Phraseology in Multilingual Society [1 ed.] 9781443858076, 9781443855846

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Phraseology in Multilingual Society

Phraseology in Multilingual Society

Edited by

Elena Arsenteva

Phraseology in Multilingual Society Edited by Elena Arsenteva This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Elena Arsenteva and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5584-7, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5584-6

TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Images ............................................................................................ ix List of Tables .............................................................................................. x Preface ....................................................................................................... xi Part I: Phraseology at Kazan University Chapter One ................................................................................................ 2 Kazan School of Phraseology Elena Arsenteva and Rimma Safina Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 16 Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology Wolfgang Eismann Part II: Semantic Aspect of Phraseological Units Chapter Three ........................................................................................... 34 Basic Components of the Connotative Aspect in Phraseological Units: (As Seen by A. V. Kunin and his Disciples) Tatiana Fedulenkova Chapter Four ............................................................................................. 47 Fishing for Productive Models in the Troubled Waters of Figurative Language Antonio Pamies, Margaret Craig and Yara El Ghalayini Chapter Five ............................................................................................. 71 Phraseological Units with Onomatopoeic Component and Transparent Inner Form Rimma Salieva and Alsu Nurullova Chapter Six ............................................................................................... 83 The Reflection of Society in Professional Idioms Marina Solnyshkina and Farida Ismaeva

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Chapter Seven........................................................................................... 92 Phraseological Creativity from a Linguoculturological Perspective Irina Zykova Part III: Comparative Study of Phraseological Units Chapter Eight .......................................................................................... 106 Colour Symbolism of Biblical Idioms with Components Indicating White and Black in Bible Translations into English, German and Russian Louise Bayramova and Rose Muhametdinova Chapter Nine........................................................................................... 122 English Phraseological Units with the Components FIRE and WATER and their Counterparts in Russian, Spanish and Tatar Natalia Konopleva and Albina Kayumova Chapter Ten ............................................................................................ 141 On Some Aspects of Borrowing of Phrases from English into German and Russian Lyubov Nefedova and Oleg Polyakov Chapter Eleven ....................................................................................... 156 Widespread Idioms in Europe and Beyond: The Lesser-Used European Languages and the “Lexicon of Common Figurative Units” Elisabeth Piirainen Part IV: Pragmatic Aspects of Phraseology Chapter Twelve ...................................................................................... 174 To add Fresh Fuel to the Fire: Modifications of Widespread Idioms Pavel Dronov and Svetlana Bochaver Chapter Thirteen ..................................................................................... 184 Ways of Using Phraseological Units in TEFL Gulnara Gimaletdinova and Liliia Khalitova Chapter Fourteen .................................................................................... 195 Formulaic Genres as Cultural Artefacts: Monolingual Speech Communities as Multicultural Societies Koenraad Kuiper

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Chapter Fifteen ....................................................................................... 210 Instantial Stylistic Use: A Cognitive View of Phraseological Units in Discourse Anita Naciscione Chapter Sixteen ...................................................................................... 228 Phraseological Units in Press: Cultural Peculiarities Aida Sadykova and Elena Smirnova Chapter Seventeen .................................................................................. 239 Impact of Peculiarities of Context on Instantial Phraseological Units and their Transference into the Language of Translation Elena Semushina and Nina Soboleva Part V: Paremiology Chapter Eighteen .................................................................................... 250 Quantitative Appraisal in Russian Proverbs and Weather-Lore Tatyana Bochina and Marija Kul’kova Chapter Nineteen .................................................................................... 269 On Proverb Translation Within a Literary Context: Preliminary Theoretical Considerations Pedro Martins Chapter Twenty ...................................................................................... 278 “What’s Sauce for the Goose is Sauce for the Gander”: The Proverbial Fight for Women’s Rights by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony Wolfgang Mieder Chapter Twenty-One .............................................................................. 297 Representation of Moral Values in Russian and Brazilian Proverbs Maria Luisa Ortiz Alvarez Part VI: Phraseography Chapter Twenty-Two.............................................................................. 316 Types of Phraseological Unit Definition Roza Ayupova and Radif Zamaletdinov

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Chapter Twenty-Three............................................................................ 329 Lexicographic Presentation of Phraseological Transforms Diana Davletbaeva and Iskander Yarmakeev Chapter Twenty-Four ............................................................................. 339 On a New German-Russian Dictionary of Idioms: Aspects of Corpus-Based Bilingual Phraseography Dmitrij Dobrovol’skij Chapter Twenty-Five .............................................................................. 350 Computational Corpus of Tatar Proverbs and Sayings: Electronic Database of Paremias Kamil Galiullin, Elena Gorobets, Guzel Karimullina and Rezeda Karimullina Chapter Twenty-Six................................................................................ 363 Cross-Linguistic Equivalence of Idioms: Corpus vs. Dictionary Irina Parina Chapter Twenty-Seven ........................................................................... 377 A Look at Carinthian-Slovenian Phraseology as Represented in the “Thesaurus of the Slovenian National Language in Carinthia” Heinrich Pfandl

LIST OF IMAGES Figure 11-1: Languages of the Project “Widespread Idioms in Europe and Beyond” ..................................................................................... 162 Figure 11-2: Equivalents of “to rise like the Phoenix from the ashes” in European languages ...................................................................... 163 Figure 11-3: Equivalents of “to be caught between two fires” in European languages ...................................................................... 167 Figure 15-1. Anti-Thatcher graffiti in West Belfast, Northern Ireland ... 222

LIST OF TABLES Table 7-1. Phraseological creativity of the 11 macro-metaphorical conceptual models (in accordance with the quantitative dimension) .. 98 Table 9-1. Frequency of phraseological and non-phraseological counterparts of English PUs with the components FIRE and WATER in Spanish, Russian and Tatar ........................................................... 134 Table 9-2. Frequency of phraseological counterparts of English Pus with the component FIRE ................................................................. 135 Table 9-3. Frequency of phraseological counterparts of English Pus with the component WATER............................................................ 135 Table 9-4. Frequency of non-phraseological counterparts of English PUs with the component FIRE ................................................................. 136 Table 9-5. Frequency of non-phraseological counterparts of English PUs with the component WATER............................................................ 136 Table 15-1. Extended metaphor: metonymic links between the base metaphor and metaphorical sub-images ............................................ 215 Table 25-1. Frequency list of letters ....................................................... 358 Table 25-2. Usage frequency of words containing definite quantity of letters ............................................................................................ 359 Table 25-3. Usage frequency of words with different quantity of syllables ........................................................................................ 360

PREFACE In fact, the field of phraseology is remarkably little known outside of northern Europe. Koenraad Kuiper

In comparison with other branches of linguistics with many centuries of development phraseology can be considered a young child though rather intelligent and shrewd. Its domain is constituted by picturesque and vivid elements termed phraseological units (PUs), which are characterized by a certain transference of meaning. The term “phraseology” was introduced by a prominent Swiss scholar of French origin Charles Bally at the beginning of the twentieth century. The first to raise the question of phraseology as a linguistic subject was Professor Ye. D. Polivanov, a well-known Russian scientist (Polivanov 1931). Academician V. V. Vinogradov was the first to work out the classification of Russian phraseological units, which gave rise to extensive investigation of phraseology in other languages (Vinogradov 1974). Since that time much has been done in the field of phraseology. The sole scholarly society for the furtherance of research in phraseology, the European Society of Phraseology “Europhras” was founded at the end of the twentieth century to coordinate the investigations of scientists from different countries and even continents. Each year international conferences are held which are devoted to the problems of phraseology. These are organized by members of “Europhras” in different European countries. This book is based on the best presentations of the international conference “Phraseology in Multilingual Society” organized in partnership with “Europhras” and held at Kazan Federal University, Russia, in August 2013. The main goal of the book is to give a rich understanding of phraseology and to present the work of scholars from different countries investigating phraseological units in many languages. That is why different aspects of phraseological research are presented in the book: semantic, pragmatic, comparative, etc. The first part of the book is devoted to the description of the role of the Kazan School of Phraseology and the contribution of the well-known Polish-Russian scientist, the founder of the Kazan School of Linguists Jan

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Baudouin de Courtenay. The Kazan School of Linguists is famous for its contribution in world science, especially in the field of phonology and morphology. Baudouin de Courtenay was the first to pay special attention to the so-called stable expressions including proverbs, the practical implementation of his theoretical studies was his participation in the remaking and enriching V. Dal’s dictionary (Dal’ 1903-1909). He was also the first to speak about the most typical features of stable expressions such as stability and inseparability, which are considered nowadays the most important criteria of phraseological units. The Kazan School of Phraseology has been established for several decades from the end of the 1960s. It is notable for some important theoretical investigations as well as the compilation of bilingual and monolingual phraseological dictionaries. Among the most important aspects of phraseological research are comparative studies of the phraseological units of different groups and families of languages the result of which can be found in the determining of isomorphous and allomorphous characteristic features of the phraseological units compared. The problem of the meaning, and semantic structure of PUs may be considered to be the focus of attention for many specialists of phraseology in many countries. So the second part of the book is devoted to the investigation of some semantic aspects of phraseological units in different languages. The outstanding role of Alexander Kunin in the establishment of English phraseology as an independent branch of linguistics is shown in the work opening the second part of the book. It also analyzes connotation as one of the basic inherent phraseological components treated by Kunin, namely its main components: emotivity, expressivity, evaluation and the stylistic component. The conclusion made is that phraseological units are considered to be the expressive means of the phraseological system of the language thanks to their connotation. An insight into the cognitive mechanisms of creating conceptual models of expressions with figurative meaning (including idiomatic compounds) connected with sea life is presented in the work of Spanish scholars from the University of Granada. Several metaphoric meanings with the archi-metaphor “fish is a successful result” are distinguished in different languages, cultural models including social behaviour and social hierarchies. Aesthetic canons are also under study. Phraseological units with an onomatopoeic component and transparent inner form in English and Russian present an interesting subject for investigation, especially from the semantic point of view. Such units are characterized by transparent (or partially transferred) meaning, which is

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easily deduced from the meaning of their components, and the weakest cohesion between them. The study of connotation components of meaning including value, emotion and expressivity, and stylistic reference is also of interest. The reflection of society in professional idioms is another aspect of investigation in the second part of the book. The term “professional idioms” is used as a semantically broad term to refer to different types of expressions such as phraseological units, phrases, idioms, collocations and formulae coined by professionals in a professional or quasi-professional discourse. Among the most important results of the investigation is the conclusion that the meaning of professional idioms is predominantly negatively connotated. Phraseological creativity as a phenomenon rooted in the conceptual basis of language imagery which finds its way into the semantics of language units and texts is analyzed in the work completing the second part of the book. It is shown that phraseological creativity is the ability of macro-metaphorical conceptual models, on the one hand, to systemically create phraseological images, on the other hand, to individually adapt any phraseological image to the communicative process. Eleven macrometaphorical conceptual models are proposed on which images of all English phraseological units are generated. The third part of the book contains comparative research of phraseological units of different languages. The problems investigated concern different aspects in the sphere of phraseology: componential structure, the role of components and their symbolism in PUs of biblical origin, finding PU counterparts in languages belonging to different groups and even families of languages, phraseological borrowings and international phraseological units. Biblical PUs have been in the focus of scholars’ attention for several decades. Yet there is still much to discover. The present investigation shows that the oppositional pair of “white – black” has acquired numerous conventional and symbolic senses which are reflected in the meanings of English, German and Russian phraseological units of biblical origin, playing the leading role in the whole metaphorical meaning and preserving the emotional-evaluative connotation. The components “fire” and “water” being universal in different cultures and religions, and preserving their symbolic meaning of destruction and rebirth play an important role in the formation of English, Russian, Spanish and Tatar phraseological units, as a case study here confirms. Full and partial phraseological equivalents and analogues as types of phraseological counterparts as well as PUs having no counterparts

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in another language/other languages, and the ways of their translation are under study. The phraseological stock of any language can not but be enriched by borrowings from other languages. The English language as the source of borrowings currently ranks first in the list of donor languages. That is why the analysis of direct and translated loan phrases in German has shown a lot of similar features between the English and German versions of the same PU including their stylistic potential and semantic changes, although the percentage of such borrowings varies. One of the striking features of some loan translations is that they are often used along with their English sources in modern German. The investigations of Elisabeth Piirainen from Germany are widely known by the majority of specialists in phraseology. Her paper presents research on some of the so-called “widespread idioms” with a similar lexical structure and figurative core meaning in many European and nonEuropean languages. It is suggested that various widespread idioms (or international phraseological units, using other terminology) which are well developed in the major European languages are hardly shared by minority languages though a small number of idioms exist both in standard languages and the lesser-used ones. Phraseology as a dynamically developing stratum of language gives rise to numerous pragmatic investigations of phraseological units. These are presented in the fourth part of the book. It starts with the study of the international PU “ɩɨɞɥɢɜɚɬɶ ɦɚɫɥɚ ɜ ɨɝɨɧɶ” (“add fuel to the fire”) having many phraseological counterparts in many European languages, thus continuing the direction of previous research. Comparative analysis has proved there is a close coincidence in contextual variation of forms in Russian, English and Spanish among which the introduction of genitive attribute, morphological modifications and lexical substitutions are widely used. Some specific features of contextual variations of the Russian PU and its counterparts in English and Spanish are also enumerated. The paper of Kazan scholars devoted to the ways of using phraseological units in teaching English as a foreign language deals with two main problems: the use of authentic video materials in teaching English idioms, and ways of using phraseological units in a course on English phonetics. Teaching English idioms via selected TV commercials is proposed as a most effective and efficient way of solving the first problem, the use of English proverbs and sayings with their typical rhythmic and phonetic organization in some cases different from that of Russian is recommended both in the study of segmental and suprasegmental phonetics.

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Formulaic genres as cultural artefacts are under investigation in the paper of Koenraad Kuiper from New Zealand. Taking into consideration the ideas of Bakhtin and Goffman, concerning the connection between linguistic form and social context, or genres and the extra-linguistic social order, Kuiper analyses formulaic genres as accompaniments to social action or as formative elements of social action. The conclusion that monolingual users of the language are multilingual at a lower level of abstraction and multicultural at the same time is of great interest and value. Instantial stylistic use of English phraseological units from the point of view of a cognitive approach is the focus of attention of Latvian scholar Anita Naciscione. Such an approach helps her to show that certain cognitive mechanisms are applied in such cases of stylistic use of phraseological units as, for example, extended metaphor, pun and phraseological allusion. The multimodal use of phraseological units also proves the importance of a cognitive approach in understanding a figurative network created in the case of the visual representation of a PU presented as a vivid example. Different types of instantial use of phraseological units in English media texts as well as difficulties in the translation of phraseological units used in the press are presented in the next paper. The author gives examples of several transformations of PUs such as cleft use, addition, ellipsis, phraseological reiteration, etc. The conclusion is made that national and cultural peculiarities of phraseological units can be found on several levels simultaneously. The pun as a semantic way of transforming phraseological units, and ellipsis and substitution as types of structural semantic transformations, are analyzed in the paper dealing with the contextual use of PUs in advertising slogans. It is proposed that the motivation for transformations is as follows: the structure of the phraseological unit, its inner form, pragmatics and extra linguistic realities. The so-called wide approach to phraseology adopted by the majority of specialists in phraseology dictates the inclusion of paremiological units into their sphere of interest. The fifth part of the book contains works devoted to the study of paremiology, the study of proverbs. Russian proverbs and weather-lore with discrete and non-discrete quantified sets expressing quantitative appraisal are under investigation in the paper of Kazan scholars. One of the most important conclusions deals with the reflection of the non-homogeneity of quantitative appraisement in heterogeneous linguistic means which are represented in paremiological

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units by numerals, quantitative-nominal collocations and adjectival and adverbial markers of quantitative appraisal. While analyzing proverb translation within a literary context the author of the paper from Italy points out that it necessarily results in finding formal, semantic and pragmatic equivalents which better correspond to the source language. Four important strategies are offered to overcome the difficulties in the translation of proverbs. The sociopolitical use of biblical and folk proverbs by two great American fighters for women’s rights, namely Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, is the object of investigation of Wolfgang Mieder, a well-known paremiologist. He stresses the fact that proverbial communication appears with considerable frequency in the works of these great ladies and gives vivid illustrations of such proverbial expressions with colourful metaphors in his paper. The last paper completing the fifth part of the book is a paper devoted to the representation of moral values in Russian and Brazilian proverbs. Moral values which are considered to be superior ones in the human society are represented by different types of Russian and Brazilian proverbs among which the following groups are distinguished: with and without personal indications, bearing critical or binding moral message, with generalized interpretation, with neutral or indefinite properties, rhyming and contradictory proverbs. The last sixth part of the book contains papers dealing with the applied character of phraseology – namely phraseography – as the science involved in compiling phraseological dictionaries, and corpus-based studies. Five types of phraseological unit definition and their occurrence in different unilingual and bilingual dictionaries are under study in the paper of Kazan researchers. The following conclusion can be made: the choice of definition type is motivated by some objective factors among which the degree of abstraction of the phraseological unit and isomorphism between the form and the meaning of it play the most important roles. The next paper is devoted to the problems of compiling a new kind of phraseological dictionary – the dictionary of transforms, or the dictionary of occasional transformations of phraseological units. The macro- and microstructure of such a dictionary as well as the main principles of lexicographic description of phraseological units are under investigation. The structure and principles of compiling a new German-Russian dictionary of idioms based on the analysis of corpus data are discussed in the next paper. The author presents four basic parameters of the dictionary: the idiom-list, the body of illustrative authentic examples, dictionary

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macrostructure, and dictionary entry structure including headword, lemma, valencies (both obligatory and optional), and prepositional forms, stylistic labels, translation into Russian and illustrative examples. If possible the dictionary entry also contains the variant field, indications of polysemy and the commentary field. The problems of creating the cumulative computer database of Tatar proverbs and sayings in the realization of the project “Computational Corpus of Tatar” are analyzed in the paper of Kazan scholars. The advantages of such a database are discussed. One of the problems of compiling bilingual dictionaries is the problem of presenting “true” equivalents and not formal ones. Corpus data help to reveal some typical features of the contextual restrictions of PUs such as their use in declarative/imperative contexts, in the past/non-past tense, etc., in the case of formal phraseological equivalents, proves the study of crosslinguistic equivalence of the Russian unit “ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɪɭɤɢ ɜ ɧɨɝɢ” and the German idiom “die Beine in die Hand (unter den Arm) nehmen”. Phraseological units of the Carinthian dialects in Slovenia presented in the “Thesaurus of Slovenian National Languages in Carinthia” constitute the object of investigation by the Austrian scholar Heinrich Pfandl. The results of the research may be summarized in the following way: of the large number of phraseological units, first of all proverbs and sayings existing in the Carinthian dialects most derive from the general European phraseological complement, while only a limited number of vivid and picturesque expressions are characteristic solely of Carinthian dialects. As is shown the book presents different approaches to phraseological unit study, and we hope that it will enrich and broaden the knowledge of all those working and interested in the vast field of phraseology.

List of References Dal’, V. 1903-1909. Tolkovyj slovar’ zhivogo velikorusskogo jazyka. Tom 1-4. Tret’ye, ispravlennoye i znachitel’no dopolnennoye izdaniye pod redakciey prof. I.A.Boduéna-de-Kurtené. St. Peterburg, Moskva (Repr. Moskva 1994). Polivanov, Ye. D. 1931. Za marksistskoye yazykoznaniye. Moskva. Vinogradov, V. V. 1974. Ob osnovnykh tipakh frazeologicheskikh yedinits v russkom yazyke. In Akademik A.A.Shakhmatov (1864-1920): Sb. statey. Moskva-Leningrad.

PART I PHRASEOLOGY AT KAZAN UNIVERSITY

CHAPTER ONE KAZAN SCHOOL OF PHRASEOLOGY ELENA ARSENTEVA1 AND RIMMA SAFINA2 1. Introduction The Kazan School of Phraseology has become one of the leading schools not only in Russia but also in European countries. It may be considered that the first contribution was made by Badouin de Courtenay, the well-known scientist of the nineteenth to the beginning of the twentieth century, who spent more than fifteen years working at Kazan University. The great achievements of Kazan phraseologists at the end of the twentieth century were due to their close contacts with Moscow and St. Petersburg scientists and the influence of these two leading linguistic schools in Russia. A great role in the successful development of the Kazan School of Phraseology was played by two Scientific Councils which opened at the former Kazan State University and Kazan State Pedagogical Institute (now united into one Federal University) in the last decade of the twentieth century. More than one hundred dissertations in the field of the comparative and typological study of phraseology have been defended at the sessions of these two Councils since that time. It is worth mentioning that phraseological stocks of many languages were under study: Russian, English, German, Spanish, Tatar, Arabian, Turkish, Vietnamese, etc. Postgraduate students not only from Tatarstan and Russia but also from other countries defended their dissertations under the supervision of wellknown specialists in phraseology at Kazan thus increasing the area of influence of the Kazan School of Phraseology.

1 2

Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected]. Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected].

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2. Main Part 2.1. Baudouin de Courtenay and his Contribution to Phraseology Baudouin de Courtenay started working at Kazan University in 1875 and only left it in 1883. It was he who along with phrases and sentences distinguished inseparable units from the syntactic point of view to which he attributed stable expressions, or unchangeable combinations of several words (Baudouin 1917). So it may be stated that he pointed out the two main characteristic features of phraseological units (PUs) – their inseparability and their stability, which are now considered the most important criteria of phraseological units. While analyzing words he also stressed the fact that without language creativity, only by automatically repeating the same combination of words, even whole sentences may acquire the quality of syntactic inseparability. Among such sentences he also distinguished proverbs and sayings, again pointing out their inseparability from the syntactic point of view. Another contribution to phraseology by Baudouin de Courtenay was his remaking and enriching of V. Dal’s dictionary in which we can find many examples of Russian phraseological units including proverbs and sayings. A lot was done in this respect during his “Kazan period”. It is also necessary to stress the importance of Baudouin de Courtenay’s perception of language not as something static but as a dialectal unity of statics and dynamics. Such an approach to language on the whole, and its units (among them unchangeable combinations of several words) in general gave rise to numerous etymological investigations in the field of phraseology, including the study of the prototypes of phraseological units and their inner form.

2.2. The Development of Phraseology at the End of the Twentieth Century The first two doctoral dissertations in phraseology were defended at the Scientific Councils of Moscow and Leningrad in 1983. E. Solodukho’s dissertation was devoted to the problem of international phraseology (Solodukho 1983). Three groups of languages were under analysis: Slavonic, Germanic and Romanic. The sources of international phraseological units were distinguished as a result of a profound and deep analysis of the material, and it was proved that the

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majority of inexact units appeared through translation loans composed according to the norms of the receiving language. One of the vital problems solved by the majority of researchers in bilingual comparison is the problem of interlanguage phraseological counterparts. The coincidence of meaning is considered by E. Solodukho to be the main indicator of interlanguage phraseological equivalence. In this respect he disagrees with many other linguists who also take into consideration some formal indicators of phraseological equivalence. Such an approach helped him to propose his own classification of phraseological conformities and non-equivalent conformities consisting of the following groups: full equivalents, limited equivalents, identical equivalents, direct equivalents, synonymic equivalents and interlanguage phraseological homonyms. The classification is characterized by the detailed study of the slightest distinctions between different types of phraseological equivalents. It is also necessary to mention the fact that phraseological units were analyzed from the point of view of common phenomena existing in the life of language users of three groups of languages which might have accounted for the appearance of parallel phraseological units. Phraseology in the works of V. I. Lenin and the manner of their translation into Tatar was the object of the doctoral dissertation of L. Bairamova (Bairamova 1983). The researcher marked out different types of semantic and grammatical classes of phraseological units with the structure of both word combinations and sentences. L. Bairamova proposes another type of classification of phraseological conformities with both semantic and formal indicators of phraseological equivalence: she takes into consideration the coincidence in meaning, style (stylistic reference), lexical (componential) structure, grammatical forms and morphological and syntactic structure. In this way she distinguishes absolutely identical equivalents, full equivalents, partial phraseological equivalents and phraseological analogues. One of the most important and valuable features of this classification is taking into account typological characteristics of the Russian and Tatar languages. All of the above-mentioned types of phraseological conformities were found and analyzed in the translation of phraseological units used by V. I. Lenin in his works. Descriptive translation also occupies a prominent position in this list. L. Bairamova comes to the conclusion that it is quite possible to render the meaning, the lexico-grammatical characteristics, and the stylistic and communicative-informative reference of Russian phraseological units into Tatar without any loss in the case of applying different types of phraseological conformities suggested by her.

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The third dissertation defended at the Scientific Council of Moscow State University in 1993 was the doctoral dissertation of E. Arsenteva which was devoted to the problem of the comparative analysis of Russian and English phraseological units of anthropocentric character (Arsenteva 1993). Phraseological units are studied as a system of paradigms; much attention is paid to the description of the complicated structure of phraseological meaning which includes signification-denotational and connotational components. The detailed analysis of the structure of phraseological meaning made it possible for the researcher to advance the theory of identity/difference of the phraseological meaning seme organization of phraseological units of different languages as the basis of finding out different types of interlanguage semantic conformities. Two other levels (lexeme structure and the structural-grammatical organization of Russian and English phraseological units) necessary for the process of distinguishing interlanguage phraseological conformities were also under study. The last chapter of the dissertation deals with the main problems of compiling a Russian-English phraseological dictionary such as the presentation of Russian phraseological units and all their forms including variations in the dictionary, the types of connotation labels, ways of translating Russian units into English, and the structure of a dictionary entry, etc. The part of the compiled bilingual phraseological dictionary served as the supplement to the dissertation showing the practical implementation of the problems solved.

2.3. The Development of Phraseology at the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century It has been shown that only three doctoral dissertations were defended by Kazan specialists in phraseology at the end of the twentieth century. The beginning of the twenty-first century witnessed a large increase of such researches in the field of phraseology. The doctoral dissertation of N. Fattakhova devoted to the comparative analysis of the semantic and syntactic peculiarities of Russian and Tatar weather-lore was defended in Kazan in 2002 (Fattakhova 2002). The scientist is brave enough to consider weather-lore not only as folklore texts but also as language units with their own semantic and structural peculiarities. Great attention is paid to revealing explicit and implicit senses of weather-lore for comparison. The definition of the semantic structure of such units and their main syntactic patterns may be considered to be the most important results of the investigation.

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Proverbs of the Russian language as a part of phraseology are the object of research by T. Bochina in her doctoral dissertation (Bochina 2003). Antithesis, acrothesis, misidentification, oxymoron and irony as generalized and typified expressive means of the realization of one of the main principles of expanding speech are analyzed by the researcher. Linguistic mechanisms of stylistic modifications of contrast in Russian paremiological units for which contrast is the universal lingua-cognitive and poetical principle are under investigation. One of the most important conclusions of the dissertation includes the substantiation of the dialectal nature of proverbs based on opposition, and of the field structure of the stylistic means system of contrast. G. Bagautdinova’s doctoral dissertation may be considered to be the first attempt to investigate Russian, English and Tatar phraseological units from the point of view of axiology (Bagautdinova 2007). Such an approach to studying phraseological units of languages with different structures from the point of view of basic systems of values of different nationalities helped G. Bagautdinova to systematize universal and unique values and anti-values functioning in different societies. The author of the dissertation comes to the conclusion that the phraseological duality system is the unity of two subsystems of phraseological units the meaning of which correlates either with conventional values or anti-values of native speakers of the languages being compared. Distinguishing several cultural codes of Russian, English and Tatar anthropocentric phraseological units such as anthropomorphous, biomorphous, objective, temporal, quantitative, etc., is also of great importance. L. Sakaeva investigates Russian, English, Tatar and Tajik phraseological units of anthropocentric character in her doctoral dissertation (Sakaeva 2009). One of the distinguishing features of the dissertation is a large amount of analyzed units in four languages also including proverbs and sayings. The detailed analysis of the material made it possible to reveal typological similarities and distinctions as well as semantic, structural and grammatical peculiarities of phraseological units of the Russian, English, Tatar and Tajik languages conditioned by linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. The last chapter of the dissertation connected to the main problems of compiling a multilingual phraseological dictionary is of great practical value. The analysis of Tatar, Russian and English phraseological units from the point of view of a structural-typological approach is presented in the doctoral dissertation of G. Gizatova (Gizatova 2010). The use of some

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methods of structural and quantitative typology helped the researcher to prove the hypothesis of the coincidence of ideographic classifications of phraseological units belonging to different languages. The typology of phraseological universalities including both lexico-phraseological and phraseological universalities proper was worked out. It was also proved that authors’ occasional phraseological transformations are of systematic character. The practical implementation of the dissertation is the compilation of an ideographic dictionary including phraseological units of three languages. One more doctoral dissertation also defended in 2010 was devoted to the phraseographic description of the Tatar, Russian and English languages (Ayupova 2010). The main tendencies in the organization of the microstructure and macrostructure of phraseological dictionaries as well as the phraseographic description of all aspects of phraseological meaning were under deep study. The elaboration of recommendations for the practical implementation of presenting significational-denotational and connotational components of phraseological meaning in different types of phraseological dictionaries is of great value. Much attention was paid to the analysis of Tatar phraseography which should keep pace with the latest achievements of other schools of phraseography including English and Russian ones. One of the valuable features of the dissertation is also the study of some problems of electronic (computer-based) phraseography from the theoretical point of view. The analysis of German and Russian weather-lore is presented in the doctoral dissertation of M. Kul’kova (Kul’kova 2011). It was proved that these units belong to paremiological discourse, and that their meaning structure consists of propositional-cognitive and communicativepragmatical components. The researcher also pays special attention to the axiological aspect of German and Russian weather-lore characterized by the predominance of the positive orientation over the negative one, which proves again and again the positive orientation of the language norm. One of the main results of the investigation is the confirmation of the hypothesis suggested by the researcher concerning the coincidence of an intentional sphere of concepts in the ethnocultural societies under comparison. Paremiological units of the Tatar, Russian and English languages were selected as the object of investigation in the doctoral dissertation of F. Tarasova (Tarasova 2012). Paremiological units were analyzed from the point of view of their cognitive and ethnocultural value. The author of the

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dissertation vividly shows the asymmetry of the proverbial world picture, which reveals itself in the syntagmatic and paradigmatic disparity of the content structure of paremiological units and the extra-linguistic realia expressed by them. One of the most valuable results of the dissertation is the establishment of the resemblance of conceptualization in the system of paremiological stocks of the languages compared, and of differences in the sphere of their formalization and cultural conditionality. The comparative study of different types of phraseological transformations in four languages: Russian, English, French and Turkish, is carried out in the doctoral dissertation defended in 2012 (Davletbaeva 2012). The structural-semantic, cognitive and pragmatic peculiarities of the process of phraseological transformations, and the factors determining the process of creation of phraseological transforms are under study. One of the most important results of the dissertation is the elaboration and approbation of the complex method of modelling phraseological transformations. This method is based on the revealing of syntactical, logical, semantic, motivational, structural-semantic, derivational and nominative models of phraseological transforms. It was also shown that phraseological transformations are of systematic character in different languages. The elaboration of a micro- and macrostructure of the multilingual dictionary of phraseological transforms is the practical implementation of the results of the research.

3. Main Trends of Phraseological Research One of the main trends of phraseological research is the development of comparative studies, which may be dictated by the bilingual situation in the Republic of Tatarstan (and its capital Kazan) with two official languages: Russian and Tatar. Nevertheless it should be noted that not only phraseological units of these two languages are under investigation. There are a considerable number of works devoted to the comparative study of Slavonic, Germanic, Romanic, Turkic and other families and groups of languages such as English, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Turkish, Arabic, Tajik, Polish, Bulgarian, Ukrainian, Byelorussian and Vietnamese, etc. Perhaps the most typical pair of languages under comparison is English-Russian (or Russian-English), less numerous are investigations of Russian-English-Tatar phraseological counterparts. English-Turkish comparative studies of phraseological units are also rather numerous. As a rule, scholars of the Kazan School of Phraseology choose phraseological stocks of two or three languages for

Kazan School of Phraseology

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analysis but there are also some works devoted to the comparative study of phraseological units in four or even five languages. The first profound comparative studies of phraseological units in the Russian language and some Germanic languages may be traced to the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s (Gatiatullina 1968, Dolgopolov 1973). The next decade witnessed the appearance of new important researches, which laid the foundation for the further development of comparative phraseology in Kazan (Yusupov 1980, Bairamova 1983, Arsenteva 1983, et al.). The works of E. Soloducko devoted to the investigation of phraseological translation loans and the cause of phraseological parallelism in the languages being compared were especially of great importance (Soloducko 1983). The main methods and principles of comparative phraseological investigations were further formulated and developed in the 1990s. The analysis of phraseological stocks of different languages became the focus of attention of many scholars during that period, and the number of dissertations defended increased several times. One of the reasons may be seen in the opening of two Scientific Councils working in the field of comparative and typological studies both at Kazan State University and Kazan State Pedagogical Institute. Comparative analyses of Russian and English phraseological units of anthropocentric character carried out by E. Arsenteva gave rise to numerous researches of vast layers of phraseology in which the main focus was on the investigation of anthropocentric phraseological units in different languages (Arsenteva 1993). In this respect the anthropocentric approach has remained the most important one for the last two decades. The focus of attention in phraseology by Kazan specialists is the phraseological description of a person, of his or her main features of character, appearance, physical, moral, emotional characteristics, ways of behaviour, etc. Many works appeared that were devoted to the comparative study of some definite phraseo-semantic groups connected with the categories of the main social values of people of different cultures such as family, religion, money, axiological duality of happiness/ unhappiness, etc. (Safina 2002, Bairamova 2012, et al.). The end of the twentieth and the beginning of the twenty-first centuries also witnessed the intensive development of the theory of phraseological meaning. Much attention was paid to the investigation of such connotational components of phraseological meaning as functionalstylistic, expressive and evaluative ones. The paradigmatic relations of phraseological units as well as the interrelations within the inner form,

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motivational basis, the image of PUs, and the process of creating phraseological euphemisms were also the subject-matter of many researches (Makarova 1999, Salieva 2005, Arsentyeva 2012, et al.). The linguo-cultural approach to the study of phraseological units appeared in the 1990s. Its main aim is the establishment of nationalcultural specific features of phraseological stocks of different languages. Phraseological units are analyzed from the point of view of the representation of linguo-cultural phenomena of different societies with their own systems of social and moral values, national mentality and reflection in phraseological stocks of languages has become the main issue of researches. As a rule phraseological units with components characterized by the frequency of occurrence are the subject-matter of phraseological studies. Among such components we can find the names of animals, birds, parts of the human body, the names of different colours, proper names, etc. (Ibragimova 1993, Pimenova 2002, Ganieva 2012 et al.). Among other trends of researches one should name the investigations of phraseological units belonging to a definite grammatical class such as verbal, adjectival, etc., or biblical PUs (Mendel’son 2002, Semushina 2004, Karimova 2005, Zholobova 2005 et al.). The aim of such researches, the majority of which were comparative ones, was to investigate the slightest peculiarities in the grammatical, semantic and componential structure of such units. The linguo-cultural approach to the study of phraseological units is closely connected with cognitive-interpretational paradigms of research in which different concepts draw the special attention of Kazan scholars. On the whole the cognitive approach has been rather popular among researchers of different schools for the last decade. Such concepts as “space and time”, “God”, “heart”, etc., were of special attraction to Kazan specialists in phraseology (Ignatyeva 2004, Afanasyeva 2007, Bazarova 2011 et al.). In the long run the main aims of such investigations were to find out the national peculiarities of the language “world picture” through the prism of phraseology, to determine universal communicativepragmatical categories and axiological aspects in different linguo-cultures. The contextual or functional aspect of investigation is becoming more and more popular nowadays. This approach assumes the study of contextual behaviour and the functional significance of phraseological units in different types of texts. Various ways of occasional use of PUs and their different contextual transformations are of paramount importance due to the high emotive-expressive connotational value of such transformations (Davletbaeva 2006, Abdullina 2007, Zykova 2010). The

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collective manuscript of Kazan scholars based on the material of several languages (Russian, English, German, Spanish and Tatar) sums up the results obtained and vividly shows the prevailing resemblance of such transformations and of their stylistic effect (Arsenteva 2009). Another perspective and interesting aspect of investigation is connected with the problem of translation of phraseological units used by English and Russian writers and poets from one language into another. Among the most important works it is suffice to mention candidate dissertations of young Kazan scholars in which phraseological units used by W. Shakespeare, W. Collins and English poets of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, on the one hand, and A. Pushkin, on the other hand, and the ways of their rendering from one language into another are analyzed (Ayupova 2001, Shcherbakova 2003, Medvedev 2007, Kayumova 2010). The problem of the adequacy of translation is, as a rule, the focus of attention, as researchers distinguish the most frequent and adequate ways of translating phraseological units typical of this or that author, and the peculiarities of translation of transformed PUs in different types of context. The practical value of such investigations is unquestionable. Phraseography can be named as the last trend in the development of phraseology in Kazan. Several manuscripts devoted to the description and study of the main problems in the field of phraseological dictionary compilation were published during the last decade (Arsenteva 2006, Sadykova 2008, Ayupova 2010). Among the most important problems described are the problems of dictionary entry, ways of proper presentation of phraseological units and reflection of their connotational potential, types of definitions, phraseological counterparts and translation of PUs having no such counterparts, etc. We can name several unilingual and bilingual phraseological dictionaries compiled by the representatives of the Kazan School of Phraseology with different combinations of languages: Russian-English, Russian-Tatar and Tatar-Russian, TurkishRussian, or with a different orientation: a dictionary of phraseological units of biblical origin, an axiological dictionary of values and anti-values, etc. (Arsenteva 1999, Gatiatullina and Mendel’son 2002, Bairamova 2011, 2012 et al.). The Russian-English-German-Turkish-Tatar phraseological dictionary compiled by the group of scholars of Kazan Federal University under the guidelines of Professor E. Arsenteva and published in 2008 is of paramount importance (Arsenteva 2008). It contains more than 7500 Russian phraseological units and their translations into four languages with all the necessary linguistic information and examples of usage. The first Russian-English online phraseological dictionary based on the

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scientific principles of the Russian and Danish schools of lexicography is now being compiled in Kazan.

4. Conclusions The analysis of the most important works as well as the main trends in the investigation of phraseology by Kazan researchers shows the high level of the Kazan School of Phraseology. Its main feature is the comparative analysis of phraseological units of languages belonging to different language groups and families and including even such exotic languages as Tajik or Vietnamese. Kazan researchers use the so-called wide approach to phraseology, which means the investigation of all types of stable expressions including paremiological stocks of languages. Such an approach helps them to enrich various spheres of language study connected with the stability and variability of language resources. The study of phraseological units at different levels enables the researchers to distinguish their isomorphous and allomorphous characteristic features and to prove the systemic character of the phraseological stock of the language. The results of the investigations especially of doctoral dissertations are of great theoretical value and open new perspectives in the development of phraseology. We can also speak about the high practical value of the investigations of Kazan researchers. The elaboration of the main problems of phraseography, and the compilation of different types of unilingual, bilingual and multilingual phraseological dictionaries, some of which have no rivals in the world, are the undeniable proof of it.

List of References Abdullina, A. 2007. Kontekstualnye transformatsii frazeologicheskikh yedinits v angliyskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Afanasyeva, O. 2007. Semanticheskaya struktura kontsepta “vremya” i ego otrazhenie vo frazeologicheskikh sistemakh angliyskogo, ispanskogo i russkogo yazykov. Kand. diss., Kazan. Arsenteva, E. 1993. Sopostavitel’nyi analiz frazeologicheskikh yedinits, semanticheski orientirovannykh na cheloveka, v russkom i angliyskom yazykakh i voprosy sozdaniya russko-angliyskogo frazeologicheskogo slovarya. Dokt. diss., Moskva. —. 2009. Kontekstual’noe ispol’zovaniye frazeologicheskikh yedinits. Kazan: Kheter.

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—. 1999. Russko-angliyskiy frazeologicheskiy slovar’. Kazan: Kheter. —. 2008. Russko-anglo-nemetsko-tatarsko-turetskiy frazeologicheskiy slovar’. Kazan: Kazan universitet. —. 2006. Frazeologiya i frazeografiya v sopostavitel’nom aspekte (na materiale russkogo i angliyskogo yazykov). Kasan: Kazan universitet. Arsentyeva, Y. 2012. Frazeologismy-evfemizmy v angliyskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Ayupova, R. 2010. Fraseograficheskoye opisaniye tatarskogo, russkogo i angliyskogo yazykov. Dokt. diss., Kazan. —. 2001. Frazeologizmy-shekspirizmy i sposoby ikh perevoda na tatarskiy yazyk. Kand. diss., Kazan. Bagautdinova, G. 2007. Chelovek vo frazeologii: antropotsentricheskiy i aksiologicheskiy aspekty. Dokt. diss., Kazan. Bairamova, L. 1983. Frazeologiya v proizvedeniyakh V.I. Lenina i printsypy ego perevoda na tatarskiy yazyk. Dokt. diss., Kazan. —. 2012. Aksiologicheskiy slovar’ frazeologismov-bibleizmov na russkom, ukrainskom, belorusskom, bolgarskom, pol’skom, cheshskom, angliyskom, nemetskom, frantsuzskom yazykakh: slovar’ tsennostey i antitsennostey. Kazan: Tsentr innovatsionnykh tekhnologiy. —. 2007. Istochniki slavyanskoy i vostochnoy frazeologii. Kazan: Almalit. —. 2012. Schastye i neschastye kak tsennost’ i antitsennost’ vo frazeologicheskoy paradigme russkogo, tatarskogo, angliyskogo, nemetskogo, frantsuzskogo yazykov. Kazan: Tsentr innovatsionnykh tekhnologiy. —. 2011. Kontsept “bog” vo frazeologicheskikh yedinitsakh angliyskogo, russkogo, tatarskogo i turetskogo yazykov. Kand. diss., Kazan. Bochina, T. 2003. Kontrast kak lingvokognitivnyi printsip russkoy poslovitsy. Dokt. diss., Kazan. Baudouin de Courtenay, I. A. 1917. Vvedeniye v yazykovedeniye. Izd. 5. Petrograd. Davletbaeva, D. 2006. Frazeologicheskaya okkazional’nost‘ v angliyskom i turetskom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. —. 2012. Tipologicheskaya modeliruemost‘ frazeologicheskikh transformatsiy (na materiale russkogo, angliyskogo, frantsuzskogo i turetskogo yazykov). Dokt. Diss., Kazan. Dolgopolov, J. 1973. Sopostavitel’nyi analiz somaticheskoy frazeologii (na materiale russkogo, angliyskogo i nemetskogo yazykov). Kand. diss., Kazan. Fattakhova, N. 2002. Semantika i sintaksis narodnykh primet v russkom i tatarskom jazykakh. Dokt. diss., Kazan.

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Ganieva, G. 2010. Frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy s komponentom imenem sobstvennym v angliyskom, russkom i tatarskom yazukakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Gatiatullina, Z. 1968. Sravnitel’noye issledovaniye frazeologicheskikh yedinits s komponentom-glagolom dvizheniya (na materiale angliyskogo, nemetskogo i shvedskogo yazykov. Kand. diss., Moskva. Gatiatullina, Z., and V. Mendel’son. 2002. Anglo-russkiy slovar’ frazeologizmov bibleyskogo proiskhozhdeniya. Kazan: Adelaida. Gizatova, G. 2010. Strukturno-tipologicheskiy podkhod k sopostavitel’nomu issledovaniyu frazeologii (na materiale tatarskogo, russkogo i angliyskogo yazykov). Dokt. diss., Kazan. Ibragimova, I. 1993. Sravnitel’no-sopostavitel’noye issledovaniye somaticheskikh frazeologizmov. Kand. diss., Kazan. Ignatyeva, M. 2004. Otrazheniye vremeni i prostranstva vo frazeologii russkogo i angliyskogo yazykov. Kand. diss., Kazan. Karimova, S. 2007. Adyektivnye frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy metaforicheskogo kharaktera v angliyskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Kayumova, A. 2010. Frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy v proizvedeniyakh U. Kollinza i ikh sootvetstviya v russkikh i ispanskikh perevodakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Kul’kova, M. 2011. Kognitivno-smyslovoye prostranstvo narodnoy primety. Dokt. diss., Kazan. Makarova, S. 1999. Funktsional’no-stilisticheskiy komponent konnotatsii frazeologicheskikh yedinits v russkom i frantsuzskom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Medvedev, J. 2005. Frazeologicheskiye yedinicy v angliyskikh poeticheskikh tekstakh i ikh russkikh perevodakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Mendel’son, V. 2002. Frazeologicheskiye yedinicy bibleyskogo proiskhozhdeniya v angliyskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Pimenova, N. 2002. Sopostavitel’nyi analiz frazeologicheskikh yedinits s komponentom ornitonimom v angliyskom i turetskom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Sadykova, A. 2008. Frazeologicheskoye prostranstvo natsional’nogo slovarya v sopostavitel’nom aspekte. Arkhangelsk: Izd. Pomorskogo universiteta. Sakaeva, L. 2009. Sopostavitel’nyi analiz frazeologicheskikh yedinits antropotsentricheskoy napravlennosti (na materiale russkogo, angliyskogo, tadzhikskogo i tatarskogo yazykov). Dokt. diss., Kazan.

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Safina, R. 2002. Frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy, vyrazhayushchiye material’no-denezhnye otnosheniya, v nemetskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Salieva, R. 2005. Frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy s prozrachnoy vnutrenney formoy v angliyskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Semushina, E. 2004. Sopostavitel’nyi analiz substantivnykh frazeologicheskikh yedinits i slozhnykh slov, semanticheski orientirovannykh na kharakter cheloveka. Kand. diss., Kazan. Shcherbakova, I. 2003. Glagol’nye leksicheskiye i frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy v yazyke perevodov proizvedeniy Pushkina na angliyskiy yazyk. Kand. diss., Kazan. Solodukho, E. 1983. Problemy internatsionalizatsii frazeologii (na materiale yazykov slavyanskoy, germanskoy i romanskoy grupp). Dokt. diss., Kazan. Tarasova, F. 2012. Lingvokul’turologicheskyie i kognitivnopragmaticheskiye osnovaniya tatarskikh paremiy na fone drugikh yazykov. Dokt. diss., Kazan. Yusupov, R. 1980. Leksiko-frazeologicheskiye sredstva russkogo i tatarskogo yazykov. Kazan: Tatar. kn. izd. Zholobova, A. 2005. Frazeologicheskiye yedinitsy bibleyskogo proiskhozhdeniya v angliyskom, ispanskom i russkom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan. Zhukova, A. 2010. Funktsional’no-rechevoy aspekt frazeologicheskikh yedinits literaturnogo proiskhozhdeniya v russkom i nemetskom yazykakh. Kand. diss., Kazan.

CHAPTER TWO BAUDOUIN DE COURTENAY AND PHRASEOLOGY WOLFGANG EISMANN1 1. Introduction In his ɫlassical study on Russian set expressions, Vladimir L. Archangel`skij has already written much about the importance of Baudouin de Courtenay to phraseology. Veronika N. Telija and other linguistics researchers who work in the field of phraseology have always paid special attention to Baudouin’s role in the theory of phraseology. On the one hand this is surprising because Baudouin has not published specific works on phraseology. But on the other hand this seems quite obvious as many of his general views on the theory of linguistics are relevant for phraseological studies.2 Though he defines lexicology (which includes phraseology in its modern meaning) as “the creation of the XXth century” (Baudouin 1904, 22) in the article “Linguistics of the Nineteenth Century”3 his statements on phraseology are episodic and can be found mostly in his practical works on dialectology and lexicography. In my article I want to focus my attention on these articles, but firstly I would like to review his general linguistic statements on their significance for phraseology.

1

Karl-Franzens-Universität, Graz, Austria. [email protected]. 7KH SDUWLFLSDQWV RI DQQXDO FRQIHUHQFHV GHYRWHG WR %DXGRXLQ %RGXơQRYVNLMH þWHQLMD³/HFWXUHVRQ%DXGRXLQ´RUJDQL]HGLQ.azan) very often refer to Baudouin. But numerous articles on lexicology and phraseology are concerned mainly with general aspects of his linguistic theory, e.g. his conception of the dynamics of language (Kotlarova 2006, 192). 3 Most of the English translations of Baudouin’s works are taken from the anthology of Edward Stankiewicz (Stankiewicz 1972). 2

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2. The Importance of Baudouin’s Theoretical Views for Phraseology Which of Baudouin’s views are particularly important for phraseology? First of all, he describes languages not as static but as dynamic; or better, consisting of a dialectic of statics and dynamics.4 This is very important for the formation and development of phraseologisms and also for their status. Secondly it is the realization that there are no “pure” languages: that all languages are mixed.5 This is of great significance for phraseology, because it contradicts the theory of many phraseologists who claim that phraseology is a field, which exhibits the individual, specific or even “national” character of a language to a great extent.6 Baudouin’s recognition of regional and social dialects is of 4

Thus in his conception of statics and dynamics it becomes clear that the separation of statics and dynamics which was later promoted by de Saussure, he did not consider a strict one, but rather that both are inseparable and imply each other. See the conclusion of his important study on phonetic alternations (Baudouin 1985a, 121-122). 5 See Baudouin (1900, 366), where it is mentioned that the influence of the mixing of languages can be seen in the fact that elements of a foreign language are imported into a given language, which concerns not only the reservoir of words but also explicitly “syntactic phrases”. It should also be mentioned that on the one hand Baudouin’s conception of the mixed character of all languages was influenced by Hugo Schuchardt (Eismann/Hurch 2008, 7), but that on the other hand the time he lived and worked in Kazan was of great importance for the development of this conception. Liliana Spinozzi Monai (Baudouin 1988, 23) mentioned in her introduction to the edition of the texts, which Baudouin collected LQLQWKHYDOOH\RI1DWLVRQH1DGLåD WKDW%DXGRXLQ¶VVWD\LQ.D]DQZKLFK was “from an ethnic and linguistic point of view an extremely heterogenous place” (città estremamente composita, izredno pestro mesto), stimulated a whole school for the study of so-called “mixed languages”, a school which followed the way shown by their teacher. 6 See Baudouin’s statement, which he made originally in the context of wave theory (Wellenttheorie), but which can be recommended to the supporters of the so-called “picture of the world theory” of language (Weltbildtheorie) or even a national picture of the world phraseology: “The uninterrupted interpenetration and mixture of linguistic thought of various, including individual, languages. This mixture is, on the one hand, a consequence of linguistic intercourse in general and, on the other hand, of the fact that the human brain is capable of combining linguistic thought of more than one language. Multilingual thinking exerts an influence in various directions” (Baudouin 1910, 191). On the whole, Baudouin, who accepted only individual languages (i.e. individual linguistic thinking) as psychological realities, considered national languages pure fiction: “.RQHþQRWDN

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particular and general importance for phraseology. As we know today, regional and social dialects are of considerable importance as objects of phraseology, although in Russia it was a long time before Baudouin’s open attitude towards slang and argot was accepted. Besides these very general but significant preconditions which Baudouin’s studies created for modern phraseology, there are some concrete statements by Baudouin which concern phraseology and its units. From his “Introduction to Linguistics” (lectures which he held in Petersburg, Baudouin 1917, 256) we see that he already considered those units separately, although today they belong to the field of phraseology. In his division of language units from a semasiological-psychological point of view, which goes from greater to smaller units, he states: 1. Phrases, sentences. Syntactical units and their combinations. 2. Syntagmas, autosemantic words, words with meaning and morphological divisibility, units that are indivisible from a syntactical point of view: a. fixed expressions, unchangeable word combinations, b. words.

By mechanical repetition or the lack of a creative approach at a given moment, or no language creativity at all, even whole sentences can acquire the characteristics of syntactical indivisibility. Such are proverbs, sayings or poetry learnt by heart. Hence it follows that Baudouin in his individual-psychological DSSURDFK WR ODQJXDJH UHOLHG RQ VWDELOLW\ XVWRMþLYRVW¶  DV D FULWHULRQ RI divisibility – a criterion, which is particularly important for phraseology. Despite the fact that he never speaks about phraseology and phraseological units in his theoretical statements, as Archangel`skij already noted, we often read the words “a phrase or phrases” in his practical works, which mean mainly usual or fixed expressions. Sometimes he even uses the word “phraseology” in its modern meaning (Stachurski 2002, 217). In the introduction to his “Materials of South Slavonic Dialectology and Ethnography”, he states: Darum wollte ich alles gesammelte veröffentlichen, um gewissermaßen das ganze sprachliche, phraseologische und lexikalische Material so mitzutheilen, wie es von mir ursprünglich aufgezeichnet wurde. (I wanted QD]\YDHP\M UXVVNLM MD]\N SUHGVWDYOMDHW L] VHEMD þLVWHMãXMX ILNFLMX 1LNDNRM UXVVNLM MD]\NWRþQRWDNåHNDNLQLNDNRMGUXJRMSOHPHQQRMLOLQDFLRQDO¶Q\MMD]\NYRYVHQH VXãþHVWYXMHW (Baudouin 1917, 250). (Certainly, so-called Russian is pure fiction. No Russian as well as any other tribal or national language does exist).

Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology

19

to publish everything I have collected to present all my linguistic, phraseological and lexicological material as it has been originally written down by me.) (Baudouin 1895, XII)

Especially in the introduction to this important collection, he often mentions “expressions” (Ausdrücke), but also “sayings, statements and expressions” (Redensarten, Äußerungen und Ausdrücke), though we must state that these terms do not always refer to set expressions or phraseologisms in the modern meaning but to all kinds of statements of his interview partners. But his material and table of contents show that he was able to classify the many fixed expressions, which he wrote down in a differentiated way, thus showing a good understanding of the numerous subclasses of phraseologisms, which are treated separately in modern phraseology. This is going to be demonstrated by examples taken from his material.

3. Baudouin’s Remarks on the Condensation of Multi-word Combinations First of all, I would like to focus on a peculiarity in the field of phraseology studies, to which insufficient attention has been paid by Western phraseologists7 although Baudouin mentioned it more than once. Here we speak about the transition between words (compound words), phraseological units, expressions, proverbs, etc… I think that transitions between the above-mentioned units are gradual and that because of different traditions and a different use of them there exists an inner/interlanguage fluctuation between these units. In an article of 1869, “Wortformen und selbst sätze, welche in der polnischen sprache zu stämmen herabgesunken sind”, Baudouin points to the dynamical process of the condensation of word combinations to one word (later Hausenblas und Mokienko studied this phenomenon and called it “implicitness”) and cites examples of the condensation of prepositional word combinations like dojutrek, nikczemny and QLFSRĔ. In his opinion, codzienny belongs to the same group, and he also cites examples of the condensation of autosemantic words such as ojczenasz, wielkanoc or condensed verbal forms nezapominajka (English forget-me-not) as well as complete condensed sentences, such as ZLHUFLSĊWD(whirligig, fidget) or RELHĪLĞZLDW (globetrotter). In his article “On the General Reasons of Language 7 It has been researched in detail in Russia, on the basis of Slavic languages by V. M. Mokienko.

20

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Change”, he names two tendencies for the change of meaning of words. The first one is the tendency to greater abstraction, and combined with this, the forgetting of the etymological and often metaphorical motivation of words. The second is the tendency for the etymological motivation of incomprehensible words and expressions (folk etymology). He gives examples of the change of meaning of metaphorical word combinations aQGWKHIXVLRQ]URĞQLĊFLHVLĊ WRRQHZRUGQLHGĨZLHGĨ, wielkanoc, but also cites different processes of folk etymology, which motivate word combinations (phraseologisms) and sayings SDĔVNL – instead of Pontski – 3LáDW, strach paniczny (in Polish it is connected with panicz), and the saying QLHEĊG]LH]WHMUG]\PąNL(in Polish UHådoes not exist any longer, so the original saying QLHEĊG]LH]WHMUå\PąNLwas changed). He mentions a special group of fixed verbal forms (in German such forms are used mostly as interjections), which he calls layering (nawarstwienie), which means for example that a fixed verbal form “can express the meaning of the predicate and subject together and it can be interpreted as a language symbol of a whole picture of the phenomenon” (Baudouin 1904, 87). Here he gives a series of Polish interjectional phraseologisms,8 such as: F]áDSX F]áDSX, GUDáD GUDáD, FKDáD GUDáD, kapu kapu, áDS FDS, áDSX FDSX, szastu prastu, etc… . He was conscious of the “globality” or “wholeness” (russ. tsel’nost’) of these combinations, though he did not explicitly call them phraseologisms. In his detailed review of “Lucian Malinovski, Beiträge zur slavischen dialectologie. I. Über die Oppelnsche Mundart in Oberschlesien” (%RGXơQ 1877), Baudouin’s understanding of the dynamic character of language becomes evident. This corresponds very well with the phraseological supposition that the boundaries between words, compound words, phraseologisms and others are fluid. In this review he criticized Malinovsky’s opinion that the length of the vowels and their following checkedness in some Polish prepositional combinations were replaced in Russian parallels by word stress. In Baudouin’s opinion: …one cannot see Russian stress in these cases as a replacement of the length which was preserved in Old Polish and which changed in New Polish to the checkedness of the vowels. The process in question is only a single example of a tendency, which all flective languages have in common – to form one word out of two closely connected words. The link between the Indo-European languages is the stress and not the lengthening 8

Some researchers (Fleischer 1982, 144) count them among communicative formulae which does not change their status as phraseologisms.

Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology

21

of the vowels: both words, which form the compound, have only one stress, and it is the second word, which loses its stress for the benefit of the first one and becomes enclitic. (Baudouin 1877, 238)

Here he mentions Russian words like sýzmala, GyV\WDGyþLVWDbut also word combinations which were written as two words according to the spelling rules of the time but which had parallels with a different stress such as vó vremja – vo vrémja, pó polju – po pólju, nádvoe – nadvòe.8 Here he also mentions the close combination of a noun and the preceding adjective in the form of the so-called epitheton ornans, which can be found predominantly in Russian epic songs, where the stress goes to the epitheton and the noun itself becomes enclitic, for example vRþLVWySROH, na dobrá konja, etc… Here we also deal with fixed expressions or formulae.

4. Phraseology in the Lexicographical Works of Baudouin 4.1. Polish Lexicography and Phraseology Baudouin was to mention the phenomenon of “condensation” in later studies. I would like to point out how Baudouin took into account phraseological phenomena in some of his predominantly lexikographically oriented studies on Polish, Russian and Slovenian. In the dissertation for his Master’s degree on Old Polish to the fourteenth century he frequently writes about the study of “words and locutions”, which should be looked into more closely. The expressions which he studies and includes in his thorough list of words are, because of the old linguistic material, mostly place and personal names (nicknames as well) such as .XĜLERN, Stary pan, velikaja ves’ (Veligavez), YOþHWHSROH (Wilczepole), YČWU¶QDMDJRUD (Vetrna gora %RGXơQ DQGPDQ\RWKHUV+HVKRZVWKHLUGHYHORSPHQWIURP word combinations to compound words and then he includes them in the word list. In a letter to Professor Józef Szujski in Krakow, who was also a member of the local Academy, Baudouin writes from Leipzig in 1874 that at the moment he has not got enough time to write an article on lexicography, but he stresses that the planned additions to the dictionary of Linde are an immense task for which a lot of time will be necessary. He suggests dividing this project into different parts, first publishing the phraseology of hand-written manuscripts up to the sixteenth century, then the phraseology of the documents of the sixteenth, seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century, which were unknown to Linde, and

22

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lastly the phraseology of the most recent documents (the literature from the times of Stanislaw and of the nineteenth century) (Stachurski 2002, 217). The letter proves that phraseology was very important for him. Later, LQKLV³(VVD\RQWKH+LVWRU\RIWKH3ROLVK/DQJXDJH´=DU\VKLVWRUMLMĊ]\ND polskiego) (Baudouin 1922, 150), in the chapter about the “Relics and 6LJQV RI WKH 3DVW´ 3U]HĪ\WNL L ]DSRZLHG]L SU]\VáRĞFL  KH SUHVHQWV D QXPEHURIZRUGFRPELQDWLRQVSRáąF]HQLD ZKLFKZHZRXOGFODVVLI\WRGD\ as “phraseologisms with a historical component”. Among these are po kiego licha, SRNLHJRGMDEáD, do siego roku, ni to ni sio, ni tak ni siak ɢ ze wszech miar; ZV]HP ZREHF L NDĪGHPX ] RVREQD, as well as EH] PDáD, z daleka, z dawien dawna (Baudouin 1922, 150). All of them are still used today. The fact that it was Baudouin who laid the foundation for the dictionary of Old Polish was already adequately appreciated by Stanislaw Skorupka (1972, 44). He also reported on Baudouin’s work on the project of the Russian-Polish dictionary (Skorupka 1972, 42-44). This project shows how much attention Baudouin wanted to pay to phraseology. He compares the project with the Russian-French Dictionary by Makarov and names some other dictionaries that are worthy of attention. Baudouin points out that, because he has less space than Makarov and there are many more words from the technical and administrative sector to be included, it is necessary to cut down phraseology to a great extent. He intended to make some changes and improvements, such as: word stress should be marked consequently, Church-Slavonic forms and etymologically-wrong spellings should be indicated. The following statement illustrates his conception of language and lexicographic work: The category of obsolete, local, figurative, improper and other words will not exist for us […] we will only exclude local words consequently […] a linguist does not know improper words, all words are suitable for him […]. The words God, General are as good as for example the word Ass. (Baudouin 1963, 143)

In a separate remark, he mentions that Church-Slavonic words that are only used in church have to be marked and included in the dictionary if they occur frequently in spoken or written quotations. As an example he cites the phraseologism from the Bible glas vopijuãþHJRYSXVW\QH (voice in the wilderness), to which should be added cerk. Baudouin names some examples for the Russian-Polish Dictionary. Though he does not mark phraseologisms explicitly, he nonetheless cites them for example under the entry vred: NanositSULþLQMDHWYUHG – V]NRG]LXV]NDG]DZ\U]ąG]DNU\ZGĊ.

Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology

23

ƠWR delaetsja mne vo vred – WRURELVLĊQDPRMąV]NRGĊ]PRMąV]NRGą – VWUDWąThe entry vremja contains a series of Russian phraseologisms, and he tries to give their Polish equivalents, sometimes even showing their use in whole sentences: Vrémja térpit – F]DV QH QDJOL QLF SLOQHJR PRĪQD F]HNDü9SpUYRHYUpPMD– ZSLHUZV]\FKF]DVDFK]VDPHJRSRF]ąWNX9 svoɺ vrémja – Z VZRLP F]DVLH Z F]DVLH ZĒDĞFLZ\P 6 QH]DSiPMDWQ\FK vremɺn – RG QH]DSDPLĊWQ\FK Fzasów; Do vrémeni – do pewnego czasu, SU]H]MDNLĞF]DVSU]H]SHZLHQF]DV3RWHUStWHGRYUpPHQL– poczekaj pan YPLHMSDQFLHUSOLZRĞüMDNLĞF]DV. This is especially well visible when he distinguishes vó vremja – vo vrémja: vo vrémja podczas, w czasie. Vo YUpPMD ]DJUDQLþQRJR SXWHãHVWYLMD – w czasie podryĪ\ ]DJUDQLF]QHM – Vó vrémja adv. Z VDP F]DV Z F]DVLH ZĒDĞFLZ\P 1ɟ vó vremja w czasie QLHZĒDĞFLZ\P QLH Z SU]\]ZRLW\P F]DVLH A proverb which he does not mark as such, which is included in Dal’s dictionary and which he accepts in his edition of Dal’s dictionary without any comment is marked by him as local, because it is not commonly used: Vrémja na vrémja ne prichódit (obl. G]LHĔGRGQLDQLHSRGREQ\UyĪQHE\ZDMąZĪ\FLXRNROLF]QRĞFL. This again shows his feeling for contemporary Russian as well as his understanding that it is important to translate a proverb literally, to show the image of the proverb and at the same time to make clear its figurative meaning. In this Russian-Polish dictionary project not only the Polish equivalents are important but also the choice of Russian lexemes and phraseologisms.

4.2. Russian Lexicography and Phraseology Baudouin has also gained great merit in the field of Russian lexicography and phraseology. Perhaps his point of view that all words (phraseologisms as well) are equal, no matter whether they are historically, locally or socially marked or come from the language of special groups, also explains why he edited Trachtenberg’s dictionary (Blatnaja muzyka, 1908) with additions (mainly from Brejtman 1901) and annotations. He also wrote a critical foreword to this dictionary where he points out that this dictionary (which, by the way, contains a number of phraseologisms, though the entries are mostly single lexemes) is not complete: It can be completed by the expressions which were taken from the DSSHQGLɫHV LH IURP WKH SULVRQ VRQJV DQG SULVRQ SURYHUEV DQG VD\LQJV Because crime related language (blatnost’) cannot only be found in single words which have acquired a special meaning, but also in particular,

24

Chapter Two unusual word combinations with their peculiar acquired associations. (Trachtenberg 1908, 98)

Many phrases are used to explain the meaning of the words, for example: faraonovɨ plemja (prison police), pustit’ krov’ (to play a false game), na blat prodat’ (to sell a stolen thing), brat’ na mašinku (to throttle). In the appendices we can find not only proverbs such as Vsjakomu zamku RWP\þND; vor popal – mir propal; QRþ¶ PDWND YVH NURHW JODGNR but also sayings and phraseologisms (numbers 73-96) such as doma skazat’sja (to get arrested), v svjatcy smotret (to play cards), zadat’ latatu, narezat’ vintá, soveršit’ polet (to escape from prison), and others. T. M. Nikolaeva (2004) mentioned that most of these words and phraseologisms are semantic transformations and that morphological word formation plays a minor role. She also showed how some of these words and expressions were included in the Russian literary language, only to partly disappear later on. But it was Baudouin’s re-edition and revision of Dal’s dictionary that has had immense importance for the lexicography (and the phraseology as well) of Russian. There exists a great deal of studies concerning Baudouin’s re-edition of this dictionary beginning with Kankava (1958, 77-91). He, like many others after him, underlines that Baudouin, when relating words to word nests, corrected a number of Dal’s mistakes. He improved the usability of Dal’s dictionary in arranging the words alphabetically with a reference to their respective word nests. A further achievement of Baudouin’s work was the enlargement of the material. In the foreword he writes that a great part of his material comes from his personal notes, made during his time in Kazan (1875-1883) (Dal 19031909, 1, V). In most of the studies and comments concerning Baudouin’s edition of Dal’s dictionary (Skorupka 1972: 45-47; Ponomareva 2000), his additions in the field of phraseology are not referred to though it is mentioned that he added quotations from classical Russian literature (Gak 2001, 11). The re-edition and correction of Dal’s dictionary by Baudouin caused great polemics. He tried to justify himself in a public statement as well as in the afterword to the fourth volume of the dictionary. He explained that “not a single word was omitted from Dal’s text”, moreover “70,640 extra lines were added to the dictionary.” But all “new additions were marked by parentheses.” The critics blamed him for including political material of all parties, even statements and quotations from the works of the “official patriots”, anti-6HPLWHV þHUQRVRWHQWV\ DQG RWKHU parties of that time as well as obscenities and swear words. His answer was:

Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology

25

A lexicographer does not have the right to cut down and castrate the living language. If certain words exist in the minds of a majority of people and they are frequently used; then the lexicographer is obliged to place them in the dictionary… (Baudouin 1907, 224)

In the foreword to the first volume of Dal’s dictionary, Baudouin had already mentioned the abundance of “powerful and apt sayings and proverbs” in Dal’s dictionary and cited some entries where one could find a great number of sayings and proverbs. As far as I know, there is no study which lists all the lexical and phraseological additions made by Baudouin and his team. This would be an interesting task. I would like to give a few examples, which concern specific fields. Baudouin completed the original version of the dictionary by adding commonly used phraseologisms which do not belong to a special socially marked style, i.e. Sobaku s-el, znaet oþHQ¶FKRURãR 2QQDơWRPVREDNXVel. On sobaku s-HO SR þDVWL SODJLDWD QH DNKWt NDN åLYXW 3DGDW¶ GXNKRP upadat’ dukhom WHUMDW¶ XYHUHQQRVW¶ YHUMX Y VHEMD RWþDLYDW¶VMD 7KH following is one example of how he explains phraseologisms by quotations and lists a whole series of phraseologisms. This is a quotation in parentheses under the entry durak: -DVXåDVRPSULãRON]DNOMXþHQLMXþWR GOMDVOXåE\QXåQRQDPQHWRþHPMDREODGDOLþWRMDQD]\YDHWVMD, valjál duraká celych dvadcat’ pjat’ let. Ne nam, ne nam durakám, þDM V VDNKDURP SLW¶ QH QDP PHþWDW¶ R þRP-nibud’ podobnom. Bol’šoj rukí GXUDNQHYVWXSQRGXUDNGXUiNV]DPyþNRMYSULWUXVNXYQDJQHWRWSHW\M durak. Krugóm durakSROQ\MGXUDNRNRQþDWHO¶Q\MGXUDNEH]WHQLXPD vsem durakam durak, vo vsekh RWQRVHQLMDFK JOXS\M þHORYHN Kto v dvadcat’ (t.e. let) QH XPɺQ Y WULGFDW¶ QH åHQDW Y VRURN QH ERJDW WRW krugom durak. Baudouin also commented and gave the explanations for those phraseologisms (sometimes in another part of the dictionary) which were not explained by Dal, for example, under the key word ogorod: Pustit’ kozla v ogorod, pristavit’ nenadeånogo þHORYHND N NDNRPX-libo delu. Moreover he added well-known but regional phraseologisms, adding to them their regional specification: 6PD]\YDW¶ O\åL, sobirat’sja v put’, sib. Some of the phraseologisms he added are “hidden” under other entries, for example under the key words les, lešij, lešman: Pes ego znaet, provalilsja …, p’janyj lešman. And in some cases Baudouin even tried to give etymological explanations for the peculiarity of phraseologisms, for example under the entry þRUW: Ni þHUWá ne vidat´, ni zgi ne vidat’. Ni þertá zdes’, verojatno, vm. ni þHUWê, s podvedeniem pod þRUWD D PRåHW E\WC udarenie QLþHUWivm. QLþRUWD, pod vlijaniem ni chujá.

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This leads us to the field of so-called obscene, improper phraseology, the numerous swear words which have “sexual” or “sexist” connotations which Baudouin, of course, included. I do not want to quote them here, but refer to the entries etí, et’, chuj and also åRSD, for example. Baudouin, who contributed much to the struggle against anti-Semitism, was not afraid of including some widely used anti-Semitic phraseologisms, i.e. åLGåLGRYVNLHSURFHQW\SURFHQW\þUH]PHUQ\Hor äLGåLG– svinoe ucho vul`garnyj sposob draznit`evreev, and others. It must be said that the entry kolbasa also includes: EUDQQRH LOL ãXWRþQRH SUR]YLãþH QHPWVHY DQG QRW only did he place francuzskaja bolezn`, which can already be found in Dal’s version of the dictionary, but also francuzskij nasmork. Moreover he included classical phraseologisms, like al’fa i omega, as well as terminological phraseologisms from history like kuchonnaja latyn, which could not be found in Dal’s edition. He also put some new terminological expressions into the dictionary, for example, adresnyj stol or political names (see what Baudouin adds under the word partija) like in the entries peredel: þHUQ\M SHUHGHO and belyj peredel. Of course, he added the word narodnik to the dictionary, and under narod the political motto (lozung) FKRåGHQLH Y QDURG. There is a lot more to be mentioned, for example, phraseologisms from foreign words that were corrupted. Thus in the entry šeromyga Baudouin cites the phraseologism GHODW¶ þWR-nibud’ na šaramyšku9 or 0DãHURþND with the quotation ³3LV¶PR âpURþNL N 0DãpURþNH´. The phraseologism ãHURþND V PDãHURþNRM, which came into use later, cannot be found in his edition. A long time ago I wrote an article on the alphabet in phraseology (Eismann 1987) without thinking of Baudouin. Some of the things I mentioned then, Baudouin had already mentioned in his work on Russian JUDSKHPLFV DQG RUWKRJUDSK\ %RGXơQ    ZKHUH KH wrote about Del’ta Nila and German X-Beine and O-Beine. In this work, as in many other studies, phraseologisms and proverbs served as proof for the importance of the colour in which a text is written: krasnaja stroka, s krasnoj stroki (Baudouin 1912, 28) or of a relatively firm written tradition: verba volant, scripta manent; þWR QDSLVDQR SHURP WRJR QH Y\UXELW¶ toporom (ibid 33).

9

In a letter to Schuchardt from 1884, where he explained the possible origin of Russian šury-mury, he gives as an example “SROXþLW¶þWROLERQDãDURP\ãNX” etc. = etw. auf “cher ami” bekommen, d.i. ohne zu bezahlen, nur mit lieblichen Worten herauszulocken (Eismann, Hurch 2008: 28-29).

Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology

27

4.3. Lexicography and Phraseology of Slovenian Dialects Baudouin was one of the first who gave special attention to the phraseology of Slovenian dialects. In his study “Der Dialekt von Cirkno (Kirchheim)” (Baudouin 1884, 387), he writes that he “has compiled a collection of fairy tales, anecdotes, riddles, proverbs, songs, phrases and single words.” Unfortunately he could not publish all the material, the proverbs were not included and his glossary contains only word combinations like PƗW EiåMH QD PiWHU EiåMH SǎǀW as well as some adverbial and prepositional combinations like OLKNnjMVW, pa-náþ, SDVZƯČWX, pa wórst, þpVWVNnj]. In some parts, the index to his “Materials about South Slavic Dialectology and Ethnography” (Baudouin 1985) seems like a survey of the different types of set expressions or phraseologisms. It also shows how close the connection between phraseology and ethnography was for Baudouin. Under the headline “Lexicalisches” (lexical), he mentions: exclamations, compliments, swear words, formulae (addressing, thanking, words, congratulations, wishes), greetings, polite formulae, sayings (comparisons), proverbs and others10 (Ausrufe, Complimente, Flüche, Formeln (Anreden, Dankformeln, Sprüche, Glückwünsche, Wunschformeln), Grußformeln, Höflichkeitsformeln, Redensarten (Vergleiche), Sprichwörter). Under number 331 we find thanking Bóh a (wan) lónajte za, under number 1043 the religious formula nómine pátris et fíljo e špirtu jisánto, ámin; under 1046 1DMêPHyGRGåiiQRWVêQXiQot svétaha dúha (similar to 1383 and 1401); wishes (for example during a meal): 181 Búh wan åpKQDM(see also 264 and 471, see below); 248 Búh daj fortúno, klék (see also 769); 300 Búh z Búhan, tésta lépo, wárite se škóde; 555 Bó ha ubári; 625 Búh pomáhaj – Bóga lónaj; greetings: 153 /DXGiWH -påX .UtãWR – Sémpre síja lodáte (see also 492, 979, 1353); 753 Búh van dájte dobró; 769 Z Búhon! (see also 847, 1296, 1297); 875 Z Búhon, u Bóha jyme (see also 590, 1093); 716 Bon dè! (Buongiorno); 764 já Ti se saludávan zaz ver sercon; sayings, comparisons: 85 VL EtOD X 5LP VL YtGDOD SiSHåD" (when you were in Rome, you saw the Pope – Baudouin’s comment: the addressing of a woman after the postnatal period); 1145 án je bíl piján, táj na kráwa; swear words and condemnations: 780 ke srát ju pósjawa = dópu jo póšjen buzaràt; 865 Maladèn ti bódi; 901 Malanjázo to bód’.

10

Under the head word he indicated the number of his notes where a proper subtype can be found. They are not all phraseologisms in today’s understanding. I cite only some examples in a simplified transcription.

28

Chapter Two

In his list, Baudouin cites only one proverb under number 748: 9tQþL hrében, níkoj petelèn (the comb is bigger than the cock) with the comment: A sort of proverb. But the entry under number 753: Wsáka smàrt, ka prýde, má no skúzo (any death has a reason) must also be classified as a proverb. There are more examples and one can see from them and from Baudouin’s “classification” in his index that he knew to specify the various forms of phraseologisms correctly. In 1966, N. I. Tolstoj published extracts from the material of Baudouin’s excursion in 1872-1893 to the region of Rezija that he had given to St. Petersburg’s Academy of Science named “Rez’janskij slovar’” %RGXơQ   +H SRLQWHG RXW WKDW WKH ILUVW SDUW RI WKH GLFWLRQDU\ LQ particular contained many special phrases as examples which were translated into German, Italian and Russian. Tolstoj published the letters A-D of the dictionary and added only Russian translations of the examples. What he considered as phaseologisms he marked with a rhombus¸ without any comment. Without pretending to give a complete list of all examples, I would like to present some of them here:11 óstar jazèk 197, 198 (ostryj jazyk); provàt nas mòet za nórina VþLWDW¶ QDV durakami [ostavit’ nas v durakach?]); z búgan (s bogom!); bóga lónajte (nagradi vas bog!); bógo jíme, QDEyåMRMêPH(s bogom) 204; dem po bótu NDåG\MYRWGHO¶QRVWL þDUQDP~KD ãPHO¶ P~þDV  PXW¶þDV  212 (mnogo raz); VRMHþol SRPHUHYR]PRåQRVWL dno za drúg’n 216 (odno za drugim); dát kolór 217 (krasit’); di drec’ 224 (najavu). Liliana Spinozzi Monai (2009) published Baudouin’s “Glossary” of the dialect of Torre (Ter). Baudouin had collected the material between 1893 and 1901 and had written it on small cards in non-alphabetical order. He gave the cards to St. Petersburg Academy in 1902 (Tolstoj 1960: 77). The material consists of 7,405 small cards, which Liliana Spinozzi Monai and her team published with critical comments and a Slovenian and Italian index. This material shows Baudouin’s great intuition for writing down set phrases and sayings phonetically correctly. He deals less with idiomatic phrases, since he mostly focused on everyday conversations and formulae. Spinozzi Monai characterized these expressions and sayings as “locuzione“. These are adverbial phrases like od GHOHþD12 RGGDOHþ dam bot QHNRþ HQNUDW  dandru(g)j bot GUXJLþ  namest (zares) dan mekin (malo), nu marvo/mervo (malo); indications of time like SR QRüH-i 11

I have tried to simplify the complicated transcription of the original. The numbers behind the examples refer to Tolstoj’s publication. 12 The examples are not given in the transcription of the original but in that of Spinozza Monai. The pages are not indicated as the material is in alphabetic order.

Baudouin de Courtenay and Phraseology

29

SRQRþL po pudne (popoldne); prepositional combinations like za dibant (gratis) po nogah, po nogu SHã  na mremoria (napamet), na terdin JODVQR PRþQR  RU H[SUHVVLRQV OLNH use dno (vseeno), use glih (vseeno; sploh), use mies (vseeno). Moreover Baudouin wrote down greetings and wishes like dobar dan, dober dan; dobro jutro, GREUL YHþHU, z buogan (zbogom)//puj z bogom//bon dì, ERQ YLMDþ VUHþQR SRW  DV ZHOO DV exclamations and religiously tainted everyday formulae moj buoh (moj bog), o dijo (moj bog), o kaco (o kurec), sempre suludato/šaludato YHþQR naj boh valjen), laudato jezu Krišto (hvaljen bodi Jezus Kristus). It is remarkable that in a different publication Baudouin showed his understanding of the formulaic character of these expressions. In a report on the Rezija region he wrote about possible misunderstandings when asking questions of his informants. He mentioned a difficult situation when he asked a woman how to say in Resian “voi mangiate” (you are eating): The girl could not undeUVWDQGWKHTXHVWLRQ«)LUVW,DVNHGKHUµNiNRVHGt voi mangiate?’ and she answered: ‘tjista jœdli baj vý?’ (Have you eaten?). I repeated the question. The answer was: ‘nen mi hrémo jist’ (now we are going to eat). At last I changed the form of the questiRQµNjNRPDUiZiQ ULWMtW NR Yê MtWD"¶ :KDW PXVW EH VDLG ZKHQ \RX HDW"  ZLWKRXW VXFFHVV because I got the answer, and I must confess, absolutely correct ‘búh wan åpKQDM¶*RGEOHVV\RX ZKLFKVWDQGVIRUWKHZLVKWRKDYHDJRRGPHDO (Tolstoj 1960, 77)

Formulae like bog åHQL ERJåHJQDM boh lonaj (boglonaj) and boh uari! (bog varuj!) were listed thoroughly by Baudouin on his cards of the dialect of the valley of Torre.

5. Conclusions Many Russian researchers state that due to his general theoretical conceptions Baudouin has great merit in the field of phraseology. But this is not his only merit. In his practical lexicographical works he included phraseological material again and again. And by the order and classification of this material he showed us that he was conscious of the rich variety of phraseologisms that are all characterized by their stability. Moreover he had a specific understanding of the dynamics of the development of phraseologisms. This could only be shown to a small extent in this article. More comprehensive studies of his lexicographic works would be a rewarding task.

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List of References Archangel’skij, V. L. 1964. UstojþLY\H IUD]\ Y VRYUHPHQQRP UXVVNRP jazyke. Rostov-na-Donu. Baudouin de Courtenay, J. 1869. “Wortformen und selbst sätze, welche in der polnischen sprache zu stämmen herabgesunken sind.” In Beiträge zur vergleichenden Sprachforschung. Bd. 6, 204-210. —. 1884-1885. “Der Dialekt von Cirkno (Kirchheim). Sprachproben des Dialektes von Cirkno (Kirchheim).” In Archiv für Slavische Philologie Bd. VII, 386-404; 575-590; Bd. VIII, 103-119; 274-290; 432-462. —. 1895. Materialien zur südslavischen Dialektologie und Ethnographie I. St. Petersburg. —. 1895a. Versuch einer Theorie phonetischer Alternationen. Ein Capitel aus der Psychophonetik. Strassburg. —³2VPHãDQQRPFKDUDNWHUHYVHFKMD]\NRY´,QBaudouin 1963, 1: 362-372. —. 1904. 6NLFHMĊ]\NR]QDZF]H. Tom 1. Warszawa. —. 1910. “Klassifikation der Sprachen.” In Jan Baudouin de Courtenay. Ausgewählte Werke in deutscher Sprache, 189-197. Herausgegeben von Joachim Mugdan. München 1984. —. 1922. =DU\VKLVWRUMLMĊ]\NDSROVNLHJR. Warszawa. —. 1988. Materiali per la dialettologia e l’etnografia slava meridionale. IV. Testi popolari in prosa e in versi raccolti in Val Natisone nel 1873. Inediti pubblicati acura di Liliana Spinozzi Monai con commento IRONORULFR GL 0LONR 0DWLþHWRY0DWHULDOL ]D MXåQRVORYDQVNR dialektologijo in etnografijo. IV. Ljudska besedila v prozi in verzih, zbranav Nadiških dolinah leta 1873. Pripravila za prvo objavo Liliana 6SLQR]]L 0RQDL IRONORUQL NRPHQWDU SULVSHYDO 0LONR 0DWLþHWRY. Trieste/Trst-San Pietro al Natisone/Špeter. %RGXơQ GH .XUWHQơ ,  O drevne-pol’skom jazyke do XIV-go stoletija. Leipzig (Reprint: 1970, Slavistic Printings and Reprintings 257. The Hague Paris). —³.ULWLþHVNLHLELEOLRJUDILþHVNLH]DPHWNL%HLWUlJH]XUVODYLVFKHQ dialectologie von Lucian Malinovski.” In äXUQDO 0LQLVWHUVWYD 1DURGQRJR3URVYHãþHQLMD 193: 233-251. %RGXơQGH.XUWHQơ,$³Gazetnaja travlja protiv izdanija ‘Slovarja Dalja’.” Vestnik literatury, 1: 6-10. In ,$%RGXơQGH.XUWHQơXþHQ\M XþLWHO¶OLþQRVW¶. Krasnojarsk 2000, 222-226. —. 1912. Ob otnošenii russkago pis’ma k russkomu jazyku. S. Peterburg. —. 1963. ,]EUDQQ\HWUXG\SRREãþHPXMD]\NR]QDQLMX. Tom 1-2. Moskva.

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—D³=DPHþDQLMDRUXVVNR-pol’skom slovare.” In /HNVLNRJUDILþHVNLM sbornik vp. 6: 139-147. —. 1966. “Rez’janskij slovar’ (pod redakciej N.I. Tolstogo).” In Slavjanskaja leksikografija i leksikologija. 0RVNYD 5HG /Ơ Kalnyn’), 183-226. Brejtman, G. N. 1901. 3UHVWXSQ\M PLU 2þHUNL L] E\WD SURIHVVLRQDO¶Q\FK prestupnikov. Kiev. Dal’, V. 1903-1909. 7RONRY\M VORYDU¶ åLYRJR YHOLNRUXVVNRJR MD]\ND. Tom 1- 7UHW¶H LVSUDYOHQQRH L ]QDþLWHO¶QR GRSROQHQQRH L]GDQLH SRG UHGDNFLHMX SURI ,$ %RGXơQD-de-.XUWHQơ 6W 3HWHUEXUJ 0RVNYD (Repr. Moskva 1994). Eismann, W. 1987. “Zeichenbausteine als Zeichen. Das Alphabet in der Phraseologie.” In Burger, H., and Zett, R. (hg.), Aktuelle Probleme der Phraseologie. Symposium 27-29.9. 1984 in Zürich, 225-243. Bern u.a., Eismann, W., and P. Grzybek. 1994. “Phraseologismus und Sprichwörtliche Redensart. Vom Mythos der Nicht-Trennbarkeit.” In Chlosta, Chr., Grzybek, P., and Piirainen, E. (hg.), Akten des Westfälischen Arbeitskreises “Phraseologie/Parömiologie” 1991/1992 (= Studien zur Phraseologie und Parömiologie 2), 89-132. Eismann, W., and B. Hurch. (hg.) 2008. Jan Baudouin de Courtenay – Hugo Schuchardt. Korrespondenz. Heidelberg. Fleischer, W. 1982. Phraseologie der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Leipzig. Gak, V. G. 2001. “Slovar’ V.I. Dalja v svete tipologii slovarej.” In Voprosy Jazykoznanija 3: 3-12. Kaþalkin, A. I. 1961. “Principy postroenija rez’janskogo dialektnogo slovarja A. I. Boduơna de Kurtenơ´ ,Q /DULQ % $ KJ  0HåYX]RYVNDMDNRQIHUHQFLMDSRLVWRULþeskoj leksikologii, leksigografii i jazyku pisatelja, 21-22. Leningrad. Kankava, M. V. 1958. V. I. Dal’ kak leksikograf. Tbilisi. .RWOMDURYD ( 1  ³'LQDPLþHVNLM DVSHNW VHPDQWLþHVNLFK GHULYDWRY “In Galiullina, K. R., and Nikolaeva, G. A. (hg.), III 0HåGXQDURGQ\H %RGXơQRYVNLHþWHQLMD,$%RGXơQGH.XUWHQơLVRYUHPHQQ\HSUREOHP\ WHRUHWLþHVNRJRLSULNODGQRJRMD]\NR]QDQLMD7UXG\LPDWHULDO\ Tom 2, 191-194. Kazan. Makarrof, N. P. 1867. Dictionnaire russe-français complet. St. Peterburg. Nikolaeva, T. M  ³%RGXơQ GH .XUWHQơ – redaktor slovarja V.F. 7UDFKWHQEHUJD µ%ODWQDMD PX]\NDµ µäDUJRQ WMXU¶P\¶ ´ ,Q Russkaja i sopostavitel’naja filologija. Lingvokul’turnyj aspekt, 176-181. Kazan.

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3RQRPDUHYD 6 9  ³5HGDNWRUVNDMD GHMDWHO¶QRVW¶ ,$ %RGXơQD de .XUWHQơ´,Q*ULJRU¶HYD70KJ ,$%RGXơQGH.XUWHQơXþHQ\M XþLWHO¶OLþQRVW¶, 217-221. Krasnojarsk. Skorupka, S. 1972. “Prace leksikograficzne Jana Baudouina de Courtenay.” In Prace filologiczne 22: 41-48. Spinozzi Monai, L. 2009. Il Glossario del dialetto del Torre di Jan Baudouin de Courtenay. Pasian di Prato. Stachurski, E. (hg.) 2002. Jan N. Baudouin de Courtenay. Listy z lat 18701927. Kraków. Stankiewicz, E. (ed.) 1972. A Baudouin de Courtenay Anthology. Bloomington/London. Tolstoj, N. I. 1960. “2UDERWDFK,$%RGXơQDGH.XUWHQơSRVORYHQVNRPX MD]LNX´,Q%HUQãWHMQ6%KJ ,$%RGXơQGH.XUWHQơ.-letiju so dnja smerti), 67-81. Moskva. Trachtenberg V. F. 1908. %ODWQDMD PX]\ND äDUJRQ WMXU¶P\ . Pod redakciej i s predisloviem professora I$ %RGXơQ-de-.XUWHQơ 6Peterburg.

PART II SEMANTIC ASPECT OF PHRASEOLOGICAL UNITS

CHAPTER THREE BASIC COMPONENTS OF THE CONNOTATIVE ASPECT IN PHRASEOLOGICAL UNITS: (AS SEEN BY A. V. KUNIN AND HIS DISCIPLES) TATIANA FEDULENKOVA1 1. Introduction English phraseology as an independent branch of linguistics as well as a self-contained linguistic discipline was born in Moscow in the early 1960s. The founder of the newly-instituted branch was outstanding linguist Alexander V. Kunin (1909-1996), though some other linguists claimed to have established the new vector in linguistic studies. The indisputable arguments for authorship are as follows: it was A.V. Kunin who: a) defined the notion of the “phraseological unit” (PU), presenting the latter as a stable combination of words with a full or partial shift of meaning (Kunin 1970, 210); b) introduced a relevant method of phraseological studies, i.e. the method of phraseological identification (Kunin 1970, 38); c) suggested the theory of phraseological stability on different levels: on the level of the PU component structure, on the level of the PU types of dependence of components, on the level of the PU semantics (Kunin 1972, 6-7); d) differentiated types of PU stability, i.e. idiomatic stability, idiophraseomatic stability, and phraseomatic stability (Kunin 1996, 47), e) suggested a detailed structural and part-of-speech classification of English phraseological units; f) expanded the theory of phraseological abstraction (Fedulenkova 2009, 46). Moreover, it was Alexander V. Kunin who appeared to be the first to compile and have published an unchallengeable English-Russian 1 Vladimir State University, named after Alexander Gr., and Nickolay Gr. Stoletovs, Russia. [email protected].

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dictionary of phraseological units containing about twenty thousand entries with phraseological units exemplified by contexts from fiction and periodicals – the lexicographical innovation, highly praised by prominent English lexicographer Anthony P. Cowie: Recognition of phraseology as an academic discipline within linguistics – the term itself, like the adjective ‘phraseological’, reflects Eastern European usage – is evident not only from vigorous and widespread research activity, but also from the publication of several specialized dictionaries reflecting one theoretical perspective or another… ‘Classical’ Russian theory, with its later extensions and modifications, is probably the most pervasive influence at work in current phraseological studies and is unrivalled in its application to the design and compilation of dictionaries. (Cowie 1998, 2)

In my phraseological studies I maintain the ideas suggested by the outstanding linguist Alexander V. Kunin and treated in his doctoral habilitation dissertation (1964) and in his papers and books on English phraseology.

2. Splitting Connotation 2.1. What do We Mean by Connotation? One of the basic inherent phraseological components treated by Alexander V. Kunin is connotation. The role of connotation in the meaning of phraseological units (PUs) is great. There are many notions of the term “connotation”. Connotation is often defined as an additional content of the word and as its stylistic shades which are applied to its main content. As Alexander V. Kunin puts it, connotation is not at all applied to the main content of the word, it exists in the complex unity with the content of the word or of the phraseological unit, as there exists not only a rational cognition of reality but also, closely connected with it, a sensual one. The term “connotation” is defined by Veronika N. Teliya as a semantic matter that is included in the semantics of language units usually and occasionally and which expresses the emotively-evaluative and stylistically marked relation of the speaker to the reality when it is named in the utterance and gets an expressive effect on the basis of this information (Teliya 1986, 5-6). Thus, the connotative information is found in the language and speech units alongside their subject-logical content (Fedulenkova 2001, 21).

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Connotation is usually considered to include emotive, expressive and evaluative components. Sometimes the stylistic component is also added to it (Bashiyeva 1995, 9). Each of the four components may be combined in different ways or just missed out. The fifth component, i.e. its figurativeness, is pointed out by Alexander V. Kunin. Besides, a number of phraseomatic units are characterized by a lack of connotation, e.g. close at hand, by heart, at every turn, touch one’s cap (or hat) to somebody, etc.

2.2. The Component of Emotivity In tackling the status of the component of emotivity it should be noted that emotion is one of the forms of reflection and cognition of reality. Emotions are expressed by language means only when they are reflected in consciousness. For instance, interjections, which are highly emotive phraseological units, are not subject to a dictionary definition, the intellectual content is given instead, e.g. my foot! – an expression of emotional negation, a pretty kettle of fish – an expression of annoyance, etc. Thus, emotions as a form of man’s attitude to reality are always accompanied by evaluation. Emotivity is emotionalism through language refraction, i.e. it is a sensual evaluation of the object, the expression of man’s feelings, emotional experience, and mood – by means of language or speech. Emotivity, as Alexander V. Kunin puts it, is always expressive and evaluative but not vice versa (Kunin 1996, 178). As emotions are divided into two classes – positive and negative – their expression in language may be negatively emotive and positively emotive. But unfortunately they do not have their own necessary index in the dictionary. In English lexicography and phraseography there are no special glossary litters of positive evaluation and the entry notes of negative evaluation are not sufficiently worked out. Nowadays there are such notes in the dictionaries as derog. (= derogatory), sometimes impol. (= impolite), taboo or vulg. (= vulgar) for negative values. The example expressing the positive evaluation may be a sight for sore eyes – something pleasant to look at (especially about a welcome quest). The example of the interjectional phraseological unit with the positive evaluation is (God) bless his soul (heart)! There are a lot of phraseological units that contain negative emotive evaluation, e.g.: a new broom, kick up against the pricks, Damn your eyes! Tell it to the marines! Damocles’ sword, Augean stables, etc. A lot of interjectional phraseological units may be used both with positive and with negative evaluation in modern English, cf.:

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(a)“%\ *HRUJH, but you can dance though”, cried Inigo enthusiastically (J. B. Priestley). (b) %\ *HRUJH, it’s foggy, they were going, indeed, at a snail’s pace… (J. Galsworthy).

2.3. The Component of Expressivity One more peculiar component of the connotative aspect in the phraseological unit is that of expressivity. Expressivity is mainly understood as the graphic, portrayal quality of the word or of the phraseological unit depending on figurativeness, intensity or emotivity. As Ye. I. Sheigal points out, it is necessary to differentiate intensity as the onomasiological category naming the degree of a feature, and expressivity as the functional category of influence providing the intensity of comprehension of information (Sheigal 1980, 40-41). The interrelation among them is as follows: a) both figurativeness and emotivity are onomasiological categories; b) figurativeness, intensity and emotivity can cause expressivity both separately, and in various combinations; c) emotivity does not exist without expressivity, and their differentiation is next to impossible; d) however another point is also important: expressivity is not necessarily combined with emotivity; e) figurativeness and intensity also generate expressivity and closely interact with it. The latter is proved by a great number of phraseological units in modern English. Figurative expressively-non-evaluative phrases are as follows: to keep the ball rolling – to keep up the conversation, the action, etc., going without stopping, to get one’s skates on – to hurry up, etc. Such phrases are rather frequent in the field of banking, economics, finance, accounting, and office practice (Fedulenkova 2002, 265-267), e.g. the rate of interest, final demand, budget margin, recorded delivery, free market, etc. To exemplify the phraseologism free market, as an economics term, having the meaning of “a system of buying and selling that is not under the control of the government, and where people can buy and sell freely, or an economy where free markets exist, and most companies and property are not owned by the state”, we will appeal to the Longman Business English Dictionary:

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Chapter Three The task included creating free markets for labour and goods, and transferring ownership of thousands of companies from the state to the private sector. (Longman 2007, 325)

Some verbal phraseological units, being expressively-non-evaluative phrases, express the intensity of the action. It is often evident from their definitions: beat someone to a pulp – to beat and hit someone with hard blows; work like a horse or work one’s fingers to the bone – to work very hard, beat swords into ploughshares – to go to peaceful work, etc., e.g.: ³%HDW6ZRUGVLQWR3ORXJKVKDUHV´ is the motto of the day reflecting the … people’s will to peace (New World Review). Phraseological units of this type, which do not contain an evaluative element in their definitions and are not supplied by evaluative glossary litters, are able to express this or that evaluation in the context. So, the PU work one’s fingers to the bone may be used either with obvious negative evaluation as in context (a) or with obvious positive evaluation as in context (b): (a) Why should you sit around being lazy all day while I’m stuck in here, ZRUNLQJP\ILQJHUVWRWKHERQH"5&RXUWQH\  (b) I’ve always been a good wife to George, I ZRUNHG P\ ILQJHUV WR WKH ERQH in our early days. I helped him to get on. I’ve never looked at any other man (A. Christie).

Evidently, all those phraseological units are set expressions with the alive inner form. Many adverbial phraseological units, including comparative intensifiers (Kunin 1972, 161), transfer intensity to the syntactically connected verbs, or strengthen the features which are components of syntactically connected adjectives. As examples such phraseological units can serve the following intensifiers: like mad – as a mentally ill person; desperately, without restraint; hell for leather – at full speed, very much; as they make them – it is extreme, awful; as the day is long – exclusively, extremely; like a house on fire/afire – quickly and easily, vigorously; etc., e.g.: Beatrice. …he shows me where the bachelors sit and there live we as merry DVWKHGD\LVORQJ (W. Shakespeare) Weeds grow OLNHDKRXVHDILUH. Can’t keep even with ’em. (A. Christie)

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So, intensity is a property of a word or a phraseological unit, serving to strengthen the features of the objects designated by them. The phraseology analyzed shows that expressivity is not always connected with evaluation though in the English language there is a great number of phraseological units which are expressively-evaluative. In that same measure the evaluation is determined by the properties of the object of extra-linguistic reality, reflected in man’s mind and fixed in the meaning of the language sign, it (the evaluation) has an objective character, which finds its expression in the functioning of the evaluative nomination, in the dictionary definition, in the dictionary comment or in dictionary evaluative notes. One and the same phenomena of the objective reality can be evaluated differently by different persons and by the same person at different periods of his life. However, both objective and subjective evaluations are socially determined. Here is an example of different evaluations of the same person by different people: Lanny broke in: ‘Oh, surely, Robbie, she isn’t like that. She’s so gentle and kind, she is like a saint.’ Robbie turned upon the mother. ‘You see! That VQDNHLQWKHJUDVV, imposing upon the credulity of a child!’ (U. Sinclair)

The objective evaluation is of crucial importance for understanding the subjective one. Thus, in the evaluation the social and the individual are dialectically combined. The evaluation, as defined by A. V. Kunin, is the objectivelysubjective or the subjectively-objective relation of the person to the object, expressed by language means explicitly or implicitly (Kunin 1996, 181). In this definition the object is understood in the widest sense: as the person, an animal, a subject, an action, a condition, a situation, etc. The example of the objectively-subjective judgment can be the following: (a) a clever dog – (coll.) the clear head, the dexterous small: ‘He’s D FOHYHU GRJ, isn’W KH"’ ‘9HU\ FOHYHU,’ admitted the other. (U. Sinclair)

The evaluation fixed in the language is shared in the given case by both characters. (b) (as) thick as two short planks – very stupid:

40

Chapter Three But I think it’s hopeless trying to explain anything to him – he’ll never understand it, he is as WKLFNDVWZRVKRUWSODQNV (A. P. Cowie et al.)

In the given example the phraseological unit, expressing the negative evaluation, is used by one negative character concerning another whose foolishness is evaluated negatively. The evaluation has a subjectivelyobjective character in this case. The evaluation is expressed explicitly if at least one component of the phraseological unit is evaluative or its inner form has an evaluative character. If all the components of the phraseological unit are nonevaluative and its inner form is erased, then the evaluation is implicit (for details on the notion see also: (Gunchenko 1994, 9)). The following phraseological units have explicit evaluations: (as) pretty as a picture – beautiful; hate somebody’s guts – to hate somebody to death; a labour of love – disinterested or unpaid work; make an ass of oneself – to behave like a fool, to put oneself in an idiotic situation; worship the ground one walks on – to be ready to kiss the earth on which he/she goes; (as) ugly as sin – very terrible, etc. In all of those phraseological units at least one component is evaluative. In the examples below there is not a single evaluative component in the phraseological units, but their inner form, alive or erased, is evaluative, and the evaluation is implicit, e.g.: the black hole of Calcutta – a dark, unpleasantly hot and stuffy building or place, with few amenities, etc. (from an incident in India in 1756 when a large number of English prisoners were crowded into a small room overnight where many of them died); a feather in one’s cap – something achieved that constitutes a victory, triumph, or credit for oneself (from a former custom of various peoples, among them the American Indians, of adding a feather to their headgear for every enemy killed), cf.: Deb’s (debutantes’) mums think it’s Ddefinite IHDWKHULQWKHLUFDSV if their daughters get asked to Trinity (College, Cambridge) Ball. Trinity is very royal and aristo (=aristocratic), it has glamour. (A.P. Cowie et al.) Desmond had got the names of a number of the men at the mines who were stealing, and these people were sacked and blacklisted. So the Diamond Detectives got quite a lot of IHDWKHUVLQWKHLUFDS (I. Fleming)

Any act of the evaluation assumes the presence of the subject of the evaluation, i.e. the person giving it, the object of the evaluation, i.e. the evaluated fragment of the reality, and the criteria of the evaluation. In some cases, for example at a self-estimation, the subject and object of the evaluation can coincide, cf.:

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… I was a menace to honest lads like Mike and … I was the brains behind the job, WKHJXLGLQJOLJKW when it came to making up anybody’s mind. (A. Sillitoe) This theory has been DJXLGLQJOLJKW for generations of scientists. (ESSJ)

Along with being explicit or implicit, the PU evaluation can be positive or negative, intellectual or connotative (Fedulenkova 2003, 86). Here are some examples of the intellectual evaluation expressed by imagerial phraseological units: (a) Phraseological units with a positive evaluation: give somebody a new lease on life – to make somebody happy, healthy and give him/her new energy after a period of illness or sadness; for somebody’s/something’s sake – in order to benefit, please, protect or defend the interests of somebody/something; good Samaritan – a person who pities and gives practical help to persons in trouble; an old hand – an experienced and highly skilled person at some particular job; a grown man – somebody who has, or should have, common sense, somebody who will behave reasonably; strike while the iron is hot – to make an immediate use of an opportunity, do something while conditions are favourable; a Florence Nightingale – a devoted nurse; kill the fatted calf – give a hospitable welcome with the best of food and treatment, especially to a returning or visiting member of one’s own family but also to any favoured guest; strengthen somebody’s hand – to increase somebody’s power to do something in the face of opposition or competition, e.g.: This new and decisive action by the Senate VWUHQJWKHQHG Roosevelt‘s KDQG immeasurably… (R. E. Sherwood). (b) Phraseological units with a negative evaluation: an awkward customer – a person or an animal difficult or dangerous to deal with; be given a bloody nose – to be defeated or made to fail in a way that you did not expect and that makes you seem to be weak or stupid; a dog in the manger – a person who prevents others from enjoying something that is useless to himself; the last straw – an addition to a task, burden, etc., that makes it intolerable; strike a bad patch – start, or have a period of personal, business or professional difficulties; the fly in the ointment – somebody/something that spoils, to a greater or lesser degree, an otherwise perfect or very satisfactory situation or state of affairs, e.g.: The airlines recognize that the engine will be the quietest of its kind in the world, and therefore acceptable to a market ever more conscious of noise pollution. Even at this stage, however, there is D sizeable IO\ LQ WKH proverbial RLQWPHQW. Can British Airways be persuaded to give a letter of intent IRUDVXEVWDQWLDORUGHU"(New Statesman)

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Chapter Three

There are many more phraseological units with a negative evaluation, than with a positive evaluation. This phenomenon is observed not only in phraseocon but also in lexicon (Alekhina 1979, 9). The explanation of the phenomenon may be found in V. Devkin’s citation: The obvious prevalence of words with negative evaluation is connected, apparently, with the fact that positivity is perceived and interpreted as something self-evident. The person should permanently face overcoming of drawbacks, lacks, errors, and many other bad and unpleasant things. That’s why it is so considerable for him and so firmly reflected in the language. (Devkin 1979, 160)

In one sphere of human activity, namely in advertisements, phraseological units are used only with a positive evaluation. In the semantic structure of phraseological units, especially the verbal ones, the evaluation is often combined with result or productivity, i.e.: (a) Positive result: play one’s last trump – to use one’s last asset; get the show on the road – to put an idea into effect, to get something organized; bring home the bacon – to get the success; carry the day – to win; get through with flying colours – to do something triumphantly, with conspicuous success, e.g.: My son is convinced that if he had been interviewed by a highly-qualified chemist like his professor he would have JRWWKURXJKZLWKIO\LQJFRORXUV (W. Cooper). (b) Negative result: come a cropper – to fail, to get into trouble; kill the goose that lays the golden eggs – destroy (out of greed or thoughtlessness) a source of continuous future profit, e.g.: A person who is blackmailing doesn’t want WRNLOOWKHJRRVHWKDWOD\VWKHJROGHQHJJV… (E. S. Gardner). In a number of expressive phraseological units there exists a complex interlace of figurativeness, intensity, emotivity and evaluation: swear like a trooper – to curse and swear with great facility; (as) common as muck – vulgar, plebeian, coarse; as cross as a bear with a sore head – very badtempered, etc. The evaluative potential of these phraseological units is so significative that they are often used to express the emotions in a corresponding context, e.g.: We’d better hurry – George will be DVFURVV DVDEHDUZLWKDVRUHKHDG if we keep him waiting (A. P. Cowie et al.). All the evaluations given above are intellectual as they enter the corresponding concepts. Intellectual evaluations amplify and become more expressive in the connotative “environment” in figurative phraseological units. Phraseological units with connotative evaluations are rare. The phraseological unit, kick the bucket – to die, can serve as an example.

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The matter is that “to die” is an objectively-logical component of phraseological meaning, and its rudely-disrespectful character is a connotative component. In the Oxford Dictionary after the phraseological unit kick the bucket the sign sl. is given, and in the later phraseological dictionary of Longman publishing house – the sign coll. can be found (Longman 1996, 41).

2.4. The Stylistic Component Here we are to distinguish between the functional-stylistic component and the communicative-stylistic component (Fedulenkova 2005, 210). The functional-stylistic component of connotation is the stylistic affiliation of the phraseological unit, and the communicative-stylistic component is a potential possibility of the phraseological unit to be used in this or that sphere of communication. English phraseology is an extremely complex conglomerate of set combinations of words, with a stylistic range which varies from neutral literal expressions to jargon and vulgar ones. It is difficult to define the stylistic status of phraseological units because, firstly, the theory of phraseological stylistics is not developed well enough, secondly, because of the lack of stability of different stylistic levels (i.e. mobile character of their borders) and, lastly, because of a frequent change of norm (usualness) in the use of set phrases. Consequently, the system of stylistic glossary litters cannot be considered sound, or cannot be taken for granted, because it simply lags behind the life of the language and needs to be corrected. Nevertheless, this system, with all its conventionalism, helps us to understand the character of the functioning of the phraseological unit in the context. There are two types of stylistic notes: functional-stylistic notes and communicative-stylistic notes. The functional-stylistic notes define stylistic functions of the phraseological unit, e.g.: derog. (derogatory), euph. (euphemism), fml. (formal), humor. (humorous), impol. (impolite), joc. (jocular), pomp. (pompous), rhet. (rhetoric), ironic, taboo, etc. The communicative-stylistic notes define communicative spheres, i.e. spheres of functioning of the phraseological unit, e.g.: colloq. (colloquial), lit. (literary), poet. (poetical), etc. For stylistic characteristics of the phraseological unit it is sometimes necessary to give two notes: a functional-stylistic one and a communicative-stylistic one, e.g.: coll. euph. or lit. euph., etc. In the course of time the stylistic status of the phraseological unit may change. Many jargon set expressions, due to their intensive use, have changed their

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Chapter Three

status for the generally accepted ones. For instance, nowadays the PU make a dead set is quite a literary set expression, having the following meanings: 1) to attack somebody, to run at somebody; 2) to make fun of someone, to make a laughing stock of somebody, to criticize somebody; 3) to lure someone, try to “lasso” the groom. But in the eighteenth century this set expression was used in the jargon of policemen with the meaning “to ensure the capture of the criminal perpetrator”. In the second half of the eighteenth century this phraseological unit was also used in the jargon of card schulers with the meaning “to try to bamboozle the card player”. The stylistic status of the word-component of the phraseological unit may influence the stylistic status of the whole PU. The verb damn, for instance, attaches the rough character to the whole set expression in damn your eyes! And the bookish word cynosure (a guiding star) gives the bookish character to the PU cynosure of all eyes (which first appeared in J. Milton’s L’Allegro 1632), meaning “centre of attention”, cf.: Before long we had all trooped into the drawing-room. The Scotland Yard men were the F\QRVXUHRIDOOH\HV (A. Christie)

Because of the prolonged and frequent use of the words, the imagery and expressiveness of many phraseological units wear out and fade away, and in the course of time such PUs turn into clichés, causing an imbalance between PUs and set non-expressive phrases. Restoration of the broken balance in phraseology is maintained by various occasional changes of phraseological units (Naciscione 2001, 53), many of them being characteristic only of phraseology, i.e.: inclusions into PUs, breakage of the PUs, change and variability of PU components, distant PU context, etc. (Fedulenkova 1997, 67; 2003, 15; 2005, 125).

3. Conclusions In conclusion I would like to underline the role of Alexander V. Kunin and his Moscow School of Phraseology in starting and developing the phraseological theory, and to point out his powerful contribution to the theory and practice of world phraseography, which influence is evident in the papers of such prominent European phraseologists as J. Häusermann (1977), A. P. Cowie (1994), R. Gläser (1998), A. Naciscione (2001), etc. Summing up the analysis of the components of the connotative aspect in phraseological units, I think it necessary to underline that unlike the significative aspect of phraseological units, the connotative aspect often denotes not real features of the denotatum but the features attributed to it

Basic Components of the Connotative Aspect in Phraseological Units

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by man. Thanks to the connotation, phraseological units are able to serve as an expressive means of the phraseological system of the language.

List of References Alekhina, A. I. 1979. Frazeologicheskaya yedinitsa i slovo: K issledovaniyu frazeologicheskoy sistemy. Minsk. Bashiyeva, S. K. 1995. Stilisticheskiy komponent frazeologicheskogo znacheniya. Krasnodar. Cowie, A. P. 1998. Phraseology: Theory, Analysis and Application. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cowie, A. P., Mackin R., and I. R. McCaig. 1994. Oxford Dictionary of Current Idiomatic English. Vol. 2: Phrase, Clause and Sentence Idioms. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Devkin, V. D. 1979. Nemetskaya razgovornaya rech’: Sintaksis i metodika. Moskva. Fedulenkova, T. 1997. “Idioms as an Effective Means in Intercultural Approach.” In Meta Grosman (ed.), Approaches to Teaching English in an Intercultural Context, 67-74. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts. —. 2001. “Stylistic differentiation of biblical idioms.” In Textual Secrets: The Message of the Medium: PALA Proceedings: 21. Budapest. —. 2002. “Idioms in Business English: Ways to Cross-cultural Awareness.” In Giuseppina Cortese and and Philip Riley (eds.), Domain-specific English: textual practices across communities and classrooms, 247-269. Bern; Berlin; Bruxelles; Frankfurt am Mein; New York; Oxford; Wien: Lang. —. 2003. “A New Approach to the Clipping of Communicative Phraseological Units.” In P. Frath and M. Rissanen (eds.), Ranam: European Society for the Study of English: ESSE6 – Strasbourg 2002, vol. 36, 11-22. Strasbourg: Université Marc Bloch. —. 2003. Phraseological Units in Discourse: Towards Applied Stylistics by Anita Naciscione, 2001. Riga: Latvian Academy of Culture, pp. xi + 283, ISBN 9984 95 19 01. In Language and Literature ʋ    86-89. London. —. 2005. “Isomorphism and Allomorphism of English, German and Swedish Phraseological Units Based on Metaphor.” In Phraseology 2005, The Many Faces of Phraseology: Proceedings of an interdisciplinary conference: 125-128. Louvain-la-Neuve: Universite catholique de Louvain.

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—. 2005. “Stilisticheskaya validnost’ frazeologicheskoy apokopy.” In Stilistika i teoriya yazykovoy kommunikatsii. Materialy dokladov mezhdunarodnoy konferentsii, posv’aschennoy 100-letiyu so dn’a rozhdeniya prof. MGLU I.R. Gal’perina, 210-220. Moskva. —. 2009. “Phraseological Abstraction.” In T. Fedulenkova (ed.), CrossLinguistic and Cross-Cultural Approaches to Phraseology: Proceedings of ESSE-9 Seminar on Phraseology, Aarhus, 22-26 August 2008, 42-54. Arkhangelsk; Aarhus. Gläser, R. 1998. “The Stylistic Potential of Phraseological Units in the Light of Genre Analysis.” In A. P. Cowie (ed.), Phraseology: Theory, Analysis and Application, 125-143. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gunchenko, I. M. 1994. Implitsitny komponent frazeologicheskoy semantiki v sovremennom angliyskom yazyke. Kand. diss., Moskva. Häusermann, J. 1977. Phraseologie: Hauptprobleme der deutschen Phraseologie auf der Basis sowjetischer Forschungsergebnisse. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Kunin, A. V. 1964. Osnovnye pon’atia angliyskoy frazeologii kak lingvisticheskoy distsipliny i sozdanie anglo-russkogo frazeologicheskogo slovar’a. Dokt. diss., Moskva. —. 1970. Angliyskaya frazeologiya: Teoreticheskiy kurs. Moskva: Vysshaya shkola. —. 1972. Frazeologiya sovremennogo angliyskogo yazyka: opyt sistematizirovannogo opisaniya. Moskva: Vysshaya shkola. —. 1996. Kurs frazeologii sovremennogo angliyskogo yazyka. Moskva: Vysshaya shkola. Longman Business English Dictionary. 2007. Harlow: Pearson Education Ltd. Longman Dictionary of English Idioms. 1996. Harlow and London: Longman Group UK Limited. Naciscione, A. 2001. “Phraseological Units in Literary Discourse: Implications for Teaching and Learning.” In CAUCE, Revista de )LORORJtD\VX'LGDFWLFDʋ5HDGLQJ%H\RQG7H[W3URFHVVHVDQG Skills, 53-67. Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla. Sheigal, Ye. I. 1980. “Intensivnost’ v strukture znacheniya slova.” In Sbornik nauchnykh trudov MGPIIYa imeni M. Toreza. Vypusk 160, 39-47. Moskva. Teliya, V. N. 1986. Konnotativny aspekt semantiki nominativnykh yedinits. Moskva.

CHAPTER FOUR FISHING FOR PRODUCTIVE MODELS IN THE TROUBLED WATERS OF FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE ANTONIO PAMIES1, MARGARET CRAIG2 AND YARA EL GHALAYINI3 Ko taku reo taku ohooho, ko taku reo taku mapihi mauria. (Maori proverb)4 My language is my awakening; my language is the window to my soul.

1. From Land to Sea or from Sea to Land? Idiomaticity does not distinguish per se idioms from other figurative units, such as compound words: a starfish is neither a “fish” nor a “star”, and the actual referent of this compound is not identified by the mere combination of these two meanings. Idiomaticity is thus a more general semiotic phenomenon not strictly dependent on phraseology, and which consists of re-assigning a global meaning to a set of linguistic signs when they appear together (cf. Pamies 2007a).5 ɋompounds which derive from previous idioms are no less idiomatic: eng. heartbreaker (L type, probably because of the dominant role of the sea in the Austronesian and Indo-Pacific cultural backgrounds. For example, in Indo-Pacific languages, the concept “fish” has evolved in some cases to include “food”, “eat” and/or “meat”, a word meaning “fish” in one of them may mean “meat” or “eat” in another one, like some forms of maJDQi or JDQi (“fish”), e.g. Aroma JDQi, JDQiJDQi. In Sasak manJDQ means “to eat”, in Hoava, iJDQa means “fish”, in Are i’DQa means “fish” and “to eat”; in Manam ঃDQe means “fish” and “to eat”, in Sinaugoro ȖDQi means “to eat” while ȖDQȖDQi means “food”. In certain Indonesian languages, this association has been extended metonimically to other food and used to create lexicalized compounds meaning literally *fishbeef (“steak”) or *fishchicken (“chicken to eat”). Further, it seems that the classifier JD (e.g. Aroma JD, Manam ҌDQa), corresponding to edible alienable possession, is related with the word meaning “food/fish” (e.g. Aroma JDQi). This could be considered a type of metaphorical chaining as the word originally meant “food” and then its meaning was extended to anything related to food or drink, eventually undergoing grammaticalisation.

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In Motu, a lexical innovation, gwarume, was introduced for “fish” while the former maJDQi came to mean “wallaby” (S>L). The Motu people had managed to obtain a landhold and in fact shared a village (Kila Kila) with the Koita, a non Austronesian Papuan tribe. In Sinaugoro, a language geographically and genetically close to Motu, the term for fish is maJDQi kone “coast wallaby” (L>S). In Tok Pisin, a lingua franca of Papua New Guinea, gwarume (“fish”) is used for a “girl from central province”, where motu is spoken (S>L). There are fish names whose source domain is abstract, or even religious, such as Motu laumaere (derived from lauma “spirit”, “ghost” and ere “line”), thus L>S, but we find also the inverse path: the name of a “shellfish” (dara) also designates the “mind”; mami is a fish whose name also means “feeling”; and the word bava (“crab”) also means “greatgreat-grandparents” (S>L). In Hula, the name of the “barracooda”, wala, also designates a “sorcerer” (S>L). There are fish names derived from body parts, like Motu bagubada (*big forehead) (L>S), but also body part names derived from fish names, like Balawaia boga (“garfish”) which means literally “mouth” and “anus” (S>L). In West Nggela (Solomon Islands) the name of a plant, buburupoto, takes its name from poto, the generic name for some kinds of damselfish (L>S). In Lalawaia, the name of the “mandarin fish” (gorava) also designates metaphorically the “wild chestnut” (S>L). There is a complete bi-directionality in this system.

2. Fishery as a Universal Experience As stated by Xesús Ferro, …human communication does not use only one grammar but two: the grammar of signs and the grammar of symbols (…) sign langage says ‘this is…’ while symbolic language says: ‘this is like…’ (2007, 178-179)

Fish names are mainly signs derived from other signs, while ictionymic idioms and proverbs aUHVLJQVGHULYHGIURPV\PEROV$FFRUGLQJWR*DUFtDPage (2007, 70), animals are the stereotype of the highest degree for comparisons, and zoonymic metaphors are very abundant in phraseology (Palmatier 1995), especially proverbs, since they are tightly connected to folk tales and fables (Grzybek 1989; Mieder 1993). According to the ranking calculated by Krikmann (2001), fishes correspond to the ninth most frequent group of animals in proverbial images, and Sevilla and Sevilla (2005) found more than 200 Spanish proverbs containing this component. Some of them deal literally with “real” fishes, like sp. de las carnes, el carnero, y de los peces, el mero (*among meats: mutton; among

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fishes: the black grouper); en los meses que no tengan erre no comas peces (*in the months without “r” don’t eat fish), while other proverbs refer metaphorically to human life, thus the “earthly” world, as eng. don’t teach a fish to swim. Another group, probably the larger, merges literal and figurative components (Granbom 2009): eng. a fish is caught by its mouth; don’t fry fish till it’s caught; the best fish are near the bottom; etc. The mental model of FISHERY is a highly productive source domain for the creation of figurative idioms (Krikmann 2001, 15), which behave according to the S>L mapping: eng. a fine kettle of fish; to drink like a fish; neither fish nor flesh; a big fish in a little pond; etc.). These phraseologisms are frequently based on the cognitive frame of fishery, where the generic FISH symbolizes the SUCCESSFUL RESULT of an activity, especially when deception is involved: sp. el pez se ha tragado el anzuelo = fr. le poisson mord à l’hameçon = grm. der Fisch beisst an = ar. ibtala ˬD‫ܒ‬XˬmϢότϟ΍ϊϠΘΑ· (*he swallows the hook), meaning that someone has been fooled. The way a girl gets a husband is very graphically described by sp. pescar novio (*to fish a fiancé) and ar. ϪΗΩΎλ‫܈‬ƗGDWK(*she fished him). A Turkish proverb warns us that: EDOÕN D÷DJLUGLNWHQVRQUDDNOÕEDúÕQDJHOLU (*a fish only comes to its senses after it is caught in the net) “we learn from our mistakes but it’s too late”. If the task consists of capturing someone, the analogy is even more transparent, as in chn. OzX ZăQJ ]KƯ \~ ┿㖁ѻ劬 *to be a fish escaped from the net (“to escape a police raid”) [Jia 2012], whose underlying conceptual mapping is similar to the Spanish word for “police raid”: redada (*hauling the net). Idioms on a lack of success confirm this symbolic value in a symmetric negative way, like it. non andare per ortaggi al porto ne per pesci all’orto (*don’t look for vegetables in the port nor fishes in the orchard), similar to chn. 㕈ᵘ≲劬 yuán mù qiú yú (Jia 2012) (*climbing a tree to look for fish) “to waste time and effort in an absurd task”. In Oceanic cultures, where fishing is the main basis of the traditional economy, the archi-metaphor FISH IS A SUCCESSFUL RESULT is very productive,11 e.g. in Tongan ‘oku ‘uhinga ki ha taha ‘oku ne ongo ‘iha me’a ‘oku teu ke hoko vave mai (*when a fish touches the henga12 it may soon be caught on the line), is said when the expected result is about to KDSSHQ0ƗKLQD KRORORƝSƗKHQJXWXƝYDOX(*down goes the hook near the bonito’s mouth), is said about someone who falls into temptation (Op.cit.: 188). The idiom KDQJƝKDSƗµLORD (*like a reputable 11

For more details on iconic models and archi-metaphors, see Pamies 2002 or ,xHVWD 3DPLHV 12 Henga is a feeler made of hibiscus tied to the hook (Ibid.).

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fish hook) designates anything which has an excellent reputation. This archi-metaphor can also express different visions of success, as tgn. ala kae ‘ahia (*no fish were caught, but it was worth the visit) (Op.cit.: 160; 50). The mental model of fishery allows a wide number of conceptual transfers towards other domains, like the abstract meaning of the idiom eng. to fish in troubled waters (“to take advantage from confusion”), which exists in many languages: sp. pescar en río revuelto; fr. pêcher en eau trouble; it. pescare nel torbido; rm. VăSHVFXLDVFăvQDSHWXOEXUL; grm. LPWUEHQ:DVVHUILVFKHQ rs. ɥɨɜɢɬɶɪɵɛɭɜɦɭɬɧɨɣɜɨɞɟar. DOL‫\ܒ܆‬DGI\DOPƗߩDOˬkir ˯ΎϤϟ΍ϲϓΩΎϴτλϻ΍ ήϜόϟ΍ ; chn. K~QVKX΃Pǀ\~⎁≤᪨劬.

As Arvo Krikmann says, …any theory needs to unify all the facts; those both below the typological level as well as above it. One promising approach seems to be some sort of lexicon of images. (2001, 77)

The verbal images based on the FISHERY cognitive frame often coincide cross-linguistically, some of them are even widely spread idioms (Piirainen et al. 2010) or international proverbs (Krikmann 2001; Paczolay 1997; 2005; 2009). The concept of the archi-metaphor (Pamies 2002; Iñesta and and Pamies 2002) helps us to classify images from different languages into consistent semantic models. The archi-metaphor FISH IS A SUCCESSFUL RESULT generates several metaphoric meanings: a) SUCCESS NEEDS SACRIFICE: eng. one must risk a small fish to catch a big one; he who would catch fish must not mind getting wet; the cat would eat fish but would not wet its feet; the best fish swim near the bottom; sp. quien quiera peces, que se moje el culo (*those who want fish must wet their arse); no se pescan truchas a bragas enjutas (*with dry pants we catch no trouts); cat. amb só de flabiol no s’agafa peix (*fish are not caught with flute sound); el peix es de qui s’el mereix (*fish is for those who deserve it); el peix costa llàgrimes i es ven per diners (*fish costs tears and is sold for money); qui vol pescar peix que es mulli les ungles (*those who want fish must wet their nails); fr. pas de poisson sans arête (*no fish without spine); le meilleur poisson nage près du fond (*best fish swims near the bottom); it. chi vuole il pesce, bisogna che s’ammolli (*those who want fish must get wet); la gatta vorrebbe mangiar pesce ma non pescare (*the kitty wants to eat fishes but not to catch them); chi dorme non piglia pesci (*those who sleep catch no fish); i pesci grossi stanno in fondo (*big fishes are in the bottom); ogni

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pesce ha le sue lische (*every fish has its spines); chi mangia il pesce caca le lische (*the one who eats the fish must shit the spines); volere il pesce senza la lisca (*to want the fish without the spine); chi va per mare acchiappa il pesce (*those who travel into the sea catch the fish); gal. mariñeiro que dorme, peixes non colle (*a sleeping sailor catches no fish); prt. anzol sem isca, peixe nao belisca (*hook without bait, pinches no fish); perde-se a isca para pescar o peixe (*lose your bait to catch a fish); tem paciência que o peixe vem aí (*be patient and the fish will come); grm. wer Fische fangen will, muss vorher die Netze flicken (*those who want to catch fish, must mend the nets); wer Fische fangen will, muss sich nass machen (*who wants to catch fish must get wet); keine Fish ohne Gräte (*no fish without spines); rsɱɬɨɛɵɪɵɛɤɭɟɫɬɶɧɚɞɨɜɜɨɞɭɥɟɡɬɶ  LQ RUGHU WR HDW ILVK RQH PXVW JR LQWR ZDWHU  ɛɟɡ ɤɨɫɬɟɣ ɪɵɛɤɢ ɧɟ ɛɵɜɚɟɬ  ZLWKRXW VSLQHV WKHUH DUH QR ILVKHV  ɛɟɡ ɬɪɭɞɚ ɧɟ ɜɵɧɟɲɶ ɪɵɛɤɭ ɢɡ ɩɪɭɞɚ  ZLWKRXW HIIRUW \RX GRQ¶W JHW ILVKHV from the pond); ɪɵɛɚɤɚɫɟɬɶɤɨɪɦɢɬ ILVKHUPHQIHHGWKHQHW ɪɵɛɚɤɭɞɨɠɞɶɧɟɩɨɦɟɯɚ  UDLQ LV QRW DQ REVWDFOH IRU ILVKHUPHQ  ɪɵɛɭ ɥɨɜɢɬɶ – ɩɪɢ ɫɦɟɪɬɢ ɯɨɞɢɬɶ WRFDWFKILVKHV– walk near death); chn. [Jia 2012] OtQ\XƗQ[LjQ \~EU~WXupUMtHZăQJ Ѥ ␺ 㗑 劬 н ྲ 䘰 㘼 㔃 㖁: (*weaving a net is better than praying for fish at the edge of the river); fàng cháng xiàn diào dà yú ᭮䮯㓯䫃བྷ劬 (*we release a long fishing line to get a big fish); lín \XƗQ [LjQ \~ Ѥ␺㗑劬 (*longing for fishes on the shore) “to have vain desires without doing anything to realize them” [derogatory]; ar. mn \DNKVKDDOEDODOOƗ\‫ܒ܈‬ƗGDV-samk ϚϤδϟ΍ΩΎτμϳϻϞϠΒϟ΍ϰθΨϳϦϣ (*the one who fears getting wet must not catch fish). In Tongan, this archi-metaphor also works: tgn. NDLLNDSƝµDHVLRNLPRWX (*look at the island and eat fish) “if we want something we must go where LW LV´ 0ƗKLQD    filihia mo e ‘elili (*overturned with the elili shellfish), applied to those who withstand great difficulties in order to get some reward13 (Op.cit.: 182). b)

WE MUST NOT ACTION

COUNT

ON SUCCESS BEFORE THE END OF THE WHOLE

eng. it’s not a fish until it’s on the bank/don’t boil your fish until they are hooked/don’t fry your fish until it’s caught/don’t make your sauce until you have caught your fish; a fish on the hook is better than ten in the brook; it. non gridar i pesci prima di avergli presi (*don’t shout fishes [for sale] until you have caught them); fr. ne criez pas “des moules” avant qu’elles

13

This shellfish is hard to catch because it lives at the edge of the reef where the wave breaks.

56

Chapter Four ne soient à bord (*don’t shout “mussels” before they are on board):14 rs. ɪɵɛɚɜɪɟɤɟ– ɧɟɜɪɭɤɟ ILVK>LV@LQWKHULYHUQRWLQWKHKDQGV . In Tongan we find something similar: kina ‘umu kali ki tahi (*for a meal of fish we must wait on the sea), motivated by the fact that people on the shore used to heat the ovens expecting that fishermen would bring them fish, which was not necessarily so (Mahina 2004, 193).

Another archi-metaphor, metonymically related to the previous one, can be labelled FISH IS AN ASSET, like in eng. to have bigger fish to fry and there are plenty of other fish in the sea (“I have lots of more interesting options”). It generates several figurative meanings like: c) LITTLE WEALTH IS BETTER THAN NO WEALTH AT ALL eng. a small fish is better than no fish; better a small fish than an empty dish; all is fish that comes to his net; sp. más vale pescado chico que plato vacío (*better small fish than empty dish); pt. caiu na rede: é peixe (*it fell into the net [thus] it is fish). d) WEALTH IS NOT FOREVER eng. eat your fish while it is fresh, marry your girl while she is young; sp. al pez fresco gástalo presto (*fresh fish, eat it quickly); fr. mange ton poisson pendant qu’il est frais, marie ta fille pendant qu’elle est jeune; les filles et les poissons ne peuvent se garder longtemps (*fishes and girls cannot be kept a long time);

Also widely shared is the archi-metaphor allows several metaphoric meanings:

FISH IS A PERSON,

which

e) EXPERIENCED/(OLDER) PEOPLE ARE WISER eng. don’t try to teach fish how to swim; it is a silly fish, that is caught twice with the same bait; it. non si insegna a nuotare ai pesci; fr. on n’apprend pas à un poisson à nager; prt. aos peixes não se ensina a nadar; cz. QHXþt U\E\ SODYDW; esp. pez viejo no traga el anzuelo (*an old fish does not swallow the hook); tener más escamas que un besugo (*to have more scales than a red bream “to be a very distrustful person”); prt. peixe esperto come a isca e caga no anzol (*a smart fish eats the bait and shits on the hook). f) POWERFUL PEOPLE ARE BIG FISHES eng. big fish eat little fish; grm. große Fische fressen die kleinen; esp. el pez grande se come al chico; prt. peixe grande come peixe pequeno; it. i 14

Shouting is the system traditionally employed during an auction in the fishmarket.

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pesci grossi mangiano i piccini; rs ɛɨɥɶɲɚɹ ɪɵɛɚ ɦɚɥɟɧɶɤɭɸ ɰɟɥɢɤɨɦ ɝɥɨɬɚɟɬar. ϚϤδϟ΍ as-samak alkbyr ywkl as-VDPDN DO‫܈‬JK\Uήϴϐμϟ΍ ϚϤδϟ΍ ϞϛϮϳ ήϴΒϜϟ΍; chn. Gj \~ FKƯ [L΁R \~ (བྷ劬ਲ਼ሿ劬) (Jia 2012), among many other languages.15

In English, Spanish and Italian a powerful person is a big fish (sp. pez gordo; it. pesce grosso). Antonymic metaphors confirm that this idiom is related to the above-mentioned proverb, e.g. it. pesce piccolo (*little fish) and sp. morralla (*small fishes remaining in the bottom of the net) which designates people with almost no power in a given hierarchy. In French and Portuguese, this “big fish” metaphor does not exist, but the image of the “little fish” still designates the lowest members of a hierarchy: fr. menu fretin; pt. peixe miúdo. g) POWERFUL PEOPLE ARE MORE CORRUPTED eng. the fish always stinks from the head; sp. por la cabeza el pez a oliscar empieza/el pescado empieza a pudrirse por la cabeza; it. Il pesce comincia a putir dal capo/il pesce puzza dalla testa; grm. Der Fisch stinkt am Kopf zuerst; rs. ɪɵɛɚ ɫ ɝɨɥɨɜɵ ɜɨɧɹɟɬ/ɪɵɛɚ ɨɬ ɝɨɥɨɜɵ ɬɭɯɧɟɬ. h) IT IS DANGEROUS TO SPEAK TOO MUCH eng. a fish is caught by its mouth; a fish who keeps his mouth shut will never get caught; it. per la gola si pigliano i pesci (*fishes are caught by their mouth); prt. peixe morre pela boca (*a fish dies by its mouth); sp. por la boca muere el pez; peces y mujeres por la boca se prenden (*fish and women are caught by the mouth); Guaraní omanóta ijuru rupi, piráicha (he will die by the mouth, like a fish); ar. as-VDPDNKD ߩO\ PƗ EWHIWD‫ۊ‬IXPKƗPƗE‫ܒ‬LQ‫܈‬ƗGΩΎμϨΘΑΎϣΎϬϤϓ΢ΘϔΘΑΎϣϰϟ·ΔϜϤδϟ΍ (*a fish who keeps his mouth shut can’t get caught).

There are other “experiential” metaphors not directly related to fishing, but to the observation of fish behaviour, also with a shared symbolism in many languages: i) NOT TO REVEAL A SECRET eng. as mute as a fish; dumb as a fish; grm. stumm wie ein Fisch, sp. mudo como un pez; fr. muet comme un poisson; it. muto come un pesce; rum. a ILPXWFDXQSHúWHDILPXWFDSHúWHOH; chc. QƟPêMDNRU\ED cr. nijem kao riba /muci kako riba; rsɧɟɦɨɣɤɚɤɪɵɛɚ ukr. ɧLɦɢɣɹɤɪɢɛɚsvk. POþDĢ ako ryba; svn. PROþDWLNRWULED; eest. tumm nagu kala. 15

Paczolay (1995, 420-423) found the same proverb in many languages, including Japanese, Chinese, Semitic, Uralic, Altaic, and all the Indo-European families, including Sanskrit. It exists also in Guaraní: pira guasu ho’u katuete pira’ípe.

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Chapter Four j) TO BE IN A VERY GOOD SITUATION eng. (to be) like a fish in water; sp. como pez en el agua; grm. wie ein Fisch im Wasser; fr. comme un poisson dans l’eau; it. come pesce nell’acqua; prt. como um peixe na água; rs ɤɚɤ ɪɵɛɚ ɜ ɜɨɞɟ chn. [Jia @ ML [LjQJ \~ ]jL VKXӿ ]KzQJ ቡ‫ۿ‬劬൘≤ѝ (*right like fish in the middle of water). k) TO BE IN A VERY BAD SITUATION eng. (to be) like a fish out of water; sp. como pez fuera del agua; grm. wie ein Fisch ohne Wasser; it. come pesce fuor d’acqua; rs ɤɚɤ ɪɵɛɚ ɜɵɧɭɬɚɹɢɡɜɨɞɵchn. [Jia 2012] Kp]Kp]KƯI⏨䗉ѻ劻 (*like a fish in a dry furrow); ar. zay as-samakh ߩdha ‫ܒ‬ilˬat bara almay bitmwt ΍Ϋ·ΔϜϤδϟ΍ϱί ΕϮϤΘΑϲϤϟ΍΍ήΑΖόϠρ (*just like fish, it dies if it gets out of water).

Of course, there are also idioms specific to one language containing the word FISH, but, generally, their motivation is not culturally-bound, and many of them are transparent because of their empirical background, often with negative connotations: eng. to tell a fishy story; to smell fishy; to be a cold fish; to give someone the fisheye; sp. ver menos que un pez frito (*to see less than a fried fish)/ver menos que un pez por el culo (*to see less than a fish through its arsehole) “to be very short-sighted”, estar pez [en algo] (*to be fish [in something]) “to ignore all about something”; fr. engueuler comme du poisson pourri (*to slag [someone] like a rotten fish) “to give somebody an earful”; changer l’eau du poisson (*to change the water for the fish) “to pee”; it. trattare a pesce in fascia (*to treat with fish in face) “to mistreat”; andare a bastonnare i pesci (*to go out beating fishes) “to go to jail” [originally, to the galleys]); rs. ɤɨɝɞɚɪɚɤɛɭɞɟɬɫɜɢɫɬɟɬɶɢɪɵɛɚɡɚɩɨɟɬ (*when crayfish will whistle and fish will sing) “never”.

3. Cultural Models Some of these idioms and proverbs can be considered “potentially universal” since, even if their language has not the same expression, speakers can interpret them because of the universal mental model which connects its underlying image with its actual meaning (Hatch and Brown 1995). However, the figurative derivations may also be grounded in mental associations without “natural” motivations, and, therefore, may not coincide among languages, being opaque for foreigners because of their cultural background (Mokienko 1980; Dobrovol’skij and Piirainen 2005; Sabban 2007; 2008; Pamies 2007; 2008). Two fishes were the symbol of Christianity during the primitive “underground” period of this religion, representing baptism, since the

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*UHHNZRUGȚȤșȣı ILVK ZDVDOVRWKHDQDJUDPRI-HVXV&KULVW16 (Feuillet 2004). One of Jesus’ miracles was the multiplication of fishes, still reflected by the idiom it. dividere il pane e i pesci (*to share the bread and the fishes) “to split or distribute evenly a wealth”. There is also a Christian tradition of eating fish on Friday and during Lent, attested also by proverbs (Sevilla and Sevilla 2005): sp. en Cuaresma, madre, yo pescado y esotras carne (*during Lent, fish for me, mother, and meat for these other people); fr. en Carême, saumon et sermon sont de saison (*Lent is the right season for salmon and sermon); se faire poissonnier la veille de Pâques (*to become a fishmonger at the eve of Easter). Another metaphor related to religion is sp. estar como un besugo en un Tedéum (*to be like a red bream in a Te Deum) “not to be fit for this situation”. These associations are obviously cultural, thus, potentially available only in Christian countries or regions. In the Islamic culture, we can find other associations, for example, in the Tunisian region of Sfax there is a superstitious tradition at weddings called tangyz ˬOD DO‫ۊ‬ZW ΕϮΤϟ΍ ϰϠϋΰϴϘϨΗ (*jump over the fish): the groom and the bride must pass seven times over a fish called mennani during the ceremony. It protects the new family from evil spirits: the fish is a positive impregnating factor while the evil “genius of the threshold” is dangerous for women’s fertility (Louis 1972, 114). As this last example suggests, proverbs and idioms with more specific ictionymic components are less “international” than those containing the word fish. In England or in China it is possible to find dishes where “fish” is indicated just by this generic word, a lack of precision that would be intolerable in Spain, and the same happens with idioms and proverbs: Mediterranean languages seem richer in phraseologisms with specific ictionymic components. Even “obvious” analogies like the association between fat people and whales in Italian essere/diventare una balena (*to be/become a whale) do not coincide with Spanish ser/estar hecho una foca (*to be/become a seal). Some Spanish images are so specific that they do not appear even in Catalan, such as cortar el bacalao (*to cut the cod) “to be the person who has the real power of decision” or cantar como una almeja (*to sing like a clam “to sing off key”). LjubiþLü DQG .RYDþLü (2007) quote Croatian ethno-specific idioms reflecting negative values attributed to some particular species, like cr. SkUQXOMHNDNRGXSvQ(*to fart like a dolphin); cr. SXQ VL EHVvG NDGD VyOSD JzYRQ (*full of words as a salema porgy [is full] of shit), cr. glup ka kanjac (*stupid as a comber fish), etc. Another ethno-VSHFLILF H[DPSOH LV WKH 5XVVLDQ LGLRP ɤɚɤ ɩɨ ɳɭɱɶɟɦɭ ɜɟɥɟɧɶɸ  DV FRPPDQGHG E\ WKH SLNH  ³DV LI E\ PDJLF´ 7KH 16

gr. ǿȘıȠȪȢȋȡȚıIJȩȢșİȠȪȣȚȩȢıȦIJȒȡ (“Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saver”).

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relation between magic and pikes is transparent for Russian people because of a well-known folk tale, in which a peasant had captured a pike in an iced river, but this fish had magical powers and began to speak, promising the peasant that, in exchange for being released into the river, he would convert him into a nobleman. The peasant accepted the deal and became a prince. The symbolism of the oyster is shared by several languages but it has become opaque in all of them. Etymologically, the idiom más aburrido que una ostra (*bored as an oyster) is conceptually related to exile, thus loneliness, as well as sp. más solo que una ostra, like eng. solitary as an oyster; closely related to fr. VHUHQIHUPHUFRPPHXQHKXvWUH; it. chiudersi come una ostrica (*to close oneself like a oyster) “to adopt an attitude of hermetic confidentiality”, all connected to ostracism (“social exclusion”). When the ancient Greeks expelled a citizen from Athens for several years, they wrote his name on a piece of pottery, metaphorically called ostrakon (>lat. ostrea).17 This symbolism contradicts other metaphors, probably motivated by an analogy between the shape of a laughing mouth and the opening of the oyster’s shell, such as eng. happy as an oyster or fr. bourré FRPPH XQH KXvWUH (*full as an oyster) “dead drunk”. In Spanish, ser un pulpo (*to be an octopus) is said of a man who speaks to women too closely, touching them whenever he can, but, in Arabic, TDUQ\‫ܒ‬DK Δτϴϧήϗ (*octopus) is a stingy person. Also negative is sp. poner como un pulpo (*to put [someone] like an octopus), “to give someone an earful”;18 while, in Oceanic cultures, the octopus has positive connotations, like in Tongan; e.g. NH WXNX Ɲ IHNe kae sio kehe (*leaving the octopus but looking elsewhere) said when people do not recognize the value of really good things 0ƗKLQD 

3.1. Social Behaviour and Social Hierarchies Some idioms have a figurative counterpart in other languages but they undergo changes in the “chosen” species. For example, the archimetaphors involving WEALTH, SUCCESS or POWERFUL PEOPLE are not actualized by the same species, because the prestige which is culturally attributed to them in each culture is not the same. The shark is maybe the only exception. Its dangerous and cruel behaviour makes it symbolize 17 According to the Latin-French dictionary of Estiennes (1522) the meaning of ostrea was larger than for sp. ostra and included toute sorte de poisson qui a la coquille et escaille aspre et rude. 18 According to the traditional Spanish recipe, the octopus is strongly beaten with a stick before being cooked, in order to soften its meat.

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greed and mercilessness in many cultures: sp. como tiburones al olor de la sangre (*like sharks attracted by blood); tiburón financiero/tiburón de las finanzas (*financial shark); tiburón de la Bolsa/tiburón bursátil (*Wallstreet shark); ser un tiburón (*to be a shark). It also makes it suitable for striking variants of drunkenness, e.g. the closest Italian equivalent of eng. to drink like a fish is it. bere come un squallo (*to drink like a shark), which is still more hyperbolic. Oceanic languages distinguish several kinds of sharks. In Tongan phraseology, tenifa designates a species of great shark, and the idiom tgn. KDQJƝ KD WHQLID means “an angry and dangerous person”; while luki ‘a tenifa ‘i hono tafi (*challenging a big shark in its own territory) is said to criticize a a young person who talks EDFNWRDQROGHUSHUVRQ0ƗKLQD  The other particular species tend to have a more locally conventionalized symbolism, and the trade value of every fish seems to be an important factor in this cross-linguistic diversity. As a Catalan proverb says, el peix varia de preu segons allà on jeu (*the fish varies its price depending on where he lies). Fish proverbs are seldom “literal”, such as pt. goraz em janeiro vale um carneiro (*red bream in January costs like mutton) or pescada em janeiro vale dinheiro (*hake in January is expensive). Many figurative idioms and proverbs, either based on logic and experience (eng. lose [/venture] a small fish to catch a big one) or culturally bound, are based on the commercial and gastronomic prestige of each species, creating some parallelism with another kind of value, according to a generic mechanism of phraseological gastronomisms (Monteiro 2011, 270). In this case, they mention specific kinds of fishes, which cannot be the same in all regions, for ictiological and cultural reasons: eng. give a sprat to catch a herring. fr. jeter un gardon pour avoir un brochet (*to throw a roach fish to get a pike); il faut perdre un vairon pour pêcher un saumon (*one must lose a minnow to catch a salmon) /Il faut toujours tendre un ver pour avoir une truite (*we must give a worm to catch a trout); it. butar sardelle per prendere un luccio (*to throw sardines to catch a pike); rsɧɚɛɟɡɪɵɛɶɟɢɪɚɤɪɵɛɚ LQWKHDEVHQFHRIILVKHYHQ “river crabs” are fishes.19 chn. K΁L]KǀQJZ~\~[LƗ]LGj⎧ѝ❑冊㶖ᆀབྷ (*when there are no fishes, shrimps become big [important]20).

19

A more accurate translation would produce a tautology, since English categorizes these animals as fishes (crayfish). 20 One of the meanings of this proverb is “in absence of sons, daughters are precious” (Scarborough 1875) but, in another context, it can also be an equivalent of eng. in the realm of the blind, the one-man eyed is a king.

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These metaphors refer to a kind of folk ranking of fishes parallel to social hierarchies, for example, an English proverb says that it is better to be the head of a dog than the tail of a lion, meaning “IT IS BETTER TO BE THE MAIN INDIVIDUAL OF A WEAK GROUP THAN THE WEAKEST ONE OF A STRONG GROUP”, but in the Mediterranean countries there are variants with

fish species, and they are very diversified into culturally bound images. Good Italian and Croatian examples of this diversification are quoted by /MXELþLüDQG.RYDþLüOp. cit.) it. meglio essere testa di anguilla che coda di storione (*it’s better to be the head of an eel than the tail of a sturgeon), dialectal variants may refer to other fish species: [Tuscany] megio esser testa de sardela che coa de sturion (*better to be head of sardine than tail of sturgeon); [Sicily] megghiu testa d’anciova chi cuda di tunnu (*better head of anchovy than tail of tunna fish); [Puglia] mègghie cape de salipece ca cote di pèssecàne (*better head of shrimp than tail of shark); cr. bolje glava od barbuna nego rep o širuna (*better head of red mullet than tail of sea maid). In the languages of Spain, we have this same proverb, but the fish species changes again: sp. más vale ser cabeza de sardina que cola de ballena (*better head of a sardine than tail of a whale); más vale ser cabeza de trucha que cola de salmón (*better head of a trout than tail of a salmon); más vale ser cabeza de sardina que cola de bacalao (*it’s better to be the head of a sardine than the tail of a cod). Other Spanish variants are quoted by Sevilla and Sevilla (2005), like más vale en aldea ser cabeza de boquerón, que en gran ciudad cola de pez mayor (*it’s better to be a head of anchovy in a village than a tail of big fish in a city); más quiero ser cabeza de sardín, que cola de delfín (*I prefer to be the head of a sardine than the tail of a dolphin); más vale ser cabeza de arenque, que cola de raya (*it’s better to be the head of herring than the tail of a ray). In Tongan, there are basically two opposed categories: the deep-sea fish, which has positive connotations and the reef fish, which has negative FRQQRWDWLRQVEHFDXVHLWLVERQ\DQGGRHVQRWKDYHFRPSDFWIOHVK0ƗKLQD 2004, 137). This distinction is reflected by some Tongan idioms, like tgn. IƯIƯLNDPDND (*weaving deep-sea fish) applied to people with great power or importance or si’i ‘a ma’anga ika maka (*it is small but it is a mouthful of deep-sea-fish), applied to small things which are beautiful or of great value, while IƯIƯ LND YDOH (*weaving reef fish) designates people of little worth (op. cit.: 88; 156). The opposition between cheap and expensive fishes underlies many other metaphoric idioms and proverbs. Expensive fishes, such as the 21 MONKFISH (Lophius piscatorius), may symbolize MONEY; e.g. fr. pour un 21

Also known as frogfish and angler fish.

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foie de lotte, l’homme vend sa culotte (*for the liver of a monkfish, the man sells his pants); pour la moitié d’une lotte la femme trousse sa cotte (*for the half of a monkfish the woman lifts her dress). Inversely, the cheap HERRING symbolizes the lower classes in Northern Europe: dan. sildefjerdingen lugter altid af silden; dut. het tonnetje ruikt altijd naar de haring; fr. la caque sent toujours le hareng (*the barrel always stinks [of] the herring, to mean “what’s bred in the bone comes out in the flesh”). In Spain and Portugal, the (cheap) SARDINE is a symbol of poverty: sp. Quien no come gallina come sardinas (*who cannot eat a hen eats sardines); en tu casa comes sardina y en la ajena pides gallina (*you eat sardine at home and want a hen when you are invited to other people’s place); quien no trabaja come gallina y quien trabaja una triste sardina (those who don’t work eat hens, those who work [get] a sad sardine); la mujer y la sardina, cuanto más salada más dañina (*women and sardines, the more salt [they have] the worst [they are]); prt. comer sardinha e arrotar pescada [/tainha] (*to eat sardines and burp hakes [/mullets] said about “pretentious people who believe they belong to a higher class than they actually do”). Its little value explains that com uma sardinha comprar um truta (*to buy a trout in exchange for a sardine) expresses a good business, while a bad business is gal. é tan bobiña que troca a vaca pela sardiña (*she is so stupid that she exchanges her cow for a sardine). A modern and rather “international” idiom describes working class people squashed into public transport as eng. packed like sardines; sp. apretados como sardinas en lata, it. pigiati come le sardine; grm. eingezwängt wie die Ölsardinen. In Russia, tinned sardines were traditionally less available, so this symbolic role is played by the (locally cheaper) herrings: rs. ɤɚɤɫɟɥɶɞɢɜɛɨɱɤɟ OLNHKHUULQJVLQWKHEDUUHO  Another cheap fish with negative connotations is the (dried) COD. Its image is related to DECEPTION in Spanish. Although the cod is the national dish in Portugal, its role in language is even more derogatory than in Spanish, because of its traditionally low price. In Italian it symbolizes STUPIDITY, while in French its figurative meaning is “prostitute”: sp. ya está el bacalao vendido (*the cod is already sold) “there is no possibility of doing anything because of a previous hustle”; te conozco, bacalao (*I know you, cod) “you won’t fool me”; meter la bacalá [a alguien] (*to put the salted cod [into someone]) “to fool someone”), fr. être une morue (*to be a cod) “to be a whore”;22 it. fare la figura di baccalà/ restare [piantato] come un baccalà (*to remain as a cod) “not to react”; prt. deu em aguas de bacalhao (*it turned into cod water) “it failed 22

While the name of the mackerel (fr. maquereau) designates the “pimp”.

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Chapter Four completely”; comer bacalhau e arrotar cavala (*to eat cod and to burp mackerel) “to be pretentious”, meter o bacalhao em alguem (*to put the cod into someone) “to rob someone”.

An awful Brazilian proverb from the time of slavery even says that bacalhau é comida de negro e negro é comida de onça (*cod is food for black man and black man is food for jaguars) (Mota 1987).

3.2. Aesthetic Canons A Chinese proverb associates beautiful women and fishes: chén yú luò yàn ⊹劬㩭䳱 (*the beauty of a woman makes the fishes sink and the wild geese fall on the earth), it is “said of a very nice woman” (Jia 2012). Krikmann (2001) also found this Finnish proverb: nuorella tytöllä pitää olla siijan suu, salakan vatsa, lammin ahvenen ajatukset (*a young girl should have the mouth of whitefish, the belly of a blay fish and the thoughts of a perch [living] in a pond). In Mediterranean cultures it is more common to find this comparison for ugly people, also mentioning particular species, e.g., the Spanish FROGFISH symbolizes UGLINESS (e.g. sp. es más fea que un rape: “she is very ugly”) in spite of the high cost and gastronomic prestige of this fish, a role played in Venezuela by the (river) CATFISH and the COD es más fea que un bagre (*she is uglier than a catfish); es una emulsión de Scott (he is a [trade mark of cod-liver oil]), said of a man with an ugly girlfriend,23 while the RED PORGY (pargo) designates an effeminate man. The (collective) subjectivity underlying the motivation of such associations is not always evident. In Mediterranean cultures, the thinness of traditionally cheap dried HERRINGS has produced despised images of skinny persons: fr. sec comme un hareng saur (*dry as a salted herring); it. secco come una aringa (*dry as a herring); while the small size of the sardine makes it a perfect antonym of the powerful “big fish”, as in the above-mentioned proverbs or in the idiom sp. ser la última sardina de la banasta (*to be the last sardine of the barrel) “to have no power at all”. However, not all the phrasemes involving small fishes have bad connotations, the SARDINE also symbolizes that some small things can be better than big ones: sp. la mujer y la sardina, pequeñina; it. donne e sardine son buone piccoline (*women and sardines are better [if they are] small).

23

Bocaranda (Dicionario Venezolano), according to this author the single word bagre (“river catfish”) is enough to designate an ugly woman, and the label of codliver oil (emulsión de Scott) represents a fisherman with a cod on his shoulder.

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4. Conclusions The principle of unidirectionality (Köveces 2002, 6; 25) stated by the standard Cognitive Theory of Metaphor, establishes a one-way mapping from emergent concepts (potential sources) and non-emergent concepts (potential targets). This idea is contradicted by the fact that, in the same language, the same domains may switch these roles between them. A closer examination of folk ictionyms compared to idioms and proverbs, shows that European fish names tend to map earthly concepts on the aquatic domain, but phraseological units, even in European languages show the inverse scheme: maritime sources mapped on the earthly domain is a very productive scheme. On the other hand, Oceanic languages use both directions not only in idioms and proverbs but also in fish names. A striking example of this reversibility is the English compound coral cactus, which is, at the same time, the name of a cactus (Euphobia lactea crest) and the name of a coral (Pavona agariciidae). In this example, two contrary models generate identical formal outputs. The difference between these two poles may be connected with the communicative opposition between signs and symbols (Ferro 2007) and between designation and evaluation (Mëd 2007). While the internationally spread metaphors are related to the generic concept of fish and the universal cognitive frame of fishery, phraseologisms mentioning particular species are more culturally bound.

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Unterbaümen, E. (eds.) Uma [re]visão da teoria e da pesquisa fraseológicas, 249-275. Campinas (SP, Brasil): Pontes. Mota, L. 1987. Adagiário brasileiro. Sao Paulo: Itatiaia. Paczolay, G. 1997. European Proverbs, in 55 Languages. Veszprém: Veszprémi Nyomda R. T. —. 2005. “Universal, Regional, Sub-regional and Local Proverbs.” In 3DWDUOơV IHQRPHQDV WDUSWDXWLãNXPDV LU WDXWLãNXPDV 3URI KDELO GU Kazio Grigo (1924 – 2002); DãWXRQLDVGHãLPWPHþLXL7DXWRVDNRVGDUEDL XXX: 73-85. —. (2009). “Some Examples of Global, Areal, Regional and Local Proverbs in Europe and in the Far-East.” In Korhonen, J. et al. (eds.), Phraseologie – Global – Areal – Regional, 43-60. Tübingen: Gunther Narr. Palmatier, R. A. 1995. Speaking of Animals: a Dictionary of Animal Metaphors. Westport/London: Greenwood Press. Pamies, A. 2002. “Modelos icónicos y archimeWiIRUDVDOJXQRVSUREOHPDV PHWDOLQJtVWLFRVHQHOiPELWRGHODIUDVHRORJtD´Language Design: 4: 9-20. —. 2007a. “De la idiomaticidad y sus paradojas.” ,Q &RQGH 7DUUtR * (ed.), Nouveaux apports à l’étude des expressions figées, 173-204. Cortil-Vodon (Bélgica): E.M.E. (Coll. Proximités). —. 2007b. “El lenguaje de la lechuza: apuntes para un diccionario LQWHUFXOWXUDO´,Q/XTXH'XUiQ-G'DQG3DPLHV%HUWUiQ$HGV  Interculturalidad y lenguaje, vol. 1, 375-404. Granada: Método. —. 2008. “Comparaison inter-linguistique et comparaison interculturelle.” In Quitout, M. (ed.) Traduction, proverbes et Traductologie, 143-156. Paris: Editions L’Harmattan. —. 2009. “National Linguo-cultural Specificity vs. Linguistic Globalization: the Case of Figurative Meaning.” In Korhonen, J., Mieder, W., Piirainen, E., Piñel, R. (eds.), Phraseologie – Global – Areal – Regional, 29-42. Tübingen: Gunther Narr. —  ³(O FRPSRQHQWH LQWHU FXOWXUDO HQ OD PHWiIRUD HO FDVR GH OD ictionimia.” In Crida Álvarez, C. (ed.) Fraseo-paremiología e interculturalidad, 33-53. Atenas: Ta Kalos Keimena. —. 2011. “À propos de la motivation phraséologique.” In Pamies, A. and Dobrovol’skij D. (eds.) Linguo-cultural Competence and Phraseological Motivation, 25-39. Baltmannsweiler: Schneider. —. 2012. “Zoo-symbolism and Metaphoric Competence”. In Szerszunowicz, J. and Yagi, K. (eds.) Focal Issues on Phraseological Studies, 291-314. Bialystok (Polska): University of Bialystok (Poland) and Kwansei Gakuin University, Osaka (Japan).

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—³$iUYRUHHRSHL[HQDOLQJXDJHPILJXUDGDHQDYLVmROLQJtVWLFD do mundo.” In Soares, R. (ed.) Fifth Interdisciplinary Colloquium on Proverbs (ICP11) Tavira, Portugal 2011 [forthcoming]. Pamies, A., and Y. El-Ghalayini. 2013. “Figurative Language Mechanisms and Fishing Terminology in Spanish and Arabic.” III International Conference on Translation. Baghdad, 8 May 2013 [forthcoming]. Pamies, A., and K. Tutaeva.  ³(O iUERO FRPR UHIHUHQWH OLQJXRcultural.” In Mellado, C. et al. (eds.), La fraseografia del S. XXI, 169190. Berlin: Frank and Timme. 3LLUDLQHQ( ³3KUDVHRORJ\DQG5HVHDUFKRQ6\PEROV´,QĆXUþR Peter (ed.), Phraseology and Paremiology (Europhras 97), 280-287. Bratislava: Akadémia. —. 2008. “Figurative Phraseology and Culture.” In Granger, S., and Meunier, F. (eds.), Phraseology. An Interdisciplinary Perspective, 207228. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Piirainen, E. et al. 2010. Widespread Idioms in Europe and Beyond. Website of the research project. http://www.widespread-idioms.unitrier.de/?p=karten andlang=en. Accessed 30.07.2013. Sabban, A. 2007. “Culture-boundness and Problems of Cross-cultural Phraseology.” In Burger, Dobrovolskij, Norrik and Kühn (eds.), Phraseologie/Phraseology: ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenössischen Forschung… . Vol 1, 590-605. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. —. 2008. “Critical Observations on the Culture-boundness of Phraseology.” In Granger, S. and Meunier, F. (eds.), Phraseology: an Interdisciplinary Perspective, 229-242. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Scarborough, W. 1875. A Collection of Chinese Proverbs. Shangai: American Presbyterian Mission Press. http://ia700508.us.archive.org/ 16/items/collectionofchin00scar/collectionofchin00scar.pdf. Sevilla Muñoz, J., and M. Sevilla Muñoz. 2005. “La aplicación de las técnicas de la ‘traducción paremiológica’ a las paremias populares relativas al vocablo pez, en español, inglés y francés.” In Revista de Literaturas Populares, 2: 349-368. Sevilla Muñoz, J. (dir.) 2012. Refanero multilingüe. (online database). http://cvc.cervantes.es/lengua/refranero/default.aspx. Sevilla Muñoz, J. 1998. “Estudio onomasiológico de las paremias francesas y españolas sobreanimales.” In Proverbium, 15: 221-233. —  ³(O YDORU HWQROLQJtVWLFR GH ORV UHIUDQHV´ ,Q &RQGH 7DUUtR * (ed.), Elcomponente etnológico de la paremiología. Cortil-Vodon: E.M.E./Proximités.

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Sevilla Muñoz, J. and J. Cantera Ortiz de Urbina. 2004. Diccionario temático de locuciones francesas con su correspondencia española. Madrid: Gredos. Siefring, J. 2004. The Oxford Dictionary of Idioms. Oxford University Press. Simpson, J., and J. Speake. 1982 [1998]. Concise Dictionary of Proverbs. New York: Oxford University Press. Szerszunowicz, J. 2009. “Linguo-cultural Analyses of European Phraseological Units in a Contrastive Perspective.” In Yagi, K., Kanzaki, T. (eds.) Phraseology, Corpus Linguistics and Lexicography. Papers from Phraseology in Japan, 119-136. Nishinomiya: Kwansei Gakuin University Press. Teliya, V. 1996. Russkaya Frazeologiya. Semanticheskiy, pragmaticheskiy i lingvo-kul’turologicheskiy aspekty. Moskva. 7XWDHYD.³/DVLPERORJtDGHOFHUGRHQODIUDVHRORJtDLQJOHVDUXVD y española.” In Language Design, 11: 5-28. Velasco Menendez, J. 2005. “(OSDSHOGHORVFRPSRQHQWHV]RRQtPLFRVHQ ODVHPiQWLFDGHODVXQLGDGHVIUDVHROyJLFDVGHDQLPDOtVWLcas.” ,Q6iQFKH] Puig, M. (ed.), Homenaje de los rusistas españoles al profesor y académico Y.N. Karaúlov, 139-147. Madrid: Ed. Hispano Eslavas. Walter, H., and P. Avenas. 2003. Chihuahua, zébu et cie. Paris: Robert Laffont. Whakatauki. 2009. Maori Proverbs. Chile: Woodward Ltd. http://www/ maori.cl/Proverbs.htm. Accessed 30.07.2013. Wierzbicka, A. 1997. Understanding Cultures Through Their Key Words. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wierzbicka, A. 2008. “Reasonably Well: Natural Semantic Metalanguage as a Tool for the Study of Phraseology and its Cultural Underpinnings.” In Skandera, P. (ed.) Phraseology and Culture in English, 49-78. Berlin: Mouton deGruyter. Zykova, I. V. 2011. “Contrastive Studies: Levels and Stages of Research on Phraseologisms of Different Languages.” In Pamies, A. and Dobrovol’skij, D. (eds.), Linguo-cultural Competence and Phraseological Motivation, 147-156.

CHAPTER FIVE PHRASEOLOGICAL UNITS WITH ONOMATOPOEIC COMPONENT AND TRANSPARENT INNER FORM RIMMA SALIEVA1 AND ALSU NURULLOVA2 1. Introduction For centuries scholars have drawn their attention to the problem of onomatopoeia. We present the following definitions of onomatopoeia found in various dictionaries: The act of creating or using words that include sounds that are similar to the noises the words refer to. (Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary and and Thesaurus 2008) Onomatopoeia – the naming of a thing or action by a vocal imitation of the sound associated with it (such as buzz or hiss). Onomatopoeia may also refer to the use of words whose sound suggests the sense. This occurs frequently in poetry, where a line of verse can express a characteristic of the thing being portrayed. (Encyclopædia Britannica 2010).

First attempts of onomatopoeia studies were made when onomatopoeia was associated with the bow-wow theory that deals with the origin of language. According to this theory people have always imitated the sounds of nature, and copied and applied them to their own system of communication. This theory was generated by ancient Greek philosophers – stoics – and was further developed in the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Mikhail Lomonosov, Wilhelm von Humboldt. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz was the first to formulate the basic principles of the theory and therefore to summarize them (Alieva 1997). 1 2

Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected]. Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected].

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2. Main Part 2.1. Classification of Onomatopoeic Units According to Ferdinand de Saussure there is no sense between two sides of the sign in linguistics with the exception of onomatopoeic units that show phonetic motivation (due to the origin of the word itself: Gr. onoma – name, poieo – to make). In Indo-European languages we can single out a class of onomatopoeic units which are different in semantic content and in the extent of reflection of natural sounds. Resting on this principle the following categories of onomatopoeic words are distinguished: 1) words originated as a result of object contact (e.g. to rattle – to make or emit a quick succession of short percussive sounds; to squeak – to give forth a short, shrill cry or sound; snip-snap – an instance of snipping or the sound produced by snipping; to crackle – to make a succession of slight sharp snapping noises, rumble – a deep, long, rolling sound); 2) sounds produced by animals and insects (e.g. cock-a-doodledoo – an imitation or representation of a cock crowing, to yap – to bark sharply or shrilly, yelp; chaffinch – a small European songbird; to growl – to emit a low guttural sound or utterance; to bleat – to utter the characteristic cry of a goat or sheep); 3) sounds of nature (e.g. to chatter – to flow with a murmuring sound; to gurgle – to flow in a broken irregular current with a bubbling sound; to babble – to make a continuous low, murmuring sound, as flowing water; to drizzle – to rain gently in fine, mist-like drops); 4) sounds produced as a result of human activity (to hiss – to utter with a hiss; to lash – to strike with or as if with a whip; to sneeze – to expel air forcibly from the mouth and nose in an explosive, spasmodic, involuntary action resulting chiefly from irritation of the nasal mucous membrane; hiccup – a spasm of the diaphragm resulting in a rapid, involuntary inhalation that is stopped by the sudden closure of the glottis and accompanied by a sharp, distinctive sound; yikes! – used to express mild fear or surprise) (Habibullina 2003). The principle characteristic of onomatopoeia is that the uttered interjection (e.g. the sound produced by an animal) is directly related to the corresponding onomatopoeic word, however in some cases there might be a lack of such a connection. For example, plod-plod is a sound of a walking horse whereas in the statement clatter of hoofs we observe the lack of the component plod. According to the scholar B. A. Serebrennikov, people of various nationalities hear the sounds differently. For example, those nationalities who spoke the Latin language used the word sibalare for the sound of the whistle, using s and b simultaneously. In German the same sound is transferred with the help of labial consonants pf – pfeifen.

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Both in the Tatar and Russian languages we observe the phoneme s in the words – ɫɵɡɝɵɪɵɪɝɚ and ɫɜɢɫɬɟɬɶ correspondingly (Serebrennikov 1988). Hence the appearance of new onomatopoeic units in a language is determined by the diverse ability of people to perceive one and the same sound.

2.2. Phraseological Units with Onomatopoeic Components Onomatopoeic units are included in the layer of vocabulary that is part of the national and cultural peculiarity of the language. Phraseological units are also referred to in this layer. It should be mentioned that phraseological units comprise a specific culturally-marked part of the language that reflects the world view of the particular ethnic group. In the course of studying onomatopoeic units in English we have found phraseological units with onomatopoeic components. We are going to present examples of their use, some of them taken from Internet resources. 1) groan inwardly “feel dismayed by something but remain silent”. Ex.: Production teams still groan inwardly when these big bosses show up on big occasions; 2) one’s bark is worse than one’s bite (a proverb) “someone makes a lot of harsh-sounding threats but never carries them out”. Ex.: Don’t get upset at anything my father says. His bark is worse than his ELWH 3) lower the boom “to suddenly stop someone doing something you do not approve of”. Ex.: … always get the feeling that none of them – his own children, I mean – can say so much as “good morning” to him without wondering if and when he’s going to ORZHUWKHERRP 4) to blow bubbles “to fool about and play tricks”. Ex.: It’s merely blowing bubbles to introduce reforms without any funds to carry them out (Kunin 1984); 5) burst somebody’s bubble “to tell someone unexpected bad news”. Ex.: I don’t want to burst her bubble by telling her we won’t have a vacation this summer; 6) like a bump on a log “if someone sits or stands somewhere like a bump on a log, they do not react in a useful or helpful way to the activities happening around them”. Ex.: He just sits around like a bump on a log watching TV or playing video games; 7) drop by drop “hardly, barely”. Ex.: They wrung the information out of him drop by drop (Kunin 1984); 8) to flip one’s lid “to suddenly become angry, crazy, or enthusiastic”. Ex.: She’ll flip her lid when she finds out what’s been going on;

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Examples presented in the paper show the frequency of onomatopoeic units used in set phrases, phraseological units and proverbs both in English and Russian. The detailed analysis of these phraseological units, the component of which is presented by an onomatopoeic unit or a derived word, shows that these PUs convey figurative meaning. Therefore the lexical meaning of the onomatopoeic units in these combinations isn not retained. For example, the verb to groan means “to voice a deep, inarticulate sound, as of pain, grief, or displeasure”, but with the adverb inwardly it forms a phraseological unit which means “to be utterly upset”. An onomatopoeia bow-wow presents the sound produced by a dog, whereas the combination to go to the bow-wow’s is used when one scolds somebody, in other words gives somebody hell.

2.3. Semantic Aspect of Studying Phraseological Units with Onomatopoeic Components and Transparent Inner Form in English and Russian We are occupied with the comparative analysis of phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent (or partially transferred, partially changed) inner form in the English and Russian languages. A set phrase, the meaning of which can be easily deduced from the meaning of its constituents, that is to say, the meaning of the phrase may be said to be clearly motivated, is the subject of our investigation. Such phraseological units preserve the semantic content. For example, in English: drop by drop “hardly, barely”; to cut the cackle “to stop talking, chatting”; to burst like a bubble “vanish into thin air”; to blow bubbles “to fool around”; in Russian: ɧɚɩɥɟɜɚɬɟɥɶɫɤɨɟ ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɟ “not to care a damn”; ɯɨɯɨɬɭɧ ɧɚɩɚɥ ɧɚ ɤɨɝɨ “intense feeling or wish to laugh” (informal). The problem considered in our work is finding out criteria for grouping phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form into the separate class. The process of classifying them gives us the possibility of putting them in order within the whole corpus of phraseological units existing in both languages; therefore we may have the possibility of expressing ourselves more vividly and understanding each other more clearly during the process of communication. What is more, classifying such phrases may help us during the process of teaching native and foreign languages with better results.

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The object of our investigation is the semantic aspect inside the whole structure of the meaning of the phraseological unit. Our main concern is the analysis of the semantic aspect of such phrases as it is one of the means of international and intercultural communication. The transparent (or partially transferred) meaning of the phraseological unit shows us the weakest cohesion between its components. Also one of our main tasks is to study the usage of such expressions in context. For example: ‘Good Heavens, how thoughtless I am!’ – Rosemary rushed to the bell. The maid was gone and the girl almost burst into tears. – ‘You won’t have to. I’ll look after you. Do stop crying. Please’. (K. Mansfield. A Cup of Tea) Ɇɚɪɶɹɧɚɡɚɫɦɟɹɥɚɫɶɢɡɚɧɟɣɜɫɟɞɟɜɤɢ – ɗɬɢ ɧɚɪɹɞɧɵɟ ɪɟɛɹɬɚ – ɫɤɚɡɚɥ ɇɚɡɚɪɤɚ – Ɋɨɜɧɨ ɭɫɬɚɜɳɢɤɢ ɞɥɢɧɧɨɩɨɥɵɟ – ɢ ɨɧ ɩɪɨɦɚɪɲɢɪɨɜɚɥ ɩɨ ɞɨɪɨɝɟ ɩɟɪɟɞɪɚɡɧɢɜɚɹ ɢɯ ȼɫɟɨɩɹɬɶ ɪɚɡɪɚɡɢɥɢɫɶɯɨɯɨɬɨɦ. ɅɇɌɨɥɫɬɨɣɄɚɡɚɤɢ

PU ɪɚɡɪɚɡɢɬɶɫɹ ɯɨɯɨɬɨɦ “= to burst out laughing” is used in the context to give comic supply for the situation. Ʉɧɹɝɢɧɹɩɟɪɟɞɧɢɦɨɞɧɚ ɋɢɞɢɬɧɟɭɛɪɚɧɚɛɥɟɞɧɚ ɉɢɫɶɦɨɤɚɤɨɟ-ɬɨɱɢɬɚɟɬ ɂɬɢɯɨɫɥɟɡɵɥɶɟɬɪɟɤɨɣȺɋɉɭɲɤɢɧɉɨɷɦɵ

In the paper we present an attempt at analyzing and proving the fact that studying the semantic aspect of phraseological units with their transparent meaning in English and Russian helps us to distinguish a few common features within the languages; that grouping such phrases into a separate class may further put them in order among other numerous phraseological units. We therefore hold that it may further better and easier ways of understanding each other, of catching a person’s meaning while associating and communicating with him or her. It is interesting and important to notice that the meaning of a phrase presents a combination of two major (macro) components: significative denotation and connotation. The semantic analysis of phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form gives us a fundamental understanding of the existence of such micro components as value, emotion, and expressivity, functioning in the context within the whole structure of the meaning. 1. Value as one of the micro components of the semantic structure of the phrase may have positive, negative or neutral meaning. It is easily

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deduced from the whole meaning of the phrase with its transparent meaning. We can demonstrate this with the following examples: to scratch one’s back “to do something kind and helpful for someone or to flatter him in the hope that he will do something for you” (informal); ɧɟ ɦɵɱɢɬ, ɧɟ ɬɟɥɢɬɫɹ “smb. doesn’t hasten to take a decision” (colloquial, derogatory); ɯɥɨɩɧɭɬɶ ɤɚɤ ɨɛɭɯɨɦ ɩɨ ɝɨɥɨɜɟ “to revise something unexpectedly, suddenly” (colloquial, expressive). Many scientists, such as I. Arnold (2002), E. Arsenteva (1997), N. Arutjunova (1990), E. Dibrova (1997), V. Zhukov (1986), A. Kunin (1996) and others, consider that a great number of phraseological units have negative value within the semantic structure. Perhaps this is best explained by the fact that phraseological units as one of the expressive means of the language are used to show negative sides of our life, e.g. to burst smb.’s bubble “to tell bad, unexpected news”, to knock the living daylights out of smb. “to beat someone severely”; ɩɪɨɜɚɥɢɬɶɫɹ ɫ ɬɪɟɫɤɨɦ “to turn out a complete fiasco” (colloquial). Though there are many examples of units with onomatopoeic components with a positive value of meaning, on the whole they are more rarely observed: would not say boo to a goose “if someone wouldn’t say boo to a goose, they are shy”; ɫɨɛɚɱɢɣ ɧɸɯ ɭ ɤɨɝɨ “a person who is able to catch one’s implicit thoughts, ideas” (informal, ironic). In such examples as: to give smb. a buzz/jingle “to call”; to stick to the point “to stay a course during a discussion; adhere to the topic”; ɛɶɟɬ ɱɚɫ ɱɟɣ “it’s time to do some things that come into existence” we cannot observe identifiers of positive or negative value within the semantic structure. This clearly means that we deal with a neutral value of the meaning of the phraseological units. On closer examination the semantic criteria and the component criteria are noted to be essential for the analysis of the semantic structure of phraseological units with their transparent inner form. As an example we take such English phrases as eating and scratching wants but a beginning “it’s worth starting to do something, not waiting” and goo-goo eyes “eyes full of love”. These examples show that such constituents as beginning with its positive meaning “starting point” and the constituent goo with its positive meaning “loving, amorous glance” give a positive supply for the whole meaning of both phraseological units. In Russian such phrases as ɪɟɜɟɬɶ ɜ ɬɪɢ ɪɭɱɶɹ “= weep buckets; cry copiously” and ɫ ɰɟɩɢ ɫɨɪɜɚɬɶɫɹ “= to flip one’s lid, to suddenly become very angry” have the constituent ɪɟɜɟɬɶ with its negative evaluative meaning “to howl and cry”, and the component ɫɨɪɜɚɬɶɫɹ “to break, get away” which give a negative supply for the whole meaning of both units.

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2. The determination of such a micro component as emotion within the semantic structure of the meaning can be considered an even more complicated task. The phraseological unit in Russian: ɧɢ ɛɟ ɧɢ ɦɟ ɧɢ ɤɭɤɚɪɟɤɭ “somebody keeps silence because he knows nothing” (disapproval, colloquial) expresses negative emotion. In the dictionary such a usage mark as ɧɟɨɞɨɛɪɢɬɟɥɶɧɨ (disapprovingly) (ɩɪɟɞɨɫɭɞɢɬɟɥɶɧɨ (blamable), ɭɧɢɱɢɠɢɬɟɥɶɧɨ (derogatory) are possible in other cases) indicates the negative micro component, because one’s absence of knowledge presented in the definition shows the negative side of a person. The English phraseological unit with onomatopoeic component like a bump on a log “if someone sits or stands somewhere like a bump on a log, they do not react in a useful or helpful way to the activities happening around them” (derogatory) (but becoming more acceptable, especially if said with positive or loving intonation) has negative emotion thanks to the negative meaning of blame and disapproval, suggested in its definition. The semantic and evaluative criteria are the starting points in the process of establishing such a micro component as emotion. The Russian phraseological unit (ɜɫɟ) ɯɚɯɚɧɶɤɢ ɞɚ ɯɢɯɚɧɶɤɢ has the following original meaning in the dictionary “a person who makes light of his or her duties, affairs” (blamable). From this example we may easily deduce that this PU is used when we would like to express our negative disapproval emotion about a light-minded person. Another example demonstrates that the English phraseological unit to din something into a person’s ears (head) “= ɩɪɨɝɭɧɞɟɬɶ (ɜɫɟ) ɭɲɢ ɤɨɦɭ; to bother somebody with constant unpleasant talks about something or somebody” (disapproval, colloquial) has the meaning of disapproval, scorn and disdain thanks to the onomatopoeic component din, related to the category of sounds produced as a result of human activity and having its negative meaning “to make a loud, unpleasant, noise, that continues especially when confused and undesired”. Thus we point out two criteria: negative value and negative emotion as a result of one’s constant undesired talking within the structure of the whole meaning of the setphrase. The semantic criterion is the most important criterion for forming another micro component of the connotation called expressivity. If we look through the dictionary we will find the mark ɷɤɫɩɪɟɫɫɢɜɧɨɟ “expressive” (in Russian), that usually suggests an expressive and vivid description of some extra-linguistic reality. Besides this, there are some intensifiers of meaning, i.e. words or combinations of words (very, absolute, perfect, utterly, etc.) in the definition of the phraseological unit that really intensify

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the connotative meaning of the phrase. To illustrate it we can present such examples as groan inwardly with the meaning “to be utterly upset”; drop by drop with the meaning “hardly, barely”. Careful study of the semantic structure of phraseological units with transparent meaning shows that expressivity is most successfully realized and revealed through the context. Such expressive PUs are used for creating a figurative picturesque portrayal, or an effect of the situation (event) described. Let us now see how these three components are used in the context. “Good Heavens, how thoughtless I am!” Rosemary rushed to the bell. …The maid was gone and the girl almost burst into tears. “You won’t have to. I’ll look after you. Do stop crying. Please.” (K. Mansfield. A Cup of Tea)

An example in Russian: ɑɚɫ ɫɢɞɢɬ ɞɪɭɝɨɣ ɫɢɞɢɬ ɢ ɧɢ ɦɭɪ-ɦɭɪ! – ɩɪɨɞɨɥɠɚɥ ɯɜɚɥɢɬɶ ɦɟɧɹ ɞɟɠɭɪɧɵɣ – Ⱥ ɩɨɱɟɦɭ" ɉɨɬɨɦɭ ɱɬɨ ɞɢɫɰɢɩɥɢɧɭ ɡɧɚɟɬ« ɋɢɞɢɬ ɢ ɱɟɪɟɞɭ ɠɞɟɬ ɯɨɬɹ ɭ ɧɟɝɨ ɜɫɹ ɝɪɭɞɶ ɜ ɡɚɫɥɭɝɚɯ ȼ Ⱥɫɬɚɮɶɟɜ Ƚɨɪɫɬɶ ɫɩɟɥɵɯɜɢɲɟɧ

The phraseological unit ɧɢ ɦɭɪ-ɦɭɪ “one says or does absolutely nothing, as if he (she) is absent at all” (informal, expressive) is used by the author for impressing the reader. The author intensifies the reader’s impression of events with the help of the phrase in the definition of which there is such an intensifier as absolutely. So the recipient of the text feels for the character’s physical condition and morale. 3. As for the fourth micro component called stylistic functioning in speech (in the context) it is easily deduced as phraseological units are used in different spheres of communication, during different historical periods and on different territories. Examples presented below, illustrate this statement: In Russian: ɲɥɢɮɨɜɚɬɶ ɬɪɨɬɭɚɪ ɩɪɨɫɩɟɤɬ ɦɨɫɬɨɜɭɸ “to do nothing; to walk aimlessly” (archaic, ironic, literary). From the definition suggested by the dictionary thanks to the usage marks archaic, ironic, literary we find out that the PU ɲɥɢɮɨɜɚɬɶ ɬɪɨɬɭɚɪ (ɩɪɨɫɩɟɤɬ, ɦɨɫɬɨɜɭɸ) is an archaic phraseological unit, containing an archaic meaning “to loiter”. It can be used for a definite stylistic purpose, for example, in a formal pedantic style as a bookish expression. The English PU Southern smack-to-dab; in Russian = ɜ (ɫɚɦɭɸ) ɬɨɱɤɭ has the meaning “exactly; squarely” and is used in an informal style. From

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the definition suggested by the dictionary we get information about the territorial and even local usage of this phraseological unit (chiefly in the South); the Americans rarely use this expression. The phraseological unit hear the beat or see the beat with the meaning “to hear or to see someone or something better or surpassing” (usually used in negative or interrogative sentences) has the label dialect. It means that the phrase is acceptable to the definite group of inhabitants at the definite territory, not everywhere. Such scientists as E. Arsenteva (2009), A. Kunin (1996), A. Reformatorsky (2003) and D. Rozental (2002) subdivide phraseological units into three major classes in accordance with their usage in speech: bookish, colloquial and neutral, which may be used in any style. We relied on this classification while studying the usage of phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form in speech. The result of our investigation proves that PUs under study are numerous and varied in each of the subdivisions. 1) There is an abundant use of phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form within the colloquial subdivision in both the English and Russian languages. They are mostly used in the oral form of communication. They are very figurative, picturesque, expressive and sometimes image-bearing. Though sometimes they are image-bearing, their meaning is easily caught, as the image is transparent: to beat about the bush or beat around the bush “to talk about things without giving a clear answer; to avoid the question or the point (an equivalent in Russian ɯɨɞɢɬɶ ɜɨɤɪɭɝ ɞɚ ɨɤɨɥɨ)” (slang); ɱɬɨɛ ɬɵ ɬɪɟɫɧɭɥ “one’s wish for failure to another” (colloquial). We are going to rely on the context while examining the usage of such phraseological units in speech. In Russian: «ɇɭɫɥɨɜɨɦɥɭɱɲɟɝɨɢɡɬɨɣɫɪɟɞɵ ɂɧɟɨɬɩɪɚɜɢɥɢɛɵȾɭɪɧɨɜɚ« Ⱥ ɜɩɪɨɱɟɦ ɬɭɬ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɲɭɦɚ ɢɡ ɩɭɫɬɨɝɨ Ɏ Ɍɸɬɱɟɜ ȼɨɥɲɟɛɧɚɹ ɫɬɪɭɧɚ PU ɦɧɨɝɨɲɭɦɚɢɡɧɢɱɟɝɨ has the meaning ‘vain, useless, needless show of anxiety’ (colloquial); the equivalent in English much ado about nothing has the meaning ‘fuss; unnecessary nervous excitement, especially about unimportant things’.

In English: ‘I won’t scrape the fiddle on Sunday’, – he vowed. But, he lamented, ‘My hands itch so for that damned fiddle that I can’t enjoy the Sabbath.’ (Dolly Blount Lamar. When All is Said and Done)

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While examining this subdivision more thoroughly we find out that there is a variety of impolite, derogatory, vulgar, avoidable, nonstandard phrases within it. They are used in a sub-colloquial style forming a substantial part of the whole section of colloquial phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form. Such phrases sound sharp, rough and harsh. They arouse negative emotions, have a pejorative evaluation and are unwanted in ordinary speech: ɩɪɨɜɚɥɢɬɶɫɹ ɫ ɬɪɟɫɤɨɦ ‘to turn out a complete fiasco’ (colloquial, impolite); bawl someone out ‘to scold someone in a loud voice’ (slang).

We may demonstrate the use of such units in speech: ‘You want to put it somewhere where it’ll give you a bang slap in the eye, if you follow me’, a little fat chap said. (K. Mansfield. The Garden-Party) Laura’s upbringing made her wonder for a moment whether it was quite respectful for a workman to talk to her of bangs slap in the eye. But she didn’t quite follow him.

2) The quantitative analysis of the results of our investigation shows that the number of literary phraseological units is not great in both English and in Russian. They are typical of the pedantic style thanks to their bookish, abstract, passionate, solemn, poetic, rhetorical, ironic and some other stylistic characteristics: to the last drop (of blood) µ ɞɨɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɟɣɤɚɩɥɢɤɪɨɜɢ WRVWUXJJOHWR defend doing one’s best’ (literary); gnaw (away) at someone or something ‘to chew at someone or something’ (literary). Marie was half-way to Bella’s house when self-doubt began to gnaw away at her new-found confidence and her sense of purpose crumbled. (Susan Gates. The Lock)

3) Neutral phrases may be found in all spheres of usage in both languages, they have no special label in dictionaries: beat the drums ‘= ɡɜɨɧɢɬɶɜɨɜɫɟɤɨɥɨɤɨɥɚWRDWWUDFWDWWHQWLRQLQRUGHUWR advertise something or to promote someone, such as a political candidate’; music to one’s ears ‘= ɛɚɥɶɡɚɦɧɚɞɭɲɭ; something one likes to hear’.

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She picked up her candle and decided to go along to Mildred’s room and have a grumble at her. (Jill Murphy. A Bad Spell for the Worst Witch)

3. Conclusions The detailed study of phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form in English and Russian has revealed some common and different features of two remote cognates. The study proves the importance of combining phraseological units with onomatopoeic components and transparent inner form into a separate class. What we claim is that the meaning of phraseological units with transparent inner form in English and Russian is easily deduced from the meaning of their components. The important point here is that such phrases play a vital role in communication being rather emotive and expressive.

List of References Alieva, S. 1997. Funktsionalno-semanticheskiy analiz zvukopodrajatel’noy leksiki v sovremennom russkom yazike. Kand.diss., Mahachkala. Arnold, I. 2002. Stilistika. Sovremenniy angliyskiy yazik. N 5. Moskva: Flinta: Nauka. Arsenieva, E. 2006. Frazeologiya i frazeografiya v sopostavitel’nom aspekte (na materiale russkogo i angliyskogo yazikov). Kazan: Kazanskiy gosudarstvenniy universitet. —. 1997. Konnotativniy makrokomponent frazeologicheskogo znacheniya. In Yazikovaya semantika i obraz mira. Ʉazan. —. 1999. Russko-angliyskiy frazeologicheskiy slovar’. Kazan: Heter. Arutjunova, N. 1990. Teoriya metafory. Moskva: Progress. Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary and Thesaurus. 2008. http://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/british/. Accessed 30.07.2013. Dibrova, E. 1997. Sovremenniy russkiy yazik. Rostov-na-Donu: Feniks. Encyclopædia Britannica 2010. Internet: http://www.britannica.com/. Accessed 30.07.2013. Fyodorov, A. 1995. Frazeologicheskiy slovar’ russkogo literaturnogo yazika kontsa XVIII – XX vekov. Moskva: Topical. Habibullina, O. 2003. Zvukopodrajatel’niyi slova v nemetskom yazike v sopostavlenii s frantsuzskim i russkim. Kand. diss., Ufa. Kunin, A. 1984. Bolshoy anglo-russkiy frazeologicheskiy slovar’. Moskva: Russkiy yazik.

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—. 1996. Kurs frazeologiyi sovremennogo angliyskogo yazika. Moskva: Vysshaya shkola. Murphy, J. 1988. A Bad Spell for the Worst Witch. London: Penguin. Ozhegov, S. 2003. Tolkoviy slovar’ russkogo yazika. N 4. MoskvaɈɈɈ “ITI Tehnologii”. Reformatorskiy, A. 2003. Vvedeniye v yazikovedeniye. Moscow: AspektPress. Rose, C. 1990. The Dirty Man of Europe. London: Simon and Schuster. Rozenta, I. D. 2002. Russkiy yazik. Moscow: Drofa. Serebrennikov, B. 1988. Rol’ chelovecheskogo faktora v yazike. Moscow. Zhukov, V. 1986. Russkaya frazeologiya. Moskva: Visshaya shkola.

CHAPTER SIX THE REFLECTION OF SOCIETY IN PROFESSIONAL IDIOMS MARINA SOLNYSHKINA1 AND FARIDA ISMAEVA2 1. Introduction This article summarizes the study of the ways that the language reflects how professionals construct their professional identities and assert their positions in professional hierarchies. The main focus of the research is on the semantic diversity of the idioms produced by the professional societies of sailors, fire-fighters, sportsmen, etc. The analysis consists of three stages. Firstly, the semantic analysis of the “professional idioms” registered in paper and electronic dictionaries reveals the meanings and connotations of the units in professional and/or national languages. The second stage of the research – the semantic classification of the idioms under study – is aimed at determining the range and spectrum of professional nominations. In the third stage the analysis centres on the way professional idioms are utilized in professional discourse (mainly Internet resources).

2. Common Language This article presents the authors’ implementation of the following postulates of modern sociolinguistics’ and phraseology paradigms: 1) The idea of horizontal layers in the language refers to the studies of peasants’ (territorial) dialects, while the vertical division implies the research of languages of different social and age groups; 1 2

Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected]. Kazan Federal University, Russia.

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2) A professional society is a discourse-building society. Any professional society as a discourse-building society creates texts of different genres, e.g. the written modus of tennis discourse is represented by a wide variety of genres: sports calendars, plans and reports, sportsmen’s diaries, world and continent ratings, sports articles, textbooks. One’s belonging to the society is determined by the ability of the speaker to create texts of the definite professional genres (Swales 1990); 3) Professional communication is performed by agents playing an active role in the institutional communication of agents and clients. Representatives of the mass media as intermediaries between agents and clients acquire the professional language and create quasi- or semiprofessional texts to popularize an event or some professional phenomenon, e.g. reports on horse racing, ads. of some construction materials or services, etc.; 4) A professional society (agents) is a hierarchy of social communities, e.g. aboard a ship they are a line handler and the captain, an officer and a soldier in the army, a doctor and a nurse in the health service, etc.; 5) The professional language is mastered in professional socializing. A professional is supposed to be competent in the structure and content of any text of the professional discourse and to be able to create a wide variety of texts of the professional discourse, though some of them are part of an agent’s productive competence, while others are part of their receptive competence; Many people who have excellent command of a language often feel quite helpless in certain spheres of communication precisely because they do not have practical command of the generic forms used in the given sphere. (Bakhtin 1986: 80) We speak only in definite speech genres, that is, all our utterances have definite and stable typical forms of construction of the whole. Our repertoire of oral (and written) speech genres is rich. We use them confidently and skilfully in practice, and it is quite possible for us not even to suspect their existence in theory. (Bakhtin 1986: 78)

6) Professional culture is an expression of a people’s professional behaviour and, thus, the shared language of a professional community is the most essential carrier of their common culture. The form of professional language determines specific cultural traits, which are represented both in the low and high registers of professional communication, e.g. when the salute in the army is given verbally, the junior party will first come to attention, then offer the salute “Good morning/afternoon Your Majesty/Your Royal Highness/Prime

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Minister/Your Grace/Sir/Ma’am”, etc., as the case may be. If either party consists of two or more members, all will come to attention, but only the most senior member of the party will offer (or return) the physical or verbal salute; 7) The term professional idioms is used in the paper as a semantically broad term to refer to “phraseological units”, “phrasemes”, “idioms”, “collocations” and “formulae” coined by professionals in a professional or quasi-professional discourse. The idioms under study have a syntactic phrase structure rather than a word structure. Many of the professional idioms are used in much the same way as words, namely as syntactic counters in the construction of sentences. For example, smoke eater can be introduced into a sentence just like the word fireman, 7KH ILUHPDQ started his career as a 6PRNH(DWHU and retired as a firefighter.

3. Professional Sublanguages A sublanguage is a subvariety of language used in a particular field or by a particular professional group and characterized especially by a distinctive vocabulary. Register is defined as a situation-specific language variety: language of a type that is appropriate to a social situation or used for communicating with a particular set of people, e.g. the naval sublanguage is the language used by professional sailors. The classification of functional varieties of the language is based on the type of social group it is being used by. Social groups may be divided into two: (a) open groups uniting people using a wide net of communication and (b) closed groups members of which limit or exclude communication with the bigger world. The social continuum is provided with the third social group which depending on the circumstances may function either as an open or closed group. It is referred to as temporarily or forcedly closed groups (c). The three mentioned social groups are served by different functional varieties of the language. Open groups embody a wide variety of groups – professional and social. Closed groups, usually criminals, tramps, thieves, or beggars, use argot, secret language, or criminal cant. A good example of the third type is an institute of professional sailors, of a maritime society, or professionals in control of seagoing craft. The group is considered to be semi-closed as, though diachronic information channels are always preserved, synchronic information channels with the society (direct communication as well as radio, telephone, telex, TV and others) may be limited and do not provide a full range connection.

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Language remains an important distinguisher, marking social and professional groups in a professional society. In the words of semiologist Yuri M. Lotman, “the text is not only the generator of new meanings, but also condenser of cultural memory” (Lotman 2000), e.g. in railroad slang a fireman is called pejoratively and ironically: tallowpot, diamond hustler, fireboy, bake head, coal heaver, bell ringer. While in firefighters’ jargon we see professional and age differentiations: probie, rookie a new firefighter on employment probation (a period of time during which his or her skills are improved, honed, tested, and evaluated), fire virgin a fireman who has not yet participated in extinguishing a fire of the final FDWHJRU\ RI GLIILFXOW\ pumper company firefighters working on a tank vehicle; FAST/F.A.S.T. Firefighter Assist and Search Team a team of two or more firefighters dedicated solely to the search and rescue of other firefighters in distress; Green Army firefighters extinguishing wood fires; Rapid Intervention Crew/Group/Team (RIC, RIG, RIT) a crew whose purpose is to go in for the rescue of firefighters in trouble; Rescue Company a squad of firefighters trained and equipped to enter adverse conditions and rescue victims of an incident, Truck company/ladder company: a group of firefighters assigned to an apparatus that carries ladders, forcible entry tools, possibly extrication tools and salvage covers, and who are otherwise equipped to perform rescue, ventilation, overhaul and other specific functions at fires. The modern sociolinguistic paradigm implies the notion of a link between forms of language on the one hand and the social/professional situation in which they are conventionally used on the other. The vivid difference in registers is observed in a number of occurrences. Junior Rates in the Navy are addressed as “Leader”, or “Killick”, and “AB” (Able bodied), followed by their specialism and surname. A NLOOLFN is generally placed in charge of a group of three or four junior hands. Or, Once you’ve been in for four years you’ll get your NLOOLFNV In low register he may also be called a hooky: During this speech two of the crew had approached “+RRN\” Simpson and were looking nervously at the sword on his belt. The naval society coined a number of ironical nominations for sailors utilized only in semi-formal or non-formal situations: Jack(-)Tar, Jill Tar, Old Tar, Jolly Tar, Tarry breeks, Tarry John, Tarry Jacket, matelots, Jack(-)with(-)bumps, Jenny Wren a female sailor.

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4. Formulae in Professional Rituals The professional language as a form of the “language is undoubtedly the area of social life where norms matter most” (Hudson 2009). Formulaic genres in professional communications may be accompaniments to professional and/or social actions and may either create or not create a professional event just as a speech act does. Texts of formulaic genres are created by the agents performing professional actions, e.g. radio communications in aviation have a fixed structure. The following phraseology is used by controllers to effect a frequency change: (Aircraft Identification) CONTACT (facility name or location name and terminal function) (frequency) AT (time, fix or altitude) OVER. The following phraseology should be utilized by pilots for establishing contact with the designated facility: CENTRE, (aircraft identification), (position), OVER. Texts of formulaic genres are created by the intermediary commenting on the professional actions of agents, e.g. The Sports Cliché List (http://www.sportscliche.com/mission.html) contains a number of sports clichés used in sports with sufficient frequency, e.g. in gymnastics: She really stuck the landing. She’s the favorite to bring home the gold. She’s the sweetheart of these Olympics. She sacrificed so much to pursue her dream of Olympic gold. China adds to its medal haul. Clichés are numerous in chess sportscasts (http://chessreport.blogspot.ru/): 18.Bxh7!! which destroys the kingside in a fantastic manner. In fact, 18…Kxh7 would be fatal after 19.Qxf7 Kh6 20.Nf3 Rd7 21.Qf6+ Kh7 22.Rae1) 18.Qf4 Bb7 19.Rae1 Qg7 20.Be4! (Evidently to fend off Qxg2 checkmate. But this equally allows White to establish himself in the centre. The attack must continue and black won’t be able to come back in the game.) 20…Kh8 21.Re3 Bxe4 22.Qxe4 Rd5 23.Nxe6!!

A professional society performs a number of events, the verbal behaviour at which is fully specified, e.g. relieving the officer of the deck in the Navy is very formal: Lieutenant Doe, the replacement: “I am ready to relieve you, sir.” Lieutenant Smith, the officer of the deck: “I am ready to be relieved.” (He will brief Lieutenant Doe on any additional information that the replacement should be made aware of). Lieutenant Doe: “I relieve you, sir.”

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Chapter Six Lieutenant Smith: “I stand relieved. Attention in the pilot house (or bridge), Lieutenant Doe has the deck.” Lieutenant Doe: “This is Lieutenant Doe, I have the deck.”

Professional formulaic genres are directly related to professional actions. When warships pass each other between sunrise and sunset, the junior salutes the senior. The junior initiates the salute: “Still”. The senior ship: “Still”. The senior ship: “Carry On”. The junior ship: “Carry On”. Nowadays sailors quite often abbreviate the texts and the dialogue: RPC WMP/ MRU which means “Request the pleasure of your company”. The answer to which may be either “With much pleasure” or “Much (many) regret(s) unable”.

The clients of most professional cultures also exhibit a particular configuration or style, e.g. in American volleyball, where there’s a sports team, there have to be cheers and chants for its supporters. The cheers are recited for motivating the players and showing them the confidence their supporters have in them: One, two, three, four everybody hit the floor. H-O-T-T-O-G-O (name of your team) is Hot to go!! 6D\ZKDWZKDW" Hot to go! 6D\ZKDWZKDW" Hot to go!

5. Stereotypes of Professional Behaviour The professional culture is realized in a number of stereotypes acquired by socializing. In the Royal Navy there is a number of behavioural postulates to follow: God made the vittles but the devil made the cook; Messmate before shipmate, shipmate before stranger, stranger before a dog; Midshipmen have guts, ward room officers have stomachs, but flag officers have palates! Professional sublanguages register communicative roles and situations in which professionals are to observe regulations and follow strict rules. Some of them are fixed in the formal guidelines that the professional society lives by, while others are passed on by word of mouth. Typically

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representatives of one group (social, age, professional) oppose another, and group conflicts between different groups are a pervasive feature common to all levels of social organization. In all the professional sublanguages and cultures the authors studied it is a universal, and the lower we move along the social hierarchy, the stronger is the opposition in the language. Professional self-identification in the naval sublanguage is realized in a number of grammatical phenomena: -pig is used as a suffix to indicate something troublesome, e.g. “It wasn’t my fault that the lights didn’t work – it was the ruddy switch SLJV”; -merchant is a part of a compound word intensifying the quality of the first part: Black Cat merchant someone who is always exaggerating; buzz merchant a gossip; feather merchant a lightweight, i.e. someone who doesn’t hold up his end, or doesn’t do his (or her) share of the work; gunna(-) mɟrchant a constantly disappointed person promising to do sth and never keeping the promise; -ex is a suffix for exercise [ȺQQD3HWUXKLQD0RORNRMRJXUW MRJXUW³1DXNDLåL]Q´5XVFRUSRUD@

Five contexts include lexical substitutions of the idiom’s verbal or nominal constituents: dobavit’ masla v ogon’ “to add some oil to the fire”, podbavlât’ masla v ogon’ “to add some more oil to the fire”, podlivat’/poddat’ åDUX v ogon’ “to pour/add some more heat to the fire”; cf. (7).  $ WXW Hdžs QHGDYQR poddal åDUX v ogon’ QHNLM ³äXUQDO¶ IRQ 5XVVODQG´ (And, what’s more, a certain Journal von Russland has recently “added more heat to the fire”.) [Boris Evseev. Evstignej//“Oktâbr’”, 2010; Ruscorpora]

The blend of two idioms, podlivat’ maslo v ogon’ and SRGGDW¶åDUX“to intensify sth.” (literally, “to add heat”), alters the original underlying metaphor. This is now seen as heat conceptualised as a substance rather than as a flammable liquid that increases heat when poured into the flame. To some extent, such a modification can be regarded as a pleonasm. Lexico-syntactical modifications are quite common (eleven contexts). In these, a modifying attribute may be an adjective, a possessive pronoun, or a noun with a genitive marker. 8. S pomodž¶€ GYXK LQYDOLGRY EULJDGLU SHUHSXWDO L SHUHWDVNDO QD V´H]åX€ SRþWLYHV¶JRURGWDNþWRQHE\ORGRPDNRWRU\MQHVþLWDOE\RGQRJRLOLGYXK ]ORXP\ãOHQQLNRY – Ètak on, bratcy, vseh nas zavinit! – Dogadyvalis’ JOXSRYF\ L qWRJR RSDVHQLk E\OR GRVWDWRþQR þWREy podlit’ masla v potuhavšij ogon’. (Assisted by two disabled veterans, the brigadier had nearly the entire town fettered and dragged to the station house, and there was not a single dwelling that had not been housing one or two plotters. “He might put us all behind the bars, folks,” the people of Glupov thought, and that fear would suffice to “pour some more oil into the decaying fire.”) [M. E. Saltykov-DžHGULQ,VWRULkRGQRJRJRURGD 5XVFRUSRUD@

In (8), which is an excerpt from Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin’s satirical novel, The History of A Town, the participle potuhavšij “decaying, diminishing (referring to a fire)” does not conflict with the figurative

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meaning and the underlying metaphor of the idiom. The most frequent modifications are either standard (i.e. sanctioned by usage) like the one cited above, or context based – see (Dronov 2010). Possessive and demonstrative pronouns appear twice, cf.: novyj istoþQLNNUHGLWRYDQLkSRGOLOPDVODYètot ogon’ “the new source of credits ‘poured some more oil into that fire’” [Valerian Skvorcov. Singapurskij kvartet; Ruscorpora], [Vaše pis’mo] podlivaet masla v moj ogon’, v tot ogon’, kotorym gorât v ètou [sic] minutu rXVVNLHGXãLO€EkdžLH5RVVL€LQH ravnodušnye “[this letter of yours] ‘is pouring more oil into my fire, into the fire that is burning at this very moment in the Russian souls that love Russia and are not apathetic’” [K. P. Pobedonoscev. Pis’ma S.D. Šeremetevu; Ruscorpora]. Such modifications are not unlike those seen in BNC, cf. to add fuel to these fires. As has been shown above, there may be more than one modification in a phrase and this may be illustrated by the last example containing three of them: one with a possessive pronoun, one a demonstrative one, and one with a relative clause (a context-based modification). Genitive attributes are also rather commonly used for making additional references to the contexts, like English of-complements (see supra). Cf. (9): 9. a. Vystuplenie Prandtlâ sygralo rol’ masla, podlitogo v ogon’ RåHVWRþHQQ\K VSRURY L SURYHURþQ\K qNVSHULPHQWRY SR RNRQþDWHO¶QRPX priznaniû illiniâ-florenciâ. (Prandtl’s public address played a part of “oil poured into the fire of violent arguments over illinium/florentium [older terms denoting element 61, now known as promethium]”.) [P. Traube, E. 5XGHQNRÊOHPHQWʋ– SURPHWLM³+LPLkLåL]Q¶´5XVFRUSRUD@ 9. b. 3DOHãDQH åLYR LQWHUHVX€džLHVk LVWRULHM VYRHM ]HPOL podlili masla ]DJDGRþnyh faktov v ogon’ PRHJR LQWHUHVD N LVþH]QXYãHPX QDURGX Mugreevskogo lesa. (Keenly interested in their homeland’s history, the residents of Pakekh [a village in Ivanovo Oblast, Russia, known for its handicraft tradition] “poured more oil of enigmatic phenomena into the fire of my interest in the extinct people that had once dwelled in the forest near 0XJUH\HYVN\´  >$ 9 3ODWRY ,VWRULþHVNLM UR]\VN =DNROGRYDQQ\M les//“Vokrug sveta”, 1995; Ruscorpora]

Both of the nouns in (9b) have genitive attributes attached to them. This is perceived as a less standard modification than attaching such an attribute to the prepositional phrase v ogon’ as seen in (9a). Syntactic transformations are found in six contexts, usually next to other modifications (9a); cf. also: èto bylo kak maslo, podlitoe v ogon’ “that was like oil poured into the fire”, PDVOR SLWD€džHH RJRQ¶ “the oil

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feeding/fuelling the fire”. Of these, there is one example of passivisation: 1RPDVORYRJRQ¶E\ORXåHSRGOLWR“but the oil ‘has already been poured into the fire’”. On the whole, since idiom variability has to be taken into account by lexicographers an entry for this particular idiom should probably look like podlivat’ masla/maslo v ogon’.

2.3. Spanish Echar leña al fuego YContribuir a que aumente algo que se considera un mal “to contribute to the increase or augmentation of something seen as bad” (Seco, Andrés, Ramos 2005, 579). The entry also lists añadir leña al fuego as a variant of the idiom. The Referential Corpus of Contemporary Spanish (CREA) contains 79 occurrences of the idiom. The most common modifications found are lexical and lexico-syntactical. The most widespread variant of the idiom is echar más leña al fuego (literally, “to throw more firewood into the fire”) can be found in 27 contexts, cf. (10): -XOLiQ5HWHJXLQRTXLVRechar más leña al fuego sobre el último affaire protagonizado en Pamplona por Mikel Goñi, a quien le une una vieja amistad. -XOLiQ5HWHJXLGLGQRWZDQWWRµWKURZPRUHILUHZRRGLQWRWKHILUH over the latest scandalous affair in Pamplona that featured Mikel Goñi, with whom he is bound by the ties of old friendship’.) [Banco de datos &5($ >HQOtQHD@].

It is possible to substitute the verbal constituent echar “to throw” with añadir “to add” (five occurrences) and arrojar “to hurl” (one example). There is a great deal of variability in the nominal phrase: the constituent leña “firewood” can be substituted with agua “water” (four contexts), aceite “oil” (one occurrence), gasolina “petrol” (one occurrence), leño “log” (two contexts), and ideas “ideas” (one context). The modification echar ideas al fuego is not standard, for the new nominal constituent conflicts with the underlying metaphor. It has to be noted that the most common modification of this type is echar agua al fuego (literally, “to throw/pour water into the fire”). Since both its figurative meaning and underlying metaphor are completely changed, it might as well be regarded as an idiom in its own right. Lexico-syntactical modifications of echar leña al fuego are formed primarily by inserting a de-complement (eight contexts), which is functionally akin to the English of-complement and Russian genitive

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attribute mentioned – see (1, 9). There is only one context (11b) that contains an adjectival modification añadir leña al fuego civil “to add fuel to the civil fire”. Both types of modifications fill the adjectival valency of fuego. 11. a. Parece que en Wall Street los inversores ya no saben qué pensar, PLHQWUDV ORV LQGLFDGRUHV HFRQyPLFRV TXH VH SXEOLFDQ QR KDFHQ PiV TXH echar leña al fuego de la confusión. (It seems that the Wall Street investors do not know what to think of it any longer, while the publication of economic indicators only “throws firewood into the fire of confusion”.) 11. b. Nunca deja de producirse esa simbiosis: los sucesos de la calle despiertan en el individuo su lucha inWHULRU\ODVXPDGHpVWDVQRKDFHPiV que añadir leña al fuego civil. (This symbiosis never ceases to happen: street events arouse the inner struggle in an individual, and their sum only µWKURZVILUHZRRGLQWRWKHFLYLOILUH¶ >%DQFRGHGDWRV&5($ >HQOtnea]]

The modification in (11b) is context-based. Morphological modifications are formed by changing the number of the nominal constituent (un leño “log” or leños “logs”) and adding an indirect object clitic to the verb (echar/echarle), thus reduplicating the prepositional phrase al fuego.

3. Conclusions In spite of the differences in their figurative meanings and underlying metaphors, the three idioms demonstrate quite similar patterns of modifications. Morphological modifications, lexical substitutions and inserted of-complements (or their counterparts) are common. Lexical substitutions seem to lead to some convergence between the structures of the idioms, cf. Russian dobavlât’ maslo v ogon’ “to add oil to the fire” and Spanish echar aceite/gasolina al fuego “to throw/pour oil/petrol into the fire”. This might be explained by language contacts and the “living” inner form of the idioms; in other words, their image structures play an important part in the way their figurative meanings are perceived and understood – see (Dobrovol’skij, Filipenko 2007, 715, 723). Of course, there is a degree of specificity in each of the analysed languages: for instance, the insertion of an adjectival modifier (an adjective or a relative clause) is not common for the Spanish idiom. Finally, some idiom modifications could be seen as fully-fledged variants worthy of lexicographers’ attention (e.g. to add fuel to sth.) and some, like echar agua al fuego, might be considered idioms in their own right.

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List of References BNC. British National Corpus: http://corpus2.byu.edu/bnc/. Accessed 20.12.12. COCA. Corpus of Contemporary American English: http://corpus2. byu.edu/coca/. Accessed 20.12.12. CREA. Corpus de referencia del español actual: http://corpus.rae.es/ creanet.html. Accessed 20.03.13. Dobrovol’skij, D. 1988. Phraseologie als Objekt der Universalienlinguistik. Leipzig. Dobrovol’skij, D. O. 1997. “Nacional’no-kul’turnaâ specifika vo frazeologii (I).” In Voprosy âzykoznaniâ, 6: 37-48. —. 1998. “Nacional’no-kul’turnaâ specifika vo frazeologii (II).” In Voprosy âzykoznaniâ, 6: 48-57. Dobrovol’skij, D., and T. Filipenko. 2007. “Russian phraseology.” In Burger, H., Dobrovol’skij, D., Kühn, P., Norrick, N. R. (eds), Phraseologie: ein internationales Handbuch zeitgenössischer Forschung = Phraseology: an international handbook of contemporary research. 2. Halbband/Volume 2, 714 – 727. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Dobrovol’skij, D., and E. Piirainen. 2005. Figurative Language: Crosscultural and Cross-linguistic Perspectives. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Dronov, P. S. 2010. Vvod ad”ektivnogo opredeleniâ v strukturu idiomy: o VHPDQWLþHVNRMREXVORYOHQQRVWLOHNVLNR-VLQWDNVLþHVNLKPRGLILNDFLMLGLRP (na materiale russkogo, anglijskogo i nemeckogo âzykov). Avtoreferat GLVVHUWDFLL QD VRLVNDQLH XþHQRM VWHSHQL NDQGLGDWD ILORORJLþHVNLK QDXN Moskva. Dronov, P. 2011. “Idiom Modifications in Bilingual Dictionaries of Idioms.” In Jezikoslovlje, 12.2: 147-163. Dronov, P. S. 2012. “O vvode kontekstno-zavisimogo opredeleniâ v sostav LGLRP\´ ,Q ȺUXW€QRYD 1 ' 2WY UHG  /RJLþHVNLM DQDOL] k]\ND ȺGUHVDFLkGLVNXUVD, 50 – 61. Moskva: Indrik. )HGRURY Ⱥ ,  )UD]HRORJLþHVNLM VORYDU¶ UXVVNRJR OLWHUDWXUQRJR âzyka. Moskva: AST; Astrel’. Free Dictionary. Idioms: The Free Dictionary by Farlex. http://idioms. thefreedictionary.com/. Accessed 20.01.13. Kirkpatrick, E. M., and C. M. Schwarz, (eds). 1993. The Wordsworth Dictionary of Idioms. Ware: Wordsworth Editions Ltd. Kunin, A. V. (1964). Osnovnye ponâtiâ anglijskoj frazeologii kak OLQJYLVWLþHVNRMGLVFLSOLQ\LVR]GDQLHDQJOR-UXVVNRJRIUD]HRORJLþHVNRJR

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slovarâ $YWRUHIHUDW GLVVHUWDFLL QD VRLVNDQLH XþHQRM VWHSHQL GRNWRUD ILORORJLþHVNLKQDXN0RVNYD 0DNNDL Ⱥ %RDWQHU 0 7 DQG - ( *DWHV  A Dictionary of American Idioms. Hauppauge: Barron’s Educational Series. Piirainen, E. 2006. “Widespread Idioms: Cross-linguistic and Crosscultural Approaches.” In Häcki Buhofer, A., Burger, H. (eds.), Phraseology in Motion I. Methoden und Kritik. Akten der Internationalen Tagung zur Phraseologie (Basel, 2004), 155-173. Baltmannsweiler: Schneider. —. 2008. “Questionnaires.” In Widespread Idioms in Europe and Beyond: http://www.widespread-idioms.uni-WULHUGH"S XPIUDJHQ ODQJ HQ Accessed 10.12.12. —. 2012. Widespread Idioms in Europe and Beyond: Toward a Lexicon of Common Figurative Units. Berlin: Peter Lang. Ruscorpora. Nacional’nyj korpus russkogo âzyka: http://www. ruscorpora.ru. Accessed 20.01.13. 5DMKãWHMQ Ⱥ '  Sopostavitel’nyj analiz nemeckoj i russkoj frazeologii. Moskva: VyVãDkãNROD Seco M., Andrés O., and C. Ramos. 2005. Diccionario fraseológico documentado del español actual0DGULG$JXLODUOH[LFRJUDItD Soloduho, È. M. 2008. 7HRULk IUD]HRORJLþHVNRJR VEOLåHQLk 1D PDWHULDOH âzykov slavânskoj, germanskoj i romanskoj grupp. Izd. 2-e, dop. Moskva: URSS. Teliâ, V. N. (1996).

CHAPTER THIRTEEN WAYS OF USING PHRASEOLOGICAL UNITS IN TEFL GULNARA GIMALETDINOVA1 AND LILIIA KHALITOVA2 1. Introduction This paper discusses the use of phraseological units in Teaching English as a Foreign Language (TEFL). TEFL is studied in terms of using interaction in the target language for real purposes (Ellis 1994), as well as specificity of learner-centered online language teaching and professional development activity (Meskill, Sadykova 2011). Phraseological units (in this research we consider idioms, proverbs and sayings) are a figurative and culturally defined part of vocabulary, which prove to be an effective source of developing the perception of English as a foreign language. Firstly, the article extends the issue of using authentic video materials while teaching English as a foreign language, which is especially rich in idiomatic expressions. The authors will argue that, for a teacher, TV commercials prove to be time-saving and inspiring, and therefore an extremely efficient means of organizing various activities that contribute to the effective perception of English idioms and consequently to develop foreign language skills. Secondly, the paper is aimed at the investigation of ways of using phraseological units in the course of English phonetics. It is known that phonetics of a foreign language cause particular difficulties, so phraseological units (proverbs and sayings) help to make the process of studying English phonetics by Russian learners more effective and enjoyable. 1 2

Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected]. Kazan Federal University, Russia. [email protected].

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An idiom is defined as: …a group of words whose meaning is different from the meanings of the individual words: ‘Let the cat out of the bag’ is an idiom meaning to tell a secret by mistake. (Oxford 2003, 643)

This part of a vocabulary, being an important element of culture, is at the same time the marker that indicates the students’ fluency and efficiency in using a foreign language. English is considered to be a highly idiomatic language, and native English speakers make an abundant use of idiomatic expressions in various spheres including the media, literature and also colloquially. The majority of textbooks of English as a foreign language suggest studying idiomatic expressions in groups, such as colour idioms, body idioms, food idioms, sport idioms, music idioms, etc. This method has proved to be rather effective since idioms, being “culturally bound” elements of the vocabulary, easily fall into rather distinct categories that at the same time makes the learning process easier. It should be mentioned that the understanding of the terms “proverb” and “saying” has changed, and even in contemporary linguistics scientists differ in their understanding of the nature of these terms. Thus: …the old Russian word proverb was polysemantic: it meant any verbal agreement, the agreement between individuals, collusive agreement, and in general any agreement, peace. One of these meanings was also ‘a short expressive utterance, allegory, sentence’. (Mokienko 2002, 4)

In the nineteenth century V. Dahl was the first to give a clear definition, thereby distinguishing between proverbs and sayings. According to the scientist, a proverb is a “short little parable, judgment, precept expressed by circumlocutions and put into circulation”; while a saying is defined as “an indirect expression, a simple allegory, a way of expression, but without a parable, without judgment, and without conclusion […] it is the first half of the proverb” (Dahl 1984, 13-14). Another interpretation is proposed by V. P. Zhukov. Proverbs are understood by him as brief folk sayings of complete syntactic type that have both a literal and figurative plan. Sayings are utterances which are treated literally (Zhukov 1966, 11). In this research, a proverb is understood as “a short, conventional and as a rule rhythmically organized sentence with didactic nature, which reflects the experience of the nation”; it has the form of a simple or complex complete sentence and expresses judgment (Linguistic 1990). A saying is also a brief sentence with edifying character, which is a grammatically complete sentence, but “having, in contrast to the proverb,

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only the literal plan” (ib.). Often it is very difficult to distinguish between a saying and a proverb: if one adds to the saying an extra word or changes the word order, the saying can become a proverb (Zhigulev 1969, 5).

2. Main Part 2.1. TV Commercials in the English Language Classroom Though there is a wide range of investigations based on the techniques of teaching English idioms, such as context-based strategy, teaching idioms with readers’ theatre, through dialogue writing and role-play activities (Wu 2008), we suggest that the most efficient strategy is using TV commercials. Commercials are short, focused slices of contemporary society – music, clothing, family relationships – and colloquial English that are often more manageable in length for teaching than other video materials. (Davis 1999, 21)

TV commercials are often funny to watch but they represent a huge language work-out, too. “At an advanced level, culture becomes an even more important part of the syllabus, and media are the great way to present culture” (Helgesen 2007, 116). On the other hand, TV commercials are culturally distinctive (Sherman 2008, 105), so are the idioms. Hence, studying English idiomatic expressions and watching English commercials have much in common which makes the choice of this type of authentic video justified and efficient.

2.2. Teaching English Idioms via TV Commercials The present research seeks answers to the questions why, when and how TV commercials can be used by English language teachers as far as teaching English idioms is concerned. :K\" Having analyzed a number of manuals that give direct recommendations on teaching English via authentic video materials, we came to the conclusion that idiomatic language, due to its popularity in everyday use and due to its figurative meaning causing certain difficulties to a non-native speaker, is a type of vocabulary which is much easier to comprehend through visual aids. On the basis of TV commercials figurative language (such as idioms) is not a direct aim of teaching, but a certain means of building up more important activities (pair-work, group

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discussion, writing essays, etc.). To sum up, idiomatic vocabulary, initially focused on in a certain commercial, turns out to be an effective resource for further communication in the language classroom. :KHQ" To answer this question, a foreign language teacher should analyze the aims and reasons for including certain video material into a lesson plan. On the whole, focusing on a commercial that contains idiomatic language can (1) accompany some vocabulary work or (2) serve the basis of such activities as speaking (discussion) or writing. In the former case, TV commercials are supposed to be visual additional material to a vocabulary section of many textbooks that suggest studying idioms grouped by some particular principle (e.g. expressions with time, expressions with the verbs run, look, catch, expressions with head and heart, as for example a textbook Proficiency Masterclass suggests) (Proficiency 2004). Visual images of such idioms as bird in hand, give somebody a hand, and many others help to memorize figurative language and to state the cultural differences (and similarities) with the native language as far as a certain idiom is concerned. For example, the meaning of an idiom to get cold feet can be easily understood without any translation into a native language if a short (16 second) commercial for dentistry is shown to students (available at http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=9Jwj5bKAbZQ). In the latter case, a carefully selected TV commercial that contains a certain idiom can be suggested as a starting point for a longer discussion (or writing activity). For example, a beautiful commercial with an idiom give Earth a hand, created by Greenpeace (available at http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=Ep9MFiWXR8M) can bring up a lot of interesting questions on environmental issues and raise exciting discussions. +RZ" Answering the question how TV commercials could help English language teachers make studying idioms more effective and exciting, we need to turn to the types of activities foreign language teachers use in a classroom. The whole range of techniques varies from comprehension exercises to creative writing tasks. The most general examples available to students of various levels are the following: 1. Watching a suggested TV commercial and writing down an idiom/idioms used. This activity, though very common, enables the listeners both to memorize the idiom and to enjoy the process of watching a funny and entertaining advertisement. 2. Watching a commercial mute (without sound) and guessing the idiom/idioms, then checking the options afterwards while watching the

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same advertisements with sound. A good example here is an advertisement created by Health Protection Scotland, where the visual representation of a man washing his hands helps to understand an idiom wash your hands of smth. which is based on a figurative meaning to refuse to be responsible for smth. (in the advertisements – for catching some common infection). The commercial is available at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H3ku7P6S90. 3. Creating TV commercials on the basis of a particular idiom/group of idioms. A list of idioms studied separately or in groups can be suggested by the teacher or arranged by students themselves. This type of work proves to be really inspiring as an out-of-class or homework activity (creating personal advertisements and sharing them with other students in the class). In general: the range of post-listening activities is at least as wide as listening tasks themselves. At times, post-listening may be as simple as checking the answers to comprehension questions, either by the teacher telling the learners what the correct answers are by eliciting answers from the students themselves or by having students compare their answers in pairs or small groups. (Helgesen 2007, 17)

2.3. Teaching English Phonetics via Proverbs and Sayings Another important issue in TEFL concerns using phraseology in the course of phonetics. The formation of pronunciation skills, i.e. the correct pronunciation of phonemes and allophones, the use of intonation in speech where communicative and pragmatic intentions of the speaker are being taken into account, is the main goal of the lessons of English phonetics. In this regard, in the classroom the basic concepts of phonetics are explained, including some theoretical issues necessary for the adequate development of pronunciation skills, for example, orphoepic rules of British English (Practical 2008). Besides improving linguistic competence, an important task for the English teacher is to expand the horizons of English language learners by revealing the culture of the target language. That is why it is important to use such phraseological units as proverbs and sayings in the lessons of practical phonetics in order to perfect prosodic features of English language and the pronunciation of English vowels and consonants which differ from the sounds of the phonetic system of the Russian language (Amosova 1963, Shanskii 1996). It is believed that using these units in the studying process is of great didactic,

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historical and cultural importance; moreover proverbs and sayings are characterized by their rhythmic and phonetic organization that is essential for lessons of English phonetics. It is known that by using proverbs, it is possible to achieve a perfection of correct pronunciation, foreign language perception, authentic intonation, and rhythm: pronunciation skills are being automated and students learn to divide sentences into intonation and rhythmic groups, find the nucleus of the syntagm, set the logical stress, etc. In addition, proverbs introduce a game element and are memorized more easily due to catchy harmonies, rhythm and rhyme. The students have to memorize English proverbs and sayings containing sounds (vowels and consonants) or a combination of sounds different from the Russian phonetic system and then play back these phraseological units with maximum precision, paying attention both to the pronunciation of individual allophones and prosodic units (intonation, rhythm, and rhyme). For educational purposes proverbs are divided into two groups corresponding to the two main sections of practical phonetics (Practical 2008): Segmental phonetics, which deals with the segment means of a language (phonemes and allophones, and various modifications of sounds in speech), and Suprasegmental phonetics, which examines suprasegmental language features: the prosodic units of a language and its components such as intonation (melody, tempo of speech, pausation), rhythm, rhyme and stress. Segmental Phonetics In the study of Segmental phonetics special attention should be paid to sounds (phonemes and allophones), which do not coincide with the sounds of the phonetic system of the Russian language. This section also discusses modifications of sounds in connected speech: assimilation, accommodation, reduction, insertion, and elision. Here are examples of proverbs and sayings, which contain sounds as well as combinations of sounds causing difficulties in pronunciation for Russian-speaking students. 1. Russian speakers often substitute a constrictive voiced labio-dental consonant [v] for a constrictive bilabial sonorant [w]. To avoid this mistake proverbs containing both consonants are introduced. A bird never [v] flew on one [w] wing [w]. One volunteer [v] is worth [w] two pressed men.

Moreover students are to differentiate the consonant [w] from its allophonH>‫@ݟ‬

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Chapter Thirteen Dirty water [w] will [w] quench [w] fire. Watch [w] whLFK>҅@way [w] the cat jumps. WhLFK>҅@way [w] the wind [w] blows [w].

2. The constrictive glottal consonant [h] is frequently mixed with the Russian fricative [ɯ] (the latter given in Russian transcription). To avoid this error the systematic and thorough drill with proverbs and sayings will be efficient. To run with the hare [h], and hunt [h] with the hounds [h]. Half [h] the truth is often a whole [h] lie. Home [h] is where the heart [h] is.

3. Interdental voiced and voiceless consonants [ð] and [ș] are among the most difficult sounds to pronounce. To pronounce these sounds correctly one has to place the tip of the tongue between the front teeth, and as the speech organs of Russian-speaking students are not accustomed to such articulation, these sounds are substituted for [z] and [s] respectively. All thLQJV>ș@FRPHWRthose [ð] who wait. No rose without [ð] a thRUQ>ș@

It is also of great importance to articulate correctly intonation groups containing interdental consonants [ð] and [ș] and bilabial consonants >Z@>‫@ݟ‬ WhHUH>҅@there [ð] is a will [w] there [ð] is a way [w]. Blood is thLFNHU>ș@than [ð] water [w].

4. The occlusive bilabial consonant [p] should be distinguished from its SRVLWLRQDODVSLUDWHGDOORSKRQH>S‫@ހ‬ If ifs and ands were potV>SҦ@DQGpDQV>SҦ@WKHUH¶GEHQRZRUNIRUWLQNHUV¶ hands. Speak [p] not of my debts unless you mean to pD\>SҦ@WKHP

5. Assimilation of occlusive alveolar consonant [t] and constrictive post-alveolar [r], so-called “backings of alveolars”. When pronouncing the combination [tr] one should not confuse English alveolar [t] with Russian dental [ɬ] and constrictive [r] with Russian rolled [p] (given in Russian transcription). According to some scholars (Jones and Ward 1969) this combination of consonants is referred to as affricates, along with the WUDGLWLRQDO>Wœ@DQG>‫@ݶ‬

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Don’t trouble [tr] trouble [tr] until trouble [tr] troubles [tr] you. If at first you don’t succeed, try [tr], try [tr], try [tr] again. There are tricks [tr] in every trade [tr].

6. Linking [r] should be pronounced in intervocalic position in order to achieve naturalness and a coherence of speech. Blue are the hills that are far‫ک‬away.

There‫ک‬is a time for‫ک‬everybody.

If you would be happy for‫ک‬D ZHHN WDNH D ZLIH LI \RX ZRXOG EH KDSS\

for‫ک‬a mRQWK NLOO D SLJ EXW LI \RX ZRXOG EH KDSS\ DOO \RXU OLIH SODQW D garden.

Suprasegmental Phonetics. In the study of Suprasegmental phonetics expressive means, rhyme and rhythm are of essential importance as it is due to these that English proverbs are easily memorized by Russian students. After dinner rest a while [-DѢO@DIWHUVXSSHUZDONDPile [-DѢO@ A stitch in time [-DѢP@VDYHVQine [-DѢQ@ An apple a day >HѢ@NHHSVWKHGRFWRUDZay >HѢ@ An ape’s an ape, a varlet’s a varlet [-ъOѢW@WKRXJKWKH\EHFODGLQVLONRU scarlet [-ъOѢW@ Little strokes [-Ω҂NV@IHOOgreat oaks [-Ω҂NV@ Different strokes [-Ω҂NV@IRUGLIIHUHQWIolks [-Ω҂NV@

3. Generalizations Our generalizations can be represented in the form of the following oppositions: 1. On the one hand, TV commercials are short and playing them takes little time (about 25-30 seconds). But on the other hand, the number of follow-up activities that a short commercial can arrange is great. Carefully selected material can be a good starting point for further practice of a certain topic, issue, grammar or vocabulary, while turning to a specific idiom as a culturally understood piece of language makes the process of memorizing much easier. Pedagogically speaking, the most effective commercials tend to be ones that (a) tell or narrate a story through multiple images; (b) have characters who express emotions verbally or using body language, providing linguistic clues to fill gaps in understanding; (c) target the students’ age groups through popular cultural references (e.g., music, clothing, dance,

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Chapter Thirteen sports); and (d) coincide closely with language skills and academic content currently being covered in class. (Davis 1999, 22)

Using a short commercial in a classroom is time-saving, and this is extremely important for a teacher, who usually lacks classroom time. But the beneficial side of a commercial is that it saves classroom time giving a chance to practice numerous exciting activities that can develop all possible skills (listening, speaking, writing, etc.). 2. Commercials are easy to comprehend on the one hand, but are often based on a play on words on the other. According to Sherman, TV commercials represent: a playful genre with a vast repertoire of verbal tricks: wordplay, puns, catchphrases and slogans, jingles, hype, ‘voice’, rhyme, rhythm, accent and these are matched by visual jokes, arresting images, artful logos and clever interplay of sight and sound. (Sherman 2008, 105)

In this respect studying idioms via TV commercials proves to be very fruitful. Consequently, commercials can be effectively used in teaching students of various language levels, though of course, the range of activities appropriate to them will also vary. Verbal tricks turn TV commercials into fruitful teaching material at lessons of Stylistics and Lexicology. 3. TV commercials are normally of a very high quality and attractive on the one hand, but quite manipulative on the other. Advertisements convey a lot of information about the cultural aspects of the society. They can also be extremely wacky and thus useful to stimulate discussion. (Davis 1999, 25)

In Russian and some other cultures advertisements are viewed as something dishonest, overly manipulative and even irritating at times. These negative sides of some commercials can be turned into positive ones in the English language classroom, because various sides of the same issue can be suggested for group and pair discussions. For example, commercials of the Australian Literacy and Numeracy Foundation use a number of expressions with the noun hand “playing” with direct and indirect meanings: raise your hand, put your hand up for, hands up, need a hand, lend a hand, and the expression wall of hands to persuade people to donate and help to reduce Australian illiteracy among children. The examples show how the manipulative strategies based on a play on words and the idiomatic use of expressions with hand could be employed to create discussions in English language classrooms (commercials are

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available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5BTYXJ8CMl8, http:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=q52VmqdV-N0). 4. On the one hand, as far as teaching English phonetics is concerned, phraseological units (proverbs and sayings) and ordinary statements (sentences that contain required vowels, consonants and intonation patterns) as educational material are equally effective. In fact, the majority of teachers teach phonetics without phraseology at all. On the other hand, proverbs and sayings help a teacher WR NLOO WZR ELUGV ZLWK RQH VWRQH, since they not only represent material to practise authentic pronunciation, but simultaneously enrich students’ vocabulary, develop their memory, ascribe to folk wisdom and help to understand the figurativeness of the foreign language, although it requires the teacher’s creativity, efforts and time.

4. Conclusions Since learning a foreign language requires both students and teachers to be creative, the latter should be motivated to apply various modern techniques of teaching English phraseology (including idioms, proverbs and sayings). While watching authentic video materials, memorizing and playing back English proverbs and sayings, and organizing various vocabulary-based activities it is useful to take into account that although listening and pronouncing are separate skills, the majority of language skills are not and should not be taught separately. Speaking activities, discussion or pair-work are challenging and hugely motivating, and a focus on phraseology makes the language natural and authentic. Finally, the above-mentioned activities help to overcome some linguistic challenges caused by studying idiomatic expressions, proverbs and sayings, and give a perfect example of how culture infuses a language.

List of References Amosova, N. N. 1963. Osnovi angliyskoy frazeologii. Leningrad. Dahl, V. I. 1984. Poslovitsi russkogo naroda. Moskva. Davis, R. 1999. “Language and Culture in 25 Seconds.” In New Ways in Using Authentic Materials in the Classroom, 21-24. Ellis, R. 1994. The study of second langauge acquisition. New York: Oxford University Press. Jones, D., and D. Ward. 1969. The Phonetics of Russian. Cambridge. Helgesen, M. 2007. Practical English Language Teaching: Listening. New York.

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Lingvisticheskiy entsiklopedicheskiy slovar’ (1990). http://www. tapemark.narod.ru/les/. Accessed 30.07.2013. Meskill, C., and G. Sadykova. 2011. “Introducing EFL faculty to online instructional conversations.” In European Association for Computer Assisted Language Learning, 23(3): 200-217. Cambridge University Press. Mokiyenko, V. M. 2002. Shkolnyi slovar’ zhivykh russkikh poslovits. Sankt Peterburg. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English. 2003. Sixth edition. Oxford. Practical Course of English Phonetics: Uchebnoye posobiye 2008. Kazan. Proficiency Masterclass. Student’s Book. 2004. Oxford. Shanskiy, N. M. 1996. Frazeologiya sovremennogo russkogo yazyka. Sankt Peterburg. Sherman, J. 2008. Using Authentic Video in the Language Classroom. Cambridge. The Advantages and Importance of Learning and Using Idioms in English. KWWSZZZJRRJOHUXXUO"VD W UFW M T DGYDQWDJHVRIXVLQJWHDFKL QJLGLRPV VRXUFH ZHE FG  YHG &&Z4)M$$ XUO KWWS$ ))GLDOQHWXQLULRMDHV)GHVFDUJD)DUWLFXOR)SGI HL =sm-&8DHE(2TQJ70W,&'Z XVJ $)4M&1*RLP1-UX4ID&(K :3@ŸȺɥԥɬµɄɨɪɚɥɷɲɤɨɪɚɥɵɢɧɫɬɪɭɦɟɧɬ ɩɪɢɛɨɪ¶7LPHUJDOLQ Ʉɭɥɚɜɵɡɫɵɡ ɸɥɝɚ ɤɟɪɝΩɧ ɸɥɞɚɧ ɹɡɚɪ >@ Ÿ Ʉɭɥɚɜɵɡ ³ɘɥ-ԛɬɤɟɥ ɤԛɪɫԥɬԛɱɟɸɥɚɦɚɧɪԥKɛԥɪɝɢɞ´ɛɨɪ (Timergalin 2007, 265)

In perspective we plan to place some components of the cumulative computer database of Tatar paremias on the Internet: httɪ://www.klf.kpfu.ru – the portal of Kazan Federal University, in the section “Kazan linguographic fund”. Scientists have analyzed the development of lexicography and the information potential of language references and defined main tendencies. They show that the most efficient form of a dictionary is its Internet version. Here is a list of its advantages:

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1) widely available; the development of computer technologies influences the development of Internet technologies, and it is a considerably new information revolution, the result of which is the global generalization of language references; 2) convenient exploitation; 3) multiple choice of entries, the possibility of a search by different parameters; 4) a dictionary can be supported in actual status, it can be constantly developed and improved; textual parts of a dictionary are corrected operatively, all desired supplements are included if necessary, etc.; 5) the restrictions on the volume of material in a dictionary are removed; 6) it is easy to connect with similar web references and to enlarge linguographic Internet databases with the help of other web sites. Some of these advantages provided by the electronic form of a dictionary are simultaneously the attributes of other (non-web) language references, for instance, of CD-dictionaries and vocabularies, and some parameters (for example, the first and the sixth) describe only Internet dictionaries. At the present time the network versions of basic Tatar dictionaries are placed on the Internet in parallel; our next step is to supplement the database with hyperlinks to corresponding Internet dictionaries. It will give an opportunity to create a reference complex connected with the resources of different sites and to fundamentally strengthen the information potential of the corpus. The analysis shows the rapid “Internetization” of practical linguography and proves the perspectiveness and high level of selfdescriptiveness in the sphere of Internet dictionaries.

2.2. Electronic Corpus of Tatar Paremias: Quantitative Data The most important advantage of the electronic corpus is the ability to receive various quantitative data connected with different features of the corpus units (paremias, words, word forms, syllables, letters, etc.). Quantitative information offers the field for qualificative characteristics of language (speech, text) facts, it is especially desired in comparative analysis (Bektaev 1978; Galiullin and Karimullina 2010; Piotrovskiy, Bektaev and Piotrovskaya 1977; Quantitative Linguistik

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 7ČãLWHORYi  7XOGDYD  HWF  VHH WKH OLVW RI UHIHUHQFH LQ (Quantitative Linguistik 2005). Let us consider some quantitative materials which are the result of the processing and description of proverbs and sayings included in the twelvevolume collection of Tatar folklore (Tatar khalyk ijaty 1987). Also it would be useful to compare these results with data from other Tatar texts, particularly with prosaic (Rizvanova 2000) and poetic (Galiullin and Karimullina 2006; 2009; 2010; Galiullin, Karimullina and Mingazova 2006). 2.2.1. Proverbs and Sayings The quantity of proverbs and sayings (NP) is 17089. Their cumulative volume: x in word usages, text words (NTW) – 95405; x in syllables (NS) – 212714; x in letters (NL) – 494676. The volume of paremia in text words – 2-29 words. The average length of paremia in words (NTW/NP) – nearly 6 words (5.58). The longest paremias (according to the quantity of words): 29 words – ȺɬɧɵΝ ɛɟɪ ɚɹɝɵ ɚɤ ɛɭɥɫɚ – ɛɟɪ ɣΫɡ ɫɭɦ, ɢɤɟ ɚɹɝɵ ɚɤ ɛɭɥɫ – ɢɤɟ ɣΫɡ ɫɭɦ, Ϋɱ ɚɹɝɵ ɚɤ ɛɭɥɫɚ – Ϋɱ ɣΫɡ ɫɭɦ, ɞΟɪɬ ɚɹɝɵ ɚɤ ɛɭɥɫɚ – ɟɝɟɪɦɟ ɛɢɲ ɫɭɦ [2571]; 25 words – Ⱥɬɚɞɚɧ ɭɥ ɬɭɫɚ – ɢɝɟ, ɚɬɚ ɸɥɵɧ ɤɭɫɚ – ɢɝɟ, ɛɢɥɟɧΩ ɫɚɞɚɤ ɛɭɫɚ – ɢɝɟ, ɛɢɬɟɧΩ ɤɢɥɟɪ ɨɹɬɧɵ Οɡɟ ɛɟɥɟɩ ɸɫɚ – ɢɝɟ, ɲɭɲɵɥɚɪɧɵ ɤɵɥɦɚɫɚ, ɛɚɪɵɧɧɚɧ ɞɚ ɸɝɵ – ɢɝɟ [14357]; 24 words – Ʉɵɱɵɬɤɚɧ ɱɵɩɱɵɝɵ: “Ξɡ Ϋɟɦ, Οɡ ɢɥɟɦ!” – ɞɢɩ ɫɚɣɪɵɣ ɢɤΩɧ. ɆɨɧɵΝ Ϋɟ ɤɚɣɞɚ ɞɢɩ ɤɚɪɚɩ ɬɨɪɫɚɥɚɪ, ɤɵɱɵɬɤɚɧ ɚɪɚɫɵɧɞɚ ɤɵɱɵɬɤɚɧ ɟɮΩɝɟɧɧΩɧ ΟɪɝΩɧ ɨɹɫɵɧɚ ɤɟɪɟɩ ɤɢɬɤΩɧɟɧ ɤΟɪɝΩɧɧΩɪ [4216]. The shortest paremias (according to the quantity of words): 2 words – Ⱥɬɥɵ – ɤΫɧɥɟ [2557], Ⱥɱɭ – ɚɸ [12431]; Ⱥɲɚ, ɬɭɧɵɦ [8950]; ΨΗΩɬ – ɧɚɡɚɞ [8196]; Ʉɭɧɚɤ – ɛΩɛɢ [10094]; ɄΟɡ – ɞΩɪɶɹ [10414]; ΪɱɬΩ ɤΫɱ [8012]; ɗɲ ΟɬɟɪɦΩɫ [6181]. Volume of paremia in syllables – 3-57 syllables. Average length of paremia in syllables (NS/NP) – 12.45. The longest paremias (according to the quantity of syllables): 57 syllables – see above “Ʉɵɱɵɬɤɚɧ …” [4216]; 56 syllables – see above “Ⱥɬɚɞɚɧ …” [14357]; 53 syllables – ɄΩΗΩɧɟΝ ɫΫɬɟ ɚɝɵɩ ɬɨɪɝɚɧ ɛɨɥɚɤ, ɷɱɟ ɬɭɥɵ ɵɥɚɤ, ɢɬɟ ɬɚɦɚɝɵΝɚ ɛɚɩ, ɬɢɪɟɫɟ ɚɹɝɵΝɚ ɤɚɩ, ɦΫɝɟɡɟ ɩɵɱɚɝɵΝɚ ɫɚɩ, ɷɱΩɝɟɫɟɧ ɚɪɲɢɧɝɚ ɬɚɪɬ, ɫɤɪɢɩɤɚɱɵɝɚ ɫɚɬ [3053]. The shortest paremias (according to the quantity of syllables):

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3 syllables – ɄΟɡ – ɞΩɪɶɹ [10414], ΪɱɬΩ ɤΫɱ [8012], Ɍɚɩ ɬɚ ɛɚɤ [14047], ɑΩɱ ɬΩ ɛɚɲ [10366]. The volume of paremia in letters – 5133 letters. The average length of paremia in letters (NL/NP) – 28.95. The longest paremias (according to the quantity of letters): 133 letters – see above “Ʉɵɱɵɬɤɚɧ …” [4216]; 118 letters – ȺɪɝɚɦɚɤɧɵΝ ɛɚɥɚɫɵ ɚɡ ɭɬɥɚɪ ɞɚ ɤΟɩ ɸɲɚɪ, ɚɬɚɫɵ ɬɚɪɥɚɭɧɵΝ ɞΩɦɟɧ ɬɚɬɤɚɧɝɚ ɚɡɚɦɚɬ ɢɪɧɟΝ ɛɚɥɚɫɵ ɚɡ ɫΫɣɥΩɪ ɞΩ ɤΟɩ ɬɵΝɥɚɪ, ɚɬɚɫɵ ɣɨɪɬɤɚ ɤɢΝΩɲ ɢɬɤΩɧɝΩ [14346]; 116 letters – see above “ɄΩΗΩɧɟΝ …” [3053]. The shortest paremias (according to the quantity of letters): 5 letters – Ⱥɱɭ – ɚɸ [12431], 7 ɛɭɤɜ – ΪɱɬΩ ɤΫɱ [8012], 8 letters – Ⱥɲɚ, ɬɭɧɵɦ [8950], ɄΟɡ – ɞΩɪɶɹ [10414], Ɍɚɩ ɬɚ ɛɚɤ [14047], ɑΩɱ ɬΩ ɛɚɲ [10366]. 2.2.2. Word Forms 19118 word forms are singled out in paremias; we consider that text words with the similar graphic image are equal to one word form. Different word forms have diverse frequency in paremia corpus (from 1 to 1230). Here is the list of paremias with a frequency equal to 100 and more word usages. ɞɚ 1230), ɛɟɥΩɧ 1197), ɛɟɪ 1100), ɞΩ 893), ɸɤ 755), ɛɭɥɫɚ 658), ɤɟɲɟ632), ɛɚɪ576), ɛɭɥɵɪ501), ɹɯɲɵ453), ɛɭɥɦɚɫ418), ɚɬ397), ɷɬ384), ɛɭɥɚ373), ɤΟɩ373), Οɡ370), ɢɤɟ352), ɛɭɥɦɵɣ346), ɬΟɝɟɥ (321), ɹɦɚɧ 315), ɫΟɡ 297), ɞɢɩ 296), ɯɚɬɵɧ 258), ɢɪ 256), ɛɭɥɫɵɧ (254), ɤΫɧ244), ɞɢ235), Οɡɟ230), ɫɭ227), ɤɵɡ218), ɷɲ207), ɛɚɥɚ (202), ɧɢ 187), ɤɚɪɚ 183), ɛɚɣ 179), ɦɚɥ 175), ɛɚɲ 165), ɚɥɬɵɧ (158), ɚɲ155), ɬɚɲ155), ɢɥ153), ɛΟɪɟ145), ɤɟɲɟɧɟΝ142), ΗɢɪɞΩ (141), Ϋɱɟɧ 140), ɤɟɛɟɤ 139), ɤΟɪΩ 138), ɬɚ 137), ɬɟɥ 137), ɚɤɵɥ (130), ɟɝɟɬ130), ɤɢɪΩɤ130), ɛɚɲɵ129), ɹɪɥɵ128), ɚɡ126), ɛɭɥɫɚΝ (125), ɚɤɱɚ122), ɤɭɧɚɤ122), ɤɟɲɟɝΩ118), ɭɬ118), ɤɚɪɝɚ115), ɦɟΝ (115), ɚɝɚɱ 115), ɤɢɥɫΩ 113), Ηɢɪ 112), ɬɟɥɟ 111), ɸɥ 110), ɛɭɥɵɩ (109), ɤΟɡ109), ΧΩɪ109), ɛɚɥ107), ɛɭɥ106), ɞɭɫ106), ɭɥ105), ΟɡɟΝ (105), ɚɪɬɵɤ 104), Ϋɣ103), ɚɱ102), ɡɭɪ102), ɢɬ 102), ɤɨɲ 101), ΗɢɪɝΩ100).

The average frequency of a word form in proverbs and sayings (NɌɋ/NɋɎ) is 4.99. This index is higher than in poetry (4.05), prose (4.17/4.26) and newspaper texts (4.05/4.42) (Rizvanova 2000, 38). It could be in no small way explained by the fact that proverbs and sayings contain the higher percentage of words in common use.

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More than half of word forms (10397) in analyzed paremias have an index of frequency equal to 1. 2.2.3. Letters Analyzed proverbs and sayings contain 494676 letters. The frequency of letters is in the range from 2 (ɰ) to 60624 (ɚ). This base does not contain letters ɺ and ɳ. The frequency list of letters is in Table 25-1. Table 25-1. Frequency list of letters # 1. Range of a letter in # 2. # 2. Letter: ɚ – vowel; b – letters ɔ, ɖ; c – consonant. # 3. Absolute frequency. # 4. Relative frequency. #1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

5

a

#2 b c

Ⱥ Ʉ ɕ ɇ ȿ Ԥ Ɋ Ʌ Ɍ Ȼ ɋ Ƚ Ɇ ɂ ɍ Ⱦ ɒ Ԙ Ƀ Ԛ

#3

#4

#1

60624 34545 33806 33723 32603 27994 27962 27368 24856 17754 17635 15126 15094 14051 13352 10865 10232 8822 8669 8274

12.26 6.98 6.83 6.82 6.59 5.66 5.65 5.53 5.02 3.59 3.56 3.06 3.05 2.84 2.70 2.20 2.07 1.78 1,75 1.67

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

A

#2 B

c ɑ Ɂ

ə Ԧ Ɉ ɉ Ԓ ɏ ɗ

ɗ5 ɘ

ȼ ɖ Ԣ Ɏ ɔ ɀ ɐ Ȭ ɓ

#3

#4

8190 8165 6488 6005 5432 4634 2763 2508 2122 1964 1564 522 442 419 54 47 2 0 0 494676

1.66 1.65 1.31 1.21 1.10 0.94 0.56 0.51 0.43 0.40 0.32 0.11 0.09 0.08 0.01 0.01 0.00 0 0 100 %

The letter ɷ in most cases (2121) indicates a correspondent vowel, and only in the word ɬΩɷɫɢɪɫɟɡ does it reflect a specific consonant vowel (paremia ɌΩɷɫɢɪɫɟɡ ɫΟɡ–ɹΝɝɵɪɫɵɡ ɤΟɤɪΩΟ [16102]).

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Paremias contain words of various length (the quantity of letters) – from 1 to 18. Table 25-2 reflects the usage frequency of words containing definite quantity of letters. Table 25-2. Usage frequency of words containing definite quantity of letters # 1. Quantity of letters # 2. Quantity of text words with the indicated quantity of letters # 3. Relative frequency #1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

#2

426 7637 12337 15449 22276 15311 10068

#3

#1

#2

#3

#1

0.044 8.005 12.931 16.193 23.349 16.048 10.553

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

7269 2748 1433 573 164 56 25

7.619 2.880 1.502 0.601 0.172 0.059 0.026

15 16 17 18

#2

97 53 13 23 95405

#3 0.009 0.005 0.001 0.002 100 %

The average length of a text word in proverbs and sayings (NL/NTW) is 5.19 letters. This index is closer to the statistic data of poetic texts – 5.30 (Galiullin and Karimullina 2010, 38)/5.34 (Galiullin and Karimullina 2006, 60)/5.47 (Rizvanova 2000, 49) than to the data of prosaic (5.64) and newspaper (6.23) (Rizvanova 2000, 49) texts. 2.2.4. Syllables Examined proverbs and sayings contain 212714 syllables. Paremias include words with different syllabic length – from 1 to 8. Table 6-3 shows the usage frequency of words with different quantities of syllables.

6

Single-letter words: ɚ, Ω (8), ɢ (7), ɸ, ɹ (25). Multiple-letter words: 18 letters–ɬɢɪɥΩɦΩɞɟɦ-ɩɟɲɦΩɞɟɦ (2); 17 letters– ɷɪɥΩɦΩɝΩɧ-ɫɭɤɦɚɝɚɧ; 16 letters–ΩɫɫΩɥɚɦɟɝɚɥΩɣɤɟɦ, ɛɚɤɤɚɤɚɭ-ɛɚɤɤɚɤɚɭ, ɡɚɦɚɧɵɧɞɚɝɵɥɚɪɧɵ, ɣΫɪɦΩɝΩɧ-ɤΟɪɦΩɝΩɧ, ɣΫɪɦΩɝΩɧ-ɬɨɪɦɚɝɚɧ; 15 letters– ɛɚΧɚɞɢɪɥɚɧɞɵɪɵɪ, ɛɢɲɟɤɥɟ-ɛɢɥɬɟɪɥɟ, ɛɭɥɵɪ-ɛɭɥɦɚɫɧɵɤɵ, ɝɭɛɟɪɧɚɬɨɪɵɧɧɚɧ, ɣɨɪɬɫɵɡ-ɫɟɦɶɹɫɵɡ, ɣɨɪɬɵΝɧɵ-ΗɢɪɟΝɧɟ (2), ɫΩɥɚɦΩɬɥɟɝɟɧɧΩɧ, ɵɲɚɧɵɱɫɵɡɥɵɤɧɵΝ. 7

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Table 25-3. Usage frequency of words with different quantity of syllables # 1. Quantity of syllables # 2. Quantity of text words with the indicated quantity of syllables # 3. Relative frequency #1 1 2 3 4 5

#2

#3

16777 46760 25717 5573 502

17.585 49.012 26.955 5.842 0.526

#1 6 7 8

#2

#3

69 68 14 95405

0.072 0.006 0.001 100 %

The average length of a text word in proverbs and sayings (NɋɅ/NɌɋ) is 2.23 syllables. This index (like the letter index above) is closer to statistic data of poetic texts – 2.17 (Galiullin and Karimullina 2010, 38)/2.24 (Galiullin and Karimullina 2006, 62)/2.27 (Rizvanova 2000, 54) than to the data of prosaic (2.41) and newspaper (2.81) (Rizvanova 2000, 54) texts. The words are comparatively shorter in paremias than the average. It is determined by the fact that lexical units of everyday language predominate here and they are characterized by high frequency – these units are usually rather short. Other quantitative data characterizing the linguistic features of paremias will be presented in our special statistic appendix to the computational corpus of Tatar proverbs and sayings.

3. Conclusions The electronic interface of the database containing Tatar paremias allows the realization of different types of linguographic description: paremiographic, lexicographic, morphemographic, and, besides, graphemographic (it presents the information connected with the usage of definite letters according to their position in a word) and syllabographic (it presents the information connected with the usage of definite syllables in a word). The e-database widens the performance capacity of search and scientific processes connected with the materials of Tatar proverbs and sayings. 8

Polysyllabic words: 8 syllables–ɛɚɤɤɚɤɚɭ-ɛɚɤɤɚɤɚɭ; 7 syllables– ΩɫɫΩɥɚɦɟɝɚɥΩɣɤɟɦ, ɡɚɦɚɧɵɧɞɚɝɵɥɚɪɧɵ, ɬɢɪɥΩɦΩɞɟɦ-ɩɟɲɦΩɞɟɦ (2), ɷɪɥΩɦΩɝΩɧ-ɫɭɤɦɚɝɚɧ, ɷɱɟɧΩ-ɛɚɜɵɪɵɧɚ.

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Our research shows the value of quantitative data, because it allows the defining of the typicality and occurrence of any feature in the paremic array, to describe the correlation of significant characteristics with other features or to fix the absence of this correlation. All this information is very important to the comparative analysis of results which received two or more subsets if they reflect inclusions, crossings, and exceptions. These conditions can possibly reveal general and distinctive features of the subsets. According to the results of our analysis, the cumulative electronic corpus of Tatar will play a considerable role in the optimization of access to the rich and important data of proverbs and sayings. It will be a contribution to a multifold description of paremias. The corpus will help put the received materials into linguistic and didactic use, to process them and to get the desired data in order to use it in different spheres.

List of References Bektaev, K. 1978. Statistiko-informatsyonnaya tipologiya tyurkskogo teksta. Alma-Ata: Nauka. Galiullin, K. 2009. “Internet-lingvografiya: russkiye tekstoopisyvayuschiye slovari.” In Problemy istorii, filologii, kul’tury. 2(24): 635-639. Galiullin, K., and R. Karimullina. 2006. “O slovarnom opisanii proizvedeniy Musy Jalilya: «Moabitskiye tetradi».” In Uchenye zapiski Kazanskogo universiteta. 148(3): 55-64. Galiullin, K., and R. Karimullina. 2009. Gabdulla Tukay: shigriyat tele: süzlek». T. 1-2. Kazan: Mägarif. [Internet version: httɪ://www.klf.kpfu.ru/tukay. Accessed 30.07.2013.]. Galiullin, K., and R. Karimullina. 2010. Tukay shigerläre tele: lingvostatistik beleshmälek. Kazan: Izdatel’stvo Kazanskogo universiteta. Galiullin, K., and D. Mart’yanov. 2006. Slovar’ yazyka russkikh poslovits i pogovorok kontsa XVII – pervoy poloviny XVIII veka: Sbornik Petrovskoy galerei. Kazan: Kazan universitet. [Internet version: httɪ://www.klf.kpfu.ru/parem17_18. Accessed 30.07.2013.] Galiullin, K., Karimullina, A., and R. Karimullina. 2009. “Tatarskaya folklornaya ligvografiya: slovarnoye opisaniye yazyka poslovits i pogovorok.” In Aktual’nye problemy sovremennoy folkloristiki, 135136. Kazan: Alma-Lit.

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Galiullin, K., Karimullina, R., and L. Mingazova. 2006. Musa Jalil. «Moabit däftärläre tele: süzlek». Kazan: Mägarif. [Internet version: httɪ://www.klf.kpfu.ru/jalil. Accessed 30.07.2013.] Isänbät, N. 2010. Tatar khalyk mäkalläre: mäkallär jyelmasy. Kazan: Tatarstan kitap näshriyaty. Kompyuternaya lingvografiya 1995. Kazan: Izdatel’stvo Kazanskogo universiteta. Piotrovskiy, R., Bektaev, K., and A. Piotrovskaya. 1977. Matematicheskaya lingvistika. Moskva: Vysshaya shkola. Quantitative Linguistik: Ein internationales Handbuch 2005. Berlin: New York: Walter de Gruyter. Rizvanova, L. 2000. Kvantitativnaya kharakteristika tatarskogo slova. Kazan: Tarikh. Tatar khalyk ijaty: Mäkallär häm äytemnär 1987. Kazan: Tatarstan kitap näshriyaty. Tatar telenen anlatmaly süzlege 2005. Kazan: Matbugat yorty. Tatar telenen zur dialektologik süzlege 2009. Kazan: Tatarstan kitap näshriyaty. Tatarcha-ruscha süzlek 2007. T.1-2. Kazan: Mägarif. 7ČãLWHORYi0 Quantitative Linguistics. Praha: Academia. Timergalin, A. 2007. Milliyat süzlege. Kazan: Mägarif. Tuldava, Yu. 1987. Problemy i metody kvantitativno-sistemnogo issledovaniya leksiki. Tallin: Valgus.

CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX CROSS-LINGUISTIC EQUIVALENCE OF IDIOMS: CORPUS VS. DICTIONARY IRINA PARINA1 1. Introduction The present investigation deals with the cross-linguistic equivalence of phrasemes and, specifically, idioms. This issue is important for translation, foreign language teaching and phraseography, and has come into focus once again with the advance of corpus-based dictionaries. Corpora are generally seen as a source of evidence about lexical items of any kind, which is objective and thus more reliable than the intuition of a lexicographer (cf. Lubensky and McShane 2007, 919; Moon 1998, 44). Examples of phraseme usage taken from corpora are considered to be advantageous for a phraseological dictionary, especially when they are provided with a translation into the target language (see for example Dobrovol’skij 2013, also this volume, on a New German-Russian Dictionary of Idioms). However, it is sometimes the case that an idiom in an authentic context cannot be translated with its traditionally accepted equivalent. Equivalence in translation is claimed to be different from equivalence in the language system, because the former means the relationship between an idiom and its translation variant in a particular text while the latter considers the relationship between L1 and L2 idioms on the systemic level (Dobrovol’skij 2013; Korhonen 2007, 575). But there seems to be no strict separation between these two aspects, as the features of a L2-idiom which make it impossible to use it as an equivalent for a L1-idiom in a particular context can sometimes turn out to be relevant from the phraseographical point of view.

1

Linguistics University of Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. [email protected].

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This paper concerns the results of a corpus-based comparison of some German and Russian idioms closely related in meaning, similar in their formal structure and traditionally treated as equivalents in dictionaries. The examples of their usage from corpora will be given in the original language without translation into English, because most of the phrasemes in question do not have close formal equivalents in English, and the translation would either be literal – and thus unnatural, or not illustrate the discussed features. Nevertheless, the German and Russian contexts will be provided with detailed commentaries. Some examples of English phrasemes will also be given. The aim of this study is to show the kinds of differences in meaning and usage which can be noted between the L1 and L2 “equivalents” and to discuss whether these differences should be rated as occasional or if they reflect some usualized features of the idioms and are thus worth being mentioned in a dictionary.

2. Types of Cross-linguistic Equivalence J. Korhonen notes that specifying the different types of phraseme equivalence has been one of the mostly studied issues of contrastive phraseology in the past decades (Korhonen 2007, 577). The types of cross-linguistic equivalence can be classified according to various principles. For instance, quantitative equivalence concerns the number of equivalents a certain phraseme of the source language has in the target language (there are three possibilities: monoequivalence, polyequivalence and zero equivalence) (Korhonen 2007, 577). Qualitative equivalence deals with the grade of similarity between phrasemes in the source and target languages. Its main classes are as follows: Full equivalence (Volläquivalenz, totale Äquivalenz) – correspondence of all sufficient parameters: meaning, syntactic and lexical structure and imagery basis. Generally cited examples of this type include phrasemes from religious sources, mythology or well-known literary works, like seinen Augen nicht trauen – not believe one’s eyes. Within this group of equivalents only differences in Variants are considered to be possible (Korhonen 2007, 578) or, according to another approach, some morphological or lexical alternations, e.g. ganz Ohr sein (singular) – to be all ears (plural) (Dobrovol’skij 2013, 212). Partial equivalence (Teiläquivalenz) – a more or less identical meaning, but with differences in other parameters, like the

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morphosyntactic or lexical structure (with Korhonen 2007 also the singular-plural alternation), imagery basis, stylistic features or frequency, e.g. Öl ins Feuer gießen – add fuel to the fire, von der Hand in den Mund leben – live from hand to mouth. Phrasemes having a similar core meaning but different image bases can also be distinguished as a separate group – phraseological parallels (Dobrovol’skij 2013, 212), or substitutional equivalents (Koller 2007, 605), e.g. hot potato – heißes Eisen. The last type of qualitative equivalence, non-equivalence (phraseologische Nulläquivalenz), is the absence of a phraseological correspondence for a phraseme of the source language in the system of the target language, which makes it necessary to use free word combinations in translation (Dobrovol’skij 2013, 213; Korhonen 2007, 581; Koller 2007, 606). Another possibility to classify equivalence types is based on the notion of phraseological surplus value (phraseologischer Mehrwert). Taken into consideration here are the potential features of a phraseme, which can be realized differently in context. In addition to the denotative meaning, a phraseme might have connotative (diachronic, diaphasic, expressive, etc.), textual (existence of extended or elliptical forms, tendency to be involved in word play, etc.), pragmatic-rhetorical specifics (certain rhetorical functions, expressing evaluation, etc.) and the specifics connected with the phraseological fields it is part of or with the world-view (Koller 2007, 606). These potential features are quite heterogeneous and may not all be known to the speaker at once (cf. Hessky 1992, 20). Accordingly, translations of particular texts can be evaluated as to how the realized features of phrasemes have been transmitted into the target language, but these features do not constitute the sort of information usually found in a dictionary. Whereas the notion of phraseological surplus value corresponds with the translatorial approach to equivalence, the quantitative and qualitative equivalence and their subtypes concern the relationship between phrasemes of the source and target languages on the systemic level. Comparison of L1 and L2 phrasemes is made on the basis of their actual meaning, their image component and their structure – more in the sense of some “absolute” features like the nature of the lexical components, their number, the word order, the valence, etc. than of potential features which can be realized only in some contexts, like the possibility of using the phraseme in imperative or for word play. The equivalence of phrasemes irrespective of the context is also the key point for bilingual dictionaries.

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However, the systemic approach in lexicography might cause problems for the dictionary user. If a dictionary entry consists of a L1 phraseme and its phraseological correspondences in L2, this might produce the impression, that the usage of these phrasemes in both languages is governed by the same rules. In reality, set phrases with the actual meaning, lexical and morphosyntactic structure similar enough to consider them full or at least partial equivalents sometimes reveal different usage patterns. Let us consider some examples.

3. Phraseological Equivalents in German and Russian For the German idiom die Beine in die Hand (or unter den Arm) nehmen there is a correspondence in Russian with a similar meaning and image basis: ɛɪɚɬɶ (or: ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ – literally “take one’s legs into one’s hands”). The definitions of these idioms in monolingual dictionaries are alike – (ugs.) 1. “ganz schnell laufen” (run quickly); 2. “sich beeilen” (hurry) for the German idiom (Duden 2002) and (ɩɪɨɫɬ. ɷɤɫɩɪɟɫ.) “ɨɱɟɧɶ ɛɵɫɬɪɨ, ɫɬɪɟɦɝɥɚɜ (ɛɟɠɚɬɶ, ɬɨɪɨɩɹɫɶ ɢɞɬɢ)” – (coll., expressive) run or go very quickly, swiftly (Fyodorov 2008). Ȼɪɚɬɶ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ is given as one of the equivalents for die Beine in die Hand (unter den Arm) nehmen in the German-Russian phraseological dictionary (Mal’tseva 2003), though in some bilingual dictionaries (Leping et al. 2004; Cvilling 2005) it is not mentioned, and other correspondences with the meaning “run away quickly” are suggested: ɛɟɠɚɬɶ ɫɨ ɜɫɟɯ ɧɨɝ, ɭɞɢɪɚɬɶ ɜɨ ɜɫɟ ɥɨɩɚɬɤɢ, ɩɭɫɬɢɬɶɫɹ ɧɚɭɬɺɤ. The idioms ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ and die Beine in die Hand (unter den Arm) nehmen could – with respect to the difference in prepositions and the singular-plural alternation of the component Hand/Arm – be considered partial equivalents. The question is, whether their usage conditions in German and Russian are as similar, as we expect those of equivalents to be. To answer it we will analyze their usage in the German corpus DeReKo (http://www.idsmannheim.de/kl/projekte/korpora) and the Russian National Corpus (http://www.ruscorpora.ru). The first notable fact is that the Russian idiom has a widely used elliptical form – ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ (or ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ ɢ ɛɟɝɨɦ – literally “the legs into the hands and running”).   ɑɟɪɟɡ ɧɟɫɤɨɥɶɤɨ ɫɟɤɭɧɞ Ʌɭɤɢɧ ɞɨɥɠɟɧ ɩɨɞɚɬɶ ɭɫɥɨɜɧɵɣ ɡɧɚɤ ɨɬ ɤɨɬɨɪɨɝɨ ɡɚɜɢɫɢɬ ɨɫɬɚɧɟɦɫɹ ɦɵ ɧɚ ɥɶɞɭ ɢɥɢ – ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ ɢ ɛɟɝɨɦ ɨɬɫɸɞɚȼɋɚɧɢɧɇɟɝɨɜɨɪɢɬɵȺɪɤɬɢɤɟ– ɩɪɨɳɚɣ

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In German the omission of the verb is possible, but quite rare – in DeReKo corpus just one example of this kind can be found: (2) Haben unsere Viertklässler Jahre später in einer dunklen Gasse mal den Pfefferspray nicht parat, können sie mit derartigem Kulturgut einen Gegner zumindest solange verwirren, bis – die Beine in der Hand – die Flucht eingeleitet ist. (Nürnberger Zeitung, 15.02.2003)

The elliptical form of the Russian idiom is mostly used in the imperative (meaning practically “take your legs into your hands and move”). On the whole, imperative sentences, ranging in their meaning from recommendation to command or even threat, comprise the major part of all contexts with this idiom. (3  Ⱥ ɟɫɥɢ ȼɵ ɜɫɟ-ɬɚɤɢ ɪɟɲɢɥɢ ɞɟɧɟɝ ɡɚɪɚɛɨɬɚɬɶ ɬɨ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ, ɩɪɨɟɤɬɢɪɨɜɳɢɤɚ ɜ ɨɯɚɩɤɭ – ɢ ɩɭɫɬɶ ɞɨɪɚɛɚɬɵɜɚɟɬ ɩɪɨɟɤɬ Ʉɨɥɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɵɣ ɚɜɬɨɪ Ɂɚɤɚɡɱɢɤ ɞɢɡɚɣɧɟɪ ɢ ɫɬɪɨɢɬɟɥɢ Ʉɬɨ ɩɪɚɜ" (2010-2011)   ɇɭ-ɤɚ ɛɵɫɬɪɟɧɶɤɨ ɞɚɜɚɣ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ ɢ ɩɨɲɟɥ ɉ Ƚɚɥɢɰɤɢɣ Ɉɩɚɫɧɚɹɤɨɥɥɟɤɰɢɹ. (2000)

With die Beine in die Hand (unter den Arm) nehmen, imperative contexts are infrequent. Another difference concerns the direction of the action, which is described or (in case of imperative) prescribed using these idioms. In Russian the imperative form [ɛɟɪɢ] ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ might mean a command or recommendation to move away from the speaker, as in (4), or to be more active, while the direction of action is not specified (3). But it also might be used to urge the recipient of the message to come quickly towards the speaker, e.g.:   Ɍɚɤ ɱɬɨ ɛɟɪɢ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ ɢ ɞɭɣ ɤɨ ɦɧɟ ɇ Ʌɟɨɧɨɜ Ʌɟɤɚɪɫɬɜɨ ɨɬ ɠɢɡɧɢ   ə ɯɨɱɭ ɱɬɨɛɵ ɬɵ ɜɡɹɥ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ ɢ ɩɪɢɟɯɚɥ ɪɚɛɨɬɚɬɶ ɫɸɞɚ ȼ ɊɵɛɚɤɨɜɌɪɭɞɧɨɫɬɚɬɶȻɨɝɨɦ. (1996)

The last type of usage is not characteristic for the German idiom. Imperative contexts with it contain a plea either to move as fast as possible – e.g. in the case of a sporting event (7), – or to run away from danger (8). (7) Während manche Teams losspurteten wie die Feuerwehr, teilten sich andere die Kräfte ein und starteten gemächlich mit einem gemütlichen

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Chapter Twenty-Six Trab. Zwischendurch klatschten sich die Läufer ab und feuerten sich gegenseitig an. “Nimm die Beine in die Hand und renn’!“, schallte es durch das Stadion. (Rhein-Zeitung, 18.06.2012) (8) Hatte seine innere Stimme dem Igel bei Gefahr stets zugeraunt: “Bleib stehen, kugel dich ein und verhalte dich ruhig“, so hätte diese Stimme ihm im Zeitalter des Automobils im grellen Schein der Halogenscheinwerfer zubrüllen müssen: “Fliehe! Nimm deine krummen Beine in die Hand und renn um dein Leben!” (Nürnberger Nachrichten, 06.11.1999)

Context (8) most probably contains a deliberate personification of an animal (a hedgehog). However, other, declarative contexts with the German idiom can be found, where no personification is intended, but the subject is an animal, for example, a dog: (9) Auch der beige-weiße Jack-Russel-Podenko-Mischling Micky hat einen Heidenspaß. Fünf Jungen und Mädchen laufen hinter Micky her, der stolz die Frisbee-Scheibe ergattert hat und nun die Beine unter den Arm nimmt. (Mannheimer Morgen, 23.08.2004)

In Russian it would be possible to say *ɋɨɛɚɤɚ ɛɟɪɟɬ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ (the dog takes its legs into the hands) only in humorous contexts. To refer to the fast movement of an animal other phrasemes are used, e.g. ɫɨ ɜɫɟɯ ɧɨɝ §DVIDVWDVRQH¶VOHJVFDQFDUU\RQH   Ʉɚɡɚɥɨɫɶɛɵɥɨɫɶɞɨɥɠɟɧɜɫɥɭɱɚɟɨɩɚɫɧɨɫɬɢɭɞɢɪɚɬɶɫɨɜɫɟɯɧɨɝ ɩɨ ɩɪɹɦɨɣ ɱɬɨɛɵ ɤɚɤ ɦɨɠɧɨ ɫɤɨɪɟɟ ɨɤɚɡɚɬɶɫɹ ɧɚ ɛɟɡɨɩɚɫɧɨɦ ɪɚɫɫɬɨɹɧɢɢ ɇ Ɋɟɡɧɢɤ ɉɨ ɫɥɟɞɚɦ ɛɟɝɭɳɟɝɨ ɥɨɫɹ©ɇɚɭɤɚ ɢ ɠɢɡɧɶª 2007)

More than that, in declarative contexts with die Beine in die Hand (unter den Arm) nehmen and ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ, where the subject is a person, some differences might also be observed. Both in German and in Russian the idioms can be used in the past tense to denote running away in case of danger (though declarative contexts with the Russian idiom are much less frequent than imperative): (11) Genau zu dieser Zeit kam es uns in den Sinn, eine Herbstwanderung zu unternehmen und zu zelten. In der ersten Nacht brach ein Bär in ein nahes Haus ein. Als es dann während der Wanderung im Gebüsch zu rascheln und grunzen begann, nahmen wir die Beine unter die Arme. (Die Südostschweiz, 13.12.2009)

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(12) Ⱦɚ ɢ ɧɚɲ ɫɚɦɨɯɨɞɱɢɤ ɩɨɫɥɟ ɷɬɨɝɨ ɢɧɰɢɞɟɧɬɚ ɧɟ ɫɬɚɥ ɬɚɦ ɞɨɥɝɨ ɡɚɞɟɪɠɢɜɚɬɶɫɹ ɚ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ ɢ ɪɵɫɶɸ ɧɚ ɪɨɞɧɭɸ ɡɚɫɬɚɜɭ ɂ Ⱥɧɩɢɥɨɝɨɜɂɡɞɧɟɜɧɢɤɚɫɨɥɞɚɬɚ-ɫɪɨɱɧɢɤɚ©Ʉɨɧɬɢɧɟɧɬª

However, the German idiom has a broader meaning, and denotes fast running in other situations as well (e.g. in a sporting event): (13) Am Sonntag tummeln sich wieder Massen in den Straßen von Wien. 8000 sollen es diesmal sein, die die Beine unter den Arm nehmen, um die 42,195 km lange Strecke in Angriff zu nehmen. (Die Presse, 19.05.1998) (14) Beim 7. Badgasteiner Gastgewerbe-Derby am 15. August nehmen wieder die Hausmeister, Köche, Kellner und Stubenmädchen der örtlichen Fremdenverkehrsbetriebe im Zentrum des Kurortes die Beine unter die Arme. Dem Sieger winkt der Badgasteiner Silberkrug. (Salzburger Nachrichten, 11.08.1994)

Contexts like (13) and (14) cannot be translated into Russian using the idiom ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ. The reason is that the Russian idiom in declarative sentences means that someone is fleeing hastily (and is frightened). So, a sentence like …8000 sollen es diesmal sein, die die Beine unter den Arm nehmen, translated into Russian as *8000 ɱɟɥɨɜɟɤ ɜɨɡɶɦɭɬ ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ would more probably produce an impression of a mass of people running away chaotically than of a sporting event. Besides, non-past tenses are not typical for the Russian idiom in declarative sentences. In Russian, taking part in a running competition would more likely be referred to using such collocations as ɩɪɢɧɹɬɶ ɭɱɚɫɬɢɟ (to take part).   ȼ ɡɚɛɟɝɟ ɤɨɬɨɪɵɣ ɩɪɨɣɞɟɬ ɜ Ȼɚɬɬɟɪɫɢ-ɩɚɪɤɟ ɧɚ ɸɠɧɨɦ ɛɟɪɟɝɭ Ɍɟɦɡɵɩɪɢɦɭɬɭɱɚɫɬɢɟ ɧɟɦɟɧɟɟɩɨɥɭɬɨɪɚɬɵɫɹɱɥɸɞɟɣɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɜɫɟɯ ɜɨɡɪɚɫɬɨɜ – ɨɬ ɩɨɞɪɨɫɬɤɨɜ ɞɨ ɩɟɧɫɢɨɧɟɪɨɜ ɊɂȺ ɇɨɜɨɫɬɢ, 2009.09.19)

In the translation of contexts like (13) and (14) into Russian another phraseme – [ɛɟɠɚɬɶ] ɢɡɨ ɜɫɟɯ ɫɢɥ (literally “[to run] with all one’s strength”) could be used. It has a broader meaning than ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ, and denotes quick running (and is thus a better equivalent for die Beine in die Hand (unter den Arm) nehmen in declarative sentences).   ə ɪɢɧɭɥɫɹ ɜɩɟɪɺɞ« ɹ ɛɟɠɚɥ ɢɡɨ ɜɫɟɯ ɫɢɥʊɛɟɠɚɥ ɛɟɠɚɥ ɛɟɠɚɥ« ɩɪɨɫɬɨ ɧɢɤɨɝɞɚ ɬɚɤ ɛɵɫɬɪɨ ɧɟ ɛɟɝɚɥ Ⱥ ȼɨɥɨɫ ɇɟɞɜɢɠɢɦɨɫɬɶ ©ɇɨɜɵɣɆɢɪª

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By the way, the idiom ɢɡɨ ɜɫɟɯ ɫɢɥ has a word-for-word correspondence in German – aus allen Kräften. But the set phrases in two languages are not identical in their usage, either. The German phraseme aus allen Kräften is infrequent – in DeReKo just 28 instances can be found, and almost all of them are from the German legends collected by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. Besides, aus allen Kräften occurs in these contexts in combination with verbs like streiten (argue), schlagen (beat) or schreien (cry), but not with rennen (run). More widespread is the set phrase aus Leibeskräften (literally “with all strength of one’s body”), though it mostly co-occurs with verbs like schreien (cry), singen (sing) or brüllen (yell). Still, its combination with verbs of “running” – laufen, rennen – is also possible. So, as far as the idioms die Beine in die Hand nehmen and ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ are concerned, the following differences can be stated: Ȼɪɚɬɶ (or: ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ is mainly used in imperative contexts to persuade the recipient to move quickly – away from the speaker or towards him. In the imperative, the omission of the verb is common. In declarative sentences, which are less frequent and mostly concern the past, the idiom denotes running away in case of danger. For die Beine in die Hand nehmen imperative contexts are less common and verb omission is hardly possible. Declarative contexts are more widespread (in the past, the present and the future), and the idiom has a broader meaning. It denotes running quickly (not necessarily away from danger, but also in sporting events and games). The subject can be a person or an animal. These differences are first of all important from the translatorial point of view, since not all contexts with the German idiom can be translated using the Russian idiom, and vice versa. But though the specifics of the Russian and German idioms might be looked upon as their potential features, it seems necessary to distinguish between those which are realized seldom (like the possibility of using die Beine in die Hand nehmen with animals as subjects in neutral contexts) and those which are quite frequent and thus important. The elliptical form of the Russian idiom and its tendency to be used, unlike the German, in the imperative, can be observed in a significant number of contexts from the corpus. But these features cannot be presupposed on the basis of the actual meaning and the structure of this idiom, and its slight difference from the structure of the German phraseme. Consequently, these features are not obvious for the dictionary users and are thus worth being mentioned in a dictionary.

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A similar situation might be observed when comparing the German idiom die Beine in die Hand (or unter den Arm) nehmen with some of its English dictionary equivalents, which will be dwelt upon in the next section.

4. Phraseological Equivalents in German and English For the purposes of a fuller comparison some further examples of English idioms will be given. Here I do not claim to produce an exhaustive review of set phrases denoting fast movement, for there is a large number of them in modern English. There will be a discussion of the two idioms which are offered as equivalents for die Beine in die Hand (or unter den Arm) nehmen in the dictionary (Duden-Oxford 1999): step on it and take to one’s heels. It is also worth mentioning the set phrase get one’s butt in gear which is suggested as a translation for the elliptical form ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ in imperative sentences in (Lubensky and McShane 2007, 921). The information concerning the usage of these set phrases will mainly be taken from the British National Corpus (BNC) and the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA). To begin with, it must be noted that get (or kick) one’s butt in[to] gear is a stylistically lowered expression, marked as rude in (Longman 2000, 168). Maybe for this reason no instances could be found in BNC and just one in COCA. Still, twelve contexts are present in the Corpus of Global Web-based English (GloWbE), which mainly consists of blog and forum entries, probably because these types of texts are less constrained in terms of style and more close to spoken communication. Analysis of these twelve contexts shows, that for this English phraseme usage in the imperative is possible – just as with its German and Russian counterparts, in order to urge somebody to hurry up: (17) Laced Up, following on from the ground-breaking Breathe And Stop, is coming to town next Thursday, 15th November and if you haven’t got your ticket yet, I’m gonna respectfully suggest that you get your butt into gear. (http://www.citynomads.com/reviews/culture/286/laced-up-onceagain-hip-hop-tears-it-up-in-sg)

However, with the English idiom, instances of usage in declarative contexts prevail, which make it different from ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ. Unlike the German idiom, get (or kick) one’s butt in[to] gear does not necessarily denote movement in a certain direction, but has the general meaning of making oneself start some activity, e.g. cleaning up (18) or yoga (19):

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The most specific feature of this English idiom is that the denoted action can be performed not only by the person himself, but by a different agent – animate or inanimate (a feature not characteristic for the Russian and German partial equivalents): (20) I used to get anxious before every race I ran, but trust me, it gets easier and easier! Thank goodness you have your husband there to kick your butt into gear. (http://www.saltyrunning.com/2012/11/01/going-apein-record-time/) (21) I don’t do posh coffee as you know… just regular stuff from my machine will do, but it kicks my butt into gear in the morning. (http://isitthattime.com/2011/08/02/surely-you-dont-want-me-to-do-that/)

As far as another “equivalent” – the idiom take to one’s heels – is concerned, judging by the examples found in the BNC and COCA its usage in comparison with ɛɪɚɬɶ (ɜɡɹɬɶ) ɧɨɝɢ ɜ ɪɭɤɢ and die Beine in die Hand (or unter den Arm) nehmen is limited to declarative contexts (where it means running away quickly from some danger): (22) Hearing the car door opening and slamming, one of the men, the smallest, took to his heels. The other three stood their ground, fists clenched. (Your Grandfather’s Knot, 2008) (23) All things considered, taking to his heels seemed the more attractive course. But as in a nightmare, he could not force his legs to move. (L. Alexander, The Arkadians, 1995)

Like with die Beine in die Hand (or unter den Arm) nehmen in (9), the subject of the action might be not only a person, but also an animal: (24) The deer in turn took to their heels. (Climber and Hill Walker 1991)

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The third set phrase, step on it, is, on the contrary, preferably used in the imperative. However, in the vast majority of contexts it refers to driving quickly – a feature also noted in (Ammer 2003). (25) “The terminal and step on it,” she ordered. Tires screeched as the driver stepped on the gas. (W. C. Dietz, Drifter 1991) (26) Cab drivers in Follywood must be brave creatures. One of them actually stopped for me – something I would never have done in a million years. I gave him Jemima’s address and told him to step on it, the first time I’ve actually uttered that phrase. (A Billboard Lovely as a Tree, 2000) (27) Ike leaned forward and told the driver, “The Emerald City, and don’t step on it. Take the scenic route”. (P. Whitney, Until the End of Time, 1995)

The Russian and the German idioms discussed are unlikely to appear in such contexts and can therefore not be considered equivalents of this set phrase. As for take to one’s heels and get one’s butt in gear, it can be concluded that these idioms differ from the German and the Russian counterparts not only with respect to their lexical, morphosyntactic structure, image basis and stylistic features, but also regarding the conditions of their usage. Enumerating some of the usage differences – at least, the limitation of take to one’s heels to declarative contexts – in a dictionary could be advantageous for its users.

5. Conclusions All things considered, similarity at the level of meaning, and of lexical and morphosyntactic features does not seem to be enough for considering set phrases of two languages as full equivalents. Some idioms reveal certain tendencies like being used mostly in declarative/imperative contexts, in the past/non-past tense, as well as in the passive, with adverbial modifiers or attributes, in contexts of word play, etc. – the features which can only be revealed when sufficient numbers of authentic contexts have been analyzed. Some of these usage restrictions and peculiarities are perhaps familiar to native speakers, but might not be obvious to dictionary users, to whom L1 or L2 is a foreign language. Unlike for instance, a difference in the number of components or in prepositions, these features have traditionally been investigated within the translatorial approach and left out of dictionaries. But if a phraseme cannot

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be used under certain conditions (for instance, in the imperative), it is no longer a matter of a singular context, but an issue which is notable in a dictionary. The relevant usage limitations of a certain idiom can for example be enumerated in the commentary zone of a dictionary entry (cf. Dobrovol’skij 2013, 211). It is obvious, that commentaries are necessary in the case when a L1 idiom has no full equivalents in L2 and only set phrases with a different structure or with free word combinations can be suggested as a correspondence. However, in cases when a L1 idiom has a correspondence with a very similar meaning and structure in L2, so that full (or partial) equivalence can be assumed, explicit commentaries might also prove worthwhile. Besides, in cases of slight differences in structure it seems not to be enough to give the full form of a L1 idiom and its correspondence in a dictionary – explicit commentaries might be necessary. The reason is that, in the case when a L1 idiom has a correspondence with a very similar meaning and structure, this “full” equivalent is likely to be understood and remembered easily by the dictionary users. The phrase of the foreign language will then most probably be used according to the rules of the native language, if no information as to the differences between these set phrases is given in the dictionary. Thus, mistakes caused by interference can occur, as in the following sentence from a student composition: (28) *Das [ein Sommerjob als Dolmetscher auf einem Schiff] muss interessant sein und sehr praktisch für meine englische Sprache. Deshalb habe ich diese Idee mit beiden Händen zugegriffen.

The German phraseme mit beiden Händen zugreifen has a correspondence with a similar meaning and lexical structure in Russian – ɭɯɜɚɬɢɬɶɫɹ ɡɚ ɱɬɨ-ɥ. [ɨɛɟɢɦɢ ɪɭɤɚɦɢ] (to catch at smth. – [with both hands] is in Russian a facultative extension). The object valence of the verb is usually filled with words like idea, offer, etc.   ɍɦɧɵɟ ɜɡɪɨɫɥɵɟ ɭɯɜɚɬɢɜɲɢɫɶ ɡɚ ɢɞɟɸ ɲɤɨɥɶɧɢɤɚ ɫɨɡɞɚɥɢ ɤɨɫɦɢɱɟɫɤɢɣ ɚɩɩɚɪɚɬ ɤɨɬɨɪɵɣ ɦɨɠɟɬ ɞɨɥɟɬɟɬɶ ɞɨ ɞɪɭɝɨɣ ɡɜɟɡɞɧɨɣ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɵɊɭɫɫɤɢɣɪɟɩɨɪɬɟɪʋ-ɨɤɬɹɛɪɹ The clever adults caught at the idea of the schoolboy and created a spacecraft which can reach another stellar system.

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The German idiom, however, cannot be used in the same way, for it has no object valence, and the essence which is being caught at is more likely to be specified in a subordinate clause: (30) Keine Frage für Weltstar Robert Redford, daß er mit beiden Händen zugriff, als man ihm Script und Regie von “Quiz Show“, seinem neuen Film, anbot. (Neue Kronen-Zeitung, 06.01.1995) No doubt for the world star Robert Redford, that he caught at [it] with both hands, when he was offered the script and direction of his new film, “Quiz Show“.

It is of course questionable, whether detailed commentaries in a dictionary could prevent interference mistakes. And whether or not to describe certain features of an idiom in a dictionary is after all a subjective decision of the lexicographer. However, the dictionary would be more helpful for its users if no full equivalence were postulated without analyzing the real idiom usage. Thus in phraseography the systemic and translatorial approaches to equivalence are merged.

List of References Ammer, C. 2003. The American Heritage Dictionary of Idioms. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. Cvilling, M. Ja. 2005. Russko-nemetskij slovar’ SR REãþHM OHNVLNH. Moskva: Russkij jazyk-Media. Dobrovol’skij, D. 2013. “German-Russian Idioms Online: on a New Corpus-based Dictionary.” In Computational Linguistics and Intellectual Technologies. Proceedings of the Annual International “Dialogue” Conference (Bekasovo, May 29-June 2, 2013). Issue 12 (19), 210-217. Moscow: RGGU. Duden 2002. Redewendungen und sprichwörtliche Redensarten/Wörterbuch der deutschen Idiomatik. Mannheim u.a.: Dudenverlag. —. 1999. Standardwörterbuch Englisch. Englisch – Deutsch. Deutsch – Englisch. Dudenredaktion [ed.] and Oxford University Press [ed.]. Augsburg: Weltbild Verlag. Fɺdorov, A. I. 2008. Frazeologicheskiy slovar’ russkogo literaturnogo yazyka. Moskva: Astrel’, AST. Hessky, R. 1992. “Grundfragen der Phraseologie.” In Ágel, V., Hessky, R. (eds.), Offene Fragen – offene Antworten in der Sprachgermanistik, 77 – 93. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

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Korhonen, J. 2007. “Probleme der kontrastiven Phraseologie.” In Phraseologie/Phraseology. Ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenössischen Forschung / An International Handbook of Contemporary Research, 574-589. Berlin; N.Y.: de Gruyter. Koller, W. 2007. “Probleme der Übersetzung von Phrasemen.” In Phraseologie/Phraseology. Ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenössischen Forschung/An International Handbook of Contemporary Research, 605-613. Berlin; N.Y.: de Gruyter. /HSLQJ ( , )LOLþHYD 1 , Cvilling, M. Ja., and O. I. Moskal’skaja. 2004. Bolšoj russko-nemetskiy slovar’, 3 vol. Moskva: Russkiy yazykMedia. Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture. 2000. Harlow: Longman. Lubensky, S., and M. McShane. 2007. “Bilingual phraseological dictionaries.” In Phraseologie/Phraseology. Ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenössischen Forschung/An International Handbook of Contemporary Research, 919-928. Berlin; N.Y.: de Gruyter. Mal’tseva, D. G. 2003. Aktuelle idiomatische Redensarten. Deutschrussisches Wörterbuch. Moskva: Russkiy yazyk-Media. Moon, R. 1998. Fixed Expressions and Idioms in English. A CorpusBased Approach. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN A LOOK AT CARINTHIAN-SLOVENIAN PHRASEOLOGY AS REPRESENTED IN THE “THESAURUS OF THE SLOVENIAN NATIONAL LANGUAGE IN CARINTHIA” HEINRICH PFANDL1 1. Introduction This paper2 aims to investigate the specificity of the phraseology of Carinthian dialects in Austria, as represented in the Thesaurus of the Slovenian Popular Language in Carinthia. The data were collected and published within a project at the University of Graz which was initiated in the late 1970s by Stanislaus Hafner (1916- DQG(ULFK3UXQþ  DQGFRQWLQXHGE\WKHLU\RXQJHUFROOHDJXH/XGZLJ.DUQLþDU  The author of this paper had the good fortune to participate in the above-mentioned project when it had just begun its work (1978-1981) and to be a co-DXWKRU RI WKH SLORW HGLWLRQ RI WKH GLFWLRQDU\ +DIQHU3UXQþ  DVZHOODVRILWVILUVWYROXPH+DIQHU3UXQþ ,QWKHIROORZLQJ this multi-volume dictionary will be referred to as “Thes” plus there will be an indication of the volume and, if necessary, the relevant pages for the examples given. 1

Karl Franz University, Graz, Austria (Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz). [email protected]. 2 I would like to thank my colleague Victoria Chumirina (Moscow State University, University of Graz) for reviewing the article and making a number of YDOXDEOH FRPPHQWV DQG FRUUHFWLRQV DV ZHOO DV /XGZLJ .DUQLþDU *UD]  IRU WKe discussion of some phraseological units in the 5th, 6th and 7th volumes of the Thesaurus. For the translation my thanks are to Gulira Khadiullina (Kazan) and Ingrid Pfandl-Buchegger (Graz). All mistakes and shortcomings are, of course, mine.

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The purpose of the Thesaurus of the Slovenian Popular Language in Carinthia is to collect the available lexicographical material obtained from the dialectological literature of the current dialects in Austrian Carinthia WKH 6ORYHQLDQ ZRUG EHLQJ .RURãND WKH *HUPDQ GHVLJQDWLRQ EHLQJ Kärnten), to standardize it, and thus to provide to the scientific community a convenient, research-based access to the lexical richness of the dialects RIWKHYDOOH\VRI3RGMXQD*HUPDQ-DXQWDO 5Rå*HUPDQ5RVHQWDO DQG Zilja (German: Gailtal), and of the nearby region of Obirsko (German: Obir-Gegend). At present (May 2013) the dictionary has just reached the letter M, but unfortunately the future of this valuable project, which has made a major contribution to the study of dialects differing in their archaism and lexical richness, is still undecided. In order to illustrate the richness of the material, let us take a look at one example: in this limited area (about 150 km. in length, from 10 to 50 km. in width, approx. 2,000 sq. km. overall) we find six different basic words to designate “potatoes” (repa, repica, hruška, podzemeljska hruška, þRPSHNURPSLU) and four words for corn (WXUNDWXUãþLFDWXUNLQMDVLUN), as is documented by two of the six maps attached to volume six. The characteristic traits of such isolexes for this region were first described by Pfandl (1981).

2. Analysis of Data In the nineteenth century the Carinthian dialects made a major contribution to the formation and development of the young Slovene literary language. After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire these dialectV H[FHSW IRU 0HåLãND GROLQD *HUPDQ 0LH‰WDO  UHPDLQHG RXWVLGH the state of SHS (Serbs, Croats and Slovenes). Later, in 1929, this state became known as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and the majority of the Slovenian population remained there. After 1918, the official language in such parts of the Slovene territory as Carniola (Kranjska – Gorenjska and Dolenjska), Prekmurje, Štajerska and Primorska was thus Serbo-Croatian as the official language of Yugoslavia together with Slovene, while in Southern Carinthia, in Val Canale (Slov.: Kanalska dolina) and in the ,WDOLDQ SDUW RI WKH *RULãND UHJLRQ WKH 6ORYHQH GLDOHFWV FRQWLQXHG WR H[LVW alongside the predominant official languages: in the case of Carinthia this language was German, in the case of Val Canale and the Western part of *RULãNDSDUWRIWKHFLW\RI*RULFDDQG7UVW,WDOLDQ*RUL]LD DQG7ULHVWH  this language was Italian. Another dialect also found itself to be in Italy, that of the Rezija (Italian: Resia) valley, a dialect that at one time attracted the attention of such prominent linguists as the Russian scholar Ivan

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Sreznevsky and the Polish-Russian linguist I. A. Baudouin de Courtenay. But let us return to the language of the Carinthian Slovenes. As expounded in the instructions to the dictionary (HaIQHU3UXQþ 1982a), a distinction is being made between “syntagmatic and morphematic formations of words and concepts” (“syntagmatische und morphematische Wort- und Begriffsbildungen”, 1982a, 27), the syntagmatic entries being marked with a square, while “phrasemes” (Phraseme) are marked with a diamond (ibid., 28-29). As the authors themselves admit, the boundary between these two groups is not always clear (ibid., 27). In this article we will consider mainly phrasemes (as being part of phraseology in a narrow sense). The authors of the Thesaurus include proverbs and sayings in this group, it is not clear, however, whether all the proverbs and sayings collected by different researchers during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were actually incorporated in the dictionary. Be that as it may, the collected material allows for some interesting observations, which may serve as preliminary remarks for future, more detailed studies. The phraseological material of the Thesaurus’s seven volumes was collected with the purpose of singling out the genuinely Carinthian idioms past and present. The idioms used in this paper were checked on such sites as www.google.si, www.najdi.si, electronic versions of dictionaries SSKJ at http://bos.zrc-sazu.si/sskj.html WKH GLFWLRQDU\ RI 3OHWHUãQLN DW http://bos.zrc-sazu.si/pletersnik.html, as well as the corpus “Nova beseda” at http://bos.zrc-sazu.si/nova_beseda.html#a. Such corpora as “FidaPlus” at http://iskanje.fidaplus.net/enovrsticnoIskanjeO.aspx and “Besede slovenskega jezika” at http://bos.zrc-sazu.si/besede.html were analyzed whenever required. The phrasebook of Keber (2011) should be mentioned first among the sources unavailable in electronic form that were used in the paper. First of all, the large amount of phraseological units that exist in the Carinthian dialects is part of the European phraseological fund. It is not always clear how this material found its way into the dialects: whether it was borrowed from the Slovenian standard language and taken over as a loan translation from German or some other neighbouring languages, or whether it was formed under the influence of other factors. To start with, let us consider proverbs and sayings as they are a part of that section of phraseology which is closest to texts and whose meaning is highly context-independent.

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Thus, the proverb Kar ni v glavi, je v nogah3 (4: 26, literal translation: “What is not in the head, is in the legs”) corresponds to the German proverb Was du nicht in den Füßen hast, musst du in den Beinen haben (and many others below), because the standard Slov. Kdor nima v glavi, ima v nogah has a syntactically different construction. The same is true of the proverb .DGDUMHPDþNDRGKLãHVRPLãLYHVHOH(7: 120, lit. “When the cat is away, the mice will play”) that corresponds to such Austrian variants as Wenn die Katze aus dem Haus ist, sind die Mäuse lustig/tanzen die Mäuse/haben die Mäuse Kirchtag (lit.: “When the cat is away from the house, the mice are having fun/the mice will dance/the mice are having a holiday”), while in Germany the beginning of the proverb most often reads Wenn die Katze fort ist … (“When the cat is gone …”). Additionally, the Thesaurus also includes a number of genuinely Carinthian examples, which have no established counterparts in other neighbouring or contact languages. Some of these are taken from the collection Narodo blDJRL]5RåD3RSXODU+HULWDJHRIWKH5Rå Valley) by -RVLSâDãHOSXEOLVKHG-37) and were cited in Pfandl 2007 (616-617), so there is no need to discuss them here. Only infrequently can further examples of proverbs and sayings that are characteristic only of Carinthian dialects be found in this collection and other sources. The saying used in the valley of Zilja S Kranjskega še veter ni dober (6: 181; lit. “Even the wind coming from Carniola is no good”) reflects the regional distrust among the people of Zilja of the population of Carniola (Kranjska). The saying Kar se pri hiši kuha, naj se pri hiši sne (4: 163, lit. “What was cooked in the house, should be eaten in the house” in the sense of Do not wash your dirty linen in public) does not follow the model of any foreign language either, there is no counterpart of it in German, and the German phraseme [öffentlich] Schmutzwäsche waschen (lit. “to wash dirty linen [in public]”) is unknown in Slovene. A variant of the Slovenian saying ,] ]DUHþHQHJD NUXKD VH QDMYHþ SRMH (lit.: “the announced bread is the one that is eaten most often”, the Thesaurus explains the meaning as “never say never”) that has the same meaning can be found in the Thesaurus in the Carinthian version ,]]DUHþHQHJDNUXKDVH YHOLNH PDYåLQH UHåHMR (6: 228, lit. “Huge lunches are prepared from announced bread”). We also found a linguistic joke in the rhymed saying Bog z Vami kakor pok s kozami (6: 157, “May God be with you, as a billygoat is with the goats”) which cannot be found in the above-mentioned sources. 3

Since this paper is not dialectological but has a purely phraseological character, the examples from the Thesaurus are cited in the standardized form in which they are presented in the Thesaurus.

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Let us now turn to the saying tako, kot bi se kotel iz ponovce norca delal (6: 150, lit. “[it is] the same as if the kettle was mocking at pan”) and the similar variant URNDURNRXPLYDNDMERNRWHOSRQRYFRþUQLO (2: 113, lit. “one hand washes another, why should the boiler besmirch the pan”). Of course, both these sayings have parallels in other, even geographically distant languages (see, e.g., Engl. The pot calling the kettle black), but in these cases the material is arranged differently. When looking at phraseological units that are shorter than a sentence, one can observe a similar pattern,4 although the proportion of genuinely Carinthian phrasemes seems to be somewhat higher. This is partly explained by the fact that many Carinthian phrasemes do not differ in structure, they differ in the vocabulary. Many phrasemes in Carinthian Slovene using words such as FDMWåLQMDWL OXIW, which are Germanisms, have counterparts in standard Slovenian (in this case, the words þDV, misli[ti], zrak are used). Carinthian Y åLQMDK LPHWL (5: 14) corresponds to the standard v mislih imeti “to bear in mind”. In addition to this, Slovenian dialects sometimes have equivalents containing the same Germanisms. The question is whether to treat the Carinthian phrasemes as genuine, whether to see them as modelled on the German language (as they often were), or whether to classify them as direct equivalents to the Slovenian literary language or other Slovenian dialects (where they, in turn, can be traced back to the German and pan-European phraseological fund). Another question relates to the interpretation of comparative phraseological units. Anyone who has ever opened the rich “CroatianSlavic Dictionary of Comparative Phrasemes” (Fink Arsovski 2006), will be convinced that he or she can easily remember and even think up a number of versions to this or that phraseological unit. But it is not always clear whether the given version or the alternative one found by the reader should be attributed to individual linguistic creativity or whether this comparison has already entered the general fund of the respective language. In other words, it is not clear whether we are dealing with phenomena relating to speech (parole) or to language (langue). The Thesaurus is full of colourful and sometimes surprising comparisons. They are, however, difficult to assess in terms of prevalence, in other words, it is not always clear how deeply they are incorporated in 4

At this stage of a first approximation to the topic, we have refrained from using statistic evidence, as any comparison with other lexical or phraseographical sources will encounter a number of difficulties. These difficulties include the fact that not all the handbooks classify phraseological units under the same lemma (SSKJ, for example, differ from many other dictionaries). In addition, the discussed material covers vocabulary only to the letter M.

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the language usage of the Carinthian language community. Additionally, the text corpus included in the Thesaurus by the authors covers one and a half centuries, and it is not always easy to ascertain what has been preserved in the language to date and what has gone out of use. In many cases, these two factors both apply, because of the gradual attrition of the Slovenian language in many villages, valleys or even in the whole region. Therefore, we could cite a few dozen comparisons as genuinely Carinthian, for the sole reason that they are not fixed anywhere else. However, this still does not mean that they are a part of the vernacular phraseology in one or another part of Carinthia in any period of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Let us take a look at some examples for illustration: NDNRUELWLSHWHOLQKODþHXNUDGHO (4: 167), lit. “as if a cock has stolen your trousers” (meaning “someone or something has taken away your courage”); hoditi kot sonce za goro (4: 176), lit. “to go like the sun sets beyond the mountain”, i.e. “very slowly”. The Thesaurus gives as phraseological synonyms hoditi kot cajgar na uri (lit. “to move like the hand of a clock”) and hoditi kot senca od jesena (lit. “to move like the shadow of an ash tree”); WDNRJUHGHåNRWELL]PHOWUHOLO (2: 163), lit. “it is raining so [hard] as if it was raining from a bucket”. Slovenian equivalents use different measures instead of Carinthian meltra, such as, e.g., škaf (with the same meaning “bucket”); LPHWL WDNR JODYR NRW åOLþMH åOHSDOR (4: 25), lit. “to have a head like a soup ladle”, i.e. “to have a small head”. Here is another example of a humorous comparison: Ti boš tedaj far, ko bo janka oltar (5: 62), lit. “you will become a priest, when the skirt has EHFRPHDQDOWDU´7KLVH[DPSOHLVWDNHQIURP.DUQLþDU7KHZRUGfar has a pejorative meaning. There are also some examples of genuinely Carinthian phrasemes in the Thesaurus without any comparative elements. We would like to present them here in the order in which they appear in the seven volumes of the Thesaurus: EDMåH imeti5 “to have fun”, ]DEDMåHELWL “to have a sense of humour, to understand humour”, QHNDM]DEDMåHUHþL“say smth. for fun, not seriously” (all examples – 1: 74); 5

The word EDMåD that occurs most often in the plural form derives, as does the Carinthian word YLåDfrom German Weise (or rather its middle-high German form YvVH and unlike the latter it is a late borrowing. While EDMåD means “joke”, YLåD – being an early loan – means “melody”.

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po bohu gladiti (1: 159), lit. “to pat the fat”, i.e. “to court to smb., to wheedle smb.”. This phraseme has the synonym kline pribivljati komu (6: 51), lit. “to drive in wedges”, and is also known only in Carinthia; na toplo dejati ga (2: 143), lit. “to do smth. the warm way”, i.e. “to have sexual intercourse” (a euphemism). This phraseme is taken from .DUQLþDU  ZKLFK LV HQWLUHO\ GHGLFDWHG WR WKH GLDOHFW RI WKH 2ELU region. According to the oral testimony of the author, most of the phraseological units listed in this monograph are individual characteristics of the informants, and were often uttered just once; Dobro naj se ti rajma! (3: 7), lit. “Well may it rhyme for you”, i.e. “I wish you luck/success”; GUåDWL VH EDEDP  ]D MDQNH (3: 79), lit. “to hold [a woman] by her skirt”, i.e. “to be unprincipled”, “to be tied/pinned to one’s wife’s apron strings”, “to stick to one’s mother’s skirt”; figo zrediti (3: 145), lit. “to make the fig”, i.e. “not to keep one’s promise, to let smb. down”; imeti olševje v glavi (4: 25), lit. “to bear in the head an alder forest”, i.e. “to be slow to grasp”; vodo v Dravo nositi (3: 54), lit. “to carry water into the Drava” [a river in Carinthia]; in Slovenia there is the phraseme vodo v Savo nositi. The Carinthian variant resembles the German model Eulen nach Athen tragen (lit. “to carry owls to Athens”), see also the Russian phrase ɟɯɚɬɶ ɫɨ ɫɜɨɢɦ ɫɚɦɨɜɚɪɨɦ ɜ Ɍɭɥɭ, lit. “to go with one’s own samovar to Tula”, or Engl. to carry firewood to the forest or to carry coal to Newcastle; zajca iz grma napoditi (4: 112), lit. “to chase a rabbit out of the bush”, i.e. “to cast a line”; imeti gumpo pod pazduho (4: 125), lit. “to have a lump in the armpit”, i.e. “to be lazy”; sapo imeti (5: 13), lit. “to have breath”, i.e. “to be short of breath”; LWLMHþPHQMHVW (5: 71), lit. “to go to eat barley”, i.e. “to go to jail”. In Bezlaj’s etymological dictionary (1995, 178) the phraseme ULþHW MHVWL lit. “to eat ULþHW” (a meal made of barley, beans and meat) has the same meaning; ]YHOLNRåOLFRMHVWL (5: 82), lit. “to eat with a large spoon”, i.e. “to live beyond one’s means, to live in grand style”; trpeti kot kamen na poti (5: 120), lit. “to endure like a rock on the road”, i.e. “to suffer greatly”. This image has a parallel in the German folklore of the region in the form of a well-known song “Valosn, valosn, valosn bin i/wia a Stan auf da Stroßn …” (“I am cast away, cast away, cast away/like a stone on the road”), which was reflected in the translation used

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by the author of the Thesaurus as “leiden wie ein Stein auf der Straße” (instead of the literal translation “auf dem Weg”); þH]NODQHFSULWL (6: 39) lit. “move across [the top] of the hill”, i.e. “to KDYHDQRUJDVP´7KHH[DPSOHLVWDNHQIURP.DUQLþDU v kolenu biti (6: 90), lit. “to be in one’s knee”, i.e. “to be in love”; na koncu nosa biti komu (6: 137), lit. “to be at the end of smb.’s nose”. This example is used when somebody (dative case) shows indifference to another person (the subject); na kozji veri (also na kozjo vero) åLYHWL (6: 160), lit. “to live in a goat’s faith”, i.e. “to live in a common-law marriage”. Here the corresponding standard Slovenian phrase uses a different imageåLYHWLQDNRUX]L, “to live on the corn”; na kraju biti (6: 170), lit. “to be at the end, to be on the edge”, this example is an exact loan translation from German am Ende sein, both have the same meaning (i.e. “to be close do death”); otroka kupiti (6: 253), lit. “to buy a baby” is a euphemism meaning “to GHOLYHUDEDE\´WKLVH[DPSOHLVWDNHQIURP.DUQLþDU kure fotrati (6: 254), lit. “to feed the chickens”, is another euphemism with the meaning “to have nausea, to vomit”; OXIW Y PRåJDQH VSXVWLWL (7: 107), lit. “to let air into smb.’s brain”, i.e. “to shoot smb. down”; noge na luft pomoliti (7: 107), lit. “to thrust one’s feet in the air”, is again a euphemism with the meaning “to die”. The last two examples are DOVRWDNHQIURP.DUQLþDU Finally, some of the examples among the phraseological units and anecdotes are based on language games. As these are specifically Carinthian phraseological units, they are untranslatable, and they do not have equivalents in other dialects of Slovenian-speaking territories. Thus the Thesaurus, for instance, includes a polysemantic phraseme po glavi izkazati (4: 26), “to strike smb.’s head” which because of the IULFDWLYH VRXQG >Ȗ@ XVHG E\ VSHDNHUV Rf the central Carinthian Slovene dialect can also be understood as homophonous to pohvale izkazati lit. “to express praise(s)”.

3. Conclusions In conclusion, we again want to point out that this paper covers only a third of the Slovenian alphabet (Thesaurus A-Mi) and reflects only a part of the Carinthian linguistic reality. The data obtained through field research by the project staff and by other scholars in the last three decades are not included in the Thesaurus. However, even at a brief glance at the

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data collected in the Thesaurus it was possible to find a number of genuinely Carinthian phraseological units in both current and obsolete usage. They help to create a vivid image of the diversity and linguistic richness of Carinthian Slovenes’ speech. It is to be hoped that the research project at the Institute of Slavic Studies of the University of Graz that has generated the first seven volumes of the Thesaurus will find sufficient financial and academic support to be able to continue and finish its work on this invaluable data. Only in this way will it be possible to preserve for posterity the unique heritage of these miraculously surviving and alive dialects.

List of References Bezlaj, F. 1995. Etimološki slovar slovenskega jezika. Ljubljana. Knjiga 3. PS. )LQN$UVRYVNLä Hrvatsko-VODYHQVNLUMHþQLNSRUHGEHQLKIUD]HPD. Zagreb. +DIQHU 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ HGV   Lexikalische Inventarisierung der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Grundsätzliches und Allgemeines, Graz. [= Slowenistische Forschungsberichte, Vol. 1]. +DIQHU 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ HGV  ɚ. Schlüssel zum Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vienna. [= Key to the dictionary]. +DIQHU 6 ( DQG 3UXQþ (eds.). 1982. Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 1: A-B. Vienna. [= Österr. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Schriften der Balkankommission, Linguist. Abteilung, Sonderpublikation]. +DIQHU 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ HGV   Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 2: C-'Q9LHQQDɌKHV). +DIQHU 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ (eds.). 1992. Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 3: Do-)9LHQQDɌKHV  +DIQHU 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ (eds.). 1994. Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 4: G-+9LHQQDɌKHV  Hafner 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ (eds.). 2007. Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 5: I-Ka, Vienna. (Thes 5). +DIQHU 6 DQG ( 3UXQþ (eds.). 2009. Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 6: Kd-Kv, Vienna. (Ɍhes 6). .DUQLþDU / (ed.), 2012. Thesaurus der slowenischen Volkssprache in Kärnten. Vol. 7: L-Mi. Vienna. (Ɍhes 7). .DUQLþDU /  Der Obir-Dialekt in Kärnten: die Mundart von Ebriach/Obirsko im Vergleich mit den Nachbarmundarten von Zell/

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Sele und Trögern/Korte. Phonologie, Morphologie, Mikrotoponymie, Vulgonamen, Lexik, Texte. Vienna. Keber, Janez. 2011. Slovar frazem slovenskega jezika. Ljubljana. 3IDQGO+³.UHJLRQDOQLSRUD]GHOLWYLL]ROHNVYVORYHQVNLKQDUHþMLK QD.RURãNHP´,Q6ODYLVWLþQDUHYLMD 4: 449-452. —  ³3KUDVHRORJLVFKH 5DQGEHPHUNXQJHQ ]X -RVLS âDãHOV 1DURGQR EODJR L] 5RåD´ ,Q .UåLãQLN ( (LVPDQQ : HGV  Phraseology in linguistics and other sciences. Europhras 2005, 605-618. Ljubljana.