; temples in, 108; texts of, 96, 375n16; tombs in, 112, 227, 363n225, 390n95; transition to, 308, 371n164; visual culture of, 339; visualization in, 26; and Yuan, 21, 52, 73, 85, 124, 127, 154, 171, 200, 203, 216, 219, 260, 291, 319, 329, 346, 349n35, 373n224, 400n109, 403n189–19, 410n132 Song Wu 宋无 (1260–1340), 309 Songshan. See Mount Song Songs of the Numinous Herbs by the Immortal of the White Clouds (Baiyun xianren lingcao ge 白雲仙人靈草歌), 179–80, 184 soundscape, 95, 366n51; 367n51 souls: ascent of, 325; bathing of, see bathing; catchers of, see soul catchers; deliverance of, 244–46, 262–65, 269, 272, 279, 400n110–12; description of, 52–60, 358n117; elimination of, 360n162; feeding of, 267; female, 332–33; food for, 267; ghosts of, 412n169, 417n264; harmful, 27; in hells, 302; kinds of, 265, 417n288; material, 54, 63; names of, 358n122; places for, 207–12; protection of, 317; rites for, 101; in ritual, 207; roaming, 264; saving of, 200; sins of, 171; spirit, 54; summoning of, 263; and trees, 317. See also seven material souls soul catchers, 201, 232, 244, 262, 400n120. See also messengers

Soushan tu. See Searching [for Demons] in the Mountains South Pole (Nanji 南極), 232, 403n211 Southern Dipper, 276 Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南嶽), 381n167, 381n168, 382n193 Southern Song dynasty: assemblies in, 240; bibliography of, 377n52; capital of, 299; chart, 207; court of, 52, 283, 393n178, 417n288; dating to, 411n158; diagram, 106, 130, 133, 210–11; divinations in, 416n256; emperor, 78; figurine, 56; handbook, 393n194; handscroll 259, 371n176; illustration, 64; image, 403n211; landscape, 80; liturgical manuals, 303; manuals, 387n43; master, 37; medicine in, 384n230; painters of, 177, 384n247, 403n193, 408n63, 408n67, 409n75; painting, 5–6, 22, 31, 46, 49, 59–60, 288, 300–301, 309, 391n135, 393n178, 400n110, 403n176, 409n83, 412n167; patriarch 29, 39; pictures of, 305; practice in, 44, 336; relief, 302; ritual of 269–70, 276–77, 293, 397n8, 416n248; schools in, 404n211; scroll, 409n84; stone carvings, 171; style of, 307–8; talisman of, 156, 173; texts of, 33, 160, 231, 265, 398n24; thunder in, 415n237; tombs of, 55; version, 400n117; visuality in, 145; workshop of, 409n76 Sovereign of the Heavenly Perfected (Tianzhen huangren 天真皇人), 94–95, 366n50 space, 12–13, 133, 141; celestial, 401n146; constructions of, 10, 15; cosmic, 165; design of, 7, 21; and government, 372n198; inner, 175, 190, 199 (see also ritual: inner and outer); journey through, 149; lateral, 103; layers of, 195–99; mapping of, 99 (see also maps); materiality of, 189–242 (see also materiality); metaphor of, 366n51; portable, 189; private, 281; public, 221, 281; ritual, 15, 21–22, 51, 99, 101, 106, 133, 186, 189–242, 244–45, 253–54, 265, 274, 276–77, 279, 283, 293, 333, 336, 342–43, 367n33, 368n86, 385n1, 386n4, 388n51, 388n52, 389n81, 390n111, 401n139, 402n168, 418n313; sacred, 7, 10, 15, 22, 25, 136, 171, 210, 241, 247, 344, 382n194; secular, 203; temple, 386n3, 389n92;



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index 491

space (continued) temporal, 372n198; and time, 26, 181, 342, 367n51, 378n79; underground, 129 Sparrow of the Yin (Queyin 雀陰), 54–55, 358n122. See also seven material souls spells. See chants spirit money, 189, 239–42, 299, 343, 396n282 Spirit Who Comes to Condole Her Bereaved Family, 333 spleen, 27–28, 66–67, 71, 74, 83, 358n115. See also Yellow Court staff: codes on, 399n97; divine, 258, 400n99; document, 255, 257–259; ritual, 255, 257; talismans in, 399n97 stalactite, 178, 383n219; caves and caverns, 116, 127; an illustration of, 383n220 Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat (Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 無上黃籙大齋立成儀), 125, 189, 212, 231, 277, 279 stars: baleful, 356n62; and body, 11, 42–45; dance on, 250; deities of, 36, 49, 154, 290, 300, 358n111, 405n5; Great Brightness, 143; Honorable, 42; Imperial, 42, Jidu, 223–24; in tombs, 401n146; invisible, 42, 46, 356n66, 356n71; journeys to, 21, 27, 40, 52, 343; maps of, 41–42; and planets, 29–32, 284, 355n36, 379n113, 405n13, 406n34; Purple Tenuity, 226; reports to, 29; symbols of, 380n122; vacuous, 50; Venus, 143; visualization of, 38–40, 85. See also Celestial River; Milky Way; Northern Dipper; Six Planets; Tejaprabhā Buddha and the Nine Planets; Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions statues, 25, 193, 204, 348n16, 352n117, 363n235, 387n37. See also figurines Stele Inscription for the Highest Extinction of Tuberculosis (Taishang duanchu fulian beaming 太上斷除伏連碑銘), 358n120 steles, 3, 114, 158, 358n120, 379n117–19, 382n200 Stevenson, Daniel, 268 stone carvings, 35, 130, 171, 302, 348n23, 356n59, 357n98, 362n221, 375n27, 416n245 Stove God (Zhaicao 宅竈), 198 Streams and Mountains in Autumn Colors, 117 Strickmann, Michel, 93, 181

Su Shi (1037–1111) 蘇軾, 73, 268, 295, 329, 362n212, 402n168, 415n239 Su Xun 蘇洵 (1009–66), 295 Su Zhe 蘇轍, 402n168 sun and moon, 30, 36, 106, 146, 229, 266, 305, 345, 360n179, 364n260 Sun Jue 孫玨, 182–83 Sun Long 孫隆, 408n71 Sun Simiao (581–682), 54 Sun Wei 孫位 (fl. 9th c.), 292, 408n70 Sun Xubai 孫虛白 (12th c.), 239 Sun Zhiwei 孫知微 (10th c.), 39, 284–85, 292, 405n13–14 Supreme Lord of the Three Heavens, 171 Sutra of the Great Northern Dipper (Foshuo beidou qixing yanming jing 佛說北斗七 星延命經), 46–47, 57 Swallow Cliff (Yanyan 燕巖), 144–45 swords, 205, 228, 242, 314. See also mirrors: and swords symbols, 11, 19, 115, 152, 154, 163, 167, 346 Taiping jing. See Scripture of the Great Peace Taiping shenghui fang. See Imperial Benevolent Classic of Acupuncture Taishan. See Mount Tai Taishang duanchu fulian beaming. See Stele Inscription for the Highest Extinction of Tuberculosis Taishang huanglu zhaiyi. See Liturgical Manual for the Yellow Register Purgation Taishang lingbao zhicao pin. See Catalogue of Fungi and Herbs Taishang renniao shanxing zhenxing tu. See Chart of the True Form of the Topography of Most High Man-Bird Mountain Taiwan, 18, 234, 239, 241, 246, 248, 250, 336–37, 361n204, 385n3, 387n34, 389n84, 395n251, 396n287, 398n24, 398n45, 399n57, 401n139, 404n234, 410n142, 418n306 Talisman for Blocking the Mountain (Jinshan fu 禁山符), 380n146 Talisman for Breaking Open Hells (Poyu fu 破獄符), 257 Talisman for Summoning the Divine Tiger, 262–63 Talisman of the Chorus of the Nine Phoenixes (Jiufeng qichang fu 九鳳齊 唱符), 162, 164 Talisman of the Five Spirits Breaking

Open Hells (Wuling poyu cezhang neifu 五靈破獄策杖內符), 257–58 Talisman of the Green Mystery Heavenly Worthy Pardoning the Sinners and Destroying Fengdu (Qingxuan tianzun jiuku po fengdu fu 青玄天尊救苦破酆 都符), 255, 257 Talisman of the Heavenly Worthy of the Ten Directions Who Saves from Suffering (Shifang jiuku tianzun fu 十 方救苦天尊符), 256, 258 Talisman of the Humming of the Eight Luan Birds (Baluan tongming fu 八鸞 同鳴符), 163 Talisman of the Light of the Nine Cranes (Jiu guang baihe fu 九光白鶴符), 163 Talisman of the Mysterious Transformation of the Ten Directions (Shifang xuanhua fu 十方玄化符), 256, 258 Talisman of the True Form of the Marshal (Yuanshuai zhenxing fu 元帥真形符), 417n272 Talisman That Transforms Men’s Clothes (Bian nanyi fu 變男衣符), 267 Talisman That Transforms Women’s Clothes (Bian nüyi fu 變女衣符), 266 Talisman to Invite the Nine Spirits to the Document Staff (Qing jiuling cezhang fu 請九靈策杖符), 399n97 Talisman Worn When Entering the Mountain (Rushan peidai fu 入山佩帶 符), 138 talismans (fu 符): as aniconic, 343–44; at altar, 262; on banners, 392n153; birdinspired, 164; with black messengers, 417n272; blowing of, 276; in body, 164, 277; of the center, 379n101–2; characters on, 20; and charts, 138; color of, 380n149; curvilinear, 293; in Daozang, 18–19; against deathbringers, 57; description of, 20; of directions, 165; and dragons, 161, 231, 291, 391n148; drawing of, 380n124; ecological, 173; of goddesses, 34; in green jade, 34; and healing, 162; and hells, 390n112, 394n231; imperial, 17; and landscape, 173; language in, 276; location of, 200; for mountain, 138; and orders, 257; of Perfected Warrior and Black Killer, 404n217; for protection, 138; and scripts, 156; and writs, 209; for rain-

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making, 330; in ritual, 214, 242, 255, 274, 404n230; in staff, 258; symbols in, 382n200; in thunder rites, 329, 400n120; today, 250; in vermilion, 162and visualization, 34. See also names of individual talismans; charts; diagrams; registers Talismans and Diagrams of the Highest Scripture of Universal Salvation (Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing futu 靈寶無量度人上品妙經符 圖), 93–95, 150 Talismans of Five Emperors Breaking Open Hells (Wudi poyu cezhang fu 五 帝破獄策杖符), 399n97 Tang dynasty: altars in, 195; artists of, 50, 386n22; Buddhism in, 25, 55, 249; capital, 89, 368n78; court, 107, 367n68, 411n142; cults in, 130; Daoists in, 291; diagrams, 175; hagiographies in, 135; mirrors in, 114, 226; murals in, 414n223; physicians, 54; princesses, 387n36; sculptures, 6; and Song dynasty, 53, 111, 113, 120, 136–37, 144, 146, 151, 154, 158, 167, 175, 199, 221, 226, 228, 288, 297, 326, 393n187, 398n20, 399n70, 405n13, 408n63; tales, 108; texts, 35, 42, 43, 57, 65, 96–97, 223, 305, 411n153 Tang Hou 湯垕 (fl. 1322), 406n40 Tang Shenwei 唐慎微 (ca. 1056–1136), 178, 185, 383n224, 385n256 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 (1550–1616), 264 Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), 25, 190, 225, 380n150 Tao Qian 陶潛 (365–427), 118, 371n174 Taohua yuan ji. See Record of the Peach Blossom Spring Tejaprabhā Buddha and the Nine Planets (Chishengguang jiuyao 熾盛光九曜), 286, 288, 406n34 Temple for Admiring Perfection and Longevity (Chongzhen wanshou gong 崇真萬壽宮), 111 Temple of Celestial Treasures (Tianbao guan 天寶觀), 338 Temple of Eternal Joy (Yongle gong 永樂 宮), 35, 37, 73, 109–11, 180–81, 196–9, 211, 213, 215, 217, 302, 305, 313–15, 320–22, 325, 349n35, 356n51, 367n70, 371n164, 379n107, 385n250, 391n133, 391n138, 400n109, 407n48, 407n54 Temple of Heavenly Celebration (Tianqingguan 天慶觀), 243

Temple of Jade Clarity (Yuqing gong 玉清 宮), 365n274 Temple of Prosperity (Longxing si 隆興 寺), 415n223 Temple of Spectacular Numina (Jinglinggong 景靈宮), 299 Temple of the Central Sacred Peak. See Central Sacred Peak Temple of the Cloudy Rock (Yunyan si 雲 岩寺), 109 Temple of the Eastern Sacred Peak. See Eastern Sacred Peak Temple of the Jade Bureau (Yuju hua 玉局 化), 408n70 Temple of the Northern Sacred Peak, see Northern Sacred Peak Temple of the Prime Minister (Xiangguo si 相國寺), 75, 286, 362n222 Temple of the Pure Capital (Qingduguan 清都觀), 89, 91, 366n26 Temple of Venerating Goodness (Chongshan si 崇善寺), 406n30 Temple of Virtuous Oneness (Zhenyiguan 貞一觀), 338 temples, 189, 203, 216, 302, 332. See also names of individual temples Ten Continents, 106–10, 369n135 Ten Kings of Hells, 400n114, 400n117, 255, 261, 268, 345, 400n114; paintings of (Shiwang tu 十王圖), 59–60, 222, 260–61, 300, 309, 359n148, 359n150, 373n224, 374n242, 392n151, 400n109, 400n111, 407n43, 409n76; Sutra of, 400n112. See also hells Tenggong muming. See Tomb Epitaph of Sir Teng Text of One Thousand Characters (Qianzi wen 千字文), 370n142 textiles, 9, 12, 76–77, 96, 108–9, 140, 193, 203, 233, 285, 385n2, 387n36, 410n114. See also brocade; colors: in textile; embroidery; silk Three Caverns (Sandong 三洞), 16, 18, 352n123 Three Chancelleries (Sansheng 三省), 51 Three Clarities (Sanqing tian 三清天), 100–101, 367n69–70 Three Isles, 110–13, 369n135 Three Officials (Sanguan 三官), 51, 124, 193, 199–200, 207, 231–35, 268, 296–300, 328, 333–36, 373n217, 399n65, 409n105, 417n298, 418n313

Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water (Tian di shui sanguan tu 天地水三官圖), 22, 283, 292–95, 338–39, 345, 382n194, 405n5, 409n74–75 Three Primes (Sanyuan 三元), 127, 153, 358n117, 373n217, 379n115, 409n106–7 Three Pure Ones (Sanqing 三清), 17, 110, 207, 209, 296, 302, 35, 336, 399n57, 405n5, 411n152, 414n217 Three Realms Table (Sanjie tan 三界壇), 336, 418n313 Three Tablets of Heaven, Earth and Water (Tian di shui sanjian 天地水三簡), 153 Three Treasures (Sanbao 三寶), 195, 388n44 Three Ways to Go Beyond the Heavenly Pass (Shangqing tianguan santu jing 上清天 關三圖經), 123–24, 356n65 Three Worlds (Sanjie 三界), 100–101, 133, 345, 368n89 three worms (sanchong 三蟲), 54 thunder: Department of Thunder, 328; forces of, 294–95; gods, 329–31, 377n47, 415n236, 415n237, 415n240, 416n243, 416n256, 416n261, 417n265, 417n276, 417n282 ; killing by, 416n261; Lord of Thunder (Leigong 雷公), 268, 326–27, 329, 377n47, 415n236, 416n248, 416n256, 417n265; rites (leifa 雷法), 328–30, 400n120, 416n262, 417n264–65; tablet of, 397n315; troops of, 319, 325–32 Thunder Peak Pagoda (Leifeng ta 雷峰 塔), 396n277 Thunder Writ in Heavenly Seal Script (Leiwen tianzhuan 雷文天篆), 328 Tian di shui sanguan tu. See Three Officials of Heaven, Earth, and Water Tian Hongyu 田宏遇 (d. ca. 1644), 418n317 Tianpeng, 223–24, 355n38, 393n178, 404n217 Tiantai shan. See Mount Tiantai Tianzhu lingqian. See Efficacious Sticks of Tianzhu tigers: chamber of, 401n121; chariot, 376n37; Divine, 212, 262, 389n81; in entourage, 118; as mountain sprites, 138, 147, 310; and mushrooms, 185; officers of, 263; skin bag, 295; talisman of, 262–63 Tixiang yin yang shengjiang tu. See Illustrated Ascent and Descent of the Yin and Yang Energies in the Body



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index 493

toad, 66, 360n179, 393n190 Tomb Epitaph of Sir Teng (Tenggong muming 滕公墓銘), 161 tombs: art in, 232, 303, 386n22; artifacts in, 13, 331; carvings in, 368n102; cliff, 371n166; Daoist, 303, 383n218, 394n216, 397n311; doors of, 411n219; epigraph in, 162, 411n147; figurines of, 57; Han, 356n65, 358n112, 375n23, 375n27, 376n40, 379n107, 381n180, 383n218, 386n22, 389n91, 394n197, 417n282; images in, 401n146; 414n219; Jin, 397n311, 410n115; Liao, 363n228, 370n150, 371n164, 389n93, 406n22, 412n169; medieval, 356n74, 368n102, 370n150, 376n33, 386n22, 401n146, 417n285; murals in, 374n238, 384n227, 401n146, 406n22; Northern Song, 303–4, 331, 363n225, 376n33, 384n227, 390n95, 390n96, 394n197, 410n117, 417n283; paintings in, 303, 363n225, 370n150, 375n23, 389n87; siting of, 175; Southern Song, 318, 331, 367n63; studies of, 351n76; texts in, 141, 178; Yang family, 55; Yuan, 374n238, 394n216. See also archaeology Tongbo Perfected Being (Tongbo zhenren 桐柏真人), 371n173 Toronto, 349n28, 349n30 tortoises, 70, 310, 360n179 Tower, 274, 360n188 transmediality, 12–13. See also media transmission, 148, 168, 186, 300 Transmitted Secrets of the Inner Writs of the Three Sovereigns, 166 Travelers among Mountains and Streams (Xishan xinglü 谿山行旅), 80–82 Traveling Palace of the Lord of the Eastern Peak (Dongyue jun biegong 東嶽君別 宮), 116 Treasure Terrace of Rebirth in Heaven (Shengtian baotai 生天寶臺), 391n124 treasury, celestial, 239, 396n284 trees, 79–80, 111, 114, 119, 146, 148, 172–74, 180, 184, 293–95, 307–8, 312, 379n116, 380n148, 393n190; anthropomorphic, 317; goblins, 309, 311–13, 412n174 (see also mountains: goblins in); monster, 294–95, 312–14, 317–18, 332, 339, 413n193; spirit, 295, 310, 312–15; sprite, 310, 314, 412n174; talking, 310; walking, 413n194 trinity, 153, 355n38, 355n50, 367n70

true form (zhenxing 真形), 8–9, 14, 50, 88, 95; charts of, 22, 135–65, 168, 185, 242, 281, 343, 375n11. See also invisible: true form True Form Chart of Mount Fengdu (Fengdu zhenxing tu 酆都真形圖), 123, 125–26, 129, 133, 257 True Form Chart of the Blood Lake (Xuehu zhenxing 血湖真形), 129 True Form Chart of the Eastern Sacred Peak, 115–16, 120, 166–69, 179, 381n173 True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue zhenxing tu 五嶽真形圖), 115, 136, 138, 153, 167–68, 170–71, 174, 177, 186, 367n60, 372n212, 384n245, 385n252 True Form Chart of the Five Stars (Wuxing zhenxingtu 五星真形圖), 50 True Form Chart of the Man-Bird Mountain (Renniao shan zhenxing tu 人 鳥山真形圖), 137, 139, 151, 153, 160–61, 164, 167, 186, 221, 385n272 True Form Chart of the Most High King of Divine Empyrean (Gaoshang shenxiao wang zhenxing tu 高上神霄王真形圖), 366n44 True Form Charts of Mount Kunlun, Mount Zhong, Mount Penglai, and the Divine Continents (Kunlun Zhongshan Penglai shan ji Shenzhou zhenxing tu 崑崙鍾山 蓬莱山及神洲真形圖), 369n116 True Form Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue zhenxing tu 五嶽真形圖), 115–16, 137–38, 153, 168–70, 174, 177, 186, 367n60, 372n212, 380n150, 381n158, 381n173, 384n245, 385n252 True Forms of the Three Messengers of the Divine Tiger (Shenhu san shizhe zhenxing 神虎三使者真形), 262 True Writ of the Eight Daunters (Bawei zhenwen 八威真文), 151 True Writ of the Thunder Seal Script (Leizhuan zhenwen 雷篆真文), 328 True Writing of the Mysterious Hill of the Phoenix Qi in Nine Heavens ( Jiutian fengqi xuanqiu zhenshu 九天鳳氣玄丘 真書), 150 True Writs in Five Tablets (Wupian zhenwen 五篇真文), 91–92, 141, 153, 186, 193, 195, 231, 236, 247, 378n94, 380n149, 387n34, 388n52. See also Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure; Five True Writs

Tuhua jianwenzhi. See Experiences in Painting Tuhui baojian. See Precious Mirror of Painting Tuoluoni zhenyan. See Dhāranī Chart of the True Words turtles, 29, 59, 61, 96, 135, 294–295, 320, 325, 331, 393n194, 409n84 Twenty-four True Diagrams (Ershisi zhentu 二十四真圖), 181, 384n245 Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (Ershiba su 二十八宿), 50, 56, 102, 105, 143, 198, 355n50, 356n50, 357n98, 357n100. See also Picture of the True Form of the Five Planets and Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions; stars Two Realms of the Heaven of the Grand Network (Daluo er jing 大羅二境), 99 Ullambana Sutra Spoken by the Buddha (Foshuo Yulanpen jing 佛說盂蘭盆經), 130, 267, 402n159 underworld. See hells Upper Palace of Southern Prosperity (Nanchang shang gong 南昌上宮), 278, 403n211 Vaiśravana (Bishamen tianwang 毗沙門天 王), 322, 411n165, 414n221 Verellen, Franciscus, 18–20 Vermilion Mound (Zhuling 朱陵), 101, 211–12, 232, 273–74, 277, 368n88, 403n211, 404n211 Virgin Mary, 296 visible, 5, 8–10, 40, 42, 84, 118, 135, 142, 150, 154, 214, 223, 241, 279, 306, 339, 341–43, 356n66, 374n7. See also invisible visuality: 173, 192, 242, 263, 300, 322, 382n200; aniconic, 185; Buddhist, 348n10; definition of, 2–7; Daoist, 154, 177, 185, 339, 342, 344; dynamic, 15, 254; Japanese, 405n13; and materiality (see also materiality), 12; and mysticism, 154, 177, 342; of ghosts and souls, 269; of imperial processions (see also processions), 302; of the mountain goblin and ape monster, 311; of mushrooms, 185; of thunder troops, 327; of the true form charts, 165; and performativity of texts, 12 visualization (cunsi 存思): and breathing practices, 63; and mirrors, 221–22; and

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painting, 341; and scrolls, 293; and true form, 135, 147; as Daoist practice, 5–6, 10, 14–17, 21, 35, 42, 149, 170, 305–7; illustrations for, 11, 18–19, 29–31, 47, 80; internal, 272; of deities, 27, 34, 171, 246, 276, 406n41; of fire and water, 270; of images, 281; method of, 14; manual, 35; of disease, 59; of mountain, 147; pictures for, 11, 44, 81, 84–85, 249, 305, 342–43; of Queen Vaidehi, 406n25; in ritual, 26, 43, 85, 186, 247–51, 259, 270, 272–74, 276, 279, 293, 339; of stars, 38–42, 52; studies of, 354n8; of thunder qi, 328; against worms, 63 Visualization Diagram (Cunsi tu 存思圖), 25–26, 191 Wang A’shan 王阿善, 3–4, 348n14 Wang Chongyang 王重陽 (1113–79), 73 Wang Chong 王充 (27–ca. 100), 415n237 Wang Chou 王儔, 365n16 Wang Chuzhi 王處直, 370n150 Wang Daozhen 王道真 (fl. ca. 977–ca. 1014), 290 Wang, Eugene, 7, 145, 222, 228 Wang Jie 王介 (13th c.), 384n230 Wang Jingsheng 王景昇, 408n63 Wang Ka, 90 Wang Qin 王勤, 238, 315–16 Wang Qiu 王俅 (fl. 12th c.), 161, 380n144 Wang Qizhen 王契真, 364n273, 387n39, 398n37, 403n206 Wang Sanlan 王三郎, 285 Wang Tuozi 王陀子, 368n78 Wang Weiyi 王惟一 (ca. 987–1067), 75 Wang Wei 王維, 386n22 Wang Wenqing 王文卿 (1093–1153), 93, 366n47 Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–61), 73, 362n210 Wang Yanda 王彥達, 390n104 Wang Yi 王儀, 326 Wang Yucheng, 225, 232, 376n40, 393n187 Wang Zhenpeng 王振鵬 (ca. 1270–after 1330), 407n53 Wang Zhen 王鎮, 292 Wang Zhuo 王拙, 290 Wang Ziqiao 王子喬 (fl. 565–549 bce), 158, 371n166, 380n131. See also Prince Qiao Wangxian yingjia. See Expecting the Wise One and Welcoming the Entourage Washington, 407n53, 410n133, 416n248

Water God Temple (Shuishen miao 水神 廟), 20–206, 253 Water Land Building (Shuilu yuan 水陸 院), 268 Water Land paintings (shuilu hua 水陸 畫), 268, 314–17, 332–33, 338, 357n100, 357n104, 374n238, 374n241, 393n178, 402n168, 413n195–96, 416n248 Water Land ritual (Shuilu fahui 水陸法 會), 22, 237, 244, 260, 267–70, 302, 345, 372n205, 374n242, 90n111, 390n121, 397n8, 400n112, 401n156, 402n159–61, 402n164, 402n166–68, 402n170–73 water: for bathing, 265; in Buddhism, 345; Water Bureau, 273; crossing of, 319; divine, 360n187; as earth blood, 364n253; official of, 238, 283, 293, 415n240; refinement through, 274–76, 404n212; talisman for, 329. See also diagram; Eulogies for the Water Land Images; Manual of the Water Land Ritual; Water Land painting; Water Land Building Waterfall of the Pending Cloud Sea, 174 Wei Wenlang 魏文朗, 348n21 Welcoming the Carriages (Yingluan tu 迎鑾圖), 391n135 Wen Fong, 291 Wen Tong 文同 (1018–79), 118 Wen Zhengming, 412n168 Wenxian tongkao, 121 Western Sacred Peak: magical mushrooms from, 180; Talisman, 162, 380n150; White Cloud Temple (Baiyun guan 白雲 觀), 18, 64, 353n143, 357n86, 367n66 Wind Lord (Fengbo 風伯), 29, 295, 320, 326–27 Wolfthal, Diane, 374n242, 388n67 wolves, 138, 147, 310 women, 1, 29, 312, 317; adepts, 28; in Buddhism, 365n18; and children, 130–31, 377n47; and demons, 313, 318; deities, 33, 111, 329, 354n26, 371n176; figures of, 417n288; ghost of, 295; in hells, 129–34, 261, 345, 373n235, 374n242; immortals, 183; and mercury, 361n200; and monsters, 317, 374n241, 412n186; and mushrooms, 182; in painting, 182, 416n248; picking herbs, 182, 385n250; and silk, 330; souls of, 243, 270–271, 319, 332–33, 400n118; and stars, 143; Talisman that Transforms

Women’s Clothes, 266–67. See also erotic; feminine; gender Wondrous Scripture of Divine Incantations for Subduing Demons of the Emperor of the North, 225 workshop, 4–5, 239–240, 288, 296, 307, 348n22, 349n35, 407n43, 412n182; monastic, 230; Ningbo, 270–271, 300–301, 307, 309, 312, 324, 359n150, 373n224, 374n242, 386n22, 400n109, 400n110, 403n176, 409n76, 412n171, 415n231 worms, 27, 52–62, 343, 358n120; See also nine worms; three worms Worthy of Plain Stupidity (Danchi zunzhe 淡痴尊者), 400n117 Writing, utensils for, 229–31, 249, 343, 394n216, 394n220; knife, 191–92, 229–30, 249, 394n205, 394n213, 394n216, 394n220 writings (shu 書): 20; carved, 382n200; heavenly, 11, 138, 151 165; magical, 19, 343; talismanic, 376n40 Wu Hung, 202, 317 Wu Liang Shrine (Wu Liang ci 武梁祠), 38–39, 356n59 Wu Yue Kingdom, 236–37, 368n102, 395n266, 396n277 Wu Zhong 鄔忠, 89, 91 Wu Zongyuan 武宗元 (fl. 1004–50), 289–90, 302, 403n211, 407n55, 407n46, 407n55, 407n58, 411n142, 411n148, 411n152 Wudou sanyi tujue. See Illustrated Instructions for Visualizing the Three Ones in the Five Phases of the Northern Dipper Wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing. See Perfected Script in Five Tablets Written in Red Celestial Writing on the [Heavenly Worthy of] Original Commencement and the Five Ancient Lords Wumi daoren 勿迷道人 (Master Who is Not Beguiled), 400n117 Wupian zhenwen. See True Writs in Five Tablets Wushang biyao. See Essence of the Supreme Secrets Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi. See Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat



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index 495

Wutai shan. See Mount Wutai Wuying 無英, 83 Xi Xia, 322–23, 365n18, 396n283, 409n84, 411n165, 414n219, 416n243, 416n248 Xia Wenyan 夏文彥 (fl. 14th c.), 341 Xiangzhai yuandi tu. See Chart of the Siting of the Household and Garden Xianyang, 158, 380n128, 401n146 Xiao tang jigu lu, 162 Xiao Yingsou 蕭應叟 (early 1200s), 78, 80, 84 Xiaojing. See Classic of Filial Piety Xingdao tianwang 行道天王, 414n221 Xingming guizhi. See Dignified Pointers to Inner Nature and Destiny Xiuzhen taiji hunyuan zhixuan tu. See Illustrations of the Mystery of the Cultivation of Perfection Xiuzhen tu. See Chart of Cultivating Perfection Xu taishi zhenjun tuzhuan. See Illustrated Hagiography of Xu Zhenjun Xu Xun 許遜 (239–336), 119, 254, 372n184 Xu Zhichang 徐知常, 408n63 Xuandu daxian Yushan jinggong. See Great Offerings of the Mysterious Capital, Pure Feast of the Jade Mountain Xuanhe huapu. See Xuanhe Painting Catalogue Xuanhe Painting Catalogue (Xuanhe huapu 宣和畫譜), 39, 50, 52, 283, 407n46 Xuanmen maijue neizhao tu, 362n218 Xuanzang 玄奘 (ca. 600–664), 100, 359n131 Xuepen jing. See Blood Bowl Sutra Yakushi shō. See Memoir on Several Varieties of Drug Plants Yan Deyuan 閻德源, 397n311 Yan Geng 顏庚, 412n168 Yan Hui 顏輝, 412n168 Yan Liben 閻立本 (ca. 600–673), 295, 329 Yan Wengui 燕文貴, 407n62 Yang Erzeng 楊爾曾 (17th c.), 377n58 Yang E 楊鍔 (1032–98), 402n164 Yang Jie 楊介 (12th c.), 74 Yang Wangxiu 楊王休, 405n6 Yang Weizhen 楊維楨 (1296–1370), 341, 418n1 Yang Xi 楊羲 (330–86), 16, 155 Yang Yunsong 楊筠松 (834–906), 175, 383n210

Yangshan. See Mount Yang Yanluozi 煙蘿子 (10th c.), 63–64, 67–68, 71, 73–74, 361n191, 361n208, 362n212 Yellow Court (Huangting 黃庭), 66, 70, 83, 361n198, 361n207. See also spleen Yellow Emperor, 154 Yellow Register Painting (Huanglu hua 黃 籙畫 or Huanglu tu 黃籙圖), 338 Yellow Register Purgation (Huanglu zhai 黃籙齋), 22, 199–200, 207, 210, 231, 244–245, 247, 249, 254–255, 261, 265, 267–268, 270, 279, 293, 299, 333, 338, 345, 373n218, 388n69, 397n8, 398n13, 398n20, 401n156, 416n248. See also Liturgical Manual for the Yellow Register Purgation; Memorial to the Ten Kings Announced in the Yellow Register Purgation; Yellow Register paintings Yellow River, 96, 142 Yellow Springs (Huangquan 黃泉), 120, 372n187 Yemaotai 葉茂台, 370n150, 371n164 Yi Songyao 易宋堯, 364n248 Yiheming. See Eulogy on Burying Cranes Yijian zhi. See Record of the Listener Yijing. See Book of Changes yin and yang: 54, 66, 78–79, 88–89, 155, 175, 185, 247, 343, 377 n 52; cosmology of, 26, 365n9–10 Yin Wencao 尹文操 (d. 688), 374n4 Ying’er chushui tu. See Illustration of an Infant Emerging from the Water Yingluan tu. See Welcoming the Carriages Yingxian Pagoda (Yingxian muta 應縣木 塔), 182, 416n243 Yingzao fashi. See Building Standard Yinlu pusa. See Avalokiteśvara as Guider of Souls Yinshan zhengyao. See Orthodox Essentials of Eating and Drinking Yishan. See Mount Yi Yixing一行 (d. 727), 56 Yizhou minghua lu. See Painting Record of Yizhou Yongle dadian. See Great Encyclopedia of the Yongle Reign Yu Gongzhu 虞公著 (d. 1226), 112–13, 318 Yuan dynasty: appraisal of, 406n40; court of, 111; murals, 205, 253; painters 407n53, 408n67; paintings, 37, 182, 408n67; priests, 408n63; print, 391n135; scholars, 341; statues, 205; texts, 46,

418n1; theater, 390n105; woodblock, 62. See also Temple of Eternal Joy Yuan Haowen 元好問 (1190–1257), 294 Yuan Miaozong 元妙宗, 356n70 Yuan Yi 元乂 (d. 526), 266, 401n146 Yuanchen zhangjiao licheng li. See Practical Almanac for the Offering of the Memorial of the Original Star Yujing xuandu daxian jing. See Scripture on Great Offerings Yuli baochao. See Precious Copies of the Jade Almanac Yulu zidu jietan yi, 394n220 Yunji qiqian. See Bookcase of the Clouds with Seven Labels Yunnan, 130, 406n29 Yuqing jue. See Secret Instructions of Jade Purity Yushu baojing. See Precious Scripture of the Jade Pivot Yutang dafa. See Great Rites of the Jade Hall Yutang zhengzong gaoben neijing yushu. See Precious Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape, from the Correct Tradition of the Jade Hall Zangshu. See Books of Burial Zangwai daoshu, 234, 255 Zhaijing. See Books of Residence Zhang Daoling, 231, 291, 408n67 Zhang family, 321 Zhang Maocheng 張懋丞 (1387–1444), 292 Zhang Nanben 張南本 (9th c.), 268, 382n193 Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1121), 103, 368n98 Zhang Shengwen 張勝溫 (ca. 1180), 130, 132, 390n98 Zhang Wanfu 張萬福, 186, 193–94, 199, 236, 366n26, 385n275, 387n35–36, 389n69 Zhang Xubai 張虛白 (12th c.), 179 Zhang Xujing 張虛靖 (fl. 12th c.), 317–18, 413n204 Zhang Xunliao, 150, 165 Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 (815–ca. 875), 158, 380n136 Zhang Yucai 張羽材 (ca. 1295–1316), 291, 408n67 Zhang Zengyou 張僧繇 (ca. 500–550), 50, 143

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Zhao Boju 趙伯駒 (d. ca. 1162), 117, 371n164 Zhao Cangyun 趙蒼雲 (fl. late 13th c.), 118, 384n247 Zhao Keyan 趙可言, 291 Zhao Zhifeng 趙智鳳 (b. 1159), 326–27 Zhejiang, 76, 117, 125, 130, 377n58, 404n211, 408n63 Zhen Dexiu 真德秀 (1178–1235), 261, 400n116 Zheng Qiao 鄭樵 (1114–62), 20 Zheng Sixiao 鄭思肖 (1241–1318), 403n193, 403n211

Zhengao. See Declarations of the Perfected Zhengyi 正一 (Orthodox Unity), see Celestial Masters Zhengyi lu. See Orthodox Unity Register Zhenjing lu. See Records of the True Realms zhi. See mushrooms Zhipan 志槃 (ca. 1260), 269, 402n172 Zhong Kui 鍾馗, 308–10, 332, 412n167– 68, 412n172. See also demons: quellers Zhongnan shan. See Mount Zhongnan Zhou Fang 周昉 (ca. 730–800), 50 Zhou Jichang 周季常, 271, 300–301, 324, 403n176, 409n76 Zhou Mi 周密 (1252–98), 71, 73, 362n223

Zhou Si 周四, 243, 333 Zhougui jing. See Scripture of Cursing Demons Zhu Yao 朱繇, 292, 294 Zhuangzi, 88, 365n14 Zhutian neiyin ziran yuzi. See SelfGenerating Jade Graphs and Inner Sounds of All the Heavens Zong xing tan tu shi. See Convention of the Overall Stars Zongyi 宗頤, 402n161 Zuisenji 瑞泉寺, 49–50, 300, 357n95 Zuo Li 左禮, 292



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