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Tian, or Heaven, had multiple meanings in early China. It had been used since the Western Zhou to indicate both the sky

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Picturing Heaven in Early China
 0674060695, 9780674060692

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ALEX 7

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Picturing Heaven in Early China HARVARD EAST ASIAN MONOGRAPHS

336

Publication of this book was partially underwritten by the Mr. and Mrs. Stephen C. M. King Publishing and Communications Fund, established by Stephen C. M. King to further the cause of international understanding and cooperation, especially between China and the United States, by enhancing cross-cultural education and the exchange of ideas across national boundaries through publications of the Harvard University Asia Center.

Picturing Heaven in Early China Lillian Lan-ying Tseng

PUBLISHED BY THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY ASIA CENTER FOR THE HARVARD-YENCHING INSTITUTE DISTRIBUTED BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE (MASSACHUSETTS) AND LONDON 2 0 11

©

20 ii

by the President and Fellows of Harvard College

Printed in the United States of America The Harvard University Asia Center publishes a monograph series and, in coordination with the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, the Korea Institute, the Reischauer Institute ofJapanese Studies, and other faculties and institutes, administers research projects designed to further scholarly understanding of ChinaJapan, Vietnam, Korea, and other Asian countries. The Center also sponsors projects addressing multidisciplinary and regional issues in Asia. This book was published with the assistance of the FrederickW. Hilles Publication Fund ofYale University. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Tseng, Lillian Lan-ying. Picturing heaven in early China / Lillian Lan-ying Tseng. — ist ed. p. cm. _ (Harvard East Asian monographs ; 336) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978 -0 -674-06069-2 1. Cosmology in art. % • Astronomy in art. 3 . Mythology in art. 4 . Art, Chinese-—Qin-Han dynasties, 221 B .C .- 2 2 0 a . d .—Themes, motives. I. Title. N8217.C62T79 2011 704 .9 ,489951—dc22 2011003019

Index by the author © Printed on acid-free paper Last figure below indicates year of this printing 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11

In memory o f my grandmother 1913-2004

Contents

Acknowledgments Tables and Figures Chronologies

Introduction: Images and References Chapter 1: Constructing the Cosmic View Legitimacy and Politics Form and Symbol

21

37

Ritual and Audience

70

Chapter 2: Engraving Auspicious Omens Moralization Canonization

92 101

Signification

116

Perpetuation

132

Chapter 3: Imagining Celestial Journeys Morality and Immortality The Journeys to Heaven The Gate o f Heaven

152 166

205

Chapter 4: Highlighting Celestial Markers The Cardinal Emblems The Millay Way

23 6

265

The Sun and the M oon

277

Chapter 5: Mapping Celestial Bodies Sky Lore

299

305

Pictorial Elaboration Popular Astronomy Space or Place

316 33 6

344

Conclusion: Visibility and Visuality

359

Illustration Credits

369

Endnotes

379

Works Cited

41 1

Index

433

Acknowledgments

This book addresses issues surrounding the visual representation of Heaven in Han China based on an interdisciplinary analysis of sites and objects unearthed in the sec­ ond half of the twentieth century. M y gratitude goes first to the Chinese archaeologists whose painstaking efforts in the field have made this project possible. I am also grateful to scholars who have studied early Chinese art, thought, literature, history, science, and religion. Their insights, which are acknowledged in the endnotes, laid the foundation for this book. M y research benefited from the opportunities I had to inspect archaeological finds in person. I deeply appreciate the scholars and friends who facilitated my research trips to both the interior and the coast of China: Xia Langyun in Gansu; H u Lingui, Zhang Junmai, Wang Weilin, Cheng Linquan, and Jiao Nanfeng in Shaanxi; Li Chenguang in Henan; Zheng Yan in Shandong; and W u Lihua in Jiangsu. I am immensely grateful to the institutes and organizations that financially supported my research and writing as well as the publication of this book: the Department ofHistory of A rt and Architecture at Harvard University, the Institute ofHistory and Philology in the Academia Sinica in Taiwan, and the Council on East Asian Studies at Yale University, which provided travel grants; the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Schol­ arly Exchange, the J. Paul Getty Foundation, and the Morse Junior Faculty Fellowship of Yale University, which provided fellowships that funded two leaves; the Frederick W. Hilles Publication Fund of Yale University, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for Inter­ national Scholarly Exchange, and the Department of the History of Art at Yale Univer­ sity, which provided publication subsidies. The book is a complete revision of my dissertation, with a very different framework. Still, I am greatly indebted to my mentors, Kwang-Chih Chang (1931-2 0 0 1 ), W u Hung, and Irene J. Winter, who led me into the intricacies of the ancient world. I am much

obliged to Lothar von Falkenhausen and Eugene Wang for their lengthy and helpful comments on the manuscript. I also benefited from the feedback given by M artin Powers, Michael Puett, Jonathan Hay, M im i Yiengpruksawan, and Edward Cooke. I am espe­ cially appreciative of the generosity of Nathan Sivin, who carefully read through the entire manuscript and offered frank suggestions and valuable corrections. The errors that remain are, however, solely my own. I would like to express my thanks to the staff of the East Asian Library at Yale Univer­ sity, particularly Sarah Elman, Chi-wah Chan, Tao Yang, and Tang Li, who never failed to accommodate my many urgent requests. I also give heartfelt thanks to the staff of the Publication Program of the Harvard University Asia Center: John Ziemer, W illiam Hammell, and Kristen Wanner. Their help and encouragement at different stages made the publication of the book possible. Mary Pastis editing and David Goodrichs typeset­ ting further enhanced the readability of the book. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, Yonghong Zhao, whose unwavering sup­ port has granted me the freedom to explore the intellectual world. L. L.T. Spring 2011

Tables and Figures

Tables Chapter 1 Constructing the Cosmic View The Doctrine of the Five Virtues 1 .2 The Five Virtues and the Triple Concordance Compared 1.3 Sage Kings and Dynasties in the Doctrine of the Triple Concordance 1 .1

25 26 30

Chapter 5 Mapping Celestial Bodies 5.1

Cardinal Emblems and Lunar Lodges

309

Figures Introduction: Images and References 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 0.10

Inscription on Yu ding showing the graphs tian and da Evolution of the graph tian Northern Dipper on a stone carving in the Wu family shrines Excursion of the Heavenly Lord on a mirror unearthed in Xinye, Henan Celestial images on a wood carving unearthed in Xuyi, Jiangsu Dragon and stars on a wood carving unearthed in Xuyi, Jiangsu Lifting a tripod on a wood carving unearthed in Xuyi, Jiangsu Performances on a wood carving unearthed in Xuyi, Jiangsu Stele of Hammurabi Induction of Vibia

2 2 4 5 6 8 8

9 13 14

Chapter 1 Constructing the Cosmic View 1.1 Bin Gong xu 1.2 He zun 1.3 Tian Wang gui

19 19 20

1 4 2 4 4 4 5 4 5 4 6 4 8 4 9 4 2 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 5 8 5

•36 •37 •38

0 4

■28 .29 .30 .31 •32 .33 .34 .35

9 3

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 ,18 ,19 ,20 .21 .22 ,23 .24 ■25 ‘26 .27

4 4 5 8 9 2 2 3 3 3

10

Conquest cycle of the Five Virtues in the Qin Conquest cycle of the Five Virtues in the Western Han Generation cycle of the Five Virtues in the Xin Layout of Han Chang’an Floor plan of the Bright Hall complex in Chang'an ’ Floor plan and cross-section of the main building in the Bright Hall complex in Chang’an Layout of Han Luoyang Floor plan of the Bright Hall complex in Luoyang Floor plan of the main building in the Bright Hall complex in Luoyang Cong tube and bi disc from the Liangzhu culture Jade plaque unearthed at Lingjiatan, Anhui Jade turtle unearthed at Lingjiatan, Anhui Burial Site 2 at Niuheliang, Liaoning Chariot unearthed from the mausoleum of the First Emperor Shi device Circles and squares in The 7J)ou Gnomon Try squares in a ring in The Xhou Gnomon Making circles and squares in The TLhou Gnomon Try square and compasses on a stone carving in the Wu family shrines Schemes of the Han Bright Halls TLV mirror unearthed at Yinwan, Jiangsu Liubo game set unearthed from Tomb 3 at Mawangdui, Hunan Immortals playing the liubo game on a mirror from Shaoxing, Zhejiang Immortals playing the liubo game on a sarcophagus unearthed at Jianyang, Sichuan TLV mirror unearthed in Luoyang TLV mirror in the Shanghai Museum Wang Shirens reconstruction of the Bright Hall in Chang’an Yang Hongxuns reconstruction of the Bright Hall in Changan Wu Hungs reconstruction of the Bright Hall in Chang’an Yang Hongxuns reconstruction of the Bright Hall in Luoyang Floor plan and cross-section of the tomb of King Cuo Design of the royal necropolis on a bronze plaque from the tomb of King Cuo in Pingshan, Hebei Reconstruction of the mortuary hall for King Cuo Reconstruction of the Xianyang Palace of the Qin Yang Hongxuns reconstruction of the main building in the Bright Hall complex in Chang’an Wang Shirens reconstruction of the main building in the Bright Hall complex in Chang’an

59 60 60 62-63 64-65 65 68-69 72 73 74 75-76 77 78

1.40 Monthly observances in the Bright Hall 1.41 Integration ofyin-yang, the four seasons, and the Five Phases 1.42 Integration of the four seasons, the Five Phases, and the Five Thearchs

79 81 82

Chapter 2 Engraving Auspicious Omens 0 0

9 0

8 3 4

7 8 8 o Ioi 1 _ 1 1X

o o

123 124 125 6 2 7 2 9 2 1 3 3 3 5 3 6 3 9 3 9 3 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 4 4 6 4

2.21 2.22 2.23 2.24 2.25 2.26 2.27 2.28 2.29 2.30 2.31 2.32 2.33 2.34

9

2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.16 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20

0 1

2 .1 0

Qh.ng pan Structure of the Han government Hymn of the Western Passage Five omens at the Western Passage Cliff carvings in honor of Li Xi at the Western Passage Omens in the Wu Liang shrine Bi disc of colored glass in the Wu Liang shrine Chart of clouds for divination from Tomb 3 at Mawangdui, Hunan Omens in a Wu family shrine Layout of Tomb 1 at Wangdu, Hebei Murals in Tomb 1 at Wangdu, Hebei Floor plan and cross-sections of the Miu Yu tomb Stone carving in the Miu Yu tomb Yellow dragon on the cliff of the Western Passage Five omens at the Western Passage published by Hong Gua Five omens at the Western Passage published by Otto Fischer White deer on the cliff of the Western Passage Qusou offering furs in the Wu Liang shrine Interconnecting trees on the cliff of the Western Passage Interconnecting trees on a stone carving unearthed from Liangchengzhen’ Shandong Interconnecting trees on a stone carving discovered in Suining, Jiangsu Auspicious grain on the cliff of the Western Passage Sweet dew on the cliff of the Western Passage Hymn of the Fu Passage Transportation between the Han capitals and the Hanzhong Basin Opening the Bao-Xie Route Reconstruction of plank footways along the Bao-Xie Route View of the Western Passage Inscription on the stele erected by the First Emperor in Langye, Shandong Eulogy of the Stone Gate Marker Recordfor Yang Huai and Yang Bi Recordfor Li Yus Building Plank Footways Inscription in memory of Geng Xun at the Western Passage Inscription on Mr. Jings memorial stele

1X

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 3.19 3.20 3.21 3.22 3.23 3.24 3.25 3.26 3.27 3.28 3.29 3.30 3.31 3.32 3.33 3.34 3.35 3.36

Mirror unearthed in Guangzhou, Guangdong TLV mirror in the collection of Moriya Kozo in the Kyoto National Museum TLV mirror recorded in Jin shi suo Inscribed brick unearthed from Yibin, Sichuan Architectural remains of the Ganquan Palace Roofing tiles for the Tower of Longevity in the Ganquan Palace Views of Mounds 1 and 2 at the site of the Ganquan Palace Beacon terrace 17 in Dunhuang, Gansu Watchtower in the painted tomb at Anping, Hebei Multi-story building on decorated brick unearthed in Chengdu, Sichuan Model architecture showing multi-story buildings from Jiaozuo, Henan Model architecture showing thejinggan structure from Shizhaishan, Yunnan Jinggan structure depicted on a bronze drum unearthed from Shizhaishan, Yunnan Reconstruction of the Yongning Pagoda Cross-section of Tomb 1 at Mawangdui, Hunan Cross-section of the wooden structure of Tomb 1 at Mawangdui View of the painted banner atop the innermost coffin in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Painted banner in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Name banner unearthed from Mozuizi, Gansu Final departure on the painted banner in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Seals unearthed from Tomb 2 at Mawangdui Inscribed objects in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Location of Tombs 1, 2, and 3 at Mawangdui Wooden board from Tomb 3 at Mawangdui Painted banner in Tomb 3 at Mawangdui Final departure on the painted banner in Tomb 3 at Mawangdui Cross-section and floor plan of the tomb at Zidanku, Hunan Painted banner in the tomb at Zidanku, Hunan Silk painting in the tomb at Chenjiadashan, Hunan Celestial field on the painted banner in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Yong bell in the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng in Suixian, Hubei Striking bells on a lacquer container in the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng Bi disc atop the innermost coffin in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Bi disc in the tomb at Zidanku, Hunan View of three decorated coffins in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Two dragons coming through a bi disc on painted Coffin 2 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui

5555SS55S666

Chapter 3 Imagining Celestial Journeys

2

164 16i 17( 17( 171 17: 17: 17: Vh 17i 17( 17( 17: 17i 17( 18( 18: 184 185 18* 18! 181 18(

3.37 3.38 3.39 3.40 3.41 3.42 3.43 3.44 3.45 3.46 3.47 3.48 3.49 3.50 3.51 3.52 3.53 3.54 3.56 3.57 3.58 3.59 3.60 3.62 3.63 3.64 3.65 3.66 3.67 3.68 9 0

石 0^ 0 ^ 0^

1 2

.7 .7 .7

Two deer climbing a mountain on painted Coffin 2 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Animals and a figure on painted Coffin 2 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Figure on painted Coffin 2 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Dragon and tiger on painted Coffin 2 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Cloud pattern on painted Coffin 2 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui View of Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Owl and tiger on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Animal with four tails on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Chasing a hare on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Shooting on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Combat on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Devouring a snake on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Taming a leopard on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Dancers and musicians on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Immortal in contemplation on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Immortal riding on a deer on painted Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Coffin 1 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Decoration on Coffin 1 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Floral canopy and cardinal emblems on a Han brick Bronze plaque discovered in Wushan, Sichuan North panel of Coffin 3 in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Funeral service on the painted banner in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui Structure of Tomb 61 in Luoyang Painted gable in Tomb 61 in Luoyang Painted ceiling in Tomb 61 in Luoyang Gate of Heaven on a decorated brick discovered in Xinzheng, Henan Gate of Heaven on a decorated brick unearthed in Xihua, Henan Gate of Heaven on a sarcophagus unearthed at Jianyang, Sichuan Gate-pillars with a phoenix on a decorated brick discovered in Dayi, Sichuan Gate of Heaven on a bronze plaque discovered at Wushan, Sichuan Money tree discovered at Maowen, Sichuan Gate of Heaven and the Mother Queen of the West on a bronze plaque discovered at Wushan, Sichuan Mother Queen of the West on a decorated brick unearthed at Fanji, Henan Mother Queen of the West in the painted tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang Sheng headgear on a stone carving in the Wu Liang shrine Mother Queen of the West decorated on a pottery house unearthed at Fanji, Henan Mother Queen of the West on a painted plate unearthed in Lolang, North Korea

190 191 192

193 193 194 195 195 195 196 196 196 196 196 197 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 206 207 208 209 209 209 210 211 212 212 213 215 216 217 219

3 .7 4

3.75 3.76 3.77 3.78 3.79 3.80 3.81 3.82 3.83 3.84 3.85 3.86

Mother Queen of the West on a money tree unearthed in Xichang, Sichuan “Bronze pillar” decorated on a mirror discovered in Shaoxing, Zhejiang Carvings on a sarcophagus unearthed in Nanxi, Sichuan Carvings on a sarcophagus unearthed in Xingjing, Sichuan Gate-pillars with bi discs on a sarcophagus unearthed in Yibin, Sichuan Stone carvings on the f^ade of a tomb in Suide, Shaanxi Bronze knocker unearthed at the site of the Weiyang Palace Mother Queen of the West on a stone carving discovered in Suide, Shaanxi Gate of Heaven on decorated bricks unearthed from Xihua, Henan Stone carvings on the facade of a tomb at Dangjiagou in Mizhi, Shaanxi Stone carvings on the fafade of a tomb in Sheamu, Shaanxi Stone carvings on the facade of a tomb at Guanzhuang in Mizhi, Shaanxi Stone carvings in a tomb at Guanzhuang in Mizhi, Shaanxi

220 221 222 223 224 226 227 227 227 229 230 231 232

Chapter 4 Highlighting Celestial Markers 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24

Stars around the North Pole 237 Reconstruction of Structure 3 in the Nine Temples 238 Roofing tiles unearthed from Structure 2 in the Nine Temples 239 Lunar lodges in the south 240 Celestial bird in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xian 241 Lunar lodges in the east 242 Celestial dragon in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xian 243 Celestial dragon on a stone carving unearthed in Chengdu, Sichuan 244 Celestial dragon on a stone carving unearthed in Nanyang, Henan 244 Celestial dragon on a stone carving unearthed in Nanyang, Henan 244 Dragons described in the Book of Changes 245-46 Graphs of dragons in Shang oracle bone inscriptions 247 Lunar lodges Tuft and Triad 248 Celestial tiger on a stone carving unearthed in Nanyang, Henan 249 Dragon and tiger formed by clamshells unearthed from Puyang, Henan 250 Cardinal emblems on a mirror unearthed from Sanmenxia, Henan 251 Cardinal emblems on a lacquer chest from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng 252 Cardinal emblems on an incense burner from the Dou Wan tomb at Mancheng, Hebei 253 Cardinal emblems in the painted tomb of the king of the Liang Kingdom at Shiyuan, Henan 254 Dark Warrior on a decorated brick unearthed from Xingping, Shaanxi 255 Cardinal emblems on a decorated brick unearthed from Jiayuguan, Gansu 256 Cardinal emblems on a TLV mirror unearthed from Luoyang 257 Cardinal emblems in the Shiqi Yao tomb at Qianyang, Shaanxi 258 Cardinal emblems in a painted tomb in Pinglu, Shanxi 259

4.25 4.26 4.27 4.28 4.29 4.30 4.31 4.32 4.33 4.34 4.35 4.36

Celestial images in a painted tomb in Pinglu, Shanxi Cardinal emblems on a jade object unearthed from Xingping, Shaanxi Fafade of a tomb in Suide, Shaanxi Carvings on the sarcophagus of Wang Hui unearthed in Lushan, Sichuan Milky Way in the painted tomb of Yuan Yi in Luoyang River Lord on a mirror unearthed from Xinye, Henan River Lord on a stone carving unearthed from Xuzhou, Jiangsu Stars along the M ill^ Way Oxherd and Weaving Maid in a painted tomb in Taesongri, North Korea Celestial images in a carved shrine in Changqing, Shandong Celestial images on a stone carving unearthed from Nanyang, Henan Dragon, an immortal, and a gatekeeper in a carved shrine in Changqing, Shandong 4S Carvings on a sarcophagus unearthed in Pixian, Sichuan 4.3! Celestial Palace on a sarcophagus unearthed in Pixian, Sichuan 4.3( World of the immortals on a sarcophagus unearthed in Pixian, Sichuan 4.4( Sun and moon on the painted banner from Tomb 1 at Mawangdui 4.4: Sun and moon on a stone carving unearthed from Suide, Shaanxi 4.4: Sun and moon on a stone carving unearthed from Anqiu, Shandong Solar myth painted on a lacquer chest from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng 4.4^ Solar myth on a sarcophagus unearthed from Xinjin, Sichuan 4At Sunbirds on an ivory carving discovered at Hemudu, Zhejiang Sunbirds on ajade plaque unearthed from Yaoshan, Zhejiang 4.4: Sunbird on a stone carving unearthed from Yingzhuang, Henan 4.4S Sun and moon on a sarcophagus unearthed in Jianyang, Sichuan 4.49 Sun and moon on decorated bricks unearthed from Xinfan, Sichuan 4.50 Sun and moon on a stone carving unearthed from Nanyang, Henan 4.51 Sun and moon on stone carvings unearthed from Qilingang, Henan 4.52 Fu Xi and Nii Wa on a sarcophagus unearthed in Jianyang, Sichuan 4.53 Sun and moon on stone carvings unearthed from Bixian, Shandong 4.54 Entertainment on a stone carving unearthed from Bixian, Shandong 4.55 Celestial images on stone carvings unearthed from Shenmu, Shaanxi 4.56 Sun and moon on a sarcophagus unearthed in Pixian, Sichuan 4.57 Fu Xi and Nii Wa on a stone carving in the Wu Liang shrine 4.58 Sun and moon on a sarcophagus discovered in Jiang an, Sichuan 4.59 Brick tomb at Xinfan, Sichuan , 4.60 Celestial ascent in the painted tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang 4.61 Sun and moon in the painted tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang 4.62 Auspicious animals in the painted tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang 4.63 Immortal guide in the painted tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang

260 262 262 264 267 267 268 269 271 272 272 273 274 275 276 278 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 284 285 286 286 287 288 289 290 291 291 292 294 295 295 296 297

3

o

0 1 2

Constellations in Rhapsody on Contemplating the Mysterious Constellations in Rhapsody on Contemplating the Mysterious Constellations in Rhapsody on Contemplating the Mysterious Constellations in Rhapsody on Contemplating the Mysterious Constellations in Rhapsody on Contemplating the Mysterious Twenty-eight lunar lodges Twenty-eight lunar lodges on a lacquer chest in the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng in Suixian, Hubei “Dipper”written on a lacquer chest in the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng in 307 Suixian, Hubei 308 Northern Dipper and lunar lodges Yellow chart, or chart of the seven orbits Concept of the Canopy Heaven in the Zhou Gnomon Celestial chart carved in the tomb of the King of the Wuyue Kingdom Celestial chart on a stele in SuzhouJiangsu View of the main chamber of the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Restoration of the celestial images in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an Twenty-eight lunar lodges in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an Lodges Triad and Tuft in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xian Lodge Swine in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Lodge Tumulus in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Gao Lu, s reconstruction of the cardinal emblems Extensions of the four celestial palaces in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Lodge Dipper in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Oracle bone inscription showing the graph bi Lodge Net in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi'an Hunting scene on a decorated brick unearthed from Fangcheng, Henan Oracle bone inscription showing the graphj i Lodge Basket in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi'an Harvest scene on a stone carving unearthed from Yinan, Shandong Collecting animal manure on a stone carving unearthed from Guanzhuang, Shaanxi Figurine holding a basket unearthed from Pengshan, Sichuan Dining scene on a painted brick unearthed from Jiayuguan, Gansu Wind Lord on a stone carving unearthed from Anqiu, Shandong Lodge Maid in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an Bronze lamp in Dou Wans tomb at Mancheng, Hebei

o o

3 4 6 7

o o

5.8

3 3 3 3 3 3

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7

o

Chapter 5 Mapping Celestial Bodies

o

5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 5.13 5.14 5.15

9 0 1 1 2

3 3 3 3 3

12 222

3

4

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

3 3

5

3

6

5.16 5.17 5.18 5.19 5.20 5.21

3

6

3 3

7

3

7 8 8 9 9 9 0 1

2222 33

3 3 3 3 3 3

5.30 5.31 5.32 5.33 5.34

6

5.22 5.23 5.24 5.25 5.26 5.27 5.28 5.29

5.35 5.36 5.37 5.38 5.39 5.40 5.41 5.42 5.43 5.44 5.45 5.46 5.47 5.48 5.49 5.50 5.51 5.52 5.53 5.54 5.55 5.56

Lodge Ox in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an Lodge Ghost in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi'an Fetching water on a painted brick unearthed from Jiayuguan, Gansu Abandoning the elder father on a sarcophagus discovered in Luoyang Butchering a pig on a painted brick unearthed from Jiayuguan, Gansu Drawing of the celestial images in the painted tomb at Fenghuangshan, Inner Mongolia Drawing of the celestial images in painted Tomb M61 in Luoyang Celestial charts in Essentials of the Methodfor the New Armillary Sphere and Celestial Globe Chart of comets for divination in Tomb 3 at Mawangdui Celestial chart for divination discovered in Dunhuang Structure of the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an Sun and moon in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Cranes in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi'an Toad in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi'an Three-legged crow in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi an Animals roaming among clouds in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi'an Celestial ascent in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in Xi’an Immortal holding a fungus in the painted tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an Immortal in the painted tomb at Qianjingtou in Luoyang Immortal in the painted tomb at Technical University in Xi'an Deer-drawn cart on a stone carving unearthed from Nanyang, Henan Pure Land painted in Cave 320, Mogao Grottoes, Dunhuang

331 332 333 333

335 337 337 339 340 342 345 346 347 348 348 350 351 352 352 353 353 355

Conclusion: Visibility and Visuality C .l Celestial images from Qilingang in Nanyang, Henan C.2 Inscription on a pottery jar unearthed from Chang’an, Shaanxi C.3 Layout of the tomb at Zhenzhichang in Nanyang, Henan C.4 Moon on a stone carving from the tomb at Zhenzhichang in Nanyang, Henan C.5 Sun and the celestial tiger on a stone carving from the tomb at Zhenzhichang in Nanyang, Henan C .6 River Lord on a stone carving from the tomb at Zhenzhichang in Nanyang, Henan C.7 Cardinal emblems on a stone carving from the tomb at Zhenzhichang in Nanyang, Henan C .8 Rainbow on a stone carving from the tomb at Zhenzhichang in Nanyang, Henan C.9 Rainbow on a stone carving in the Wu family shrines

360 361 364 364 365 365 366 366 367

Chronologies

LATE NEOLITHIC CULTURES Yangshao culture Hemudu culture Hongshan culture Dawenkou culture Liangzhu culture

ca. 5 0 0 0 —2 7 5 0 BCE ca. 5 0 0 0 - 3 3 0 0 BCE ca. 4 7 0 0 - 2 9 0 0 BCE ca. 4 1 0 0 - 2 6 0 0 BCE ca. 3 4 0 0 - 2 2 5 0 BCE

HISTORIC PERIODS Shang dynasty Zhou dynasty Western Zhou Eastern Zhou Spring and Autumn period Warring States period Q in dynasty Han dynasty Western Han period X in dynasty Eastern Han period

ca. 1 6 0 0 - 1 0 5 0 BCE ca. 1 0 5 0 - 2 5 6 BCE ca. 1 0 5 0 - 7 7 1 BCE 7 7 0 - 2 5 6 BCE 7 7 0 - 4 7 6 BCE 475-222 BCE

BCE 207 BCE-220 CE* 207 BCE—8 CE 9-23 CE 25-220 CE 222-207

*According to Ban Gus Standard History of the Former Han, the Han reign began in the tenth month of 207 b c e . The early Han followed the Qin convention and began a year with the tenth month until the Grand Incep­

tion system, which started a year with the first month, was in use in 104 b ce.

Emperors of the Western Han, X in, and Eastern Dynasties 207 BCE—8 CE

WESTERN HAN DYNASTY G ao高祖 H u i惠帝 Empress Dowager Lti 呂后 W e n 文帝 Jin g 景帝 W u 武帝 Z h a o 昭帝 X u a n 宣帝 Y uan兀帝 C heng成帝 A i哀帝 P in g 平帝 Ruzi Y in g 孺 子 嬰

73—49 BCE 48-33 BCE 32-7 BCE 6-1 BCE

I-5 CE 6-8 CE 9-23 CE

XIN DYNASTY

9-23 CE

Wang Mang 王 莽

25-220 CE

EASTERN HAN DYNASTY G uangw u光武帝 M in g 明帝 Z h a n g 章帝 H e 和帝 Shang瘍帝 A n 安帝 Shao少帝 Shun順帝 C ho ng 沖帝 Z h i質帝 H u a n 桓帝 L in g 靈帝 Shao少帝 X ia n 獻帝

207-196 BCE 196-188 BCE 188-180 BCE 180-157 BCE 157-141 BCE 141—87 BCE 86-74 BCE

25-57 CE

_

58-75 CE 76—88 CE 89—IO5 CE 106 CE IO7-I25 CE 126 CE 1 2 6 - 1 4 4 CE 145 CE 146 CE 147-167 CE 168-188 CE 189 CE 190-220 CE

Picturing Heaven in Early Chin

IN TR O D U C TIO N

Images and References

W hat are the most difficult things to paint? W hat are the easiest? An ancient Chinese king once raised these questions with Han Fei 韓 (2 8 0 ? —233 bce)?a leading scholar of legalism. Han picked dogs and horses as the most difficult to paint because people know them well and see them often. He considered ghosts and goblins as the easiest because they have no definite form .1 Zhang Heng 張 衡 (7 8 - 1 3 9 ce),a distinguished writer and astronomer, followed Hans rationale in explaining why the artisans in his time pre­ ferred to depict ghosts and goblins over dogs and horses: “Truly, this is because substan­ tial entities are difficult to shape, whereas insubstantial counterfeits are inexhaustible in shape/ ' 2 Both Han’s and Zhangs arguments touched upon the nature of representation. Hie depiction of the invisible calls for imagination, not imitation, making any images produced hard to judge. Zhangs criticism also indicates the contemporary enthusiasm for creating images of invisible things. Heaven, the main focus of this book, was more obscure than ghosts and goblins, so it was probably the most challenging subject matter for artisans in the Han dynasty ( 2 0 7 BCE-220 ce), the historical period in which Zhang lived and the time frame of this book. “Heaven” is a convenient but inadequate translation of the Chinese character tian 天 . Tian is derived from another character, da Jv, a graph depicting the frontal view of a person standing firm with legs apart and arms stretched out. The graph da, invented to distinguish an adult from a child, means, by extension, a big size. To create the writ­ ten sign for Heaven from da, they added a solid circle atop da、as we can see in bronze inscriptions of the eleventh and tenth centuries bce (Figure o.i).The circle was simpli­ fied, becoming a horizontal line, around the ninth century bce (Figure 0 .2 ). Placing a horizontal line atop da became the standard way to write tian before the Han dynasty. The emphasis on the top indicates that the ancient Chinese regarded tian as high above human beings.3

n t h century

bce

9th century b c e

156 CE



Modern

0 .2 . Evolution o f the graph tian. (a) Detail from Yu ding

in the Shanghai Museum, (b) Detail from Shi Song ding 0 .1. Graphs tian and da. Detail from Yu ding. Eleventh

century b c e. Collection o f the Shanghai Museum.

in the Shanghai Museum, (c) Detail from the stele for Han Chi in the Confucian Temple in Qufii, Shandong.

Many things are both vast and higher than a standing person. To grasp the Chinese s notion of Heaven, we must look at the contexts in which tian was used. Bronze in­ scriptions from the eleventh century bce onward portray tian as the supreme deity who granted a king the right to rule and who made his judgments known by either bestowing blessings on. or causing disasters in the human world. W ith the development of divine kingship as a feature of government came compounds like tianming 天 命 ( mandate of Heaven), tianzi 天 子 ( son of Heaven), and tiandi 天 帝 ( Heavenly Thearch) . 4 The Book o f Changes (Yi jin g 易經 ),probably compiled in the ninth century bce based on earlier sources, presents a second aspect of tian: the sky, where people saw the appearance and disappearance of stars.5 The compound tianwen 天 文 ( patterns of Heaven) arose from observations of the night sky. In the Book o f Odes (Shi jin g 詩 經 ), which includes poems dated between the eleventh and seventh centuries bce, tian is a place where the Heav­ enly Thearch resides.6 This spatial denotation produced yet another group of compounds like tianting 天 廷 ( heavenly court), tiangong 天 宫 ( heavenly palace), and tianmen 天門 (gate of Heaven).

The ancient Chinese formed their basic ideas of Heaven— as the sky, the supreme deity, and the residence of the deity~ in the Western Zhou period (ca. 1 0 5 0 - 7 7 1 bce). Political, social, and religious changes modified those ideas. Although the Zhou king was believed to be the sole mediator between Heaven and the human world, with the decline of the Zhou ruling house his monopoly on mediation was inevitably ceded to others. Hie First Emperor, whose great-grandfather vanquished the Zhou in 25 6 bce, unified the warring states and established the Q in dynasty (2 2 2 - 2 0 7 bce), yet the tran­ sitoriness of the Q in bore witness to the caprices of Heaven. The Han rulers, having overthrown the Qin, were eager to associate their reign with the mandate of Heaven and strived to maintain its favor. Political disorder and social dislocation during the pro­ longed decline of the Zhou over the course of five centuries had prompted people to ponder the connection between Heaven and their own world. 7 O n the one hand, celes­ tial signs, once thought to foretell national affairs, gradually came to be correlated with the fate of individuals. The rising interest in celestial prognostication popularized sky lore in the Han dynasty.8 Correlative thinking also generated discussion about the cor­ respondences between macrocosm and microcosm, starting sometime before the Qins unification of China and gaining currency after the establishment of the Han. Cosmologists regarded Heaven as a force— composed of qi 氣 ,w hich was divided into yin 陰 and yang 陽 aspects— that kept the cosmos moving.9 O n the other hand, the Heavenly Thearch, who had communicated only with the highest ruler in the past, now became a mighty guardian for individuals. A Han inscription found on a stone inserted into the ceiling of a tomb records the wish to enlist the power of the Heavenly Thearch to ward off evil invasions in a private domain. 10 People even fancied that the Heavenly Thearch would open his residence, where deities and auspicious animals gathered, to accommo­ date the deceased. The belief in ascending to Heaven after death became widespread in the Han dynasty. Early texts, both those unearthed and those transmitted, provide us with numerous examples of how the ancient Chinese presented, elaborated, questioned, and debated various ideas of Heaven, beginning in the eleventh century bce. Visual representations of Heaven did not emerge in significant numbers, however, until the Han dynasty. The sudden outpouring of depictions of Heaven then was due in part to artisans’ shift in fo­ cus from patterns on the surfaces of bronze vessels to pictures on the surfaces of wood, lacquer, and stone. Changes in the political system, the social structure, and religious practices made Heaven a leitmotif at the pictorial turn. The depictions of Heaven cast light on at least two essential questions that I hope to answer in this book: Was Heaven represented as it had been referred to in writing~as the sky, the supreme deity, a cosmic

b 0 .3. Northern Dipper on a stone carving in the Wu family shrines. Mid-second century c e .

Discovered in 1786 in Jiaxiang, Shandong, (a) Ink rubbing, (b) Drawing.

force, a pantheon of deities, and a land of immortals? And, how did the many meanings of Heaven influence how it was represented? References to Heaven in Han art were indeed manifold and matched the notion of tian as it developed. Take, for example, the image of the Heavenly TKearch in a W u 武 family shrine erected in the second century in what is now Shandong (Figure 0 .3 ). Though dressed like a Han official, the deity is distinguished by his larger size and his position of authority~he is receiving figures who are either bowing or kneeling before him. W hat truly makes him the Heavenly Thearch, however, is his seat in the scoop of

5

0 .4 . Excursion o f the Heavenly Lord on a bronze mirror. First to second century c e .

Diameter 17.7 cm. Unearthed in Xinye, Henan, (a) Ink rubbing, (b) Detail.

a dipper. The dipper, which is punctuated by seven big circles, represents the Northern (Big) Dipper. The scene conveys a Han view of Heaven that conflated the sky and the supreme deity, a conflation that a court historian, Sima Qian 司 馬 遷 (ca. 145-ca. 86 bce), had articulated centuries earlier in his Book o f Celestial Offices {Tian guan shu 天 官 書 ). According to Sima Qian, the brightest star in the constellation of the Celestial Pole was the permanent abode of the supreme deity, whom he called Grand Unity {taiyi 太 一 )• And the Northern Dipper, composed of seven stars, was the vehicle of the supreme deity, from which he was able to govern at the center while reaching out to the four quarters. 11 After the liberation of Heaven from its theocratic framework, the Han people welcomed a Heavenly Thearch with less political clout than his predecessor. The design on a bronze mirror discovered in Henan, probably created no later than the carving in the W u shrine, captures the new view of the deity (Figure 0 .4 ) . 12 We see the deity in the outer circle of the mirrors back, where he is seated in a vehicle pulled by two dragons, driven by two charioteers, and about to pass through a pair of gate pillars. The two characters inscribed between the dragons and a mass of clouds label the deity as tiangong 天 公 (Heavenly Lord). The longer inscription along an inner circle identifies the scene as an excursion of the Heavenly Lord [tiangong xingchu 天 公 行 出 ) • The gate pillars must therefore be the entrance to his celestial palace. No doubt the design reminded viewers that Heaven was

0 .5. Celestial images on a wood carving. First century b c e. 188

x 45.3 x 3.5 cm.

Unearthed in 1974 in Xuyi, Jiangsu, (a) Photograph, (b) Drawing.

both the supreme deity and his residence. Since the First Emperor had appropriated the character di 帝 (thearch) to refer to his emperorship, using gong 公 (lord) to denote the supreme deity made it clear that the deity was expected to bestow his favors not only on monarchs but also on all human beings. Other representations show that the Han peo­ ple even accepted a kind of Heaven without any anthropomorphic dominator. A wood carving, excavated in a late-first-century bce tomb in Jiangsu, portrays Heaven as an array of the sun, the moon, the M ilky Way, and stars (Figure 0.5). I f the carving depicts the sky, then the celestial bodies are complete with mythological elaboration: the sun is car­ ried by a bird, the moon contains a toad, and the M ilky Way is embodied by three fish. A celestial being flying over the sun adds a non-astronomical touch to the imaginary sky. Picturing Heaven clearly requires a significative rather than an imitative view of rep­ resentation. In language, the relation between a name and what it names (for example, “tree” and a tree) is arbitrary, based on or set by convention. 13 In pictorial art, the relation between a picture and what it depicts (for example, a portrait of Henry and Henry him ­ self) is less arbitrary because picture and subject trigger cognition through similarities. If we recognize similarities, we can interpret a portrait of Henry as a depiction of Henry.

Nevertheless, the three Han images just introduced— a man with a constellation, a man about to pass through gate pillars, and three fish between two circles_ may not be depic­ tions of Heaven. Only if we know of conventions that allow them to refer to Heaven can we identify them in that way. Picturing Heaven is thus an act of signification determined by convention. Artisans must have borrowed tacit knowledge from convention to make Heaven vis­ ible and accessible. The artisan who decorated the W u family shrine did not invent the idea of positioning the supreme deity in his celestial vehicle, the Northern Dipper. The imagery came from the court experts who explained heavenly bodies in terms of a human bureaucracy. Likewise, the artisan who designed the bronze mirror was not the first to associate the supreme deity with gate pillars. In Elegies o f the Chu {Chu ci 楚 辭 ),an anthology of verse by Q u Yuan 屈 原 ( 34工 ?一2 8 3 ? bce) and his followers, poets described how gatekeepers controlled the entrance to the heavenly palace or the heavenly capital. 15 The artisan who made the wood carving would not have populated the M ilky Way with fish were there no folktales portraying it as a celestial river that separated the Weaving M aid (three stars in Lyra) and the Oxherd (three stars in Aquila) . 16 As I will demon­ strate, the tacit knowledge that the Han artisans borrowed to represent Heaven ranged widely from cosmology to mythology to astronomy. That picturing Heaven is an act of appropriation does not diminish the value of the artisans,contribution to its representation. Artisans exhibited their talent in how they transformed knowledge into image. Although the court experts envisioned the supreme deity dwelling at the Pole Star and riding on the Northern Dipper as he presided over the celestial realm, it was an artisan who gave supremacy and transportation their pic­ torial forms by creating a gigantic, kingly figure receiving homage, by rendering the Northern Dipper as a chariot in profile, and by installing scrolls of clouds beneath the scoop of the dipper as if they were wheels. Likewise, it was an artisan who fleshed out the Heavenly Lords excursion on the bronze mirror from a theme summarized by only four inscribed characters. To distinguish the anthropomorphic deity from human beings, the artisan added wings to his shoulders. To indicate the outing, the artisan placed the deity in a dragon-drawn cart and captured the moment when he departed from his pal­ ace. And to show the deitys magnificence, the artisan created an impressive entourage that included the sun, the moon, the River Lord in charge of the M ilky Way, and various auspicious animals. Artisans also played an active role in deciding how pictures of Heaven should be used. The Jiangsu wood carving, for instance, helped furnish a deceased couple’s tomb. Their double coffins, both made of wood, were located in a pit. The outer coffin, rectangular in

0 .6. Dragons and stars on a wood carving. First century b c e. 188 x 28.2 x 3.5 cm.

Unearthed in 1974 in Xuyi, Jiangsu, (a) Photograph, (b) Drawing.

0 .7. Lifting a tripod on a wood carving. First century b ce. 45 x 40 x 3 cm. Unearthed in 1974 in Xuyi, Jiangsu, (a) Photograph, (b) Drawing.

shape, is divided into two units: the larger one houses two inner coffins, and the smaller one stores funerary goods. Only the interior of the larger unit is decorated, with two carvings on the ceiling and three on the partition wall. The carving introduced earlier is on the ceiling, juxtaposed with a carving that features dragons and stars (Figure 0 .6 ). One wall carving depicts the retrieval of a lost tripod from a river (Figure 0 .7 ), and an­ other depicts a musical performance, dancing, acrobatics, and an animal act (Figure 0 .8 ); the third carving is damaged. 17 I f the tomb is a microcosm, then the wood carving on

0 .8. Performances on a wood carving. First century b c e. 45 x 40 x 2.5 cm.

Unearthed in 1974 in Xuyi, Jiangsu, (a) Photograph, (b) Drawing.

the wall represents the human world, and those on the ceiling the celestial realm. I f the tomb served as a site of transition because dragons were said to assist people in reach­ ing Heaven, then the decoration on the ceiling signifies the supreme deity’s dwelling, to which the deceased hoped to climb. In this case, the carvings on the ceiling, though de­ noting the imaginary sky, connote the celestial ascent and paradise after death. The pa­ trons who commissioned the funerary project may have expressed their wish to make the tomb more like a microcosm, a transitional site, or both. But none could have dictated the complicated visual signification~borrowing from mythology to create the sky and using the mythical sky to stand for the celestial paradise— except for the artisan himself. To make the invisible visible, both artisans and viewers relied on tacit knowledge for coding and decoding, which made picturing Heaven an act of social communication. There were bound to be social and regional distinctions in approaching and represent­ ing Heaven in the Han, since the empire lasted for four centuries and encompassed an enormous territory, stretching from present-day North Korea in the east to Vietnam in the south, the Pamir Plateau in the west, and the Great W all in the north. Nevertheless, received texts and archaeological finds offer us mostly information about social elites in urban areas. How images of Heaven functioned in the life of commoners is unclear. The scant, scattered, and unevenly distributed data likewise make it difficult to distinguish regional preferences. Still, we do know that different elite groups in the Han evinced dif­ ferent attitudes toward Heaven and its visualization. In this book, we will see the fierce

competition between Confucian scholars {rushi 儒 士 )and masters of methods {fangshi 方 士 ) at the Han court. Confucian scholars, who interpreted Confucius^ (551-479 BCE) teachings within a framework of cosmological synthesis, emphasized the mandate of Heaven and urged benevolent rule. The masters of methods, in contrast, pushed their view of Heaven as a land of immortals and advocated ways to achieve immortality. The contests between the two groups yielded two types of architecture in the capitals. Hie ruler who listened to masters of methods had the celestial paradise re-created in the im ­ perial park, whereas the rulers who listened to Confucian scholars ordered the construc­ tion of Bright Halls in which the son of Heaven received his subjects while claiming his heavenly mandate. We will also see the tension between rulers and Confucian scholars. Both believed that good omens would appear if Heaven approved a reign, but for op­ posite reasons: the rulers sought to reaffirm their legitimacy, and the Confucian scholars tried to prevent rulers from becoming despots. The discourse of omens came into play not only at court but also in local politics. Han emperors often granted tax relief to the districts whose administrators reported the emergence of good omens. Over time the Han people came to believe that the head of the local government, like the emperor, could be graced by omens if his governance proved to be benevolent. Local officials thus regarded omens as a means to gain social benefit or individual promotion; some went so far as to falsify omens, appearance. Under the circumstances, illustrated catalogues were produced and circulated to meet the need to correctly identify omens. The significant weight of Heaven in ancient China has drawn the attention of modern scholars. Intellectual historians are intrigued by how the ancient Chinese elites pondered their association with Heaven. A. C. Graham and Michael Puett offer their macroscopic views, sketching the transformative dynamics from the pre-Han to the Han eras'. Robert Eno, Edward Machle,and John Major present case studies on the notions of Heaven seen in the writings of pre-Han Confucians and Han cosmologists.18 Historians of sci­ ence are naturally enthusiastic about the astronomical aspect of Heaven. Nathan Sivin articulates the way scientific knowledge— astronomy, mathematics, medicine, and chem­ istry~emerged in early China and identifies the people who sponsored, possessed, and transmitted these branches of knowledge. Xiaochun Sun and Jacob Kistemaker exam­ ine three major conventions used to map the sky in the Han period. Christopher Cullen scrutinizes an early text on astronomy and mathematics that was probably compiled by Han experts.19 Historians who are interested in politics cannot ignore the impact of Heavens mandate. Both Cho-yun Hsii and Edward Shaughnessy touch upon the issue in their Western Zhou histories, and Aihe Wang gives the topic a book-length analy­ sis and extends the discussion to the Han dynasty.20 These scholarly works, admirable

though they are, reflect the concerns of modern disciplines more than they do the com­ plexity of Heaven in early China. The interdisciplinary approach that I favor in this book acknowledges the need to treat the complexity of Heaven as a whole, which is how it had evolved since the height of the Chinese Bronze Age. Despite abundant modern literature, scholars have not studied how the Han Chinese pictured Heaven. The dearth of scholarship has many causes. Some are rooted in circum­ stances and academic tradition. The closed-door policy adopted by Communist China after 1 9 4 9 confined art historians to portable objects already in public or private collec­ tions overseas. Ancient bronze vessels,medieval Buddhist sculpture, and later paintings became three dominant areas of research. To establish or present collections, art histori­ ans devoted themselves to connoisseurship, employing typology, iconography, and formal analysis for dating and authentication.21 Seldom did they take into consideration the so­ cial context in which objects were produced, distributed, and received. Nor did they pay much attention to the physical context in which objects were discovered or may have been displayed. In such a scholarly environment, Han art was at a disadvantage because Han artisans preferred to engrave stones, paint on walls, and decorate lacquerware. These me­ dia一 difficult to remove or preservewere not among the favorites of early tomb looters. The limited access to Han art inevitably made it a marginalized field, dismissed as work done during either the twilight of the Bronze Age or the dawn of the Buddhist era. Other reasons for the lack of scholarly attention to the Han depiction of Heaven have to do with the development of Chinese archaeology. Even though avid antiquarians and collectors have encouraged tomb looting in China for centuries, scholars did not begin to experiment with scientific excavation in north China until the early twentieth century. Li Chi, a Harvard-trained anthropologist, was the first to garner governmental support for a large-scale project in Anyang 安 陽 ,a capital of the Shang dynasty (ca. 1 6 0 0 - 1 0 5 0 bce). Work on the project, initiated in 1 9 2 8 ,continues to this day. Li and other experts who explored the field of archaeology mainly sought evidence of civilizations from the prehistoric period to the Shang. They cared little about later dynasties like the H an .22 The situation changed after the establishment of the Peoples Republic of China, when archaeology became a national enterprise. More than 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 Han tombs have been discovered all over the country since then.23 The 'material that Wang Zhongshu intro­ duced in Han Civilization in 1 9 8 2 , with K. C. Chang’s assistance and translation,has been vastly augmented. The constant unearthing of new caches has turned the landscape of Han art from bleak to blooming. W hen China reopened its doors to the world in the 1 9 7 0 s, scholars in the West could put Han art into better perspective. Michael Loewe,a textual historian, took advantage

of the archaeological breakthroughs in his Ways to Paradise in 1 9 7 9 . He boldly relied on images to illustrate the Han quest for immortality, using, for example, a decorated brick found in 1965 to articulate the popular cult of a goddess in charge of the land of immortals and a silk painting discovered in 1972 to explain the belief in ascending to Heaven. Because of his rigid iconographical approach, the book, albeit insightful, drew criticism.24 It was W u Hung and Martin Powers who secured the place of Han art in Western scholarship. In The Wu Liang Shrine (1 9 8 9 ),W u bridged the gap between iconography and iconology by restoring the visual program for an otherwise scattered group of Han carved stones, reconstructing the sociopolitical context in which the group was situated, and analyzing the ideology that it represented. Powers sought to associate style with society. In his A rt and Political Expression in Early China (1 9 9 1 ), he inves­ tigated how various social groups, owing to different tastes and concerns, developed their distinct stylistic preferences in the Han period. Both W u and Powers drew upon many archaeological finds available only in the second half of the twentieth century to substantiate their arguments. I am greatly indebted to Chinese archaeologists for their painstaking fieldwork and to the pioneering scholars for their intellectual endeavors. In particular, Loewe introduced the imagined celestial field, whereas W u and Powers dis­ cussed issues concerning images of omens. None of them, however, addressed the sud­ den outburst of visual materials about Heaven in the Han. Nor did any of them consider omens or the imagined celestial field as part of a multifaceted, sophisticated discourse on Heaven. M y curiosity about Heaven in Han art parallels my interest in the study of symbols and signs. To begin with, I was intrigued by Ernst Cassirers philosophical contempla­ tions on symbolic forms and by Erwin Panofskys demonstration of perspective as a symbolic form in European pictorial art.25 Maurice Merleau-Pontys thoughts on the visible and the invisible fascinated me later, as did Hubert Damischs illustration of the way clouds are used in Correggio’s (1 4 8 9 —1534 ce) paintings, as both a signifier and the signified, to de-compose and yet complete the system of perspective.26 E. H . Gombrichs meditations on a hobby horse remain inspiring, especially his use of the psychological concept of symbolization to consider a broomstick more a substitute for a horse (func­ tion) than a portrayal of a horse (form ) . 27 Unsatisfied with the semiotic approach, David Summers has called for a post-formalist art history based more on real spaces than on planar surfaces.28 M uch though I benefited from all these and many other stimulating discussions and debates, the purpose of my book is not to fill Western theoretical frame­ works with Chinese data but to exploit whatever approaches facilitate our understanding of the visual representation of Heaven in Han China.

0 .9. Stele o f the Law Code o f Hammurabi, ca. 1792-1750 b c e. Basalt. W. 65 cm .

Collection o f the musee du Louvre, Paris, France.

Although this book does not go beyond Han China in scope, I hope it helps shed light on similar visual materials from other cultural areas. The Chinese, for instance, were not the only people in the ancient world to ascribe divinity to kings. The Mesopotamians developed the idea as early as the third millennium bce. They transformed the idea into images, of which the stele of Hammurabi (r. 17 9 2 - 1 7 5 0 bce) was a famous example (Fig­ ure 0 .9 ). Hammurabi, the sixth king of the Amorite dynasty of Babylon, erected the stele to promulgate his laws. To emphasize the authority of his codes, Hammurabi had a relief added to the top of the stele, right above the columns of legal texts. The relief shows two figures: the standing one is a king, presumably Hammurabi himself, who wears a

0 .10. Induction ofV ibia and banquet ofVibia. Probably second half o f fourth century c e .

Mural. Unearthed from the hypogeum o fV ibia in Rome, Italy.

royal polos headdress and a simple robe; the seated one is the sun god Shamash, who has rays of sun radiating from his shoulders, wears a divine headdress with four horns over a voluminous bun, and sits on a throne decorated with lintels evoking a city gate or a temple portal. The scene captures the moment when the sun god is giving a ring and a staff, emblems of authority, to the king.29 The ancient Mesopotamians depicted divine kingship in figurative art, whereas the Han Chinese preferred to show it in architecture. As we will see in this book, Han emperors claimed their mandate as the sons of Heaven at the center of Bright Halls, structures intended to manifest the cosmos in miniature. Heavenly ascent is another idea shared by many people in the ancient world. A fresco from the hypogeum ofV ibia provides an interesting example that dates to mid-fourthcentury Rome (Figure o.io). The inscriptions in the painting inform us that the Good Angel {Angelus Bonus) is leading the deceased woman ( Vibiu) through a gate. Inside the gate, as we also read, Vibia reappears. Now she is seated at a. table with five others, who, like her, were approved by the judgment of the righteous [Bonorum ludicio ludicati). The scene, which combines induction and dining, not only suggests Heaven as a destination for the deceased but also attests to the fusion of pagan customs and Christian beliefs in Late Antiquity. The added gate and angel distinguish the scene from the depictions of other Roman banquets, which were often held at graves or in churches.30 The Han Chinese, too, viewed Heaven as a desirable place to spend one s afterlife. The gate of Heaven and a guide to Heaven— a winged immortal, not an angelw ere popular motifs in Han funerary art. Instead of focusing on life in Heaven, such as the promise of a ban­

1 5

quet, the Han artisans and their clients were obsessed with the passage to Heaven. We will thus learn much more about what took place before the gate to the Han Heaven than about what supposedly happened beyond it. I organize the book around different references to Heaven that the Han artisans took into their visual productions. Chapter i is an examination of the architectural manifes­ tation of Heavens mandate. By looking at the Bright Halls erected by three Han rulers, I investigate how and why architecture became a convergence of cosmology, history, and legitimacy during their reigns. I also discuss how the Bright Halls came to repre­ sent Heaven to both rulers and the ruled by the manipulation of architecture in terms of locality, symbolic form, and ritual imagination. Chapter 2 deals with how the Han people viewed omens as tangible evidence of Heavens mandate and how the Han arti­ sans depicted those omens. Focusing on the cliff engraving made to honor a governors meritorious services in what is now Gansu, I explore the way mountains were employed to forge the monumentality of Heavens mandate. Chapter 3 introduces fantastic jour­ neys from the Earth to Heaven. I analyze the shift from morality to immortality as seen in the Changan architectural complex, the wish to ascend to Heaven evident in the visual program of Lady Dais tomb at Mawangdui, and the question of whether the gate of Heaven, a prevalent icon in Han funerary art, defined the destination of the celestial ascent. In chapter 4 , 1 look into the celestial markers in Han art and explain how the presence of the cardinal deities, the M ilky Way, and the sun and the moon sufficed to stand for Heaven. In chapter 5 , I tackle the Chinese zodiac一 specifically, how the system of twenty-eight lunar lodges was established and how the knowledge of the lodges was transmitted from experts to the general public. A painted tomb in X i, an provides a basis for a discussion of the way the Han artisans transformed a celestial map into an uanimated” sky~one with anthropomorphic and zoomorphic elaborations— and then used the animated sky in the funerary context to refer to Heaven, the eventual home of the deceased.

CHAPTER I

Constructing the Cosmic View

The ancient Chinese conceived of Heaven as the mighty force that established the polit­ ical order of the human world. They believed that only with the mandate of Heaven could a feudal lord rise to be the sole ruler of China, the Middle Kingdom. The political discourse of Heaven first emerged from the Zhou conquest of the Shang in 1 0 4 5 bce, when an insignificant state in the peripheral west took control of the center. A song, likely produced at the Zhou court and still preserved in the Book o f Odes, articulates the discourse while eulogizing King Wen (r. 1 0 9 9 - 1 0 5 0 bce), who laid the foundation for the conquest: King Wen is on high; Oh, he shines in Heaven! Zhou is an old state, But its mandate is new. The house of Zhou became illustrious, Blessed by the mandate of the Thearch \dt\. King Wen ascends and descends, On the Thearchs left hand, on His right. August is Wen the King; Oh, to be reverenced in his glittering light! Mighty the mandate that Heaven gave him. The grandsons and sons of the Shang, Shangs grandsons and sons, Their multitudes were innumerable. But the Thearch on High \shangdi 上帝] gave his mandate, And by Zhou they were subdued.

The mandate is not easy to keep. Do not bring ruin on yourselves. Send forth everywhere the light of your good fame; Consider what Heaven did to the Shang. High Heaven does its business W ithout sound, without smell. Make King Wen your example, In whom all the peoples put their trust .1 The mandate of Heaven as presented in the song has two meanings. O n the one hand, it justifies the new sovereignty gained by armed force; on the other, it requires that the new rulers be cautious and responsible.2 The profile of a commendable ruler is more clearly described in the inscription on a Zhou bronze vessel commissioned by Bin Gong 縣 公 (Figure 1.1).The text first affirms that Heaven gave birth to “our king” to serve as its minister. It then declares that what the king bathes in is virtue and that what the people love in him is his radiant virtue. The inscription expounds the virtues of the king: he is filial and friendly, bright and expansive, even and constant, and he loves sacrifices with­ out lim it.3 Sacrificing to Heaven was one of the most important rituals conducted by a Zhou king. It was practiced very early according to the inscription on a Zhou bronze vessel commissioned by He 无可(Figure 1.2 ) .4 We learn from the context that King Cheng (r. 1042/1035-1006 bce) offered a sacrifice to Heaven upon moving the capital eastward to Luo 洛 ipresent-day Luoyang 洛 陽 )• He intended to carry out the unfulfilled wish of his father King W u (r. 1 0 4 9 / 1 0 4 5 - 1 0 4 3 bce), who had fought the decisive battle against the Shang. King W u, in a sacrifice performed to ask Heaven to bless the victory over the Shang, had promised to reside at the center of the territory to govern the people. W ith ­ out doubt, both kings'ritual performances were to secure the mandate of Heaven through tangible and explicable communications between Heaven and the highest rulers.5 Where did a Zhou king worship Heaven? The inscription on another Zhou ves­ sel, this one commissioned by Tian Wang 天TT,says that he performed the ritual in an architectural space called the “Heavenly Chamber” [tianshi 天 室 ;Figure 1.3 ) . 6 No archaeological information is available for a further inquiry into this chamber. The term appears only once in the received texts. In Sima Qians Records o f the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記i King W u is said to have emphasized that he relied on the Heavenly Cham­ ber to perpetuate the blessing of Heaven.7 In contrast to the bronze inscription, texts received much later favor another ritual structure, called “the Bright H all” [mingtang 明堂) .8 Confucius once proclaimed that the Duke of Zhou, who was regent while his

^-

y



l> ? t /c

f 夺 .1 丄

®?

:6 ^

* +? V 棼 梦

f神 拥垛蚱

t 5° 6-12* 30 . Ban G u, H an sku 、89.3631. 31. Fan Ye, H ou H an shut 76.2467-68. 32. Ibid., 86.2847; Wu Shuping

吳樹平,Dongguan

H an jijia o zh u 東觀漢記校注, 13.501. W ang Zhui was called W ang Fu i in Dongguan H an ji.

51. Ban G u, H an shu, 22.1065; W u, Wu Liang Shrine 、 77; Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and M iracles in A ncient

China, 76. 52. Ban G u, H an sku, 3.141; H uang H ui

黃曝,Lun

hengjiaoshi 論衡校釋, 19.842. 53. H uang H ui, L un hengjiaoshi、 16.721; Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A ncient CMna, 77-78.

For Wang Chongs attitude toward omens, see Powers, A r t and Political Expression in E arly China ,224—29. 54. Ban G u, H an shu, 40IX1373; W u, Wu L iang Shrine,

77- 79-

. 55. Chen Pan, Gu chenweiyantao jiq i sku lu jieti、648.

56. Ibid., 301-4. 57. Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A n ­

cient China ,78. Ru Chun quoted the book in his com­ mentaries on Ban G u’s H an shu. 58. W ho the shrine was dedicated to has been under heated debate. Here I follow the conventional attribu­ tion as explained in W u, Wu L iang Shrine ,24—30. For

a recent discussion of the issue, see Liu, Nylan, and Barbieri-Low , Recarving Chinas Past.

acting for a counselor-delegate instead. Nagata Hidemasa counters Song’s reading with a comparable Han example. Zhou Xiaolu seconds Nagata and provides more Han examples. See Song Zhim in

宋系民,“M iu

Yu bushi Pengcheng xiang” 缕 宇 不 是 彭 城 相 ; Nagata, K andai sekkoku shusei, 1:75-76 n. 1; Zhou Xiaolu “Miu Yu muzhi dukao” 缪 i 于墓志讀考 .

周曉陸.,

71. Chen L i, Baihu tongshuzheng, 6.283-88. 72. H ong Gua, L i xu, 5.17. 73. Fischer, D ie chinesische M alerei der H an-Dynastiey T. 22, T. 23. 74. W u, Wu Liang Shrine, 237. 75. Sim a Qian, S h ijiy10.429-30,16.1260 , 28.1381, 96.2681; Ban G u, H an shu, 4.127,2^.1212. The association

59. W u, Wu L iang Shrine 、240,

of the yellow dragon with the change of dynastic ^dr-

60 . Ibid., 80.

tue is also discussed in Izushi, Shina shinw a densetsu no kenkyU 、673-74; Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A ncient China ,106.

61. For the archaeological report, see Hunan sheng

bowuguan 湖南省博物館,“Changsha M awangdui er san hao Han mu fajue jianbao” 長沙馬王堆二、三號漢 墓發掘簡報. 62. Pow ers,^r/ and Political Expression in E arly China, 246-63.

to yellow when Em peror W u performed thefeng-shan ceremony in n o bce. See the related discussion in chap­

63. For the transcription, textual references, and English translation o f the cartouches, see W u, Wu Liang Shrine, 235-43. 64. Ibid., 234—43. 65. Shen Yue

76. Sim a Qian, S h ijit 28.1398; Ban G u, H an shu , 6.199. The color o f official costumes had already changed

沈約,Song shu 宋書, 27.759-29.878. For

a thorough analysis of Shen Yue’s treatise on auspicious omens, see Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A ncient China, 113-54. 66. W u, Wu L iang Shrine,80-84,243-44.

北京歷史博物館, WangduH an mu b ih u a 望都漢墓壁畫. 67. Beijing lishi bowuguan

68. Yan Gengwang, Q in H an difang xingzheng zhidu, 137; Hucker, D ictionary o f O fficial Titles in Im perial China , 272. 69. Beijing lishi bowuguan, Wangdu H an mu bihua 、

13,pl.3 6. 70. N anjing bowuyuan, “D ong-H an Pengcheng xiang

M iu Yu mu” 東漢彭城相谬宇墓.TKe title o fM iu Yu in

the epitaph was “The counselor-delegate of Pengcheng Kingdom acting for the magistrate of Lu District.” Song Zhimin questions the possibility that a higher-ranking official would have acted for a lower-ranking official and suggests that Miu Yu should have been a magistrate

ter 1. 77. Ban G u, H an shu, 2^.979, 25b. 1270-71; G u Jie -

gang,Gu Jiegang gushi lunw enjiy 298-313, 331-38, 408-56; A ihe W ang, Cosmology and Political Culture in E arly China, 143-55. Also see the related discussion in chap­ ter 1. 78. Ban G u, H an shu,yy.^262. 79. Ibid., 99b.4i09 , 4113. 80 . Ib id ., 99b.4i39. 81. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu, ia.27,17.644-45. For a brief account, see Loewe, D ivination, M ythology and M onar­ chy in H an China, 59-60. 82. Sun Guangde 孫廣德, Qi n L iang H an y in yang w uxing shuo de zhengzhi sixiang 先秦兩漢陰陽五

行說的政治思想, 136-39 ■ 83. A ihe W ang, Cosmology and Political Culture in E arly China, 151-55. 84. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu, ib.59. 85. H uang H ui,L u n hengjiaoshi-, 19.842.

任乃後 , H uayangguo zh ijiaobu tu z h u 華陽國志校補圖注, 3 .17 2 H 87. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu 、8.338, 82IX2733. For Cao P i’s 86. Ren N aiqiang

usurpation, see Leban, “Managing Heaven^s Mandate*7;

2 9 3

Knechtges, “Rhetoric o f Im perial Abdication and Accession .’ , 88. Sima Qian, S h iji’ 12.457,28.1387, 30.1425. 89. Ban G u, H an shuy252.1230. 90 . Fan Ye, H ou H an shu, 3.144 , 5.239; Wu Shuping, Dongguati H an jijia o zh u 、2.77-78,3.102. 91. X ie Cheng 謝承,H ou H an shu 後漢書, 2.38,in Zhou Tianyou, Bajia Hou H an shujizh u 八家後漢書輯 注. Linhuai Comm andery became Xiapei 下那 King­

dom in 72 ce; see Fan Ye, H ou H an shu, 2.119. 92. Sim a Qian, S h ijiy 4.135^36,110.2881; Fan Ye, Hou H an sku 、87.2871-72. 93. W u, Wu L iang Shriney 242. 94. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu、87.2869-902. 95. Ib id ” 5.225,5.239 , 7.293; W u Shuping, Dongguan

H an j i jtaozhu, 2.77-78,3.101-2. 96. W u, Wu L iang Shrine ,240.

山東省博物館, 山東漢畫像石選集, i6 ,

97. Shandong sheng bowuguan

dong H an huaxiang shi xuanji fig. 41.

98. Zhongguo huaxiang shi quanji bianji weiyuanhui

中國畫像石全集編輯委員會,Zhongguo huaxiang shi q u a n ji 中國晝像石全集, 4:99. 99. Sim a C^an, S h iji, 33.1518-19. 100. Ban G u, H an sku 、 58.2613-17. 101. Huang H ui, L un hengjiaoshi, 59.844-45; Fan Ye, H ou H an shuy 25.874-75, 69.2239-40. 102. Ren Naiqiang, H uayangguo zh ijiaobu tuzhu,

iob.563. 103. Ban Gu, H an sku 、6913.4110—11. For W ang M angs land reform, see Thomsen, A m bition and Confucianism^ 124-27. 104. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu,ib.86. 105. Wu Shuping, Dongguan H an jijia o zh u , 3.102. 106. Zhu Q ianzhi

朱謙之,L aozijiaoshi 老子校釋,

32.130; Chen Qiyou, L it ski chun qiu jiaoshi, 1.44; Ban G u, H an sku 、 58.2613-14. 107. Wu Shuping, Dongguan H an j i jiaozhuy 1.11; Zhou Tianyou, Hou H an j i jiaozhu, 232. 108. For accounts o f local officials, see Fan Ye, Hou H an sku, 76.2467-68,86.2847; Zou Tianyou, Bajia Hou H an shu jiz h u 、154,157,175, 606. 109. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.459, 28.1388; Sim a Guang 司 馬光,Tjizhi tongjian 資治通鑑, 20.655; Zhang Heng, “Rhapsody on the Western M etropolis {X id u fu 西都

赋),” in Xiao Tong 蕭統,Wen xuan related discussion in chapter 3.

文選, 2.60. See the

110. The measurements are based on those in Jiang Yingju 蔣英炬 and W u W enqi 吳文祺,H an dai Wu shi

muqun shikeyanjiu 漢代武氏▲ 群石刻研究,29. 111. For an introduction to the H ym n o f the Fu Passagei see Hanzhong diqu wenjiao ju 漢中地區文教局, “ ‘Fuge song’ moya shike” 郁閣領摩崖石刻. For its tran­ scription and rubbing, see Nagata, K andai sekkoku shuseiy 2:196-97; for a translation, see Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A ncient China, 257-59. For a dis­ cussion o f its date, see Yuan W eichun 袁維春,Q in H an bei shu 秦漢石皁述, 399-400. The original carving o f the M em orial to the T ianjing Passage does not survive. For its transcription, see H ong Gua 洪适,L i xu 隸 系賣, 11.9 b 10b; for a translation, see Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A ncient China 、260-61. 112. For a brief account o f the maintenance o f roads, bridges, and facilities for travelers in the H an, see Loewe and Twitchett, Cb’in and H an Em pires、613-14. 113. Sim a Qian, S k iji, 29.1141; Ban G ^ H a n shu 、 29.1681. 114. Guo Rongzhang fP 榮章,Shimen moya keshiyan­

jiu 石門摩崖刻石研究, 8-io. According to the archaeo­ logical investigation, the tunnel is 14 meters long, 3.954.25 meters wide, and 4-4.75 meters high; see Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo 陝西省考古研究所, “Bao-Xie dao Shimen fujin zhandao yiji ji tike de diaocha” 襃斜道

石門附近接道遺路及題刻的調查, 29. For an English introduction to the Bao-Xie Route, see H arrist, Land­ scape o f Words, 34-38. 115. Nagata, K andai sekkoku shusei, 2:20-21. For a study and translation o f the inscription, see H arrist, Landscape

o f Words, 116. G uo Rongzhang, Shimen moya keshi yanjiu, 43-44; Guo Rongzhang, Shimen shike daquan 石門石刻大全, 55; Tan Zongyi

譚宗義,H an dai guone'i lulu jiaotong kao

漢代國內陸路交通考, 卜^ . 117. Yan Gengwang, “Han Tang Bao-Xie dao kao” 漢

唐襃斜道考, 103-5. 118. Ibid., 102-3. 119. Xiabian is present-day Chengxian 成藉' in Gansu; see Huang Yongdi 黃泳■第,Chengxian xin zh i 成縣新 志, 1.30a, 3.49a, 4 .ia-2a.Ju is present-day Lueyang 略陽

in Shaanxi; see Tan Yu 譚■璃’ Lt/eyang x ia n z h 略陽蘇志, 1.13a—15a, 4.ia_4b_ For a discussion o f the location o f Ju

in the Han, see Yan Gengwang, “Tong dian suoji Hanzhong tong Qinchuan yidao kao” 通典所記漢中通秦川

驛道考, 26-32,4°120. W ang Bao

王褎,Tongyue 僮約,in Yan Kejun ,

Quan shanggu sandai Q in H an Sanguo Liuchao w en Quan H an w en, I {Quart H an wen): 42,11b—12b. 121. Nagata, K andai sekkoku shuseij 2:20—21; H arrist, Landscape o f Words, 38. For the cost o f this project, see

Chen M ingda 陳明達, “Bao-Xie dao Shimen jiq i shike” 展斜道石門及其石刻, 6o-6i. 122. Fan Ye, Hou H an shu, 58.1869; L i Jiannong 李劍 農 , X ia n Q in Hang H an jin g ji shi gao 先秦兩漢經濟史 稿, 194—98. 123. Nagata, K andai sekkoku sM sei, 2:196-97. 124. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Bao-Xie dao

Shimen fujin zhandao yiji ji tike de diaocha”; Qin

秦中行, “Bao-Xie zhandao diaocha ji , , 襃斜 棧道調查記.

Zhongxing

125. Nagata, K andai sekkoku shuseiy 2:196—97. 126. Guo Rongzhang, KH an X ixia song moya tanyuan”

漢西狹頌摩崖探源, 49. 127. M a H eng speculates that the First Em perors edict at M ount Jieshi 碼石 could have been a c liff in­

scription, but there is no way to verify this, for the origi­ nal carving has long since disappeared; see M a H eng 馬 衡,Fanjiang zh a ijin sh i conggao 凡將齋金石叢稿, 68.

132. The measurements are based on Chen M ingda, “Bao-Xie dao Shimen jiq i shike,w57. 133. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu 、 5.207,5.211, 6.251; Guo Rongzhang, Shimen shike daquany55. W ang Sheng’s in­

scription was traditionally called Eulogy o f the Stone Gate {Shimen song 石門頌) .For its transcription and rubbing, see Nagata, K andai sekkoku sbusei} 2:104-5. For a transla­ tion and further study, see H arrist, Landscape o f Words,

53-67. 134. Bian Yu’s inscription was traditionally called M arker Recordfo r Yang H uai (Yang H uai biaoji 楊淮表

言 己 ) .For its transcription and rubbing, see Nagata, K andai sekkoku sM sei, 2:200-01. For its content, see Guo Rongzhang, Shimen moya keshiyanjiu, 49-57. For a translation and further study, see H 2sx\styLandscape o f Words, 68-74. 135. For the transcription and a rubbing, see Nagata, K andai sekkoku shusei, 2:120-21. For further research, see Guo Rongzhang, Shimen moya keshiyanjiu 、46-48. For a

translation, see H arrist, Landscape o f Words, 68. H arrist also pointed out the Jianw ei connection among the Stone Gate inscriptions. 136. For a comprehensive introduction to the postHan inscriptions and their translations, see H arrist, Landscape o f Words, 74-89.

In 1994 a Han cliff inscription was discovered in Inner

137. For the archaeological investigation o f the cliff inscriptions at the Stone Gate, see Shaanxi sheng kao­ gu yanjiusuo, “Bao-Xie dao Shimen fujin zhandao yiji

Mongolia. The first report claims that it is Emperor Wu’s edict, but according to Sun Wei, the latest date to

ji tike de diaocha ,”3〇一42. For a comprehensive intro­ duction and illustrations, see Guo Rongzhang, Skimen

which the inscription refers is 110 ce, so the inscription shike daquan. O wing to the construction o f a dam at could not have been produced earlier; see Sun W ei 孫 ' 危, the Stone G ate in 1967-1970, some o f the inscriptions “Nei Menggu Alashan Han biansai beiming diaocha ji” were removed and later installed in the Hanzhong 漢 內蒙古阿拉善漠邊塞碑銘調查記. 中M useum, The remainder are now submerged in the 128. For the nature o f c liff inscriptions, see H arrist, Landscape o f Words, 17-30.

reservoir. We can no longer appreciate this unique group

bronze vessels, see Shaughnessy, Sources o f Western Zhou

o f c liff inscriptions in its original, spectacular site. For an English account o f the modern transformation, see H arrist, Landscape o f Words,89-91.

H istory. For the hidden monumentality o f bronze ves­ sels, see W u, M onum entality in E arly Chinese A r t and Architecture, 1-15.

X ixia song moya tanyuan,M51. For the transcription and a rubbing, see Nagata, K andai sekkoku shusei, 2:210—11.

129. For a comprehensive introduction to inscribed

130. For the promotion o f stone steles by the First

138. The distance is based on Guo Rongzhang,“Han

139. Guo Rongzhang, “H an X ixia song moya tanyuan,”

Emperor, see Kern, Stele Inscriptions o f Ch'in Shih-huang. 131. H ie measurement is based on Shaanxi sheng kao­

52.

gu yanjiusuo, “Bao-Xie dao Shimen fujin zhandao yiji ji tike de diaocha,” 36-37.

introduce L i X i and Geng Xun’s names. The word hui is used only when the person referred to is dead.

140. The authors used hui 韓,rather than m ing 名,to

141. Nagata, K andai sekkoku shUsei、2:88-91. Wu Hung used Kong Zhou’s 孑L 宙 memorial stele as an example to explain how friends and colleagues played a role in

shaping Han funerary culture; see W u, M onum entality in E arly Chinese A r t and Architecture 、217-23. For mourn­

ing obligations in H an local politics, see Ebrey, “PatronClient Relations in the Later Han”; Brown, Politics o f M ourning in E arly China, 85—103. 142. Lippiello, Auspicious Omens and Miracles in A ncient

China ,91-93. M isunderstanding the fact that the H ym n o f the Western Passage was produced after L i X is death, Lippiello considers the inscription to have been “engraved during his tenure as Grand Adm inistrator” and suggests that “it was in this capacity that he was able to build a sound reputation.” 143. Fan Ye, Hou H an shu, 65.2132-34. 144. Yan Gengwang, Q in H an difang xingzheng zhidu 、 157-60,162-71.

Chapter 3 1. For research on this poem in Chinese, see Tai Jin gn o n g 臺靜農,Chu ci Tian wen x in jia n 楚辭天問新隻; You Guoen 游國恩,Tian wen zuanyi 天問纂義;Sun Zuoyun 孫作雲,T ian wen yan jiu 天問研究; SuX uelin

秦雪林,Tian w en zhengjian 天問正簡. In English,

see Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 122-51; Field, “Cosmos, Cosmograph, and the Inquiring Poet,” 2 . H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、115; the translation is modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 133. .3 . H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 112—13; the translation is modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 132. A s we saw in chapter 2,when the scribe Q iang commissioned a bronze basin, he felt gratitude to the H eavenly Thearch and to Hou Ji for giving the Zhou kings an extensive mandate; never, however, did he mention the shock that H ou J i gave the Heavenly Thearch. The boundary be­ tween story and history was blurred in Qu Yuan’s review; widely circulated stories became the perceived reality for the poet to ponder. 4 . H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、m ; the translation is modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 132, 5. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 87^88; the translation

modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 128-29. 10. For a discussion o f the individualistic approach, see Poo, In Search o f Personal Welfare. 11. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Guangzhou H an mu, 153-54. 12. Kyoto kokuritsu hakubutsukan 京都国立博物館,

守屋 孝藏蒐集方格規矩四神鏡国錄, fig. 19 ; the translation

M oriya Kozo shushu hokaku kikus shishinkyo zuroku

is modified from Karlgren, “E arly Chinese M irror In ­ scriptions/1 29. 13. Feng Yunpeng

搏雲鵬,/fw shi suo 金石索, 769. 襲廷萬 et al., B a Shu H an dai 巴蜀漢代晝像集, fig. 446. The brick was dis­

14. G ongTingw an

h uaxian gji

covered in Yibin. 15. Anna Seidel first coined the term to acknowledge the tokens o f im m ortality in Han tombs. See Seidel, uPost-mortem Im m ortality \ Seidel,“Tokens o f Im m ortal­ ity in H an Graves.” 16. Sim a Qian, S k ijit 12.464-68,28.1392—94; Ban G u, H an shu 、25a.1225~28.H1e cycle mentioned here was called j i 紀(era). Each Era Cycle had twenty Obscura­ tion Cycles. For an explanation o f the numerical aspect

is modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 127. 6. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、88; the translation is

o f the legend, see Cullen, “M otivations for Scientific Change in Ancient China,” 188, 198-99. For discussion

modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 127. 7. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhuy 101; the translation is

o f divine kingship and the Yellow Ihearch’s ascension, see Puett, To Become a God, 242-45.

modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South 、130. 8. Hong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 116; Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 133. 9. Hong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、96; the translation is

17. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.468,28.1394; Ban G u, H an

shu, 25a.i228. 18. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.465,28.1392; Ban G u, H an

Shu, 25a.i225.

19. Sim a Qian, S h iji 、12.470,28.1395; Ban G u, H an shuy 25a.1231.The translation is slightly modified from Watson, Records o f the Grand Historian o f China,2:53. Hie year is based on H an shu、6.185. 20 . Sim a Qian, S h ijiy 12.467, 28.1393; Ban G u, H an shu、25^1228. For a discussion o f Qi scholars' construc­ tion o f the feng-shan ceremony since the W arring States period, see Xu Xingwu 徐興4 ,“Zhanguo Qin H an jian

fengshan sidian de jiangou”戰國秦漢間封禪祀典的 構建 . 21. Sim a Qian, S b iji, 12.473-75, 28.1396-98; Ban Gu,

Shu, 2511233-35. M aster Shen, a master o f methods,

came from Qi. He was different from the Confucian M aster Shen from Lu in chapter 1. 22 . Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.474-76,28.1397^98; Ban Gu,

H an shu, 252.1234- 36.

30 . H ebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, A nping D ong-H an

bihua m u 安 平 東 漢 壁 晝 墓 ,pi. 50-52.

漢代O 文物, i6o. 孫機’ “Guanyu Zhongguo zaoqi gaoceng fota zaoxing de yuanyuan wenti” 關吳中國早期高層揚 塔造型的淵源問題; QiYingtao祁英涛,“Zhongguo zaoqi mu jiegou jianzhu de shidai tezheng” 中國卓期木 結構建築的時代特徵. 31. H ayashi, K andai no bunbutsu

32. Sun J i

33. For a survey o f H an pottery towers, see Lew is, "Pottery Towers o f Han D ynasty China.,,For discus­ sions o f the seven-story pottery towers, see Zhang Yong

張勇 and Cui Yurong 崔玉榮, “Jiaozuo qiceng liange caihui tao cang lou de niandai wenti,’ 焦知七邊連H 彩

繒' 陶倉樓的年代問题; Zhang Songlin張松林, “Xingyang Weihecun Han dai qiceng taolou de faxian he yanjiu ” 滎陽魏河村漢代七層陶樓的發現和研究.

23. Sima Qian, S h iji, 12.478-79, 28.1400; Ban Gu,

34. Sim a Qian, S h ijit 12.481-82 , 28.1402; Ban Gu,

H an shuy 6.193,251x1241-42. Ban G u changed “Feilian gui guan’’ to “Feilian guan,,and “guai guan.,,H e also split ayi yan shou guan,’ into “yi shou guan’’ and “yan shou guan•”

H an shut 6.199 , 25b.i244—45. For the archaeological in­ vestigation, see Liu Qingzhu 劉慶柱 and L i Yufang 李

The discovery o f the roofing tiles with the characters “yi yan shou guan” proves that the record in Shij i is correct. Therefore I follow Shij i and treat “Feilian gui guan,” too, as one tower. 24_ Sim a Qian, S h iji, 122.3150; Ban G u, H an shu,

90.3658. 25. Yao Shengmin

姚生民,Ganquan gong zb i 甘泉

宫志,29-35, 6 2 -6 3,75~78* 26 . Yang Xiong, Rhapsody on Sw eet Springs {Ganquan

f u 甘泉赋),in Ban G u, H an shu, 80.3525. The translation is slightly modified from Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2:23.

漢舊儀 records thirty zhang, whereas Sanfujiushi 三辅舊事 says fifty. See Yao Shengmin, 27. H a n jiu yi

Ganquan gong zh i、76. 28. Yue Banghu 岳邦湖 and Zhong Shengzu 鍾聖 祖,Shule he liuyu H an dai changcheng kaocha baogao 疏勒 河流域漢代長城考察報告, 23-24. 29 . Since the base o f the beacon terrace measures

6.85 by 6.4 meters, its diagonal is 9.38 meters. Since

毓芳, H an Chang'an cheng 漢長安城, 186-90. Wu Hung also gives a b rief account o f the construction o f the Jian zhang Palace in his M onum entality in E arly Chinese A r t and Architecture 、174-76. 35. Y i Xuezhong 易學鐘, “Shizhaishan sanjian renwu wuyu diaoxiang kaoshi” 石寨山三件人物羞宇雕像

考釋.The model was discovered in Tomb 3,which was likely built during the reign o f Emperors Wen and W u. 36. Yunnan sheng bowuguan 雲南省博物館, 仰 雲南晉寧石 寨 山 ■墓群發掘報告, 1:77^-78,2:121. For a discussion o f

Jin n in g Shizhaisban gum uqunfajue baogao

th t jinggan structure, see Tanaka, Chugoku kenchikushi no kenkytiy 61-67. 37. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.482,28.1402; Ban G u, H an sbu, 25b.i245. 38. For the archaeological report, see Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, B ei-W ei Luoyang Yong

ningsi 北魏洛陽■ 永寧寺, 13— 19. For the architectural reconstruction, see Yang Hongxun, “Guanyu Bei-Wei Luoyang Yongning si ta fuyuan caotu shuoming” 關於 北魏永等■寺塔復原草圖說明; ZhongXiaoqing鐘曉青,

the circumferences o f M ounds 1 and 2 are 200 and 220 meters, their diameters are 63.66 and 70 meters. I f the height o f the beacon terrace is 8.4 meters, then the

“Bei-W ei Luoyang Yongning si ta fuyuan tantao” 北魏

height o f cone-like M ound 1 reaches 57 meters [(63.66 + 9.38) x 8.4 = 57], and the height o f M ound 2 reaches 63 meters [(70 + 9.38) x 8.4 = 62.68].

39. Ban G u, H an shu, 403.^42. H ie translation is modified from Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2:135.

洛暘永寧寺塔復原探討.

40 . Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.459,28.1388; Sima Guang,

Z izh i tongjiany 20.655. Sim a Qian did not specify the year when the im m ortals palms for receiving the dew were erected. Jud gin g from the context, Sim a G uang as­ signed this event to 115

b c e . The

Jianzhang Palace was

constructed in 104 bce. 41. Other early texts include Zhang H eng,s Rhapsody on the Western M etropolis [Xidu fu ) and Cao Z h i’s H ym n o f the P latefor Receiving the D ew {Chenglupan song 承 露盤頌) .See the form er in X iao Tong, Wen xuan, 2.60; the latter in Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo w en, 19.2a, vol. 2 o f Quan shanggu sandai Qin H an Sanguo Liuchao wen. Cao Z h i’s hymn was composed for a replication erected in 237 ce in Luoyang after the original plate was bro­ ken when Em peror M ing o f the W ei had it moved from

59. For the controversies over the authorship o f F ar-offJourney j see Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 191-93; W ang Yuan 王媛,wYuanyou zuozhe yanjiu zhuangkuang zongshu” 《 遠遵》作者研究狀況綜述.Based on his analysis o f religious practices, M ichael Puett suggests

that Yuan you should have been composed earlier than the compilation o f the Book o f the K ing ofH uainan under the patronage o f L iu A n (d. 122 bce); see his To Become a

God.., 217-20. 60. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci bu%hu、166; Hawkes, Songs o f the South 、195. 61. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、174-75; Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 199. 62. Scholars have different interpretations o f the

Chang’an to Luoyang. 42. Sim a Guang, Z izh i tongjian^ 20.655. 43. Sim a Qian, Shij i y12.484,28.1403; Ban G u, H an

sim ilarities between Yuan you and Daren fu \ (1) Daren fu imitates Yuan you, (2) Yuan you imitates D aren f u 、or

shu, 6.201. 44. Ban G u, H an sbuy 65.2858. 45. Ibid” 9.284, 24a.na4,75.3174-75,81.3337.

the South, 191-93 ; W ang Yuan, ltYuanyou zuozhe yanjiu zhuangkuang zongshu,” 47. 63. Sim a Qian, Shij i , 117,3056- 63. 64. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an m u 長沙馬王堆一號漢墓, 1:156-58; Hunan

46. Ibid., 99C.4161-62. 47. Xu Yuangao

徐兀誥,G uoyujijte 國語集解, 18.512.

48. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 28.1360-61. 49. Ibid., 43.1824-25. 50. Ibid., 125.3192; Ban G u, H an shu, 93.3722. 51. In S h iji, overstepping royal authority was the of­

fense that led to the estrangement between King Huai and Qu Yuan, but modern scholars argue that Qu Yuans protest against Chu’s alliance with Qin was what truly caused his exile. See Sim a Qian, Shiji , 84.2481-82; Sun Zuoyun, ^Qu Yuan de fangzhu wenti” 屈原放逐問題. 52 . H ong Xingzu, Chi ci buzhu 、23; Hawkes, Songs o f

the South 、72. 53. H ong Xingzu, Chi ci buzhu, 25; Hawkes, Songs o f the South 、 73. 54. H ong Xingzu, Chi ci buzhu, 25; Hawkes, Songs o f

the Southyj^' 55. H ong Xingzu, Chi ci buzhu, 29; Hawkes, Songs o f

the South174. 56. H ong Xingzu, Chi ci buzhu, 47; Hawkes, Songs o f the South ,78. 57. H ong Xingzu, Chi ci buzhu^ 47; Hawkes, Songs o f the South 、78. 58. Jin Kaicheng 原集校注, 36 - 39 .

金開誠 et al.,Qu Yuan j i jiaozhu 屈

(3) Yuan you is a draft o f D aren fu . See Hawkes, Songs o f

sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui er san hao H an m u 長沙馬王堆二、 三號漢墓, 1 :237- 40 . 65. Silbergeld, “M awangdui,Excavated M aterials,

and Transm itted Texts.” 66. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angduiyihao H an mu, 1:1-45; Loewe, W ays to Paradise, 17-59; Sofukawa H iroshi 曾布川寬 ’ “Konronsan to Shosenzu** 崑 搭 山 S 昇 仙 圖 ,118 -5 0 . 67. Tang Lan, “Zuotan Changsha M awangdui yihao H an mu” 座談長沙馬王堆一號漢墓, 59; Shang Zhitan

商志釋,“M awangdui yihao Han mu ‘feiyi, shishi” 馬王 堆 一 號 漢 墓 ‘非衣’試 釋 , 43. 68. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an mu} 1:39 , 149. 69. A n Zhim in 安志敏,“Changsha xin faxian de X i-

Han bohua shitan” 長 沙 新 發 現 的 西 漢 帛 晝 試 探 ,49~5r, Ma Yong 馬 雍 ,“Lun Changsha Mawangdui yihao Han mu chutu bohua de mingcheng he zuoyong” 論長沙馬 王 堆 一 號 漢 墓 出 土 帛 晝 的 名 稱 和 作 用 ;Wu Hung,“Art in a Ritual Context,” 116 -21. 70. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an m uy1:43-45. 71. H u P eih ui胡 培 翬 /f z知w幻 /f儀禮正義, 26.12a-

13b. Wu H ung has a more sophisticated understanding o f the te rm jiu and translates the phrase as “Ih e J iu (the

body in its permanent home) of Such-and-Such.” See W u, “A rt in a Ritual Context,M116-17. 72. A n Zhim in, “Changsha xin faxian de X i-H an bohua shitan,” 49-51; M a Yong, “Lun Changsha M awang­ dui yihao Han mu,” 121-22.

73. Gansu sheng bowuguan甘肅省博物館,呢 而 ■ 武威漢簡,148-49 , pi. 23.

H an jia n

74. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui

yihao H an m uy 1:31-32. 75. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui er san hao H an muy 1:23-25,237-40. 76. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui

86. Hunan sheng bowuguan, “Changsha Zidanku Zhanguo muguo mu,H37-38. 87. Ying-shih Y ii, “‘0 Soul, Come Back!’” 365-69. 88. Wu Hung, “A rt in a Ritual Context,n115. 89. Ibid., 116-18. 90. For the authorship o f Sum m oning the Souly see

Sun Zuoyun, “Shuo Zhao bun wei Song Yu zhao Chu Xiangwangzhihun”說 《招魂》為宋玉招楚襄王之魂,

772— 9°91. Ying-shih Y ii,‘“ O Soul, Com e Back!, ” 373. For an

unabridged quotation, see H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 9.197—202; Hawkes, Songs o f the Southt 223—25. 92. Wu Hung, “A rt in a Ritual Context," 138-39. For an unabridged quotation, see H ong Xingzu, Chu ci bu-

yihao H an m u 、1:112-18 ; Hunan sheng bowuguan, Chang­ sha M aw angdui er san hao H an mu, 1:237-40.

9.202—215; the translation is modified from Hawkes, Songs o f the South 1226-29.

77. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an m u, 1:42.

93. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、9.201; Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 225.

78. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui er san hao H an mu 、1:43 , 103-9,237-40. The record on

湖北省博物館,Z eng ^ ou W 饥 “ 曾候乙墓, 1:8—99, 362—65, 459—64. For further

the wooden board says “the twelfth year” but does not specify the reign. In the period during which the funer­ ary goods must have been made, only Em peror Wen had

studies on the bronze bells, see Falkenhausen, Suspended Music; Bagley, “Percussion.”

a reign longer than twelve years. Some scholars believe L i X i, not his brother, to be the occupant o f Tomb 3.

94. H ubei sheng bowuguan

95. M y reading o f the scene is different from Loewe’s in his W ays to Paradise, 55-56: K[T]he riders on the

prancing horses suspend the bell, and the bell supports a

For a review o f the controversy, see L i Shisheng 黎石生, vessel which attracts the attention of the birds. As yet no “Changsha Mawangdui sanhao muzhu zaiyi”長沙馬王 satisfactory explanation has been furnished for the indi­ 堆三號墓主再議. vidual elements or the whole complex.” 79. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui er 96. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 1.46; Hawkes, Songs san hao H an mu, 1:106. o f the South 、78. 80 . Hunan sheng bowuguan, “Changsha Zidanku Zhanguo muguo mu” 長沙子彈庫戰國木榻墓.

97. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、 5.172-73; Hawkes, Songs o f the South, 198. Hawkes in his translation moves

81. Barnard, Ch'u Silk Manuscript^ 1—18; L i L in g 李零, the couplet on the Xiang goddess and the Sea God Changsha Zidanku Zhanguo Chu boshuyanjiu 長沙子彈 ahead of the couplet on the “Pool of Heaven” and the

庫戰國楚帛書研究, j- n .

82. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha Chu wm 長沙

Nine Shao Songs.

楚墓, 1:14-9 1.

98. For an early textual reference to ten suns, see Yuan Ke 袁何,Shan h a ijin g jia o zb u 山海經校注,

83. For a discussion o f the painting, see Sofukawa, KKonronsan to ShdsenzuJ,>114-18.

9.260-62; for a translation, see Birrell, Classic o f M oun­ tains and Seas,128.

84. Guo M oruo,“Guanyu wan Zhou bohua de kao-

cha”

闕於晚周帛晝的考察; X io n gC h u an xin 熊傳新,

“Duizhao xinjiu moben tan Chu guo renwu longfeng

99. Xiao Bing 肖兵,“M awangdui bohua yu 馬王堆帛晝與楚辭, 171_72. 100.

Chu a

H eng E s story probably appeared as early as the

bohua” 對照新舊摹本談楚國人物龍鳳帛晝.

Warring States period; see Yuan Ke, Zhongguo shenhua

85. I follow Xiong Chuanxin’s measurement in “Duizhao xinjiu moben,1590.

shi 中國神話史, 150. For an English introduction to the story, see Birrell, Chinese M ythology 、144—45.

101. Chow, “M a-w ang-tui,” 13; Loewe, W ays to Para­

dise, 55. 102. Kominami Ichiro reads the contour o f the two dragons with the canopy atop as the shape o f a jar, which could have been associated with the belief in im m ortality

in early and medieval China. See Kominami Ichiro 小南

一郎, “Tsubogata no uchuv 壷型O 宇宙, 177-79 . 103. For research on the m otif, see Lu Pin 呂品, “ ‘G aitian shuo’ yu H an hua zhong de xuanbi tu” 蓋天 說與漢晝中的懸璧圖; S u jia n 蘇健,“H an hua zhong de shenguai yushe he longbi tu kao” 漢晝中的神怪御 蛇和龍璧圖考. For a discussion o f the bi as an emblem ofH eaven, see Chen Jiangfeng 陳江風,“H an hua yubi tuxiang de wenhua xiangzheng” 漢晝玉璧圖像的文化 象 徵 .Hayashi Minao, however, offers a different read­

ing. He considers the bi disc a symbol of qi. See Hayashi, Chugoku kogyoku no kenkyu 中国古玉0 破究, 33I_ 50. 104. Hunan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an mu, 1:39. 105. Hunan sheng bowuguan, “Changsha Zidanku Zhanguo muguo mu,” 39. 106. Wu Hung suggests that black stands for death and the underworld, whereas red represents life and

immortality; see Wu Hung, “Art in a Ritual Context,”

shu 、44.2145; Gopal Sukhu, “M onkeys, Shamans, Em ­ peror, and Poets,” in Cook and M ajor, D efining Chu, 158-65. 110. For a discussion o f the cloud designs, see Powers, Pattern and Person, 233-42. 111. Archaeologists identify fifty-one scenes in Henan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an mu. Figures 18-21. The nine scenes depicting one chasing another are 2, 15,17 ,2 7,42, 47,51, 53,55 in their numbering scheme. The ten scenes depicting one challenging an­ other are 16 , 2 4 ,26, 28,30 , 35, 4 0 ,46, 48, 57. The fourteen scenes depicting one conquering another are 1 , 3, 5 ,9 ,10 , 11 , 2 3,29 ,31, 34 ,36, 45, 49, 50. Tlie three scenes featuring dancers and musicians are 43, 44,45. 112. Henan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui yihao H an m uy1:27. 113. H ayashi,“ChOgoku kodai ni okelu hasu no hana no shocho"中國古代【 〔怒W*石蓮◦ 花◦ 象徵. 114. For further discussion o f the cardinal emblems, see chapter 4. 115. Cong Dexin 叢德新 and Luo Zhihong 羅志宏, “Chongqing Wushan xian D ong-H an liujin tong paishi de faxian yu yanjiu ” 重慶巫山縣東漢藥金銅牌飾的發 現與研究, 82-83. H e X ilin mentions this plaque in his

127-34. However, black and verm ilion are also the stan­

discussion of the innermost coffin. He emphasizes the

dard background colors o f H an lacquerware. 107. Sofukawa, “Konronsan to Shdsenzu,” 85-114. 108. Liu W endian, H uainan H ongliejijie, 4.135; the

cardinal emblems on the plaque, but pays no attention to the denotation and connotation o f the floral design.

translation is m odified from M ajor, H eaven and E arth in E arly H an Thought, 158. 109. Huainan Kingdom under Q ing B u s 黯布 command included Liu 六,Jiujiang 九江, Lujiang 廬江, Hengshan

衡山,and Yuzhang 豫章. Later Emperor

Wen divided the kingdom into three and made Liu An and his two brothers the kings. One brother had H eng­ shan Kingdom while the other, Lujiang Kingdom. Liu

See He Xilin 贺 西 林 ,“Cong Changsha Chu mu bohua dao M awangdui yihao Han mu qiguan yu bohua” 從長

沙楚墓帛晝到馬王堆一號漢墓漆棺晝與帛晝, i5i. 116. Henan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M aw angdui

yihao H an m u 、1:62-63. 117. Sun Zuoyun, “M awangdui yihao Han mu qiguan hua kaoshi” 馬王堆一號漢墓漆棺晝考釋, 143. 118. Although scholars pay more attention to the silk

banner than to the three decorated coffins, Wu Hung,

An, the king of Huainan Kingdom, controlled LiuJiu ­ jiang, and Yuzhang in present-day Anhui and Jiangxi

H e X ilin, and Eugene W ang have attempted to con-

provinces. For the accounts o f the Huainan Kingdom,

concludes that the banners central purpose is to depict

see Ban G u, H an shuy34.1886,44.2144-45; for further research, see Ariba Suguya 有 馬 卓 也 ,“Kainam o koku no hachijunen 淮南王國◦ 八十年■,’ For the territories

death and to convey the hope o f the living that after her burial Lady D ai w ill resume her existence in her under­ ground “permanent home”; he considers that the outer

of the Chu State, see Barry Blakeley, “The Geography of

coffins offer the illusion o f underground protection and

textualize the banner and the three coffins. Wu Hung

Chu,” in Cook and M ajor, D efining Cbu} 9-20. For Liu

the immortal paradise. He Xilin proposes that both the

An,s promotion of Qu Yuan’s works, see Ban Gu, Han

banner and the coffins are intended to represent the

process from death to rebirth to immortality. Eugene W ang suggests that the images on the banner and the

129. Xue Wencan 薛文燦 and L iu Songgen 割松根, H enan X in zh en g H an d a i huaxiang zhuan 可南新鄭漢

two painted coffins were meant to perform a ritual pro­ cedure o f conjugating y in and yang in the hope o f re­

the discussion o f Heaven’s gate, although he does not

vitalizing the deceased. See Wu Hung, “A rt in a Ritual

Context, 121-34; H e X ilin, “C ong Changsha Chu mu bohua dao M awangdui yihao Han mu qiguan hua yu bohua” ; Eugene W ang, “W hy Pictures in Tombs?” 119. Wu Hung, “A rt in a Ritual Context/’ 123-24.

"Watson’s opinion is elaborated by Loewe in Ways to Paradise’ 45-46. 120. Y ing-shi Y ii, “ ‘O Soul, Come Back!,”

代晝像磚, 19. Liu Zenggui first brings this instance into associate it with the bim en convention. See Liu Zenggui 劉增貴,“H an dai huaxiang que de xiangzheng yiyi” 运 代 晝 象 闕 的 象 徵 意 義 ,97. 130. Zhongguo huaxiang zhuan quanji bianji weiyuan­ hui 中國晝像碑全集編輪委員會,Zbongguo huaxiang zhuan quanji: H enan huaxiang zhuan 中自晝像碑全意:

河南晝像磚, pi. 56. For more bim en examples, see Sa-

12 1. Brashier, “H an Thanatology.”

take Yasuhiko 佐竹靖彥,“Han dai fenmu jisi huaxiang zhong de tingmen, tingque he chema hanglie^ 漢代填墓

122. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu 、 56.1832-^33; Brashier, “Han

祭祀晝像中的亭門、亭闕、和車馬行列, 6卜64.

Hianatology ,”i36. Brashier does not summarize the event correctly: “F or exam ple C hen Q iu, grand adm in­

131. L ei Jianjin, “Jianyang xian Guitoushan faxian bangti huaxiang shiguan.” Under discussion here is C of­

istrator o f N anyang, w rote in 172

fin 3; see Gao Wen, Zhongguo huaxiang shiguan yish u t

ce

that i f a grave is

opened in order to be moved, it would be plundered, the bones would be exposed, and the hun (here hunling)

would deteriorate.” 123. Y in g Shao, H a n g u a n yi 漢官儀, 2.5b-6a,in Sun

Xingyan

藤星衍,H an guan liuzhong 漢官六種; Brashier,

“H an Thanatology,” 136.

6—14. 132. X u Wenbin

徐文推,Sichuan H an dai shique 四川

漢代石闕, 卜6. 133. Sima Qian, S h iji, 12.482; Ban G u, H an shu,

28.1402. 134. Cong Dexin and Luo Zhihong,“Chongqing

124. Nathan Sivin reminded me o f another expres­

W ushan xian D ong-H an liujin tong paishi de faxian yu

sion一san hun q ipo 二魂七魄(three hun souls and seven po souls)— that complicates the number o f souls. In a

yanjiu,” 80; Zhao Dianzeng

forthcom ing review article entitled “Souls?, ” he sug­ gests th at “w hether at a given m oment one thinks o f the

troduce other examples found in W ushan, Sichuan. The b i disc can sometimes be replaced by the w uzhu coin;

kun vitality in the singular or plural is a matter o f what

see Figure 2.1 in Cong and Luo’s article.

functions one is thinking about, for reasons th at are not normally theological.”

135. Nathan Sivin kindly reminded me that the Han people created a spouse for Xiwangmu, which makes

125. On the preservation and condition o f the corpse,

see H unan sheng bowuguan, Changsha M awangduiy i­ hao Han mu, 1:28-34. 126. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzuy 168-69 ;如 translation

is modified from Hawkes, Songs o fthe South, 196. 127. Henan sheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui



南省叉化局又物工作隊, “LuoyangX i-H an bihua mu fajue baogao” 洛陽西漢壁晝墓發掘報告. 128. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 12.482; Ban G u, H an shu , 28.1402.

Guo M oruo first pointed out the significance o f b i discs

in the Luoyang murals. H e considers the painted gate as Heaven’s gate, but does not relate it to the bim en in Chang^an. See Guo M oruo, HLuoyang Han mu bihua

shitan” 洛陽漢墓 壁 晝 試探, 4-5.

趙殿增 and Yuan Shuguang 袁曙光,“ ‘T ian men’ kao,’ 天門考, 3-4. Both articles in­

the conventional translation— the Queen M other o f the W est~inappropriate. 136. Zhang Shanxi 張善熙 and L i Qingyu 李清裕, “ ‘Tianm en’ tuxiang qianshu chutan” 天門圖像錢樹初

探; H e Zhiguo 何志國,H an W eiyaoqianshu chubuyanf i t i 漢魏搖錢樹初步研究, 57-59.The base shown on the photograph did not originally go w ith the money tree. 137. Cong Dexin and Luo Zhihong, “Chongqing

W ushan xian D ong-H an liujin tong paishi de faxian yu yanjiu, ’’81. 138. H e Zhiguo, H an Weiyaoqianshu chubu ya n jiu , 26,

33,42. 139_ Zhao Chengfu 趙成甫,“Xinye Fanji H an hua­ xiang zhuan mu” 新野樊集漢晝像奋墓, 479-82,503.

For a discussion o f the carving, see Sofukawa, “Kandai kazoseki ni okelu shosenzu no keifli” 漢代晝像石

土銅鏡選集, % . 27,but the location o f the bronze m ir­

trf § 昇仙圖 ◦ 系譜 , 6 o -6 i. 140. Fracasso, “H oly M other o f Ancient China ” ;

Cahill, Transcendence and D ivin e Passion、11--65; Yuan Ke, Zhongguo shenhua shi’ 66-71; W ang Qing 王青,H an chao de bentu zo n ^jta o yu shenhua 漢朝的本土宗教與神話, 251—66. 141. Liu W endian, H uainan H o n g liejijie, 6.217. 142. The Rhapsody is preserved in Sim a Qian, Shij i y

117.3060. 143. Ban G u, H an shu 、270^.1476; Loewe, Ways to Paradise,98-101. 144. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 117.3060. 145. Liu W endian, H uainan H onglie jijie , 4.135; M ajor, H eaven and E arth in E arly H an Thought、158. 146. Liu W endian, H uainan H ongliejijie , 4.134,149. 147. Kominami, Seiobo to tanabata densho

西王母匕七

夕 傳 承 ,145. 148. W u Hung, “Xiwangmu”; Jam es’ “Iconographic

Study o f Xiwangm u”; L i Song

李鞭,L un H an daiyishu

zhong deX iw angm u tu xia n g 論漢代藝術中的西王母圖

像. 149. Luoyang bowuguan

rubbing was first published by W ang Shilun 王士倫 in his 1957 catalogue, Z hejiang chutu tongjing xu a n ji 浙江出

洛隱博物館,“Luoyang X i-

H an Bu Qianqiu bihua mu fajue jianbao” 洛曝西漢卜千

秋壁晝墓發掘簡報. 150. SofUkawa,“Konronsan to Shosenzu,n158-63. 151. Zhao Chengfu, “Xinye Fanji H an huaxiang zhuan

mu, , , pl. 20.3; Zhao Chengfu, N anyang H an dai huaxiang zhuan 南陽漢代畫像磚, v jo 、figs. 159, 160. 152. Zhao Chengfu, “Xinye Fanji H an huaxiang

原田淑_人,Rakuro 楽浪, 42- 43. 劉世旭,“Sichuan Xichang Gaocao chutu H an dai yaoqianshu5canpian” 四川西昌高草出土 漢代搖錢樹殘片. H e Zhiguo suggests that the money 153. Harada Yoshito

154. Liu Shixu

ce;

崔陳,“Yibin diqu chutu H an dai

huaxiang shiguan” 宜賓地區出土漢代晝像石棺. The image under discussion is on Coffin 3. 159. L iX ia o ’ou 李f t 鷗,“Sichuan Xingjing faxian D ong-H an shiguan huaxiang” 四川荥經發現東漠石棺

晝像. 160. For this archaeological practice, see Luo Erhu



二虎,H an dai huaxiang shiguan 漢代晝像石棺, 12. 161. A rchaeologists discovered four stone coffins in Nanxi. Their rubbings are mislabeled in general cata­ logues on stone carvings in Sichuan. The images that I introduce here are based on the prim ary archaeological report and on Luo Erhus investigation. See Cui Chen, “Y ibin diqu chutu Han dai huaxiang shiguan,” 31; Luo Erhu, H an dai huaxiang shiguan, 91-93. 162. Gao W en, Zhongguo huaxiang shiguan yishut 24. The stone coffin was discovered in Yibin. 163. For a discussion o f the carving, see Sofukawa, “Kandai kazoseki ni okelu shosenzu no keifia,” no—12. 164. L i Song disputes Sofukawa H iroshi’s reading

o f the scene as the meeting o f the M other Queen o f the W est and her consort, the Father King o f the East; instead, he argues that it depicts the journey made by the deceased to the immortals,land governed by the M other Queen o f the W est. L i also suggests that both Suide carvings under discussion were made before no c e , w hen

zhuan mu,” 499-500 , 507-8.

tree was probably made in the mid-second century

ror is unclear. 158. Cui Chen

the pairing o f the M other Q ueen o f the W est

and the Father King o f the East appeared and became popular in this region. See Sofukawa, ‘‘Kandai kazoseki ni okelu shosenzu no keifU,” 113-16 ; L i Song, L un H an

dai Yisbu zhong de Xiwangmu tuxiang, 164-67. 165. L i L in 李林 et al., Shan bei H an dai huaxiang shi 陝北漢代晝像石, 25. 166. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shenm u D abao-

see H e, H an W eiyaoqianshu chubuyanjiu 、96. 155. W u Hung, “Xiwangmu,” 28. Kominami views the

而叹神木大保當, 92-98.The facade is from Tomb 20.

base as the representation o f a cosmic tree; see Kominami,

Another example was found in Suide; see L i Lin et al.,

Seiobo to tanabata denshoy177-78. 156. L i Song, L un H an d a iyish u zhong de X iw angm u

Shan bei H an dai huaxiang shi, 103. 167. W u Lan 吳蘭 and Xue Yong 學勇,“Shaanxi M i­ zhi xian Guanzhuang D ong-H an huaxiang shi mu” 陝

tuxiangy 156-59,197-98. 157. Kom inami, Seiobo to tanabata denshd、 152-53. The

西米脂縣官莊 東漢晝像石墓 .

Chapter 4 1. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、85-87. The transla­ tions are based on Hawkes, Songs o fthe South, 127; Field, “Cosm os, Cosmograph, and the Inquiring Poet.”

obscure Harmonious Pond as the emblem o f the west in Han popular culture. 11. Ibid., 27.1303.

2. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 86-87; the transla­ tion is based on the one in Field, “Cosm os, Cosm o­ graph, and the Inquiring Poet.”

12. The Canon ofYao is preserved in the Book o fDocu­ m ents. See Qu W anli, Shang shu jis h i 尚書集釋, 8; a

3. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 87-88; Hawkes, Songs

o fthe South 、127.

潘氣 Zhongguo hengxingguance shi 中 國恆星觀測史,3- 5; Chen M eid on g 陳美東,Zhongguo kexuejishu shi: tianw enxuejuan 中國科學技街史:关文 學卷, i8- 3。 ; Feng Shi, Zhongguo tianw en kaogu xue 中國 天文考古學, 296-33^* 4 . Pan N ai

5. For further discussion o f F a r-o ffJourneyt see chapter 3.

6. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu, 170-71; Hawkes,

Songs o f the South, 197. 7. Ban G u, H an shu, 69C.4152-53.

8. Ibid” 99C.4161-62,4174. For archaeological re­ ports, see Luo Zhongru 維走■如, “X i’an xijiao faxian H an dai jianzhu yizhi” 西安西郊發現漢代建築遺址; H uang Zhanyue and Zhang Jianm in 張建民,“Han

translation is available in Legge, Shoo K ing, 18-22. X iao­ chun Sun and Jacob Kistemaker suggest the date o f 2300 b ce in Chinese Sky during the H a n 、15—18. 13. The reference star o f the lunar lodge Star, a H ydrae,is o f apparent magnitude 1.98, probably the fortyfifth brightest star in the skj^. Still, it is the brightest

among the lunar lodges in the south, for the apparent magnitudes o f other reference stars range from 2.59 to 9.6. These stars are noticeable m ainly because they are in a dim part o f the sky. Except for experts, it is unlikely that ordinary people in ancient China would have paid atten­ tion to the lunar lodge W ing (a Crateris), which is o f ap­ parent magnitude 9.6. Therefore, the bird imagery, once formed, must have been transmitted through oral and textual traditions without people really looking at the sky. 14. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, X ia n Jiaotong daxue X i-H a n bihua 39—42.

Chang’an cheng nanjiao lizhi jianzhu yizhi qun fajue

15. Sim a Qian, Shij i 、27.1295-98.

jianbao” 漢長安城南郊禮制建築遺址群發掘簡報.

16. Qu W anli, Shang shu jis h i、9; a translation is avail-

For further discussion o f the N ine Temples, see Huang Zhanyue, “Guanyu W ang M angjium iao de wenti” 關於

王莽九廟的問題: 漢長安城南郊一組建築遣址的定名. Each structure in the Nine Temples has four walls, each measuring about 270 meters in length; the Bright H all complex also has four walls, each measuring 235 meters in length. 9. For further discussion o f the twenty-eight lunar lodges, see chapter 5. A s Table 5.1 shows, the twenty-

eight segments were uneven in their extensions, ranging from 0.05 to 33.3 degrees (du 度)• 10. Sim a Qian, Shij i s 27.1289-311. Sim a compared

one o f the western lodges, Triad, to a white tiger. Some­ how the more vivid im agery o f a white tiger replaced the

able in Legge, Shoo K ing, 18-22. The apparent magnitude o f a Scorpii is 1.09,one o f the twenty-five brightest. 17. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, X Van Jiaotong daxue X i-H a n bihua m u, 31; Sun and Kistemaker, Chinese Sky during the H an, 114. 18. L i Daoping 李道平,"Z h o u yijijie zuanshu 周易 集解纂疏, 27-68; the translation is from W ilhelm and

Baynes, I C hing, 3-10 . 19. Shaughnessy,“The Com position o f‘Qian,and *Kun* Hexagrams o f the Zhouyu 20 . Ibid.; Chen Jiu jin ,“ ‘Zhou yi qian gua liu long yu

jijie de guanxi” 《周 易 • 乾卦》六龍與季節的關係. 21. Yang Bojun 楊伯後,Chun qiu Zuo zhuan zh u 春 秋左傳注, 106-7. For further discussion o f the cult o f

the dragon and the prayer for rain, see Loewe, D ivin a tioriy M ythology and M onarchy in H an C hina, 142-59. 22. The description here is based m ainly on the dragon in the painted Han tomb at Jiaotong University in X i’an. The shape o f a dragon changed over time; see L iu Zhixiong 劉志雄 and Yang Jingrong 楊靜榮,Long yu "Zhongguo w enhua 龍與中國文化, 113-226. 23. Wen Y id u o 聞一多, 办神話與詩, 1—68; K . C . C hzngyA rty M yth and R itual^ 56-80. Liu

Zhixiong and Yang Jingrong further developed Chang’s view in L ongyu Zhongguo w enhuay1-88. For the images o f dragons and their significance, see Hayashi, R yu no hanashi 龍O 話. 24. Feng Shi, Zkongguo tianw en kaoguxue、 416-17. 25. M any scholars understood z i as Beak (zu t 豐 )t

but Sim a Qian used the term z ix i 背鵃(literally, tufted cone) to name the lodge; see Sim a Qian, Shij i } 27.1306. According to the H an etym ologist Xu Shen



(fl.

58-147 ce), zi refers to the tufts— clusters o f feathers

that are often confused as horns or ears— — on the crown o f an owl; see Duan Yucai

段玉裁,Shuo w en jie

z i zhu

說文解字注, ^ .3 3 0 . 26 . Ban G u, H an shu, 58.2613, 2616. For further dis­

cussion, see chapter 2. 27. Chen Qiyou, L u shi chun qiu jia o sh i, 1.1-12.647; L iu W endian, H uainan H onglie jijie } 5.159-90. For fur­ ther discussion, see chapter 1. 28. Puyang shi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui 漠陽市文 物管理委員會,“Henan Puyang Xishuipo yizhi fajue

35. Yan Genqi, M angdang shan X i-H a n L ia n g w ang

m u d i郊場山西漢梁王墓地, 8i - 24736. For a discussion o f the term, see M ajor, “New Ligh t on the Dark W arrior.” 37. W ang Zhijie 王志杰 and Zhu Jieyuan 朱杰兀, “H an M aolin gjiqi peizang zhong fujin faxian de zhongyao wenwu” 漢茂陵及其陪葬塚附近發現的重要文物. 38. Xianyang shi wenguan hui 咸陽市文管會, “Xianyang shi kongxin zhuan H an mu qingli jianbao” 咸 陽市空心磚漢墓清理簡報. 39. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang fajue dui, “Luoyang xijiao Han mu fajue

baogao,MFigure 21.1, pi. 8.4. The mirror is from Tomb 7052, dated to the early phase o f the Eastern Han. 40 . For further discussion o f the Yellow Ihearch and the role o f the dragon in ascending to Heaven, see chap­ ter 3. 41. Ban G u, H an shu 、93.3739-40. 42. Baoji shi bowuguan

寶雞市博物館,“Shaanxi

sheng Qianyang xian H an mu fajue jianbao”

^ ^

陽縣漢墓發掘簡報. 43. Scholars in the past tried but failed to explain the

seem ingly “erroneous” arrangement o f the cardinal em­ blems in H an art. See L iu Daoguang 劉道廣,“Guanyu Han ‘sishen xingxiang tu’ de fangwei wenti” 關於漢四.神 星象圖的方位問題; L iu H o n g 割弘,“Sichuan H an mu zhong de sishen gongneng xintan” 四川漠墓中的四神

功能新探. 44. Shaanxi sheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui I^.W

jianbao” 河南濮陽西水坡遺址發掘簡報. 29 . Feng Shi, Zhongguo tianw en kaoguxuet 374-409; K . C . Chang, Zhongguo qingtong shidai 中國青銅時代,

省文物管理委員會,“Shanxi Pinglu Zaoyuan cun bihua Han mu” 山西平陸棗園村壁晝漢墓.

2:91-97. 30 . Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo,

the W est, see chapter 3. 46. H uang H ui, L un bengjiaoshi, 3.150-52. 47. W ang Zhijie and Zhu Jieyuan, wHan M aolingjiqi

Shangcunling G uoguo m udi 上村嶺號國墓地, 27.The mirror was in Tomb 1612. 31. Hubei sheng bowuguan, Z eng hou Y i m u、 1:352-56. 32. Feng Shi, “Zhongguo zaoqi xingxiang tu yanjiu”

中國早期星像圖研究, H 4-7. 33. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, M anchengH an m ufajue baogao 滿城漢墓發掘報告,

253- 57. 34. Chen Jiu jin , “Cong beifang shenlu dao beifang gui she guannian de yanbian” 從北方神鹿到北方龜錄

觀念的演變.

45. For further discussion o f the M other Queen o f

peizang zhong fujin faxian de zhongyao wenwu,M54-55. 48. See chapter 3. 49. Ren N aiqiang

任乃強,“Lushan xian chutu Han

shi tukaow盧山縣出土漢石圖考, 19-25. 50 . Sim a Qian, Shi7V, 30.1428,116.2991-98; Ban Gu, H an shu, 6.177. Juandu is also pronounced as Yuandu. 51. Chen Zh i 陳直,San fu huang tu jia o zh en g 三辅黃

圖校證, 92. 52. Sim a Qian, S h ijty30.1436; Ban G u, H an sku, 6.186—88.

53. Sim a Qian, S b ijij 30.1436; Ban G u, H an shu 、

6.182. 54. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 28.1402; Ban G u, H an shu’

6.199. For further discussion o f the tall structures erected by Em peror W u, see chapter 3.

胡謙盈,“H an Kunming chi jiq i youguan yicun tacha ji ” 漢昆明池及其有關遣存踏查 自 己 ; Liu Qingzhu and L i Yufang, H an Chang’an cheng, 196-9755. H u Qianying

56. H u Qianying, “H an Kunming chi jiq i you­

guan yicun tacha ji ” ; Liu Qingzhu and L i Yufang, H an C hangan chengy 196-97. 57. Tang C hi 湯池, “X i-H an shidiao qianniu zhinii bian” 西漢石雕牽牛織女辨; L iu Qingzhu and L i Yu­ fang, H an C hang'an cheng7197^-98. 58. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu, 4oa.i348. 59. Tang C hi, “X i-H an shidiao qianniu zhinu bian” ;

69. Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, 29.1347; the translation is modified from W atson, Chinese L yricism , 28. 70. Kominami, Seiobo to tanabata denshoy30. 71. Ibid., 31-32. 72 . Ibid., 25-27. 73. Sim a Qian, Shiji , 27.1310-11. 74. Chen Jiangfeng discussed the “mistakes” in "N an­

yang tianwen huaxiang kaoshi” 南曝天文晝像石考

釋,in Han Yuxiang 韓玉祥, N anyang H an dai tianw en huaxiang sh i y a n jiu 南陽漢代天文晝像石研究, 19 -21. 75. Luo Zhewen 羅哲文,“Xiaotangshan Guo shi mu shici” 孝堂山郭氏墓石稍; Soper, “The Purpose and Date o f the H siao-tang-shan O ffering Shrine”; X ia

Chaoxiong 夏超雄,“Xiaotangshan shici huaxiang, niand a iji zhuren shitan” 孝堂山石祠晝像年代及主人試探; Wu Hung, Wu L iang Shrine, 112 -16 , 199-201.

Liu Qingzhu and L i Yufang, H an Chang’an cheng^ 19798.

76. Kominami Ichiro proposes the second reading, but does not hint at the possibility o f the first reading; see his Seiobo to tanabata denshoy 23.

60 . Qu W anli, S h ijin g quanshi, 527-33; the translation is modified from Legge, She K ing, 528.

77. Sichuan sheng bowuguan 四川省博物館, “Sichuan Pixian Dong-H an zhuan mu de shiguan huaxiang”

61. Qu W anli, S h ijin g quanshi, 528. 62. Ban G u, H an shu 、6.202. 63. For more alternative names o f the W ay in traditional literature, see Chen Zungui 陳遵姨, Zhong­ guo tian w enxueshi 中國天文學史, 2:388-93. 64. Luoyang bowuguan 洛陽博物館,“Henan Luo­ yang Bei-W ei Yuan Y i mu diaocha” 河南洛隱北魏元

乂墓調查. For further discussion o f the celestial image in the tomb, see W ang Che 王車and Chen Xu 陳徐, ■ “Luoyang Bei-W ei Yuan Y i mu de xingxiang tu” 洛陽 北魏兀乂墓的星象圖; T seng,“Visual Replication and Political Persuasion.” 65. Liu Shaoming, K,Tiangong xingch ujing/1

66. Such as H e tu gua d i xiang

河圖括地象 and X iao 洪亮吉,

jin g yuan shen q i 孝經援神契; see H ong Liangji M ao Sh i tianw en kao 毛詩天文考. 67. Qiu Yongsheng

邱永生. “Xuzhou jinnian zhengji

de Han huaxiangshi jicui”徐 州 近 年 徵 集 的 漢 晝 像 石

集粹. For a survey o f the images o f the River Lord in Nanyang, see L i Chenguang 李陳廣,“Nanyang Han huaxiang hebo tu shixi” 南陽漢晝像河伯圖試析,but he does not touch upon their celestial connotation. 68. Q u W anli, S h ijin g quansht, 389-92; the transla­ tion is modified from Legge, She K ing, 355-56.

四川郫縣東漢碍墓的石棺晝像.The coffin under discussion is no. 1. Some catalogues on H an carvings m is­ take rubbings from this coffin as being from no. 2. 78. Zhang Zhan

張湛’ L ie z i 列子, 5.52-53. Qu Yuan

had been puzzled by the legend, “W hen the great turtles walk along mountains on their back, how do they keep mountains steady?wSee H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu^.\o% \ Hawkes, Songs o fthe South, 130. For a study o f the legend, see Izushi, Shina shinw a densetsu no kenkyui 325—43. 79. H ong Xingzu, Chu ci buzhu 、88,96; Hawkes, Songs o fthe South 、127,129. 80 . Zhang Heng, L in g xia n . The document is pre­ served in the commentaries on Sim a Biao, H ou H an shu: zh it 10.3216. 81. Izushi, Shina shinw a densetsu no kenkyii} 77; Krupp,B eyond the B lue H orizon ,71-77. 82. Anqiu xian wenhuaju 安丘縣文化局,A nqiu D ongjiazhuangH an huaxiangshi m u 安丘董家莊漢晝像

石墓,figures 36,38. For a study o f the stone carvings in the tomb, see Tseng, “Getao,zuofang yu diyu zi chuantong” 格套、作坊與地域子傳統. 83. L iu W endian, H uainan H ongliejijie y 7.221; Sim a Qian, S h iji, 128.3237. 84. Liu W endian, H uainan H ongliejijie 、6.217.

85. Yuan Ke, Shan h a ijin g jia o zh u y 9.260. 86. Hubei sheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Y i m uy1:355—57.

a study o f the textual accounts o f N ii Wan and Fu X i, see Lew is, Flood M yths o fE arly C hina 、109-25.

87. Lim , Storiesfro m C hina's P ast、 157. 88. Zhejiang sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, H em udu

101. L i Rong 李冗, 2:6/ 獨異志,79. For further discussion o f Fu X i and Nu W as possible incestuous marriage, see W en Yiduo, Shenhua yu shi、 3-12,62-67. 102. Chen Liisheng 陳履生,Shenhua xhushen ya n jiu

河姆渡, 1:284-85. 89. Zhejiang sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Yaoshan,

神話主神研究,6 1-7 1.

33- 35. 90 . Sim a Qian, Shij i 、2.58.

103. H uang H ui, L un hengjiaoshit 15.686, 688-89.

91. For further discussion o f the sunbird, see Wu

Hung, “Bird M otifs in Eastern Y i A rt.” 92. W ei Renhua 魏仁華 and M a Facheng 馬法成, “Nanyang Han huaxiang shi zhong de huanri tuxiang

104. Shandong sheng bowuguan, Shandong H an hua-

xiang sh i xu a n ji, 43-44. 105. For further discussion o f the connection o f tools

shbd” 南陽漢晝像石中的幻日圖象試析,in Han Yu-

and cosmology, see chapter 1. 106. For further discussion o f the manifestation o f

xiang, N anyang H an dai tianw en huaxiangshiyanjiu, 61-63. The authors consider the image as representing

Heavens w ill on the Earth, see chapter x. 107. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shenm u D abao-

the solar halo. 93. L ei Jianjin, “Jianyang xian Guitoushan faxian

dangy 86—88. 108. M ark Lew is argues, “the allocation o f the tools clearly reflects their m ythological achievements rather t\i2 n yin /ya n g cosmology.” However, he pays no atten­

bangti huaxiang shiguan•” 94. Wu Zengde 吴曾德 and Zhou Dao

周到, “Nan­

yang H an huaxiang shi zhong de shenhua yu tian wen”

南陽漢晝像中的神話與天文,and Chenjiangfeng, “Nanyang tianwen huaxiang kaoshi/’ both in Han Yuxiang, N anyang H an dai tianw en huaxiang sk i ya n jiu , 9 -10 ,14 -16 . 95. H an Yuxiang

韓玉祥 and L i Chenguang 李陳廣, 南陽漢代晝像石墓,

N anyang H an dai huaxiang sh i m u

135-58.

tion to the inconsistency in allocating tools to Fu X i and N ii W a in Han art. See Lew is, Flood M yths o fE arly C hina, 126—2 j. 109. W u Hung, Wu L ia n g Shrine^ 161,245-48. 110. C ui Chen 崔陳,“Yibin diqu chutu H an dai huaxiang shiguan” 宜賓地區出土漢代晝像石棺, 39_ 111. N anjing bowuyuan, “N anjing Xuyi Dongyang Han mu.” For further discussion o f the carvings, see

bangti huaxiang shiguan•” 97. Liu W endian, H uainan H ongliejijie , 6.207. 98. W ang L iq i 王利器,F engsu to n g yijia o zh u 風俗

Hayashi, K a n-dai no kam igam i 漢代O 神神, 3:9~33. 112. For a discussion o f the grouping, see Sofukawa, “Kandai kazoseki ni okelu shosenzu no keifli,” 94-98. 113. Luoyang bowuguan,“Luoyang X i-H an Bu Qian­

通義校注, 6oi.

qiu bihua mu fajue jianbao.” For research on the murals,

96. L ei Jianjin, “Jianyang xian Guitoushan faxian

99. L i Daoping, Zhou y ijijie zuanshu ,9.621-24. 100. W ang L iq i, Feng su to n g yijia o zh u , 1.2 -3 , 599. For

see Sofukawa, “Konronsan to Shosenzu,"155-171; Hayashi, K an-dai no kam igam iy 281-317.

Chapter 5 1. The rhapsody is preserved in Fan Ye, H ou H an

5^,59.1934. 2 . Knechtges, “Journey to M orality,” 173. 3. For an introduction to the system, see Needham,

Science and C ivilisation in C hina} 3:229-52; Sivin, G rant­

ing the Seasons, 90-94; Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tia n w enxue sh i, 2:305-84. For the origin o f the twenty-eight lunar lodges, especially the complicated relations among Arabic, Indian, and Chinese astronomy, see Zhu Kezhen

竺可楨, Z hu K ezhen w en ji 竺可禎文氣 234-54,317^22;

4

° 5

Feng Shi, Zhongguo tianw en kaoguxue, 347-70. For the development o f the system over time in ancient China, see Pan N ai, Zhongguo hengxingguance shi、1-38. 4. For discussions o f the term, see M ajor, “Note on the Translation o f Two Technical Terms in Chinese Sciencc” ; Kunst, KM ore on X iu and W uxing] M ajor, HReply to Richard Kunst’s Comments on H siu and W u-ksing•” 5. Hubei sheng bowuguan, Z eng hou Y i m u, 1:352-59. 6. W ang Jianm in 王建民 et al., “Zeng hou Y i mu chutu de ershibaxiu qinglong baihu tuxiang” 曾侯乙墓

出土的一十八宿青龍白虎圖象; Feng Shi, ‘‘Zhongguo zaoqi xingxiang tu yanjiu.” 7. Chen Qiyou, L u sh i chun qiu jiaoshi^ 13.657-58. 8. Sim a Qian, S h iji} 27.1289—1311. 9. The table is modified from Sivin, G ranting the

Seasons^ Table 2.9.

18. Sim a Qian, Shij i 、89.2581; Ban G u, H an shu, 32.183B. Sima Qian attributed the prophecy to G an De

甘德,a well-known astronomer and astrologer, but Ban G u did not specify who employed the omen to persuade Zhang E r to turn to Liu Bang. 19. Pankenier, “Cosm o-political Background o f Heaven’s M andate.” 20 . Ban G u, H an shu’ 36.1963-66. 21. Ibid., 99b_4i59_6o, 4154. 22. In the H an, calendrical reform could also be

politically caused. See Cullen, “M otivations for Scien­ tific Change in Ancient China;” Eberhard, “Political

Function of Astronomer and Astronomy in Han China,w 62-66. 23. Sim a Biao, H ou H an shu: zb i,2.3029. 24. Ban G u, H an shu、 30.1766.

10 . The system o f the five celestial palaces was grad­ ually replaced by the system o f the three enclosures (sanyuan 三垣) after the H an dynasty. See Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tianw enxue sk i、2:290-304. 11. Sim a Qian, Shij i y 130.3295. 12. See chapter 1. 13. Sim a Qian, Shiji , 26.1260; Ban Gu, H an shu , 2^.974-76. 14. Sim a Qian, Shij i , 27.1330. The theory o f field al­

25. Sim a Biao, H ou H an shu: zh it 2.3025-27. 26. Ibid., 2.3027-29. Nathan Sivin kindly shared

with me his translation: “ [Jia Kui] consulted on this with .. • twelve Expectant Sky Watchers, who said that sky charts incorporate a method that involves circles. The sun and moon actually follow the Yellow W ay [i.e., ecliptic], but the bureaucrats have no relevant tool, so they have no idea how to put [this principle] into practice•”

location divided ancient China into twelve areas. Since

27. Qian Baocong, Suanjing shishut 44—52; Cullen,

Em peror W u had thirteen administrative regions, Sima Qian changed the number.

A stronom y and M athem atics in A n cien t C hina, 221-23. 28. Bo Shuren,“Zhongguo gu xingtu gaiyao” 中國古 星圖概要.

15. Sim a Qian, S h ijiy 27.1348-49. 16. Ban G u, H an shu, 26.1301-2.

席澤宗,“M awangdui H an mu boshu zhong de W uxing z h a n 馬王堆漢墓帛書中的《 五星 占》,in Zhongguo gudai H anwen w enw u lu n ji 中國古代 天文文物論集, ed. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu 17. X i Zezong

yanjiusuo, 46-58. Based on computation, Y i-lon g Huang proposes that the conjunction o f the five planets in the lodge W ell occurred neither in 206 nor 207

b c e , but

in

the fourth and fifth months o f 205 bce. See Y i-long Huang, “Study o f Five-Planet Conjunction in Chinese H istory.” However, my computer-aided restoration through Starry N ig h t Pro shows that the five planets converged in the eastern sky in 206 bce, from August 3 to 31. It supports X i Zezong’s calculation based on the M awangdui manuscript. See Tseng, “Xingzhan, fenye, yu jiangjie” 星占、分野與疆界, 188-89,Figure 9.

29. Yang Xiong’s refutations are preserved in W ei Zheng, S u i shu 、19.506-7. 30 . Qian Baocong, “Gaitian shuo yuanliu kao” 蓋天

說源流考. 31. Qian Baocong, Suanjing shishu’ 44-52; Cullen, A stronom y and M athem atics in A n cien t C hinay185-88, 221-23. According to the Gnomon o fthe Zhou、the diam­

eters o f the innermost, the fourth, and the outermost circles were 238,000 li, 357,000 //, and 476,000 l i in a ratio 1:1.5 : 2. 32. Nakayama, H istory o fJapanese A stronom yy 24-35. 33. For the theory o f the Spherical Heaven, see

Nakayama, History o f Japanese Astronomyy35-39. For the development o f arm illary spheres, see Needham, Science and C ivilisation in C hina, 3:339-82. 34. Cai Yong, Yueling zhangju

月令章句,now pre-

served in Qutan X ida

瞿曇悉達,K aiyuan %hanjin g 開

元占經, 1:4-5.

48. Gao Lu 高亀、X ingxiang ton 幻ian

星象統箋,

4-7-

35. Bo Shuren, “Zhongguo gu xingtu gaiyao , , , 8-9.

49. A s Table 5.1 shows, the total extension o f the seven lodges in the south is 108.4 degrees. The precision o f ancient celestial maps varies from one to another. 50 . Chin-hsiung H sii, Oracle B onesfrom the W hite

The ancient Chinese divided the circumference into 365.25 degrees, following their measurement o f a year as 365.25 days. The diameter o f the circle covering the

and O ther Collections., B1626. 51. Qu W anli, Shijin g quanshi, 446; Legge, She K ing ,

visible area at the northern pole was 36 degrees. The diameter o f the circle covering the invisible area at the southern pole was 146.62 degrees (365.25 + 2 - 36). The

356.

江省文物管理委員會, “Hangzhou,Lin an W udai mu

52. For more examples, see Zhao Chengfu, N anyang H an dai huaxiang zhuan, Figures 125,125. Shi Jie argues that bi nets were only used for hunting birds by citing Han apocrypha, but he misses the pictorial representa­

zhong de tianwen tu he mise ci” 杭州、臨安五代墓 中的天文圖和秘色瓷; Y i Sh iton g 伊世同, "H ang­

tion o f using nets to hunt hares and other animals in Han art. See Shi Jie 施杰, “Y iy i,jieshi yu zai jiesh i” 意

zhou Wuyue mu shike xingtu” 杭州吳越墓石刻星圖, in Zhongguo gudai tianw en w enw u lu n ji、ed. Zhong­

義, 解釋與再解釋.

guo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, 252-58. For an English introduction, see Stephenson, “Chinese and

modified from Legge, She K ing) 422. 54. Zeng Zhaoyu 曾昭搞,Y tn a n gu huaxiang sh i mu

Korean Star M aps and Catalogs,” 539—40.

fa ju e baogao 折南古畫像石墓發掘報告, pi. 48- For re­ search on the tomb decoration, see Ihom pson, “Y i’nan

diameter o f the equator was 91.31 degrees (365.25 + 4). Their diametrical ratio was therefore about 1: 2.5: 4. 36. Zhejiang sheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui 浙

37. A ccording to the archaeological report, the diam ­ eters o f the three circles are 49.5 cm , 119.5 cm , and 189.5

cm. Y i Shitong measured them again and provided an­ other set o f numbers: 51.1 cm, 123,1 cm, and 195.7 diametrical ratio remains 1: 2.4:3.8. 38. Rufus and T ien , Soochow A stronom ical C hart, Pan N ai, Zhongguo hengxing guance ski、253-64. 39. Shaanxi sheng kaogu y a n j i u s u o , JiaotongdaxueX i-H a n bihua m u\ Luo Qikun 雜啓坤, “X i’an Jiaotong daxue X i-H an muzang bihua ershiba xiu xingtu kaoshi” 西安交通大學西漠墓葬壁畫二十八宿星圖考釋. 40 . Sima Qian, S h iji, 27.1295. For further discussion o f the Blue Dragon, see chapter 4. 41. Ibid., 27.1303. For further discussion o f the Red Bird, see chapter 4. 42. Ibid., 27.1306. For further discussion o f the

-

W hite Tiger,see chapter 4. 43. Duan Yucai,Shuo w en jie z i zh u , ^ .330 . 44. Sima Qian, S M jiy 27.1305. H e compared the lodge

to a large pig {fengshi 封豕). 45. Ibid., 27.1308. For further discussion o f the Dark W arrior, see chapter 4. 46. For further discussion, see chapter 4. 47. W ang Zhijie and Zhu Jieyuan, “H an M aolingjiqi peizang zhong fujin faxian de zhongyao wenwu.”

53. Qu W anli, S h ijin g quanshi, 389; the translation is

Tomb.” 55. L i L in , Shan bei H an dai huaxiang shi,Figure 102. 56. N anjing bowuyuan, Sichuan Pengshan H an d a iya m u 四川彭山漢代崖墓, p ls.18 ,19 ,36,3757. Gansu sheng wenwudui 甘肅省文物隊,//«-

yuguan bihua m ufajue baogao 嘉略關壁晝墓發掘報告, pi. 6 i.i.T lie brick was discovered in Tomb M 6. 58. Zhang Heng, S i xuan fu , in Fan Ye, H ou H an shu., 59.1933. 59. Anqiu xian wenhuaju, A nqiu D ongjiazhuang H an

huaxiang sh i m u, Figure 15. 60 . Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, M ancheng H an m ufa ju e baogao、L255-61, II: pi. 177. For further discussion o f the making o f the lamp, see Barbieri-Low , A rtisans in E arly Im perial C hina, 10 -16 . 61. For further discussion o f the confusion between

the Oxherd and N iu,see chapter 4. 62. Sim a Qian, Shij i , 27.1302. 63. Gansu sheng w cnvm d\iiyJiayuguan bihua m ufajue

baogao, pi. 46.1. The brick was found in Tomb M i. 64. H uang M inglan 黄明藺,Luoyang B ei-W ei shisu sh ik e x ia n h u a ji洛陽北魏世俗石刻線晝集,Figure 8. For further discussion o f the sarcophagus, see Soper, “Life-M otion and the Sense o f Space in E arly Chinese

Representational A rt/1 180—85; Wu Hung, M onum ental­ ity in E arly Chinese A rt and A rchitecture, 264-68. 65. Zhuang Shen

及其鬼趣圖.

莊申,“Luo Pin jiq i guiqu tu” 羅聘 •

66. W ang Xianshen, H an F ei z i jijie , 11.202; a transla­ tion is available in Bush and Shih, E arly Chinese Texts on P aintings 24. 67. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu , 59.1912; a translation is

available in Bush and Shih, E arly Chinese Texts on P a in t­ ing, 24. 68. W ang M ing, B aopu z i neipian jia o sh i 抱朴子内

篇校釋, 2.21 . 69. Ban G u, H an shu, 27.1397.

雲夢睡虎 地秦墓編寫組,Yunm eng Shuihudi Q in m u 雲夢睡虎地 70. Yunmeng Shuihudi Qin mu bianxiezu

秦墓, pi. 133, slips

872V-828V. H ie section entitled “ S p ell-

binding” {Jie 詰) also m entioned that a m ouse is a dis­ guise fo r a ghost; see pi. 132, slips 871V-870V. F or further

research on “Spellbinding,” see Harper, “Chinese D emonography of the Third Century B.C.” ;Poo, “Popular Religion in Pre-Im perial China■,’ 71. For the Lu record, see Yang Bojun, Chun qiu Zuo zhuan zh u , 175. For the Q i record, see Guo M oruo et al., Guan zijijia o 管子集校, 18.267-69. Both books could have been compiled by H an scholars— Liu X in for the

78. Stephenson, “Chinese and Korean Star M aps and Catalogs.” 79. Kong Zang used the comparison in one o f his letters to Kong Anguo 孔安國,preserved in Sima Zhen’s 司馬禎 commentaries on Shij i . See Sim a Qian, S h ijiy 121.3125-26.

BO. Sim a Qian, Shij i , 130.3319. 81. Yunmeng Shuihudi Qin mu bianxiezu, Yun­ m eng Shuihudi Q in m u, pi. 121,slips 797-787. For more examples o f using the twenty-eight lunar lodges to

choose auspicious times in Almanac A , see the sections entitled “Dark Dagger” [X uange 玄戈] (slips 776-787824), “Functionaries” [L f 吏] (slips 895V—886v),and

“Eviction” {Chu

除] (slip 730); in Alm anac B , see slips

975-1002. For research on the astronomical information in the almanacs, see Kalinowski, “Les traits de Shui­ hudi et rhemerologie chinoise a la fin des RoyaumesCombattants.” W u Rengxiang 吳初讓 et al.,D unhuang H an jia n 敦煌漢筒釋文, 256-58,slips 2350-68; L in M eicun 林梅村 and L iju n m in g 李均明,Shule he liuyu chutu H an jia n 疏勒河流域出土漢簡, 89,slips 870-82. 82shiw en

83. Shanxi sheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Pinglu Zaoyuancun bihua H an mu.” 84. W ei Jian

魏堅,N ei M engu zhongnan bu H an dai

form er and his father, Liu Xiang, for the latter. For the controversies over the books, authorship, see Loewe, E arly Chinese Texts, 67-76,244-51.

m u zan g 內蒙古中南部漠代墓葬, 161-7585. Henan sheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, HLuoyang X i-H an bihua mu fajue baogao,

72. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 32.1483-84; Ban G u, H an shu, 27.1436.

86. X ia N ai 夏蕭, “LuoyangX i-H an bihua mu zhong de xingxiang tu” 洛陽西漢壁晝墓中的星象圓.

73. Huang H ui, L un hengjiaoshi, 22.940. 74 . Gansu sheng w crm udm yJiayuguan bihua m ufa ju e

baogao,pi. 67.2. The brick was discovered in Tomb M 6. 75. Sun and Kistemaker, Chinese Sky during the H an ,

160.

76. Q utan X id a, Kaiyuatt zh an jin g ,63.416. The de­

87. Sun and Kistemaker, Chinese Sky during the H an 、

37-94. 88. The book includes five star maps. For further dis­ cussion o f these maps, see Pan N ai, "Zhongguo hengxing guance shi, 238-53; Stephenson, “Chinese and Korean Star M aps and Catalogs,” 541-45.

scription com es from Shi shi xin gjin g 石氏星經 ,an as­

89. Fan Ye, H ou H an shu, 59.1911-12.

trological treatise lik ely com piled in the first century bce.

90 . Sim a Biao, H ou H an shu: zh i, 2.3039.

For further discussion o f S h i shi xin g jin g , see Pan Nai, Zhongguo hengxingguance shiy48-72; Sun and Kistemaker, Chinese Sky during the H an 、 37-74; Sivin, G ranting the Sea­ sons, 114. 77. The X i’an tomb could have been built as early as

86 bce. The Egyptian temple in Dendera is usually dated to about 30 b ce. See Krupp, Choices ofthe Ancient Skies, xv.

91. X i Zezong,“M awangdui H an mu boshu zhong de huixing tu” 馬王堆漢墓帛書中的彗星圖,and Gu Tiefu 顧鐵符,“M awangdui boshu yunqi huixing tu yan-

jiu ” 馬王堆帛書雲氣彗星圖研究,in Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Zhongguo gudai tianw en w enw u lu n ji, 29—45. 92. The manuscript (S 3326) is now preserved in the

British Library. For further discussion, see X i Zezong, “Dunhuang xingtu” 敦煌星圖; M a Shichang 馬世長, “Dunhuang xieben ziweiyuan xingtu” 敦煌寫本紫微垣 星圖. In addition, X iang D a 向達discovered another manuscript in Dunhuang in 1944 that is also an excel­ lent example o f an ancient astrological chart; see X ia N ai, “Lingyijian Dunhuang xingtu xieben” 另一件敦 煌星圖寫本. A ll three articles are in Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Zhongguo gudai tianw en w enw u lunjiy 181-222. For an English introduction, see Stephenson, “Chinese and Korean Star M aps and Cata­

舉有 and Chen Songchang 陳松長,M aw angdui H an m u w en w u 馬王堆漢墓文物, 2. 100. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, X i'a n Jiaotong daxue X i-H a n bihua m u, 6,13-20. 101. Sim a Qian, Shij i y 6.265. 102. Liu W endian, H uainan H onglie jijie , 17.579. 103. Part o f the text is preserved in Yan Shigu’s 顏師 古annotations to Ban G u, H an shu} 572.2543. For a study o f the connection o f cranes and immortality, see Izushi,

Shina shinw a densetsu no kenkyu, 707-22. 104. Sim a Biao, H ou H an shu: zh i,10.3216. 105. W ang M ing, B aopu z i neipian jia o sh i、 3.47.

lo g s/'534-3793. Deng W enkuan ®

文寬,“B i B u tia n g e genglao de tongsu shixing zuopin: X uan xiang shi 比步天歌更 老的通俗識星作品: 玄象詩.The two scrolls-—P 2512

106. The song was called D ong Tao ge

董逃歌or D ong

Tao xin g 董逃行,and is preserved in Guo M aoqian, Yuefu shiji^ 34.505.

and P 3589~-are now in the Bibliotheque nationale de

107. Sim a Qian, Shij i 、 117.3060.

France. 94. For the controversies over its authorship, see Zhou Xiaolu, B u tia n ge ya n jiu 步天歌研究, 196-204.

108. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, XVan Jiaotong

95. Zhou Xiaolu, B u tia n ge ya n jiu ,26 (Basket), 32

(O x), 82 (Ghost), 67 (Net), 55 (Swine). 96. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Shaanxi D ingbian xian Haotan faxian D ong-H an bihua mu” 陝西定

邊縣郝灘發現東漢壁晝墓. 97. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo, X ia n Jiaotong

daxue X i-H a n bihua m u ,4-6. 98. The main chamber o f the tomb o f the King o f Liang at Shiyuan is 9.2 meters long, 5.2 meters wide, and 3.1 meters high. However, the tomb has a long passage­ way and eight chambers annexed to the main one. The entire tomb is 95.7 meters long, 13.5 meters wide, and 3.1 meters high. See Yan Genqi, M angdang shan X i-H a n L iang w ang tnudiy 83-100. 99. Lady D ais wooden chamber is 6.72 meters long, 4.88 meters wide, and 2.8 meters high. See Fu Juyou



daxue X i-H a n bihua m u, 12 -13 , 49109. Luoyang shi dier wenwu gongzuodui

洛陽市第 二文物工★ 隊,“Luoyang Qianjingtou X i-H an bihua mu fajue jianbao” 洛陽淺井頭西漢壁畫墓發掘筒報. 110. X i’an shi wenwu baohu kaogusuo 西安市文物保 護考古所, “X i’an Ligong daxue X i-H an bihua mu fajue jianbao” 西安理工大學西漢壁晝墓發掘簡報. 111. H uang H ui, L un hengjiao ski、 7.324,19.843. 112. Sim a Qian, S h iji, 6.257. 113. W ang M ing, B aopu z i neipian jia o sh i, 3.47. 114. X iao Tong, Wen xuan ,2.76. 115. Henan sheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, "Luo­

yang X i-H an bihua mu fajue baogao.” For further discus­ sion o f the murals, see Guo M oruo, “Luoyang H an mu bihua shitan”; Chaves, “H an Painted Tomb at Luoyang.” 116. Luoyang bowuguan, “Luoyang X i-H an Bu Qianqiu bihua mu fajue jianbao/’The main chamber is 4.6 meters long, 2.1 meters wide, and 1.86 meters high.

Conclusion 1. Nanyang H an hua guan

南隱漢晝館,“Nanyang

faxian daxing H an huaxiangshi mu” 南陽發現大型漢晝 I 石I ; H an Yuxiang and L i Chenguang, N anyang H an dai huaxiangshi m u, 135-58.

2 . G an Bao

干寶, Sou shen j i 搜神記, 3:33-34.

3 . For the tomb where the pottery was found,see

Shaanxi sheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, wChang'an xian Sanlicun D ong-H an muzang fajue jianbao” 長安

W ang Yucheng tim in g kaolun”

縣二里村東漢墓葬發f 簡報. For the inscription, see 王育成, “Zhongguo gudai daojiao qiyi 中國古代道教奇異符銘考論, 28-29.

Zhenzhichang Han huaxiangshi mu de fajue” 唐河針 織廉漢晝像石墓的發掘. For a comprehensive study o f the tomb and its carvings, see Huang Yafeng 黃 雅 峰 ,

4. Sim a Guang, Tai xuan jiz h u 、 7.185; the translation is modified from Nylan, E lem ental Changes, 343.

N anyang Q ilingang H an huaxiangshi m u 晝像石墓.

5. Sima Guang, T ai xuan jiz h u y 7.188; the translation is modified from Nylan, E lem ental Changes, 346-47.

8. Chen Jiangfeng suggests that the seven-star group represents the lodge Tail, and the eleven-star

6. Yang Xiong eventually subscribed to the con­ cept o f the Spherical Heaven. Huan Tan claimed that he directed Yang’s attention to the concept at a time when Yang held to the idea that the heavens pulled the sun and the moon to the left. See Sun Fengyi, H uan z i xin

group represents the lodges O x and M aid, but W ei

lurij i8a-i9b. 7. Zhou Dao

周到 and L i Jinghua 李京華,“Tanghe

南陽麒麟崗漢

Renhua considers the eleven-star group to be the lodge W ing. N either proposal is convincing. See Chen, “N anyang tianwen huaxiangshi kaoshi,” and W ei, “Tanghe Zhenzhichang Han huaxiangshi de tianxiang tu” 唐河針

織廉漢晝像石墓的天象圖,both in H an Yuxiang, N an­ yang H an d a i tianw en huaxiang sh iya n jiu , 16 -19 ,26 -31.

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jijie 淮南鴻烈集解(Collected notes to the Book o f K ing H uainan), compiled under the patronage o f Liu A n 劉 安 (179 -122 b ce). B eijin g: Zhonghua, 1997.

L iu Xingzhen 割興珍 and Yue Fengxia 岳鳳霞, eds. Chugoku kandai no gazdseki 中國漢代(D 画像石

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Lippiello, Tiziana. Auspicious Omens and M iracles in A ncient C hina. Sankt Augustin, Germ any: Institute M onumenta S erica, 2001.

Liu Zhixiong 割志 雄 and Yang Jingrong 秦 靜 榮 . Long

Liu, C ary Y ., M ichael Nylan, and Anthony BarbieriLow. R ecarving C hinas P ast:A rt, Archaeology,and

Loehr, Max. “The Bronze Styles of the Anyang Period.”

A rchitecture o fthe aWu F am ily Shrines.a Princeton: Princeton University A rt M useum, 2005.

yu Zhongguo w enhua 龍與中國文化(TKe dragon and Chinese culture). Beijing: Renmin, 1992. A rchives o fth e Chinese A rt Society o fA m erica ,no. 7 (1953): 42-53.

L iu Daoguang 蜜 !]道廣, Guanyu Han sishen xingxiang

Loewe, M ichael. Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Q uestfo r Im m ortality. London: George A llen and Unwin, 1979.

tu’ de fangwei wenti” 關於漢“ 四神星象圖” 的方位 問題(On the orientation o f the cardinal emblems in

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(New views on the function of the cardinal emblems in H an tombs in Sichuan). Sichuan w enw u 1994.2: 3*7. Liu Qingzhu

割慶柱 and Kanasaki H iroshi 金関恕, eds. Yomigaeru K an Ocho: tokubetsu tenrankai cfc 办 狀无石漢王朝: 特别展覽会(H an dynasty: special

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呂品. “ ‘Gaitian shuo’ yu H an hua zhong de xuanbi tu” 蓋天說與漢晝中的懸璧圖( "Ihe theory

L ii Pin

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Luo Zhewen 羅 哲 文 . 359 lunar lodge Basket, 308-9,326-28,330,33B, 341 lunar lodge Chamber, 240,244, 309,317 lunar lodge Chariot Baseboard, 305,308-9 lunar lodge Dipper, 305-6,308—9, 323,326,328. See also Southern Dipper lunar lodge Ghost, 30 9 -10 ,330 , 331, 334,341 lunar lodge H eart, 97, 240—41, 247,250,309 , 311 , 317, 3901126 lunar lodge H orn, 240, 242,244, 247,306 , 308 -9,312,317 lunar lodge M aid, 270,309,330 lunar lodge M ane, 309,316 lunar lodge Neck, 240, 244, 247,301, 309,317

lunar lodge N et, 299-300,309,323—24, 326,328,343, 4061152 lunar lodge Ox, 270, 309 , 312 , 330,341 lunar lodge Pasture, 309 ,312,316 lunar lodge Rooftop, 309,316 lunar lodge Room , 309,316 lunar lodge Root, 240,242,244,309,317 lunar lodge Star, 238-40 , 309 ,317,4011113 lunar lodge Stomach, 309,316 lunar lodge Stretch, 238,309,317 lunar lodge Swine, 308-9 , 317,343 lunar lodge Tail, 240,242,244,250,309,317 lunar lodge Triad, 248, 250,306,308-9 , 317,4011110 lunar lodge Tuft, 248, 250’ 30 9 ,317,4021125 lunar lodge Tumulus, 309,317 lunar lodge W all, 308-9,316 lunar lodge W ell, 30 8 -9 ,310 -12 , 316,4051117 lunar lodge W illow, 238, 309,317 lunar lodge W ing, 238-40,309,317 Luo 洛’ 18,32,9 0

洛陽, i8 ,99 ,121 , 137, 162,166; Bright H all, 36— 4 1,51, 61, 66-67,8工 ’ 84,359-61; archaeological finds, 58, 257,331; painted tombs, 2 0 5,215-16 ,266 ,293, 336-38, 349’ 354- 55’ 拘 Lushan 盧山,263 L u shi chun qiu 呂氏春秋. See M aster Lu's Spring and Luoyang

A utum n A nnals Lyra, 7,268 M achle, Edward, 10 magistrate, 98, 124 -25,128 ,134 , 143-44 M ajor,John, 10 mandate o f Heaven, 2, 10 ,17, h i, 140 , 147, 367; in the Han,

M ars, 96,3901126 M aster L ie ,276 M aster L u s Spring and A utum n Annals^ 87,130,248,305 master o f method, 10 ,27, 30 ,4 1,8 3,152 -55,16 0 ,164, 167, 359

申公(o f L u ),27 申公(o f Q i), 154 M awangdui 馬王堆, 177-78,18 2-8 3,277; Tomb 1 , 15, 169-73,359; Tomb 3 , 107, 174, 311 , 340. See also Lady M aster Shen

M aster Shen

D ai; Lord L i M a Yong 馬雍,173 medium, 92, 132 , 187,233 M em orial to the T ia n jin g Passage, 132,143-44 memory, 2 0 ,3 1-3 2 ,87, 147,281,324 M encius 孟子(572-289 b c e ) , 30 M erciful W arden, m -12 M erleau-Ponty, M aurice, 12 method involving circles, 315 M ian River 134,136 middle circle, 313 M ilky Way, 6’ 7’ 15, 236,265-70,273-74,290, 292,295,297, 301, 330,357,363. See also H eavenly River mimesis, 367. See also imitation m ingjing 名旌, see name banner m ingnian

明年,see Brightening the Years

m ingtang 明堂(complex o f halls), see Bright H alls m ingtang 明堂(southern hall), see Ligh t H all M ingtangyinyang 明堂陰陽錄,see Record o fY in and Yang in the B rig h t H a ll M ingtangyueiing lun 明堂月令論,see Treatise on the B rig h t H a ll and M onthly Observances miraculous sparrow, 93, 95-96 M iu J i ,缪忌, 83,153

3, 23, 25, 29 ^ 0 ,9 3—95, 97,116 , 152, 154, 255,310-11; and Confucians, 10 , 91-92,154; and Bright H alls, 14-15, 20-22 , 25, 28, 33,36 -37,53, 69-70,78,80,85-86 , 257,

M iu Yu 谬纤, ii i , ii4 , 132,3911170 M izhi 米脂, 228,263 money tree, 211-12,218

363; in the Western Zhou, 17-18 ,8 9-90; andfe n g shan, 21,25,27,70; and W ang M ang, 31-32,53-54 , 59,

monthly observances, 78—82, 87-88,105,248, 360 , 362, 38811149

85, 10 1, 1:04-6, 116 , 236,256; and omens, 9 1-9 5,116 , 121-22,128 ,147; in the Eastern Zhou, 149,167,235. See also Signs o fthe M andate M ao Mausoleum 茂陵, 255,261 maria, 277

moon, 6 -7,15,56 , 80, 277, 281,292-95,299; in astronomy,

M arquis D ai 軚侯, 174-76 ,178,233 M arquis Y i o f Zeng 曾侯乙, 184, 250, rj% 305

morality, 15, 28, 128,152, 154, 16 4 ,168,186 M other Queen o f the W est, 211, 261,277, 279,293-94,345,

80, 238,247,305-11,323 ; by Qu Yuan, 149-50 , 167, 235; on banners, 173,186-87’ 35^; in murals, 206, 258,336, 345, 354-55; in carvings, 225, 273, 360,362-63; on a sar­ cophagus, 235, 275,357. See also under H eng E ; N ii W a

348一 50, 355, 359, 399, ^135,40011164. See also Gate o f

Heaven: M other Queen o f the W est; sheng headgear M ount Tai 泰山, 21-22,25-28,36 , 41, 49, jo y 95, 150 ,154, 164,258 M ozuizi 磨嘴子, 173,176 M r. Chu 鄗君, 134 , 137-38,140-41,145 mulberry, 186,279 m ulianli 木連理,see interconnecting tree m ulti-level building, 77 m ulti-level structure, 76 m ulti-story building, 158,162 m ulti-story ship, 265 m ulti-story structure, 37,7 1 mushroom o f immortality, 258,275,350. See also fungus music, 28,5 0 ,105 , 185-87,197,356 musician, 85, 195—96, 288,39811111 myth, 186—87,279一 81, ^86,295 mythology, 7, 9 ,286, 359,367 Nakayama, Shigeru, 313 name banner, 171-73,176-77,182—83 N an gai tia n ba shi 難蓋天八事, see E ig h t R efutations o f the Theory o fthe Canopy H eaven Nanxi

南溪, 220-22 , 224-25,350, 356,4ooni66

Nanyang 南陽, 242, 248,270,273,281-86,324,33B, 343, 353, 36o Nanyue 南越,265

南鄭, n eig u i 內規,see inner circle

Nanzheng

New Texts 今 文 ,66 N ew Year, 82, 86 Nine O fferings, 3 1,7 1 Nine Provinces, 55, 67,69 Nine Temples, 34,38, 61, 85,166,236,238-39,255-57 niu 牛,see lunar lodge Ox Niuheliang 牛河梁, 43,47,49 Northern Dipper, 5, 7,47,49, 83,205,236,250, 273, 300— 1, 3。 5一 8, 3IO»323, 349, 361-63. See also Lord o f the Northern Dipper Northern Palace, 238, 248, 253, 308,361 Northern Territories, 299—300 North Pole, 237,300,312,341 North Star, 198, 236,238, 260,306 , 341. See also Pole Star nu 女,see lunar lodge M aid N ii W a

女嫩, 5i, 285-90 , 293, 355, 360 , 362,4 0 41110 1

official charts, 313,315 Old Route, 134-38 O ld Texts 古 文 ,66 omens, 15, 95-97, 9 9 ,248, 3l °y 334; discourse of, 10 , 92, 94, 132, 152, 249; images of, 12 , 92, 10 1 , 106-18 , 147, 359; and W ang M ang, 32 -33,10 1,10 4 -6 , no, 116 , 120 -21,129 , 3901149; five omens, 117-18 ,124 ,131-32,36 3. See also auspicious grain; Em peror W u: omens; Good Omens and A bnorm al Things; heavenly auspicious omen; horse: omens; interconnecting trees; sweet dew; white deer; yellow dragon On E ncountering Trouble, 167-69,185 oracle bone inscriptions, 247, 323,326 oral tradition, 303 , 341, 343,360 outer circle, 313 Oxherd, 7, 38, 266, 268-74,277, 293, 301, 330-31,357 Panofsl^ , Erw in, 12 paradise, 9, 12,154,266; celestial, 9 -10 ,205, 231, 354; earthly, 16 0 ,164,265 pattern o f Heaven, 2,344-45 Peng Keng 彭鏗,150 Peng Sheng 彭生,334 Peng Xian 彭咸, i 68 Peng Z u 彭祖, i68 Penglai 蓬莱, i6 i, 276

phoenix, 91, 93-97,10 〜167,179 , 18 6 ,194, 208, 215,248,249, 251 , 巧5, 芍7, 261, 293-94,348,355. See also G ate-Pillars with Phoenixes

pictograph, 162, 247, 305, 323,326 pillar to Heaven, 218 Pinglu 平陸,258 Pingshan 平山, 7 1,76 Pixian 郫縣, 274, 277, 289,293,357,4031177 Poem o fthe O ccult Im ages, 341 Pole Star, 7, 305, 336, 362. See also North Star porter, 167,183-84, 205,356. See also gatekeeper Powers, M artin, 12 ,109,398119 Praesepe, 334 procession, 105-6 , 111 , 2 11,2 2 0 -2 1,225, 228,236, 293-94,

355-56 prodigy, 93,106 prognostication, 3 , 10 6 ,310 , 340-41,343 prognostication chart, 34 0 ,34 1,343 projection, 240, 255, 310 ,343

Puett, M ichael, 10

rhyme, 341, 343,359

punishment, 94, 96, 109,270,3821131 Purple Palace, 299-300 Puyang 襥陽,249

River Drum , 27。 , 299, 30 1,330 River Lord, 7, 266,363

Pythagorean Theorem, 51

round Heaven, 45, 50 , 80, 187,206 , 235, 255, 256, 289, 316,

乾, 105, 236, 242-44 Qian Yuanguan 錢元璀,315 Qiang 墙,89 Qjang 羌, 99, 12 5,136 ,140,145

Ru Chun 如淳,107 R u Y if 意, 333

qian

Qianjingtou 淺 # 頭 ,349 qianniu 牽牛,see Oxherd Qianyang 千陽,258 qiheng 七衡圖, j 此chart o f the seven orbits Qilingang 麒麟崗, 285, 287,360-63 Qin Peng 秦彭, 99,130 qingyang 青陽,see Blue Sun H all (fillin g 秦嶺, 99, 134 ,137 Qlu Jin g 仇靖, i44 Q i1 Yuan 屈 原 , 7, 50,149-50,167-69,182—86, 189,205, 235, 277, 28o, 299,302. See also H eavenly Q uestions; On E ncountering Trouble Quanrong 犬戎, 123,125 que

闕,see gate-pillars

Q llS O U

渠搜 ,124

rishu

曰書,see almanac

356

ru i tu

瑞圖, _?從illustration o f auspicious omens

R u iyin g tu 瑞應圖,see Illu stra tio n o fthe Responses o f Auspicious Omens rushi 儒士,see Confucian scholar sanhuang

二皇,

sangong 三

公 ,财

Sovereigns

Three Excellencies

Sanmenxia 三H 峽, 249-50 San Pass 散關,137 santong 三統,see Triple Concordance Scorpii, 97, 240, 309,401 Sequel to the A nnotated C lerical Scripts, 118 sequence, 23, 95,153,191, 200,203 Serving M aid, 270 Shan Ju li 單居離,5 。 Shan Yang 單颺iz z Shang Zhitan 商志 I f , 171 shangd'i 上帝, seeThearch on H igh

Ramparts, 299,30 1 Rang 穰,137

Shanglin 上林, 265. See also im perial park Shang shu 尚書, see Book o fD ocum ents

Rhapsody on C ontem plating the M ysterious, 299

Rhapsody on Talks about Greatness, 45

Shan h a ijin g 山海經,see Classics o fM ountains and Seas Shaoxing 紹興, 56 ,22i

Rhapsody on the M ighty M an, 169,213,3961162 Rhapsody on the W estern C apital, 162,266 Record o fA rtificers,47, 66

she huangdi 攝皇帝, 说 Regenting Em peror shen 參,see lunar lodge Triad

Record o fR ites, 32, 8 0 ,87, 1B2. See also E lder D a is Record o fR ites Record o f Ten C ontinents^ 218 Record o fY in and Yang in the B rig h t H all, 87,38811153 Records o fSearching the Supernatural,36 1 Records o fthe G rand H istorian, 18 ,336 Red Bird, 198, 236, 238, 261, 306 , 308-9 , 317,361. See also cardinal emblems red dragon, 12 1,130 Regenting Emperor, 3 1-3 3 , 6 1,10 1 renshuyuan 仁恕掾,see M erciful Warden reproduction, 290

Shaughnessy, Edward, 10 ,244

sheng headgear 勝, 10 9 ,2 14 -16 ,218,231



shenm ing ta i 神明臺,^ T e rra ce for Deities Shenmu 神 木 , 228, 289, 293 . ^hen y ijin g 神異經,see Classic o fS p irits and O ddities sheti 攝提,see Assistant Conductors Shi Shen 石申, 338,341 shi device 式盤, 47,49 S h iji 史§己 ,see Records o fth e G rand H istorian S h ijin g 詩經,see Book o f Odes Shimen 石門,see Stone Gate Shiqi Yao 侍其縣,258 Shiyuan

柿園,252

, -

Sliizhaishan

石褰山,162

Stone Gate, 134 , 137-38,140-43

Shi zhou j i 十 洲自己,see Record o fTen C ontinents shouge " 守閣吏,see functionary guarding the office gates • Shu Sun 叔踩, 9i

Su Song 蘇領( 1020-iio i)’ 338, 34i suburban ritual, 83—84 suburban sacrifice, 84-85 Sui H ong 睡弘, 28—30

Shuanggudui 雙古堆,47 Shuihudi 睡虎地, 334,336

S u id e 綏 德 , 225,228,261,263,293,40011164 Suining 睢寧,126

Shun 舜, 30-31,33-35, i6 8 ,186,236 si |H, see Four Horses

Summers’ D avid, 12 summer solstice, 5 0 ,246,312

signification, 7, 9, 43,116 -17, x3 2 ,297, 360,367 Signs o fthe M andate, 105 , 10 6 , 10 9 ,236 S ilk C harts o fL unar M ovem ents^ 3 11

Sum m oning the Soul, 182-83, T86,3971190

Sim a Q ian 司 馬 遷 (ca. 145—ca. 86 b ce), 5 , 21, 23,240,248, 253, 255, 27。 , 281, 3o8, 3:2 , 37 , 334, 343~44- See also Book o f C elestial O ffices' Records o fthe G rand H istorian

Sima Xiangru 司 馬 相 如 ( 179-117 BCE), i69, 213-14,348

simile,295,343 Sivin, Nathan, 10 , 39911124,39911135,4051126 S i xuan fu 思 、 玄赋,see Rhapsody on C ontem plating the M ysterious

Song Yu 宋玉, 43, 182. See also Rhapsody on Talks about Greatness Song o fPacing the H eavensy 341 Song shu 宋書. See Standard H istory o fthe L iu Song Son o f Heaven , 2 ,31-30 ,8 9 -9 0 ,104 , 166; and Bright H alls, 10 , 22,33, 36-37, 53, 78 ,80, 85-86,248, 257,360; in the H an, 2 8 ,33,151,173,311

sweet dew, 93-97,99,I01,I24» 130-32,164,360 tacit knowledge, 7, 9, 70 , 297,359-60,367 Taesongri 德興里,x jo taichu li 太初麼,see Grand Inception system ta ip in g jin g 太 平 良 see Classic o fPeace taishou 太 守 ,see governor Taiwei Enclosure 太微垣, 299-300 Tai xuan 太玄, see G rand M ystery, the taixue 太學,see Im perial Academ y

soul, 85, 171, 182—83,186—87, 204-5 Sou shen j i 搜神記,see Records o fSearching the Super­ natural

Taiye Pond 太液池, 38, i6 i

Southern Dipper, 323,361—62. See also lunar lodge D ipper Southern Palace, 238, 308,36 1 Spherical Heaven, 50 ,302 , 313 , 315-16,162 Spiritual Terrace, 61

ta iy i 太 一 , see Grand Unity Tang 湯, i68 Tang Lan

唐藺,17 1

Tang-Luo Route 儻路道,136 Technical University in X i’an, 349 Terrace for Deities, 38,16 1

Spring and A utum n A nnals、28-29,91-92 spring equinox, 312,338

Stephenson, Richard, 335 Stepped Road, 299-300

murals, 206,259,336,345, 354-55; in carvings, 225,268, 270, 273,360 , 363; on a sarcophagus, 235, 277,357. See also Fu X i; N ii W a; sunbird; Y i Sun, Xiaochun, 10 , 334,338 Sun Zuoyun 孫作雲, 20。 sunbird, 281-85 sunspot, 277 supreme deity, 2 -3,5-9 , 83, 153,308,361 Surrounding M oat, 27-29,59,61

social communication, 9 ,92, 297,360 Sofukawa H iroshi 曾布川寬, i88 solar eclipse, 29,235

square Earth, 45, 50 -5 1,71, 8 0 ,187, 235,256,289 Standard H istory o fthe Form er H an, xxi, 84,87 Standard H istory o fthe L iu Song, 109 star catalogue, 338 ,34 1,343

sun, 6 -7 ,15, 56, 236, 277-79, 293-95,299; astronomy, 80, 305, 312-13,36 1-6 2; by Qu Yuan, 149 , 167, 235; on ban­ ners, 173, 186-87,356; myths of, 186 , 277,279-81; in

'



Terrace Leading to Heaven, 155,157-60 Terrace o f Cypress Beam s, 265 text and image, 132,147,170,359 Ihearch on H igh, 17, 20, 22, 166-67 , I^9,19 8 ,205, 210 ,214 Three Excellencies, 96,123,129 three-legged bird, 2 14 ,217,293

Three Sovereigns, 286 tia n 天,i T ian W ang 天亡, i8 ,38 1117

visibility, 140 , 14 3,367 visitation, 93,106

tia n d i 天帝,财H eavenly Thearch

visual program, 12 , 15 , 111,18 2 ,191, 2 0 0 -1, 204,221, 228,231,

Vibia, 14

tiangong 天 官 ,see heavenly palace, celestial palace tiangong 天公,see H eavenly Lord

2 " ’ 345, 356- 57’ 359

T ian guan shu 天官書,see Book o f C elestial Offices tianhan 天 '襄 ,see Heavenly River tianhe 天 河 ,see Heavenly River

w ai g u i 夕 卜規,see outer circle W ang, A ihe, 10 ,12 1 W ang Bo 王柏,105

tianhuang 天

W ang Chong



,see Celestial Pond

T ia n jin g dao bet 天井道碑,see M em orial to the T ia n jin g

Passage Tianjing Passage, 137 tianm en

天門,

W ang M an g 王 莽 (45 bce- 23 ce), 4 9 ,8 4 ,136 , 3 1 1 ,322 ,

gate o f Heaven

3841165; usurpation, 30 -34 ,122, 3831150; and Bright H all, 34-^6,41, 53-54 , 59-61, 66, 7 0 -7 1,81, 85; and cardinal emblems, 236, 258-59,263,322. See also

tia n ru i 天 瑞 ,see heavenly auspicious omen 室 ,似

王陣,263 王良, 299^300

W ang Liang

Hemming 天侖,see m andate o f Heaven tianshi 天

287,334 W ang H ui

王充(27-ca. 100), 106 , 121, 128’ 130 , 261,

Heavenly Cham ber

tia n tin g 天廷,see heavenly court tianw en 天 文 ,see pattern o f Heaven

A cting Emperor; D uke for Pacifying the H an; omens: W ang M ang; Regenting Em peror; Signs o f the M andate W ang Qiao 王喬, i68 W ang Sheng 王升, 14 0 -4 1,143

T ian w en 天問,see H eavenly Q uestions tianyuan 天 氣 see Celestial Park tia n zh u 天柱, see pillar to Heaven tia n zi see Son o f Heaven tiger-shaped fowl, 116

W ang Shiren 王世仁, 61-63 , 7^ W ang Xim ing 王希明,34 1

T L V mirror, 54, 56, 58-60,150-51,256-57

W ang Zang

toad, 6, 186,2 1 广 18 ,225, 277> 281-82’ 290, 293’ 345-350,354 tongtian ta i 通天臺,see Terrace Leading to Heaven Tower o f Jinggan, 162

W ang, Zhongshu, 11 W ang Zhui 王追, 99, 130,3901132

Tower o f Longevity, 155, 158-59 Tower o f W ind and Cinnamon, 155 Treatise on A strology in the K aiyuan R eign, 335 Treatise on A uspicious Signs and Omens,109 Treatise on the B rig h t H a ll and M onthly Observances, 66 Treatise on the F ive Phases, 10 6 ,no Triple Concordance, 25-26 , 2 9 ^ 0 ,3 4 ,67, 69,310 tripod, 8, 92-94 , 109 , 152-54,203 try square, 51, 288-90

圖讖, j 從prognostication chart turtle, 4 3,47, 94, 116 , 238,248-50,253, 255,277, 322,363 tu w ei 圖,緯,see prognostication chart tuchen

Twinkling Indicator, 299,30 1 underworld, 170 , 175, 18 3,39811106 unicorn, 91—94, 97, 106 , 10 9 ,114 , 248-49,294

W angdu 望都’ in -14 ,132 watchtower, 157-59,228, 231,293 W atson, W illiam , 203 W eaving M aid, 7,38, 266, 268,270, 273-74 ,277,357 w ei 尾,see lunar lodge Tail W eilii 微閭,205 W ei River 渭河, 134 ,137 W ei Xiang

.

王減,27

魏相,87

W eiyang Palace 未央宫, 32 , 38,95, i6 i, 225

W elcoming the Years, 164 Wen Yiduo 聞一多,247 W enchang 文昌,236 Western Palace, 238, 248,308,361 Western Passage, 92, 99’ 116 -17 ,m ’ I24—25, 128 ,130 , 132 , 134 , 137, 147,359-60,367. See also H ym n o fthe Western

Passage W hip, 299-300

white deer, 10 1,122-25,128 ,130 -31 white tiger, 109 , 123,151 W hite T iger (cardinal emblem), 19 8 ,236, 238, 248, 25859, 289, 293,308-9 , 317,322,361, 363,4011110. See also

x in 心,see lunar lodge H eart Xinfan 新繁, 282, 285, 293 xin g M.ySee lunar lodge Star xin g 邢,see punishment Xingjing 荥經, 22i, 225,356 Xingping 興平,255 Xinjin 新津, 281

cardinal emblems W hite T iger H all 白虎觀, 53, 67, io 6 ,116 ,360 W ind Lord’ 328-29 winter solstice, 50 , 153-54 , 245,312 W olf, 299-300 worshiping Earth, 47,49,84,94-95

Xinye

新野,266

X in y i xia n g fa yao 新儀象法要,see E ssentials o fthe M ethod fo r the N ew A rm illa ry Sphere and C elestial Globe

worshiping Heaven, 18, 47, 49,53, 77, 84—86, 95,122 W u, Hung, 12, 61, 107, n o, 18 2,203,218 W uX ian 巫咸, 168 , 338,34 1

Xinzheng

w ude 五 德 ,see Five Virtues W u fam ily shrines 武氏祠, 4, 5,no, 363. See also Wu Liang shrine W ugong 武功, 3 1, 53-54, io i, 104

新鄭,206

Xiongnu 匈奴, 83,105 Xishuipo 西水坡,249 xiu 宿,see lunar lodge xiw angm u 西王母,see M other Queen o f the West X ixia see W estern Passage

W u Liang shrine 武梁祠, 12 ,10 7 -11 , 116 ’ 118 , 123-24 ,126 , X ixia song 西狭領,see H ym n o fthe W estern Passage 132, 147, 215,290 xuanpu 玄圃, 挪H anging Garden w unii 婺女,see Serving M aid xuantang 玄堂, 撕Dark H all W uqiu Shouwang 吾丘壽王, 93-94,153 xuanw u 玄 武 ,see D ark W arrior Wushan 巫山, 198, 210—12 , 2i8 ,261 X uan xiang sh i 玄象詩,see Poem o fthe O ccult Im ages Xuan Yuan 軒辕, 168. See also Yellow Thearch Xuyi 吁暗,292

w uxing see Five Phases W uxing zh i 五行志,see Treatise on the F ive Phases Wuyue 吳越,315

席澤宗, 3 11,4051117 Xiabian 下辨, 99, 135, 137-^8,143-44,392 m i9 X ia H eliang 夏贺良, 30,32 x ia ji 拾祭, see collective sacrifices X i’an 西安, 15, 37, 240-41, 303, 316-28, passim , X i Zezong

Yang X io n g 揚 雄 (53 b ce -i8 ce), 155,160 , 312 ,36 1-6 2 ,

3861199,409116 Yao 堯, 3〇 i i , 33, i6 8 ,186

相鶴經,see Classic o fthe Physiognom y o f

縣令, see magistrate

西 京 赋

,see Rhapsody on the Western Capital

胃:ft , see Canon ofYao

Yellow Thearch, 23, 34, 83-84,120 , 123,186’ 236, 361-63; and celestial ascent, 27,153-54,164, 16 7-6 8 ,192, 258. See also Xuan Yuan

Xichang

X ijin g fu

Yao dian

yellow dragon, 9 3,10 1, 105 , 117 -2 2 ,12 4 —25,13 1 Yellow Spring, 204

Xianyang 咸陽, 7 2 ,76, 136-37,255,310 -n Xiao Bing 肖兵, i86

西昌,218 西華, 207, 226,228

楊弼, 14 0 -4 1

Yangshao culture 仰 韶 文 化 (ca. 5000-2750 b ce), 249

xianchi 咸池, 撕 Harmonious Pond xiang ^ , see counselor-delegate X iang Yu 項羽( 232-202 bce), 136 ,3 11

Xihua

Yang B i

yang jiu 羊酒,see goat wine yangniao 陽鳥,see sunbird

-,

xia n lin g

徐州,268

Yang Hongxun 楊鴻勛, 6i, 64—66, 68-69 , 7I_77> 165 Yang H uai 楊淮, 140 Yang M engwen 楊孟文, 140-41

343 54 359)363 X ia N ai 夏氣 336

X ia n g hejin g Cranes

Xuzhou

.

Y i 羿, 213, V7 y t 翼,see lunar lodge W ing

Y ijin g 易經, see Book o f Changes Y i U 儀禮,see E tiq u ette and R ites Y i’nan 诉南,326 ^ndyang, 3 , 80, 84, 87, 277, 285, 287, 289-290, 297,355, 361-62 yingnian

迎年, see W elcom ing the Years

張純,41 張耳, 3 11,4051118 Zhang H eng 張衡(78-139), 132, 277,285, 299,302 , 350; Zhang Chun

Zhang E r

painting, 1,333,33^ zhang 張,see lunar lodge Stretch Zhao Shuang 趙爽,312

趙綰,27

Y in gzh ou 瀛洲 , i6 i,276

Zhao W an

Yingzhuang 英庄, 281 Yinwan 尹灣 , 55- 56

Zhao hun 招魂,see Sum m oning the Soul zhaoyao 招搖, Twinkling Indicator zhen see lunar lodge Chariot Baseboard Zheng H ong 鄭弘(fi. 72—87), 123’ 125

y i yan shou guan 益延壽觀,see Tower o f Longevity Yong 雍, 32, 83, 93,10 1 Yongcheng 永城,252

永寧寺,162 Yu 禹, 3 o ii, 67,93, 124 , 153, i68 , 310 ,36 1 Y u X u 虞翔, 137-38 Yongning Temple

Y ii, Ying-shih 182,204 Yuan Y i 兀乂( d. 526), 266 Yuan you 遠遊,see F a r-o ffJourney yueling 月令,see monthly observances Yueshang 越裳,31 Yuexing botu m ents

月行帛圖,see S ilk C harts o fL unar M ove­

yugui 舆鬼, 撕ghost in a vehicle yunhan 雲 、 襄 , see Cloudy river

宰衡, 31-^2 災異, see visitation, prodigy Zhai Fan 由 in 翟方進,97,3901126 Zhai Y i 翟義,33 Zhang Bosheng 張伯升, 173,177 zai-heng za iy i

Zheng Xuan 鄭玄( 127-200) , 87,38811174 Zhenxiang bianguai 摘祥變怪,see Good Omens and A bnorm al Things Zhenzhichang 針織廠,363 zh i 芝,see fungus, mushroom o f im m ortality zh in u 織女,see W eaving M aid zhonggong 中宮, 俯 Central Palace zhong g u i 中規,see middle circle Zhou bi 周髀,see "Zhou Gnomon Zhou G nomon, 5 0 -53,312,359 Zhou li 周禮,see Zhou R ites Zhou R iteSj 47,49,66 z i 紫,see lunar lodge Tuft Zidanku 子彈庫, 177-79,187 Zige tuw en Palace

紫閣圖文, see C harts and T exts o fthe P urple

Ziw u Route

子午道,136

zongzhang see H all o f General Institution Zou Yan 鄒 衍 ( ca. 305-ca. 240 b c e ) , 23

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*9 . Helen Y in and Yi-chang Y in , Economic S ta tistics o fM ainland C hina, 1949—1957 10.

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*

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*26 . 27 .

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*54 . H an-sheng Chuan and Richard Kraus, M id-C hing R ice M arkets and Trade: A n Essay in Price H istory 55. Ranbir Vohra, Lao She and the Chinese R evolution 56. Liang-lin Hsiao, C hina's Foreign Trade Statistics} 1864—1^4^ *57 .

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*58 . Edward W . Wagner, The L itera ti Purges: P olitical C onflict in E arly Y i Korea *59. Joungwon A . Kim , D ivid ed Korea: The P olitics o fD evelopm ent, 60 .

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*65. W illiam A . Brown and Urgrunge Onon, translators and annotators, H istory o fthe M ongolian Peoples R epublic 66. Edward L . Farmer, E arly M ing G overnm ent: The E volution o fD ual C apitals *67. Ralph C . Croizier, K oxtnga and Chinese N ationalism : H istory, M yth, and the Hero *68. W illiam J. Tyler, tr., The Psychological W orld ofN atsum e Sdseki,by D oi Take。 69.

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Endymion W ilkinson, L andlord and Labor in L ate Im perial C hina: Case Studiesfro m Shandong by Jin g Su and Luo L un

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B4 . J. W. Dower, E m pire and A fterm ath: Yoshida Shigeru and the Japanese Experience, 1878—1954 M artin Collcutt, F ive M ountains: The R in za i Zen M onastic In stitu tio n in M edievalJapan 86. Kwang Suk Kim and M ichael Roemer,G row th and Structural Transform ation 87. Anne O. Krueger, The D evelopm ental Role o fth e Foreign Sector and A id *88. Edwin S. M ills and Byung-N ak Song, U rbanization and Urban Problem s 85.

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Richard "Wich, S in o -S o viet C risis P olitics: A Study o fP olitical Change and Com m unication Lillian M_ L i, C hinas S ilk Trade: T raditional In d u stry in the M odern World, 1842—1937 R . David Arkush, F ei X iaotong and Sociology in R evolutionary C hina

*99 . Kenneth Alan G rossbergyJaJ>ans Renaissance: The P olitics o fthe M urom achi B akufu 100. Jam es Reeve Pusey, C hina and Charles D arw in 101. 102.

H oyt Cleveland Tillm an, U tilita ria n C onfucianism : Chen L iangs Challenge to Chu H si Thomas A . Stanley, Osugi Sakae, A narchist in Taisho Japan: The C rea tivity o fthe Ego

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W illiam D . W ray, M itsu b ish i and the N .Y.K ^ 1870—1914: Business Strategy in the Japanese Shipping In d u stry 109. Ralph W illiam Huenemann, The D ragon and the Iron H orse: The Economics o fR ailroads in CM na, 1876—1937 *110, Benjamin A . Elm an, From 'Philosophy to Philology: In tellectu a l and SocialAspects o f Change in L a te Im perial C hina 111. Jane Kate Leonard, Wei Yuan and C hinas Rediscovery o fthe M aritim e World 112.

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*113. John E . W ills,Jr., Em bassies and Illusions: D utch and Portuguese E nvoys to K ’ang-hsii 1666-1687 114. Joshua A . Fogel,P olitics and Sinology: The Case o fN a ito K onan (1866—1934) *115. Jeffrey C . Kinkley, ed ” A fte r M ao: Chinese L iterature and Society,1978—1981 116. 117.

C . Andrew Gerstle, Circles o fFantasy: C onvention in the Plays o f C hikam atsu Andrew Gordon, The E volution o fLabor R elations in Japan: H eavy Industry, 183—1955

*118. Daniel K . Gardner, Chu H si and the “Ta H suehK: N eo-C onfucian R eflection on the C onfucian Canon 119. Christine Guth Kanda, Shinzo: H achim an Im agery and Its D evelopm ent *120. Robert Borgen, Sugaw ara no M ichizane and the E arly H eian C ourt 121. Chang-tai Hung, G oing to the People: Chinese In tellectu al and Folk L iterature 、1918-1937 *122. M ichael A . Cusumano, TheJapanese A utom obile In d u stry: Technology and M anagem ent a t N issan and Toyota 123.

Richard von G lahn, The C ountry o fStream s and G rottoes: E xpansion, Settlem ent, and the C iv ilizin g o fthe Sichuan F rontier in Song Tim es

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Steven D . Carter, The R oad to K om atsubara: A C lassical R eading o fthe Renga H yakuin

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Ellen W idm er, The M argins o f U topia: KShui-hu hou-chuanKand the L iterature o fM tn g Loyalism R . Kent Guy, The Em peror's Four Treasuries: Scholars and the S ta te in the L ate C hien-lung E ra Peter C . Perdue, E xhausting the E arth: State and P easant in H unan, 1500—1850

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*133. Paul A . Cohen, B etw een T radition and M odernity: Wang T*ao and Reform in L ate C hing C hina 134. *135. 136. 137. 138.

Kate W ildm an N akai, Shogunal P olitics: A ra i H akuseki and the Prem ises ofTokugaw a R ule Parks M , Coble, Facing Japan: Chinese P olitics andJapanese Im perialism ,ip ji—ip jy Jon L . Saari, Legacies o f Childhood: G row ing Up Chinese in a Tim e o f C risis, 1890—1920 Susan Downing Videen, Tales o fH eichu H einz M orioka and M iyoko Sasaki, Rakugo: The Popular N a rra tive A rt o fJapan

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Alexander Barton W oodside, Vietnam and the Chinese M odel: A C om parative Study o f Vietnam ese and Chinese G overnm ent in the F irst H a lfo fth e N ineteenth C entury

*141. George Elison, D etis D estroyed: The Im age o f C h ristianity in E arly M odem Japan 142. W illiam D . Wray, ed., M anaging In d u stria l E nterprise: C asesfrom Japans P rew ar Experience

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M arie Anchordoguy, Computers、In c.:Japan's Challenge to IB M Barbara M olony,Technology and Investm ent: The P rew arJapanese Chem icalIn d u stry 146. M ary Elizab eth'B erry, H ideyoshi 145.

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157.

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158.

Yu-m ing Shaw, A n A m erican M issionary in C hina:John Leighton S tu a rt and C hinese-Am erican R elations

159. Jam es B . Palais, P olitics and Policy in T raditional Korea

*160. Douglas Reynolds, C hina, 1898-1912: The X in zh en g R evolution and Japan 161. Roger R . Thompson, C hinas Local Councils in the A ge o f C onstitutional Reform y /8g8—ig n 162. 163. 164.

W illiam Johnston, The M odern Epidem ic: H istory o f Tuberculosis in Japan Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, B reaking B arriers: T ravel and the State in E arly M odem Japan Irm ela H ijiya- Kirschnereit, R itu a ls o fSelf-R evelation: Shisbdsetsu as L iterary Genre and Socio-C ultural Phenomenon

165. Jam es C . Baxter, The M eiji U nification Through the Lens o fIshikaw a Prefecture 166.

Thomas R . H . Havens, A rchitects o fA ffluence: The Tsutsum i F am ily and the Seibu-Saison E nterprises in T w entieth-C entury Japan

167.

Anthony Hood Chambers, The Secret W indow : Id ea l Worlds in TanizakVs F iction Steven J. Ericson, The Sound o fthe W histle: R ailroads and the State in M eijiJapan 169. Andrew Edmund Goble, K enm u: G o-D aigos R evolution 168. 170. 171.

Denise Potrzeba Lett, In P ursuit o fStatus: The M aking o fSouth K oreas uN ew u Urban M iddle Class M im i H all Yiengpruksawan, H iraizum i: B uddhistA rt and R egional P olitics in T w elfth-C entury Japan

172 .

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173.

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See H eng Tcow yJapans C ultural Policy Tow ard C hina, 1918-1931:A C om parative Perspective M ichael A . Fuller, I n t r o d u c t i o n to L iterary Chinese

177 .

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178. John Solt,Shredding the Tapestry o fM eaning: The Poetry and Poetics ofK itasono K atue (1902—1978) 179.

Edward Vv2iXXyJapans P rotoindm trial E lite: The Economic Foundations o fth e Gono

180.

Atsuko Sakaki, R econtextualizing Texts: N arrative Perform ance in M odern Japanese F iction

181.

Soon— Wbn Park, C olonialIn d u stria liza tio n and Labor in Korea: The Onoda C em ent Factory

182. JaH yun Kim Haboush and M artina Deuchler,C ulture and the State in L ate Choson Korea

183. John W . Chaffee, Branches o fH eaven: A H istory o fth e Im perial C lan o fSung C hina 184. 185. 186. 187.

Gi-W ook Shin and M ichael Robinson, eds., C olonial M odernity in Korea N am -lin Hur, P rayer and P lay in L ate Tokugawa Japan: A sakusa Sensdji and Edo Society Kristin Stapleton, C iv ilizin g Chengdu: Chinese Urban R eform , 1895—1937 Hyung II Pai, C onstructing ^Korean O rigins: A C ritica l R eview o fArchaeology, H istoriography, and R acial M yth in Korean State-F orm ation Theories

188.

Brian D . Ruppert,/ ^ ^ / in the Ashes: Buddha R elics and Power in E arly M edievalJapan Susan Daruvala, Zhou Zuoren and an A ltern a tive Chinese Response to M odernity *190. Jam es Z . Lee, The P olitical Economy o fa F rontier: Southw est C hina, 1250—1850 189.

191. 192.

Kerry Sm ith, ^ Tim e o f C risis:Japan, the G reat D epression,and R u ra l R evita liza tio n M ichael Lew is, Becom ing A part: N a tio n a l Power and Local P olitics in Toyama, 1868—1945

193.

W illiam C . Kirby, M an-houng L in , Jam es Chin Shih, and David A . Pietz, eds., State and Economy in R epublican C hina: A H andbookfo r Scholars 194. Tim othy S. George, M inam ata: P ollution and the Stru g g lefo r Democracy in Postw arJapan 195. 196.

B illy K. L . So, Prosperity, R egion, and In stitu tio n s in M aritim e C hina: The South F ukien P attern, 946—1368 Yoshihisa Tak M atsusaka, The M aking o fJapanese M anchuria’ 1904—1932

197.

M aram Epstein, C om peting D iscourses: O rthodoxy, A uthenticity., and Engendered M eanings in L ate Im perial Chinese F iction

198.

Curtis J. M ilhaupt, J. M ark Ramseyer, and M ichael K . Young, eds. and co m ^s.yJapanese L aw in C ontext: R eadings in Society, the Economy, and P olitics

199.

H aruo Iguchi, U nfinished Business:A yukaw a Yoshisuke and U .S.-Japan R elations, 1知一ig p Scott Pearce, Audrey Spiro, and Patricia Ebrey, C ulture and Pow er in the R econstitution o fthe Chinese R ealm 3 200—600

200 . 201 . 202 .

Terry Kawashima, W riting M argins: The T extual C onstruction o f G ender in H eian and K am akura Japan M artin W . H uang, D esire and F ictional N arrative in L ate Im perial C hina

Robert S. Ross and Jian g Changbin , eds., R e-exam ining the C old War: U .S.-C hina D iplom acy, 1954—1973 Guanhua W ang, In Search o fJustice: The 1905-1906 Chinese A nti-A m erican Boycott 205 . David Schaberg,^ P atterned Past: Form and Thought in E arly Chinese H istoriography 206. Christine Yano, Tears o fLonging: N ostalgia and the N ation in Japanese Popular Song 203 .

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M ilena Dolezelova-Velingerova and O ldrich Krai, with Graham Sanders, eds., The A ppropriation o f C ultural C apital: C hinas M ay F ourth Project 208 . Robert N . Huey, The M aking o f'S h in ko kin sh ii 209. 210.

Lee Butler, Em peror and Aristocracy in Japan, 146J—1680: R esilience and R enew al Suzanne Ogden, In klin g s o fDemocracy in C hina

211 .

Kenneth J. RuofF, The People’s Em peror: Democracy and the Japanese Monarchy^ 1^4^—ig% Haun Saussy, G reat Walls o fDiscourse and O ther A dventures in C ultural C hina 213 . Aviad E . Raz, E m otions a t Work: N orm ative Control》O rganizations, and C ulture in Japan and Am erica 212 . 214.

Rebecca E . Karl and Peter Zarrow, eds” R eth in kin g the i8g8 Reform Period: P olitical and C ultural Change in L ate Q ing C hina

215 . 216 .

Kevin O’Rourke,The Book o fKorean Shijo Ezra F. Vogel, ed., The Golden A ge o fth e U .S.- C hina-Japart T riangk ,ip p -ip 8 p

217 .

Thomas A . W ilson, ed., On Sacred Grounds: C ulture, Society, P olitics, and the Form ation o fthe C ult o f Confucius

218. 219 .

Donald S. Sutton, Steps o fP erfection: E xorcistic Perform ers and Chinese R eligion in T w entieth-C entury Taiw an Daqing Yang, Technology o fE m pire: Telecom m unications andJapanese E xpansionism in A sia, 1883—1945

220 .

Qianshen Bai, Fu Shan's World: The Transform ation o f Chinese C alligraphy in the Seventeenth C entury

221 . 222 .

Panljakov Sm ith and Richard von Glahn, eds., The Song-Y uan-M ing T ransition in Chinese H istory Rania Huntington, A lien K ind: Foxes and L ate Im perial Chinese N arrative

223. Jordan Sand, H ouse and H ome in M odern Japan: A rchitecture, D om estic Space、and Bourgeois C ulture, i88o—ip jo 224.

Karl Gerth, C hina M ade: Consum er C ulture and the C reation o fthe N ation

225.

Xiaoshan Yang, M etam orphosis o fthe P rivate Sphere: Gardens and Objects in Tang-Song Poetry 226. Barbara M ittler,^ N ew spaperfo r C hina? Power, Id en tity’ and Change in Shanghai's N ew s M edia, 1872—1912 2 2 1 . Joyce A . M adancy,The Troublesome Legacy o f Com m issioner L in : The O pium Trade and O pium Suppression in

F ujian Province, 1820s to 1920s 228 . John M akeham, Transm itters and Creators: Chinese Com m entators and Com m entaries on the A nalects 229 .

Elisabeth Koll, From C otton M ill to Business E m pire: The Emergence ofR egional E nterprises in M odern C hina

230 .

Emma Teng, Taiw an's Im agined Geography: Chinese C olonial T ravel W riting and Pictures, i6 8 j-i8 p j W ilt Idema and Beata Grant, The R ed Brush: W riting Women o fIm perial C hina 232 . E ric C . Rath, The E thos ofN oh: A ctors and Their A rt 231 .

233. 234. 235. 236. 237.

Elizabeth Rem ick, B uilding Local States: C hina D uring the Republican and Post-M ao Eras Lynn Struve, ed., The Q ing Form ation in W orld-H istorical Tim e D . M ax M oerman, L ocalizing Paradise: Kum ano P ilgrim age and the R eligious Landscape o fPrem odern Japan Antonia Finnane, Speaking ofY angzhou:A Chinese C ity, 1550-1850 Brian Platt, B urning and B uilding: Schooling and State Form ation in Japan, 1750—1890

238 .

G ail Bernstein, Andrew Gordon, and Kate W ildm an Nakai, eds., Public spheres, P rivate L ives in M odern Japan ,1600—1950: Essays in H onor o fA lb ert C raig 239 . Wu H ung and Katherine R . Tsiang, Body and Face in Chinese V isual C ulture

240 .

Stephen Dodd, W riting Home: R epresentations o fthe N a tive Place in M odern Japanese L iterature David Anthony Bello, O pium and the L im its o fE m pire: D rug P rohibition in the Chinese Interior, 1729-1850 242 . Hosea H irata, D iscourses o f Seduction: H istory, E v il, Desire) and M odern Japanese L iterature 243 . Kyung M oon Hwang, Beyond B irth : Social Status in the Emergence o fM odern Korea 241 .

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Brian R . D ott, Id en tity R eflections: Pilgrim ages to M ount Tai in L ate Im perial C hina M ark M cNally, P roving the Way: C onflict and Practice in the H istory o fJapanese N a tivism 246 . Yongping W u, A P olitical E xplanation o fEconomic G row th: State S u rviva l, Bureaucratic P olitics, and P rivate E nterprises in the M aking ofT aiw ans Economy^ 1950-1985

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Kyu Hyun Kim, The A ge o f Visions and A rgum ents: P arliam entarianism and the N a tio n a l Public Sphere in E arly M eijiJapan

248.

Z\d Ben-D or Benite, The D ao ofM uham m ad: A C ultural H istory o fM uslim s in L ate Im perial C hina

249.

David Der-wei W ang and Shang W ei, eds., D ynastic C risis and C ultural Innovation: From the L ate M in g to the L ate Q ing and Beyond

250.

W ilt L . Idema, W ai-yee L i, and Ellen W idmer, eds., Traum a and Transcendence in E arly Q ing L iterature Barbara M olony and Kathleen Uno, eds., G endering M odern Japanese H istory 2 5 2 . H iroshi Aoyagi, Islands o fE ig h t M illio n Sm iles: Id o l Perform ance and Sym bolic Production in Contem porary Japan

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W ai-yee L i, The R eadability o fthe P ast in E arly Chinese H istoriography W illiam C . Kirby, Robert S. Ross, and Gong L i, eds., N orm alization o fU .S .-C h in a R elations:A n In tern a tio n a l H istory Ellen Gardner Nakamura, P ractical P ursuits: Takano Chdei, Takahashi K eisaku, and Western M edicine in N ineteenth-C entury Japan

256 . Jonathan W . Best, A H istory o fthe E arly Korean K ingdom ofPaekchey together w ith an annotated translation o f

The Paekche Annals o fthe Sam guk sagi

257.

Liang Pan, The U nited N ations in Japan’s Foreign and Security Policym aking, i^ - ig g 2 :N a tio n a l Security, P arty P olitics, and In tern a tio n a l Status

258.

Richard B elsl^, Localities a t the C enter: N a tive Place, Space、and Pow er in L ate Im perial B eijing

259.

Zw ia Lipkin, u Useless to the S tate”: “Social Problem s^ and Social E ngineering in N a tio n a list N anjing, 1927—1937 260. W illiam O. Gardner, A d vertisin g Tower:Japanese M odernism and M odernity in the 1920s 261. Stephen Owen, The M aking o fE arly Chinese C lassical Poetry 262.

M artin J. Powers, P attern and Person: O rnam ent Society、and S e lfin C lassical C hina

263.

Anna M . Shields, C rafting a Collection: The C ultural C ontexts and Poetic Practice o fthe H uajian ji {C ollection fro m A m ong the Flow ers)

264 .

Stephen Owen, The L a te Tang: Chinese Poetry o fthe M id -N in th C entury (827-860)

265 .

Sara L . Friedm an, In tim a te P olitics: M arriage^ the M arket,and State Power in Southeastern C hina Patricia Buckley Ebrey and M aggie Bickford, Em peror H uizong and L ate N orthern Song C hina: The P olitics o f C ulture and the C ulture o fP olitics

266 . 267 . 268 . 269. 270.

花間集

Sophie Volpp, W orldly Stage: Theatricality in Seventeenth-C entury C hina Ellen W idm er, The B eauty and the Book: Women a n d F iction in N ineteenth-C entury C hina Steven B. M iles,The Sea ofL earning: M o b ility and Id en tity in N ineteenth-C entury G uangzhou Lin M an-houng, C hina Upside D ow n: Currency, Society, and IdeologieSy 1808—1856

271 .

Ronald Egan, The Problem o fB eauty: A esthetic Thought and P ursuits in N orthern Song D ynasty C hina M ark Halperin, O ut o fthe C loister: L ite ra ti Perspectives on Buddhism in Sung C hina 、p6o-i2yp 273. Helen Dunstan, State or M erchant^ P olitical Econom y and P olitical Process in IJ40S C hina

272 .

Sabina Knight, The H eart o fT im e: M oralAgency in T w entieth-C entury Chinese F iction Tim othy J. Van Compernolle, The Uses o fM em ory: The C ritique o fM odernity in the F iction ofH iguchi Ichiyo 276 . Paul Rouzer,^? N ew P ractical P rim er o fL iterary Chinese 274.

275 .

211 . Jonathan Zwicker, Practices o fthe Sentim ental Im agination: M elodram a, the N ovel, and the Social Im aginary in

N ineteenth-C entury Japan 278 .

Franziska Seraphim, War M em ory and Social P olitics in Japan, 1945—2005

279 .

Adam L_ Kern, M angafrom the F loating World: Comicbook C ulture and the Kibyoshi o fE do Japan Cynthia J. Brokaw, Commerce in C ulture: The Sibao Book Trade in the Q ing and R epublican Periods 281. Eugene Y . Park, B etw een D ream s and R eality: The M ilita ry E xam ination in L ate Choson Korea、1600—1894

280 . 282.

N am -lin Hur, D eath and Social O rder in Tokugawa Japan: Buddhism , A n ti-C h ristia n ity^ and the Danka System Patricia M . Thornton, D isciplining the State: V irtue, Violence, and State-M aking in M odern C hina 284 . Vincent Goossaert, The Taoists o fPeking ,1800-1949:A Social H istory o f Urban Clerics 283 . 285 . 286 . 287 . 288 .

Peter Nickerson, Taoism ,Bureaucracy, and Popular R eligion in E arly M edieval C hina Charo B. D ’Etcheverry,L ove A fter The Tale o f G enji; R ew ritin g the W orld o fthe Shining P rince M ichael G . Chang, ^ C ourt on Horseback: Im perial Touring £sf the C onstruction o f Q ing R ules i6 8 o ~ iy8 j Carol Richmond Tsang, War and F aith: Ikko Ikki in L a te M urom achiJapan

289 .

H ilde D e W eerdt, C om petition over C ontent: N egotiating Standardsfo r the C iv il Service E xam inations in Im perial C hina (ii2 j—i2 jg )

290 .

Eve Zimm erman, O ut o fthe A lleyw ay: N akagam i K enji and the Poetics o f O utcaste F iction

291 .

Robert Culp, A rticu la tin g C itizenship: C ivic E ducation and S tu d en t P olitics in Southeastern C hina, ipi2~ ip4o Richard J. Smethurst, From Foot Soldier to Finance M inister: Takahashi Korekiyo, Japans Keynes 293. John E . Herman, t h e Clouds and M ist: C hina's C olonization o f G uizhou, n o o -rjo o 292 . 294. 295.

Tomoko Shiroyamaj C hina D uring the G reat D epression: M arket^ State, and the World Economy^ ig2p—ig jj Kirk W. Larsen, T radition,Treaties and Trade: Q ing Im perialism and Choson Korea、i8 ^o -xg io

296 .

G regory Golley, W hen O ur Eyes N o Longer See: R ealism ,Science, and Ecology in Japanese L itera ry M odernism

297 .

Barbara Ambros, E m placing a P ilgrim age: The Oyama C ult and R egional R eligion in E arly M odern Japan Rebecca Suter, TheJapanization ofM odernity: M urakam i H aruki betw een Japan and the U nited States 299 . Yuma Totani, The Tokyo War Crim es T rial: The P ursuit o fJustice in the Wake o f W orld War I I 300. Linda Isako Angst, In a D ark Tim e: M em ory、C om m unity,and Gendered N ationalism in P ostw ar O kinaw a 301. David M . Robinson, ed., Culture) C ourtiers, and C om petition: The M ing C ourt (1368-1644) 298 .

302.

Calvin Chen, Some Assem bly R equired: Works C om m unity and P olitics in C hinas R u ra l E nterprises

303.

Sem Vermeers ch, The Pow er o fthe Buddhas: The P olitics ofB uddhism D uring the Koryo D ynasty (918-1392) T in a Lu, A ccidental Incest, F ilia l C annibalism , and O ther Peculiar Encounters in L ate Im perial Chinese L iterature

304 . 305 .

Chang W oei Ong, M en o fL etters W ithin the Passes: G uanzhong L ite ra ti in Chinese H istory, g o y -ig n W endy Swartz, R eading Tao Yuanm ing: S h iftin g Paradigm s o fH istorical Reception (4 2 ^1 9 0 0 ) 307. Peter K. Bol, N eo-C onfucianism in H istory 308. Carlos Rojas, The N aked G aze: R eflections on Chinese M odernity 309. Kelly H . Chong, D eliverance and Subm ission: E vangelical Women and the N egotiation o fP atriarchy in South Korea 306.

310.

Rachel D iN itto, Uchida H yakken: A C ritique o fM odernity and M ilita rism in P rew arJapan

311. Jeffrey Snyder-Reinke,D ry Spells: State R ainm aking and Local Governance in L ate Im perial C hina 312. Jay Dautcher, D ow n a N arrow Road: Id en tity and M asculinity in a U yghur C om m unity in X in jia n g C hina 313.

Xun Liu, D aoist M odern: Innovation,L ay Practicey and the C om m unity o fInner Alchem y in R epublican Shanghai

314. Jacob Eyferth, E a tin g R ice fro m Bamboo Roots: The Social H istory o fa C om m unity o fH andicraft Paperm akers in

R u ra l Sichuan, 1920-2000 315 .

David Johnson, Spectacle and Sacrifice: The R itu a l Foundations o f Village L ife in N orth C hina

316 . Jam es Robson, Pomer o fPlace: The R eligious Landscape o fth e Southern Sacred Peak {N anyue

南嶽)in M edieval

C hina 317 .

L ori W att, W hen E m pire Comes H ome: R epatriation and R eintegration in P ostw arJapan

318 . Jam es Dorsey, C ritica lA esthetics: Kobayashi H ideo, M odernity, and W artim e Japan 319. 320. 321. 322. 323. 324.

Christopher Bolton, Sublim e Voices: The F ictional Science and Scientific F iction o fA be Kobo Si-yen Fei, N egotiating Urban Space: U rbanization and L ate M in g N anjing Christopher Gerteis, G ender Struggles: W age-Earning Women and M ale-D om inated U nions in Postw arJapan Rebecca Nedostup, Superstitious Regim es: R eligion and the P olitics o f Chinese M odernity Lucien Bianco, W retched Rebels: R u ra l D isturbances on the E ve o fthe Chinese R evolution Cathryn H . Clayton, Sovereignty a t the Edge: M acau and the Q uestion o f Cbineseness

325.

M icah S. M uscolino, F ishing Wars and E nvironm ental Change in L ate Im perial and M odern C hina Robert I. Hellyer, D efining Engagem ent:Japan and G lobal C ontexts, iy^o-1868 327 . Robert Ashm ore, The Transport ofR eading: T ext and U nderstanding in the W orld o fTao Q ian (365-427) 328 . M ark A . Jones, C hildren as Treasures: C hildhood and the M iddle Class in E arly T w entieth C entury Japan 326.

329. 330. 331. 332. 333.

M iryam Sas, E xperim entalA rts in Postw arJapan: M om ents ofE ncounter, Engagement^ and Im agined R eturn H . M ack Horton, Traversing the F rontier: The M anyoshu A ccount o fa Japanese M ission to S illa in Dennis J. Frost, Seeing Stars: Sports C elebrity,Id en tity、and Body C ulture in M odem Japan M arnie S. Anderson, A Place in Public: Womens R ights in M eijiJapan

Peter M auch, Sailor D iplom at: N om ura K ichisaburd and the Japanese-Am erican War Ethan Isaac Segal, Coins,Trade, and the State: Economic G row th in E arly M edievalJapan 335. David B. Lurie, Realm s ofL iteracy: E arly Japan and the H istory o f W riting 336 . Lillian Lan-ying Tseng, P icturing H eaven in E arly C hina 334.