Papers in Italian Archaeology VI: Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval Period: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the University of Groningen, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, The Netherlands, April 15-17 2003 9781841718897, 9781841718903, 9781841718880, 9781407328997

Table of contents :
Cover, Vol. 1: Opening Papers
Title Page
Copyright
PREFACE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART I -- OPENING PAPERS
NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DIACHRONIC STUDY OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY IN ITALY FROM PREHISTORY TO THE MIDDLE AGES
A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES IN BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGE ITALY BASED ON RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH
RECONSTRUCTING THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIODS
URBANISM, ETRUSCAN, ITALIC AND LATIN IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
‘‘START THE REVOLUTION WITHOUT ME’. RECENT DEBATES IN ITALIAN CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES
PART II -- THEORY AND AIMS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY: ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITIES AND LANDSCAPE
COMMON PLACES. ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITY AND LANDSCAPE
ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY
FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM
BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES. LAYERS OF SOCIAL LIFE IN THE LATER BRONZE AGE AND EARLY IRON AGE OF CENTRAL ITALY
COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA, DURING THE ORIENTALIZING PERIOD
CHANGING COMMUNITIES IN IRON AGE SICILY
WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY?
PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES
PART III -- BURIALS AND THEIR INTERPRETATIONS
GLI IPOGEI DEL TAVOLIERE: ASPETTI CULTUALI E DEL RITUALE FUNERARIO
IL TUMULO PROTOSTORICO DI S. OSVALDO (UDINE)
LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA E IL RIPOSTIGLIO DI PILA DEL BRANCÓN. PROPOSTE INTERPRETATIVE SULLA STRUTTURA E SULL’EVOLUZIONE SOCIALE DELLE COMUNITÀ DELLA PIANURA VERONESE TRA BRONZO MEDIO E BRONZO RECENTE
A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE
POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE
L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO DI PONTECAGNANO. METODI D’INDAGINE ED ELEMENTI DI TOPOGRAFIA DELLE NECROPOLI E DELL’ABITATO IN ETÀ ORIENTALIZZANTE
A DISCLOSURE OF POWER: ELITE ETRUSCAN ICONOGRAPHY DURING THE 8TH-6TH CENTURIES BC
STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI DI PIAN CONSERVA (MONTI DELLA TOLFA – ROMA)
LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C.
RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA ALLA ROMANIZZAZIONE: GLI ULTIMI RINVENIMENTI
MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: A CLOSER LOOK AT THE URN OF VELIA CERINEI FROM CASTIGLIONCELLO
FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE
L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE A GROTTAFERRATA (ROMA): UNA STORIA VISSUTA 2000 ANNI FA
ASPECTS OF FUNERARY RITUALS IN THE NURAGHIC AGE
NECROPOLI DI CHIAVARI. CONTRIBUTO ALL’AGGIORNAMENTO DELLE RICERCHE
PART IV -- URBANISM
ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002)
THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION AT PIAZZA D’ARMI (VEII; ROME): EXCAVATION CAMPAIGNS OF 1996-2002
L’ABITATO DI VEIO TRA ETÀ ORIENTALIZZANTE E CONQUISTA ROMANA: INTERPRETAZIONE IN BASE AI DATI DELLE ROCOGNIZIONI WARD-PERKINS
‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY
PRESENZANO-RUFRAE. NUOVI DATI PER LA STORIA DEL POPOLAMENTO NELLA CAMPANIA SETTENTRIONALE TRA ETÀ ARCAICA E CLASSICA SULLO SFONDO DELLED INAMICHE DI LUNGO PERIODO
SPAZIO INSEDIATIVO E SPAZIO ABITATIVO NEI CENTRI INDIGENI DELLA SICILIA ARCAICA
NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA
PART V -- DOMESTIC POTTERY AND FOOD SYSTEMS
FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA DAL VILLAGGIO DELL’ANTICO BRONZO DA MANFRIA
LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE: LE CASE DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA NEL QUADRO DELLA PROTOSTORIA ITALIANA
PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA TRA TRADIZIONE E INNOVAZIONE
LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO)
ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE IN TERRITORIO MARCHIGIANO; STUDIO DELLE FONTI E ANALISI DEI MATERIALI CERAMICI: IL MORTAIO
TO IMITATE OR TO SPECIALIZE? AFRICAN IMPORTS AND THE PRODUCTION OF DOMESTIC COOKWARES IN ROME AD 50-550
ALIMENTAZIONE IN LUNIGIANA TRA INNOVAZIONI E PERSISTENZE
LO SCAVO SUBACQUEO DEL PORTO DI SCAURI NELL’ISOLA DI PANTELLERIA
LA CERAMICA DI PANTELLERIA: PRIMI DATI SUI RITROVAMENTI PROVENIENTI DALLO SCAVO SUBACQUEO AL PORTO DI SCAURI SULL’ISOLA DI PANTELLERIA
LA CERAMICA BICROMA DELL’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO: ANALISI DEI PIGMENTI, PRIMI RISULTATI
DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY
USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE? IL CASO DEI MORTAI IN CERAMICA DI TIPO ETRUSCO PADANO IN VENETO: ANALISI TIPOCRONOLOGICA, ASPETTI TECNOLOGICI E IPOTESI SU FUNZIONE ED USO
PART VI -- CHRONOLOGY
DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA
L’INSEDIAMENTO DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO DELLA TENUTA QUADRARO-VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA). DATI PRELIMINARI PER UN INQUADRAMENTO CULTURALE E CRONOLOGICO
LA SEQUENZA CRONOLOGICA DELLA NECROPOLI DELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO DELL’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO
FINE CERAMICS AND CHRONOLOGY AT SALA CONSILINA. DEVELOPMENTS AND TRADITIONS OF AN EARLY IRON AGE COMMUNITY IN THE SOUTH OF ITALY
IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA
I RAPPORTI TRANSADRIATICI NELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO SULLA BASE DELLA DIFFUSIONE DELLA CERAMICA D’IMPASTO
PART VII -- TECHNOLOGY AND PRESERVATION
METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE: THE COMING OF IRON
EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY AND ITS CARVING AT TARQUINIA
THE SITE OF CAMPASSINI (MONTERIGGIONI, SIENA): A CASE STUDY FOR CRAFTSMEN PRODUCTION
LA VILLA ROMANA DELLA FONTANACCIA
THE PLUNDERING OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN ITALY: SOME ROGRESS TOWARDS A SOLUTION
Cover: Vol II, New Developments in Field Work
Title Page
Copyright
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART I -- THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD
IL NEOLITICO IN SICILIA COME APPARE A ROCCHICELLA DI MINEO
VISUAL CULTURE IN NEOLITHIC SOUTH EAST ITALY
EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY
NUOVI DATI DALL’INSEDIAMENTO PREISTORICO DI SU CODDU-CANELLES (SELARGIUS, CAGLIARI)
OBSIDIAN EXPLOITATION IN WEST CENTRAL SARDINIA: EXAMINING THE USE OF SECONDARY SOURCES
THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE CATIGNANO-SCALORIA BASSA CULTURE AND THE ADRIATIC IMPRESSED WARE IN THE ITALIAN PENINSULA
PROVENANCE STUDIES OF OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ITALIAN PREHISTORIC SITES USING THE FISSION-TRACK METHOD
PART II -- BRONZE AND IRON AGE
UN VILLAGGIO DEL BRONZO ANTICO A NOLA – CROCE DEL PAPA (CAMPANIA)
DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO: APPUNTI PER UNO STUDIO DELLA PERCEZIONE DELLO SPAZIO SACRO NELLA SICILIA DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO
NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ A PARTIRE DALL’ANALISI DELLA ‘FACIES BERICO-EUGANEA’
I COSIDDETTI DOLMEN DI CAVA DEI SERVI NUOVO INQUADRAMENTO DI DUE TOMBE MEGALITICHE*
ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO NELLA PIANURA VERONESE TRA BRONZO ANTICO E BRONZO RECENTE
THE ISLAND OF CAPRI IN THE GULF OF NAPLES BETWEEN THE 5TH AND THE 2ND MILLENNIUM BC
A SITE OF THE BRONZE AGE: THE TERRAMARA OF FALCONIERA (MIRANDOLA, MODENA). MICROALTIMETRICAL AND AEROPHOTOGRAMMETRIC ANALYSIS: PRELIMINARY RESULTS
L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE DEL LAZIO CENTROMERIDIONALE
FORME D’INSEDIAMENTO E ORGANIZZAZIONE SOCIALE NELLA SARDEGNA DI ETÀ NURAGICA
L’ARCHITECTURA IN MALTA DI FANGO NELLA PENISOLA ITALIANA TRA MEDIA ETÀ DEL BRONZO E LA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO
ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO NELL’AREA PREALPINA CENTRALE (LOMBARDIA): UN INEDITO QUADRO DI RIFERIMENTO
TENUTA QUADRARO – VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA). RICERCHE SU UN COMPRENSORIO PERI-INSEDIATIVO DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO
MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE À LA FIN DU DEUXIÈME MILLÉNAIRE AVANT NOTRE ÈRE
CASE, FORNI E MAGAZZINI. UN NUOVO ‘QUARTIERE’ DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA (VITERBO - LAZIO)
COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY IN PROTOHISTORIC TIMES
THE POGGIOMARINO RIVER SETTLEMENT IN THE LONGOLA AREA
FROM A SETTLEMENT TO AN EARLY STATE? THE ROLE OF NEPI IN THE LOCAL AND REGIONAL SETTLEMENT PATTERNS OF THE FALISCAN AREA AND INNER ETRURIA DURING THE IRON AGE
PROPOSTA DI DEFINIZIONE DEGLI AMBITI CULTURALI E TERRITORIALI DEI POPOLI ITALICI IN ABRUZZO NEL I MILLENNIO A.C.
IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE
THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE
ADDENDA INTERPRETATIVI SUL SISTEMA FIGURATIVO DEL CARRELLO DI BISENZIO
PART III -- THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIOD
THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA IN GIACOMO BONI’S EXCAVATION OF THE SEPOLCRETO ARCAICO
THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS: AN OVERVIEW OF ITS EARLY-GEOMETRIC II AND ITS MID-7TH CENTURY BC PHASES
UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO: ANALISI DELLA CULTURA ABITATIVA ED INTERPRETAZIONE DI TALUNI INDICATORI ARCHEOLOGICI
LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA
ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (ROVIGO, ITALY)
LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA, CON PARTICOLARE RIFERIMENTO AL V SECOLO A.C.
INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA
CHANGING PERSPECTIVES: GREEK MYTH IN ETRURIA
CAPENA, LO SCAVO DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V - INIZI IV SECOLO A.C.
CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C.
MONTERANO, LA VIABILITÀ IN EPOCA ETRUSCA
PART IV -- THE ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL PERIODS
PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’. RICOGNIZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE SUI FONDALI DELL’ANTICA PYRGI
MONTE PALLANO: L’URBANISTICA DI UN INSEDIAMENTO ITALICO D’ALTURA
TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA: INDAGINI PRELIMINARI E RECENTI SCOPERTE DI ETÀ ROMANA. TRA ETÀ TARDOREPUBBLICANA E PRIMA ETÀ IMPERIALE
DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI IN SOUTH ITALY
DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE: ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENTS AND SOCIAL CHANGES
IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE TRA V E VII SECOLO NELLE AREE ALPINE OCCIDENTALI E LE SUE CONSEGUENZE SULLO SVILUPPO DEL MODELLO INSEDIATIVO
MEDIEVAL CASTLES AND URBANISM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN TUSCANY
TRANSFORMATIONS IN A SABINE LANDSCAPE, 200-1000AD
NEW EVIDENCE FOR OLD PROBLEMS
FALERII NOVI, PROSPEZIONI GEOFISICHE LUNGO LA VIA AMERINA
ROFALCO, UN EMPORIUM FORTIFICATO ALL’ALBA DEL III SECOLO A.C.
GROTTE PINZA, UN OPPIDUM AL CONFINE TRA CAERE E TARQUINIA
CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA. IL CASO DELLE ANFORE RICHBOROUGH 527
LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE). IN SEARCH OF LATE ANTIQUE OCCUPATION PATTERNS AND TRADE ROUTES IN THE ADRIATIC
PART V -- LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY AND SURVEYS
‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’. IL PROGETTO DI RICOGNIZIONE DEL MONTE ARGENTARIO E DELL’AREA LAGUNARE COSTIERA (GROSSETO-TOSCANA)
THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT IN MARCHE
IL PROGETTO GALANTINA
MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN)
THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY: METHODS AND INTERPRETATION IN A TRANSITIONAL LANDSCAPE
THE IUVANUM SURVEY PROJECT: AN ANCIENT COMMUNITY IN SAMNIUM
RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT. FIELD SURVEYS AND THE EARLY HELLENISTIC LANDSCAPE OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN ITALY
THE PISA SOUTH PICENUM SURVEY PROJECT
THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE OF REGIO VII ETRURIA
REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE TRA L’ETÀ ARCAICA E REPUBBLICANA
FROM OPPIDA TO CASTELLA. SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE IN THE LIRI-BASIN (SOUTHERN LATIUM – ROMAN TO MEDIEVAL)
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

Citation preview

BAR S1452 (I) 2005

Papers in Italian Archaeology VI Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval Period

ATTEMA, NIJBOER & ZIFFERERO (Eds)

Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the University of Groningen, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, The Netherlands, April 15-17, 2003

Volume I Edited by

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Peter Attema Albert Nijboer Andrea Zifferero with Olaf Satijn, Luca Alessandri, Mette Bierma and Erwin Bolhuis

BAR International Series 1452 (I) 2005 B A R

Papers in Italian Archaeology VI Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval Period Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the University of Groningen, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, The Netherlands, April 15-17, 2003

Volume I Edited by

Peter Attema Albert Nijboer Andrea Zifferero with Olaf Satijn, Luca Alessandri, Mette Bierma and Erwin Bolhuis

BAR International Series 1452 (I) 2005

ISBN 9781841718897 (Volume I) paperback ISBN 9781841718903 (Volume II) paperback ISBN 9781841718880 (Volume set) paperback ISBN 9781407328997 (Volume set) e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841718880 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

VOLUME I OPENING PAPERS AND THEMES: THEORY AND AIMS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITIES AND LANDSCAPE BURIALS AND URBANISM URBANISM CHRONOLOGY DOMESTIC POTTERY AND FOOD SYSTEMS TECHNOLOGY AND PRESERVATION

i

ii

IN HONOUR OF MARIANNE KLEIBRINK

iii

PREFACE It has been a great privilege for the Department of Archaeology of the University of Groningen to organize the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology on April 15, 16 and 17, 2003. We were honoured to welcome so many colleagues from several parts of Europe and America to the University and city of Groningen. Having been initiated in Lancaster in 1977, the penultimate conference in this series took place in 1992 at the University of Oxford, and before that conferences were held at the Universities of London and Cambridge. Each of these has been a successful enterprise that resulted in significant and widely read publications reflecting the state of the art of Italian field archaeology. Those present at the Groningen conference who attended these earlier conferences - among whom the editors of the current volume – will remember them as very stimulating scientific and social events. The wonderful thing about them has always been their open and lively character and the low threshold for participants of various backgrounds, which accounts for the participation of a healthy mix of students, junior and senior researchers and other academic staff of many universities, as well as representatives of Italian archaeological Soprintendenze and members of regional archaeological groups. At the Groningen conference we somehow managed to maintain both the open atmosphere typical of the English conferences, and the broad representation of the archaeological field. Undoubtedly we were helped by the desire of the many practitioners of Italian archaeology to share their knowledge, to communicate new results and to cross the traditional disciplinary and chronological boundaries that have long characterized Italian archaeology. The 123 papers and posters represented in these proceedings demonstrate how much is shared by prehistorians, proto-historians, Classical, Roman and Medieval archaeologists as well as those involved in ceramic, landscape and environmental studies. The international character of the Conferences of Italian Archaeology encourages especially young archaeologists to combine theoretical approaches with data obtained through fieldwork. This is important, for in Italy there still seems to be a lingering reluctance to discuss methods and aims in archaeology though in general the quality of artefact studies is of a high standard. This attitude is probably influenced by the few opportunities offered by the academic job market, which forces young archaeologists to invest their energies in excavations and rescue projects rather than participate in the theoretical discussions taking place in the various academic schools. With some exceptions, this reluctance to discuss theory is rooted in the curriculum taught at most Italian universities. The influence of the Conferences of Italian Archaeology on the discipline in Italy can be observed in the widening communication network, through which common themes are being discussed. One challenge for future conferences in this series will be to widen this into an international thematic approach, and to stimulate communication on archaeological data – perhaps in the form of joint research projects funded by the European Union. The main theme for the 6th Conference - Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic Age to the Medieval Period – stayed close to that of previous conferences, and accommodates sessions on new developments in fieldwork as well as on particular themes. The Conference opened with a plenary session featuring six key-note speakers who, between them, covered the time-span from the Palaeolithic to the medieval periods and the major current issues in Italian archaeology. Volume I of these proceedings opens with a series of excellent papers by Simon Stoddart, Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri, Annette Rathje, R. Ross Holloway, Nicola Terrenato and Andrea Augenti that amply illustrates the opportunities offered by moving away from more traditional approaches in Italian Archaeology. Of these papers, the one by R. Ross Holloway was read in a separate evening session in honour of Prof. Dr. Marianne Maaskant-Kleibrink, who became emeritus in 2004. For over 30 years she excavated in central and southern Italy, and directed the missions of the Groningen Institute of Archaeology at Satricum (Lazio) and at Francavilla Marittima (Calabria). The keynote papers in Volume I are followed by thematic papers under the headings “Theory and Aims in Archaeology; Archaeologies of Community and Landscape” (8 papers) “Burials and Their Interpretation” (15 papers), “Urbanism” (7 papers), “Domestic Pottery and Food Systems” (12 papers), “Chronology” (6 papers) and “Technology and Preservation” (5 papers). Volume II presents the papers under the heading “New Developments in Fieldwork” which we have ordered mainly periodically, respectively, “The Neolithic period” (7 papers), “The Bronze and Iron

iv

Ages” (21 papers), “The Orientalizing and Archaic period” (11 papers), “The Roman and post-Roman periods” (14 papers) and “Landscape Archaeology and Surveys” (11 papers). We would like to thank the session organizers, session chairs, and speakers for the high quality of the papers and the ensuing discussions. Producing and editing English versions of Italian and Dutch papers always puts high demands on non-native authors and editors, and we therefore want to apologise in advance for any ‘Itinglish’ or ‘Dunglish’ that the reader may still encounter in these proceedings. We hope that we have succeeded in organizing the 6th conference in the spirit of the series as a whole, and that this collection of papers will again become a benchmark for the development of Italian Archaeology at the start of the third millennium AD. We definitely enjoyed reading the papers presented in these proceedings and we are looking forward to the next conference. Peter Attema, Albert Nijboer and Andrea Zifferero

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We first of all would like to thank our English colleagues for entrusting us with the organization and publication of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology. Furthermore we thank Luca Alessandri and Olaf Satijn for editing the sessions on, respectively, “The Bronze and Iron Ages” and “The Roman and post-Roman periods”; Mette Bierma for her efficient work as secretary of the editorial board, and Erwin Bolhuis for the digital editing of the illustrations. We also would like to thank Martijn van Leusen who helped us to improve some English texts. The organization of the conference itself was made possible through the help of many GIA members of staff and students. We single out Luuk Tol and Mette Bierma for financial and secretarial management, Olaf Satijn for technical support and the lay-out of the conference programme, Luca Alessandri for translating between Italian and English, and Marjan Galestin, Otto Harsema, Benoît Mater, Vincent van Vilsteren, Jaap Beuker, and Egge Knol for guiding the various excursions. Marcella Blom, Renske den Boer, Tymon de Haas, Jasper Huis in ’t Veld, Marlies van Kruining, Nadine Lemmers, Jolanda Maassen, Nienke Pieters, Michiel Rooke, Jorn Seubers, Laila Sikking, Gijs Tol, Berber van Veen, and Hans Veenstra provided general assistance during the conference. Both the conference and these proceedings were supported financially by the Groningen Institute of Archaeology (GIA) of the University of Groningen, the Dutch research school ARCHON, the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences (KNAW), the Netherlands Organization of Scientific Research (NWO), and the Groninger Museum. Peter Attema and Albert Nijboer

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME 1 OPENING PAPERS AND THEMES: THEORY AND AIMS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY; ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITIES AND LANDSCAPE; BURIALS AND URBANISM; URBANISM; CHRONOLOGY; DOMESTIC POTTERY AND FOOD SYSTEMS; TECHNOLOGY AND PRESERVATION PREFACE .......................................................................................................................................................... iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................................................... vi OPENING PAPERS Simon Stoddart NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DIACHRONIC STUDY OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY IN ITALY FROM PREHISTORY TO THE MIDDLE AGES .....................................................................................................................1 Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES IN BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGE ITALY BASED ON RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH ................................................................................................................9 Annette Rathje RECONSTRUCTING THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIOD .......................................................................25 R. Ross Holloway URBANISM, ETRUSCAN, ITALIC AND LATIN IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENTS .....................................32 Nicola Terrenato ‘START THE REVOLUTION WITHOUT ME’. RECENT DEBATES IN ITALIAN CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY ...............39 Andrea Augenti MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES ...................................44 THEORY AND AIMS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY; ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITIES AND LANDSCAPE Peter van Dommelen, Fokke Gerritsen & A. Bernard Knapp COMMON PLACES. ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITY AND LANDSCAPE ............................................................55 Antoon Mientjes ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY (19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY AD) ...................................................................................................................................................64 C.J. Smith FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM ...........................................................................................76 Erik van Rossenberg BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES. LAYERS OF SOCIAL LIFE IN THE LATER BRONZE AGE AND EARLY IRON AGE OF CENTRAL ITALY ...............................................................................................................84 Mariassunta Cuozzo COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA, DURING THE ORIENTALIZING PERIOD ....................................................................................................................................92 Tamar Hodos CHANGING COMMUNITIES IN IRON AGE SICILY ..............................................................................................103

vii

Phil Perkins WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY?........................................................................................109 Corinna Riva PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES .............................................................................118 BURIALS AND THEIR INTERPRETATIONS Anna Maria Tunzi Sisto, Barbara Barbaro, Renato Peroni & Alessandro Vanzetti GLI IPOGEI DEL TAVOLIERE: ASPETTI CULTUALI E DEL RITUALE FUNERARIO ................................................129 Alessandro Canci, Paola Càssola Guida & Susi Corazza IL TUMULO PROTOSTORICO DI S. OSVALDO (UDINE) .....................................................................................137 Michele Cupitò & Giovanni Leonardi LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA E IL RIPOSTIGLIO DI PILA DEL BRANCÓN. PROPOSTE INTERPRETATIVE SULLA STRUTTURA E SULL’EVOLUZIONE SOCIALE DELLE COMUNITÀ DELLA PIANURA VERONESE TRA BRONZO MEDIO E BRONZO RECENTE ......................................................................................143 Anna De Santis A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE ....................................................156 G. Bartoloni, V. Acconcia, M. Merlo, S. ten Kortenaar, A. Di Napoli, S. Neri, T. Magliaro, F. Pitzalis, V. Scipinotti, F. Biagi, G. Galante, M. Milletti, V. Nizzo, L. Rella & D. Sarracino POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE ................................164 Mariassunta Cuozzo, Andrea D’Andrea & Carmine Pellegrino L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO DI PONTECAGNANO. METODI D’INDAGINE ED ELEMENTI DI TOPOGRAFIA DELLE NECROPOLI E DELL’ABITATO IN ETÀ ORIENTALIZZANTE ..................................................178 Carrie Roth-Murray A DISCLOSURE OF POWER: ELITE ETRUSCAN ICONOGRAPHY DURING THE 8TH-6TH CENTURIES BC ............186 Francesca Cesari, Fabrizio Vallelonga & Fabiana Grasso STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI DI PIAN CONSERVA (MONTI DELLA TOLFA – ROMA) .........................196 Alessandro Palmieri LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C. ................................................................................208 Giovanna Alvino RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA ALLA ROMANIZZAZIONE: GLI ULTIMI RINVENIMENTI ................................................................................................................................................216 Roman Ernst Roth MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: A CLOSER LOOK AT THE URN OF VELIA CERINEI FROM CASTIGLIONCELLO .................................................................................229 Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE .......................................................238 Giuseppina Ghini, Maria Grazia Granino Cecere, Mauro Rubini & Franco Arietti L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE A GROTTAFERRATA (ROMA): UNA STORIA VISSUTA 2000 ANNI FA .................246 Stefania Bagella ASPECTS OF FUNERARY RITUALS IN THE NURAGHIC AGE ...............................................................................258 Silvia Paltineri NECROPOLI DI CHIAVARI. CONTRIBUTO ALL’AGGIORNAMENTO DELLE RICERCHE ..........................................263

viii

URBANISM Sabina Zeggio ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002). SPAZI URBANI E STORIA ............................................................................................................................................................269 Valeria Acconcia, Gilda Bartoloni & Silvia ten Kortenaar THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION AT PIAZZA D’ARMI (VEII; ROME): EXCAVATION CAMPAIGNS OF 1996-2002.......................................................................................................................................................278 Roberta Cascino & Maria Teresa Di Sarcina L’ABITATO DI VEIO TRA ETÀ ORIENTALIZZANTE E CONQUISTA ROMANA: INTERPRETAZIONE IN BASE AI DATI DELLE ROCOGNIZIONI WARD-PERKINS .................................................................................................287 Edward Herring ‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY .........................292 Francesco Sirano PRESENZANO-RUFRAE. NUOVI DATI PER LA STORIA DEL POPOLAMENTO NELLA CAMPANIA SETTENTRIONALE TRA ETÀ ARCAICA E CLASSICA SULLO SFONDO DELLE DINAMICHE DI LUNGO PERIODO ....302 Francesca Spatafora SPAZIO INSEDIATIVO E SPAZIO ABITATIVO NEI CENTRI INDIGENI DELLA SICILIA ARCAICA ..............................317 Stefano Vassallo NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA ............................................................325 DOMESTIC POTTERY AND FOOD SYSTEMS Enrico Procelli & Francescaromana Alberghina FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA DAL VILLAGGIO DELL’ANTICO BRONZO DA MANFRIA (GELA, CL) .....................................................................................................................................................337 Andrea Dolfini LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE: LE CASE DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA NEL QUADRO DELLA PROTOSTORIA ITALIANA .................................................................................................................................346 Rosa Maria Albanese Procelli PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA TRA TRADIZIONE E INNOVAZIONE ............358 Elena Smoquina & Mirella T. A. Robino LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO) ........................................................367 L. Mazzeo Saracino & G. Giannotti ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE IN TERRITORIO MARCHIGIANO; STUDIO DELLE FONTI E ANALISI DEI MATERIALI CERAMICI: IL MORTAIO ......................................................................376 Janne P. Ikäheimo TO IMITATE OR TO SPECIALIZE? AFRICAN IMPORTS AND THE PRODUCTION OF DOMESTIC COOKWARES IN ROME AD 50-550 ...........................................................................................................................................390 Enrico Giannichedda ALIMENTAZIONE IN LUNIGIANA TRA INNOVAZIONI E PERSISTENZE .................................................................397 Leonardo Abelli, Roberta Baldassari & Sebastiano Tusa LO SCAVO SUBACQUEO DEL PORTO DI SCAURI NELL’ISOLA DI PANTELLERIA .................................................403 Denis Sami LA CERAMICA DI PANTELLERIA: PRIMI DATI SUI RITROVAMENTI PROVENIENTI DALLO SCAVO SUBACQUEO AL PORTO DI SCAURI SULL’ISOLA DI PANTELLERIA ........................................................................................406 Marina Castoldi, Silvia Bruni & Vittoria Guglielmi LA CERAMICA BICROMA DELL’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO: ANALISI DEI PIGMENTI, PRIMI RISULTATI ........413

ix

Manuela Merlo DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY .....................................................417 S. Rossi USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE? IL CASO DEI MORTAI IN CERAMICA DI TIPO ETRUSCO PADANO IN VENETO: ANALISI TIPOCRONOLOGICA, ASPETTI TECNOLOGICI E IPOTESI SU FUNZIONE ED USO ....426 CHRONOLOGY Nicoletta Martinelli DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA ...................437 Cristiano Iaia, Barbara Barbaro, Stefania Favorito L’INSEDIAMENTO DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO DELLA TENUTA QUADRARO-VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA). DATI PRELIMINARI PER UN INQUADRAMENTO CULTURALE E CRONOLOGICO ....................................449 Francesca Ferranti LA SEQUENZA CRONOLOGICA DELLA NECROPOLI DELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO DELL’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO....................................................................................................................................................457 Serena Sabatini FINE CERAMICS AND CHRONOLOGY AT SALA CONSILINA. DEVELOPMENTS AND TRADITIONS OF AN EARLY IRON AGE COMMUNITY IN THE SOUTH OF ITALY ..................................................................................465 Nicola Ialongo, Serena Cosentino, Vincenzo D’Ercole & Gianfranco Mieli IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA ......................................................................................................................473 Dora Gatti I RAPPORTI TRANSADRIATICI NELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO SULLA BASE DELLA DIFFUSIONE DELLA CERAMICA D’IMPASTO .....................................................................................................................................482 TECHNOLOGY AND PRESERVATION Claudio Giardino METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE: THE COMING OF IRON ...........................................................................................................................................................491 A. Babbi, G. Testa, M. Barbieri & S. Cancelliere EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY AND ITS CARVING AT TARQUINIA ................................506 Valeria Acconcia & Folco Biagi THE SITE OF CAMPASSINI (MONTERIGGIONI, SIENA): A CASE STUDY FOR CRAFTSMEN PRODUCTION ..............515 Gianfranco Gazzetti & Giuseppina Ghini LA VILLA ROMANA DELLA FONTANACCIA .......................................................................................................523 Marina Papa Sokal THE PLUNDERING OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN ITALY: SOME PROGRESS TOWARDS A SOLUTION ................530

x

OPENING PAPERS

xi

xii

NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DIACHRONIC STUDY OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY IN ITALY FROM PREHISTORY TO THE MIDDLE AGES Simon Stoddart

Many have been worried that as we degrade and destroy our landscapes, the archaeology will also be lost and, with it, the access to the construction of human origins and identity. This is indeed a major risk. However, that very process of destruction, provided it is accompanied by skilled recovery of information, is leading to new ranges of data which it is our responsibility to relate to key questions of human identity. The italian peninsula and the surrounding islands are a particularly rich source of data on that identity, and the state of research shows that scholars are taking full advantage.

INTRODUCTION My aim is to follow the brief given me by the organizers of the conference: to give a personal review of some of the themes that I currently find important for us, as archaeologists working in Italy (and more broadly in Europe) on issues of settlement and society within the context of different scales of time and space. The issue of scale is most pronounced in our studies of landscape where the tendency (particularly among specialist practitioners) has been to concentrate on smaller and smaller scales of space, whereas the precision of time is a long way from being achieved.

The conference did not cover deep time, but it is healthy (or perhaps especially healthy) for those who do not study the palaeolithic (like myself) to consider this deeper perspective. It is here that the relationship between broad expanses of time and short scales of time are the most striking. The palaeolithic includes periods when the very geography of Italy was visibly transformed, by a complex interlinkage of sea level change and tectonics. At one stage, the peninsula itself was fragmented into at least one extra island (Middle Pleistocene). At another stage (18,000 BP), Malta was part of Sicily and much of the Adriatic had disappeared. Indeed for much of the palaeolithic it is perhaps appropriate to reverse our geographical perspective of the Italian peninsula, and view it from the north, the point of access for most hunter gatherers. The sea, so important for most of Italian prehistory and history may in the very early palaeolithic have been a barrier rather than a medium of communication, although this is in itself a point of controversy. As a non specialist, I am much aided by the publication of Margherita Mussi (2001) which draws together many of these key perspectives in a very readable account from which I will sample at various points below.

Firstly, if we take the last decade as deserving the description new, the overwhelming impression is of the dramatic impact of research on the basic patterns of our understanding of the past. The importance of single great sites has been replaced by statistically representative configurations of sites. The great site is often a classical site. The great landscape incorporates a full range of periods and a range of sites. Another striking impression is the resurgence of chronology as a major issue, applied now with an increased sophistication, a sophistication that promises to provide new challenges to the traditional chronologies. Suites of chronological techniques are now being applied to produce relatively independent sources of chronology for many of the key periods. The related challenge is how to relate broad scales of time (generally provided by prehistoric chronologies and landscape studies) to the shorter scales of time (provided by historical dates and now by dendrochronology). This debate becomes most pronounced in the periods of protohistory just prior (Bronze Age/Iron Age) to the rise or just following the fall of states (Late Antiquity/Early Middle Ages). It is here that a limited range of documentary dates run in parallel with dates provided by other forms of material culture. Unexpectedly for some, precise documentary dates can in some circumstances refer to long scales of deep social time and should be interpreted as such.

DEEP TIME Above all, the time depth of the occupation of the Italian peninsula and islands by anatomically modern (premodern) populations is a test case for many of the European and even global issues of early human origins. Whatever the precise outcome, it is a time depth that puts the traditionally dominant fields of classical and historical archaeology into perspective. It is now clear that these later periods represent less than half of one percent of the human occupation of the peninsula. And yet when was the Italian peninsula first occupied by pre-modern populations? The current state of knowledge does not produce a precision which would be pleasing to a classical archaeologist. Nevertheless, the peninsula provides one of the major research zones where scholars can consider whether sites potentially beyond a 500,000

A great achievement of landscape studies is to produce a profusion of micro-regional studies. Some have questioned how this profusion of micro-regional studies can be related back to the broader scale of understanding promoted by broader questions. One solution is that these broader questions are related to thematic approaches to landscape and I would like to emphasize three of the many possible avenues here: conceptual understanding, processes of colonization and state formation in what follows.

1

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI CHRONOLOGY

BP threshold (e.g. Monte Poggiolo, Isernia la Pineta and Venosa) are convincing (Roebroeks & Van Kolfschoten 1996; Mussi 1995). The universal principle of multiple approaches to dating will gradually home in on an increasingly satisfactory answer.

Over the last decade, chronology has been refined at different scales of time and space. The broad cultural schemes based on material culture are being revised by the cumulative effect of radiocarbon and calibration. As samples of radiocarbon dates increase in number, statistically consistent ranges of dates can be assembled, inconsistencies ironed out and regional trends understood. The earliest human occupation of the Italian peninsula has required sets of complementary dating techniques and stratigraphic bracketing of deposits to assess the most reliability of early sites. By the time of the Upper and Epi-palaeolithic, suites of radiocarbon dates have become available to make comparisons between the development of cultural sequences based on stylistic changes in lithics and radiometric dating (Mussi 2001, 285, Fig. 7.2). By the time of the Bronze Age there are sufficient dates to suggest that some of the cultural sequences, still based on fine typological distinctions anchored by cross-dating, may in some cases overlap or in other cases require revised duration (Guidi & Whitehouse 1996).

When were the larger islands of the central Mediterranean first occupied? Changing sea levels and tectonics (Mussi 2001; 1990) provide major issues of access and communication between the Italian peninsula and the islands. After a detailed exegesis of sea levels and tectonics, Capri provides one example of a modern, indeed famous classical, island with peninsular origins. In other words, the Acheulean site now found on Capri was in fact on a promontory projecting from the Italian peninsula during early phases of human occupation (Mussi 2001: 86). Access to Sicily is a more important example of the same questions where simple graphs of sea level rise and fall are complicated by major tectonic disruption of the straits of Messina (Montenat et al. 1987), and, to complicate matters, Southern Calabria was also an island in the Middle Pleistocene. Furthermore, dangerous currents flow through the Messina straits (Mussi 2001: 89) (as classical myths attest). The actual archaeological evidence from Sicily is controversial since the early sites are open air and there is a persistence of apparently early technologies into much later prehistoric periods because of the nature of the raw material. Broadly the same issues affect our understanding of colonization in Sardinia (Martini 1999; Mussi 2001: 90).

It is dendrochronology which has brought this issue into focus for the protohistoric period. A dating technique from the natural sciences that focuses on individual years now faces a documentary dating system that also purports to focus on individual years. However, the data for dendrochronology are regionally specific and detailed sequences that penetrate protohistory have only been constructed for the neighbouring regions of Germany (Becker 1985) and Aegean/Anatolia (Kuniholm 1996; Kuniholm et al. 1996). Some areas of Italy show considerable promise (Martinelli 1996; Martinelli in press), but it will take time to build up a comparable regional sequence. For this reason, the implications for the chronology of protohistory, although evident, will require gradual refinement as correlations with well dated dendrochronological sequences north of the Alps are developed (Pacciarelli in press).The most interesting effect for the present appears to be subtle alterations in the rate of change of key cultural phases (Bietti Sestieri 1997) which are the basis of our current understanding of radical restructuring of politics in the past. The Final Bronze appears to be shortened. The early Iron Age appears to be slightly lengthened. These changes have implications for the processes of state formation, which can now be interpreted in terms of different rates of socio-political change.

THE IMPACT OF RESEARCH Research in Italy has another important time depth: the long tradition of research. Yet, in the last decade, landscape survey has moved from the first generation surveys of the 1950s and 1960s into the increasingly intensive surveys of the 1990s and the present century. In contrast to the critique from some quarters that this entails a diversion from the big questions of deep history (Blanton 2001), it has been emphasized by others that this trend is towards interlinked bifocalism (Mattingly pers comm; Potter and Stoddart 2001): attention to the big issues and attention to the quality of the data which address these issues. An illustration of this is the current attention towards analysing old surveys. The most prominent of these re-analyses is the Leverhulme project at the British School at Rome (Patterson & Millett 1998; Patterson et al. 2000) which, by applying new dating schemes to the archive of artefacts, and by resurvey (di Gennaro et al. 2002) of old areas, complementary, cumulative and ultimately contrasting perspectives of key big questions are being constructed. The same procedure is being undertaken in the re-analysis of smaller surveys. The first Monte Argentario survey (Bronson & Uggeri 1970) is now under radical re-analysis by a Milan team, producing results that are principally again provided by new dating of surface remains (Cardosa et al. in press), although not yet with access to artefact archive.

For landscape archaeologists, the further challenge is to transfer these broad chronological schemes, once realized, to the dating of the surface remains. In the past, survey archaeology could not achieve the chronological precision of a bronze metal artefact. In the future, survey archaeology will not be able to achieve the precision of an individual tree ring. Ceramic chronologies are based on combinations of styles, forms and fabrics which survive with differential frequencies on the surface (Malone & Stoddart 2000). In the historical periods, 2

SIMON STODDART: NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DIACHRONIC STUDY OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY al. 1992; Narcisi 1996). At this date, one has to imagine the impact not on an urban society or even on a settled village society but on groups of low density hunter gatherers whose landscape and environment would have been drastically damaged. There would have been no large scale community organization to buffer the effects of a supra-regional disaster. This event, or sequence of events, may have contributed to the depopulation of the Italian peninsula at this time (Mussi 2001, 209-210). Aurignacian sites are often covered by volcanic deposit but have never been found in the reverse stratigraphic position.

differential supply of datable pottery adds to the difficulties of dating surface remains (Millett 1991). The end result, even when the latest dating knowledge is applied to large numbers of sties, as in the case of the Tiber Valley project, is that the ceramic periods which date the sites vary in length and precision. The trends apparently visible in histograms of site numbers per ceramic period may be more influenced by such methodological issues than changes in population or sites occupied contemporaneously. For this reason, it is the regional survey integrated with some selective excavation which is the most successful in establishing a convincing regional sequence. One great advance is the increasing number of such integrated projects in Italian research.

Another Plinian volcanic event derived from Vesuvius dating to about 3500 BP has also received recent research attention (Albore Livadie et al. 2001; Vivent & Albore Livadie 2001). This volcanic eruption probably had a more localized effect on the local environment, and the developed agricultural communities of the Campanian Bronze Age were sufficiently robust to recover relatively rapidly. However, the recent discovery near Nola of part of a well preserved Bronze Age village has opened up opportunities for exploring the details of the normality of a small agricultural community (Albore Livadie 2001; 2002; Cicirelli et al. in press). Interdisciplinary research combining archaeology, biological anthropology and social anthropological interpretation is in progress to define the working space of the community, whose three dimensional built environment can now be precisely defined. The demarcation of living space into that of animals, storage, working, living space and ritual can be inferred from the high level of preservation granted by a particular combination of volcanic events. The full understanding of the aborted foetuses deliberately placed in pottery vessels within the farmyard requires archaeological expertize, biological anthropological analysis and social anthropological interpretation to understand these human remains: descendents of the community who had not passed through a rite of passage (whose material remains may be indicated by a special headdress) did not merit burial in a formal cemetery such as that found nearby at S. Paolo Belsito. Interdisciplinary expertize is essential to unravel an understanding of the short scales of time preserved in this site.

Study of long-term trends in landscapes requires attention to all periods. Most Italian projects still concentrate broadly on the classical period in terms of their expertize. It is for this reason that those projects which incorporate expertize in the pre-protohistoric and medieval periods stand out for their ability to record a full durée of human occupation. Classical remains also require expertize for their full and adequate interpretation, but preprotohistoric and (particularly early) medieval remains can be completely missed without adequate training. One of the great revolutions in Italian archaeology over the last decade and more, as can be followed in the pages of Archeologia Medievale, is precisely in Medieval archaeology (Augenti in press). Projects such as the Farfa survey have matched documentary information for sites with the precise ceramic expertize required to date the sequences on the ground (Moreland in press). Once more, surface survey is accompanied by selective excavation. The impact of medieval studies has, though, perhaps been most marked on central Italy than on other regions and studies of modern archaeology and ethnoarchaeology are still a rarity (Mientjes in press) MACRO-SCALE AND MICROSCALES OF TIME One of the intriguing aspects of recent research is the relationship between scales of time. What effect do actions – be they repeated and small scale or single and cataclysmic – have on the longer scales of time? How do the events and processes of nature relate to the actions of culture? At one end of the spectrum, recent research has been examining the effect of catastrophic volcanic action on different types of human community. At the other end of the spectrum, recent research has been examining the effect (and indeed cost) of repeated human action on a fragile landscape.

At another scale, research has been particularly effective in the Mediterranean in elucidating the degradation of the landscape in relationship to human activity and the response of humans to this damage. Most field surveys now employ geomorphologists not only to register distortions in the recovery of evidence (e.g. Ayala & Fitzjohn 2002; Terrenato 1996), but to assess the precise relationship between repeated human action, global and local environmental change and the human response, in a continuous interplay (Ayala & French in press). The measure of these relationships requires a programme of accurate dating of both individual sites and processes of accumulated sediment. It will not be long before a series of dated regional sequences (e.g. Coltorti 1997) will allow cross-peninsular comparison and the elucidation of

The impact of volcanism on humanity has been dominated in Italy by our vision of a classical Pompeii, whereas in fact Vesuvius, in the broadest sense, was a repeated source of damage to its surrounding landscape. One early eruption, signalled by the Campanian ignimbrite which is probably linked to the Y-5 tephra layer distributed over some 14 million square kilometres of land and sea, has been dated to 36.2 ±0.4ka (Deino et 3

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Riva et al. in press; Burgers in press). Whatever the problems of dating, a multiplicity of regional developments are becoming clear which can be precisely related to diverging and converging processes of economic, social and political change.

human from natural processes, in much the same way as has been achieved at a cross-Mediterranean level by the Archaeomedes project (Van der Leeuw 2000). TEXT AND CONTEXT

The key requirement of the next decade will be to transform these microregional insights into macroregional interpretations that match the historical analyses of more recent periods (c.f. Attema 2002). How did Etruscan (or another pre-Roman complex society’s) organization differ over space and time (Stoddart 1987; in preparation; Rendeli 1993; Cifani 2002)? How did the Romans incorporate and develop the preceding landscapes of the peninsula (Patterson 1987; Witcher in press)? What were the transformations of late Antiquity and the Medieval period? Much has been invested in creating this mosaic of political understanding. Much can now be learnt from drawing the component parts together with a greater injection of archaeology than some predominantly text-led accounts.

A very particular instance of the different scales of time relates to protohistory. In the last two millennia BC, time measured by archaeological methodologies meets time measured by the documentary record. In this encounter, it is necessary to disentangle carefully some measure of absolute time from the various forms of social time that early societies impressed upon their past. During the rapid social change of the last two millennia BC, variously known as state formation or urbanization according to the school of academic thought, when oral history had its uncertain transition towards documentary history, elites constructed histories of their past appropriate to their formulation of the present. Such histories are not always easily combined with histories conveyed by settlement organization and material culture which leave traces which do not conveniently move in accord with the present political structure.

Great strides have already been made in analysing the processes of state formation of central Italy by a combination of burial, urban survey, urban excavation and regional survey. In this region, there has been the density of research over a long period to gather together a highly representative sample of all the key components of information. Previously weak areas such as urban excavation are now being filled by an array of important excavations in many of the leading urban centres (e.g. Bonghi Jovino & Chiaramonte Treré 1997-99; Carandini 1997). Urban surveys are taking place in an even wider range of these same centres (Pacciarelli 1991; Mandolesi 1999; Merlino & Mirenda 1990). As a result, syntheses of various sectors of the sequence are being written with considerable authority and conviction (Pacciarelli 2000; Iaia 1999). Etruria and Latium vetus can now be compared with the other major sequences of state formation in the world on the basis of the same array of archaeological and textual data working at different scales of time and space.

Two encounters of this type have impinged on recent archaeological research. The first and most famous is the archaeological and historical reconstruction of early Rome. Carandini’s interpretation (Carandini 1997; Carandini & Cappelli 2000) of the archaeological stratigraphy of Rome has received much criticism from those who prefer to give primacy to archaeological principles and then bring literary evidence to bear (Fentress & Guidi 1999; Bietti Sestieri 2000). The second is the archaeological and philological reconstruction of early Gubbio. A strong contrast has developed again between an account which gives primacy to archaeological evidence and the anthropological interpretation of inscribed texts (Malone & Stoddart 1984) and one which favours the elaboration of the philological evidence of a set of inscribed bronze artefacts without a precise archaeological context (Sisani 2001). In each case alternative histories have been constructed with different concepts of time (and indeed of space). MICROREGIONAL INTEGRATION

STUDIES

AND

One overarching theme with the potential comparing the mosaic of regional examples, and which is gathering strength, is that of the conceptual landscape and this is in no small measure due to the Dutch tradition of research (Attema 1996; 1999). The challenge is how to construct these conceptual landscapes. Can they be constructed directly from textual accounts (Devoto 1974)? Are there deep structures that can be inferred from later cartographic interpretations (Attema 1999) or from modern ethnographic study of perceptions (Fitzjohn pers. comm.)? Can they be interpreted from the study of the built environment and the distribution of material culture (Riva and Stoddart 1996). Interdisciplinary working of the diverse elements is currently working much closer towards the multiple dimensions of the conceptual landscape (Zifferero 2002).

MACROREGIONAL

One of the most prominent trends of recent settlement research is the profusion of multi-period micro-regional studies in Italy. Overall, high standards are being achieved in developing a detailed knowledge of small regions of Italy so that the peninsula and many of the islands are covered with a mosaic of insights into historical development (e.g. Barker 1995; Carandini & Cambi 2002). This conference has further displayed the diversity of human response to local environments (e.g. Perkins in press; Faustoferri & Riccatelli in press; Vermeulen in press; Agneni et al. in press; Malone et al. in press; Biondi in press; Bradley & Menozzi in press; 4

SIMON STODDART: NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DIACHRONIC STUDY OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY BIBLIOGRAPHY

Another cross-cutting theme where major progress has been made is that of colonization, a term that has radically different meanings according to the sociopolitical context of both the studied society and the observer. I have already referred to the initial colonization of the Italian peninsula and islands by hunter gatherers. A further stage is the colonization and recolonization of more marginal terrain which in the Italian peninsula and major islands often includes an important contribution of altitude (e.g. Maggi & Negrino 1992). Another area of major research is that of the colonization and subsequent trajectory of island populations (Stoddart 2000). An area where very real and visible progress has been made is in terms of agricultural colonization, both of prime agricultural lands and of the uplands. Particular progress has been made in following the trends of agricultural colonization up the Adriatic coast providing a new level of detail (Skeates 1994; Cazzella 2000) to the broad schemes of Neolithicization in which Italy is often included without reference to the powerful source criticism now undertaken (Gkiasta et al. 2003). Finally, there is political colonization, a theme that has been much deconstructed in recent years (Van Dommelen 1998) and where some territories are now known in some detail (Carandini & Cambi 2002). These comparative schemes are becoming increasingly more sophisticated, situated effectively within the broader scales that are so important for their sound interpretation.

Agneni, M.L., C. Barchesi, F. Candelato, R. Gabrielli, H. Di Giuseppe, A. Guidi, H. Patterson & P. Santoro, in press. Il progetto Galatina: primi risultati, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Albore Livadie, C., 2001. Nola: la Pompéi de la Préhistoire. Recherches en cours sur un site du Bronze ancien détruit par l’éruption des Ponces d’Avellino (3500 BP), in: J.P. Raynal, C. Albore Livadie & M. Piperno (eds), Hommes et volcans. Humans and volcanoes. De l’éruption à l’objet. Actes du symposium 15.2 organisé par la Commission 31 de l’Union des Sciences Préhistoriques e Protohistoriques dans le cadre du XIVe Congrès UISPP. Liége, Université de Liége, 57-65. Albore Livadie, C., 2002. A first Pompeii: the early Bronze Age village of Nola-Croce del Papa (Palma Campania phase). Antiquity 76 (294), 941-942. Albore Livadie, C, N. Castaldi, G. Mastrolorenzo & G. Vecchio, 2001. Effetti delle eruzioni del SommaVesuvio sul territorio di Nola dall’età del Bronzo all’epoca romana tarda, in: E. Juvigné & J.P. Raynal (eds), Tephras. Chronologie. Chronology. Archéologie-Archaeology (= Les dossiers de l’Archéo-Logis 1). Goudet, CDERAD éditeur, 119128. Attema, P., 1996. Inside and outside the landscape, perceptions of the Pontine region in Central Italy. Archaeological Dialogues 3 (2), 176-195. Attema, P., 1999. Cartography and landscape perception: a case study from central Italy, in: M. Gillings, D. Mattingly & J. van Dalen (eds), Geographical Information Systems and landscape archaeology (= The Archaeology of Mediterranean Landscapes 3). Oxford, Oxbow Books, 23-34. Attema, P., 2002. Two challenges for landscape archaeology, in: P. Attema, G.-J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology (= BAR International Series 1091). Oxford, British Archaeological Reports, 18-27. Augenti, A., in press. Patterns in late Roman and Medieval archaeology, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Ayala, G. & M. Fitzjohn, 2002. Seeing is believing: Questions of archaeological visibility in the Mediterranean. Antiquity 76, 337-338. Ayala, G. & C. French, in press. Holocene landscape dynamics in a Sicilian upland river valley, in: A.J. Howard, M.G. Macklin & D.G. Passmore (eds), The alluvial archaeology of North West Europe and the Mediterranean. Balkema, Rotterdam.

BEYOND ITALY I should like to end by emphasising the need to look beyond the modern political boundaries of Italy. Good research places an island such as Malta in its context between Italy and North Africa. Italia continentale is closely connected to other countries beyond her current political borders. One of the clear geographical features of Italy is the way in which it projects into the wider Mediterranean, setting up spheres of interaction that apply as much to obsidian, ribbed bowls and Medieval trade. It is time to attempt the scale of Braudel not just in the protohistoric and historical periods (Horden & Purcell 2000) but in the full long durée. This may be beyond the achievement of one or even two persons, but could be assembled by a team of coordinated scholars. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many of the prehistoric themes explored in this brief article are developed in greater detail elsewhere (Stoddart & Malone in press). I would like to thank our Italian colleagues and the many institutions – especially universities and superintendencies – for the warm welcome with which they host other Europeans and scholars from further afield. I would also like to thank the British Academy (among many other funding bodies) and the many local communities, in my personal experience Poppi, Gubbio, Nepi and Troina, who have supported the archaeological research within their landscapes.

5

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Cazzella, A. 2000. Il processo di neolitizzazione nell’Italia centro-orientale. Società per la Preistoria e Protostoria della regione Friuli-Venezia Giulia. Quaderno 8: 101-113. Cifani, G. 2002. Notes on the rural landscape of central Tyrrhenian Italy in the 6th-5th c. B.C. and its social significance. Journal of Roman Archaeology 15: 247260. Cicirelli, C., Albore Livadie, C., Bartoli, C. and Boenzi, G. in press. Il villaggio del Bronzo Antico di Nola (Croce del Papa), in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Coltorti, M., 1997. Human impact in the Holocene fluvial and coastal evolution of the Marche region, Central Italy. Catena 30, 311-335. Deino, A., G. Curtis & M. Rosi, 1992. 40A/39Ar Dating of the Campanian Ignimbrite, Campanian region, Italy, in: Abstracts 3, p. 2654 (29th International Geological Congress, Kyoto, Japan, 24 August-3 September 1992). Devoto, G., 1974. Le Tavole di Gubbio. Florence, Sansoni. Faustoferri, A. & P. Riccatelli, in press. Monte Pallano: spatial organisation of an Italic highland settlement, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Fentress, E. & A. Guidi, 1999. Myth, memory and archaeology as historical sources. Antiquity 73 (280), 463-466. di Gennaro, F., O. Cerasuolo, C. Colonna, U. Rajala, S. Stoddart & N. Whitehead, 2002. Recent research on the city and territory of Nepi. Papers of the British School at Rome 70, 29-77. Gkiasta, M., T. Russell, S. Shennan & J. Steele, 2003. Neolithic transition in Europe: the radiocarbon record revisited. Antiquity 77 (295), 45-62. Guidi, A. & R. Whitehouse, 1996. A radiocarbon chronology for the Bronze Age: the Italian situation. Acta Archaeologica 67, 271-282. Horden, P. & N. Purcell, 2000. The corrupting sea. A study of Mediterranean history. Oxford, Blackwell. Iaia, C., 1999. Simbolismo funerario e ideologia alle origini di una civiltà urbana: forme rituali nelle sepolture "villanoviane" a Tarquinia e Vulci, e nel loro entroterra. Firenze, All’insegna del giglio Kuniholm, P.I., 1996. The prehistoric Aegean: dendrochronological progress as of 1995. Acta Archaeologica 67, 327-335. Kuniholm, P., B. Kromer, S.W. Manning, M. Newton, Ch.E. Latini & M.J. Bruce, 1996. Anatolian tree rings and the absolute chronology of the eastern Mediterranean, 2220-718 BC. Nature 381, 780-783. Maggi, R. & F. Negrino, 1992. Upland settlement and the technological aspects of the eastern Ligurian Mesolithic. Preistoria Alpina 28(1), 373-396.

Barker, G. (ed.), 1995. A Mediterranean valley. Landscape archaeology and annales history in the Biferno Valley. Leicester, Leicester University Press. Becker, B., 1985. Die absolute Chronologie der Pfahlbauten nördlich der Alpen im Jahrringkalender Mitteleuropas, in: B. Becker et al. (eds), Dendrochronologie in der Ur- und Frühgeschichte. Basel, Verlag Schweizerische Gesellschaft für Urund Frügeschichte, 8-13. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1997. Italy in Europe in the Early Iron Age. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 63, 371-402. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 2000. The role of archaeological and historical data in the reconstruction of Italian protohistory, in: D. Ridgway, F.R. Serra Ridgway, M. Pearce, E. Herring, R.D. Whitehouse & J.B. Wilkins (eds), Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean setting. Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara (= Accordia Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean, 4). London, Accordia Research Institute, 13-31. Biondi, G., in press. La survey di Monte Ficurazza in territorio di Centuripe (EN), in: C. Malone, G. Ayala, M. Fitzjohn & S. Stoddart, in press. Under the volcano. Accordia Research Papers). Journal of the Accordia Research Centre: University of London. Blanton, R., 2001. Mediterranean myopia. Antiquity 75, 627–629. Bonghi Jovino, M. & C. Chiaramonte Treré (eds), 199799. Tarquinia: testimonianze archeologiche e ricostruzione storica. Scavi sistematici nell’abitato. Campagne 1982-1988. Roma, ”L’Erma” di Bretschneider. Bradley, G. & O. Menozzi, in press. The Iuvanum survey project: an ancient community in Samnium, in: C. Malone, G. Ayala, M. Fitzjohn & S. Stoddart, in press. Under the volcano. Accordia Research Papers, Journal of the Accordia Research Centre, University of London. Bronson, R. & G. Uggeri, 1970. Isola del Giglio – Isola di Giannutri – Monte Argentario – Laguna di Orbetello. Studi Etruschi 38, 201-214. Burgers, G-J., in press. The Salento Isthmus surveys, in: this volume. Carandini, A., 1997. La nascita di Roma. Dei, Lari, Eroi e Uomini all’alba di una civilta. Torino, Einaudi. Carandini, A. & F. Cambi (ed.), 2002. Paesaggi d’Etruria: Valle dell’Albegna, Valle d’Oro, Valle del Chiarone, Valle del Tafone: progetto di ricerca italobritannico seguito allo scavo di Settefinestre. Roma, Edizioni di storia e letteratura. Carandini, A. & R. Cappelli, 2000. Roma. Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città. (Catalogo della Mostra). Milano, Electa Cardosa, M., A. Dolfini & N. Negroni Catacchio, in press. “Wetlands”: the survey project of Monte Argentario and its coastal lagoon area, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. 6

SIMON STODDART: NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DIACHRONIC STUDY OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY earliest occupation of Europe. Leiden, University of Leiden, 27-50. Mussi, M., 2001. Earliest Italy. An overview of the Italian Palaeolithic and Mesolithic. New York, Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Narcisi, B., 1996. Tephrochronology of a late Quaternary lacustrine record from the Monticchio Maar (Vulture Volcano, southern Italy). Quaternary Science Reviews 15, 155-165. Pacciarelli, M., 1991. ‘Ricerche topographiche a Vulci’. Studi Etruschi 51, 11-48. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città: la svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze, All’insegna del giglio. Pacciarelli, M., in press. Osservazioni sulle datazioni assolute del Bronzo Finale e del primo ferro d’Italia, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Patterson, H., F. di Gennaro, H. di Giuseppe, S. Fontana, V. Gaffney, A. Harrison, S.J. Keay, M. Millett, M. Rendeli, P. Roberts, S. Stoddart & R. Witcher, 2000. The Tiber Valley Project: the Tiber and Rome through two millennia Antiquity 74 (284), 395-403. Patterson, H. & M. Millett, 1988. The Tiber valley project. Papers of the British School at Rome 66, 120. Patterson, J.R., 1987. Crisis, what crisis? Rural change and urban development in Imperial Apennine Italy. Papers of the British School at Rome 21, 81-117. Perkins, P., in press. Who lived in the Etruscan Albegna valley?, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Potter, T. & S. Stoddart, 2001. A century of prehistory and landscape studies at the British School at Rome. Papers of the British School at Rome 69, 3-34. Rendeli, M., 1993. Cittá aperte. Roma, Gruppi Editoriali Internazionali. Riva, C. & S. Stoddart, 1996. Ritual landscapes in Archaic Etruria, in: J.B. Wilkins (ed.), Approaches to the Study of Ritual. Italy and the Ancient Mediterranean (= Accordia Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean, 2). London, Accordia Research Centre, 91-109. Riva, C., J. Pearce & M. Pretzler, in press. The Upper Esino Valley survey, in: C. Malone, G. Ayala, M. Fitzjohn & S. Stoddart, in press. Under the volcano. Accordia Research Papers, Journal of the Accordia Research Centre, University of London. Roebroeks, W. & T. van Kolfschoten, 1996. The earliest colonisation of Europe; the short chronology revisited. Antiquity 70, 535-542. Sisani, S., 2001. Tuta Ikuvina. Sviluppo e ideologia della forma urbana a Gubbio. Roma, Edizioni Quasar. Skeates, R., 1994. Towards an absolute chronology for the Neolithic in central Italy, in: R. Skeates & R. Whitehouse (eds), Radiocarbon dating and Italian

Malone, C. & S.K.F. Stoddart (eds), 1994. Territory, time and state. The archaeological development of the Gubbio basin. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Malone, C. & S. Stoddart, 2000. The current state of prehistoric ceramic studies in Mediterranean survey, in: R. Francovich, H. Patterson & G. Barker (eds), Extracting meaning from ploughsoil assemblages (= The archaeology of Mediterranean landscapes 5). Oxford, Oxbow Books, 95-104. Malone, C., G. Ayala, M. Fitzjohn & S. Stoddart, in press. Under the volcano. Accordia Research Papers, Journal of the Accordia Research Centre, University of London. Mandolesi, A., 1999. La ‘prima’ Tarquinia: l’insediamento protostorico sulla Civita e nel territorio circostante. Firenze, All’insegna del giglio. Martini, F. (ed.), 1999. Sardegna paleolitica. Firenze, Museo fiorentino di Preistoria “Paolo Graziosi”. Martinelli, N., 1996. Datazioni dendrochronologiche per l’età del bronzo dell’area alpina. Acta Archaeologica 67, 315-326. Martinelli, N., in press. Dendrocronologia e archeologia: situazione e prospettive della ricerca in Italia, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Mientjes, A., in press. An archaeological and ethnohistoric approach to recent rural landscapes in the province of Enna, Central Italy, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Millett, M., 1991. Population or supply patterns?, in: G. Barker & J. Lloyd (eds), Roman landscapes. London, British School at Rome, 18-26. Merlino, M. & T. Mirenda, 1990. Caere: un’indagine storico-topografica, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastasi (eds), Caere e il suo territorio da Agylla a Centumcellae. Roma, Libreria dello Stato, 3-56. Montenat, Ch., P. Barrier & I. Di Geronimo, 1987. The strait of Messina, past and present: a review, in: P. Barrier, I. Di Geronimo & Ch. Montenat (eds), Le détroit de Messine (Italie). Evolution tectonosédimentaire récente (Pliocène et Quaternaire) et environnement actuel. Documents et Travaux IGAL 11, 7-13. Moreland, J., in press. Transformations in a sabine landscape, 200-1000 AD, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Mussi, M., 1990. Continuity and change in Italy at the last glacial maximum, in: O. Soffer & C. Gamble (eds), The world at 18,000 BP. Vol . 1. The high latitudes. London, Unwin, 126-147. Mussi, M., 1995. The earliest occupation in Europe: Italy, in: W. Roebroeks & T. van Kolfschoten (eds), The 7

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI prehistory (= Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 8/Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, 3). London, British School at Rome/Accordia Research Centre, 61-72. Stoddart, S., 1987. Complex polity formation in N. Etruria and Umbria. 1200-500 BC. University of Cambridge, Unpublished PhD dissertation. Stoddart, S., 2000. Contrasting political strategies in the islands of the southern central Mediterranean. Accordia Research Papers 7, 59-73. Stoddart, S., in preparation. Power and place in Etruria. The spatial dynamics of a Mediterranean civilisation. 1200-500 BC. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Stoddart, S. & C. Malone, in press. New directions in the study of later prehistory of the central Mediterranean. Journal of Archaeological Research. Terrenato, N., 1996. Visibility and site recovery in the Cecina Valley Survey, Italy. Journal of Field Archaeology 23, 91-109. Van Dommelen, P., 1998. On colonial grounds. A comparative study of colonialism and rural settlement in first millennium BC west central Sardinia. Leiden, University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology. Van der Leeuw, S.E., 2000. Land degradation as sociocultural process, in: R.J. McIntosh, J.A. Tainter & S.K. McIntosh (eds), The way the wind blows: climate, history and human action. New York, Columbia University Press, 357-383. Vermeulen, F., in press. The Potenza valley survey, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Vivent, D. & C. Albore Livadie, 2001. Contribution de la palynologie à l’étude des comportements humains en contexte volcanique actif: exemple de l’âge du Bronze en Campanie (Italie), in: E. Juvigné & J.P. Raynal (eds), Tephras. Chronologie. Chronology. Archéologie-Archaeology (= Les dossiers de l’Archéo-Logis 1). Goudet: CDERAD éditeur, 245249. Witcher, R., in press. The hinterland of Rome: a comparison of regional settlement between the Tiber and the Arno, in: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian archaeology. Communities and settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval period. Groningen, University of Groningen. Zifferero, A., 2002. The geography of ritual landscapes in complex societies, in: P. Attema, G.J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology (= BAR International Series, 1091). Oxford, British Archaeological Reports, 246-265.

8

A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES IN BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGE ITALY BASED ON RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri

development, and one which might produce a highly desirable cooperation between classicists and prehistorians. However, this recent trend in Italian protohistoric archaeology shows some rather worrying drawbacks. Rather than taking into account the results of recent systematic studies in this field as part of their approach to the archaeological record, our classicist colleagues would more or less entirely dismiss them in favour of the use of literary sources as the only legitimate tool for their reconstructions. Moreover, since a basic principle of their approach is that the scanty and piecemeal information, mainly legendary and mythological in nature, reported by Greek and Latin authors several centuries after the periods concerned, should be taken at face value, protohistoric processes and events should only be classified under the heading of mythohistory.

INTRODUCTION This paper consists of a brief examination of the period between the Middle Bronze Age to the beginning of the Iron Age in Italy (c. 17th-9th century BC), divided into phases; for each phase, the regions which constituted the most important cores of socio-political organization and those which both originated interregional connections and exchange within the present Italian territory, and participated in international long distance trade are identified. According to this reconstruction, the earliest (Middle and Recent Bronze Age) core areas were the PalafitteTerramare region and Sicily; during the subsequent phases (Final Bronze and Early Iron Ages), the independent collapse of both these areas was amongst the factors which triggered the emergence of the central role of Etruria as the main political and economic system of mainland Italy, and of Sardinia as the most important base for east-west interaction in the Mediterranean.

In other words, what we are asked to accept in this rather surprising connection is that, a) protohistory should be considered and treated as a research field entirely separate and structurally different from ‘history’; and, b) literary sources constitute the most reliable documents for any attempt at reconstructing this inherently irrational and confuse period.

In the last few decades a number of survey and excavation reports, research studies, series of absolute datings, scientific analyses and new editions of old excavations have provided an unprecedented wealth of systematic information on the Italian Bronze and Early Iron Ages. As a consequence, and although the present record is far from constituting a complete, or even a relatively exhaustive documentation of the period, it probably offers the soundest archaeological basis ever available for an attempt at reconstructing the historical processes in the present Italian territory throughout the second and early first millennium BC.

This point of view is implicit in the approach of many, though certainly not all, Italian classical archaeologists when dealing with the Bronze and Early Iron Ages, and has been explicitly stressed by Andrea Carandini, especially in his book on the origins of Rome (Carandini 1997). However, since a thorough discussion of these ideas from an archaeological point of view has been published recently (Bietti Sestieri 2000), I am not proposing here to analyse a topic so wide and absorbing as the relevance of literary sources and oral traditions to archaeological interpretation. My purpose is to highlight the potential of systematic archaeological research on the Italian Bronze and Early Iron Ages, as a privileged means for the identification of historical processes and events; in some cases, the reconstructions resulting from this procedure can also be used to select and support ancient literary information. Given the wealth of archaeological information and reconstructions, the latter based mainly on regional or local contextual studies, it will not be possible to offer a complete outline of the whole timespan and territory considered (approximately late 3rd to early 1st millennium BC and the present Italian territory). Rather, the present paper is based on a selection of archaeological documents relative to this territory, dating from the Middle Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age (c. 17th-9th century BC). This period has been divided into four phases, following the main historical trends rather

A powerful support to this end is the refinement in archaeological theory and method which has been achieved through recent research: a clearer perception of the interpretative and explanatory potential of contextual archaeological studies, and of territorial research as a necessary complement of the former, along with a firmer setting of Italy within the chronological and historical frame of the Mediterranean and Europe, all may effectively contribute to fill the wide gaps which still exist in the archaeological record. At the same time, possibly due to the fact that the recent focus of archaeological research on the second and early first millennium BC has drawn attention to the relevance of the processes which took place within this time-span to ‘historical’ archaeology (from c. 750 BC, the official date for the beginning of ‘true’ history), some important and extremely ambitious studies have been devoted to it by classical archaeologists. In principle, this is an interesting 9

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. 3D map of Italy. material culture as a specific tool for the reconstruction of the past, based on a general anthropological perspective and through the adoption or elaboration of anthropological models. In other words, archaeology can be defined as the study of anthropology by means of material documents. I would like to stress that the reconstruction proposed here is not a random hypothesis; rather, it is a structured model, based on three main dimensions: spatial, synchronic and diachronic. As far as space is concerned, the evidence has been considered both on a local (regional) and on an interregional level, also taking into account the contemporary Mediterranean and European context. Within each phase, i.e., synchronically in broad terms, the data are organized into coherent, although inherently open systems, in which cultural, political and economic interaction is seen as the main factor of change. Finally, the diachronic dimension highlights the aspects of both continuity and discontinuity in the processes concerned, and the non-unilinear character of the general evolutionary perspective of this paper.

than the official archaeological divisions, and also including some archaeologically identifiable events. For each period, the areas and processes considered in greater detail are those which played a key role in socio-political and economic development over the whole Italian territory; this is likely to provide a wider standpoint as compared to those offered by the detailed evidence from individual local contexts. The main elements of the overall archaeological record which have been considered are a) those regions where the development of a complex socio-political system took place on a wide territorial scale; and, b) the emergence of interregional and international systematic connections, usually along well established terrestrial and maritime routes. This obviously implies that those archaeological contexts that underwent local processes of development which, although significantly complex, were not integrated in a wide territorial system, have not been considered in detail for each phase. The working method adopted in this study is an application and further extension of the basic principle of L. Binford’s Middle Range Theory (Binford 1977): given the essentially experimental nature of the discipline, the building of archaeological theory should stem from direct and systematic observation of the evidence. The essential characteristic of archaeology as a discipline is the role of

Some basic features of the Italian mainland territory (Fig. 1) should be considered as a necessary premise of this study. As is well known, this territory is characterized by a low level of homogeneity and by the presence of the Apennine range, extending lengthwise over the whole central area of the peninsula, thus leaving very few 10

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES

Fig. 2. Sites cited in the text (by Fabio Parenti, Roma). favourable situation as compared to the rest of peninsular Italy. This is the only part of the peninsula where the Apennine range occupies only a relatively narrow strip along the eastern edge of a wide territory, characterized by a homogeneous landscape of low hills alternating with lowlands, and by a network of river valleys running both in east-west and south-north direction. Moreover, it holds the most important concentration of metal ores in Italy, including both copper and tin. As a whole, this area corresponds to the historical territory of Etruria proper. Another important element to be considered is the fact that, in sharp contrast with the Tyrrhenian one, the Adriatic coast is a continuous strip of narrow sand

regions that are not widely occupied by mountains. In the northern section, the Po plain, at the foot of the Alps, is the largest lowland of Italy, a suitable area for agricultural exploitation and for intensive settlement; interior and interregional communication are made possible by the natural routes constituted by the major river (the Po) and its numerous tributaries, with further connections to trans-Alpine Europe and peninsular Italy through the Alpine and Apennine passes. The wide section of central Italy which comprises present-day Tuscany, Lazio north of the Tiber and the adjacent part of Umbria, enjoys an exceptionally

11

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI – A high degree of morphological and environmental homogeneity over a wide territorial extension: the occupation of a considerable section of Italy’s largest lowland was a crucial factor for the establishment and continuity of intense intercommunal contacts over the whole area. – However, the preliminary condition for the systematic occupation of this territory, and, mainly, of its section south of the Po (the proper Terramare region), was that the population concerned should possess a relatively advanced and well established technological level especially as regards the use of animal traction for the ploughing of the heavy lowland soils, and an effective hydraulic control. It is worth recalling that the constraints to the occupation of this region are clearly indicated by two significant elements: apparently, it had never been intensively settled prior to the MBA; and, moreover, after the collapse of the terramare settlement system, it was not fully reoccupied for at least two centuries. – In good agreement with the previous point, the archaeological record relative to the functioning of the individual communities points to a high level of organization and centralization of decision, as implied mainly by the evidence of settlement planning: for example, the establishment and life of a terramara was often accompanied by the extensive deforestation of the adjacent area, in order to secure a suitable extension of agricultural land for the new settlement (Cremaschi 1997, 122 ff.). The classical terramara was a spatially organized area protected by powerful earthworks; hydraulic control included the deviation of a minor water course in order to provide a ditch surrounding the settlement, as well as the canalization of water toward the fields and the inhabited area. – The communities which occupied this region shared a remarkably similar, though not altogether identical, material culture, including the basic pottery, metal, antler, bone and wooden artifact shapes and types; the same applies to their technological knowledge relative to craftsmanship, agriculture and farming, settlement types and structures. A relatively marked difference in funerary ritual and ideology apparently existed between the northern area, where both cremation and inhumation were practised, and the southern one, where cremation seems to have been exclusive (Bernabò Brea, Cardarelli & Cremaschi 1997, 677 ff.). However, the overall archaeological record shows a high degree of systematic intercommunal communication, which apparently produced a strong cultural proximity, though not a complete identity. – The existence of a certain degree of supra-local territorial organization is indicated by a number of different factors. Especially in the advanced-later phase, a two-tiered settlement system was widely established. On a wider territorial scale, there is some indication that the whole region participated in a supra-communal economic organization, which in turn would be based on a loosely integrated political relationship. An integrated system of acquisition of

beaches and low hills; thus it constitutes an uninterrupted natural route along the whole eastern side of Italy, merging at its northern end with the Po delta, the Friuli plain and the north-Balkan area. As we shall see, all these features played an important role in the processes which will be shortly described. The documentary base of the present paper consists of systematic, and where possible recent, research studies of both individual sites and homogeneous regional territories, integrated by survey and literary data (Fig. 2). The core regions, i.e., the main areas of development identified for each phase, include the Po plain, the territory of Etruria, and the two major Mediterranean islands, Sicily and Sardinia (Bietti Sestieri 2003). It is worth reminding that, unlike the Italian mainland regions, the two islands were autonomous cultural and political systems, sharply separated from the mainland; this applies to Sardinia throughout the time-span considered, and is also evident as regards Sicily and the Aeolian islands, in spite of their consistent connection to the Tyrrhenian coast of southern Calabria. A specific feature of the two major islands is their openness to systematic long distance contacts. Throughout the Bronze Age, the development of the Sicilian communities was marked by the consistent integration of groups of basically Aegean origin, a process which produced a clearly identifiable imprint, both cultural and organizational. In Sardinia a relatively later though essentially similar development apparently indicates a strong connection to the Cypriotnear eastern area. It is possible that the isolation of Sardinia during the earliest and central phases of contacts from the east, in contrast with Sicily’s intense frequentation, was due to the fact that this island is considerably distant (c. 200 km) and not visible from both the Italian and the African mainland coasts. PHASE 1. FROM THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE TO AN ADVANCED MOMENT OF THE RECENT BRONZE AGE (Fig. 3) Throughout this period, two regions, the central Po plain and Sicily, constituted the cores of socio-political complexity and territorial organization as well as being the areas of origin, or the crucial junctions of the most important routes for systematic long-distance connections within the Italian territory and beyond. 1. The first core area: the Palafitte-Terramare The wide region including the central Po plain north and south of the river, and the adjacent southern fringes of the Alps as well as the northern fringes of the Apennines, is the seat of the emergence and development of the Palafitte-Terramare complex. Some important features characterize the development of this area throughout the period considered (Bernabò Brea, Cardarelli & Cremaschi 1997).

12

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES

Fig. 3. Phase 1, MBA-RBA (by Fabio Parenti, Roma). problems indicates that the sources of raw materials which supplied the Palafitte-Terramare metal industry included the ore-rich districts of the Trentino-eastern Alps (Marzatico 1997) and the Apennine area (Garagnani, Imbeni & Martini 1997, 564). Quite probably, the acquisition of metals was among the main scopes of the connection of the PalafitteTerramare to the future area of Etruria, especially Tuscany and northern Lazio, and to the northern Balkans. – The Palafitte-Terramare region was also involved in a long-distance international exchange system

raw materials, especially metals, manufacture and circulation of the artifacts over the whole PalafitteTerramare area apparently was in operation. The main elements which support this hypothesis are the almost total lack of local mining resources, except for some minor ores in the Apennines, in striking contrast with the flourishing and specifically local metal industry, and the evidence of some sites, as, for instance, Cisano and Peschiera (Fig. 2:1, 2), both on the eastern side of lake Garda, apparently major centres of production and circulation of metal objects over the whole regional territory. Recent research on these

13

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI structural and widely pervasive component of the local culture.

connecting the Po plain to eastern Europe and the regions north of the Alps; other important routes heading south involved the Italian peninsula, which could be reached through the Apennine passes and along the Adriatic coast. The intensive circulation over the whole territory of the peninsula of metal and metal artifacts originating from the PalafitteTerramare is a clear indication of the relevance and impact of this exchange system. Metal artifacts belonging to well known north-Italian types, such as, mainly, violin bow fibulae and Peschiera daggers, reached the Aegean both from the areas of direct ‘Mycenaean’ contact, i.e., Sicily and southern Italy, and through the land-route connecting the Po plain to eastern Europe (Carancini & Peroni 1999, pl. 28/4, 35; 28, 29, 33, 37, 38, 41). Moreover, recent finds at Moscosi di Cingoli and Tolentino (Fig. 2:18 and 29), in the Marche (De Marinis et al. 2003), indicate a long term connection of the palafitte-terramare group to the central-Adriatic area; like the rest of Italy’s eastern coast, the Marche were involved in maritime contacts with the Adriatic coast of the Balkan peninsula, as well as being touched by the Aegean (and possibly near-eastern) sailings along the Adriatic sea, which, as is well known, was the main maritime route connecting central Europe to the eastern Mediterranean. A number of glass and faience beads of Aegean or near-eastern origin has been found in Terramare contexts, and pottery of LHIIIB-IIIC style has been found at several LBA sites of the northern Po plain, and at the site of Tolentino, in the Marche. – This complex and far-reaching organization of exchange was based on a specific weight system (Cardarelli et al. 2001). – Also a partly different kind of systematic relationships linked the central Po plain to the adjacent regions of central Italy: Tuscany, Umbria and Marche. The main evidence of this contact, which probably involved individual communities from all the regions concerned, is a certain degree of similarity in material culture, especially the interregional circulation of pottery types and typological features (Zanini 1997). Apparently, the contact was carried out by means of short distance displacements of small groups among nearby communities; this is a widely adopted system of intercommunal relationships, based on such mechanisms as classificatory kinship, which allows the integration of foreigners within the local kinship groups (Sahlins 1968, 11).

The earliest systematic Aegean contacts (final Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I-IIIA1, c. 17th-15th cent. BC), marked by the occurrence of imported pottery of the different Aegean classes, from matt-painted to early Mycenaean, appear at several sites in the central Mediterranean (Re 1999); the evidence of this contact is quite consistent both in Sicily and in the Aeolian islands, in Castelluccio and Capo Graziano contexts dating from the final phases of the local Early Bronze Age (Fig. 2:7, 11). A distinctive feature of the Sicilian Castelluccio culture is the matt-painted, black on red pottery, often compared to the Middle Helladic and Late Helladic mattpainted ware; in contrast, the pottery of the contemporary Capo Graziano aspect of the Aeolian islands is a grey to brown impasto, akin to that found on the Italian mainland coast. Although the archaeological record is extremely patchy, and the best systematic studies available are still those relative to the Capo Graziano settlements in the Aeolian islands (Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1968; 1980), some significant indications of socio-political complexity can be identified both in Sicily and in the archipelago throughout the Early Bronze Age. – A high demographic density is indicated by the consistent number of Castelluccio settlements (Leighton 1999, fig. 53), usually small villages occupied by communities below one hundred people (e.g., the village of Manfria (Gela), on the southern coast of Sicily (Fig. 2:8; Orlandini 1962). Overall, the largest communities probably did not exceed a few hundred. – On a medium-sized territorial scale, the intensive occupation, combined with some local evidence of specialized industries, such as flint mining, are believed to indicate the integration of groups of communities, all depending on different activities performed locally (Tusa 1992, 348 ff.). – Some major centers, characterized by the evidence of industrial and cult activities, have been recently identified at Monte Grande (Fig. 2.9) and Castelluccio (Castellana 1998; Voza 1999, 17 f.). The former site apparently was among the main goals of the earliest Aegean sailings in the central Mediterranean. – Stone walls fortified with semicircular towers set at regular intervals are a specific feature of some Castelluccio settlements, e.g. Thapsos (Fig. 2:10), earliest phase (Voza 1999, 23 ff., fig. 23; cfr. Leighton 1999, fig. 54A). – Rock-cut chamber tombs, some with complex architectural façades or sculptured door slabs, hint at the special rank or social role of their occupants (Leighton 1999, figs 56B, 57, 59A, 60). – Besides the matt-painted Castelluccio pottery, early Aegean imported pottery has been found at Monte

2. The second core area: Sicily and the Aeolian islands Sicily, with the Aeolian archipelago functioning as an advanced outpost in the southern Tyrrhenian area, is the other core region which was active throughout the Middle and Recent Bronze Age (Tusa 1992; 1997; Leighton 1999). As already remarked, the Sicilian Bronze Age was characterized by the steady integration of groups of people and cultural traits of Aegean origin, apparently a

14

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES evidence of an Aegean origin or inspiration of several crucial aspects of the local material culture and lifestyle (Bietti Sestieri 1988, 40 ff.). These include Thapsos impasto pottery imitating Mycenaean models (D’Agata 2000), a number of square or rectangular dwelling structures with central courtyard, the general structure of the two main types of collective tombs which were adopted in this period, i.e., the plain rectangular chamber with corridor and the tholos type circular one (Leighton 1999: figs 75, 85B, H); moreover, personal ornaments include imported faience beads and the weapons are closer to Aegean types than to the contemporary north-Italian and European ones. In the Aeolian islands imported Mycenaean pottery is quite frequent in the settlements and graphic marks are widely found on local ThapsosMilazzese pottery; also, a proper tholos building has been identified at Lipari (Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1990). – Both in Sicily and in the islands, a significant, though consistently minor proportion of exotic vessels and other goods was of Cypriot-levantine rather than Aegean origin (Vagnetti & Lo Schiavo 1989). – Some, at least, of the coastal sites apparently played the role of international trade centers, in contact with the Aegean and the Near East: imported Mycenaean and Cypriot pottery, fragments of oxhide ingots and other exotica have been found mainly at Thapsos (Voza 1973; Voza 1999, 23 ff.; Harding 1984: 255 ff.) and more recently also at Siracusa (Voza 1984-85: 671 ff.) and Cannatello (Fig. 2:14), on the southern coast of Sicily (De Miro 1999).

Grande; other possibly Aegean imports, such as bronze daggers, a cup and fragments of scale-balances come from Castelluccio cemeteries and sites (Leighton 1999, fig. 70/4, 6, 11, 14) In the Aeolian islands, the Capo Graziano villages consisting of circular or oval huts apparently were comparatively fewer and more intensively settled than their Sicilian counterparts. They were involved in the intensive web of maritime contacts and trade which had been active in the southern Tyrrhenian area since the Neolithic, and initially centered on the circulation of Lipari obsidian (Fig. 2:12). The interest of the early Aegean sailors in the Aeolian islands is indicated by the consistent presence of imported matt-painted and early Mycenaean painted pottery both at Lipari and Filicudi (Leighton 1999, fig. 72; Marazzi 1997a), and by the earliest occurrence of incised graphic marks, probably an Aegean-inspired feature indicating manufacture or ownership, on a number of local pottery vessels; this feature is also documented, more intensively, in the subsequent phase (Bietti Sestieri 1988, fig. 28; Marazzi 1997b). These elements all point to a special attention of the early Aegean sailors towards Sicily and the Aeolian islands, probably due to their strategic position in relation to exchange activities in the central Mediterranean. In the subsequent phase (the local Middle Bronze Age, c. 15th-13th century BC) the fast development of a process of full integration of Aegean groups and cultural features within the Sicilian and Aeolian communities produced an overall increase in political coesion and socio-economic complexity; the political and territorial setting which resulted from this process has no parallels in mainland Italy.

Throughout this period, Sicily and its northern outpost, the Aeolian archipelago, indisputably constituted the most important political and territorial point of reference for the Aegean presence in the central Mediterranean. It is rather likely that the Mycenaeanized centers in the islands played the main organizational role in the circulation of raw materials and general trade in the central Mediterranean. The occurrence of ThapsosMilazzese sites in southern Calabria is the main evidence of this role as far as the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy is concerned; however, this probably applies also to the sites on the Ionian coast immediately adjacent to the eastern coast of Sicily, as for instance Scoglio del Tonno, near Taranto (Fig. 2:5) (Müller Karpe 1959, pl. 13; Gorgoglione 2002), which show the main concentration of Aegean residents within the Italian mainland communities.

The following features characterize the new picture: – In contrast to the Early Bronze Age, the same archaeological aspect, called after the sites of Thapsos, on the eastern coast of Sicily, and Milazzese (Fig. 2:13), in the island of Panarea (Leighton 1999: 147 ff.), is now found on the whole area of Sicily and the Aeolian archipelago; in Sicily, this phase was characterized by a process of settlement aggregation, which is clearly indicated by the decreasing number of centers as compared to the previous phase, and by a possible growth in the number of members of the individual communities as implied by the collective chamber tombs with a high number of skeletons; other significant features were the establishment of several important coastal sites, and an expansion of Thapsos-Milazzese groups on the Calabrian coast facing the Aeolian islands (Pacciarelli in press). – The greater intensity of the Aegeo-Mycenaean presence is marked by the occurrence of imported Mycenaean pottery, that in Sicily is especially frequent in funerary outfits, and, mainly, by the

The two core regions, Palafitte-Terramare in northern Italy and Sicily-Aeolian islands in the south, were linked by trade relationships, in some cases probably implying direct contacts, which involved the whole Italian territory. It is interesting to remark that the relationship to the Italian mainland of each of the two core-regions is quite different: apart from long-distance trade, the PalafitteTerramare core was systematically linked to all the adjacent regions of north-central Italy: Tuscany, Umbria, 15

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Phase 2, Crisis (by Fabio Parenti, Roma). THE CONTEMPORARY DEVELOPMENT IN THE REST OF ITALY

Marche, and Romagna. As far as the Sicily-Aeolian core is concerned, the expansion of the Thapsos-Milazzese culture over the closest mainland area, the southern Calabrian coast, is an indication of hostile relationships with the local communities. This is also indicated by the fact that there is no evidence of systematic relationships, including Aegean imports, on the adjacent trait of the Tyrrhenian coast of Calabria, Basilicata and southern Campania.

In the Middle and Recent Bronze Age a number of relatively complex polities can be identified in the rest of mainland Italy, especially in the south, e.g., Coppa Nevigata (Coppa Nevigata 1987), Roca Vecchia (Pagliara 2002; Guglielmino 2002) in eastern Apulia (Figs 2. 3, 4), and several sites intensely visited by Aegean sailors (Vagnetti 1982), such as Scoglio del Tonno; however, the coexistence of a high number of autonomous entities of limited territorial extension resulted in an overall political

16

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES strictly dependent on the ability to control the specific environmental conditions of the Po plain.

fragmentation which, in turn, was a powerful obstacle to the establishment of a strong supra-local system of production and trade. As is indicated by the markedly northern character of the near totality of the metal industry of this period in peninsular Italy, the circulation of technology, metal types and probably raw material over the whole area depended mainly on the PalafitteTerramare system. The Aegean groups within the local communities especially along the Ionian coast participated in the fragmentation of the indigenous exchange system.

South of the river, in the Terramare area, the effect of the crisis was an overall depopulation; in the northern area there was a marked decrease in the total number of settlements and a clearly identifiable trend towards the occupation of key sites along the main natural routes of communication, essentially river courses (Bagolan & Leonardi 2000). These sites, and especially the newly established ones, are characterized by the continuity and further enhancement of the technical and technological know-how of the previous period. Some of them, first of all Frattesina, in southern Veneto (Fig. 2:15), were active centers of acquisition of raw materials, production and trade, including long distance directional exchange. However, the most significant effect of the crisis was the disruption of the overall territorial system of the PalafitteTerramare complex, as well as of its role as the organizing force of productive and exchange activities involving the whole region.

As regards the Tyrrhenian coast, the phase of the earliest Aegean contacts was marked by the emergence of Vivara, a small island in the Phlegraean archipelago (Fig. 2:6), which apparently played a role similar to that of Lipari and Filicudi (Vivara 1991; 1994); however, in contrast with the Aeolian islands and Sicily, there is virtually no evidence of Aegean contact in the subsequent phase. The Middle Bronze Age of Sardinia (Lo Schiavo 1997) is marked by the earliest establishment and consolidation of the Nuragic culture, apparently a system of autonomous polities with a strong territorial setting and cultural identity. In contrast with the evidence of intense contacts throughout the local Neolithic and Copper Age, this process took place during a phase of relative isolation from mainland Italy as well as from the Aegean and east Mediterranean. The earliest renewed involvement of the island in long distance sailings in the Mediterranean took place towards the end of the period considered, as is documented by the LHIIIA2-B1 angular alabastron from Nuraghe Arrubiu, Orroli, Nuoro (Fig. 2:20), c. 1300 BC (Lo Schiavo & Vagnetti 1993).

The total depopulation of the southern Po plain produced the displacement of individuals and small groups and, as a consequence, the dissemination of technical knowledge in the adjacent central regions, namely Tuscany, Umbria and Marche, the same which in the previous phase were consistently in contact with the Terramare region (Bietti Sestieri 2001, 143). 2. The end of the central role of Sicily as the main base of systematic sailings from the Aegean (and the eastern Mediterranean) In this area, the crisis was the result of the so-called Ausonian invasion of the Aeolian islands, which probably also invested Sicily’s north-eastern corner. The event, which has been clearly identified from the archaeological evidence (Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, 750 ff.), was an organized movement, quite probably originating from the Tyrrhenian coast of southern Calabria; its hostile nature is indicated by the fact that it produced the total destruction of all the Milazzese settlements of the Aeolian archipelago, as well as of those established on the Calabrian coast directly facing the islands. The condition for an act of war of this kind and effectiveness to be performed was the political aggregation of the indigenous communities of the southern Calabrian coast, in order to achieve an important common goal. The most plausible explanation for this exceptional achievement is that the aggregation and movement took place as a response to the long lasting hostile relationships of the Myceneanized communities of the Aeolian islands and Sicily towards the indigenous groups of the adjacent mainland coast.

PHASE 2. THE CRISIS (RECENT BRONZE AGE, LATE - FINAL BRONZE AGE, EARLY, END OF THE 13TH - BEGINNING OF THE 12TH CENTURY BC) (Fig. 4) Around the end of the 13th century BC, the two core regions of the previous phase both underwent a radical crisis. Within a relatively short time span, roughly coinciding with the Final Bronze Age (c. 12th-early 10th century), an equally radical change in the overall system of political gravitation and in the organization of long distance trade emerged, and was firmly established by the beginning of the Early Iron Age. The crisis originated from two, apparently entirely autonomous events or short-time processes. 1. The collapse of the Palafitte-Terramare system According to the current views (Bernabò Brea et al., in press), this was the final result of the process of demographic growth which can be identified from the archaeological record in this area throughout the Recent Bronze Age. Apparently, the political and organizational structures of the local communities were not able to cope effectively with the resulting intensified stress over the settlement system – which, as already remarked, was

As far as the general history of this area is concerned, the relevance of this event is clearly stressed by the fact that it is repeatedly mentioned by ancient authors such as Thucydides (VI.2), Dionysius of Halikarnassos (I.22) and 17

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI relatively similar, the archaeological aspect of southern Etruria is somewhat different from the former. This basic similarity in material culture, which characterizes the whole area as compared to the other central and southern regions of mainland Italy, is a clear indication of systematic contact and of intense cultural relationships among all the communities concerned. – Along with this general level of integration over the whole territory, another important development was the emergence of major centers based on centralized political decision. This is particularly evident at Frattesina, in southern Veneto (Polesine 1984), where in the context of the main cemetery, only two burials, 168 and 227 (Salzani 1989, figs 12, 16-17), over a total of 600, were furnished with a sword; in one of these, in particular, tomb 227, the weapon was combined with a set of equally exceptional grave goods, indicating the deceased’s unique sociopolitical role. – Some centers, such as Frattesina, Moscosi di Cingoli, in the Marche (Pignocchi 1999) and Scarceta, in Tuscany (Poggiani Keller 1999) (Fig. 2:15, 18, 19) were production and trade centers, active both locally and in interregional trade. As regards the organization of long distance directional trade, Tuscany was connected to trans-alpine and eastern Europe by a route which crossed the peninsula via Umbria, and reached the Adriatic coast and the central and eastern Po plain, and from this area, trans-alpine Europe and the Balkans; southern Etruria was systematically linked to the Tyrrhenian coast of the peninsula, from Lazio to Campania and Calabria, and finally to Sicily. At least in the earliest part of phase 3, both these main routes of long-distance communication and trade were still connected to the Aegean.

Diodorus Siculus (V.6); in fact, it marked the decline of the Aegean presence in the central Mediterranean, which throughout the previous phase had been strategically supported by the wide territorial base constituted by Sicily and the Aeolian islands (Bietti Sestieri 1998). PHASE 3. THE FINAL BRONZE AGE (Fig. 5) Of the two core areas which emerged during this phase, the first was the wide territory between the northern Po plain and Tuscany, Umbria and Marche, i.e., the regions of central Italy which in phase 1 had been involved in direct contacts with the Terramare, while during phase 2 they were invested by movements of groups from the same region. The second core was Sardinia, which from the 14th-13th century BC transition had first been involved in the international trade network. For both, this phase coincided with a process of political, territorial and economic definition and consolidation, which would only be completed by the subsequent phase, in the Early Iron Age. As we shall see, the impact of the first core area over the whole Italian territory was both strong and pervasive, while the interaction of Sardinia was rather limited, especially as regards mainland Italy, and involved essentially the Aeolian islands and Sicily. 1. The northern and central core area From the end of the Recent Bronze Age, and throughout phase 3, the most relevant process which can be identified archaeologically in mainland Italy is the emergence of a wide and relatively homogeneous macroregion, comprising the central and eastern Po plain north of the Po, Romagna with the area of Bologna, Tuscany, Umbria and Marche; the territory of present-day Tuscany was also linked to southern Etruria (the province of Viterbo), although the latter differed from Tuscany as regards both some general features of its material culture and the main direction of long distance trade.

In Sicily, the continuity of the ‘Ausonian’ advance, i.e., the evidence of a steady eastward expansion of cultural traits of mainland type, presumably brought in by groups originating from the Italian coast opposite (Albanese Procelli 2003, 28ff.), produced a definite trend of cultural and economic gravitation of the major island and of the Aeolian archipelago towards Calabria. Some direct links with the Aegean are still identifiable only in the earliest part of this phase.

This wide area, extending over the greatest part of northern and central Italy, and concentrating the most important factors of development: socio-political complexity, territorial organization, production, and long distance trade, was the direct successor to the PalafitteTerramare system (Bietti Sestieri 1997). The following pieces of archaeological constitute the indicators of this process.

2. The second core area: Sardinia

evidence

During the Italian Final Bronze Age, the island became one of the strategically selected areas which were touched by the systematic sailings connecting the whole Mediterranean, from the east (including the Aegean) to the centre and west (Lo Schiavo 1997). Although a limited amount of material of Aegean origin or type appeared in the island throughout phase 3, the most significant evidence is represented by the consistent Cypro-Levantine imprint in the development of the local metal industry, which can be identified from the specific types of metallurgical tool-kits, the general technological

– The archaeological culture of the whole area is remarkably homogeneous, although with local specification: these are the so-called Protovillanoviano Padano of the central and eastern Po plain, which is very close to the archaeological aspect of Romagna, and to the Chiusi-Cetona aspect (Fig. 2:16, 17), including Tuscany, Umbria and Marche (Zanini 1996). As already remarked, although 18

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES

Fig. 5. Phase 3, FBA (by Fabio Parenti, Roma). level and know-how, and the overall typology of the artifacts, especially figurines, vessels and tripods, all cast with the lost-wax technique. Last but not least, the whole area of the island, including the interior, is concerned by the distribution of oxhide ingots; apart from the still unsolved problem of their provenance (from Cyprus, according to the results of the Lead Isotope Analysis), there is no doubt that in this period they represent a typical Levanto-Cypriot method for copper storage and long-distance transport (Lo Schiavo 2003, 604 ff.).

to the specific characteristics and potential of major islands (Bietti Sestieri 2003, 576 ff.). Cultural homogeneity throughout the wide territory of the island, combined to its relatively complex political organization, apparently comprising a number of autonomous polities, probably small chiefdoms, offered a particularly suitable context for the ready integration of the sailors arriving in growing number from the east. The evidence of integration of eastern groups within the local communities, and of direct participation of the indigenous Sardinian communities in the organization of longdistance trade, includes, among other data, the occurrence

Once again, this role of Sardinia appears to be connected

19

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI features constitute the main archaeological indicators of the level of complexity of Villanovan Etruria (Bietti Sestieri 1997, 2001).

of Sardinian pottery in a Late Minoan IIIB context at Kommos (Watrous 1992, 82 ff., figs 9, 11; 175, figs 7376), the important international harbour on the southern coast of Crete which was intensely visited by the Phoenicians, and the evidence of direct contact with Sicily and the Aeolian islands, the central Tyrrhenian coast of Italy and Iberia.

– Although this phenomenon was slightly earlier and apparently more conspicuous in southern Etruria and at Bologna, over the whole territory of Etruria the beginning of the Early Iron Age was marked by the concentration of population on the sites of the future Etruscan cities. The occupation of these sites, most of which are wide plateaux, often extending over more than 100 ha, and surrounded by several cemeteries, is a clear indication of the beginning of a process of urban formation. Moreover, its contemporary occurrence over the whole area of Etruria proper and of Etruria Padana hints at a combined effort of political and territorial reorganization on a scale unprecedented so far. – The difference in material culture and funerary ritual, as well as the relatively wide territories which can be attributed to each of these protourban centers, indicate that they emerged as autonomous peer polities, which, however, were mutually connected by clearly identifiable cultural ties. They can be possibly described as chiefdoms in a specific form, apparently the immediate precedent of city-states. It is quite likely that altogether they constituted a federation, connected by loose political ties; quite probably, the main factor of unity was a shared system of production and of both intraregional and international trade. – Centralized political decision as the ruling system of these polities is indicated by the occurrence in the cemeteries of southern Etruria of a few male burials, apparently no more than one for each generation, with exclusive markers of social rank and political power, which became progressively more complex during the Early Iron Age; the most important feature was a set of weapons, which towards the end of the period was a complete panoply comprising a sword, one or two spear-heads, and bronze breast-plate, helmet and shield (De Santis in press). – A powerful system of production and trade, probably based on the systematic exploitation of the local metal ores, was already active over the whole territory of Etruria at the Final Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition, and continued throughout the Early Iron Age; apparently the most important center of production of metal artifacts was Bologna. – In close chronological coincidence with the emergence of the Villanovan centers in Etruria, a few Villanovan centers, so-called peripheral, were established in the Marche (Fermo, Fig. 2:21) and in Campania (Capua, Pontecagnano, Sala Consilina: Fig. 2:24, 25, 26). In contrast to those of both Etruria proper and the southern Po plain, the Villanovan sites of Marche and Campania were essentially alien to their territorial and cultural contexts. However, it is worth remarking that this early Villanovan expansion took place along the two main routes of long-distance

THE DEVELOPMENT IN THE REST OF ITALY DURING PHASES 2 AND 3 Throughout this period, and especially in its final phase, the areas of Italy which were outside the first (northerncentral) core region, i.e., the north-western part of the Po plain and central and southern Italy from Lazio and Abruzzo to the extreme south, all underwent local processes of cultural and ethnic definition over relatively wide territories, usually comparable to those of the present-day regions. However, there was a generally low level of aggregation and a substantial inability to develop autonomous polities on a regional scale. This is quite evident in southern Italy, including eastern Sicily, now systematically connected to the mainland; in this island, in particular, the general level of socio-political complexity apparently was lower than that seen during the apex of the Aegean presence, coinciding with phase 1 (Leighton 1996). As regards central Italy, the most notable development towards the emergence of a loosely integrated regional system apparently took place in ancient Lazio (Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2003). Throughout these phases, and especially after the crisis in the Aeolian islands and in Sicily, the Aegean presence in Italy went through a progressive decline, characterized by the evidence of fragmentation and isolation, until the final disappearance around the mid-11th century BC (Benzi & Graziadio 1996; Vagnetti 2000) PHASE 4. THE EARLY IRON AGE (Fig. 6) The two core regions in this phase are 1) the whole area of Etruria, including both Etruria proper (Tuscany, northern Lazio, part of Umbria) and the so-called Etruria Padana (the territory of Emilia Romagna from Bologna to the Adriatic coast); and 2) Sardinia. As already stated, the emergence of these regions simply represents the direct development of the situation seen in phase 3. 1. The northern and central core area: Etruria The socio-political articulation of Etruria, clearly the most advanced region in comparison to the rest of mainland Italy, can be easily appreciated from the archaeological evidence relative to the earliest phase of the Early Iron Age; during this period, the archaeological aspect known as Villanovan is typical of this region, although with local specifications. It has to be noted that the main evidence available is still constituted by cemeteries, of which the best known and studied are those of southern Etruria and Bologna. The following 20

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES

Fig. 6. Phase 4, EIA (by Fabio Parenti, Roma). European regions across the Alps, Bologna played the most relevant role, while Verucchio and Fermo were mainly active along and across the Adriatic.

communication and trade that had been active in mainland Italy during phase 3 (Final Bronze Age, Fig. 5): the northward route, along the Adriatic coast and the eastern Po plain, was marked by the establishment of Fermo, Bologna and Verucchio (Fig. 2:21, 22, 23), the southward one, along the Tyrrhenian coast, by that of Capua, Pontecagnano and Sala Consilina (Fig. 2:24, 24, 26). – The result of this process was the extension and consolidation of the role of Etruria as the main area of both production and trade over the greater part of the Italian mainland and beyond; especially as regards the

2. Sardinia The situation of the island during the Early Iron Age was the direct development of the previous phase. The continuity of the nuragic culture also includes the growing importance of its participation in the international maritime contacts in the Mediterranean; apparently, the island was the main base for the

21

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI CONCLUSION

Phoenician sailings in the central and western Mediterranean, reaching as far as the Atlantic coast of Iberia (Lo Schiavo 1997; 2003, 605 ff.; Bietti Sestieri 2003, 578 ff.). The mechanism by which Sardinia was directly involved in these movements was the one already adopted throughout the 2nd millennium, i.e., the integration of the island communities in long distance sailings and international movements, as is indicated by the distribution of Sardinian pottery, especially a wellknown type of jug with oblique mouth, which is found in Crete, Carthage, Sicily, Lipari and the Villanovan centers along the Tyrrhenian coast of Etruria. During the precolonial phase, the coasts of Sardinia were intensely frequented by Phoenician and probably Greek sailors, as is shown, for example, by the evidence from S.Imbenia (Ridgway 2002). Both the Phoenician frequentation of Sardinia and the beginning of the Phoenician colonization on the western coast of the island appear as the direct sequence to the Cypro-Levantine connection of the previous centuries.

Although this paper is essentially a personal reading of the archaeological evidence relative to Italy in the 2nd and early 1st millennium BC, I believe that the overall sequence, and especially the shift in the core areas throughout the period considered, is rather reliable. There is no doubt that several major details of this picture will be modified by future research; however, the present evidence is sufficiently clear to support the general sketch that has been proposed in this paper of the processes relative to a) the role of Sicily and Sardinia in the extension of international trade to the central and western Mediterranean, and b) the emergence of Etruria, after the crisis of the Palafitte-Terramare system, as a paramount political and economic power in the protohistory and early history of both the Mediterranean and Europe. I am hopeful that, however convincing this tentative reconstruction may be considered, it has at least succeeded in making it clear that, far from being inherently different and separate, the processes which took place during the period officially labelled as history are structurally similar to, and demonstrably rooted into those of protohistory. Without denying the paramount importance of written sources, I think that one can rely with at least an even level of confidence on the value of systematic archaeological analysis to historical reconstruction, especially as regards the identification of middle and long term processes, which are unlikely to have been the main focus of the ancient historians’ interest.

However, while the role of the island in international movements was undoubtedly quite relevant, its impact on the Italian peninsula was relatively limited. In fact, the available evidence points to privileged contacts in both directions between the island and Villanovan Etruria (Camporeale 2002). The most important evidence, including both pottery and bronzes, concentrates in the Villanovan centers on the Tyrrhenian coast of Tuscany, although several finds also come from southern Etruria and Pontecagnano (Giardino 1995, 54 ff., fig. 26). In contrast, there is little or no evidence of contact with the rest of mainland Italy.

The main difficulty of archaeological research consists of the inherently long duration of each individual project, and of the basically local character of its immediate results; however, the potential of systematic archaeological analysis, which has not yet been thoroughly exploited, is likely to make the effort worthwhile.

THE DEVELOPMENT IN THE REST OF ITALY DURING PHASE 4 From the beginning of this phase, other cultural and political regional entities, all consistently less important than Etruria as regards their territorial extension as well as their level of socio-political complexity, emerged in mainland Italy (Bietti Sestieri 1996, 269 ff., 293 ff., 323 ff.). The best known and studied of these processes took place in the central and southern regions: Lazio, which was systematically linked to Campania and Calabria, Abruzzo, strongly connected to southern Umbria and Sabina, Puglia and Basilicata. In the eastern part of northern Italy, the Este culture (Fig. 2:27) developed in Veneto, while Friuli-Venezia Giulia was connected to the adjacent region of Slovenia and to the northern Balkans (Capuis 1993); in the north-west, the main cultural entity was the Golasecca culture (Fig. 2:28), extending from Lombardy and Piedmont towards south-eastern France and Switzerland (De Marinis 1988).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Albanese Procelli, R.M., 2003. Sicani, siculi, elimi (= Biblioteca di Archeologia, vol. 33). Milano. Bagolan, M. & G. Leonardi, 2000. Il Bronzo Finale nel Veneto, in: M. Harari & M. Pearce (eds), Il Protovillanoviano al di qua e al di là dell’Appennino. Como, 15-46. Benzi, M. & G. Graziadio, 1996. The last Mycenaeans in Italy? Late LHIIIC pottery from Punta Meliso, Leuca. Studi Micenei ed egeo-anatolici 38, 95-138. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1968. Meligunis Lipara III. Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1980. Meligunis Lipara IV., Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1990. La tholos termale di San Calogero nell’isola di Lipari. Studi Micenei ed egeo-anatolici 28, 7 ss.

Lazio was the only region which developed an early process of formation of city-states, apparently triggered by its involvement in the systematic connection between southern Etruria and Campania in the pre-colonial and early colonial phase. 22

ANNA MARIA BIETTI SESTIERI: A RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL PROCESSES Bernabò Brea, M., A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi, 1997. Le terramare, la più antica civiltà padana. Milano. Bernabò Brea, M. et al., in press. Sistemi insediativi – Italia settentrionale, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’età del Bronzo Recente in Italia. Proceedings of the conference, Camaiore 2000. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1988. The ‘Mycenaean connection’ and its impact on the central Mediterranean societies. Dialoghi di Archeologia 6(1), 23-51. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1996. Protostoria. Teoria e pratica. Roma. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1997. Italy in Europe in the Early Iron Age. Proc. Prehist. Soc. 63, 371-402. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1998. Oral traditions, historical sources and archaeological data: reconstructing a process of ethnogenesis in the Italian Late Bronze Age, in: BAR Intern. Series 717, 280-283. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 2000. The role of archaeological and historical data in the reconstruction of Italian protohistory, in: Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean setting – Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara. London, 13-31. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 2001. Fra età del bronzo recente e inizi dell’età del ferro in Toscana – Linee generali dello sviluppo e collegamenti interregionali, in: Atti della XXXIV Riunione Scientifica IIPP. Firenze, 134166. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 2003. Un modello per l’interazione fra oriente e occidente mediterranei nel secondo millennio a.C.: il ruolo delle grandi isole, in: Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Lipari 2000. Firenze, 557586. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., A. De Santis 2003, Il processo formativo della cultura laziale, in: Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Lipari 2000. Firenze, 745-763. Binford, L., 1977. General Introduction, in: L. Binford (ed.), For theory building in archaeology. New York, 1-10. Camporeale, G., 2002. Un convegno di Studi Etruschi in Sardegna, in: Etruria e Sardegna centrosettentrionale fra età del bronzo finale e arcaismo, Atti del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici. Pisa/Roma, 13-17. Capuis, L., 1993. I Veneti. Società e cultura di un popolo dell’Italia preromana. Milano. Carancini, G. & R. Peroni, 1999. L’età del bronzo in Italia: per una cronologia della produzione metallurgica. Perugia. Carandini, A. 1997. La nascita di Roma. Torino. Cardarelli, A., M. Pacciarelli, P. Pallante & P. Bellintani, 2001. Pesi e bilance dell’età del bronzo italiana, in: C. Corti & N. Giordani (eds), Pondera, pesi e misure nell’antichità. Modena, 33-58. Castellana, G., 1998. Il santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e l’approvvigionamento dello zolfo nel Mediterraneo nell’età del bronzo. Palermo.

Coppa Nevigata 1987. Coppa Nevigata e il suo territorio. Testimonianze archeologiche dal VII al II millennio a.C. Roma. Cremaschi, M., 1997. Terramare e paesaggio padano, in: Bernabò Brea, Cardarelli & Cremaschi 1997, 107125. D’Agata, A.L., 2000. Interactions between Aegean groups and local communities in Sicily in the Bronze Age: the evidence from pottery. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-anatolici 42(1), 61-83. De Marinis, G., E. Percossi Serenelli & M. Silvestrini (eds), Moscosi di Cingoli e Cisterna di Tolentino: due siti dell’età del bronzo a confronto. Tolentino. De Marinis, R., 1988. La cultura di Golasecca: Insubri, Orobi e Leponzi, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Italia, omnium terrarum alumna. Milano, 159-247. De Miro, E.L., 1999. Un emporio miceneo sulla costa sud della Sicilia, in: V. La Rosa, D. Palermo & L. Vagnetti (eds), Epi ponton plazomenoi, Simposio italiano di studi egei, Roma 1998. Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, 439-449. De Santis, A., in press. Da capi guerrieri a principi: la strutturazione del potere politico nell’ Etruria protourbana, in: Dinamiche di sviluppio della città nell’Etruria meridionale, Atti del XXIII convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici (Roma 2001). Garagnani, G.L., V. Imbeni & C. Martini, 1997. Analisi chimiche e microstrutturali di manufatti in rame e bronzo dalle terramare, in: Bernabò Brea, Cardarelli & Cremaschi 1997, 554-566. Giardino, C., 1995. Il Mediterraneo Occidentale fra XIV ed VIII sec. a.C. (= BAR Intern. series, 612). Oxford. Gorgoglione, M., 2002. Lo Scoglio del Tonno, in: M. Gorgoglione (ed.), Strutture e modelli di abitati del Bronzo tardo da Torre Castelluccia a Roca Vecchia. Manduria (Taranto), 125-140. Guglielmino, R., 2002. Ceramiche egee ed egeizzanti da Roca Vecchia (Melendugno, Lecce), in: M. Gorgoglione (ed.), Strutture e modelli di abitati del Bronzo tardo da Torre Castelluccia a Roca Vecchia. Manduria (Taranto), 171-192. Harding, A., 1984. The Mycenaean and Europe. Bath. Leighton, R., 1996. From chiefdom to tribe? Social organisation and change in later prehistory, in: R. Leighton (ed.), Early societies in Sicily. London, 101116. Leighton, R., 1999. Sicily before history. London. Marazzi, M., 1997. Le “scritture eoliane”: i segni grafici sulle ceramiche, in: Tusa (ed.) 1997, 458-471. Lo Schiavo, F., 1997. Sardegna, in: Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica, Classica e Orientale. Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana fondata da G. Treccani. Roma, 141-157. Lo Schiavo, F., 2003. La Sardegna e il Mediterraneo orientale: spunti critici di discussione, in: Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Lipari 2000. Firenze, 586617.

23

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Vivara 1994. Vivara. Centro commerciale mediterraneo dell’età del bronzo. Vol. II, Le tracce dei contatti con il mondo egeo (scavi 1976-1982). Roma. Voza, G., 1973. Thapsos, in: Archeologia della Sicilia sud-orientale. Napoli, 30-52. Voza, G., 1984-85. Attività nel territorio della Soprintendenza alle Antichità di Siracusa nel quadriennio 1980-84. Kokalos 30-31, 657-677. Voza, G., 1999. Nel segno dell’antico. Palermo. Watrous, L.W., 1992. Kommos III – The late Bronze Age pottery. Princeton, N.J. Zanini, A., 1996. Rapporti fra Veneto e area mediotirrenica nel Bronzo Finale, in: Atti del Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici. Firenze. Zanini, A., 1997. Il bronzo recente, in: Bernabò Brea, Cardarelli & Cremaschi 1997, 450-453.

Lo Schiavo, F. & L. Vagnetti, 1993. Alabastron miceneo dal nuraghe Arrubiu di Orroli (Nuoro). Rendiconti dei Lincei (serie IX) 4(1), 121-148. Marazzi, M., 1997a. I contatti transmarini nella preistoria siciliana, in: Tusa (ed.) 1997, 364-374. Marazzi, M., 1997b. Le “scritture eoliane”: i segni grafici sulle ceramiche, in: Tusa (ed.) 1997, 458-471. Marzatico, F., 1997. L’industria metallurgica nel Trentino durante l’età del bronzo, in: Bernabò Brea, Cardarelli & Cremaschi 1997, 570-576. Müller Karpe, H., 1959. Beiträge zur Chronogie der Urnenfelderzeit nördlich und südlich der Alpen (= Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 29). Berlin. Orlandini, P., 1962. Il villaggio preistorico di Manfria. Palermo. Pacciarelli, M., in press. Atti del convegno L’età del bronzo recente in Italia. Camaiore 2000. Pagliara, C. 2002, Roca. Gli insediamenti dell’età del bronzo (medio e finale), in: M. Gorgoglione (ed.), Strutture e modelli di abitati del Bronzo tardo da Torre Castelluccia a Roca Vecchia. Manduria (Taranto), 155-170. Pignocchi, G., 1999. Abitato di Moscosi di Cingoli, in: Piceni popolo d’Europa. Roma, 185-189. Poggiani Keller, R., 1999. Scarceta di Manciano (Grosseto). Un centro abitativo e artigianle dell’età del Bronzo sulle rive del Fiora. Manciano. Polesine 1984. Preistoria e protostoria del Polesine. Padusa 20. Re, L., 1999. I più antichi contatti micenei nel Mediterraneo: un confronto fra Oriente e Occidente, in: V. La Rosa, D. Palermo & L. Vagnetti (eds), Epi ponton plazomenoi, Simposio italiano di studi egei, Roma 1998. Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, 405-413. Ridgway, D., 2002. Rapporti dell’Etruria con l’Egeo e il Levante: prolegomena sarda, in: Etruria e Sardegna centro-settentrionale fra età del bronzo finale e arcaismo, Atti del XXI Convegno dell’Istituto di Studi Etruschi e Italici. Pisa/Roma, 215-223. Salzani, L., 1989. Necropoli dell’età del bronzo finale alle Narde di Fratta Polesine. Prima nota. Padusa 25, 5-42. Sahlins, M., 1968. Tribesmen. Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Tusa, S., 1992. La Sicilia nella preistoria. Palermo. Tusa, S. (ed.), 1997. Prima Sicilia. Palermo. Vagnetti, L. (ed.), 1982. Magna Grecia e mondo miceneo. Nuovi Documenti. Istituto per la storia e l’archeologia della Magna Grecia, Taranto. Vagnetti, L., 2000. Western Mediterranean overview: peninsular Italy, Sicily and Sardinia at the time of the Sea Peoples, in: E. Oren (ed.), The Sea Peoples and their world: a reassessment. Philadelphia, 305-326. Vagnetti, L. & F. Lo Schiavo, 1989. Late Bronze Age long distance trade in the Mediterranean: the role of the Cypriots, in: E. Peltenberg (ed.), Early societies in Cyprus. Edinburgh, 217-243. Vivara 1991. Vivara. Centro commerciale mediterraneo dell’età del bronzo. Vol. I, Gli scavi dal 1976 al 1982. Roma. 24

RECONSTRUCTING THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIODS Annette Rathje

THE PERIOD IN QUESTION1

who are excavating with the Bible in the right hand and the shovel in the left. Archaeologists must have confidence in their own sources and they must expect the archaeological record to represent a reflection of past individual and collective actions. As for the written sources we must also bear in mind that ancient literature has only been preserved by selection and transcription and further by transcriptions of the transcribed. The Etruscans and the Italic peoples of pre-Roman Italy were objects to othering from a Graeco-Roman point of view and we lack any literary products of the non Latin peoples from before the Social war in the 1st century BC.

The Orientalizing Period is crucial for the understanding of the Etruscan culture, this period does not, however, imply immigration to Etruria as it was formerly believed, it has to be understood as a period which represents a cultural genesis. The Italian peninsula and the islands became deeply involved with the ‘search for the West’ of peoples from the Near East and the Greek areas. It is a period that has been a bone of content because it is not prehistory; sometimes nowadays it is defined as protohistory. Massimo Pallottino lyrically called it an area di penombra fra le luci della storia e la oscurità della preistoria, that is: the shadowy area between the bright light of history and darkness of prehistory.

The Orientalizing Period has formerly been reconstructed mostly from the evidence of the necropoleis by analysing tombs, their contents and burial rites. It has been symptomatic to explain the living by studying the dead, as the material found in tombs has been much more abundant, not to say spectacular, than from actual settlements. Social evolution has been reconstructed essentially from funerary evidence, and, indeed, from a selection of that evidence, as analyses made from an entire cemetery are extremely rare. A study of orientalizing necropoleis has been presented from Pontecagnano in which various funerary strategies (normative as well as segmentary) have been followed (Cuozzo 2003). It has already been observed that the elite uses the same kinds of ‘funerary language’, as the same kind of objects are found from Vetulonia, Fabbriano, Palestrina and Pontecagnano. Focusing on the elite, however, the ‘poorer’ graves have been neglected at times. We are still dealing with a backlog of old excavations that are being restudied (Canciani & Von Hase 1979; Minetti 1998)2 or which have never been published before as Veii (Bartoloni & Delpino 1979; Bartoloni 1997). Fortunately new material shows up from time to time. It is not my intention to diminish the significance of tomb studies in any way; these studies have promoted studies of gender (Amann 2000), age and status, as well as the use of funerary symbolism and selfrepresentation (Esposito 1999; von Eles 2002).

As for chronology I am well aware that new datings are pressing themselves on, but I’ll not be concerned here as the Orientalizing Period or late/advanced Iron Age is not so much involved as the periods before and chronology is not so important to my discourse. Still, I must admit that we are in a mess – we are simply not allowed to ignore the problem of diverse chronologies in central Europe and the Mediterranean area any longer (Gilboa & Sharon 2003; Delpino 2003; Kourou in press; Nijboer in press). Furthermore, the movements of the Phoenicians and Greeks in the Western Mediterranean do not have to be simultaneous, as they are mostly considered now. It is of uttermost importance to stress that, although this period has not left an abundance of traditionally historical sources, what has usually been done is to extrapolate information from much later literary sources without considering the context in which they were written. This method of reading corresponds to what is called ‘as the Devil reads the Bible’ in Danish. A well-known example is the story about Demaratus (Ridgway in press). He is referred to as a historical person and not as a literary construct. This situation only supports the general conclusion that the written sources maintain their hegemony in the disciplines of Classical Archaeology (whether Greek or Roman) and Classics.

Landscape archaeology has shown that the agricultural exploitation in Etruria and Latium Vetus changed. A marked difference has been shown for the 7th and the 6th century. In the 6th century more scattered settlements and farmhouses are observed, which are believed to have been promoted by the city (at least in southern Etruria and in the territory of Rome) (Cifani 2002). The existence of sub regions has been stressed, indeed landscape and spatial context show regional variability: individual cities

It is my point of view that we must rely on our own archaeological sources, we must never stop improving our methods as well as the theoretical debate, and we have to leave the literary sources aside, in order not to become comparable to those Near Eastern archaeologists 1 I was greatly pleased and deeply honoured by the invitation to give this key-note speech. I warmly thank the organizers of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology for their help and patience. As the main subjects of my own research have been connected to Etruria and Latium Vetus I have taken my cases from these areas, although I am fully aware of the fact that exiting new results from other areas deserve to be mentioned.

2 Indeed we are looking forward to the re-publication of one of the most important princely tombs ever found in Italy, the Tomba Regolini Galassi at the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, the Vatican.

25

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI illuminating conclusion “as things stand now, we are forced to conclude that the principes who so ostentatiously displayed their keimelia in monumental tombs apparently did not inhabit very special buildings” (Waarsenburg 2001). Likewise the finds in a hut at Acquarossa were rather astonishing: “this material points to an economic and social level that was not distinctly inferior to that of the early house builders of Zone G” (Rystedt 2001; cf. Rathje 2004, 63-64). What has to be done is to reconstruct spatial and civic organisation that includes subsidiary areas to the actual huts/houses with an intentional articulation of the interior space. It has now become a trend in the study of Roman housing to discover specific links between decorative typology and room-use, although it has not yet been rigorously and comprehensively explored, this must however be applied to the archaic period as well. It is rather difficult to understand if different rooms served different functions, or were used by different groups within the domestic unit. Houses, however, are not abstract entities; they vary as regards to landscape, terrain, climate, urban planning as well as the taste and means of the owner. We have to understand the material conditions for social praxis studying not only the built space but also the lived space The so-called palace of Murlo, Poggio Civitate near Siena has been classified as a regia (Torelli 2000a). But this complex, which is dated to the late 7th (Lower building) and early 6th century BC .

and their territories can be distinguished, as can different strategies of landscape control (Cifani 2003, 183-187; Patterson 2004). Landscape context, however, has to be combined with other data, surely it has to be integrated with material culture and other evidence of human actions (Torelli 2003, 19). ARCHAEOLOGY OF HOUSING Domestic sites is an upcoming discipline The Swedish excavations in Etruria at Luni sul Mignone, San Giovenale and AcquaRossa from the 1950’s were pioneering and represented a shift of paradigm and the development from nucleated villages to actual towns or cities has been followed. From these early excavations to the later undertaken in the 1980’s in Latium Vetus and elsewhere, it has been shown that there are definite changes in the formal dwellings of the inhabitants of central Italy. A development from huts to houses has been shown (Brandt & Karlsson 2001) but I completely agree with the Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica article on the casa protostorica: “non sembra comunque più opportuno contraporre sistematicamente il termine capanna a quello di casa, non solo per la riconosciuta gradualità delle forme intermedie ma l’inconsistenza delle differenziazioni techniche e concettuali” (EAA, suppl II, 12). The huts and houses interact with the landscape in the same way. It has been shown that both huts and houses cluster around an open space with access to water at for instance Veii, Cures and Satricum (Bartoloni 2001).

(Upper building) is later than the tombs of the principes just mentioned. I have argued that this structure represents an anachronism, and that we must stress the influence from the near and Middle Eastern court societies. This complex certainly offers itself to the study of power, whenever sacred or mundane (Rathje 2002).

A hearth should give evidence of actual living, but it is not always present and naturally, huts/ houses can be used for other purposes than dwellings for human beings. Houses can be seen as technical and social production and must be considered symbolic places (Rathje 2004). We have advanced greatly in the methods of excavating houses, which is indeed a rather complicated affair, especially if the situation of the settlement is multistratified. We still discuss the ideal publication of a settlement site and this is indeed one of the reasons why the publication of so many settlement sites is lagging behind. The study of constructions adds to our knowledge of economy, organisation and level of specialisation (Winter 2002). Houses of different size and interiors coexist, and only decoration or finds can help distinguishing social stratification. To be able to analyse the functions of certain spaces, one needs a meticulous recording of the finds. As this has not always, or shall I say rarely, been done in the past, we indeed have difficulty in reconstructing the qualitative hierarchy of space. How, for example, can we imagine the homes of the elite of Caere, the builders of the great tumuli tombs? We miss in fact the architecture that corresponds to the so-called tombe principesche. These princely tombs represent a cultural koiné-elite culture in Etruria, Latium Vetus and Campania from Vetulonia to Pontecagnano. It has recently been brilliantly suggested that the upper echelons lived in huts, as Waarsenburg stated in his

ARCHAEOLOGY OF ACCULTURATION Today it is quite obvious to understand a cultural meeting as dialectic between two or more partners, contrary to previous research that distinguished between active and passive/colonizer and colonized, so now a plea must be raised to focus on comparative studies of the various Greek, Etruscan, and Italic response to eastern culture. In discussing the dialectic of interconnection it is neither so important to ask who was first (the Phoenicians or the Greeks) or who did it? But most of all we must ask: why was it ever done? Or as Kuhn put it: which problem is it more significant to have solved. A transformation conditioned by acculturation can be approached from at least two angles: in the light of foreign elements absorbed by one group, and in terms of external forces which direct their adoption. It is, however, important to treat the various ‘ethnic’ groups on equal terms. Several scholars have written about the Near Eastern and Greek impact on the Etruscan culture (von Hase 1995; Colonna 2000; Bartoloni 2003; Botto 2002). When I started my interest in the Orientalizing period, I tried to identify objects that could reveal relationships between 26

ANNETTE RATHJE: RECONSTRUCTING THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIODS finds are from Verucchio, Chiusi, Casale Marittimo and Castel di Decima. These finds must be compared to the iconographic sources. The red mantles on the statuettes from Tomba delle 5 Sedie refer to the red mantles known from the Near East. It must be stressed then that the material of the dress, not the cutting reveals social status, whereas personal ornaments like needles refer to rank (Bonfante 2003).

Etruria and the Levant (Rathje 1976; 1979). It was not trendy at the time and I certainly did not form a school. Now I believe it is very important to start all over again without blinkers. Various syntheses present the foreign influence in Etruria by focussing on the single ‘Monumentgruppen’ and on some characteristic single finds. We are dealing with vessels made of precious materials as gold, silver, glass and ivory as well as bronze vessels and ceramics. Many of these items clearly belong to banqueting equipment and have been on display at the Seaborne Trade exhibition at Athens (Stampolides 2003). The Principes were surrounded by precious objects and their tombs show ostentation of wealth and accumulation. Etruscan donations in Greek sanctuaries have been discussed as being booty, gifts from Etruscans to Greeks or votives from Etruscans (Naso 2000), another possibility could be Greeks living in Etruria. Evidence from Etruscan inscriptions on Greek pottery in Greek sanctuaries is yet another aspect: did Etruscans take part in rituals at Greek sanctuaries in this age? We are at the beginning of our understanding of the interaction of the various groups.

Now ideological imports, imports of ideas, transmission of symbols etc. happen in many ways; one is exogamy, this has been pointed out at various sites around the Mediterranean from the evidence of the tombs (Coldstream 1993; Bartoloni 2003, 130-131, 152). In fact, gender studies have been very fruitful (Nielsen 1998); however commitment to gender as a category of analysis implies to me equal interest in both genders. THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF PAST BEHAVIOUR Praxis of consumption is an element of social and economic interaction; indeed, material goods (dresses and clothing, food, wines and perfumes) and their consumption are important elements of personal and communal identities. In the period treated in this paper we can observe an influence from court-societies transmitted directly or indirectly via relations between aristoi. Banquets represented a contribution to cultural identity and thus became part of the Mediterranean koinéculture. It was first practised by the elite, later elite behaviour was emulated. In Italy various studies have shown the concordance of actual banquet equipment and the representations of such equipment. An example is the Banquet frieze from Murlo, the cups represented here have been found as part of the equipment that belonged to the actual building (Berkin 2003).

However, what has been mentioned so far is only the top of the iceberg, other kind of materials moved around in the Mediterranean not to speak of ideas. ARCHAEOLOGY OF CRAFTSMANSHIP I must not omit to point out to you the important work by one of our hosts (Nijboer 1998). I have already mentioned the technology of house building which certainly did change when people started to live in multiroomed stone built houses (or at least with stone foundation), the walls being rather substantial and covered by a tiled roof. This kind of buildings needed a specialist organisation of the construction. Studying the techniques we find local diversities but also interregional similarities as for instance the same kind of roofing tiles, the same modules of measure.

In the 1980’s when discussing the banquet I pleaded for a model: the ruling elite of central Italy had adapted a Homeric way of life (Rathje 1990), now, when talking about a multicultural society that must be placed in a greater Mediterranean context, I do believe that we have to turn further east, and I am convinced that we have to study the Neo Assyrian multi-culture with greater attention than has been done until now. The Neo Assyrian period shows an integration of non Assyrians from throughout the empire into all levels of Assyrian Society and with this phenomenon follows an adoption of rites and customs; this fact could be one of the reasons for the amalgam of sources of inspiration that are detected in the West; indeed Liverani even calls the phenomenon an ‘Occidentalizzazione dell’Oriente’, because the items of desire that are exported to the western part of the Mediterranean are like the ones found in Assyria, too (Liverani 2000).

We suggest the presence of immigrants, when a specific style or decoration technique is suddenly established at a particular site (some good examples are gold working and ivory cutting). In some cases we are able to trace the presence of ‘foreigners’ (Bonghi Jovino 1991). Although the traces are not conspicuous, we still have to hunt them down. Not only small portable objects were involved as can be learned from, among others, close study of architecture and sculpture (Prayon 2001; Serra Ridgway 2002). Now to the significance of textiles and the language of dresses. Indeed very few actual textiles have been conserved, but never the less textile studies have developed into a new field of archaeology and although the material from Italy is sparse, because of the climatic conditions, numerous examples of cloth fragments have survived (actual cloth or pseudomorphs); thereby we get yet another very important set of data (Gleba 2003). New

When studying the material left in order to reconstruct life styles we must further the investigations of Etruscan use of symbolic representation (Menichetti 1994) and we must continue the cataloguing of de-contextualized 27

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI material, objects without context must be analysed with finds from new excavations. The ceramic record produces material that is full of allusions to work in metal and so we must try hard to understand the interaction between vessels of various materials in order to scrutinize the material.

2000b) we have been justly asked to restudy the evidence (taking account of all new excavations) in order to define what is meant by ‘city’ in Etruria proper, as well as Etruscan Campania and Padania. A project has been set up for the ‘Stadtwerdungsprozess’ in Etruria, of the birth of the Etruscan metropolis via the German Archaeological Institute (Rome) (Steingräber 2003).

ARCHAEOLOGY OF RITUAL, CULT AND SANCTUARIES We are able to identify some identical needs of members of the ruling class, a concept that has been classified as peer polity interaction; what has to be better analysed is the idea-network behind it. Efforts were done in these societies to make the elite recognizable as well as distinct. We are aware of actions of people in contact, directly or not, with the cultures of the East and must understand their reaction, acceptance and their modifications. We are dealing with a transformation from tribal to urban society as well as interaction between urban societies and societies that developed differently, like for instance the non urban society of the Piceni. Thus we are dealing with a regionalism that has to be better understood, as studies have tended to be ethnocentric. An example is the revaluation of the Etruscan city of Veii. The material culture of this city is in many respects comparable to that of the Latin city of Rome; its strategic position in the landscape with an easy access to the Tiber is of uttermost importance and therefore has to be taken widely into consideration, thus contrasting this city to the coastal cities of southern Etruria. The Tiber certainly links various ethnic groups (Cifani 2003).

The Etruscans have been called the most religious among men; however, this aspect has been far from detected for the Orientalizing Period. New cults and religious ideas seem to have come with foreign impacts and form a mixture of elements from Villanovan, Greek and Near Eastern cultures. The complesso beta at Tarquinia from the 7th century BC is exceptional and without parallels but clearly shows foreign inspiration in plan and construction (murs à piliers Bonghi Jovino 1991 & 1999). At Tarquinia a child, new born babies and an adult is buried in the sacred area (Bonghi Jovino 1989-’90, 681683; 2001, 24-25), a phenomenon that has to be compared to another Villanovan cult related to the tomb of a dead person at Veii. In fact, a tomb (without grave goods) and a hearth (with traces of food consumption) have also been identified at Piazza d’Armi. This tomb was first confined by a hut, then by a wooden house in the 7th century BC (Bartoloni in press).3 In these cases it can be discussed, whether we are dealing with ritual dead, human sacrifices or religious crimes. Also at Veii, Piazza d’Armi, a uni-celled temple (oikos) has been distinguished and from the same period an open air cult took place at the Portonaccio site with an altar dedicated to Minerva (Colonna 2002). Although water cult and belonging shrines are well known from the period in question (Chellini 2002, 236), we know that actual temples are a late phenomenon in Etruria. Are we to understand that the Etruscans worshipped their housegods or gods in houses that we are not yet able to distinguish as sacred spaces? An example to mention is the ambiguous building at the central area of Roselle (Bartoloni & Bocci Paccini 2002). Are the cults only connected to the gentes? Are all cults traced in little spaces connected to bigger residences (Colonna 1985, 53). And, how are we to interpret, for instance, the big tumuli placed on top of former dwellings as is the case at Tarquinia? These tumuli are of course markers of territory. Do they also mark a memory of settlements that took part in forming the bigger urban community?

In this context it must be stressed that whereas the study of Etruscans and Latins has been fitted for the drawing room (using a metaphor for Greek and Roman studies), it has not been the case with the study of the other italic peoples and this must have an end. In Italy serious interaction between scholarships from the various regions is not promoted, the Sicilians occupy themselves with Sicilian archaeology, in southern Italy the study of Magna Graecia is the epicentre and so on. The italic peoples are not specifically integrated in the teaching of classical archaeology because of a ‘colonialist’ attitude. This has, of course, something to do with the regionalism of Modern Italy – but, again, also with the hegemony of Classics in the minds of many classical archaeologists. This attitude has to be opposed, if ever we shall succeed in our reconstruction of past societies. The Mediterranean constitutes an economic, ideological and religious web. The various regional cultures were intertwined at different levels at different moments of the longue durée of history. A good example is the ever increasing importance to understand the liaison between Sardinia and northern Etruria, between the people of the Nuragic culture and the inhabitants of Populonia and Vetulonia. The archaeology of Sardinia has been more and more understood, thanks to systematic exploration and publication. The island has become visible on the archaeological map of the world and has found its very important place in the net of connections between East and West, not only in the 2nd millennium BC, but also in

In this period we are witnesses to a multilevel social change which is far from homogeneous in the different areas of the Mediterranean, however, the unifying factor seems to have been the elite which must have had a promoting effect on the urban development in for instance Etruria and Latium Vetus. The distinctive features of urban organisation clearly belong to this period. As for the rise of the Etruscan city state (Torelli 3 I am most grateful to prof. Gilda Bartoloni for letting me read her manuscript of these important new finds.

28

ANNETTE RATHJE: RECONSTRUCTING THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIODS screwing the evidence, and indeed, only a selection of the material is used or abused.

the 1st millennium as the finds from Sant’ Imbenia have shown well. This nuragic community now must be considered in a key position like the mixed community at Pithecoussai has been for years. What is so exciting about archaeology is the fact that new finds force you to reconsider, alter and modify your reconstructions, we have to be open minded and without ‘preconcetti inutili e fuorvivanti’ (Ridgway 2002, 200). Many things can happen resulting from further exploration and discoveries, and presumably we have to link the island more and more with Etruria. It might even be possible to look at the two regions as forming a ‘common frontier’ against the others in the beginning of the 1st millennium BC. When interpreting the archaeological evidence we might be forced to oppose the reconstruction made by the ancient historians who have divided the world according to spheres of interest. However, the unlucky contraposition of Orient and Occident became a reality only in the 6th century BC.

For years the study of Latium Vetus was behind the studies of other ethnies in Italy, now the situation seems upturned: Rome has become a model for the Etruscan cities, the ‘palazzi’ are regiae, the cults are compared (Carandini & Capelli 2000). To me this tendency is out of place because it reintroduces the hegemony of the literary sources. CONCLUSION When reconstructing we must be aware of our cultural ballast; we have to understand the processes of learning, of knowledge of that foreign country which is the past – in a historical perspective. Let us remember: development in research is not linear but spiral, we always return to the way of presenting a problem, but now at a higher level. And let us remember, too, that all knowledge is value laden (i.e. expresses the values of those interpreting the past or the present) and that the representation of the past is ideological and made for contemporary purposes.

Aren’t we to understand the orientalizing and early archaic societies as being open societies, like Rome at that time has been considered an open city? Is the real division of these peoples not to be understood in connection with the clash between West and East in the beginning of the 5th century BC? Virtually this is a clash from which we have recovered with difficulty, if ever we have, when thinking of its impact on western culture until modern times. It has rightly been stated that scholars are often partisans of the civilisation of the people they are studying (Liverani 1996); of course no one can be a specialist in all cultures united by the Mediterranean, however I have also argued against ethnocentric studies and I do think we shall further opportunities to dialogue as well as an engagement with synchronic research.

The most sensible task for archaeologists to my opinion should be to engage in synchronic as well as diachronic studies, thus stressing the interaction of the various ethnicities that make up past societies. There has been a tendency to investigate the veneti, tusci, piceni, campani etc. etc. as ethnicities. Ethnic studies were born out of European nationalism, and they have become very trendy especially, since we have seen ethnic movements in modern time. A clear distinction between archaeological cultures and real acting entities must be held. It is very difficult to detect the manifestations of ethnic groups in the archaeological material. A re-examination and more comparative analyses of the archaeological data from the Mediterranean and from Central Europe as well will provide us with a much better foundation for understanding the processes of formation of the past societies, urban or not.4

PROMOTION The success of the Bologna exhibition, I principi etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa in 2000, shows that it is possible to exhibit work in progress: in this case the renewed interest in the orientalizing period. It was not an overview but represented analyses from various angles, in short initiated the public into the process of research – I do believe that this is the way to do it in the future. In former times studies were the effort of one person, later research had to be done in teams, now I venture to say that some problems have to be resolved by a collective academic society. It is of uttermost importance that ordinary people are presented with the results of modern research and it is equally important that the promotion of research is not left to ferocious market forces – we certainly need, for instance, censorship on books for sale in museums.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Amann, P., 2000. Die Etruskerin. Wien. Bartoloni, G. (ed.), 1997. Le necropoli arcaiche di Veio. Roma. Bartoloni, G., 2001. Evoluzione negli insediamenti capannicoli dell ‘Italia centrale tirrenica, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson 2001, 361-374. Bartoloni, G., 2003. Le società dell’Italia Primitiva. Lo studio delle necropoli e la nascita delle aristocrazie. Roma. Bartoloni, G., in press. Una capella funeraria al centro del Pianoro di Piazza d’Armi – Veio, AION. Bartoloni, G. & Bocci Paccini, P., 2002. Roselle: una rilettura dei dati di scavo nell’abitato arcaico, in: M. Manganelli & E. Pacchiani (eds), Città e territorio in

Essential for research projects is, however, the database. We are still very much behind in publishing new and old (sic) excavations (Ridgway 2001, 381-382), although a few excavators have to be praised for their great and speedy enterprises. Syntheses are still made without

4

29

Cf. for instance Riva 2004.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Etruria. Per una definizione di città nell’Etruria Settentrionale. Atti dell’incontro di studio. Colle di Val d’Elsa, 187-212. Bartoloni, G. & F. Delpino, 1979. Mon. Ant. Veio I., Roma. Bartoloni, G. & F. Delpino, in press. Oriente e Occidente. Metodi e discipline a confronto. Riflessioni sulla cronologia dell’età del ferro italiana. Roma. Berkin, J., 2003. The Orientalizing Bucchero from the Lower building at Poggio Civitate (Murlo) (= Archaeological Institute of America. Monographs New Series, 6). Philadelphia. Bonfante, L., 2003. Etruscan dress. Baltimore. Bonghi Jovino, M., 1989-’90. Aggiornamenti sull’ ‘area sacra’ di Tarquinia e nuove considerazioni sulla tromba-lituo. Scienze dell’Antichità 3-4, 679-695. Bonghi Jovino, M., 1991. Osservazioni sui sistemi di costruzione a Tarquinia: Tecniche locali ed impiego del ‘Muro a Pilastro’ Fenicio. Archeologia Classica 43, 171-191. Bonghi Jovino, M., 1999. Tantum Ratio sacrorum gerebatur in Koina. Miscellania di studi archeologici in onore di P. Orlandini. Milano, 87-103. Bonghi Jovino, M., 2001. ‘Area sacra/complesso monumentale’ della Cività, in: A.M. Moretti Sgubini (ed.), Tarqunia Etrusca una nuova storia. Roma, 2129. Bonghi Jovino, M., in press. Tarquinia e le civiltà del Mediterraneo. Milano. Botto, M., 2002. I contatti fra le colonie fenicie di Sardegna e l’etruria settentrionale attraverso lo studio della documentazione ceramico, in: Etruria e Sardegna, 225-247. Brandt, J.R. & L. Karlsson (eds), 2001. From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies (= Acta instituti romani regni sueciae, series in 4°, LVI). Stockholm. Canciani, F. & F.W. von Hase, 1979. La tomba Bernardini. Roma. Carandini, A. & R. Capelli (eds), 2000. Roma. Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città. Milano. Chellini, R., 2002. Acque Sorgive Salutari e Sacre in Etruria (= BAR International Series, 1067). Oxford. Cifani, C., 2002. Notes on the rural landscape of Central Tyrrhenian Italy in the 6th-5th century BC and its social significance. JRA 15, 247-260. Cifani, C., 2003. Storia di una frontiera, Archeologia del Territorio. Roma. Coldstream, N., 1993. Mixed marriages at the frontiers of the Early Greek world. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 12, 89-107. Colonna, G. (ed), 1985. Santuari d’Etruria. Venezia. Colonna, G., 2000. La cultura Orientalizzante in Etruria, in: Principi etruschi, 55-66. Colonna, G., 2002. Il santuario di Portonaccio a Veio - I. Gli Scavi di Massimo Palottino nella zona dell’altare ( 1939-1940). MonAntLincei, serie miscellanea 6 (3), 117-293. Cuozzo, M., 2003. Reinventando la tradizione. Immaginario sociale, ideologie e rappresentazione

nelle necropoli orientalizzanti di Pontecagnano. Paestum. Delpino, F., 2003. Datazioni problematiche: considerazioni sulla cronologia delle fasi villanoviane. Miscellanea Etrusco-Italica III. Quaderni di Archaeologia Etrusco-Italica 29, 9-35. Esposito, A.M., 1999. Principi guerrieri: la necropolis etrusca di Casale Marittimo. Milano. Etruria e Sardegna centro-settentrionale tra l’età del bronzo finale e l’arcaismo. Atti del XXI convegno di Studi etruschi ed Italici (1998). Pisa, Roma 2002. Gilboa, A. & I. Sharon, 2003. An archaeological contribution to the early Iron Age chronological debate: Alternative chronologies for Phoenicia and their effects on the Levant, Cyprus and Greece. BASOR 332, 7-80. Gleba, M., 2003. Etruscan textile studies. Etruscan news (Newsletter of the American Section of the Institute for Etruscan and Italic Studies) 2, 8-9. Gras, M., 1997. Il Mediterraneo in età arcaica. Paestum. Kourou, N., in press. Greek imports in EIA Italy, in: G. Bartoloni & F. Delpino, in press. Liverani, M., 1996. In: J.S. Cooper & G.M. Schwarts, The study of the Ancient Near East in the twentyfirst century. Indiana, 282-289. Liverani, M., 2000. Potere e regalità nei regni del vicino Oriente, in: Principi etruschi, 15-26. Menichetti, M., 1994. Archaeologia del potere. Re, immagini e miti a Roma e in Etruria in età arcaica. Milano. Minetti, A., 1998. La tomba della Pania: corredo e rituale funerario. AION n.s. 5, 27-56. Naso, A., 2000. Etruscan and Italic artefacts from the Aegean, in: D. Ridgway et al., Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean setting. Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara. London, 193-207. Nielsen, M., 1998. Etruscan women: a cross-cultural perspective, in: L. Larsson Lovén & A. Strömberg, Aspects of women in antiquity. Jonsered, 69-84. Nijboer, A.J., 1998. From household production to workshops. Archaeological evidence for economic transformations, pre-monitary exchange and urbanisation in central Italy from 800-400 BC. Groningen. Nijboer, A.J., in press. La cronologia assoluta dell’età del ferro nel Mediterraneo, dibattito sui metodi e sui risultati, in: G. Bartoloni & F. Delpino, in press. Patterson, H. (ed.), 2004. Bridging the Tiber (= Archaeological monographs of the British School at Rome, 13). London. Prayon, F., 2001. Near Eastern influences in early Etruscan architecture?, in: L. Bonfante & V. Karageorghis (eds), Italy and Cyprus in antiquity: 1500-450 BC. Nicosia, 335-350. Principi etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa, Bologna exhibition catalogue. Venezia, 2000. Rathje, A., 1976. Some unusual vessels with plastic heads on their necks, in: Studia Romana in honorem Petri Krarup. Copenhagen, 10-19.

30

ANNETTE RATHJE: RECONSTRUCTING THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIODS Rathje, A., 1979. Oriental imports in Etruria in the eight and seventh centuries BC, their origins and implications, in: D. Ridgway & F. Serra Ridgway (eds), Italy before the Romans. London. Rathje, A., 1990. The adoption of the homeric banquet in Central Italy in the orientalizing period, in: O. Murray (ed.), Sympotica. A symposium on the Symposion. Oxford, 75-84. Rathje, A., 2002. Murlo, images and archaeology, in: Etruscans Now, Conference at the British Museum. London. Rathje, A., 2004. Huts, houses and palaces: life in central Italy in the Archaic period. Accordia Research Papers 9 ( 2001-2003), 57-67. Ridgway, D., 2001. Final remarks: Italy and Cyprus. Where are we? And where do we go from here?, in: L. Bonfante & V. Karageorgis (eds), Italy and Cyprus in antiquity 1500-450 BC. Nicosia, 379-393. Ridgway, D., 2002. Rapporti dell’Etruria con l’Egeo e il Levante -prolegomena sarda, in: Sardegna e l’Etruria. Ridgway, D., in press. Tarquinia, Demarato e l’ “ellenizzazione dei barbari”, in: M. Bonghi Jovino, in press. Riva, C., 2004. Keeping up with the Etruscans? Accordia Resarch Papers 9 (2001-2003), 69-91. Rystedt, E., 2001. Huts vis-à-vis houses: a note on Acquarossa, in: Brandt & Karlsson (eds), 23-27. Serra Ridgway, F., 2002. Oriental(izing) motifs in Etruscan Art. Opuscula Romana 27, 109-122. Stampolides, N. (ed.), 2003. Sea routes… From Sidon to Huelva interconnections in the Mediterranean 16th6th c. BC. Athens. Steingräber, S., 2003. The process of urbanisation of the Etruscan settlements from the late Villanovan to the late archaic period (end of 8th to beginning of 5th cent. BC): presentation of a project. Archaeologiae Research by foreign Missions in Italy 1, 81-90. Torelli, M., 2000a. Le regiae etrusche e laziali tra orientalizzante e arcaismo, in: Principi etruschi, 6778. Torelli, M., 2000b. The Etruscan city-state, in: M.H. Hansen, A comparative study of thirty city-state cultures. Copenhagen, 189-208. Torelli, M., 2003. Preface, in: C. Cifani 2003, 17-20. Von Eles, P., 2002. Guerriero e sacerdote. Autorità e communità nell’età del ferro a Verruchio. La tomba del trono. Firenze. Von Hase, F.W., 1995. Ägäische, griechische und vorderorientalische Einflüsse auf das tyrrhenische Mittelitalien, in: Beiträge zur Urnenfelderzeit nördlich und südlich der Alpen. Bonn, 239-286. Waarsenburg, D.J., 2001. Living like a prince: the habitation counterpart of tombe principesche, as represented at Satricum, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson, 179-188. Winther, N., 2002. Terracotta roofing in Etruria, Corfu & Sicily: a Bacchiad family enterprise, in: Etruscans Now, conference at the British Museum. London.

31

URBANISM, ETRUSCAN, ITALIC AND LATIN IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENTS R. Ross Holloway

Out of the ashes of World War II there arose a new vision of the history of ancient city planning in Italy. It was the aerial photographs made in Italy during the terrible years between 1939 and 1945 that became the instrument for studying the street plans of cities as yet unexcavated or excavated in part and returning to the study of wellknown survivals of ancient street plans such as that of Naples. And it was in a small volume by Ferdinando Castagnoli, Ippodamo di Mileto e l’Urbanistica a Pianta Orthogonale, published in 1956, that the fruits of these resources were first collected in abundance.1 One should remember that for Castagnoli orthogonal planning in a city presupposed a dominant axis. The ideal city was a city of parallel major avenues. Cross streets were reduced to a minimum in size and in number. But in spite of this limitation which excluded Etruscan cities such as Marzabotto and Roman foundations in which perpendicular axes played a fundamental role as they did in the Roman camp and in Etruscan-Roman surveying, urbanism or rather Greek urbanism became synonymous with the long axes of parallel streets. And of course, there was stunning confirmation of this discovery provided by the excavations of Metapontum, Herakleia Lucaniae, Himera, Megara Hyblaia and Camarina, to mention only the most obvious examples.2 In what follows I will be setting aside Castagnoli’s quite accurate distinction between the ‘orthogonal’ and the cross-axis plans, since I shall be comparing the city with a rectangular plan to the open and irregularly built city.

place in front of the tribunal where the king was administering justice. His strange appearance made the people turn round, and this led Alexander to look at him. In astonishment he gave orders to make way for him to draw near, and asked who he was. “Deinocrates”, he replied, “a Macedonian architect, who brings you projects and plans worthy of your fame. I have made a plan for the shaping of Mount Athos into the statue of a man, in whose left hand I have represented a very spacious fortified city and in his right hand a bowl to receive the water of all the streams that issue from that mountain, so that it may pour from the bowl into the sea.” (tr. Morris Hicky-Morgan) Alexander objected that Mount Athos did not offer the economic base to sustain a city and did not accept the plan, but he liked Deinocrates, and Deinocrates subsequently laid out the city of Alexandria in Egypt. Plato’s ideal city described in the Critias and in the Laws is a study in symmetry. This clarity of organization would have appealed to earlier planners who laid out the cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily. Aristophanes, of course, has his ideal city too, Cloud Cuckoo Land in The Birds and the plethora of planning specialists who arrive to offer their service to Euelpides and Pisthetairos makes a scene very much like the encounter between Alexander and his self-promoting city planner.

The orthogonal city has exercised a kind of fascination on the mind of scholarship. Thus the Neue Pauly refers to the planned Greek city’s “Rationaler, funktionalräumlicher Gestaltung und baulicher Gliederung”. And indeed the abstract city had a deepseated fascination for the ancients as well. The story of the architect Deinocrates, as recounted by Vitruvius (Bk. II, praef.), is worth savoring again in this context.

Still, a regular street plan is far from making a city, even though the ‘orthogonal’ cities of southern Italy and Sicily are frequently regarded as if their plans alone were sufficient commentary on their status and character. Noting that such city plans were to be found among the Aztecs of Mexico and in Imperial Peking, Castagnoli reflected that, “L’ortogonalità fu dettata più da motivi pratici ed estetici che culturali”. It was a means to an end. The same means were employed in the subdivision of the countryside, as so eloquently shown in the chora of Metapontum, and toward the same ends. And Hippodamos and his Greek forerunners in city planning had no monopoly on orthogonal planning. Leaving aside ancient Egypt and the Near East, we now know that Bronze Age Italy had regularized settlements. So much is clear from the recent excavations at Poviglio (Reggio Emilia), which justify Luigi Pigorini’s original interpretation of these sites.3

Deinocrates, an architect who was full of confidence in his own ideas and skill, set out from Macedonia, in the reign of Alexander, to go to the army, being eager to win the approbation of the king. He was of very lofty stature and pleasing countenance, finely formed, and extremely dignified. Trusting, therefore, to these natural gifts, he undressed at his inn, rubbed his body with oil, set a crown of poplar leaves on his head, draped his left shoulder with a lion’s skin, and holding a club in his right hand marched forth to a

Urbanism in Iron Age Italy has come to the fore because of intensive surface surveys in Etruria. As a result, in place of a picture of disconnected nuclei occupying these

1

English edition, Castagnoli 1971. For Greek urban planning in Sicily and Southern Italy see Carratelli 1996; Mertens & Greco 1996, 243-263; Di Vita 1996, 264-309. 2

3

32

Bernabò-Brea, 1996.

R. ROSS HOLLOWAY: URBANISM, ETRUSCAN, ITALIC AND LATIN IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENTS history published only five years earlier.10 All that was left to do was to enumerate, as V. Gordon Childe had done forty years before, the characteristics, from literacy to economic specialization, that became the mark of the urban phase of human society.11 It was rare, indeed, for another point of view to be put forward such as Jane Jacobs did in her essay on Çatal Hüyük titled “The economy of cities”.12 Here the tables were reversed and the city, through its industry, set in motion the accumulation of economic surplus that became the motor of urban development. The material underpinnings of urbanism were definitely not the result of overproduction in the country. Jane Jacobs pithily observed that the country never invented anything. The city generated the need for food and the storage technology for sedentary agriculture and organized the country to satisfy its needs. And concentrations of population of a size that could have set such a process in motion but did not are known well before the Neolithic revolution.

sites in the Iron Age there has emerged the idea of large concentrations of population in a continuous network of habitation. I would caution, however, that surface collecting of pottery is not excavation. And quite apart from the problem of original context, how permanent, one may ask, were the habitations that gave rise to these surface scatters? Thatch and wattle are not brick and tile. Perhaps only a fraction of the number of dwellings suggested by the surface scatter of sherds was standing at any one time. Thus the density of population at any one time may be much less than it seems from the surface evidence. Despite the well-founded cautions of Marco Pacciarelli in these regards, possible exaggeration in Etruria has been magnified to outright exaggeration as it spread to Early Rome.4 So we find in the introduction to the catalogue of the important exhibition held in 2000, Roma, Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città, the claim made that Early Rome presents, “An enormous area of habitation in the 9th century (250 hectares) and as vast as the Greek cities…. This is already a protocity, a protostate, divided into districts and quarters with small holdings assigned to families and probably a calendar”.5 The only thing lacking in this declaration is evidence – on the surface or anywhere else.

Let me venture another opinion in this discussion (and this is the opinion of Aristotle in the Politics): that a city comes into being when more than one family come to live in a single place. This is the political city that mediates between its constituent families. This is the city of laws. This is the city of Homer’s elders settling a dispute while the people crowd round to listen.13 This city existed under the tutelary presence of the city gods. And the gods of the city, I must emphasize, are a product of the city. Especially in western Greece the struggles between the religion of the city state and the proprietary cults of its individual families has left a vivid record in temple building. The decoration of the temples, and particularly Temple C at Selinus, announces the formation of a civic pantheon at the same time as the proprietary cults of the aristocracy were nationalized as happened at Gela when Telines, the ancestor of Gelon, became the civic priest of the cult of Demeter and Persephone which had formerly been his private possession. The temples of any Greek city are simply powerful statements of the primacy of city cult over private religion.14

But the orthogonal plan is only a shell in which the true life of the city is lived. Plato would, I am sure, have found the towers of Manhattan in their regular street plan a thing of beauty. But the real life of the city, bustling and confused, is lived on the streets in the shadows of the skyscrapers. As Thucydides (and Sophocles and Alcaeus before him) knew so well, “It is men that make a city, not walls or ships with no men in them”.6 We are thus confronted with a problem which has exercised the minds of numerous scholars…but one that must be faced again, if only within a brief compass…the question, “What is a city?”. For the ancients the city represented civilization and beyond its boundaries there was the realm of savagery, the ‘agrios’.7 The Renaissance believed that though simple pleasures were to be had in the country, the best of material things were to be found in cities. As Giovanni Botero put in 1598, “A city is said to be an assembly of people, a congregation drawn together to the end they may thereby the better live at their ease in wealth and plenty”.8 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels took the same position.9 Only an initial agricultural surplus was needed to permit human beings to come together to enjoy the obvious advantages that city life offers. This view emerges clearly in Robert McCormick Adams, The evolution of urban society, published in 1966 and in Lewis Mumford’s The city in

Its political function, however, is only one side of the city. The other is its economic significance, which gave the city its wealth, its importance, its growth in population and its splendor. The city is the maker of new work. The city seeks material, manpower and markets. The city exports new work to the countryside. The city dominates the countryside and becomes the city, as we know it. The city is in every way the engine of development and material progress.

10

Adams 1966; Mumford 1961. Childe 1925. New York, 1969. 13 Iliad 18, 580-590. 14 See R.R. Holloway, The Hand of Daedalus, Ch, I, http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Old_World_Archaeology_and_Art/ html/publications/daedalus/index.html

4

11

Pacciarelli, 2000. 5 Carandini & Capelli 2000, 10. 6 Thucydides, 7, 77; Alcaeus, fr. 112; Sophocles, Od. Tyr. 53. 7 Aristotle, Politics I, 1251b-1253a, cf. Cicero Pro Sestio, 9, 1. 8 Delle cause della grandezza delle città, Rome 1598, 1:1. 9 Engels 1884.

12

33

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The early economic development of the Italian cities has been placed in high relief by the discovery of emporia and manufacturing centers of the Late Bronze Age. The emporium at Frattesina and its ivory working and glass factories at the mouth of the Po have been known for some time.15 A more recent and dramatic discovery is the site at Poggiomarino on the Sarno just inland from Pompeii.16 In the several centuries before and after 1,000 BC, the site at Poggiomarino was at the head of navigation on the Sarno. There developed a flourishing industrial site importing copper and tin and amber and bone and exporting finished materials from these materials. To keep the workshops tied into the river a network of canals was developed, their banks re-enforced by the forest of wooden pilings that gives the site its spectacular appearance.

The houses of the grand families of Etruscan and Italic Italy were noble too. Although the development of the porticus house and the embellishment of private building with roof terracottas were documented by the excavations of Acquarossa, the noble residence par excellence of these communities was the atrium house.20 The recent excavations along the Sacra Via in Rome are restoring to view structures which have been reconstructed as atrium houses of the 6th century.21 In the excavations made early in the 20th century Giacomo Boni brought to light an archaic house on the north side of the Sacra Via the plan of which was only partially preserved.22 The current excavations have investigated the archaic levels of the area further to the east and on the opposite side of the Sacra Via toward the Palatine. The results were presented in the important show “La Grande Roma dei Tarquini” in 1990 and then in the Bollettino di Archeologia for 1995.23 Sections of ashlar walling aligned generally parallel or perpendicular to the street suggest four units of some 16 to 20 by 8 to 10 m. There are cisterns and wells. That these are houses and the houses of important families of the regal period in Rome has been established. Their dimensions suggest an atrium plan, although the actual interior plans of these buildings cannot be said to have been established with any degree of confidence.

At a later date the Campanians were continuing the traditions of Poggiomarino, as we learn from the Elder Cato’s list of the specialized manufacturing centers of the region, each collecting raw materials and exporting finished products.17 We could extend this analysis to the coastal Etruscan cities and their ports, Caere and Pyrgi being the best documented examples. I believe that early Rome answered to the same model. Certainly the Tiber bank of the city was a busy stopping point on the river, as we learn from the votives that were deposited in the San Omobono Sanctuary in the 6th century.18 In short, cities make work, cities make money, and cities make power: Rome certainly more than any other city in central Italy. So let us put aside for a moment our fixation on the orthogonal city as the ideal expression of urban development in the Italian peninsula. In Italy the family, typified by the great families of Republican Rome, enjoyed a strong and independent position, much as it had from the beginning of communal life in the peninsula. Max Weber clearly distinguished between the patrician cities of Italy and the democracies of Greece, where the accent of political life lay on the individual citizens and demagogic leadership. There are several notable indications of this fact.

Leaving the suggestive but incomplete evidence at Rome, one can appeal to the well known site of Marzabotto.24 The atrium houses of this well placed site on the road between Florence and Bologna are included in a regular plan in which the streets are crossed by avenues. Marzabotto is also an important example of the industrial city, because these same atrium houses were home to well documented metal working activities. Marzabotto, extensively excavated and well known, is not, however, the best guide to the conditions in which the large domus of Etruscan-Italic Italy developed. Acquarossa of the 7th century had no street plan. And now we have the example of the Apulian site of Cavallino (Lecce) which shows several nuclei of buildings dispersed within a fortification wall.25 The presence of the dead in association with nuclei of houses in Apulia and Daunia underline the familial character of the settlement structure. So too at Forentum/Lavello the cemeteries are associated with major individual residences leaving open spaces between each.26 And Serra di Vaglio represents an eloquent case of an area occupied by houses with their related cemeteries.27 The prestige of certain members of the community is also reflected in the rich complements of tomb furnishings. The sites of this area, extending to the Tyrrhenian at

The first is the great family tombs. The tumulus at Ponte Soda, Cortona currently under restoration is an eloquent reminder of the magnificence of these monuments, complete, in this case, with the altar on which sacrifices were made to the honored ancestors.19 This is not a ‘royal’ tomb. It is only one of the tombs of the great families of Etruscan Cortona along what became the Roman Via Cassia.

15

20

16

21

For the bibliography Arenoso Callipo & Bellintani 1994. http://www.unina.it/citta/htdocs/pagine/poggiomarino.htm and the paper of C. Albore Livadie, C. Bartoli, G. Boenzi and C. Circirelli in this volume. 17 De re rustica 134. 18 Holloway 1994. 19 Bruschetti & Zamarchi Grassi 1999; on the phenomenon Zifferero 1991.

In general on Etruscan houses see Rohner 1996 and now Torelli 2000. Carandini 1990; 1995. 22 Discussion Melis & Rathje 1984, 382-395. 23 Carandini 1990; 1995. 24 Sassatelli 1989. 25 D’Andria 1996. 26 Giorgi, Martinelli, Osanna & Russo 1991. 27 Bottini & Setari, 1995.

34

R. ROSS HOLLOWAY: URBANISM, ETRUSCAN, ITALIC AND LATIN IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Roccagloriosa, thus exhibit a common characteristic of clusters of houses often centered on a large building where evidence of cult practices as well as living arrangements are present.28 And the same buildings, as at Roccagloriosa and Montesarchio in the 5th century, were decorated with architectural terracottas.29 The rich tomb tombs found at Roccagloriosa are to be attributed to the leaders of the same families who dwelt in the prominent houses of the site and exercised the priestly functions of their family cults. This is not to say that there was no civic organization in this community where the persistence of family independence is so evident. Such is evident from the Oscan inscription on a bronze tablet from the site in which, it has been observed, “The regularity of the script, the continuity, length and repeated formulae of the text suggest that this was a public document, on public display, erected on the order of a public official (meddix) and concerns elements (verbs to make, constitute, construct) regarding the structure (physical and political) of the community in its widest sense”.30 These were the urban conditions under which the large houses of early Italy were created.31

excavated at Acquarossa soon after the Murlo building was discovered also came equipped with decorated roof tiles. If not a shrine, then a meeting place, the center of some dispersed clan. Such an interpretation is more defensible, but when another building adjoining the first came to light, a great shed-like structure in which various industrial activities took place, including production of the kinds of architectural terracottas that decorated the main building, the complex began to assume the economic, if not the political character of a city. What is lacking at Murlo is that concentration of population which would added a multiplier effect to its economic activity and made it a city. Yet people lived here, they worked here, and they prospered here. More than that, and I think sealing the argument, they buried their dead here.34 The documentation of the cemetery belongs to the 7th century, and there was a predecessor of the major building which is contemporary with the tombs.

Marzabotto represents, in my view, a second stage of development during which these houses have been implanted in a street grid. But it is my contention that the atrium house could not have developed within the confines of the Greek orthogonally planned cities of the archaic period. In a city like Himera there is no room for mansions like those of Rome or Marzabotto. One moment in Roman history illustrates with exceptional clarity the meaning of the atrium house and the authority of its patrician occupants. Before the Gauls entered Rome through its undefended gates in 390, the aged Roman senators, in a common act of defiance and self-sacrifice took their places each in the atrium of his house (or should we say ‘palazzo’). And there the incredulous Gauls found them seated each like the god of his domain (“voltus gravitasque oris simillimi dis”).32 Italy at this time also shows us the isolated and independent villa. And the isolated villa, of course, is best documented at the site of Murlo near Siena and at Montetosto (Cerveteri).33 At Murlo there is a grand building, 60 m square, consisting a four wings surrounding a courtyard (Fig. 1). Its discovery in 1966 found Etruscology unprepared for such a complex. The building had roof terracottas, and more than that, terracotta figures placed on its ridge pole. It must, therefore, be a shrine. But the 7th century porticus houses

Fig. 1. Poggio Civitate (Murlo) the main building and the 7th century structures below it and adjoining it (courtesy of Prof. Anthony Tuck). Murlo shows us that the villa system of Republican and Imperial times has roots that go back into a distant past.35 Murlo and the rural villas that followed it are the economic satellites of the city. There is also a category of rural sites that are political without being economic. These are federal sanctuaries.

28

Fracchia forthcoming. Roccagloriosa I, see Gualtieri & Fracchia 1990; Roccagloriosa II, Gualtieri & Fracchia 2002; Montesarchio, see Tagliamonte 1997, 57. 30 Fracchia, cit. in note 29. 31 So, but restricted to southeastern Italy Lomas 2003, 63-77. 32 Livy 5:4:8. 33 Murlo, see De Puma & Small 1994. I owe my knowledge of the most recent results at Murlo, including the discovery of the large workshop building outside the main structure to the kindness of Prof. Anthony Tuck, Director of the Excavations. Montetosto, see Colonna 1985. 29

34

Tuck 1996. As already noted by N. Terrenato 2001, 5-32. See also the paper of J.A. Becker in this volume. 35

35

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Such sanctuaries, one might say, fulfil the political function of a city without the city’s concentration of population. They are places where distinct groups, families, clans, or states come together under the auspices of a divinity, fulfilling their obligations to the god at the same time as they conduct mutual affairs in the protection of the sanctuary. When Malinowski described the ritual canopy under which the Trobriand Islanders conducted business, he might have easily described in the same terms the canopy of festival, competition and display that covered the international relations and information gathering at the Greek or Italian federal sanctuaries.36

couches and thus could have been intended for the meetings of priesthoods or other associations. This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that these buildings are not part of a cityscape like the atrium houses of Rome but stood in isolation, together with the temple, on the acropolis.

The federal sanctuary is as old as the need of people to communicate and collaborate. I am not claiming that the earliest federal sanctuaries in Italy and Sicily are at the origins of these meeting places in the historical period. But they are worthy of note. We know two of them from the Early Bronze Age in Sicily. The older of the two is at La Muculufa inland from Licata on the south coast of the island where people from the villages of the Salso Valley from the coast to as far north as Caltanissetta brought the distinctively decorated pottery of each village and left it at the sanctuary after consuming a ritual meal – and of course, concluding business with the representatives of other communities.37 A second such Sanctuary at Monte Grande near Agrigento served as a safe haven for international business connected with the export of sulphur from the mines around this hill to the Aegean …. such commerce documented by the Early Helladic pottery discovered on the spot.38 Similar meeting places, though they have been less clearly documented, existed on the mainland, the leading example being Belverde di Cetona. The federal sanctuary, therefore, was a long-established institution when the Latins began meeting at the springs of the goddess Ferentina or the Etruscan cities founded their league at the sanctuary of Vertumnus.

The inscription of Publius Valerius and the Sodales to Mars found reused in the foundations of the 5th century temple points toward the kind of associations that used the ‘lodges’.40 They, like the gens Fabia, which unilaterally declared war on Veii – suffering disastrous results, must have retained a high degree of independence. It is not only the architectural character of their meeting place, so unlike a Greek stoa or the other buildings used as hestiatoria in the Greek world, but the open setting in which it stood which distinguishes the early Etruscan and Italic cityscape. This setting was home to the patrician house, both isolated from those of other great families, as at Rome or at Marzabotto, already part of a more densely built urban landscape.

Before a century had passed a fully peripteral shrine was built. In this period stoai were built in the neighbourhood of the temple. They fitted into a grid scheme based on ideas of orthogonal planning. And at least one of the stoai served as a dining hall.

It is a truism that the archaeology of peninsular Italy has more frequently been interpreted in relation to its debts to Greece and the east rather than its own identity and originality. But at Satricum Marianne Kleibrink used the evidence of a site which was in far from pristine archaeological condition at the beginning of the Dutch excavations in 1977 to show us how the special dispositions of the Late Iron Age had been followed without deviation by the successive phases of the temple and surrounding buildings at Satricum. Beginning with a simple cult place, its laghetto, and the cookhouses where the meals of the groups (may I say sodalities?) that met around the temple were prepared she followed the progression to temple, to foyers of the sodalities, and finally showed how grid planning and Greek ideas influenced only the final phases of the sanctuary’s life. Her work presented in the volumes of Settlement and excavations at Borgo Le Ferriere, Satricum, will long remain a guide to the appreciation, now beginning to appear in the literature, of Etruscan-Italic nucleated planning and the architecture that accompanied it. And, if I may be so bold as to make the assertion, such results, derived from the attentive study of the archaeological evidence, mark one of the greatest advances in the recent study of pre Roman urbanism in Italy.

The courtyard building is found again in the context of a sanctuary, an urban sanctuary to be sure, but one where these buildings illustrate the operation of the mediation of the divinity among independent groups meeting within the precinct. The site of Satricum has a long history of excavation after the initial excavations began in 1896 followed by the Dutch excavations since 1977.39 In the late seventh and early 6th century the acropolis of Satricum was already the site of a shrine centered on a pool where an abundance of votive objects were discovered. A small temple with a distyle porch followed by mid century by a grander edifice was built. Around it there were houses composed of porticus units forming into courtyards on the model of Murlo. It has been shown that their large and middle sized rooms could be fitted comfortably with 36

Malinowski 1932. Holloway, Joukowsky & Lukesh 1990. Castellana 1998. See also the paper of M. Cultraro in this volume. 39 Maaskant-Kleibrink 1984; 1987; 1991; 1992a; 1992b; 1997. 37 38

40

36

Stibbe, Colonna & De Simone 1980; Posdocimi 1994; Herman 1999.

R. ROSS HOLLOWAY: URBANISM, ETRUSCAN, ITALIC AND LATIN IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Holloway, R.R., 1997. The hand of Daedalus. Electronic publication. Holloway, R.R., M.S. Joukowsky & S.S. Lukesh, 1990. La Muculufa, the early Bronze Age sanctuary: the early Bronze Age village, excavations of 1982 and 1983. Providence (Rhode Island). Lomas, K., 2003. The city in southeastern Italy. Ancient topography and the evolution of urban settlement 600300 BC. The Acordia Research Papers 4, 63-77. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1984. L’urbanistica. Il caso di Satricum. Archeologia Laziale 6, 351-357. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1987. Settlement excavations at Borgo Le Ferriere-Satricum, I. The campaigns of 1979, 1980, 1981. Groningen. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1991. Early Latin settlementplans at Borgo Le Ferriere (Satricum). Reading Mengarelli’s maps. BaBesch 66, 51-114. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1992a. Settlement excavations at Borgo Le Ferriere-Satricum, 2. The campaigns of 1983, 1985, and 1987. Groningen. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1992b. Gli scavi più recenti svolti a Borgo Le Ferriere (Satricum). Archeologia Laziale 11, 53-64. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1997. L’organizzazione spaziale dei culti a Satricum. Meded.Rom 56, 139-163. Malinowski, B., 1932. Argonauts of the western Pacific; an account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea. London. Melis, F. & A. Rathje, 1984. Discussion. Archeologia Laziale 6, 382-395. Mertens, D. & E. Greco., 1996. Urban planning in Magna Graecia, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), The Greek World: Art and Civilization in Magna Graecia and Sicily. New York, 243-263. Morgan, L.H., 1877. Ancient society. New York. Mumford, L., 19611. The city in history: its origins, its transformations, and its prospects. New York. Pacciarelli., M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città; la svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’ Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Prosdocimi, A., 1994. Satricum. I sodales del Pubblicola ‘steterai’ a Mater (Matuta?). La Parola del Passato 49, 365-377. Pugliese Carratelli, G. (ed.), 1996. The Greek world: Art and civilization in Magna Graecia and Sicily. New York. Rohner, D.D., 1996. Etruscan domestic architecture, in : J.F. Hall (ed.), Etruscan Italy. Provo (Utah), 115-148. Sassatelli, G., 1989. La città Etrusca di Marzabotto. Bologna. Stibbe, C.M., G. Colonna & C. De Simone, 1980. Lapis satricanus. Archaeological, epigraphical, linguistic and historical aspects of the new inscription from Satricum (= Archeologische studiën van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome, Scripta minora, 5). ‘sGravenhage. Tagliamonte, G., 1997. I Sanniti, Caudini, Pentini, Cumicini, Frentarii. Milan.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, R.McC., 1966. The evolution of urban society: Mesopotamia and prehispanic Mexico. Chicago. Arenoso Callipo, C.M.S. & P. Bellintani, 1994. Dati archeologici e paleoambientali del Territorio di Frattesina di Fratta Polesine (RO) tra la Tarda Età del Bronzo e la Prima Età del Ferro. Padusa 30, 7-65. Bernabò-Brea, M., 1996. Tredici anni di recherché nella terramara Santa Rosa di Poviglio (RE). Pagine di Archeologia 1, 1-47. Botero, G., 1598. Delle cause della grandezza delle città. Rome. Bottini, A. & E. Setari, 1995. Basileis: antichi re in Basilicata. Napoli. Bruschetti, P. & P. Zamarchi Grassi, 1999. Cortona Etrusca. Cortona. Carandini, A., 1990. Domus aristocratico sopra le mura e il pomerio del Palatino in: M. Cristofani (ed.), La Grande Roma dei Tarquini. Rome, 97-99. Carandini, A. & P. Carafa, 1995. Palatium e Sacra Via. Bollettino di Archeologia 31-32, 215-282. Carandini, A. & Capelli (eds), 2001. Roma, Romolo e la fondazione della Città. Rome. Castagnoli, F., 1956. Ippodamo di Mileto e l'urbanistica a pianta ortogonale. Rome. (English edition, 1971. Cambridge, Mass.) Castellana, G., 1998. Il santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e l’approvvigionamento dello zolfo enl Mediterraneo nell’ età del Bronzo. Palermo. Colonna, G., 1985. Montetosto, in: S: Stopponi (ed.), Case e palazzi d’Etruria. Milan, 192-196. Childe, V.G., 1925. The dawn of European society. New York. D’Andria, F., 1996. La casa in Messapia, in: F. D’Andria & K. Mannino (eds), Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia. Galatina, 403-438. De Puma, R. & J.P. Small (eds), 1994. Murlo and the Etruscans. Madison. Di Vita, A., 1996. Urban planning in Ancient Sicily, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), The Greek world: Art and civilization in Magna Graecia and Sicily. New York, 264-309. Engels, Fr., 1884. Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats. Zürich. Fracchia, H., 2004. Western Lucania, Southern Samnium and Northern Apulia: Settlement and cultural changes, 5th-3rd c. BC, in: H. Jones (ed.), Samnium, settlement and cultural change (= Archaeologia Transatlantica, 22). Providence, 69-84. Giorgi, A., S. Martinelli, M. Osanna & A. Russo, 1991. Forentum II. L’acropoli in età classica. Venosa. Gualtieri, M. & H. Fracchia, 1990. Roccagloriosa I: l’abitato, scavo e ricognizione topografica (19761986). Naples. Herman, E., 1999. Le Lapis Satricanus et la colonization militaire au début de la République. Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome, Archéologie 91, 847-881. Holloway, R.R., 1994. The archaeology of early Rome and Latium. London. 37

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Terrenato, N., 2001. The Auditorium site in Rome and the origins of the villa. Journal of Roman Archaeology 14, 5-32. Torelli, M., 2000. Principi Etruschi fra Mediterraneo ed Europa. Bologna. Tuck, A., 1996. Burials from Poggio Aguzzo: the necropolis of Poggio Civitate (Murlo). Diss., Brown University. Zifferero, A., 1991. Forme di possesso della terra e tumuli orientalizzanti nell’ Italia tirrenica, in: E. Herring & R. Whitehouse (eds), The archaeology of power. London, 333-350.

38

‘‘START THE REVOLUTION WITHOUT ME’. RECENT DEBATES IN ITALIAN CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

Nicola Terrenato

and how to tell the story of the Romans in Italy (cf. the argument in Terrenato 2002b).

There is a number of reasons why being invited to contribute to this conference is a great pleasure, for which I sincerely thank the organizers. First, it was at an earlier meeting in this series, the one held in London in 1990, that I presented a paper for the very first time. Then there is the honour of being part of such a distinguished group of keynote speakers. But perhaps the most ineffable pleasure for me is the fact that the plenary address at the previous Conference in Italian Archaeology, held in 1992 at Oxford, was given by none other than my former mentor Andrea Carandini. Being asked to step into his larger-than-life shoes is a generational honour that few others can surpass. I can only modestly hope that the pleasure might be mutual.

Now, of course what is advocated here is not a belief in history as an objective science or in archaeology as a purely empirical endeavour. There can be little doubt that there is no such thing as a neutral and not politically charged archaeology, Roman or otherwise. But there are different degrees and forms in which one can be influenced by the broader ideological frameworks, and it can be argued that our perception of the Romans has been clouded by nationalist and colonialist fumes more and longer than that of any other period, certainly in the case of Italy. As a result, certain basic assumptions about classicity have gone surprisingly unchallenged, even when radical new intellectual movements have rolled along. Roman militarism, to name just one example, is a postulate that no one has ever dared to even just investigate a bit further, let alone deconstruct (Terrenato 1998).

Classical archaeology has always had an incredibly peculiar role in Italy. It is often argued that the very origins of our interest in the past can be traced to the craze that arose in Renaissance artists such as Donatello for the grotesque images they saw on the subterranean walls of the Esquiline Domus Aurea (e.g. Schnapp 1993). And the major stir caused by the recent discovery of a megalography representing a city down there shows the pull that monuments of that kind still have (La Rocca 2000). Roman culture was never far, under one form or another, from the consciousness of modern Italians and it was always forcibly recruited in support of one intellectual movement or another. As a result, classical archaeology in Italy went on getting the lion’s share of the money and the attention. To this day, the vast majority of University departments are full of classicists, and the same applies to the Soprintendenze, where archaeologists other than classical ones are extremely few and far between.

This is why to discuss recent debates we need to backtrack quite a bit and look at the origins of some of these strong assumptions that are still very much with us, even if they were formulated over 200 years ago. Up until the early 19th century the Roman period in Italy was described in terms of a federation which emphasized the contribution of semi-independent, indigenous local communities. With the emergence of modern nationalism in Germany and Italy, the Romans had to be recruited to provide ethical role-models for the citizenship of the new unified kingdoms. These idealized ancestors still displayed in an undiluted form the original virtues of the Italian ‘race’. Thus began the dominance of idealism as the main theoretical framework in Italian culture. What is remarkable is that it still constitutes the basic cultural structure of the theoretically silent majority of classical archaeologists (Terrenato 2002a).

Now, prehistorians and medievalists have been deprecating this state of things for decades, and with very good reason, of course (see for instance the contributions in Battistelli et al. 1993). But I would like to provocatively argue today that this apparent dominance of the classics is really a curse in disguise for Greek and Roman archaeology as an intellectual exercise. There is a price to pay for it and this price is a very messy entanglement with the worst aspects of nationalist ideology. The logic is simple: there is only one possible rationale for assigning such a disproportionate importance to what is after all only a millennium in a very long span of human occupation. This is a firm belief that the Roman period and no other was the high point in the history of Italy and that everything else pales in comparison to what the Romans did in their time. Classical archaeology owes everything to this basic assumption of dominance, and has been yoked to it way too long. In return for an unfair share of university chairs and journal articles, it has agreed to be told what to think

Simplifying brutally, this line of thought (as exposed in early 20th century works by Benedetto Croce) involves a strong belief in an inalterable hierarchy of human manifestations, with art (defined as poetic creation) at the top, and great political ideas and deeds immediately below. This means that the most attention is paid to material remains that attain that highly spiritual sphere, such as large, high-end sculpture and grandiose public architecture (Barbanera 1998, 124-26; d’Agostino 1991). With the contribution of nationalism, these artifacts were interpreted as blatant evidence of a manifest destiny for Rome, which in turn pointed the way forward for modern Italy. This edifying framework, rooted in contemporary German historiography, almost completely informed archaeological agendas and practices. Preference went to a quick and uncomplicated clearing of Roman city

39

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Radical transformations really began to take place only in the 1970s. The marxian interest in material culture finally prompted substantial improvements in the quality of the collection of data. Excavation and survey techniques were considerably improved by those who were looking for material traces of production modes and trade markets (Carandini 1979b). In this way, a trace amount of science managed to be smuggled into a discipline refractory to it, such as classical archaeology as part of a new materialist approach. Although they may seem strange bedfellows, it must be remembered that after all positivism and Marxism do share a faith in a better future as well as an interest in the material components of human experience (Hodder 1986, 15). In this period, a seminar on Roman Italy was organized by the Istituto Gramsci, the cultural institution of the Italian Communist Party. There, field archaeology appeared as the means through which the Roman Empire could be studied in its economic and social dimensions (Giardina & Schiavone 1981). At long last, the idealist Marxism of the 1950s was replaced by a truly materialistic approach. High on the agenda was no longer an analysis of the social implications of art, but the exploration of the Roman economy as an informative precursor of capitalism. This modernist stance also prompted a revitalization of some traditional skills in Classics. Epigraphy, numismatics, topography, the perusal of antiquarian sources, the patient piecing together of lineages, all formerly considered arid pursuits, were now put to a new purpose: that of a global reconstruction of ancient society. Scholars such as Mario Torelli and Filippo Coarelli managed to implement a new holistic approach, combining different sources in the name of a new ‘total history’ (e.g. Torelli 1987, 10).

centres down to the early Imperial levels. Later Roman and Medieval horizons were happily blasted away, while the earlier levels slept peacefully under mosaic and opus sectile floors (cf. Barbanera 1998, 34-39; Ricci & Terrenato 1999). By contrast, it is well known how positivism made little or no impact on such a deeply-seated world view. Even as elsewhere the early 20th century witnessed a strong development of new techniques, which were adopted by Italian prehistorians among others, classicists remained absolutely impermeable to any real substantive innovation. Significantly, characters like the architect Giacomo Boni, who excavated the Forum in Rome using a forerunner of the stratigraphic method, and the engineer Rodolfo Lanciani, were never fully accepted and only had a very limited following (Barbanera 1998, 80-90). The dominance of idealism was certainly not challenged during the fascist period, when classical archaeology became a willing caterer to the propaganda needs of the new regime (Manacorda 1982a). Colonial overtones were added as classic idealist agendas were actively implemented in Italy as well as in Libya and in the Dodecanese (Munzi 2001). More than ever, ancient Rome was simply a passive receiver of whatever modern ideologies wanted to do with it. True, Roman archaeology was an essential part of the Fascist apparatus, and this meant resources, political support, incredible opportunities and personal prestige for those who played the game right. But all this came at the price of that intellectual independence that other less conspicuous and less politically charged disciplines were able to preserve and enjoy.

This was the cultural climate in Italy, while elsewhere processualism was on the rampage. As with the positivist movement at the beginning of the century, this new form of positivism in Italy met with indifference, if not open hostility. The Marxists were greatly suspicious about its reductionism and mechanicism: the myth of a neutral science left them particularly cold, as they were at the very same time engaged in spreading political commitment, even to the most enumerative disciplines. The New Archaeology was explicitly branded by them as deeply reactionary, or at least anti-Marxist (the two adjectives were synonymous then). It was also reputed to share with the old antiquarians an approach not guided by precise research questions, a mere scientism (e.g. Coarelli 1994). This reaction, which in retrospect is perhaps somewhat justified when we remember the Cold War environment in which processualism was hatched in the United States, hampered any progress that the movement might have made in Italy. Such was the attitude of the high profile Italian Marxists against the new ideas coming from America. It is now fairly evident that there lingered also, beneath the surface and in a new form, the old prejudice against hard sciences, based in a deeprooted belief of a hierarchy of disciplines which went back to good, old, pristine idealism: while the idealists had despised methodological research because they saw it

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the situation was, at least in theory, completely revolutionized. Marxism was now widely represented by some of the most influential among Italian intellectuals, and this progressively reached even such a stronghold of conservatism as classical archaeology, mainly through the action of Ranuccio Bianchi Bandinelli (1961). While of course the silent majority of archaeologists remained closet idealists, materialism was adopted in the 1950s and 60s by a growing number of young practitioners, mostly ancient art historians. The name of the Italian pre-war Marxist Antonio Gramsci was often invoked in this context, to help define an approach in which the cultural superstructure retained some independence from the structure. In many cases, however, it was a “Gramsci read though the eyes of Croce” (Carandini 1979a). As a matter of fact, an idealist structure was often still perceivable in the new formulations: the emphasis was mostly on a social history of art, rather than on a reassessment of the position of artistic production in relation to other cultural contexts, and even less on any comprehensive redefinition of Roman culture. There is little doubt that primacy of so-called spiritual manifestations over material ones was still going largely unquestioned.

40

NICOLA TERRENATO: ‘START THE REVOLUTION WITHOUT ME’ Thus we enter the last chapter. While the mainstream was, as always, indifferent to the debate, post-processual ideas began to circulate in Italy. They soon received a remarkable amount of attention, as they were seen as being closer to the great idealistic and gramscian tradition. The relieved thoughts of the silent majority were almost audible. They must have gone something like: “at last, these Anglo-Saxons are talking some sense”, “we knew they would have to come back to history sooner or later” “they have finally reinvented the wheel”. The trouble with all this was, as we will see, that Classical archaeologists in Italy concluded that they had been right all along in not taking New Archaeology seriously. In this, they found a reassuring justification for altogether skipping the positivistic phase again, as they had done at the turn of the century. The truth was that, for those select few who found it nice to have a theoretical affiliation, post-processualism became a convenient new label to stick on the same old idealist historicism. Only a handful of practitioners really engaged the active debate, with its truly innovative issues (Cuozzo 1996).

as a low, non-spiritual pursuit, Marxists saw it as not aligned politically and thus potentially dangerous. Methodologists were suspected of not being on the right side, of not contributing to the final victory. Such paranoias were also intensified by the accident that the main field practitioner in Classical Archaeology before the 1970s, Nino Lamboglia, was actually a man of extremely reactionary political opinions. Notwithstanding this, the budding young Communist archaeologists flocked to his Albintimilium site to be taught excavation methods at his knees (Barbanera 1998, 167-173; Manacorda 1982b). Thus was the prejudice strengthened: field methods were such an ideologically ambiguous subject of study that one could find oneself learning them from a Fascist! This could have never been the case in higher disciplines such as economic history. It is for this reason, I suppose, that the revolution in methods and techniques was only very moderately and guardedly taken on board by the otherwise revolutionary Italian Classical archaeologists. The processual wave broke and retreated in Italy leaving behind comparatively little in terms of permanent acquisitions. This, by the way, was more than welcome news for the silent majority, who probably thought: “if even those Marxist hotheads are not really keen on this new stuff, why should we be?” Isolated exceptions included figures like Gullini and Sommella, who, without considering themselves new archaeologists in any way or form, developed remote imaging and GIS applications to a considerable extent (e.g. Sommella 1992).

As a result of all this, the theoretical situation today in Italian Classical Archaeology appears highly peculiar, when confronted with the debate elsewhere in the world (cf. the contributions in Terrenato 2000; also d’Agostino 1991). Post-processualism is slowly gaining a larger foothold (especially among the younger classical archaeologists), and against it the rebellious processualists have been and are still plotting a revolution that will never come. The internal inconsistencies of both these positions should be apparent. A post-processualism not preceded by a healthy positivist fever risks winding up as a very comfortable way of leaving everything unchanged (which seems to be the highest priority in Italy anyway). The preservation of the idealist ivory tower (with its congenital inability to deal convincingly with comparisons, numbers, natural environments and so on) is certainly not what post-modern thought is about. At the same time, what the processualists are advocating as a radical new development is a staid epistemological approach whose intellectual limitations and connections with Cold War ideology have now been exposed ad nauseam. As in a famous Italian film, the archaeological left is eagerly waiting for the sun to rise from the west. Caught in such a paradoxical deadlock, most Italian archaeologists cannot make much sense of the foreign theoretical debate and consequently give up on it, only to fall back on their favourite erudition and minimalist research questions.

Thus, the stage was set for a new and absolutely peculiar development, which has characterized the whole of Italian archaeology for the last ten or fifteen years. On the one hand, the Marxist school was quickly running out of steam: the Istituto Gramsci, like many other partysponsored operations, was forced to downsize its activities, and many of the old comrades thought it best to recycle themselves as moderates, if nothing else to be able to access in their fifties the highest academic ranks from which they had hitherto been excluded. It goes without saying that whatever drive had existed towards theoretical and methodological innovation petered out almost completely. On the other hand, processual archaeology, which was already declining in the United States, was espoused by a few Italian prehistorians and Iron Age specialists (cf. the debate in Bietti 1996). The latter interacted with classicists on themes such as archaic Rome or Romanization, and as a consequence some cross-fertilization took place. Given the novelty of all this, which had never been widely debated in Italy, it was not surprising to see radical angry young people and Skeptical Graduate Students at the forefront of this belated processualism. Its main attraction was that it involved a good shaking by the roots of the archaeological establishment, which was nowhere as weak as in the application of positivistic approaches.

These peculiar developments, which can be seen across the whole of Italian archaeology, took an even more peculiar form in the strange world of the classics. When combined with the nationalist bias affecting the perception of Rome, the idealist disdain for any comparative approach produced some really unexpected results, which may be worth analysing in some detail.

41

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI culture has become, only a few centuries later, incredibly rational and even cynical, with Roman senators planning grand colonial strategies and capitalist knights ruthlessly exploiting the conquest (Torelli 1999).

On the one hand, the Romans still pretty much hold the unique place in our histories that they had in the early 1800s. These days, stern citizenship and legal elegance are not as emphasized as economic rationality and infrastructural excellence. It may be clothed in a materialist garb, but their paradigmatic role is still there in spades. Now it is true that all this is underpinned by extensive fieldwork more or less of the same quality as that carried out elsewhere by processualists (or at least this is what those who surveyed Roman landscapes and excavated Roman villas are somewhat wishfully thinking…). What is still conspicuously absent, however, is another key ingredient of processualism, that is to say comparative approaches. Because their heritage is the birthright of western culture, and implicitly justifies colonialism and capitalism, the Romans simply cannot be compared with any other part of the human past, with the possible exception of Greece. Nationalism and Marxism may be embarrassing words for some today, but the way they painted ancient Rome still goes largely unchallenged.

In some extreme cases, the inconsistency is so striking that it creates a topsy-turvy world, bewildering and unaccountable like on an alien planet. It is populated by early Romans that move around in a trance, through an empathic mist of emerging religious cosmogonies, myth enactment and oral history. In this primordial stage, they can be safely compared with the primitives of Levi-Bruhl and with Sahlins’ Tahitians. Even more amazingly, they are still clinging to this kind of mentality well into the late regal period, when kings recombine mythical materials in their ecstatic dreams and politics has yet to replace memory. Fast forward a couple of decades and everything suddenly turns on its head. Early republican proto-villas have nexi performing the duties of slaves and their owners speculating on ruined small farmers and on the staple needs of a booming city. Tout se passe as if the average elite Roman, around 500 BC, drank a potion and went to sleep as Siddharta, only to wake up as Donald Trump. Apparently, dreamtime can become overtime in no time ....

On the other hand, when postmodern ideas became fashionable, all that classical archaeologists saw in them was that they got them off the hook as far as methodological adequacy was concerned. It was finally, officially all right not to know the first thing about sampling, geopedology, archaeomaterials and all the bothersome rest. But, as they had done with processualism, classical archaeologists did not engage the new intellectual movement in its entirety, but only those parts that were convenient to shore up what they were already doing. The postcolonial critiques, for example, that were tearing apart the nationalist edifice (e.g. Van Dommelen 1997) were certainly not taken on board. Any attempt at deconstructing the orthodoxy of Mommsen and Marx could only be grossly misunderstood as naive primitivist empiricism (e.g. Carandini 2002, 10-12). The Romans had to remain the harbingers of modernity, or western civilization as we know it would fall.

Such is the force of false analogies, of high modernist biases (and perhaps also of the desperate need to protect existing scholarly investments). Early Rome is the backyard playground where the new theoretical rides can be discreetly and safely parked. Those who are so inclined can go there for some clean postprocessual fun which will not be in the way of the adult business of bringing back to life Imperial Rome. It is too bad that the last ounce of historiographical coherence has to be sacrificed in the process. The picture is one of terminal wishy-washiness, of unsurpassed falsche Bewegung. No theoretical cup can ever be drunk to the bottom, dregs and all. Classical archaeology in Italy takes a sip here and a sip there, hoping that it will somehow be enough to stay abreast of the new developments elsewhere. It did not dare to lose completely its innocence with processualism and now it cannot be seriously and properly post-processual. It can flirt with postmodernism all right, but then it cannot seriously engage the Foucaults and the Bhabhas, the Bourdieus, the Scotts and the Giddenses. It remains the intellectual lightweight of the social sciences, no real match for the nationalist millstone that has been hanging around its own neck, unquestioned, for generations.

Some classical archaeologists, however, had an itch to try out some of the new fangled intellectual tools, but they simply could not bring themselves to do that with Imperial Rome. So they turned to early Romans, to those strange creatures that are not yet paradigmatic Romans but are still a legitimate subject of study for Romanists, in fact providing them with a rare opportunity for a torrid, illicit affair with that darkness called the Iron Age. It is certainly not a coincidence that the first Italian classicist to adopt explicitly a post-processual stance, Bruno d’Agostino, did so with the Iron Age necropolis of Pontecagnano. His work there in the 1980s and 90s set the tone for a number of other contributions to this cultural context (d’Agostino & Gastaldi 1988). It is enough to mention Torelli’s recent book, which draws a fascinating picture of an archaic Italic society dominated by scrupulous religious symbolism and ancestral remembrance (Torelli 1997). And yet in another book by him that appeared almost at the same time, the same

Closing paragraphs often sound off on an uplifting note, but it is not easy to find one here. As I have argued elsewhere, the classic must become ordinary (Terrenato 2002b). Not just regal Rome, but the whole Roman era must be comprehensively reassessed in the light of what we know about other complex state societies. Colonialist baggage must be finally left behind and all its ramifications must be uprooted and thoroughly 42

NICOLA TERRENATO: ‘START THE REVOLUTION WITHOUT ME’ d’Agostino, B. & P. Gastaldi (eds), 1988. Pontecagnano. Napoli. Giardina, A. & A. Schiavone (eds), 1981. Società romana e produzione schiavistica. Rome/Bari. Hodder, I., 1986. Reading the past. Cambridge. La Rocca, E., 2000. L’affresco con veduta di città dal Colle Oppio, in: E. Fentress (ed.), Romanization and the city. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth, 57-71. Manacorda, D., 1982a. Aspetti dell’archeologia italiana durante il fascismo. Dialoghi di Archeologia 4, 89-96. Manacorda, D., 1982b. Cento anni di ricerche archeologiche italiane: il dibattito sul metodo. Quaderni di storia 6, 85-119. Munzi, M., 2001. L’epica del ritorno. Rome. Ricci, G. & N. Terrenato, 1999. Ideological biases in the urban archaeology of Rome: a quantitative approach, in: P. Baker et al. (eds), TRAC 98. Oxford, 163-171. Schnapp, A., 1993. La conquête du passé : aux origines de l'archéologie. Paris. Sommella, P., 1992. Carta archeologica d’Italia (Forma Italiae). Esperienze a confronto, in: M. Bernardi (ed.), Archeologia del Paesaggio. Firenze, 797-801. Terrenato, N. (ed.), 2000. Archeologia teorica. Florence. Terrenato, N., 1998. The romanization of Italy: global acculturation or cultural bricolage?, in: C. Forcey et al. (eds), TRAC 97. Oxford, 20-27. Terrenato, N., 2002a. Ancestor cults: the perception of ancient Rome in Italian culture, in: R. Hingley (ed.), Images of Rome. Journal of Roman Archaeology. Portsmouth, 71-89. Terrenato, N., 2002b. The innocents and the skeptics. Classical archaeology and antiquity. Antiquity 76, 1104-1111. Torelli, M., 1987. La società etrusca. Rome. Torelli, M., 1997. Il rango, il rito e l’immagine. Milan. Torelli, M., 1999. Tota Italia: essays in the cultural formation of Roman Italy. Oxford. Van Dommelen, P. 1997. Colonial constructs: colonialism and archaeology in the Mediterranean. World Archaeology 28, 31-49.

deconstructed. We will of course always have some ideological baggage, but there is really no reason to go on dragging around that of 200 years ago. On the chronological plane, long-term local histories should integrate the entire pre-modern era, breaking down the traditional barriers between protohistorical, classical and medieval periods (a timid attempt in Augenti & Terrenato 2000). The Romans can be feudalized and the ProtoVillanovans problematized. Classical archaeology can become exciting again for Classicists and non-Classicists alike if we can only rebuild it on the same platform and with the same standing as the rest of the human past. We may find incredible novelty right there, where we least expect it, in that masterpiece that so many have seen before us, in that canonical text that so many have read before us, in that peninsula where so many have dug before us. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The present text builds on a much earlier version presented in 1997 at a TAG session organized by Mark Pearce of University of Nottingham. Useful comments were offered by A.M. Bietti Sestieri and A. Augenti. Thanks are extended to Jeffrey Becker for a close editorial pass. The reference in the title, which unfortunately dates the author, is to the 1970 Gene Wilder film. BIBLIOGRAPHY Augenti, A. & N. Terrenato, 2000. Le sedi del potere nel territorio di Volterra: una lunga prospettiva (secoli VII a.C.-XIII d.C.), in: G.P. Brogiolo (ed.), II Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Medievale. Florence, 298-303. Barbanera, M., 1998. L'archeologia degli Italiani. Rome. Battistelli, P., M. Bettelli, M. Di Pillo, E. Farina, S.T. Levi, C. Moffa, A., Reggi, F. Squarone & A. Vanzetti (eds) 1993. La laurea non fa l’archeologo. Mantova. Bianchi Bandinelli, R., 1961. Archeologia e cultura. Milan. Bietti, A. (ed.), 1996. Theoretical and methodological problems. Forlì. Carandini, A., 1979a. Archeologia e cultura materiale. Bari/Rome. Carandini, A., 1979b. L'anatomia della scimmia. Carandini, A., 2002. Introduzione, in: A. Carandini & F. Cambi (eds), Paesaggi d’Etruria. Rome, 5-12. Coarelli, F., 1994. L’archéologie classique dans la culture européenne d’aujourd’hui. Revue archéologique, 294302. Cuozzo, M., 1996. Prospettive teoriche e metodologiche nell’interpretazione delle necropoli: la PostProcessual Archaeology. Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli 3, 1-37. d’Agostino, B., 1991. The Italian perspective on theoretical archaeology, in: I. Hodder (ed.), Archaeological theory in Europe CUP. Cambridge, 52-64. 43

MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES* Andrea Augenti

INTRODUCTION First of all the debate on incastellamento should be mentioned: that is the creation and growth of nucleated and fortified settlements in the countryside. The proposed dating for the phenomenon has recently shifted back in time, and while initially scholars were focusing mainly on the 10th-13th centuries they now tend to date these transformations in the social landscape between 7th-8th centuries. This is largely due to the discoveries in two main sites excavated by Riccardo Francovich and his team, Scarlino and Montarrenti: two castelli which turned out to be preceded by nucleated villages in the early middle ages.3 Obviously this evidence – which more recently has also been confirmed in other sites in Tuscany – demands a reappraisal of the genesis and morphology of rural medieval landscape.4

This paper is an attempt to point out the main patterns of current Italian medieval archaeology, and is conceived to make some proposals for the future development of the discipline. An analysis of the main subjects currently under debate is followed by a practical suggestion, concerning the geographical scale to which medieval archaeologists should try to focus their future research. The need for the abandonment of a sterile descriptivism and the search for a steady theoretical basis is also expressed. This year the Journal Archeologia Medievale celebrates its thirtieth anniversary. The Journal was founded in 1974, only a few years after the outbreak of Medieval Archaeology in the academic system: the first chair, held by Michelangelo Cagiano de Azevedo at the University ‘Cattolica’ of Milan dates back to 1966.1 In 1994 a new turning point in the history of the discipline was represented by the foundation of the Society for Medieval Archaeology (S.A.M.I.), a scientific institution contributing to the promotion of the discipline and the academic debate, and the diffusion of information.2

The second important discussion concerns early medieval urbanism, perhaps better defined as “the destiny of Roman towns during Late Antiquity and the early middle ages”. The debate is very well known even at an international level and it has long focused on – and almost got stuck between – the concepts of continuity/discontinuity and the opinions of catastrophists and continuists.5 Currently the impasse seems to be over and most of the scholars involved in the discussion now accept that early medieval towns were locations where continuities and discontinuities coexisted, both at the material and the institutional level. In the light of this acquisition early medieval urban landscape was rightly defined a “heterogeneous urban landscape”.6

It is a common tendency in Italy to consider ‘young’ anybody under 60 years old; despite this, and writing for a Dutch journal, we can reasonably claim that, due to its dense history, Italian medieval archaeology has finally come of age as an independent and mature discipline. The aim of this paper is to briefly consider the latest developments of Italian studies in medieval archaeology, placing them in the wider European perspective, thus highlighting current patterns and trends, and testing the permeability of the discipline to external influences. In the final section I point out some of the most promising research directions that, in my opinion, deserve fuller exploration in the next years or decades.

Early medieval burials, and more generally the attempt to detect ethnicity through the archaeological record, have been the subject for another debate which started in the late eighties and is still continuing. So far scholars have mostly analysed the relationship between burials and ethnicity in Lombard contexts, mainly during the 6th and 7th centuries.7

NEW TRENDS, NEW PATTERNS

Another important issue which is presently arousing interest among medieval archaeologists is that of abandoned medieval villages. Sauro Gelichi recently

During the last thirty years some interesting debates have taken place within the framework of Italian medieval archaeology, directed towards certain, specific issues. These discussions often stemmed from specific excavations, and some lasted for a few years while others are still ongoing. In most cases the debates were hosted in the Journal Archeologia Medievale. I summarize below the most recent developments of these discussions.

3 See the proceedings of the Conference “Lo scavo archeologico di Montarrenti e i problemi dell’incastellamento medievale” held in Siena in 1988, in Archeologia Medievale 1989, 7-288 (also in Francovich & Milanese 1990); Francovich 1995. 4 Francovich 2002; Francovich & Hodges 2003. 5 Ward-Perkins 1997; Gelichi 2002. 6 The definition is Lidia Paroli’s (Paroli 1993, 159). The debate was started in the mid Eighties in the journal Archeologia Medievale: La Rocca 1986; Brogiolo 1987. For a synthesis on early medieval Italian towns see Brogiolo & Gelichi 1998. See also Pani Ermini 2000; Gelichi 2002; La Rocca 2003. 7 See the many contributions in Paroli 1997; for a wider time span see also Brogiolo & Cantino Wataghin 1998.

* A special thank to Riccardo Francovich and Giulio Volpe, who generously discussed with me many of the issues I presented here. 1 For a synthesis on the history of the discipline see Delogu 1986; Gelichi 1997a, 17-87. 2 http://archeologiamedievale.unisi.it/New Pages/ SAMI/home.html

44

ANDREA AUGENTI: MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES methodology and expected results.14 Nevertheless, in more recent years some contributions have demonstrated a new effort to search for a common ground in which ‘Christian’ archaeologists working together with Late Antiquity specialists and medieval archaeologists can produce interesting results. A first effort was devoted to the creation of analytical archives concerning rural churches and baptisteries.15 These are indeed very useful tools, as well as an important starting point for many discussions to come. The experiment has undoubtedly turned out to be successful, and is flanked by a renewed interest in important structures such as monasteries (this is in part probably due to the brilliant example of the excavations in San Vincenzo al Volturno, for long directed by Richard Hodges).16 The implications of this new effort are notable, especially considering the fundamental role played by churches and monasteries in the transformation of both urban and rural areas during the middle ages. It is now evident that archaeological knowledge of the medieval world based solely on an occasional consideration of ecclesiastic and monastic structures and burial sites would be a complete nonsense.17 In this sense the encounter with a longconsolidated tradition of study, which has started to recognize the need to adopt an analytical and stratigraphic approach, will produce – or, as argued above, has already started to produce – remarkable results.

argued that in Italy this subject was mostly neglected due to the great amount of energy devoted to research on incastellamento.8 The rest of Europe does not follow the same path: especially in France and the United Kingdom there is a long and consolidated scholarly tradition of studies on deserted medieval villages. Things seem to have changed recently in Italy too, and we are starting to see excavations in such Italian sites as Geridu (in Sardinia) and Quattro Macine (in Puglia).9 The development of this new research direction reveals the need to amplify our knowledge in order to reach a wider understanding of the complexity of medieval landscape. Finally, notwithstanding the recent and remarkable improvements in the analysis of various classes of materials,10 pottery still absorbs most scholarly attention. Pottery production and commerce remain the object of ongoing discussion. Among those issues debated in more recent years, and following a long-lasting discussion of early medieval glazed pottery, the last multi-author contribution focused on pottery produced and imported in Italy from the 6th to 7th centuries. Other recent publications and study-meetings reveal the state of present knowledge and testify a strong – if not prevailing – interest in the period corresponding to the 5th-10th centuries.11 This was a very rough sketch of some of the main issues discussed by medieval archaeologists in recent years.12 But even at a surface level it is possible to clearly identify a new trend: a shift of interests and therefore of research subjects increasingly towards the early middle ages and the Late Roman period. This new tendency is directed towards a deeper understanding of the origins of longterm processes and phenomena, and can produce remarkable results – especially when combined with an analytical approach. In order to carry on a complete and reliable reconstruction of the chronological context specified above (5th-10th centuries), different types of evidence are considered, such as castra.13

In short, we can thus see the attempt to examine the medieval world in a wider perspective (both in chronological and contextual terms) and by means of an analytical approach, as one of the most recent and promising tendencies of Italian archaeology. BETWEEN EMPIRICISM AND DESCRIPTIVISM: THE POVERTY OF THEORY IN ITALIAN MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY What I have briefly sketched so far is a general overview of current research topics and trends in Italian medieval archaeology. This summary can also be considered as an optimistic way of telling the story. Obviously all the issues considered are relevant, and they also testify to the

But another recent trend is also worth mentioning. As most of us know, Italian medieval archaeologists have traditionally found it difficult to establish a dialogue with their colleagues in the field of ‘Christian archaeology’. It is more often the case that in many fields of research a real exchange has never really started. The two traditions are certainly very different, not least in their cultural and methodological roots. Approaches to archaeological evidence are somehow distant as regards their

14

Lavan 2003. Brogiolo, Cantino Wataghin & Gelichi 1999; Fiocchi Nicolai & Gelichi 2001. To the latter I would also add the recent seminars organized by Brogiolo on rural churches of the 7th-8th centuries (Brogiolo 2001), of the 5th-6th centuries (Brogiolo, in press) and of the 9th-10th centuries (Brogiolo, held in Sept. 2003). 16 Hodges 1997. See also the many contributions by G. Cantino Wataghin, who has long dedicated her attention to this research issue: see for instance Cantino Wataghin 1997; 1998; 2000. 17 In this sense, Fiocchi Nicolai’s intervention (1994) to the round table of the Pontignano conference La storia dell’alto Medioevo italiano (VIX secolo) alla luce dell’archeologia, held in 1992, is paradigmatic. His suggestions – to avoid the risk that relevant data from Lazio’s churches and cemeteries might be neglected in more recent topographic surveys – were later wisely adopted by Tim Potter in the final report on the site of Mola di Monte Gelato (Potter & King 1997). See also the more general considerations expressed in Pergola 1997, as well as Cantino Wataghin 1996; Cantino Wataghin, Gurt Esparraguera & Guyon 1996 (for urban areas); Volpe 1996; 1998; 2001 and various contributions in Pergola 1999 (for rural areas). 15

8

Gelichi 1997a, 85. Milanese 2001; Arthur 1996. See also the case of Ordona, an ancient town that later becomes a casale: Volpe 2001. 10 On metal objects see, for instance, Giostra 2000. 11 Paroli 1992; Saguì 1998; Curina & Negrelli 2002. In addition, see the second conference of the group CER.AM.IS (Ceramica Altomedievale Italia Settentrionale) held in Turin in December 2002, focused on “Production and circulation of pottery in Northern Italy between the 6th-10th centuries”. 12 See also Francovich & Brogiolo 1998. 13 Brogiolo & Gelichi 1996. 9

45

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI vitality and great potential of the discipline to develop. But if we want to obtain a complete picture we have to push our analysis a little further still. In fact, a deeper consideration will reveal some deficiencies and lacunas that should not be neglected, and which deserve a separate discussion.

As a matter of fact, both of the theoretical articles cited above had little influence on the evolution of Italian medieval archaeology. Hodges’ essay was conceived to introduce ‘new archaeology’ to medieval studies, whilst Moreland’s dealt with the possible impact of postprocessual approaches to the field. No tangible, explicit reaction to these articles has been recorded so far. In other words, Italian medieval archaeology turned out to be quite resistant to the many intellectual stimuli coming from the outside world: I am referring principally to the Anglo-Saxon school, the most prolific in the production of archaeological theory in the last decades. It could be argued that this refractory attitude is not only valid for Italian medieval archaeology: the same can also be detected in classical archaeology.22 But that is not a sufficient excuse, since medieval archaeology has always been one of the most receptive disciplines as regards methodological issues. It may be sufficient to recall that, in the early seventies, medieval scholars were amongst those responsible for the diffusion of the stratigraphical method in historical archaeology, as well as the main proponents of the archaeology of buildings.23 Therefore the absence of a thorough, explicit theoretical reflection fails to match the methodological accuracy traditionally displayed by medieval scholars. There are obviously some exceptions, but by and large Italian scholars tend to consider that spending time on theoretical reflections is a waste of time.24

Firstly, within the Italian tradition of medieval archaeology a general and quite marked, minutely descriptive style is particularly widespread. During the initial period of the discipline, when there was an urgent need to create corpora of data on which revisions and discussions could be based, such an approach was perceived as somehow useful – although we could now question whether this approach was actually effective. But today, when medieval archaeology is scientifically and academically affirmed, and substantially contributes to the historiographical debate thanks to the new sources it produces, descriptive style (‘archaeography’, as it was recently named)18 should no longer be perceived as one of the main research goals, and should rather acquire a more marginal position within a wider and deeper discussion. A second characteristic, directly linked to the first one, is a general fragmentation of research. The result is an almost complete lack of large-scale studies, for instance at a regional level. One of the few exceptions is represented by Tuscany, where a project on ‘medieval landscapes’ was recently launched, including the creation of a digital database storing available information concerning all settlements and religious places.19

The final risk is that, after having missed the train of processualism, Italian medieval archaeology is not even catching that of post-processualism, let alone the spaceship of the reflexive method recently put forward by Ian Hodder: a methodological proposal stemming directly from theoretical reflections.25

But in my opinion, what affects our discipline most negatively is the lack of theoretical reflection. Referring to European medieval archaeology in general, David Austin already lamented this absence in the Nineties, and, regarding the Italian case, this lack is still particularly evident.20 Indeed, theoretical debates never found much space in Italian medieval archaeology.21 Browsing through the journal Archeologia Medievale, in almost thirty years we find only two articles entirely dedicated to archaeological method and theory in relation to medieval studies. Both are written by English scholars: Richard Hodges (1982) and John Moreland (1991).

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR THE FUTURE – SOME PROPOSALS There is no doubt that Italian medieval archaeology could continue to follow the traditional directions sketched above in the years to come as well. The results are clear and impressive.26 But if a different track is to be chosen, which would allow further, stable growth of the discipline at a national level, than a general strategy is needed. The first step toward this aim is to draw up a research agenda. The agenda should be oriented towards the creation of large-scale projects, as mentioned above. An example of such a project is the recent publication of the first volume of the excavations in Poggibonsi (Siena): a

An additional, recent symptom of the above mentioned scarcity of a theoretical debate in Italian medieval archaeology is the fact that organizers of the third Italian congress of Medieval Archaeology – which will be held in Salerno in October 2003 – chose not to contemplate a section on theory, knowing from the start that it would have remained almost entirely deserted (a highly likely probability).

22

As pointed out in Terrenato 1998, 188-192. See Manacorda 1990, 18; Brogiolo 1996; Gelichi 1997a, 89-109. 24 On this attitude, which is also shared by non-Italian archaeologists, see Johnson 1999, 6-11, who clearly shows how the assumed absence of theory which some authors claim for their works is inconsistent: a certain degree of theorization is always present – albeit implicitly – in any interpretation of archaeological evidence. “Pretending to be atheoretical is an attempt to impose a kind of machismo on to archaeological practice” (ibid., p. 6). 25 Hodder 1999. See also Carver 2001. 26 Gelichi 1997a; Francovich & Brogiolo 1998; Wickham 1999. 23

18

Moberg 1981. Internet address: www.paesaggimedievali.it Austin 1990, 13. 21 See Francovich 1990, 5-6. 19 20

46

ANDREA AUGENTI: MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES record’.32 But an attitude of subservience to the latter category is still widespread: it is enough to consider the many archaeological reports and monographs in which written sources are mentioned and discussed as the Sources in an apodictic, albeit vague denomination implying that written sources are the sole, true sources. Here, we see an unconsciously ‘suicidal’ attitude which leaves no space for the existence of archaeological sources. Or – perhaps worse – we might think of all the times that written sources are mentioned as ‘historical sources’, as if archaeological ones were not historical. In fact, medieval archaeologists (as well as all historical archaeologists) are nothing but historians interested in the retrieval, analysis and interpretation of a specific system of sources – material sources. But if they really want to grasp at least some of the complex meanings of the context they are interested in, they cannot allow themselves to neglect the written sources. The point here is a methodological one: information resulting from the two systems (material culture and written texts) should not get mixed up during the process of investigation.33 To give a practical example, this happens when sites known through archaeological work and those known through documentary evidence are recorded with the same kind of symbol in a distribution map. It would instead be methodologically correct to identify different sites with different symbols, which point out their origin. Or, again, the same thing happens when a site is chosen for excavation merely because it is mentioned in written sources (even in a laconic way): archaeology, here, is used simply to ‘complement’ the information.34 More generally speaking, this happens, as John Moreland argues, when “an absence in the written sources justifies archaeological intervention”. He thus continues: “the search for ‘text-free’ zones of the past, into which archaeology can insert itself, not only reproduces archaeology’s subordination to history but also fundamentally misconceives the role of both artefacts and writing in History”.35

database for the storage of information regarding the timber-built houses of medieval Italy.27 The utility of such a tool is proved by its frequent use by many scholars, and the fact that it is often cited in many publications, both historical and archaeological.28 But at present its uniqueness makes it a mere drop in the ocean. We definitely need similar databases concerning stone and brick medieval building techniques, on a national scale. This is no easy project, especially when one considers the outstanding amount of information to collect and manage, but such a result could certainly be achieved by coordinating many different regional projects.29 In fact, it is at the regional scale that future work should be concentrated. Most of the subjects that Italian medieval archaeology is currently dealing with could be more satisfactorily studied if such a geographical context were adopted as a scale unit. Take, for instance, incastellamento: again, recent work in Tuscany showed the massive amount of new data that can be brought to light by a project conceived for the study of such a phenomenon on a regional scale.30 The same goes for other subjects, such as the study of religious sites, pottery, coins and so on. This approach could also be of great help in visualising not only our present knowledge but also the lacunas, and the results achieved would form the basis for future elaboration, thus helping to address new research guidelines. What I have discussed so far is clearly an empirical proposal. On the other hand, we cannot run the risk of underestimating the advantages that profound theoretical reflection could bring to the development of research quality in our discipline. Corpora and databases are doubtless useful tools, but only if a thorough critical analysis precedes and follows the collection of data. In my opinion, a more diffused contextual approach is urgently needed within Italian medieval archaeology.31 We have not yet fully recognized the multi-faceted possibilities that such a perspective opens up.

To remain within a contextual perspective, and once the necessity to clarify the modes of interaction between archaeological and written sources is accepted, a number of subjects emerge which so far have not been thoroughly discussed, and which, in my opinion, deserve the attention of Italian medieval archaeologists.

A first step in this direction can be the reassessment of the relationship between written and archaeological sources. It is sometimes stated – although evidently not frequently enough – that medieval archaeologists should set themselves free from the ‘tyranny of the written

27

32

Valenti, Fronza 1996. See for instance Galetti 1997. 29 The internet can provide an important contribution to the creation of such a composite tool. For this reason a new project ‘Medieval Archaeology Network’ is being implemented within the S.A.M.I. 30 First results and summary essays are published in Francovich & Ginatempo 2000. A similar project, concerning the cataloguing of castra on a historical-archaeological basis, has also been started in Emilia-Romagna. Archaeological investigations are coordinated by S. Gelichi (in Emilia) and myself (in Romagna). 31 On post-processual/contextual archaeology see Hodder 1986; Johnson 1999, 98-115. A thorough synthesis in Terrenato 2000b. See also Cuozzo 2000.

Champion 1990. See also Austin 1990; Austin & Thomas 1990. Austin & Thomas 1990, 51: “What has to be asked is whether the two forms of evidence can be combined in the same narrative, or whether the documentary and archaeological historian are dealing with material which relates to such separate concerns that they must construct their narratives as ‘parallel texts’”. 34 As a contrary example, Monte Barro – one of the most important sites excavated in Italy in the last decades – gave extremely important information on Late Roman fortifications in Northern Italy, but is absent from medieval written sources (Brogiolo & Castelletti 1991; 2001). 35 Moreland 2001, 21. A conception of archaeology as a discipline subordinated to history is apparent in a recent volume on incastellamento in Sabina: Hubert 2002.

28

33

47

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI For instance, it is true that much work has been done on the transformations of ancient towns during the Late Roman and early medieval period. But studies considering the relationship between towns and their territories are still scarce. Among these we can count Modena (discussed by Sauro Gelichi), Naples (studied and recently published by Paul Arthur), and a few others.36 This now appears as a promising field of research that will certainly produce rewarding results in the future.

archaeology to turn its attention to re-establishing contacts with neighbouring disciplines, such as art history, architectural history, epigraphy and so on, in order to gain a richer and more interesting perspective on the material traces of the past. I might repropose here a suggestion put forward some time ago by Andrea Carandini: that this result is best achieved, for example, through an interdisciplinary analysis of great monumental complexes, until now effected chiefly through stratigraphical excavations and the study of standing structures.42 I am aware that a precondition to fulfil this aim is the dismissal of an ideological bias which is deeply rooted in Italian medieval archaeology: the well-known perception of archaeology as a means to give voice to lower classes and marginal groups of the past, the ‘people without history’ in Eric Wolf’s definition.43 I believe John Moreland has brilliantly demonstrated that this concern is misplaced, since “the so-called ‘people without history’ were both distanced from and captured by the records of the powerful”. This is true in relation to both written and material statements. Thus, as he adds: “the walls of a castle speak of both (the need for) domination and (at least the possibility of) resistance”.44 I would go even further, by adding that Italian medieval archaeology should take into consideration settlement structures (i.e. castles, palaces, monasteries, houses) not only from an economics-based standpoint, nor simply to analyse mere settlements’ transformations in time, as is currently (and rightly) done. Again, a wider perspective is needed, in order to focus also on the social and symbolic aspects of those structures and their inner spaces.45 Such a perspective would open up an entirely new, almost unexplored field of studies, a novel view that would allow archaeological data to be approached from a series of different angles. Among other issues – as Roberta Gilchrist showed with her innovative studies on female monasticism – gender studies prove extremely fruitful in this sense, although so far this perspective has found no space in Italian medieval archaeology.46

Moreover, despite the various research carried out on medieval landscape and settlement structures, little can be found on the question of medieval individuals’ use and perception of their environment. This is not a merely speculative interest, but rather a solid research direction that might, for example lead to a better understanding of the criteria adopted to select a settlement location in the past.37 Another subject that must surely deserve wider and deeper investigation is the archaeology of ethnicity. With few exceptions, in Italy this has been practised in a rather rudimentary way, without a proper theoretical and methodological framework. A fresh and profound analytical and critical work is required, especially now that new material is available.38 Moreover, we can see the need for a wider perspective: in a country that so frequently witnessed the encounter of different ethnic groups,39 studies should analyse not only the relationship between Germanic and local people, but also – and more systematically – the material means adopted to construct, affirm, and oppose cultural identities among Muslims, Normans, Byzantines and other groups.40 In relation to the more specific sphere of funerary archaeology – which is only one among many possible information sources related to ethnic identity issues – the new contextual approach opens up new research possibilities. We now know that a burial site can be ‘read’ as a source to obtain data about social aspects, ideological conflicts, dynamics of resistance and gender differences.41 These are all relevant issues, which can profoundly enrich our understanding of the past.

In conclusion, once the necessity for adequate and explicit theoretical reflection is acknowledged, a whole 42 Carandini 1988, 36. See also Wicker 1999; Brogiolo 2000a; Pierotti & Quiros Castillo 2000. On the relationship between archaeology and epigraphy see Manacorda’s interesting considerations (2000). The recent implementation of the project Inscriptiones Medii Aevi Italiae, promoted by the Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo (Spoleto) should form the basis for a new dialogue between medieval archaeology and epigraphy. The first volume of the series relates to Viterbo: Cimarra et alii 2002. 43 Wolf 1982. 44 Moreland 2001, p. 118. And, more generally: “Oppressor and oppressed were entangled in webs spun through texts and objects (...). If we are fully to understand the historical past, we must seek out the details of the way in which people, in historically specific contexts, used, manipulated and confronted both texts and objects” (ibid., 97). Although an exceptional case, the lengthy essay on the mining village Rocca S. Silvestro by Riccardo Francovich and Chris Wickham (1994) follows the same path. 45 See for instance how such an approach can produce innovations (also on the methodological level) when applied to the study of castles, as in Mathieu 1999. See also Johnson 2003; Richardson 2003. 46 Gilchrist 1994; 1995; 1999. See also Diaz Andreu 2000.

A third research direction takes its cue from a more general assumption: the time seems ripe for medieval 36

Gelichi 1988; Gelichi & Giordani 1994; Arthur 2002. In this regard see Halsall 1995, 248-253, where it is suggested that late medieval re-occupation of villa ruins can be interpreted as a means of asserting power on the land by dominant groups. See also De Jong, Thews & Van Rhijn 2001; Augenti in press. 38 Halsall 1995; Jones 1997; Lucy 2000a. 39 Arnaldi 2002. 40 One of the few examples in this sense is Molinari 1997. For a comparison see Gerrard 1999: an interesting work on the creation and opposition of different identities in medieval Aragon; the analysis is conducted using the most varied archaeological evidence, such as buildings, settlements, artefacts and graffiti. 41 See Cuozzo 2000 for an example of this approach in a 7th century BC context. For similar analyses related to the early medieval period see Halsall 1995; Carver 1998; Lucy 2000a; 2000b; Barbiera in press. 37

48

ANDREA AUGENTI: MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES range of different approaches become available to interpret and discuss Italian medieval archaeological evidence, which is amongst the richest and most varied in Europe.

Cantino Wataghin, G., 1996. Quadri urbani nell’Italia settentrionale: Tarda Antichità e Alto Medioevo, in: C. Lepelley (ed.), La fin de la cité antique et le debut de la cité médiévale. De la fin du IIIe siècle à l’avenement de Charlemagne, Actes du colloque (Paris 1993). Bari, 239-271. Cantino Wataghin, G., 1997. Archeologia dei monasteri. L’altomedioevo, in: Gelichi 1997b, 265-268. Cantino Wataghin, G., 1998, Monasteri in Piemonte dalla tarda antichità al medioevo, in: L. Mercando & E. Micheletto (eds), Archeologia in Piemonte, III. Il Medioevo. Torino, 161-185. Cantino Wataghin, G., 2000. Monasteri tra VIII e IX secolo: evidenze archeologiche per l’Italia settentrionale, in: C. Bertelli & G.P. Brogiolo (eds), Il futuro dei Longobardi. L’Italia e la costruzione dell’Europa di Carlo Magno – Saggi. Milano, 129141. Cantino Wataghin, G., J.M. Gurt Esparraguera & J. Guyon, 1996. Topografia della civitas christiana tra IV e VI sec., in: G.P. Brogiolo (ed.), Early medieval towns in the western Mediterranean, Atti del Convegno (Ravello 1994). Mantova, 17-41. Carandini, A., 1988. Archeologia, architettura, storia dell’arte, in: R. Francovich & R. Parenti (eds), Archeologia e restauro dei monumenti. Firenze, 3138. Carver, M., 1998. Sutton Hoo: a burial ground of Kings? London. Carver, M., 2001. The future of field archaeology, in: Z. Kobylinski (ed.), Quo vadis archaeologia? Whither European archaeology in the 21st century? Warsaw, 118-132. Champion, T.C., 1990. Medieval archaeology and the tyranny of the historical ecord, in: Austin & Alcock 1990, 79-95. Cimarra, L. et alii, 2002. Lazio - Viterbo, 1 (= Inscriptiones Medii Aevi Italiae, 1). Spoleto. Cuozzo, M.A., 2000. Orizzonti teorici e interpretativi, tra percorsi di matrice francese, archeologia postprocessuale e tendenze italiane: considerazioni e indirizzi di ricerca per lo studio delle necropoli, in: Terrenato 2000a, 323-360. Curina, R. & C. Negrelli (eds), 2002, 1° Incontro di studio sulle ceramiche tardoantiche e altomedievali, Atti del Convegno (Manerba 1998). Mantova. De Jong, M., F. Thews & C. van Rhijn (eds), 2001. Topographies of power in the early Middle Ages (= Transformation of the Roman World, 6). LeidenBoston-Köln. Delogu, P., 1986. Archeologia medievale: un bilancio di vent’anni. Archeologia Medievale 13, 491-505. Diaz Andreu, M., 2000. Identità di genere e archeologia: una visione di sintesi, in: Terrenato 2000a, 361-388. Fiocchi Nicolai, V., 1994. Discussione, in: R. Francovich & G. Noyé (eds), La storia dell’alto medioevo italiano (VI-X secolo) alla luce dell’archeologia. Firenze, 403-406. Fiocchi Nicolai, V. & S. Gelichi, 2001. Battisteri e chiese rurali (IV-VII secolo), in: L’edificio battesimale in

BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnaldi, G., 2002. L’Italia e i suoi invasori. Roma/Bari. Arthur, P., 1996. ‘Masseria Quattro Macine’ – A deserted medieval village and its territory in southern Apulia: an interim report on field survey, excavation and document analysis. Papers of the British School at Rome 64, 181-237. Arthur, P., 2002. Naples. From Roman town to city-state. London. Augenti, A., in press. Le chiese rurali dei secoli V-VI: il contesto topografico e sociale. Alcune considerazioni sul tema del seminario, in: Brogiolo c.s. Austin, D., 1990, The ‘proper study’ of medieval archaeology, in: Austin & Alcock 1990, 9-42. Austin, D. & L. Alcock (eds), 1990. From the Baltic to the Black Sea. Studies in Medieval Archaeology. London. Austin, D. & J. Thomas, 1990. The ‘proper study’ of medieval archaeology: a case-study, in: Austin & Alcock 1990, 43-78. Barbiera, I., in press. Migration and identity during the Lombard invasions. Firenze. Brogiolo, G.P., 1987. A proposito dell’organizzazione urbana nell’altomedioevo. Archeologia Medievale 14, 27-46. Brogiolo, G.P., 1996. Prospettive per l’archeologia dell’architettura. Archeologia dell’Architettura 1, 1115. Brogiolo, G.P., 2000a. Presentazione, in: Brogiolo 2000b, 7-8. Brogiolo, G.P. (ed.), 2000b. II Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Medievale (Brescia 2000). Firenze. Brogiolo, G.P. (ed.), 2001. Le chiese rurali tra VII e VIII secolo in Italia settentrionale (= 8° Seminario sul tardo antico e l’alto medioevo in Italia settentrionale) (Garda 2000). Mantova. Brogiolo, G.P. (ed.), in press. Le chiese rurali tra V e VI secolo in Italia settentrionale. Mantova. Brogiolo, G.P. & G. Cantino Wataghin (eds), 1998. Sepolture tra IV e VIII secolo (= 7° Seminario sul tardo antico e l’alto medioevo in Italia settentrionale) (Gardone 1996). Mantova. Brogiolo, G.P., G. Cantino Wataghin & S. Gelichi, 1999. L’Italia settentrionale, in: Pergola 1999, 487-540. Brogiolo, G.P. & L. Castelletti (eds), 1991. Archeologia a Monte Barro, I. Il grande edificio e le torri. Lecco. Brogiolo, G.P. & L. Castelletti (eds), 2001. Archeologia a Monte Barro. II - Gli scavi 1990-97 e le ricerche al S. Martino di Lecco. Lecco. Brogiolo, G.P. & S. Gelichi, 1996. Nuove ricerche sui castelli altomedievali in Italia settentrionale. Firenze. Brogiolo, G.P. & S. Gelichi, 1998. La città nell’alto medioevo italiano. Archeologia e storia. Roma-Bari. 49

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Italia. Aspetti e problemi, Atti dell’VIII Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Cristiana (Genova, Sarzana, Albenga, Finale Ligure, Ventimiglia, 1998). Bordighera, 303-384. Francovich, R., 1990. Premessa, in: Francovich & Manacorda 1990, 5-9. Francovich, R., 1995. L’incastellamento e prima dell’incastellamento nell’Italia centrale, in: E. Boldrini & R. Francovich (eds), 1995. Acculturazione e mutamenti. Prospettive nell’archeologia medievale del Mediterraneo. Firenze, 397-406. Francovich, R., 2002. Changing structures of settlement, in: La Rocca 2002, 144-167. Francovich, R. & G.P. Brogiolo, 1998. Some problems in the Medieval Archaeology of Italy, in: Die Vielfalt der Dinge. Neue Wege zur Analyse mitellalterlicher Sachkultur, Internationaler Kongress, Krems an der Donau (Oktober 1994). Wien, 117-141. Francovich, R. & M. Ginatempo (eds), 2000. Castelli. Storia e archeologia del potere nella Toscana medievale, I. Firenze. Francovich, R. & R. Hodges, 2003. Villa to village: the transformation of Italian rural settlement. London. Francovich, R. & D. Manacorda (eds), 2000. Dizionario di archeologia. Temi, concetti e metodi. Roma-Bari. Francovich, R. & M. Milanese (eds), 1990. Lo scavo archeologico di Montarrenti e i problemi dell’incastellamento medievale in Italia. Esperienze a confronto. Firenze. Francovich, R. & Ch.Wickham, 1994. Il problema dello sviluppo della signoria territoriale e uno scavo archeologico: Rocca San Silvestro e i rapporti di produzione minerari. Archeologia Medievale 21, 730. Galetti, P., 1997. Abitare nel Medioevo. Forme e vicende dell’insediamento rurale nell’Italia altomedievale. Firenze. Gelichi, S., 1988. Modena e il suo territorio nell’alto medioevo, in: Modena dalle origini all’anno mille. Studi di archeologia e storia I, 551-576. Gelichi, S., 1997a. Introduzione all’archeologia medievale. Scavi e ricerche in Italia. Roma. Gelichi, S. (ed.), 1997b. I Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Medievale (Pisa 1997). Firenze. Gelichi, S., 2002, The cities, in: La Rocca 2002, 168-188. Gelichi, S. & N. Giordani (eds), 1994. Il tesoro nel pozzo. Pozzi deposito e tesaurizzazioni nell’antica Emilia. Modena. Gerrard, Ch., 1999. Opposing identity: muslims, christians and the military orders in rural Aragon. Medieval Archaeology 43, 143-160. Gerrard, Ch., 2003. Medieval archaeology. Understanding traditions and contemporary approaches. London. Gilchrist, R., 1994. Contemplation and action: the other monasticism. London. Gilchrist, R., 1995. Gender and material culture: the archaeology of religious women. London.

Gilchrist, R., 1999. Gender and archaeology. Contesting the past. London. Giostra, C., 2000. L’arte del metallo in età longobarda. Dati e riflessioni sulle cinture ageminate. Spoleto. Halsall, G., 1995. Settlement and social organization. The Merovingian region of Metz. Cambridge. Hodder, I., 1986. Reading the past. Current approaches to interpretation in archaeology. Cambridge. Hodder, I., 1999. The archaeological process. An introduction. Oxford. Hodges, R., 1982. Method and theory in medieval archaeology. Archeologia Medievale 8, 7-37. Hodges, R., 1990. Rewriting the rural history of early medieval Italy. Rural History 1, 17-36. Hodges, R., 1997. Light in the dark ages. The rise and fall of San Vincenzo al Volturno. London. Hubert, E., 2002. L’«incastellamento» en Italie centrale. Pouvoirs, territoire et peuplement dans la Vallée du Turano au Moyen Âge. Roma. Johnson, M., 1999. Archaeological theory. An introduction. Oxford. Johnson, M., 2003. Behind the castle gate. London. Jones, S., 1997. The archaeology of ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London. La Rocca, C., 1986. Dark ages a Verona. Edilizia privata, aree aperte e strutture pubbliche in una città dell’Italia settentrionale. Archeologia Medievale 13, 31-78. La Rocca, C. (ed.), 2002. Italy in the early Middle Ages (= The Short Oxford History of Italy). Oxford. La Rocca, C., 2003. Lo spazio urbano tra VI e VIII secolo, in: Uomo e spazio nell’alto medioevo, Settimane del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 50 (Spoleto 2002). Spoleto, 397-436. Lavan, L., 2003. Late antique archaeology: an introduction, in: L. Lavan & W. Bowden (eds), Theory and practice in late antique archaeology. Leiden-Boston-Köln, 3-21. Lucy, S., 2000a. Sviluppi nell’archeologia funeraria degli ultimi 50 anni, in: Terrenato 2000a, 311-322. Lucy, S., 2000b. The Anglo-Saxon way of death. Burial rites in early England. Stroud. Manacorda, D., 1990. Introduzione, in: Francovich & Manacorda 1990, 11-23. Manacorda, D., 2000. s.v. Epigrafia, archeologia ed, in: Francovich & Manacorda 2000, 139-142. Mathieu, J.R., 1999. New methods on old castles: generating new ways of seeing. Medieval Archaeology 43, 115-142. Milanese, M. (ed.), 2001. Geridu. Archeologia e storia di un villaggio medievale in Sardegna. Sassari. Moberg, C.-A., 1981. Introduzione all’archeologia. Milano. Molinari, A., 1997. Segesta II. Il castello e la moschea (scavi 1989-1995). Palermo. Moreland, J., 1991. Method and theory in medieval archaeology in the 1990s’. Archeologia Medievale 18, 7-42. Moreland, J., 2001. Archaeology and text. London. 50

ANDREA AUGENTI: MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN ITALY; CURRENT PATTERNS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES Pani Ermini, L., 2000. ‘Forma’ e cultura della città altomedievale. Scritti scelti, edited by A. M. Giuntella & M. Salvatore. Spoleto. Paroli, L. (ed.), 1992. La ceramica invetriata tardoantica e altomedievale in Italia. Firenze. Paroli, L., 1993. Ostia nella tarda antichità e nell’alto medioevo, in: L. Paroli & P. Delogu (eds), La storia economica di Roma nell’alto medioevo alla luce dei recenti scavi archeologici. Firenze, 153-175. Paroli, L. (ed.) 1997. L’Italia centro-settentrionale in età longobarda. Firenze. Pergola, Ph., 1997. Un’archeologia cristiana per il 2000, in: Gelichi 1997b, 16-19. Pergola, Ph. (ed.), 1999. Alle origini della parrocchia rurale (IV-VIII sec.). Città del Vaticano. Pierotti, P. & J.A. Quiros Castillo, 2000. Archeologia dell’architettura e storia dell’architettura: due discipline a confronto, in: Brogiolo 2000b, 377-380. Potter, T.W. & A. King (eds), 1997. Excavations at the Mola di Monte Gelato. A Roman and medieval settlement in South Etruria. London. Richardson, A., 2003. Corridors of power: a case study in access analysis from medieval England. Antiquity 77, 373-384. Saguì, L. (ed.), 1998. Ceramica in Italia: VI-VII secolo. Firenze. Terrenato, N., 1998. Fra tradizione e trend. L’ultimo ventennio (1975-1997), in: M. Barbanera, L’archeologia degli italiani. Storia, metodi e orientamenti dell’archeologia classica in Italia. Roma, 175-192. Terrenato, N. (ed.), 2000a. Archeologia teorica. Firenze. Terrenato, N., 2000b, s.v. Postprocessuale, archeologia, in: Francovich & Manacorda 2000, 220-222. Valenti, M. & V. Fronza, 1996. Un archivio per l’edilizia in materiale deperibile nell’altomedioevo, in: M. Valenti (ed.), Poggio Imperiale a Poggibonsi: dal villaggio di capanne al castello di pietra, I. Diagnostica archeologica e campagne di scavo 1991-1994. Firenze, 159-218. Volpe, G., 1996. Contadini, pastori e mercanti nell’Apulia tardoantica. Bari. Volpe, G. (ed.), 1998. San Giusto. La villa, le ecclesiae. Primi risultati dagli scavi nel sito rurale di San Giusto (Lucera 1995-1997). Bari. Volpe, G., 2001, Linee di storia del paesaggio dell’Apulia romana: San Giusto e la valle del Celone, in: E. Lo Cascio & D. Storchi Marino (eds), Modalità insediative e strutture agrarie nell’Italia meridionale in età romana, Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Napoli 1998). Bari, 315-361. Volpe, G. (ed.), 2001. Ordona X. Ricerche archeologiche a Herdonia (1993-1998). Bari. Ward-Perkins, B., 1997. Continuists, catastrophists and the towns of post-Roman northern Italy. Papers of the British School at Rome 45, 156-176. Wicker N.L., 1999. Archaeology and art history: common ground for the new millennium. Medieval Archaeology 43, 161-171.

Wickham, Ch., 1999. Early medieval archaeology in Italy: the last twenty years. Archeologia Medievale 26, 7-20. Wolf, E.R., 1982. Europe and the people without history. Berkeley.

51

THEORY AND AIMS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITIES AND LANDSCAPE

53

54

COMMON PLACES. ARCHAEOLOGIES OF COMMUNITY AND LANDSCAPE Peter van Dommelen, Fokke Gerritsen & A. Bernard Knapp Abstract: The present paper aims to reflect on the notion of community and its association with material culture in a large array of social contexts on the Italian mainland and islands ranging from early prehistory to the Middle Ages. In order to explore the relationships between communities and so-called ‘conceptual’ landscapes, it examines archaeological approaches to the concept of community and considers their conceptual background. It is explicitly argued that the notion of community, especially when combined with Bourdieu’s theory of practice, provides a conceptual tool to relate archaeological surveys more closely to social landscape studies.

If theory has to provide archaeologists with the conceptual tools to reach beyond the material remains to the people who produced them, then the notion of community must surely lie close to the heart of theoretical archaeology, as it refers to the social, political, ideological and economic organization of the people who once inhabited the sites surveyed and excavated by archaeologists. This perhaps rather obvious point is well appreciated in Italian archaeology, as has been demonstrated, for instance, by Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri’s explicit presentation of the analysis of the Osteria dell’Osa cemetery as the study of an Iron Age community. Stephen Dyson’s study of Community and society in Roman Italy is another case in point, which shows that prehistorians have not been alone in their appreciation of the notion of community.1

CONCEPTUALIZING COMMUNITIES In both popular and academic usage, the term ‘community’ seems hopelessly vague, diluted and used to describe diverse entities at many different scales and levels of meaning. Think, for example, of the student community, the financial community, or the archaeological community of which we all form a part. And yet, despite the lack of clarity and precision, scholars have time and again returned to this term and used it to great effect – exploring, reifying, deconstructing and debating such concepts as Redfield’s ‘little community’, Anderson’s ‘imagined community’ and Cohen’s ‘symbolically constructed’ community.3 Given this vagueness, defining the concept of community seems to be a prime requisite before we take up the more specific question how we can explore communities archaeologically. By making explicit the conceptual foundations and underlying assumptions of our discussion we can also demonstrate why community is a concept worth exploring and not just the latest theoretical buzzword.

The numerous regional surveys that have been conducted throughout Italy in the past decades have no doubt played a crucial role in this respect, leading archaeologists to realize that in most cases communities cannot easily be equated with a single site. The attention that human landscapes such as those of the Albegna valley have received underscores the feasibility of exploring the ways in which communities had established themselves in the wider region by creating coherent ‘symbolic’ or ‘conceptual’ landscapes.

Traditionally, community has been a straightforward notion that referred to an empirical entity that could readily be discovered and described by ethnographers, a natural territorial unit of human organization linking culture and society. In this perspective, which has recently been termed that of the ‘natural’ community’, communities were usually defined as a place where people share residence or space, as well as a collective consciousness and experiences.4 These communities were seen as internally homogeneous and externally bounded, a breeding ground, if you will, for coherent cultural, biological and social reproduction. In the Mediterranean, this ‘little tradition’ has long dominated ethnographic research, resulting in a rich record of village studies. The focus on villages has also, however, long precluded (Mediterranean) anthropologists from taking a wider view of their region.5

Italian archaeology may consequently be expected to be well equipped to take up the debate on the archaeology of community that has recently been opened in American archaeology.2 The essays that have been brought together here under the heading of Archaeologies of community and landscape represent the outcome of precisely this endeavour. The explicit aim has been to reflect on the notion of community and its association with material culture in a large array of social contexts on the Italian mainland and islands ranging from early prehistory to the Middle Ages. While all other contributions focus on a particular case study to explore the relationships between communities and so-called ‘conceptual’ landscapes, the present paper is intended to examine archaeological approaches to the concept of community and to reflect on the conceptual background of the emerging debate.

3

Redfield 1955; Anderson 1991; Cohen 1985. Isbell 2000, 245-248. 5 Horden & Purcel 2000, 485-486.

1

4

Bietti Sestieri 1992; Dyson 1992. 2 Canuto & Yaeger 2000.

55

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Anthony Cohen’s work in the Shetland community of Whalsay signalled an important departure from this tradition as he emphasized that ‘people construct community symbolically, making it a resource and repository of meaning, and a referent of their identity’.6 By downplaying the importance of shared residence and local institutions, he effectively abandoned the spatial boundaries of the village as a key aspect of the community. His notion of ‘belonging’ nevertheless not only retained a spatial dimension, but also highlighted the importance of identity in the construction of community. This line of thought was taken further by Benedict Anderson, who took the idea of a symbolic community to national(ist) heights, arguing that improved print and travel technologies allowed the creation of much larger ‘imagined communities’ which brought together people who did not even know each other.7 While many of his arguments address other issues, the key point surely is his dismissal of direct interaction in the construction of communities. Recognising communities as imagined and socially constituted ‘realities’ has most recently allowed their understanding in terms of dynamic and contingent constructs that rather than determining social organization, are very much part of social networks. As a consequence, they are as contested as the competing discourses in which they are constructed.8

determines how they associate themselves with others in space and through time, over generations, in shared memories or in agreed forgettings. Communities can therefore be said to express people’s identity, although we must bear in mind that the boundaries between community and identity are blurred and constantly shifting. Asserting one’s identity can be part of the attempt to create or preserve a meaningful social world or part of the social process of defining or redefining a community. Identity is not formed simply as a by-product of belonging to a community, nor can it be possessed by social groups or individuals: it is rather an unstable and often contested relation of difference. SITUATING COMMUNITIES As the foregoing discussion shows, academic thinking about communities has consistently engaged with space and place as inherent features of community: it has in fact been not so much the spatial dimension of communities as such that has been under scrutiny as the nature of the relationship between community and place. Whereas community and village were practically coterminous for Redfield, it was Cohen and Anderson who have demonstrated that these concepts are socially constructed and that they are connected to one another in various and constantly shifting ways. This spatial dimension of community is crucial for archaeologists because it allows them to participate constructively in these debates by drawing attention to the role of material culture and its spatial arrangements in the constitution and redefinition of communities.

As these studies and debates have shown, community is in the end not so much a thing as something that you do.9 In other words, it is perhaps best understood as a set of everyday practices carried out by individuals and social groups, and as such it can usefully be characterized as an aspect of their habitus. Community can be readily and most usefully related to Bourdieu’s theory of practice, because it emphasizes that most daily routine activities are not normally characteristic of individuals but rather of larger social groups. That is not to deny of course that these practices are carried out by individuals or that such activities can be given a ‘personal twist’ by individual agents but it qualifies them inasmuch that they are meaningful and ‘natural’ within that social group: in Bourdieu’s words, individual habitus are not identical but homologous and it is at the level of the wider social group or community that this homology is (re)created.10

From an archaeological point of view, an interesting parallel can be drawn with the development of household studies which archaeologists took up in the ‘70s as a means of interpreting houses.11 After the initial equation of houses and households, it was soon realized that a household should not primarily be defined as a closed spatial unit but rather in socio-economic terms with coresidence as a prominent but not indispensable feature: archaeologists dig up dwellings and domestic artefacts but not social units. Sharing the same space is often regarded as desirable by household members, and they may also frequently represent the house as embodying the household, but this does not necessarily and inevitably imply that the house and the household can be equated.12 This is patently clear in the (post)modern world, where many households in developing regions now have one or more members living and working on a more or less permanent basis in western Europe or the USA. While the expatriate household members may be dominating the household financially, if not wholly bankrolling it, the household and their house in the country of origin often remain the social and symbolic focus for all household members, as is demonstrated by frequent return trips. In

Conversely, the spatial dimension of community helps to understand how these practices and homologies are maintained at a larger scale, as communities are deeply rooted in space, even if they are not of a place or cannot be equated with a geographical location, as argued above. But how people feel linked to particular places, just as who people think they are, and equally who they are not, 6

Cohen 1985, 118. Anderson 1991. 8 Yaeger & Canuto 2000; Isbell 2000, 249-252; Amit 2002, 9-17. 9 Williams 2000, 344; cf. Gerritsen 2004. 10 Bourdieu 1977, 159-171; see also Bourdieu 1990, 60 and 58-61. Practice is not synonymous with agency, which, following Giddens, takes a much more individualistic perspective (Dobres & Robb 2000, 11). 7

11 Flannery 1976, 13-47; cf. Wilk & Rathje 1982, 618. See also Wilk & Netting 1984; Price 1999; Allison 1999; Robin 2002. 12 Çevik 1995; Gerritsen 2003, 31-35.

56

PETER VAN DOMMELEN, FOKKE GERRITSEN & A. BERNARD KNAPP: COMMON PLACES some cases, most of the household members may even have migrated, but still continue to keep up a house in their home village that is barely used or only periodically visited.13

virtue of his belonging to the community that a person acquires a relation to a determinate portion of natural space’ and thus takes root in his or her landscape.18 The archaeological significance of all this is that many of these factors are amenable to archaeological exploration, which means we can study communities by looking at the landscapes they inhabit as these serve both to frame and to define community identity.

These ethnographic case studies interestingly blur the distinction between house and village as the focus of the sense of belonging and underscore the interdependence of the house and the village as important ‘living spaces’ in which people interact and socialize on a daily basis.14 Houses and villages, however, do not exist in isolation but are part and parcel of a much wider and much more encompassing landscape, in which they represent important focal points to which people relate. Because landscape is increasingly being reconsidered in recent years as a multi-faceted and socially constructed phenomenon, too, the connection between landscape and community must clearly be sought in the ways in which notions of ‘belonging’ and ‘senses of place’ are constructed: ‘as people fashion places, so, too, do they fashion themselves’ – and communities clearly play a critical part in such ‘fashioning’ of the landscape.15

ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACHES In order to go beyond the mere assertion that communities and social landscapes can be studied archaeologically, we will briefly touch on two archaeological case studies from Italy and demonstrate how, in our view, the foregoing theoretical musings add up in concrete archaeological terms. How can we archaeologically identify those “‘places’ [that] could – and did, and do – become orienting and potential rallying points for social groups” and around which communities constructed their practices and lives?19

From this social perspective, landscape, or land in general, is not simply a physical environment, an economic catchment or a political unit, but it is rather ‘an entity that exists by virtue of its being perceived, experienced and contextualized by people’.16 In other words, landscape is first and foremost conceived of in the social terms provided by the relationships between people and places. At the heart of these ideas lies the observation that the manifold constituents of people’s lifeworld ‘take on significance through their incorporation into a regular pattern of life activity’ to the extent that both people’s daily activities and ritual performances and their landscape contexts are mutually constitutive and that eventually the world can be said to ‘continually come into being around the inhabitants’.17

In some instances, this can be astoundingly straightforward, when archaeology and landscape pair up monumental architecture and well-defined natural features. Such a case can be found in central Sardinia, where the dramatic landscape is matched by impressive nuraghi. This holds in particular for the Marmilla region, where volcanic activity has created several large flattopped table-lands that tower steep and high above the gently rolling marl hills that make up most of the region. The best-defined of these table mountains or giare is that of Siddi, which rises some 100 m above the surrounding hills and whose flat and barren basalt surface measures some 9 km2 (Fig. 1). While these geological features already mark this formation as a ‘natural place’, its significance in the landscape has been further enhanced by the construction of fourteen major nuraghi along its approximately 15 km long perimeter (Fig. 1). All of these nuraghi date to the Bronze Age and are of a so-called complex type, suggesting they have been constructed and ‘owned’ by a fairly large social group. In addition, there is one megalithic chamber tomb, called sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu, which is situated as centrally as possible on the flat basalt surface. This location is in obvious contrast to the literally marginal positions of the nuraghi that are all built right on the edge of the plateau, often even on a protruding headland (Fig. 1).20

Because people who live in a community build, modify and re-shape their physical surroundings through their daily activities, values and beliefs in order to preserve memory and experience, and to endow their community with a meaningful sense of time and space, they mark their occupational spaces in distinctive and patterned ways, in their households, and in their modes of subsistence, production and consumption. As a consequence, meaningful ‘places’ are created throughout the landscape that people inhabit, ‘through which people’s life histories are threaded’ and through which their lives and relationships ‘can be traced in the textures of the land’. It can indeed be argued that ‘it is only by 13

18

Delaney 1990, 523-524; Kearney 1996, 15-22. See also Çevik 1995; Rouse 1995; Price 1999, 40-43. 14 Robin 2002, 246-250. 15 Feld & Basso 1996, 11. See papers in Hirsch & O’Hanlon 1995 and Ashmore & Knapp 1999. 16 Knapp & Ashmore 1999, 1; cf. Ashmore 2002. 17 Ingold 2000, 153. Ingold terms this a ‘dwelling perspective’ (2000, chapters 9-14).

Quotes from respectively Thomas 2001, 173 and Ingold 1986, 137. See also Ashmore 2002, 1177 and Gerritsen 2003, 113-115. 19 Ashmore 2002, 1176. 20 See Webster 1996, 85-152 for a general discussion of nuraghi and megalithic tombs. The tomb of sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu is discussed by Badas 2001, while two of the nuraghi on the giara of Siddi are examined by Mureddu & Murru 2000, 12-15. See Bradley 2000, 33-37 on natural places.

57

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI controlled by the people who live on it and who build their monuments to stake out their social and economic claims. Such a view is however fundamentally at odds with the position outlined above, in which the relationships between people and landscape are not given but socially constructed. Significant places like sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu therefore do not just ‘mark’ a somehow predefined territory but are on the contrary part of people’s relationship with the landscape. In more concrete terms, we suggest that the giara plateau, the nuraghi and the megalithic tomb should be seen as elements used by the local inhabitants to define their presence in and relationship with the landscape as well as to organize themselves in various social groups or communities.21

Fig. 1. Drawing of the Siddi table mountain (giara), showing the location of nuraghi (black dots) and the megalithic tomb sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu (white cross; adapted from Maccioni & Melis 2000, 10).

The fundamentally different nature of the social landscape perspective can perhaps be more readily discerned in a non-monumental place. One such a case that is particularly well researched and documented is that of the Pantanello cemetery in the hinterland of Metapontum in Basilicata (Fig. 3). While the Greek colonial settlement of Metapontum itself was established on the Ionian shore in the later 7th century BC, the cemetery itself, situated some three and a half km inland on gently undulating land, was in use between the early 6th and early 3rd centuries BC. The 324 burials and 43 ‘ceramic deposits’ that have been excavated to date, were from the very beginning organized along a line or path, which became a major road and a key feature of the land divisions in the Metapontum hinterland around the beginning of the 5th century BC. From that time, too, burials began to line a minor track that was a second line of the land divisions that stood perpendicular to the main road. In effect, the Pantanello cemetery is focused on a crossroads. As the nearest substantial settlements (Metapontum and Incoronata) are respectively three and a half and five km away, this is clearly a rural cemetery, which was used by the people who lived in the many small to medium-sized rural sites that have been attested throughout the area. These were small farmsteads, that were situated at more or less regular intervals within a grid of land divisions covering the entire area between the Bradano and Basento streams (Fig. 3).22

Fig. 2. Reconstruction of the megalithic tomb sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu (© Museo Genna Maria di Villanovaforru). The megalithic tomb of sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu is as clear an instance of a significant place as they come: because the monument was not just a communal burial place of the inhabitants of the nearby nuraghi, but also a centre of ritual activity, as is demonstrated by the ritual items found in the forecourt of the monument (Fig. 2), it can readily be interpreted as a fine example of a ‘rallying point’ of the people living on or just off the table mountain. While these people are likely to have spent much of their lives on the more fertile lower slopes of the giara, the monumental appearance and the central setting of the chamber tomb show that a dense web of relationships across the table mountain was constructed that were periodically reconfirmed through the rituals performed in the monumental forecourt of sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu.

While clearly lacking the dramatic landscape setting and monumental build-up of sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu, Pantanello was no less significant a place to the inhabitants of the area, as they not only would gather there to bury their deceased but even more so because they would also see

It should be noted that this interpretation does not imply that the megalithic tomb acted as a ‘territorial marker’, as has often been argued with regard to comparable Neolithic monuments along the Atlantic seaboard of northern Europe. As is evident from Colin Renfrew’s claim that ‘in many segmentary societies the territorial division of the terrain is given symbolic expression’, this view assumes that the relationship between the land and its inhabitants is relatively unproblematic. Land is primarily regarded as a resource to be exploited or at least

21 Renfrew 1976, 178; cf. Renfrew 1973. For a critical discussion, see Gerritsen 2003, 115-117. 22 See Carter 1990 and 2000 for an overview of Metapontum and surrounding area. For rural settlement and organization, see especially 1990, 405-430. For the Pantanello cemetery, see Carter et al. 1998, 124129 on grave markers.

58

PETER VAN DOMMELEN, FOKKE GERRITSEN & A. BERNARD KNAPP: COMMON PLACES

Fig. 3. Map of the coastal area around Metapontum, showing the chora of the Greek settlement comprised between the two rivers and the location of the Pantanello cemetery. Also indicated are land division lines and rural sites recorded during the Metapontum survey (from Carter et al. 1998, fig. 2.20) . the modest burial markers, mostly large ceramic vessels, on a very regular, if not daily basis, when taking one of the roads along which the graves were strung out (Fig. 4). As part of the system of land divisions in the Metapontum hinterland, the alignments marked by the roads had the added significance of being (literally!) a omni-present ‘guiding principle’ of rural life in this part of the Ionian coast. Because the cemetery was carefully organized in family plots which may or may not have

corresponded to the households occupying the farmsteads, it would also have reminded the daily passers-by of the manifold kinship and other relationships between the various households of the area. The significance of these elements is underscored by the fact that the Pantanello cemetery is an unusually large cemetery, as rural cemeteries in this area typically count no more than 20-30 burials and can be associated with one single farmstead: this proves the point that the local 59

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Plan of the Pantanello cemetery (from Carter et al. 1998, fig. 2.18). FASHIONING ITALIAN LANDSCAPES

inhabitants of the wider Pantanello area used the cemetery or the landscape in general to work out how they ‘fitted in’ the landscape and how the smaller social units (households) related to one another.

In the essays that follow, all the elements highlighted in the foregoing discussion are recurrent features, although each contribution obviously emphasizes different aspects. By and large, two major themes can be discerned that can be used as headings to group together and present the various contributions. One theme is that of practices and daily experiences; the other one is the role of landscape and spatial organization.

Precisely because the Pantanello cemetery lacks the monumental prominence of a tomb like sa Domu ‘e s’Orcu and because the layout of the site was adapted to a structuring feature of the landscape (the crossroads), it can hardly be understood as a ‘territorial marker’. Because of its incorporation in the daily lives of the landscape’s inhabitants, the cemetery must on the contrary be seen as an integral element of that landscape. Because these people lived and worked across possibly a large part of the countryside, their frequent encounters with the burials must have constantly reminded them of their connections with the landscape and with other people living in the area so as to develop and nurture their sense of a local community and of belonging to this particular area of coastal Basilicata. In this respect, the Pantanello cemetery and the sa Domu s’Orcu tomb fulfilled a similar function, albeit that the latter belonged to the ritual sphere and is likely to have been frequented much more intermittently.

In a similar vein, but with the added focus on households, Erik van Rossenberg considers the different layers of social life in the late Bronze and early Iron Ages of southern Etruria and Latium Vetus. He argues that social reproduction lies at the interface between the domestic cycle and community interests, whose materiality is bound up in one body of cultural practice. For him, this leads to the recognition of collective but not necessarily individual identities. If we want to understand and develop an archaeology of community, he argues, we must first look at its households. While practice is applied explicitly, albeit with the added 60

PETER VAN DOMMELEN, FOKKE GERRITSEN & A. BERNARD KNAPP: COMMON PLACES focus on households, by Erik van Rossenberg to a rich body of funerary data, Mariassunta Cuozzo looks at funerary rituals as a possible means to distinguish between different socio-ethnic groups, and thus as a means of expressing different community identities in Iron Age southern Campania. Her communities are highly variable and dynamically constituted and they show tension between individual and collective strategies but yet remain closely linked to their local social and historical context. All these elements coincide in the notion of identity.

according to place and the social background of the people involved within the wider modern landscape of the Torcicoda valley.

While most of the papers refer to the wider regional context, Tamar Hodos’ contribution stands out because she makes more explicit the connection between daily practices and regional landscapes in her study of Sicilian Iron Age communities. She examines how village inhabitants took an active role in selecting only certain material elements from Greek colonists that suited their own tastes and that resonated with their own indigenous traditions. In this way, all sorts of local practices, some as mundane as pouring oil and others as symbolically charged as ritual feasting were maintained and thus also continued to signify long-established distinctions across the Sicilian landscape.

As other concepts in recent social theory, communities must be regarded as a claim, perhaps even as a fiction but crucially not just anything at random. These claims are on the contrary part and parcel of sets of daily practices; they are a site of struggle and detachment as well as attachment and they are always inscribed through symbols and ceremony. Communities thus participate in wider social fields, broader projects of distribution and consumption, power politics, cultural traditions. Even when a community’s cultural traditions and institutions are geared to celebrate the local and the familiar, unintentionally they may reinforce an isolation that reveals their involvement in and engagement with the other and the trans-local. The critical point is therefore that we can use the community concept to explore categories of difference, trans-national practices, cultural heritage and collective identities – all attempting to show that we belong to something bigger than we are.23

Long-term survey work, excavated settlements, and the study of regional distribution patterns, all set within an analytical framework powered by GIS, finally lead Phil Perkins to identify a wide range of both natural and imagined communities in the Etruscan Albegna Valley. CONCLUSION: COMMUNITY AND LANDSCAPE

Space and landscape are the most prominent features in the remaining contributions. While drawing heavily on written sources, Christopher Smith’s richly textured paper adopts a profoundly archaeological perspective in his study of Roman and Latin festivals. He highlights the significance of space for remembering and maintaining the sense of community of the curiae, especially in the more fragmented social setting of Imperial Rome. Human agents play key roles in his ‘imagined Roman community’, and Smith assesses various heterarchic discourses to argue that self-conscious, decision-making individuals helped to shape and constantly reconfigure this community.

Our main argument is therefore that we should see – and use – the notion of community primarily as a conceptual tool that can be immensely helpful to shore up the theoretical underpinnings of archaeological landscape studies. It is our particular contention that the combined use of the concept of community and Bourdieu’s theory of practice provides a promising way forward to connect the so often dispersed findings of survey archaeologists to the sophisticated vistas of social landscape students.

Corinna Riva revisits ‘Orientalising’ and urban phenomena of pre-Roman society in the central uplands and coastal areas of the Adriatic. In reconsidering from a community perspective such factors as social relations amongst elites, the emulation of prestige objects, military organization, and site location as well as communication routes within a ‘fragmented landscape’, she argues that aristocratic networks rather than ‘proto-cities’ were crucial in the development of a widespread social network which we might think of as a regional imagined community.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This introductory discussion is largely based on the comments on the session ‘archaeologies of community and landscape’ first presented by Bernard Knapp and Fokke Gerritsen at the Groningen conference. The session was organized and introduced by Peter van Dommelen, who coordinated the present paper. Peter van Dommelen wishes to thank the organizers of the Groningen conference for the opportunity to organize a session on theoretical approaches in Italian archaeology and all the contributors to that session for their thoughtful papers.

In his study of modern rural Sicily, Antoine Mientjes critically examines the conventional representation of the Sicilian countryside as being entirely dominated by absentee landlords, latifondi and nucleated settlements or ‘agro-towns’. Pointing to the presence of masserie, watermills, rock shelters and other rural components as indicative of the daily life and practices of a rural community, he suggests that community relations varied

23

61

Williams 2000, 348.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Dobres, M.-A. & J. Robb, 2000. Agency in archaeology: paradigm or platitude? in: M.-A. Dobres & J. Robb (eds), Agency in archaeology. Routledge, London/New York, 21-33. Dyson, S., 1992. Community and society in Roman Italy (= Ancient society and history). Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore. Feld, S. & K. Basso (eds), 1996. Introduction, in: S. Feld & K. Basso (eds), Senses of place (= School of American research advanced seminar series). School of American Research, Santa Fe, 3-11. Flannery, K., 1976. The early Mesoamerican village. Academic Press, New York. Gerritsen, F., 2003. Local identities. Landscape and community in the late prehistoric Meuse-DemerScheldt region (= Amsterdam archaeological studies, 9), Amsterdam Univ. Press, Amsterdam. Gerritsen, F., 2004. Archaeological perspectives on local communities, in: J. Bintliff (ed.), A companian to archaeology. Blackwell, Oxford, 141-154. Hirsch, E. & M. O’Hanlon (eds), 1995. The anthropology of landscape. Perspectives on place and space (= Oxford studies in social and cultural anthropology). Clarendon Press, Oxford. Horden, P. & N. Purcell, 2000. The corrupting sea. A study of Mediterranean history. Blackwell, Oxford/Malden, Mass. Ingold, T., 1986. The appropriation of nature: essays on human ecology and social relations. Manchester Univ. Press, Manchester. Ingold, T., 2000. The perception of the environment: essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill. Routledge, London. Isbell, W., 2000. What should we be studying: the ‘imagined community’ and the ‘natural community’, in: M. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London, 243-266. Kearney, M., 1996. Reconceptualizing the peasantry: anthropology in global perspective (= Critical essays in anthropology). Westview press, Boulder (Colorado). Knapp, A. & W. Ashmore, 1999. Archaeological landscapes: coonstructed, conceptualized, ideational, in: W. Ashmore & A. Knapp (eds), Archaeologies of landscape. Contemporary perspectives (= Social archaeology). Blackwell, Malden (Mass.)/Oxford, 130. Maccioni, L. & R. Melis, 2000. Cenni geologici sulla Marmilla, in: M. Grimaldi, Dentro la Marmilla. Ambiente, storia, cultura. Sa corona arrubia, Villanovaforru, 7-12. Mureddu, D. & G. Murru, 2000. Alla scoperta dei monumenti della Marmilla. CRES, Cagliari. Price, M., 1999. All in the family: the impact of gender and family constructs on the study of prehistoric settlement, in: J. Brück & M. Goodman (eds), Making places in the prehistoric world. UCL, London, 30-51. Redfield, R., 1955. The little community: viewpoints for

BIBLIOGRAPHY Allison, P., 1999. Introduction, in: P. Allison (ed.), The archaeology of household activities. Routledge, London, 1-18. Amit, V., 2002. Reconceptualizing community, in: V. Amit (ed.), Realizing community. Concepts, social relationships and sentiments (= European association of social anthropologists). Routledge, London, 1-20. Anderson, B., 1991. Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. Verso, London (2nd ed.). Ashmore, W., 2002. ‘Decisions and dispositions’: socializing spatial archaeology. American anthropologist 104(4), 1172-1183. Ashmore, W. & A. Knapp (eds), 1999. Archaeologies of landscape. Contemporary perspectives (= Social archaeology). Blackwell, Malden (Mass.)/Oxford. Badas, U., 2001. Dom’e S’Orcu in Pran’e Siddi, in: D. Serreli & D. Vacca (eds), Aspetti del megalitismo preistorico (= Cooperazione transnazionale LEADER II). Sa corona arrubia, Lunamatrona, 1315. Bietti Sestieri, A.-M., 1992. The Iron Age community of Osteria dell'Osa. A study of socio-political development in central Tyrrhenian Italy (= New studies in archaeology). Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge. Bourdieu, P., 1977. Outline of a theory of practice (= Cambridge studies in social anthropology). Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge. Bourdieu, P., 1990. The logic of practice. Polity Press, Cambridge. Bradley, R., 2000. An archaeology of natural places. Routledge, London. Canuto, M. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London. Carter, J., 1990. Metapontum – land, wealth, and population, in: J.-P. Descoeudres (ed.), Greek colonists and native populations (Proceedings of the first Australian Congress of Classical Archaeology held in honour of Emiritus Professor A. D. Trendall, Sydney 9-14 July 1985). Clarendon Press, Oxford, 405-441. Carter, J., 2000. The chora and polis of Metaponto, in: F. Krinzinger (ed), Akten des Symposions "Die Ägäis und das westliche Mittelmeer. Beziehungen und Wechselwirkungen 8. bis 5. Jh. v.Chr". Wien, 24. bis 27. März 1999. Vienna, 81-94. Carter, J., A. Toxey & J. Morter, 1998. The chora of Metaponto: the necropoleis. Univ. of Texas Press, Austin. Cohen, A., 1985. The symbolic construction of community. Tavistock, London. Çevik, A., 1995. Social meanings of household spaces. A modern material culture study in an Anatolian village. Archaeological dialogues 2(1), 39-50. Delaney, C., 1990. The hajj: sacred and secular. American ethnologist 17(3), 513-530. 62

PETER VAN DOMMELEN, FOKKE GERRITSEN & A. BERNARD KNAPP: COMMON PLACES the study of a human whole. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Renfrew, C., 1973. Monuments, mobilisation and social organisation in neolithic Wessex, in: C. Renfrew (ed.), The explanation of culture change. Duckworth, London, 539-558 (reprinted in C. Renfrew, 1984, Approaches to social archaeology. Edinburgh). Renfrew, C., 1976. Megaliths, territories and populations, in: S. De Laet (ed.), Acculturation and continuity in Atlantic Europe. De Tempel, Bruges, 298-320 (reprinted in C. Renfrew, 1984, Approaches to social archaeology. Edinburgh). Robin, C., 2002. Outside of houses. The practices of everyday life at Chan Nòohol, Belize. Journal of Social Archaeology 2(2), 245-268. Rouse, R., 1995. Questions of identity. Personhood and collectivity in transnational migration to the United States. Critique of Anthropology 15(4), 351-380. Thomas, J., 2001. Archaeologies of place and landscape, in: I. Hodder (ed.), Archaeological theory today. Polity Press, Cambridge, 165-186. Webster, G., 1996. A prehistory of Sardinia 2300-500 BC (= Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology, 5). Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffield. Williams, B., 2002. The concept of community. Reviews in Anthropology 31(4), 339-350. Wilk, R. & R. Netting, 1984. Households: changing forms and functions, in: R. Netting, R. Wilk & E. Arnould (eds), Households: comparative and historical studies of the domestic group. University of California Press, Berkeley, 1-28. Wilk, R. & W. Rathje, 1982. Household archaeology. American Behavioral Scientist 25(6), 617-639. Yaeger, J. & M. Canuto, 2000. Introducing an archaeology of communities, in: M. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London, 1-15.

63

ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY (19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY AD) Antoon Mientjes Abstract: The archaeological and (ethno)historical study of modern rural landscapes in the Mediterranean is becoming a growing field of interest. This paper presents such a case study of the rural landscape around the town of Enna, central Sicily, and its occupation and exploitation during modern history. Both archaeological survey material and historical sources are discussed, which give evidence about the occupation and use of the countryside. I contend that the countryside of the community of Enna was featured by shifting social relationships according to diverse places, which were as a rule temporarily visited by people coming from Enna and other Sicilian towns. Moreover, it will be shown that socio-economic interactions varied according to the social backgrounds of the people ordinarily present at or related to various rural localities. Therefore a notion of community as a well-defined sociospatial unit is not applicable to social networks in the Sicilian countryside during modern history.

century AD). Archaeological evidence recorded in the southern part of Enna’s territory will play a crucial role in the argument. This area has been studied intensively since 1996 within the context of an Anglo-Italian collaborative archaeological survey, the Archaeology of the Torcicoda Valley (Giannitrapani & Pluciennik 1998; 2001; Mientjes et al. 2002) (Fig. 1).

INTRODUCTION The notion of community has been used for analytical purposes in archaeology and other disciplines both in commonsensical and explicit ways for many decades (e.g. Canuto & Yaeger 2000; Cohen 1985; Anderson 1991). Thus far many archaeologists tended to equate the community with the single archaeological settlement (Yaeger & Canuto 2000, 3). In this context community was viewed as a rather unproblematic social entity characterized by internal coherence, clear external boundaries, and collective social identities (Marcus 2000, 243).

The study will not deny that the agro-town can be considered a strong spatial node in community life gathering people from different social backgrounds. However, it will be shown that community life was highly mobile and diverse, and especially extended to various kinds of places in the countryside. Social relations shifted over rural places involving people of different economic and political status such as sharecroppers, large leaseholders, landowners and political and ecclesiastical authorities both residing in Enna and other Sicilian towns.

This straightforward notion of community has been scrutinized in recent years. Similarly this article will argue that a community cannot be associated simply with a materially identifiable socio-spatial unit. Although forms of co-presence and connection with place are important elements in the creation of a sense of community among human agents, direct relationships with localities and face-to-face social interaction are not a necessary condition for the maintenance of community ties. Both local and absentee persons can be involved in the same network of community ties. Moreover, I will claim that social interactions are largely determined by various unequal relationships between people depending on their economic and political status. For that reason communities cannot be considered coherent social entities tied to specific geographical locations, but need to be perceived as dynamic networks of social differences, which are negotiated in specific ways depending on place and time (cf. Preucel 2000, 59).

The article will firstly review the broad historical picture of Sicilian rural communities and the economic structure of the countryside, which generally has been defined as the latifondo economy. Subsequently the archaeological evidence of the occupation and use of the rural landscape at Enna, supported by archival material, will be discussed to show that a combined archaeological and ethnohistoric approach can contribute to a more balanced picture of the kinds of socio-economic interactions characteristic of community life and how they unfolded at different places in the countryside. As such I will make clear that community cannot be analysed simply in terms of a single socio-economic organization, which is fixed in one or few geographic locations, as historical models of the agro-town and the latifondo economy in Sicily tend to suggest.

This critical view of communities contrasts the common historical picture of large rural towns (so-called agrotowns) as the central loci of community life in Sicily during post-medieval and modern history (e.g. Aymard & Bresc 1973; Blok 1969a; 1974; Schneider & Schneider 1976). The historical-archaeological case study presented in this article of Enna and its countryside will criticize the historical view and present an alternative one of the relation between a Sicilian community and the rural landscape during modern history (19th and early 20th

THE HISTORY OF THE LATIFONDO ECONOMY IN SICILY ..., the fundamental framework of social life was a three-class system. Landless and land-poor labourers inhabited dense villages worked the fields, and gave up most of the product of their labour to others. Rentiers, many of whom inhabited Palermo

64

ANTOON MIENTJES: ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY

Fig. 1. Topography of Sicily and location of town of Enna in interior parts of island.

exploited its agricultural potential from a distance, i.e. mostly from Spain, until the Bourbons (Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, with royal court in Naples) made Sicily a viceroyalty of their kingdom in the early 18th century AD (Aymard & Bresc 1973, 946; Epstein 1992, 3-4; Schneider & Schneider 1976, 22 and 26). Most of the land, especially in central and western Sicily, was turned into feudal estates, to such an extent that “travelling in Sicily you always pass from one feudal estate to another, that means from the land of one large landlord to the land of another one” as Paolo Balsamo wrote in 1792 (quoted in Cancila 2001, 55). Ordinarily the feudal landlords resided in the main urban centres such as Palermo and from the early 18th century AD onwards also Naples, to maintain close relationships with the royal power-holders, and sometimes they never saw their estates in western and central Sicily during their lifetime (Cancila 1974, 25; Mack Smith 1965, 104).

and other cities, owned a major part of the land, and lived on its proceeds. Between the labourers and the rentiers were a group of managers running from leaseholders and overseers to the strongarm men hired to protect the landlord’s property and to keep unruly tenants and workers in line. The managers assured the landlord’s income, and defended his local power; in return they received wide liberty to exploit and coerce the workers for their own ends. The landlords used their private armed forces to ward off rivals, as well as the State, and provided their managers with protection from outside inference. Blok 1974, xv. This quotation from Anton Blok’s classical study of the Sicilian Mafia describes in a nutshell the typical socioeconomic relations, which could be found in many rural communities of Sicily from about the middle of the 19th century AD until approximately the 1960s. These relations were characteristic of what is generally described as the latifondo system of landholdings, which developed during the Late Middle Ages and persisted until the years immediately after the Second World War. Latifondi, i.e. large feudal estates for extensive cereal cultivation and secondarily pastoralism which sometimes reached connected areas of more than 1000 hectares (Bruccoleri 1913, 6; Checco 1983, 25; Ziino 1911, 53), have their historical roots in the depopulation of the Sicilian countryside during the 14th century AD as a consequence of the Plague and years of war between the Lombards of northern Italy and the Spanish (Kingdom of Aragon). The latter took control of the island, and

Of particular relevance are the conditions of the latifondi from the early 19th century AD onwards in relation to the modern archaeological landscapes of the Torcicoda valley. The Sicilian Parliament (made up of the highest Sicilian aristocracy) abolished the feudal system in 1812. The feudal estates, which were mostly the latifondi, were turned into private property. However, the estates remained predominantly in the hands of the aristocratic landlords during the first half of the 19th century AD (Cancila 2001, 102-104). The rich local bourgeoisie, who were able to buy large landholdings during especially the second half of the 19th century AD, tended to maintain the economic structure of the latifondi and even imitated the Sicilian aristocracy in their life style, i.e. by buying 65

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI have a good overview of the estates, near springs and often behind some hills or mountains to protect the area against northern winds (e.g. Gambino & Ursino 1973, 268; Prestiani 1946, 103).1

aristocratic titles and becoming mostly absentee landowners residing in the larger Sicilian urban centres far away from their landholdings (Duggan 1989, 78; Lo Giudice 1966, 169; Schneider & Schneider 1976, 151). As a consequence the system of the latifondi persisted and little changed in the socio-economic and political conditions of the rural communities, i.e. for the local rural population (Mack Smith 1965, 97). Studies even show that the position of the rural population deteriorated, when feudal estates at the beginning of the 19th century AD and church grounds in the 1860s were turned into alienable private property (Blok 1974, 11 and 39-40; Blok 1969b, 110). In this process previously existing common rights such as grazing and wood-gathering held by the local rural population were abolished (Mientjes et al. 2002, 143), and although officially parts of the lands were meant to be allocated to the local farmers as compensation for this loss, the local bourgeoisie was able to acquire most of the land and enclose fields to which the local farmers had legal access (Blok 1974, 11; Lo Giudice 1969, 52; Santino 2000, 53). Only in the 1940s and 1950s a combination of peasant occupations of landholdings and national legislation (in particular the socalled Gulli laws named after a Communist Minister in the first Italian government after the Second World War) finally provided for the disappearance of most of the latifondi in Sicily (Renda 1987, 189 and 191).

The feudal landowners never inhabited the masserie. To the contrary since the end of the 17th century AD they gradually started to rent on three-, six- and sometimes nine-year leases (parts of) their estates and the masserie to so-called gabelloti, i.e. tenant farmers named after the fixed lease called gabella they had to pay (Blok 1974, 3233; Fentress 2000, 163; Inchiesta Jacini 1881, 643). The gabelloti were recruited from the local rural population, i.e. farmers who owned some land and cattle, or functionaries who looked after the feudal landlords’ estates. The combined aspects of absentee landownership, rising market prices of agricultural and pastoral products, and an increasing supply of agricultural labour from the 17th century AD meant that the gabelloti were able to build up considerable wealth in short periods of time and to rise in the social and political hierarchy within the agro-towns (cf. Verga 1993, 108). Also the gabelloto would never stay permanently in the masseria, although there were always domestic spaces reserved for him (Ziino 1911, 68-69). Instead the masseria ordinarily housed a number of estate guards, who supervised the agricultural labour done by farmers. Moreover, depending on the size of the masseria various other specialists would be employed: operators of stores, mills, and bakeries; grooms and stall boys for the transport of animals; a lead muleteer and subordinates; a smith who made and repaired farming tools; and others who cared for draft animals and supervised the ploughing (Blok 1974, 60-64; Franchetti & Sonnino 1877, 31; Schneider & Schneider 1976, 68).

Typically the latifondi have been associated with particular rural landscapes, i.e. empty and desolate countrysides deprived of dispersed rural settlements and on the other side large agro-towns in which the local population was aggregated (Aymard & Bresc 1973, 967; Basile 1941, 110-111; Blok 1969a, 122). This pattern of large rural towns surrounded by landscapes without almost any type of rural habitation started in the 14th century AD, and fully developed at the end of the 16th century AD (Aymard & Bresc 1973, 967).

Because of the short gabella contracts the gabelloti felt no incentive to improve the land, but instead pursued contractual strategies to put most of the burden of agricultural work and risks of crop failure on the shoulders of sharecroppers and field labourers.2 The goal was to make as much profit as possible in a short period without investing any capital in terms of land improvement and/or the rationalization of agricultural production (Bruccoleri 1913, 433; Granone 1917, 74 and 87). The main method followed by gabelloti was subleasing annually parcels of land against fixed high rents to sharecroppers, which had to be paid in kind after the harvest. Occasionally the best agricultural land was

Anton Blok (1969a, 1974) has discussed in detail the factors behind the development of large agro-towns and almost unsettled rural landscapes. These are a combination of density of population, tenancy system and mode of cultivation, i.e. extensive cereal cultivation and animal husbandry. The latter two are tightly related to the latifondo system of landholdings. For instance important factors (though not sufficient in themselves) for the existence of ‘empty’ landscapes were that feudal landlords feared that farmers inhabiting the latifondi could make claims on the land, while the agro-towns allowed effective control by feudal power-holders of the rural population (cf. Schneider & Schneider 1976, 124).

1 Other regions of southern Italy outside Sicily, such as Calabria and Puglia also possessed a system of large latifondi functionally organized from masserie. Originally the term masseria referred to estates used for combined agricultural and pastoral use and not the farms themselves (Ludovico 1998, 18). Both for mainland Italy and Sicily the first documentary evidence for the existence of masserie as farm settlements date after 1500 AD (Blok 1969a, 124; Ludovico 1998, 18). 2 The use of day labourers on the latifondi was rare in western and central Sicily (Cancila 2001, 419). In other parts of mainland southern Italy wage-labour was more common on the latifondi (e.g. Arlacchi 1983, 151 and 162).

The only types of rural habitation related to the latifondi were the masserie, i.e. farms overlooking parts of feudal estates, which were rented to local leaseholders (Epstein 1992, 166). These masserie were often fortified and built around a courtyard with a single entrance (Formica 1973, 367). Moreover, according to various studies they were located on elevated points in the landscape in order to 66

ANTOON MIENTJES: ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY

Fig. 2. Study area of Archaeology of Torcicoda Valley project. 1. Mulino Giampino; 2. Mulino Barone; 3. Mulino Balata; 4. Mulino Nuovo; 5. Mulino Immarcolata; 6. Mulino Paradiso; 7. Mulino Agnello; 8. Mulino Arcera; 9. Mulino Marcato Bianco.

position. Therefore it can be concluded that according to the general historical information rural communities aggregated in large agro-towns, which were located within unsettled countrysides in western and central Sicily during post-medieval and modern history (14th until early 20th century AD).

not subleased by the gabelloto and worked by hired field labourers. The most common type of sharecropping contract was called terraggio, which made that a sharecropper had to pay a fixed number of hectolitres of cereals for each unit of arable land leased, which was agreed on the gabelloto’s conditions at the beginning of the contract (Renda 1977, 163; Santino 2000, 27). The amount of lease in kind depended on the size and quality of the land leased. It was not uncommon that during bad agricultural years the sharecroppers had to turn home after a year of work without having any agricultural produce (Renda 1977, 21-22), and were forced to borrow cereals from the gabelloti or local creditors often against high interest rates. This system, which often resulted in the almost permanent indebtedness of farmers towards the gabelloti or local creditors (Granone 1917, 73-74; Lo Giudice 1966, 73), has been defined as rent capitalism (Blok 1974, xvi and 56-57; cf. Wolf 1966, 55-57).

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL VALLEY

LANDSCAPE OF THE

TORCICODA

Types of rural sites The general historical view mostly presents an one-sided picture of large agro-towns as the main centres of community life and (mostly temporary) socio-economic and agricultural activities on large estates, which were managed from fortified farms, i.e. masserie. The Archaeology of the Torcicoda Valley project to the contrary has recorded a far larger variety of archaeological traces in the form of both rural buildings and off-site scatters of pottery in the fields in the southern part of Enna’s territory dating to modern historical periods (19th and early 20th century AD). The archaeological evidence in conjunction with archival information shows that the rural landscape in Enna has been the scene of various kinds of rural activities and socio-economic relationships, which unfolded in diverse rural locations. It is also clear that patterns of land use, landownership and rural activities varied according to different rural zones.

Undoubtedly under these conditions the lower rural population lived in precarious economic conditions and did not have any long-term attachment to land. Sharecroppers ordinarily moved from one field to another between years (Blok 1974, 46; Schneider & Schneider 1976, 60). As a consequence permanent rural settlements were missing except for the masserie, and the rural population aggregated in agro-towns. Hence a strong contrast existed between the agro-towns, centres of social activities, and the countryside. Blok argues in this context that work on the land was negatively valued and sharecroppers and field labourers who had to work the land were pejoratively called viddanu in the Sicilian rural communities, which had the connotation of an uncivilized person of the countryside (1974, 48-49). In addition, the worst status thinkable was that female members of rural families had to help on the fields. This was locally viewed as indicating extreme poverty and low social

The study area of the Archaeology of the Torcicoda Valley can be divided in two main zones, namely a southwestern and a north-eastern one, based on the physical landscape and partially patterns of land use (Fig. 2).

67

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The south-western part of the study area is characterized by a landscape of undulating hills and soft clays. In this zone landholdings were predominantly of the discussed latifondo type during modern history.3 The fact that most of the toponyms of the areas here contain the designation of ex-feudo, i.e. the name feudal estates were given after they were transformed into alienable private property in 1812 (Cancila 2001, 102), also demonstrates that this was a zone of latifondi.4 According to the land registries for Enna most of the land was used for cereal cultivation and secondarily pasture for the period between the 1840s and 1940s.5 For instance, in the first land registry of the 1840s a total of approximately 2755 hectares used for cereal cultivation are indicated against an area of about 504 hectares of pasture. Only a fraction (around 3.4 hectares) was used for gardening and other types of horticulture such as prickly pear, which was used for human consumption as well as animal fodder (Barbera et al. 1992).6

which damaged irreparably many vineyards (Nicotra 1909, 92; Snowden 1986, 124-125).8 Land use: Pasture Cereal fields Olive-yards Vineyards Prickly pear

Number of field units: 12 125 14 90 5

Area in hectares: 3 90 3 32 0.02

Table 1. Land use in Contrada Torre in territory of Enna during 1840s (source: State Archive of Enna, Catasto Provvisorio, Impianto). Within these landscapes numerous types of rural buildings are situated, which are currently mostly abandoned and ruined. In the more northerly part of the study area, such as Contrada Torre, various rural sheds used possibly for temporary shelter in periods of agricultural work, to store agricultural instruments, and to keep work-animals, especially mules, have been identified.9 In addition, two winepresses (so-called palmenti) are located on strategic locations halfway up the main hill in this zone, with many abandoned stone terraces distributed on the lower and especially upper slopes. Archival documents indicate that during the first half of the 20th century AD families from the local bourgeoisie owned these winepresses. Probably they were used for small-scale production for the local market, at least during the first half of the 20th century AD. This is evidenced by the fact that only a small number of vineyards could be identified near the winepresses, which were intermixed with cereal fields, pasture and orchards (olives and almonds) for the period between the middle of the 19th century AD until the Second World War. Moreover, it is possible that the winepresses were leased for short-term use, even sometimes a couple of days, to other families to press grapes, as was shown by one notarial act from the year 1886.10 The two winepresses documented cannot yet be

Going to the north-east, in the direction of the town of Enna, the landscape changes in limestone scarps and plateaux, and the Torcicoda river runs here partially through a deeply incised gorge. Types of landed property and land use were mostly different here, i.e. a pattern of medium- and small-sized landholdings and mixed land use. Again this is best illustrated by the information from the first land registry of the 1840s. For example, land use patterns in the zone of Contrada Torre, located nearer to the urban centre of Enna,7 show a clear mixture of cereal cultivation, pasture, orchard and other types of horticulture (see Table 1). It is equally clear that this pattern of land use persists until approximately the Second World War, although there has been a decrease in the number of vineyards. This probably relates to the spread of Phylloxera, an illness affecting the wood of vines, in southern Italy and Sicily at the end of the 1880s,

3 In the early 20th century AD Enna counted 24 latifondi, which covered about 29.7% of the entire territory (Molè 1929, 74-76). This was an exceptionally high number of latifondi compared with various surrounding rural communities. 4 The latifondi designated as ex-feudi in the southern part of the study area are: Marcato Bianco, Arcera, Fico d’India, Garmenio, San Tommaso, and at some distance to the east Carrangiara, which forms a separate zone of study within the Archaeology of the Torcicoda Valley project. 5 The Archivio di Stato (State Archive) in Enna has the holdings of two land registries. The first land registry was made during Bourbon rule in the 1840s. Separate fields or rural buildings, owners, land use, area, and taxable values are reported in this first so-called catasto provvisorio. Cadastral maps have never been drawn up, but with the help of toponyms, fields (types of land use) and rural buildings could be identified approximately for the different zones within the study area. The second land registry made around the 1940s also reports the names of landowners, type of land use, rural buildings, area and taxable value. For this land registry cadastral maps are available. 6 The Spanish introduced the prickly pear or Indian Fig in Sicily from the Americas in the 16th century AD (Correnti 1980, 67). 7 The occurrence of small- and medium-sized landholdings clustered around agro-towns and mostly used for horticulture is a common pattern for rural communities in Sicily. For instance the same pattern has been observed in the place of Bronte situated on the eastern foothills of the volcano Etna for the 18th and 19th century AD (Lo Giudice 1969, 252).

8 Archival material shows that between 1890 and 1891 Phylloxera spread from 0.5 to 150 hectares (source = State Archive of Enna, Atti Amministrativi del Comune di Enna, agricoltura, busta 30, anni 18831893). The outbreak started in a vineyard of a member of the local nobility, which indicates that vineyards were often the property of (local) upper classes. It has been argued elsewhere in the Mediterranean (Ottoman Crete) that Phylloxera maybe was brought from the Americas, and affected especially large vineyards for market production, and rarely the scattered small vineyards of small holders (Brumfield 2000, 55). It is not clear from the documentary evidence if vineyards were held on a large scale for commercial production at Enna before the 1890s. Generally vineyards for market production like other types of horticulture were distributed in the coastal areas of Sicily during the last two centuries (Lo Giudice 1966, 169). 9 Mules were the most important work-animals, mostly used for transport, and to a lesser extent for traction (i.e. ploughing). Statistical data for the year 1881 for example show that the community of Enna had 1243 mules, 691 donkeys and 329 horses (source: State Archive of Enna, Atti Amministrativi del Comune di Enna, busta 42). 10 Source: State Archive of Enna, Notai di Castrogiovanni, secondo versamento, notaio Saverio Fontanazza, busta 231, anno 1886.

68

ANTOON MIENTJES: ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY nobility, bourgeoisie and gabelloti appropriating the emphyteusis contracts of parts of the landholdings of the Archbishop of Palermo in the zones of San Tommaso, Garmenio and Arcera.11 It is in this context that the increase in rural structures in the southern part of the study area can be understood, i.e. in the framework of the subdivision of church domains among various new rich landowners. Probably farmers, who worked for the new landowners of the expropriated church lands, will have used these houses with barns for work-animals during ploughing, sowing and the harvest.

dated to the 19th century AD, but there is documentary evidence that winepresses already existed in Contrada Torre in the year 1811. In the remainder of the study area, situated to the south of Contrada Torre, there exist various types of rural buildings. Two of these are masserie called Masseria Fico d’India and Case Rosso (Fig. 2), which appear to be less strategically located in the landscape than general studies on Sicilian masserie suggest. The masserie have not yet been documented in detail. Only for Case Rosso the functions of the various rooms are known, which include accommodation for the large leaseholder (gabelloto) or feudal landlord, various barns for traction and transport animals, an olive-press, stores for agricultural products, hen runs, a so-called rubitteria usually containing a bread oven and a kitchen (Ziino 1911, 50 and 53), and a small chapel (Gambino & Ursino 1973, 268). The functional layout of this masseria shows that these farms were centres from where the agricultural exploitation of latifondi was directed. Sharecroppers and field labourers instead would sleep in the fields or courtyard of the masseria, or sometimes stay in temporary sheds, so-called pagghiari, constructed of stone foundations and roofs of bundles of straw (Gambino & Ursino 1973, 255; Pitrè 1978, 78-80). Of the latter type of rural sheds we have not found any archaeological traces thus far, which perhaps indicates their ephemeral and temporary character.

However, the most prominent rural structures found in the study area are the grain mills such as Mulino Marcato Bianco (Figs 3 and 4). These mills are powered by water conducted by leats from the Torcicoda river, along which all the mills are located. According to the archival material the mills were constructed before the 1820s, and for Mulino Agnello it could even be establish that a licence for construction was granted in the year 1497 (Fig. 2).12 Moreover, Mulino Nuovo appears to have had an early construction date, because a stone carved with the year 1666 was observed in one of the rebuilt walls of this mill (Fig. 2). Finally, archival sources indicate that most of the mills were still in use in the late 1940s after which they were completely abandoned due to the introduction of electrically powered mills.13 The mills all show similar constructional features. The mill building contained in addition to the room with the millstones a room for the miller, a barn for horses and mules, a storage room for instruments, hay and also manure to cultivate the surrounding plots of land often used for types of horticulture, and other sheds for domestic animals such as pigs and hens.14

However, other types of rural buildings have been found including some pastoral settlements with enclosures for sheep or cattle, permanent rural houses with barns, some rural houses located within rockshelters of the gorge of the Torcicoda river, and a total of nine water mills for cereals. All these rural settlements show that other rural activities were taking place besides the ones related to the masserie.

The nine mills recorded are all relatively large and wellconstructed buildings, and from this it can be concluded that they should have played an important role economically as well as politically. General historical information shows that the feudal lords, ecclesiastical landowners and the rich bourgeoisie (especially after the middle of the 19th century AD) owned the mills in Sicily since medieval times (Bresc & Salvo 2001, 88-91 and 102-103). The owners strictly controlled the use of mills by local farmers. Feudal lords had the right (so-called jus prohibendi) to impose on the rural communities

Some of the rural houses with barns are probably of a relatively recent construction date, which means somewhere after the 1860s. A comparison between the first land registry of the 1840s and last land registry of the 1940s shows a clear increase in rural buildings in the southern part of the study area. Before the 1860s the Archbishop of Palermo owned many landholdings in the territory of Enna. However, the anti-clerical policies of the unified Italian state in the 1860s resulted in a number of laws for the expropriation of all church domains in Sicily, which still covered about 10 % of the island immediately before Italian unification (Cancila 2001, 412-413; Corleo 1977; Longo 1981, 18; Schneider & Schneider 1976, 119). Parcels of around 50 hectares each were sold at auction or given in emphyteusis (i.e. longterm and inheritable leases), in principle to create a middle class of farmers, but in reality it was the gabelloti, nobility and wealthy bourgeoisie, who acquired most of the expropriated church domains. This development is reflected in the archival material regarding the southern part of the study area mentioning both local and absentee

11 Most of the documentation regarding the expropriation of the estates in the territory of Enna owned by the Archbishop of Palermo is kept in the State Archive of Enna, Commissione per l’enfiteusi Circondario di Piazza Armerina, busta 13-2 (anni 1862-1878). 12 Source: State Archive of Enna, Fondo Militello, busta 212. The source for dating the grain mills in the study area before the 1820s is: State Archive of Caltanissetta, Intendenza e Prefettura, busta 436, statistica popolazione (anni 1825-1830). 13 Source: State Archive of Enna, Prefettura di Enna, Serie I, busta 49. 14 The various rooms of mills and partly their functions can be identified archaeologically. The archival sources provide information on the number and types of rooms in mills such as Mulino San Francesco (for year 1852) in the northern part of the territory of Enna. Source: State Archive of Enna, Fondo Militello, busta 214, anno 1852.

69

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Ground plan of Mulino Marcato Bianco.

Fig. 4. View of standing remains of Mulino Marcato Bianco.

70

ANTOON MIENTJES: ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY belonging to his feudal domain(s) the use of certain mills instead of others in order to obtain a secure amount of cereals, which was levied in the form of taxes (Bresc & Salvo 2001, 91-92). Moreover, when various aristocratic families founded new agro-towns between the 16th and 18th century AD in central Sicily to enhance cereal cultivation for growing grain markets during this period, the presence of suitable watercourses to construct water mills was an important factor in the choice of the locations of these new agro-towns (Bresc & Salvo 2001, 102-103; Davies 1985, 170).

reduced to a single model of social stratification, which includes landlords, large leaseholders, and sharecroppers plus field labourers as described for the latifondo economy. The mills are a particularly interesting example, which demonstrates that diverse and dynamic social networks existed in the countryside of Enna. The location of the mills in the landscape in conjunction with various documentary sources shows that the relationships between owners (absentee and local nobility and bourgeoisie), millers and the rural population, i.e. sharecroppers who would bring their (small) share of the harvest to the mills, was different from the socioeconomic relations described for the masserie. Masserie were the centres from which agricultural activities were undertaken on the latifondi, although sharecroppers and field labourers would travel daily or weekly from the agro-town (Franchetti & Sonnino 1877, 16). The mills instead show a tighter connection with the agro-town of Enna, and the local authorities considered it important that these mills could be reached with ease from town. In 1809 the town council ordered urgent repairs for the road leading to the mills in the Torcicoda valley after the damage caused by severe flooding, which regularly occurred during the 19th and 20th century AD.16 These mills and especially Mulini Barone and Balata, managed by the town council on behalf of the orphanage in Enna, were the nearest17 and most important mills for the local population to mill cereals for private consumption as well as public bakeries.18 The latter were an institute, which allowed the control of provision of bread for the local population, especially in years of scarcity, in order to prevent possible unrest among the lower rural classes, and to levy municipal taxes on bread consumption (Fazio 1993, 69 and 161).

The land registries from the 1840s till the 1940s show that most of the mills in the Torcicoda valley were similarly owned by feudal lords, church authorities, and rich merchants such as the Archbishop of Palermo, and Baron Militello from Enna. A particular interesting case is the wealthy merchant family De Pace from Palermo, which acquired much land and, Mulino Arcera and Mulino Marcato Bianco from the Archbishop of Palermo and Count Ricciardo between 1850 and 1860. This indicates that the market for land and rural buildings became more flexible after the mid-19th century AD, giving opportunities to non-aristocratic families to enrich themselves through landed properties (Cancila 2001, 122123). For the Sicilian aristocracy agricultural land had always been the primary source of economic wealth, political power and status (Blok 1974, 37; Cancila 2001, 102-103; Verga 1993). It seems that the rising bourgeoisie such as the De Pace family attached similar importance to agricultural land during the second half of the 19th century AD and beginning of the 20th century AD, and continued to maintain the socio-economic structure of the latifondo economy. The mills were managed directly by the landowner (appointing a miller to do the work) or more frequently given in gabella to local people, which often had some landed possessions. From a number of lease contracts of the 1850s for Mulino Agnello it is apparent that these local people, who can be defined as gabelloti of the mills, came from the rising local bourgeoisie and had mediumsized landholdings around Enna with vines, olives and fruit trees, as well as houses inside the town. They had to give these possessions in mortgage to the mill owners in case they were not able to pay the gabella during the three years they could lease the mill.15 The gabelloto would hire a miller to do the work, or worked the mill himself.

In short the water mills were noticeably different places in the landscape, tangential to the socio-economic networks of the masserie and latifondi: ... the mill was considered a ‘public’ place and therefore possessed a special kind of ‘peace’, aside from who was the real owner, it was almost an ‘open’ zone, neutral, free for the simple reason that is was a place where many people came together ... . Carcasio 2000, 37. The miller took a special and often ambiguous position within social interactions evolving around mills. He had to keep a balance between persons with various backgrounds, i.e. farmers, feudal or ecclesiastical mill

The archaeological landscape as a scene of varied communities

16 Sources: State Archive of Enna, Archivio Storico del Comune di Enna, busta M-41: liberazione dei mulini; State Archive of Caltanissetta, Intendenza e Prefettura, busta 2334 and busta 2335: opere comunali. 17 In the 1820s Enna possessed 34 water mills for cereals. Source: State Archive of Caltanissetta, Intendenza e Prefettura, busta 436: statistica popolazione (anni 1825-1830). 18 Sources: State Archive of Enna, Archivio Storico del Comune di Enna, busta M-41: liberazione dei mulini; State Archive of Enna, Atti Amministrativi del Comune di Enna, busta 42.

The archaeological survey in the Torcicoda Valley revealed various types of rural buildings such as winepresses, pastoral sites, small rural houses with barns and grain mills. These rural sites show that social relationships within the community of Enna cannot be 15

Source: State Archive of Enna, Fondo Militello, busta 58.

71

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Ground plan of one of houses in deeply incised gorge of Torcicoda river.

Fig. 6. View of house (of figure 5) in deeply incised gorge of Torcicoda river.

houses have been inhabited permanently. Moreover, the fact that only one of the houses is reported on the cadastral maps of the 1940s suggest that the houses had no clear juridical status and hence seem to have fallen outside the control of the local authorities and landlords. Even visually the houses are hidden from the surrounding landscape, which contrasts sharply the relatively strategic locations of masserie.

owners and governmental officials appointed to levy grain taxes. It was not uncommon that millers evaded official regulations, or cheated local farmers by using different measures (containers) for the cereals brought and the flour left after the milling process (Bresc & Salvo 2001, 105-106; Carcasio 2000, 37). As a result tensions between these various groups and the millers occurred, and millers had often a negative reputation among the local rural population.

The two land registries show that farmers and mill workers inhabited these houses.19 It is interesting that the rural owners of the houses are described as ‘livellari al demanio di stato’, which means they had to pay rent to the state institution, which expropriated the church domains during the 1860s. Previously this location was part of the landholdings of the Archbishop of Palermo. Various studies have argued that ecclesiastical landowners were more flexible towards farmers leasing

Crucial, however, is that mills and their surrounding locations appear to have been places outside the control of the feudal and ecclesiastical upper classes, who owned the latifondi, and the group of large leaseholders, i.e. the gabelloti. This is supported archaeologically by probably the most significant rural site encountered so far in the Torcicoda valley, namely three rural houses constructed within the deeply incised gorge, near to Mulino Nuovo (Figs 5 and 6). None of these houses could be traced in the first land registry of the 1840s. This means that the houses probably date from the second half of the 19th century AD. They were finally abandoned in the 1950s. However, the mostly robust construction of the walls, and clearly discernible phases of rebuilding show that these

19 One notarial act from 1885 mentions that besides Mulino Nuovo other structures included are an oven and garden, which could be identified as parts of one of the rural houses. This suggests that the miller and/or mill workers also occupied one of the houses. Source: State Archive of Enna, Notai di Castrogiovanni, primo versamento, notaio Girolamo Virardi, busta 1875, anno 1885.

72

ANTOON MIENTJES: ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY and powerful, and the rural houses show that farmers could create their own spaces within the countryside. This emphasizes that the local rural population had aspirations contrary to the interest of landlords, large leaseholders and local and regional power-holders, as has been attested by various peasant uprisings during in the 19th and early 20th century AD (Schneider & Schneider 1976, 123; Renda 1977).

their land, asking for example lower rents than the gabelloti on feudal estates, and providing often forms of charity to the local rural population for example in the form of orphanages (e.g. Longo 1981, 18). This could have been a factor enabling farmers to construct these permanent rural houses, which possibly would have been obstructed by other landlords. Finally, the fact that during the 1930s violent arguments arose occasionally between the farmers’ families and the people related to Mulino Nuovo about for example animals cross-passing garden boundaries as one former occupant reported, underlines that the rural occupants of this location somehow tried to mark their presence and make claims on the land in relation to other people such as millers, other farmers and estate owners.

The archaeological and documentary sources for the study area show that people with different socioeconomic backgrounds interacted on different rural places such as the masserie and the mills. Moreover, socio-economic relationships were dynamic. Various people, especially among farmers’ families, contested their socio-economic positions, which for instance has been materialized by the rural houses in the gorge of the Torcicoda river. In short the community of Enna was not a coherent social entity with well-defined spatial boundaries and moreover featured by internal social solidarity. People were highly mobile in the countryside establishing fleeting face-to-face and even distant (e.g. with large landowners) contacts in particular time-space settings. Above and beyond social ties between various groups of Enna’s community, antagonistic interests played a crucial role in creating a multiplicity of communities in the countryside according to various rural locations.

CONCLUDING REMARKS Many historical studies of rural Sicily in modern history (14th century AD until Second World War) have perceived communities as clearly defined socio-spatial entities. The population would be aggregated in agrotowns and the latifondo system of landholdings and the associated socio-economic relations of landlords, gabelloti, sharecroppers and field labourers featured the rural economy in western and central Sicily. The masserie, in the centre of estates have been the loci in which these relationships came together within the framework of an agricultural economy of extensive cereal cultivation and secondarily animal husbandry. The various groups of Enna’s community would only stay temporarily or even visit rarely the masserie and surrounding estates.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work has been carried out with the financial support of the Reckitt Travelling Fellowship in Archaeology of the British Academy. I also would like to thank all the institutions, which helped me in the field in Sicily, i.e. the staff (and in particular Dott. Claudio Paterna and Salvatore Lo Pinzino) at the Soprintendenza Beni Culturali ed Ambientali at Enna, the Archivio di Stato at Enna, Caltanissetta and Palermo, the Archivio Distrettuale Notarile at Caltanissetta and Palermo, and all the libraries I visited in Sicily. I am also grateful to Enrico Giannitrappani, Francesca Valbruzzi, and Maurizio Vona. My thanks to Mark Pluciennik and Peter van Dommelen for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper and much other useful help.

The archaeological study of the modern rural landscape (19th and early 20th century AD) in the southern part of the territory of Enna in conjunction with documentary evidence, has been able to identify types of socioeconomic interactions unfolding in various places in the countryside, which cannot simply be reduced to the socio-economic structure of the latifondo system and the associated masserie. It has been shown that socioeconomic relations were not fixed in place, but highly mobile depending on the people interacting in specific rural contexts. The water mills used to mill cereals and the rural houses in the Torcicoda gorge, are the clearest evidence of socioeconomic interactions between members of local authorities, owners, millers, and farmers, which although unequal, were more open and dynamic than those between landlords, gabelloti, sharecroppers and field labourers at the latifondi. Local authorities regarded it as important that mills could be reached with ease from the town of Enna. This is striking for a countryside, which had generally a very bad infrastructure during the 19th and early 20th century AD. Moreover, millers took an often ambiguous and perhaps mediating role between the authorities, mill owners and poor farmers. There was room for evading certain forms of control from the rich

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, B., 1991. Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. London. Aymard, M. & H. Bresc, 1973. Problemi di storia dell’insediamento nella Sicilia medievale e moderna, 1100-1800. Quaderni Storici 24, 945-976. Arlacchi, P., 1983. Mafia, peasants and great estates: society in traditional Calabria. Cambridge. Barbera, G., F. Carimi & P. Inglese, 1992. Past and present role of the Indian-fig prickly-pear (Opunta Ficus-Indica (L.) Miller, Cacatceae). Economic Botany 46(1), 10-20.

73

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Ursino (eds), La casa rurale nella Sicilia orientale. Firenze, 239-276. Giannitrapani, E. & M. Pluciennik, 1998. La seconda campagna di ricognizione (settembre 1997) del progetto ‘Archeologia nella Valle del Torcicoda’. Sicilia Archeologica 96, 59-69. Giannitrapani, E. & M. Pluciennik, 2001. Rock-shelter research in central Sicily. Antiquity 75, 13-14. Granone, L., 1917. Fattori e bisogni dell’economia siciliana. Girgenti. Inchiesta Jacini, 1881. Atti della giunta per la inchiesta agraria e sulle condizioni della classe agricola. Ristampa dell’edizione di Roma: Arnaldo Forni Editore. Lo Giudice, G., 1966. Agricoltura e credito nell’esperienza del Banco di Sicilia tra l’800 e l’900. Catania. Lo Giudice, G., 1969. Comunità rurali della Sicilia moderna: Bronte (1747-1853). Catania. Longo, F., 1981. Cronaca della città di Enna dal 1861 al 1981, appendice alla di Paolo Vetri. Palermo. Ludovico, A., 1998. Masserie e campagne a Castellaneta. Bari. Mack Smith, D., 1965. The latifundia in modern Sicilian history. Proceedings of the British Academy 51, 85124. Marcus, J., 2000. Toward an archaeology of communities, in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yeager (eds), The archaeology of communities: a new world perspective. London and New York, 231-241. Mientjes, A., M. Pluciennik & E. Giannitrapani, 2002. Archaeologies of recent rural Sicily and Sardinia: a comparative approach. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 15(2), 139-166. Molè, G., 1929. Studio-inchiesta sui latifondi siciliani. Roma. Nicotra, F., 1909. Castrogiovanni, monografia di Ettore Liborio Falautano. Palermo. Pitrè, G., 1978. La famiglia, la casa, la vita del popolo siciliano (a cura di Aurelio Rigoli, prefazione di Bernardo Bernardi). Palermo. Prestianni, N., 1946. L’economia agraria della Sicilia. Palermo. Preucel, R.W., 2000. Making Pueblo communities, in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities: a new world perspective. London and New York, 58-77. Renda, F., 1977. I Fasci Siciliani: 1892-1894. Torino. Renda, F., 1984. Storia della Sicilia dal 1860 al 1970, volume primo. Palermo. Renda, F., 1987. Storia della Sicilia dal 1860 al 1970, volume terzo. Palermo. Santino, U., 2000. Storia del movimento antimafia: dalla lotta di classe all’impegno civile. Roma. Schneider, J. & P. Schneider, 1976. Culture and political economy in western Sicily. New York. Snowden, F.M., 1986. Violence and great estates in the south of Italy, Apulia 1900-1922. Cambridge.

Basile, D.G., 1941. Agricultural Sicily. Economic Geography 17(2), 109-120. Blok, A., 1974. The Mafia of a Sicilian village 1860 1960: a study of violent peasant entrepreneurs. Illinois. Blok, A., 1969a. South Italian agro-towns. Comparative Studies in Society and History 11, 121-135. Blok, A., 1969b. Mafia and peasant rebellion as contrasting factors in Sicilian latifundism. Archiv. Europ. Sociol. 10, 95-116. Bresc, H. & P. di Salvo, 2001. Mulini ad acqua in Sicilia: i mulini, i paratori, le cartiere e altre applicazioni. Palermo. Bruccoleri, G., 1913. La Sicilia di oggi, prefazione di Napoleone Colajanni. Roma. Brumfield, A., 2000. Agriculture and rural settlement in Ottoman Crete, 1669-1898: a modern site survey, in: U. Baram & L. Carroll, A historical archaeology of the Ottoman empire: breaking new ground. New York [etc.], 37-78. Cancila, O., 1974. Gabelloti e contadini in un comune rurale (secc. xviii-xix). Caltanissetta-Roma. Cancila, O., 2001. La terra di Cerere. CaltanissettaRoma. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities: a new world perspective. London and New York. Carcasio, M., 2000. Flomaria Molendinorum. Regione Siciliana: Assessorato dei Beni Culturali e Ambientali e della Pubblica Istruzione, Palermo. Checco, A., 1983. Banca e latifondi nella Sicilia degli anni trenta. Napoli. Cohen, A., 1985. The symbolic construction of community. London. Corleo, S., 1977. Storia della enfiteusi dei terreni ecclesiastici di Sicilia; introduzione di Alfredo Li Vecchi. Caltanissetta-Roma. Correnti, S., 1980. La Sicilia del cinquecento: il nazionalismo isolano. Milano. Davies, T., 1985. Famiglie feudali siciliane. Partrimoni, redditi, investimenti tra ‘500 e ‘600. Caltanisetta, Roma. Duggan, C., 1989. Fascism and the Mafia. New Haven and London. Epstein, R.S., 1992. An island for itself: economic development and social change in late medieval Sicily. Cambridge. Fazio, I., 1993. La politica del grano: annona e controllo del territorio in Sicilia nel settecento. Milano. Fentress, J., 2000. Rebels and Mafiosi: death in a Sicilian landscape. Ithaca and London. Formica, C., 1973. Considerazioni conclusive, in: M.T. Alleruzzo di Maggio, C. Formica, A. Fornaro, J. C. Gambino, A Pecora & G. Ursino (eds), La casa rurale nella Sicilia orientale. Firenze, 361-370. Franchetti, L. & S. Sonnino, 1877. La Sicilia nel 1876, vol. 2: I contadini. Firenze. Gambino, J.C. & G. Ursino, 1973. Gli Erei e i rilievi contermini, in: M.T. Alleruzzo di Maggio, C. Formica, A. Fornaro, J. C. Gambino, A Pecora & G. 74

ANTOON MIENTJES: ENNA: A RURAL COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL SICILY DURING MODERN HISTORY Verga, M., 1993. La Sicilia dei grani: gestione dei feudi e cultura economica fra sei e settecento (= Academia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere ‘La Colombaria’ Studi, 132). Firenze. Wolf, E.R., 1966. Peasants. Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Yeager, J. & M.A. Canuto, 2000. Introducing an archaeology of communities, in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yeager (eds), The archaeology of communities: a new world perspective. London and New York, 1-15. Ziino, N., 1911. Latifondo e latifondismo: studio di economia rurale. Palermo.

75

FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM C.J. Smith Abstract: This paper addresses the notion of community in early Rome and Latium. The complex interrelationship between the early city and the institutions of the curiae will be a starting point for an assessment of how Rome conceptualized and celebrated citizenship. In considering the issue of the material and religious reinvention of past community in late Republican and early imperial Rome, we shall discuss the transformation of the possible site of the Curiae Veteres. The paper will argue that community is as unstable temporally as it is geographically, and will investigate ways in which in the Roman context the physical and religious memorialization of community is used to protect a fragmenting self-identity.

The concept of community in archaic Italy has been addressed in previous Italian Archaeology conferences,1 but the ways in which we define and think about community are changing. In this paper I shall argue for the value of a heterarchic model for understanding the way that community was defined and celebrated in Rome and Latium. I wish to consider three main aspects; the concept of citizenship, the relationship between Rome and Latium in the archaic and Republican period, and the importance of memory and forgetting in the late Republican and early imperial reconceptualization of archaic community. The common thread which links these aspects together is the history of the curiae at Rome.2

a single coherent set of power relationships, all of which inhere in the same group, heterarchical definitions emphasize the relationships of different elements which possess the potential of being ranked in a number of different ways. As an example, we might consider an interesting paper by Janet Levy, who juxtaposed evidence of settlement patterns, gender and ritual in Bronze Age Denmark to show not a single static hierarchical model but a far more fluid and diverse arrangement of power, and isolated a ‘simultaneous profusion of equality and hierarchy’.7 Levy identified the utility of the concept of heterarchy in the following way: “The significant points of the heterarchy framing concept are the emphasis on variability, context and fluctuation of social relations, and the co-existence of hierarchical and heterarchical organizations within a region and/or polity. Social segments or units, including individuals, communities, households, and kin groups, may be involved in simultaneous vertical and lateral relationships”.8

Heterarchy was developed as a concept by Crumley, and explored in detail by a number of contributors to a volume of archaeological papers published by the American Anthropological Association.3 It was adopted by some of the authors in the volume edited by Canuto and Yaeger which set the agenda for this panel.4 One major factor in the development of the concept of heterarchy was the desire to break away from simplistic evolutionary models which moved from egalitarianism to complexity defined in terms of hierarchy, a model which is problematic both from the point of view of its mismatch with the evidence, and from the more political standpoint that it prioritizes the value of hierarchy over alternative markers of progress.5 The concept is useful but not unproblematic, not least because the nature of hierarchy, to which it is opposed, is itself far from unequivocal, and insofar as heterarchy is a critical model, that is one which works as a critique of an existing model, its definition depends in part on the specific model of hierarchy to which it is being opposed.6 Nevertheless one can characterize broadly the discourse of heterarchy as one which privileges divergent loci and patterns of power over monocentric definitions of power. Whereas a discourse of rank and hierarchy will single out

This conceptualization of human interaction is of particular interest within the context of the debate over the nature of community. In his provocative conclusion to the Canuto and Yaeger volume, Isbell contrasts the notion of the ‘natural’ and the ‘imagined’ community.9 The concept of the ‘natural’ community is problematic in numerous ways. Much of the ‘natural community’ discourse proceeds from a set of difficult assumptions about the desirability of small, bounded, homogenous communities, assumptions which are often derived from romantic, almost pastoral, notions of early society. Two of the best examples of this process are provided by the distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, which was developed by Tönnies in the late 19th century BC, and Robert Redfield’s work on the Maya in the middle of the 20th century BC, the one a product of nostalgia for pre-industrial Germany, and the other in part an idealization of the American prairie.10 It would be unfair to deny entirely the value of these major contributions, but at the same time it is important to reflect on the way that both models divert agency from

1 See Herring, Whitehouse & Wilkins (eds) 1991; Christie (ed.) 1995; both the previous Italian archaeology conferences had substantial sections relating to community in one form or another. 2 The best account remains Botsford 1909, 152-200; see Smith (forthcoming). 3 Ehrenreich, Crumley & Levy (eds) 1995. 4 Canuto & Yaeger (eds), 2000, see especially contributions by Mehrer, and Joyce and Hendon. 5 Crumley 1995. 6 Brumfiel 1995.

7

Levy 1995; quote at 50 with author’s emphasis. Levy 1995, 47. 9 Isbell 2000. 10 Tonnies, 1957; Redfield 1953; 1955; 1956; discussion, Dyson 1992, 11-13. 8

76

C.J. SMITH: FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM individuals to the collective. Kolb and Snead’s recent attempt to rehabilitate the community as the natural unit of comparative and scientific archaeology is, as Isbell notes, fundamentally processual, that is, it isolates a concept which can be reduced to specific criteria which we may count, just as Renfrew’s definition of ritual was one which allowed for an archaeological identification through the piling up of archaeological indices of specific characteristics.11 Human agency is elided in favour of a concept which can be archaeologically isolated and which gains an agency of its own.

consciousness at the centre of an understanding of human agency.15 I would argue that this critique of the excessively Durkheimian posture of Giddens’ theory poses profound difficulties for the discourse of community, because if one accepts the critique one must build into the discourse all the elements of self-consciousness and bodily intermediation of processes which Cohen and Pred insist upon, and to which Isbell alludes, and it becomes even more difficult to retain the romantic notions of the externally bounded, small homogenous ‘natural’ community. We are required to investigate the ‘imagined’ community.

This elision of human agency is difficult to avoid, not least because one paradigm of interpretation of the relationship of individual and society, that of Giddens, shares precisely the same characteristic.12 Structuration remains an extraordinarily important element in current sociological theory, and explicitly or implicitly informs much of the way in which we conceive of the discourse of the relationship between individual and society. Not only did Giddens give us a new grand theory, he also made it possible for us to develop an understanding of the way individual actions constrained by social forms reinforce social forms in a recursive dialectic between agent and society. Together with Bourdieu’s examination of habitus,13 this has contributed to much of the postprocessual project in archaeology.14 It is no surprise that both authors are frequently cited in Canuto and Yaeger’s collection. However, Giddens’ theory has come under increasingly critical scrutiny, and precisely on the issue of his conception of the role of human agency. Notwithstanding the fact that Giddens has much to say on the subject, and indeed commences his great synthesis The Constitution of Society with this specific issue, it is now clear that Giddens’ view of the individual is insufficiently nuanced and subtle, and that it is neither successful as a characterization of the post-modern condition, nor as a model for interpretations of the past. An early response may be found in Pred’s challenging manifesto for human geography, in which he writes “Going beyond Giddens … means placing greater emphasis on individuals and collectivities who … do not merely reproduce but occasionally transform and restructure” and he insists on an analysis of the individual which takes much fuller account of human agents in all their physicality and bodily presence. Similarly, A.P. Cohen insists on the importance of placing self-

The ‘imagined community’ is Benedict Anderson’s now famous coinage to help explain the development of nationalism, which he saw very much as a project of Enlightenment and Revolution; it is moderately disturbing to see how this concept has been appropriated for an entirely different period and project, particularly the concept of ethnicity in the ancient world.16 Be that as it may, the requirement to move beyond Giddens, to place the agent in all his and her complexity and messiness at the heart of our interpretation, and to focus on the community which is imagined into existence and deeply contingent on individuals, and perhaps not even quite so uniformly imagined as Anderson himself sometimes seems to suggest, gives archaeology a task which might seem insurmountable given the relatively scarce evidence we have. Giddens allowed us to infer the agency of the individual from the basics of the structure of society, but that was too straightforward. As Nigel Rapport has written in a very important critical dialogue with Vered Amit on the concept of community, “it is individuals who make and maintain cultural worlds – remake them continuously through their creative cognitions – and it is individuals in interaction who make and maintain communities”.17 It seems to me that this is where (at least heuristically) the concept of heterarchy becomes so valuable and important. It may be dangerous to import the fragmented postmodern consciousness into an understanding of Iron Age Italy18, but on the other hand it may be fruitful to focus more explicitly on the contested and debated nature of community through a model which actively seeks alternative forms of power relationships, and here it is important to note that heterarchy does not mean simply a set of alternatives which cancel each other out to produce a conceptual egalitarianism. Brumfiel is absolutely correct to identify parallel hierarchies as one form of heterarchy.19 Indeed it seems to me that this is precisely

11 Kolb & Snead 1997; definition at 611 “we therefore consider the community to be a minimal, spatially defined locus of human activity that incorporates social reproduction, subsistence production, and selfidentification”; in archaeological terms, the last is identified through boundary maintenance. cf. Renfrew 1985. 12 A central contribution is Giddens 1984; for critique see Bryant & Jary (eds) 1991; Craib 1992. 13 Bourdieu 1977. 14 Brief introduction at Hodder, 1986, 73-79; for a critical appraisal see Chippindale 1993, and for more positive ones, see Shennan 1993; Last 1995. Fundamental to the appreciation of Giddens’ work for postprocessualism is Barrett 1988, and see Moreland 2001, 126: “Giddens’ structuration theory lies at the heart (or at least the beginning) of much post-processualist thought”.

15

Pred 1990, 25-33, quote at 27; Cohen 1994, especially 21-22. Anderson 1991; for ancient ethnicity and concepts similar to the imagined community, see McInerney 2001; Morgan 2001. 17 Amit & Rapport 2002, 139-140. 18 See Chippindale 1993 for this criticism of post-processualist approaches. 19 Brumfiel 1995. 16

77

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI where we need to be extremely conscious of the very specific nature of the ‘imagined community’ which Anderson was talking about. Anderson sought the genealogy of a concept (the nation as an imagined political community both limited and sovereign) which made it possible “over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as to willingly die, for such limited imaginings”.20 It is a very interesting question, but one for others to answer, as to how far the concept of heterarchy fits with the powerfully directing notion of nationalism. It is also a concept of community, which, because it is rooted in the rise of print culture, is essentially decoupled from social interaction. When archaeologists talk about ‘imagined communities’ they lift Anderson’s phrase but leave most of its connotations behind.21

Etruria, and, according to the legend, ultimately in Corinth.25 However, there is an alternative form of symbolic construction of community which is very different from the open movement of individuals at the elite level across the landscape of Central Italy. Although the evidence is patchy, it would appear that the earliest form of assembly at Rome was through the curiae and the members of the curiae were the Quirites, a word which is in later periods synonymous with the community conceived as a political entity – hence, when Caesar wishes to quell a rebellion of his soldiers he addresses them as Quirites, denying them their military status.26 There is much that is unclear about the curiae; my emphasis here is on the symbolic construction of community implied by the curiae and how this fits into other patterns of social interaction.27

In our context, what we can see in early Rome is not a simple model of a hierarchical society, or the product of a single imagining, but rather a much more complex and varied array of interactions. This is not to say that Rome was an egalitarian society, or to diminish the importance of the evident disparities in wealth and social status, but rather to stress the variety of ways in which individuals related to each other. If we take seriously the consequences of arguments such as Cohen’s for the importance of individual self-consciousness in actively, proactively and creatively engaging with society and culture, then we must acknowledge that the society which the inhabitants of early Rome created was itself the product of debate and contest about the nature of their society.

In later Rome there were thirty curiae and it would appear that this number was arrived at by a process of development, rather than as a single act of artificial creation. In other words, just as for the tribus with which the curiae have much in common, the principle of the form of association was developed and then expanded. The strongest evidence for this is in the references to the distinction between old and new curiae which we find in Festus.28 A curia is both a social division and a physical location, a building, in which we are told ritual dining takes place. The Roman conception of the origin of the curiae is that Romulus created 30 divisions of the people after the amalgamation of the Sabine population into Rome after the rape of the Sabine women.29 Tacitus and Festus imply that there was a single point representing all the curiae and that it was on the old pomerium around the Palatine hill.30 At some point a new building had to be constructed to house the increased population but some of the curiae resisted evocatio and remained where they were. We may leave aside for the purposes of this paper the fact that this evidence is somewhat at odds with the evidence which we have from other sources, and in particular Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who claims to have witnessed ritual banqueting in each of the thirty separate halls of the curiae.31 What is important to this investigation is the idea of a defined community which had ways of celebrating its existence.

Let us begin with the nature of 6th century BC community. Ampolo some years ago showed that the epigraphic evidence coupled with aspects of the literary tradition indicated that Rome was part of a general open society in which the movement of aristocrats was certainly permitted if not encouraged by exogamous marriage customs.22 The clearest archaeological correlate of this openness is the similarity between the so-called ‘princely’ tombs at Praeneste and others at Cerveteri.23 One might add into this the sharing of specific iconography between tombs, temples and houses across Central Italy, which suggests both the mobility of artisans, and also the mobility of ideas of leadership and status.24 A prominent feature is the fact that the literary sources are unanimous in stressing the non-Roman origins of almost all the kings of Rome, from Romulus (strictly an Alban) to the Tarquins whose roots were in

The festivals which the curiae celebrated were the Fordicidia and the Fornacalia, the one involving the sacrifice of gravid cows, the other related to hearths and the making of bread.32 The curiae have thus a strongly agricultural context, and one can associate this pattern 25

Cornell 1995, 122-130. Suet. Caes. 70. On Quirites as members of the curiae, see Binder 1909, 147-156; Reiche 1927; Palmer 1970, 156-160; Prugni 1987; Prosdocimi 1995; 1996. 27 Smith (forthcoming) for a more substantial discussion. 28 Festus 180, 182L. 29 Cic. rep. 2.14; Livy 1.13.6; Plut. Rom. 14. 30 Festus 180, 182L; Tac. ann. 12.24. 31 D.Hal. 2.23.2. 32 Ovid Fasti 2.527-32; 4.633-4; Varro LL 6.15. 26

20

Anderson 1991, 7. For indications of the way in which Anderson’s own concept of community is itself damaging to the project of recovering and appropriately privileging the individual, see Amit & Rapport 2002, 1720. 22 Ampolo 1970-71; 1976-77. 23 Smith, 1996a, 93-97 with bibliography. 24 Smith 1998. 21

78

C.J. SMITH: FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM with the Parilia which celebrated sheep on Romulus’ birthday.33 Like the Parilia, these are festivals which have almost certainly acquired meaning and developed associations (the Fornacalia for instance is at the heart of a complex series of relationships with Vesta and was taken over to some extent by bakers of bread). More intriguing is the political function of the curiae and this too is massively controversial. Nevertheless the sources are clear that the kings in some sense received the power from a law passed in the curiae.34

childbirth have a natural connection in the preservation and reproduction of the citizen body. There is a strikingly similar nexus of concepts of masculine virility and feminine virtue which has been demonstrated for the Praenestine ciste, and which may have characterized the cult of Mater Matuta at Satricum.39 Although the curiae are exclusively male, we may find through Juno alternative female roles in the celebration of the citizen body, and perhaps universal worship of her as a deity of youthfulness. This is exactly the kind of complex relationship between male and female worship of male and female gods which I began to explore in a recent discussion of Mater Matuta, and it reveals the complexity of the relationship between male and female engagement with the state.40

Defining the membership of the curiae is difficult but all the evidence we have points to the curiae as the earliest recoverable institution which defined citizenship. The presence of a single focus for the curiae right in the heart of the oldest symbolic centre of the city, on the so-called Romulean pomerium and beside the Palatine, and the continuing political importance of the curiae even after the replacement of most of their functions by assemblies organized by tribus makes clear that belonging to a curia was a marker of citizen status, and it is interesting that the word is usually translated into Greek as phratria. Work by Lambert and others has demonstrated the fundamental role which the phratries had in defining membership of the citizen body in Athens.35 The connection of the curiae with the legendary moment of symbiosis between Rome and the Sabines to create a joint bounded community is another sign of this cohesion between the curiate system and the citizen body. It is all the more important therefore that in the appointment of a king, who was often not a Roman, the citizen body of Rome grants legitimacy to one of the major consequences of Ampolo’s open society, the capacity of a non-Roman to take the central position in the governance of the city and the organization of religious activity.

Having indicated ways in which archaeology and texts reveal complex heterarchies within Rome, I wish now to add the issue of Rome’s position within Latium as a further interaction system. The obscurity of the history of Rome’s connections with the Latins from the 6th century BC is well-known. Although the Roman sources are content to portray the relationship as one of increasing and legitimate Roman hegemony, the conflicts at the beginning of the 6th century and again in the 4th century BC, the importance of Latin colonies, the role of the Latins in the Roman army, the continuing significance of certain festivals in Latium which the Romans attended, and the attempts by the Romans to localize major Latin festivals at Rome all suggest a more complex picture.41 Juno seems to have a role to play here too. There was a famous cult of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium, and in that guise, Juno had the accoutrements of warfare.42 In 338 BC, after the defeat of the Latins, the sacra of Juno Sospita were returned to Lanuvium, but open to Romans, and the consuls sacrificed there each year.43 In the Hannibalic War, when portents were particularly ominous in 217 BC just before the battle at Lake Trasimene, the Sibylline books recommended extra sacrifices to a series of deities including Juno, Minerva, Juno Regina on the Aventine, Juno Sospita of Lanuvium, and Feronia (the patroness of women ex-slaves).44 In 197 BC a temple to Juno Sospita was vowed by G. Cornelius in the Gallic wars; in 194 BC a temple to Juno was built in the Forum Holitorium.45

It is impossible to say whether structures similar to the curiae existed elsewhere in Latium, though there is late evidence for them at Tibur and Lanuvium for instance.36 However, one interesting possibility lies in the apparent relationship between the curiae and Juno. There is clear textual evidence to show that Juno and the curiae were closely interlinked.37 Juno is an extremely problematic Roman deity.38 Although apparently at the heart of Roman religious thought and practice through the Capitoline triad, in fact Juno appears to have been regularly associated with the outside – Juno is syncretized with Astarte, connected with the Carthaginians, evoked from Veii and certainly present in a number of Latin contexts, often as Juno Sospita. Juno’s position as guardian of the state and her character as the deity of

39

Menichetti 1995; Bouma 1996, 1, 249-303; cf. Torelli 1997. Smith 2000. For a narrative of the relationship between Rome and the Latins, see Cornell 1995, 293-326, 347-352 with references to earlier scholarship. 42 Cic. nat. deor. 1.82. 43 Livy 8.14.2 with Oakley 1998, 560-561; Cic. Mur. 90 for the sacrifice by the consuls; full details in Gordon 1938. 44 Livy 22.1.8-20; cf. the rites in 207 BC focussed on Juno Regina, Livy 27.37, on which see Boyce 1937. 45 Livy 32.30.10; 34.53.3 (the text, which refers to the unknown Juno Matuta, is almost certainly corrupt; see Briscoe 1973, 227, with reference to Latte 1960, 168n5). Another possible contribution to confusion may arise from the usual appellation of the cult as Iuno Sospita Mater Regina (Fasti Ant. Mai., Inscr. Ital. XIII.2.405; Gordon 1938, 24; Crawford 1974, 323. Herbert-Brown 1994, 33-43 suggests that there was a sanctuary of Juno Sospita dating from the 4th century BC on the Palatine, and that the temple in the Forum Holitorium 40 41

33

Beard 1987. Gell. 15.27.1; see Magdelain 1968. 35 Lambert 1993 with bibliography. 36 Serv. Aen. 1.17; CIL XIV.3556. 37 Festus 56L; D.Hal. 2.54; Palmer 1970; 1974. 38 The best treatment is LIMC V.1.814-56; see also Dury-Moyaers & Renard 1981 with full bibliography. See also Palmer 1974, 3-56 for full discussion of various aspects including syncretism with Astarte, and relationship with the curiae, expanding on Palmer 1970. 34

79

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI What I am seeking to highlight is the way in which Latium continued to act as a kind of religious resource for the Romans. We can detect significant federal activity (for instance at Alba Longa, Lavinium, Lucus Feronia), and not all of this is extinguished by the defeat of Latins either at Lake Regillus or in 338 BC. Lanuvium and Gabii, both places where Juno was worshipped, had particular religious connections with Rome.46 The politics of Latium were complex, and so were the religious interactions. The intensity of the conflict in 338 BC perhaps reflects the strength of the resistance to a single hierarchical understanding of Rome’s position within the nomen Latinum. In terms of the female deities mentioned above, it is interesting to note that whereas the Feriae Latinae at Alba Longa were dedicated to Jupiter Latiaris, we have identified an important role for Juno at Rome, and more widely in Latium, and hinted at even further complexities of the relationship between Juno and Mater Matuta as tutelary deities of the citizen population. In terms of discourse it appears that Rome and Latium had if anything a superfluity of ways in which to symbolize community, which one might take to show both the importance of the concept and its fragile nature. Both locally and federally a significant amount of metaphorical resource was required to sustain the imagined community.

a banqueting hall had been built for each curia, and in it there was consecrated, just as in the Greek prytanea a common table for all the members of the curia. These banqueting halls had the same name as the curiae themselves and are called so to our day. … And not alone for his wisdom does Romulus deserve praise, but also for the frugality of the sacrifices that he appointed for the honouring of the gods, the greater part of which if not all, remained to my day, being still performed in the ancient manner. (23.5) At any rate, I myself have seen in the sacred edifices repasts set before the gods upon ancient wooden tables, in baskets and small earthen plates, consisting of barley bread, cakes and spelt, with the first offerings of some fruits, and other things of like nature, simple, cheap and devoid of all vulgar display. I have seen also the libation wines that had been mixed, not in silver and gold vessels, but in little earthen cups and jugs, and I have greatly admired these men for adhering to the customs of their ancestors and not degenerating from their ancient rites into a boastful magnificence. Dionysius is keen throughout this passage to compare the Romulean customs with Lycurgan Sparta, but the passage takes on added significance because of his eye-witness account of banquets in his own time (the Augustan period). The self-conscious frugality of the meals, the rejection of the splendour which was available for a recreation of ancient simplicity may reflect a specifically Augustan mindset, and it fits neatly with one way of representing the Sabines, whose incorporation into the community was the starting-point for the creation of the curiae.51 At the same time, this fits superbly with evidence we have about other festivals of community, such as the Robigalia and the Parilia, and with the tradition that Augustus himself was born by the Curiae Veteres.52

This leads on to an important aspect of the archaeology of community, and the concept of the imagined community, which is the ways that societies remember and forget. Alcock has recently written extensively on the archaeology of remembrance in Greece and particularly Messenia, and her insights are of relevance to our debate.47 Crucially we must make some endeavour to incorporate our initial theoretical standpoint; it is not enough to focus simply on social memory. Connerton, Cohen and others have drawn our attention to the importance of individual memory, and Connerton has in particular stressed the importance of inscription in the body of the individual.48 In terms of ritual, this seems to me to be an important aspect of Roman behaviour. One might draw in here the significance of the processions around the old territory of Rome, such as the Robigalia.49 Here I wish to return to the curiae, and to look briefly at the feasts of celebration which Dionysius of Halicarnassus describes.50 He writes:

Our knowledge of the 7th and 6th centuries BC shows Rome to have been wealthy, powerful and able to participate in the elite gift-giving and conspicuously consuming practices of the day. The recreation of old simplicities is fake and spurious. This is less the maintenance of archaic truth and more the invention of a past to which Rome clung. This discourse is apparent everywhere, and not least in the maintenance of the replica of the Casa Romuli on the Palatine, close by the Curiae Veteres. Rome invented and retained an archaic topography. The purpose of this symbolism, especially when focussed so heavily on the founder figure and the community as originally conceived (the old citizen body, whose assembly by curiae we know still met in Cicero’s time, again symbolically through the meeting of thirty lictors)53 represents the earnest endeavour of the community and individuals within it to preserve a sense

The members of each curia performed their appointed sacrifices together with their own priests and on holy days they feasted together at their common table. For replaced this sanctuary, and the Palatine temple was converted into that of Victoria Virgo, beside which was built the temple of Magna Mater. 46 There was a temple of Juno at Gabii, and an inscription has been found on the altar there with the name Cethegus, which could refer to the consul of 160 BC, and relative of the dedicator of the temple of Juno at Rome in 194 BC; Almagro-Gorbea (ed.) 1982, Coarelli, LTUR sv. Iuno Sospita. 47 Alcock, 2002; see also Van Dyke & Alcock (eds) 2003. 48 Connerton 1989. 49 Smith 1996b 50 D.Hal. 2.23.

51

Dench 1995. Suet. Aug. 5; Serv. Aen. 8.361; Panella (ed.) 1996, 83-91. 53 Cic. leg.agr. 2.12.30. 52

80

C.J. SMITH: FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM of Roman identity, and reflects the tension between the fundamentally new world created by imperial expansion and the development of the principate which Augustus himself embodied in his presentation of himself as a new Romulus, or sometimes a new Quirinus, a name which relates directly to the creation of the curiae.54

aristocratic open society. Juno, the patroness of the curiae, recurs throughout Latium and through Roman history as a figure who represents in some ways the possibility of regeneration of community, but also in her evocationes, and her importance as a deity to be placated, an embodiment of the threats to community; and Juno was open both to male and to female worship. In the late Republic and early empire, the curiae act as places of imaginative reconstruction, where some Romans adopted the invented customs of their past to make statements about the essence of Rome. These are simply a few of the discourses of the imagined Roman community, but they contest, without overthrowing, regal power, male selfsufficiency, and the final evolution of Rome from citizen community to imperial capital. These are, I would argue, heterarchic discourses of community, complementary with other dominant themes such as patrician monopoly, the legal power of men over women, and the concentration of power and ubiquity of luxury as a marker of status. There were many other such discourses available. Individuals must have situated themselves daily within a vast array of choices and standpoints, and in this way created their own self-conscious individuality and by their actions and thoughts actively shaped the imagined Roman community.58

There is also an archaeology of forgetting.55 If Panella is correct to identify a wall near the Meta Sudans with the Curiae Veteres then we can see a whole range of imperial interventions in the area.56 However, the fire of AD 64 and the subsequent creation of the Domus Aurea destroyed the original topography of this area and concealed the building. Nero’s perversion of the city and autocratic assignation to himself of vast areas of Rome represented a moment of oblivion, and signified the loss of this particular mode of imagining community. This brief example encapsulates the great dangers of the methodology of reading texts as unmediated and genuine reflections of the past. One reason why I have so much difficulty with Carandini’s picture of archaic Rome, whilst admiring and finding much of value in the many insights he brings, is that it fails fully to take account of Roman description of the past as fundamentally situated in the contemporary, responding to and shaping the present by imagining the past.57 Carandini takes almost all references to the history of Rome to be in some sense accurate, and his endeavour is appropriately to locate them on a long timescale of history. Instead, I would argue that Roman descriptions of the past are aspects of the diverse imaginings of how Rome came to be and are to be located on the much shorter timescale of the genuinely historical period, though I would argue (against some recent scholarship) that this timescale can be stretched back to the 6th century and not confined to the period after the 4th century BC.

In their fascinating recent joint critique of concepts of community, Amit and Rapport have in different ways identified two key themes of this argument, and illustrated some challenges. Amit stresses that, contrary to the view that community is often a restraint on human freedom, voluntary forms of sociality already exist for many, and at the same time she begins to break down the conceptual slippages which concepts such as Anderson’s ‘imagined community’ can provoke, distracting attention from ephemeral community, and from the daily difficulties of maintaining community. By focusing on the importance of the role of the individual in choosing the religious nodes of her or his community, and privileging the heterarchic discourses of community even in a society usually described as rigid and constraining, I have tried to open up the possibility of a more nuanced and sophisticated reading of the position of the individual within Roman society, but we as yet lack the capacity to analyse appropriately social and political groups such as the curiae or to comprehend fully the social life of the individual. Rapport focuses on the importance of the sceptical agency of the individual acting upon their environment, and his characterization of this relationship between individual and community (quoted above) sums up the approach I have tried to develop here, as well as indicating the distance we still have to go in generating the kind of concept of community which would genuinely reflect a human society in history.

We must accept that communities and landscapes were themselves the product of the forces of time. Instability and transience are as natural, if not more natural, than permanence and immutability. It is all the more interesting therefore that at Rome we see the mobilization of significant cultural resource to preserve or recreate the sense of ancestral community. At least some individuals in the city of Augustus, a city of over a million inhabitants, with a concept of a citizenship expanded throughout Italy and beyond, physically, constitutionally and religiously incomparable with its archaic past, sought in festivals of the curiae their, and their city’s, continuing present. In studying the Roman imagined community, I have tried to draw out some threads of discourse. In the 6th century BC, Rome used a citizen body to legitimize the

The approach of both authors is consciously post-modern, and they are writing about 21st century BC western society. This exposes the approach taken in this paper to

54

Serv. Aen. 1.292. On Quirinus, see Radke 1981; Porte 1981. See Bradley 2003. Panella (ed.) 1996. 57 Carandini 1997; 2000. 55 56

58

81

Amit & Rapport 2002, 139-140.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI the criticism that it is predicated on a view of the individual which is foreign to the past. I would argue that this objection is rather more legitimate in the context of a Giddensian model of social agency, and I have indicated above ways in which this model does indeed fail to give sufficient space to the complexity of the individual’s role within society, even though it is itself in origin an attempted explanation of modernity. Bourdieu’s profound meditation on how to situate the individual within supposedly objective structures, arising from his fieldwork in Kabylia (Algeria), is helpful here for an exploration of the tension between individual and community. For Bourdieu, the individual is not to be identified outside social relations but within them, and the individual in this paper is not a uniquely isolated and utterly independent thinker and agent, but part of the collective history of a group or class whilst retaining the capacity to engage with the wider social group. As Bourdieu says, “the homology of world-views implies the systematic differences which separate world-views, adopted from singular but concerted standpoints”. The uniqueness of every individual need not be lost in the analysis of the structure of community.59

Bradley, R., 2003. The translation of time, in: Van Dyke & Alcock (eds) 2003, 221-227. Briscoe, J., 1973. A commentary on Livy Books XXXI– XXXIII. Oxford. Brumfiel, E.M., 1995. Heterarchy and the analysis of complex societies: Comments, in: Ehrenreich, Crumley & Levy (eds) 1995, 125-131. Bryant, C.G.A. & D. Jary (eds), 1991. Giddens’ theory of structuration: A critical appreciation. London. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities: A new world perspective. London. Carandini, A., 1997. La Nascita di Roma: Dei, Lari, eroi, uomini all’alba di una civiltà. Turin. Carandini, A., 2000. Roma: Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città 2000. Chippindale, C., 1993. Ambition, deference, discrepancy, consumption: The intellectual background to a postprocessualist archaeology, in: N. Yoffee & A. Sherratt (eds), Archaeological theory: Who sets the agenda? Cambridge, 27-36. Christie, N., 1995. Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500 (= Oxbow Monograph, 41). Oxford. Cohen, A.P., 1994. Self-consciousness; An alternative anthropology of identity. London. Connerton, P., 1989. How societies remember. Cambridge. Cornell, T.J., 1995. The beginnings of Rome Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic wars (c. 1000-264 BC). London. Craib, I., 1992. Anthony Giddens. London. Crawford, M.H., 1974. Roman Republican coinage. Cambridge. Crumley, C.L., 1995. Heterarchy and the analysis of complex societies, in: Ehrenreich, Crumley & Levy (eds) 1995, 1-5. Dench, E., 1995. From barbarians to new men: Greek, Roman and modern perceptions of peoples from the Central Apennines. Oxford. Dury-Moyaers, G. & M. Renard, 1981. Aperçu critique de travaux relatifs au culte de Junon. ANRW II.17.1, 142-202. Dyson, S.L., 1992. Community and society in Roman Italy. Baltimore. Ehrenreich, R.M., C.L. Crumley & J.E. Levy (eds), 1995. Heterarchy and the analysis of complex societies (= Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, 6). Arlington. Giddens, A., 1984. The constitution of society: An outline of the theory of structuration. Cambridge Gordon, A.E., 1938. The cults of Lanuvium. Berkeley/Los Angeles. Herbert-Brown, G., 1994. Ovid and the Fasti: A historical study. Oxford. Herring, E., R. Whitehouse & J. Wilkins (eds), 1991. Papers of the fourth conference of Italian archaeology (= Accordia Research Centre, four volumes). London. Hodder, I., 1986. Reading the past: Current approaches to interpretation in archaeology (2nd edition). Cambridge.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Alcock, S., 2002. Archaeologies of the Greek past: Landscape, monuments and memories. Cambridge. Almagro-Gorbea, M. (ed.), 1982. El santuario de Juno en Gabii. Rome. Amit, V. & N. Rapport, 2002. The trouble with community: Anthropological refelctions on movement, identity and collectivity. London. Ampolo, C., 1970-71. Su alcuni mutamenti sociali nel Lazio tra l’VIII e il V secolo. Dd’A 4-5, 37-68. Ampolo, C., 1976-77. Demarato: Osservazioni sulla mobilità sociale arcaica. Dd’A 9-10, 333-345. Anderson, B., 1991. Imagined communities: Reflections on the origins and spread of nationalism (rev. ed.). London. Barrett, J., 1988. Fields of discourse: reconstituting a social archaeology. Critique of Anthropology 7, 5-16. Beard, M., 1987. A complex of times: No more sheep on Romulus’ birthday. PCPS 213, 1-15. Binder, J., 1909. Die Plebs: Studien zur römischen Rechtsgeschichte. Leipzig. Botsford, G.W., 1909. The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the Republic. New York. Bouma, J.W., 1996. Religio Votiva: The archaeology of Latial votive religion. The 5th-3rd century BC votive deposit south-west of the main temple at ‘Satricum’ Borgo Le Ferriere. Groningen. Bourdieu, P., 1977. Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge. Boyce, A.A., 1937. The expiatory rites of 207 BC. TAPA 68, 157-171. 59

Bourdieu 1977; quote at 86.

82

C.J. SMITH: FESTIVALS OF COMMUNITY IN ROME AND LATIUM Isbell, W.H., 2000. What we should be studying: The ‘imagined community’ and the ‘natural community’, in: Canuto & Yaeger (eds) 2000, 243-266. Kolb, M.J. & J.E. Snead, 1997. It’s a small world after all: Comparative analysis of community organization in archaeology. American Antiquity 62(4), 609-628. Lambert, S.D., 1993. The phratries of Attica. Michigan. Last, J., 1995. The nature of history, in: I. Hodder, M. Shanks, A. Alexandri, V. Buchli, J. Carman & G. Lucas (eds), Interpreting archaeology: Finding meaning in the past. London, 141-157. Latte, K., 1960. Römische Religionsgeschichte. Munich. Levy, J.E., 1995. Heterarchy in Bronze Age Denmark: Settlement pattern, gender and ritual, in: Ehrenreich, Crumley & Levy (eds) 1995, 41-53. Magdelain, A., 1968. Recherches sur l’"imperium”: La loi curiate et les auspices d’investiture. Paris. Malkin, I. (ed.), 2001. Ancient perceptions of Greek ethnicity. Cambridge, Mass. McInerney J., 2001. Ethnos and ethnicity in early Greece, in: Malkin (ed.) 2001, 51-74. Menichetti, M., 1995. …Quoius Forma Virtutei Parisuma Fuit… Ciste prenestine e cultura di Roma mediorepubblicana. Rome. Moreland, J., 2001. Archaeology and text. London. Morgan, C., 2001. Ethne, ethnicity and early Greek States, ca. 1200-480 BC: An archaeological perspective, in: Malkin (ed.) 2001, 75-112. Oakley, S.P., 1998. A commentary on Livy Books VI-X, volume 2. Oxford Palmer, R.E.A., 1970. The archaic community of the Romans. Cambridge. Palmer, R.E.A., 1974. Roman religion and Roman empire: Five essays. Pennsylvania. Panella, C. (ed.), 1996. Meta Sudans I. Rome. Porte, D., 1981. Romulus-Quirinus, prince et dieu, dieu des princes. Etude sur le personage de Quirinus et sur son évolution, des origines à Auguste. ANRW II.17.1, 300-342. Pred, A., 1990. Making histories and constructing human geographies: The local transformation of practice, power relations, and consciousness. Colorado. Prosdocimi, A., 1995. Populus Quiritium Quirites, I. Eutopia 4(1), 3-14. Prosdocimi, A., 1996. Curia, Quirites e il ‘Sistema di Quirino’ (= Populus Quiritium Quirites, II). Ostraka 5, 243-319. Prugni, G., 1987. Quirites. Athenaeum 65, 127-161. Radke, G., 1981. Quirinus. Eine kritische Überprüfung der Überlieferung und ein Versuch. ANRW II.17.1, 276-299. Redfield, R., 1953. The primitive world and its transformations. Ithaca. Redfield, R., 1955. The little community: Viewpoints for the study of a human whole. Chicago. Redfield, R., 1956. Peasant society and culture. Chicago. Reiche, F., 1927. Quirites. Klio 21, 74-78. Renfrew, C., 1985. The archaeology of cult: The sanctuary at Phylakopi (= BSA Suppl., 18). London.

Shennan, S., 1993. After social evolution: A new archaeological agenda?, in: N. Yoffee & A. Sherratt (eds), Archaeological theory: Who sets the agenda?. Cambridge, 53-69. Smith, C.J., 1996a. Early Rome and Latium: Economy and society c. 1000 to 500 BC. Oxford. Smith, C.J., 1996b. Dead dogs and rattles: Time, space and ritual sacrifice in Iron Age Latium, in: J.B. Wilkins (ed.), Approaches to the study of ritual: Italy and the ancient Mediterranean (= Accordia Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean, 2). London, 73-89. Smith, C.J., 1998. Traders and artisans in archaic Central Italy, in: H. Parkins & C.J. Smith (eds), Trade, traders and the ancient city. Cambridge, 31-51. Smith, C.J., 2000. Worshipping Mater Matuta: ritual and context, in: E. Bispham & C. Smith (eds), Religion in archaic and Republican Rome and Italy: Evidence and experience. Edinburgh, 136-155. Smith, C.J., forthcoming. The Roman clan: From ancient ideology to modern anthropology. Cambridge. Tonnies, F., 1957. Community and society. New York. Torelli, M., 1997. Il culto romano di Mater Matuta. MededRom 56, 165-176. Van Dyke, R.M. & S.E. Alcock (eds), 2003. Archaeologies of memory. Oxford.

83

BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES. LAYERS OF SOCIAL LIFE IN THE LATER BRONZE AGE AND EARLY IRON AGE OF CENTRAL ITALY Erik van Rossenberg Abstract: The author presents the methodology of his PhD research in progress with the same title. The project advocates the appreciation of interrelationships between archaeological contexts, and several layers of signification within single contexts. It is argued that the (re)creation of collective identities, such as households and communities, can be recognized archaeologically in the materiality of social reproduction. The significance of the domestic cycle for the expression of wider community interests and for perceptions of landscape will be illustrated in a case study of the Final Bronze Age funerary evidence of Lazio.

societies.6 In the search for the emergence of social stratification, generally two types of evidence are juxtaposed: hierarchies of sites and territories, on the one hand, and wealth differentiation in cemeteries, on the other. Because these types of evidence for social stratification represent larger scales of analysis, the emphasis in reconstructions and generalizations is on societies and communities rather than on households. If, in search for households, cemeteries can be regarded as a reflection of communities, the comparison should be with the internal structure of settlements, rather than with patterning of settlement sites within territories. However, detailed evidence for the internal structure of settlements is scarce in Central Italy, especially for the later Bronze Age. A solution to this problem in the search for households may therefore lie in a reassessment of funerary contexts. From the social complexity perspective funerary evidence has predominantly been interpreted in terms of the position of the buried individual within the community or society at large, to the detriment of interpretations on the level of households. In the remainder of this paper I will make a case for the recognition of this layer of social life in well-studied archaeological contexts.

INTRODUCTION Archaeologies of community and landscape It’s not a coincidence that after the rise of interest in understanding archaeological landscapes1 communities have become a topic of debate.2 To oversimplify, the concept of archaeological landscapes seems to have replaced the culture concept within the discipline, in the sense that landscapes and cultures as discursive objects share a high degree of abstraction and, at the same time, provide a framework for archaeological synthesis. The trend to speak of ‘local’ communities3 indicates, however, that landscape and community discourses require social entities with a lower degree of abstraction. One would think that the well-developed field of research of household archaeology4 could have filled this gap, but in recent publications on archaeological communities and landscapes the concept of the household features only marginally. It seems that archaeologists find it hard to relate the (re)creation of collective identities and perceptions of landscape to the routines of everyday life, although it constitutes the majority of the evidence that we have of past societies. In this respect, I think that a joint venture between archaeologies of community and landscape, as has been attempted by the papers in this session, may have been too premature. In this paper I will argue that it is important to look at households as well, if we want to understand and theorize communities and landscapes. Households and protohistory

communities

in

Central

BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES: METHODOLOGICAL AND CONCEPTUAL CONSIDERATIONS

As can be noticed from the title – ‘Between households and communities. Layers of social life in the later Bronze Age and Early Iron Age of Central Italy’ – the scope of the PhD research project which is presented here for the first time, is very broad. Chronologically it is confined between the Middle Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age (c. 1700-700 BC); topographically it concerns the five modern Central Italian regions of Tuscany, Lazio, Umbria, Marche and Abruzzo. The broad scope is required by the methodological and conceptual considerations on which this research has been based. The first consideration is to stress cultural continuity throughout the periods concerned. Although the appearance of cultural practices may have changed, we can still recognize at least parts of a Bronze Age system of signification in the Early Iron Age. Secondly, this research takes an holistic approach in the sense that

Italian

Although the concept of community is used regularly, most often in the context of cemeteries,5 archaeologies of household are virtually non-existent in the study of Italian protohistory. Arguably this is the result of a preoccupation with the notion of social complexity in the reconstruction of later Bronze Age and Early Iron Age

1

Ashmore & Knapp 1999; Ucko & Layton 1999. Canuto & Yaeger 2000. For an extended bibliography, see Gerritsen 2004; Van Dommelen et al. this volume. 3 E.g. Gerritsen 2004. 4 Allison 1999. 5 E.g. Bietti Sestieri 1992. 2

6

84

Cf. Van Rossenberg 1999.

ERIK VAN ROSSENBERG: BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES classes of pottery or metalwork occur in these types of context. I propose to term such recurrences of material culture between types of archaeological context material interrelationships. Material interrelationships help us to relate different types of context and enable us to recognize archaeological cultures as a body of cultural practices. In taking such an holistic approach, the character of cultural change can be better appreciated. Take for instance the situation in which a particular cultural practice ceased to be performed in one type of context, but reappeared in another type of context. Such continuity in cultural change would be overlooked, if a single type of archaeological context was studied. The basic assumption of this PhD research is that changes in ways of dealing with material culture can be linked to changes in the social reproduction of households and communities.

cultural continuity and change will be regarded in several types of archaeological context simultaneously; that is settlement, funerary and other religious contexts. Moreover it will pay attention to connections between these types of context, in order to arrive at integrated reconstructions of later Bronze Age and Early Iron Age society in Central Italy. Both the assumption of cultural continuity and the holistic approach are covered by the concept of the materiality of social reproduction. The materiality of social reproduction Before turning to materiality, I will briefly explore the tension between the notions of social transformation and social reproduction. Because of the preoccupation with processes of social change in Central Italian protohistory, the concept generally used is that of social transformation. This often leaves us with quite abstract narratives about societies as a whole rather than communities, let alone households. The concept of social reproduction, on the other hand, emphasizes both continuity and change, and takes households and communities as units of analysis rather than society at large. Social reproduction should be understood as the cycle in which the social entities of households and communities are constantly reproduced. In the case of households one can speak of the domestic cycle. By using the term cycle not only the repetitive (some would say: static) character of social reproduction is emphasized, but also the dynamic nature of households and communities. The social situation keeps changing all the time in the sense that people are born, move, establish a new household, die and are buried. The formation of households and communities is a never-ending story.

Layered interpretations of archaeological contexts Key to understanding later Bronze Age and Early Iron Age social life is to start interpreting archaeological contexts on several levels simultaneously. This methodological consideration arises from the idea that social life of individuals does take place on various levels. Both the level of the household and the community will serve an analytical purpose here. Common sense has it that several individuals together constitute a household, and several households together a community. In the case of settlements, several people inhabit a dwelling, and several houses make up a settlement. In the case of cemeteries, several graves constitute a burial cluster, and several burial clusters make up a communal cemetery. As a spatial entity, burial clusters are often taken to reflect the social entity of (extended) families or households. This commonsensical notion, in which scales of observation become related to levels of social life, seems to preclude, however, the possibility that a single archaeological context can provide evidence for several layers of meaning simultaneously.

Luckily for archaeologists, these social dynamics have a material counterpart, in the sense that houses were built, inhabited, repaired and abandoned; just like tombs were made, used, re-used and no longer used. Settlements were established and abandoned; just like cemeteries emerged and ceased to be used for burial. It is precisely this coincidence of the social and the material that makes the study of households and communities archaeologically feasible through the concept of social reproduction. The material expressions of social reproduction are highly culture-specific. In other words, when we define archaeological cultures, we actually describe these material expressions. Thus the materiality of social reproduction can be defined as a body of cultural practices in which the lifecycles of people and material culture became interconnected. It was within such a cultural setting that people decided in which type of context they should perform particular practices and dispose of particular classes of material culture.

One of the major recent achievements in Italian archaeology is the recognition of polysemy in the interpretation of funerary contexts.7 This underscores the notion that material culture is multi-interpretable and can have several meanings at the same time. However, the notion that a single context can provide evidence for several layers of signification is at odds with social complexity discourses which emphasize prestige, rank and wealth as the most significant dimensions of social status. As stated in the introduction, in the search for the emergence of social stratification the role of individuals within the community or society at large tends to be emphasized, at the cost of possible interpretations on the level of households. To illustrate this, I will turn to Final Bronze Age funerary contexts in Lazio.

What helps us immensely in defining archaeological cultures is the fact that classes of material culture make their appearance in different types of archaeological context. For instance, settlements, burials and hoards can be connected into one cultural framework because similar

7

85

Cuozzo 2000, 323-336, with bibliography.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI THE SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF FINAL BRONZE AGE FUNERARY PRACTICES IN LAZIO

The assemblages from category E share with part of the assemblages from category B an abundance of accessory vessels which denote both eating and drinking and presumably ritual activities, representing the role of ritual specialists. Thus these Final Bronze Age funerary assemblages are interpreted predominantly in terms of prestige, rank and wealth as an indication of the social position of individuals within communities, notwithstanding the domestic connotation of burial goods in the classes of utensils and accessory pottery.

Recent syntheses of Final Bronze Age funerary practices in Central Italy have yielded interpretations in terms of prestige, rank and wealth.8 As most studies, they have been based on the analysis of the total number and combinations of burial goods to deduce social status and social roles of the buried individual. Because of the emphasis on the emergence of social stratification, material interrelationships between funerary and domestic contexts have gone largely unnoticed. I will argue that Final Bronze Age funerary contexts show evidence for the social reproduction of households in the positioning of burial goods with a domestic connotation and should therefore be interpreted as a locale where this collective identity was reproduced, in addition to interpretations of individual social status.

Multiple burials and child burials as evidence for households Two types of burial generally receive special attention. First there is evidence for multiple burials, either two urns in one grave10 or cremated remains of several individuals in one grave.11 This type of burial creates a problem in the sense that it is unclear to which individual in the grave the burial goods, and the social status they represent, should be attributed. This is usually resolved by assuming a kinship relation between the buried individuals; for instance, mother and child.12 Secondly, child burials question the achieved character of the social roles distinguished. Wealthy burials of children13 are singled out as evidence for established social differentiation through the existence of hereditary rank. Consequently, they are taken as a starting-point for an analogy with the (social) complexity of funerary practices in the Early Iron Age.14 An alternative interpretation for this practice would be, however, that children were singled out to represent the family or household, by their untimely death. Special treatment of the remains of children is not infrequently attested in Italian protohistory.15 In this respect, one can make the observation that multiple burials will have entailed secondary burial practices, i.e. deliberate acts of creating meaning with human remains. These practices do not only make multiple burials less problematic, in the sense that the possibility of human sacrifices16 no longer has to be taken into account, but also so-called cenotaphs, i.e. enigmatic empty graves,17 in the sense that these could have been emptied for the sake of secondary burial. Both multiple and child burials suggest that Final Bronze Age funerary contexts could have served as a locale for the reproduction of the collective identity of households, also in the light of the domestic connotations of some of the burial goods.

Burial goods and individual social status The classes of material culture in the Final Bronze Age cremation burials are usually grouped as follows: a) Urn and lid; b) Utensils (razors, knives, spindlewhorls and spools); c) Ornaments (fibulae, rings, spirals, pendants and beads); and d) Accessory pottery (to some extent miniaturized). On the basis of recurrent combinations between these classes of material culture, Pacciarelli has distinguished five categories in the Final Bronze Age funerary assemblages of Southern Etruria.9 He argues that these categories, which are mainly based on the classes of utensils and ornaments, are significant for the reconstruction of social identities of buried individuals. His five categories, with the reconstructed social status, are: A) Assemblages of solely urn and lid, without additional burial goods, representing a low social status; B) Assemblages with a presumably helmet-shaped lid (‘coperchio apicato’), representing the role of ‘the warrior’ and male individuals of higher social status; C) Assemblages with razors but without helmet-shaped lids, representing male individuals of higher social status; D) Assemblages with fibulae but without utensils, representing individuals of high social status; E) Assemblages with spinning and weaving equipment (i.e. spindlewhorls, spools and knives) but mostly without ornaments, representing the clearly defined role associated with the production of cloth (‘the weaver’) and female individuals of high social status.

8 9

10

E.g. Bastianelli 1939, 47. Cf. D’Ercole 1998, 182. 12 E.g. D’Ercole 1998, 182. 13 E.g. the category B burials of Poggio della Pozza tomba 13 scavi d’Ercole and Monte Tosto tomba 4 (Pacciarelli 2000, 205, with references) and Le Caprine tomba 5 (Pacciarelli 2000, 212; cf. Di Gennaro & Guidi 2000, 113). 14 Di Gennaro & Guidi 2000, 114; Pacciarelli 2000, 210. 15 E.g. Roncoroni 2001. 16 E.g. Pacciarelli 2000, 208. 17 Cenotaphs occur frequently at Poggio della Pozza (D’Ercole 1998) and Puntoni (Brusadin Laplace 1964). 11

Di Gennaro & Guidi 2000, 111-114; Pacciarelli 2000, 202-216. Pacciarelli 2000, 202-210.

86

ERIK VAN ROSSENBERG: BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES for the occasion.24 This calls for a comparison with contemporary acts of deposition.

The position of burial goods as evidence for households The idea that the burials provided such a locale is confirmed by the efforts made to construct a circumscribed space for the dead, which entailed a choice between several structural elements.18 Then it should be possible to recognize acts of signification on the level of households in the positioning of burial goods with a domestic connotation. There are some patterns in the positioning of Final Bronze Age burial goods within the grave. It has been noticed, for instance, that fibulae were preferably placed within the urn, usually on top of the cremated remains;19 there seems to be no clear evidence for fibulae placed outside of urns. Both its position within the urn and its frequent occurrence suggest that the fibula was a personal item of the individual buried with it. Albeit in lower numbers, razors and knives seem to have followed this preferred position within urns, with some exceptions,20 and to represent individual social roles. Accessory pottery, on the other hand, was generally placed outside of the urn, notwithstanding the occurrence of miniature items. The occasional position of pottery within the urn21 strengthens the particular interpretation of these exceptions as symbolical elements.22 Similarly spindlewhorls and spools seem to have been positioned preferably outside of the urn.23 The placement of the classes of burial goods with a domestic connotation – pottery, spindlewhorls and spools – outside of the urn suggests that these objects in the conception of the Final Bronze Age grave represented the domestic context of the household rather than personal social identity. The intentionality of the selection and positioning of the objects in the act of burial is corroborated by evidence for the integrity of funerary assemblages. In some cases it has been observed that all pottery (both the urn and the accessory vessels) is of a similar colour and fabric and seems to have been produced at the same time, probably

Complementarity of hoards and burials The cultural practice of placing bronze objects within urns recalls contemporary hoards of bronzes, preferably contained in ceramic vessels.25 A comparison of the composition of Final Bronze Age hoards and burials in Lazio makes it clear that these phenomena were complementary in their selection of classes of objects. It has been argued that this complementarity represents a choice on the part of elite groups to express their social status in hoards rather than burials.26 However, hoards include axes and weapons (swords, daggers and spearheads), that is classes absent in funerary contexts. The absence of weapons from burials is unexpected, because this class of objects is usually interpreted in association with the individual social role of the warrior and might therefore have been expected in Pacciarelli’s category B burials. On the other hand, their absence is not completely unexpected given the predilection to dispose of weapons in watery or mountainous contexts in the preceding periods.27 The predominance of axes in hoards28 and their absence from burials suggest a significance that surpasses the level of the individual. This coincides with the domestic connotation of the activities in which axes would have been involved, such as cutting wood for house construction or funeral pyres. The accumulation of axes in hoards suggests that an even wider community was represented by these acts of deposition. Contrary to the notion of accumulation used in social complexity discourses linking hoards to competition for social prestige between individuals or families,29 these hoards may represent the creation of larger communities at the end of the Bronze Age. The composition of the Coste del Marano hoard is exceptional, as it contains only one axe of reduced size, abounds in ornaments, and shows several symbolical elements in the form of three bronze cups, two of them with a bull-shaped handle, wheel-shaped pinheads and pendants, an axe-shape pendant and bird’s heads as embossed decoration on three very large fibulae.30 These instances fit neatly in the pan-European Urnfield symbolism in which both horse & chariot and waterfowl & boat are associated with the solar cycle.31 The

18

Cf. Domanico 1995a on Southern Etruria. Brusadin Laplace 1964, 171; D’Ercole 1998, 181. Evidence for fibulae within urns (unless stated otherwise, see for references Pacciarelli 2000, 202: note 83): e.g. Castelfranco Lamoncello 2; Coste del Marano; Montorgano 1, 8; Poggia della Pozza scavi Bastianelli 1a, 1b, 2, 3, 4, scavi Peroni D4, F1, F2, scavi d’Ercole 13, 20, 21; Puntoni 7, 10, 13. 20 Razors within urns: e.g. Coste del Marano; Poggio della Pozza scavi Klitsche de la Grange 5, scavi Bastianelli 1a, scavi Peroni D1; Pratica di Mare 7 (Bianco Peroni 1979 = PBF VIII, 2, n. 93), 12 (PBF VIII, 2, n. 151). Razors outside of urns: e.g. Palombara Sabina-I Colli 1 (PBF VIII, 2, n. 152), Pratica di Mare 21 (PBF VIII, 2, n. 238). Knives within urns: e.g. Casale del Fosso 838; Le Caprine 5 (Damiani et al. 1998, 206). Knives outside of urns: e.g. Palombara Sabina-I Colli 1 (Bianco Peroni 1976 = PBF VII, 2, n. 289). 21 Accessory pottery within urns: e.g. Poggia della Pozza scavi d’Ercole 18, 25. 22 Cf. D’Ercole 1998, 181. 23 Whereas Brusadin Laplace 1964 is explicit on the position of fibulae found at Puntoni, she mentions the spindlewhorls from tombs 4, 6 and 13 generically amongst the accessory pottery. These spindlewhorls were therefore presumably found amongst the burial goods placed outside of the urn. Spools outside of urns: Cerveteri fondo Rossi; Poggio della Pozza scavi Peroni D4. Spindle whorls and spools within urns: Le Caprine 5 (Damiani et al. 1998, 207). 19

24

E.g. Brusadin Laplace 1964, 171 and 1984/1987, 376; cf. D’Ercole 1998, 185. 25 Fugazzola Delpino 1975 for an overview. 26 Hoekstra 1996/1997, 49-55. 27 Bianco Peroni 1980. 28 Single class hoards with axes are Monte Rovello and Tolfa (Peroni 1961); cf. Grotta di S. Stefano (Fugazzola Delpino 1975, 47). The Santa Marinella hoard consists of axes, fibulae, weapons and a range of utensils (Bastianelli 1934). 29 Cf. Hoekstra 1996/1997 on the similarity of Final Bronze Age hoards and Early Iron Age burials in Southern Etruria “as an arena for competitive consumption” (p. 61). 30 Peroni 1961. 31 Cf. Warmenbol 1996, also on the symbolical significance of bronze vessels.

87

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI significance of this deposition as a symbolical act for a wider community seems to go beyond the social rank and prestige of an individual or family. A few exceptional burials show similarities in composition with the Coste del Marano hoard, a multiple burial at Poggio della Pozza with a great quantity of ornaments within the urn, among which a wheel-shaped pinhead,32 and a child burial at Le Caprine with a great quantity of ornaments, among which a bronze object decorated with two stylized birds, and the remains of a bird.33 Apart from the ornaments the latter urn included a spindlewhorl, spools and a bronze knife, which indicate that domestic symbolism was implicated in this act of deposition.34 Such material interrelationships show that these three particular acts of deposition sought to reconcile various layers of social life. In general, however, burials can be related to the level of households and hoards to the level of communities.

the buried individuals were singled out to represent the household.38 For the larger cemeteries (ranging from 10 to more than 100 burials) Guidi considers the possibility that they served more than one family group or settlement.39 This is corroborated by the fact that the largest cemeteries known, situated in the zones of TolfaAllumiere and Sasso di Furbara, show most variation in tomb structure and composition of the funerary assemblages.40 It is striking that both these zones are also exceptional in the occurrence of secondary burial practices and the Tolfa area in the occurrence of hoards. This suggests that these particular cemeteries served as central places for the creation of collective identities for a wider community in the Final Bronze Age. The existence of central cemeteries would make the transition from the general burial practice of collective inhumation in the Middle Bronze Age to individual cremation in the Final Bronze Age less disruptive than it seems.41 Throughout the later Bronze Age burial involved only a selection of individuals and took place at specific places. This involved secondary funerary practices, such as the rearrangement of defleshed bones in Middle Bronze Age burial caves or chamber tombs42 and cremated remains in Final Bronze Age multiple burials. Moreover, as precursors to the generalized funerary practice of cremation in the Final Bronze Age, the secondary practice of cremating children’s bones is already known from the cave of Sventatoio in the Middle Bronze Age43 and regular cremations from the cemetery at Cavallo Morto as early as the Late Bronze Age.44 Finally, actual continuity in the use of burial places has been attested, for instance, in the cemetery at Crostoletto di Lamone, where Middle Bronze Age tombs were reused for the deposition of Final Bronze Age cremation burials.45

PERCEPTIONS OF LANDSCAPE AND THE SOCIAL REPRODUCTION OF LATER BRONZE AGE AND EARLY IRON AGE COMMUNITIES IN LAZIO To put the Final Bronze Age funerary evidence in a wider perspective, I will first briefly discuss its interrelationships with other types of archaeological context in the light of social reproduction. Then I will relate the evidence for continuity and change in the creation of collective identities on a longer term, from the Middle Bronze Age onwards, to changing perceptions of landscape. Cemeteries as places for the creation of collective identities A significant general statement about Final Bronze Age cemeteries in Etruria and Lazio concerns their size. Guidi35 observes that most of the known cemeteries consist of less than 10 burials. These are generally related to single settlements and taken to reflect smaller social entities such as family groups, on the assumption that a one-to-one relationship existed between settlements and cemeteries36 and that everyone was buried in this particular, archaeologically visible way. It is striking, however, that more than half of the known cemeteries consists of a single burial.37 This predominance of isolated Final Bronze Age burials may partly be due to chance find circumstances, in the sense that some of these originally may have been part of larger cemeteries. On the other hand, it suggests that selection took place as to who was buried, in line with the observation that some of

Social reproduction and the domestic cycle in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages In terms of changes in landscape perceptions and social reproduction, the general abandonment of caves as places for cultural practices in the Final Bronze Age is significant. Until the Late Bronze Age these places had not only been used for collective burial, but also for other religious purposes.46 Ritual activities performed in caves predominantly entailed offerings of foodstuffs related to the sphere of agricultural production.47 Their strong association with water can also be found in contemporary open-air cult places which were related to springs; unlike 38 See previous section. Contrary to the notion that all Final Bronze Age burials would have been elite burials, e.g. Hoekstra 1996/1997, 57-58. 39 Di Gennaro & Guidi 2000, 112. 40 Domanico 1995a, 95-96. 41 Guidi 1992, 453. 42 E.g. Prato di Frabulino (Casi et al. 1995, 89-90). 43 Guidi 1989/1990, 406-407. 44 Guidi 1992, 460. 45 Poggiani Keller & Figura 1979. 46 Guidi 1989/1990; Negroni Catacchio et al. 1989/1990. 47 Miari 1995.

32

Poggio della Pozza scavi Peroni F2 (Peroni 1960, 351-352). 33 Le Caprine 5 (Damiani et al. 1998, 206-207; Guidi & Zarattini 1993, 190). 34 On the other hand, the association of knive, spools and bronze wire has in itself been interpreted in the light of the symbolical significance of the act of cutting a thread in ancient beliefs related to death (Guidi & Zarattini 1993, 193). 35 Di Gennaro & Guidi 2000, 111-112 and Fig. 11. 36 Cf. Domanico & Miari 1991. 37 Di Gennaro & Guidi 2000, Fig. 11.

88

ERIK VAN ROSSENBERG: BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES the ritual caves, these cult places show evidence for continued use into the Final Bronze Age and later.48 At both types of cult place the alimentary nature of the offerings in association with domestic pottery represents regenerative symbolism which can be related to the domestic cycle. There is scarce evidence for similar offerings in Middle, Late and Final Bronze Age settlements. Whereas the burial and ritual caves are regarded as central places which served the reproduction of the collective identity of several communities in the absence of central settlements, the evidence for ritual practices in settlements has been interpreted on the level of families and households because of their association with houses.49 The fact that the frequency and range of ritual activities at open-air cult places in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages fell in-between the categories of caves and settlements, suggests that they served as a cult place for an intermediate layer of social life such as the local community or a group of households.

symbolism, as discussed in the context of the Coste del Marano hoard.56 The fact that both the miniature pottery and the beads provide further material interrelationships with the assemblages of Final Bronze Age cremation burials, strengthens the interpretation that open-air cult places were linked to the social reproduction of several households forming a local community. In other words, the reorganization of the cultural landscape seems to have disrupted the materiality of social reproduction only in appearance. The most significant change is represented by a more elaborate material expression of the intricate relationship between settlement and funerary contexts. The Early Iron Age grave as a microcosm Along the lines laid out in this redefinition of the cultural landscape, the settlement system became even more permanent in the Early Iron Age. For the first time we can establish clearly fixed relationships between settlements and cemeteries in terms of spatial proximity. Conceptually, the link between these types of context was embodied by the hut urn burial.57 The miniaturization of burial goods in this type of burial, including the house, accessory pottery and bronze objects, suggests that it was a symbolical standardization of the Final Bronze Age burial. Conceptual continuity with earlier cremation burials can be deduced from the fact that the hut urn had already emerged at the end of the Final Bronze Age.58 The choice for the house in a highly symbolical form should not come as a surprise in the light of the redefinition of the cultural landscape. The permanent character of settlements may have forced households to displace cultural practices relating to the domestic cycle from settlement to funerary contexts.59 In this respect, it is significant that the miniature bronzes also included weapons, which were previously dissociated from funerary contexts. The Early Iron Age burial seems to have incorporated cultural practices from other types of context and to have become a microcosm of the later Bronze Age cultural landscape. As part of the social reproduction of households, the hut urn burial literally and metaphorically reflects the creation of a new sense of community in the context of the emergence of larger and permanent settlements, which subsumed smaller social entities into a larger one. One scenario would regard the hut urn burials as ‘founder’s graves’ in connection with the earliest phases of central settlements.60

Reorganization of the cultural landscape in the Final Bronze Age With the establishment of more permanent settlements50 and larger cemeteries in the Final Bronze Age a new materiality of social reproduction seems to have emerged. The material interrelationships between settlement and funerary contexts became more elaborate. In the previous section I have argued that Final Bronze Age funerary practices had a strong link with the domestic context; the skullcap from the settlement of Sorgenti della Nova51 shows that this link ran both ways. In general, however, cemeteries both replaced caves as collective burial places and took over their ritual significance as well. Only the open-air cult places seem to have escaped this reorganization of the cultural landscape and remained a locale for the reproduction of collective identities. Ritual practices performed at these sites kept on referring to the domestic cycle, for instance, in the form of depositions of grindstones and ceramic stoves (‘fornelli’) at Banditella.52 There is also evidence for enhanced symbolism in the form of miniature pottery at Campoverde53 and glass beads at Banditella.54 Moreover it has been argued that Banditella and Ripa Maiale can only be characterized clearly as cult places with the introduction of the symbolism inherent in perforated bone discs, with concentric circles as decoration.55 This caesura in signification coinciding with the Final Bronze Age should be seen in the light of the introduction of Urnfield 48 E.g. Banditella, with faunal remains (D’Ercole & Trucco 1992), Ripa Maiale (D’Ercole et al. 1998), Campoverde (Kleibrink 1997/1998) and Lago delle Colonnelle (Guidi 1989/1990, 409). 49 Negroni Catacchio et al. 1989/1990, 580-582. 50 E.g. Sorgenti della Nova (Negroni Catacchio 1995). 51 Domanico 1995b, 343. 52 D’Ercole & Trucco 1992, 78. 53 Kleibrink 1997/1998. Miniature pottery at Banditella is generically dated to the Early Iron Age (D’Ercole & Trucco 1992, 81) 54 D’Ercole & Trucco 1992, 79. No dates for the glass and amber beads at Campoverde (Kleibrink 1997/1998, 441). 55 D’Ercole & Trucco 1992, 78-79 and D’Ercole et al. 1998, 530.

56 If we keep in mind the association of horse & chariot, the deposition of a horse ‘bronzetto’ at Banditella in the Early Iron Age becomes less enigmatic; the watery context itself may then have represented the opposite pair of waterfowl & boat. 57 Bartoloni et al. 1987, for an overview. 58 E.g. Le Caprine 2 (Damiani et al. 1998, 204-205). 59 Still, houses were deemed appropriate to serve as burial places for children; e.g. Roncoroni 2001. 60 Cf. Van Rossenberg in prep.

89

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The institutionalization of domestic ritual practices

BIBLIOGRAPHY

With the Early Iron Age also the precursors of later sanctuary sites seem to have become ‘placed’ within the landscape, with respect to other types of context.61 Their domestic connotation is apparent in the sense that such structures cannot be distinguished from normal houses except for the fact that they underlie later temples and feature votive deposits.62 In the presence of foodstuffs and miniature pottery these deposits recall the alimentary nature of ritual activities both in contemporary deposits63 and in the Bronze Age ritual caves and open-air cult places, some of which continued to be used into the Early Iron Age. Attempts have been made to distinguish between communities, households and individuals as actors in all these instances of ritual practice; for instance, Kleibrink recognizes ‘individual acts of worship’ at Campoverde.64 However, the domestic character of these ritual practices and the existence of material interrelationships with settlement and funerary contexts seem to preclude a more specific interpretation than a link with the social reproduction of households and communities. Nonetheless, with this paper I hope to have shown that we might be able to recognize layers of social life precisely along the lines of material interrelationships and to specify materialities of social reproduction which go beyond generic interpretations in terms of fertility symbolism.65 The observation that symbolism connected with the domestic cycle was still pervasive in the creation of collective identities at cult places in the Early Iron Age suggests that social reproduction is a very significant long-term process in itself.

NSc = Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità PBF = Prähistorische Bronzefunde Allison, P.M. (ed.), 1999. The archaeology of household activities. London. Anathema 1989/1990. Atti del convegno internazionale ‘Anathema: regime delle offerte e vita dei santuari nel Mediterraneo antico’ (= Scienze dell’Antichità, 3-4). Roma. Ashmore, W. & A.B. Knapp (eds), 1999. Archaeologies of landscape. Contemporary perspectives. Massachusetts. Bartoloni, G., F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, 1987. Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia (= Tyrrhenica, 1/Archaeologica, 68). Roma. Bastianelli, S., 1934. Santa Marinella. – Ripostiglio di bronzi arcaici. NSc S6-10, 443-450. Bastianelli, S., 1939. Allumiere – Rinvenimento di tombe arcaiche. NSc S6-15, 45-58. Bianco Peroni, V., 1976. I coltelli nell’Italia continentale (= PBF VII, 2). München. Bianco Peroni, V., 1979. I rasoi nell’Italia continentale (= PBF VIII, 2). München. Bianco Peroni, V., 1980. Bronzene Gewässer- und Höhenfunde aus Italien. Jahresbericht des Instituts für Vorgeschichte der Universität Frankfurt a.M. 197879, 321-335. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1992. The Iron Age community of Osteria dell’Osa. A study of socio-political development in central Tyrrhenian Italy. Cambridge. Brusadin Laplace, D., 1964. Le necropoli protostoriche del Sasso di Furbara. I. La necropoli ai Puntoni. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 73, 143-186. Brusadin Laplace, D., 1984/1987. Le necropoli protostoriche del Sasso di Furbara. II. Montorgano ed altri sepolcreti protovillanoviani. Origini 13, 341-408. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. London. Casi, C., V. d’Ercole, N. Negroni Catacchio & F. Trucco, 1995. Prato di Frabulino (Farnese, VT). Tomba a camera dell’età del bronzo, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Preistoria e protostoria in Etruria II. Tipologia delle necropoli e rituali di deposizione. Ricerche e scavi. Milano, 81-110. Christie, N. (ed.), 1995. Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC-AD 1500. Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology (= Oxbow Monograph, 41). Oxford. Cuozzo, M., 2000. Orizzonti teorici e interpretativi, tra percorsi di matrice francese, archeologia postprocessuale e tendenze italiane: considerazioni e indirizzi di ricerca per lo studio delle necropoli, in: N. Terrenato (ed.), Archeologia teorica. X Ciclo di Lezioni sulla Ricerca Applicata in Archeologia. Firenze, 323-360. Damiani, I., S. Festuccia & A. Guidi, 1998. Le Caprine, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), 203-214.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I would like to thank the session organizer Peter van Dommelen for the chance to participate and more generally for the fact that he encouraged me to pursue this PhD project; secondly, my supervisors John Bintliff and Harry Fokkens for their comments and encouragement. The Dutch Institute at Rome has supported the project from the very start with a twomonth scholarship on two occasions; its supervisor for archaeology, Nathalie de Haan, deserves special mention for her encouragement. Corinna Riva and Mariassunta Cuozzo are thanked for sharing their thoughts. Lastly, I would like to thank David Fontijn and the editors for their comments on this paper, which have improved it immensely. All mistakes are my own, of course.

61

Guidi 1989/1990, 411-413. Guidi 1989/1990, 411-412; Guidi 1992, 461-464. 63 Maaskant-Kleibrink 1995, 127-130. 64 Kleibrink 1997/1998, 454. 65 E.g. Miari 1995, 19-20. 62

90

ERIK VAN ROSSENBERG: BETWEEN HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES L’abitato del Bronzo Finale (Origines). Firenze. Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), 1998. Preistoria e protostoria in Etruria III. Protovillanoviani e/o Protoetruschi. Ricerche e scavi. Firenze. Negroni Catacchio, N., L. Domanico & M. Miari, 1989/1990, Offerte votive in grotta e in abitato nelle valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna nel corso dell’età del bronzo: indizi e proposte interpretative, in: Anathema, 579-598. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica (= Grandi Contesti e Problemi della Protostoria Italiana, 4). Firenze. Peroni, R., 1960. Allumiere – scavo di tombe in località ‘La Pozza’. NSc S8-14, 341-362. Peroni, R., 1961. Ripostigli delle età dei metalli. 1. Ripostigli del massiccio della Tolfa (= Inventaria Archaeologica. Italia, 1). Roma. Poggiani Keller, R. & P. Figura, 1979. I tumuli e l’abitato di Crostoletto di Lamone (prov. di Viterbo): nuovi risultati e precisazioni, in: Atti della XXI Riunione Scientifica. Il Bronzo finale in Italia. Firenze, 346381. Roncoroni, P., 2001. Childrens’ graves in Early Iron Age settlements in Latium. The origin of the Roman Lares- and Penates cult?, in: A.J. Nijboer (ed.), Interpreting deposits: linking ritual with economy (= Caeculus, IV). Groningen, 101-121. Ucko, P.J. & R. Layton (eds), 1999. The archaeology and anthropology of landscape: shaping your landscape (= One World Archaeology, 30). London. Van Rossenberg, E., 1999. Discorsi coll’età del bronzo. A critical analysis of discourse on bronze age Italy (unpublished M.A. thesis, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University). Leiden. Van Rossenberg, E., in preparation. Open endings at Osteria dell’Osa. Exploring domestic aspects of funerary contexts in the Early Iron Age of Central Italy, in: Proceedings of the Symposium On Mediterranean Archaeology (SOMA), 21st-23rd February 2003, London (= British Archaeological Reports. International Series 1xxx). Warmenbol, E., 1996. Le neuf chez les Anciens. Une autre approche des dépots de l’âge du Bronze final, in: La préhistoire au quotidien. Mélanges offerts à Pierre Bonenfant. Grenoble, 237-274.

D’Ercole, V., 1998. Poggio della Pozza: Allumiere. Campagna di scavo 1994, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), 181-192. D’Ercole, V., D. Testa & A. Zifferero, 1998. Nuovi dati dalla stipe votiva di Ripa Maiale (Allumiere-Roma), in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), 529-532. D’Ercole, V. & F. Trucco, 1992. Canino (Viterbo). Località Banditella. Un luogo di culto all’aperto presso Vulci. Bollettino di Archeologia 13-15, 77-85. Di Gennaro, F. & A. Guidi, 2000. Il Bronzo Finale dell’Italia centrale. Considerazioni e prospettive di indagine, in: M. Harari & M. Pearce (eds), Il Protovillanoviano al di qua e al di là dell’Appennino. Como, 99-131. Domanico, L., 1995a. Analisi delle strutture tombali in Etruria nel Bronzo Finale, in: N. Christie (ed.), 89-98. Domanico, L., 1995b, Aree sacre e indizi di culto, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), 339-346. Domanico, L. & M. Miari, 1991. La distribuzione dei siti di necropoli in Etruria meridionale nel Bronzo Finale: documentazione ed elaborazione dei dati, in: E. Herring, R. Whitehouse & J. Wilkins (eds), Papers of the Fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology 1. The archaeology of power, Part 1. London, 61-82. Fugazzola Delpino, M.A., 1975. Ripostigli ‘protovillanoviani’ dell’Italia peninsulare, in: Popoli e civiltà dell’Italia antica, Volume quarto. Roma, 4349, 57-60. Gerritsen, F., 2004. Archaeological perspectives on local communities, in: J. Bintliff (ed.), A companion to archaeology. Malden, 141-154. Guidi, A., 1989/1990. Alcune osservazioni sulla problematica delle offerte nella protostoria dell’Italia centrale, in: Anathema, 403-414. Guidi, A., 1992. Le età dei metalli nell’Italia centrale e in Sardegna, in: A. Guidi & M. Piperno (eds), Italia preistorica (= Manuali Laterza, 34). Roma/Bari, 420470. Guidi, A. & A. Zarattini, 1993. Guidonia: rinvenimenti d’età pre- e protostorica, in: Archeologia Laziale XI (= Quaderni di Archeologia etrusco-italica, 21). Roma, 183-194. Hoekstra, T.R., 1996/1997. Life and death in South Etruria. The social rhetoric of cemeteries and hoards, in: M. Maaskant-Kleibrink (ed.), Debating dark ages (= Caeculus, III). Groningen, 47-61. Kleibrink, M., 1997/1998. The miniature votive pottery dedicated at the ‘Laghetto del Monsignore’, Campoverde. Palaeohistoria 39/40, 441-512. Maaskant-Kleibrink, M., 1995. Evidence of households or ritual meals? Early Latin cult practices: a comparison of the finds at Lavinium, Campoverde and Borgo Le Ferriere (Satricum), in: Christie (ed.), 123-133. Miari, M., 1995. Offerte votive legate al mondo vegetale e animale nelle cavità naturali dell’Italia protostorica, in: L. Quilici & S. Quilici Gigli (eds), Agricoltura e commerci nell’Italia antica (= Atlante tematico di tipografia antica, Supplemento 1). Roma, 11-29. Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), 1995. Sorgenti della Nova. 91

COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA, DURING THE ORIENTALIZING PERIOD Mariassunta Cuozzo Abstract: The paper deals with the concept of ‘community’ as one that is dialectic and dynamic, highly variable, and dependent on a specific historical-political and social context. The paper will focus on Campania (southern Italy), during the so-called Orientalizing period (late 8th - first quarter of 6th century BC). This is also the period when the Greek ‘colonies’ of Pithekusa and Cuma were established in the bay of Naples. The present focus on communities adds another element to the multiple and often contradictory strands that pervade funerary studies, such as the dialectic and/or the tensions between collective and individual strategies. Eventually all these elements coincide with the notion of identity. In the first place, I will concentrate on the large necropoleis of the Etruscan-Campanian site of Pontecagnano, where the contrast between community norms and inter-group dialectics are well visible. In the second place, I will examine the necropoleis of southern upper Hirpinia. In this case, an investigation of the concept of ‘community’ should start from a reconsideration of various aspects connected to conservative attitudes. In my conclusion, I will draw some considerations about the role of Pithecusa and regional re-organization during this period.

frontiera 1999; Parker Pearson 1999; Hodder 1999; 2000; Morris 2000; Dobres & Robb 2000; Ruby 1999; Terrenato 2000; Thomas 2000).

The present paper deals with the concept of ‘community’ as one that is dialectic and dynamic, highly variable, and dependent on a specific historical-political and social context. To investigate the notion of community one must look into the relationship between communal standards and the agency of social groups and individuals each community is formed of (Van Dommelen, Gerritsen & Knapp in this volume; Vernant 1965; Hodder 1982; d’Agostino 2000; Canuto & Yaeger 2000). This paper will focus on Campania, a border region in southern Italy where people belonging to different cultural traditions came into contact from the last quarter of the 8th century BC onward, in the crucial historical phase known as the Orientalizing period. This is the period when the Greek ‘colonies’ of Pithekoussai and Cumae on the bay of Naples were established (d’Agostino 1988a; 1988b; 1999b; 1996; Fig. 1). Because the archaeological evidence for ‘Italic’ inhabitants of this region is still largely confined to necropoleis, while little of the settlement themselves has been brought to light so far, this paper will primarily draw on evidence from burials. Such evidence, as is well-known, is ritual and never neutral: it implies a high degree of intentionality and hence, if carefully interpreted, can be a valuable source of information on ideologies and social representation (Gnoli & Vernant 1982; d’Agostino & Schnapp 1982; d’Agostino 1985; 2000; Hodder 1986; 1999; Morris 1987; 2000; Whitley 1991; Bietti Sestieri 1992; 1996; Cuozzo 1996; Gambacurta & Ruta Serafini 1998; Iaia 1999; Parker Pearson 1999 with a wide bibliography; Guidi 2000; Pacciarelli 2001; Von Eles 2002) .

Several facets of a community should be distinguishable in its funerary representation if one is able to perceive the dialectics between norms and interdictions imposed at a community-wide level, on the one hand and, on the other, contradictions, ambiguities, evasions and deviations from these norms depending on the coexistence of conflicting ideologies upheld by groups or individuals. Note, however, that the degree to which such ideologies are detectable depends on the forms of social control within each different historical-political context. My discourse on the complex panorama of Orientalizing Campania will be centred on a comparison between communities that structured or restructured themselves by opening to different elements, communities that interacted, competed and faced contradictions, on the one hand, and, on the other, communities who build their identity in contrastive terms, through conservatism, social control, uniformity, persistence and prohibitions. To do so I will consider two samples. The first sample in this perspective are the vast necropoleis of the Etruscan-Campanian centre that stood on the site of modern Pontecagnano, 10 km south of Salerno (d’Agostino 1988a; 1996; Cerchiai 1995; Fig. 2). The Orientalizing necropoleis of Pontecagnano provide an ideal case-study of the representation in burial of the building of a new concept of community resulting from the interaction and, in part, the conflict between two different ideological spheres: on the one hand, the community, on the other, the particularism and competition of different élites (Cuozzo 1994; 2000, i.p.). The beginning of the Orientalizing period in the necropoleis of Pontecagnano in the last quarter of the 8th century BC is marked by a will to stress differences and discontinuities with the previous period (the Early Iron Age; Pontecagnano II.1; d’Agostino 1996; Cerchiai 1995). The community of Pontecagnano appears to have

The long-lasting debate on the interpretation of necropoleis has shown that the analysis of funerary contexts involves multiple and often contradictory and misleading aspects. The present focus on communities is a new trend in funerary studies laying special stress on the dialectics and/or tensions between the rules of a community and the strategies of groups or individuals. A further issue of interest is the relationship between the notion of ‘community’ and that of ‘identity’ in its diverse and polimorphic aspects (Hall et alii 1998; Confini e

92

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO: COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA

Fig. 1. Campania during the early Iron Age and Orientalizing period. The areas discussed in the paper are highlighted. offerings indicating that offering rituals were performed at regular intervals and over a long time. These burial grounds were used over very long periods, sometimes for all of two centuries. 2. The rise of a new mentality and new conceptions of childhood and, accordingly, of the norms regulating the access of children to formal burial: children are now fully represented and visible, from infancy to adolescence. This new symbolical universe contrasts sharply with the partial ‘invisibility’ of children in Early Iron Age necropoleis (Morris 1987; 2000; Pontecagnano II.1; Bietti Sestieri 1994; Cuozzo 1994; i.p.; Bondioni & Macchiarelli i.p.; Zifferero 1995; Iaia 1999; Pacciarelli 2001; Zubrow 1976).

been enforcing norms and prohibitions to preserve (or, on the contrary, change) a shared language of burial to the purpose of transcending the particularism of individual groups and restore a basic homogeneity, an ideological solidarity shared by the whole social body. The new norms and prohibitions involve four main aspects (Cuozzo 2000; i.p.): 1. The creation of a new ‘funerary landscape’ involving a general rearrangement of the funerary space by establishing new burial grounds in previously unoccupied areas, funerary cult places delimited by enclosures and canals (and later, small altars) for 93

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Pontecagnano (Salerno). Map of the cemeteries and ancient settlement.

Fig. 3. An example of the ‘basic vase set’.

94

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO: COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA

Fig. 4. Pontecagnano. Western necropolis. ‘Princely’ tomb 928 (after d’Agostino 1977). connections with the surrounding burials of children, on the one hand, and the composition of burial equipment, on the other (Godelier & Séve 1977; Godelier 1984; 1999; Ruby 1999; d’Agostino 1999a). – The presence of groups displaying signs of privileged or exclusive ties with specific foreign milieus. This evidence may reflect, in many cases, the celebration of ties between gentilitial élites, but in other seems rather to point to more complex ethnic and social dynamics.

3. ‘Active appropriation’ and reworking of the Greek ideology of symposium and libation, revealed by the selection of a new basic set of grave-goods centred on the ritual consumption and offering of wine (d’Agostino-Cerchiai 1999; Cuozzo 2000; i.p.). This set is present in graves of individuals of both sexes and all age-groups. This basic set includes (Fig. 3) only one vase in a ‘local style’, a small impasto amphora which was a typical product of Pontecagnano, and a Greek-style ‘service’ comprising an oinochoe, a kylix or skyphos (‘Thapsos without panel’/‘sigma’/‘reserved band’), and a cup or small plate.

As to the symbolic dialectics between female and male princely figures, the coexistence of partially conflicting modes of funerary representation becomes especially evident if one compares the two main necropoleis of Pontecagnano, the western and eastern ones.

On the contrary, the second sphere of action, that of the strategies of different social groups within the community, tends to emphasize differences. The dialectic, and sometimes the contrast, between élite groups is revealed especially by the subdivision of the necropolis into several areas articulated in distinct funerary clusters sometimes surrounded by enclosures. The occupation of these clusters is characterized by diachronical continuity (Parker Pearson 1999; Cuozzo 2000; i.p.; Cuozzo, D’Andrea & Pellegrino, this volume). The following two aspects are the most eloquent expression of the particularism of élite groups:

In the western necropolis, the Greek-derived model of the ‘hero-prince’ prevails, as B. d’Agostino has shown. It is the exclusive privilege of a few male adults who are isolated from the rest of the cemetery, such as the individuals buried in the well-known tombs 926, 928, and 4461 (d’Agostino 1977; 1988a; 1999a; Cerchiai 1987; 1995; Ruby 1999; Cuozzo, D’Andrea & Pellegrino, this volume; Fig. 4). On the other hand, a systematic study of the eastern necropolis carried on over the last few years has highlighted the prominent role, in its northern sector (S. Antonio, INA CASA), of an extraordinary female princely figure buried in tomb 2465 (Cuozzo 1994; 2000; Fig. 5). This tomb, which was possibly surmounted by a tumulus and was the centre of the surrounding funerary space, has no male parallel in its vicinity. Its grave-goods

– A dialectic between strategies of control of ritual and monopoly of representation marked by the coexistence of princely ideologies within the same context; notably, one observes a symbolic dialectic between male and female princely characters belonging to different and possibly conflicting groups, both in the structuring of space and the expression of 95

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI direct competition with the ‘basic set’. In this case, too, a univocal interpretation is not possible. The recurrent presence of imported southern Etruscan fine ware (mainly double-spiral small amphorae, more rarely oinochoae, kylikes/skyphoi, and footed cups; Beijer 1978; Bosio & Pugnetti 1986; Cuozzo 1994; i.p.) indubitably reflects nothing but privileged relations between gentilitial élites and with the gens buried in the northern sector of S. Antonio cemetery (INA CASA, tomb 252; Fig. 6). The funerary landscape of this sector is female-dominated, being centred on two poles, the princely tomb 2465, and an enclosure on the east side of the sector possibly used for the cult of non-adults, presumably of female gender.

Fig. 5. Pontecagnano. ‘Princely’ tomb 2465 (end of the 8th century BC): some of the grave goods. include all possible symbols of the prestige, continuity, and reproduction of the group, ranging from a set of metal vases to bronze, silver and gold jewellery, a set of iron instruments for sacrifice and the hearth – a knife, spits, andirons, and an axe – and, finally, part of a carriage. Similar grave-goods are found, although in lesser quantity, in other eminent female burials. Each of these women was presumably the ancestor of her group. These elements and many others, not considered here, have led to propose the existence of bilinear descent groups and an eminent role for élite women (Cuozzo 2000; i.p.; Fox 1967; Fabietti 1999b) as in the Etruscan and Etruscan-Latial milieu (Sordi 1981; Rallo 1989; d’Agostino 1993; 1999a; Torelli 1997; Rathje 2000; Bartoloni 2003) .

Fig. 6. Pontecagnano. INACASA area: imported southern-Etruscan pottery. Much more complex issues arise from the symbolic display, in the southwestern sector of the necropolis (S. Antonio, Chiancone IV, tomb 108), of artifacts and funerary customs derived from the southern Hirpinian culture of Oliveto-Cairano (Figs 7, 8, 9; d’Agostino 1964; Pescatori Colucci 1971a; 1971b; Bailo Modesti 1981; 1982). The hypothesis that this was the burial ground of a whole group of people coming from the southern Hirpinian region, while open to criticism, seems, in the present state of our knowledge, the best possible explanation for the adoption, in this sector, of funerary customs for all gender and age groups. The following aspects are especially remarkable (Cuozzo 2000; i.p.):

In the eastern necropolis of Pontecagnano, however, it is the particularism of groups that prevails. In the other funerary groups the set of princely symbols can be displayed – complete or partial – alternately or contemporaneously by adult males and females, youths, and children. The dialectics between communal norms and group strategy are especially apparent when we consider the occurrence of certain specific classes of non-Greek imports or imitations. These are found exclusively in two distinct funerary areas, both situated in the eastern necropolis. The choice of such grave-goods is made in

– Women wear the elaborate southern Hirpinian female 96

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO: COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA

Fig. 7. Pontecagnano. Chiancone IV area: Southern Hirpinian type vessel-set. a) female tombs; b) male tombs; c) children tombs.

97

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 8. Pontecagnano. Chiancone IV area, child tomb 5942: Southern Hirpinian type vessel-set. the burials of infants under two years of age, in this funerary area. Here, they completely replace the Pontecagnano basic set (Cuozzo 2000). Numerous studies on mobility in Etruria and Latium have shown that the reception and integration of foreign groups and individuals was a very common phenomenon in the open societies of the Orientalizing period. Social mobility was a result of the deportation of people of the losing side after a war, the attraction exerted by emergent centres, the peaceful or forced absorption of neighbouring communities, but above all the rise and expansion of aristocratic clans (Ampolo 1981, 66-67; 1988; Bietti Sestieri 1996; Confini e frontiera 1999). The groups in the southwestern necropolis seem to strive to emulate the customs of the locals and compete with their élites, as suggested by the presence in adult tombs of the basic grave-good set of Pontecagnano and the exhibition of princely sets of symbols. However, there are ambiguities. The funerary behaviour of this group seems affected by latent tensions, possibly ethnic or social in character. These tensions are expressed in contradictory but perceivable forms in the burials of females and children.

Fig. 9. Pontecagnano. Chiancone IV area, female tomb 5970: some of the Southern Hirpinian ornaments.

The complex dynamics of identity building may provide a key for the interpretation of the peculiarity of the southern Hirpinian groups of Pontecagnano. The exhibition of a different structured system of signs may point to a not directly competitive or silent resistance, ethnic and/or social in character (see below). But this is a question that is destined to remain open.

parure, which included over twenty bracelets ad arco inflesso, usually found in odd numbers, and more types of pendants (triangular with incised decoration and/or omega type, or bird-shaped types; Fig. 7). The deceased was covered with bronze from head to foot; – Men are also dressed according to the southern Hirpinian fashion, involving the contemporary use of the usual male fibulae and fibulae which elsewhere in Pontecagnano are reserved to females (d’Agostino 1964, 96 ss.; Bailo Modesti 1982) – Complete services of typically south Hirpinian vases, often of hand-shaped impasto, in recurrently appear the graves of this sector. This repertory which is never attested in such variety and abundance in the other sectors of the necropolis, is completely different from the Pontecagnano vase-set; – This Hirpinian vase service recurrently appear also in

To understand the terms of the question, however, it is necessary to leave Pontecagnano, to consider first its territory, the Picentine region – where recent studies are beginning to highlight social dynamics involving different elements (Ponteagnano II.6) – and Pontecagnano’s structuring role in this period, and then, especially, the area of upper Hirpinia, where my second sample is located. To conclude my considerations about Pontecagnano, it is important to stress that the dialectics between these conflicting trends seem to ebb only around the second quarter of the 6th century BC, with the 98

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO: COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA

Fig. 10. Southern Hirpinian communities: the impasto pottery repertory. It is time now to turn to the second sample examined here, the necropolis of Oliveto-Citra, Cairano, Bisaccia in the mountainous inland area of present-day Campania, about 60/80 km from Pontecagnano (Figs 1, 10; d’Agostino 1964; Pescatori Colucci 1971a; 1971b; Bailo Modesti 1981; 1982).

apparent prevailing of communal norms over the particularism of groups. In the course of the second quarter of the century, the wealth of grave-goods begins to decrease markedly: prestige objects of metal and other valuable materials disappear, as do tools and local painted ware; imports become rare; a minimal standard gravegood set composed of bucchero vases becomes the norm. This phenomenon may reflect the rise of anti-sumptuary laws, as in Greece, Rome, and several Archaic Tyrrhenian societies, but this still needs to be verified by the ongoing investigation of the settlement area (Colonna 1977; Ampolo 1984; Cuozzo & D’Andrea 1991, Cerchiai 1995; d’Agostino 2000).

The receptiveness, interactivity, competition and contradictions of the community of Pontecagnano contrast sharply with the combination of conservatism, social control, uniformity, persistence, and prohibitions perceivable in the necropolises of southern upper Hirpinia. These characteristics are suggested especially by the high homogeneity of material culture between different and, in some cases, very distant centres. 99

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Actually, the contrastive dynamics (Barth 1969; Hall et alii 1998; Confini e frontiera 1999) observable in the centres of southern Hirpinia could reflect interactions with two other realities: on the one hand, Pontecagnano’s important role in coastal Campania, on the other, the power – ideological rather than political – of the Campanian Greek.

In this case, an investigation of the concept of ‘community’ should start from a reconsideration of various aspects connected to conservative attitudes. These aspects may also be susceptible of a different interpretation. They could be seen as forms of every-day silent resistance reflecting complex contrastive/ oppositional dynamics of identity building (among others: Barth 1969; Geertz 1973; Hodder 1982; Miller, Rowlands & Tilley 1989; Amselle 1990; 2001; Scott 1990; McGuire & Paynter 1991; Ferguson 1991; Jones 1997; Hall 1997; Hall et alii 1998; Van Dommelen 1998; Fabietti 1999a; 1999b; Confini e frontiera 1999). Such dynamics have been recognized and investigated in Campania only for more recent historical periods (d’Agostino 1988a; Lepore 1989; Pontrandolfo 1994; Cerchiai 1995).

It is not possible to discuss here the many issues raised by the problematic case of Pithekoussai (Buchner & Ridgway 1993). It is possibly worth mentioning, however, that interesting vistas on the investigation of the concept of community as a framework for complex and dialectic interactions between different elements have been opened by L. Cerchiai’s recent re-examination of the necropoleis of Pithekoussai (Cerchiai 1999). Cerchiai has analysed, on the one hand, forms of social control regulating access to formal cemeteries, and funerary articulations; on the other, the incidence and oriented distribution of ‘anomalous indicators’ in burials, especially impasto pottery and certain types of instruments and ornaments. This study has provided an important basis for a reconsideration of certain aspects of the long debated question of the relationship between the Greeks and indigenous peoples in Campania (d’Agostino 1977; 1999a; 1999b; Cerchiai 1995).

As B. d’Agostino remarked: “This is a culturally closed environment, and hence was affected only later by phenomena which had been involving Tyrrhenian Italy ever since the second half of the 8th century BC. Ultimately, what we are witnessing is the persistence of an Iron Age culture in a context where the Orientalizing culture, diffused by the Greeks, had been taking root for quite a long time” (d’Agostino 1964, 96). However, if one looks at the evidence concerning the southern Hirpinian communities of Oliveto-Citra, Cairano, Bisaccia, and their territories, one will observe that their distinctive array of ornaments and vases, rather than representing a lingering on of an earlier material culture, was largely codified and developed in this phase (from the end of the 8th to the beginning of the 6th century BC). The burials of these people speak an Iron Age language which crystallized in a formalized and restricted material culture which persisted with practically no alterations until the Archaic period. The repertory of these sites includes ‘anse complesse’ small amphorae, a distinctive feature of this material culture, two-necked askoi, beakers, feeding bottles, bowls, jars, and jugs with flared necks graced with zoomorphic appendages (Figs 9, 10).

An investigation on the meaning of the complex phenomena outlined here, and their diachronic evolution, must necessarily remain open, and proposed themes for further analysis. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ampolo, C., 1981. I gruppi etnici in Roma arcaica: posizione del problema e fonti, in: Etruschi e Roma, 45 ss. Ampolo, C., 1984. Il lusso funerario e la città arcaica. AION ArchStAnt 6, 71-102. Ampolo, C., 1988. La nascita della città’, in: A. Momigliano & E Schiavone (eds), Storia di Roma, I. Roma in Italia. Torino, 153-180. Amselle, J.-L., 1990. Logiques métisses. Anthropologie de l’identité en Afrique et ailleurs. Paris. Amselle, J.-L., 2001. Branchements. Anthropologie de l’universalité de cultures. Paris. Bailo Modesti, G., 1981. Cairano nell’età arcaica. Napoli. Bailo Modesti, G., 1982. Oliveto-Cairano: l’emergere di un potere politico, in: G. Gnoli & J.P. Vernant 1982, 31 ss. Barth, F., 1969. Ethnic group and boundaries. Bergen/Oslo. Bartoloni, G., 2003. Le società dell’Italia primitiva. Lo studio delle necropoli e la nascita delle aristocrazie. Roma. Beijer, A.J., 1978. Proposta per una suddivisione delle anfore a spirali. Meded 40 (n.s. 5), 7-21. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma.

Another remarkable aspect of this milieu, especially in its main centres, is an absence, or possibly even a rejection, of Greek-style pottery and, in general, of Greek customs, at least until the 6th century BC (d’Agostino 1964; 1999b; Pescatori Colucci 1971a; 1971b; Bailo Modesti 1981; 1982). This runs contrary to the trends observable among other Campanian communities, which appear to be more or less strongly under the influence of the cultural models prevailing in the Greek colonies (d’Agostino 1988a; 1988b; Cerchiai 1995). An extremely significant exception is female tomb 66 at Bisaccia, which boasts four prestigious bronze vases – similar to specimens found at Pontecagnano – but still refuses to deviate from the norm, rejecting Greek pottery and adhering strictly to the conservatism of local tradition in the composition of its pottery set (Bailo Modesti 1982). 100

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO: COMMUNITY NORMS AND INTER-GROUP DIALECTICS IN THE NECROPOLEIS OF CAMPANIA d’Agostino, B., 1993. La donna in Etruria, in: M. Bettini (ed.), Maschile/Femminile. Genere e ruoli nelle culture antiche. Roma/Bari, 61 ss. d’Agostino, B. 1996. Pontecagnano. BTCGI, 187-198. d’Agostino, B., 1999a. I principi dell’Italia centrotirrenica in epoca Orientalizzante, in: P. Ruby 1999, 81-88. d’Agostino, B., 1999b. Pitecusa e Cuma tra Greci e Indigeni’, in: La colonisation greque en Meditéranée occidentale, Actes de la rencontre scientifique en hommage à Georges Vallet (Rome-Naples 1995). Rome, 51-62. d’Agostino, B., 2000. Archäologie der Gräber: Tod und Grabritus, in: A.H. Borbein, T. Hölscher & P. Zanker (eds), Klassische Archäologie. Eine Einführung. Berlin, 313-331. d’Agostino, B. & L. Cerchiai, 1999. Il mare, la morte, l’amore. Gli Etruschi, i Greci e l’immagine. Roma. d’Agostino B. & A. Schnapp, 1982, Les morts entre l’object et l’ image, in: G. Gnoli & J.P. Vernant 1982, 18-25. Dobres, M.A. & J. Robb, 2000. Agency in archaeology. London/New York. Fabietti, U., 1999a. L’identità etnica. Roma. Fabietti, U., 1999b. Antropologia culturale. L’esperienza e l’interpretazione. Roma. Ferguson, L., 1991. Struggling with pots in colonial South-Carolina, in: R.H. McGuire & R. Paynter 1991, 28 ss. Fox, R., 1967. Kinship and marriage. An anthropological perspective. London. Gambacurta, G. & A. Ruta Serafini, 1998. Conclusioni, in: E. Bianchin Citton, G. Gambacurta & A. Ruta Serafini, Presso l’adige ridente. Recenti rinvenimenti archeologici da Este a Montagnana (= Catalogo della mostra, Este). Padova, 94-99. Gnoli, G. & J.P. Vernant (eds), 1982. La mort, le mortes dans les sociétés anciennes. Cambridge/Paris. Godelier, M. & L. Sève, 1977. Marxismo e strutturalismo. Un dibattito a due voci sui fondamenti delle scienze sociali. Torino. Godelier, M., 1984. L’idéel et le matériel. Paris. Godelier, M., 1999. Chefferies et e’tats, une approache antropologique, in: P. Ruby 1999, 19-30. Guidi, A., 2000. La storia dell’archeologia preistorica italiana nel contesto europeo. Archeologia Teorica, 23-38. Hall, J., 1997. Ethnic identity in Greek antiquity. Cambridge. Hall, J. et alii, 1998. Review feature: J. Hall, Ethnic identity in Greek antiquity. Cambridge 1997. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 8(2), 265 ss. Hodder, I., 1982. Symbols in action. Cambridge. Hodder, I., 1986. Reading the past. Current approaches to interpretationin archaeology. Cambridge. Hodder, I., 1999. The archaeological process. Oxford. Hodder, I. (ed.), 2000. Archaeological theory today. Oxford.

Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1996. Protostoria. Teoria e pratica. Roma. Bondioli, L. & R. Macchiarelli, i.p. in: Cuozzo in press. Bosio, B. & A. Pugnetti, 1986. Gli Etruschi di Cerveteri. La necropoli di Monte Abatone: tombe 32, 45, 76, 77, 79, 81, 83, 89, 90, 94, 102. Modena. Buchner, G. & D. Ridgway, 1993. Pithekoussai I. La necropoli: tombe 1-723, scavate dal 1956 al 1971 (= MonAnt, Serie monografica, IV (LV della serie generale)). Roma. Canuto, M. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. London. Cerchiai, L., 1987. Una tomba principesca del periodo Orientalizzante Antico a Pontecagnano. StEtr 53, 2742. Cerchiai, L., 1995. I Campani. Milano. Cerchiai, L., 1999. I vivi e le morti: i casi di Pitecusa e di Poseidonia, in: Confini e frontiera, 657 ss. Colonna, G., 1977. Un aspetto oscuro del Lazio antico. Le tombe di VI-V sec. a.C. ParPass 32, 131-165. Confini e frontiera 1999. AA.VV., Confini e frontiera nella grecità d’occidente, Atti del XXXVII Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 1997). TarantoNapoli. Cuozzo, M., 1994. Patterns of organisation and funerary customs in the cemetery of Pontecagnano (Salerno), during the Orientalizing period. Journal of European Archaeology 2(2), 263-298. Cuozzo, M., 1996. Prospettive teoriche e metodologiche nell’interpretazione delle necropoli: la PostProcessual Archaeology. Annali di Archeologia e Storia Antica I.U.O. n.s. 3, 1-38. Cuozzo, M., 2000. Orizzonti teorici e interpretativi tra percorsi di matrice francese, archeologia postprocessuale e tendenze italiane: considerazioni e indirizzi di ricerca per lo studio delle necropoli, in: Archeologia teorica, 323-360. Cuozzo, M., i.p. Reinventando la tradizione. Immaginario sociale, ideologie e rappresentazione nelle necropoli orientalizzanti di Pontecagnano (Salerno). Napoli (in press). Cuozzo, M. & A. D’Andrea, 1991. Proposta di periodizzazione del repertorio locale di Pontecagnano tra la fine del VII e la metà del V sec. a.C., alla luce della stratigrafia delle necropoli. AION ArchStAnt 13, 47-114. d’Agostino, B., 1977. Grecs et sur la còte tyrrhénienne au VII siècle: la transmission des idéologies entre élites sociales. Annales E.S.C., 3-20. d’Agostino, B., 1985. Società dei vivi, comunità dei morti: un rapporto difficile. Dialoghi di Archeologia 1.3 (III s.), 47-58. d’Agostino, B., 1988a. Le genti della Campania antica, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Italia, omnium terrarum alumna. Milano, 531-589. d’Agostino, B., 1988b. Il rituale funerario nel mondo indigeno, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), La Magna Grecia, 3. Milano, 91-114.

101

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Whitley, J., 1991. Style and society in Dark Age Greece. Cambridge. Zifferero, A., 1995. Rituale funerario e formazione dell’aristocrazia nell’Italia protostorica: osservazioni sui corredi femminili e infantili di Tarquinia, in: Preistoria e protostoria in Etruria. Atti del II incontro di studi (Roma, Farnese 1993). Milano, 257 ss. Zubrow, E.B.W. (ed.), 1976. Demographic anthropology. Albuquerque.

Iaia, C., 1999. Simbolismo funerario e ideologia alle origini di una civiltà urbana. Forme rituali nelle sepolture villanoviane a Tarquinia e Vulci. Firenze. Jones, S., 1997. The archaeology of ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London/New York. Lepore, E., 1989. Origini e strutture della Campania antica. Bologna. McGuire, R.H. & R. Paynter (eds), 1991. The archaeology of inequality. Oxford. Miller, D., M. Rowlands & C. Tilley (eds), 1989. Domination and resistance. London. Morris, I., 1987. Burial and ancient society. The rise of the Greek city state. Cambridge. Morris, I., 2000. Archaeology as cultural history. Oxford. Pacciarelli, M., 2001. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Parker Pearson, M., 1999. The archaeology of death and burial. Phoenix Mill. Pescatori Colucci, G., 1971a. Bisaccia (Av.). Materiale sporadico. Notizie Scavi, 476 ss. Pescatori Colucci, G., 1971b. Cairano Bisaccia (Av.). Tombe dell’ Età del Ferro. Notizie Scavi, 481 ss. Pontecagnano II.1. B. d’Agostino & P. Gastaldi (eds), 1988. Pontecagnano II. La necropoli del Picentino. 1. Le tombe della Prima Età del Ferro (= AION ArchStAnt Quad, 5). Napoli. Pontecagnano II.6. T. Cinquantaquattro, 2000??. Pontecagnano II.6. L’Agro Picentino e la necropoli di località Casella (= AION ArchStAnt Quad, 13). Napoli. Pontrandolfo, A., 1994. Etnogenesi e emergenza politica di una comunità italica: i Lucani, in: S. Settis (ed.), Storia della Calabria antica II. Roma/Reggio Calabria, 141-193. Rallo, A. (ed.), 1989. La donna in Etruria. Roma. Rathje, A., 2000. Princesses in Etruria and Latium Vetus?, in: AA.VV., Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean settings. Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara. London, 294-300. Ruby, P. (ed.), 1999. Princes de la protohistoire = AA.VV., Les princes de la protohistoire et l’émergence de l’état (= Actes de la table ronde (Napoli 1994)). Napoli/Roma. Scott, J.C., 1990. Domination and the arts of resistance. Hidden transcripts. New Haven/London. Sordi, M., 1981. La donna etrusca, in: Misoginia e maschilismo in Grecia e in Roma. Genova, 49-67. Terrenato, N. (ed.), 2000. Archeologia teorica. Firenze. Thomas, J., 2000. Interpretive archaeology. A reader. Leicester/London. Torelli, M., 1997. Il rango, il rito, l’immagine. Alle origini della rappresentazione storica romana. Milano. Van Dommelen, P., 1998. On colonial grounds. Leiden. Vernant, J.P., 1965. Mythe et pensée chez les Grecs. Etudes de psychologie historique, Paris. Von Eles, P., 2002. Guerriero e sacerdote. Autorità e comunità nell’età del ferro a Verucchio. Firenze. 102

CHANGING COMMUNITIES IN IRON AGE SICILY Tamar Hodos Abstract: Our understanding of the archaeology of native Iron Age Sicilian settlements has been defined by extant Greek literary sources correlated with anthropological descriptions as chiefdoms or tribes. If such groupings are interpreted as communities, however, the archaeological evidence makes more sense, especially when related to identity formation and interaction. This paper explores the nature of native Sicilian Iron Age communities between the 8th and 5th centuries BC. It examines community responses to colonisation through an examination of ceramics in funerary contexts, assessing how these communities materially created and distinguished themselves in response to cultural, economic and territorial challenges.

and continued existence.3 Within this definition, there is a focus upon the communal aspect of interaction and identity formation, with communities representing a contextual, contingent and temporally circumscribed materialisation of people’s thoughts concerning community identity. Rather than discussing the native Sicilian settlements of the Iron Age as tribes – which betrays a “subtle denigration [of such groups]… within a progressive view of world history, with the implication that only states are fully dynamic in world-historical terms”4 – discussion in terms of communities may help us interpret in a more satisfying way responses to external contacts and cultural pressures in particular geographic contexts in Sicily, which highlights the relationship between material culture and identity formation and interaction.

Our understanding of communities in Iron Age Sicily has largely been defined by the extant and originally Greek literary sources that described the cultures the Greek colonists encountered when they arrived in Sicily in the 8th century BC. Authors such as Thucydides, Herodotus and Diodorus identified the various populations largely as Sikel in eastern Sicily, Sikan west of the Salso River, and Elymian in the northwest of the island, not to mention the Phoenicians resident in the west (Fig. 1). The literary attestation of these cultures within particular geographic areas of Sicily has caused issue for archaeologists, who have sought material correlates with these identifications. Such is the case with a group called the Morgetes, who have been affiliated with the native population at Morgantina, and who allegedly came from mainland Italy. The identification of the Morgetes probably derives from a combination of the Greek tradition of polis affiliation with the myth-history of native oral tradition.1 It has little bearing with the material culture of native Morgantina, which is not unique but displays strong Ausonian characteristics of the Aeolian Islands population and close relation to the Sikel material traditions of eastern Sicily.

The impact of foreign cultures complicates our understanding of developments in the Sicilian native cultures as reflected materially because of the quantity of Greek material culture and influences upon indigenous ways of life. Traditional approaches to our understandings of the impact of Greek colonisation on the native populations of Sicily ignored the active roles indigenous communities took with regard to what they adopted from their new neighbours. Statements such as Boardman’s ‘in the West, the Greeks had much to teach and nothing to learn’5 influenced generations of scholars exploring Greek colonial activity in the Mediterranean to concentrate on understanding the Greek experiences abroad, or to consider changes in native material culture solely in light of Greek influence. More recent approaches, informed by post-colonial scholarship in other disciplines and other archaeological periods, have begun to re-interpret such changes for evidence of agency and the deliberate formation of specific identities in active response to colonial encounters. To demonstrate this, I am going to focus on one aspect, and that is simply on types of ceramics found in funerary contexts in the native communities of Iron Age Sicily.

The native cultures themselves are often discussed in terms of chiefdoms developing into tribes as the Bronze Age progresses to the Iron Age. Chiefdom characteristics, such as architectural complexity, differentiation and occasional monumentality, and the unequal distribution of wealth in burial contexts, all of which suggest an elite element, seem to give way to settlement structure uniformity and burial homogeneity, possibly a reflection of a more egalitarian, tribal, society.2 The reasons for such material changes, however, are wide open to interpretation about their social causes, although factors presented often tend to be culturally external, such as decline in international trade and communication, and elite vulnerability when access to external sources of power and ideology is thus denied. A community perspective towards these cultures provides a different means of interpretation. Yaeger and Canuto have defined a community as a dynamic, socially constituted institution contingent upon human agency for its creation

It has already been revealed that the Sikel communities of eastern Sicily show a deliberate interest in only selected

1 Malkin 1987; Dougherty 1993; Leighton 1999; for a south Italian parallel, see also Whitehouse & Wilkins 1989, 121-122. 2 E.g. Leighton 1996.

3

Yaeger & Canuto 2000. Gosden 2001, 248. 5 Boardman, originally in 1964 edition, most recent edition is 1999, 190. 4

103

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Map of Sicily with sites mentioned in the text. ceramics of the Greek repertoire.6 Greek ceramic imports to Finocchito, the Sikel site representative of the period that first saw colonial settlement in eastern Sicily, are only vessels to do with the drinking of wine, particularly drinking cups and pouring vessels. Mixing vessels seem to be of no interest to these Sikels, suggesting different cultural ideologies regarding the consumption (possibly ritual) of wine to the Greek format of the formal symposium. Furthermore, the residents of Finocchito seem interested only in these vessels and not in the other goods the Greeks presumably had to offer, such as small unguent shapes like the aryballos. This is quite surprising as our understanding of the seriation of this shape comes from the extensive quantities found in the nearby colonies of Syracuse and Megara Hyblaea. Such commodities were widely traded with other native communities elsewhere in the contemporary Greek colonial world, particularly in southern Italy. This suggests agency on behalf of the Sikels of Finocchito; the fact that other Sikel settlements demonstrate a similar selection during this first period of colonial contact suggests a communitywide deliberate reaction to Greek materials and cultural traditions.

idea that small unguent containers were never of interest to Sikel communities, regardless of their popularity to the Sicilian Greeks. By far and away the most popular type of vessel continues to be the drinking cup, particularly the 6th century BC B2 kylix, replaced during the 5th century BC by black glaze Attic skyphoi. Second to drinking vessels are pouring shapes, particularly the trilobe oinochoe with linear and limited geometric decoration (Fig. 2), of which colonial and Sikel-manufactured examples have been found.

Fig. 2. Linear and wave-line geometric motifs from Monte Casasia (a, b: after Fouilland, Frasca & Pelagatti 1996: fig. 163.293 and 30).

The Sikel taste for particular Greek ceramic forms continues into subsequent centuries. At the cemetery of Monte Casasia, which dates from the 7th century BC well into the 5th century BC, of the several hundred of vases interred, only eight imported aryballoi were found.7 The single lekythos, dated to the second quarter of the 5th century BC and imported from Athens, reinforces the 6 7

The archaic necropoleis of Morgantina span the later 8th until the third quarter of the 5th century BC. During this time, drinking vessels associated with the symposium continue to form the overwhelming majority of shapes in the cemetery, particularly trefoil oinochoai and

Hodos 2000. Fouilland et al. 1996.

104

TAMAR HODOS: CHANGING COMMUNITIES IN IRON AGE SICILY

Fig. 3. Geometric motifs from Vassallaggi and Sabucina (a, b, c: after Tigano 1985-86: CL 973; CL 987; CL 940; d, e, f: after Pizzo 2000: fig. 84, t.24a; fig. 108d, t.33A bis; fig. 108, t.26A).

colonially-produced kylikes, supplemented by imported Greek drinking shapes.8 In the third quarter of the 6th century BC, Morgantina does begin to import unguentaria from Corinth and Athens. This sudden interest in small perfume flasks is not mirrored at other contemporary Sikel communities. At this time Morgantina also adopts Greek burial customs and we begin to find the occasional inscribed Greek name at the site, changes not apparent at neighbouring native sites until the 5th century BC. Therefore, this interest in unguentaria may be better related to Greeks resident at Morgantina.

At Vassallaggi, a site with settlement and cemetery evidence dating back to the 7th century, and with a substantial cemetery of the 5th century BC, there is early interest in the lekythos shape. By the 5th century BC, unguent shapes account for 40% of the vases in the graves, especially the lekythos with a kind of aryballosshape body. Of close secondary interest are pouring shapes (35%); the krater accounts for 10% of all vessel forms, while drinking vessels are significantly less popular (less than 5%).9 Such a pattern did not develop overnight, either.10 Equally, Sabucina possesses a similar range of vessels, reflecting contact with the colonial Greeks from the 7th century BC onwards in its acceptance of Protocorinthian and Corinthian ceramics, and Geloan imitations of these wares, before substituting them for Attic Black Figure and Red Figure.11

Greek wares do not readily find their way to Sikan settlements until the middle of the 7th century BC, after Gela was well established, although it is not until Acragas had become the western boundary of Greek territorial expansionist interest around 580 BC that Greek and colonial ceramics appear in abundance in Sikan contexts. In contrast with contemporary Sikel settlements, at Sikan sites unguent containers are not uncommon, reflecting a greater interest in the vessels and their contents, revealing different tastes from their neighbours. Most striking, however, is the continuity of native ceramic shapes and a particularly wide range of decorative styles that is far more diverse than seen in Sikel contexts.

Throughout this time, there seems to be a particular fondness for the trefoil oinochoe, many of which are locally made and decorated with traditional painted geometric motifs. Examination of the popularity and continuity of this specific vessel form, particularly in Sikan contexts, makes an excellent case study to further 9

Orlandini 1971; Pizzo 2000. Gulli 1991. The necropoleis of Sabucina have only been published in summary format, therefore it is impossible to provide comparable statistics. 10 11

8

See especially Lyons 1991; 1996a; 1996b.

105

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Figural motifs from Pollizzello (after Gabrici 1925: fig. 11).

Fig. 5. Greek styles from Marianopoli (a, b, c: after Fiorentini 1985-86: pl. 36.4; pl. 36.5; pl. 40.2). geometric and organic motifs on trefoil oinochoai are better associated with Sikan communities (indeed, the continued production of incised and impressed wares, associated particularly with Sant’Angelo Muxaro and Polizzello, but with a distribution as far east as Paternò, suggests that the Sikans had more varied taste in how they decorated their vessels).

understand the development of community identity. The sheer popularity of the trefoil oinochoe in the Sabucina graves has made it possible to explore the evolution of the vessel shape.12 While the development of the form betrays influences from 7th century BC Corinthian and East Greek examples, again, it is its continued use throughout the 6th and 5th centuries that is significant. Here there is also a rich variety of painted geometric motifs, such as cross-hatched lozenges, swastikas, checkerboards, stylised eyes, as well as concentric circles, chevrons, undulating lines, triangles, zigzags, and a tree motif (Fig. 3), all of which by their very nature appear more varied than the mostly linear preferences exhibited in Sikel contexts (wavy lines seem to be the only non-linear common motif). It could be argued loosely that linear motifs on trefoil oinochoai are characteristic of the Sikel community, while more varied 12

Such categorisations can be broken down further. Polizzello and Marianopoli are two other native sites that during the 6th century BC experienced change, derived from Greek traditions permeating native ways, as elsewhere at this time, with ceramic imports and the adoption of various architectural and burial traditions. With regard to local ceramic production, Greek influence is apparent in motif imitations, which are also figural (warriors, sea creatures and land animals), yet their juxtaposition with one another is completely local, such

Tigano 1985-86.

106

TAMAR HODOS: CHANGING COMMUNITIES IN IRON AGE SICILY as a surrounding spiralform (Fig. 4).13 There are even examples of direct imitations of Greek shapes (Fig. 5), although the decoration, again, reflects a local combination of Greek motifs. While we have seen painted linear and geometric motifs elsewhere in Sicily, perhaps demonstrating a decorative distinction between Sikel and Sikan tastes, these anthropomorphic and animal figures in closer imitation of Greek models so far appear to have a limited distribution around Polizzello, Marianopoli and Sabucina (a 6th century BC krater with facing animals belongs to this corpus). This may be indicative of even more localised taste focused around this region of central Sicily.

urban redevelopment of Sabucina, although utilising some architectural developments from its Greek neighbours, did not adopt the strict orthogonal street plan common in the colonies at the time.15 But these elements were not enough for Ducetius. CONCLUSIONS Our theoretical models for understanding cultures in colonial contexts have developed from a Graeco-centric tradition (e.g. Boardman) to ideas influenced by postcolonial scholarship, acknowledging agency and choice on the part of the pre-existing communities, although to varying degrees. Such actions are mutable and may be multiply intended contemporarily in the construction of identity, particularly in response to strong cultural and fast-changing developments in an individual’s life (whether based on economic or political reasons, with social implications).

Geometric and figured motifs have been cited as evidence of acculturation because they are Greek-inspired. What is often overlooked is that the geometric motifs betray inspiration from a previous period rather than contemporary imports, while the figured imitations have a very localised context; with the exception of the sites in central Sicily just mentioned, rare are examples of imitations of later 6th and 5th century BC Corinthian, Attic Black Figure and Red Figure, respectively, although these are the most common imports at these times. Community production is generally modelled on motifs and ideas common particularly among imports of the 7th century BC, especially Corinthian, Cretan and East Greek, and many of these motifs continue to be produced in the 5th century BC. Communities adapted ideas to suit their own tastes, needs or interests, making active selections to generate an expression of community identity through ceramic use in funerary contexts. The fact that some settlements preferred figural motifs may further indicate more localised tastes, preferences or ideology within the broader Sikan community.

Indeed, it is not the material that makes the community; material reflects an identity. Thus, De Miro argues for the term polisma to describe these indigenous settlements that adopt some characteristics of the Greek polis without necessarily taking on board all the ideology or urban traits.16 No doubt issues of agency and self-representation contributed to the active decisions of what to adopt and what not, while at the same time modifying what had been before. This is the essence of the notion of hybridity; the native cultures of Sicily then can be viewed as hybrid social forms that arise from the complexities of colonialism and combine indigenous responses and resistance, as well as outside impact.17 The case of Ducetius is enough to remind us of this. Despite the continuities of native tradition demonstrated in the longevity of aspects of material culture, the material essentialism of Sikel and Sikan communities were insufficient for Ducetius to ignore the foreign material, social and religious influences.

Many native sites throughout Sicily suffered at the hand of the Sikel nationalist Ducetius during the middle of the 5th century BC. Ducetius’ mission was to encourage a resurgence of Sikel cultural nationalism (although the implications are more political rather than purely cultural). The social was more significant than the material for Ducetius, since the social implications of the adoption of broad Greek ideas regarding the urban landscape, burial customs, and religious practices overshadowed those material elements of cultural continuity during the 5th century BC. Some other examples of continuity in addition to the ceramic shapes and motifs already discussed, include the enduring use of chamber tombs for multiple burials at places such as Morgantina and elsewhere;14 the continued interment of traditional ceramic forms even where Greek types of burial practices were adopted during the 6th or 5th century BC (Morgantina; Sabucina; Vassallaggi); the use of circular-shaped buildings at Polizzello and Sabucina for sacred purposes, a form associated with the pre-Greek period in Sicily. Di Miro notes that the 5th century BC

Hybridity developments are externally observed, however, and in such circumstances it is not always clear how a particular culture might have viewed itself. Did the Sikels and Sikans view themselves as hybrid? Cultures constantly evolve, whether through active or passive adoption, adaptation, or even resistance to any influence or change (the latter of which may not be materially visible since no change may be observed). Theories of community help bridge the gap between externally observed hybrid cultures and the internal nature of identity formation. The idea of the ‘imagined community’,18 in particular, allows us to study the multiple identities active within a community, of a community and of communities. The construction of an 15

De Miro 1999. De Miro 1999. Gosden 2001, 257, after Peers 1999; see also Antonaccio 2001. 18 Isbell 2001, 249-252. 16

13 14

17

Palermo 1981; De Miro 1988. Lyons 1996b.

107

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Gosden, C., 2001. Postcolonial archaeology: issues of culture, identity, and knowledge, in: I. Hodder (ed.), Archaeological theory today. Polity Press, Cambridge. Gulli, D., 1991. La necropoli indigena di età greca di Vassallaggi (S. Cataldo). QuadMess 6, 23-42. Hodos, T., 2000. Wine wares in protohistoric eastern Sicily, in: C. Smith & J. Serrati (eds), Sicily from Aeneas to Augustus. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 41-54. Isbell, W.H., 2000. What we should be studying: the ‘imagined community’ and the ‘natural community,’ in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London, 243-266. Leighton, R., 1996. From chiefdom to tribe? Social organisation and change in later prehistory, in: R. Leighton (ed.) Early societies in Sicily. New developments in archaeological research (= Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, 5). London, 101-116. Leighton, R., 1999. Sicily before history. Duckworth, London. Lyons, C.L., 1991. Modalià di acculturazione a Morgantina. Bollettino di Archeologia 11-12, 1-10. Lyons, C.L., 1996a. Sikel burials at Morgantina: defining social and ethnic identities, in: R. Leighton, (ed.), Early societies in Sicily. New developments in archaeological research (= Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, 5). London, 177-186. Lyons, C.L., 1996b. Morgantina studies 5: The archaic cemeteries. Princeton University Press, Princeton. Malkin, I., 1987. Religion and colonization in ancient Greece. Brill, Leiden/New York. Orlandini, P., 1971. Vassallaggi. Scavi 1961. NSc (supplement to series 8) 25. Palermo, D., 1981. Polizzello. CronArch 20, 103-147. Peers, L., 1999. ‘Many tender ties’: the shifting contexts and meanings of the S Black bag. World Archaeology 31, 288-302. Pizzo, M., 2000. Vassallaggi (S. Cataldo. Caltanissetta). La necropoli meridionale, scavi 1956. NSc (series 9) 9-10 (1998-1999), 207-395. Tigano, G., 1985-86. Ceramica indigena da Sabucina (Caltanissetta). Oinochoai trilobate a decorazione geometrica. QuadMess 1, 55-78. Whitehouse, R.D. & J.B Wilkins, 1989. Greeks and natives in south-east Italy: approaches to the archaeological evidence, in: T.C. Champion (ed.), Centre and periphery. Unwin Hyman, London, 102126. Yaeger J. & M.A. Canuto, 2000. Introducing an archaeology of communities, in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London, 1-15.

imagined community is deliberate at any particular time, and such constructions are constantly changing in response to competing discourses and ensuing representations. Our understanding of the changes of material culture in native Sicily thus is created within a dynamic framework and reminds us that culture is never static. In Sicily, material attributes such as local pottery forms and motifs, the continuity of multiple burial in rock-cut chamber tombs, or circular hut architecture, have been used to help identify a community as predominantly one of native origin during this period of increasing Greek influence. While these very basic elements can be found at a number of sites, they are not necessarily represented at all or always in the same way. Each community demonstrates a different response to colonisation, seen here specifically with the case of pottery types in funerary contexts. Linear-decorated trefoil oinochoai continue to be buried at Sikel sites throughout the 5th century BC. At Sikan sites, a greater variety of shapes with incised and impressed geometric decoration are found throughout 5th century BC contexts, as well as a richer variety of motifs on trefoil oinochoai (painted geometric and animal). Since communities are not static and are ever changing, our notion of a widespread ‘Sikel’ or ‘Sikan’ community breaks down during the period of Greek settlement across the island. What forms are new kinds of communities, and new ways of representing community identity. BIBLIOGRAPHY Antonaccio, C.M., 2001. Ethnicity and colonization, in: I. Malkin (ed.), Ancient perceptions of Greek ethnicity. MA: Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Boardman, J., 1999. The Greeks overseas. Thames and Hudson, London. De Miro, E., 1988. Polizzello, centro della Sicana. QuadArchMess 3, 25-41. De Miro, E., 1999. L’organizzazione abitativa e dello spazio nei centri indigeni delle valli del Salso e del Platani, in: M. Barra Bagnasco, E. De Miro & A. Pinzone (eds), Magna Grecia e Sicilia: stato degli studi e prospettive di ricerca. Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichia dell’Università degli Studi di Messina, Messina, 187-193. Dougherty, C., 1993. The poetics of colonization: from city to text in archaic Greece. Oxford University Press, New York/Oxford. Fiorentini, G., 1985-86. La necropoli indigena di età Greca di Valle Oscura (Marianopoli). QuadMess 1, 31-54. Fouilland, F., M. Frasca & P. Pelagatti, 1996. Monte Casasia (Ragusa). Campagne di scavo 1966, 1972-73 nella necropoli indigena. NSc (series 9) 5-6 (19941995, 323-583. Gabrici, E., 1925. Polizello: abitato preistorico presso Mussomeli. Atti della R. Accademia di Scienze, Lettere e Belle Arti di Palermo 14, 3-11.

108

WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY? Phil Perkins Abstract: This paper investigates ways in which communities may be identified in the people who lived in the Albegna valley between the 8th and the 3rd centuries BC. The concept of community is considered in this context. Various forms of community are then identified using the distribution of settlements, population, burial patterns, material culture and evidence for religious practices.

Research in the Albegna Valley throughout the last century has gradually built up a multi-layered archaeological record for the Etruscan period. We have excavated evidence of settlements – ranging from a city to a small farm – and cemeteries revealing a varied range of burial practices. Studies of material culture have identified ceramics with local and regional distributions, as well as imported items. These can be set within the framework of a settlement and burial pattern established by field survey and distributed over a landscape analysed with Geographical Information System techniques.1 It is therefore possible to investigate this archaeological record for traces of communities across a wide range of data. As a preliminary it is necessary to establish boundaries for the region under consideration and also to attempt a straightforward, high level, answer to the question in the title. Following on from this broad introduction a more detailed investigation will then consider some theoretical aspects of the nature of communities before considering the nature and extent of archaeological communities in the Albegna Valley.

Fig. 1. Places mentioned in the text with the reconstructed Etruscan coastline.

THE GEOGRAPHICAL LIMITS AND ETHNIC DEFINITION

So who were the Etruscans? D.H. Lawrence in 1932 had a clear answer, “The Etruscans, as everyone knows, were the people who occupied the middle of Italy in early Roman days …”.2 Lawrence’s answer is revealing: for him they were a people who could be called ‘Etruscans’. Lawrence identifies where they lived making reference to Italy, a modern nation state: he is defining them by making reference to a thing which would have had no political meaning to the Etruscans, Italy. He identifies when they lived ‘in early Roman days’ by referring to another people, the Romans. Lawrence was not an archaeologist nor an historian, but his answer contains three issues which are central to current explanations of who the Etruscans were; their identification as an ethnic group (a people), their relationship to Italy, and their definition with reference to other communities, especially Romans and Greeks. These issues remain central when the Etruscans are considered as an ethnic group defined in current anthropological terms, for example as an ethnie “defined by a set of features or dimensions … a collective name; a common myth of descent; a shared history; a distinctive shared culture; an association with a specific territory; and a sense of solidarity”.3 The definition of

The area under detailed consideration is the drainage system of the Albegna Valley in Southern Tuscany and it forms much of the southernmost part of the Province of Grosseto. The area is a typical part of the Tuscan Maremma, a low lying coastal plain with fluvial terraces and hills behind, rising to mountains over 1200 m high, close to Monte Amiata. The area has a mixed geology consisting principally of pleistocene and holocene river terraces, limestone and clay/marl hills. It lies to the north of the volcanic tufo plateaux of southern Etruria, at the boundary between southern and northern Etruria, and to the west of the interior of central Etruria. Throughout the first millennium BC the valley was culturally and politically a part of Etruria and so occupied by the ethnic group called the ‘Etruscans’. Such a statement might seem unproblematic and even banal, however it requires some examination here, since the archaeological communities who were inhabitants of the Albegna Valley will have formed a part of the overarching archaeological community we call the ‘Etruscans’.

1 Essential Albegna Valley bibliography, Attolini & Perkins 1992; Carandini et al. 2002; Perkins 1991; 1999; 2000; Perkins & Walker 1990.

2 3

109

Lawrence 1972, 15. Banks 1996, 130, summarizing Smith’s 1986 concept of ethnie.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Etruscans as an ethnic group is not particularly controversial, and all elements of this list will find a resonance in Etruscology, but it is a definition largely based upon linguistic, territorial and literary (both Greek and Latin) evidence. There are many artefacts which may be identified as Etruscan but Etruscan material culture is far from uniform, and ‘Etruscan’ is not a cultural descriptor which is simply defined by the presence or absence of selected element of material culture.

Canuto and Yaeger, which was one of the stimuli for this paper. In their introduction the editors survey the development of the archaeology of communities in the New World, characterizing the developing definitions of community as starting from a structural-functionalist stance which sees community as a ‘natural social entity’. This view was challenged in the 1950’s by a ‘historicaldevelopmental’ perspective that saw communities as shaped by external and historical factors, and this in its turn has been modified by ‘ideational approaches’ which place emphasis upon how individuals shape their own identities that inform their inclusion or separation from a community. The fourth theoretical position – and the one that informs the agenda of the editors – is the ‘interactional approach’ which sees community as created by the relationships, interactions and practices of community members, and therefore community is socially constituted.7 These four theoretical positions are discussed by Yaeger and Canuto as if they fall into an evolutionary developmental sequence, yet it is by no means clear that each new theoretical position completely supersedes the range and explanatory potential of its predecessor. The authors also identify that the notion of community as an ephemeral socially constituted entity makes it difficult to distinguish from other entities such as the ethnic group,8 and this proximity is reflected in the attention paid above to the concept of ethnicity in Etruscan studies. The notion of community promoted by Yaeger and Canuto is made distinctive by the fact that it ‘de-emphasizes the logic of community identity’ the logic being, for example the characteristics of an ethnie listed above, and that it ‘focuses instead on the communal aspect of interaction and identity formation’. The intention is not to displace ethnicity as a manifestation of community but rather to indicate that shared ethnicity may be conceived as an instance of a community (i.e. those that share an ethnic identity), and that community may also be manifested in other forms of situated interaction. Such communities may well be based upon intangible essential characteristics and so may be termed ‘imagined communities’. This concept derives from Gellner’s (1983) and Anderson’s (1983) work on nationalism, and the imagination they describe operates in a modern world where sacred communities have declined and education, literacy and the printing press provide widespread and efficient means of communication at the level of the state (Banks 1996, 127). Furthermore, the imagination of Anderson’s communities is necessary because individuals in such communities do not know of their fellow members in a community at the scale of a nation. We should be cautious about accepting such a notion at the level of the state in the pre-modern world, but perhaps acknowledge its potential as an theoretical tool in smaller units of social organization, such as the Archaic state, city or village. The imagined community is enthusiastically used

On ethnic and territorial grounds it is possible to identify the people living in the Albegna Valley as Etruscans, but it is also possible to be more precise. Latin sources divide Etruscans (the nomen Etruscum) into the duodecim populi Etruriae, the 12 peoples of Etruria, and these populi are equated with city states.4 Etruscan archaeology is still firmly rooted in the traditions of culture-historical archaeology,5 which was the prevalent theoretical context and form of discourse when Etruscology emerged as a distinct branch of archaeology in the central decades of the 20th century. And so, the city states or populi are frequently associated with patterns which might be discernible in the variations in material culture, for example artefacts or tomb types are regularly related to the territories of Etruscan cities. This tendency to consider Etruscan culture as articulated into city-state territories is so deep-rooted that it forms an unquestioned assumption in Etruscology. It springs from a long tradition: ancient sources speak of Etruscans by referring to their city of origin, and two particularly influential accounts based upon this fundamental articulation of Etruscan culture are Dennis 1878 which describes and characterizes Etruria city by city and Pallottino 1939 which identifies some cities as centres of innovation interacting with other more retarded centres; the standard accounts typically have a topographical section organized by city.6 Therefore current archaeology identifies a level of community which is a correlate of the city, largely on the basis of literary sources but with some support from artefact distributions, and operates within the established tradition of a people living in city-states. THE NATURE OF COMMUNITIES The discussion so far has considered an archaeological community as a group of individuals defined by shared ethnic factors. Yet this is not the only possible means of defining a community: an archaeological a community may also be conceived of in different – if related – terms. The archaeology of communities in the New World has been investigated in a collection of papers edited by 4 Torelli 1985; Colonna 2000; Perkins 2000. The authority for this is largely Roman usage in describing the political divisions of Etruria, for example by Livy on individual cities fighting Rome, or Pliny in his description of Etruria (N.H. III. v. 51-2). Further support is provided by the pattern of assignation to Roman voting tribes of the Etruscans following the Roman conquest (Torelli 1985) which follows the geographical logic of large city-state territories. 5 Trigger 1989, 148-206. 6 E.g. Palottino 1984, 263-300; Banti 1973, 37-178.

7 Summarizing the summary of Yaeger & Canuto 2000, 2-3, who provide a bibliography and details of the proponents of each position. 8 Yaeger & Canuto 2000, 6-7.

110

PHIL PERKINS: WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY? approach may be mapped onto the first ‘community in the heart’ and the ‘ideational’ or ‘interactional’ approaches onto the second ‘community in the head’. Yet all the four evolutionary stages identified by Canuto and Yaeger also fall readily into the third category since they are archaeological constructs developed to understand external communities – out there in the past. The three part model outlined here has the advantage of encompassing the evolutionary model and also spanning from the emic (internally generated by a past society) to the etic (externally imposed by us) definitions and manifestations of community.

by Isbell (2000) in the final chapter of the Canuto and Yaeger volume to explore the strengths and weaknesses of the other contributions in the volume and to highlight the archaeological insights the concept can provide. LOCATIONS OF COMMUNITY Canuto and Yaeger see the imagined community as a key part of their interactional approach to the understanding of archaeological communities. However, rather than accept the evolutionary history of the study of community put forward by Canuto and Yaeger, the issues can be realigned into a broader scheme of anthropological investigation. Taking a model developed in analysis of the closely related area of ethnicity rooted in the notion of personal identity (Banks 1996), community may be considered as being located in a range of conceptual spaces in relation to the subject of investigation/social actor or agent and the observer – i.e. the archaeologist. The theoretical division of the various possible manifestations of community characterizes community as being located either 1) within the subject/actor and may be termed ‘community in the heart’, 2) without the subject/actor and so a mental construct of their own – ‘community in the head’ or 3) without the subject/actor but a mental construct of an observer – ‘community in the archaeologist’s head’ (summarized in Fig. 2).

There is a difficulty in discussing Etruscan communities defined in emic terms since there is very little evidence for how the Etruscans defined their own communities – most of the written evidence is clearly etic, written down by Greeks and Romans and often stressing their difference from the Etruscans rather than analysing Etruscan systems. However the slight evidence there is provides a second hand report that the Etruscans called themselves Rasna, although we cannot be sure quite how limits were applied to that reported ethonym. Beyond that, the names of cities occasionally form a component of personal names, for example in the Tomba François,9 however these do not necessarily indicate membership of a civic community. Linguistic evidence for a potential emic comunity is spura = civitas = state or the meθlum = urbs = city, which have been identified in the liber linteus of Zagreb. Although the semantic ranges of the terms do not certainly include the community embodied in the state, as they do in Latin, the terms do provide a linguistic correlate for the city sites, and so might also provide a basis for associating city site and community.10 This hesitant association is precisely that rejected by Yaeger and Canuto (2000, 3) as part of the ‘culture-historical paradigm’, but it is nevertheless the closest we have to an Etruscan emic community. The following sections will now investigate how these theoretical locations of community may be applied to the Etruscans in the Albegna Valley by considering archaeological formulations of community which must be used because the literary sources do not provide sure evidence of the communities in the Valley. Pliny, writing long after the Roman conquest provides the information that the inhabitants of Saturnia in the upper valley were previously called Aurini, which could potentially provide a name for a community settled at the Etruscan minor centre,11 but it provides no more than the name, location and association (in the Roman mind at least) of a nucleated settlement with named community. There is doubt about the name and status of the largest (240 ha) site in the valley. Indirect evidence suggests it may have been called Caletra or Kalousion but there is no

Fig. 2. Locations of community all of which are set in landscapes (adapted from Banks 1996, 187, fig. 1). This model works at a variety of levels, both descriptive and analytic. The community in the heart is close to the primordialist or ‘natural’ understanding of ethnicity and communities whereas the community in the head is close to Anderson’s imagined communities, yet the community in the archaeologists head is a reminder that many, if not all, of the archaeological manifestations of community are based on observations, deductions and interpretations of the analyst and as such are tools for understanding rather than autonomous facts. The structural-functionalist

9

Buranelli 1987. Colonna 1988, 15-44. 11 N.H. III. v. 52. 10

111

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI certainty.12 In archaeological terms its size is consonant with the other city sites in Etruria, yet the lack of evidence for extensive suburban cemeteries, and for a preceding Villanovan settlement at the site has made some scholars reluctant to ascribe to it the status of city.13 The lack of a name and of a history as well as innate conservatism have led some scholars to suggest that it was a colonial and subordinate centre to Vulci, the Etruscan city to the south of the valley.14 This uncertainty about the status of the central place in the valley, and the lack of external evidence provide an opportunity for the application of theoretical models to investigate the Etruscan communities in the area. A first consideration is the question of scale.

Fig. 3 Estimated population in settlement types.

POPULATION, SCALE AND SETTLEMENTS

settlements (villages) are located in areas distant from the larger nucleated settlements.16 This structured distribution of population provides a diverse context for interaction between individuals and communities at a variety of scales – both in the size of communities and in their geographical proximity or distance. These communities might also interact with their neighbours outside of the survey area, the cities of Vulci, Chiusi, Roselle and Vetulonia for example. This geometry and structure in the settlement pattern may also reflect the structure of the economic communities in the valley since the c. 10 km spacing of centres has been observed in other geographical studies and interpreted as the maximum economic distance to transport produce to a market.17 Thus the settlement pattern may be a product of the economic range of communities, suggesting in turn that agricultural market functions may be a constituent factor of community relationships. We may therefore hypothesize an agricultural community geographically centred on nucleated settlements, with boundaries set by distance and held together by the need to exchange surplus produce from different agricultural regimes.

Field survey evidence has been used to reconstruct the size and dynamics of population in the Albegna valley (Fig. 3). This provides a means of estimating the potential size of communities in the area. These estimates provide an overall magnitude of the community in the tens of thousands in the valley. If we make the correlation between social and spatial units of analysis (i.e. site = community, (Yaeger & Canuto 2000, 9-12) the largest community settlement at Doganella has less than 8,000 members, the four minor centre communities less than 500 and the villages and farms fewer still, ending with the assumption that a farm housed a single nuclear family. Here then, there is potential for community, forming interaction at scales from a family farm, where we might expect a ‘community of the heart’ to the city where an imagined ‘community of the head’ may have been located. The scale of these settlement based communities is then rather small, and the figure also shows how it may vary through time both in size and distribution through the various settlement types. If the same calculations are applied to the city of Vulci with it’s area of 120 ha. the population estimate would be half that of Doganella or c. 4,000 inhabitants.15 This contrast in the potential size of the communities in the two cities, derived from their surface areas, takes no account of the potential variation in settlement density at the sites (which is not currently estimable at Vulci), but it controversially suggests the scale the communities at Doganella was potentially considerably larger than those at Vulci.

The places occupied by the communities are not only sited with reference to one another but their locations are also correlated with features of the landscape. Analysis of the relationships between site locations and the landscape factors of geology, elevation, slope and aspect demonstrates a range of positive and negative correlations between the variables. Mapping the areas of land where landscape factors are positively correlated with site locations visualizes the areas in the valley that were preferentially selected for settlements and so illustrates the areas of the valley where the population chose to live (Fig. 4).18 Thus the landscape may be seen as playing a role in the definition and distribution of communities at the general level. At the particular level individual settlements can also be seen as occupying distinctive locations in the landscape. Talamonaccio, Ghiaccio Forte and Saturnia are all located on hilltops which overlook the surrounding territory, Orbetello is at the head of a spit

At a regional scale communities may also be conceived as existing at the level of the landscape unit, perhaps a correlate to the city-state territory. The regional survey in the Albegna valley shows the region to have a structured distribution of the settlement hierarchy. With a single city and 4 minor centres regularly distributed through the surveyed area at c. 10 km intervals, and the small rural 12

Michelucci 1984, 391; Perkins & Walker 1990, 75-6. For the archaeological evidence from the city see Perkins & Walker 1990; Michelucci 1984. 14 Michelucci 1985a; Colonna 2000, 30. 15 Pacciarelli 1991; for methodology of calculation Perkins 1999, 165167. 13

16

Perkins 1999, 57-61. Haggett et al. 1977, 126-32; Hodder & Orton 1976, 57-60. 18 Perkins 1999, 40-55. 17

112

PHIL PERKINS: WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY? in the centre of a coastal lagoon. The city of Doganella has a less obviously distinctive location but it does lie on a distinct Pleistocene terrace and has far reaching views both across the low-lying valley bottom and to the locations of the minor settlements in the lower valley.

interaction between the community and the landscape. It also logically implies that some form of community existed when the settlement pattern was developing and that the settlement pattern was to some extent planned to fulfil the needs of the communities who occupied the valley.20 THE COMMUNITY OF THE DEAD If interaction between living individuals can create a community, interaction between the living and the dead can also form communities. The first location of community, ‘in the heart’, tends to see community as a permanent and fundamental aspect of human identity and is a distinctly primordialist notion. The clearest manifestation of this kind of community is found in genetically related individuals – the family, extended family and in etruscological terms the gentilicial group, often referred to as a clan, (i.e. a group of people with a common ancestor) which as such is embodied by active relationships between the living and the dead. Such family groupings may be identified in Etruria from funerary inscriptions and onomastics of the Archaic and later periods which frequently record close family relationships of husband/wife, parent/child. In some later cases fragmentary genealogies can be reconstructed. However this level of detail has not been found in the Albegna Valley where epigraphic evidence is rare in cemeteries. A necessary proxy for social organization and community is therefore evidence from the organization and distribution of burial grounds.

Fig. 4. Areas in the Albegna valley with a positive correlation between landscape features and settlement pattern. These general and particular features of the landscape may be used as the basis for establishing a theoretical territory for the communities embodied in the settlement pattern. Various elements of the landscape may be isolated as contributing to the definition of the territory, for example distance from a nucleated settlement, or the distribution of slopes – which has implications for the economic cost incurred by travelling or transporting goods across a landscape. Equally the drainage basins, or altitude or locations of neighbouring large settlements may each contribute to the shaping of a territory. Taken together these factors may be combined to identify a region, approximately coterminous with the Albegna basin, which may be claimed as a territory within which the communities operated and also formed the territory of the largest community, the city situated at Doganella.19 This is not a simplistic geographical determination of the territory of a community since the correlation between the settlement pattern and the landscape and its structured distribution indicates that the communities in the valley located their settlements with an understanding of the landscape, and that the series of choices made when determining a settlement location are the result of an active discrimination and ordering of the landscape. And thus the settlement pattern in the valley is a product of the

Clusters of a fossa burials (inhumations in graves), best illustrated by the cemetery at Marsiliana in the lower Albegna Valley and in use for c. 200 years from 750-550 BC21, could indicate the burials of related individuals. There is no proof of genetic or social relationships between individuals buried close to one another but the deliberate placement of burials close to one another indicates that proximity in death and respect of earlier burials had at least some significance to the burying community. At Marsiliana the earliest burials were cremations a pozzo (in a pit) these were followed by individual inhumation burials a fossa. These burials may have been marked at the ground surface since the fill of the grave cut was commonly river pebbles. Some of the burials were certainly marked by a circle of stones, presumably the base for tumulus, a tradition also attested at Vetulonia, and such tumuli would have formed a landscape feature themselves. In some cases multiple individual inhumations were found within a single circle, a further indication of some form of community existing between the deceased. Later, the burial rite changed and individual inhumations were superseded by multiple inhumations in constructed chambers under tumuli. The 20

The possibility that there was a political motivation to the settlement has been suggested with reference to a colonization of the area by Vulci (Camporeale 1977; Colonna 1977; 2000; Cristofani 1977), this notion is beyond the scope of this paper, but I hope to address it elsewhere. 21 Minto 1921; Michelucci 1985b.

19

But note that the sampled survey area was also defined with reference to the Albegna drainage basin and so attempts to claim the valley as an ancient territory, derived form the survey evidence alone are effectively circular arguments.

113

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 1982, 52-70) indicating both the long term survival of the burying community and a stability in burial ritual. The transition from individual inhumations to communal burials presumably indicates a shift in commemoration practice from an emphasis on individual status to the expression of group or small community membership. The change in burial practice may be associated with the emergence of a community identity which was commemorated rather than an individual identity. This might be interpreted as a development of communities ‘in the head’.

criteria used to admit an individual to a shared chamber are unknown, but their use may well reflect a permanence of settlement location, with the chambers serving as a repository for the remains of socially or genetically related individuals, for example spouses or descendents who will have died at different times, but remained within the same community using the cemetery. The Marsiliana burials a fossa were used by a community to bury its dead but burial ritual differentiated between individuals through the use of grave goods which range from burials with minimal grave goods through to ‘princely’ burials with gold, silver and chariots under a tumulus. The tombs express a range of social activities and statuses in the choice of grave goods: the warrior with gold or silver jewellery, chariot or banqueting equipment for males, and the non-warrior but again with gold, silver, chariot or banqueting equipment, these are most likely female burials (Perkins 1999, figs 4.3.3. and 4.3.7). Onomastic evidence from this cemetery is limited to a fragmentary inscription ‘mi ara … etainas’ and so of no use in identifying a community. Overall, burial in the nucleated cemetery can be taken as indicative of membership of a community of some type. It seems highly likely that the cemetery was used by a small gentilitial group settled in the Albegna Valley and the nucleated nature of the burials may suggest co-residence of the individuals in a nearby settlement. Calculations from the cemetery size suggest that such a settlement may have housed 14-24 individuals. If we assume that the grave goods express the social stratification of the community, the percentage of tombs with elite goods suggest 10% of the individuals – or one to two individuals per generation – constituted an elite of this community. Through the Orientalizing period this elite expressed their status through burial with chariots, banqueting equipment, gold, silver, ivory and no doubt other perishable grave goods.

In various parts of the valley, around Marsiliana, Magliano and Saturnia, these communal chamber tombs are found in clusters. These may represent the burial ground of more complex communities, possibly still of related individuals, but perhaps a community bound by ties that developed between gentilitial groups but were not solely based upon close kinship. The spatial distribution of the clusters suggests that their distribution may have been determined by territories of rural communities where they are not associated with nucleated centres. These larger scale cemeteries may combine different forms of community with individual chambers representing communities ‘of the heart’ and the cemetery as a whole representing a differently constituted community ‘of the head’. MATERIAL COMMUNITIES A further means of defining communities is to consider the use and distribution of material culture and to identify as a community, groups who both produce and choose to use similar material culture. Such a definition of culture lies between community in the head and community in the archaeologist’s head since the material world forms a part of the habitus of communities,22 but typically it is the archaeologist who ascribes significance to an item or assemblage of material culture. Thus the communities in the Albegna Valley share with other Etruscans in their use of impasto, bucchero, and dark red coarse wares for example – a distinctive Etruscan set of ceramic material culture in the Orientalizing and Archaic periods at least. This may be seen as a high level of homologous habitus forming a manifestation of community visible in material culture. Assemblages of other ceramics such as fine creamware and amphorae made at Doganella have a more local distribution yet their shapes, despite their local characteristics, fit easily in to the broader range of Etruscan ceramics. These more locally distributed artefacts may be seen as an expression of smaller scale local communities made manifest in their material culture. Attempts such as this to define communities in terms of material culture assemblages are working very close to the formulation of archaeological cultures as defined by Childe as groups sharing the same traits in

The cessation of the individual rich inhumations in the cemetery has in the past been taken as evidence of social change – or even military conquest. However, the presence of later chamber tombs in the same necropolis indicates a degree of social continuity, even if material wealth deposited in tombs becomes more modest in the communal burials. A nearby tumulus outside of the cemetery displays a high level of continuity with three inhumations and a chamber tomb under the same tumulus. This evidence indicates that a change in burial rite need not indicate discontinuity in the burying community. What has clearly changed is the expression of an elite status in burial through the deposition of Orientalizing luxuries and symbols of rank. The later chamber tomb burials do not express rank in the same way as the earlier individual inhumations. The chamber tomb becomes the most common form of burial in the area, and in some other parts of the valley the chambers are marked by tumuli. They presumably indicate the burial place of related individuals and some of the chambers were in use for over 200 years (e.g. Michelucci

22 See introduction to this section by Peter van Dommelen, Fokke Gerritsen and A. Bernard Knapp.

114

PHIL PERKINS: WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY? their material culture.23 As well as designing and producing their own material culture, acquiring goods from external sources might also perform a role in defining or expressing participation in communities. Such exchange might be mediated through settlements acting as market centres, as demonstrated with the amphorae produced at Doganella.24 As a result we might expect some relationship between community manifested in settlement patterns and community manifested in trade. Looking further afield, at Marsiliana the high status tombs contained Orientalizing artefacts originating from both other parts of Etruria and more distant areas which demonstrate that the elite participated in the panMediterranean Orientalizing phenomenon. At one level this may be considered as participating in a trading community which linked producer, trader and consumer (further discussed below). At another level the values and status that the elite were able to project and propagate through their use and display of artefacts influenced by Orientalizing styles is paralleled in other parts of Tyrrhenian Italy and this shared culture indicates that they were members of a community of Italic elites. The extent to which such a community was perceived of as unified by the contemporary elites themselves is debatable, even if, in the archaeological perspective, the elite may be seen as conforming to a widely distributed pattern of elite self-representation utilizing Orientalizing material culture.

analogous contexts in the different places. Similar arguments might be made using Syrian style ivories for example, where they are found in analogous burials. However, the difference and distance between the Orientalizing artefacts in Etruria and the areas of the eastern Mediterranean where they were produced form a more complicated case. Here the shared nature of the elite behaviour of banqueting with a more or less specific range of material culture and practices, represents a more diffuse sense of imagined community, whereby the values and constituents of the Etruscan elite culture become capable of being expressed in the selective adoption of elite practices from elsewhere – be it the Greek, Assyrian or Phoenician worlds. That is not to suggest that Etruscan elites became assimilated to Oriental elites, rather that elements of Etruscan community and culture were expressible in behaviour and practices learned and adapted from other communities. This Orientalizing community shared an aspect of being an imagined community since it was constituted of individuals unknown to one another, but sharing an identity, projected with reference to Orientalizing artefacts. In addition to defining communities by their use of material culture communities may also be constituted by trading networks. These might well overlap with other forms of community manifested in material culture, for example communities rooted in economic production and trading in staples. In the Albegna Valley the farmers producing wine were linked to the city at Doganella which is where the transport amphorae for containing the wine were produced.25 And amphora of a similar type were traded especially north and westwards into the Gulf of Lion.26 Evidence of metal smelting and working from Fonteblanda, the emporion serving the city at Doganella, has recently indicated links between the coastal area of the valley an the ore extraction activities on the island of Elba.27 The settlement there, along with Doganella has also yielded fragments of transport amphora originating from Phoenicia and Eastern Greek areas. These are examples of artefacts which enable the reconstruction of trading networks which would have been enacted by individuals who together would have formed a community of producers, traders, shippers and consumers. In the Archaic period this trading community operated through liminal settlements typically with a port, trading, manufacturing and sacred function: the emporion. In the Albegna Valley an emporion at Talamonaccio / Fonteblanda formed a part of the settlement pattern, here there is evidence of trade, manufacture and worship in the context of a port area. Trading communities might be located ‘in the head’ or ‘in the archaeologist’s head’ yet they also existed in the form of contacts and exchange between a network of individuals who constituted a real community. The

Typically, in Etruscan studies, perceived patterning in material culture or identification of externally produced artefacts is interpreted as areas of ‘influence’ of individual production centres – usually equated with urban centres. Such patterning is usually interpreted in terms of political territories or as a result of trade. It is also often interpreted in terms of cultural influence, acculturation or at least cultural development, particularly when it involves the distribution of Greek artefacts, and in these cases it is specified as being ‘Hellenization.’ Such interpretations are commonplaces in Etruscology, however a more active role may be ascribed to both the material culture and those people producing and using it, if it is interpreted with reference to communities, as outlined here. In this way the similarity of tumulus types and the presence of artefacts from Vetulonia in tombs at Marsiliana are not indicative of influence of Vetulonia over Marsiliana or even political control, it is rather the case that the communities at Marsiliana and Vetulonia had a sufficiently homologous habitus, values and social structure to use artefacts in similar ways. Thus a bronze censer of a type found in ‘princely’ tombs at both sites speaks strongly of a similar habitus – use, practices, values etc. in the two communities at separate places. Processes of trade or ritual exchange may well have facilitated the transport of the artefact from one site to another, but without a sufficiently shared community in the head similar artefacts would not have been used in

25

Perkins 1999, 180-181. E.g. Gras 1985. 27 Ciampoltrini & Firmati in press.

23

26

Childe 1929, v-vi. 24 Perkins 1999, 180-181.

115

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI trading community facilitated exchange as well as forming a community itself that acted as the point of contact and interaction between communities constituted in other ways, for example by residence in different cities, and so may have contributed to the formation of still larger communities.

understandings, significations, determinants and creations, a community might produce or experience in a landscape. The title of this paper is in the form of a question. The answer, simply, is Etruscan archaeological communities. There are multiple communities observable in the valley. Communities of city dwellers, farmers, traders, religious devotees, ancestors and others were formed by practice and interaction in the landscape of the valley. Some may overlap and others may be exclusive: some may fragment the population yet other unite it into a single entity, the Archaic state.

RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES Etruscan religious sites in the Albegna valley are not well known. The spectacular temple pediment sculptures from Talamonaccio date from after the Roman conquest. No archaic temples are securely known, but antefixes from Fonteblanda, and architectural terracotta from Doganella are suggestive.28 The best evidence comes from the minor centre at Ghiaccioforte, in the centre of the valley. Here an archaic votive deposit was found and also later terracotta votives. These indicate a late Etruscan religious cult with a votive and curative element on the one hand, and an agricultural and regenerative cult on the other. Figurines of Selvans and Vei identify two cults practiced at the site. Anatomical votives including heads form an evocative image of the community who practiced their religion here.29 The community was presumably focused on the settlement but given the fact that the hill top site dominates the lower valley, the cult may well have drawn devotees from a large proportion of the Valley, and so played an important role in constituting an aspect of religious community in the valley.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, B., 1983. Imagined communities. London/New York. Attolini, I. & P. Perkins, 1992. The excavation of an Etruscan farm at Podere Tartuchino. Papers of the British School at Rome 60, 1-76. Banks, M., 1996. Ethnicity: anthropological constructions. London/New York. Banti, L., 1973. The Etruscan cities and their culture. London. Buranelli, F. (ed.), 1987. La Tomba François di Vulci : mostra organizzata in occasione del centocinquantesimo anniversario della fondazione del Museo gregoriano etrusco (1837-1987). Città del Vaticano. Camporeale, G., 1977. Cultura vulcente nell’Etruria centro-orientale, in: La civiltà arcaica di Vulci e la sua espansione, Atti del X convegno di studi etruschi e italici, Grosseto - Roselle - Vulci 1975. Florence, 226-237. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. London/New York. Cappelli, A., 1930. Rinvenimenti archeologici nell’impianto di una macchina idrovora a Bengodi. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, 300-301. Carandini, A., F. Cambi, M. Celuzza & E. Fentress (eds), 2002. Paesaggi d’Etruria. Valle dell’Albegna, Valle d’Oro, Valle del Chiarone, Valle del Tafone. Rome. Childe, V.G., 1929. The Danube in prehistory. Oxford. Ciampoltrini, G. & M. Firmati, in press. Il fabbro di Fonteblanda. Attività artigianale ed emporica nel Tirreno settentrionale del VI secolo a.C. (= Etruscan Studies). Colonna, G., 1977. La presenza di Vulci nella valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna prima del IV secolo a.C., in: La civiltà arcaica di Vulci e la sua espansione, Atti del X convegno di studi etruschi e italici, Grosseto - Roselle - Vulci 1975. Florence, 189-214. Colonna, G., 1988. Il lessico istituzionale etrusco e la formazione della città (specialmente in Emilia Romagna), in: La formazione della città in Emilia Romagna. Bologna.

COMMUNITIES AND CONCEPTUAL LANDSCAPES In addition to the theoretical location in the heart or the head, all forms of community considered here also have a geographical location and distribution. They are therefore linked to landscape, some in an active way – the farming communities develop, shape and maintain the structured landscape of fields, vineyards and olive groves. Others are linked in a symbolic way – monumental cemeteries create places in the landscape. Yet others are linked in a more passive way – sanctuaries take some of their significance from the natural configuration of land forms. Landscape too contributes to the conformation of communities, shaping the structure of the settlement pattern and providing various resources for communities to engage with. The term landscape may also be used in a more abstract way to describe the geographical conformation of burial grounds, thus there may be a landscape of the dead, or religious topography may be considered a landscape, as either the distribution of sanctuaries or as the manifestation of divine powers in different regions of the earth, thus Selvans safeguarding fertility on the hill of Ghiaccioforte in the centre of the valley.30 Together these relationships between communities and landscapes may be considered as conceptual landscapes – the accumulation of 28

Cappelli 1936; Perkins & Walker 1990, 47-48. Firmati & Rendini 2002, 90-104. 30 The ‘territories of grace’ of Horden & Purcell 2000, 403-460. 29

116

PHIL PERKINS: WHO LIVED IN THE ETRUSCAN ALBEGNA VALLEY? Colonna, G., 2000. The original features of the Etruscan peoples, in: M. Torelli (ed.), The Etruscans. London, 25-41. Cristofani, M., 1977. Problemi poleografici dell’Agro Cosano e Caletrano in età arcaica, in: La civiltà arcaica di Vulci e la sua espansione, Atti del X convegno di studi etruschi e italici, Grosseto - Roselle - Vulci 1975. Florence, 235-257. Firmati, M. & P. Rendini, 2002. Museo Archeologico Scansano. Siena. Gellner, E., 1983. Nations and nationalism. Oxford. Gras, M., 1985. Trafics Tyrrhéniens archaïques. ParisRome. Haggett, P., A.D. Cliff & A. Frey, 1977. Locational models. London. Horden, P. & N. Purcell, 2000. The corrupting sea. Oxford. Hodder, I. & C.R. Orton, 1976. Spatial analysis in archaeology. Cambridge. Isbell, W.H., 2000. What we should be studying: the ‘imagined community’ and the ‘natural community’, in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. London/New York, 243-266. Lawrence, D.H., 1972. Etruscan places. London. Michelucci, M., 1982. Saturnia, ricerche nell’area urbana e nella necropoli del Puntone. Pitigliano. Michelucci, M., 1984. Caletra, Καλου'σιον, Heba. Indagini sugli insediamenti etruschi nella bassa valle dell’Albegna, in: Studi di Antichità in onore di G. Maetzke 2. Roma, 377-392. Michelucci, M., 1985a. Doganella - Kalousion, in: A. Carandini (ed.), La romanizzazione dell’Etruria: il territorio di Vulci. Milan, 110-114. Michelucci, M., 1985b. Marsiliana d’Albegna: tomba degli Avori, in: M. Cristofani (ed), Civiltà degli etruschi. Milan, 95-100. Minto, A., 1921. Marsiliana d’Albegna. Florence. Pacciarelli, M., 1991. Ricerche topografiche a Vulci: dati e problemi relativi all’origine delle città mediotirreniche. Studi Etruschi 56, 11-48. Palottino, M., 1984. Etruscologia. Milan. Perkins, P., 1991. Cities, cemeteries and rural settlements of the Albegna valley and Ager Cosanus in the Orientalizing and Archaic periods, in: E. Herring, R. Whitehouse & J. Wilkins (eds), Papers of the Fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology, Vol. 1. London, 135-144. Perkins, P., 1999. Etruscan settlement, society and material culture in Central coastal Etruria. Oxford. Perkins, P., 2000. Urbanisation, settlement, burial and people in the Albegna Valley, in: E. Herring & K. Lomas (eds), The emergence of state identities in Italy in the first millennium BC (= Accordia specialist studies on Italy, 8). London, 91-108. Perkins, P. & L. Walker, 1990. Field survey of the Etruscan city at Doganella. Papers of the British School at Rome 58, 1-144. Smith, A.D., 1986. The ethnic origins of nations. Oxford.

Torelli, M., 1985. I duodecim populi Etruriae. Annali della fondazione per il Museo Claudio Faina 2, 3757. Trigger, B.G., 1989. A history of archaeological thought. Cambridge. Yaeger, J. & M.A. Canuto, 2000. Introducing an archaeology of communities, in: M.A. Canuto & J. Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. London/New York, 1-15.

117

PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES Corinna Riva Abstract: Studies on communities in antiquity have exclusively concentrated upon settlements that were either organized within an urban setting or around alternative forms of stable social organization. As regards pre-Roman Italy, considerable concern is now directed towards those marginal regions whose social and political organization does not easily compare with the better-known trajectory of development which took place in more ‘central’ areas like Etruria and Latium with the advance of urbanism. Iron Age societies of the Central Appennines have been at the centre of this concern. When talking about ‘community’, much less attention has been given to settlements or human groups that become communities for other reasons than stable political and social organization, such as, for instance, the control of passageways and trade routes. The uplands of Central Italy, both in Umbria and Picenum, saw a distinct upsurge in trans-Appennine communication during the Orientalizing period (8th and 7th centuries BC). This is mainly visible in the funerary record where imported objects and prestige goods indicate intense contacts between the Tyrrhenian and the Adriatic sides of Italy as well as increasing wealth and appropriation of surplus on the part of selected groups of individuals. The emergence of noteworthy burials on strategic points along these communication lines on the Appennine ridge between Umbria and Picenum during the 8th and 7th centuries BC offers the image of a community, seemingly fragmented across the mountainous landscape, yet united by surprisingly similar demands, tastes and ideological values other than simply profitable trading activities. The control of movement along these communication routes would have required a fairly good organization where military efficiency, combined with a dense network of relations and personal links, would have played a primary role. This promoted the development of a unique type of community that will be the focus of this paper.

Although studies on the Orientalizing period in Italy have recently shifted the focus of attention from artefacts and funerary contexts to other themes and contexts such as temples and houses,1 there seems to remain a remarkable lack of attention towards landscape or conceptions of landscape, a realm of research that has been widely explored in studies on antiquity. This is rather surprising for a period, the 8th and 7th centuries BC, in which claims are made for the emergence of urban centres.2 Exceptions are found elsewhere, in Greece, for example, most conspicuously with François de Polignac’s analysis of religious space and the formation of the polis.3 In Italy, similar studies are just in their infancy.4

to the sea-exposure to trade-accumulation of wealth’ is usually held as the essence of the Orientalizing period; urbanization, especially in Italy, is often assumed to stand at the end of this sequence as the only possible completed form of community. This is more or less the present dominant model for understanding these two centuries. Interaction is a concept that sums up the historical events of this period. In fact, interaction at a Mediterranean-wide scale with no real centre or periphery between east and west is a phrase, which, to some, should be used, and replace the problematic term ‘Orientalizing’.7 Some regions, however, do not seem to fit this picture entirely. One such case is Picenum, lacking the main condition of ‘Orientalizing’ that this model advocates, that is, exposure to the sea. Picenum, roughly corresponding with the modern region of the Marche, is indeed exposed to the sea: it faces the Adriatic on its eastern side where the landscape is hilly and easy to access. By contrast, the western side bordering Umbria lies in the Central Appennines, and is characterized by a fractured landscape where high mountain ranges make communication difficult and only possible along river valleys (Fig. 1).8 When they reach the highest peaks near Umbria these valleys are sometimes extremely narrow, and allow passage to the other side of the Apennines through very constricted mountain passes. However, during the 8th and 7th centuries BC, it is exactly in this mountainous and fragmented landscape, not along the coast, that we see the spread of an Orientalizing material culture. The event is strikingly immediate. In the preceding 9th century BC and up to the beginning of the 8th century BC, Adriatic coastal sites, particularly, Novilara, Numana, Ancona and Fermo, developed and

Besides urbanization, cultural interaction at a Mediterranean-wide level, accumulation of wealth, the emergence of élites, and hence increasing social differentiation are momentous historical phenomena of the Orientalizing period in Italy: scholars usually use the phrase ‘Orientalizing phenomenon’ or ‘Orientalizing movement’ to describe all this.5 Direct exposure to the sea is held as common denominator to these historical developments. This is true for Central Italy and its Tyrrhenian coastal regions as well as for other Mediterranean areas, the Aegean and south west Iberia where we also detect manifestation of the Orientalizing phenomenon and urbanization.6 The sequence ‘exposure 1 Most notably, Satricum (Bouma et al. 1995), Ficana, Poggio Civitate and Acquarossa (Torelli 2000 with previous bibliography). See also other specific contributions in this volume. 2 The literature is immense. Ampolo 1988 and d’Agostino 1995 both with some key references. 3 De Polignac 1995; and De Polignac 1998. 4 Zifferero 1991 for Etruria; Cuozzo 1994 for Pontecagnano. 5 Most recently, Dore et al. 2000; Prayon & Röllig 2000 and, in particular, Naso 2000b. Both volumes offer extensive bibliographic references on the topic. 6 Aubet Semmler 1984; Fernández Jurado 1989 on Iberia; Snodgrass 1980; Hägg 1983; Morris 1999 on the Aegean; Riva forthcoming.

7 As advocated by Nicholas Purcell during a symposium held in Oxford in September 2002 on Orientalization. 8 Persi 1987.

118

CORINNA RIVA: PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES

Fig. 1. Map of Le Marche with Picene sites mentioned in the text. became large settlement-necropolis complexes.9 Some of these, such as Ancona, Novilara and Fermo are comparable, in terms of size and complexity, to the protourban centres of the Tyrrhenian coast, the future Etruscan city-states.10 Towards the last decades of the 8th and during the 7th centuries BC, we witness an important shift: coastal sites contracted, and Appenninic sites flourished on nodal points of communication with the Tyrrrhenian side of Central Italy.11 Rather than pointing to a break with earlier periods, this indicates a distinct upsurge in trans-Appennine communication coinciding with the beginning of the Orientalizing period.12

Picenum shows groups of settlements scattered along river valleys. Such a system persisted until the Roman period, and the landscape remained structured according to a settlement system of tribal character (sistema paganico-vicanico).14 How has all this been interpreted? Scholars have explained it in almost diffusionist terms:15 the Orientalizing phenomenon originated and developed in more advanced Tyrrhenian coastal regions, Etruria, Latium and Campania, that were in contact with the Phoenicians and the Greeks, and was then transmitted to other more peripheral areas of Central Italy such as Picenum where élite demands for an Orientalizing culture occurred within a social context of tribal systems or chiefdoms. Trade, it is argued, was the main medium of transmission. Hence, the shift in development from the coast to inland sites.

The second element that Picenum lacks in fulfilling the model for the Orientalizing phenomenon is urbanization. The coastal centres shrank at a crucial moment when they were about to become proto-cities, yet mountainous sites never became true central places, a starting point on the path to urbanism.13 The evidence so far known in inland

If we can take this interpretation as valid as far as the available evidence is concerned, there are several problems with it. Firstly and most evidently, an evolutionary view of society still looms over Italian proto-history: the trajectory tribe and chiefdom to city and state is still the underlying assumption, shed of its New Archaeology jargon, yet wanting in historical

9

Massei & Traina 1984; Marchegiani & Luni 1993; Sensi 1993; Landolfi 1999b; Drago Troccoli 1999; Baldelli 1999b; Naso 2000, 4587. 10 Fermo is a unique case (Baldelli 1999a, 56). 11 As Naso points out (2000, 52-53), lack of evidence for inland sites of early Iron Age date may be due to lack of research in inland areas. 12 This does not imply lack of continuity of occupation at coastal sites such as Ancona and Numana. During the 6th century the shift of focus moves once again, from inland to the coast, following growing Greek trading interests within the Adriatic sea. 13 Naso 2000, 93-94.

14 15

119

Gabba 1978; Biocco 2000, 26. Landolfi 1999a, 98; Naso 2000, 96-100.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI last decades of the 8th century BC.23 By contrast, in Umbria, the earliest chariot burials are dated to the 6th century BC: Todi, Castel San Mariano near Perugia, and Monteleone di Spoleto.24 The only exception is the 7thcentury BC warrior grave at Villa Fabbrecce near Città di Castello, but this burial is particular for other reasons too. Unlike many 7th-century BC chariot burials that are characterized by wealthy goods and ostentatious imports, the Villa Fabbrecce burial is a typical Iron Age warrior cremation burial, denoting an individual of high status. As well as the chariot, the grave-goods include local impasto pottery, bronze imports from Vetulonia, several iron objects such as horse-bits, arrowheads, knife and nails.25 More importantly, this burial is situated along the high Tiber valley, another communication route linking Picenum with inland northern Etruria and its metal district of Vetulonia and Populonia. Interestingly, the deceased warrior was buried with a Picene helmet as part of his armour.26 Another Picene helmet of early Orientalizing date was found in a northern Etruscan funerary context dated to the end of the 8th century BC, at Casa Nocera, the necropolis of the northern Etruscan settlement of Casale Marittimo near Volterra.27 The helmet came from a chariot burial (Tomb A) that also contained a silver comb fibula, similar to the one imported from Etruria and found in a chariot burial at Fabriano in Picenum.28 Further evidence linking Casale Marittimo with Picenum is provided by two monumental full relief stone statues found at Casa Nocera, the earliest examples found in Etruria so far, and with striking parallels to the funerary sculpture from Numana and Capestrano in Picenum.29

nuances. It also advocates a priori a centre-periphery model: Etruria and the Tyrrhenian side of the peninsula is the centre, Umbria and, even more, Picenum, the periphery. More specifically, it is legitimate to ask about the items of exchange in trade relations with Etruria. If the Etruscans were giving Picene élites Orientalizing goods, imports both from Etruria and elsewhere, what were Picene élites offering as trade objects? Trade was probably also stimulated by Picene élites’ search for raw material, particularly metal, either towards Etruria or closer to home, in Umbria.16 We may presume that Picene élites exchanged other types of raw material such as amber, or archaeologically invisible goods such as slaves and mercenary soldiers.17 Some Picene imports are found in Tyrrhenian Italy,18 but these hardly reveal a complete picture as far as traded goods are concerned. Secondly, this interpretation does not explain certain subtleties that occur in the archaeological record of this period. Perhaps, the most notable one is that ostentation of wealth in funerary contexts, a prominent aspect of the Orientalizing phenomenon, occurred so suddenly and remarkably early in inland Picenum, yet it seems to have happened slightly later in Umbria, which is an obligatory intermediary in the contacts between the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic sides of Central Italy. In Umbria, ostentation of wealth timidly appears in necropoleis towards the middle of the 7th century BC, but it really happens from the end of the 6th century BC when wine-drinking vessels began to be deposited along with banqueting equipment in tombs. The rich Umbrian necropolis of Plestia at Colfiorito di Foligno was located along an important transappenninic route: here, the earliest princely burials marking the apogee of funerary ostentation of wealth are dated to the 6th century BC.19

In contrast to Umbria, Picenum is slowly emerging as not only a region with a high concentration of chariot burials, but also with some of the earliest examples of chariot burial so far known in Central Italy. This may throw into question the assumption that the custom of depositing chariots in wealthy graves was an Etruscan custom adopted by other Italic élites as often postulated for Umbria where chariot burials are slightly later in date. Naturally, the archaeological evidence discussed so far does not imply that Picenum bypassed Umbria in its relations with Etruria. Exchange between the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian coasts necessarily had to go through Umbria, and Picene objects in 7th-century BC burials in Umbria, as well as sporadic finds, are evidence of this.30

Besides those objects that are considered as typical accoutrements of Orientalizing princely burials such as ivories and bronze drinking vessels and that appear in Picenum in substantial numbers,20 this contrast between Umbria and Picenum is even more evident if we look at chariot burials, a prominent burial custom that we can firmly link to the Orientalizing phenomenon in Central Italy.21 Chariot burials are widely spread in Tyrrhenian Italy, particularly in Etruria and Latium where they appeared remarkably early.22 However, they also appeared in Picenum for the first time during the same decades. At Matelica, in the upper Esino valley, the earliest chariot burial (Villa Clara) has been dated to the

23

De Marinis & Silvestrini 1999a; and de Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b. Torelli 1982. Bonamici 1997 for Monteleone di Spoleto; Feruglio 1997 for Castel San Mariano. Emiliozzi 1999, 319 places Castel San Mariano within the group of Etruscan Tyrrhienian burials, and Monteleone di Spoleto within the group of Sabine burials. 25 Von Duhn 1924, 187-188; Woytowitsch 1978, no. 102; Roncalli 1988, 401. 26 Romualdi 1989, 50. 27 Esposito 1999, 52; and Esposito 2000. 28 Marconi 1933, 299-311; Baldelli 1985; Esposito 1999, 51, fig. 42. 29 Esposito 1999, 39; Colonna 1999. 30 For example, evidence from the Fabbrecce burial and from Colfiorito di Foligno (Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 59-79). 24

16 At Monteleone di Spoleto, Sigillo and Gualdo Tadino where sources for metal are found (Zifferero 1999, 111-112). 17 Percossi Serenelli 1981. For mercenary soldiers in Etruria see Tagliamonte 1994, 61-62. 18 For example, at the sanctuary of Santa Cecilia in Anagnia near Palestrina (Gatti & Stella 1993, 74). 19 Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 81-95. 20 For example, the ivories from Castelbellino and Belmonte Piceno (Rocco 1999). 21 Riva 2004. 22 Colonna 1997.

120

CORINNA RIVA: PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES There must be another angle through which we can interpret this material and the peculiar interaction pattern that it reflects. Perhaps we ought to shift our focus: instead of simply dealing with the Orientalizing phenomenon and urbanization, we ought to explore various aspects of this particular period related to the issues of communities and landscape. Recent studies on anthropological and social concepts of community in archaeology have attempted to pin down features that characterize communities.31 In doing this, such studies have advocated an ‘interactionalist’ model of community whereby the focus of interest becomes “… the relationship between the interactions that occur in a given space and the sense of shared identity that both fosters and is fostered by these interactions”.32 The evidence that I have illustrated so far may fit this way of conceptualising community. I suggest four main aspects highlighting the nature of communities in Picenum, and which can be incorporated in this interactionalist model. Firstly, interpersonal relations among élite groups, and the role that such relations must have played, especially among geographically close Picene centres, in building up a sense of community which also underlines the protocities of Tyrrhenian Italy, a microcosmos of a larger network of aristocratic friendship. This may partly explain the reasons for trade relations with Etruria. Secondly, the organization necessary for the manufacturing of products that imitated imported objects so suddenly and at a very early date presupposes a welldefined, centralized community with its own social and economic distinct groups. Thirdly, the efficient military organization required for the control of communication routes. Fourthly and finally, the location of these inland Picene communities within the wider geographical context of Central Italy. Although located inland, Picene communities had complete access to the coastal area east of the Appennines as well as to the Tyrrhenian side via Umbria. This may partly explain the differences noted above between the archaeological record of Orientalizing Umbria and Picenum, and the prominence of élite communities in inland Picenum over Umbrian communities. Wedged between Etruria and Picenum, its outside links on the western and eastern sides respectively, Umbria had no direct maritime outlet to exploit in its trading activities with the outside. By contrast, the rich quantity of ivory finds in Picenum is perhaps a reflection of Picenum’s two-sided openness. Manufactured by Eastern craftsmen and artists, these ivory objects are now increasingly argued to be important evidence for direct contacts with the East Mediterranean through the Adriatic Sea, rather than indirect contacts via Etruria and the Tyrrhenian coast.33

passageways and therefore at nodal points of communication: Fabriano, Matelica, Pitino di San Severino and Tolentino (Fig. 1). The control of passageways is a prominent aspect of ancient landscapes in mountainous regions. In Umbria, too, we find this, but slightly later: during the Archaic period, so-called castellieri, chains of fortifications built on mountain peaks and concentrating around settlements, appeared in the landscape.34 This important development in Umbria is claimed as evidence of structured proto-urban communities that formally organized the territory across a fragmented landscape. In Picenum, burials do not seem to play such a prominent role in the marking of the territory. In fact, wealthy burials that were covered by a tumulus were not characterized by a permanent stone base as their Etruscan counterparts, and never reached visibly monumental dimensions as some monumental tumuli did in Etruria where they acted as conspicuous territorial markers.35 In Picenum as elsewhere, burials may have contributed to the definition of a conceptual landscape, but the present lack of landscape studies prevents us from ascertaining this. Some necropoleis are geographically close to each other by the mountain passes that allow access to the other side of the Appennines. If this is slightly perceptible in the case of Pitino and Tolentino, it is more evident in the case of Fabriano and Matelica. At Matelica, an increasingly well-researched and excavated area, four complexes of settlement-necropolis are now known, located in the valley bottom on the right-hand side of the river Esino. Habitation areas are arranged lengthwise and closer to the river, whilst the necropoleis are upriver, the largest necropoleis being located in the areas of Piani dell’Incrocca and Crocifisso.36 The habitation areas of Matelica are characterized by rectangular apsidal hut structures: the excavators have interpreted them as evidence of large family gentilicial units belonging to a tribal social system.37 The regular distance that separates these settlements along the valley seems to indicate some sort of formal planning of the landscape, as argued by the excavators.38 So far, no trace of defensive structures of these settlements is known: this implies either a secure control of the mountain passes nearby or the dominion of these by friendly communities. The second option is more likely because Matelica lies in the Esino river basin, a wide-open basin in which Fabriano, another Orientalizing centre, is situated. According to the evidence known so far, no defensive structures are known at Fabriano either: here, existence of a community is known from funerary evidence only. This indicates that the pass at Fossato di Vico, the only passage to Umbria

Picene necropoleis/communities where we find wealthy burials and chariot burials are all placed along crucial

34

Sisani 2001, 37-38 with previous bibliography Zifferero 1991. 36 See the volume edited by de Marinis & Silvestrini 1999b. Also, Biocco 2000, 23-27. 37 Baldelli et al. 1999; Biocco 2000, 26. 38 de Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b, 316; Cecilia Gobbi & Emanuela Biocco in Atti del XXII Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed italici, I Piceni e l’Italia medioadriatica (in press). 35

31

Canuto & Yaeger 2000. Canuto & Yaeger 2000b, 5-6. 33 Marconi 1933, 369-430; Negroni Catacchio 1989, 679-680; Bisi 1992; Rocco 1999, 119-125; Landolfi, Negroni Catacchio & Rocco 1999. 32

121

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI for Matelica and Fabriano, may have been controlled by both with little chance of hostility or aggression.

Other types of goods deposited in the Villa Clara burial indicate a remarkably high level of sophistication in the funerary ideology and ritual taking place at Matelica. These are as follows: a bronze basin inside which more than 200 stones of cultivated grapes were found; the skeleton of a piglet found adjacent to a sacrificial iron knife; and, finally, the presence of residues of milk in one of the biconical vases.42 Evidence for the spread of the vine and for wine drinking comes not only from the grape stones, but also from the vast array of ceramic drinking vessels that were deposited in the burial. The complex of these grave-goods reveals the knowledge of very sophisticated rituals, and appropriation of the Orientalizing élite ideology that involved such rituals. This could only have happened through personal aristocratic relations, rather than simply trading activities. Similar rituals, particularly wine drinking, appeared in Umbria but only later, during the 6th century BC, as I pointed out earlier.

If we look at the grave-goods of some of the richest and published burials of these necropoleis, we find them to be very similar to those found in Etruscan princely burials. The aforementioned chariot burial from Fabriano (Tomb 3, Santa Maria) contained the Orientalizing grave set of Tyrrhenian princely tomb groups par excellence: the silver skyphos, parade bronze shields, Near Eastern ribbed bowls, and the aforementioned silver comb fibula.39 At Matelica, similarly luxurious grave-goods were found in another chariot burial (Villa Clara). Among the goods of this burial was a similarly ostentatious buckle decorated with ivory plaques and amber duckling motifs with parallels from the Ager Faliscus and Verucchio.40 The presence of unique objects such as these in this area of Picenum can only presuppose an interaction by gift-exchange with other élite groups of Central Italy. Practices of gift-giving, intermarriage and other such intimate occasions for élite interaction underlined élite life-style across the whole of the Mediterranean during the 8th and 7th centuries BC.41

The second aspect related to the formation of community follows from the first. Many of the objects that were deposited in these wealthy burials were either unique objects with no strict parallels nearby or elsewhere or reelaborations of imported goods. For example, most of the ceramic vessels from Villa Clara probably came from a single production which, given the quantity, we might assume local.43 But the two objects that most exemplify the high level of local ceramic production in the reelaboration of imports are the ceramic olla or wine vessel and holmos or stand from Tomb 53 from the necropolis of Brecce at Matelica (Fig. 2): the ‘red-on-white’ decoration betrays contacts with the Faliscan area and Bisenzio in inland Etruria, but the addition of griffin protomes to the body of the olla points to a clear imitation of the bronze cauldron with griffin protomes, an Orientalizing object par excellence throughout the Mediterranean.44 These objects are evidence of a local organization of production that Albert Nijboer has argued to be an intrinsic feature of changes that led to urbanization in Central Italy starting from the 8th century BC. In his study, Nijboer defines the homesteads of élite as one of the four places around which economic centralization took place.45 He uses Poggio Civitate in inland Etruria as a perfect example: an aristocratic palatial structure that contained monumental workshops.46 No such macroscopic evidence is known in Picenum so far, but the funerary material nonetheless does indicate very early local workshop centralization. Future work is to be hoped for: at present absence of settlement evidence in inland Picenum is mainly due to lack of extensive fieldwork.

Fig. 2. Holmos and olla from Tomb 53/Brecce (Matelica).

Further evidence for workshop centralization is the remarkable array of armour as well as of other metal

39

Naso 2000, 105. De Marinis & Silvestrini 2001a; and de Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b. 41 Cristofani 1975; and Cristofani 1984 on gift-giving and inscriptions in Etruria; Ampolo 1980, 142 on the practice of gift-giving in the Homeric world and how this can be applied to Etruria; Coldstream 1983 on giftexchange in the Aegean. 40

42

De Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b. De Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b. 44 De Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b, 314, cat. no. 22. 45 Nijboer 1998, 340-341. 46 Phillips 1993 with previous bibliography. 43

122

CORINNA RIVA: PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES objects, vessels and personal ornaments, found in Picene burials. Within Orientalizing Central Italy, Picenum stands out as the region with the most spectacular variety and quantity of weapons. In contrast to what we see in contemporary Etruscan burials, wealthy Picene burials contained both ceremonial armour and functional weapons. For example, in Tomb 53/Brecce at Matelica, among banqueting and drinking objects was a helmet a calotta which had presumably been used by the deceased in life, as indicated by the interior padding of the protective head-dress and evidence of multiple beatings of the bronze sheet on the outside.47 Yet, the outside of the helmet was richly decorated with a large apotropaic gorgon mask on the front and the figures of ducklings on the sides. A similar, also functional though less richly decorated, helmet came from the Villa Clara burial at Matelica.

evidence of an efficient military organization: a further aspect of a structured, well-defined community at a geographical and possibly political boundary. These are just some of the elements that I believe are significant in understanding alternative forms of communities in pre-Roman Central Italy that developed through interaction with the wider Orientalizing network of exchange and communication. They were unique types of communities, not simply because of their geographical location away from the sea, but perhaps also because of the fragmented landscape within which élite interaction took place. I have not attempted to explain why they developed: the wealth of material from the necropoleis still awaits publication, whilst settlements need further exploration before we can refine our interpretations. However, what the evidence so far available shows us is that, at least for the 8th and 7th centuries BC, aristocratic networks were far more crucial in the development of communities than the so-called proto-cities.

Deposited weapons therefore acquired multiple meanings, both symbolic and functional. The symbolism of warfare in burials can be gauged by the presence of the chariot itself, as well as by the deposition of parade armour originating both locally and from different sources: laminated bronze shields imported from Etruria,48 and elements of hoplite armour of Greek type, but most probably manufactured in Etruria, such as the hoplite shield from Tomb 3/Santa Maria at Fabriano,49 and the Corinthian helmet from Tomb 1/Monte Penna at Pitino di San Severino.50

BIBLIOGRAPHY Ampolo, C., 1980. Periodo IVA (730/20-640/30 a.C.), in: La formazione della città nel Lazio. DialA (n.s.) 2, 125-164. Ampolo, C., 1988. La nascita della città, in: Arnaldo Momigliano & Aldo Schiavone (eds), Storia di Roma I: Roma in Italia. Giulio Einaudi Editore, Torino, 153-180. Annibaldi, G., 1970. La necropoli picena di Pitino di San Severino Marche, in: Ricerche sull’età romana e preromana nel Maceratese, Atti del IV Convegno del Centro di studi storici maceratesi, San Severino Marche 10 novembre 1968 (= Studi Maceratesi, 4). Macerata, 236-246. Aubet Semmler, M.E., 1984. La aristocracia tartesica durante el periodo orientalizante. Opus 3, 445-467. Baldelli, G., 1985. Affibbiaglio a pettine, in: Mauro Cristofani (ed.), Civiltà degli etruschi. Electa, Milano, 85. Baldelli, G., 1999a. La prima eta’ del Ferro nelle Marche, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni Popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 55-56. Baldelli, G., 1999b. Novilara e il territorio a nord dell’Esino, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni Popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 65-66. Baldelli, G., E. Biocco, G. Cilla & C. Gobbi, 1999. La necropoli e l’abitato protostorici in località crocifisso: scavi archeologici 1994-1998 per la lottizzazione ‘Zefiro’, in: Giuliano de Marinis & Mara Silvestrini (eds), Archeologia a Matelica. Nuove acquisizioni. Catalogo della Mostra Matelica, Palazzo Ottoni, marzo-ottobre 1999. Matelica, 1940. Bisi, A.M., 1992. Componenti siro-fenicie negli avori piceni, in: La Civiltà Picena nelle Marche: tudi in onore di Giovanni Annibaldi, Ancona 10-13 luglio 1988. Ancona, 128-137.

Other types of symbolic warfare equipment deposited in Orientalizing Picene burials are the so-called dischicorazza, bronze discs that were worn as dress ornament:51 their value as prestige object is equal to that of bronze parade shields, and yet their symbolism related to military virtues is highlighted by the depiction of hunting scenes and ithyphallic warriors on the types that show off figurative decoration. Many of the weapons, however, are strictly functional. According to some scholars, their profusion in the burials reveals a tribal society characterized by instability, and surviving upon the exercise of ‘simple’ forms of warfare, such as incursions and ambushes.52 The discussion so far, however, which has combined this evidence with other objects related to craftsmanship and élite customs may lead us to moderate this picture, and instead highlight the high level of social complexity reached by these communities. In fact, the great quantity of real weapons may equally be seen as 47 De Marinis & Silvestrini 2001b. The helmet was similar to the one found in the aforementioned Tomb A at Casale Marittimo in northern Etruria, both helmets possibly belonging to a single production group. 48 As found at Fabriano, in Tomb 3/Santa Maria (Strøm 1971, 196; Woytowitsch 1978, no. 100; Lollini 1989, 17); at Pitino di San Severino, in Tombs 14 and 17/Monte Penna (Scichilone 1973, 515); at S. Egidio di Tolentino, in Tomb 1/Benaducci (Percossi Serenelli 1985, 476). 49 Naso 2000, 104-105 with previous bibliography. 50 Annibaldi 1970, 237-238; Woytowitsch 1978, no. 98; Tagliamonte 1994, 50-51. 51 Colonna 1974, 194; Papi 1990, 12; Tomedi 2000. 52 Tagliamonte 1994, 32, 44-55; Tagliamonte et al. 2001, 113.

123

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI de Marinis, G. & M. Silvestrini, 1999a. La tomba di Villa Clara, in: Giuliano de Marinis & Mara Silvestrini (eds), Archeologia a Matelica. Nuove acquisizioni. Catalogo della Mostra, Matelica, Palazzo Ottoni, marzo-ottobre 1999. Matelica, 41-47. de Marinis, G. & M. Silvestrini (eds), 1999b. Archeologia a Matelica. Nuove acquisizioni. Catalogo della Mostra Matelica, Palazzo Ottoni, marzo-ottobre 1999. Matelica. de Marinis, G. & M. Silvestrini, 2001a. La tomba di Villa Clara a Matelica, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Eroi e regine. Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 76-78. de Marinis, G. and Silvestrini, M., 2001b. Matelica: addenda, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Eroi e regine. Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 309-317. de Polignac, F., 1995. Cults, territory, and the origins of the Greek city-state. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London. de Polignac, F., 1998. Cité et territoire à l’époque géomètrique: un modèle argien? in: Argos et l’Argolide: Topographie et urbanisme. Actes de la table ronde internationale, Athènes-Argos, 28 avril1er mai 1990. Ecole Française d’Athènes, Athens, 145-162. Dore, A., M. Marchesi & L. Minarini (eds), 2000. Principi etruschi. Tra Mediterraneo ed Europa. Marsilio, Venezia. Drago Troccoli, L., 1999. Il villanoviano di Fermo, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 62-65. Duhn Von, F., 1924. Gräberkunde I. Carl Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung, Heidelberg Emiliozzi, A. (ed.), 1997. Carri da guerra e principi etruschi, Catalogo della mostra, Viterbo, Palazzo dei Papi, 24 maggio 1997-31 gennaio 1998. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma. Esposito, A.M. (ed.), 1999. Principi guerrieri. La necropoli etrusca di Casale Marittimo. Electa, Milano. Esposito, A.M., 2000. Elmo cat. no. 260, in: Anna Dore, Marinella Marchesi & Laura Minarini (eds), Principi etruschi. Tra Mediterraneo ed Europa. Marsilio, Venezia, 232. Fernández Jurado, J., 1989. La orientalización de Huelva, in: Maria Eugenia Aubet Semmler (ed.), Tartessos: arqueología protohistórica del bajo Guadalquivir. Sabadell, Barcelona, 339-373. Feruglio, A.E., 1997. Il carro I da Castel San Mariano di Corciano (Rep. 96). Il contesto di ritrovamento, in: Adriana Emiliozzi (ed.), Carri da guerra e principi etruschi, Catalogo della mostra, Viterbo, Palazzo dei Papi, 24 maggio 1997-31 gennaio 1998. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma, 207-208. Gabba, E., 1978. Urbanizzazione di zone dell’Italia Centro-Meridionale nel I secolo a.C., in: Un decennio di ricerche archeologiche II. CNR, Roma, 415-416.

Biocco, E., 2000. Matelica. L’ “Erma” Di Bretschneider. Roma. Bonamici, M., 1997. Il carro di Monteleone di Spoleto (Rep. 87) dalla necropoli al Colle del Capitano. Il complesso sepolcrale, in: Adriana Emiliozzi (ed.), Carri da guerra e principi etruschi, Catalogo della mostra, Viterbo, Palazzo dei Papi, 24 maggio 199731 gennaio 1998. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma, 179-181. Bonomi Ponzi, L., 1997. La necropoli Plestina di Colfiorito di Foligno. Quattroemme Perugia. Bouma, J.W., P.A.J. Attema, A.J. Beijer, A.J. Nijboer & R. Olde Dubbelink, 1995. The economy of an early Latin settlement at Borgo Le Fierriere-Satricum, in: Neil Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy, 1500 BC to AD 1500, Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology (= Oxbow Monograph, 41), Oxbow Books, Oxford, 183-195. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger (eds), 2000. The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London/New York. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger, 2000b. Introducing an archaeology of communities, in: Marcello A. Canuto & Jason Yaeger (eds), The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. Routledge, London/New York, 1-15. Coldstream, N., 1983. Gift exchange in the 8th century BC, in: Robin Hägg (ed.), The Greek Renaissance of the 8th century BC: tradition and innovation, Proceedings of the second international symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens 1-5 June 1981. Paul Åström, Stockholm, 201-207. Colonna, G., 1974. Su una classe di dischi-corazza centro-italici, in: Aspetti e problemi dell’Etruria interna, VIII Convegno nazionale di studi etruschi e italici, Orvieto, 27-30 giugno 1972. Leo S. Olschki Editore, Firenze, 193-205. Colonna, G., 1997. L’Italia antica. L’Italia centrale, in: Adriana Emiliozzi (ed.), Carri da guerra e principi etruschi, Catalogo della mostra, Viterbo, Palazzo dei Papi, 24 maggio 1997-31 gennaio 1998. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma, 15-23. Colonna, G., 1999. La scultura in pietra, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni, Popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 104-108. Cristofani, M., 1975. Il ‘dono’ nell’Etruria arcaica. PP 161, 132-152. Cristofani, M., 1984. Iscrizioni e beni suntuari. Opus 3, 319-323. Cuozzo, M., 1994. Patterns of organisation and funerary customs in the cemetery of Pontecagnano (Salerno) during the Orientalising period. Journal of European archaeology 2(2), 264-297. d’Agostino, B., 1995. Considerazioni sugli inizi del processo di formazione della città in Etruria, in: Alfredina Storchi Marino (ed.), L’incidenza dell’antico Studi in memoria di Ettore Lepore, Atti del convegno internazionale, Anacapri 24-28 marzo 1991. Luciano Editore, Napoli, 315-323.

124

CORINNA RIVA: PICENE COMMUNITIES ALONG TRANS-APPENNINE ROUTES Papi, R., 1990. Dischi-corazza abruzzesi a decorazione geometrica nei musei italiani. Bretschneider, Roma. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1981. Le vie di penetrazione commerciale nel Piceno in età protostorica. Nota preliminare. Picus 1, 135-144. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1985. Tolentino (Macerata). StEtr 51 (1983), 476-478. Persi, P., 1987. Dall’ambiente naturale allo spazio organizzato: la viabilità delle Marche nel tempo, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno, Fano, Fabriano, Pesaro, Ancona, 1114 ottobre 1984. Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, Ancona, 9-47. Phillips, K.M., 1993. In the hills of Tuscany: recent excavations at the Etruscan site of Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Siena). University Museum, University of Philadelphia, Philadelphia. Prayon, F. & W. Röllig (eds), 2000. Zum Phänomen des ‘Orientalisierens’ in westlichen Mittelmerraum (10.6. Jh. v.Chr.), Akten des Kolloquiums zum thema Der Orient und Etrurien, Tübingen 12.-13. Jun 1997. Istituti Editoriali Poligrafici Internazionali, Pisa/Roma. Riva, C., 2004. Keeping up with the Etruscans? Picene élites in Central Italy during the Orientalizing period. Accordia Research Papers 9 (2001-2003), 69-91. Riva, C., forthcoming. The culture of urbanization in the Mediterranean c. 800-600, in: Barry Cunliffe & Robin Osborne (eds), Mediterranean urbanisation 800-600 BC. Proceedings of the British Academy, London. Rocco, G., 1999. Avori e ossi dal Piceno. “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, Roma. Romualdi, A., 1989. Elmo; Lebete; Ansa di situla, in: Gens Antiquissima Italiae. Antichita’ dell’Umbria a Budapest e Cracovia, Perugia, 50-52. Roncalli, F., 1988. Gli Umbri, in: Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Italia omnium terrarum alumna. La civiltà dei Veneti, Reti, Liguri, Celti, Piceni, Umbri, Latini, Campani e Iapigi. Milano, 375-407. Scichilone, G., 1973. S. Severino Marche. StEtr 41, 515517. Sensi, L., 1993. Numana. Bibliografia Topografica della Colonizzazione Greca in Italia e nelle Isole Tirreniche 12, 434-445. Sisani, S., 2001. Tuta Ikuvina. Sviluppo e ideologia della forma urbana a Gubbio. Edizioni Quasar, Roma. Snodgrass, A.M., 1980. Archaic Greece. The age of experiment. JM Dent & Sons Ltd, London. Strøm, I., 1971, Problems concerning the origin and early development of the Etruscan orientalizing style. Odense. Tagliamonte, G., 1994. I figli di Marte: mobilità, mercenari e mercenariato italici in Magna Grecia e Sicilia. G. Bretschneider, Roma. Tagliamonte, G., A. Cherici, V. d’Ercole, M. Egg & R. Papi, 2001. Le armi, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Eroi e regine. Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 112-133.

Gatti, S. & G. Stella, (eds), 1993. Dives Anagnia Archeologia nella valle del Sacco. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma. Hägg, R. (ed.), 1983. The Greek Renaissance of the 8th century BC: tradition and innovation, Proceedings of the second international symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens 1-5 June 1981. Paul Åström, Stockholm. Landolfi, M., 1999a. Oggetti di prestigio dei ‘principi’ piceni, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 98-100. Landolfi, M., 1999b. L’area del Conero, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 60-62. Landolfi, M., N. Negroni Catacchio & G. Rocco, 1999. Beni di lusso, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 98-104. Lollini, D.G. (ed.), 1989. Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche. Roma. Marconi, P., 1933. La cultura orientalizzante del Piceno. Monumenti antichi Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 35, 264-554. Marchegiani, P. & M. Luni, 1993. Novilara. Bibliografia Topografica della Colonizzazione Greca in Italia e nelle Isole Tirreniche 12, 417-433. Massei, L. & G. Traina, 1984. Ancona. Bibliografia Topografica della Colonizzazione Greca in Italia e nelle Isole Tirreniche 3, 232-242. Morris, I., 1999. Iron Age Greece and the meanings of ‘princely tombs’, in: Paul Ruby (ed.), Les princes de la protohstoire et l’émergence de l’état, Actes de la table ronde internationale organisée par le Centre Jean Bérard et l’École française de Rome, Naples, 27-29 octobre 1994. Centre Jean Bérard École Française de Rome, Naples-Rome, 57-80. Naso, A., 2000. I Piceni. Storia e archeologia delle Marche in epoca preromana. Longanesi, Milano. Naso, A., 2000b. Aspetti del tema “Gesellschaft und Selbstdarstellung”, in: Friedhelm Prayon & Wolfgang Röllig (eds), Zum Phänomen des ‘Orientalisierens’ in westlichen Mittelmerraum (10.6. Jh. v.Chr.), Akten des Kolloquiums zum thema Der Orient und Etrurien, Tübingen 12.-13. Jun 1997. Istituti Editoriali Poligrafici Internazionali, Pisa, Roma, 227-232. Naso, A. & A.M. Sgubini Moretti, 2001. Pitino di San Severino Marche, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Eroi e regine. Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 79-81. Negroni Catacchio, N., 1989. L’ambra: produzioni e commerci nell’Italia preromana, in: Carmine Ampolo et al. (eds), Italia. Omnium terrarum parens. La civiltà degli Enotri, Choni, Ausoni, Sanniti, Lucani, Brettii, Siculi, Elimi, Garzanti. Scheiwiller, Milano, 659-696. Nijboer, A.J., 1998. From household production to workshops: archaeological evidence for economic transformations, pre-monetary exchange and urbanisation in central Italy from 800 to 400 BC. Rijksuniversiteit, Groningen. 125

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tomedi von, G., 2000. Italische Panzerplatten und Panzerscheiben (= Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung III Bd. 3). Steiner, Stuttgart. Torelli, M., 1982. La società della frontiera, in: Verso un Museo della Città, Mostra degli interventi sul patrimonio archeologico, storico, artistico di Todi. Todi, Sala delle Pietre 8 agosto-31 dicembre 1981. Todi, 54-58. Torelli, M., 2000. Le regiae etrusche e laziali tra orientalizzante e arcaismo, in: Anna Dore, Marinella Marchesi and Laura Minarini (eds), Principi etruschi. Tra Mediterraneo ed Europa. Marsilio, Venezia, 67-78. Woytowitsch, E., 1978. Die Wagen der Bronze- und frühen Eisenzeit in Italien (= Prähistorische Bronzefunde, XVII.1). C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, München. Zifferero, A., 1991. Forme di possesso della terra e tumuli orientalizzanti nell’Italia centrale tirrenica, in: Edward Herring, Ruth Whitehouse & John B. Wilkins (eds), Papers of the fourth conference of Italian archaeology I. The archaeology of power. Part I. London, 107-134. Zifferero, A., 1999. Le risorse minerarie, in: Luisa Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni popolo d’Europa. De Luca, Roma, 111-112.

126

BURIALS AND THEIR INTERPRETATIONS

127

128

GLI IPOGEI DEL TAVOLIERE: ASPETTI CULTUALI E DEL RITUALE FUNERARIO Anna Maria Tunzi Sisto, Barbara Barbaro, Renato Peroni & Alessandro Vanzetti Abstract: In this paper we present the funerary hypogaeum of the Middle Bronze Age at Madonna di Loreto, near Trinitapoli (FG), close to the ‘Hypogaeum of the Bronzes’. The new hypogaeum – named ‘of the Ivories’ on account of two statuettes made of elephant ivory probably imported from the Aegean – is more or less contemporary with the older phase of the ‘Hypogeum of the bronzes’ and contains comparable artefacts, as well as a comparable distribution of gender and social roles. The discovery of this new context supports the hypothesis of the simultaneous presence of competing kin-groups within one settlement, with social roles similarly arranged for each group.

Negli ultimi quindici anni di intense ricerche protostoriche nella Puglia settentrionale (Fig. 1), occupa un posto di sicuro rilievo la scoperta dei grandi ipogei sacrali e funerari della media età del Bronzo, rinvenuti nel Tavoliere (Tunzi Sisto 1999). Essi furono realizzati nel BM 1-2 come luoghi di culto, con funzione di veri e propri templi sotterranei adibiti all’espletamento di complessi rituali; gli ipogei cultuali, che più tardi cessarono di essere utilizzati, vennero in molti casi riconvertiti in ipogei funerari nella piena media età del Bronzo, e utilizzati dall’élite guerriera del tempo.

precedente frequentazione a carattere cultuale, con fuochi, resti di pasto e frattura rituale di stoviglie. Un’eccezionale variante è appena venuta alla luce negli scavi in corso nel Grottone di Manaccora, sul Gargano. Qui il vasto spazio interno della cavità naturale aveva subito una sistemazione mista: alla ben nota grotticella funeraria scavata negli anni Trenta (Baumgärtel 1951; 1953; Rellini et al. 1934; Recchia 1993; 1995; Tunzi Sisto 1999), nata dapprima con finalità solo cultuali, si è ora aggiunto un altro ipogeo, parzialmente artificiale, situato presso l’ingresso della cavità, che però, diversamente dal precedente, non venne poi riutilizzato in chiave funeraria.

Fig. 2. Planimetria degli ipogei di Madonna di Loreto (Trinitapoli). Gli ipogei cultuali rimasero in uso non continuativo per qualche secolo; carattere più permanente e duraturo ebbe invece la frequentazione funeraria, come si ricava dai due grandi ipogei di Trinitapoli (Fig. 2), chiamati rispettivamente ‘Ipogeo dei Bronzi’ (Tunzi Sisto 1999) e ‘Ipogeo degli Avori’ (Tunzi et al. in stampa), in ciascuno dei quali furono inumate molte decine di soggetti di entrambi i sessi e di ogni fascia d’età. L’Ipogeo degli Avori, scavato di recente, oltre a condividere con l’Ipogeo dei Bronzi le principali peculiarità architettoniche, le modalità di accesso alla tomba e la ritualità funeraria, ha riservato la scoperta di una straordinaria coppia di manufatti in avorio di elefante, verosimilmente in dotazione, come corredo funebre, al medesimo soggetto, al quale potrebbe essere pertinente anche un pugnale in bronzo a base semplice tipo S.

Fig. 1. Posizione topografica dei siti: Trinitapoli; GM = Grotta Manaccora; CN = Coppa Nevigata; SF = S. Ferdinando; L = Lavello; TD = Toppo Daguzzo. Già presenti in epoche precedenti – forse, come sembrano indicare evidenze su cui chi scrive sta lavorando, fin dai tempi della facies neolitica di Serra d’Alto –, gli ipogei cultuali si moltiplicano a partire dal XVIII secolo a.C.: ricordiamo i quattro centri cerimoniali di San Ferdinando e di Trinitapoli, in Puglia, e di Toppo Daguzzo e Lavello in Lucania (Tunzi Sisto 1999; Cipolloni Sampò 1986; 1991/92; Cipolloni Sampò et al. 1991/92). Le sepolture ipogee note per la media età del Bronzo mostrano infatti quasi sempre, sotto i livelli funerari, la traccia di una 129

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Statuina in avorio raffigurante il cinghiale, dall’Ipogeo degli Avori (dis. V. Soldani), e confronto con un sigillo in avorio da una tholos minoica di Platanos, nella Mesarà.

Fig. 4. Statuina in avorio composita raffigurante un idoletto schematico, dall’Ipogeo degli Avori (dis. V. Soldani). Ambrogio var. A, compatibile con il portatore in termini di dislocazione. Il primo avorio (Fig. 3) riproduce un cinghiale, visto nella postura della morte, con le zampe posteriori allungate all’indietro, riuscitissima prova di grande plasticità e finezza tecnica. Si tratta, con ogni verosimiglianza, di un gancio di cintura o di bandoliera, per via della presenza, sotto il ventre piatto dell’animale,

di un robusto maschio. Sul dorso compare una delicata decorazione formata da cerchielli a occhio di dado incisi con perizia, file puntinate e profondi solchi rettilinei. Un discreto confronto in ambito egeo, purtroppo fuori contesto, è offerto da un sigillo in avorio da una tholos minoica di Platanos, nella Mesarà.

130

ANNA MARIA TUNZI SISTO, BARBARA BARBARO, RENATO PERONI & ALESSANDRO VANZETTI: GLI IPOGEI La datazione dei singoli tipi si è basata, in primo luogo, sulla scansione cronologica proposta da R. Peroni (Peroni 1999a) per i materiali dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, precedentemente scavato.

La seconda scultura eburnea (Fig. 4) consta di almeno tre parti mobili: un supporto, una protome cornuta ed un perno in osso. Una tra le possibili interpretazioni vi riconosce un personaggio sessuato in posizione seduta, una sorta di idoletto schematico probabilmente dotato in origine di un set di protomi, da sostituire a seconda delle circostanze.

Questi poneva le sepolture del primo ipogeo a cavallo tra le due facies culturali protoappenninica e appenninica, definendo sulla base delle evidenze due fasi principali: Trinitapoli 1, corrispondente ad un momento avanzato della facies protoappenninica (BM2), le cui forme ceramiche caratteristiche sono rappresentate da tazze o boccali di varie fogge con ansa ad ascia, e tazze carenate profonde con parete inclinata verso l’interno, e Trinitapoli 2, corrispondente alla facies appenninica (BM3), le cui forme caratteristiche sono rappresentate da tazze o boccali con profilo ad S, tazze o brocche con ansa cilindro-retta, tazze biconiche decorate, tazze carenate aperte con parete verticale, ciotole con manico forato, orcioli, pissidi di fogge globulari, a botticella, a campana, sostegni-rocchetti a clessidra e in generale la decorazione tipica incisa o intagliata di gusto appenninico.

La marcata interculturalità del contesto di rinvenimento, con corredi di prestigio in bronzo, ambra, pasta vitrea, faïence e, soprattutto, molti oggetti con stretti paralleli con l’opposta sponda adriatica, la pianura padana e l’Egeo, attesta le relazioni a lunga distanza delle comunità enee costiere; tutto ciò depone a favore di un’origine esotica anche per i due avori, dietro i quali si staglierebbe l’ombra dei trafficanti egei. A.M.T.S. Il secondo ipogeo di Madonna di Loreto di Trinitapoli ha restituito, tra i materiali di corredo delle sepolture, 26 esemplari fittili, tra cui 20 vasetti di corredo di piccole dimensioni, 2 coperchi sempre di piccole dimensioni, 1 sostegno-rocchetto, 3 fusaiole.

Oltre a questo sono stati presi in considerazione confronti

Fig. 5. Reperti ceramici dall’Ipogeo degli Avori, suddivisi per fasi tipo-cronologiche (dis. B. Barbaro). 131

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. Reperti bronzei dall’Ipogeo degli Avori, suddivisi per fasi tipo-cronologiche (dis. V. Soldani-B. Barbaro). Alla fase di Trinitapoli 2 sono attribuibili altri 6 tipi, tra cui la tazza carenata con manico a nastro sopraelevato e foro centrale (6156), o con ansa con sopraelevazione cornuta (6152), il boccale con profilo ad S (6149), le pissidi di diverse fogge (6158, 6144, 2711), il coperchio die pisside (6141), il sostegno-rocchetto a clessidra (6087). Questi trovano confronti soprattutto tra gli esemplari dell’ipogeo dei Bronzi,4 ma anche a Villa Cassarini in Romagna.5

ben datati da tutto il territorio dell’Italia peninsulare e in alcuni casi anche da quello transadriatico (Bosnia e Dalmazia, ambito nel quale si erano già registrati legami per i materiali del primo ipogeo). Tra i materiali dell’Ipogeo degli Avori (Fig. 5), si possono quindi sicuramente attribuire alla fase di Trinitapoli 1, 5 tipi tra cui le ciotole (6154, 6148), i boccali (6147, 6151) e le brocce (6161), tutti con ansa ad ascia, alcune ciotole e tazze carenate con ansa a sperone (6145, 6091), la tazza carenata profonda con parete inclinata all’interno (6159). Questi trovano confronti, oltre che nel primo ipogeo,1 in contesti meridionali come Toppo Daguzzo strutt. 4, Cavallino capanna 1, Tufariello, Bari S. Pietro, Coppa Nevigata,2 ma anche in alcuni contesti transadriatici attribuibili alla prima e alla seconda fase della facies di Dinara.3

Un gruppo di incerta attribuzione cronologica comprende, oltre a un vasetto biansato e a una tazza carenata con ansa a sperone, le tazze con profilo ad S ed ansa a sperone, che trovano confronti in Calabria a Praia a Mare- nello strato superiore di Grotta Cardini.6 Il tipo è datato da Peroni alla seconda fase di Trinitapoli. Tuttavia poichè i confronti dalla Grotta Cardini non sono di sicura attribuzione nè al BM2, nè al BM3, non si è ritenuto opportuno, per il

1 L’Ipogeo degli Avori viene abbreviato con Av; quello dei Bronzi con Br. Av 6159 cfr. Br 3; Av 6148 cfr. Br 1226. 2 Av 6145 cfr. Cavallino, cap.1 (Cocchi Genick et al. 1995, 195, fig. 101, u.); Av 6091 cfr. Bari S. Pietro e Tufariello (Cocchi Genick et al. 1995, 223, fig. 116, risp. 366 v.c. e 367); Av 6154 cfr. Toppo Daguzzo, str.4 (Cocchi Genick et al. 1995, 136, fig. 63, 202 Av.); Av 6147 cfr. Coppa Nevigata (Cassano et al. 1987). 3 Av 6148, per l’ansa cfr. Skarin Samograd e Varvara (Govedarica 1989, tt. XL, 3 e XLI, 3, entrambi Dinara fase II); Av 6091 e 6145, per l’ansa cfr. Necajno (Govedarica 1989, t. XXXIX, 5, Dinara fase II); Av 6147 cfr. Mocilijska Pecina (Govedarica 1989, t. XXXVIII, 2, Dinara

fase II) e Bogomolje, Glava Maslinova (Govedarica 1989, t. XXXVIII, 1, Dinara fase I). 4 Av 6149 cfr. Br 1627; Av 6156 cfr. Br 89; Av 6144 cfr. Br 1111; Av 6158 cfr. Br 1386; Av 6087 cfr. Br 824. 5 Av 6152 cfr. Villa Cassarini (Cocchi Genick et al. 1995, 298, fig.157, 506). 6 Av 6157 cfr. Grotta Cardini (Cocchi Genick et al. 1995, 213, fig. 111, 341v.); Av 2592, 5334 e 6153 cfr. Grotta Cardini (Cocchi Genick et al. 1995, 213, fig. 111, 341)

132

ANNA MARIA TUNZI SISTO, BARBARA BARBARO, RENATO PERONI & ALESSANDRO VANZETTI: GLI IPOGEI

Fig. 7. Distribuzione dei reperti cronologicamente significativi all’interno dell’Ipogeo degli Avori. E’ presumibile quindi che l’unico vaso decorato ad incisione dell’ipogeo degli ‘Avori’ sia da attribuire ad una fase non evoluta del BM3. B.B.

momento, considerare il tipo datante ai fini della distribuzione all’interno dell’ipogeo. Si può quindi avanzare l’ipotesi che, sulla base della ceramica rinvenuta, l’utilizzazione del secondo ipogeo di Madonna del Loreto, abbia interessato sia la fase protoappenninica avanzata, sia quella appenninica, come nel primo ipogeo.

A queste evidenze si sovrappongono in modo perfetto quelle offerte dall’esame degli oggetti metallici. Nelle sepolture della fase I dell’Ipogeo degli Avori (Fig. 6) ricorre esattamente la medesima associazione di fogge di armi attestata nella fase corrispondente dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi (vedi Peroni 1999a, 217): spade a rudimentale lingua da presa tipo Manaccora, pugnali a base semplice tipo Gualdo Tadino, Capurso D e S. Ambrogio A, ai quali si accompagna uno spillone a collo ingrossato e perforato, che per la testa e il collo a sezione ovale richiama sorprendentemente le fogge padane degli spilloni tipo Monte Lonato e Bor di Pacengo,8 proprie appunto della fase piena del Bronzo medio. A queste forme si contrappongono per la fase II, come già nell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi (vedi Peroni 1999a, 218), le spade a base semplice triangolare tipo Pertosa peculiari della fase tarda del Bronzo medio, alle quali qui però si associano anche i più antichi esemplari finora rinvenuti in Italia di pinzette depilatorie, bizzarra prerogativa dei portatori di spada anche nelle coeve tombe dell’Europa Centrale.9

Una leggera differenza a livello cronotipologico si può però notare tra i due contesti. Esemplari databili in base ai confronti a cavallo tra BM 1 e 2, come la tazza carenata con ansa ad ascia 6154, non sembrano infatti essere attestati nel primo ipogeo. Coinciderebbe invece l’utilizzazione corrispondente l’alla fase 2 del BM e agli inizi del BM3, ma vi sarebbe di nuovo una discrepanza per quel che riguarda la fase finale. Mancano infatti, nell’ipogeo degli Avori, quegli esemplari con la tipica decorazione ad intaglio di stile ‘appenninico’ evoluto che erano invece presenti numerosi in quello dei Bronzi, a suggerire che l’utilizzo sia terminato in un momento non avanzato del BM3. La tazza 6149 è l’unico vaso tra i 23 totali ad avere la decorazione incisa a nastri campiti a punteggio. Un confronto per questa decorazione si è trovato in un frammento dai livelli profondi dello strato 4 di Grotta a Male (Pannuti 1969, 157-170), attribuiti da Ida Macchiarola ad un momento iniziale della facies appenninica.7

Questa netta bipartizione cronologica dei corredi dell’Ipogeo degli Avori trova pieno riscontro nella loro distribuzione topografica nelle sue diverse parti, che delinea una chiara stratigrafia orizzontale (Fig. 7). Nella zona più interna della lunga camera sono esclusivi i corredi di fase I, qui con i differenti simboli a campitura

7

Ida Macchiarola pone l’accento sul fatto che i livelli più bassi della stratigrafia della grotta (4e) hanno restituito materiale inornato preappenninico, mentre quelli intermedi (4 d e 4c) sono caratterizzati dalla presenza di ceramica appenninica decorata con nastri incisi a punteggio, a tratteggio trasversale, o a tratteggio longitudinale interrotto; negli strati più tardi (4b-4 a), invece, la tecnica dell’incisione con campitura a punteggio non è più presente, e si afferma un uso esteso dell’intaglio profondo, anche per motivi complessi (Cocchi Genick et al., 446).

8 Av 9010 e 9011, cfr. Bianco Peroni 1970, 53 ss.; Av 5975, cfr. Bianco Peroni 1994, 65 s.; Av 6089, cfr. Bianco Peroni 1994, 74 ss.; Av 5960, cfr. Bianco Peroni 1994, 97 ss.; Av 5957, cfr. Carancini 1975, 160 ss. 9 Av 5958 e 5961 cfr. Bianco Peroni 1970, 23 ss.; per le pinzette in contesti centro-europei cfr. ad esempio Müller Karpe 1980, Taf. 330, E3.

133

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 8. Distribuzioni degli elementi di corredo poste a confronto, in base alla categoria funzionale e alla cronologia, all’interno degli Ipogei dei Bronzi (sopra) e degli Avori (sotto). tempo selettiva a favore dei maschi adulti (Vanzetti 1999, 225).

piena; nella zona mediana si concentrano i reperti di fase II, qui con i simboli a campitura vuota; presso l’ingresso della camera nuovamente quelli di fase I; nella parte più interna dello stomion ancora quelli di fase II, mentre, in quella esterna, a loro volta si aggregano oggetti di fase I, tra i quali il pugnaletto tipo S. Ambrogio A già ricordato da A.M Tunzi e incluso nella stessa unità stratigrafica che poco lontano ha restituito i due avori; infine nel dromos dominano i materiali di fase II. Si ripete cioè quanto già rilevato per la grande sala a crescente dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi (cfr. Fig. 8 e Tunzi Sisto 1999, 217-219), con un complessivo sviluppo delle deposizioni funebri dall’interno verso l’esterno, sviluppo nel cui ambito vengono però ‘risparmiate’ zone destinate a quei defunti che verranno, e il cui rango impone di riservare loro posti di riguardo; un dettaglio utile a comprendere l’articolazione sociale di questa comunità. R.P.

L’accurato prelievo dei resti e la documentazione permettono comunque alcune osservazioni preliminari: 1. i defunti erano deposti in posizione flessa, in alcuni casi verosimilmente accovacciata; il numero di deposti è sicuramente inferiore ai circa 200 stimati per l’Ipogeo dei Bronzi; 2. infatti (Tab. 1), il totale degli oggetti di corredo è molto inferiore a quello dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi (346 numeri di inventario contro 1771 di quello, circa il 20%); 3. in ogni modo, il numero totale di spade è invece quasi pari a quello dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi (4 contro 5); altri oggetti sono in numero comunque superiore al valore citato del 20%: 3 pugnali certi contro 7 dell’altro ipogeo; 2 punte di freccia contro 4; 2 lame, forse di coltello, contro 7; 4. tra gli oggetti rari, sono presenti 2 pinzette (contro un solo elemento frammentario e incerto nell’altro ipogeo)11; una di esse ricorre in un cluster di armati di spada; sono assenti i rasoi, forse pertinenti a fasi più

Lo studio sulla composizione dei corredi, ancora in restauro, è agli inizi, e così pure lo studio dei resti antropologici.10 In particolare si ignora ancora nel dettaglio la composizione per sesso ed età della popolazione sepolta, che nell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi si fa col

10 Lo studio è in corso da parte di Luca Bondioli e Loretana Salvadei, della Soprintendenza speciale al Museo ‘L. Pigorini’, in collaborazione con Shelley Saunders, dell’Università di Hamilton – Canada.

11

L’unico esemplare, frammentario, interpretabile eventualmente come pinzetta dall’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, corrisponde a Br 474 e 502, (Tunzi Sisto 1999, 271).

134

ANNA MARIA TUNZI SISTO, BARBARA BARBARO, RENATO PERONI & ALESSANDRO VANZETTI: GLI IPOGEI

Fig. 9. Distribuzione degli elementi di adorno bronzei e in altri materiali pregiati all’interno dell’Ipogeo degli Avori. avanzate del BM3 rispetto a quelle testimoniate nell’Ipogeo degli Avori; 5. i vasi e, tra gli oggetti femminili, i monili a occhiali e gli spilloni rispecchiano le proporzioni generali (circa 20-25%), mentre le perle e gli anelli sembrano qui più abbondanti; appaiono sotto-rappresentati borchie, bottoni, saltaleoni, ovvero elementi vari del vestiario forse comuni ai due sessi;12 6. complessivamente (Fig. 8), quindi, appaiono ben caratterizzati diversi soggetti maschili. Possiamo supporre, come già per l’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, che i 4 armati di spada si siano succeduti l’un l’altro nel corso del periodo di uso della tomba; al tempo stesso, le differenze nella composizione complessiva dei corredi, ad esempio la maggiore frequenza delle perle, pongono il dubbio se ciò dipenda da una diversità di usi o anche di accesso a materie prime pregiate (si ricordi la presenza degli avori), ovvero invece da una diversa rappresentanza di alcune categorie di individui. Se si può assumere come riferimento la composizione demografica più ‘equilibrata’ ipotizzata per la fase 1 dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, la maggiore antichità di questo contesto ben si incontrerebbe con una presenza maggiore di subadulti e giovani, soprattutto femminili. Per questi motivi lo studio antropologico di dettaglio è quanto mai atteso; 7. la distribuzione degli elementi di corredo segue, come già per l’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, un ordine nel complesso rigoroso (Peroni 1999b; Vanzetti 1999), con zone piene e vuote di deposizioni in ciascuna fase, ben

esemplificato dalle armi: le spade realizzano due gruppi cronologicamente differenziati (Fasi 1 e 2), entrambi all’interno della camera; i pugnali ricorrono nella zona tra i due gruppi di spade e nello stomion; nella medesima zona intermedia sono segnalate altre 2 lame, forse di coltello;13 le punte di freccia si trovano nello stomion e nel dromos; vi sono (Fig. 9) zone con soli elementi bronzei e zone con deposizioni ricche di ornamenti anche in ambra e pasta vitrea; 8. esistono casi di chiara commistione di individui maschili e femminili con corredi di spicco: un individuo armato con spada della fase 1, in particolare, ricorre in stretta connessione con una donna adorna di ambre e di una coppia di monili a occhiali; di contro, i due armati di spada della fase 2 si associano a una sola perla di ambra. Anche questo fatto ci ricorda la situazione dell’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, dove nella prima fase, come qui, i corredi di spicco dei due sessi si associano, mentre nella seconda sembrano contrapporsi. A.V. BIBLIOGRAFIA Baumgärtel, E., 1951. The Cave of Manaccora, Monte Gargano. Part I: The site. PBSR 19, 23-42. Baumgärtel, E., 1953. The Cave of Manaccora, Monte Gargano. Part II: The contents of the three archaeological strata. PBSR 21, 1-31. Bianco Peroni, V., 1970. Le spade nell’Italia continentale (= PBF IV, 1). München. Bianco Peroni, V., 1994. I pugnali nell’Italia continentale (= PBF VI, 10). Bonn.

12

Nelle elaborazioni statistiche realizzate per l’Ipogeo dei Bronzi, questi oggetti hanno mostrato una non chiara pertinenza di genere (Vanzetti 1999, 223); in altre necropoli, come L’Olmo di Nogara, borchie ricorrono in corredi maschili, in particolare in prossimità del capo, forse pertinenti ad elmi (già cit. in Vanzetti 1999, 223).

13

135

La pertinenza di queste lame andrà verificata con il restauro.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Pannuti, S., 1969. Gli scavi di Grotta a Male presso l’Aquila. BPI n.s. 20 (78), 147-247. Peroni, R., 1999a. La cronologia e il contesto storicoculturale, in: A.M. Tunzi Sisto 1999, 217-219. Peroni, R., 1999b. la nascita della formazione gentilizioclientelare preurbana in Puglia, in: A.M. Tunzi Sisto 1999, 220-221. Recchia, G., 1993. Grotta Manaccora (Peschici), considerazioni sulla grotticella funeraria e sull’area antistante (Scavi Rellini-Baumgärtel). Origini 17, 317-401. Recchia, G., 1995. Grotta Manaccora: rilettura del saggio Baumgärtel “TG 1933”, in: Atti del Seminario di Studi L’età del Bronzo lungo il versante adrtiatico pugliese, Bari 1995. Taras 15 (2), 55-86. Rellini, U., R. Battaglia & E. Baumgärtel, 1934. Secondo rapporto preliminare sulle ricerche preistoriche condotte sul Promontorio del Gargano. BPI 54, 1-64. Tunzi Sisto, A.M. (ed.), 1999. Ipogei della Dauniapreistoria di un territorio. Foggia. Tunzi Sisto, A.M., B. Barbaro B., R. Peroni & A. Vanzetti (in stampa). In: Atti del Convegno nazionale sulla Preistoria-Protostoria-Storia della Daunia. S. Severo 2002. Vanzetti, A., 1999. Combinazioni di corredo delle sepolture all’interno dell’ipogeo dei bronzi di Trinitapoli, in: A.M. Tunzi Sisto 1999, 222-226.

Carancini, G.L., 1975. Gli spilloni nell’Italia continentale (= PBF XIII, 2). München. Cassano, S.M., A. Cazzella, M. Manfredini & M. Moscoloni (eds), 1987. Coppa Nevigata e il suo territorio: testimonianze archeologiche dal VII al II millennio a.C. Roma. Cipolloni Sampò, M., 1986. La tomba 3 dell’acropoli di Toppo Daguzzo (Potenza). Elementi per uno studio preliminare. AION Arch. St. Ant. 8, 1-36. Cipolloni Sampò, M., 1991/92. Le sepolture collettive nel sud-est italiano, in: L’età del Bronzo in Italia nei secoli dal XVI al XIV a.C., Viareggio 1989. Rassegna di Archeologia 10, 281-285. Cipolloni Sampò, M., P. Attisani, G. Bertolani, G.M. Di Nocera, G. Recchia, E. Remotti, R. Tulli & M. Tumminia, 1991/92. Toppo Daguzzo (Melfi, Potenza): le strutture 4 e 5, in: L’età del Bronzo in Italia nei secoli dal XVI al XIV a.C., Viareggio 1989. Rassegna di Archeologia 10, 493-501. Cocchi Genick, D., I. Damiani, I. Macchiarola, R. Peroni & R. Poggiani Keller, 1995. Aspetti culturali della media età del bronzo nell’Italia centro-meridionale. Firenze. Govedarica, B., 1989. Rano Bronzano Doba na Podrucju Istocnog Jadrana. Sarajevo. Müller Karpe, H., 1980. Handbuch der Vorgeschichte. Frankfurt.

Tabelle 1. Ipogeo d. Avori Totale oggetti

Ipogeo d. Bronzi

%Avori/ Bronzi

Rapporto

343

1771

19,4%

Spade

4

5

80,0%

+

Pugnali

3

7

42,9%

+

Punte di freccia

2

4

50,0%

+

Coltelli (lame?)

2

7

28,6%

+/-

Pinzette

2

1?

200,0%

+

Rasoi

0

2

0,0%

-

Vasi

19

89

21,3%

+/-

Monili a occhiali

14

75

18,7%

+/-

5

20

25,0%

+/-

Perle

149

293

50,8%

+

Anelli

82

134

61,2%

+

Borchie + Bottoni

36

427

8,4%

-

Spilloni

136

IL TUMULO PROTOSTORICO DI S. OSVALDO (UDINE) Alessandro Canci, Paola Càssola Guida & Susi Corazza Abstract: Three seasons of excavations (2000-2002), sponsored by the University of Udine, were carried out by the Department of Prehistory at a round-barrow on land currently owned by the university’s Agrarian Experimental Farm. The mound (in the shape of a truncated cone c. 26 m in diameter and 4 m heigh) is a clearly visible in that part of the upper plain of Friuli and is called, significantly, ‘Prati della tomba’ (meadows of the tomb). The structure concealed a small burial room in which a vigorous adult male was found lying on his left side though without grave goods. The burial can be assigned the Early Bronze Age and dated to approximately 1900 BC (3580±50 BP conventional radiocarbon age).

Fra il 2000 e il 2002 tre campagne di scavi archeologici sono state condotte sul tumulo un tempo detto ‘Tomba del Manicomio’, sito in località Pras de Tombe (Prati della Tomba) presso S. Osvaldo, alle porte di Udine (Friuli) (Càssola Guida & Corazza 2000; 2001; 2002). I lavori, promossi dal Rettore dell’Università di Udine e organizzati dalla Cattedra di Preistoria e Protostoria Europea (P. Càssola Guida), hanno visto la partecipazione di un folto gruppo di studenti e laureandi del corso in Conservazione dei Beni Culturali (indirizzo archeologico), guidati da Susi Corazza col valido supporto di Tullia Spanghero. Il tumulo, che sorge su un terrazzo formato da antiche alluvioni dei torrenti Cormor e Torre, presenta una forma troncoconica con base subcircolare (diametro 25,7 x 27,2 m) e si eleva sul piano circostante (92 m s.l.m.) per circa 4 m. Alla fine degli anni ‘30 la struttura fu identificata come tomba protostorica da Ludovico Quarina, un geometra dell’Arma del Genio, appassionato ricercatore di resti preromani, che individuò e rilevò oltre trecento piccole alture artificiali, attribuendone però all’antichità meno di una trentina (Quarina 1943). L’ipotesi corrente, accolta dal Quarina, che si trattasse di sepolture, era confermata non solo dai dati ricavati da scavi abusivi ma anche da microtoponimi quali Tomba, Tombuce, Tùmbare, Pras de Tombe, ecc. Fino ad epoca recente nessun tumulo era mai stato indagato con criteri scientifici; solo a partire dai primi anni ‘80 alcuni interventi di emergenza condotti dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica del Friuli-Venezia Giulia davano il via alle ricerche. Il tumulo di S. Osvaldo non era mai stato oggetto di indagini né vi erano stati raccolti elementi datanti. Attualmente esso è inserito all’interno della Azienda Agricola Sperimentale dell’Università ed è lambito da appezzamenti coltivati nei quali, come in molte altre zone del Friuli, sono stati raccolti a più riprese resti di industria litica, in particolare residui di lavorazione della selce, che tuttavia non possono essere messe in rapporto cronologico col tumulo ma sono solo indizio di una precedente frequentazione della zona. All’inizio della campagna del 2000, in via preliminare venne eseguito il rilievo topografico del manufatto; inoltre l’intera struttura fu indagata mediante prospezione sismica e geoelettrica da parte del prof. Michele Pipan del Dipartimento di Scienze Geologiche, Ambientali e Marine

137

dell’Università di Trieste. Le prospezioni rivelavano nella parte centrale, alla quota dei ricevitori della corona posta alla base del tumulo, un’anomalia di forma quadrangolare, con i lati lunghi orientati nord-ovest/sud-est e leggermente eccentrica rispetto alla sommità (Fig. 1). Una seconda anomalia di modesta ampiezza fu registrata sul suo versante orientale. Successivamente lo scavo ha dato ampie conferme di quanto era stato percepito con gli strumenti e puntualmente descritto sulle mappe. Gli scavi del 2000 ebbero carattere essenzialmente esplorativo: la finalità principale fu quella di raccogliere indicazioni precise sulla situazione del monumento (effettiva esistenza di una sepoltura protostorica, eventuali manomissioni, aggiunte, ecc.), in grado di orientare la ricerca futura. Sulla base delle indicazioni fornite dalle prospezioni si decise di indagare con procedimento stratigrafico soltanto una striscia del quadrante orientale; in questa striscia, larga circa due metri, lo scavo fu condotto dal colmo fino alla base del tumulo. Inoltre, per raccogliere dati sulla geomorfologia dell’area, il terreno pianeggiante che si estende a est del monumento fu sondato mediante 11 saggi di modeste dimensioni. Il Quarina (1943) riferisce che all’inizio del ‘900 il tumulo aveva un diametro massimo di base di m 35 circa e che poi venne fatto modificare dalla direzione dell’Ospedale Psichiatrico perché assumesse una forma troncoconica più regolare e risultasse coronato da una sorta di terrazzobelvedere. In effetti l’indagine di scavo accertò per prima cosa che la struttura era stata notevolmente assottigliata nella parte basale e rialzata alla sommità mediante l’apporto di falde di ghiaia, ciottoli e limo, per uno spessore di circa 90 cm. L’asportazione della cotica erbosa nell’intero quadrante nordorientale permetteva di porre in evidenza le tracce del rimaneggiamento sia sul culmine sia nella parte basale, mentre nella parte mediana si constatò subito l’esistenza di falde di ghiaie minute e ciottoli in scivolamento/colluvio, pertinenti all’antica struttura funeraria. Nell’area sommitale, al di sotto dei riporti recenti, si individuò il riempimento di un’ampia fossa, larga, nella sezione esposta, circa 4,5 m e profonda 1,80 m, nella quale erano ancora leggibili le tracce di una impalcatura lignea di contenimento delle pareti. Fortunatamente l’intacco, attribuibile ad epoca moderna, non era riuscito a

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. L’analisi integrata dei dati georadar e sismici tarati con i dati stratigrafici emersi dai primi test di scavo ha permesso di ricostruire con precisione le strutture di interesse archeologico; dalla figura è possibile distinguere. A. Limite inferiore di un tentativo di violazione del tumulo; B. Strati di ghiaia del tumulo; CT. Limite superiore dello strato ferrettizzato caratterizzato da limi ed argille con forte arricchimento in ossidi; D. Ciottoli di copertura della sepoltura. raggiungere le falde più profonde del tumulo. Gli strati di riempimento della fossa contenevano elementi (intonaci, lacerti di cocciopesto, frammenti di ceramica graffita e dipinta invetriata e grezza) databili al più tardi all’epoca rinascimentale; tuttavia il terminus ante quem o ad quem per questo tentativo di violazione è rappresentato da una moneta di Vittorio Emanuele II ritrovata nel livello più superficiale, che è rimasto a lungo esposto e conserva pertanto tracce di pedogenesi. Come si è detto, anche la parte basale del tumulo risultava effettivamente regolarizzata: il terreno circostante era stato spianato e il profilo rifilato. La ricerca di scavo ha potuto dimostrare che, per essere reso ben visibile anche a notevole distanza, il tumulo era stato innalzato su un terrazzo sopraelevato, una sorta di ondulazione dell’alta pianura alluvionale, la cui sequenza geologica, costituita dal terreno limoso-argilloso ricco di arenarie chiamato localmente ‘ferretto’ e dal substrato ghiaioso, è apparsa evidente alla base del manufatto, subito sotto la cotica erbosa, per 70 cm circa. Alla base della fascia indagata, inoltre, in corrispondenza della seconda anomalia registrata dalle prospezioni sismiche, fu individuata fin dal primo anno di ricerche una fornace per calce costruita in grosse pietre a secco, parzialmente incassata nella pendice del tumulo, risalente ad epoca tardoromana. L’interesse del ritrovamento è 138

accresciuto dal fatto che, come ci dicono le fonti classiche, la calce era già largamente usata nell’antichità non solo nell’edilizia ma anche per scopi agricoli, per mitigare l’eccessiva acidità del terreno. Nelle due successive campagne di scavo le ricerche interessarono più estesamente il quadrante orientale. Una volta asportati totalmente i riporti moderni, vennero parzialmente indagate le falde di ghiaia che formavano la parte più elevata della struttura (‘complesso stratigrafico 5’): si tratta di gettate di limitata estensione e spessore effettuate dai costruttori del tumulo a monte di sbarramenti lignei di modesta altezza (40-45 cm), bloccati a valle da paletti. L’originaria esistenza di ‘fermi’ usati per contenere le ghiaie era segnalata dalla presenza di file e di corone di ciottoli posti a rinzeppare, rispettivamente, tavole e paletti tra le falde ghiaiose leggermente inclinate. Lo scavo ha consentito dunque di accertare che i fermi venivano posti in corso d’opera, man mano che la struttura cresceva in altezza, e che restavano in essa inglobati. Lo spessore del complesso ghiaioso più superficiale, oggi di 30-40 cm, in origine doveva essere verosimilmente più consistente, come dimostra il fatto che la parte superiore presentava tracce di colluvio/scivolamento. Con ogni probabilità l’accumulo di falde ghiaiose era ancora ben conservato in età tardoromana, quando alla periferia del tumulo era stata impiantata la fornace per

ALESSANDRO CANCI, PAOLA CÀSSOLA GUIDA & SUSI CORAZZA: IL TUMULO PROTOSTORICO DI S. OSVALDO (UDINE) calce sopra menzionata: questa struttura, addossata al versante est, risultava infatti riempita in larga misura da ghiaie, evidentemente scivolate all’interno dopo che essa era stata messa fuori uso.

contenere una serie di gettate che complessivamente raggiungono i 40 cm circa di spessore. La simmetria dei fermi registrata nelle sezioni di limite scavo fa ritenere che questa parte della struttura sia stata innalzata secondo un disegno preciso e organizzato.

A partire dall’epoca di disattivazione della fornace e fino agli anni ‘30 del secolo scorso la superficie delle ghiaie del complesso stratigrafico 5 deve essere rimasta esposta continuativamente: ce lo indicano con buona evidenza le tracce di pedogenesi riscontrate sull’interfaccia. Su questa superficie, nei pressi della sommità della struttura protostorica, sono stati rinvenuti i frammenti di una bottiglietta di vetro quasi interamente ricostruibile e una perla di pasta vitrea blu, che sono correlabili con la fase d’uso della fornace per calce e consentono di datarla (IV sec. d.C.). Appare plausibile, anche in considerazione dello stato di conservazione del piccolo recipiente, che gli oggetti fossero in origine sepolti in una fossa della quale era rimasto solo il fondo.

Al di sotto del complesso stratigrafico 6 fu messo in luce e scavato un potente deposito di ferretto selezionato, quasi completamente privato del suo scheletro arenaceo (‘complesso stratigrafico 7’), contenente rarissimi frammenti ceramici per i quali fu possibile indicare una generica datazione all’età del bronzo. Il deposito limosoargilloso, che presentava profilo convesso – nella parte centrale del tumulo esso misurava da 95 a 60 cm di spessore e si assottigliava alla base –, appariva formato da varie falde ad andamento inclinato o piano-convesso; solo verso il centro del tumulo, in prossimità del vertice del quadrante, si rilevava la presenza di falde con limiti verticali nettamente percepibili.

L’insieme di strati sottostante (‘complesso stratigrafico 6’), risultato anch’esso – come il complesso stratigrafico 5 – interrotto al centro da una fossa moderna, è costituito da falde alternate di ferretto e ghiaie di modesto spessore ed estensione, leggermente inclinate. Anche in questo caso, si è constatato che per il contenimento delle falde sono stati impiegati dei fermi lignei collocati a distanza abbastanza regolare lungo il pendio (circa 1-1,40 m). Sulla base di quanto si è potuto leggere nelle sezioni esposte, pare verosimile che gli sbarramenti fossero formati da fascine o travi poste orizzontalmente su due o tre ordini e fermate a valle da paletti verticali: il sistema era in grado di

L’asportazione di questa spessa falda, iniziata nel corso della campagna del 2001, permetteva di riportare alla luce, nella zona più interna del quadrante, parte di un’ampia corona, spessa circa 50 cm, di ciottoloni di dimensioni selezionate: cominciava ad apparire il rivestimento cupoliforme di una struttura tombale che, come si è potuto accertare nel corso degli scavi del 2002, ha pianta rettangolare ed è orientata in direzione SSE-NNO (Fig. 2). In quest’ultima campagna di ricerche la calotta di ciottoli scelti che costituisce il nucleo della tomba fu messa in luce quasi interamente. Nel quadrante meridionale, ad un metro dal limite dello scavo, fu individuata, e parzialmente

Fig. 2. Il tumulo nel corso dello scavo. Al centro è visibile la copertura cupoliforme in ciottoli della tomba. In primo piano si osserva la fornace in calce mentre sullo sfondo appaiono gli strati di riempimento di una seconda fornace.

139

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Particolare della struttura cupoliforme del tumulo.

indagata, un’ampia fossa adibita ad una qualche attività che prevedeva l’uso del fuoco, anch’essa riferibile presumibilmente ad età tardoromana come la fornace per calce del quadrante est. La presenza di questa seconda struttura di epoca storica e l’esigenza di conservarla hanno costretto a risparmiare una porzione (m 1,5 x 2,5 ca.) dello strato limoso-argilloso nel quale era ricavata, la parte cioè sovrapposta al margine meridionale della calotta di ciottoloni: quest’ultima, pertanto, sul lato sud è rimasta sepolta per un breve tratto. L’ampliamento dell’area di scavo verso nord e verso sud ha permesso di constatare che al di sopra dell’apporto omogeneo di ferretto (quello che abbiamo denominato complesso stratigrafico 7), esteso per un diametro di circa 25-26 m sulla calotta di ciottolame, il monumento è costruito a settori giustapposti nei quali sono state impiegate tecniche diverse: a nord, falde di sabbia si alternano a strati di argilla di placcaggio, mentre verso ovest sono risultati evidenti in sezione dei cumuli contigui di argilla o di ghiaie tra e sopra i quali erano state poste via via delle falde di riempimento e di livellamento. La calotta, di forma subcircolare (5 m di diametro, 70 cm di altezza), appariva formata da grossi ciottoli (dai 15 ai 20 cm di lunghezza), prelevati dai substrati locali costituiti dalle antiche alluvioni del Tagliamento (Fig. 3). La costruzione si disponeva secondo uno schema radiale attorno alla piccola camera funeraria originariamente costruita in legno (m 2,30 x 0,80); sulla copertura lignea 140

della tomba erano in origine poggiate file di ciottoloni di dimensioni maggiori (35-50 cm). In seguito alla decomposizione del legno, il pietrame era sprofondato già in epoca antica all’interno del vano funerario e aveva schiacciato lo scheletro del defunto che vi era deposto. Lo scheletro giaceva sul fianco sinistro con il capo ruotato a sinistra, verso ovest, i gomiti piegati all’altezza della porzione inferiore della gabbia toracica, le mani raccolte davanti al volto e le gambe lievemente flesse (Fig. 4). Il cranio, spesso e con occipite sporgente, è conservato solo parzialmente in quanto gravi fratture hanno compromesso la conservazione di parte dello scheletro facciale. Le prime quattro vertebre cervicali appaiono ancora in connessione anatomica, invece dalla quinta vertebra cervicale in poi la colonna vertebrale e l’intera gabbia toracica sono scomparse a causa dell’effetto combinato della trasformazione fisica del letto di ghiaia, che col tempo si era compattato, e dalla pressione esercitata dalle pietre che hanno progressivamente schiacciato gli elementi ossei. La rotazione dell’anca, in articolazione con la testa del femore destro, conferma l’idea che la decomposizione delle parti molli sia avvenuta in uno spazio vuoto nel quale la forza di gravità ha poi agito dislocando l’articolazione coxo-femorale. Lo scheletro appartiene ad un maschio adulto la cui età alla morte è stata stimata tra i 25 e i 35 anni sulla base del grado di usura dentaria e del grado di obliterazione delle

ALESSANDRO CANCI, PAOLA CÀSSOLA GUIDA & SUSI CORAZZA: IL TUMULO PROTOSTORICO DI S. OSVALDO (UDINE) suture craniche. La statura è stata stimata in 168,03 ± 3,27 cm (Trotter & Gleser 1952, formule per i bianchi) ed il peso in circa 76 Kg (Ruff et al. 1997).

Fig. 4. Immagine dello scheletro rinvenuto nella tomba. La deposizione è primaria ed è avvenuta in uno spazio vuoto. Lo scheletro appartiene ad un soggetto maschile adulto tra i 25 ed i 35 anni d'età la cui statura è stata stimata in circa 168 cm. Lo scheletro non risulta essere stato affetto da patologie di tipo traumatico o infettivo. Le inserzioni muscolari appaiono sviluppate suggerendo un’elevata robustezza soprattutto dei muscoli gran pettorale, gran dorsale e deltoide sugli omeri e bicipite e pronatore quadrato su radio e ulna. L’arto inferiore presenta anch’esso segni di ipertrofia muscolare a carico dei muscoli glutei sui femori e tibiali anteriori sulle tibie. Nello scheletro facciale la mandibola risulta particolarmente robusta con marcati rilievi dei muscoli masticatori all’angolo mandibolare. Le tracce di usura dentaria, presenti soprattutto sui molari, indicano una masticazione prolungata di cibi piuttosto coriacei o poco cotti. La salute dentaria appare molto buona: non sono stati rilevati, infatti, esiti di carie o ascessi né perdite di denti in vita. Sono assenti, inoltre, sulla superficie dei denti tracce di indicatori di stress quali l’ipoplasia dello smalto e l’ipocalcificazione, il che suggerisce un’infanzia 141

caratterizzata da un’adeguata nutrizione e dall’assenza di gravi episodi patologici. Al termine dello scavo, pur in mancanza di oggetti datanti, grazie al confronto con altri ambiti culturali e soprattutto con alcuni monumenti analoghi del territorio friulano, indagati almeno parzialmente, è stato subito possibile collocare il tumulo di S. Osvaldo nella prima metà del secondo millennio a.C. (nell’antica o, al più tardi, all’inizio della media età del bronzo); questa datazione preliminare ha ora ricevuto conferma ed è stata precisata dai risultati dell’analisi radiocarbonica condotta su un campione di collagene osseo estratto da una falange dalla Beta Analytic Inc. di Miami (Florida), che ha fornito la data media calibrata del 1920 a.C. (3580±50 BP). I tumuli del Friuli sono tuttora ben visibili in buon numero, isolati o a gruppi, nella fascia di alta pianura estesa a est e a ovest del Tagliamento, in un paesaggio oggi fortemente antropizzato, che un tempo era dominato dalla presenza di ‘magredi’, pascoli magri propri di zone con terreni alluvionali, incoerenti e permeabili. I dati pollinici che emergono dall’indagine che S. Marvelli, M. Marchesini (Laboratorio Archeoambientale di Crevalcore, Bologna) e L. Forlani (Dip. di Biologia Evoluzionistica Sperimentale, Università di Bologna) stanno conducendo su campioni prelevati dagli strati inferiori del tumulo di S. Osvaldo delineano per questo territorio un paesaggio vegetazionale sostanzialmente aperto con aree a prato/pascolo alternate a qualche campo coltivato. In particolare sembra che si coltivassero cereali appartenenti al gruppo pollinico Hordeum, che comprende l’orzo selvatico e il piccolo farro, oltre a varie specie selvatiche di graminacee e al gruppo Avena-Triticum, di cui fanno parte la maggior parte dei frumenti e l’avena coltivata. La copertura forestale era prevalentemente costituita da latifoglie decidue, rappresentate da querce caducifoglie (Quercus sp.) e, soprattutto, da specie tipiche di boschi igrofili, in particolare da ontano comune (Alnus cfr. glutinosa). Alcune conifere, quali Pino (Pinus sp.) e Abete rosso (Picea excelsa), documentano la presenza di boschi collinari/montani sullo sfondo del paesaggio vegetale. Infine, la lista floristica rileva numerose specie erbacee ricorrenti nelle aree stabilmente antropizzate a carattere rurale, quali Graminacee e Cicorioidee, accanto ad alcuni dei cosiddetti ‘indicatori antropici spontanei’, cioè piante spontanee che si diffondono al seguito dell’uomo, quali infestanti/commensali, ruderali, indicatrici di luoghi calpestati, rappresentati da Chenopodiaceae, ortica (Urtica dioica tipo) e parietaria (Parietavia sp.), piantaggine (Plantago sp.), fiordaliso scuro (Centaurea nigra tipo) e altre. Tra i tumuli della provincia di Udine che sono stati oggetto d’indagine nei primi anni ’80 del secolo scorso (Selvis di Remanzacco, Campoformido, Montagnola Tomba di Sopra presso Flaibano), il monumento che presenta maggiore affinità con la tomba di S. Osvaldo, sia per la tecnica costruttiva che per le modalità di deposizione del corpo nella camera funeraria, è il tumulo situato in località Tombittis presso Campoformido.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Allo stato attuale delle conoscenze nessuno dei tumuli friulani, attestanti l’uso esclusivo della inumazione e della deposizione singola, può essere messo in rapporto con un insediamento sito nelle vicinanze. Nel periodo in cui si eressero queste sepolture, ossia tra l’antica e parte della media età del bronzo, l’attività umana è documentata nella regione quasi solo da reperti casuali e da tracce di frequentazione in zone situate ai margini dell’alta pianura, ad esempio su terrazzi elevati alla confluenza di due corsi d’acqua, o in grotte della fascia collinare e prealpina oppure nella Bassa, a sud della linea delle risorgive. Il lineamento più evidente di queste fasi antiche della protostoria della regione è dunque costituito proprio dal tumulo, che, insieme alla documentazione, pur non molto abbondante, offerta dai reperti mobili (alcuni manufatti metallici e poca ceramica), rimanda soprattutto alle cerchie culturali dell’Europa centro-orientale, e in particolare alla cultura di Wieselburg-Gata, fiorita nei territori estesi tra l’Austria e l’Ungheria. Dagli scarsi elementi che possediamo possiamo indurre che fino ad un momento avanzato del Bronzo Medio sia perdurato in Friuli un assetto sociale fondato sui rapporti di parentela e sull’emergere di figure di pastori-guerrieri: il prestigio di questi ultimi è manifestato dal possesso di un’arma – si veda ad esempio il pugnale rinvenuto nella sepoltura di Selvis di Remanzacco (Vitri 1983) – e soprattutto dalla complessità costruttiva e dall’imponenza delle loro tombe, che dovevano essere visibili anche a notevole distanza. Nei tumuli friulani si può leggere inoltre la volontà delle piccole comunità locali di affermare solennemente il proprio possesso del territorio, indicandone i limiti mediante la presenza di segnacoli monumentali, secondo un costume largamente noto, che trova riscontro in altre aree e in svariate epoche. Fra il 2001 e il 2002 veniva completata anche l’esplorazione della fornace per calce individuata alla base del tumulo di S. Osvaldo. Il riempimento della struttura risultava costituito, nella parte inferiore, da pietre riferibili all’originario rivestimento, da falde di materiale carbonioso e di sabbia ossidata e, nella parte superiore, da ghiaie; una volta asportati questi accumuli, si sono potute stabilire le dimensioni della fornace: m 3,40 x 3,30. È stato possibile altresì rilevare che, all’epoca in cui la fornace era in uso, alle spalle di essa era stato ricavato uno stretto corridoio che veniva ad inserirsi tra le falde del tumulo, sorrette da strutture lignee, e la copertura cupoliforme della struttura ad esso addossata. Lo scavo ha permesso poi di precisare che già in antico, in un momento non determinabile ma comunque successivo alla disattivazione della fornace e allo spoglio degli elementi infrastrutturali ad essa connessi sul lato a monte, l’originario profilo del tumulo fu ripristinato con riporti di terreno sostenuti da armature lignee: il che dimostra la volontà di conservare il monumento nella sua interezza. Quanto alla fossa-forno individuata nell’ampliamento sudorientale dell’area di scavo, questa è stata svuotata fino al fondo, che è stato raggiunto a m 1,20, limitatamente 142

all’esiguo settore messo in luce (m 4 x 1,10): dai riempimenti, costituiti per lo più da ghiaie e ciottoli, non è stato recuperato materiale utile alla determinazione della destinazione e della datazione della struttura; la sua attribuzione ad epoca tardoromana è sembrata peraltro ragionevole in quanto essa potrebbe aver fatto parte dello stesso contesto produttivo cui apparteneva la calcara. Va infine rilevato che l’estensione dell’area di scavo verso occidente ha reso chiaramente visibile nella sezione del tumulo un’altra buca molto profonda, anche questa praticata con ogni probabilità da un clandestino, che per fortuna ha fallito il bersaglio, ubicando il suo scavo in modo del tutto erroneo. Data l’ottima conservazione del complesso e l’importanza della ricerca, si ritiene opportuno che il monumento venga restaurato e valorizzato: a tale scopo è stato elaborato un progetto che prevede la ricostruzione della sagoma che il tumulo presentava prima delle indagini e la possibilità di visitarne le strutture interne. Quanto alla fornace per calce, nel progetto sono previsti il restauro e la conservazione anche di questa costruzione, che coi suoi muri non deperibili potrà essere mantenuta in vista. In previsione della fruizione della tomba monumentale da parte del pubblico, è stato eseguito il calco della sepoltura, ad opera del sig. Sergio Salvador. Una piccola mostra fotografica e una pubblicazione a carattere didattico-divulgativo (Càssola Guida & Corazza 2003) stanno consentendo di pubblicizzare i risultati preliminari dell’indagine. BIBLIOGRAFIA Càssola Guida, P. & S. Corazza, 2000. Udine, S. Osvaldo, tumulo protostorico. Scavi 2000. Aquileia Nostra 71, 648-652. Càssola Guida, P. & S. Corazza, 2001. Udine, Sant’Osvaldo, tumulo protostorico. Scavi 2001. Aquileia Nostra 72, 533-538. Càssola Guida, P. & S. Corazza, 2002. Udine, S. Osvaldo, tumulo protostorico. Scavi 2002. Aquileia Nostra 73, 754-757. Càssola Guida, P. & S. Corazza, 2003. Il tumulo di Sant’Osvaldo. Alla ricerca dell’antenato, Guida alla mostra. Udine. Quarina, L., 1943. Castellieri e tombe a tumulo in provincia di Udine. Ce fastu? 19, 54-86. Ruff, C.B., E. Trinkaus & T.W. Holliday, 1997. Body mass and encephalization in Pleistocene Homo. Nature 387, 173-176. Trotter, M. & G.C. Gleser, 1952. Estimation of stature from long limb bones of American whites and negroes. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 10, 463-514. Vitri, S., 1983. I tumuli del Friuli, in: AA.VV., Preistoria del Caput Adriae. Catalogo della mostra. Trieste, 8486.

LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA E IL RIPOSTIGLIO DI PILA DEL BRANCÓN. PROPOSTE INTERPRETATIVE SULLA STRUTTURA E SULL’EVOLUZIONE SOCIALE DELLE COMUNITÀ DELLA PIANURA 1 VERONESE TRA BRONZO MEDIO E BRONZO RECENTE Michele Cupitò & Giovanni Leonardi Abstract: The article focuses on the integrated study of the necropolis of Olmo di Nogara and the hoard with weapons of Pila del Brancón. Its aim is to study the structure and the socio-political development of the communities of the plain of Verona between Middle Bronze Age 1 and Late Bronze Age 2. It was possible to identify a radical transformation in the social structure of this region at the borders of the ‘sistema delle terramare’. A social structure based on conical clans lead by emergent groups strongly defined by a warrior element (already characterized through the hereditary transmission of rank) passed into a social structure based on entities of the gentilizio-clientelare kind, characterized by two main features: established dependent relationships between élites and lower social groups on one side and a complex military structure, characterized by a socially defined use of the sword and the spear.

CARATTERI NOGARA2

GENERALI DELLA NECROPOLI DI

OLMO

DI

La necropoli di Olmo di Nogara (da qui in poi O.d.N.), databile fra il tardo Bronzo medio 13 e il Bronzo recente 24 (v. infra), occupa la sommità di un dosso fluviale posto lungo il margine destro della valle del Tartaro, ed è ubicata a circa 500 m a W di un ampio abitato, presumibilmente perispondale, caratterizzato da un identico range cronologico (Figg. 1-2). Il sepolcreto, articolato in quattro nuclei principali, arealmente circoscritti e topograficamente distinti (Fig. 2), si sviluppa sul lato orientale di una grande strada funeraria, perfettamente rettilinea, orientata in senso NW/S-E, la cui presenza è stata controllata complessivamente per circa 300 m e, limitatamente al suo tratto meridionale, anche oltre l’area interessata dai seppellimenti. Il settore più settentrionale del sepolcreto, definito area A, è stato indagato per un’estensione piuttosto limitata e, per quanto noto, risulta profondamente compromesso dagli interventi moderni. Le aree B e C (Figg. 3 e 6), situate rispettivamente a 150 e 270 m a S dell’area A, sono caratterizzate, invece, da uno stato di conservazione Fig. 1. Ubicazione dei siti considerati: 1) Abitato di O.d.N.; 2) Necropoli di O.d.N.; 3) Ripostiglio di Pila del Brancón. Le fasce in grigio, presenti nella parte mediana, corrispondono a paleoalvei del sistema TioneTartaro.

1 Desideriamo ringraziare il dott. Luciano Salzani, della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto, per averci consentito lo studio dei materiali inediti di Olmo di Nogara. La collaborazione tra Università di Padova e Soprintendenza del Veneto, si è trasformata in un progetto ufficiale di dottorato riguardante gli aspetti funerari del Bronzo medio e recente in ambito veneto-occidentale e lombardo-orientale. 2 Per i dati sulla necropoli si vedano in particolare: Aspes 1970; Salzani 1988; 1991; Salzani, Capitanio, Corrain & Meneghel 1992; Salzani 1996; 1997. 3

decisamente migliore e, mentre per l’area B i settori di seppellimento, pur rarefatti, dovrebbero estendersi anche a N-W e S-E, l’area C, parrebbe conclusa su tutti e quattro i lati; per l’area D, infine, i dati sono, per ora, molto discontinui. Le sepolture rinvenute nei vari nuclei ammontano, nel complesso, a circa 530 m.

Da qui in avanti i termini Bronzo medio, recente e finale saranno

abbreviati in BM, BR e BF. 4 Nel presente contributo si adotta la scansione in fasi del BM e BR proposta in Bernabò Brea & Cardarelli 1997 con bibliografia precedente; specificamente per la pianura veronese si rimanda a Belluzzo & Tirabassi 1996; per la distinzione tra BR1 e BR2 si veda Leonardi 1980.

143

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI mentre più ambigui e di difficile lettura sono i risultati della seriazione delle associazioni maschili. In quest’ultimo caso, tuttavia, si rivelano di grande importanza – e talvolta dirimenti sul piano cronologico – le ricorrenti associazioni con le ceramiche. Nel presente paragrafo si intende proporre sinteticamente i risultati dell’analisi cronologica, concentrandoci in particolare sugli indicatori femminili. Successivamente, alla luce di tale indagine, si valuterà lo sviluppo topografico delle aree B e C del sepolcreto. Cronologia e fasi funerarie5 La fase di primo impianto della necropoli va posta allo scorcio del BM1. Sul piano degli indicatori femminili questo momento è rappresentato dallo spillone con capocchia perforata trasversalmente – varietà C.6 La 2a fase di utilizzo corrisponde, nel suo complesso, al BM2. A livello di indicatori femminili essa è segnalata dall’affermazione dello spillone a tre anelli e dei tipi che ad esso si associano in maniera esclusiva, ovvero, in particolare, gli spilloni a duplice asola, i tipi Monte Lonato e Pieve S. Giacomo e una variante del tipo Povegliano. La 3a fase funeraria è comparabile all’intero BM3 e risulta contraddistinta, oltre che dalla persistenza dello spillone a tre anelli, dalla diffusione dello spillone tipo Nogara – nelle sue diverse varietà – e del tipo Montata. In base alla seriazione – che qui non si propone per motivi di spazio – è, inoltre, ben evidente l’esistenza di una ben definita fase di passaggio tra BM e BR, caratterizzata dalla persistenza di tipi propri del BM (spilloni a tre anelli e tipo Nogara) e dalla parallela diffusione di tipi che avranno compiuta affermazione nel corso del BR1 (spilloni a spirale dei tipi Peschiera e S. Caterina);7 questo momento di transizione viene definito BM3/BR1.

Fig. 2. Relazione topografica fra l’abitato di O.d.N. (asterisco) e la necropoli articolata nei quattro nuclei A, B, C e D (ripresa e modificata da Salzani, Capitanio, Corrain & Meneghel 1992). Sul piano del rituale funerario la necropoli si caratterizza per la presenza del rito misto, con netta prevalenza dell’inumazione sull’incinerazione. Per quanto concerne le inumazioni, accanto a un’elevata percentuale di sepolture prive di corredo, si registra il consistente ricorrere sia di tombe femminili e infantili con parures ornamentali più o meno ricche, sia, soprattutto, di deposizioni maschili contraddistinte dalla presenza della spada (almeno 14 localizzate nell’area B, 28 concentrate nell’area C); per quanto noto, invece, le incinerazioni sono sempre prive di corredo. M.C. & G.L.

5 Per le diverse posizioni in merito si vedano Carancini & Peroni 1999 e De Marinis 1999. 6 La terminologia utilizzata per definire gli spilloni è quella di Carancini 1975. Sul problema della datazione dello spillone con capocchia globulare perforata si vedano Carancini & Peroni 1999, 12-16 e De Marinis 1999, 44-48. 7 In Carancini & Peroni 1999 gli spilloni a spirale tipo Peschiera e S. Caterina sono considerati propri ed esclusivi del BM3 (specificamente della sottofase BM3B). In De Marinis 1999 i medesimi spilloni vengono riferiti al solo BRI, benché si proponga l’isolamento di una varietà riferibile al BMII (= BM3 di Bernabò Brea & Cardarelli 1997) caratterizzata da piccole dimensioni e, limitatamente al tipo S. Caterina, da cappi molto stretti; va ricordato, tuttavia, che il BRI di De Marinis comprende anche parte del BM3 di Bernabò Brea & Cardarelli 1997. La datazione ‘larga’ da noi proposta sulla base delle associazioni di O.d.N. – nascita dei due tipi alla fine del BM3 e persistenza per tutto il BR1 – senza possibilità di isolare varietà con valore cronologico –, è confermata dalla stratigrafia del Villaggio Grande di S. Rosa di Poviglio – si veda in merito Bernabò Brea, Bronzoni, Mutti & Provenzano 1997a e 1997b. Sul problema degli spilloni tipo Peschiera e S. Caterina si veda anche la posizione di Cardarelli 1997.

CRONOLOGIA, FASI DI UTILIZZO E SVILUPPO TOPOGRAFICO Data la consistente presenza di associazioni di corredo significative, il complesso di O.d.N. rappresenta un campo di indagine privilegiato per l’analisi dell’articolazione cronologica del BM e BR. Particolarmente significativa si rivela, in questo senso, l’analisi tipo-cronologica degli indicatori femminili, 144

MICHELE CUPITÒ & GIOVANNI LEONARDI: LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA

Fig. 3. Area C: a) Distribuzione della tombe maschili con spada (freccia piena = tomba 194; freccia tratteggiata = tomba 41 di BR1); b) Distribuzione delle tombe femminili con parure di spilloni e ambra (pallino pieno = 2 spilloni uguali+1spillone diverso; pallino campito a metà = 2 spilloni uguali; pallino barrato = 2 spilloni diversi; pallino vuoto = 1 spillone); c) Distribuzione delle tombe femminili con parure di spilloni priva di ambra (pallino pieno = 2 spilloni uguali+1spillone diverso; pallino campito a metà = 2 spilloni uguali; pallino barrato = 2 spilloni diversi; pallino vuoto = 1 spillone); d) Distribuzione delle tombe a incinerazione (ripresa e modificata da Salzani, Capitanio, Corrain & Meneghel 1992). 145

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI La 4a fase, comparabile al BR, si articola in due sottofasi, corrispondenti, rispettivamente, al BR1 e al BR2. La sottofase BR1 è contrassegnata, come accennato, soprattutto dall’affermazione dagli spilloni a spirale tipo Peschiera e S. Caterina e di tipi affini come i Bacino Marina; viceversa, la sottofase BR2 dalla progressiva scomparsa dei vari tipi di spilloni con capocchia a spirale, e dalla parallela diffusione, in particolare, degli spilloni con capocchia cilindrica perforata tipo Cà del Lago e con capocchia forata tipo Boccatura del Mincio.

parte occidentale di C1 e dalla occupazione di C2. Con il pieno BR continuano le deposizioni nella parte centrale di C1 e si incrementa in maniera sensibile la frequentazione di C2, certamente anche nel settore delle incinerazioni; una sola inumazione con spada, l’unica databile a questa fase, testimonia la frequentazione del settore orientale di C1. Area B – Caratteristiche cronologiche e sviluppo topografico

Per quanto concerne gli indicatori maschili, soprattutto le spade, l’analisi tipo-cronologica interna ha dato, come detto, risultati meno puntuali, evidenziando la necessità di un ulteriore approfondimento del problema. In questa sede, quindi, si ritiene più prudente limitarsi a registrare che su 42 sepolture con spada, 41 sono ascrivibili al BM (con range compreso fra la fase di transizione BM1/BM2 e il BM3)8 e una soltanto all’inizio del BR1 (tomba 41 – Area C).

A livello cronologico il settore B di O.d.N. (Fig. 6) si differenzia in maniera radicale dal nucleo C, in quanto non vi risultano rappresentate significative fasi di utilizzo riferibili al passaggio BM3/BR1 e al pieno BR; ne deriva, sul piano topografico, l’impossibilità di cogliere un’evoluzione lineare assimilabile a quella notata per il nucleo C. Tale duplice diversità sembrerebbe intrinseca e imputabile a un diverso modello di strutturazione e utilizzo di questa parte del sepolcreto ma, a questo livello di analisi, non sembra prudente escludere la possibilità che essa dipenda anche dalla parzialità del campione indagato.10

Area C – Caratteristiche cronologiche e sviluppo topografico Il settore C di O.d.N. (Fig. 3) è caratterizzato da un chiaro sviluppo topografico in senso N-S. Ciò emerge in maniera particolarmente evidente dall’analisi distributiva delle associazioni di corredo femminili.

ANALISI DEI CORREDI E DISTRIBUZIONE DELLE ASSOCIAZIONI Alla luce degli elementi di cronologia sopra discussi, nel presente paragrafo ci si propone di sviluppare l’analisi delle associazioni di corredo, concentrando l’indagine sulle tombe maschili con spada e sulle sepolture femminili con parure di spilloni, in quanto ritenute maggiormente significative sul piano delle differenziazioni di ordine sociale. L’indagine sarà svolta principalmente sull’area C e solo conclusivamente, per contrasto, si passerà alla sintetica analisi dell’area B.

Il nucleo sepolcrale di primo impianto, riferibile al tardo BM1, risulta ubicato nel segmento settentrionale dell’area C (da qui in poi C1) e, in particolare, nella sua parte centro-orientale. Durante il BM2, le sepolture continuano a concentrarsi esclusivamente nella parte centrale di C1 e nella sua periferia orientale, mentre con il BM3 i seppellimenti, in rapida espansione lineare verso S, vanno ad interessare anche il setto di congiunzione tra C1 e il nucleo funerario meridionale (da qui in poi C2), attestandosi in corrispondenza del circoscritto settore delle tombe ad incinerazione (Fig. 3:d). Anche l’attivazione di quest’ultimo, concentrato in C2, è presumibilmente riferibile allo scorcio del BM3. Nella medesima fase si colloca, inoltre, la deposizione della tomba maschile 194, topograficamente distinta tanto da C1 quanto da C2, e ubicata, a E, in posizione isolata, perfettamente a metà tra i due raggruppamenti (Fig. 3:a).9

Area C Tombe maschili con spada Nell’area C di O.d.N. le 28 sepolture di maschi armati di spada sono concentrate esclusivamente nel settore C1, il che diversifica dicotomicamente C1 da C2 (Fig. 3:a).11 La variabilità delle associazioni di armamento è piuttosto elevata ma, nel complesso, risultano isolabili quattro combinazioni principali, caratterizzate da un grado di complessità crescente (Fig. 4):

Nella fase di transizione BM3/BR1, il fenomeno di maggiore portata è rappresentato dall’attivazione della

10 Nell’area A della necropoli sono state individuate esclusivamente sepolture riferibili al BM3 e alla fase di passaggio BM3/BR1. E’ tuttavia assai probabile che ciò dipenda dalla limitatezza del campione indagato. 11 Si è scelto di non considerare la distribuzione delle sepolture con solo pugnale in quanto ritenuto indicatore altamente ambiguo sia per il sesso – nell’area B di O.d.N. esso ricorre, infatti, anche nella tomba femminile 411 – sia per il ruolo del defunto – poteva assolvere alla funzione di semplice strumento artigianale. Si rileva, tuttavia, che il solo pugnale ricorre sia in C1, nell’area dei portatori di spada – e certamente riferibile ad un momento non evoluto del BM, sia in C2 in posizione isolata – con datazione al pieno BR.

8 Sul piano cronologico va segnalato, quale problema ancora da valutare in profondità, l’accertata associazione di spade tipo Sauerbrunn, tradizionalmente ascritte al BM iniziale, con tipi ceramici riferibili a fasi più evolute del medesimo orizzonte. In merito alla cronologia delle spade del BM si rimanda ancora a Carancini & Peroni 1999 e De Marinis 1999. 9 La datazione della tomba 194 al tardo BM3 è garantita, in particolare, dal vaso d’accompagno che trova stretti confronti con urne della necropoli mantovana di Pietole (Bonghi Jovino 1970, fig. 4, 3).

146

MICHELE CUPITÒ & GIOVANNI LEONARDI: LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA a) b) c) d)

Spada (o daga); Spada (o daga) + copricapo borchiato;12 Spada + pugnale; Spada + pugnale + copricapo borchiato.

All’interno di questo schema si identificano, inoltre, due varianti: b.1) Spada + probabile copricapo borchiato + punta di freccia;13 c.1) Spada + pugnale + gorgiera con chiodi. Come emerge in maniera evidente dalla Fig. 5:a, la distribuzione spaziale delle associazioni di armamento risulta complessivamente random. Esito equivalente presentano, inoltre, sia la distribuzione delle classi di età degli armati (Fig. 5:b),14 sia la sovrapposizione tra quest’ultima e le varie combinazioni di armamento (Fig. 5:a-b). Se ne deduce, in particolare, l’assenza di un rapporto di dipendenza diretta fra classe di età e complessità dell’armamento e, in quanto tale, fra classe di età e posizione gerarchica dell’individuo nell’ambito della classe dei guerrieri. Più precise appaiono, per contro, le indicazioni desumibili dall’elemento simbolico della posizione della spada sul corpo dell’armato. Le collocazione ricorrenti sono sostanzialmente due: a) Presso la spalla e lungo il braccio, sia a sinistra che a destra; b) In posizione centrale, tanto in senso longitudinale quanto trasversale, perlopiù dal petto al ventre ma, in alcuni casi, anche in configurazione fallica. La distribuzione topografica di tale indicatore consente di isolare gruppi piuttosto coerenti di sepolture, dislocati nello spazio secondo uno schema di alternanze e/o giustapposizioni (Fig. 5:c). Tra i raggruppamenti così individuati assume particolare rilievo il nucleo mediano. Esso, infatti, oltre ad essere il più consistente sul piano numerico, risulta contraddistinto non solo dalla presenza di tombe pertinenti a tutte e tre le fasi del BM e da una massiccia quantità di combinazioni complesse, ma anche dal ricorrere esclusivo di tutte le classi di età e delle spade in configurazione fallica.

Fig. 4. Principali combinazioni di armamento: a) Spada; b) Spada+copricapo borchiato; c) Spada+pugnale; d) Spada+pugnale+copricapo borchiato (riprese e modificate da Salzani 1997).

Tombe femminili con parure di spilloni La più significativa diversificazione rilevabile nell’ambito delle sepolture femminili con parure di spilloni consiste nella presenza o assenza di elementi in ambra. Posta questa macro-distinzione, le combinazioni di corredo individuabili sono principalmente quattro:

12 La presenza di questo elemento (elmo o casco in cuoio?) è dedotta in base all’accertata relazione diretta tra borchie e cranio dell’inumato; nei casi in cui tale relazione non sia diretta le borchie, ubicate quasi esclusivamente presso il capo o la spalla del defunto, presentano una regolare disposizione a circolo o a semicerchio, anche su file concentriche. Una conferma esterna a tale interpretazione proviene dalle nuove analisi antropologiche e paleopatologiche condotte dal dott. A. Canci dell’Università di Pisa nell’ambito di un progetto finanziato dall’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. In occasione del presente convegno Canci ha infatti reso noto che su alcuni inumati con spada di O.d.N. sono stati riscontrati gravi traumi e stress cranici derivanti da colpi inferti con armi da punta. Tali traumi, in alcuni casi, non avrebbero causato la morte dell’individuo, il che potrebbe far presupporre una specifica protezione del capo.

a) b) c) d)

2 Spilloni uguali + 1 spillone diverso; 2 Spilloni uguali; 2 Spilloni diversi; 1 Spillone.

13 In C1, in corrispondenza del limite occidentale del gruppo degli armati, ricorre una sepoltura contraddistinta dalla presenza della sola punta di freccia; la cronologia della tomba non è precisabile. 14 Si sono qui utilizzate le scansioni in classi di età di Corrain & Capitanio 1992, ritenute sufficientemente affidabili visto il range piuttosto ampio.

147

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. a) Distribuzione delle combinazioni di armamento; b) Distribuzione delle classi di età degli armati; c) Distribuzione della posizione della spada sul corpo in relazione alle combinazioni di armamento (ripresa e modificata da Salzani, Capitanio, Corrain & Meneghel 1992). Per quanto concerne i corredi con ambra (Fig. 3:b) va rilevato, innanzitutto, che, a livello topografico, le associazioni più complesse (a) si concentrano quasi esclusivamente nel nucleo centrale del settore C1; per contro, le associazioni più semplici (b, c, d), pressoché

assenti dal settore mediano di C1, si distribuiscono, in maniera sostanzialmente equilibrata, sia nella zona occidentale di C1 sia, soprattutto, in C2. Questo tipo di distribuzione presenta, tuttavia, un importante risvolto cronologico. Infatti, mentre i corredi addensati nel settore

148

MICHELE CUPITÒ & GIOVANNI LEONARDI: LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA centrale di C1 sono riferibili al tardo BM1 e al BM2, quelli presenti nella parte occidentale di C1 e in C2 appartengono al passaggio BM3/BR1 e al BR.

complesse e ricche d’ambra. Allo scorcio del BM3 si attiva, infine, in C2, il circoscritto nucleo ad incinerazione.

Passando all’analisi distributiva dei corredi privi di elementi in ambra (Fig. 3:c), va notato che le combinazioni più complesse (a) lambiscono la zona nucleare di C1, ma si addensano in maniera particolare nel setto di collegamento fra C1 e C2; in C2 sono presenti in maniera del tutto sporadica. Viceversa, le associazioni più semplici (b, c, d) si contraddistinguono per una dislocazione equilibrata fra C1 e C2, ma mentre in C1 sono presenti soprattutto nella fascia mediana, in C2 la loro diffusione risulta ubiquitaria. Anche in questo caso la distribuzione diversificata delle varie combinazioni di corredo riveste una forte valenza cronologica. Se, infatti, la quasi totalità dei corredi presenti nella parte mediana di C1 e nel setto di congiunzione fra C1 e C2 è ascrivibile al BM3 – ed esclusivamente a questa fase pertengono le combinazioni più complesse – i corredi distribuiti in C2 si inseriscono nella transizione BM3/BR1 e nel pieno BR.

In corrispondenza con il momento di transizione BM3/BR1, all’incremento delle deposizioni nel nucleo C2 fa riscontro l’attivazione del settore occidentale di C1. In questa fase entrambi i settori ricevono numerose sepolture femminili che, tuttavia, nonostante un’incidenza quantitativa ancora piuttosto elevata dell’ambra, presentano combinazioni di corredo decisamente meno ricche e complesse rispetto a quelle delle fasi precedenti e quasi esclusivamente spilloni in filo di bronzo. Con il pieno BR il settore C1 subisce una netta contrazione sia sul piano quantitativo sia su quello qualitativo. Si conta una sola tomba di armato e le sepolture femminili, tutte concentrate al centro di C1, presentano, nel complesso, parures assai più modeste. Il settore C2 si caratterizza, invece, per una distribuzione ubiquitaria, e sostanzialmente equilibrata, di sepolture femminili di livello piuttosto basso. In altre parole, sebbene persista la deposizione di elementi in ambra nelle tombe, si registra l’acutizzarsi e il diffondersi di quel fenomeno di generale abbassamento della qualità e della quantità degli oggetti alienati nelle sepolture, le cui premesse erano già evidenti al passaggio fra BM e BR. L’esito principale di questo fenomeno è il complessivo appiattimento delle distinzioni di ricchezza tra C1 e C2. Va rilevato, tuttavia, che anche in quest’ultima fase le parures femminili concentrate nella parte mediana di C1 si distinguono per la presenza di spilloni di dimensioni e/o qualità leggermente superiori rispetto alla media.

Area C - Analisi integrata delle associazioni di corredo per fasi (Fig. 3:a-d) Con il tardo BM1 si attiva, in C1, un raggruppamento sepolcrale caratterizzato dalla presenza di un ristretto nucleo centrale contraddistinto dalla compresenza di armati e di una donna con ricca parure di spilloni e ambra, e, a E, di una fascia occupata esclusivamente da tombe maschili con spada. Durante il BM2, sia la zona centrale di C1 sia la sua periferia orientale ricevono deposizioni maschili con spada, mentre per quanto concerne le sepolture le sepolture femminili il solo nucleo centrale di C1 si arricchisce di sepolture contraddistinte dalla presenza di corredi complessi e ricchi d’ambra.

Area B - Analisi integrata delle associazioni di corredo per fasi (Fig. 6:a-d) Come si è già anticipato, nell’area B risultano, per ora, del tutto assenti sepolture ascrivibili al passaggio BM3/BR1 e al pieno BR. Sul piano delle componenti funerarie e delle tipologie dei corredi esso presenta, per contro, una perfetta identità con il settore C. Vi si individuano, infatti, maschi armati di spada, donne con parures di spilloni più o meno ricche, talvolta contrassegnate dalla presenza di elementi in ambra, inumati senza corredo e tombe a incinerazione. Il modello di strutturazione spaziale è, tuttavia, totalmente diverso, rispetto a quello dell’area C. Mentre infatti il settore C si connota per la presenza di due grandi raggruppamenti nettamente distinti tanto sul piano topografico, quanto su quello cronologico e del rango, il settore B sembra contraddistinto dalla coesistenza di più nuclei – apparentemente almeno tre – che, al di là di un evidente squilibrio numerico, non presentano, tra loro, alcuna macroscopica differenziazione. Opposto rispetto a quella dell’area C risulta anche il modello di distribuzione delle sepolture a incinerazione. M.C.

Nel BM3 le tombe di armati continuano a dislocarsi sia nella parte centrale di C1 sia nella sua parte E, ma, parallelamente, si verifica il distacco della deposizione maschile 194, contraddistinta da una combinazione di armamento molto complessa e da una struttura tombale particolarmente emergente (cassone ligneo con fodera esterna in grossi ciottoli); viceversa, le tombe femminili, caratterizzate ancora da combinazioni molto complesse ma perlopiù prive di ambra, vanno progressivamente a occupare il setto di congiunzione fra C1 e C2. Le deposizioni femminili pertinenti al BM si contraddistinguono, inoltre, per la presenza costante di spilloni di grandi dimensioni, di notevole peso e di fattura assai raffinata; l’ambra, tuttavia, presente sempre in quantità ragguardevoli, si concentra esclusivamente nelle tombe di BM1 e 2 addensate nel nucleo centrale di C1. Sul piano topografico va sottolineata, in C1, la perfetta coincidenza fra il raggruppamento degli armati con spada al centro del corpo e il nucleo delle donne con parures

149

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. Area B: a) Distribuzione della tombe maschili con spada; b) Distribuzione delle tombe femminili con parure di spilloni e ambra (pallino pieno = 2 spilloni uguali + 1 spillone diverso; pallino barrato = 2 spilloni diversi); c) Distribuzione delle tombe femminili con parure di spilloni priva di ambra (pallino pieno = 2 spilloni uguali+1spillone diverso; pallino barrato = 2 spilloni diversi; pallino vuoto = 1 spillone); d) Distribuzione delle tombe a incinerazione (ripresa e modificata da Salzani, Capitanio, Corrain & Meneghel 1992). 150

MICHELE CUPITÒ & GIOVANNI LEONARDI: LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA PROPOSTE INTERPRETATIVE SULLA STRUTTURA E SULL’EVOLUZIONE SOCIALE

La fase di transizione tra il BM3 e il BR si caratterizza come il momento in cui si registrano le maggiori trasformazioni sociali. In questa fase, infatti, l’evoluzione, diversificata ma parallela, dei nuclei B e C subisce una traumatica diversione: il nucleo B cessa apparentemente di vivere; il settore C, al contrario, vede la gemmazione di un nuovo raggruppamento sepolcrale (C2) che, sebbene topograficamente connesso al nucleo emergente e più antico (C1), ne differisce in maniera totale sul piano dell’esibizione del rango/ruolo e della ricchezza; vi risultano infatti del tutto assenti i portatori di spada e le donne con parures molto ricche. Questo fenomeno si innesca, inoltre, in significativa concomitanza cronologica non solo con la diffusione del rito incineratorio, ma soprattutto con l’emergere di una figura di guerriero dominante, la cui posizione gerarchica risulta presumibilmente sovraordinata rispetto a entrambi i segmenti sociali del gruppo. Sul piano dell’evoluzione socio-politica, tale duplice trasformazione si configura come l’epifenomeno da un lato dell’affermazione del modello ‘monocentrico’ di gestione dei rapporti di potere – con assorbimento del nucleo B da parte del C? –, dall’altro del progressivo ma rapido passaggio da una forma di organizzazione della comunità per clan conici a una struttura dominata da entità di tipo gentilizioclientelare,20 contraddistinte dall’esistenza di stabili ed evidenti rapporti di dipendenza tra élite e gruppi di livello sociale inferiore, e di una precisa gerarchia militare caratterizzata dalla presenza di un nucleo ristretto di portatori di spada cui fa riscontro un utilizzo diffuso e socialmente diversificato della lancia.21 Il progressivo

Nelle sue fasi di BM, la necropoli di O.d.N. restituisce l’immagine di una comunità strutturata per segmenti distinti di prossimità sociale assimilabili al modello del clan conico,15 in quanto articolati, al loro interno, in ristretti nuclei parentelari dominanti a forte connotazione guerriera – il cui potere si manifesta, a livello maschile nell’esaltazione del rango di guerriero, a livello femminile nell’esibizione sovrabbondante della ricchezza16 – e in gruppi più ampi che, di fatto, non partecipano del sistema di segni proprio di questa élite. Elementi quali l’assenza di un rapporto di dipendenza diretta fra complessità dell’armamento e classe di età, ben evidente a O.d.N., e, ancora di più, il ricorrere di casi, come quello di Roncoferraro nel Mantovano,17 di portatori di spada affetti da gravi menomazioni fisiche congenite, dimostrano l’esistenza, all’interno delle élites guerriere, di un sistema di trasmissione del rango e del potere di tipo ereditario.18 La netta differenziazione nell’organizzazione topografica interna dei nuclei funerari B e C sembrerebbe inoltre indicare l’esistenza – e la almeno parziale convivenza – di due modelli diversi e opposti di gestione dei rapporti di potere all’interno dei vari segmenti della medesima comunità: la struttura del gruppo C, contraddistinta dalla presenza di un unico nucleo emergente di armati di spada e donne con ricchi ornamenti, si configura come la proiezione di un sistema di controllo del potere di tipo ‘monocentrico’ (Fig. 7:a); il raggruppamento B, strutturato intorno a più gruppi di élite sostanzialmente equipollenti, benché numericamente squilibrati, sembra invece definirsi come l’epifenomeno di una struttura socio-politica di tipo ‘policentrico’, contraddistinta da una pluralità di nuclei emergenti in probabile competizione anche fra loro (Fig. 7:b).19

spezzati, con entro resti umani abbruciati, senza traccia alcuna d’altri oggetti...” (Pellegrini 1879, 17-18); e ancora: “…oltre alle poche tombe ad urne cenerarie, ce n’erano anche di quelle a umazione, che non ebbero dono di sorta. Ciò verificavasi specialmente in quelle fosse che furono aperte nei contorni di questo sepolcreto, mentre quelle cha stavano, come si disse, a preferenza fra loro ravvicinate, avevano per lo meno un’arma di bronzo (…). Tutti gli altri oggetti d’ornamento della persona, quali i grani d’ambra e gli aghi crinali, pure di bronzo (…) furono deposti in solo due tombe…” (Pellegrini 1879, 20). Ne deriva l’immagine di un ristretto raggruppamento sepolcrale con un nucleo centrale di armati e donne ricche, una periferia di inumati senza corredo e una presenza dislocata di sepolture a incinerazione. Benché la discontinuità dei dati non consenta un’interpretazione univoca sembra, inoltre, che, non diversamente da quanto si nota a O.d.N., Pellegrini registrasse anche per Povegliano un’articolazione del sepolcreto in settori nettamente distinti e dislocati – per cui si veda anche Peroni 1963, 50. 20 La definizione è usata nel senso del gentilizio-clientelare preurbano di Peroni 1996. L’ipotesi di una sostanziale non diversità di struttura e di evoluzione sociale tra il ceto guerriero emergente dalla necropoli di Povegliano e le coeve élites dell’Italia meridionale era già stata avanzata in Pacciarelli 1991-1992. Un’evoluzione sociale analoga – ma abortita – a quella qui definita per l’area veronese viene proposta, per le terramare emiliane, in Cardarelli 1997. 21 Che la lancia fosse arma in uso da parte delle élites guerriere del BM è dimostrato dalla composizione dei ripostigli lombardi della Cascina Ranza e di Oggiono-Ello – si veda Carancini & Peroni 1999 –; ne deriva che l’assenza sistematica della lancia dalle sepolture è certamente da interpretare come un rigido tabù di tipo rituale. Sulle trasformazioni nelle tecniche di combattimento e sulla mobilità della componente guerriera nel BR si rimanda a Carancini & Peroni 1997; Pacciarelli 2000b; Cupitò 2000 e Bettelli 2002. In relazione all’ipotesi di un uso socialmente diversificato di quest’arma a partire dal passaggio BM3/BR1 sembra significativo notare come l’unica punta di lancia finora nota in ambito funerario provenga da una sepoltura a

15

Per una discussione sulla struttura del clan conico si rimanda a Pacciarelli 2000a. 16 La presenza di due inumazioni di buoi nell’area di pertinenza del raggruppamento C1, in prossimità del margine orientale della strada funeraria (Fig. 7), potrebbe corrispondere a un ulteriore strumento di esibizione del potere e della ricchezza – evidentemente derivanti dal controllo dell’allevamento e dal possesso delle mandrie – dell’élite che si autorappresenta come guerriera in questo settore della necropoli. Per i dati archeozoologici si rimanda a Riedel 1992. 17 L’individuo, adulto, era contraddistinto da una evidente sproporzione nello sviluppo dei femori, esito di una poliomielite anteriore acuta infantile. Si vedano in particolare Rittatore Vonwiller 1961 e Corrain 1961. 18 Una conferma esterna dell’esistenza di un sistema di trasmissione ereditaria del rango anche per le comunità dell’Italia settentrionale proviene dalla necropoli ad incinerazione di Canegrate dove si registrano almeno due casi di sepolture di giovani e/o infanti contraddistinte dalla presenza della spada – in particolare la tomba 25, bisoma, pertinente a un individuo di circa 25 e a un bambino di 10, e la 92 spettante a un “…giovanetto..” (Rittatore Vonwiller 1953-1954, 29) –; entrambe le sepolture sono riferibili al BR. 19 E’ significativo rilevare che l’articolazione interna dei nuclei del settore B appare particolarmente prossime a quella registrata, alla fine dell’’800, da G.Pellegrini per la coeva necropoli di Povegliano Veronese. Scriveva Pellegrini: “…quattordici furono le tombe successivamente dissotterrate (…) otto sepolcri stavano come aggruppati nella parte centrale e più degli altri ravvicinati (…) fra queste tombe d’incombusti, havvene taluna contenente vasi fittili

151

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Modelli di organizzazione funeraria in rapporto alla distribuzione spaziale delle tombe maschili con spada e delle tombe femminili contraddistinte da parure di spilloni con e senza ambra durante il BM: a) Area B = modello ‘policentrico’; b) Area C = modello ‘monocentrico’; la freccia indica l’inumazione bovina (in parte ripresa e modificata da Salzani, Capitanio, Corrain Meneghel 1992). affermarsi, a partire dal BR, di una struttura sociomilitare di questo tipo emerge chiaramente del ripostiglio di Pila del Brancón deposto a circa 2 km a S dell’abitato e della necropoli di O.d.N. (Fig. 1) alla fine del BR2 o, al più tardi, nella fase di passaggio tra BR2 e BF1.22 La struttura compositiva del complesso – 12 spade, almeno 51 fra lance e giavellotti, 2 pugnali, parti di ascia e vari frammenti di lamina riferibili a elmo, corazza, gorgiera e schinieri – e le sue caratteristiche qualitative – evidenti segni d’uso, quali tacche e sbrecciature sui tagli, nonché defunzionalizzazione e combustione rituale – contribuiscono infatti a connotarlo in maniera trasparente come una ‘preda di guerra’ pertinente a un gruppo di guerrieri strutturato in senso gerarchico (Fig. 8).23 Ne deriva che la repentina e pressoché ubiquitaria scomparsa delle armi dalle tombe a partire dal pieno BR, associata

alla generale e sensibile diminuzione della ricchezza dei corredi femminili, assume in maniera ancora più macroscopica i connotati di una precisa scelta di tipo socio-politico, messa in atto dalle élites dominanti e volta al mascheramento, e quindi alla simbolica negazione, delle distinzioni di rango e ricchezza.24 M.C. & G.L. OSSERVAZIONI CONCLUSIVE SULL’ORGANIZZAZIONE DEL TERRITORIO La sostanziale difformità fra necropoli contraddistinte dalla presenza di tombe di armati quali O.d.N. e Povegliano e sepolcreti privi di questa connotazione come Bovolone, Franzine e Scalvinetto,25 era stata 24 Va rilevato, inoltre, che alla scomparsa delle spade dai corredi funerari a partire dal BR fa riscontro un macroscopico incremento delle offerte di armi – soprattutto spade – nelle acque. I due fenomeni sono certamente correlati ed è possibile pensare che, sul piano della manifestazione del potere, all’esibizione funeraria si sia rapidamente e totalmente sostituita una pratica cultuale già diffusa fin dalle fasi iniziali del BM e strettamente collegata alle logiche di successione delle élites dominanti. 25 Per Bovolone e Scalvinetto si veda De Marinis & Salzani 1997 con bibliografia precedente; per Franzine si rimanda, da ultimo, a Aspes 1997.

incinerazione pertinente alla necropoli di Bellaguarda di Viadana, ubicata in territorio mantovano, quindi in un ambiente culturale ancora connotato dal biritualismo – si vedano Parazzi 1900 e De Marinis & Salzani 1999. 22 Per i dati sul ripostiglio si rimanda a Salzani 1994; Belluzzo 1996; Salzani 1998; Jankovits 1998-1999. Per la cronologia si vedano Carancini & Peroni 1999 e Bagolan & Leonardi 2000. 23 Tale interpretazione è già stata argomentatamente proposta in Bagolan & Leonardi 2000. Analoga prospettiva è in Salzani 2002.

152

MICHELE CUPITÒ & GIOVANNI LEONARDI: LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA

Fig. 8. Campione rappresentativo del ripostiglio di Pila del Brancón (riprese e modificate da Salzani 1994).

153

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI interpretata da R. Peroni come una discrepanza soltanto apparente, prodotto di un difetto campionario dato dalla limitatezza delle indagini.26 Gli scavi più recenti sembrano invece dimostrare – in particolare per Scalvinetto, ma anche per Bovolone – che tale diversificazione è reale e non apparente. La compresenza (durante il BM3), in un territorio relativamente limitato, di due tipologie di necropoli in cui la differenza sostanziale è data dalla presenza di gruppi emergenti a forte connotazione guerriera e, come si è visto, di un sistema di gestione dei rapporti di potere interni alle comunità in rapida evoluzione da forme tribali per clan conici a forme di tipo gentilizio-clientelare, sembra configurarsi come la proiezione funeraria di una strutturazione politica del territorio fortemente gerarchizzata, articolata in central places, sede delle élites dominanti, e di reti di siti satellite da questi dipendenti. M.C.

padana. Milano, 295-378. Bettelli, M., 2002. Barbarian Ware, ceramica pseudominia e bronzi di fogge italiane in Grecia, nel quadro delle relazioni tra Egeo e penisola italiana durante la tarda età del bronzo, in: M. Bettelli, Italia meridionale e mondo miceneo. Firenze, 117-137. Bianco Peroni, V., 1970. Le spade nell’Italia continentale (= PBF). München. Bonghi Jovino, M., 1970. Ceramiche di impasto della necropoli ad incinerazione del tardo bronzo di Piétole (MN). Sibrium 10, 63-73. Canci, A., 1998. The emergence of warriors élites in Bronze Age societies: the osteoarchaeological evidence. Proceedings of XIII International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistorics Sciences 4, 283-288. Carancini, G.L., 1975. Gli spilloni nell’Italia continentale (= PBF). München. Carancini, G.L. & R. Peroni, 1997. La koinè metallurgica, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 595-601. Carancini, G.L. & R. Peroni, 1999. L’età del bronzo in Italia: per una cronologia della produzione metallurgica (= Quaderni di Protostoria 2). Perugia. Cardarelli, A., 1997. Terramare: l’organizzazione sociale e politica delle comunità, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 653-660. Corrain, C., 1961. Lo scheletro umano di Roncoferraro (Mantova). Contributo alla casistica antropologica della media età del bronzo in Italia. RSP 16, 95-113. Corrain, C. & M. Capitanio, 1992. I “Guerrieri con spada” di Olmo di Nogara: profilo antropologico. Padusa 28, 39-48. Cupitò, M., 2000. Spada a codolo “tipo Pépinville”, in: G. Zampieri & B. Lavarone (eds), Bronzi antichi del Museo Civico Archeologico di Padova, Catalogo della mostra. Roma, 109-113. De Marinis, R., 1999. Towards a relative and absolute chronology of the Bronze Age in Northern Italy. Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi 7, 23-100. De Marinis, R.C. & L. Salzani, 1997. Le necropoli del Bronzo Medio e Recente nella Lombardia orientale e nel Veneto occidentale, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 703-707. Jankovits, K., 1998-1999. Studio delle lamine di bronzo del ripostiglio di Pila del Brancón. Nogara (Verona). Leonardi, G., 1980. Ipotesi per una suddivisione in fasi del Bronzo finale dell’area veneta. Atti StEtr 11, 1322. Pacciarelli, M., 1991-1992. Considerazioni sulla struttura delle comunità del Bronzo medio dell’Italia centromeridionale. Rassegna di Archeologia, 10, 265-280. Pacciarelli, M., 2000a. La sepoltura con sigillo minoico di Gallo di Briatico e considerazioni sulle articolazioni sociali del BA-BM, in: M. Pacciarelli, Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze, 181-191.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Aspes, A., 1970. Il corredo della sepoltura dell’età del bronzo di Nogara (Verona). Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona 18, 121-135. Aspes, A., 1997. Franzine Nuove di Villabartolomea (VR), in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 717-719. Bagolan, M. & G. Leonardi, 2000. Il Bronzo finale nell’Italia settentrionale centro-orientale, in: M. Harari & M. Pearce (eds), Il Protovillanoviano al di qua e al di là dell’Appennino (= Biblioteca di Athenaeum, 38). 14-46. Belluzzo, G., 1996. Pila del Brancón (Nogara), in: G. Belluzzo & L. Salzani (eds), Dalla terra al museo, Catalogo della mostra. Legnago, 281-282. Belluzzo, G. & J. Tirabassi, 1996. Media e recente età del bronzo nella pianura veronese. Indagine cronologicoculturale, paleoambientale e strutturale degli insediamenti, in: G. Belluzzo & L. Salzani (eds), Dalla terra al museo, Catalogo della mostra. Legnago, 79-145. Bernabò Brea, M., L. Bronzoni, A. Mutti & N. Provenzano, 1997a. Lo strato “a cumuli di cenere” del Villaggio Grande di S. Rosa a Fodico di Poviglio (RE), in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 345-350. Bernabò Brea, M., L. Bronzoni, A. Mutti & N. Provenzano, 1997b. Lo strato sommitale del Villaggio Grande di S. Rosa a Fodico di Poviglio (RE), in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 348-342. Bernabò Brea, M. & A. Cardarelli, 1997. Le terramare nel tempo, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà 26

Si veda in particolare Peroni 1988, 236-237.

154

MICHELE CUPITÒ & GIOVANNI LEONARDI: LA NECROPOLI DI OLMO DI NOGARA Salzani, L., 2002. Depositi votivi, in: A. Aspes (ed.), Preistoria veronese. Contributi e aggiornamenti (= Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona, II serie, 5). 159.

Pacciarelli, M., 2000b. I ritrovamenti sepolcrali del Bronzo finale di Castellace nel quadro dei processi sociali e politico-militari dei secoli XII-XI a.C., in: M. Pacciarelli, Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze, 191-202. Parazzi, A., 1900. Due necropoli di Terramaricoli nel distretto di Viadana in provincia di Mantova. BPI 26, 1-6. Pellegrini, G., 1879. Di un sepolcreto preromano scoperto a Povegliano Veronese. Memorie dell’Accademia di Agricoltura, Scienze e Lettere di Verona, 3-40. Peroni, R., 1963. L’età del Bronzo media e recente tra l’Adige e il Mincio. Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia naturale di Verona 11, 49-104. Peroni, R., 1988. Nord e Sud nell’età del bronzo: le comunità e il loro assetto socio-economico. Annali Benacensi 9, 227-254. Peroni, R., 1996. L’Italia alle soglie della storia. Roma/Bari. Peroni, R., 1997a. Il potere e i suoi simboli, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 661-673. Peroni, R., 1997b. La nascita della formazione gentilizioclientelare preurbana in Puglia, in: A.M. Tunzi Sisto (ed.), Ipogei della Daunia. Culti e riti funerari della media età del bronzo, Appendice alla guida. Foggia, 36-39. Riedel, A., 1992. Bronze Age cattle skeletons of Olmo di Nogara (Verona). Bollettino del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona 19, 535-548. Rittatore Vonwiller, F., 1953-1954. La necropoli di Canegrate. Sibrium 1, 7-40. Rittatore Vonwiller, F., 1961. Tomba ad inumazione della media età del bronzo a Roncoferraro nel Mantovano. RSP 16, 239-243. Salzani, L., 1988. Necropoli dell’età del Bronzo in località Olmo di Nogara. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 4, 231-237. Salzani, L., 1991. Olmo di Nogara. Relazione preliminare sulla campagna di scavo 1990. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 7, 136-149. Salzani, L., M. Capitanio, C. Corrain & M. Meneghel, 1992. Olmo di Nogara (VR). Relazione preliminare sulle campagne di scavo 1991-1992. Padusa 28, 7-52. Salzani, L., 1994. Nogara. Rinvenimento di un ripostiglio di bronzi in località “Pila del Brancón”. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 10, 83-94. Salzani, L., 1996. Olmo (Nogara), in: G. Belluzzo & L. Salzani (eds), Dalla terra al museo, Catalogo della mostra. Legnago, 253-255. Salzani, L., 1997. Necropoli dell’Olmo (Nogara, VR), in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 708-716. Salzani, L., 1998. Nuovi dati sul ripostiglio di Pila del Brancón (Nogara). Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 14, 68-71.

155

A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE Anna De Santis Abstract: The analysis of a small group of cremation burials, dated to the last phase of the Late Bronze Age, and recently found in the southeast periphery of Rome, offers new data for the study of the origin and development of the Latial culture. In Latium Vetus we can detect, starting from the last phase of the Late Bronze Age, a specific and very homogeneous ritual. This well- defined ritual documents a definition of identity shared by various communities in this region. The new findings, at short distances from each other, derive from the northwest slopes of the Alban Hills, which to date have provided us with the most consistent archaeological record for the earliest phases of the Latial culture. During the Late Bronze Age, the Alban Hills, at the centre of the region, did hold a prominent cultural position. The presence of adjacent groups of burials on the slopes of the Hills, as documented by the new findings, constitutes a confirmation of the primary role that this area had in the formative phase of the Latial culture.

PREFACE

and funerary ideology; 2) the development of the economic and political links between Lazio and Etruria, which between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age was subject to alternating phases, connected to the “cultural” aspects referred to in point 1.

The background of this article is the research that has been carried out over a number of years, together with Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri, on the complexes of ancient Lazio. The main points of this work include the survey of Rome’s territory for evidence of prehistoric and protohistoric sites (Bietti Sestieri & Sebastiani 1986); the excavations of the cemeteries of Osteria dell’Osa (Bietti Sestieri 1992) and of Castiglione (Bietti Sestieri, De Santis & Salvadei 2002); of the settlements of Castiglione and Fidene (Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2001); the setting up of both the Museum of Protohistory of the Latin peoples, a new section of the Museo Nazionale Romano (Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2000) and of the protohistoric section in the Antiquarium of the Palatine. Based on these achievements and on the reading of the data offered by recent discoveries, we started a project aimed at a comprehensive re-examination of the formative process and early development of the Latial culture.

THE PERIOD PRIOR TO LATIAL PERIOD I One of the strongest data sets of the project, on which this article is mainly based, is the potential of the Latial funerary ritual, particularly during the earliest phases. It does seem clear that one of the purposes of this ritual was the marking, through specific characteristics and the combination of grave goods, of both horizontal and vertical social roles, and of the corresponding social identities, within both individual family units and the community as a whole. We have, therefore, a tool particularly well suited for the reconstruction of the Latial society and of the most relevant transformations which took place during this period. Some recent findings, in the territory of Rome which will be briefly examined later in the article, illustrate the wealth of information that can be derived from the systematic analysis of the Latial culture of Period I, and its potential for the research on the different aspects of our project.

The project is divided into the following aspects: 1. The revision of the studies carried out to date on all known complexes, which will allow the reconstruction of a complete database, linking, as far as possible, funerary data (which so far constitute the more consistent and homogeneous part of the available documentation), with settlement evidence in the territory of ancient Lazio; 2. Increasing our knowledge of the social structures; 3. The understanding of the process of transformation that took place within the socio-political structure, and in the settlement system of the Latial communities during the transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age; 4. The verification of the relationships between Lazio, southern Etruria and Campania, and their development during the Bronze Age until the Early Iron Age. The areas of greatest interest are related to two issues: 1) the possibility of recognizing the degree of affinity and cultural correspondence linking Lazio to the southern Tyrrhenian regions rather than to Etruria, clearly indicated by the archaeological data in relation to different aspects, such as social structure

The immediate period preceding the funerary ritual of Latial Period I is characterised by their lack of expressiveness and homogeneity in the whole area between southern Etruria, Lazio, and Campania. Starting from a relatively early phase of the Late Bronze Age, the Latial ritual took on characteristics which became progressively more specific and which are documented by small groups of cremation burials, almost all from the current territory of Rome and of its province, especially the coastal area: the sites are Quadrato-Osteria del Curato (Carboni & Ragni 1984; De Santis 2000), Ardea-Campo del Fico (Delpino 1978; 1987), Pratica di Mare (Guaitoli 1995), Ficana (Cataldi 1984), and Nettuno, in locality I Padiglioni (Angle 2002). The specific characteristics of the ritual of this phase, which immediately precedes Latial Period I, are:

156

ANNA DE SANTIS: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE dates established in recent years even though the overall structure of dating is still being established.1 The Latial culture shows a strong regional connotation, notwithstanding the elements of similarity with the neighbouring regions (southern Etruria, Sabina and Campania).

1. The presence of structures designed to protect the cinerary urn, either a cist of stone slabs or a cylindrical container made of tufa. These are, in the majority of cases, simply placed in the pit dug into the ground; 2. Cinerary urns of non-standard shape, but mostly biconical or ovoid with conical lids. It is probable that, already in this phase, the conical lid represented a hut roof which, together with the hut-urn, will become an element specific to the Latial cremation burials, together with miniature grave goods, both of Period I and of Phase IIA (Bietti Sestieri & De Santis, c.s. a).

The specific characteristics are: 1. The burial ritual is exclusively cremation; 2. All grave goods (vases, ornaments, weapons) are miniatures; 3. The container for the ashes is systematically a representation of a house, either with the constant use of the conical lid in the shape of a roof, or with the appearance of realistic miniature reproductions of huts; the latter feature seems to refer to the later period. 4. A standard combination of vessels, including some basic elements (cup, bowl, two or three jars or jugs, jar with in-turned rim) to which other elements may be added (boat-shaped dish; container for liquids etc.); 5. The presence of weapons, always in miniature, amongst the grave goods of males; 6. The presence in some burials of a statuette, clearly representing the deceased, in miniature and in the correct proportion with the rest of the grave goods; 7. The protection of the cremation by the use of a container which separates it from the surrounding soil: a cist, a structure made mostly of stones, and the progressive adoption of a large clay vessel (dolio).

The scanty grave-goods found during this period are limited to a vase (Osteria del Curato) or to a few objects (personal ornaments; Ardea-Campo del Fico and Ficana). This first appearance of the elements that will characterise the cremation ritual of Lazio, find a correlation with southern Etruria in the so-called Tolfa phase, during which the features of the ritual are essentially similar (Bietti Sestieri & De Santis, c.s. b). THE LATIAL PERIOD I In the final phase of the Late Bronze Age an autonomous archaeological aspect appears, whose development corresponds to Latial Period I. At this initial stage the Latial culture is still rather close to that of Southern Etruria both in ideology and in material culture; however, the archaeological evidence shows that a progressive differentiation took place between both regions very shortly after and the characteristics of the Latial ritual became quite specific and increasingly complex.

Based on the evidence we have so far, there are no real cemeteries as such in Latial period I but only very small groups of cremation burials, which clearly do not reflect the actual make-up of the communities of the living. The burial with this particular ritual was probably reserved for the more important members of the individual communities, as is indicated by the elements indicative of social roles, which usually appear among the grave goods. Based on the analysis of the material from Latial cremations of Period I (see Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2003), the most important indications of role are the swords, which indicate the political chief, and the knife, the double shields and the statuette, which indicate the priest. The data of the new findings confirm this interpretation: the two burials discovered in Rome, on the Forum of Caesar, and two small groups found on the northwest slopes of the Alban Hills, at the southeast

The groups of burials so far known to us are located in the part of the region that lies between the Tiber, the Alban Hills, and the coastal strip. The southern boundary is, for now, near Frosinone, where a group of burials was discovered at Bosco del Polverino, Priverno (Cancellieri 1999). Besides those in the Alban Hills (Gierow 1964; Bartoloni 1985; 1987), the other complexes, all of great importance but only partially published or practically unpublished, include a small group of burials at Anzio, of which we still know only one set of grave goods (Bergonzi 1976); in Rome, the four burials from the Arch of Augustus on the Roman Forum (Gjerstad 1956, 86-88; 111-117) and the two graves from the Forum of Caesar (De Santis 2001); the groups of Pratica di Mare, from the necropolis outside the city (Sommella 1973-74) and from the acropolis (Guaitoli 1995); five burials from GuidoniaLe Caprine (Guidi & Zarattini 1993; Damiani, Festuccia & Guidi 1998) and a small group from Colonna (see a few data in Bartoloni 1998).

1 For Latium, the already published dates of the two extremes given by calibration within 1σ and 2σ are: Quadrato burial 1 (Latial Period I) 1σ: 1017-897 BC, 2σ: 1125-833 BC; Quadrato burial 2 (Latial Period I) 1σ: 1041-901 BC, 2σ: 1125-835 BC; Forum of Caesar burial 1 (Latial phases I-IIA) 1σ: 1255-1013 BC; 2σ: 1367-927 BC; Forum of Caesar, burial 2 (Latial phases I-IIA) 1σ: 995-833 BC, 2σ: 1049-805 BC; Castiglione, burials 25 and 40 (Latial phases IIA2-IIB1) 2σ 900-800 BC; Fidene protohistoric structure, the level of the fire (initial Latial phases IIIA) 2σ: 1120-820 BC; Nijboer et al. 1999-2000; Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2003; Bietti Sestieri & De Santis c.s. b).

The dates of the period in question, of apparently short duration, are within the most recent phase of the Late Bronze Age; its development probably took place during the 11th and until the beginning of the 10th century BC. The absolute chronology is based on the radiocarbon 157

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Southeast periphery of Rome. 1. Quadrato di Torre Spaccata; 2. via Lucrezia Romana; 3. S. Palomba; 4. Trigoria-Selcetta. periphery of Rome: Quadrato di Torre Spaccata, at the 11th km of the Via Tuscolana (Fig. 1:1), and S. Palomba, at the 20th km of the Via Ardeatina (Fig. 1:3). THE NEW FINDS First Group: Rome, Forum of Caesar The two burials from the Forum of Caesar can be dated to the transition between Latial Period I and Phase IIA (which corresponds to the beginning of the Iron Age, c. 10th century BC), until now not identified in Rome (De Santis 2001). The small pits are oval in shape and shallow. The cinerary urn, in both cases a jar with a conical lid, was located at the bottom, surrounded by the grave goods which were made out of miniature vases and bronze objects.

Fig. 2. Rome, Forum of Caesar, the funerary equipment of grave 1.

In burial 1 (Fig. 2) of an adult male,2 nine vases had been deposited (two corded jars, jar with in-turned rim, two askoi, a cup with a double loop handle, a one-handled bowl, a three-legged table, a boat-shaped dish), a

serpentine fibula, four discs of bronze sheet with a central hole and embossed decoration; these discs were partially superimposed in pairs and are probably double shields, according to the interpretation of similar objects proposed by Giovanni Colonna (Colonna 1991).

2 The anthropological results of all the burials examined in this text are by Paola Catalano and Elena Santandrea, the identification of the faunal remains is by Jacopo De Grossi and Monica Gala.

158

ANNA DE SANTIS: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE

Fig. 4. Rome, Quadrato di Torre Spaccata, the funerary equipment of grave 1.

Fig. 3. Rome, Forum of Caesar, the funerary equipment of grave 2. The goods of grave 2 (Fig. 3), of a young adult male, were made up also of nine vases (a corded jar, an oval jar, a biconical jar, a jar with in-turned rim, a cup with a surmounting handle, a bowl with one handle, a threelegged table, a boat-shaped dish, a ‘lamp’ on two opposing small feet), a serpentine fibula with spiral wire disc foot, a knife with flat tang and slightly curved blade, a spear with cast shaft and, also in this case, two pairs of discs made of bronze sheet, slightly superimposed, with a central hole and embossed decoration, the ‘double shields’. The double shields and the knife indicate, in such a context, a role connected to religious activities, which the two deceased men carried out in life. Another element which also indicates the unusual and prestigious social role of the two deceased, is the presence in both sets of grave goods of portions of food, which were unusually abundant: in burial 1 bones of young ovines, belonging to at least three different animals, while in burial 2 some ribs and vertebrae of young pig were associated with bird remains: a pigeon, more or less complete, portions of lark and a portion of a wing of a chaffinch, all with evidence of butchery and combustion. The presence in the fill of burial 1 of a fragment of a cooking stand and a fragment of the handle from a large container may also indicate the existence of a settlement in the immediate surroundings.

In burial 1 (Fig. 4), of a young adult, probably a male, the cinerary urn constituted of a globular jar with a lug handle on its shoulder, broken in antiquity, and a conical lid, both with impressed decoration, and metal strips superimposed. A human figure is represented on both the urn and the lid. The grave goods of burial 1: seven vases (a small amphora with impressed decoration and metal strips superimposed, two one-handled jars, a jar with inturned rim, a small cup, a small boat-shaped dish, a small dipper bowl) and some bronze objects, placed both inside and outside the cinerary urn. On the outside there were a serpentine fibula with a symmetrical catch plate and large one-coil spring, a small spiral and two small bronze bosses. Inside the urn, mingled with the burnt bones, there were two quadrangular razors, opposed and soldered together, a knife with a curved blade, as well as a complete panoply. This consisted of a spear with cast shaft, a circular shield with embossed decoration and with an inner handle, a long sword and, in a single group, a couple of greaves and four discs of bronze sheet with embossed decoration; these are also to be interpreted as double shields. Moreover there were some small cast rings, some of which were in association with the sword, a few small cupped bosses of which one bigger than the others, and a small group of fragments of curled up metal plate with relief decoration. This group is probably to be seen as a true bronze hoard in miniature indicating that the deceased administrated the metal resources of his family group, or of the community to which he belonged. The cinerary urn of burial 2 (Fig. 5), containing the cremated remains of a mature adult, probably a male, was a globular jar with a lug handle on its shoulder, broken in antiquity, with a conical lid. The grave goods comprised nine vases (askos, two small jugs, a cup, a jar with inturned rim, three bowls and a boat-shaped dish on four feet), a knife with curved blade, placed on the boatshaped dish; within the urn had been deposited a quadrangular razor, a spear with cast shaft and a serpentine fibula with spiral wire disc-foot.

Second group: Quadrato di Torre Spaccata (Fig. 1:1) The two burials, dating to the initial phase of Period I, constitute a small autonomous group which does not seem to extend in the surrounding area. The small pits of large proportions and of considerable depth (width c. 1.10 x 1 m, depth: 0.83 m; width c. 1.30 x 1 m, depth 0.560.76 m) were covered by a considerable mass of tufa and peperino blocks, both of large and medium size, topped by large slabs of lava, thus making small barrows which would certainly have been visible in the surrounding flat area; their respective heights were 30-40 cm and c. 55 cm.

159

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI oval joining element (Fig. 12). In this case the knife is missing but the set of grave goods is incomplete. At the bottom of the pit there were some bones of a boar.

In both graves remains of fauna were found in particular in burial 1 which contained bones of sheep or goat and of pig.

Fig. 5. Rome, Quadrato di Torre Spaccata, the funerary equipment of grave 2.

Fig. 6. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: set of finely decorated vessels.

Third group: S. Palomba (Fig. 1:3) The third tomb group discussed here is located on the edge of the Alban Hills, near the station of S. Palomba and consists of a cremation burial in a pit, possibly part of a larger group, also datable to Latial Period I, probably of a more recent phase. The structure of the pit is of particular interest as it must have had above the grave goods a lid in the shape of a hut roof and made of organic matter of which a few sheet bronze strips remain. These strips were attached with small rivets to the roof and represented the crossed posts and the supports usually found on the front of the roof of hut urns. A few of the bronze strips, which were still linked together and which preserved a decoration of rows of small circles, appear to have been cut from an object of large dimensions. The set of grave goods of the burial (Fig. 6), highly fragmentary and incomplete, includes, besides the cinerary urn, a globular jug possibly decorated with metal strips with a conical lid, five vases all with impressed decoration (a globular cup with a double-loop sinuous handle and on a cylindrical foot, a bowl with a high double-loop handle, two bowls con carena and perforated horizontal handle, a boat-shaped dish with quadrangular lug handles of which one has two parallel perforations) and an exceptional group of bronze objects: three two-piece serpentine fibulae with twisted bow, ribbed, and with disc-shaped, hammered spiral wire catch plate (Fig. 7), a quadrangular razor (Fig. 8), a chain of small rings, an offering bowl and a cylindrical object, both made of bronze sheet; moreover as in burial 1 of Quadrato di Torre Spaccata and burial 21 of Pratica di Mare (Sommella 1973-74), the grave goods included a complete panoply of two miniature spears with cast shaft of unusually large proportions (Fig. 9), a long sword with a sheath with embossed decoration (Fig. 10), two greaves (Fig. 11), two discs of bronze sheet with relief decoration, possibly to be interpreted as cuirass-discs, and two double shields of bronze sheet and with embossed decoration and an

Fig. 7. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: two-piece serpentine fibulae with disc-foot.

Fig. 8. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: quadrangular razor. 160

ANNA DE SANTIS: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE

Fig. 9. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: long cast spears. Fig. 12. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: cuirass-discs and double shields. The presence in all these burials of indications of hierarchical roles of a religious nature (knifes and double shields, present in all sets of grave goods examined: Forum of Caesar, burials 1 and 2; burials 1 and 2 of Quadrato, S. Palomba) and of political/military nature (swords in burial 1 of Quadrato and S. Palomba) confirms that during Latial period I the formal burial, characterised by the ritual of cremation and by the miniature grave goods, was exclusive, only to those individuals who could Fig. 10. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: represent their communities. sword with sheath. Moreover, regarding male burials, it is interesting to note that indicators of the most important roles, the sword and the knife, and the double shields are often joined in single sets of grave goods, which probably implies that at this time the two functions could be carried out by the same individual, as in the case of burial 1 of Quadrato, S. Palomba, and burial 21 of Pratica di Mare. The discussed features of the Latial ritual of Period I seem to indicate that the principal factor for the growth of a cultural and political/territorial identity can be identified with the emergence, throughout the area, of a shared religion, actively expressed by the ‘priest’ figures of the communities, who often were also invested of the role of political guide. Moreover, particularly the discoveries of Quadrato di Torre Spaccata and of S. Palomba add some important and significant elements to the issues of the formative process of the Latial culture. Both at Quadrato and at Lavinio, there is a clearly identifiable sequence of a Protovillanovan aspect, which is essentially similar to the contemporary one of southern Etruria, directly followed by the appearance of the early Latial culture. At Quadrato, the sequence is documented by both settlement

Fig. 11. Rome, S. Palomba, the grave-goods of grave 1: greaves.

161

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 13. Rome, Trigoria-Selcetta, the excavation of the pozzetto cremation 2 and cemetery material (De Santis 2000; Carboni & Ragni 1984), while at Lavinio it appears within the small cemetery on the Acropolis (Guaitoli 1995). In other words, although we are not yet entirely clear about the factors which actually contributed to the emergence of the Latial culture, we can rather safely state that it took place as a relatively fast transition from a close connection to southern Etruria, which is archaeologically identifiable from two elements, material culture and funerary ritual/ideology, to a specific local aspect. At least as the second element is concerned, this change can be considered as a very clear indication of the emergence of a regional identity, which is specific to ancient Lazio and definitely diverging from that of southern Etruria.

eastern periphery of Rome. The excavation of intact burials, and the settlement sites which are being discovered, are adding important systematic information to the formation and early development of ancient Lazio. * English translation by Erica Saracino Hedges BIBLIOGRAPHY Angle, M., 2002. XVII. Nettuno, in: Roma Città del Lazio, Castel S. Angelo 12 ottobre-24 novembre 2002. Roma, 74. Bartoloni, G., 1985. Le urne a capanna: ancora sulle prime scoperte nei Colli Albani, in: J. Swaddling (ed.), Italian Iron Age artefacts in the British Museum. London, 235-248. Bartoloni, G., 1987. Colli Albani, in: G. Bartoloni, F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia. Roma, 197-205. Bartoloni, G., 1998. Ancora sulle urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia: nuovi dati e vecchi problemi, in: Archäologische Untersuchungen zu den Beziehungen zwischen Altitalien und der Zone nordwärts der Alpen während der Frühen Eisenzeit Alteuropas. Regensburg, 159-188. Bergonzi, G., 1976. Anzio, in: G. Colonna (ed.), Civiltà del Lazio primitivo, Roma, 318-322 (in particolare, 318-319, cat. 104, tavv. LXXXII, B: tomba 14). Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, 2000. Protostoria dei Popoli Latini. Museo Nazionale Romano. Terme di Diocleziano, Milano. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, 2001. L’edificio della Ia età del ferro di Fidene (Roma): posizione nell’abitato, tecnica costruttiva, funzionalità in base alla distribuzione spaziale dei materiali e degli arredi,

It is interesting to remark that the area of ancient Lazio which shows the greatest concentration of the new finds referred to in this paper3 lies at the north-western slopes of the Alban Hills, which are generally considered as the core area of the early Latial culture, and from which come many important archaeological finds, mainly dating from the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Early Iron Age (Latial phases I and IIA). Unfortunately the finds from the Alban Hills are old discoveries and derive from unsystematic excavations; thus the scientific quality of the data is rather poor, although their importance and significance is beyond doubt. The recent finds of Quadrato and S. Palomba which have been illustrated in this paper show that the formative area of the Latial culture also included the north-western slopes of the Hills and the adjacent south3

See also, for other pozzetto cremations and Bronze Age settlements in the same area, the papers by Barbaro, Favorito, Iaia; and Alessandri et alii in this conference, here fig. 1:2; other pozzetto cremations, also dating from Latial period I, were recently found at Trigoria-Selcetta, figs 1:4, 13).

162

ANNA DE SANTIS: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE EARLIEST PHASES OF THE LATIAL CULTURE Guaitoli, M., 1995. Lavinium: nuovi dati dalle necropoli. QuadAEI 24, 551-562, especially 551-557. Guidi, A. & A. Zarattini, 1993. Guidonia: rinvenimenti di età pre-protostorica. QuadAEI 21, 183-194. Nijboer, A.J., J. van der Plicht, A.M. Bietti Sestieri & A. De Santis, 1999-2000. A high chronology for the Early Iron Age in Central Italy. Palaeohistoria 41/42, 163-176. Sommella, P., 1973-1974. La necropoli protostorica rinvenuta a Pratica di Mare. RendPontAcc 46, 33-48.

in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies. Stockholm, 211-221. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, 2003. Il processo formativo della cultura laziale, in: Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica IIPP. Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul neolitico e le età dei metalli. In memoria di Luigi Bernabò Brea (Lipari 2-7 giugno 2000), vol. II. Firenze, 745-763. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, c.s. a. Analisi della struttura delle decorazioni presenti sulle ceramiche delle incinerazioni dell’età del bronzo finale nell’area centrale tirrenica, con particolare riferimento ai coperchi delle urne, in: Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria, VI. Incontro di Studi. Miti simboli decorazioni. 13-14-15 settembre 2002. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, c.s. b. Il rituale funerario nel Lazio tra età del bronzo finale e prima età del ferro, in: La ritualità funeraria tra età del ferro e orientalizzante, Verucchio Convento dei Cappuccini 26-27 giugno 2002. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. A. De Santis & L. Salvadei, 2002. L’abitato e la necropoli del lago di Castiglione (Roma), in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Paesaggi d’Acque – Ricerche e Scavi Atti del V Incontro di Studi di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Milano, 20-30. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & R. Sebastiani, 1986. Preistoria e Protostoria nel territorio di Roma. Modelli di insediamento e vie di comunicazione. QuadAEI 12, 30-70. Cancellieri, M., 1999. Studi e ricerche nella valle dell’Amaseno: contributi per la storia del popolamento in età protostorica. Terra dei Volsci. Annali del Museo Archeologico di Frosinone 2, 7-26. Carboni, G. & E. Ragni, 1984. Ricognizioni di superficie F.25N, in: A.M. Bietti Sestieri (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria nel territorio di Roma. Roma, 47-63. Cataldi, M., 1984. Ficana: campagne di scavo 1980-1983. QuadAEI 8, 91-97, especially 96-97. Colonna, G., 1991. Gli scudi bilobati dell’Italia centrale e l’ancile dei Salii. ArchCl 43, 55-122. Damiani, I., S. Festuccia & A. Guidi, 1998. Le Caprine, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Protovillanoviani e/o protoetruschi. Ricerche e scavi. Atti del Terzo Incontro di Studi, Manciano-Farnese 12-14 maggio 1995. Firenze, 203-214. Delpino, F., 1978. Presenze del bronzo finale ad Ardea. QuadAEI 1, 26-27, tavv. VIII-IX. Delpino, F., 1987. Etruria e Lazio prima dei Tarquini. Le fasi protostoriche, in: M. Cristofani (ed.), Etruria e Lazio arcaico. QuadAEI 15, 9-36. De Santis, A., 2000. Anagnina. Rinvenimenti di età protostorica, in: F. Filippi (ed.), Archeologia e Giubileo. Napoli, 304-306. De Santis, A., 2001. Le sepolture di età protostorica a Roma. BCom 102, 269-280. Gierow, P.G., 1964. The Iron Age Culture of Latium. I. Excavations and finds. II. The Alban Hills. Lund. Gjerstad, E., 1956. Early Rome. II. The tombs. Lund. 163

POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE G. Bartoloni, V. Acconcia, M. Merlo, S. ten Kortenaar, A. Di Napoli, S. Neri, T. Magliaro, F. Pitzalis, V. Scipinotti, F. Biagi, G. Galante, M. Milletti, V. Nizzo, L. Rella & D. Sarracino Abstract: This paper discusses the dating and architecture of a number of chamber tombs found in the necropoleis of Piano and Poggio delle Granate near the Etruscan settlement of Populonia in northern Etruria that were excavated as part of a research programme of the Department of Historical Science and Archaeology of the University “La Sapienza” at Rome. Special attention is paid to the excavation of Tomb PPG 7 in the Poggio delle Granate necropolis dating from the first half of the 8th to the 7th c.BC and excavated in 2002-2003. This grave appeared to be quite well preserved despite the fact that it had been looted, possibly already in antiquity. The paper concludes with a discussion of the finds from this tomb.

under the supervision of Antonio Minto4 (Fig. 1). This was in a period when the heaps of ancient scoriae in the coastal area of the gulf of Baratti were dug, a commercial activity during which great number of tombs were brought to light.5 In those days attention was paid solely to the recovery of grave goods while the graves themselves were poorly recorded. Only summary plans, often illegible, of parts of the necropolis are preserved and rarely relief maps of structures.6 This lack of information and the necessity to recuperate useful data of areas that have been dug illegally, encouraged the Department of Historical Science and Archaeology of the University “La Sapienza” at Rome to initiate a research project in the zone. The objective was to obtain an insight into the typological development of the tomb structures and the horizontal stratigraphy of the necropolis.7 A second objective was to investigate the geomorphologic characteristics of the area and relate them to its use of the area from the Etruscan period onwards.

INVESTIGATIONS OF THE NECROPOLIS Starting in the 9th century BC, the necropolis of Piano and Poggio delle Granate in the northern area of the gulf of Baratti in the course of the Iron age and Orientalising period developed into one of the principal funeral nuclei of the Etruscan centre of Populonia.* The major part of its graves can be attributed to this period, and no graves of the Archaic and Classical period are known. In the Hellenistic period the necropolis area was used again, but in a less monumental way than before. Already in the 9th century BC, the chamber tomb was adopted in the necropolis as an architectural model earlier than in any other Etruscan centre. The earliest chamber tomb type used in the necropolis is built on a circular or ellipsoidal plan and covered by a pseudo dome surmounted by earth. The use of the chamber built tomb in Etruria is in the archaeological literature considered as an innovation that probably derives from foreign influence.1 The type is a rare in the small funerary nucleus of Poggio del Mulino and the grave of Fosso dei Lavatoi is an isolated specimen.2 At Piano and Poggio delle Granate it remained in use in the Orientalising period, but in a quite different way than in other necropoleis in the area of Populonia. The chamber tombs of this period found in Piano and Poggio delle Granate are built of irregularly placed pieces of local stone (‘panchina’) of different sizes, well joined together and covered by a mound of compact earth. In the nearby funerary nucleus of San Cerbone the Orientalising tombs are built of regular cylinders made from blocks of ‘panchina’, on which protruding corbels are placed and then covered by tumuli of earth.3

The part of the necropolis taken into examination lies close to the slopes of Poggio delle Granate at a short distance from the actual coastline where Minto located the first nucleus of grave pits dating from the Iron Age.8 The research area that has been looked into was not included in Minto’s investigations of the first half of the last century: in fact, he discovered in 1933 only a small nucleus of chamber-tombs at its outer edge (Fig. 1).9 The area is nowadays characterized by two deep depressions (hollows) running parallel to the coast. These do not appear on IGM maps, nor are they reported by Minto. In two surveys campaigns, in 2001 and 2002, the position of these depressions was mapped as well as 61 anomalies in the terrain (i.e. small depressions, a particular disposition of vegetation or clear traces of illegal digs). These

Research in the area of Piano and Poggio delle Granate was carried out at various times between 1914 and 1934

4

For the chronicle of the research, Minto 1943, 45-47. Contrary to the necropolis near San Cerbone, the necropoli of Piano and Poggio delle Granate were not covered by piles of slag. 6 Minto 1943, detailed paper nr. 3; Fedeli 1983, fig. 334; Bartoloni et alii 2001, 105. 7 The research project was carried out under an excavation licence obtained in 2001. Thanks are due to the staff of the offices of the Superintendent F. Bottini and the civil servants of the Superintendency of Archaeology in Tuscany, A. Romualdi, A. Patera and A. Camilli for their collaboration during the various phases of the work carried out so far. 8 Fedeli 1983, 362-369. 9 Minto 1934, 394-403; 1943, 340. 5

* For the research in the area conducted by A. Minto, see Minto 1943, 57, 72, 77-78, 89-91; Fedeli 1983, 79-82, 89-90, 362-392 (both with ample biographies). 1 The hypothesis that the architectural typology was influenced by the nuragic architecture was critically dealt with by Bartoloni 2000, 27, point 39. Recently in Bartoloni 2002, 357-362, it was suggested that there was a connection with architectural models found in pre-colonial Sicily. 2 Fedeli 1983, 335, n.200; 1985, 47-51; 2000. 3 Minto 1943, 78-83; Fedeli 1983, 105-110; Romualdi 1993, 93-94.

164

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

Fig. 1. The area of Piano and Poggio delle Granate investigated by Minto; on the right bottom the map of the necropolis with the small nucleus of chamber tombs discovered in 1933 by Minto (Minto 1943; Fedeli 1983)

Fig. 2. The topographical positioning of the hollows and the 61 anomalies of the terrain; results of the surveys.

165

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Map of the necropolis: in light grey the geo-physical prospective readings; in black the anomalies of conductibility (cavities in the subsoil). The different position of the geo-physical prospective readings and the surveyed data are caused by the GPS positioning method used for the geo-physical prospective; two tombs (PPG 2 and PPG 3) found earlier by the Archaeological Office of Tuscany were documented graphically.13 In the second campaign three anomalies were investigated, two of which corresponded to chamber-tombs (tombs PPG 7 and PPG 8).14 Furthermore, two trial trenches were carried out: the first one with the intention to investigate the nature and function of one of the depressions; the second one in order to assess the possible presence of tombs in an area west of tomb PPG 8 where no anomalies had been noted during the prospection (Fig. 2). The latter did, however, not bring to light evidence for new tombs.15 Regarding

features form possible clues to the presence of chambertombs (Fig. 2). 10 Furthermore, in the course of the first research campaign a limited area was subjected to geophysical prospection. The readings showed substantial electromagnetic frequency11 indicating anomalies in the conductibility of the subsoil. These anomalies were not always perceptible at the surface (Fig. 3). On the basis of the results of the geophysical prospection excavations were carried out. In the first excavation campaign12 one previously robbed grave was excavated (PPG 1), while 10

For the method used, see Bartoloni et alii 2001, 110-114. The geophysical work was conducted by Doc. Valerio Ridolfi (AREA p.s.c.ar.l.). The method is based on recording resistance values or conductibility of the subsoil of the terrain by emitting and receiving electromagnetic signals. The instrument used is capable of sending simultaneous waves in 12 frequencies (in a spectrum between 300 and 20,000 Hz) with the acquisition of data at different frequencies to enable to build a 3-dimensional image of the subsoil. In our case, the survey was carried out using six simultaneous frequencies, between 300 and 19,000 Hz; the grid used was 1 x 1 or 1 x 0.5 m over eight areas of variable dimensions from between 7 x 22 and 14 x 18 m. 12 In 2001; for the results of the first campaign see Bartoloni et alii 2001. 11

13

Romualdi 2000, 12, figs. 1-2. Starting from the second excavation campaign, the numeration of the tombs followed that used to indicate the relative anomalies, that is a progressive numeration in which the first three tombs are those excavated and documented in 2001. 15 The trial excavation was carried out in an area of about 6 x 7.5 m, immediately west of tomb PPG 8. Two thick layers of use/abandon were identified, characterized by fragments of slabs of stone used for tomb structures and of medium-sized ceramic fragments probably of amphorae dated generically to the Hellenistic/Roman period. The two layers were found immediately on top of the virgin soil. 14

166

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

Fig. 4. Map of the necropolis with the chamber tombs and the two trial trenches excavated during the campaigns 2001-2002 (M. Merlo) The excavation of the tombs allowed us to document the structures better as such broadening our knowledge of the building techniques used and to establish the evolution of the funerary architecture in chronological terms by means of the associated grave goods. We have confirmed the existing idea on the evolution of the chamber-tombs within the necropolis.17 The oldest type is represented by tomb PPG 7, a nearly circular chamber plan of 2.70 x 2.80 m that is preceded by a short corridor (1 x 0.80 m) orientated east-west18 (Fig. 7). It was covered by a partially preserved pseudo dome, the original height of which must have been about 1.40 m. It was built of slabs

the first trial excavation we have difficulty with the interpretation of the stratigraphical deposit. The investigation of the sides and the bottom of the depression revealed traces of human activity between 0.80 cm and 1 metre below the layers that are generically dated from the later antiquity and the Medieval period.16 The continuous chain of chamber-tombs along the borders of the depression suggest its existence earlier in the Etruscan period.

16 A tightly packed layer composed of medium-sized stone and ceramic fragments, covered by layers with very few artificial inclusions (if not a small amount of iron slag), was interpreted as the remains of a small footpath of hard packed clay, orientated east-west in line with the first hollow. Some metres west and lower down (80 cm) traces of an artificial canal were found that needs to be investigated better by means of auguring. The positioning in a GIS of the two hollows is being done by the topographical group at the University of Studies in Siena (Prof. F. Cambi).

17 Bartoloni 2000, 23 ss. The development from circular/elliptical tombs to rectangular ones inside the funerary area of Piano and Poggio delle Granate is not recognized by Minto (Minto 1943, 77) who connects the oldest chamber-tombs to a period of transition between the Villanovan period and that of the Orientalizing period; nor by Fedeli on the basis of Minto’s description (Fedeli 1983, 81-82). The only rectangular-based tomb inserted among the more ancient tombs by the historian was tomb number 5 (Fedeli 1983, 370, n. 238 c.). 18 For a detailed description of the structure, see further on.

167

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI and blocks jutting out and bonded with a clay mixture. Only the south-west side of the chamber was preserved integrally, showing a well-jointed covering of slabs of chalk and grey clay. Tomb 1 of the excavation site at Poggio delle Granate in 1981,19 dated on the basis of grave goods in the late 9th-early 8th century BC, is a good parallel.20

of the oldest deposition found in tomb PPG 7 date to the middle of the 8th century, and so does its building technique. The construction technique was continually in use until at least the late Orientalising period.27 The rectangular chamber tombs28 were used in the area of Piano and Poggio delle Granata from the middle 7th century BC, as shown in tombs PPG 1 and PPG 829 (Fig. 4). In the first one, rectangular slabs of limestone were placed vertically delimiting a chamber of 2.30 x 2.00 m. Also in this case, the chamber was preceded by a short corridor with the entrance facing west. On one side a part of the covering in small slabs bonded together with clay, jut out. Only fragile remains of the tumulus were left making the calculation of its length possible, but inhibiting our understanding of the building techniques used. Chronology of the grave goods indicates a period between the late middle Orientalising and late Orientalising period.30

The investigation of the raised structure by means of recording a section of its stone covering furnished new data on its construction.21 It appeared to be inserted in a cut of 1.20m deep made in a natural bank just below the topsoil and was only partially raised above the ancient ground level. This solution was probably chosen to increase the stability of the tumulus22 in cases where circular gravestones lack. In this respect tomb PPG 7 resembles the well-known tomb of the so-called ‘rasoio lunato di bronzo’ of the same necropolis.23 The section done by Minto of the latter tomb, that is to be dated at the beginning of the 8th century,24 shows that it was also found at a depth of 1.20 m from ground level in a cut that in the upper part was marked by vertically placed stone slabs. The lowered chamber makes a good comparison to the structure found in 2002, suggesting that this type of grave in the necropolis of the Granate may have been used as a distinct element that is not found in the nearby funerary nuclei.25 The use of this architectural solution in the necropolis of Poggio delle Granate as an alternative to the better-known completely above ground tumulus built for such a long period, seems to be confirmed by the analysis of the other graves excavated between 2001 and 2003. Also in tombs dating from the Orientalising period, the chambers seem to be founded in cuts into the virgin soil at a lower level than the one in comparable tumuli where the tumuli were superimposed.26 The grave goods

More or less contemporary is tomb PPG 8, which also has a rectangular plan of 2.40 x 1.90 m orientated towards the east-west and a pseudo dome. Of the latter only the south-east and the north-east corners are preserved. The corridor, found completely filled in with earth and stones, measured about 1.80 m in length. The building technique used is similar to the previous one, with slabs and blocks of local stone of various dimensions, placed in irregular lines with the use of stone wedges and lumps of clay sediment to fill in the interstices. The lower course was made from large blocks, also in the corridor. The excavation brought to light the remains of some slabs vertically placed in the earth31, probably used to define a deposition parallel to the western side of the chamber. This phenomenon is found in numerous graves in the area of the Granate as well as in other necropoleis in the area of Populonia, and may be dated generically from the early Orientalising period.32 The already mentioned tombs, PPG 2 and PPG 3, belong to this same typology. These, however, were found empty and so were only mapped.

19

Bartoloni 2000, 25, for the latest but generic comparisons. Rosi 1994-95. 21 The first pit was made by deepening a clandestine hole on the opposite side of the corridor. During the excavation campaign of 2003 therefore, a portion of the covering layers were sectioned to an extension of about a quarter of the circumference. We have added here the results of this, which could not be presented at the conference itself. (see further on). 22 This layer was subsided into the area in front of the corridor, making a profile impossible. 23 The existence of chambers with a basement floor, useful in the making of the pseudo dome, was first recognized by Minto (1943, 77), then to be denied (1943, 83). 24 From the last, Bartoloni 2002, 352. 25 In the case of the tomb of the ‘Rasoio lunato’, the presence of a circle of stones placed about one and a half metres above the opening of the tomb, it is thought that there could be a link between the ideology of the chamber tomb with that of the fossa graves ‘con circolo di pietre interrotte’ (broken line of stones), well-documented at Vetulonia but also known at Populonia (Bartoloni 2002, 352). In fact, these halfembedded chambers more generally could represent an intermediate type of chamber tomb, with links between fossa graves and chamber tombs with circles, similar to the half-built chamber-tombs of southern Etruria (Colonna 1986, 395-396; for a general picture of the question, Naso 2001, with bibl.). 26 The flooring of tombs PPG1 and that of tomb PPG38 (excavated in 2003) do not seem to have had any type of covering; work was done directly on the geological surface (Bartoloni et alii 2001, 116-117). The situation is less clear in tomb PPG8 as the floorings show evidence of heavy grave digging. Furthermore, an embedded position always with a 20

Reuse of the area at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd century BC, as has been noted in the archaeological literature,33 happened on a large scale. Inside tomb PPG8, a hearth was found on top of the collapsed vault. It is datable from the period of abandonment of the structure and the Hellenistic period.34 rectangular plan was found in three excavations done in 1933 (Minto 1934, 400; Bartoloni 2000, 30). 27 See further on. 28 Fedeli 1983, 82. 29 Bartoloni 2000, 26. 30 Bartoloni et alii 2001. 31 Some fragments of slabs fallen in between two vertical slabs suggest that we are dealing with a closed upper part. 32 Fedeli 1983, 82. 33 Fedeli 1983, 138. 34 The hearth and the immediate surrounding layers did not hold useful material to give a precise date. Among the abandoned layers of the structure, the earliest remains are dated to the Hellenistic period.

168

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

Fig. 5. The cremation burial pit PPG I: the section (S. ten Kortenaar) (left), the amphora (S. Neri) and the small cup (V. Scipinotti) (right). The stratigraphical deposit found in the second trial trench35 and the thick layers of waste come across during the excavation of various tombs, were rich in ceramic fragments attributed to this period. Further more, a few metres east of tomb PPG 7, a cremation burial pit was found (PPG I) placed in a grave of about 0.35 m deep. So far, cremation graves were not known in the area36 (Fig. 5). Inside the cremation pit an amphora made of impasto was found,37 containing the burnt bones of the deceased, covered by a small slab of a sedimentary rock of clay and chalk placed horizontally on top of the amphora. Inside the pit, a small bowl38 made of impasto, was found. It was put vertically into place with its top side turned towards the lateral walls of the grave. Both are datable to the 4th-3rd century BC (Fig. 5). The anthropological analysis of the remains39 permitted the identification of the body as a female, between 20 and 30 years old at the time of death; there was no evident sequence in which the parts of the skeleton were positioned inside the amphora.

We may conclude that the part of the necropolis investigated was characterized by a rather dense pattern of grave structures placed very near to one another. The tombs are coherently orientated with the entrances pointing eastwards towards the coastline. The number of tombs investigated at present is too small to define the diachronical development of this part of the necropolis. An interesting point is the closeness of the various tombs to each other in the various phases. The presence of fragments among the demolished layers of tomb PPG 1 that date to a period before the erection of the tomb may indicate that in this area the necropolis of the Orientalising period had in part obliterated the precedent sepulchres or maybe, their presence is due to intensive illegal activity. The investigations confirm at the moment that the necropolis stopped being used after the 6th century BC. This moment is traditionally linked to the start of a new phase in the development of Populonia that is characterized by the first walled circuit and the beginning of metallurgic production on an industrial scale. These developments brought with them the choice of the Poggio della Porcareccia and of San Cerbone and Casone40 as urban necropoleis. Regarding the reuse of the area in the Hellenistic period, the hypothesis is that the tumuli were not visible and not valued anymore. G.B, V.A., M.M., S.t.K.

35

See above. Fedeli 1983, 141. For comparisons: Castelluccio di Pienza: Cimino 1986, n. 507, tav. 99, n. 507, p. 179. The cremation pit is classed under the red paint technique typical of the Hellenistic period Sovana territory: Donati & Michelucci 1981, fig. 477, p. 196, n. 477, p. 196. Human form dated between the middle of the 3rd and the 2nd century BC. Tarquin, Fondo Scataglini: Serra Ridgway 1996: T. 49, n. 33, tav. CXXXI, n. 49/33 p. 62. Linear decoration in brown paint dated to the 4th and 3rd century BC; T. 64, n. 41; tav. CXXXVIII, n. 64/41, p. 78. Example realized in crude ceramic, 3rd century BC. 38 For comparisons: Romualdi 1986, 195, fig. 23, grup 7, nr. 950; 160, fig. 25, grup. 9, nr. 594; 160, fig. 26, grup. 9, nr. 36439; Cimino 1986, Tav. 107, fig. 534; Jehasse 1973, Pl. 138, fig. 2265; Donati & Michelucci 1981, 102, fig. 181; Serra Ridgway 1996 (form only, not impasto), Tav. CCX, T. 172, nr. 53. 39 Effectuated by Dr.ess R. Vargiu. 36 37

40

In fact, F. Fedeli speaks of the ‘total abandon’ of the necropoli during the 6th century BC (1983, 119); Romualdi 1993, 102.

169

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 1.10, but would have had an estimated height of about 1.40 m.

CONTRIBUTION TO THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE BEGINNING OF FUNERARY ARCHITECTURE IN POPULONIA: THE EXCAVATION OF TOMB PPG 7 FROM POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

A clay mixture granted not only the connection between the stones, but also the impermeability of the building.43 The complex was coated with a protective layer of sand and ‘calcarenite’, probably recovered from the natural soil beneath, taken away during the construction of the tomb.

Tomb PPG 7 in the Poggio delle Granate necropolis, excavated in 2002-2003, seems to be quite well preserved despite the activities of tomb robbers, which probably already took place in ancient times.41

The tomb was covered by a final layer of red, clayish soil, of which the surface lacked its original slope because of the sliding, caused by over pouring of water and by the destruction of the upper part of the vault (Fig. 6). 44

The excavation, both of the chamber and of a part of the tumulus, has improved the knowledge of the particular building technique. The structure (Fig. 6) was located in a large pit, sunken into the bedrock, probably in relation with a natural slope. Inside this setting another circular cut was found, in which the chamber and the dromos were arranged.

The chamber had an almost circular plan (2.70 x 2.80 m) and was preceded by a short dromos, bearing from east to west (length: 1 m; width: 0.80 m) (Fig. 7). The chamber floor (Fig. 7), which was found in good condition only in the south-west side, was made of well jointed grey sandstone slabs, and by smaller vertical slabs inserted between them. The floor was bedded on a clayish layer, similar to the clay mixture used for the elevation in the walls. Probably the indoor space of the chamber was divided into two paved areas, running along the southwest and north-east walls, used as benches and parted by a narrow central passage, made of clayish soil. The dromos was enclosed by slabs and blocks in sandstone, and a vertical45 slab was arranged at each end. Its pavement was composed of a layer of clayish ground (similar to the one found inside the chamber), extending outside46 and was paved with small horizontal slabs. After the first usage, the tomb has been reopened, probably for following burials: in fact there were two large pits in the area in front of the dromos, which afterwards had been filled with earth and pieces of sandstone.

Fig. 6. Axonometric view of the chamber tomb PPG 7 (A. Di Napoli, T. Magliaro). The foundation of the tomb was made out of big squared blocks carefully laid out creating an indentation. The foundation pit was filled with pieces of ‘calcarenite’ corresponding with the outer walls of the cutting; small slabs of dark-stone and pebbles were inserted between the blocks, tied with clay, in order to assure a better stability. In the elevation great care in placing several types of stones in horizontal bands can be noticed, answering to different static needs.42 The construction was entirely formed by a pseudo-dome erected on the foundation, composed of projecting courses of roughly outlined stones and slabs. The latter, gradually increased in quantity towards the upper side of the chamber, rising to an height of 0.55 m. From this point on, only slabs were used. The pseudo-dome was preserved up to an height of

The excavation of the tomb PPG 7 from Poggio delle Granate explains some issues concerning the development of funerary architecture in Populonia. The features of the structure, along with the earliest potsherds found inside the chamber and in the nearby area, suggest a date within the first half of the 8th century BC. As already mentioned,47 the whole building was set inside a 43 The use of a clay mixture to connect the slabs is not only recorded in other graves from the same area (see Bartoloni et alii in this volume), but also in the ‘tumuli’ from the Iron age necropolis of Poggio del Molino o del Telegrafo: Fedeli 2000, 41; Barbi 2000, 67-70. 44 Regarding the analysis of the forces at work in the ‘tumuli’: Barbi 2000, 61-66. 45 The slab that divided the dromos from the chamber rested outside the chamber doorjambs, while the other one, used as a threshold, was stuck on the floor. 46 Concerning the importance of the dromos in the Populonia and Vetulonia district “come una parte integrante della tomba e non meramente accessoria e di servizio”: Colonna 2000, 258. 47 See Bartoloni et alii in this section.

41

As already has been checked for other graves in the same necropolis, such as tomb PPG 1 in Bartoloni et alii 2001, 114-118; see above, about the tomb PPG 8. 42 An account on the use of stones in Populonia, especially in the Piano and Poggio delle Granate necropolis: Paoletti 2000, 79-98.

170

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

Fig. 7. Plan of the chamber tomb PPG 7 and its tumulus (M. Merlo).

Fig. 8. The first trial trench sectioning the layers of the tumulus of tomb PPG 7 (M. Merlo)

Fig. 9. The chamber floor and the vertical slab closing the chamber. (S. Neri).

cutting in the bedrock, so that only a part of its height emerged from the original ground level: such architectural typology turns out to be an alternative to the better known tumulus thoroughly built in elevation. In this case, creating a lowered level was the solution chosen to uphold the pressure from the structure and its roofing. A.DiN., S.N., T.M., F.P., V.S.

certain that the association of the materials discovered inside is valid. In fact none of it has been found in a primary deposit, and most of the layers unearthed inside49 and outside50 the tomb were the result of illegal actions. For these reasons, these finds should be considered with great precaution as belonging to the original context of the tomb, even if this is the most likely interpretation.

THE FINDS48

49 Among the layers excavated inside the chamber, US 129 was a thick amount of ground in secondary deposit, while UUSS 171, 172, 173, 178, 182 were small layers that were placed directly on the floor of the tomb (in one case piled up between the closing slab of the chamber and the threshold). The objects inside these layers are likely to belong to the period in which the tomb was used. 50 The fact that some objects had been recomposed with pieces coming both from the inside and from the outer layer, seems to prove that these deposits have a common origin. That is why we have chosen to describe here also what has been discovered outside the tomb.

As the tomb has been found in a state of extreme disorder, due to the plundering by tomb robbers, it is not 48 The following presentation of the finds is not complete: in fact here a large group of the materials is reported on that was discovered in the 2002 campaign and only a small selection of those found in 2003.

171

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Personal objects

N. 6 (inv. 13 US 140; inv. 61, US 129, Fig. 10:6), bronze fibula ‘a navicella’, ovoid section, remnants of incised decoration with transversal lines on both ends of the bow. Recomposed by several fragments; missing a part of the hilt and of the pin (cfr. Bietti Sestieri 1992, tomba 148, fig. 3c, 26 n. 8, Latium Period IV). This fibula belongs to a very common type in Italy, and can be dated in the 7th century BC.

Fibulae N. 1 (inv. 4, US 185, Fig. 10:1), fragment of a bronze bow of a fibula, circular- irregular section, enlarged in the middle, thinned and diverging ends. The decoration is composed by incised longitudinal lines converging toward the ends of the bow. The fibula is missing the spring, hilt, and pin. Even if the bad condition of this fragment makes it difficult to place it in a well defined typology, it might nonetheless be interpreted as a fibula ‘ad arco serpeggiante’ (cfr. in general Guidi 1993, 50, type 103B, fig. 20, n. 5, II ‘fase veiente’, but with different pattern51) and can be dated within the 8th century BC.

N. 7 (inv. 1, US 172, Fig. 10:7), bronze fibula ‘a sanguisuga piena’, circular section; missing pin, spring, hilt (cfr. Bietti Sestieri 1992, 368, tipo 38ll, tav. 37, Latium Period IV) (for the chronology cfr. n. 6). N. 8 (invv. 12, US 140, tab.VI n. 8; 43, US 129), 2 small bronze fibulae ‘a sanguisuga piena’, circular section; both missing pin, spring and hilt (cfr. Fig. 10:7).

N. 2 (inv. 41, US 129, Fig. 10:2), fragment of a bronze bow of a fibula, circular-irregular section, similar in shape and decoration to n.1, but one end is enlarged and somewhat elbow-curved. This fragment is also missing its spring, hilt and pin (cfr. former).

N. 9 (s.n., US 140; US 251/2003, Fig. 10:9), small bronze fibula with lozenge bow, small conic tips on the sides, ovoid section; bow decorated with incised transversal lines near each end, and longitudinal lines in the middle (cfr. in general Bartoloni et alii 2001, 122, fig. 11, n. 3).

N. 3 (inv. 11, US 140; inv. 1, humus; US 251/2003, Fig. 10:3), three fragments of a bronze leafed-bow fibula (can not be reconstructed); along the edges are small bronze rings inserted; missing pin and hilt (cfr. Sundwall 1943, type CIδ; Minto 1931, Poggio delle Granate, t. a camera 19/1922, 366, fig. 30; Bruni et alii 1995, Montepitti, Deposito dell’Ulivo, 197-198, fig. 1.2 n. 2). This fibula belongs to a type dated between the end of the ninth and the beginning of the 8th century BC.

Bracelets N. 10 (inv. 19; US 129; Fig. 10:10), fragment of a curved silver wire, circular section, maybe belonging to a bracelet. Three other fragments can be recognized as bracelets: a silver wire with circular section, and two bronze wires (inv. 1; US 182), one with circular section (inv. 9; US 140), the other one with ovoid section (inv. 14; US 140).

N. 4 (Saggio1/7-2003, Fig. 10:4), bronze fibula with short hilt, slightly swollen bow, full circular section, decorated with four incised bands; fragmentary hilt, missing spin (cfr. in general Toms 1986, 78, type I5 fig. 19, Veii Period IC-IIA; Pacciarelli 1999, 130, fig. 34, type OB2a). The fibula can be dated between the last quarter of the 9th century and the beginning of the 8th century.

Rings N. 11 (inv. 1; US 203; Fig. 10:11), suspension ring, thick bronze wire, ovoid, irregular section. A huge group of tiny fragments of thin, curved bronze wire, with circular or irregular-elliptical section are recognizable as finger rings or suspension rings or as parts of chains, braid-rings, or just spirals. Four fragments of an iron wire, with circular irregular section, probably belong to suspension rings.

N. 5 (inv. 5, US 151, Fig. 10:5), fragment of a bronze fibula with a circular section bow, covered towards the spring with a small tube. Its bad condition makes it impossible to understand whether it is made of bronze wire rings or of a sort of moulded sleeve (cfr. Berlingò 1993, 15-17, fig. 35; Siris-Policoro tomba 11, prima metà del VII sec. a.C.; Pithekoussai I, 403, T. 355, nn. 7-8, tav. 130, LGII, ‘manicotto modanato’ (moulded sleeve). This fibula belongs to an Anatolian type dated to the first half of the 7th century BC (cfr. Muscarella 1967, ‘Type XII, 13’, p. 22, tav. 11, nn. 59-60).

Pin N. 12 (inv. 2, US 171; Fig. 10:12), fragment of an iron band, circular section, probably belonging to a pin. Beads N. 13 (inv. 1; US 173), cylindrical fragment of black glass paste (cfr. Bietti Sestieri 1992, tipo 89n var I, p. 435, tav. 46, green glass paste, Latium Period III).

51

The pattern of this fibula has no striking parallels. A similar decoration, but on the whole bow, is documented for a Sicilian ‘ fibule a gomito’, dated between the end of the 10th and the 11th century BC( cfr. Giardino 1994, 514, n. 74, fig. 22; 1995, 241, n. 7, fig. 119/B; McNamara 2002, n. 7, fig. 3, p. 154, p. 153).

172

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

Fig. 10. The finds: the personal objects. N. 14 (invv. 5, US 185; 60, US 129), fragments of cylindrical amber beads (cfr. Bietti Sestieri 1992, tipo 89a, p. 429, tav. 46, Latium Period II-III).

Pendants N. 19 (invv. 16, US 140; Fig. 10:16; s.n., US 251/2003; invv. 3, US 149; 21, US 129), fragments belonging to a few different spindle-shaped pendants, bronze-wired, different thickness, spiral curved and tapering towards each end (cfr. Bartoloni 1989, 52, tav. XVIII n, Poggio delle Granate, trenched-grave 1, first half of the 8th century BC; cfr. also Bietti Sestieri 1992, tipo 88l, p. 422, tav. 46, Latium Period II-III).

N. 15 (inv. 58, US 129), disk-shaped bead of light brown stone. N. 16 (inv. 57, US 129, Fig. 10:13), globular, flattened bead of dark blue glass paste, with four inserts of white glass paste (cfr. Bartoloni 1989, 53, tav. XXe, Poggio delle Granate, tomba a camera 4, 8th century BC).

N. 20 (inv. 7, US 151; Fig. 10:17), spiral curved bronze wire (remnants of 6 spirals), probably belonging to a pendant ending with a double spiral (cfr. Minto 1943, 64, tav. XIII, n. 2f, 8th-7th century BC, ‘fermaglio’; Guidi 1993, 60, tipo 152, fig. 18/14, Veii Period IIA-IIB2).

N. 17 (inv. 59, US 129; Fig. 10:14), fragment of flattened globular bead, of light blue glass paste, with an incised eye filled with white paste. N. 18 (inv. 56, US 129; Fig. 10:15), flattened globular, dark blue, glass paste bead, with four pointed swellings on four sides, decorated with eyes inserted in white paste (cfr. in general Bietti Sestieri 1992, tipo 89l, p. 433, tav. 46, Latium Period II-III).

N. 21 (inv. 20, US 129), drop-shaped bronze pendent with fragmentary eye (cfr. Bartoloni et alii 2001, fig. 11, n. 13, Poggio delle Granate, T. 1, for more parallels; cfr. also Bietti Sestieri 1992, tipo 88cc, p. 426, tav. 46, Latium Period III).

173

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI this object is difficult: it might be the point or the covering of a wooden furniture.

N. 22 (inv. 15, US 140; Fig. 10:18), globular pendant, with a disk shaped swelling in the lower part (cfr. Minto 1943, 63).

Instrumentum domesticum N. 23 (s.n., US 379; Fig. 10:19), bronze pendent, hand shaped (cfr. in general AA.VV. 2001, 78, n. 64, Picenian period III-IVA).

N. 31 (inv.1; US 379; Fig. 11:1), quadrangular spindle whorl, circular section (cfr. Paolucci 1991, 16, tav. IV, n. 35).

Point

N. 32 (inv. 2; US 140; Fig. 11:2), biconical spindle whorl, with fake-cord impressed decoration, composed of a pattern of triangle, filled inside with lines and a marked centre on top (cfr. Bartoloni 1989, 54, tav. XXI, r).

N. 24 (inv. 2, US 379; Fig. 10:20), conic bronze point, concave on the upper ending, decorated with horizontal parallel groove lines, probably recognizable as the bronze edge of a not preserved wooden fitting, maybe a spindle (cfr. Bartoloni 1989, 43, tav. XIII; Bietti Sestieri 1992, 396, tav. 41, tipi 51a and 51b), or a hair-pin (cfr. in general Pithekoussai I, p. 432, nn. 5-6, tav. 134, T. 432, LG I).

There is also a biconical, facet, spindle whorl (inv. 3; US 140) and a conical one (inv. 18; US 129; Fig. 11:3). Three fragments of bobbins, belonging to three different types, have been found too: one has an enlarged , conic head, (inv. 15; US 129: cfr. Bartoloni 1989, tav. XXI t), and two have enlarged, rounded head (inv. 16; US 129:; inv. 17; US 129: Bartoloni 1989, tav. XX f; Bietti Sestieri 1992, 316, tav. 26, tipo 34h).

Boss N. 25 (inv.1; US 178), bronze-sheet boss with hemispheric head, (cfr. in general Bietti Sestieri 1992, 418, tipo 87a, tav. 44, Latium Period II-III; Moretti Sgubini 2001, 205, III.B.2.15, Vulci, località Marrucatello, Tomba G).

The pottery Fine clay N. 33 (inv. 8; US 129; Fig. 11:4), fragment of lip and of the upper part of the body of a kylix or a skyphos in purified clay; traces of painted bands (cfr. in general Boldrini 1994, 307, tav. 8, n. 307, dated at the end of 7thbeginning of 6th century BC). A pair of sherds might belong to a similar shape (invv. 9-10; US 129) and also a couple of horizontal roll handles, with different thickness (invv. 12-13; US 129).

Spits\fire-dogs N. 26 (invv. 27-30, 52, 53, 55, US 129; 5, US 118; s.n., US 260/2003; Fig. 10:21), 6 iron band fragments, with rectangular section quite thick and large. One of them is connected with a transversal element; probably they belong to fire-dogs or stands (cfr. in general Bartoloni 1972, 55, fig. 23, Poggio Buco, T. IV, n. 32, for further parallels).

N. 34 (inv. 1; US 140), fragment of a wall in purified clay, belonging to an open shape; traces of black-glazed band decoration inside and outside.

N. 27 (invv. 23, 24, 31, 32, 38, US 129; 4, US 118), 6 fragments of iron bar, circular irregular section (a fragment, inv. 31, US 129 is made of two bars connected on one side because of the oxidation), belonging to an unknown number of spits, certainly not less than a pair (on spits and fire dogs in orientalizing tombs in central Tyrrhenian Italy, see Kohler-Naso 1991).

Bucchero N. 35 (inv. 1; US 156; Fig. 11:5), fragment of a band handle, decorated along the edges with a double line of fake cord impressions, with in the centre a deep impressed longitudinal line; belonging to an open shape (kantharos, kyathos) (cfr. in general Bartoloni et alii 2001, 118-120, fig. 10, nn. 1-3, T. 1, ‘seconda metà’ 7th century BC, without the longitudinal line).

Blades N. 28 (invv. 2, US 172; 2, US 178; 8, taglio dromos; 26, US 129), 4 iron bands fragments, with rectangular section slightly tapering on one side, probably belonging to a knife blade.

N. 36 (inv. 1; US 118; Fig. 11:6), fragment of a band handle, shape and decoration as foregoing, the vertical groove is only on the upper part of the handle, specifically on the curved side; belonging to an open shape, (kantharos, kyathos).

N. 29 (inv. 6, US 151), fragment of a thin bronze wire, with a somewhat triangular section, maybe recognizable as a knife blade.

N. 37 (inv. 1; US 185; Fig. 11:7), fragment of a band handle, decorated along the edges with two parallel lines on the sides; belonging to an open shape (kantharos, kyathos) (cfr. Bartoloni et alii 2001, 119, n. 7, n. 3, fig. 9, T. 1).

Iron fittings N. 30 (inv. 3-4; US 171), couple of iron fittings, made of a cylindrical bar, hollow at one end; the interpretation of 174

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE

Fig. 11. The finds: the pottery. There are also some more brown impasto potsherds, such as a lip fragment (inv. 9; US 129, maybe belonging to an open shape), a fragment of flat bottom (inv. 2; US 129), a wall fragment, maybe belonging to a closed shape, with three or four lines of fake-cord impressions (inv. 2, US 118) and a pair of ring-foot fragments in brown-red impasto (invv. 1; US 165; 1; US 149).

N. 38 (inv. 2; US 185; Fig. 11:8), fragment of an high, biforal band-handle; belonging to an open shape (probably a kyathos) (cfr. Minto 1943, 139, n. 8, tav XXIX and p. 152, nn. 4-5, tav. XXXVIII, p. 152). Dated between the end of the 7th century and the first half of the 6th century BC. Two small sherds of lip belonging to an oinochoe with trilobate mouth (invv. 3-4; US 129), 1 lip sherd (inv. 2; US 165) and 4 fragments of carinated walls (invv. 5-7, US 129; 1, US 121) belonging to an open shape.

Chronology of the finds The previous materials can be grouped in three different phases, so we can assume that there have been as many moments in which the tomb has been used.52 The earliest phase corresponds with artefacts dated within the first half of the 8th century BC (nn. 1-4; 18, 19, 20, 32),53 a date which also fits well to the period in which the tomb was constructed. The presence of a spindle whorl (n. 32) may be considered as an indication for a female burial.

Impasto N. 39 (inv. 1; US 129; Fig. 11:9), fragment of wall decorated with incised triangles, filled with small horizontal and vertical lines, probably belonging to a closed shape. Brown impasto (cfr. inedited samples from the Acropoli and Lamboglia 1960, 135, t. 9).

The second phase falls within the early Orientalizing period and is documented by finds nn. 5, 6, 10, 24, 39,

N. 40 (inv. 3; US 118), fragment of a biforal band-handle, concave profile and almost circular section. Brown impasto.

52 The stratigraphic excavation has pointed out two phases in which the tomb has been re-opened (see previous paragraph). 53 Undoubtedly belonging to the first phase are nn. 16-18, 21, 22, 25.

175

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 40, while there are some doubts about the chronology of some beads, rings, spits, fire-dogs, instrumentum domesticum, plus the impasto potsherds that might be considered belonging to the last phase of the tomb.54 The third phase, as shown by finds nn. 33-38, can be dated to the middle55 and late56 Orientalizing period. The huge number of spindle whorls and bobbins in these last two phases indicates the burial of one or more females.57 The presence of a particular Anatolian fibula (n. 5) and two silver ring bracelets, along with several spits and firedogs, seems to suggest that the deceased belonged to a medium-high social class. F.B., G.G., M.M., V.N., L.R., D.S.

Boldrini, M., 1994. Gravisca. ‘Le ceramiche ioniche’. Bari. Bonghi Jovino, M. & C. Chiaramonte Trerè (eds), 1997. Tarquinia. Testimonianze archeologiche e ricostruzione storica. Scavi sistematici nell’abitato (campagne 1982-1988). Roma. Bruni, S., F. Fedeli, A. Romualdi & E.J. Sheperd, 1995. Montepitti. Materiali, in: S. Bruni (ed.), Isidoro Falchi un medico al servizio dell’archeologia. Un protagonista della ricerca italiana di fine Ottocento (catalogo della mostra). Campiglia Marittima. Buchner, G. & D. Ridgway, 1993. Pithekoussai I (= MonAnt LV, serie monografìca IV). Roma. Cimino, L., 1986. The Mieli collection in the Archaeological Museum of Siena. Florence. Colonna, G., 1986. Urbanistica e architettura, in: Rasenna. Storia e civiltà degli Etruschi. Milano, 371530. Colonna, G., 2000, Populonia e l’architettura funeraria etrusca, in: A. Zifferero 2000, 253-267. Donati, L. & M. Michelucci, 1981. The Ciacci collection in the Archaeological Museum of Grosseto. Roma. Fedeli, F., 1983. Populonia. Storia e territorio. Firenze. Fedeli, F., 1985. Populonia, Poggio del molino o del Telegrafo. Tomba a camera n. 1, in: G. Camporeale (ed.), L’Etruria Mineraria (Catalogo della Mostra, Piombino-Portoferraio-Massa Marittima 1985). Milano, 47-51. Fedeli, F., 1993. L’età del Ferro, in: A. Romualdi 1993, 76-91. Fedeli, F., 2000. Le tombe a camera della necropoli villanoviana di Poggio del molino o del Telegrafo, in: A. Zifferero 2000, 37-46. Giardino, A., 1994. Scicli (Ragusa). Il ripostiglio di bronzi in contrada Castelluccio sull’Irminio. NSc (1990-1991), 489-546. Giardino, A., 1995. Il Mediterraneo occidentale fra XIV e VIII sec. a.C. Cerchie minerarie e metallurgiche (= BAR International Series, 612). Oxford. Guidi, A., 1993. La necropoli veiente dei Quattro Fontanili nel quadro della fase recente della prima Età del Ferro italiana. Firenze. Jehasse, J. & L., 1973. La Necropole preromaine d’Aleria. Paris. Kohler, C. & A. Naso, 1991. Appunti sulla funzione di alari e spiedi nelle società arcaiche dell’Italia centromeridionale, in: The archaeology of power (= Papers of the fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology, 2). London, 41 ss. Lamboglia, N., 1960. La necropoli ligure di Chiavari. Rivista di Studi Liguri 1-4, 91-220. Macnamara, E., 2002. Some bronze typologies Sardinia and Italy, in: Etruria e Sardegna CentroSettentrionale tra l’età del Bronzo finale e l’arcaismo (Atti del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Sassari-Alghero-Oristano-Torralba 1998). Firenze, 151-174. Minto, A., 1931. Le ultime scoperte archeologiche di Populonia (1927-1931). MonAnt 34, 288-404.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AA.VV., 2001. Donne, uomini e animali. Oggetti d’arte e di culto nella Preistoria (catalogo della mostra). Roma-Firenze. Barbi, L., 2000. Analisi delle caratteristiche tecnicocostruttive delle tomba dei Carri, in: A. Zifferero, L’Architettura funeraria a Populonia tra IX e VI secolo a.C. (Atti del convegno, Populonia). Firenze, 61-78. Bartoloni, G., 1972. Le tombe da Poggio Buco nel Museo Archeologico di Firenze. Firenze. Bartoloni, G., 1986. Relazioni interregionali nell’VIII secolo a.C.: Bologna-Etruria Mineraria-Valle Tiberina. Studi e documenti di archeologia 2, 45 ss. Bartoloni, G., 1989. Marriage, sale and gift. A proposito di alcuni corredi femminili dalle necropoli populoniesi della prima età del ferro, in: A. Rallo (ed.), Le donne in Etruria. Roma, 35 ss. Bartoloni, G., 2000. Strutture e rituali funerari: il caso di Populonia, in: A. Zifferero 2000, 19-36. Bartoloni, G., 2002. La prima età del ferro a Populonia: le strutture tombali, in: Etruria e Sardegna CentroSettentrionale tra l’età del Bronzo finale e l’arcaismo (Atti del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Sassari-Alghero-Oristano-Torralba 1998). Firenze, 343-362. Bartoloni, G., V. Acconcia, F. Biagi, A. Di Napoli, T. Magliaro, M. Merlo, S. Neri & S. ten Kortenaar, 2001. La ripresa degli scavi nella necropoli populoniese di Poggio delle Granate (PiombinoLivorno). Rassegna di archeologia 18(A), 103-125. Berlingò, I., 1993. Le necropoli di Siris. Bollettino di archeologia 22, 1-21. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma.

54 As for the rings and some beads, they could also belong to the first phase. 55 Particularly the bucchero handles nn. 35-37, which are comparable to the earliest bucchero fabric in the Populonia district. 56 Nn. 33, 38. 57 The evidence seems confirmed by a preliminary osteological analysis, carried out by Dr. Massimo Milletti. According to him the bones belong to two individuals, a child (apparent age 4-7 years old) and a grown-up, both females. The presence of miniature ‘fibulae’ (nn. 8-9) might strengthen this hypothesis.

176

G. BARTOLONI ET AL: POPULONIA (PIOMBINO; LI), THE NECROPOLIS OF PIANO AND POGGIO DELLE GRANATE Minto, A., 1934. Populonia. Scoperte archeologiche fortuite dal 1931 al 1934. Not.Sc., 351-428. Minto, A., 1943. Populonia. Firenze. Moretti Sgubini, A.M. (ed.), 2001. Veio, Cerveteri, Vulci. Città d’Etruria a confronto (catalogo della mostra). Roma, 186 ss. Muscarella, O.W., 1967. Phrygian fibulas from Gordion. London. Naso, A., 2001. Dalla capanna alla casa: riflessi nell’architettura funeraria etrusca, in: R.B. Brandt & L. Karllson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies (Atti del seminario internazionale, 1997). Roma, 29-39. Pacciarelli, M., 1999. Torre Galli. La necropoli della prima età del ferro (scavi Paolo Orsi 1922-23). Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro). Paolucci, G. (ed.), 1991. La collezione Terrosi nel museo civico di Chianciano Terme. Chianciano Terme. Paoletti, O., 2000. I materiali lapidei, in: A. Zifferero 2000, 79-98. Romualdi, A., 1986. Populonia in età Ellenistica. I materiali dalle necropoli. Firenze. Romualdi, A. (ed.), 1993. Populonia e il suo territorio. Profilo storico e archeologico. Firenze. Romualdi, A., 2000. Nota introduttiva, in: A. Zifferero 2000, 11-13. Rosi, S., 1994-95. Tomba a camera villanoviana scoperta nel 1981 a Poggio Delle Granate – Populonia (Piombino, Livorno), in: RA 12, 251-269. Serra Ridgway, F.R., 1996. I Corredi del fondo Scataglini a Tarquinia. Firenze. Sundwall, J., 1943. Die älteren italischen Fibeln. Berlin. Toms, J., 1986. The relative chronology of the Villanovan cemetery of Quattro Fontanili at Veii. AION 8, 41-97. Zifferero, A. (ed.), 2000. L’architettura funeraria a Populonia tra IX e VI secolo a.C. (Atti del convegno, Populonia 1997). Firenze.

177

L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO DI PONTECAGNANO. METODI D’INDAGINE ED ELEMENTI DI TOPOGRAFIA DELLE NECROPOLI E DELL’ABITATO IN ETÀ ORIENTALIZZANTE Mariassunta Cuozzo, Andrea D’Andrea & Carmine Pellegrino* Abstract: The Etruscan-Campanian cemetery of Pontecagnano contains a transition phase during the early Orientalising period, likely associated with a reorganization of the settlement. The process is studied through the analysis of its western cemetery. During the beginning of the last quarter of the 8th and the second quarter of the 7th century BC, the graveyard seems to reveal a welldefined plan: the funerary area is delimited on the both sides and appears to be occupied by distinct burial groups for extension, spatial organization and internal stratification. The comparison with cemeteries of phase II of the Early Iron Age reveals the impact of the reorganization of settlement on the social structure of this ancient community. The GIS of the cemetery of Pontecagnano has proved to be a useful instrument for the analysis.

L’esplorazione delle necropoli di Pontecagnano (SA), avviata negli anni ‘60 e tuttora in corso, ha portato al rinvenimento di oltre 8000 sepolture che consentono di delineare i processi di sviluppo che investono il centro etrusco-campano dal suo impianto, all’inizio della Prima Età del Ferro, fin oltre il IV secolo a.C.

dall’età perinatale fino all’adolescenza, che rappresentano il 70-80% della popolazione funeraria; – I comportamenti funerari appaiono dominati dal marcato particolarismo di gruppi diversi, a base parentelare, in parte paragonabili alle gentes di cui parlano le fonti per l’Etruria e il Lazio di questo periodo; – La pluralità dei comportamenti si manifesta sia nella coesistenza di diverse ‘ideologie principesche’ all’interno del medesimo contesto e, in particolare, nella dialettica tra il modello del ‘principe-eroe’ della necropoli occidentale e l’evidente priorità di straordinarie figure principesche femminili in quella orientale, sia nell’esistenza di vincoli privilegiati con referenti esterni diversificati che, almeno in un caso – connesso alla presenza di componenti dell’area irpinomeridionale di ‘Oliveto-Cairano’ –, sembra implicare la mobilità di interi gruppi e dinamiche di tipo etnicosociale.

Dopo l’edizione di estesi sepolcreti della Prima Età del Ferro,1 si è affrontato l’esame sistematico delle aree di sepoltura utilizzate a partire dall’ultimo quarto dell’VIII secolo. Gli studi condotti sulla necropoli orientale, presentati in numerosi interventi preliminari ed ora più ampiamente illustrati in un libro appena dato alle stampe, hanno definito le complesse strategie che regolano il comportamento funerario nella fase antica e media dell’Orientalizzante.2 I principali risultati di questi lavori possono essere sintetizzati come segue:

Il quadro delineato si è arricchito negli ultimi anni con l’avvio dell’analisi delle aree funerarie che nello stesso periodo si sviluppano ad ovest dell’abitato di età storica.4 Ciò ha consentito di verificare e confrontare i comportamenti funerari restituiti dalle due necropoli; nello stesso tempo si è prospettata la possibilità di riflettere più in generale sulle dinamiche di occupazione degli spazi funerari e sulla loro relazione con l’area dell’abitato di età storica.

– L’inizio dell’Orientalizzante coincide con una marcata discontinuità rispetto alla Prima Età del Ferro: l’inumazione diviene il rito dominante, sostituita dalla cremazione – vera o simulata – solo in casi eccezionali come nelle note tt. 926-928 e 4461; si afferma un nuovo tipo di ‘corredo base’, costantemente presente nelle sepolture di tutte le componenti di genere e classe d’età, costituito, da un lato, dall’anforetta d’impasto, indicatore tipico di Pontecagnano, dall’altro, da un ‘servizio’ di tipo ‘greco’ connesso all’ideologia del simposio – oinochoe, kylix/skyphos (Thapsos senza pannello/a sigma/a fascia risparmiata) e la coppa/piattello (italogeometrica o d’impasto); – L’esame della rappresentativtà demografica e sociale della necropoli, secondo la direzione indicata da Morris per le necropoli di Atene3, suggerisce l’estensione della sepoltura formale alla categoria infantile e una capillare articolazione dei comportamenti funerari nelle categorie di non adulti,

IL SISTEMA GIS DI PONTECAGNANO L’analisi sistematica della necropoli occidentale è stata agevolata dalla redazione di un GIS, elaborato dalla Cattedra di Etruscologia dell’Università ‘L’Orientale’ di Napoli e dal Dipartimento di Beni Culturali dell’Università di Salerno. Il sistema informativo, progettato per soddisfare una molteplicità di interessi, da quelli scientifici, finalizzati alla ricostruzione della comunità antica, a quelli della tutela, della valorizzazione e dell’integrazione del patrimonio archeologico nelle attività di pianificazione urbanistica, consiste in un articolato database

*

La parte introduttiva è stata redatta da M. Cuozzo; il paragrafo 1 è opera di A. D’Andrea, quelli 2 e 3 di C. Pellegrino. 1 d’Agostino & Gastaldi 1988; De Natale 1992; Gastaldi 1998. 2 Cuozzo 1994; 2000; 2003, cui è da aggiungere l’articolo della stessa studiosa edito in questa sede. 3 Morris 1987.

4

178

Pellegrino 1999; 2003.

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO, ANDREA D’ANDREA & CARMINE PELLEGRINO: L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO cartografico, contenente le informazioni spaziali e topologiche delle sepolture, associate ai dati descrittivi dei singoli contesti funerari e di ciascuna area di necropoli.

Per l’elaborazione di particolari ricerche o per la visualizzazione di determinati tematismi è sufficiente eseguire nel modulo ‘Interrogazioni’ la procedura Seleziona. Con tale istruzione si ottiene un sotto insieme di dati raggruppati sulla base di una o più variabili; è possibile chiedere, ad esempio, la selezione di una tomba o di un intervallo di tombe, oppure formulare l’interrogazione di un foglio catastale o di un particolare proprietario: i record che soddisfano la richiesta sono visualizzatati insieme.

La prima fase del lavoro è consistita nella creazione degli archivi alfanumerici secondo un modello di tipo ‘entitàrelazione’. La struttura fisica è stata implementata attraverso l’elaborazione di due tabelle tra loro collegate dal numero di tomba (chiave primaria) nella forma 1: n: il primo archivio contiene i dati generali della tomba; il secondo comprende ogni singolo oggetto che compone il corredo funerario della sepoltura.

Più completo è il comando Seleziona SQL che consente di creare tavole comprendenti informazioni implicite nella tavola base e ricalcolate mediante operazioni matematiche: una particolare aggregazione di dati può essere visualizzata in colonne cd. derivate. Inoltre, ed è questa la funzione per noi di maggiore interesse, l’istruzione consente di effettuare selezioni su più tavole contemporaneamente. La selezione SQL, infatti, può collegare tavole mappabili, cioè con oggetti grafici, e tavole con soli dati alfanumerici, associando i record delle diverse tabelle mediante una relazione tra le colonne: ad esempio, la visualizzazione di una serie specifica di tombe è eseguita estraendo le sepolture corrispondenti alla query ed associando la lista al livello informativo grafico mediante la procedura del tipo ‘where nometable.id = nometable.id’. Analogamente l’interrogazione può essere perfezionata incrociando la lista prodotta con una particolare classe di età o con uno specifico set di oggetti di corredo e successivamente visualizzata con l’istruzione join sopra descritta. Il nuovo file temporaneo creato con l’interrogazione SQL può essere semplicemente visualizzato, oppure adoperato per un’ulteriore estrazione di informazioni.

L’archivio alfanumerico è stato successivamente importato all’interno dell’ambiente GIS allo scopo di implementare un modello georelazionale composto da differenti archivi, grafici e non, sviluppati separatamente, combinati e collegati all’interno del sistema informativo mediante una procedura flessibile del tipo ‘molti-a-molti’. La base planimetrica di riferimento è stata realizzata vettorializzando le mappe dei sepolcreti e delle deposizioni e sovrapponendo la cartografia così ottenuta sul fotogrammetrico vettoriale in scala 1:5000, che costituisce il supporto cartografico adottato dal comune di Pontecagnano. Allo scopo di posizionare tutte le aree funerarie indagate, sul fotogrammetrico numerico è stato sovrapposto il catastale vettorializzato che ha rappresentato finora il supporto per il posizionamento dei settori sepolcrali scavati. Sul nuovo supporto cartografico è stato possibile successivamente ubicare le diverse aree di necropoli messe in luce nel corso delle ricerche sul terreno. E’ stata quindi creata la topologia facendo ricorso al programma MapInfo, un GIS di semplice uso ed apprendimento, adoperato da tempo anche nel campo della ricerca archeologica. L’importazione all’interno di MapInfo dei dati vettoriali elaborati con AutoCad, è assicurata da un modulo che legge il file di interscambio ‘dxf’ e restituisce una nuova mappa; con l’opzione ‘proiezione’ e ‘trasformazione’, la pianta eseguita con AutoCad può essere convertita in una mappa geografica fornendo, per ogni singolo file vettoriale, appena due coordinate. Il sistema di riferimento adottato corrisponde alla proiezione UTM (ED50) Zona 33.

L’INSEDIAMENTO DI PONTECAGNANO TRA LA DEL FERRO E L’ORIENTALIZZANTE

PRIMA ETÀ

Interessanti considerazioni sul processo di strutturazione dell’insediamento scaturiscono dalla lettura dello sviluppo diacronico delle necropoli e della loro relazione con l’area occupata dall’abitato di età storica. Di grande ausilio si sono rivelati recentissimi studi geomorfologici e paleoambientali che hanno notevolmente arricchito i dati relativi al paesaggio antico, contribuendo ad una migliore comprensione delle dinamiche insediative.5

Per costruire la relazione tra gli archivi alfanumerici e le informazioni grafiche si è reso necessario assegnare ad ogni singolo oggetto vettoriale un codice esclusivo corrispondente alla chiave primaria delle tabelle. All’interno del livello informativo ‘tombe’ esso corrisponde al numero della sepoltura, mentre nel layer ‘limiti’ si riferisce alla particella, al numero del foglio catastale ed al nome del proprietario dell’area indagata.

L’insediamento di Pontecagnano, inteso nello sviluppo complessivo di abitato e necropoli, è compreso tra il fiume Picentino ad ovest e l’attuale corso del torrente Frestola ad est, quest’ultimo non coincidente, nel tratto in esame, con quello antico (Fig. 1).6

Sulla base del modello georelazionale prescelto, il GIS gestisce quindi due archivi alfanumerici (tombe, corredo) e quattro livelli informativi grafici riguardanti il fotogrammetrico, il catastale, l’area delle zone esplorare e le singole tombe.

5 Rossi c.s.; ringrazio l’autore per aver fornito la carta morfologica utilizzata per l’elaborazione della Fig. 1. 6 Sepolture della Prima Età del Ferro provengono dai lavori di sistemazione del canale della Frestola, cfr. De Natale 1992, 3, fig. 1; per la revisione del limite della necropoli protostorica in questo tratto, cfr. Colonna, Mancusi & Pellegrino 2002, 383.

179

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. L’insediamento di Pontecagnano tra Prima Età del Ferro e Orientalizzante. 1a-e: Necropoli della Prima Età del Ferro; 2a-c: Aree di necropoli dell’Orientalizzante Antico; 3: Sepolcreto attestato dal terzo quarto del VII secolo. che ha restituito labili testimonianze già per la fase antica dell’Orientalizzante.9

Al centro di quest’area si erge una piattaforma travertinosa che degrada in maniera poco accentuata da NE verso SO, a volte con salti di quota più marcati che determinano un sistema a terrazzi.

Rispetto ad esso, la dislocazione delle necropoli appare significativa, se si considera che il loro sviluppo non sempre è riconducibile a logiche di espansione progressiva e lineare.10

Ai lati il plateau è definito da due depressioni nelle quali s’incanalano, oltre alle acque meteoriche, quelle provenienti da alcune sorgenti situate a monte. La depressione occidentale è stata da tempo individuata da prospezioni geofisiche (alveo A);7 quella orientale è marcata da un paleoalveo (alveo B), individuato dalla fotolettura a ridosso della piattaforma centrale.8

Le due principali necropoli della Prima Età del Ferro si sviluppano ad una certa distanza dall’abitato, separate da esso da ampie zone libere che saranno occupate da sepolture solo nelle fasi successive. I nuclei sepolcrali più antichi – periodo 1A –, in particolare, si collocano in posizione speculare, ai lati della piattaforma dell’abitato, su un alto morfologico proteso sul Picentino (Fig. 1:1a) ed in una zona appena sopraelevata in prossimità dell’attuale corso della Frestola, a circa 600 m dai limiti dell’abitato (Fig. 1:1b).

Le foto aeree hanno rivelato la presenza di altri paleoalvei: uno di questi, su cui si tornerà in seguito, si origina dall’avvallamento occidentale e si dirige verso il Picentino, seguendo una direzione non coerente con le naturali vie di deflusso delle acque (Alveo C). Sui due terrazzi superiori della piattaforma centrale le prospezioni geofisiche collocano l’abitato antico, documentato archeologicamente in maniera consistente solo a partire dalla fine del VII-inizi VI secolo a.C., ma

7 8

9 Per un quadro di sintesi sull’abitato di Pontecagnano, cfr. Cerchiai 1995, 81-82, 108-110, 223-224; sulle aree sacre in loc. Pastini e in Via Verdi, cfr., da ultimo, Bailo Modesti et alii 2000 e Bailo Modesti et alii 2002; sui resti della colonia latina di Picentia, che insiste sulla medesima piattaforma, cfr. Cinquantaquattro 2000. 10 Per lo sviluppo delle necropoli tra la Prima Età del Ferro e l’Orientalizzante, cfr. Pellegrino 1999, 35-40.

Cerchiai 1990, 37. Rossi c.s.

180

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO, ANDREA D’ANDREA & CARMINE PELLEGRINO: L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO Ad una distanza analoga si pone una terza area di necropoli, di minore estensione ed attiva almeno dal periodo 1B, situata a sud, sul bordo di un terrazzo della piattaforma centrale esterna all’abitato (Fig. 1:1c).11

destinato ad attività di scambio e dunque dotato di una funzione ‘pubblica’. Il recupero per l’occupazione funeraria di zone depresse ed interessate dalla presenza d’acqua lascia inoltre supporre consistenti interventi di bonifica: probabilmente è in questa fase, come vedremo, che si deviano verso il Picentino le acque provenienti dall’avvallamento occidentale, risanando la sella che collega l’alto morfologico proteso sul fiume alla piattaforma centrale.15

Sembra dunque emergere come, sin dall’inizio, l’area insediativa – intesa come insieme di zone abitate e necropoli – sia stata organizzata valorizzando tratti specifici del paesaggio. Nell’ambito di questa forma complessiva di pianificazione, i sepolcreti sono collocati ai margini: quelli principali si sviluppano in aree sopraelevate, separate dall’abitato da zone di depressione percorse da alvei, in analogia a quanto riscontrabile in altri insediamenti villanoviani.12

LA NECROPOLI OCCIDENTALE DI PIAZZA SABBATO Il processo di ristrutturazione innescatosi con l’Orientalizzante è verificabile più in dettaglio nell’esame delle aree di necropoli occidentali, in particolare in quelle che si sviluppano più a ridosso del fiume Picentino (Figg. 1:2a, 2).

Le necropoli della Prima Età del Ferro sono abbandonate all’inizio dell’Orientalizzante, sostituite da nuovi sepolcreti situati più a ridosso dell’abitato. Sul versante orientale l’area utilizzata dall’ultimo quarto dell’VIII secolo si estende nella zona interessata dalla depressione, tra i sepolcreti della prima Età del Ferro e l’alveo B che delimita l’abitato (Fig. 1:2c).

La nuova occupazione investe simultaneamente una superficie di circa 2 ha, compresa tra via Dante e via Marconi, contigua ma distinta rispetto alle aree precedentemente utilizzate, che sono invece del tutto abbandonate.16

Per quanto riguarda le aree di seppellimento occidentali, l’analisi ha consentito di riconoscere, per la fase iniziale dell’Orientalizzante, due necropoli distinte: la prima, più estesa, si sviluppa, in contiguità con quella della Prima Età del Ferro, sul versante dell’alto morfologico rivolto verso l’abitato (Fig. 1:2a); la seconda, che ha restituito le tombe ‘principesche’ edite da B. d’Agostino,13 si disloca presso l’attuale Piazza Risorgimento, sul bordo occidentale di una ‘terrazza’ del plateau centrale (Fig. 1:2b).

A sud il limite della necropoli è definito da un fossato, forse connesso ad un antico alveo, sostituito tra la fine del VII e l’inizio del VI secolo da un più ampio sistema di irregimentazione costituito da un’ampia fascia di canali paralleli.17 Subito all’esterno della necropoli, nella zona di Piazza Sabbato, è stata rinvenuta una strada in ciottoli, verosimilmente coeva ai canali lungo i quali corre (Strada S). Una strada con pavimentazione in ciottoli (Strada N), individuata nello scavo Sabbato I, sembra costituire anche sull’opposto versante settentrionale il limite della necropoli, restituito dai ritrovamenti presso l’incrocio tra la SS 18 e via Dante, nella Piazza Pio X, nello scavo Sabbato I e, più ad E, in quello della Biblioteca.

I sepolcreti impiantati nell’Orientalizzante Antico sembrano pertanto delineare una sorta di cintura intorno all’abitato che inizia ad una distanza media di 200/300 m da esso. E’ possibile, pertanto, ritenere che la riorganizzazione delle necropoli all’inizio dell’Orientalizzante e la minore distanza dall’abitato delle nuove aree sepolcrali siano la conseguenza di una ristrutturazione dell’intero sistema insediativo che in questo momento accentua il proprio carattere unitario, superando il precedente assetto multifocale proprio della Prima Età del Ferro.14

La strada condiziona l’orientamento delle tombe più vicine ad essa sin dalla prima metà del VII secolo, così come alcuni canali successivi all’uso sepolcrale dell’area, che si protrae almeno fino al IV secolo a.C., testimoniando il lungo periodo d’uso del percorso (Fig. 3:B18).

In questa prospettiva, appare significativo che proprio alla fine dell’VIII secolo risalgano le prime testimonianze archeologiche dall’abitato, relative ad uno spazio

15

Rossi c.s. Per il condizionamento che tale alveo esercita sullo sviluppo della necropoli a partire dalla prima metà del VII secolo, cfr. infra. 16 Pellegrino 1999, 35-39. fig. 2. In un momento appena successivo, compreso entro la prima metà del VII secolo, sembra avvenire l’occupazione della aree lungo via Alfani e via XVII giugno, cfr. Panebianco 1937. 17 Il fossato è stato individuato negli scavi condotti nelle proprietà Granozio III e V; per l’individuazioni di altri tratti della fascia di canali, che si estende fin oltre Piazza Risorgimento, cfr. Serritella 1995, tavv. 4, 81 e Cerchiai 1986, 528. 18 Per agevolare la leggibilità della planimetria sono state espunte le tombe successive alla metà del VI secolo. Anche nelle fasi più recenti, la strada sembra condizionare la disposizione e l’orientamento delle tombe più vicine ad essa.

11

Brevi cenni su questa che è nota in letteratura come ‘necropoli meridionale’, sono in d’Agostino & Gastaldi 1988, 5. 12 Per un quadro di sintesi, cfr. Rendeli 1993 e Pacciarelli 2001. 13 d’Agostino 1977. 14 Pellegrino 1999, 39-40. Il processo di avvicinamento delle necropoli all’abitato sembra avviato già nella fase finale della Prima Età del Ferro, come suggerisce il sepolcreto impiantato a ridosso del limite orientale della piattaforma (Fig. 1:1e). Anche quest’area di necropoli è abbandonata al passaggio all’Orientalizzate, forse perché considerata troppo vicina all’abitato nella rinnovata organizzazione dellínsediamento. Nella zona sarà impiantato alla fine del VII secolo in un quartiere artigianale.

181

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. La necropoli occidentale di Piazza Sabbato. Il limite della necropoli e la strada settentrionale riprendono l’andamento dell’alveo C che, come si è detto, rappresenta probabilmente l’esito di un intervento artificiale per modificare il naturale corso delle acque.

l’ulteriore articolazione della classe dei sub-adulti che comporta la distinzione degli infanti e dei bambini in tenera età, spesso proiettati, nella selezione del corredo, verso l’orizzonte materno.

Il ruolo che la strada ed il paleoalveo hanno nello sviluppo topografico della necropoli e più in generale di questa zona è confermato dal rinvenimento, lungo la loro direttrice, di un piccolo sepolcreto situato appena fuori dall’abitato ed attivo almeno dal terzo quarto del VII secolo (Fig. 1:3).19

Nelle sepolture di adulto la polarità tra i generi passa soprattutto per la tradizionale distinzione degli oggetti di funzione – armi per i maschi, utensili per filatura e tessitura per le femmine – e della parure ornamentale,21 mentre più contenute sono le differenze relative al

Per quanto riguarda l’organizzazione dello spazio funerario ed i criteri di rappresentazione sociale, il sepolcreto occidentale sembra caratterizzato dagli stessi fenomeni di articolazione riconosciuti da M. Cuozzo nella necropoli orientale.

cinghiale, quelli in bronzo a ‘ghianda’ di piccole dimensioni (affine a quello d’argento e di più grandi dimensioni in d’Agostino 1968, fig. 6, t. XXXII.9) o, più spesso, cilindrici (d’Agostino 1968, fig. 6, tt. XII.9 e XXVI.4), le fibule ad arco cuspidato o configurato (d’Agostino 1968 tipi ‘u’ e ‘z’). Per quanto riguarda il corredo ceramico, significativo sebbene attestati in pochi esemplari e quindi in maniera statisticamente meno rilevante - è il ricorso nelle tombe di sub-adulto di vasi di cui è nota la valenza infantile come la pisside, presente in esemplari di tipo protocorinzio, ed il guttus d’impasto, nonché della lekythos acroma di tipo argivo. 21 Tra gli adulti, gli ornamenti sono quasi sempre presente nelle deposizione femminili, mentre più contenuti o del tutto assenti sono in quelle maschili. Esclusivamente femminili sono ornamenti specifici quali orecchini, bracciali, cavigliere, collane, pendagli, anelli digitali, ecc., oltre agli elementi decorativi della veste (borchie, anelli, vaghi). Per quanto riguarda le fibule, generalmente in bronzo, ricorrono solo nelle deposizioni femminili gli esemplari ad arco rivestito e probabilmente quelle a navicella (d’Agostino 1968, tipi ‘w-y’ e ‘v’), mentre solo sporadicamente sono attestate quelle ad arco serpeggiante, invece tipiche del costume maschile (d’Agostino, tipi ‘q-t); solo tendenziale è la pertinenza femminile delle fibule a sanguisuga (d’Agostino 1968, tipi ‘a-n’).

Confermato è il completo accesso alla sepoltura formale delle classi di età inferiori, con una percentuale di adulti che si aggira intorno al 20%.20 Parimenti attestata è 19

Il sepolcreto è stato individuato agli inizi degli anni ’70 nella proprietà Sabbato, in occasione di sondaggi (Saggio II) tesi alla definizione dell’abitato in vista della promulgazione dei piani urbanistici. 20 In assenza di analisi antropologiche, note solo per poche sepolture, le articolazioni orizzontali del campione sono state determinate sulla base delle misure del sepolture e dell’analisi degli ornamenti e del corredo. Sono risultati esclusivi del gruppo dei sub-adulti gli scarabei, i pendagli costituiti da una valva di conchiglia, dal ‘tritone’ o da un dente di

182

Fig. 3. A. Le aree funerarie di Piazza Sabbato nell’Orientalizzante Antico (in grigio scuro; in bianco le tombe databili genericamente nella prima metà del VII secolo; in grigio chiaro gli spiazzi; in nero i recinti); B. Lo scavo Sabbato I (in grigio scuro le tombe databili entro la prima metà del VII secolo; in bianco le tombe databili tra la metà del VII e la metà del VI secolo; in nero i recinti; in grigio chiaro i canali).

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO, ANDREA D’ANDREA & CARMINE PELLEGRINO: L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO

183

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI servizio ceramico incentrato, come nella necropoli orientale, sul ‘corredo base’.22

sottolineare la presenza in quest’area di alcune deposizioni di donne allogene, sia della facies irpina di ‘Oliveto-Cairano’, sia provenienti dall’area enotrioofantina, come indica la deposizione supino-rattratta.24

A partire dall’Orientalizzante Antico le tombe si dislocano in settori distinti, aggregandosi in ‘plessi’ composti da diverse decine di tombe, separati da spazi vuoti destinati solo in parte ad essere occupati nelle fasi successive (Fig. 3:A).23

Un quadro ancora diverso si riscontra nel contiguo ‘Plesso II’: le tombe, scavate nel greto di un antico fiume, sono tutte del tipo a fossa, caratterizzate da un corredo ceramico e da un costume improntato ad un’estrema sobrietà; assenti sono le armi o altri segni di funzione anche nelle poche tombe di adulto.

Nelle forme di organizzazione dello spazio sepolcrale, questi gruppi mostrano un accentuato particolarismo. Nel ‘Plesso III’ si distinguono due gruppi di tombe organizzate intorno ad ampi spazi vuoti di forma quadrangolare, con uno dei lati delimitato da un allineamento di lastre di travertino poste di coltello.

Sembra quindi plausibile attribuire queste sepolture a individui di non particolare rilievo nella compagine antica. In questa prospettiva, può assumere significato anche l’organizzazione topografica del plesso che rivela una dislocazione sepolcrale di carattere diffuso, in cui non si riconoscono ulteriori aggregazioni interne, espressione di una debole solidarietà di gruppo.

Solo il nucleo settentrionale ha restituito sepolture di particolare rilievo: in posizione preminente rispetto allo ‘spiazzo’ è un bustum maschile (t. 1428) contenuto, circondato da altre tombe, all’interno di un recinto quadrangolare in lastre di travertino, che probabilmente fungeva da zoccolo per il contenimento di un sovrastante tumulo di terra. Subito all’esterno di questo è un’altra tomba maschile con lancia, ascia e scure (t. 1469) e l’unica deposizione di donna adulta del plesso (t. 1449); intorno si dislocano tombe di individui non adulti organizzate per filari paralleli.

In conclusione, l’articolazione nei modelli di organizzazione del tessuto sepolcrale, le peculiarità che sia i plessi sia i nuclei in cui essi si articolano mostrano nella scelta dei rituali e nella composizione dei corredi, i livelli ‘gerarchici’ non sempre equivalenti, sono aspetti che pare difficile ricondurre solo a forme differenziate di autorappresentazione funeraria ma sembrano piuttosto costituire il riflesso di reali articolazioni tra i gruppi sepolti.

Analoghe forme di monumentalità, con spiazzi e recinti contenenti tombe, ritornano nel ‘Plesso V’. In questo caso, la distribuzione delle tombe è più rada e più numerose sono le deposizioni caratterizzate da elementi di rilievo: si contano sette tombe maschili con lancia, in quattro casi associata agli strumenti in ferro per le attività manuali e per il sacrificio – scalpello, ascia o scure, coltello, in un caso gli spiedi (t. 1481). Si distinguono, in particolare, la t. 1318, un bustum inserito in un recinto, e la t. 1481, isolata dalle altre da un’ampia fascia di rispetto. Presso il bustum 1318 si collocano alcune sepolture di bambine di pochi anni con coltello (t. 1323) o rocchetti (tt. 1320 e 1325), quest’ultimi tra l’altro associati nella t. 1320 ad un bacino di bronzo e ad un’armilla in verghe di ferro e rame intrecciate a spirale. Meno caratterizzate sono invece le numerose sepolture di bambini collocate nell’angolo opposto dello scavo, apparentemente organizzate intorno ad uno spazio centrale sub-circolare.

E’ dal confronto tra queste forme di aggregazione spaziale e quelle che si riscontrano nei nuclei sepolcrali immediatamente precedenti della fase finale della Prima Età del Ferro, invece caratterizzati da un’uniformità e da un’estrema coesione organizzativa , che traspaiono le profonde trasformazioni di natura sociale che accompagnano la ristrutturazione dell’insediamento al passaggio all’Orientalizzante.25 BIBLIOGRAFIA Bailo Modesti, G. et alii, 2000. I santuari di Pontecagnano, in: A. Comella & M. Torelli (eds), Depositi votivi e culti dell’Italia antica, dall’età arcaica a quella tardo repubblicana. Atti del Convegno, Perugia 1-4 giugno 2000. in corso di stampa. Bailo Modesti, G. et alii, 2002. Lo spazio del rito. Santuari e culti in Italia meridionale tra indigeni e greci. Atti del Convegno, Matera 28-29 giugno 2002. In corso di stampa.

Nel ‘Plesso I’ le tombe sembrano articolarsi in due nuclei: quello occidentale comprende 18 sepolture, la gran parte delle quali si aggrega in modo da definire un’area di forma ellissoidale. Non emergono, in questo caso, sepolture particolarmente caratterizzate se si escludono alcune deposizioni femminili con una più complessa parure ornamentale. Da

24

Cinquantaquattro & Cuozzo 2002. A titolo esemplificativo, si rimanda alla planimetria del sepolcreto edito in De Natale 1992, figg. 3 e 131, o di quello in proprietà Colucci in Pellegrino 1999, fig. 2. Nel valutare l’estensione dei gruppi sepolti, è da considerare che in questi sepolcreti operano meccanismi di selettività che implicano la quasi totale esclusione delle classi di età inferiori dalla sepoltura formale. 25

22

Cfr. supra. Per agevolare la lettura della planimetria, non sono riportate le tombe successive alla metà del VII secolo. 23

184

MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO, ANDREA D’ANDREA & CARMINE PELLEGRINO: L’INSEDIAMENTO ETRUSCO-CAMPANO orientalizzante ed arcaico. Tesi di dottorato discussa presso l’Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’ il 19 maggio 2003. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Rossi, A., in corso di stampa. Contesto ambientale dinamiche insediative tra l’Età del Ferro e l’Età Arcaica a Pontecagnano. AnnAStorAnt (in corso di stampa). Serritella, A., 1995. Pontecagnano. II.3. Le nuove aree di necropoli del IV e III sec. a.C. (= AnnAStorAnt. Quad. 9). Napoli.

Cerchiai, L., 1986. Pontecagnano, in: Neapolis. Atti del XXV Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 3-7 ottobre 1985. Taranto, 527-529. Cerchiai, L., 1990. Nuove prospettive della ricerca archeologica a Pontecagnano, in: Die Welt der Etrusker. Internationales Kolloquium, Berlin 24-26 Oktober 1988. Berlin, 37-42. Cerchiai, L., 1995. I Campani. Milano. Cinquantaquattro, T., 2000. Pontecagnano (SA): saggi stratigrafici nell’abitato antico. BA 28-30 (1994), 121 ss. Cinquantaquattro, T. & M. Cuozzo, 2002. Relazioni tra l’area daunia e medio-ofantina e la Campania. Nuovi apporti archeologici, in: L. Pietropaolo (ed.), Sformate immagini di bronzo. Il Carrello di Lucera tra VIII e VII sec. a.C. Convegno, Lucera 28 luglio 2000. Foggia, 127-138. Colonna, G., M. Mancusi & C. Pellegrino, 2002. Pontecagnano. StEtr 65-68, 382 ss. Cuozzo, M., 1994. Patterns of organization and funerary customs in the cemetery of Pontecagnano (Salerno) during the Orientalising period. Journal of European Archaeology 2(2), 263-298. Cuozzo, M., 2000. Orizzonti teorici e interpretativi, tra percorsi di matrice francese, archeologia postprocessuale e tendenze italiane: considerazioni e indirizzi di ricerca per lo studio delle necropoli, in: N. Terrenato (ed.), Archeologia teorica. Firenze, 323-360. Cuozzo, M., 2003. Reinventando la tradizione. Immaginario sociale, ideologie e rappresentazione nelle necropoli orientalizzanti di Pontecagnano. Paestum. d’Agostino, B., 1968. Pontecagnano. Tombe orientalizzanti in contrada S. Antonio. NSc, 75-196. d’Agostino, B., 1977. Tombe principesche dell’orientalizzante antico da Pontecagnano (= MonAnt 49, serie Misc. 2.1). 9-110. d’Agostino, B. & P. Gastaldi (edd.), 1988. Pontecagnano. II. La necropoli del Picentino. 1. Le tombe della Prima Età del Ferro (= AnnAStorAnt, Quad. 5). Napoli. De Natale, S., 1992. Pontecagnano. II. La necropoli di Sant’Antonio: prop. ECI. 2. Tombe della Prima Età del Ferro (= AnnAStorAnt, Quad. 7). Napoli. Gastaldi, P., 1998. Pontecagnano. II.4. La necropoli del Pagliarone (= AnnAStorAnt, Quad. 10). Napoli. Morris, I., 1987. Burial and ancient society. The rise of the Greek city-state. Cambridge. Pacciarelli, M., 2001. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Panebianco, V., 1937. Pontecagnano. Scoperte archeologiche. RassStorSalern 1, 185-186. Pellegrino, C., 1999. Continuità/discontinuità tra Età del Ferro e Orientalizzante nella necropoli occidentale di Pontecagnano. AnnAStorAnt n.s. 6, 35-58. Pellegrino, C., 2003. La necropoli occidentale di Pontecagnano. Uso dello spazio, gerarchie sociali, distinzioni di sesso e di età nel periodo 185

A DISCLOSURE OF POWER: ELITE ETRUSCAN ICONOGRAPHY DURING THE 8TH-6TH CENTURIES BC Carrie Roth-Murray Abstract: Much recent work investigates Etruscan iconography from the perspective of Greek art, and the development of social hierarchy in Etruria through the creation of prince and warrior roles. The present paper attempts to better define Etruscan iconography through their archaeological context, in particular the lituus and ceremonial axe. The roles attached to these and other items of iconography developed and transformed along with the iconographic objects. This paper suggests that the meanings behind the objects and the nature of the roles attached must be examined together, with a focus on the social needs provided by both.

Many changes began to occur in the Etruscan lifeways during the eighth century BC. The visible changes in the material culture were directly related to changes in the social organizations of these separate settlements. Gradually, this period of transition and competition resulted in the creation of elaborate tombs with exotic grave goods, more substantial settlement structures, and the formalization of ritual space. All three of these developments, I argue, were enacted to create and legitimize new, authoritative roles within the societies. Etruscan elites developed (and materialized) through a coded system of symbols to make themselves visibly distinct from other individuals. Certain iconographic symbols were used in all three of these new developments, resulting in a refinement of separate social spheres and statuses related to the activities involved in each. In this paper, I will focus on two particular symbols, which illustrate how iconography became a medium for expressing some authoritative roles.

development of the elite. Some of the most archaeologically visible ideologies are materialized representations of elite, authoritative statuses. I will focus on how some examples of Etruscan iconography during the eighth to sixth centuries BC were visual representations of new roles and identities, which were used in multiple contexts and media to communicate within each forming community, as well as with neighbouring communities and elites. The contexts are both public and private, suggesting that the elites had more aims than simply indoctrinating the rest of the society. In some cases, the use of iconography in private contexts indicates an individual’s intrinsic bond with one of his or her roles. The institutionalization of authority in a society marks a major change in the dynamics between the members of that society. The reasons behind the development and maintenance of differentiated roles vary depending on the specific circumstances, but the traits and functions shared by the authoritative individuals may be separated out for discussion. These can be grouped into four broad categories, including special skills, valour, economics and politics. This paper will concentrate on special skills and valour, because they have been neglected by other investigations, and may be particularly relevant to this ‘formative’ period for the Etruscans.

‘Iconography’ will be defined here as the manifestations of ideologies through symbols, monuments, language (written and spoken), dress and rituals. The use of iconography from this period can be seen as part of a continuous development of ideologies at several Etruscan settlements. ‘Ideologies’ here, will be used in the sense of sets of beliefs that help define the limits of social behaviour and statuses. Ideologies are at work throughout a society, being used and shaped by every individual, not merely controlled by the elites. As opposed to some Marxists views, ideology is presented here not simply as a tool for elites to control or deceive the ‘working classes’ through ‘false consciousness’, but rather, as a complex piece of chain-mail, where interlinking pieces are created and altered by various individuals. Marxist views are particularly inappropriate in the case of eighth to sixth century BC Etruria, because these so-called ‘prestate’ societies had not finalized forming permanent, formal, ranked social classes.1

Special skills, often involve knowledge of the supernatural, ritual practices and important technologies. The crucial role of an individual with special skills is that of an intermediary between the divine and the secular; this divide places the individual in between the two categories, often resulting in an elevated, authoritative position. Valour, on the other hand, involves a show of strength, bravery, or capability of violence, either in the sphere of hunting, competitive fighting, or battle, at least initially. As this relationship transforms into something more lasting, the notions of hunter, champion, or warrior can evolve into connotations of the heroic. The valorous individual also plays an important role in society, by offering the means of protection from the earthly elements of wild animals, starvation, and threatening neighbours.

Many of the ideologies from this period probably related to familial, technological, religious and political themes, with an emphasis on definition and clarification, rather than domination. It must be acknowledged, however, that many forms of ideologies are impossible to recover, leaving a predominance of evidence concerning the 1

Certain items of iconography become identification markers of authoritative roles. That is, certain objects became laden with ideological meaning by their

Seliger 1977, 49.

186

CARRIE ROTH-MURRAY: A DISCLOSURE OF POWER association with the individuals who held the objects. The iconography then becomes a tool of sorts for individuals to legitimize and ‘naturalize’ their positions. The use of particular symbols across different contexts, as well as by multiple generations, meant that they were manipulated over time to better fit the changing roles of authoritative figures. I argue in this paper, that in order to unravel some of the specific symbolic meanings within the iconography related to the different forms of authority, the various ways in which the iconography was used must be considered. However, many of these iconographic symbols overlap into different contexts, which may help define the meanings associated with their use.

to be used at the end of the eighth century in multiple contexts, the lituus and the ceremonial axe. THE LITUUS The curved staff, referred to as the lituus, is an important symbol in Etruscan iconography. Its inclusion in burials suggests that the item was not a transferable symbol that could be passed on to, or inherited by another individual, but rather, that it was something intrinsically connected to the deceased individual. The examples of litui that survive are made of precious material, including ivory, gold, silver and bronze, further indicating that it marked the elite, prestigious status of its holder. By at least the 6th century, images of litui began appearing on funerary steale, vases, architectural friezes and votive offerings. When examining the contexts of these objects and images it becomes clear that outside of the funerary context, litui belong in the ritual sphere. Table 1 has been constructed with several examples, which may not be comprehensive, but should be more than adequate. The outlier in the table, which is the plaque from Murlo, adds to the weight of evidence to consider the monumental complex as a ritual structure.

Funerary practices became an important stage for establishing roles and statuses. The deceased may have made some of his/her wishes known before death, but the burial is completed by the next-of-kin, friends and associates. The status of the deceased, as well as those connected to him/her, could have been aggrandized.2 The character of the elite burial, however, is likely to reflect the type and amount of authority held by the deceased. Funerary contexts involve an interesting combination of both public and private viewing. Items of iconography used as grave goods or as part of the inner tomb decoration, such as a painting, may have had limited viewing access depending on the nature of the funeral ritual, and may have been intended to satisfy the needs of the burial and afterlife. Iconography used on funerary stelae placed outside the tomb entrance, however, have a high potential of viewing access, and may have been intended for communicating explicit messages about the deceased’s former roles.

The lituus can also be considered in light of classical literature. For instance, in De divinatione, Cicero recounts the early use of the lituus in Rome.4 He refers to the lituus as the most conspicuous mark of the priestly office, and that Romulus used a lituus to mark out the quarter for taking observations when he founded Rome. In Book I of Livy’s Ad urbe condita, he recounts that when Numa Pompilius became king of Rome, an augur first had to take the auspices, with the use of a lituus. Only then could the augur ‘read’ the signs from the gods and confer kingly power on Numa.5 These excerpts must be used cautiously because they are Roman sources from later dates. This additional perspective, however, is interesting when used in conjunction with archaeological findings.

Importantly, however, the findings from the funerary contexts at each site must be compared with the findings from the settlement contexts (habitation, ritual and defensive structures, other monumental architecture, and the iconography present in all of them). Many of the substantial settlement structures and formalized ritual spaces from this period were the probable locations for rituals (such as divination and sacrifice) which involved certain items of iconography, as well as being decorated with some of the same iconographic motifs.3 The degree of public access to sacred rituals is unknown; however, access into some structures, such as the ‘monumental complexes’, must have been limited. The decorations involving iconography from within these structures was probably intended to be viewed by a chosen few, including the elites from the particular settlements and from neighbouring settlements.

The only two extant litui from Etruria proper illustrate their importance, the first with its use of ivory and its placement, the second because of its craftsmanship. The inclusion of the ivory lituus from Tomb A, Casale Marittimo (1:3), into the actual dolium of the burial indicates how intimate this item was in relation to the identity of the deceased.6 A lituus from a tomb in the Banditaccia necropolis at Caere is an example of fine bronzework from the early sixth century (1:5).7 Several images of hand-held iconographic items, including litui, were used to decorate the interior of the tombs and communicate messages to the funeral participants and/or the world of the afterlife. The well-

To better investigate how these systems of symbols were used to reinforce the developing elite at several settlements, let us look at two of the symbols that began

4

De divinatione 1.30. Livy I.18.7. Esposito (ed.) 1999, 53. 7 Cristofani 1985, 251; Bologne 2000. 5

2 3

6

See Parker Pearson 1982, 99-113; Hodder 1982, especially chapter 8. Pairault Massa 1992, 39-40; Menichetti 1994, 35-38, 90-102.

187

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Funerary Objects

1

Tomb 871, Veii, last quart 8th cent.

2

Tomb of the Seated Statues, Ceri, 690-670 BC Tomb A, Casale Marittimo, early 7th cent. Fossa Votiva 284, Tarquinia, first quarter 7th cent.

3 * 4 * 5

Banditaccia, Caere, first quart 6th cent.

6 *

Assembly Scene frieze plaques, Murlo, first quart 6th cent. Stele, “Avile Tite”, Volterra, mid 6th cent. Bronze augur figure, Lapis Niger, Rome, 550 BC Urn possibly, context unknown, 550 BC Frieze plaques, Ara del Tufo, Tuscania, mid-late 6th cent. Assembly Scene urn, Chiusi, third quarter 6th cent. Assembly Scene urn, late 6th cent. Urn possibly, context unknown, late 6th cent. Painting, Tomba degli Auguri, Tarquinia, 520 BC Urn, Chiusi, late 6th cent. Painting, Tomba dei Giocolieri, Tarquinia, 510 BC Cippus, augur figure, Fiesole, 6/5th cent. Possible altar with sacrifice scene, unknown context, beginning of 5th cent.

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Grave goods

Domestic/ Political

Ritual Images inside tomb

Images outside tomb

Temple architecture

Votive deposits

Architectural details

x gold sceptre x unknown x ivory lituus x bronze trumpet lituus x bronze lituus x? lituus

↔

x?

x lituus x bronze lituus x difficult to assess x? lituus

↔

x?

x lagobola x lituus x lagobolon sceptre x lituus x lituus x lagobola staffs x lituus x 2 litui

Table 1. Litui and their images. known Tomba della Statue, from Ceri (1:2), is often mentioned as containing possibly the earliest image of a lituus in an Etruscan context. The reconstruction of the statue on the right is, however, questionable.8 The actual

photographs of the statue show such a poor state of preservation, that the item held within the hand of the statue which is described as a possible lituus, unfortunately, seems unrecognisable. The statues are thought to represent the ancestors of the individuals buried in this tomb; more precise conclusions as to their

8 Colonna & Von Hase 1984, fig. 11 for reconstruction sketch, tables XXII.

188

CARRIE ROTH-MURRAY: A DISCLOSURE OF POWER identities or former roles would be impossible to guess.9 The image of possible augurs in the eponymous Tomba degli Auguri (1:14), has now been drawn into question; the figures may also represent umpire figures for the surrounding games, or mourners and mourning priests.10

The frieze plaques from Ara del Tufo, Tuscania (1:10) and Poggio Civitate, Murlo (1:6), both integrate the image of the lituus.17 The location of the Tuscania structure in the necropolis suggests that its functions were largely funerary and ritual. It is uncertain if the frieze plaques were placed on the outside or inside of the structure. The plaques are almost identical to the procession plaques from the ‘monumental complex’ at Zone F of Acquarossa, and the inclusion of the figure holding the lituus is one of the only additions to the particular scene.18 The ‘assembly scene’ frieze plaques from Murlo were placed along the interior courtyard of the ‘monumental complex’ found at the site. This scene has often been compared to the ‘assembly scene’ from Velletri, which is interpreted by some to be a divine assembly, particularly because of the figure holding the lituus, or conversely interpreted as local leaders.19 The view taken here is that the frieze plaques at both Murlo and Velletri depict leaders, rather than divinities. These scenes were intended to portray the grandness of the local leaders through the use of iconography, not unlike those used by the gods, but rather emulating the appearance of gods with the use of specific iconographic symbols. The frieze images are particularly effective in communicating messages concerning the ‘order of things’, depicting who the elites are, what they look like and what they do.

A number of funerary urns from the late sixth century BC depict scenes including litui. Two urns in particular from Chiusi depict two different scenes. The first, is an ‘assembly scene’, with three male figures seated on a raised platform, there is a standing male figure to the left of them, and a large group of standing figures to the right (1:12).11 The middle seated figure holds a lituus, and most likely depicts an elite, authoritative figure. The other urn contains a scene of two pairs of male figures approaching each other. The figure second from the left holds a lituus, while the others hold staffs (1:15).12 It is difficult to say if the figure farthest to the left is meant to represent the deceased, or if there is a possible closer reading of the lituus in this context. Another possible urn of unknown context, dating to the middle of the sixth century BC, contains two figured scenes on separate sides of the object, each depicting a male figure holding a lituus (1:9).13 Unfortunately, this is so badly damaged, that interpretation of the meanings of the scenes is impossible.

The deposition of litui or statuettes holding litui into votive deposits illustrates the intimate connection between this symbol, and its bearers, with ritual contexts. The bronze trumpet lituus from Votive Deposit A, Sector C.3 (fossa 284) Tarquinia (1:4), is believed to have been made by an expert artisan from the East.20 Its ritual ‘killing’ and the context within the votive deposit under a sacred structure suggest its symbolic meaning was very significant. The stylistically crude bronze figure from the Lapis Niger (1:8), shows a probable augur figure holding a lituus.21

From the early to middle period of the sixth century BC, images of litui begin being found outside tombs as markers. The limestone stele from Volterra (1:7),14 and a cippus referred to as one of the ‘Fiesole stones’ (1:17),15 for instance, probably stood outside the tombs of prominent individuals. These markers were used as a permanent reminder of the statuses they held, efficiently communicated through the use of the lituus as an iconographic symbol. Unfortunately, it is not known whether these two tombs contained an actual lituus inside, but it is possible that the use of the item and the roles of its bearers had changed by this period. It could be that the lituus was no longer deemed to be an appropriate grave good, or they were kept in circulation and passed on to the next individual to hold the position, but this is of course just speculation. Interestingly, a possible altar dating to the beginning of the fifth century BC, may have also stood outside one or more tombs. It depicts a ‘sacrifice scene’ with several figures standing near an altar, two of which each hold a lituus. In addition, a ‘funerary lamentation scene’ wraps around the other half of the circular monument (1:18).16

Some of the items often referred to as litui, may actually be better investigated as separate but related symbols, possibly associated with other spheres of social life.22 Other hand-held items, such as sceptres and lagobola, should not necessarily be grouped together with litui. The sceptre may not have had the same sacred connotation as the lituus, and may have been more simply a wealth or 17 Frieze plaques from Velletri and Palestrina also contain images of litui, but will not be discussed here because of their locations outside Etruria proper. 18 For discussions on the Tuscania frieze plaques, see Sgubini Moretti & Ricciardi 1993; Strandberg Olofsson 1993. For information on the Murlo frieze plaques, see Phillips 1968, 255-259, Poggio Civitate ex. cat. 1970, Hague Sinos 1994, 100-117. 19 See Gantz 1971; Andrén 1971, 5 for views on the Murlo frieze plaques depicting a ‘divine assembly’, or conversely the Velletri frieze plaques interpreted as local leaders by Bruun 1993, 272-275; Cristofani 1975, 9-17; Mazzarino 1945, 67-80; Schäfer 1989, 33-35. 20 Bonghi Jovino & Chiaramonte Treré 1997, 173; Torelli 2000, 240, cat. no. 276. 21 Torelli 2000, 591, cat. no. 146. 22 Jannot 1993 differentiates between the ‘sceptre’, the ‘baton recourbés’, the ‘lituus’, and the ‘cannes’.

9

Bartoloni 2000, 168; Barker & Rasmussen 1998,128. Steingräber 1985, 283, tomb 42 views the figures as mourners or mourning priests. Barker and Rasmussen 1998, 228 believe they may be umpires. The figures and scenes are discussed by Torelli 1997, 122-123. 11 Jannot 1984, fig. C, I, 8b. 12 Jannot 1984, fig. C, II, 35c. 13 Jannot 1984, fig. B, I, 3. 14 Cateni 1988, 36; Torelli 2000, 615, cat. no. 249 ‘Avile Tite’. 15 De Marinis, 1966: 150; Torelli 2000, 592, cat. no. 148. 16 Jannot 1984, fig. D, I, 14. 10

189

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI political status marker. For instance, an item from Tomb 871, Casale del Fosso necropolis at Veii (1:1) (now lost), was termed by Colini as a lituus made of wood with a gold outer covering, however, he describes the terminus as a ‘pomo’, which suggests it was actually a sceptre.23 The pietra fetida urn (1:13) is also questionable, with two figures holding items, including a sceptre-like object and a lituus/lagobolon-like object on the left, and a club and spear on the right.24 The figure on the left is interesting because of the combined use of the two objects, however, the animals in the middle of the scene make it more appropriate to consider this a hunting scene, with the lagobolon being used as a rabbit-hunting tool. The context of a ‘magistrate assembly scene’, make it seem likely that thick curved staffs should be termed as litui; however in a particular urn from Chiusi (1:11)25 their large size make it possible that the items have different connotations and functions from litui. Tomba dei Giocolieri also contains a few questionable items including a naked youth holding a lagobolon, a bearded man with a knotted staff and a bearded man sitting on a curule stool holding a thin staff (1:16).26 In this case, the lagobolon and knotted staff do not seem to refer to political or religious authority, and may simply relate to outdoor scenes; the thin staff and the curule stool probably do relate to political authority.

value, and for these purposes will be considered ‘ceremonial’. Images of the items will also be considered as a third category. What is interesting here is the idea of transforming weapons and tools into decorative, ceremonial symbols, often rendering them non-functional. This change implies that the roles of the axe- and knife- bearers also transformed. These new items suggest that certain individuals no longer needed functioning weapons and tools for fighting, hunting, felling trees, etc. A certain level of wealth and prestige is also associated with the axes and knives. It is also possible that non-functioning weapons indicate a change in ideology and social structure, with a totally coercive form of authority being undesired by the elites or the rest of the society at particular settlements. Each site, actually, seems to show a different development of these symbols. At Poggio Buco, for instance, the necropolis of Statonia, all of the weapons used as grave goods were made of iron.28 This mixture of ‘weapon for killing’ and a ‘beautiful ornament for public display’, seems an odd juxtaposition, however, it succinctly encapsulates an image of power and wealth. It almost seems to act as a reminder of the great strength and power behind the individual, which is at the same time restrained. The deposition of numerous axes and knives into burials, illustrates that the items were directly associated with the deceased, and the grand nature of the burials indicates the elevated, elite status of the deceased. All of these factors suggest a transformation of valorous authority at many of these settlements.

CEREMONIAL AXES AND KNIVES Ceremonial weapons are also an important area in Etruscan iconography. A distinction is made here, first of all, between functional, non-decorated and non-precious tools, and those that are decorated and/or made of precious materials; the latter of which can be functional or non-functional. In particular, I would like to look at axes and knives, the two of which may be closely related. Many of these items were made of precious materials, including ivory and amber, and often involved intricate artistry. It has been proposed that iron axes may have served as functional tools, and some bronze ones as ceremonial display items, but there are numerous exceptions to the rule. It is quite possible, as Esposito and others have suggested, that during this period iron took on connotations of a new strength and technology, while bronze may have been connoted with more traditional and sacred uses.27

A twist is added by the fact that many of the ceremonial axes and knives have been interpreted as sacrificial tools. This may be slightly problematic, however. There is almost an absence of early Etruscan imagery or writing which describe the act or tools involved in sacrifice. One sarcophagus from Chiusi, dating to 550 BC depicts a sacrifice about to occur near an altar with three male figures each holding a knife (2:17).29 Much later Etruscan imagery of sacrifice usually shows swords or knives, rather than axes, being used. Several Hellenistic urns, however, show bi-face axes with sacrificial, or potentially murderous scenes, such as the ‘Wiedererkennung des Paris’, each with Cassandra wielding a bi-face axe.30 The choice of scenes may relate more to Hellenism; however, the inclusion of the bi-face axe may show the infusion of a particular Etruscan symbol. The introduction of multiple axe heads, for instance bi-face axes, may relate to a larger phenomenon. It is possible that axes such as these are the forerunners of Roman fasces held by the lictors.31 Livy states that twelve lictors accompanied

It is also problematic to define which items were functional in some cases, so here, the undecorated items will be labelled ‘functional’, and the elaborately decorated, sometimes completely non-functional items, will be labelled ‘non-functional/ceremonial’. When the addition of decoration to an item, which is considered a weapon or tool, by name, impedes its functionality, then its appearance was created to outweigh its functional

28

Matteucig 1951; Bartoloni 1972. Jannot 1984, fig. B,I, 5a. 30 Steuernagel 1998, fig. 115, 118, 122, 128 in ‘Wiedererkennung des Paris’ and 301, 304 in ‘Schlachten im Heiligtum’. 31 See Tassi Scandone 2001, 26 for a discussion of appreciating the differences between Etruscan and Roman fasces.

23

29

Colini 1919, 12. 24 Jannot 1984, fig. C, I, 12. 25 Jannot 1984, fig. B, II, 1b. 26 Steingräber 1985, 310, tomb 70; Torelli 1997, 126. 27 Esposito 1999, 54.

190

CARRIE ROTH-MURRAY: A DISCLOSURE OF POWER Romulus, each holding double-axes in bundles of rods.32 It is interesting that Silius Italicus states that fasces originally came from the Etruscan town of Vetulonia, considering that this is the location of the so-called Tomba del Littore, which contained a bi-face axe with a handle made of multiple rods (2:10) and the funeral stele with a fasces image (2:12).33

By the middle of the seventh century BC, these ‘weapons’ or ‘tools’ also began to be made of ceramic materials, such as the bi-face axe from Tarquinia (2:9) and the impasto miniature hatchet from Sarteano (2:11).41 These items were created, not because they were more economical to produce, but because the symbolic meaning behind axes and knives had changed over time, perhaps differently at each settlement. These items may represent a heroic past or the complete ceremonialization of the roles behind axe and knife bearers in certain contexts. The material and the function of the sign changed, while the signifier still communicated important messages. The locations and procedures of the rituals that included these items, such as sacrifices, assemblies and processions, are not fully known, but the related objects were important in funerary contexts throughout the eighth and sixth centuries BC.

There are many examples of functional weapons in funerary contexts. At Poggio Buco, tombs dating from the early seventh to the mid fifth centuries BC contained weapons (knives, axes, spearheads, etc.) only made of iron, while bronze was used only for items of personal ornamentation (fibulae, belt buckles, bracelets, etc.) (2:3).34 In addition, the two iron knives or daggers from Tomb A, Casale Marittimo (2:5), the bronze axe from Trestina (2:8), the iron bi-face axe or fasces from Vetulonia (2:10) and the bronze knife without context (2:13) are also examples that may have been functional.35 Their symbolic value may be a simple straightforward illustration of strength and wealth.

The images of axes and knives help fill in the gaps of use and context, from the end of the seventh century BC. The funeral stele from Vetulonia depicting a helmeted figure holding a bi-face axe or fasces (2:12), is the earliest image of a fasces.42 As well as the funeral stele from Fiesole, depicting a male figure holding an axe and a spear, with the name “Larthie Ninie” inscribed on the stone, is depicting a specific individual, by using his name and special attributes to identify him (2:15).43 The presence of both on funeral stelae depicting probable elite figures, illustrates that the objects were being used to construct a particular message to communicate aspects of their identities. In the case of the former, the particular helmet and fasces communicated specific ideas about the individual’s status, his inscribed name would have also shown his important status. The paintings within the Tomba dei Tori, Tarquinia (2:16), depict an example of a knife used in a ‘sacrifice’ of sorts.44 The Achilles figure waits in hiding with a knife, not unlike the bronze knife mentioned above (2:13), about to attack and murder the Troilus figure on horseback.

The bronze pendant of a miniature axe from Bologna (2:1) certainly did not function as a real axe.36 Its miniaturization is significant, above being an ornamental grave good, and could reflect a different course of development in Bologna, possibly representing a more minor role in relation to an individual who bore a large axe (functional or non-functional), or could represent the status of an axe bearer without need of a true axe. The bronze axe from Chiusi (2:2) is so ornately decorated with ivory and amber that its main uses were probably ceremonial and ornamental, although its blade may have been able to cut.37 The bronze axe from Tomb A, Casale Marittimo (2:5) is decorated with small bronze duck symbols along the spine of the handle, leaving room for only one hand to hold the object, and therefore probably also had more ceremonial and ornate value.38 The bronze axes from Tombs H1 and H2 from Casale Marittimo (2:6, 2:7) were definitely non-functional. The multiple axe heads, left to dangle freely, rather than being fused together, make the objects more ornamental display items.39 The bronze axe head from votive deposit (fossa 284) at Tarquinia (2:4), with an elaborate design covering the entire object, make this axe ceremonial, even if its blade was sharp enough to cut.40

Two of the frieze plaque scenes from Murlo (2:14) also contain images of axes and knives.45 The ‘assembly scene’ shows the second figure from the right holding a knife and spear, and the sixth figure from the right holding what looks to be a fasces. As already mentioned above, I interpret the meaning of the scene to relate to an assembly of local leaders. The iconography used in the image is purposely constructed to substantiate the

32

I.8.2. Punica VIII. 485. 34 Bartoloni 1972; Matteucig 1951; Pellegrini 1989. 35 For Casale Marittimo, see Esposito 1999, 52; Bologna 2000, 238, cat. no. 267; for Trestina Axe, see Milani 1912, pl. CXIX; Torelli 2000, 620, cat. no. 264; for Tomba del Littore at Vetulonia, see Falchi 1898, 157; Bologna 2000, 241, cat. no. 278; for the bronze knife, see Bologna 2000, 216, cat. no. 244. 36 Von Hase 1969, fig. 3, 7; Bologna 2000, 361-2, cat. no. 515. 37 Brogi 1875, 219; Bologna 2000, 238, cat. no. 268. 38 Esposito 1999, 54, 60; Bologna 2000, 238, cat. no. 269, pl. 271. 39 Esposito 1999, 57-60; Bologna 2000, 238, cat. no. 270, 271, pls. 270, 269. 40 Bonghi Jovino & Chiaramonte Treré 1997, 173; Bologna 2000, 238, cat. no. 274. 33

41

For Tarquinia bi-face model axe, see Colonna 1973, 549, tav CXXIIa; Bologna 2000, 241-242, cat. no. 279-280. For Sarteano clay model hatchet, see Maetzke 1993, 139-140, no. 2; Torelli 2000, 583, cat. no. 132. 42 Bologna 2000, 227. 43 ‘Larthie Ninie’, Bruni 1997, 38; Torelli 2000, 76, cat. no. 564. 44 Steingräber 1985, 350, tomb 120. 45 Phillips 1968, 255-259.

191

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Objects

Functional

Ceremonial/ non-functional

1

Bologna, mid 8-early 7th cent.

1 bronze axe pendant

2

Chiusi, ziro tomb- via Cassia, late 8-early 7th cent.

1 bronze, ivory, amber axe

3

Statonia, Poggio Buco Necropolis, First quart 7th-mid 5th cent.

4*

Tarquinia, Fossa 284, edificio beta, first quart 7th cent. Casale Marittimo, Tomb A, first quart 7th cent. Casale Marittimo, Tomb H1, second quart 7th cent.

5* 6 7

Casale Marittimo, Tomb H2, second quart 7th cent.

8

Trestina, Axe 7th cent. Tarquinia, Tomb on Poggio Gallinaro, mid 7th cent. Vetulonia, Tomba del Littore, 630-625 BC Sarteano, miniature clay hatchet, 630-601 BC Vetulonia, Funeral stele end of 7th cent. Context unknown, 7-6th cent.

9 10 11 12 13 14* 15 16 17

Images

knives, axes, spears only in iron

2 iron knife

1 bronze axe 1 bronze axes 1 bronze axe3 heads 1 bronze2 heads

1 bronze axe 2 buccherobi-face axe 1 iron fasces 1 impasto 1 fasces 1 bronze knife

Murlo, Poggio Civitate c 600 (frieze plaques) Sandstone stele, ‘Larthie Ninie’, Fiesole, first half 6th cent. Tarquinia, Tomba dei Tori, mid 6th cent. (painting) Chiusi, Urn with sacrifice scene, 550 BC

1 knife 1 fasces 1 axe 1 knife 3 knives

Table 2. Axes and knives. forming of special statuses.46 The second figure is probably an attendant, holding the belongings of the first figure, who holds the lituus. It is an interesting message that the first figure holds the lituus as his primary symbol, while the knife and spear, held by the attendant, are included into the image to create an association between the figure and the other symbols. The fasces holder sits in a similar curule stool, with a less elaborate footrest, from the first two seated figures, and so, may be imagined to be presented as a figure of less importance in the assembly context. The fasces is his identifying feature,

and is being used to form an ideal image of the roles synonymous with the holder of the fasces. The frieze plaque known as the ‘procession scene’ at Murlo, shows the first figure from the left holding what looks like a knife.47 This scene has been interpreted a number of ways, including a procession related to a funeral journey, a wedding, travelling to a sanctuary, or dynasts of the area.48 The inclusion of the knife into the scene, was probably meant to communicate something specific, possibly indicating the Murlo structure’s connection to sacrifice or banqueting, but it is impossible

46 “The general message of power and prestige is so evident in both cases that I believe a common ideology can be demonstrated” Rathje 1994, 95 referring to the Murlo frieze plaques and the palace reliefs of Neo-Assyrian kings; Rystedt 1984, 371.

47

Also called a ‘cleaver’ by Rathje 1985, 125-127. Funeral procession, Andrén 1971; a wedding, Butterworth 1970; travelling to a sanctuary, Gantz 1974 or dynasts of the area, Cristofani 1975. 48

192

CARRIE ROTH-MURRAY: A DISCLOSURE OF POWER to say. Hague Sinos states that what “the procession frieze does suggest is that the building was associated in some way with men who not only belonged to the world of aristocratic banquets and horses, as depicted in the other frieze plaques, but also sought to manifest themselves as recipients of divine honour, as indicated by the divine attendants as well as royal attributes in the procession scene”.49 A CLOSER LOOK SYMBOLS

AT THE

INTEGRATION

OF THE

whole entity. The additional findings of banqueting equipment, animal bones, indicate that the deposit may be the result of sacrifices and libations.50 The ritually ‘killed’ bronze shield, the other bronze objects mentioned and impasto ware suggest that these were other offerings made to complete the votive deposit. Also noteworthy is the skeleton of the young boy, dating to the end of the ninth century BC, found in Settore E, area E1 (Saggio 6). It has been debated as to whether or not it is the result of human sacrifice or the burial of a young individual who acquired a special status.51 The structure in question has been termed a ‘monumental complex’, or a ‘città regia’, which is believed to have combined political and religious functions.52

TWO

Taking a closer look at the three instances where a lituus and a ceremonial axe or knife are found together, may help to define better the meanings behind the symbols. They are 1) Tomb A, Casale Marittimo, 2) Fossa Votiva 284, edificio beta, Tarquinia and 3) the frieze plaques from Poggio Civitate, Murlo.

Third, the frieze plaques from Poggio Civitate, Murlo show images of one lituus, one fasces and two knives, as decorative additions to the ‘monumental complex’ at the site. The presence of these items within the frieze plaques, which ran along the interior courtyard of the structure, was used purposely to communicate to visitors concerning the functions of the structure, and the roles and statuses of the individuals located there. Despite the debates pertaining to the exact meanings behind the scenes, whether they are images of deities or humans, they at least depict images of power. The lituus and fasces, in particular, can be easily attributed to (mortal) individuals in the region during this period, as shown above. The similarity of these objects with attributes of deities is no coincidence, the individuals who bore these objects intentionally likened themselves to the gods.53 The use of images of these objects within this palace-like structure made a direct connection between the structure itself, the individuals associated with it, and the deities. Individuals like those portrayed in the frieze plaques existed, and carried out their roles and social functions through the ‘monumental complex’. The images were used to substantiate their importance.

First, the example of Tomb A at Casale Marittimo shows both an ivory lituus and a ceremonial axe in a funerary context. This indicates that one individual could own both objects, and therefore, also hold the roles and statuses associated with both, at least in the first quarter of the seventh century at this site. The later inhumation burials of tombs H1 and 2 suggest this was not true afterwards, because of the absence of litui, but inclusion of elaborate ceremonial axes. The progression of these burials seems to create a narrative, illustrating how the authoritative elites at this site represented their statuses. The individual from Tomb A, was probably the first individual from this group to hold an elevated, authoritative position. He and his buriers saw the need to make this burial exceptional, and clearly demonstrate his special statuses through particular symbols. The bronze chariot parts show his wealthy, elite, aristocratic position. The lituus suggests that he held a priestly status, possibly associated with divination. The axes and knives, both functional and non-functional, indicate that he participated in activities, such as hunting, public ceremonies and possibly ritual sacrifices as the slayer or ceremonial figure. The other two graves of young men, show a similar use of symbols. The absence of chariot parts and litui in these two, may indicate lesser elite and priestly statuses, but the elaboration of the ceremonial axes indicates the creation of a hierarchy between the individuals involved in the related activities. Second, the votive deposit from Tarquinia, dating to the first quarter of the seventh century BC, found in Settore C, area C3 (edificio beta, fossa 284) shows the use of both a lituus and a ceremonial axe in a votive deposit, in a sacred area. This suggests that the two objects were involved in or related to the ritual activities of the ‘monumental complex’, particularly its founding. The trumpet feature of the lituus adds another dimension of possibly different roles and functions attached. The votive deposit, however, should be investigated also as a 49

CONCLUSIONS The seventh century BC should be viewed as a transitional period across the region as a whole, with iconographic items developing for personal embellishment. Some of these items became widely accepted enough in representing certain sets of ideas and messages by the end of the century, to be used in image form. Widespread use of an iconographic item in imageform shows the end of an establishment period. Altering the form or material of the icon shows a renegotiation of its symbolic meaning. Changing the item, so that only the shape is recognisable, by changing the material, size and thereby removing its previous main function, can indicate 50

Bonghi Jovino & Chiaramonte Treré 1997, 65. Bonghi Jovino & Chiaramonte Treré 1997, 41. Bonghi Jovino & Chiaramonte Treré 1997, 175. 53 Gantz (1971) draws connections between the Murlo ‘assembly scene’ and other scenes of deities, such as a connection between Zeus and the lituus, Athena and the spear, Hera and the shroud, Dionysos and a biface axe, Persephone and the pomegranate. 51 52

Hague Sinos 1994, 113.

193

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Brogi, G., 1875. Sopra le tombe a pozzo scavate nell’agro chiusino. Bullettino degli Annali dell’Instituto, 216220. Bruni, S., 1997. Stele, in: S. Corsi (ed.), Casa Buonarroti: la collezione archeologica. Milano, Charta, 38-40. Bruun, C., 1993. Herakles and tyrants: an Archaic frieze from Velletri, in: Deliciae Fictiles, AIRRS, 267-275. Butterworth, M., 1970. Procession, in: Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Siena): The Archaic Etruscan sanctuary [exhibition catalogue]. Florence, Olschki, 58-60. Butterworth, M. & T. Gantz, 1970. Divine Triads, in: Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Siena): The Archaic Etruscan Sanctuary [exhibition catalogue]. Florence, Olschki, 55-57. Cateni, G., 1988. Il Museo Guarnacci di Volterra. Pisa. Colini, G.A., 1908. Intorno all’origine della civiltà della prima età del ferro in Italia. BPI 34, 35-39. Colini, G.A., 1919. Veio - Scavi nell’area della cittá e della necropoli. Notizie degli Scavi, 3-12. Colonna, G., 1973. Scavi e scoperte. Tarquinia. Studi Etruschi 41, 45-72, 548-550. Colonna, G. & F.W. Von Hase, 1984. Alle origini della statuaria etrusca: La Tomba delle Statue presso Ceri. Studi Etruschi 52, 13-59. Cristofani, M., 1975. Considerazioni su Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Siena). Prospettiva 1, 9-17. Cristofani, M. (ed.), 1985. Civiltà degli Etruschi. Milano, Electa. Cristofani, M., 1997. Dove vivevano i principi etruschi. Archeo 13(6), 46-54. De Marinis, G., 1996. Alle origini di Firenze. Dalla preistoria alla citta romana. Firenze. De Marrais, E., L.J. Castillo & T. Earle, 1996. Ideology, materialization, and power strategies. Current Anthropology 37(1), 15-31. Dobres, M.A. & J. Robb, 2000. Agency in archaeology: paradigm or platitude?, in: M.A. Dobres & J. Robb (ed.), Agency in Archaeology. London, Routledge, 317. Ellenius, A., 1998. Iconography, propaganda and legitimation. Oxford, Clarendon Press. Esposito, A.M., 1999. Principi guerrieri. Milano, Electa. Falchetti, F. & A. Romualdi, 2000. Die Etrusker. Stuttgart, Theiss. Falchi, I., 1898. Vetulonia. Nuove scoperte nella necropoli. Notizie degli Scavi, 141-163. Gantz, T., 1971. Divine Triad on an Archaic Etruscan frieze plaque from Poggio Civitate (Murlo). Studi Etruschi 39, 1-24. Giddens, A., 1979. Central problems in social theory. Action, structure and contradiction in social analysis. London, Macmillan Press. Hague Sinos, R., 1994. Godlike men: A discussion of the Murlo procession frieze, in: Murlo and the Etruscans. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 100-117. Hodder, I., 1982. Symbols in action: Ethnoarchaeological studies of material culture. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

that the roles attached to the bearer of the icon have also become more symbolic. In this case, the axes and knives became symbolic attributes in some instances, possibly when those individuals were no longer involved in the physical act of cutting (for sacrifices, etc.), but were rather in charge of overseeing the act. I suggest that the two symbols that have been discussed in this paper relate very directly to the creation and further development of authority based on special skills and valour. The symbols were used as markers of authoritative statuses. The lituus was an important symbol of special skills, related to the supernatural. Its holder originally was probably seen as an important, authoritative individual with a connection to the divine, possibly capable of understanding or affecting the future. The use of the lituus developed additional meanings related to administrative authority, seen in the ‘assembly scenes’. The ceremonial axes and knives could possibly combine the symbolism of both valorous and specially skilled authority. The tools are weapons, whether real or ceremonial, their use, however, is in connection to authority, and possibly the divine. The lituus and the ceremonial axes and knives continued to evolve in Rome as powerful symbols. The power of these, and other, iconographic symbols rests in the ability to augment elevated statuses. In a way, it is not enough for an individual seeking an authoritative position to have special skills, valour, economic leverage, or political know-how, the individual must generate the identity associated with that status through the help of particular symbols. Across Etruria these symbols were used differently indicated by varying numbers of each found, as well as their juxtaposition with different symbols at the sites. This indicates that Etruria consisted of unique settlements, with different types of power structures and authoritative roles during this period. BIBLIOGRAPHY In addition to the conventions of the Archäologische Bibliographie, the following abbreviation is used: Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae = AIRRS Andrén, A., 1971. Osservazioni sulle terracotte architettoniche etrusco-italiche. Op Rom 8, 1-16. Barker, G. & T. Rasmussen, 1998. The Etruscans. Oxford, Blackwell. Bartoloni, G., 1972. Le tombe da Poggio Buco nel Museo Archeologico di Firenze. Florence, Olschki. Bartoloni, G., 2000. La tomba, in: Bologna 2000, 164171. Bologna 2000. Principi Etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa. Bologna, Marsilio. Bonghi Jovino, M. & C. Chiaramonte Treré, 1997. Tarquinia I. Scavi sistematici nell’abitato, Campagne 1982-1988. Rome, ‘L’Erma’ di Bretschneider.

194

CARRIE ROTH-MURRAY: A DISCLOSURE OF POWER Pigorini, L., 1903. Le piu’ antiche civilta’ dell’Italia. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 29, 189-211. Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Siena): The Archaic Etruscan sanctuary 1970 [catalogue of the exhibit in Florence and Siena] (text by K.M. Phillips). Florence, Olschki. Potter, T., 1979. The changing landscape of South Etruria. London, Paul Elek. Rathje, A., 1985. Alcune considerazione sulle lastre da Poggio Civitate con figure femminili, in: A. Rallo (ed.), Le Donne in Etruria. Rome, Bretschneider, 7584. Rathje, A., 1994. Banquet and ideology: Some new considerations about banqueting at Poggio Civitate, in: Murlo and the Etruscans. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 95-99. Russell, B., 1975. Power: A new social analysis. London, Unwin. Rystedt, E., 1984. Architectural terracotta as aristocratic display. The case of seventh century Poggio Civitate (Murlo). Opus 3, 367-376. Schäfer, T., 1989. Imperii Insignia. Sella curulis und fasces. Zur Repräsentation römischer Magistrate. Mainz, von Zabern. Seliger, M., 1977. The Marxist concept of ideology. A critical essay (= International Study Series). Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Sgubini Moretti, A.M. & L. Ricciardi, 1993. Le terrecotte architettoniche di Tuscania. Deliciae Fictiles, AIRRS, 163-182. Steingräber, S., 1985. Etruscan painting. New York, Iwanami Shoten. Steuernagel, D., 1998. Menschenopfer und Mord am Altar, Band 3: Griechische Mythen in Etruskischen Gräber, Palilia. Wiesbaden, Reichert. Strandberg Olofsson, M., 1993. Variation in mould-made reliefs: The case of the large ‘Tuscania’ motifs in the light of some fragments from Acquarossa. Deliciae Fictiles, AIRRS, 193-200. Tassi Scandone, E., 2001. Verghe, scuri e fasci littori in Etruria. Contributo allo studio degli Insignia Imperii. Rome, ‘L’Erma’ di Bretschneider. Torelli, M., 1997. Il rango, il rito e l’immagine: Alle origini della rappresentazione storica romana. Milan, Electa. Torelli, M. (ed.), 2000. The Etruscans. Venice, Bompiani. Von Hase, F.W., 1969. Die Trensen der Früheisenzeit in Italien (= PBF 16, 1). München. Wikander, O., 1990. Early monumental complex at Acquarossa. OpRom 18(2), 189-206. Wikander, O. & C. Wikander, 1984. Acquarossa I. Stockholm, AIRRS. Wrong, D., 1979. Power: Its forms, bases an use. Oxford, Basil Blackwell.

Hodder, I., 1986. Reading the past. Current approaches to interpretation in archaeology. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Inomata, T., 2001. The power and ideology of artistic creation. Current Anthropology 42 (3), 321-349. Jannot, J.R., 1984. Les reliefs archàiques de Chiusi. Rome, Palais Farnese. Jannot, J.R., 1993. Insignia Potestatis, in: G. Maetzke & L. Tamagno Perna (eds), La civiltà di Chiusi e del suo territorio. Florence, Olschki, 217-237, tav. I-XI. Lugli, G., 1962. Carta archeologica del territorio di Roma. Firenze. Maetzke, G., 1993. Tre canopi inediti da Sarteano, in: G. Maetzke & L. Tamagno Perna (eds), La civiltà di Chiusi e del suo territorio. Proceedings of the XVII Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici. Florence, Olschki, 133-148, tav. I-XIII. Maetzke, G. & L. Tamagno Perna (eds), 1993. La civiltà di Chiusi e del suo territorio. Proceeding of the XVII Convegno di studi etruschi e italici. Florence, Olschki. Magi, F., 1932. Stele e cippi Fiesolani. StEtr 6, 11-85, tav I-XII. Mann, M., 1986. The sources of power, vol 1. A history of power - from the beginning to AD 1760. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Matteucig, G., 1951. Poggio Buco: The necropolis of Statonia. Berkeley, University of California Press. Mazzarino, S., 1945. Dalla monarchia allo stato repubblicano. Milan, Rizzoli. Menichetti, M., 1994. Archeologia del potere: re, immagini e miti a Roma e in Etruria in età arcaica. Milan, Longanesi. Milani, L.A., 1912. Il R. Museo Archeologico di Firenze, II. Firenze. Moore, A.C., 1977. Iconography of religions: An introduction. London, SCM Press. Morris, I., 1992. Death-ritual and social structure in classical antiquity. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Pairault Massa, F-H., 1992. Iconologia e politica nell’Italia Antica: Roma, Lazio, Etruria dal VII al I secolo a.C. Milan, Longanesi. Paribeni, E., 1938. I relievi chiusini arcaici. StEtr 12, 50139, tav. VI-XXXVII. Parker Pearson, M., 1982. Mortuary Practices, society and ideology: an ethnoarchaeological study, in: I. Hodder (ed.), Symbolic and structural archaeology (= New Directions in Archaeology series). Cambridge, Cambridge University, 99-113. Pellegrini, E., 1989. La necropoli di Poggio Buco: Nuovi dati per lo studio di un centro dell’Etruria interna nei periodi orientalizzante ed arcaico (= Monumenti Etruschi, 6). Florence, Olschki. Phillips, K.M., 1968. Poggio Civitate. Archaeology, 252261. Phillips, K.M., 1972. Bryn Mawr College excavations in Tuscany, 1971. AJA 76, 249-255. Phillips, K.M., 1993. In the hills of Tuscany. Philadelphia, University Museum. 195

STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI DI PIAN CONSERVA (MONTI DELLA TOLFA – ROMA) Francesca Cesari, Fabrizio Vallelonga & Fabiana Grasso Abstract: During the last excavations on the Pian Conserva site, two tombs were found in an Etruscan necropolis not far from the present town of Tolfa (province of Rome). They were dug into the bedrock and consisted of a rectangular chamber with a burial niche on one side. The items found in both tombs, numbered PC 101 and 102, can be dated to the 4th century and the early decades of the 3rd century BC. The discovery of these tombs shows that the use of the necropolis continued after the archaic period. This seems to confirm a peaceful passing into Roman control with the concession to Caere of the Civitas sine suffragio (Citizenship without suffrage) of 353 BC. Part of the article is dedicated to the data indicating the traces of human presence on the Conserva plateau in medieval times. This refers to two different phases: the earlier phase is marked by the abolition of a circular structure built into the bedrock, which was probably a limekiln; later, in the 14th century, some of the Etruscan tombs were modified and used as shelters or stores. At the actual state of research, it is not clear to what population group this use was linked. Perhaps it was associated to one of the castles in the area, or perhaps, in earlier times, to the abbey at Piantangeli.

LE TOMBE PC 101 E 102:

La zona B, indagata inizialmente nel settore della tagliata viaria etrusca databile con probabilità al VI secolo a.C., ha restituito i resti di una villa romana che, impiantata sulla strada più antica diretta alla valle, ne interrompe il percorso. Poco a Nord della tagliata, dove le ricognizioni degli anni ‘80 avevano localizzato una delle aree dell’abitato etrusco, a partire dal 1993 è stata avviata un’indagine stratigrafica con un saggio ampio 7 x 13 m Lo scavo ha in effetti individuato resti pertinenti ad un probabile insediamento di epoca arcaica, ma anche due tombe ellenistiche e quattro trincee scavate nel tufo con andamento SO-NE (larghe 70 cm, distanti l’una dall’altra tra 1,30 m e 1,80 m), funzionali verosimilmente ad attività agricole della villa rustica ed in particolare alla viticoltura.5

MATERIALI E SVILUPPO TOPOGRAFICO

Il pianoro della Conserva, una ‘castellina’ tufacea situata a 5 km dall’odierna Tolfa, in provincia di Roma, accoglie i resti di un’estesa necropoli etrusca, di cui sono state finora individuate circa un centinaio di tombe, più della metà delle quali provviste di tumulo, databili principalmente tra l’inizio del VII e il VI secolo a.C.1 Grazie alle numerose campagne di ricognizione intraprese negli anni ‘80 sul pianoro e nelle aree circostanti e soprattutto in seguito agli scavi regolari protrattisi fino al 1998, è stato possibile capire che Pian Conserva costituisce per l’Etruria Meridionale uno dei rari esempi di sito di pianoro organizzato in distinti nuclei di abitato, verosimilmente collegati a differenti settori funerari, situati anch’essi sul medesimo plateau e divisi da spazi liberi più o meno ampi.2 Questo sito, insieme a quelli limitrofi, caratterizzati da ampie aree stimabili tra i 21 e i 32 ettari (il complesso Pian Conserva-Cesone ne rappresenta il più ampio3) controllavano probabilmente la valle del Mignone e gli assi viari verso il settore interno del territorio cerite, in particolare verso S. Giovenale.

La sepoltura più antica (PC 101), consiste in una fossa rettangolare di 2,40 x 1 m, orientata in senso NO-SE e provvista di loculo sul lato settentrionale (Fig. 2). La fossa è stata rinvenuta colma di terra e spezzoni di tufo, mentre il loculo, contenente il corredo e i resti del defunto, era chiuso da sei lastre di nenfro. Il materiale,6 rinvenuto frammentario a causa del crollo di parte della volta del loculo, comprende:

La peculiare organizzazione degli spazi abitativi e sepolcrali suaccennata risulta piuttosto evidente dalle indagini di scavo effettuate sul pianoro della Conserva, che hanno interessato soprattutto quattro zone (Fig. 1): la zona A e la C occupate in parte da tombe a tumulo, in maggioranza databili all’orientalizzante recente e all’età arcaica; la zona B caratterizzata da rinvenimenti attribuibili ad un abitato di età arcaica e da una strada tagliata nel tufo, su cui si affacciano tombe di età arcaica; la zona D, indagata solo di recente, che mostra sepolture di età orientalizzante.4

– Un piattello su piede in ceramica a vernice nera con banda risparmiata al disotto dell’orlo (Fig. 3:2); – Due piattelli in ceramica comune acroma confrontabili con esemplari veienti da Casale Pian Roseto e dal deposito votivo di Campetti (Fig. 3:34);7 – Una coppa miniaturistica anch’essa in ceramica comune (Fig. 3.5);

5

Columella 2.2; 3.13; 4.1; 3.12; Catone, 43. Per il resoconto di scavo vedi: Acconcia & Vallelonga 1995; 1996. 6 I materiali alle figg. 3-4 sono stati disegnati da F. Grasso e F. Quondam. Si ringrazia il dott. E.A. Stanco per le preziose indicazioni relative ai materiali. 7 Murray Threipland & Torelli 1970, fig. 10, G 3-4; Vagnetti 1971, 151, tav. LXXV, fig. 393. Si veda anche il confronto con Cavagnaro Vanoni 1996, fig. 15, 106-107, 72.

1

Per la storia degli scavi su Pian Conserva: Naso 1990a, 83; 1993; Brocato 1998, 50-55. 2 Un’analoga situazione di organizzazione dell’insediamento è stata accertata anche per i limitrofi pianori di Pian Cisterna e di Pian dei Santi: Zifferero1990, 64, 66. 3 Zifferero 1990, 62. 4 Acconcia et alii 1993; Acconcia et alii 1996.

196

FRANCESCA CESARI, FABRIZIO VALLELONGA & FABIANA GRASSO: STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI

Fig. 1. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): planimetria del pianoro della Conserva con le aree indagate (A, B e C: posizionamento dei ritrovamenti di età medievale in grigio).

197

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): planimetria del Saggio X.

Fig. 3. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): PC 101, i materiali ceramici. 198

FRANCESCA CESARI, FABRIZIO VALLELONGA & FABIANA GRASSO: STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI – Una coppa su basso piede che conserva tracce di leggero ingobbio arancio sia all’interno che all’esterno (Fig. 3:6);8 – Una glaux almeno in parte verniciata in nero, il cui stato di conservazione non permette l’identificazione della decorazione (Fig. 3:1);9 – Un craterisco a colonnette in ceramica comune che, per il motivo dell’ansa composita ad anello e colonnette, pare derivare da più antichi prototipi di maggiori dimensioni, diffusi localmente (Fig. 3:7).10

certamente pertinente al cosiddetto ‘Phantom Group’ (Fig. 4:9);17 – Un guttus a vernice nera (Fig. 4:8);18 – Uno specchio bronzeo in pessimo stato di conservazione. L’inquadramento cronologico di questa seconda sepoltura si pone con maggiore certezza tra gli ultimi anni del IV e i primi decenni del III secolo a.C. e per le caratteristiche del corredo sembra attribuibile ad un individuo di sesso femminile.

Le caratteristiche tipologiche del corredo permettono di datare questa deposizione al pieno IV secolo a.C.,11 senza possibilità di ulteriori precisazioni.

La tipologia espressa da queste tombe risulta piuttosto particolare e senza precipui confronti coevi. Tombe a fossa munite di loculo, di uguali dimensioni e che prevedono evidentemente un rito funebre simile, sono diffuse in età orientalizzante nell’ager faliscus19 e nel territorio di Civitavecchia in età orientalizzante e arcaica:20 si tratta di fosse dotate di loculo chiuso da lastre su uno dei lati lunghi; similmente alle sepolture individuate a Pian Conserva, il loculo è funzionale alla deposizione sia del defunto che del corredo, mentre la fossa antistante è stata ritrovata colma di spezzoni di tufo misti a terra.

Simile alla precedente è la tomba PC 102, localizzata nella parte orientale del saggio, ugualmente a fossa rettangolare provvista di loculo, orientata in senso N-S. Nel loculo il corredo è stato rinvenuto praticamente integro e comprende: – Due piattelli di tipo Genucilia, il meglio conservato dei quali risulta affine ad esemplari tarquiniesi attribuibili alle officine ceretane del pittore di Firenze o del Louvre (Fig. 4:1);12 – Sette coppe a vernice nera di dimensioni variabili, per lo più riferibili alla produzione dei Petites Estampilles (Fig. 4:2-7).13 Di particolare interesse una coppa poco profonda con orlo leggermente rientrante e quattro stampigli a fiore di loto disposti radialmente sul fondo, databili ad una fase della produzione precedente il 275 a.C. (Fig. 4:2),14 ed una coppa con unico stampiglio a fiore a 11 petali, non attestato altrimenti, particolare per la resa in incavo (Fig. 4:3);15 – Due oinochoai con becco a cartoccio (Beazley gr. 7)16 in vernice nera sovradipinta in chiaro, di cui una

Se si escludono queste più antiche tombe falische, gli esempi di sepolture similari e coeve sono sporadici: a Caere sono presenti tombe infantili a piccola fossa provvista di loculo,21 o piccole tombe a camera semicostruita dotate di loculo,22 che prevedono dunque un rito funebre solo genericamente confrontabile. La presenza di tombe ellenistiche nell’area dell’abitato di età arcaica risulta ad ogni modo particolarmente interessante dal punto di vista cronologico e topografico: non solo si nota un cambiamento di destinazione d’uso degli spazi sulla sommità del pianoro, ma soprattutto queste attestazioni accreditano l’ipotesi di una continuità di utilizzazione del sito, prima avanzata solo in base a scarsi rinvenimenti. Se infatti le fasi di sviluppo del sito risultano abbastanza chiare per il periodo che va dall’orientalizzante antico alla fine dell’epoca arcaica, poche sono le testimonianze per le epoche successive. Se si esclude il riutilizzo di una tomba a camera di età arcaica (PC 2), riferibile alla metà del V secolo a.C., corredi di età classica non sono stati rinvenuti dai recenti

8 Confronti generici con Valentini 1993, 227, tipo 8, derivante dalle coeve coppe a vernice nera. 9 Confronto generico per il profilo con Pianu 1980, tav. LXVI-LXX, 95100 e Pianu 1982, tav. L, p. 55, tav. XCII, p. 103. 10 Caratterizzato da pasta poco depurata e ingobbio poco aderente di colore arancione-rossiccio. Dei prototipi vanno individuati in esemplari greci (Rotroff 1997) e locali (Colonna 1983, 573; Mengarelli 1941, fig. 6.4, p. 360). 11 Acconcia & Vallelonga 1995. 12 Del Chiaro 1957, tav. 19 c. Per il piattello meno conservato (non presente nella fig. 4) confronti generici con Serra Ridgway 1996, tav. XLI, n. 49.4. 13 Tutte caratterizzate da pasta molto depurata e vernice nera coprente con riflessi metallici. 14 Coppa Morel serie 2981, piuttosto bassa, con orlo dritto, caratterizzata da pasta molto depurata e vernice nera coprente con riflessi metallici. Mancante di parte dell’orlo. Gli stampigli sono attestati a Lucus Feroniae e ad Aleria e sembrano riferibili, probabilmente, ad officine laziali ed etrusco-meridionali: Stanco c.s.; Jehasse & Jehasse 1973, F 27, n. 1148. Attestazioni simili anche a Rosellae: Bocci 1965, fig.18, n. 1679, p. 142. 15 Coppa Morel serie 2981, profilo continuo, orlo dritto, piede ad anello, caratterizzata da pasta molto depurata e vernice nera, coprente, lucida con riflessi metallici. Presenta tracce di cottura non omogenea. Si veda per il confronto Jehasse & Jehasse 1973, tav. 118, 980. 16 Beazley 1947.

17 Caratterizzate da pasta molto depurata, di colore rosato e da vernice nera, lucida, coprente, con riflessi metallici. Esemplari simili sono presenti a Tarquinia (Cavagnaro Vanoni 1996, T. 5957, 1, p. 322, T. 1577, fig. 27, 104-105) e nella Tomba 23 del recinto della Banditaccia (Ricci 1955). 18 Caratterizzato da pasta piuttosto depurata e vernice nera coprente, con riflessi metallici. 19 Tomba XXXV di Montarano N.N.E., tomba LVII di località Penna che ha un aryballos etrusco-corinzio, tombe Benedetti D, M,N, nel secondo sepolcreto del Vallone: Cozza & Pasqui 1981, 36, 165, 276, 279-280. 20 Si tratta sempre di camere accessibili tramite dromos e munite di uno o due loculi: Mengarelli 1942, tombe XI, XII, XVII. 21 Tomba 153 della zona A del Recinto: Ricci 1955, 603, tav. VIII. 22 Settore E del tumulo della Quercia, tomba 369: Ricci 1955, 855, tav. XI.

199

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): PC 102, i materiali ceramici.

200

FRANCESCA CESARI, FABRIZIO VALLELONGA & FABIANA GRASSO: STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI scavi, anche se, secondo l’ipotesi di A. Naso, potrebbero essere pertinenti alla necropoli alcuni corredi recuperati nel 1866 dal Benndorf, che testimonierebbero la presenza di ricche tombe almeno fino all’ultimo quarto del V secolo a.C.23 La difficoltà di individuazione di queste fasi recenziori è comunque certamente connessa ad una situazione di contrazione demografica riscontrabile in tutto il territorio.24

anni ‘70 indicano come i materiali attribuiti all’età medievale non fossero ritenuti degni di essere conservati. Solo più tardi, con l’intensificarsi delle indagini sul pianoro e con la maggiore attenzione al dato stratigrafico, è stato possibile recuperare e documentare alcuni contesti. Le tracce attualmente note indicano una frequentazione del sito legata al riutilizzo di alcune strutture sepolcrali nel corso del XIV-XV secolo, anche se non si può escludere che già precedentemente il pianoro sia stato frequentato, come sembrerebbe indicare l’indagine, purtroppo parziale, delle stratigrafie di una struttura di incerta identificazione, probabilmente una calcara, indicata come PCA, nei cui strati di riempimento è stata raccolta ceramica attribuita all’XI-XII secolo.27

Dal IV fino agli inizi del III secolo a.C. si assiste ad un periodo di sporadica frequentazione, testimoniato dal fenomeno delle rideposizioni entro tombe orientalizzanti e arcaiche (PC 2 e PC 19, entrambe di fine IV-inizi III) e dalla realizzazione delle tombe a fossa individuali di cui si è parlato precedentemente.

Il saggio PCA Tali segni suggeriscono la continuità di una presenza etrusca nella regione, verosimilmente ancora sottoposta, almeno in parte, al controllo di Caere, alla quale farà seguito la definitiva annessione dell’agro ceretano allo stato romano, alla fine del primo quarto del III secolo a.C. I dati presentati sembrano confermare quanto già emerso in occasione dell’edizione del volume collectaneo ‘Da Agylla a Centumcellae’ del 1990, in cui si metteva in evidenza che la concessione a Caere della civitas sine suffragio nel 353 a.C. non si accompagnò ad una massiccia ristrutturazione del territorio e della proprietà terriera almeno fino al 273 a.C., epoca in cui venne confiscata la metà del territorio cerite.25

Nel 1988, durante la XII campagna di scavo sul sito di Pian Conserva condotta dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale in collaborazione con i volontari dei Gruppi Archeologici d’Italia, fu individuata e parzialmente indagata una struttura circolare scavata nel banco tufaceo dal diametro di ca. 3,5 m, che nella parte SW era collegata ad una canaletta anch’essa ricavata nel banco di roccia.28 Tra gli strati di riempimento venne identificato un accumulo di pietre calcaree, parzialmente calcinate (Fig. 5). La presenza di questi materiali insieme a tracce di bruciato sulle pareti del taglio circolare e negli strati di riempimento hanno indotto chi ha scavato ad interpretare la struttura come calcara. La canaletta nella parte SW avrebbe in tal caso la funzione di prefurnio.29 L’indagine purtroppo sospesa al termine della campagna non ha permesso di appurare con maggiore sicurezza l’effettiva natura della struttura, per la quale non è stata peraltro esclusa un’origine più antica, riferibile al vicino impianto produttivo di età romana.30

L’assenza di dati per il periodo che va dagli inizi del III al pieno II secolo a.C. potrebbe costituire l’unica vera fase di cesura nell’utilizzazione del pianoro, in questo momento occupato nuovamente con finalità agricole; a quest’epoca si data infatti la prima fase costruttiva della villa, posta nella zona B, che oblitera la tagliata viaria etrusca.26 F.C., F.G. LA FREQUENTAZIONE DEL PIANORO DELLA ETÀ MEDIEVALE

CONSERVA

Sarebbe suggestivo legare la presenza di questa calcara, se l’interpretazione è esatta, con la destrutturazione dell’adiacente impianto di età romana che è stato scavato in minima parte. Si potrebbe cioè ipotizzare una dinamica di spoliazione/riutilizzo già attestata nel territorio, come per esempio nel caso Fontanaccia – Tolfaccia,31 che vede le strutture di età romana utilizzate come cave per le attività costruttive nei centri di riferimento, in questo caso forse uno dei circostanti insediamenti fortificati, come il

IN

Le attività di ricerca che hanno interessato la necropoli di Pian Conserva, almeno a partire dal secolo scorso, hanno riguardato esclusivamente il recupero dei corredi dell’età etrusca, generalmente senza alcuna attenzione a resti di altre epoche. Del resto, testimonianze verbali raccolte tra chi ha partecipato ai recuperi di tombe dei primissimi

27

Nardi Combescure 2002, 171 n. 132. Notizie riguardanti l’intervento sono state pubblicate dal dr. A. Naso che qui ringrazio per aver messo a mia disposizione la documentazione di scavo: Naso 1989, 15. Per quanto riguarda il funzionamento delle calcare vedi Saguì 1986, 345-355. 29 In una calcara scoperta nel Foro di Traiano i praefurnia erano ricavati all’interno di una fogna con copertura a cappuccina in disuso. Meneghini 1998, 132. 30 Munzi 1989, 16; Gazzetti 1990. 31 Durante lo scavo della villa romana di Fontanaccia, che sorge ai piedi del Monte Tolfaccia, nelle vicinanze dell’odierno centro abitato di Allumiere, sono stati individuati strati pertinenti ai resti della lavorazione di marmi delle costruzioni romane, riutilizzati probabilmente nella costruzione del pavimento cosmatesco della chiesa del sovrastante abitato di Tulfa Nova: Pompozzi & Russo 1992, 449450. 28

23

Si veda ad esempio l’attribuzione di uno specchio conservato al Louvre, databile tra il 430 e il 420 a.C.: Naso 1993, 74, 78-79. 24 Zifferero 1990. 25 Si tratterebbe in particolare del territorio costiero; tali aree non giungono però a rappresentare la metà del territorio di Caere, quindi Roma dovette annettere parte del territorio interno. 26 Di quest’ultimo complesso si conoscono attualmente solo alcuni ambienti relativi alla pars rustica, con fasi di vita fino alla seconda metà del I secolo d.C., momento nel quale gli ambienti indagati vengono abbandonati a causa di un crollo; la presenza di frammenti di sigillata africana D nello strato di humus farebbe comunque supporre fasi successive di utilizzazione, almeno fino alla tarda età imperiale: Munzi 1989, 16.

201

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): Il saggio PC A in corso di scavo (foto di A. Naso).

castello di Rota nelle cui dipendenze risulta essere l’area di Pian Conserva almeno dall’età moderna.32 In assenza di prove certe non si può escludere che la zona fosse sottoposta all’autorità di qualche altro centro che potrebbe essere individuato nell’abbazia di Sant’ Arcangelo, se a questa è da rifersi il documento del 976 dal quale risulta che l’abate aveva acquistato alcune proprietà nel territorio compreso tra il Verginese e il Mignone.33 Un possibile paragone per la nostra struttura, pur rimanendo nel campo delle ipotesi, potrebbe essere rappresentato dalla calcara individuata durante lo scavo della Mola di Monte Gelato, anch’essa ricavata nel banco di tufo, di forma circolare con diametro di ca. 4 m e con tracce di bruciatura sulle pareti.34 Tra i materiali rinvenuti durante lo scavo negli strati di riempimento e obliterazione della struttura,35 il cui esame Fig. 6. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): Frammenti di ceramica a vetrina sparsa (foto di G. Padroni).

32 L’impianto di calcare e la produzione di calce ricadevano spesso sugli abitanti dei castelli. Le calcare dovevano localizzarsi fuori del centro fortificato, a giudicare dall’obbligo per i medesimi abitanti di trasportare la calce al suo interno: Cortonesi 1986, 280-281. Non si può escludere che il centro di riferimento per queste attività sia diverso da quello ipotizzato anche perché abbiamo notizie del castello di Rota solo dal XIII secolo. 33 Egidi 1914, 1-6; Tron 1982, 53-55; Berardozzi 2001, 91-119; Nardi Combescure 2002, 102-103. L’abbazia di Sant’Arcangelo è generalmente collocata sulla cima del monte Piantangeli, in un punto effettivamente favorevole al controllo dell’area, esistono tuttavia dei dubbi e delle diverse proposte sulla sua collocazione: Benelli & Vitali Rosati 1999, 60-70; Scapaticci Perfetti 2000, 209-217. E’ doveroso inoltre ricordare la segnalazione di strutture medievali sul pianoro, presso la zona denominata ‘Cesone’, da parte del dott. Mauro Incitti, che ricordo con gratitudine per i preziosi suggerimenti. Tali strutture, di cui non mi è stato possibile, al momento, verificare localizzazione e natura, potrebbero essere in ultima analisi le destinatarie delle attività connesse con la produzione della calcara. 34 Potter & King 1997, 67-70. 35 A più riprese è stata segnalata la presenza di questi materiali con datazioni oscillanti tra l’XI e il XIII secolo. Vedi Coccia & Nardi 1992, 472; Nardi 1994, 52; Nardi Combescure 2002, 171 n. 132. Il lavoro di riscontro dei materiali, conservati nel magazzino del Museo di Tolfa è appena agli inizi, per cui non sempre è stato possibile individuare tutti i reperti, in particolare per quanto riguarda i contesti delle tombe

è ancora parziale, si segnala la presenza di frammenti di ceramica a vetrina sparsa A (Fig. 6); ceramica da cucina tra cui una pentola con orlo estroflesso e ansa ingrossata (Fig. 7:1), che trova confronti a Roma;36 un anfora (Fig. 7:3), parzialmente ricostruita, che pur non trovando confronti puntuali, sembra attribuibile alla fase più antica di produzione di questi contenitori, non essendo presente l’espansione della parte mediana dell’ansa che caratterizza il processo di sviluppo della forma nei secoli

analizzati più avanti. I materiali verranno esaminati integralmente in altra sede. Si desidera ringraziare il dott. G. Gazzetti, ispettore SAEM, e l’assistente SAEM sig. Angelo Fedeli per la disponibilità accordata per le mie ricerche. I disegni dei materiali medievali sono della d.ssa Viviana Carbonara. Un ringraziamento particolare va agli amici A. La Rosa, G. Padroni e Colin Fraser per l’aiuto prestatomi nelle varie fasi del lavoro. 36 Ricci 1998, 41, fig. 4 n. 6.

202

FRANCESCA CESARI, FABRIZIO VALLELONGA & FABIANA GRASSO: STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI

Fig. 7. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): materiali ceramici di età medievale. Nella necropoli di Pian Conserva44 lo scavo stratigrafico di alcune tombe parzialmente risparmiate dall’attività dei clandestini, proprio perché povere di materiali etruschi a causa del loro riutilizzo, ha permesso di riconoscere alcuni interventi connessi alle fasi di frequentazione tarde: nel caso della PC 19,45 una tomba con camera centrale e due celle laterali, è stata riconosciuta una serie di buchi di palo situati al di sopra del tumulo, pertinenti ad una struttura lignea di grandi dimensioni (oltre 90 mq), con tutta probabilità una capanna;46 a questa sistemazione era inerente anche un muro a secco, in parte conservato all’interno della trincea che definisce il tumulo, utile forse a delimitare la capanna e a sostenere i pali. All’interno della tomba erano riconoscibili tracce di rilavorazione che avevano riguardato i gradini del dromos, asportati in modo da raddoppiarne la larghezza.47 I materiali probabilmente associabili a questi interventi sono ceramiche datate al XIV secolo, in particolar modo invetriata da fuoco e ceramica italo-moresca.48

XI-XIV; e una piccola olletta decorata in rosso (Fig. 7:2).37 Il riutilizzo delle tombe La frequentazione delle tombe come ricoveri appare strettamente connessa con il fenomeno delle abitazioni in grotta, sul quale la ricerca archeologica nel Lazio ha recentemente puntato la sua attenzione.38 In particolare nell’Etruria meridionale assume una certa consistenza il fenomeno di riutilizzo delle tombe etrusche39 come avviene ad esempio a Norchia,40 Castel d’Asso,41 Castel di Salce42 e Barbarano Romano.43

37

La forma non trova confronti puntuali. Essa sembrerebbe vagamente simile a ollette in ceramica depurata note a Roma a partire dalla fine del XII-XIII secolo: Ricci 1990, 300. 38 A tal riguardo vedi il volume di recente pubblicazione di E. De Minicis sugli insediamenti rupestri medievali della Tuscia: De Minicis 2003. 39 Vedi De Minicis 2003, 24-26. 40 Colonna Di Paolo & Colonna 1978, tombe con riutilizzo genericamente definito post-antico: esp. 178 PA 10, 180 PA 11. 41 Colonna Di Paolo & Colonna 1970, tombe con riutilizzo genericamente definito moderno: 120 n. 33, 123 n. 34, ecc. 42 In quest’area è segnalato il riutilizzo di una tomba ipogea di età etrusca. Egidi 2003, 125. 43 Una tomba a tumulo etrusca è riutilizzata come luogo di culto. Guerrini 2003, 155-156.

44 Lo stesso toponimo, anche se di età moderna, sembra testimoniare la pratica del riutilizzo delle tombe in ambito agricolo. Del Lungo 1996, I, 162. 45 Per la descrizione della planimetria della tomba vedi Naso 1980, 6567. 46 Una capanna circolare è stata riconosciuta anche nella necropoli del Ferrone ma con datazione al XVIII secolo. Inoltre la struttura non sembra in alcun modo sfruttare l’interno delle tombe ipogee: Brocato 2000, 99. 47 Per lo scavo della tomba vedi Naso et alii 1988, 10. 48 Questi materiali sono segnalati in Naso et alii 1988, 10.

203

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI con orlo estroflesso a gradino interno in ceramica invetriata da fuoco (Fig. 7:6).53 Materiale medievale è stato restituito anche dalla tomba PC 80, provvista di una sola camera di ca. 2,30 m di lunghezza per 2,40 m di larghezza, alla quale si accedeva tramite un dromos trapezoidale. Il soffitto della camera si conservava solo parzialmente e doveva essere crollato, o comunque danneggiato già in antico, a giudicare dalla presenza di un restauro in tufo e frammenti di laterizi finalizzato alla riparazione di un angolo. La tomba all’interno mostrava chiari segni di riutilizzo: i bordi rilevati dei letti e il cuscino del letto destro erano stati rasati, probabilmente per ricavare un piano unitario al suo interno. Il letto sinistro era inoltre solcato per tutta la sua lunghezza da una canaletta. Anche il corridoio d’ingresso presentava tracce di attività posteriori: esso infatti era tagliato a circa 2/3 della sua estensione da un canale lungo ca. 2 m.54 Risulta più difficoltosa la collocazione cronologica degli interventi nei pressi della tomba PC 88. Durante l’indagine del tumulo è stata infatti individuata una struttura costituita da un vascone rettangolare (dim. 1,60 x 1,50 m) e da un sottostante catino (dim. 0,80 x 1,15 m) con un lato semicircolare. Le due vasche che comunicavano tramite un foro circolare, erano probabilmente funzionali alla pigiatura dell’uva e quindi identificabili con un ‘palmento’. Il pessimo stato di conservazione del tumulo e dei depositi stratigrafici non ha consentito di appurare la cronologia dell’intervento, che comunque sembrerebbe riferibile alle fasi romana o medievale di occupazione del pianoro.55

Fig. 8. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): Il piano pavimentale realizzato all’interno della tomba PC 79 (foto A. Naso). Ancora più chiare le tracce di frequentazione all’interno della tomba PC 79, dove è stato possibile riconoscere una pavimentazione in scaglie di tufo posta tra i due letti della camera funebre a formare un unico piano di calpestio (Fig. 8). Nel corridoio d’ingresso fu aperto un canale di scolo con andamento semicircolare che convogliava le acque all’esterno. La struttura è stata interpretata come ricovero per animali.49 Tra i materiali rinvenuti, oltre a vari frammenti di ceramica acroma e da fuoco, due ciotole in maiolica arcaica e un orlo di olla in invetriata da fuoco (Fig. 7). La ciotola con parete esterna scanalata, alla Fig. 7:4, trova confronti abbastanza stringenti a Tuscania50 e Roma51 e sembra ricollegarsi alle più antiche forme della maiolica rinascimentale. Poco più antica potrebbe essere la ciotola carenata biansata alla Fig. 7:5 che trova anch’essa confronti con esemplari di Tuscania, datati alla seconda metà XIII-prima metà del XIV secolo,52 anche se il nostro esemplare presenta carenatura più pronunciata. Infine alla definizione dell’arco cronologico contribuisce anche un frammento di pentola

Un altro caso di riutilizzo è rappresentato dalla tomba PC 96, situata nella zona D del pianoro e scavata recentemente.56 Si tratta anche in questo caso di una tomba con una sola camera (dim. 3,40 X 3,00 m), il cui tumulo ha un diametro di ca. 16 m, il più grande tra quelli finora individuati nella necropoli. Alla tomba era possibile accedere tramite un corridoio a scalini (dim. 3,30 x 1,90 m). L’indagine, nonostante i danni arrecati da scavi clandestini, oltre a restituire materiali ceramici di età medievale (soprattutto ceramica acroma e da fuoco), ha permesso di riconoscere tracce di sistemazione sia all’esterno, sul tamburo del tumulo, intorno alla camera, sia al suo interno. In particolare sul muro di fondo della camera erano visibili croci incise nel tufo con probabile

53

Ricci 1998, 42, fig. 7 nn. 1-3. Naso et alii 1988, 14. Ranieri & Zifferero 1995, 109. Queste strutture sono state individuate in numerosi altri siti etruschi, con tracce di rioccupazione e generalmente riferite al periodo medievale: Colonna Di Paolo & Colonna 1978, 63, nota 9. E’ interessante notare come la loro presenza sul monte Amiata sia stata legata strettamente alle attività del monastero di S. Salvatore: Cambi et alii 1994, 206. 56 Per lo scavo della tomba e per le prime notazioni del periodo medievale vedi Cesari 1996, 13-14. 54 55

49

Per lo scavo vedi Naso et alii 1988, 13-14. Romei 1994, 96, fig. 6 n. 33. 51 Cini et alii 1985, 258, 259, Tav. XXIII n. 238. E’ associato ad un esemplare datato al XV secolo. 52 Romei 1994, 92, fig. 6 nn. 19 e 21. 50

204

FRANCESCA CESARI, FABRIZIO VALLELONGA & FABIANA GRASSO: STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI funzione apotropaica57 (Fig. 9). All’interno della necropoli varie crocette sono presenti anche all’ingresso delle tombe PC 4 e PC 5, in questo caso tuttavia non si può escludere che si tratti semplicemente di segni di riconoscimento fatti dagli scavatori sulle tombe già esplorate.

successivamente indagate dalla SAEM.61 Per ora è stato possibile identificare materiali medievali nelle tombe PC I, PC V e PC X Stefanini: tra queste la PC X Stefanini appare sicuramente identificabile con la tomba PC 17, scavata dai volontari dei GAI in collaborazione con la SAEM.62 F.V. BIBLIOGRAFIA Acconcia, V., F. Cesari & M. C. Romano, 1993. Pian Conserva. Archeologia (ott./nov.) 1993, 11. Acconcia, V., F. Cesari, R. Mangoni di S. Stefano & A. Zifferero, 1996. Nuove ricerche nella necropoli etrusca di Pian Conserva (Tolfa, Roma): 1993-1994. Archeologia, Uomo, Territorio 15, 5-22. Acconcia, V. & F. Vallelonga, 1995. La ‘tagliata’ di Pian Conserva. Le nuove scoperte effettuate sui Monti della Tolfa (Roma). Archeologia 5/6, 5-6. Acconcia, V. & F. Vallelonga, 1996. Ricerche nella zona B: il saggio X. Studi Etruschi 61, 460-462. Beazley, J.D., 1947. Etruscan vase-painting. Oxford. Benelli, E. & B. Vitali Rosati, 1999. Contributo alla topografia dei Monti della Tolfa: S. Maria del Mignone e Sant’Arcangelo, in: Z. Mari et alii 1999, 60-70. Berardozzi, A., 2001. Considerazioni su un documento del X secolo. Bollettino della Società Tarquiniese di Arte e Storia 30, 91-119. Bocci, P., 1965. Catalogo della ceramica di Rosellae. Studi Etruschi 33, 109-190. Brocato, P., 1998. Il Museo Civico di Tolfa e alcune pagine di storia dell’archeologia tolfetana. Quaderni del Museo Civico di Tolfa 1, 19-56. Brocato, P., 2000. La necropoli etrusca della Riserva del Ferrone. Roma. Cambi, F., C. Citter, S. Guideri & M. Valenti, 1994. Etruria, Tuscia, Toscana: la formazione dei paesaggi altomedievali, in: R. Francovich & G. Noyé 1994, 183-215. Cavagnaro Vanoni, L., 1996. Tombe tarquiniesi di età ellenistica: catalogo di ventisei tombe a camera scoperte dalla Fondazione Lerici in località Calvario. Roma. Cesari, F., 1996. Ricerche nella zona D: le tombe PC 95, PC 99, PC 96, in: V. Acconcia et alii 1996, 9-14. Cini, S., A. Molinari, P. Palazzo & L. Paroli, 1985. Reperti residui di età medievale, in: D. Manacorda 1985, 173-302. Coccia, F. & S. Nardi, 1992. La valle del Mignone e i Monti della Tolfa, in: L. Paroli 1992, 471-474. Colonna Di Paolo, E. & G. Colonna, 1970. Castel d’Asso, I-II. Roma. Colonna Di Paolo, E. & G. Colonna, 1978. Necropoli rupestri etrusche: Norchia, I. Roma. Colonna, G., 1983. Un’iscrizione paleoitalica dall’agro tolfetano. Studi Etruschi 51, 573-590.

Fig. 9. Pian Conserva (Tolfa): Le croci incise all’interno della tomba PC 96 (foto A. Zifferero). Nella zona B lungo il percorso tagliato nel banco tufaceo è ben visibile una tomba, denominata PC 61, la cui apertura, ricavata direttamente sulla parete di roccia, affaccia direttamente sulla strada.58 La tomba è dotata di una sola camera, presenta tracce di rielaborazione dell’apertura e una finestrella ricavata alla sua sinistra, evidentemente funzionale all’illuminazione del suo interno: una disposizione molto simile a quella documentata a Norchia nella tomba G 50, pur in assenza della predisposizione per il telaio ligneo della finestra.59 La camera all’interno è completamente rilavorata fino ad assumere una pianta quasi circolare (diam. 4,5 m ca.). Infine bisogna segnalare la presenza di materiali medievali individuati nei corredi recuperati dall’ispettore onorario Angelo Stefanini durante gli anni ‘50 e conservati nei magazzini del Museo Civico di Tolfa.60 La presenza esclusiva all’interno di questi lotti di frammenti di ceramica acroma, attesta la frequente pratica, perpetrata fino all’inizio degli anni ‘70, di non conservare i materiali medievali e tra questi per primi quelli più facilmente riconoscibili, come ad esempio le maioliche. Il lavoro di studio e riconoscimento dei reperti provenienti dai recuperi Stefanini è solo all’inizio e presenta anche altri problemi: non essendovi infatti alcuna planimetria con posizionamento delle tombe scavate è molto complicato capire quali di esse siano state 57 Incisioni simili sono note anche a Norchia dove tuttavia le crocette si presentano associate a figurazioni geometriche, inoltre non all’interno di un contesto tombale. Colonna Di Paolo & Colonna 1978 , I, 93. 58 Naso 1980, 17. 59 Moscioni 2003, 88-89, fig. 27. 60 L’individuazione e il riconoscimento di questi materiali è stato possibile grazie alle tesi di laurea svolte dalla d.ssa Serena Privitera e dalla d.ssa Marina Raccar per l’insegnamento di Etruscologia e Archeologia Italica (dr. A. Naso) presso l’Università di Udine, nell’a.a. 2002-2003.

61 62

205

Naso 1990a, 83. Per l’identificazione vedi Naso 1990b, 93.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Cortonesi, A., 1986, Fornaci e calcare a Roma e nel Lazio nel Basso Medioevo, in: Scritti in onore di Filippo Caraffa. Biblioteca Latium 2, Anagni 1986, 277-307. Cozza, A. & A. Pasqui, 1981. Forma Italiae II,2. Carta archeologica d’Italia (1881-1897). Materiali per l’Agro Falisco). Firenze. De Minicis, E. (ed.), 1994. Le ceramiche di Roma e del Lazio in età medievale e moderna, Atti del I Convegno di Studi. Roma. De Minicis, E. (ed.), 1998. Le ceramiche di Roma e del Lazio in età medievale e moderna, Atti del III Convegno di Studi. Roma. De Minicis, E. (ed.), 2003. Insediamenti rupestri medievali della Tuscia, I, Le abitazioni. Roma. Del Chiaro, M.A., 1957. The Genucilia group: a class of etruscan red figured plates (= University of California Publication in Classical Archaeology, III, 4). Del Lungo, S., 1996. La toponomastica archeologica della provincia di Roma, I-II. Roma. Egidi, O., 2003. Castel di Salce, in: E. De Minicis 2003, 102-126. Egidi, P., 1914. Un documento cornetano del secolo X. Bollettino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano, Archivio Muratoriano, 1-6. Enei, F., P. Ranieri, M. Romiti, D. Testa & A. Zifferero, 1995. Nuove ricerche nella necropoli etrusca di Pian Conserva (1992-1993). Geo-archeologia 1995-1, 103131. Francovich, R. & G. Noyé (eds), 1994. La storia dell’Alto Medioevo italiano (VI-X secolo) alla luce dell’archeologia. Convegno internazionale. Firenze. Gazzetti, G., 1990. L’insediamento rustico romano con annessa fornace laterizia di Pian Conserva a Tolfa, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastasi 1990, 130. Guerrini, P., 2003. Il territorio di Barbarano, in: E. De Minicis 2003, 127-164. Jehasse, J. & L. Jehasse, 1973. La nécropole préromaine d’Aléria (= Gallia suppl. XXV). Parigi. Maffei, A. & F. Nastasi (eds), 1990. Caere e il suo territorio da Agylla a Centumcellae. Roma. Manacorda, D. (ed.), 1985. Archeologia urbana a Roma: il progetto della Crypta Balbi. 3. Il giardino del Conservatorio di S. Caterina della Rosa. Firenze. Mari, Z., M.T. Petraia & M. Sperandio (eds), 1999. Il Lazio fra Antichità e Medioevo. Studi in memoria di Jean Coste. Roma. Meneghini, R., 1998. Roma. Nuovi dati sul medioevo al Foro e ai Mercati di Traiano. Archeologia Medievale 25, 127-141. Mengarelli, R., 1941. Necropoli etrusca nella località detta ‘Pisciarelli’ nel territorio di Civitavecchia. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 19, 344-369. Mengarelli, R., 1942. Civitavecchia-necropoli etrusca detta della ‘Torre Valdaliga’ ovvero della ‘Cava della Scaglia’. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 20, 10-53. Morel, J.P., 1994. Céramique Campanienne: les formes. Roma. Moscioni, D., 2003. Norchia, in: E. De Minicis 2003, 63101.

Munzi, M., 1989. La ‘villa rustica’ di Pian della Conserva. Archeologia 6/7, 16. Murray Threipland, L. & M. Torelli, 1970. A semisubterranean etruscan building in the Casale Pian Roseto (Veii) area. Papers of the British School at Rome 38, 62-121. Nardi, S. (ed.), 1992. Indagini nella Rocca di ‘Tulfa Nova’ (Allumiere): rapporto preliminare dell’attività (1990-1991). Archeologia Medievale 19, 437-452. Nardi, S., 1994. Ceramica medievale dai Monti della Tolfa. Appunti preliminari, in: E. De Minicis 1994, 52-56. Nardi Combescure, S., 2002. Paesaggi d’Etruria Meridionale. L’entroterra di Civitavecchia dal II al XV secolo d.C. Firenze. Naso, A., 1980. La necropoli etrusca di Pian della Conserva. Roma. Naso, A., 1989. La necropoli etrusca di Pian della Conserva. Archeologia 6/7, 14-15. Naso, A., 1990a. Osservazioni sullo sviluppo topografico e sulla periodizzazione della necropoli etrusca di Pian della Conserva, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastasi 1990, 8392. Naso, A., 1990b. Testimonianze epigrafiche etrusche dai monti della Tolfa, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastasi 1990, 93-94. Naso, A., 1993. Scavi sui Monti della Tolfa nel secolo XIX: documenti e materiali. Archeologia Classica 45(1), 55–117. Naso, A., E.Gubitosi & R. M. Asensi, 1988. La necropoli etrusca di Pian della Conserva. Archeologia 2, 9-15. Paroli, L. (ed.), 1992. La ceramica invetriata tardoantica e altomedievale in Italia, Atti del Seminario. Firenze. Pianu, G., 1980. Ceramiche etrusche a figure rosse, I, Roma. Pianu, G., 1982. Ceramiche etrusche sovradipinte, III, Roma. Pompozzi, F. & S. Russo, 1992. Il pavimento cosmatesco, in: S. Nardi 1992, 449-450. Potter, T.W. & A.C. King, 1997. Excavations at the Mola di Monte Gelato. Londra. Ranieri, P. & A. Zifferero, 1995. Lo scavo dell’area circostante la tomba PC 88, in: F. Enei et alii 1995, 107-109. Ricci, G., 1955. Necropoli della Banditaccia, zona A ‘Del Recinto’. Monumenti Antichi dei Lincei 42, 202-1047. Ricci, M., 1990. Ceramica acroma depurata. 2. Brocche, catini, orcioli ed altre forme minori, in: L. Saguì & L. Paroli 1990, 288-307. Ricci, M., 1998. Appunti per una storia della produzione e del consumo della ceramica da cucina a Roma nel medioevo, in: E. De Minicis 1998, 34-42. Romei, D., 1994. Appunti sulla circolazione della maiolica arcaica a Tuscania, in: E. De Minicis 1994, 86-100. Rotroff, S.I., 1997. The Athenian Agora, XXIX, Hellenistic Pottery, I-III. Princetown (N.J). Saguì, L., 1986. Crypta Balbi (Roma): lo scavo nell’esedra del monumento romano. Seconda

206

FRANCESCA CESARI, FABRIZIO VALLELONGA & FABIANA GRASSO: STUDI E RICERCHE NELLA NECROPOLI relazione preliminare. Archeologia Medievale 13, 345-355. Saguì, L. & L. Paroli (eds), 1990. Archeologia urbana a Roma: il progetto della Crypta Balbi. 5. L’esedra della Crypta Balbi nel medioevo (XI-XV secolo). Firenze. Scapaticci Perfetti, M.G., 2000. Le origini di Monte Romano, Indagini di scavo sul Poggio della Rotonda. Archeologia Medievale 27, 209-217. Serra Ridgway, F.R., 1996. I corredi del fondo Scataglini a Tarquinia. Milano. Stanco, E.A., c.s.. La ceramica a vernice nera dalla stipe di Lucus Feroniae, analisi preliminare. Tron, F., 1982. I Monti della Tolfa nel Medioevo. Gruppo Archeologico Romano. Vagnetti, L., 1971. Il deposito votivo di Campetti a Veio (materiali degli scavi 1937-1938). Firenze. Valentini, V., 1993. Le ceramiche a vernice nera. Gravisca. Scavi nel santuario greco, IX. Bari. Zifferero, A., 1990. Città e campagna in Etruria meridionale: indagine nell’entroterra di Caere, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastasi 1990, 60-70.

207

LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C.1 Alessandro Palmieri Abstract: In the research on the ‘Cremation burials of South Etruria of the 6th and 5th century BC’ the record of Tarquinia is important due to the quantity of data. A new survey of the evidence was performed based on publications, the artefacts stored in the Museo Nazionale di Tarquinia and on data from unpublished contexts. Parameters such as primary or secondary cremations, the type of the graves, the location in relation to more ancient or contemporary graves, the association with inhumations or others cremations, the urn, the associated artefacst, their composition and the anthropologic analysis, identify the distinctive nature of the cremations at Tarquinia during the 6th and 5th century BC. Important notions related to the social evolution inside Tarquinia could be distinguished.

Il rituale incineratorio risulta a Tarquinia, dopo la prima età del ferro, sporadicamente attestato in relazione a sepolture maschili emergenti, di età orientalizzante.2

Museo di Tarquinia, quindi il contributo degli scavi Cultrera-Romanelli,6 l’attività della Fondazione Lerici, con il nucleo di incinerazioni recentemente edite da L. Cavagnaro Vanoni, e le indagini della Soprintendenza,7 essenziali per completezza dei dati di scavo ed antropologici.

Il ricorso alla cremazione sembra dunque conoscere una cesura3 per ricomparire in un più generale quadro di diffusione nei centri etrusco-meridionali delle fasi arcaica e tardo-arcaica.4

In un più ampio progetto di studio, comprensivo dell’intera Etruria meridionale, ho affrontato un riesame globale di tale documentazione, con un censimento delle evidenze basato sull’edito, l’identificazione dei cinerari tra i materiali della Raccolta Comunale del Museo di Tarquinia e notizie essenziali circa i contesti in corso di pubblicazione, di cui sono debitore alla dott.ssa Mariolina Cataldi.

Nella problematica, ravvivata da recenti acquisizioni di scavo e da un rinnovato interesse critico,5 il corpus tarquiniese si segnala per la considerevole mole documentaria. Ricordo gli accurati rendiconti degli scavi ottocenteschi elaborati da W. Helbig per l’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, con la puntuale registrazione dei contesti e la minuziosa descrizione dei vasi-cinerario, confluiti nella Raccolta Comunale del 1

Un ringraziamento particolare spetta alla dott.ssa M. Cataldi, cui devo le informazioni disponibili sui recenti scavi operati dalla Soprintendenza ai Montarozzi (Cataldi c.s.), l’autorizzazione a visionare e documentare i materiali del Museo Nazionale di Tarquinia, nonchè stimolanti discussioni sul tema. La ricerca si inserisce nell’ambito di uno studio sui ‘Contesti tombali ad incinerazione nell’Etruria meridionale del VI e V secolo a.C., in corso di svolgimento per il XV ciclo di Dottorato in Archeologia-Etruscologia dell’Università “La Sapienza” di Roma’. Mi piace qui ricordare l’intero collegio dei docenti, in particolare il presidente prof. G. Colonna e le prof.sse M.P. Baglione, tutor della ricerca e G. Bartoloni, relatrice nella mia tesi di laurea ‘Tarquinia, necropoli dei Monterozzi: scavi CultreraRomanelli’, da cui questo lavoro prende le prime mosse. Le analisi antropologiche delle tombe Romanelli 64 e Lerici 2590 sono state rispettivamente finanziate dall’Università La Sapienza e dalla SAEM. Un doveroso ringraziamento devo infine alla dott.ssa F. Trucco, responsabile dei reperti osteologici a Villa Giulia, per le autorizzazioni concesse. 2 M. Fossati, in: AnnInst 1829, 95-100 (la sola inumazione, ma anche resti di carro bruciati, sono registrati, in: Emiliozzi 1998, 324, n. 138); Romanelli 1943, 232-235; Cataldi, in: Tarquinia 1986, 203, 241, nota 6; S. Bruni, in: Tarquinia 1986, 224; Bruni 1995, 217 sgg.; M. Cataldi 2000; per il rituale omerico vide Bruni 1995, 214-215, nota 5, con riferimenti bibliografici; D’Agostino 1996, 440. 3 Due incinerazioni forse ancora databili nello scorcio del VII secolo, in un dolio ed in un’olla in impasto, mi sono state gentilmente segnalate dalla dott.ssa M. Cataldi. Si aggiunge poi la segnalazione della tomba a fossa Lerici 6079, con inumazione di una donna di 55 anni e cremazione femminile di età adulta in un’olletta in bucchero con anse perforate, di un tipo databile nel VII-inizio del VI secolo a.C. (Cavagnaro Vanoni 1999-2000, 428-429, nota 91). 4 Vide Buranelli 1985; Bartoloni 1987; Coen 1991; Reusser 1993; Drago 1997. 5 Per Tarquinia vide de la Geniére 1987; Hannestad 1988, 119-122; Bruni 1995; Cataldi 2001; Cataldi c.s.

Fig. 1. Tarquinia. Cremazioni primarie e secondarie. La forma pressochè esclusiva del rituale consiste nella cremazione secondaria (Fig. 1), con la deposizione delle ossa in un vaso od un’urnetta cineraria, generalmente accolti in una ‘buca’: la denominazione individua, fin dalle relazioni ottocentesche, tombe a pozzetto scavate nella terra o nel banco roccioso, con pianta quadrangolare o circolare, sigillate da una lastra o da un blocco litico.8 Sono inoltre documentate cremazioni in tombe a camera, anche dipinte. Consueto, per il cinerario, è il ricorso all’anfora, ma sono anche impiegate olle in impasto, crateri, pelikai, stamnoi, urnette fittili, uno psykter ed un’isolata oinochoe. Ridotta 6

Cultrera 1924; Cultrera 1930; Romanelli 1943; ora Palmieri c.s. Cataldi 2001; Cataldi c.s.; è inoltre annunciato un prossimo contributo di J.M. Becker (Becker c.s.). 8 Cataldi 2001, 101-102, con riferimenti bibliografici. 7

208

ALESSANDRO PALMIERI: LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C. è la presenza del corredo funerario, limitato ad ornamenti personali (orecchini, anelli, scarabei), possibili segni di status (specchio e fuseruola per le femmine, armi, in genere la punta di lancia, per i maschi), aes rude o, più raramente, vasi fittili, in metallo, ed elementi del servizio da fuoco (spiedo nella tomba 6204).

M. Niro si è spinta su questa linea, fino ad ipotizzare un possibile significato etnico del rituale,12 in verità non conforme al coesistere di incinerazioni ed inumazioni nelle stesse strutture tombali (p. es. la Romanelli 64), ed alle peculiarità dei contesti tarquiniesi (vide infra),13 non puntualmente riducibili a modelli esterni.

Il computo effettuato ha portato ai risultati illustrati dalla Fig. 2. Le datazioni sono quelle indicate dall’analisi stilistica e tipologica dei reperti, ma deve essere sottolineato come a stretto rigore costituiscano solo un terminus post quem.

In alternativa, od in connessione, all’ipotesi di una provenienza allogena, si è proposto di ascrivere le incinerazioni tarquiniesi a membri della comunità non titolari della piena cittadinanza, o appartenenti ai livelli più bassi della stessa, sulla base della semplicità strutturale delle buche, della prevalente posizione correlata a sepolcri a camera e della consueta assenza del corredo.14 Una terza ipotesi, espressa ancora da J. de la Geniére, ha infine legato il rifiorire della cremazione, ed in particolare la consueta adozione dell’anfora quale ossuario, alle tradizioni della prima età del ferro, con la classica utilizzazione del vaso cinerario biconico, cui la forma verrebbe assimilata in ragione del ristretto diametro alla bocca.15 La supposta volontà di riesumare l’antico rituale porterebbe al riconoscimento negli incinerati di componenti di antico lignaggio; elementi che verrebbero a nascondere, ma insieme a sottolineare, il loro diverso status nella società timocratica che, negli splendori delle tombe a camera dipinte, esprime secondo l’interpretazione di B. D’Agostino, gentes di recente affermazione.16

Fig. 2. Tarquinia. Incinerazioni distinte per fasce cronologiche. Una ripresa del rituale incineratorio emerge nella prima metà, meglio nel secondo quarto, del VI secolo, con una crescita progressiva delle attestazioni fino al 525-500 a.C., coincidente con l’ampliarsi delle variabili riscontrabili nella tipologia sepolcrale, nella selezione dell’ossuario, e nella composizione dei corredi.9 Le presenze si mantengono consistenti nello scorcio del VIprimo quarto del V secolo a.C., mentre ridotte sono le attestazioni successive, cui si possono ascrivere sporadiche buche con caratteri emergenti e le tombe a camera dipinta dei Demoni Azzurri, forse 6222 (‘del Cacciatore’) e della Pulcella, con nicchione centrale nella parete di fondo.10

Lo studio delle cremazioni tarquiniesi di VI e V secolo a.C. deve tener conto di questa duplice opzione, oscillante tra l’attribuzione ad elementi aristocratici o di ceto sociale inferiore, presentando entrambe le tesi argomenti di supporto, ma non risultando alcuna pienamente soddisfacente.

Pur nella stringatezza della sintesi si evidenzia un quadro molto articolato, con sviluppi in senso diacronico, che trascende per ovvie ragioni di spazio le possibilità di trattazione in questa sede, ma su cui avrò occasione di tornare nel finale dell’esposizione.

12 “Si potrebbe in definitiva pensare che siamo di fronte in effetti a quella che appare comunque una componente della società tarquiniese, peraltro minoritaria e non integrata nelle strutture in cui si articolava il tessuto sociale della città, che ricorre ad un costume funerario particolare, esemplato sul modello greco. Si tratterà di un settore della società cittadina legato ad attività particolari, ad esempio artigianali e commerciali, perciò aperto all’inclusione anche di elementi esterni, per l’appunto greci ? Ovvero siamo di fronte ad una componente di tipo metecico, di origini diverse, ma comunque esterne ? In linea di principio ed alla luce della situazione più generale del tempo, non sembra lecito rifiutare a priori la possibilità dell’integrazione di elementi greci, o di origine greca per parte di uno dei genitori, in contesti quali Tarquinia e Cerveteri” (Niro, 134). 13 Relativamente alle incinerazioni capuane è stata rilevata la preminenza dei fattori rituale e religioso rispetto alla collocazione etnica del defunto (Rendeli 1996, 14). Un possibile legame tra adozione dell’incinerazione ed elementi ellenici è invece ipotizzato nel caso del nucleo sepolcrale di via Colombo a Pontecagnano (Cerchiai, Cuozzo, d’Andrea & Mugione 1994, 419). 14 Buranelli 1985, 71; Bartoloni 1987, 158; per Tarquinia: Niro, 133-134 (vide nota 12). 15 De la Geniére 1987; contra Niro, 101. Analogamente, per le urne a casetta ceretane, di età tardo-orientalizzante, è stato sottolineato il legame con le urne a capanna villanoviane, individuandovi una volontà di ripresa della tradizione (Coen 1991, 131). 16 D’Agostino 1983.

In passato la marginalità numerica delle cremazioni ed il prevalente ricorso a vasi di produzione attica in funzione di ossuari, indussero J. de la Geniére a collegare la ripresa della cremazione allo sviluppo del fondaco di Gravisca, in modo da individuare il vettore di acquisizione di gran parte del materiale selezionato, e, soprattutto, del modello ideologico di riferimento, ricondotto al mondo ellenico.11 9 In questa fase sono incluse le tombe dipinte della Caccia e della Pesca, delle Leonesse e 3098, dove il loculo ricavato nella parete di fondo è probabilmente riservato ad accogliere un cinerario, forse un cratere (di bronzo?) (un modello bronzeo è ipotizzato per il cratere della tomba delle Leonesse in Steingräber 1985, 322; Roncalli 1990, 235; Massa Pairault 1992, 86-87; Torelli 1997, 131; Massa Pairault 1998, 46; contra D’Agostino 1988, 217). 10 Steingräber 1985, 340-341, n. 103; Rendeli 1996, 12; Torelli 1997, 131; Cataldi c.s. 11 De la Geniére 1987, nota 106.

209

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Olla in impasto (Tarquinia, Museo Nazionale). Una distinzione primaria da operare è allora quella della tipologia tombale17 nella quale si può già ravvisare una sconfessione della supposta contrapposizione, a livello ideologico, tra incinerati e tombe a camera dipinta. Soprattutto, il coesistere di entrambi i rituali all’interno della stessa camera, in maniera certa per le tombe non dipinte, ipoteticamente per quelle dipinte di età tardoarcaica, rivela la possibile esistenza di una gerarchia interna al nucleo familiare.

Fig. 4. Psykter attico a figure nere (Tarquinia, Museo Nazionale). valutazione globale della documentazione, comprensiva delle indicazioni sul posizionamento delle buche e dei cinerari all’interno delle tombe a camera, dei dati antropologici relativi agli scavi Lerici e della Soprintendenza, e del confronto con realtà assimilabili.

Fondamentale diviene quindi il contributo dei dati antropologici, tra i quali si presentano qui quelli relativi alle tombe Romanelli 6418 (Fig. 3), a camera, e Lerici 259019 (Fig. 4), a buca.

La più antica testimonianza circa una correlazione topografica tra tombe a camera e buche,21 può essere costituita dall’anfora del Pittore di Camtar, ancora databile nel secondo quarto del VI secolo, che due diverse relazioni di scavo indicano recuperata all’interno o immediatamente al di fuori di una tomba a camera;22 seguono i casi della buca 6191, accanto ad un tumulo,23 di una buca nella zona delle tombe dei Vasi Dipinti e del Vecchio,24 della possibile buca che ha restituito lo stamnos etrusco a figure nere RC 176025 e della buca26 in relazione alla tomba a camera da cui proviene l’urna a

L’analisi, condotta dalla dott.ssa Rita Vargiu del Dipartimento di Studi Biologici e Umani dell’Università La Sapienza di Roma, ha identificato due elementi di sesso femminile, rispettivamente di età superiore ai 20 anni, nell’olla della tomba Romanelli 64, e compresa tra i 16 ed i 21 anni nello psykter della tomba Lerici 2590. I risultati evidenziano un primo fattore di novità rispetto alle testimonianze di età orientalizzante, segnalando l’inclusione nel rituale di elementi di sesso femminile,20 ma assumono ovviamente un’importanza maggiore in una

21

Il costante posizionamento delle incinerazioni in prossimità dell’ingresso di tombe a camera sembra caratterizzare in particolare la necropoli della Banditaccia a Cerveteri (Buranelli 1985, 71); le numerose “deposizioni collocate all’interno di tombe a camera insieme ad inumati” registrate da A. Coen sembrano, fatta eccezione per la tomba Ricci 426, potersi datare in un’epoca successiva al VI-V secolo a.C. (Coen 1991, 128, nota 53). 22 W. Helbig, in: BullInst 1884, 124; Nsc 1884, 79. 23 Cataldi 2001, 101-102, fig. 125. 24 W. Helbig, in: Nsc 1893, 515. 25 W. Helbig, in: Nsc 1896, 21. 26 W. Helbig, in: RM 1886, 89.

17

Vide B. D’Agostino, intervento, in: Nouvelle contribution á l’etude de la sociétè et de la colonisation éubéenne (= Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard, VI). Naples 1981, 144 ; Rendeli 1996, 11. 18 Romanelli 1943, 213. 19 A. Emiliozzi, in: M. Moretti (a cura di), Nuove scoperte ed acquisizioni nell’Etruria meridionale. Roma 1975, 58 sgg., n. 5, tav. 16. 20 Ed escludendo una riconduzione delle cremazioni ad episodi di morte peregrina: Bartoloni 1984, 15, nota 21, con riferimenti bibliografici.

210

ALESSANDRO PALMIERI: LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C.

Fig. 5. Specchietto riassuntivo dei dati antropologici. cassetta dipinta inv. 1417 del Museo di Tarquinia.27 Per altri contesti disponiamo soltanto del generico riferimento ad aree con presenza di buche, fosse, camere, ma senza alcuna specificazione del reciproco posizionamento: concentrazioni si riscontrano alle Arcatelle-Le Morre e presso le tombe del Barone, delle Bighe e degli Auguri.28 Gli scavi della Soprintendenza, e sembrerebbe quelli Lerici, hanno verificato il costante relazionarsi con tombe a camera, rispetto alle quali, almeno per le loro ultime fasi, appaiono contemporanee.29

I risultati identificano giovani al di sotto dei 20 anni, di sesso femminile, nelle tombe a buca 6191, Lerici 2590 e nel recupero SAEM 2000, giovani maschi nelle tombe 6203, 6204, 6205, donne adulte nelle tombe Romanelli 64, Lerici A e Lerici 6079, maschi adulti nelle tombe 6202, 6209, Lerici ‘trincea 26’, Lerici Abis, Tarquinia A, Tarquinia B e nel recupero 1953.30 In ossequio al loro carattere secondario, i giovani possono essere ben compresi come membri, minori per età, del nucleo familiare accolto nella camera di riferimento; per gli adulti si pone invece la duplice possibilità di riconoscervi un carattere minore per rango, all’interno del gruppo familiare, o per livello sociale ad esso afferente. Un attenuarsi del ‘discrimine tra giovani e adulti’ e l’avvicinamento tra forme rituali proprie dei giovani aristocratici e del demos è stato p. es. riscontrato a Cuma, nel corso dell’arcaismo, da N. Valenza Mele,31 ma l’ipotesi necessita a Tarquinia di un raffronto interno alle distinte categorie d’età. Confortante si mostra, pur in assenza di un’opposizione assoluta, il ricorrere dei corredi maggiormente emergenti tra le incinerazioni

Verificata la subordinazione gerarchica delle cremazioni in buca alle inumazioni in camera, la loro interpretazione può appunto giovarsi del contributo delle analisi antropologiche, giunto al formarsi di un cospicuo campione con gli esami effettuati da J.M. Becker e R. Vargiu per gli scavi della Soprintendenza e da F. Mallegni per gli scavi Lerici (Fig. 5).

27

W. Helbig, in: RM 1886, 87-88, n. 80. W. Helbig, in: BullInst 1878, 177-180; Nsc 1890, 148-149. 29 Cataldi 2001. La coesistenza o vicinanza di inumati ed incinerati in moltissime tombe a camera ed a fossa ai Montarozzi è registrata fin dai primi rendiconti di scavo (O. Gehrard, in: BullInst 1829, 10, rapporto di C. Avvolta), sebbene le relazioni di W. Helbig lascino talvolta intravedere, nell’area delle Arcatelle, un possibile riferimento delle buche arcaiche alle tombe a pozzo della prima età del ferro (Nsc 1881, 368). 28

30

Le tombe Lerici sono edite in Cavagnaro Vanoni 1999-2000, le 6191 e 6209 in Cataldi 2001 e, con le 6203-6204-6205, in Cataldi c.s.; le restanti sono in corso di studio da parte della dott.ssa M. Cataldi. 31 Valenza Mele 1981, 112, 115, 118, 120; Valenza Mele 1991, 11; per un analogo fenomeno a Capua: Benassai 1995, 190-191.

211

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI relative alle categorie minori per età, sia femminili (6191, 8-10 anni) che maschili (6204, 8-12), a fronte dell’assenza nelle tombe di adulti 6202, 6209, Tarquinia A, Tarquinia B e nel recupero del 1953. Eclatante è il caso della tomba 6204, dove l’associazione tra l’età giovanile, la relazione topografica con un tumulo, purtroppo non indagato, e la presenza di armi di prestigio come l’elmo Negau, suggerirebbero trattarsi di un elemento minore (per età) del nucleo familiare titolare del sepolcro, qualificato da elementi distintivi di un livello sociale elevato.

nell’anfora RC 5564, la rappresentazione della caccia calidonia, ricondotta all’apprendistato eroico di Peleo o Achille,35 ma è soprattutto la tomba 6191, alla metà del secolo, la più antica con un’indicazione antropologica di uno status non adulto, a confermare una corrispondenza tra la classe d’età giovanile e la connotazione socialmente elevata. L’uso dell’anfora attica nella tomba 6202 potrebbe quindi rientrare, nell’ultimo quarto del VI secolo, in un’estensione dell’originario rituale previsto per giovani di ceto sociale elevato, quando ormai la diffusione delle anfore attiche è ben più diffusa e condivisa da componenti di livello medio; tanto più in assenza di un corredo, ormai distintivo, alla fine del VI secolo, di un valore gerarchico superiore (Fig. 6).

Una tendenziale maggiore ricchezza sembra emergere anche nella scelta del cinerario, con un cratere laconico ed uno psykter attico nelle tombe 6191 e Lerici 2590, cui corrispondono le olle in impasto ricorrenti per gli adulti. Paiono invece divergere dallo schema proposto i dati delle tombe 6202, 6209 e soprattutto Lerici ‘trincea 26’, per le quali può essere però ammessa una contaminazione del modello iniziale. Nella prima metà del VI secolo, le due, forse tre, buche con anfora attica, nelle quali il rituale si esplica nella sua forma originaria e più caratterizzante (tomba a buca, anfora attica-cinerario, assenza di elementi di corredo), si contrappongono infatti alla Romanelli 64, in camera, con deposizione di una donna di 30-40 anni, ed alle buche Tarquinia A e Tarquinia B,32 con cremazioni di maschi adulti, tutte in olla di impasto: ne consegue il rivelarsi nel rituale di due livelli nettamente distinti,33 con esclusiva pertinenza dell’olla ad adulti e l’assenza di dati antropologici per le anfore attiche. L’importanza ed il prestigio di queste ultime emerge chiaramente dalla loro valutazione numerica, a fronte del totale di undici anfore attiche34 importate a Tarquinia nello stesso periodo. Il valore dell’anfora, così determinato, pone di riflesso ad un livello gerarchico inferiore l’impiego dell’olla, certificando l’attendibilità dell’ossuario nella determinazione dell’importanza della deposizione. Il coincidere tra le cremazioni di adulti e le olle-ossuario conforta a sua volta l’attribuzione dello standard superiore ad elementi giovanili, analogamente a quanto mostrato dai contesti emergenti delle fasi successive: un richiamo eroico e giovanile può anche evocare,

Fig. 6. Tarquinia. Incinerazioni secondarie con corredo. Più problematica è l’associazione tra la deposizione di un maschio adulto, l’olla-ossuario in impasto e l’anomala buca con tumulo nelle tombe Lerici ‘trincea 26’ e forse 6209, le quali, anche ammettendone, sulla base della struttura, il riferimento ad un livello sociale elevato, devono essere comunque ricondotte all’interno della verificata subalternità della cremazione all’inumazione. La tomba Lerici ‘trincea 26’, per la quale disponiamo di maggiori informazioni, si pone tra i tumuli dei sepolcri a camera Lerici 1699 e 1793, segnalando non un’opposizione ideologica, ma una correlazione subordinata alle tombe a camera. La sua datazione alla fine del VI-inizio del V secolo a.C. consente inoltre di ipotizzare, anche per queste isolate cremazioni di maschi adulti riferibili ad un livello sociale elevato, il riconoscimento dell’esito di un processo di alterazione della connotazione originaria del rituale.

32

La datazione dell’incinerazione nella tomba Romanelli 64 è indicata dal convergere della tipologia dell’ossuario e dei materiali probabilmente pertinenti la seconda deposizione della camera, tra cui una patera ombelicata in ceramica depurata, e decorazione a bande, forse usata come coperchio dell’olla; analogamente la datazione delle tombe Tarquinia A e B è supposta sulla base della cronologia della tomba a camera di riferimento e della valutazione di come le buche siano in genere coeve alle avanzate fasi di utilizzo dei sepolcri afferenti. 33 Livelli distinti all’interno del comune rituale incineratorio sono supposti per il Latium Vetus: Guaitoli 1995, 560, nota 29. 34 Si tratta delle anfore inv. 508-619-628-631-RC 1043-633* o RC 2802* (* indica l’utilizzo come ossuario)-RC 5564*-RC 6993* (?), cui si aggiungono due esemplari senza numero di inventario, di cui una tirrenica, con Apollo, Tytios e cavalieri, e l’altra attributa a Lydos, con armamento di guerriero; da Gravisca proviene invece una coppa del pittore C (Tronchetti 1983, 8). Per statistiche sulla presenza di ceramica attica a Tarquinia vide Tronchetti 1983, 1 sgg.; Hannestad 1988; Martelli 1989; Tronchetti 1989; Hannestad 1999).

In alternativa, la presenza di cremazioni di individui ‘adulti’, specie se da intendersi restrittivamente come di età superiore ai 20 anni, può essere giustificata da una condizione, se non un’età, di non adulto: si può cioè pensare ad una condizione di persona ‘non sposata’, in analogia con quanto ipotizzato per le tombe ‘sotterranee’ (non monumentali) delle necropoli orvietane di Cannicella e Crocifisso del Tufo, corrispondenti alle ‘buche’ tarquiniesi nell’essere deposizioni individuali, a 35 (Vide nota 32) Massa Pairault 1992, 26 sgg.; Menichetti 1994, 74-75, in cui si sottolinea il ricorrere del medesimo tema nelle figurazioni dei crateri François e Ricci.

212

ALESSANDRO PALMIERI: LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C. volte disposte a gruppi, in relazione topografica con tombe a camera. A.E. Feruglio ha recentemente proposto di interpretare queste tombe come proprie di “individui distinti per classi d’età (ed è forse il motivo più frequente) o per eventuale condizione di persona non sposata”,36 lettura di estremo conforto per quella qui prospettata, con la seconda opzione chiaramente riferibile ai casi di incinerati con età superiore ai 20 anni, il cui limite nella prospettiva di uno status sposato/non sposato verrebbe a perdere di significato.

una donna di 30-40 anni, di nuovo associata ad un’olla cinerario in impasto. L’isolamento dell’informazione non consente la formulazione di ipotesi circa il significato della distinta ubicazione all’interno od all’esterno della tomba a camera, ma, più che l’attribuzione ad un livello sociale inferiore, sembrerebbe avvalorare l’idea di un’appartenenza degli incinerati adulti, almeno femminili, al nucleo familiare di riferimento. Non strettamente correlabili, in assenza di dati, ad articolazioni di sesso ed età, rimangono le incinerazioni delle urnette fittili e le possibili cremazioni delle tombe dipinte, per le quali la lettura avanzata si può estendere solo in via ipotetica, rimandando la ricchezza del cinerario alla capacità d’acquisizione del nucleo familiare interessato.44 Alternativa, e coerente con la distinzione di un indubbio livello gerarchico superiore, è invece l’attribuzione, formulata da F.H. Massa Pairault e G. Colonna, delle nicchie nelle tombe delle Leonesse, della Caccia e della Pesca e 3098 ai crateri-ossuario ‘du fondateur de la tombe’.45

L’importanza della cesura dei 20 anni, evidenziata dalle analisi antropologiche, è stata d’altronde ampiamente sottolineata,37 rappresentando, all’interno delle classi d’età del mondo greco, la soglia d’accesso nell’esercito oplitico.38 Particolarmente interessante è la notazione di M. Kleijwegt, valorizzata da M. Lupi, “il quale, negando che l’ambiguità della condizione giovanile terminasse a vent’anni con la transizione efebica, ha sottolineato la funzione che può avere il ritardo dell’età matrimoniale come perpuetazione in uno status di transizione39 nei sistemi spartano e cretese: esisteva cioè una fase intermedia di non convivenza e ‘sospensione del matrimonio’,40 per cui l’educazione maschile terminava a trenta anni, la femminile a venti.41 Il funzionamento di un modello simile può essere forse supposto per Tarquinia, sulla base delle due classi d’età individuate dalle analisi antropologiche e del conforto della realtà orvietana (segnalo inoltre che il sussistere di una classe d’età intermedia tra lo stato giovanile e adulto mi è stata prospettata dalla dott.ssa R. Bonaudo in merito al suo studio del corpus iconografico delle idrie ceretane – XIV ciclo di Dottorato di ricerca in Archeologia, Etruscologia, presso l’Università “La Sapienza” di Roma). In questa prospettiva i segni emergenti delle deposizioni giovanili assumerebbero rilievo in specifica relazione alla classe d’età.

I dati raccolti convergono nel qualificare il rituale di età arcaica, almeno nella sua forma più diffusa, come distintivo di elementi secondari per età, sesso e/o rango (non sposati) all’interno del nucleo familiare, forse per livello sociale. Rispetto alla fase orientalizzante, quando la cremazione era riservata a personaggi maschili di rango eroico, anche in età giovanile,46 si tratta di un mutamento netto, da collocare nella prima metà del VI secolo, e comunque già assunto a Cerveteri nella serie delle urnette fittili tardo-orientalizzanti.47 Il dato dell’urna Calabresi, con resti di cremazione ascritti ad una bambina di 8-10 anni,48 persuase F. Buranelli ad avanzare la possibilità di “considerare un elemento determinante la giovane età della defunta”, “in attesa di un’ulteriore conferma archeologica”49 che le evidenze tarquiniesi sembrano ora supportare.

Conferme della subalternità della cremazione offrono anche gli esigui dati sul posizionamento degli ossuari all’interno delle camere: il cratere-ossuario del Pittore di Berlino42 era collocato ai piedi di una inumazione deposta sulla banchina di sinistra, cui vengono riferiti uno specchio bronzeo ed un alabastron; nella tomba Cultrera 2, l’anfora-cinerario, attica a figure nere, fu invece rinvenuta nell’angolo di fondo con la banchina sinistra,43 in una posizione marginale, in associazione a resti di inumazione, che richiama la circostanza precedente.

Al di sotto della enunciata caratterizzazione primaria sembra emergere un articolarsi del rituale in più livelli sociali, con una dicotomia maggiormente evidente nella fase iniziale, una più estesa diffusione tra la seconda metà del VI e l’inizio del V secolo ed un apparente riappriopriarsi oligarchico nelle sporadiche attestazioni successive. Il periodo di maggiori attestazioni coincide con quello di massima affermazione del demos in diversi centri dell’Italia medio-tirrenica: oltre a Cuma, Roma e Cerveteri, la stessa Tarquinia dove una notizia di Dionigi

L’unico dato antropologico pertinente una tomba a camera, è quello, qui presentato, della Romanelli 64, con

44 Ad Agrigento “la qualità del vaso importato è direttamente proporzionale all’eudaimonia dell’acquirente” (Torelli 1990b, 193). 45 Massa Pairault 1998. L’ipotesi si lega al rigetto dell’ipotesi di una realizzazione dei nicchioni successiva alla decorazione pittorica (Steingräber 1985, 299-300, n. 50; 322, n. 77). 46 Vide la principesca tomba 5 di M. Michele, dove, oltre all’incinerazione di adulto in urna a capanna in bronzo, viene deposto nella cella destra, in un’olla stamnoide italo-geometrica, un incinerato di sesso maschile di 18-20 anni: Boitani 1983, 540. 47 Buranelli 1985, 70; Coen 1991, 122. 48 Becker 1998, 57-73. 49 Buranelli 1985, 70.

36

Feruglio 1999, 146-147. Brelich 1969; Vernant 1987; Vidal-Naquet 1968; Musti 1990, 28. 38 Lupi 2000, 19. 39 Kleijwegt 1991, 44; Lupi 2000, 20, nota 24. 40 Lupi 2000, 82. 41 Lupi 2000, 93. 42 RC 7456: W. Helbig, in: Nsc 1890, 148; Da integrare con Ferrari 1988, 80-82, n. 21. 43 Cultrera 1924, 51. 37

213

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI di Alicarnasso (V, 3, 2), è stata letta, in due successivi interventi di A. Maggiani, come il segno del passaggio ad un regime repubblicano,50 avvenuto nel 509 a.C. od all’inizio del V secolo; la seconda opzione, in particolare, può essere correlata al rarefarsi di attestazioni nel secondo quarto del V secolo ed alla continuità, ridotta, delle tombe dipinte,51 per supporre un mutamento di valore delle residue incinerazioni posteriori, coerente all’affermarsi di un assetto oligarchico.52

BIBLIOGRAFIA Atti Catania 1990: I vasi attici e altre ceramiche coeve in Sicilia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Catania, Camarina, Gela, Vittoria, 28 marzo-1 aprile 1990). Catania. Atti Firenze 1989: Atti del Secondo Congresso Internazionale Etrusco (Firenze, 26 maggio-2 giugno 1985). Roma. Atti Roma 1990: Crise et transformation des Sociétés Archaïques de l’Italie Antique au V Siécle av. J.C. (Roma, 19-21 novembre). Roma. Atti Roma c.s.: Atti XXIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici ‘Dinamiche di sviluppo delle città nell’Etruria meridionale: Veio, Caere, Tarquinia, Vulci’, (Roma, 1-6 Ottobre 2001). c.s. Bartoloni, G., 1984. Riti funerari dell’aristocrazia in Etruria e nel Lazio. L’esempio di Veio. Opus 3, 1329. Bartoloni, G., 1987. Esibizione di ricchezza a Roma nel VI e V secolo: doni votivi e corredi funerari. Scienze dell’antichità. Storia Archeologia Antropologia 1, 143-159. Becker, M.J., 1998. The cremations in the Calabresi urn from Cerveteri, in a biconical urn and from two hellenistic period cinerary containers in the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco. Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie-Bollettino 18, 57-73. Becker, M.J., c.s. Cremations at Tarquinia after the 6th Century BC. c.s. Benassai, R., 1995. Sui dinoi bronzei campani, in: Campania preromana. 157-206. Boitani, F., 1983. Veio: la tomba “principesca” della necropoli di Monte Michele. StEtr 51, 533-556. Brelich, A., 1969. Paides e Parthenoi. Roma. Bruni, S., 1995. Rituali funerari dell’aristocrazia tarquiniese durante la prima fase orientalizzante, in: Miscellanea in memoria di G. Cremonesi. Pisa, 213252. Buranelli, F., 1985. L’urna Calabresi di Cerveteri. Roma. Cataldi, M., 2000. La “tomba 1” di Poggio Cretoncini: contributo alla conoscenza dell’Orientalizzante tarquiniese, in: Damarato. Studi di antichità classica offerti a Paola Pelagatti. Roma, 76-85. Cataldi, M., 2001. Le “tombe a buca”, in: Tarquinia etrusca. Una nuova storia. Catalogo della mostra (Tarquinia, 4 ottobre-30 dicembre 2001). Roma, 101102. Cataldi, M., c.s. Gli scavi della Soprintendenza nelle necropoli, in: Atti Roma c.s. Cavagnaro Vanoni, L., 1999-2000. Tarquinia (Viterbo). Necropoli dei Monterozzi. Tombe a buca e a fossa in loc. Calvario. Nsc, 373-464. Cerchiai, L., M. Cuozzo, A. d’Andrea & E. Mugione, 1994. L’organizzazione delle necropoli arcaiche di Pontecagnano, in: La presenza etrusca nella Campania meridionale, Atti delle Giornate di Studio

Fig. 7. Tarquinia. Attestazioni di tombe dipinte e buche/pozzetti distinte per cronologia. Nella eloquente esiguità dei dati documentari, nel corso della seconda metà del V secolo, l’incinerazione si associa infatti in misura maggiore a sepolture di carattere eminente (tombe a camera dipinta dei Demoni Azzurri, forse del Cacciatore e della Pulcella), forse trovando anche la sua motivazione principale in elementi di religiosità (tomba dei Demoni Azzurri); indicativa è la percentuale di attestazione del rituale nelle tombe dipinte, soprattutto considerando per entrambe l’avvenuta diminuzione numerica (Fig. 7): se nelle fasi precedenti cremazioni e tombe dipinte mostrano uno sviluppo parallelo, ma numericamente distinto, le testimonianze tendono adesso a coincidere, con un appropriarsi pressochè esclusivo del rituale incineratorio da parte dell’elemento aristocratico. Le stesse, sporadiche, buche dell’avanzato V secolo selezionano dal repertorio precedente, con l’impiego del cratere e la presenza di un corredo, gli elementi riferibili al livello più elevato.53

50 Maggiani 2000, 227; lo stesso autore ha poi posto all’inizio del V secolo il cambiamento istituzionale (Maggiani c.s.). L’adozione di leggi suntuarie è ammessa alla fine del VI secolo a.C. per Cuma, Poseidonia, Eretria, Atene (Valenza Mele 1981, 103-104); per l’Etruria vide Torelli 1990a, 196; inoltre Colonna 1977; Colonna 1981; Bartoloni 1987; Drago 1997, 268-269, nota 80, con bibliografia; Menichetti 2000, 224. 51 L’esplosione della domanda di tombe a camera dipinta nella seconda metà del VI secolo a.C. è interpretata come l’attenuarsi della sua connotazione d’élite (Roncalli 1990, 231) e l’integrazione di “nuovi gruppi economicamente sviluppati e culturalmente assimilati” (Stopponi 1983, 102-103, anche per la riduzione del numero di tombe a camera dipinte nel corso del V secolo); analogamente può essere considerato l’incremento delle incinerazioni. 52 Per il quadro storico vide Torelli 1981, 183 sgg.; Stopponi 1983, 103; Torelli 1990a. 53 Maggi 5232 (inedita), forse la tomba con cinerario descritto, in: Nsc 1882, 212-214, per cui si è proposta l’identificazione con il cratere a

figure rosse inv. 3032, attribuito al Pittore di Christie, 450/425 a.C. – Niro 25.

214

ALESSANDRO PALMIERI: LE INCINERAZIONI TARQUINIESI DI VI E V SECOLO A.C. Musti, D., 1990. La teoria delle età e i passaggi di status in Solone. Per un inquadramento socioantropologico della teoria dei settenni nel pensiero antico. MEFRA 102, 11-35. Niro, M., inedita. Contributo allo studio di Tarquinia nel V sec. a.C. Aspetti e problemi della documentazione archeologica. Tesi di Dottorato in Archeologia dell’Università di Perugia. Palmieri, A., c.s. Le tombe degli scavi CultreraRomanelli-Marchese a Tarquinia (= MMAT). c.s. Rendeli, M., 1996. Anagoghe. Prospettiva 83-84, 10-29. Reusser, Ch., 1993. Una tomba visentina nel Museo Archeologico di Chiusi. Prospettiva 70, 79 sgg. Romanelli, P., 1943. Tarquinia. Rinvenimenti fortuiti nella necropoli e nel territorio (1930-1938). Nsc, 213261. Roncalli, F., 1990. La definizione pittorica dello spazio tombale nella età della crisi, in: Atti Roma 1990, 229243. Steingräber, P., 1985. Catalogo ragionato della pittura etrusca. Milano. Stopponi, S., 1983. La tomba della Scrofa Nera. Roma. Tarquinia 1986: Gli Etruschi di Tarquinia, a cura di M. Bonghi Jovino. Modena. Torelli, M., 1981. Storia degli Etruschi. Bari. Torelli, M., 1990a. La società etrusca della crisi, in: Atti Roma 1990, 189-198. Torelli, M., 1990b. Riflessi dell’eudaimonia agrigentina nelle ceramiche attiche importate, in: Atti Catania 1990, vol. II, 189-198. Torelli, M., 1997. Limina Averni. Realtà e rappresentazione nella pittura tarquiniese arcaica. Ostraka 6(1), 76 sgg. Tronchetti, C., 1983. Ceramica attica a figure nere (= MMAT, V). Roma. Tronchetti, C., 1989. Le importazioni di ceramica attica a figure nere in Etruria, in: Atti Firenze 1989, 10831093. Valenza Mele, N., 1981. La necropoli cumana di VI e V a.C. o la crisi di un’aristocrazia, in: Nouvelle contribution à l’étude de la société et de la colonisation éubéenne (= Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard, VI). Naples, 181 sgg. Valenza Mele, N., 1991. Solo tombe di atleti a Taranto? Prospettiva 63, 4-16. Vernant, J.P., 1987. Entre la honte et la gloire: l’identitè du jeune Spartiate. Metis 2, 269-299. Vidal-Naquet, P., 1968. Le chasseur noir. Formes de pensée et formes de sociétés dans le mond grec. Paris.

(Salerno-Pontecagnano, 16-18 novembre 1990). Firenze, 405-452. Coen, A., 1991. Complessi tombali di Cerveteri con urne cinerarie tardo-orientalizzanti. Firenze. Colonna, G., 1977. Un aspetto oscuro del Lazio antico. Le tombe del VI-V sec. a.C. PP 32, 162 sgg. Colonna, G., 1981. L’ideologia funeraria ed il conflitto delle culture. QuadAEI 4, 229-233. Cultrera, G., 1924. Tarquinia-Scoperte nella necropoli. Nsc, 400-420. Cultrera, G., 1930. Tarquinia-Tombe regolarmente esplorate. Nsc, 126-184. D’Agostino, B., 1983. L’immagine, la pittura e la tomba nell’Etruria arcaica. Prospettiva 32, 2-12. D’Agostino, B., 1996. La necropoli e i rituali della morte, in: S. Settis (a cura di), I Greci. Storia e cultura, arte, società 2. Una storia greca, I Formazione. Torino, 457 sgg. De la Geniére, J., 1987. Rituali funebri e produzione di vasi, in: Tarquinia: ricerche, scavi e scoperte, Atti del Convegno (Milano, 1986). Milano, 203-208. Drago, L., 1997. Le tombe 419 e 426 del sepolcreto di Grotta Gramiccia a Veio. Contributo alla conoscenza di strutture tombali e ideologia funeraria a Veio tra il VI e V secolo a.C., in: Etrusca et italica. Scritti in onore di M. Pallottino. Pisa/Roma, 239-280. Ferrari, G., 1988. I vasi attica a figura rossa (= MMAT, XIII). Roma. Feruglio, A.E., 1999. Nuove acquisizioni dalla necropoli di Crocifisso del Tufo. AnnFaina 6, 137-158. Guaitoli, M., 1995. Lavinium: nuovi dati dalle necropoli. QuadAEI 12(2), 551-562. Hannestad, L., 1988. Athenian pottery in Etruria c. 550470 BC. Acta Archaeologica 59, 113-130. Hannestad, L., 1999. The reception of Attic pottery by the indigenous peoples of Italy: the evidence from funerary contexts, in: J.P. Crielaard, V. Stissi & G.J. van Wijngaarden (ed.), The complex past of pottery. Amsterdam, 303-318. Kleijwegt, M., 1991. Ancient youth. The ambiguity of youth and the absence of adolescence in GrecoRoman society. Amsterdam. Lupi, M., 2000. L’ordine delle generazioni. Classi di età e costumi matrimoniali nell’antica Sparta. Bari. Maggiani, A., 2000. Le forme politiche repubblicane, in: M. Torelli (a cura di), Gli Etruschi. Catalogo della mostra (Venezia, 2000). Milano, 227-241. Maggiani, A., c.s. Atti Roma. c.s. Martelli, M., 1989. La ceramica greca in Etruria. Problemi e prospettive di ricerca, in: Atti Firenze 1989, 781-812. Massa Pairault, F.H., 1992. Iconologia e politica nell’Italia antica. Milano. Massa Pairault, F.H., 1998. La tombe des Lionnes a Tarquinia. StEtr 64, 43-70. Menichetti, M., 1994. Archeologia del potere. Milano. Menichetti, M., 2000. La pirateria e lo scambio, in: M. Torelli (a cura di), Gli Etruschi. Catalogo della mostra (Venezia, 2000). Milano, 549-551.

215

RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA ALLA ROMANIZZAZIONE: GLI ULTIMI RINVENIMENTI* Giovanna Alvino Abstract: The author discusses recent work on various tomb complexes in northeastern Lazio among which the monumental tumulus of Montariolo located on the plateau of Corvaro in the Province of Rieti. The latter structure, which is 4 m. high and has a diameter of ca. 50 m., has yielded 254 tombs from different periods that were located at various levels within it. Recently also other tumuli in the area were investigated that, as the Montariolo tumulus, not only generated important information on the changes in funerary rites from the Iron Age and Archaic period to those of the Republican period, but also on changes in the physical condition and diet of those buried.

Il territorio, oggetto della ricerca in corso, ricade nell’area della provincia di Rieti corrispondente alla porzione nordorientale dell’odierna regione Lazio. La zona, di suggestiva bellezza paesaggistica ed ambientale, è ricca di presenze archeologiche e storiche che testimoniano l’occupazione del territorio fin dall’età più antica, quando questa terra era abitata dai Sabini, che occupavano anche parte dell’Umbria e dell’Abruzzo e dagli Equi/Equicoli,1 fiero popolo delle montagne stanziatosi, oltre che nel Lazio, anche in parte dell’Abruzzo.

circa 4 m ed è perimetrato da un cordolo costituito da grandi lastre squadrate in calcare locale. La struttura architettonica interna è costituita da un’ossatura di muri radiali che gli conferisce un aspetto del tutto particolare che non sembra avere confronti in ambito peninsulare. Le indagini hanno permesso l’individuazione, nel centro della struttura, di un tumulo di dimensioni minori (circa 11 m)5 collocabile cronologicamente nella prima età del Ferro (fine IX-VIII secolo a.C.).

Nel Cicolano, che trae la sua denominazione dagli Equicoli2 e corrisponde all’alta e media valle del Salto, da anni la Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio sta portando avanti campagne di scavo ed indagini territoriali.3 La regione è caratterizzata dalla larga presenza di aree in quota, ricoperte da un fitto manto boschivo; nel fondo valle si trovano invece alcune piane, di origini e dimensioni diverse, delle quali la più estesa è la piana di Corvaro, dove si innalza il monumentale tumulo funerario conosciuto localmente con il nome di Montariolo.4 Il grande sepolcro riveste un carattere di eccezionalità sia per il tipo di struttura architettonica, sia per le sue dimensioni, sia per l’ampio orizzonte cronologico che lo interessa e, benchè si inquadri nell’ambito della koinè centroitalica, si discosta notevolmente, per la tecnica costruttiva e per l’ideologia in esso contenuta, dagli altri tumuli fino ad ora rinvenuti. Il monumento, caratterizzato da una complessa articolazione interna ed esterna, misura circa 50 m di diametro ed ha restituito ad oggi 254 tombe inquadrabili in differenti ambiti cronologici e disposte, al suo interno, a quote diverse. Il tumulo, realizzato in terra, ciottoli e scheggioni di pietra, si innalza dal piano di campagna per

La prima fase di vita del monumento, collocabile tra la fine del IX e l’inizio dell’VIII secolo a.C., è testimoniata dalla tomba 8, che ha restituito un vaso d’impasto ed una fibula ad arco serpeggiante, da un vaso monoansato d’impasto ritrovato all’interno del perimetro del tumulo minore ed una ciotola, anch’essa d’impasto, rinvenuta in giacitura secondaria in prossimità dello stesso. La seconda fase del monumento (VI-V secolo a.C.) è caratterizzata da sepolture, entro fosse delimitate da pietre di grandi dimensioni, collocate a quote diverse in senso rotatorio rispetto al centro del monumento, attribuibili quasi esclusivamente ad individui di sesso maschile armati. Questa fase è contrassegnata da corredi, riconducibili per lo più nell’ambito del periodo IV A e IV B della cultura picena, composti da armi da offesa in ferro, generalmente costituite da una spada, solitamente del tipo con elsa a croce, e da un pugnale, del tipo con elsa a stami/ad antenne associati ad una o più lance; in alcuni casi insieme a queste ultime è presente anche un giavellotto. In tutte le tombe di questo periodo è assente il vasellame ceramico, mentre sono presenti gli ornamenti personali costituiti quasi esclusivamente da fibule sia in bronzo che in ferro. Le tipologie attestate sono: il tipo Certosa, il tipo con arco semplice e staffa a riccio, il tipo con arco a doppia ondulazione o a doppio gomito. In alcuni casi sono presenti materiali in bronzo quali il bacile con orlo perlato o le placche di cinturone del tipo a pallottole riportate.

* Non avendo potuto prendere parte ai lavori della 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology, su gentile invito degli organizzatori, presento questo contributo, parzialmente rielaborato dal testo dell’intervento relativo al convegno Secondo Incontro di Studi sul Lazio e la Sabina (Roma 2003), organizzato dalla Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio, i cui atti sono in corso di stampa. 1 Per la problematica connessa agli Equi/Equicoli cfr. Buonocore & Firpo 1998, 285-551, con ampia bibliografia. Da ultimo De Luigi 2003, 145-179. 2 Tale denominazione è entrata in uso, nelle fonti, nella tarda età repubblicana ed è riferita alle popolazioni stanziate nella valle del Salto al termine delle lotte sostenute contro Roma. 3 Alvino 2004. 4 Alvino 2000a, 7-15 (con bibliografia precedente); 2003a, 91-98.

5 Il centro del tumulo non è stato ancora interamente scavato, pertanto non si può ancora stabilire se il piccolo tumulo sia relativo a una sepoltura o ad un eventuale cenotafio.

216

GIOVANNA ALVINO: RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA fibule in bronzo con arco a doppia ondulazione, ad arco a doppio gomito, ad arco semplice e staffa a riccio e del tipo Certosa.

La fase III del Montariolo, riferibile ad età medio-tardo repubblicana (fine IV-II/I secolo a.C.), è attestata da tombe scavate, spesso a profondità considerevole, nel banco ghiaioso, limitatamente alla fascia anulare circostante il tumulo, e disposte per lo più ortogonalmente al diametro dello stesso. La terza fase del monumento segna un notevole cambiamento nel costume funerario: nelle tombe, appartenenti ora sia ad individui maschili che femminili, non vengono più deposte le armi, infatti insieme all’inumato si rinvengono, per entrambi i sessi, balsamari fittili ed oggetti personali (anelli digitali in metallo prezioso, fibule, ecc). Nelle sepolture maschili compare lo strigile, esclusivamente in ferro, in quelle femminili gli specchi in bronzo con o senza manico, di produzione etrusca, dei quali alcuni incisi; specchi del tipo a scatola; perline in pasta vitrea, ecc.

Significativa è apparsa la presenza, in posizione appena decentrata rispetto al nucleo del sepolcro, di una piccola fossa ovoidale scavata nel banco e chiusa ritualmente con grosse pietre. All’interno della fossa sono stati rinvenuti materiali collocabili tra la fine del VII e gli inizi del VI secolo a.C.: numerosi frammenti ceramici pertinenti a tre vasi diversi, frammenti di una lamina di bronzo decorata a sbalzo, alcune placchette in osso incise, una collana ed altri frammenti metallici di dubbia interpretazione. La fossa, del tutto priva di resti ossei, sembra avere esclusivamente un significato rituale (cenotafio?). Purtroppo, non ci è dato di conoscere la struttura originaria della zona centrale del tumulo II, in quanto questa è stata asportata per la realizzazione della strada precedentemente menzionata.

Lo studio dei resti scheletrici ha permesso di definire, oltre al sesso ed all’età di morte dei singoli individui, anche alcuni dati relativi all’alimentazione che, in età più antica, sembra essere a carattere misto (carne, formaggio, ecc.), mentre in età repubblicana sembra peggiorare, diminuendo il consumo di carne ed aumentando quello di zuccheri, contenuti in alimenti diversi, come testimonia l’incremento della carie dentaria.

Il tumulo I, la cui indagine è stata interrotta a causa della mancanza di fondi, ha permesso di individuare 15 sepolture, delle quali ne sono state scavate 12, inquadrabili nella fase II di Corvaro (VI-V secolo a.C.). La struttura dell’alzato del sepolcro è costituita da una calotta centrale apicale, intorno alla quale si dispongono tre corridoi di terra concentrici, posti a quote progressivamente inferiori, alternati a due fasce anulari di pietre; il contenimento della calotta sembra, quindi, affidato a terrazzamenti circolari e non a setti murari radiali come nel Montariolo, destinati al contenimento di una struttura costituita, in gran parte, da terra.

L’imponente monumento racchiude in sé significati ideologici di non facile interpretazione, per altro non agevolata dal quasi totale silenzio delle fonti, e solamente a scavo ultimato sarà possibile chiarirne la complessità strutturale, che manifesta un notevole impegno costruttivo da parte della comunità che lo ha realizzato, e definirne la sua dimensione storica e culturale.

Nel corso del 2002 la Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio ha operato nell’area più settentrionale del territorio reatino, zona ai confini con le Marche e con l’Umbria e fino ad oggi quasi del tutto non investigata, conducendo ricerche ed indagini nei Comuni di Amatrice e di Leonessa.

Ai margini sud-orientali della piana di Corvaro, non lontano in linea d’aria dal grande tumulo, è stata rinvenuta una necropoli di tombe a tumulo che è stata fino ad oggi parzialmente indagata. Sono stati individuati diversi tumuli, delimitati da un cordolo realizzato in grosse pietre, non lavorate, di calcare locale, alcuni dei quali sono stati fortemente danneggiati da interventi antropici.

Amatrice è scarsamente conosciuta per le presenze di età antica che, tuttavia, sono abbastanza diffuse nel territorio.6 L’abitato moderno non corrisponde ad alcun centro urbano antico. Infatti il territorio doveva essere occupato da una serie di insediamenti sparsi, analogamente a quanto avveniva in gran parte della regione centroitalica, come testimoniano i numerosi rinvenimenti di epoca preromana e romana, effettuati nel corso del tempo.

I lavori di scavo hanno riguardato il tumulo II, spianato a causa della realizzazione di una strada sterrata, ed il tumulo I, investigato solo parzialmente, che a differenza del precedente è ben conservato anche nell’alzato ed è caratterizzato dalla presenza di quattro stele aniconiche disposte a grandezza decrescente. Il tumulo II ha restituito 39 sepolture, delle quali 12 presentano un corredo di età arcaica (VI-V secolo a.C.); 19, concentrate principalmente nei settori nord-orientali, non hanno restituito corredo; 4 non permettono di stabilire una datazione precisa e 4 sono risultate del tutto vuote. La maggior parte delle fosse di deposizione sono disposte in senso rotatorio, come nel grande tumulo denominato Montariolo ed i materiali rinvenuti sono analoghi a quelli relativi alla fase II dello stesso. Si tratta infatti di armi in ferro (spada con elsa a croce e lancia e/o giavellotto, pugnale a stami o ad antenne e lancia e/o giavellotto) e

La presenza umana in questa area è attestata fin dalla preistoria: ritrovamenti di reperti litici, effettuati a cavallo degli anni ’80 e ’90 del Novecento nella zona dei Monti della Laga, attestano che la zona era frequentata almeno dal Neolitico.7 Sempre dal territorio, ma da una località imprecisata, proviene un’ascia risalente alla fase iniziale

6 7

217

Alvino 2000b, 363-364; 2003b, 157-175. Segnalazione del dott. Erminio Muzii.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Il tumulo di Corvaro di Borgorose in corso di scavo.

Fig. 2. Planimetria del tumulo e tipologia delle sepolture.

Fig. 3. Materiali relativi alla Fase I del tumulo di Corvaro.

218

GIOVANNA ALVINO: RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA

Fig. 4. Materiali relativi alla Fase II del tumulo di Corvaro.

Fig. 5. Materiali relativi alla Fase III del tumulo di Corvaro.

Fig. 6. Plastici del tumulo di Corvaro ed ubicazione delle tombe (in bianco: II fase, in grigio: III fase).

219

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Il tumulo II ed il tumulo I della necropoli di Cartore.

Fig. 8. Materiali dal tumulo II di Cartore.

Fig. 9. Necropoli di Saletta: veduta dall’alto. 220

GIOVANNA ALVINO: RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA

Fig. 10. Materiali recuperati dalla tomba 1 (Saletta).

Fig. 11. Materiali dalla tomba 8 (Saletta).

Fig. 12. Placchette in argento dorato dalla tomba 8 (Saletta).

221

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 13. Tomba rinvenuta in località Valle Fana (Leonessa).

Fig. 14. Materiali dalla sepoltura femminile della tomba di Valle Fana.

Fig. 15.Appliques in terracotta dalla sepoltura maschile della tomba di Valle Fana.

222

GIOVANNA ALVINO: RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA del Bronzo medio:8 il manufatto, di cui si ignorano le modalità del rinvenimento, potrebbe essere messo in relazione con un deposito votivo o con un corredo funerario.9

monti della Laga ad Est ed il fronte dei monti Sibillini ad Ovest, si affaccia direttamente sull’alto corso del Tronto, che scava una profonda valle utilizzata, fin dall’età preistorica, come naturale via di transito, ricalcata successivamente dal percorso della via Salaria. Il sito è stato oggetto di una campagna di scavo intrapresa dalla Soprintendenza con la preziosa collaborazione del Comune di Amatrice e del Parco Nazionale del Gran Sasso e dei Monti della Laga. L’intervento effettuato durante i mesi di novembre e dicembre 2002 si è reso necessario al fine di recuperare i materiali scampati alla furia dei clandestini ed è stato finalizzato alla comprensione delle antiche testimonianze riportate in luce e al tentativo di delimitare l’area dalle stesse interessata.16

In località Torrita, scavi condotti in più riprese,10 hanno portato all’individuazione parziale di un ampio complesso interpretato inizialmente come strutture relative al vicus Phalacrinae, che aveva dato i natali all’imperatore Vespasiano e successivamente come i resti pertinenti ad un’importante villa rustica.11 Studi successivi, in considerazione del fatto che il complesso si trova nel punto di valico tra le valli del Velino e del Tronto, ad un’altitudine di 1018 m s.l.m., identificano invece l’impianto con una stazione di posta sita lungo l’antico tracciato viario della Salaria.12 Gli scavi hanno individuato un grande portico colonnato, ambienti connessi con un impianto termale ed altri vani di cui non è possibile chiarire la destinazione d’uso.

All’inizio dell’indagine, lungo il fianco della collina, erano visibili tre scassi, di notevole consistenza, che avevano evidenziato una gran quantità di pietre di arenaria grigia, non lavorate, di facile reperimento nella zona, alternate ad un numero minore di pietre di colore biancastro (marne calcaree).17 Si è quindi da prima proceduto con la ripulitura degli scassi, finalizzata al recupero dei materiali, eventualmente ancora presenti, e alla comprensione delle strutture funerarie; si è successivamente proceduto con l’indagine archeologica per individuare altre ipotizzabili sepolture, conoscere la loro tipologia e, più in generale, per una migliore comprensione dell’intero complesso funerario. In considerazione della particolare ubicazione della necropoli, sita sul fianco di una collina, per avere una visione più ampia e completa possibile, si è scelto di scavare in estensione su di un’area di circa 60 mq. Con il procedere dello scavo fino a raggiungere i limiti stabiliti, si sono evidenziati i vari cumuli di grandi ciottoli di arenaria grigia, che costituivano la copertura ed il riempimento delle singole fosse.18 Sono state scavate complessivamente otto tombe, di cui tre già violate dai clandestini. La ripulitura degli scassi ha permesso di comprendere meglio le modalità di realizzazione della struttura vera e propria delle sepolture e il recupero dei materiali sfuggiti agli scavatori clandestini.

Nel 1994 in località Le Conche, su di una lingua di terra ricoperta per la maggior parte dell’anno dalle acque del bacino artificiale del lago Scandarello, sono state riportate in luce alcune strutture murarie, riferibili probabilmente ad un edificio di culto ed una necropoli della quale sono state scavate 15 tombe del tipo a cassone, realizzate con lastre di pietra locale, che non hanno restituito oggetti di corredo. In mancanza di elementi utili per una datazione precisa si è proposta una collocazione cronologica in età alto-medievale.13 Alla fine dell’Ottocento, in una località sconosciuta, furono riportate in luce alcune tombe che contenevano, oltre alla ceramica, oggetti di uso personale, come armille e collane di bronzo di tipo arcaico con decorazioni incise.14 I materiali, che furono solo in parte recuperati e deposti nell’allora Museo Provinciale dell’Aquila, sembrano oggi non essere più reperibili. Nessuna notizia ci è pervenuta circa l’ubicazione e l’estensione della necropoli, né tantomeno sulla tipologia delle sepolture. Nel territorio del Parco Nazionale del Gran Sasso e dei Monti della Laga, ai piedi della collina su cui sorge il moderno abitato di Saletta, scavi clandestini hanno individuato, in prossimità del torrente Lagozzo, l’esistenza di una necropoli riferibile ad età arcaica.15 L’altura, ubicata nella fascia pedemontana tra i rilievi dei

16 Desidero ringraziare il sindaco dott. Fontanella ed il personale del Comune il cui contributo è stato determinante per lo svolgimento dei lavori. Un grazie particolare va al Presidente dell’Ente Parco dott. Walter Mazzitti, al Direttore dott. Dario Febo ed all’arch. Vincenzo Reggimenti ed al personale operaio che, con particolare dedizione, ha eseguito le operazioni di scavo. Un sincero ringraziamento va ai signori Ianni e Nobili, proprietari dei terreni interessati dai lavori, per la loro ospitalità e disponibilità. Alle indagini archeologiche hanno preso parte Francesca Marzilli e successivamente Gabriele Colantoni e Carlo Virili, coordinati da Francesca Lezzi. A tutti loro va, come sempre, la mia riconoscenza per il consueto entusiasmo ed il costante impegno profuso e soprattutto per aver lavorato con condizioni climatiche particolarmente difficili. Le foto aeree sono state eseguite da Mario Letizia. A seguito del primo intervento eseguito in collaborazione con gli enti su ricordati, è stato effettuato un intervento d’urgenza con fondi messi a disposizione dal Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali. 17 Lo studio geologico del sito è stato gentilmente effettuato da Antonella Molinaro della Società Tethys-Indagini Geologiche e Ambientali. 18 Per le tombe a ciottoloni distribuite lungo il corso del Tronto cfr. Lucentini 2000, 293-323.

8

L’ascia si conserva a Roma nel Museo Nazionale Preistorico Etnografico ‘Luigi Pigorini’ inv. 63385. 9 Belardelli & Pascucci 1996, 21. 10 Gli scavi eseguiti dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica del Lazio, furono condotti da Maria Santangelo negli anni 1954-56 e 1971. 11 Santangelo 1975-1976, 804, n. 11770; Reggiani Massarini 1992, 165167. 12 Buonocore 1988, 145-152. 13 Alvino 1998, 80-90. 14 De Nino 1885, 479-480; Von Duhn 1923, 591; Devoto 1967, 102103. 15 La segnalazione si deve al dott. Erminio Muzii, che ringrazio per la fattiva collaborazione, la disponibilità e la generosità con la quale si è fatto carico di una parte degli oneri relativi al soggiorno dei volontari che hanno preso parte allo scavo.

223

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI A margine dell’area scavata è stato eseguito, inoltre, un saggio stratigrafico, allo scopo di chiarire la successione degli strati visibili nella sezione settentrionale della zona indagata ed il loro rapporto con le tombe.19 Si è cercato di chiarire, quindi, se le tombe fossero state scavate negli strati alluvionali o se ne fossero state coperte e pertanto obliterate. Si è evidenziata una colonna stratigrafica che comprende l’humus, gli strati colluviali e quelli di deposito naturale ed inoltre le pietre delle strutture di alcune tombe.

che sicuramente abbraccia almeno tutto il VI e parte del V secolo a.C. Le sepolture più antiche sono le tombe 1, 2 e 3,21 tutte oggetto di scavo clandestino. Dei resti ossei è stato possibile recuperare: nella tomba 1 solamente un dente dell’inumato, nella sepoltura 3 alcuni resti ossei in giacitura secondaria. Nella sepoltura 2 invece il defunto, sfuggito ai danneggiamenti perpetrati dai clandestini, era deposto supino con il capo orientato ad ovest. I materiali rinvenuti in queste tombe sono purtroppo andati dispersi ed è stato possibile recuperarne solo una piccola parte:22 fanno parte dalla tomba23 1 un’olla d’impasto nero con anse a bastoncello impostate alla massima espansione e decorazione costituita da solcature semicircolari e cuppelle;24 un’olla globulare a fondo piano,25 di derivazione etrusca, con decorazione geometrica dipinta in rosso, quasi del tutto evanide; un bacile di bronzo con orlo perlato;26 placche di cinturone del tipo a pallottole riportate, traforate e non, ed una fuseruola.

Anche se, per motivi di varia natura lo scavo del saggio non è stato completato, è possibile, tramite l’individuazione degli strati colluviali soprastanti le tombe e la loro documentazione, capire almeno l’ultima fase d’uso, fino ad ora individuata, della necropoli, quella in cui le sepolture iniziano ad essere obliterate da terreno dilavato dall’alto. Nessuno degli strati colluviali è infatti interessato dalla costruzione delle tombe.20 La successione degli strati mostra come l’area sia stata interessata, in momenti differenti, da un fenomeno di interramento dovuto probabilmente alle esondazioni del vicino torrente Lagozzo. È evidente un’alternanza di fasi sia di carattere antropico che naturale. A momenti di frequentazione e di uso del sito come necropoli si alternano momenti in cui il torrente lascia i detriti che trasporta con le sue acque, formando degli strati di deposito di vario spessore e natura, che coprono le tombe, e che poi, a loro volta, vengono tagliati per la realizzazione di altre sepolture in una delle fasi di frequentazione successiva, dando avvio ad un processo ciclico. Allo stato attuale della ricerca non è possibile indicare la successione cronologica di questa alternanza di fasi, ma solamente affermare che tale schema si è ripetuto più volte. L’analisi stratigrafica ha quindi evidenziato una successione ciclica di fasi in cui si alternano attività naturali (= fenomeni attribuibili ad esondazioni) ed attività antropiche (= costruzione delle diverse tombe), nell’ambito della quale si distingue una prima fase dovuta ad attività umana corrispondente alla costruzione delle tombe 1, 2 e 3 (Fase II), una seconda relativa alla costruzione delle tombe 5, 6 ed 8 (Fase IV) ed una terza corrispondente alla tomba 4 (Fase VI). Questa cronologia relativa sintetizzata nella successione di fasi può essere confermata dalla cronologia assoluta ricavata dall’analisi dei corredi funerari.

La tomba 2 ha restituito una punta di lancia in ferro con immanicatura a cannone e la lama di un pugnale mancante del codolo. Dalla sepoltura 3 si sono recuperati diversi frammenti ceramici tra i quali alcuni riferibili ad un’anforetta decorata ad incisioni ed excisioni, una fuseruola, frammenti di un bacile in lamina di bronzo e frammenti in ferro da interpretarsi, presumibilmente, come spiedi. La tomba 4 e la tomba 6, entrambi attribuibili a due individui di sesso femminile, hanno restituito dei frammenti in ferro relativi a fibule: nella prima due fibule erano poste su entrambe le spalle, nella seconda tre fibule, di cui due in bronzo, del tipo ad arco semplice ingrossato, erano distribuite lungo il fianco sinistro, una sulla spalla, l’altra all’altezza del fianco ed una terza, in ferro, all’altezza della caviglia; le tombe 5 e 7 non contenevano alcun oggetto di corredo. Tra le tombe 3 e 6 sono stati individuati, in giacitura secondaria, dei 21

T.1: ad inumazione in fossa di forma ovoidale, rivestita di pietre di arenaria grigia con letto di deposizione realizzato nel medesimo materiale e copertura in ciottoli di varie dimensioni. T.2: ad inumazione in fossa di forma approssimativamente rettangolare rivestita di pietre di arenaria grigia, con letto di deposizione realizzato nello stesso materiale e copertura in ciottoli di varie dimensioni. T. 3: ad inumazione in fossa di forma ovoidale rivestita di arenaria grigia, con letto di deposizione realizzato nello stesso materiale e copertura in ciottoli di varie dimensioni. 22 Si tratta di oggetti relativi a classi e tipologie di materiali ampiamente noti ed attestati nelle necropoli dell’area centro-italica. 23 Si specifica che la maggior partei dei materiali assegnati alle tombe 12-3 sono pervenuti alla Soprintendenza in maniera fortunosa, per il tramite di privati cittadini che si ringraziano per la fattiva collaborazione. L’associazione dei corredi, pertanto, anche se cronologicamente attendibile, è stata desunta da notizie raccolte sul posto. 24 Per la tettonica del vaso, attestata in Etruria (Orvieto, Sovana, Chiusi, Vulci) e in area sabina, capenate, umbra, e picena. Ad es. cfr. Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 398, fig. 184 e D’Ercole & Cosentino 2001, 215, n. 203 per il tipo di decorazione cfr. Cianfarani 1976, tav. 31. 25 L’olla di tipo etrusco-laziale è presente anche a Campovalano cfr. Chiaramonte Treré 2003, 70-71, fig. 7, 1-2. 26 Per questa classe di materiali e la loro diffusione cfr. Albanese Procelli 1985, 184; Bonomi Ponzi 1985, 247-249; Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 107-108.

Le indagini fino ad ora effettuate hanno riportato in luce otto sepolture relative ad una necropoli, di cui si ignora l’estensione, per la quale è documentata una fase d’uso

19 La sezione, che per la natura stessa del terreno risulta piuttosto profonda, comprende tutti gli strati dal piano di campagna agli strati di depositi naturali in cui sono state realizzate le tombe. Il saggio stratigrafico e la relativa documentazione sono stati eseguiti da Carlo Virili. 20 Fa eccezione la tomba 7 che taglia gli strati colluviali. La sepoltura, tuttavia, per la sua posizione stratigrafica, per l’assenza della fossa di deposizione e di qualunque oggetto di corredo che possa testimoniare la sua antichità, potrebbe appartenere ad un periodo successivo a quello delle altre tombe.

224

GIOVANNA ALVINO: RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA I resti scheletrici33 rinvenuti hanno permesso di attribuire con certezza ad individui di sesso maschile, di età adulta, le sepolture n. 2 (35/40 anni), n. 3 (40/45 anni) e n. 5 (35/40 anni) ed allo stesso sesso potrebbero appartenere gli individui delle tombe n. 1 (adulto) e n. 7 (30/35 anni). Ad individui di sesso femminile appartengono la sepoltura n. 4 (30/35 anni) e la n. 6 (40/45 anni); la tomba n. 8 conteneva i resti di un individuo femminile e di un infante. In entrambi i sessi i resti dentali presentano una grande usura dei piani di masticazione, ascrivibile ad un’intensa attività masticatoria extra-alimentare.

frammenti relativi ad un’anforetta d’impasto ed un rocchetto. La tomba 8, attribuibile ad un individuo di sesso femminile e ad un infante, ha restituito un ricco corredo i cui oggetti rimandano ad un orizzonte più recente, inquadrabile tra la fine del VI e gli inizi del V secolo a.C. Tra i numerosi materiali riportati in luce si segnalano: due piccole anfore a figure nere con decorazione a palmette,27 un aryballos globulare in pasta di vetro in colore bleu decorato con motivo ad onda a colori alternati,28 diverse placchette in argento dorato raffiguranti testine femminili con capigliatura caratterizzata da ciocche desinenti in protomi equine, un anello digitale con castone ovale, del tipo à cartouche, con decorazione a punzone raffigurante una scena con cavalieri affrontati.29 L’ornamento personale era costituito da monili, dei quali restano molteplici vaghi in pasta vitrea policroma, perline e pendenti in ambra,30 elementi di Collana in argento, bulle bivalve in ferro, anelli digitali. Le fibule di varie dimensioni, sono del tipo precertosa con arco semplice, e staffa allungata desinente a riccio;31 due esemplari, in bronzo, presentano sull’arco una decorazione a spina di pesce incisa.32

Allo stato attuale della ricerca, in considerazione dell’esiguo numero di tombe scavate e la frammentarietà dei dati relativi alle singole sepolture, del momento de per le tombe interessate dagli scassi clandestini mancano l’unitarietà dei singoli corredi e le informazioni relative alla loro collocazione originaria, non è possibile definire il profilo culturale del gruppo umano stanziato nel territorio di Saletta. L’ubicazione del sito, sorto in prossimità del tracciato della via del sale e alla confluenza del Lagozzo nel Tronto, connota l’area come centro nodale coinvolto dalle correnti culturali che circolavano attraverso le vie del traffico commerciale tra area tirrenica ed area adriatica. I corredi rinvenuti attestano la presenza di oggetti di lusso34 testimonianti un gruppo sociale emergente che tende ad emulare lo stile di vita già in voga in area etrusco laziale. Alcuni dei materiali evidenziano una comune influenza dall’area capenate e sabino-tiberina ed anche evidenti contatti con l’area etrusca, in modo particolare vulcente, come attestano le anforette a figure nere e l’anello ‘a cartouche’ dalla tomba 8. Altri oggetti di ampia diffusione, quali ad esempio i bacili con orlo perlato, le placche di cinturone a pallottole riportate e del tipo traforato35, ecc., trovano riscontro nelle necropoli coeve dell’area centro italica (Poggio Sommavilla, Colle del Forno, Terni, Colfiorito, Carpineto di Paggese d’Acquasanta, Fossa, Campovalano, Atri, ecc).

27 Si tratta di anforette a figure nere con decorazione costituita da una palmetta dritta su entrambi i lati ed una rovesciata al di sotto delle anse. Un confronto abbastanza puntuale è possibile con un esemplare conservato nel Museo Nazionale di Tarquinia, cfr. Ginge 1987, 89-90, n. 50, tavv. 82-83. Gli esemplari di Saletta andrebbero inquadrati all’interno della produzione vulcente a figure nere di età tardo-arcaica, in particolare sarebbero vicini al gruppo Copenhagen Abc 1089 (Beazley 1947). Esemplari analoghi provengono anche dai recenti scavi della necropoli esquilina. L’informazione mi è stata gentilmente fornita da Maria Rosaria Barbera che ha condotto le indagini (Piazza Vittorio – scavi 2002). 28 Il tipo è largamente attestato ed è ampiamente documentato in tutte le zone costiere del Mediterraneo occidentale. L’esemplare rientra nel gruppo più antico di questa produzione (metà VI-inizi IV secolo a.C.) che si caratterizza non solo per la decorazione, ma anche per la resa a becco d’oca delle piccole anse, realizzate per sostenere il filo passante che permetteva di indossare alla vita o al braccio il balsamario. Cfr. Fossing 1940, 73; Uberti 1988, 476; Roffia 1993, 46-47, 49, n.2. 29 L’anello è in verga d’argento con applicata una laminetta di bronzo rivestita da una foglia d’oro. L’esemplare si inserisce in una tipologia di oggetti di derivazione ionica che, a partire dal VI secolo a.C., si diffonde in Grecia, in Etruria e in Italia meridionale. Probabilmente questo tipo di anelli veniva prodotto a Vulci, da artigiani provenienti dalle città greche dell’Asia Minore. Cfr. Boardmann 1970, 15, tavv. 429-431; Boardmann & Vollenweide 1978, 22, tav. XVIII, 98, 101; Higins 1980, 129-130; Cristofani & Martelli 1983, 56-57. Un esemplare analogo, anche se con varianti, è stato rinvenuto anche nella tomba 2 della necropoli di Colfiorito, inquadrabile nella metà del VI secolo a.C., cfr. Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 154, 2.b, fig. 2. 30 Il tipo è accostabile ad esemplari, anche se non del tutto simili, rinvenuti a Colfiorito, cfr. Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 154-155, 2f, tav. 37. Vaghi d’ambra di forma più o meno trapezoidale sono diffusi già dall’inizio del VI secolo a.C. dalla Romagna al Piceno, al Sannio, alla Valle dell’Ofanto (es. S. Martino di Gattara, Novilara, Alfedena, Cairano, ecc.). 31 Per il tipo cfr. Bonomi Ponzi 1997, 112, tipo III A 45 C, tav. 22; questa tipologia di fibule è presente anche a Campovalano, Chiaramonte Treré 2003, 63, fig. 4,5 (t. 166). 32 Un confronto piuttosto puntuale si ha con un esemplare da Loreto Aprutino, cfr. Staffa 1998, 30, fig. 68,5.

Nel corso delle ricognizioni territoriali intraprese è stata individuata, sul ripido versante meridionale dell’altura che si affaccia direttamente sul torrente Lagozzo, un’imponente struttura realizzata in grandi massi di arenaria grigia disposti accuratamente. Il muro in opera poligonale, parzialmente nascosto dall’abbondante vegetazione, cinge almeno due lati dell’altura.36

33 Lo studio dei reperti ossei è stato eseguito dal Laboratorio di Antropologia della SBAL sotto la direzione di Mauro Rubini ed è in corso di stampa in Lazio e Sabina, II (Roma 2003). 34 Nell’ambito della Fase II le tombe 1 e 3, nell’ambito della fase IV la tomba 8. 35 Per questa classe di oggetti e la loro diffusione si veda Benelli & Naso 2003, 196-197, nota 36. 36 Della struttura è possibile vedere parte del lato occidentale, che guarda direttamente il Tronto ed il lato meridionale, che guarda il Lagozzo e la vallecola sottostante. Questo lato meridionale è particolarmente ben conservato e mostra, accuratamente messi in opera, almeno 4 filari di massi.

225

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Nel settore settentrionale della piana di Leonessa, vero e proprio altopiano appenninico – ubicato ad una quota media di 970 m s.l.m. – compreso nel bacino idrografico del fiume Nera, in loc. Valle Fana, in prossimità del corso del Corno/Tascino, uno dei principali affluenti di sinistra del Nera, è stato effettuato un intervento di urgenza che ha riportato alla luce una tomba a camera costruita, contenente due deposizioni ed inquadrabile tra la seconda metà II ed inizi del I secolo a.C., individuata nel corso di lavori agricoli.

causate dalla percolazione di acqua ricca di carbonato di calcio all’interno della struttura. L’inumazione ritrovata nel vano 1 è relativa ad un individuo di sesso maschile (39-42 anni) che ha svolto in vita una grande attività cinetica.42 Il corredo funerario rinvenuto43 era costituto da un tegame a vernice rossa interna, forma 2 Goudineau,44 che non presenta tracce di uso, un’ armilla in bronzo45 e due coppie di appliques fittili raffiguranti una due testine femminili, l’altra due protomi equine.46

Il sito, che si trova al confine con l’area umbra e a breve distanza da zone ad alta valenza archeologica (Terni, Monteleone di Spoleto, Cascia, Norcia, ecc.), non era fino ad oggi conosciuto come area interessata da presenze antiche. La mancanza di ricerche ed indagini sistematiche nel leonessano ed il silenzio delle fonti non permettono di conoscere approfonditamente l’aspetto culturale della comunità che occupava questo territorio, né di definire una ricostruzione delle dinamiche insediative sia per l’età preromana che romana.

Nella tomba sono stati rinvenuti anche i resti del pasto funebre costituito da un bovino, le cui ossa scarnificate – ma ancora parzialmente in connessione anatomica – sono state deposte sopra l’inumato, quattro individui di maiale (un neonato, un lattonzolo, un giovane ed un adulto), un ovicaprino. Sono stati inoltre individuati i resti di un secondo bovino.47 Nel vano 2 l’individuo, di sesso femminile, era deposto su una banchina, realizzata in terra e pietrisco e in gran parte collassata, situata sul lato di fondo della tomba. Dell’inumata si conservavano sulla banchina solo le ossa delle gambe e del bacino, il resto dello scheletro era sparso confusamente sul pavimento della tomba.

La cittadina di Leonessa venne fondata nei primi decenni del XIII secolo e conserva ancora in parte un aspetto medievale.37 Rinvenimenti, costituiti da numerosi reperti litici ed ossei riferibili al Neolitico, sono stati effettuati in località Villa Bigioni38 e sporadici ritrovamenti, relativi a sepolture delle quali si ignora la tipologia e l’epoca, sono stati effettuati da Monsignor Chiaretti in località Ocre,39 sito ubicato in prossimità di Valle Fana.

La donna, di un’età compresa tra i 38 ed i 41 anni, affetta da forte discopatia, presenta problematiche dentali che farebbero ipotizzare l’utilizzo della dentatura in attività lavorative forse di tipo domestico e/o comunitario. Il corredo funerario, rinvenuto sul pavimento lungo il lato breve nord-orientali della tomba, era costituito da: un’olla globulare in ceramica comune,48 una seconda, cilindrica, di dimensioni minori,49 un piatto in ceramica a vernice

Lo scavo40 ha individuato una tomba con copertura a botte costruita contro terra e realizzata con scaglie di pietra e ciottoli legati con malta, tipologia sepolcrale attestata anche nelle vicine Cascia e Norcia.41 Il sepolcro, posto a monte ad una profondità di circa 5 m ed a valle di ca. 1,50 m, misura 2 m x 3 m ed ha un’altezza di ca. 2,20 m, è destinato a due deposizioni individuali disposte in due ambienti separati da un tramezzo di circa 40 cm di spessore.

42

Per l’esame dei resti osteologici cfr. nota 33. Lo scavo è stato fortemente condizionato dal terreno estremamente melmoso, dovuto alle acque piovane incanalatesi attraverso un’apertura esistente nella copertura della tomba. 44 Esemplare prodotto in Italia centrale, probabilmente a Tivoli. Per il tipo si veda Goudineau 1970, 166, fig. 8. Il tipo di tegame, con orlo a mandorla, è attestato tra la fine del II secolo a.C. e l’età augustea ed è noto ad Albinimilium Olcese 1993, 141, fig. 22, nn. 120-121), Cosa (Dyson 1976, fig. 18 V D9), Tivoli (Leotta 1993, 13-48), Gabii (Vegas 1968, 43, fig. 16, n. 157), ecc. 45 L’armilla, con chiusura a capi incrociati, è realizzata in verga a sezione circolare ed è assottigliata verso le estremità. Su i due elementi di forma rettangolare, localizzati ai lati della chiusura, presenta una decorazione a sottili linee incise. 46 Probabilmente le quattro appliques dovevano essere pertinenti alla decorazione di un supporto ligneo su cui era stato adagiato il defunto. Dalla vicina Norcia, necropoli di Popoli, provengono simili appliques ritrovate in un contesto funerario databile entro il II secolo a.C.; altre appliques in terracotta raffiguranti busti di amorini e teste di cane provengono da tombe scavate nell’800 nei dintorni di Cascia cfr. Costamagna 2004, 32, figg. 29-30. Altri esemplari analoghi sono stati rinvenuti a Montesarchio, cfr. AA.VV. 2003, 39, fig. 39. 47 Le indagini archeozoologiche sono state eseguite da Antonio Tagliacozzo. I risultati dello studio sono in corso di stampa in Lazio e Sabina, II (Roma 2003). 48 L’olla è vicina ad un esemplare, inquadrabile nella prima metà del I a.C., rinvenuto nella necropoli di Fossa cfr. D’Ercole & Copersino 2003, 160, tav. 125,8 (tomba 1). 49 Olle di forma simile, ma con varianti nell’orlo, sono state rinvenute a Posto (Francolise) cfr. Cotton 1979, 168, fig. 52.28 (fine II secolo a.C. e 43

Il vano 1, piuttosto angusto (2 m x 1,27 m x 1,38 m), presenta l’interno intonacato e la porta di accesso realizzata con pietrame legato da malta; il vano 2, anch’esso di dimensioni piuttosto esigue (2 m x 1,25 m x 1,47 m), è privo di intonaco e presenta numerose concrezioni calcaree di vario tipo formatesi nella volta, 37

Alvino 2003a, 138-149. Polia 1992, pp. 9-11. 39 Chiaretti s.d., 41-42. 40 La segnalazione del rinvenimento si deve al dott. Mauro Zelli, al quale va il mio ringraziamento anche aver sostenuto le spese per l’avvio delle indagini archeologiche. Il recupero degli oggetti è stato effettuato con la collaborazione del Comune, guidato dall’avvocato Paolo Trancassini, che ha messo a disposizione uomini e mezzi. Sono riconoscente al dott. Mario Polia che ha partecipato alle indagini collaborando fattivamente ai lavori e al geometra Quinto Vannimartini, che ha prestato a titolo gratuito la sua opera nel corso delle indagini. Dopo il recupero dei materiali, la Soprintendenza ha effettuato un intervento d’urgenza con fondi messi a disposizione dal Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali. 41 Cfr. Costamagna 2004. 38

226

GIOVANNA ALVINO: RITI FUNERARI NEL LAZIO NORD-ORIENTALE DALL’ETÀ ARCAICA nera Morel 2254,50 un grande piatto in vernice nera Morel 2283,51 un tegame a vernice rossa interna,52 una coppa a vernice nera Morel 2964a,53 una coppa a vernice nera Morel 2653,54 una lucerna a granulazione di tipo Warzenlampen (forma Dressel 2 ) con impressa sotto il disco la lettera R55 e un disco di bronzo, di 9 cm di diametro, interpretabile verosimilmente come coperchio di scatola con una delle due superfici a specchio.56

BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 2003. I Sanniti (Guida alla mostra). Benevento. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1985. Considerazioni sulla distribuzione dei bacili bronzei in area tirrenica ed in Sicilia, in: AA.VV., Il commercio etrusco arcaico (Atti dell’Incontro di Studio). Roma, 179-206. Alvino, G. (ed.), 1998. AA.VV., Scavo di un edificio di culto e di una necropoli in località Scandarello-Le Conche, in: G. Alvino (ed.), Monte Santo Sabino. Un’esperienza interdisciplinare. Archeologia e Natura sui Monti Sabini. Roma. Alvino, G., 2000a. Le sepolture a tumulo di età preromana e il tumulo di Corvaro di Borgorose, in: Studi sull’Italia dei Sanniti. Roma. Alvino, G., 2000b. Presenze archeologiche nell’area di Amatrice, in: AA.VV., Luoghi e tradizioni d’ItaliaLazio settentrionale. Roma. Alvino, G., 2003a. Sabina e Cicolano: lavori in corso, in: J.R. Brandt, X. Dupré Raventós & G. Ghini (eds), Lazio e Sabina. Roma, 91-98. Alvino, G., 2003b. Via Salaria. Roma. Alvino, G. (ed.), 2004. Gli Equicoli. I guerrieri delle montagne. Roma. Beazley, J.D., 1947. Etruscan vase-painting. Oxford Belardelli, C. & P. Pascucci (eds), 1996. Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Province di Rieti e di Latina. Roma. Benelli, E. & A. Naso, 2003. Relazioni e scambi nell’Abruzzo in epoca preromana. MEFRA 115 (1), 177-205. Boardmann, J., 1970. Greek gems and finger rings. Londra. Boardmann, J. & M.L. Vollenweider, 1978. Ashmolean Museum. Catalogue of the engraved gems and finger rings. Oxford. Bonomi Ponzi, L., 1985. La necropoli di Colfiorito di Foligno tra il VI e il IV secolo a.C., in: AA.VV., La Romagna tra VI e IV sec. a.C. nel quadro della protostoria dell’Italia centrale (Atti del ConvegnoBologna 1982), 229-282. Bonomi Ponzi, L., 1997. La necropoli plestina di Colfiorito di Foligno. Perugia. Buonocore, M., 1988. La via Salaria nel tratto CollicelleTorrita: nuove acquisizioni epigrafiche, in: Miscellanea Greca e Romana 13, 145-152. Buonocore M. & G. Firpo, 1998. Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’Abruzzo antico, II-1. L’Aquila. Chiaramonte Treré, C., 2003. La necropoli di Campovalano. Spunti per una rilettura della fase arcaica. MEFRA 115(1), 63. Chiaretti, G., s.d. Guida di Leonessa. Rieti. Cianfarani, V., 1976. Culture arcaiche dell’Italia medioadriatica, in Popoli e Civiltà dell’Italia antica, V. Roma. Costamagna, L. (ed.), 2004. Il lusso oltre la morte. Moda, costume e bellezza nell’Italia antica (Catalogo della mostra-Spoleto, Museo Archeologico 30 marzo-31 dicembre 2004). Spoleto

Nella sepoltura sono stati, inoltre, rinvenuti i resti di un maiale di 16/18 mesi, tre individui galliformi di cui una gallina e due polli(?). Davanti alla porta d’ingresso del sepolcro, i cui stipiti realizzati con blocchi squadrati sporgono di ca. 0,65 m, è stata portata in luce una fossa contenente frammenti ceramici, ossa ed evidenti tracce di combustione, sigillata da una gettata di malta sulla quale sono state individuate, protette da una tegola, una coppa in vernice nera Morel 267257 e un’armilla in bronzo, realizzata in verga a sezione circolare con chiusura a capi incrociati.58 Lungo il lato sud-occidentale della costruzione è una struttura, lunga ca. 8,20 m per un’altezza conservatasi di ca. 1,50 m, che delimita un piano stradale in cui sono chiaramente visibili resti di carboni e numerosi frammenti ceramici. Fino ad ora, per mancanza di fondi, non è stato possibile estendere l’indagine nell’area circostante il rinvenimento. Resta il dubbio se si tratti di una tomba isolata o se faccia parte di una necropoli ben più ampia. Il toponimo, ‘Strada dei morti’, utilizzato per la zona fino alla metà degli anni ‘50 del novedento, ed i rinvenimenti sporadici effettuati dai contadini nel corso del tempo farebbero ipotizzare la presenza di un sepolcreto di più estese dimensioni.

prima metà I secolo d.C.) ed a Fossa (tipo 2) cfr. D’Ercole & Copersino 2003, 169, tav. 130, 21. 50 Morel 1981, specie 2250, serie 2254, tipo 2254 c,d. Il tipo si colloca tra la fine del II-inizi I secolo a.C. 51 Morel 1981, specie 2280, serie 2283, tipo 2283 g. Il tipo si data tra il II ed il I secolo a.C. 52 Cfr. nota xliv. 53 Morel 1981, specie 2960, serie 2964, tipo 2964a. Il tipo si data nella prima metà del II secolo a.C. 54 Morel 1981, specie 2650, serie 2653, tipo 2653e. Il tipo si data nella prima metà del II secolo a.C. 55 Il tipo, di produzione centro-italica, è attestato dal 70 a.C. fino al 15 d.C. ed è particolarmente diffuso nella prima età augustea. Per un’analisi sulla cronologia e diffusione delle lucerne tipo Dressel 2 si veda Ricci 1973, 182 ss.; Ruggiu 1980, 49 ss.; Pavolini 1987. 56 L’ipotesi è sostenuta dalla quantità di incrostazioni di malachite sulla superficie, manca però qualsiasi traccia del sistema di chiusura della scatola. 57 Questo tipo di coppa compare agli inizi del III secolo a.C. 58 L’armilla presenta una decorazione con linee di punti in prossimità della chiusura e su due elementi di forma rettangolare localizzati in prossimità della stessa.

227

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Ricci, M., 1973. Per una cronologia delle lucerne tardorepubblicane. RivStLig. 39, 182 ss. Roffia, E., 1993. I vetri antichi delle Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche di Milano. Milano Ruggiu, Z., 1980. Le lucerne fittili del Museo Civico di Trento. Roma Santangelo, M., 1975-1976. ??? FA 30-31 (1982). Staffa, A.R. (ed.), 1998. Loreto Aprutino e il suo territirio dalla protostoria al medioevo. Loreto Aprutino. Uberti, M.L., 1988. I vetri, in: AA.VV., I Fenici (Catalogo della mostra-Venezia, Palazzo Grassi). Milano, 479-491. Vegas, M., 1968. Römische Keramik von Gabii (Latium). BJb 168, 13-55. Von Duhn, F., 1923. Italische Gräberkunde. Heidelberg.

Cotton, M.A., 1979. The late republican villa at Posto, Francolise. London. Cristofani, M. & M. Martelli, 1983. L’oro degli Etruschi. Novara. D’Ercole, V. & S. Cosentino, 2001. Eroi e Regine. Piceni popolo d’Europa (Catalogo della mostra RomaPalazzo Barberini 12 aprile-1 luglio 2001). Roma. D’Ercole, V. & M.R. Copersino (eds), 2003. La necropoli di Fossa, IV, L’età ellenistico-romana. Pescara. De Luigi, A., 2003. L’immagine degli Equi nelle fonti letterarie. StEtr 69, ???. De Nino, A., 1885. Note dell’ispettore prof. cav. A. de Nino sopra antichità scoperte in varie contrade della Sabina e della Marsica: Amatrice, S. Vittorino, Civitatomassa, Massa d’Albe e San Pelino, Luco, Gioia dei Marsi, Ortucchio, in: NS. Devoto, G., 1967. Gli antichi Italici. Firenze. Dyson, S.L., 1976. Cosa: the Utilitarian Pottery. Memoirs of the American Academy vol. 33. Fossing, P., 1940. Glass vessels before glass-blowing. Copenhagen. Ginge, B., 1987. Ceramiche etrusche a figure nere del Museo Nazionale di Tarquinia. Roma. Goudineau, C., 1970. Note sur la céramiques à engobe interne rouge-pompèien. MEFRA 82, 159-186. Guzzo, P.G., 1993. Oreficerie della Magna Grecia. Ornamenti in oro e argento dall’Italia Meridionale tra VIII e I sec. a.C. Taranto. Higins, R.A., 1980. Greek and roman jewellery. London. Leotta, M.C., 1993. Alcune classi ceramiche dall’anfiteatro di Tivoli, in: Atti e Memorie della Società Tiburtina di Storia e d’Arte 66, 13-48. Lucentini, N., 2000. Prima della Salaria: testimonianze protostoriche della valle del Tronto, in: E. Catani & G. Paci, La Salaria in età antica (Atti del Convegno di studi Ascoli Piceno, Offida, Rieti 2-4 ottobre 1997). Roma, 293-323. Minarini, L., 2000. Otto placchette con volto femminile, in: AA.VV., Principi etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa (Catalogo della Mostra – Bologna 1 ottobre 2000-1 aprile 2001), Venezia, 362. Morel, J.P., 1981. Ceramiques Campaniennes: Les formes. Roma. Olcese, G., 1993. Le ceramiche comuni di Albintimilium. Indagine archeologica e archeometrica sui materiali dell’area del cardine. Firenze. Pavolini, C., 1987. Le lucerne romane tra il III a.C. e il III d.C., in: Ceramiques hellenistiques et romaines, II. Paris, 139-165. Peroni, R., 1971. L’età del bronzo nella penisola italiana, 1. L’antica età del bronzo. Firenze. Pietrangeli, C., 1976. La Sabina nell’antichità, in: AA.VV., Rieti ed il suo territorio. Milano. Polia, M., 1992. Leonessa all’età della pietra: le prime, decisive prove della presenza umana sull’altopiano oltre 5.000 anni fa, in: Leonessa e il suo Santo, (luglio-agosto 1992), ???. Reggiani Massarini, A.M., 1992. Il vicus Falacrinae, il vicus di Torrita di Amatrice, in: M.C. Spadoni Cerroni & A.M. Reggiani Massarini, Reate. Pisa. 228

MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: A CLOSER LOOK AT THE URN OF VELIA CERINEI FROM CASTIGLIONCELLO Roman Ernst Roth Abstract: This paper addresses the function of the myth of the Abduction of Helen within the context of northern Etruscan burials of the later Hellenistic period. Rather than from a text-based angle, it is suggested here that visual representations of myths should be interpreted within their culture-specific, iconographical traditions. In the particular case of Helen, it is argued that this figure usually serves to idealize the role of women in Hellenistic Etruria, defined according to the norms of a male-dominated society. In this light, the representation of Helen’s abduction is interpreted as significant within the context of aristocratic intermarriage, an idealized social custom of which the episode represents a corruption. Thus, the particular importance of this ideal to the family unit is iconographically stressed at the death of one of its female members, through which its fulfilment is automatically put at risk.

1. The Abduction of Helen by Paris, shown on an urn found at Castiglioncello (Fig. 1), stands out among the frequent representations of this episode on Volterran urns, on account of both the quality of its sculpture and its find spot outside the territory of the north Etruscan city.1 Sometime in the late second or early first century BC, it was deposited in a tomba a nicchiotto, containing the ashes of the woman whose appearance is idealized by the sculpture of the lid, and whose name is given as velia cerinei by the accompanying onomastic formula.

encourage other students of Hellenistic Etruria to experiment with approaches to mythological representations, which have been fruitful in the study of other ancient societies but are sometimes neglected by – in particular, Anglophone – Etruscologists. First, the approach taken in this paper will be outlined, and placed within the debate over the representation of myth in Etruria (section 2). Second, the relief on the Castiglioncello urn and its parallels will be described in detail (section 3). Third, an interpretation of the sociocultural significance of this type of scene within the funerary context will be suggested (sections 4-6). Finally, the particular appropriateness of the choice of the Abduction of Helen will be demonstrated within the context of an aristocratic, female burial in a small harbour community bordering the territory of Volterra (section 7; cf. Fig. 1).

This paper attempts to interpret the significance of the mythological representation on this urn within the context of the historical developments affecting northern Etruscan society during the late Hellenistic period (Fig. 2).2 In particular, the following discussion will be concerned with the way in which the position of women within the power structures of the Etruscan aristocracy was idealized on the occasion of someone’s death, through the selective, visual representation of the Abduction of Helen. The results of this article are intended to be suggestive rather than conclusive, and to

2. The study of the representation of Greek myths in Etruria has traditionally focused on questions of its reception.3 Central to this debate is an interest in the issues of how well the Etruscans understood Greek myths and, by implication, whether or not they were able to read Greek texts, as well as of how this may have changed over time or varied among different groups of Etruscan society.4 In addition to this text-driven preoccupation with the content of the scenes, the question of how they were artistically transmitted has been at the centre of the debate surrounding Greek myth in Etruria, particularly as far as

1 The Castiglioncello urn was first mentioned in the excavation report by Galli 1924, 164-166, and was recently republished by Massa 2000; see also Nielsen 1989, plate 51. The group of Volterran urns representing the Abduction of Helen (B-K I, chapter 2) is further discussed by Ghali-Kahil 1955, 274-279; Nielsen 1989; 1993, and comprises some thirty examples, including the one found at Castiglioncello (Nielsen 1993, table 1). Based primarily on stylistic arguments, the series appears to have been produced throughout the last quarter of the second century until well into the first quarter of the first century BC (Nielsen 1993, 327-336; Pairault-Massa 1977, 160-163). For the relationship between the ancient settlement located on the site of modern Castglioncello – the name of which is not known – and the city of Volterra, as well as for an inspired discussion of the history of archaeological research in this area, see the contributions to Gambogi & Palladino 1999. Despite its strong cultural and commercial links with Volterra, ancient Castiglioncello appears to have been outside its territory, the northern boundary of which may have coincided with the river Fine. In addition to Vada Volaterrana (modern Vada), the historically documented port of the landlocked northern Etruscan metropolis (Strabo v. 223), Castiglioncello appears to have formed an important trading post for Volterra (Beloch 1926, 567; Palladino 1999). 2 There is no room to discuss the relationship between the sculpture of the lid figure with the scene shown on the relief in any detail here, apart from the observations on female adornment made at the beginning of Section 6. This issue will be addressed, on a broader material basis, in a forthcoming study.

3 An excellent summary of this debate, only salient aspects of which will be discussed here, can be found in Steuernagel 1998, chapter 1. 4 Corpora of Etruscan visual representations in the positivist tradition of the 19th century, such as I rilievi delle urne etrusche or Etruskische Spiegel, are arranged according to the (textually transmitted) myths which they were perceived to represent. The more recent debate was sparked by the controversy between, on the one hand, Hampe & Simon 1967 and, on the other hand, Camporeale 1965, and was primarily focused on visual representations of the Archaic period. Dohrn 1966/67 adopts an intermediate position, arguing for a gradual familiarization with Greek myths by the Etruscans, while Krauskopf 1974 argues that the correct representation (according to textual sources) of myths was dependent on the social status of the person who commissioned it. Particularly illuminating in this context is the work of Nielsen 1993, who links the choice of topic on Volterran urn reliefs to the cultural identities of the families concerned.

229

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI the Hellenistic period is concerned. Thus, it is commonly argued that representations of myth in the ‘minor arts’, such as urn sculpture, derived from schemata deployed in the ‘major arts’, such as temple sculpture, which would have been executed by Greek craftsmen knowledgeable of the relevant textual traditions.5

exemplified by the fratricide of Remus by Romulus, or by the duel between Turnus and Aeneas. Thus, despite their rather different, interpretative outlook, all these approaches share the basic assumption that visual representations of mythical episodes ultimately depend on – textual or oral – narratives, as illustrations of which they should be ‘read’. As a consequence, not only the qualities that are specific to visual representations, as opposed to oral or textual narratives, but also the ways in which these qualities may have been functionally employed in particular social contexts, are largely neglected.8 On the whole, this situation may largely be viewed as the product of the prevailing feeling among scholars that the Etruscan culture takes a somewhat idiosyncratic position among its Greek, Phoenician and – later – Roman counterparts, as a result of which it is portrayed either as derivative of or inferior to these, or as clearly emancipated from them.9 The approach adopted in this paper, by contrast, primarily focuses on the function of the visual representation of a particular mythical theme within the context of Etruscan funerals during the Hellenistic period. Taking the lead from recent works on Etruscan urn sculpture by de Angelis and Steuernagel,10 the following discussion will largely leave aside the questions of transmission and, more generally, culture contact (between Greeks and Etruscans). Like the works of these two scholars, it will focus on the societal dimension of such representations within the funeral. This dimension lies, on the one hand, in the specific quality of visual representations of myths to provide a vehicle for the expression of concerns that may otherwise remain unpronounced, and, on the other hand, in their facility to provide paradigms through which the identity of the deceased person can be ritually idealized by the society of the living.11

Fig. 1. Coastal northern Etruria between the estuaries of the Cecina and the Arno. Whereas Vada Volaterrana (modern Vada) is historically documented as the port of Volaterrae (modern Volterra), the ancient settlement at Castiglioncello is generally thought to have been outside the immediate control of that city and might even have formed part of the territory of Pisae (modern Pisa) (after Gambogi & Palladino 1999, 10). Diametrically opposed to these approaches that privilege Greek textual sources as their basis for understanding the representation of myth in Etruria, is the view of Small,6 which may be characterized as a Verständnismodell.7 According to Small, deviations from Greek textual traditions in the representation of myth in Etruria should be understood as indicative of a conscious re-modelling of iconographic schemata in order to represent ‘EtruscoRoman legends’. Thus, for example, Small interprets many of the countless representations of the fight between the brothers Eteokles and Polyneikes on Etruscan urns as referring to generic duels popular in the repertoire of native historical legends, which she sees

8 On the relationship between visual representation and text in Greek art, see Giuliani 2003 for the most recent discussion, in which he explicitly focuses less on the social context of viewing than on the differences between the experiences of viewing and reading. The contributions to Goldhill & Osborne 1994, as well as those to Elsner 1996 provide a number of useful case studies from both the Greek and the Roman worlds, although these, too, are primarily concerned with the issue of viewing versus reading. For the argument presented in this paper, the most valuable contributions can be found in the volume edited by de Angelis & Muth 1999, which combine a clear understanding of the specific properties of visual representations, with a strong concern for the contexts in which they would have been viewed. 9 For one of the more radical examples of the first view, see still Boardman 1994, 199 ff. and passim; the second approach is exemplified by the work of Small 1981, and also characterizes the studies of Spivey & Stoddart 1990, and Spivey 1997. This prevailing ‘insularity’ of Etruscan studies within the wider fields of Archaeology and Classics was identified as a negative aspect of the current state of the discipline in A. Rathje’s concluding speech to the symposium ‘The Etruscans now’, held at the British Museum in December 2002. Similar views were expressed by V. Izzet and D. Ridgway at several points during the proceedings. This situation is not entirely dissimilar to that of Roman Bildwissenschaft some twenty years or so ago, which is aptly criticized by Hölscher 1987, 11-14 and passim; cf. note 7 above. 10 De Angelis 1999; Steuernagel 1998. 11 The views expressed by d’Agostino 1985 are fundamental to this approach; cf. also Hodder 1982; Morris 1987, chapter 1; and , more

5 The representation of the myth of the Seven against Thebes on the pediment of the temple at Talamone and its impact on contemporary urn sculpture has formed the centre of this debate; see, in particular, Ronzitti Orsolini 1971, as well as Krauskopf 1974 and v. Freitag gen. Löringhoff 1986. Cristofani 1990 is less interested in the technicalities of this relationship between ‘arte pubblica e arte privata’ than in its societal implications. 6 Small 1981, with the critique by Cristofani 1983. 7 Cf. Hölscher 1987, 11-14.

230

ROMAN ERNST ROTH: MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD the otherwise pioneering study by Steuernagel. His decision to neglect the specific, thematic content of the representations on urns and sarcophagi almost completely, and, instead, to focus on their structural composition, does eliminate most of the hazards of identification and allows for an inclusion of ‘native’ or ‘unidentifiable’ myths.13 However, this emphasis on formal elements risks neglecting the cultural specificity of such representations, and their particular force in their social context of use.14 Therefore, following the description of some of the urn reliefs depicting the Abduction of Helen, it will be argued that the particular mode in which this episode is represented emphasizes specific aspects of the myth. This cannot be satisfactorily explained by comparing these representations to textual versions, but needs to be interpreted within the context of funerary practices, as a response to the concerns of Volterran aristocratic society in the late Hellenistic period.15 In particular, it will be argued that it is not only possible to interpret certain iconographic elements with reference to specific funerary practices, but that the choice of Helen in this context can also be explained in terms of the tradition of visually representing this mythological figure in Hellenistic Etruria.16 3. The group of Volterran urn reliefs discussed in this paper17 are the only certain representations of the Abduction of Helen in Etruscan art,18 and were exclusively used for female burials.19 These reliefs can be divided into three groups. All three of them show a boat in the background, into which Helen is being, or is about to be handed in the left half of the relief. In addition, all three types of relief depict the abductors wearing Phrygian caps.

Fig. 2. The urn of velia cerinei (photograph courtesy of the Museo Archeologico di Rosignano Marittimo). However, while the question of mythological transmission and, together with it, the concern for the identification of ‘correct’ or ‘corrupted’ versions are thus pushed aside, it nevertheless remains important to recognize that particular themes were specifically chosen for visual representation in the tomb. These mythological themes were selected over others that could have been represented in a similar fashion, but the connotations of which may have been considered less appropriate. Thus, de Angelis is right to point out the particular force of the motif of monomachia if the viewer is able to associate it with the duel of the brothers Eteokles and Polyneikes. For, it is only in this way that the relevance of the scene – as representing not merely a generic duel but, more specifically, a moment of crisis for the family unit – within the context of the funeral could fully be realised.12 Even if this may frequently be difficult – and sometimes impossible – as far as Etruscan society is concerned, and even if it may often produce ambiguous results, such an approach appears to be preferable to the one underlying

By far the most numerous type,20 of which the Castiglioncello urn is an example, depicts Helen, with her left breast bared, as she is being forceably led to the boat by a group of three men;21 at the same time, a large 13

Cf. Steuernagel 1998, 128-140. A criticism which may generally be made of structuralist approaches that follow (as does Steuernagel) the work of Lévi-Strauss, for a critique of which, see Giddens 1979, 63 ff. and passim. 15 Illuminating from a comparative perspective are the papers by Ewald 1999 and Muth 1999, which document the independence of mythological iconography from textual versions in different social contexts of the Roman Empire (interior decoration of houses – Muth; burial – Ewald). 16 Cf. de Angelis 1999, 157 f and passim. 17 Cf. note 1 above. 18 LIMC IV. 1, 564 (I. Krauskopf). 19 Nielsen 1989, 129; 1993, 335. The same applies to the Abduction of the Leukippides and of Persephone, for which see note 34 below. 20 B-K I, nos. xviii, 4, 4a; xix, 5, 5a, 5b, 6; xx, 7, 8; xxi, 9, 10; xxii, 11, 12; xxiii, 13, 13a, 14; xxiv, 15, 16; xxv, 17, 18. 21 Both Ghali-Kahil 1955, 280 and Brunn (B-K I, 25 f) suggest that two of these men be identified as the Dioskouroi, the brothers of Helen, who, according to an obscure version of the myth, assisted Paris in his plot to abduct their sister. Although this is not implausible, particularly if one considers the prominence of the mythical twins in Etruscan 14

generally, Metcalf & Huntington 1991. For a detailed discussion of these issues, see Graepler 1997, 149-161, who furthermore – and in the view of this author – correctly criticizes the overemphasis placed by many scholars on the eschatological dimension of funerary practices and their remains, frequently at the cost of neglecting the aspect of social representation. 12 De Angelis 1999, 54-57; cf. section 5.

231

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI krater22 is being handed into the ship, in front of which a man, wearing a Phrygian cap sits in a waiting pose.

been expressive of life after death.31 In addition, it has been suggested that this episode may have been popularized through its Euripidean version, which may have been performed on stage.32 The importance of theatre, Euripidean or other, in the transmission of myths is certainly plausible, particularly if one considers the popularity of tragedy and comedy in South Italy, which is visually documented by red-figure vase paintings.33 Like the other issues concerning the original transmission of this myth, however, this question will not further be discussed here, quite apart from the fact that it cannot satisfactorily be resolved. Instead, the function of the episode as it is visually represented within the funerary context needs to be addressed.

The seated male figure is usually taken to represent Paris waiting for his bride. The krater appears to represent the ktemata which Paris is said to have taken with him from Sparta, along with Helen, as a – corrupted – form of a dowry.23 The second largest group is identical to the first, except for the omission of the krater.24 Again, Helen’s left breast is bared, except for one example which depicts her as semi-nude.25 The third type is only represented by one example.26 It is similar to the second type, except for the omission of the seated figure.27 Most significant, however, is the position of Helen in this type of scene: while she is depicted as walking, albeit under constraint, in the other scenes, she is being handed over into the ship, her semi-nude body only clothed in a light cloak, and her hair covered by a veil.

It appears to be significant that all three types of urn relief emphasize particular aspects of this episode. First, Helen’s femininity and beauty are emphasized, even to the point of depicting her as semi-nude. Second, her prospective husband and his helpers are clearly depicted as a different party, as is stressed by their outlandish attire. Third, Helen is dragged away against her will, even to the point of being almost carried. Fourth, in the majority of reliefs, the character of this episode as a transaction is emphasized by the handing over of the krater. First, therefore, the emphasis placed on the combination of these four elements, which is difficult to reconcile with any single literary version of the episode, may hold the key to the understanding of this scene within the context of Volterran female burials from the late Hellenistic period. Second, it is significant that the representation is not of any abduction but of that of Helen, particularly if one considers that other mythological abductions of females are occasionally shown on Volterran urns, but never seem to have gained the same degree of popularity.34

Much of the debate over these representations has focused on the particular literary version of the episode of the Abduction of Helen, which they might represent.28 Brunn, Ghali-Kahil and Krauskopf argue for a close relationship with the epic tradition, represented by the two Homeric epics, as well as by the poems of the Cycle that are only known through brief summaries.29 Massa, by contrast, argues for an origin in the poetry of Stesichoros, according to which Paris merely abducted an eidolon, while the real Helen left for Egypt.30 This, she argues, would be consistent with the funerary context of the representation, in which the escape of the real Helen, implied by the abduction of the phantom, could have

Therefore, the representation of this episode in the funerary context may be interpreted at two mutually dependent levels.35 On the one hand, it can be interpreted at the level of the visual narrative alone, at which the scene of an abduction is depicted. On the other hand, however, the experience of the Etruscan aristocratic viewer with the figure of Helen, and his or her knowledge of the connotations which her iconography bore, should be taken into account if the particular mode of her representation in the funerary context is to be approached by the modern interpreter.

iconography of the Hellenistic period (cf. LIMC III. 1, 597-608 (R.D. De Puma)), such an identification is by no means clear, and places too much emphasis on the primacy of literary sources. 22 ‘un bel cratere’ (B-K I, 27); ‘un cratère’ (Ghali-Kahil 1955, 276); ‘una grossa anfora’ (Massa 2000, 50). It closely resembles the type of krater or kelebe used in Volterran tombs during the fourth century BC, before sculpted stone urns were generally adopted (see IV below), an interpretation which is also shared by Venuti 1991, 40. 23 Cf. Homer, Iliad iii. 20 ff., vii. 363f; Ghali-Kahil 1955, 276, 280, Brunn (B-K I, 27) and Massa 2000, 50f, follow this interpretation of the vase. 24 B-K I, nos. xvii, 2, 2a; xviii, 3; xxv, 18, 18a; xxiv, 15. 25 B-K I, no. xxiv, 15. 26 B-K I, no. xvii, 1. This schema has been compared to a number of Pompeian wall-paintings, with which it might have shared a common Vorbild (cf. LIMC IV. 1, 571f (I. Krauskopf)). 27 In this scene, Paris may be represented by the second figure from the left who appears to be directing the others: ‘Innanzi a lui [sc. the helmsman] vedesi Paride distinto del berretto frigio, che appoggiatosi colla s. sul bordo del bastimento, coll’indice della destra sembra dar sollecitamente degli ordini a due giovani pileati, occupati a portar Elena dentro la nave’ (B-K I, 22f). 28 For an overview of these literary accounts, cf. RE, s.v. ‘Helene’ (E. Bethe). 29 B-K I, 24-27; Ghali-Kahil 1955, 280f; LIMC IV.1, 571f. 30 Massa 2000; cf. Stesichoros, frag. 192. A similar version is one of the alternative accounts given by Herodotos II. 113-115.

31

Massa 2000. Ghali-Kahil 1955, 280, with note 3. 33 For an overview, see Taplin 1993. 34 These are the abduction of the Leukippides and that of Persephone (B-K II, nos. xxxvii-xxxviii; B-K III, nos. i-ii); the disappearingly small number of these scenes, if compared to the popularity of the Helen episode, is shown by Nielsen’s comparative table (1993, table 1). 35 Cf. Zanker 1999, whose discussion of the iconography of Phaidra and Hippolytos on Roman sarcophagi is methodologically helpful here. 32

232

ROMAN ERNST ROTH: MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 4. Even if specific, mythological connotations are left aside, the scene of an abduction appears to be iconographically appropriate in the context of an Etruscan burial from the Hellenistic period. As noted above, other episodes that deal with abductions are sometimes shown on the reliefs of Volterran urns. In addition, the schema of procession (of Helen and her abductors) and reception (by the waiting figure of Paris) structurally follows the motif of the deceased being received in the afterlife by his or her dead spouse, which is popular in Volterra and elsewhere in Etruria during this period.36 The addition of winged demons (‘Furies’) to one of the Helen-reliefs serves to illustrate this funerary connotation further.37 Thus, the iconography of the Helen urns at one level fits in with schemata common to Etruscan burials, even to the extent that it carries an eschatological message; this is, however, not at all dependent on the scene being mythological.

on many other types of urn-relief in Volterra, both within and outside mythological narratives.40 Thus, it may be suggested that, by this time, the shape of the vase had acquired a significance within the funerary context, perhaps symbolising an idealized version of the Volterran burial rite. Its inclusion in the iconography of the Helenurns could, therefore, be interpreted at one level as a way of strengthening the sense that the transition that is about to happen will be one from life to death. 5. However, in order to understand the full significance of the choice of the Helen-scenes at a second, noneschatological level, it is necessary to place it within the context of the iconographic tradition of this figure in Hellenistic Etruria. As indicated above, Helen is conventionally depicted as very beautiful: frequently, she is shown on objects associated with objects of toiletry, such as mirrors and ciste.41 Through these, the figure of Helen would have come to represent the epitome not only of female beauty, but also of the object of male desire, particularly if one accepts that mirrors may also have been used – that is, viewed – by men.42 In fact, in scenes of adornment, the figure of Helen is often iconographically indistinguishable from that of malavish, the most plausible meaning of which may be ‘bride’.43

The mythological character of the scene may be more important with regard to some of the particular points of emphasis in the way in which the abduction is represented. Thus, the proverbial beauty and the youth of Helen, known to the aristocratic Etruscan viewer through a long iconographic tradition (see section 5) and emphasized in the reliefs, may help to emphasize emotional issues, such as the untimeliness of the death, or the pain of those who experience the loss of a loved one, which may otherwise be difficult to express. In the same way, the issue of separation may be exacerbated by the force employed in the abduction as it is depicted in the reliefs.38

Frequently, Helen is juxtaposed with the figure of Paris, her mythical abductor and husband.44 The presence of Turan, the Etruscan equivalent of Aphrodite, in many of these scenes, underlines the way in which their relationship is characterized here: as a union driven by the desire represented by the figure of the goddess. As well as documenting the appreciation within Etruscan culture of female beauty and, even, nudity,45 this type of scene objectifies the female within the male world-view which determines the ideals of beauty and desirability.46

Finally, the iconography of the krater in the majority of the scenes, if considered at the non-mythological level, may further emphasize their funerary character. In its ceramic form, this type of vessel had been used for aristocratic burials in Volterra during the early Hellenistic period, before sculpted urns were generally adopted.39 Apart from the Helen-scenes, this type of vessel occurs

Thus, it is only within the confines of the position given to them according to this world-view that women feature more prominently in Etruscan society than elsewhere. The daily environment of female aristocratic life is dominated by an iconography that idealizes the male values which constantly provide its framework.47 Female beauty and desirability, as represented by Helen, are

36 Of particular interest here are two Volterran reliefs which show the deceased woman, led by two young men, about to enter a ship by which a bearded man (her husband?) is waiting to receive her (B-K III, nos. lxviii, 1, 2). In these scenes, the ship is usually taken to symbolize the journey to the underworld, which is more commonly completed by land (B-K III, chapters 13-17); for other examples of journeys by land, see Steingräber 1985, nos. 32-34, 48, 54, 118. The reception of the deceased is also shown in other modes, e.g., B-K III, chapters 10-11 passim (examples from Volterra and Chiusi); Steingräber 1985, no. 34 (Orvieto). 37 B-K I, no. xxv, 18; cf. Ghali-Kahil 1955, 281; LIMC IV.1, 565. For the iconography of Etruscan demons, particularly of the preceding period, see Krauskopf 1987. 38 For the approach leading to these suggestions, cf. Zanker 1999. The suggestion that grief at somebody’s death might not have been a socially acceptable type of emotion in Etruria, may find some confirmation in the almost fatalistic approach to death identified by Steuernagel 1998, chapter 4; for contrasting views that follow the ‘mors acerba approach’ (Steuernagel), albeit from two quite different angles, see Herbig 1952, 104-108; Spivey 1997, 160-182. 39 Cf. note 22. For ceramic kratera, see Pasquinucci 1968; cf. also Pairault-Massa 1977, 155-157; for the less numerous, sculpted examples which were also used as urns, see Venuti 1991.

40

Cf. Venuti 1991. LIMC IV. 1, 563-569. Izzet 1997; see also Spivey 1992. 43 Bonfante 1977; Ghali-Kahil 1955, 264f; Izzet 1997, 213; but cf. LIMC VI. 1, 348f (A. Kossatz-Deissmann). 44 LIMC IV.1, 564. 45 Bonfante 1977; 1986b; 1989a. 46 Izzet 1997; Schneider 1994; cf. Bonfante 1986b; 1989a; 1989b. 47 On this point, see especially Schneider 1994 on the Ficoroni Cista from Praeneste – which, although a Latin city, was culturally influenced by Etruria – as well as Izzet 1997. It is particularly revealing that the Ficoroni Cista was given as a wedding present by a mother (Dindia Macolnia) to her daughter (Schneider 1994, 118f). Again, their views may be contrasted with those of Bonfante 1986b; 1989b; cf. also the other contributions to Rallo 1989, with Izzet’s critique (1997, 210), from which the contribution by Nielsen to the volume should perhaps be exempted. 41 42

233

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI idealized since they contribute to marriage and thus to the future of a male-dominated society.

respectively. Just like Helen on the relief scene, the lid figure represents idealized female beauty, ‘packaged up’ with dress and accessories according to the standards set by the contemporary (male) viewer.51

The position of women within Etruscan aristocratic society appears to have become restricted in this way during the Hellenistic period.48 This may be understood within the historical context of the Romanization of Italy, as a result of which intermarriage among Etruscan aristocrats became increasingly instrumental to their furthering and cementing of their power bases.49 Thus, female members of aristocratic clans had an important social rôle to fulfil that was ultimately defined by marriage, the significance of which as a social ritual was in this way heightened. It is in this context that the idealization on female beauty, desirability and, above all, marriageability, as epitomized by the figure of Helen, should be understood.

However, several aspects of the way in which the episode is represented here call for a less straightforward interpretation. For, even though the characteristic elements of the iconography of Helen and Paris are present, such as the woman’s beauty and the suggestion of marriage between the two, this is not an idealization of a union brought about by normative male desire and female desirability, but a representation of a corrupted social ritual. In this instance, desire is represented as a force which, if uncontrolled, jeopardizes social conventions. Through the emphasis on the reluctance of Helen, the viewer recognizes that this is an abduction, an unlawful act, and a breach of a social contract. In this light, the possessions, too, cease to symbolize a dowry; they become a form of booty, and strengthen the sense that this transaction is really a theft. Thus, even though the iconography of marriage is present – bride, bridegroom and dowry – the way in which the marriage between Helen and Paris is represented here, turns the ideal onto its head. How can this be explained if the myth is taken as a paradigmatic expression of a social ideal in the context of a female burial?

6. Returning to the representation of the Abduction of Helen on Volterran urns, it is now possible to see why this episode was particularly suitable in the context of a female burial. For, what is represented here is the transaction of the epitomous bride to her future husband, which is in this way portrayed as the defining moment for the social identity of Etruscan women in the view of their contemporary, male-dominated society. In many of these scenes, the ritual character of this transaction appears to be further emphasized by the presence of the possessions, symbolized by the krater.50 In the context of marriage, these would function as a dowry, and thus emphasize the fact that what is shown here is really a form of social contract between the husband, represented by Paris, and the woman’s family. This sense may further be emphasized by the beauty and, in particular, the elaborate adornment of the lid figures representing the deceased, of which the urn of velia cerinei provides an outstanding example: resting on a thick pillow and adorned with jewellery, her body is swathed in elaborate drapery, her carefully coiffured hair is crowned with a diadem, and her hands are holding a fan and a pomegranate

Apart from the appropriateness of the abduction-scenario in the narrow, burial-specific sense (see section 4), the representation of such an inverted ideal would at first appear to be unsuitable. For, if, as here, the funeral is viewed as an occasion on which the social ideals of the group are reaffirmed by portraying the identity of the deceased in a specific, idealized manner,52 it could be argued that representing the victim of an abduction, as opposed to a bride, would undermine those ideals. It is, however, possible and, in Etruria, quite common that social ideals in funerary contexts are reaffirmed through the representation of their inversion.53 Thus, Steuernagel suggests that scenes of human sacrifice or of the raiding of sacred precincts by Gallic warriors, which are commonly found in Etruscan tombs of the Hellenistic period, may frequently be interpreted as a warning to the social group, to the effect that its ideals are to be maintained in a time of crisis.54 Broadly, the political and cultural challenges of this period may have been perceived as such a crisis.55 Closer to home, it would have been constituted by the very death of the individual,

48

Izzet 1997; Nielsen 1998; Schneider 1994. For the importance of élite-alliances, see Terrenato 1998; 2001. There is widespread epigraphic evidence for aristocratic intermarriage, both within cities and their territories and outside them (e.g., Steingräber 1985, nos. 5, 9, 34, 39, 40, 56, 93-95; Nielsen 1989, 137-145; 1998, esp. 79f for the late Hellenistic period). Perhaps the most prominent case of intermarriage is that between the Volterran Aulus Caecina and his South Etruscan wife (Cicero, Pro Caecina; cf. Hohti 1975; Terrenato 1998, 106-109). 50 It has been suggested that the krater should be interpreted in the same way as a lebes gamikos would be in the Greek world (Ghali-Kahil 1955, 281). Considering the absence of other information on the existence of a comparable custom in Etruria, it is perhaps preferable to interpret the vessel at two levels, as suggested here: on the one hand, it specifically refers to the funeral, through its similarity with a kelebe, while, on the other hand, it represents a treasure, as is also accepted by Brunn (B-K I, 22, 27), Ghali-Kahil 1955, 276, and Massa 2000. It is, however, important to note that deceased women are frequently idealized as brides in the Greek south of Italy. Again, this should not so much be interpreted from an eschatological point of view, as in terms of the creation of an idealized social identity for women (Graepler 1997, 212-223; cf. Schneider-Hermann 1970). 49

51 For this idea, cf. Izzet 1997, 212-217. Bonfante 1975 provides a detailed survey of ‘Etruscan dress’. As commonly in the iconography of ancient Mediterranean societies, the pomegranate may have represented fertility and thus further emphasized the importance of women to the continuity of the gens; for the symbolism of the pomegranate, cf. DNP, s.v. ‘Granatapfel, Granatapfelbaum’ (C. Hünemörder). 52 See II above, with note 11. 53 For some acute observations on the importance of Gegenbilder in the representation of social ideals in general, see Schneider 1994, esp. 115f. 54 Steuernagel 1998, 161-165. 55 Steuernagel 1998, chapter 6.

234

ROMAN ERNST ROTH: MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD through which the structural integrity of the group is threatened.56 Similarly, de Angelis identifies the representations of the mutual fratricide of Eteokles and Polyneikes as a way of affirming the ideal of the unity of the family.57 As discussed above (cf. section 2), de Angelis shows that the specific myth which is chosen to represent the inverted ideal is significant here, since it epitomizes the undesirability of disunity within the family and its dire consequences. Like Steuernagel, de Angelis identifies both political and family-specific indicators of a crisis which would have called for the reaffirmation of this particular social ideal.

Volterran woman, who had come to this community as an outsider. The most plausible explanation for this move would be her marriage to a male member of the élite of the ancient settlement at Castiglioncello.61 As discussed above, this harbour community outside the territory of the city formed an important trading post for the Volterran élite. In return, the use of their port by the Volterrans would have been instrumental in ensuring the prosperity of the aristocratic families of Castiglioncello: their trading links with other parts of Etruria, Rome, Campania and the Iberian peninsula are well documented, and their burials frequently contained amphorae, as a reflection of the central rôle which maritime trade played in their lives.62 Therefore, both of these aristocratic groups would have had a real interest in the fostering and furthering of mutual alliances, one principal mechanism of which may have been intermarriage. Thus, it should not at all surprise that a Volterran woman was buried at Castiglioncello,63 and that her descent was emphasized materially and in writing. As such, her presence demonstrated that the prestigious links between her two families were alive, and it is for this reason that this aspect of her social identity, that is, the bride from outside, was emphatically represented at her funeral.

Thus, the inversion of the social ideal of marriage in the representation of the Abduction of Helen by Paris could be understood in a similar manner. As argued above, intermarriage was essential to the prospering of the Volterran aristocracy and the survival of its power structures – and this more so than ever before, at a time during which influence within the ever-widening framework of Roman Italy could only be obtained and retained through the forming of élite-alliances. The death of a female member of the family would naturally have jeopardized the fulfilment of this ideal. Therefore, it would have been highly appropriate for this ideal to be thematized at a female funeral. This need not necessarily have happened in a biographical manner; but, as a central aspect of their social identity, marriage may have been important in the representation of women at different stages of their lives.58 However, it is plausible that the motif of the Abduction of Helen, as well as of other marriage-related, mythological themes, may have been particularly popular among families to whom this type of élite-alliance was particularly important. This, in turn, may be illustrated by the urn of velia cerinei from Castiglioncello, with a discussion of which this paper began, and with some further observations on which it will now conclude.

If seen in this light, the representation of the Abduction of Helen on the urn of velia cerinei provides an important piece of evidence for the socio-cultural history of Volterra and its neighbours. To the social unit which she left behind – in this case, both her original family and that of her husband64 – intermarriage was a central, social ideal, to the fulfilment of which her female identity as a bride was absolutely necessary. The possibility that this ideal could be corrupted, as represented paradigmatically through the Abduction of Helen, would have posed a real threat to this social order. Even though velia cerinei appears to have already lived up to her ideal rôle by having got married, her burial offered a natural occasion on which the importance of marriage to the functioning of Etruscan élite-alliances during this period could be reaffirmed.

7. The gens of the cerinei is epigraphically attested at Volterra during the Hellenistic period, and appears to have originated from there.59 The urn of velia cerinei, produced at Volterra, is the only example of a sculpted urn found at Castiglioncello, where other types of cremation are the norm.60 Through the choice of burial container, as well as through the onomastic inscription, the deceased was thus represented as an aristocratic,

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Preliminary versions of this paper were given at seminars in Cambridge, London and Oxford. Edina Regoli generously permitted me to study the urn and also provided the photograph. Vedia Izzet, Carrie RothMurray, Rolf Michael Schneider and Nigel Spivey read and commented upon earlier drafts; Pat Easterling made

56

Steuernagel 1998, chapter 4. De Angelis 1999. 58 For a comparative, South Italian perspective, see Graepler 1997, 221223. 59 Massa 2000; see also Galli 1924, 165, with note 1. 60 ‘Se non vi può essere dubbio sull’origine volterrana di tale urna, fa però invero meraviglia che a Castiglioncello, fra parecchie diecine di sepolcri esplorati, essa rappresenti un caso isolato e sporadico’ (Galli 1924, 166). Adult cremations at Castiglioncello were normally buried in large, ceramic olle, sub-adults were usually inhumated (cf. the contributions to Gambogi & Palladino 1999). Sculpted urns are more common in the area of modern Cecina and Vada, which belonged to the territory of Volterra in antiquity (cf. note 1 above). 57

61

This is also implied by Massa 2000. For the material, see the contributions to Gambogi & Palladino 1999. Cf. Galli 1924, 166, quoted in note 60 above. 64 For difficulties relating to the question of whether women were included in their maternal or paternal burials, see Nielsen 1989. These are largely neglected here since they do not affect the direction of the argument. 62 63

235

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Dohrn, T., 1966/67. Die Etrusker und die griechische Sage. RM 73/74, 15-27. Elsner, J. (ed.), 1996. Art and text in Roman culture. Cambridge. Ewald, B.C., 1999. KAKOMOYΣIA. La virtù di Ulisse e il potere della musica, in: F. de Angelis & S. Muth (eds), 143-154. Galli, E., 1924. Castiglioncello – Scoperte di antichità varie, compresa un’ara riferibile al culto di Robigius. NotScav 1924, 157-178. Gambogi, P. & S. Palladino (eds), 1999. Castiglioncello. La necropoli ritrovata. Florence. Ghali-Kahil, L.B., 1955. Les enlèvements et le retour d’Hélène dans les texts et les documents figurés. Paris. Giddens, A., 1979. Central problems in social theory. Action, structure and contradiction in social analysis. Basingstoke/London. Giuliani, L., 2003. Bild und Mythos. Geschichte der Bilderzählung in der griechischen Kunst. Munich. Goldhill, S. & R. Osborne (eds), 1994. Art and text in ancient Greek culture. Cambridge. Graepler, D., 1997. Tonfiguren im Grab. Munich. Hampe, R. & E. Simon, 1964. Griechische Sagen in der frühen etruskischen Kunst. Mainz. Herbig, R., 1952. Die jüngeretruskischen Steinsarkophage. Berlin. Hodder, I., 1982. The present past. An introduction to anthropology for archaeologists. London. Hölscher, T., 1987. Römische Bildsprache als semantisches System. Heidelberg. Hohti, P., 1975. Aulus Caecina the Volterran. Romanization of an Etruscan, in: P. Bruun, P. Hohti, J. Kaimio, E. Michelsen, M. Nielsen & E. RuoffVäänänen, 405-433. Izzet, V.E., 1997. Holding a mirror to Etruscan gender, in: R.D. Whitehouse (ed.), 209-228. Keay, S. & N. Terrenato (eds), 2001. Italy and the west. Comparative issues in romanization. Oxford. Krauskopf, I., 1974. Der thebanische Sagenkreis und andere griechische Sagen in der etruskischen Kunst. Mainz. Krauskopf, I., 1987. Todesdämonen und Totengötter im vorhellenistischen Etrurien. Kontinuität und Wandel. Florence. Larsson Lovén, L. & A. Strömberg (eds), 1998. Aspects of women in antiquity. Proceedings of the first Nordic Symposium on Women’s Lives in Antiquity, Göteborg, 12-15 June 1997. Martelli, M. & C. Cristofani (eds), 1977. Caratteri dell'ellenismo nelle urne etrusche. Atti dell'incontro di studi, Università di Siena (Prospettiva, 1st supplement). Massa, M., 2000. L’urna di Velia Cerinei, in: E. Regoli & N. Terrenato (eds), 50-51. Metcalf, P. & R. Huntington, 1991. Celebrations of death. The anthropology of mortuary ritual. Cambridge. Morris, I., 1987. Burial and ancient society. The rise of the Greek city-state. Cambridge.

helpful suggestions with regard to the transmission of Attic tragedy to Italy. I take this opportunity to express my thanks to them all; any errors that may remain are, of course, my own. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations: In addition to the conventions of the Archäologische Bibliographie, the following abbreviations are used: B-K I-III = Brunn, H. & G. Körte, 1870-1916. I rilievi delle urne etrusche I-III. Berlin/Rome. DNP = Der Neue Pauly. LIMC = Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae. RE = Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Beloch, K.-J., 1926. Römische Geschichte bis zum Beginn der Punischen Kriege. Berlin/Leipzig. Bilde, P.G., I. Nielsen & M. Nielsen (eds), 1993. Aspects of Hellenism in Italy: Towards a cultural unity? (= Acta Hyperborea, 5). Boardman, J., 1994. The Greeks overseas. Their early colonies and trade. 4th edition. London. Bonfante, L., 1975. Etruscan dress. Baltimore. Bonfante, L., 1977. The judgment of Paris, the toilette of Malavish and a mirror from the Indiana University Art Museum. StEtr 45, 149-167. Bonfante, L. (ed.), 1986a. Etruscan life and afterlife. A handbook of Etruscan studies. Warminster. Bonfante, L., 1986b. Daily life and afterlife, in: L. Bonfante (ed.), 232-278. Bonfante, L., 1989a. Nudity as a costume in Classical art. AJA 93, 543-570. Bonfante, L., 1989b. La moda femminile etrusca, in: A. Rallo (ed.), 157-172. Bruun, P., P. Hohti, J. Kaimio, E. Michelsen, M. Nielsen & E. Ruoff-Väänänen, 1975. Studies in the romanization of Etruria (= Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae, 5). Camporeale, G., 1965. Banalizzazioni etrusche di miti greci, in: Studi in onore di L. Banti. Rome, 111-123. Cristofani, M., 1983. Review of: J.P. Small (1981), Studies related to the Theban Cycle on late Etruscan urns (Rome). Gnomon 55, 348-350. Cristofani, M., 1990. Arte ufficiale e arte privata nell’Etruria del primo Ellenismo, in: Akten des XIII. Internationalen Kongresses für Klassische Archäologie, Berlin 1988. Mainz, 67-72. d’Agostino, B., 1985. Società dei vivi, comunità dei morti: un rapporto difficile. DArch, 47-59. de Angelis, F., 1999. Tragedie familiari. Miti greci nell’arte sepolcrale etrusca, in: F. de Angelis & S. Muth (eds), 53-66. de Angelis, F. & S. Muth (eds), 1999. Im Spiegel des Mythos. Bilderwelt und Lebenswelt/Lo specchio del mito. Immaginario e realtà. Symposium, Rom 19.-20. Februar 1998. Wiesbaden. 236

ROMAN ERNST ROTH: MYTH AND FEMALE IDENTITY IN NORTH ETRURIA DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD Muth, S., 1999. Hylas oder “Der ergriffene Mann”: Zur Eigenständigkeit der Mythenrezeption in der Bildkunst in: F. de Angelis & S. Muth (eds), 109-130. Nielsen, M., 1989. La donna e la famiglia nella tarda società etrusca, in: A. Rallo (ed.), 121-146. Nielsen, M., 1993. Cultural orientations in Etruria in the Hellenistic period: Greek myths and local motifs on Volterran urn reliefs, in: P.G. Bilde, I. Nielsen & M. Nielsen (eds), 319-357. Nielsen, M., 1998. Etruscan women: a cross-cultural perspective, in: L. Larsson Lovén & A. Strömberg (eds), 69-84. Palladino, S., 1999. Ipotesi sull’abitato e analisi della necropoli, in: P. Gambogi & S. Palladino (eds), 30-37. Pairault-Massa, F.-H., 1977. Ateliers d’urnes et histoire de Volterra, in: M. Martelli & C. Cristofani (eds), 154-167. Pasquinucci, M., 1968. Le kelebai volterrane. Florence. Rallo, A. (ed.), 1989. Le donne in Etruria. Rome. Regoli, E. & N. Terrenato (eds), 2000. Guida al Museo Archeologico di Rosignano Marittimo. Paesaggi e insediamenti in Val di Cecina. Florence. Ronzitti Orsolini, G., 1971. Il mito dei sette a Tebe nelle urne volterrane. Florence. Schneider, R.M., 1994. Gegenbilder und Verhaltensideale auf der Ficoronischen Ciste. StEtr 60, 106-123. Schneider-Hermann, G., 1970. Spuren eines Eroskultes in der italischen Vasenmalerei. BABesch 45, 86-17. Small, J.P., 1981. Studies related to the Theban Cycle on late Etruscan urns. Rome. Spivey, N.J., 1992. The power of women in Etruscan society. Accordia Research Papers 2, 55-67. Spivey, N.J., 1997. Etruscan art. London. Spivey, N.J. & S. Stoddart, 1990. Etruscan Italy. London. Steingräber, S., 1985. Etruskische Wandmalerei. Zürich/Stuttgart. Steuernagel, D., 1998. Menschenopfer und Mord am Altar. Griechische Mythen in etruskischen Gräbern. Wiesbaden. Taplin, O., 1993. Comic angels and other approaches to Greek drama through vase-paintings. Oxford. Terrenato, N., 1998. Tam firmum municipium: The romanization of Volaterrae and its cultural implications. JRS 88, 94-114. Terrenato, N., 2001. A tale of three cities: the romanization of northern coastal Etruria, in: S. Keay & N. Terrenato (eds), 54-67. Venuti, L., 1991. Una classe di cinerari in pietra da Volterra. Prospettiva 64, 38-42. v. Freytag gen. Löringhoff, 1986. Das Giebelrelief von Telamon und seine Stellung innerhalb der Ikonographie der Sieben gegen Theben. Berlin. Whitehouse, R.D. (ed.), 1997. Gender and Italian archaeology: Challenging the stereotypes. London. Zanker, P., 1999. Phädras Trauer und Hippolytos’ Bildung: Zu einem Sarkophag im Thermenmuseum, in: M. de Angelis & S. Muth (eds), 131-142.

237

FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli Abstract: The study presents the monumental area of the southern necropolis of Falerii Novi, along the roman Via Amerina (dating after 241 BC). Since 1983 the Gruppo Archeologico Romano has excavated and restored many of the important tombs from this necropolis. The typology of the tombs was determined using accurate drawings and evidence from excavations, which also allowed us to propose some reconstructions. Each monument (‘colombari’, ‘mausolei ad ara’, ‘a tumulo’ and ‘a torre’) reveals some interesting local adaptations of general models.

Il complesso monumentale preso in esame è parte della necropoli meridionale del centro romano di Falerii Novi e si sviluppa lungo il tracciato della via Amerina a circa 45 km da Roma. Tra i centri di Nepet (Nepi) e Falerii Novi (S. Maria in Falleri, presso Fabrica di Roma) l’antica strada attraversa, con andamento Nord-Sud, un territorio caratterizzato da estesi pianori tufacei incisi da profondi valloni dalle ripide pareti; questi ostacoli sono stati superati per mezzo di tagliate e viadotti anche di una certa entità. Le tagliate a tutt’oggi costituiscono la traccia più sicura del percorso della strada.

sembra potersi collocare tra la metà del I secolo a.C. e il I d.C. Lo scavo sistematico dell’area presa in esame, preceduto da ricognizioni, è stato condotto dal Gruppo Archeologico Romano a partire dal 1983 fino al 19863 e poi nuovamente dal 1993.4 Nella prima fase le ricerche hanno portato alla luce i resti di quattro mausolei in opera quadrata, allineati al margine della strada e, dietro questi, un’area scoperta, in parte recinta da un muro non indagato per intero. Successivamente è stata scavata l’area antistante i monumenti che ha restituito resti del crollo delle strutture, nonché tracce di attività di spoliazione; non sono stati tuttavia raggiunti livelli correlabili con il piano stradale. Contemporaneamente l’indagine veniva ampliata anche all’estremità Sud della piazzola, portando alla luce un colombario scavato nel tufo, all’interno del quale sono stati anche recuperati alcuni poveri corredi.

Una prima sistemazione del tracciato della via Amerina è di poco successiva, con ogni probabilità, alla fondazione di Falerii Novi, seguita alla conquista e distruzione dell’antica e omonima capitale falisca nel 241 a.C. L’Amerina, insieme all’Annia e all’Augusta, faceva parte di un articolato sistema stradale che collegava la Cassia, partendo dalla mansio di Vacanas, con Ameria (Amelia) e l’Umbria;1 ad eccezione del tracciato a Sud di Falerii Novi gli altri elementi di questo sistema stradale rimangono poco noti e la loro ricostruzione controversa. La necropoli meridionale di Falerii Novi, che si sviluppa lungo due tagliate in prossimità dei fossi Maggiore e Tre Ponti, presenta una ricca tipologia di strutture funerarie, sia ricavate nel tufo che costruite. Per quanto riguarda la prima categoria, il maggior numero di attestazioni è rappresentato da tombe ad arcosolio con loculi sia singoli che polisomi: tombe ipogee monocamerali occasionalmente con vestibolo sono attestate in un buon numero, all’interno delle camere si nota la presenza di vari tipi di sepolture (arcosoli, loculi, nicchie, fosse e pozzetti); un limitato numero di colombari, non riconducibili ad una tipologia univoca ma caratterizzati tutti dalla presenza di un’area attrezzata per lo svolgimento dei riti funerari, conclude il quadro delle strutture scavate nel tufo.

I mausolei sono stati trovati privi delle sepolture, tuttavia il riconoscimento di tracce circolari in due dei monumenti ha fatto supporre agli scavatori l’originaria presenza di alloggiamenti per urne cinerarie. Nell’area retrostante sono stati trovati un pozzetto per incinerato e una tomba a fossa privi di corredo, un pozzetto con corredo sconvolto e una fossetta contenente i resti combusti di un raffinato letto funebre di osso.5 Negli strati di crollo individuati nei saggi davanti ai monumenti sono stati recuperati vari elementi architettonici in peperino che in questa sede si è cercato di utilizzare per proporre alcune ipotesi ricostruttive dei monumenti stessi.6 Sembra pertanto opportuno presentare una rapida descrizione dei più importanti: • Blocco pressoché integro appartenente ad una struttura circolare, alto 61 cm profondo 28 e largo 80. La faccia anteriore presenta, scolpito a rilievo piuttosto basso ed ormai corroso e scarsamente

I pochi monumenti costruiti si possono ricondurre a tre tipologie: a dado o ara, a tumulo e a torre, tutte presenti nel settore analizzato. Da ultimo bisogna ricordare le quattro tombe a portico ipogee, una tipologia caratteristica dell’area falisca,2 per le quali è stata proposta una datazione alla seconda metà del III secolo a.C. Nel complesso il gruppo più cospicuo di sepolture

3 I risultati di queste prime campagne vengono presentati in Caretta 1986. 4 Brevi resoconti vengono annualmente pubblicati su Archeologia. 5 Caretta et alii 1996, 424; per completezza si fa qui un accenno ai reperti ceramici, per i quali è stata proposta dagli scavatori una datazione, valida non per i singoli contesti ma per la frequentazione dell’area, tra la fine del II secolo a.C. e il primo quarto del I d.C. 6 I materiali sono conservati nei magazzini del Museo Territoriale dell’Agro Falisco - Forte Sangallo a Civita Castellana.

1 Un inquadramento generale della necropoli e della via è in Caretta et alii 1996, cui si rimanda per la bibliografia precedente. 2 Colonna 1990, 133-135.

238

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE

•

•

•

•

•

portate alla luce, poiché tutte ritrovate in giacitura secondaria.7

leggibile, un fregio continuo a bucrani e festoni: la parte compresa all’interno del blocco conserva la parte destra (meno della metà), di un grande festone vegetale fissato in alto ad un bucranio con un nodo, il bucranio stesso, raffigurato di prospetto, e l’inizio di un altro festone, speculare al primo; ai lati del bucranio scendono simmetricamente due bende ondulate; Grande blocco pressoché integro appartenente ad una cornice modanata curvilinea. Il blocco è alto 32 cm e profondo 62; la larghezza della faccia anteriore è di 106 cm. La modanatura è composta da un cavetto, un listello, dentelli, un listello, mensole, un gocciolatoio, una fascia, una gola rovescia ed una altra fascia. Nella parte orizzontale della faccia superiore sono ricavate diverse intacche sia per l’alloggiamento di grappe ad U, sia per la messa in posizione dei blocchi superiori; Elemento parallelepipedo con la faccia anteriore convessa, interpretabile come merlo e appartenente al coronamento di un monumento circolare. Il blocco è alto 60 cm e profondo 35; la larghezza della faccia anteriore, curvilinea, è di 40 cm, quella posteriore è di 34. Sulla sommità è presente una semplice cornice aggettante; la faccia posteriore si presenta sbozzata, mentre le altre superfici sono lisciate accuratamente. Sulla faccia anteriore, in posizione centrata ma leggermente spostata verso l’alto, è un fiore a cinque petali scolpito a rilievo piuttosto alto; Grande frammento di blocco parallelepipedo con tracce di decorazione a fregio dorico, largo 61 cm, alto 37 e profondo 30 (unica dimensione integra). Del fregio rimangono, da sinistra a destra, una metopa assai lacunosa, un triglifo quasi completo e parte di una seconda metopa con resti di una figurazione difficilmente interpretabile. Sulle facce superiore e posteriore sono due intacche rettangolari, probabilmente per il movimento dei blocchi in fase di cantiere; Elemento decorativo in peperino in forma di pulvino appartenente al coronamento di un monumento funerario ad ara, di cui costituiva l’estremità sinistra. Il blocco è lungo 118 cm, alto 59, largo 32 e si compone di una base parallelepipeda liscia, terminata in alto da una cornice semplice aggettante, con al di sopra il pulvino vero e proprio, decorato da squame rilevate e da un fiore d’acanto a basso rilievo sulla fronte. Il lato posteriore del blocco è privo di decorazioni e vistosamente obliquo; Grande frammento in peperino di blocco angolare con cornice a mensole, con i lati lunghi 85 e 55 cm ed alto 34. La modanatura è composta da una gola rovescia, un listello, una fascia, un listello, mensole, un listello, una gola dritta ed una fascia; parte della faccia superiore è inclinata verso l’esterno.

Il gruppo di monumenti qui analizzati si trova su uno slargo rialzato al fianco della strada, sul lato Ovest della tagliata, immediatamente a Sud del Fosso Maggiore. La larghezza della tagliata, la vicina presenza di due imponenti tombe a portico e del ponte sul fosso (che consentiva, dobbiamo pensare, una notevole visione prospettica), contribuivano a rendere monumentale l’area e dovettero favorire il successivo impianto della serie di mausolei (Figg. 1, 2 e 3). COLOMBARIO (Fig. 1:A) Il primo monumento analizzato è un colombario a pianta rettangolare di 6,30 x 4,20 m, ricavato interamente lavorando il banco di tufo in pendio in un punto in cui la tagliata non doveva essere in origine così ampia. La comprensione della sua articolazione risulta ostacolata dal crollo pressochè completo della facciata e di buona parte del lato settentrionale, dove era la porta di ingresso. Il monumento, che nei lati Ovest e Sud è unito al banco di tufo, opportunamente lisciato e reso verticale nelle parti visibili, sorge al di sopra di due gradini (dei quali solo quello superiore sembra con sicurezza essere legato al colombario) e presenta alla base una modanatura molto semplice: sul lato Nord questa intercetta una traccia di cava sicuramente precedente, che la interrompe all’estremità Ovest ed influenza anche la forma della scala di accesso addossata alla parete di tufo. All’interno il monumento si divide in due parti: la camera con le nicchie e le fossette per le deposizioni è sovrastata nella parte meridionale da una terrazza che presenta ai piedi della parete una banchina e, sul piano, tracce di una canalizzazione che si sviluppa lungo i lati Sud e Ovest, convogliando le eventuali acque di stillicidio della parete verso l’angolo Nord-Ovest e quindi alla canaletta inferiore della camera. Nella parete Sud della camera sono ricavate, a quote diverse, quattro nicchie di dimensioni differenti di cui una con doppio alloggiamento per olle cinerarie. Similmente anche la parete di fronte, perduta per buona parte della sua altezza, doveva ospitare altre nicchie di cui una sola riconoscibile, qui in prossimità della parete Ovest è un incasso quadrato di grandi dimensioni, interpretabile come gradino della porta di accesso. La parete est è completamente franata, mentre la parete Ovest verosimilmente non presentava nicchie. Nel pavimento, ai piedi delle pareti, sono scavate quattro fossette, un pozzetto circolare e un ampio pozzetto quadrato che presenta una larga e articolata risega. Alla base della parete Ovest è una larga canaletta che prosegue incassata verso Nord, al di fuori del monumento mantenendo con regolarità l’inclinazione necessaria per il deflusso delle

Tra i rinvenimenti si segnalano per importanza tre iscrizioni funerarie integre, sfortunatamente non riconducibili con sicurezza ad alcuna delle strutture

7 Le prime due, strettamente collegate tra loro, sono pubblicate in Munzi & Noviello 1989, 38-41; la terza è tuttora inedita.

239

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Planimetria generale dell’area munumentale.

Fig. 2. Prospetto dei monumenti nel loro stato attuale (visto da Est).

Fig. 3. Assonometria. 240

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE acque. Sul lato Nord del monumento, lungo la parete di tufo, tre gradini mettono in comunicazione la camera con un piano a quota più bassa che oggi rimane isolato e difficilmente raggiungibile.

Al centro del mausoleo resta traccia di un alloggiamento circolare scavato nel tufo (diametro 50 cm), che è stato interpretato come originaria sede dell’urna cineraria. MONUMENTO A TUMULO (Figg. 1:D, 4 e 5)

Sulla parete della facciata, al di sopra della modanatura di base, si individuano le tracce di due alloggiamenti poco profondi e simmetrici.

E’ il più importante del complesso ed uno dei più notevoli dell’intera necropoli, per architettura ed apparato decorativo: si colloca circa 50 cm più a Nord del mausoleo precedente, ad una quota inferiore di 40 cm, e di poco spostato verso Est, a filo con il gradone di tufo su cui sorgono tutti i monumenti. Costruito in opera cementizia con cortine in opera quadrata di blocchi di tufo e peperino (questi ultimi accuratamente lavorati a gradina nelle facce visibili), si compone di un basamento a pianta grossomodo quadrata, largo in facciata 4,70 m (gli altri lati misurano 4,60 m circa) ed alto 1,50 m, conservato nella metà posteriore, che sorreggeva un corpo cilindrico in peperino di cui si conserva in loco parte della base modanata, del diametro di 4,20 m circa: del paramento di quest’ultimo restano tre blocchi con la faccia esterna curvilinea, per i quali non si può purtroppo ricostruire la esatta collocazione originaria.

MONUMENTO A DADO (Fig. 1:B) Il primo monumento costruito che occupa il gradone a Nord del colombario ha pianta rettangolare e si trova a una quota inferiore rispetto al piano da cui innalza il colombario. Dei quattro muri in opera quadrata di tufo che dovevano costituire il paramento del monumento si conservano, per un filare, il lato minore Sud e parte dei due lati maggiori; le dimensioni dovevano essere approssimativamente 3,60 m in facciata e 2,95 in profondità. I blocchi, di dimensioni diverse, sul lato posteriore sono disposti di fianco, sugli altri lati, al contrario, in piano; i blocchi del lato posteriore sono poi collocati, pur essendo poggiati sul banco di tufo, ad un livello superiore rispetto agli altri e di fatto corrispondono al secondo filare del monumento. I blocchi, disposti a secco, non risultano essere legati da grappe.

Il basamento si compone di tre filari: il primo, alto 0,60 m, è di blocchi di tufo messi in opera in piano, tranne il centrale di ogni lato che è disposto per testa, per legare la cortina con il nucleo di cementizio; i blocchi di questo primo filare erano connessi tra loro mediante grappe a coda di rondine. Al di sopra è un filare di blocchi di peperino disposti di fianco (tranne quelli al centro dei lati che, come sotto, sono messi per testa) alti 0,60 m, spessi 0,30 circa e di lunghezza variabile, un tempo connessi per mezzo di grappe metalliche ad U, delle quali restano gli alloggiamenti; su alcuni blocchi restano deboli tracce degli incassi per il sollevamento mediante ferrei forfices. Il terzo filare è formato da blocchi di peperino disposti in piano, come rivestimento della faccia superiore del basamento e sporgenti di circa 5 cm dal filo dei blocchi inferiori, a formare una semplice cornice. I blocchi del terzo filare non formavano una superficie continua, ma si limitavano alle parti visibili al di fuori della base del tamburo circolare. Su alcuni di questi blocchi si può ancora scorgere una sottile linea curva incisa che segue grossomodo la circonferenza della base soprastante e che dovette servire come riferimento per il montaggio in fase di cantiere: sul blocco d’angolo Nord-Ovest infatti si trova vicino ad essa un piccolo incasso triangolare per il movimento del blocco soprastante. Anche i blocchi di questo filare erano, per quanto si può vedere oggi, collegati da grappe metalliche del tipo già descritto.

Nell’angolo Nord-Est si notano tracce di una cava che ha inciso il banco di tufo con andamento obliquo rispetto alla fila di mausolei: la presenza di questa cava, più antica dei monumenti, ha influenzato – come si vedrà – anche la costruzione adiacente. MONUMENTO A DADO (Fig. 1:C) Sorge immediatamente a Nord del precedente ad una quota inferiore di circa un metro e si presenta in condizioni piuttosto buone, conservandosi per una altezza di tre filari. Costruito in opera quadrata di tufo con blocchi disposti per taglio, ha pianta rettangolare con i lati maggiori allineati con la strada; le dimensioni (3,65 x 3,05 m circa) sono pressochè identiche a quelle del precedente. I blocchi del primo filare sono disposti all’interno di un incasso che segue irregolarmente il perimetro del mausoleo e che in origine doveva essere stato colmato con pietrame irregolare di piccole dimensioni, di cui ancora rimane qualche traccia. Le dimensioni dei blocchi non sono uniformi; l’altezza dei filari mediamente è di 60 cm. Particolare è l’angolo Sud-Ovest, dove il monumento ingloba parte di una struttura precedente scavata nel tufo che, per l’orientamento obliquo, si può mettere in relazione con la cava già ricordata in precedenza. Il primo e parte del secondo filare dei muri Sud e Ovest del monumento si appoggiano ad una sporgenza del tufo scavata all’interno in forma di angolo, in parte rientrante al di sotto del filo della muratura: la parte rientrante è coperta con un blocco disposto in piano che raggiunge, con la sua altezza di 35 cm, il livello del piano di posa del terzo filare.

Della base modanata del tumulo rimangono tre blocchi interi e parte di un quarto: la modanatura si compone di una alta fascia, un tondino, una gola dritta molto rientrante ed un cavetto; essa si interrompe per circa due metri in corrispondenza del centro del lato posteriore, dove non era visibile dalla strada. Anche i blocchi della base modanata erano connessi da grappe del consueto tipo ad U; inoltre sulla superficie superiore si possono 241

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Il monumento a tumulo e in secondo piano la finta torre.

notare diversi piccoli incassi rettangolari posizionamento dei blocchi del filare superiore.

per

il

nel secondo filare, è un blocco sagomato in forma di L. Nell’angolo Nord-Ovest il muro di fondo sporge all’esterno rispetto al muro Nord: la presenza qui di un incasso per grappa a coda di rondine che non trova il suo corrispettivo nel blocco adiacente porta ad ipotizzare un malaccorto restauro della parte Nord del monumento, che potrebbe anche spiegare la vistosa irregolarità della planimetria. Nel monumento sono visibili due alloggiamenti per grappe a coda di rondine, uno nell’angolo Sud-Est e l’altro in quello Sud-Ovest. I blocchi che costituiscono il primo filare appoggiano direttamente sul banco di tufo, che solo in alcuni punti sembra presentare un incasso atto a riceverli.

Alla faccia posteriore del basamento si addossa, partendo da una quota leggermente superiore al piano di posa del secondo filare, il muro del retrostante recinto: non è chiaro se l’aggetto del terzo filare del basamento sia stato rifilato al momento della costruzione del recinto o se, al contrario, fin da principio su questo lato non fase sporgente; per quel poco che si può vedere nell’intercapedine, la superficie della parete posteriore del basamento si presenta rozzamente sbozzata. MONUMENTO A DADO (Fig. 1:E)

RECINTO (Figg. 1:F e 5)

Il più settentrionale dei monumenti qui considerati8 si trova a brevissima distanza dal precedente ed alla stessa quota; è in opera quadrata di tufo e presenta una pianta rettangolare irregolare con i lati corti allineati con la strada: per la fronte si ricostruisce una larghezza di 3,20 m, mentre i lati sono lunghi circa 4,20 m; la faccia posteriore misura invece 3,55 m. Il monumento si presenta costruito con due tecniche diverse: nella metà anteriore i blocchi dell’unico filare conservato sono disposti in piano e lisciati con cura, mentre nella parte posteriore i blocchi, di dimensioni minori e più variabili, sono disposti di fianco ed in maniera più trascurata, senza che vi sia neppure corrispondenza con il piano di posa della metà anteriore. Nella metà posteriore si conservano parzialmente due filari. Nell’angolo tra i lati Sud e Ovest,

Sorge immediatamente ad Ovest del monumento a tumulo, tra questo e la parete di tufo della tagliata; è stato indagato solo parzialmente e pertanto il suo andamento nel settore Nord-Ovest, superando i limiti dello scavo, resta completamente sconosciuto. Si presenta come un muro in opera quadrata di blocchi di tufo di forma piuttosto allungata, conservato per due filari, che doveva recingere un’area rettangolare ai piedi della parete della tagliata, seguendo l’andamento ad angolo della parete stessa, formante qui una vasta rientranza quadrangolare.9 Il lato Est della struttura è addossato al basamento del tumulo e ne mantiene la 9 Questa vasta piazzola viene generalmente interpretata come cava di tufo, ma la presenza del recinto, del monumento a falsa torre e di altre strutture più lontane e mai indagate porterebbe ad attribuire ad essa una importanza maggiore di quanto non si pensasse.

8

Nel 1996 è stato scoperto, ancora più a Nord, un piccolo colombario semi ipogeo e, tra questo ed il mausoleo, uno spazio vuoto occupato da una grande fossa: tutto l’insieme è ancora in fase di studio.

242

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE aggira intorno ai 3,90 m; l’alzato doveva presentarsi simile all’altro lato, tuttavia qui è presente un largo gradino alla base. PIAZZOLA (Fig. 1:H) Alle spalle dei primi due monumenti a dado rimane uno spazio non occupato da costruzioni. Il pavimento e le pareti non sono regolarizzati e mostrano evidenti tracce di cava, tuttavia il ritrovamento del letto funebre già menzionato testimonia come per un certo periodo quest’area sia stata utilizzata in qualche modo: non si tratta pertanto di un semplice spazio di risulta. IPOTESI RICOSTRUTTIVE (Fig. 6) Il formulare ipotesi ricostruttive per i monumenti di quest’area è reso difficile e per certi versi arbitrario a causa dello stato di conservazione non certo ottimale delle strutture. Tuttavia il rilievo e l’osservazione sistematica dei monumenti e delle tracce uniti a una riconsiderazione dei dati di scavo e dei reperti e sostenuti da alcuni utili confronti hanno permesso di formulare per alcuni monumenti ipotesi ricostruttive sufficientemente complete e verosimili da consentire di proporre restituzioni grafiche; negli altri casi la scarsità di dati non ha consentito di andare oltre a ipotesi e confronti generici. Dall’esterno il colombario doveva apparire come un parallelepipedo con un altezza di poco meno di 4 m, ipotizzabile ponendo una balaustra di circa 1 m alla terrazza: questa altezza con ogni probabilità si manteneva costante su tutta la facciata e sul lato Nord fino alla porta. I due alloggiamenti presenti in facciata si possono interpretare come incassi per lastre iscritte contenenti le epigrafi funerarie.10

Fig. 5. Particolare della modanatura di base del monumento a tumulo, sulla destra il recinto e in secondo piano gli altri monumenti. stessa larghezza; il lato Sud invece è formato, nell’unico filare conservato, da un solo blocco che collega il lato Est alla parete della tagliata. Sulla parete di tufo, nel punto di giunzione con il lato Sud del recinto, resta la debole traccia, nella superficie lavorata a scalpello, dei blocchi mancanti dei filari superiori: il recinto aveva ancora un terzo filare più basso, circa 50 cm, che doveva costituire il coronamento del muro.

La canaletta che fiancheggia la scala di accesso doveva essere coperta da mattoni o tegole alloggiate nell’incasso che in parte si conserva. La porta che verosimilmente non era altro che un’interruzione del muro perimetrale doveva avere una larghezza non superiore a 1,30 m, ma probabilmente vicina ad un metro considerando il gradino interno centrato. La larghezza della parete Est della camera (0,95 m), uguale a quella della parete Nord, rende possibile supporre la presenza di nicchie anche su questo lato nel numero di due o tre. La terrazza superiore si poteva raggiungere per mezzo di una scala di legno addossata alla parete Ovest: il grande incasso che si trova su di essa poteva servire a fissarla. Non è improbabile che la terrazza fosse protetta anche sul lato Nord da una balaustra lignea.

MONUMENTO A FINTA TORRE (Figg. 1:G e 5) I due lati dell’angolo della tagliata alle spalle del monumento a tumulo sono stati sfruttati per realizzare un monumento a finta torre. La facciata verso la strada, meglio conservata, mostra a partire da 3,40 m da terra una falsa opera quadrata resa con profondi solchi su una parete regolarizzata e lisciata. La parete così decorata è larga 4 m e presenta due riseghe che la suddividono in tre parti, delle quali la sommitale è priva di incisioni.

10 Sulla fronte di un colombario ostiense (Floriani Squarciapino 1958, 20-22), viene descritto un paramento formato da ortostati lapidei alternati a specchiature realizzate con differente tecnica edilizia, con intento decorativo. Si potrebbe pertanto avanzare anche l’ipotesi che negli alloggiamenti sulla facciata del colombario in esame fossero inserite delle lastre di materiale differente dal tufo, per realizzare una sorta di contrasto cromatico.

Il lato Nord è interessato da numerose e profonde crepe che hanno determinato il distacco e lo scivolamento di ampie porzioni di tufo e la sua larghezza ricostruibile si

243

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 0,60 m, seguiti da un sesto composto dai blocchi del fregio continuo a bucrani e ghirlande e dalla cornice modanata, per una altezza complessiva di poco più di 4,20 m. Il motivo dei bucrani che sostengono ghirlande, legato alla sfera del sacrificio, è sufficientemente diffuso da rendere superflua una ricerca di confronti: si può comunque segnalare come particolarmente simile il fregio che decora il mausoleo di Cecilia Metella. Alcuni problemi pone invece la ricostruzione del coronamento del mausoleo: il piano superiore della cornice lisciato e provvisto di intacche ci assicura che al di sopra dovevano posare altri blocchi, mentre il ritrovamento dell’elemento decorato da un fiore a rilievo, descritto in precedenza, porta a ricostruire un coronamento con merlatura. La maggior parte dei monumenti che conservano un coronamento di questo tipo presenta i merli alternati a bassi blocchi di notevole lunghezza (almeno il doppio di quella dei merli), che li collegano formando una specie di balaustra dalla quale i merli sporgono solo in parte.12 Nei monumenti che non presentano questa specie di balaustra i merli prendono la forma di cippi o piccole are.13 Per queste ragioni si propone anche qui, in via del tutto ipotetica, la presenza di bassi blocchi di raccordo tra i merli lunghi circa un metro, per dare ai merli una cadenza compatibile con il ritmo del fregio a bucrani. Non vi sono elementi per dire se il monumento terminasse con una terrazza o se al contrario avesse un tetto conico, pure varie volte attestato.14 L’altezza totale del monumento così ricostruito verrebbe ad essere 6,40 m circa. Fig. 6. Prospetto ricostruttivo dei monumenti (visto da Est).

I profili delle modanature della base e della cornice trovano confronti piuttosto stretti con esemplari provenienti dalle necropoli ostiensi che presentano una datazione piuttosto generica tra la seconda metà del I secolo a.C. e l’età augustea.

Il monumento a tumulo rientra in una tipologia ben attestata, prevalentemente nota tuttavia da mausolei di grandi dimensioni.11 Il confronto puntuale con altri monumenti di questa classe risulta problematico non solo per la vistosa sproporzione delle dimensioni, ma anche per la differente articolazione (quasi tutti hanno una camera interna) e una maggiore ricchezza dell’apparato decorativo. Per il fortunato ritrovamento di almeno un blocco di tutte le membrature architettoniche di cui era costituito, il nostro esemplare non presenta eccessive difficoltà nella ricostruzione.

Una ricostruzione di questo tipo comporterebbe un numero di blocchi che si può supporre intorno a 100, dei quali se ne conservano soltanto 27, circa un quarto. L’elevato numero di blocchi andati perduti potrebbe essere indice di intensa attività di spoliazione: tale osservazione può infatti essere ampliata anche agli altri monumenti. In assenza della camera la sepoltura ad incinerazione doveva essere inglobata all’interno del nucleo cementizio; tracce di una cavità al centro del monumento sono state individuate al momento dello scavo.

Per la parte superiore del tamburo si può ricavare, partendo dai blocchi della base, un diametro di 3,60 m. Non vi sono dati materiali che consentano di ricostruire l’altezza del mausoleo, data anche la esiguità dei blocchi del paramento conservati; si è pensato tuttavia di dare al tamburo una altezza all’incirca simile al diametro, seguendo una tendenza che pare diffusamente attestata, non solo in monumenti a tumulo: sono stati pertanto ipotizzati cinque filari di blocchi non decorati alti circa

12

Oltre ai mausolei già ricordati si possono segnalare quelli di Munazio Planco a Gaeta, di Casal Rotondo sull’Appia (Eisner 1986, 61), quello sulla via Valeria (Eisner 1986, 112) , quello di Tor di Quinto poi ricostruito sulla Nomentana (Eisner 1986, 130) e quello ritrovato presso Reggio Emilia (Aurigemma 1940, 285). 13 Come a Torre Selce sull’Appia (Eisner 1986, 65). 14 A questo proposito vedere le considerazioni del Gismondi in Floriani Squarciapino 1958, 186 e ss.

11 Tra i più noti e meglio conservati si ricordano il mausoleo di Cecilia Metella sull’Appia, quello di Ennio Marso a Saepinum, quello di Uziano Rufo a Polla e, infine, quello di Falerii Novi ricostruito nei Musei di Berlino (Goetze 1939).

244

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: FALERII NOVI, STUDIO DI UN SETTORE DELLA NECROPOLI MERIDIONALE Il cattivo stato di conservazione dei monumenti a dado non consente precisi tentativi di ricostruzione. L’interno dei tre mausolei si presenta oggi incongruamente vuoto, ma si può ricostruire, sulla base dei dati di scavo un riempimento composto da un conglomerato di terra e scaglie di tufo ben compresso, soluzione più economica rispetto al calcestruzzo, che si ritrova in diversi monumenti.15 Nel primo e nel terzo monumento a dado la differenza tra la faccia posteriore, visibilmente meno curata, e quanto resta della fronte e dei lati può far pensare a strutture simili a quelle che si ritrovano nelle necropoli ostiensi:16 i blocchi di tufo disposti di piatto sulla fronte e sui lati potevano dunque sostenere una base modanata e parte dell’alzato poteva forse essere in peperino, mentre sulla fronte potevano trovare posto le iscrizioni.17

Il monumento a finta torre riproduce in maniera piuttosto fedele un mausoleo a torre vero e proprio: la finta opera quadrata copia il consueto paramento a blocchi; la presenza delle riseghe e di un basamento sporgente (anche su un lato solo), è ampiamente documentata.22 BIBLIOGRAFIA Archeologia, periodico dei Gruppi Archeologici d’Italia. Roma. Aurigemma, S., 1940. Reggio Emilia. Opera idraulica medioevale. NSc, 272-285. Caretta, L., 1986. Via Amerina, complesso funerario romano con sepolcro a fregio dorico, in: Archeologia della Tuscia II, 1984. QuadAEI 13, 145-153. Caretta, L., G. Innocenti, A. Prisco & P. Rossi, 1996. La necropoli della Via Amerina a Falerii Novi, in: Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500. Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology. Oxford, 423-425. Colonna, G., 1990. Corchiano, Narce e il problema di Fescennium, in: La civiltà dei Falisci. Atti del XV Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici. Civita Castellana 1987. Firenze, 111-140. Di Paolo Colonna, E., 1984. Su una classe di monumenti funerari romani dell’Etruria meridionale, in: Studi in onore di G. Maetzke, III. Roma, 513-526. Eisner, M., 1986. Zur Typologie der Grabbauten in Suburbium Roms (= RM Erg. 21). Floriani Squarciapino, M., 1958. Scavi di Ostia. Le necropoli. Le tombe di età repubblicana ed augustea, III. Roma. Goetze, B., 1939. Das Rundgrab in Falerii. Stuttgart. Munzi, M. & C. Noviello, 1989. Iscrizioni inedite dalla via Amerina. Ricognizioni archeologiche 5, 38-50. Torelli, M., 1968. Monumenti funerari romani con fregio dorico. DialArch 2(1), 32-54.

Il secondo monumento a dado, certamente più rozzo degli altri nella tecnica edilizia, sembra appartenere ad una tipologia leggermente diversa e che però rimane piuttosto evanescente: il monumento ceretano già ricordato sembra essere quello che più gli somiglia.18 Il rinvenimento di diversi elementi architettonici purtroppo in giacitura secondaria ci può dare informazioni sul coronamento di questi mausolei, uno dei quali doveva rientrare nella vasta classe dei monumenti ‘con fregio dorico’,19 mentre l’elegante pulvino squamato testimonia l’esistenza di un coronamento ad ara.20 Il coronamento del recinto alle spalle del monumento a tumulo,21 a quanto si ricava dalle tracce in parete descritte sopra, doveva essere costituito da un filare di blocchi più basso degli altri; ciò concorderebbe con il ritrovamento tra i materiali di crollo di alcuni blocchi di peperino alti circa 0,50 m a sezione trapezoidale arrotondata. Il muro doveva essere alto circa 1,70 m. Questa struttura si colloca cronologicamente dopo il tumulo poiché la messa in posa del primo filare del recinto ha reso necessario rifilare la facciata posteriore del basamento del mausoleo per creare un incasso.

15 Vedere il monumento nella Via degli Inferi a Caere (Di Paolo Colonna 1984, 514) e i sepolcri n. 5, 8 e 16 della necropoli via Laurentina ad Ostia (Floriani Squarciapino 1958, 68, 70, 83). 16 A titolo di esempio si può ricordare il monumento di T. Manlius Alexsa nella necropoli della via Laurentina (Floriani Squarciapino 1958, 74-76). 17 In particolare il luogo e le condizioni di rinvenimento delle iscrizioni degli Aburii (Munzi & Noviello 1989, 40) porterebbero a collocarle sulla fronte del primo monumento a dado, su due filari, con in alto il blocco n. 3 e al di sotto gli altri due affiancati: anche in questo caso risulta illuminante il confronto con Ostia. 18 La Di Paolo Colonna, in una breve postilla al contributo già citato ricorda però anche un secondo monumento, contiguo al primo, che parrebbe privo di cornice: manca purtroppo un disegno o una descrizione più dettagliata. 19 Torelli 1968; per un ulteriore confronto con un monumento dell’Appia, si veda Eisner 1986, 46. 20 Per la tipologia vedere Eisner 1986, 46 e 50. 21 Sulla scorta di una consuetudine ampiamente attestata a Ostia, si potrebbe ipotizzare che il recinto in questione, con le sue sepolture, fosse pertinente al tumulo anche se ad esso successivo.

22

A titolo puramente esemplificativo si ricorda il monumento a torre sull’Appia descritto in Eisner 1986, 43-44, molto vicino al nostro per dimensioni e volumetria. La risega più alta, di dimensioni peraltro maggiori rispetto alle altre, potrebbe essere interpretata come alloggiamento di un filare di blocchi di una specie di attico soprelevato.

245

L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE A GROTTAFERRATA (ROMA): UNA STORIA VISSUTA 2000 ANNI FA Giuseppina Ghini, Maria Grazia Granino Cecere, Mauro Rubini & Franco Arietti Abstract: During the year 2000 AD an important hypogeic graveyard of Imperial Rome was discovered along the via Latina near the Ad Decimum site (Grottaferrata, Rome). The aim of this study is to present the preliminary results of the excavation. The area of Ad Decimum was well known to scholars of the 19th century. The centre of this settlement waslocated near the crossing between the Via Latina and Via di Cavona, two ancient roads, which were important in the western region of the Alban hills. Within the graveyard two sarcophagi of marble were found: the first in the recess wall and the second near the left wall. Between these two sarcophagi there were some burnt human remains. Both sarcophagi show on the right side a gorgoneion. The central tabulae contains the inscriptions that identified the names of the deceased and their kinship, respectively Aebutia Quarta, mother, and Carvilius Gemellus, son. Inside the sarcophagus of Aebutia Quarta a skeleton of a woman was found approximately 40 years old with traces of intense heat on the cranial and superior bones. She was covered with a complicated flower dress. On the head there was made a wig with gold, human and animal hair. On the left hand a great golden ring was found with a portrait of a man. In the other sarcophagus the partially mummified body of a young man was found of about 18 years old and 3 months of age at death, Carvilius Gemellus. The body was entirely covered by a funeral dress with five flower garlands. The conservation of the organic and inorganic material was due to a balance of temperature and humidity degree. Probably also the presence of some natural products (colofonia was found in the organic tissues) contributed to the preservation of these precious ecofacts.

INQUADRAMENTO TOPOGRAFICO

vigneti che misero in luce un numero rilevante di presenze archeologiche.2

In seguito alla individuazione di un importante ipogeo di età imperiale1 posto lungo la Via Latina poco oltre il decimo miglio in località Ad Decimum (Grottaferrata), la Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio ha intrapreso una campagna di scavi nel secondo semestre dell’anno 2000, della quale si presentano in questa sede i dati preliminari, risultato di un lavoro interdisciplinare.

2 Già nel 1750 l’Eschinardi accennava alla presenza nell’area di un colombario, mentre nel 1831 venne vista dal De Simoni, ancora integra, e ‘poco sotto e dirimpetto la villa Ciampini’ (poi Villa Senni), una costruzione con grande arco foderato di mosaico all’intradosso (De Simoni 1831). Per i ritrovamenti ottocenteschi, una documentazione preziosa viene fornita da P. Rosa tra il 1850 e il 1870, che riportò sulla sua Pianta dei dintorni di Roma, redatta approssimativamente in scala 1: 20.000 il complesso archeologico di Ad Decimum, con la Via Latina e i mausolei che la affiancano, quindi le ville ed altri edifici, infine le altre strade. Nel 1872 vennero rinvenute nella vigna Ciampini-Senni alcune iscrizioni pagane e cristiane (De Rossi 1872, 98). Sappiamo inoltre che intorno agli anni 1885-88 si cominciò a scassare i terreni per l’impianto dei vigneti nelle proprietà Senni, Gentilini e Giusti, opere che portarono alla luce numerosi reperti, segnalati in particolare dal Lugari: Lugari 1885, fasc. IX, 137; Lugari 1988, 97-102; 1884-86, 564; altre notizie in merito sono riportate da: Gatti 1887, 12; Lanciani 1905, 132, 133. In particolare il Lanciani fornisce una prima sommaria planimetria dell’area nella sua cosiddetta ‘bozza’ redatta tra il 1880 e il 1900 (l’opera rimase incompiuta), ma che si può datare in questo caso specifico probabilmente tra il 1890 e il 1900 (come egli stesso rivela sul Bull.Com. 1905 a p. 133), nella quale vengono rappresentati l’incrocio tra la via Latina e la via Cavona, un’area archeologica (localizzata nella zona della galleria della ferrovia Roma-Frascati), l’edificio di culto a meridione della Latina (da lui ubicato ipoteticamente e indicato con la scritta templum), nonché alcune strade. Successivamente, nel 1905 egli ritorna sull’argomento e presenta una pianta dettagliata dell’area (vedi Tav. 2) e con essa tutta una serie di importanti precisazioni in merito al Vicus Angusculanus, al cd Bagno publico, Oltre alle notizie menzionate, il Lanciani elenca una serie di reperti rinvenuti, come ad esempio numerose lapidi sepolcrali, probabilmente poste lungo la Latina, tra le quali figura un’altra importante iscrizione, quella di Marciana (Lanciani 1905, 136). Egli si sofferma inoltre sulla distribuzione degli oggetti votivi di terracotta rinvenuti dal 1885 al 1886 (Lanciani 1905, 132-133). Altro materiale votivo costituito da elementi “di piccole dimensioni, animali e parti del corpo umano nel terreno proprio di fronte alla Villa Senni” venne alla luce nel 1909 (De Rossi 1979, 163). Ancora nel 1888 si ha notizia dal Lugari del rinvenimento di un ambiente ipogeo effettuato in un luogo non ben precisato dell’area, forse un mitreo, ipotesi sostenuta anche dal De Rossi (Lugari 1888; Grossi Gondi 1908, 45 e nota 1, con bibl. prec.; De Rossi 1979, 163). T. Ashby studiò a sua volta l’area di Ad Decimum tenendo ben presenti le indicazioni del Lanciani; egli fornì alcune importanti precisazioni, in particolare quella riguardante il punto in cui doveva collocarsi il X miglio della Via Latina, poco prima di Villa Senni verso Roma. Ma le sue misurazioni non coincidevano con quelle del Lanciani, che dal canto suo aveva posto fine alla lunghissima diaspora intorno alla collocazione del X

Il sepolcro è stato rinvenuto nel complesso archeologico denominato “Ad Decimum” posto nel settore nord occidentale del Monti Albani, il quale si estende nell’area dei comuni di Roma e Grottaferrata (Fig. 1). Esso presenta caratteristiche sostanzialmente unitarie, poiché si innesta, all’interno del Tuscolano, in un reticolo coerente sia dal punto di vista storico-archeologico che ambientale. La storia delle scoperte e degli studi è piuttosto complessa e articolata. L’area era ben nota agli studiosi, in particolare a partire dalla seconda metà dell’800, momento in cui iniziarono gli scassi per l’impianto dei

* Questo contributo è il frutto di un lavoro interdisciplinare a cui hanno partecipato: F. Arietti per la collaborazione allo scavo e lo studio topografico, Giuseppina Ghini per lo studio sul sepolcro e sui materiali archeologici, Maria Grazia Granino Cecere per lo studio epigrafico, Mauro Rubini per lo studio antropologico, Lorenzo Costantini per lo studio botanico, Nazzareno Gabrielli per le problematiche conservative. I restauri sono stati condotti da Pietro Bassanelli, Giorgio Mori, Patrizia Cocchieri (SBAL), Barbara Caponera (SBAL). Un doveroso ringraziamento ai proprietari del terreno, la società “Ad Decimum S.r.l.” e al rinvenitore, dr. Emidio Carboni, per la piena disponibilità e la collaborazione. Del rinvenimento si è data una prima notizia in Archeo 6, 2001, 15 e in Newton Oggi 6 (giugno), 2003, 101-106; è stato inoltre realizzato un filmato dalla GA&G per Discovery Channel , dal titolo ‘Carvilius: un enigma dall’antica Roma’, presentato nel maggio 2003. 1 Ne venne data pronta segnalazione al funzionario di zona, Giuseppina Ghini, della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio, che nel 2000 intraprese lo scavo e il recupero.

246

GIUSEPPINA GHINI ET AL: L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE Il fulcro del complesso archeologico Ad Decimum va individuato nell’incrocio tra la via Latina3 e la via di Cavona,4 due antichissimi tracciati, tra i più importanti della regione occidentale dei Monti Albani.

In generale, indizi circa la presenza di una stazione di posta al decimo miglio della Via Latina, riportata nell’Itinerario Antoniniano, a cui si aggiunse il rinvenimento nell’area di un cippo relativo al X miglio della Via Latina risalente all’età di Massenzio, nonché la scoperta di alcune fistole acquarie recanti le seguenti iscrizioni: PVB. (oppure pUB. o pub.) DECIMIENSIUM della fine dell’ottocento, avvenuta entro il recinto murato di Villa Senni, portarono a concludere che in quel luogo, attorno alla statio ad Decimum, era sorto un centro abitato.

miglio della Via Latina, posto dal Cluver a Borghetto, da Olstenio ed Eschinardi a Morena e finalmente al Ciampino; avvalendosi per la prima volta della cartografia sufficientemente precisa, Lanciani misurò le dieci miglia (metri 1489) a partire dal bivio di S. Cesario; in tal modo il cippo doveva capitare a m. 230 dopo l’incrocio con la via Cavona, quindi poco oltre le catacombe (Lanciani 1905, 131 e Tav. VI). T. Ashby obiettò che il calcolo andava fatto dalla Porta Capena (Ashby 1910, 125 nota 1) e indicò una diversa collocazione del decimo cippo miliario, il quale doveva invece capitare prima dell’incrocio della via Latina con la Cavona, a nord ovest della linea ferroviaria Roma-Napoli. Tale interpretazione venne accolta dagli altri studiosi del tempo (Grossi Gondi, Tomassetti) ed anche ai giorni nostri (cfr. la cartografia di: Quilici 1978; De Rossi 1979, fig. 250; Quilici & Quilici Gigli 1984), e risulta fondamentale per chiarire numerosi altri problemi legati alla topografia antica del tuscolano (identificazione dei diverticoli diretti rispettivamente alle sorgenti dell’acqua Tepula e Giulia secondo le indicazioni di Frontino riferite rispettivamente al X e XII miglio della Latina, posizione della staio Roboraria al XIII miglio, ecc.). 3 La Via Latina fu una delle più antiche e importanti arterie del Lazio meridionale. Per l’età protostorica l’andamento del suo tracciato viene postulato dalla presenza di sepolcreti e tombe isolate (Arietti 1994-96, 44, nota 12, figg. 1, 2; Arietti & Martellotta 1998), mentre per le fasi successive è probabile che la strada fosse stata lastricata in vari momenti, partendo da Roma. Alcune iscrizioni parlano di una latina vetus e di latina nova, probabilmente alludendo a dei rifacimenti lungo alcuni tratti avvenuti nel tempo; sulla presenza, a partire dall’età augustea, di curatores di grado senatorio e pretorio, nel IV secolo eccezionalmente consolari, si veda: Grossi Gondi 1908, 36 ss., con bibl. prec. Sull’intero percorso della Via Latina non esiste in realtà alcuna opera monografica, ma solo trattazioni separate (cfr. i lavori di K. Miller, Itineraria Romana, Stuttgart 1916, 327 ss.; G. Radke, Via Latina, in Viae publicae Romanae, in Paulys Realencyclopaedie, Supp. l. 13, Munchen 1973, col. 1487 ss.; Ashby 1907, 3 ss.; 1910, 213 ss.; L. Quilici, La Via Latina da Roma a Castel Savelli, Roma 1978). In particolare, per il tratto che va da Ad Decimum fino al castello della Molara, sono numerosi gli studi fioriti attorno a questo importantissimo settore del territorio tuscolano. Tra i più importanti, citiamo i contributi del Lanciani per l’area di Ad Decimum (Lanciani 1905), del Grossi Gondi (Grossi Gondi 1908), di T. Ashby (Ashby 1910) e del Tomassetti. La Via Latina di età storica polarizzò l’assetto viario delle numerose ed importanti ville di produzione sparse sul territorio, convogliandone i prodotti agricoli ed anche industriali destinati in larga misura al mercato romano. Nel settore di nord ovest si conoscono anche alcuni villaggi disposti presso la Latina, gravitanti presso l’area di Ad Decimum e grosso modo distanti un miglio uno dall’altro, rispettivamente costituiti dall’ambito del vicus Angusculanum – respublica Decimienses e dal vicus individuato presso Borghetto (Lanciani 1905, 136). Lungo il suo percorso vennero eretti numerosi mausolei con i rispettivi recinti sepolcrali, raggruppati nello spazio di due chilometri a partire da Ad Decimum; ad essi vanno aggiunti alcuni sepolcreti, sia pertinenti ai vari gruppi gentilizi e pertanto raccolti all’interno dei menzionati recinti, che all’esterno di questi ultimi, i quali, probabilmente, dovevano essere in origine in numero assai maggiore; ed infine, naturalmente, il cimitero cristiano della catacomba Ad Decimum. Presso la Latina sono inoltre note due stazioni (stationes o mansiones) per la sosta e il cambio dei cavalli, una delle quali situata all’incirca al X miglio, quindi in località Ad Decimum e posta in prossimità dell’incrocio tra la Via Latina e la via di Cavona, l’altra invece si poneva al XIII miglio, ed è nota come Roboraria. 4 La via Cavona è una delle arterie più antiche del Lazio. Essa ricalca la via di transumanza percorsa ininterrottamente a partire dall’età preprotostorica fino alla prima metà di questo secolo. Sulla via, intesa come asse viario a lungo raggio che dai monti di Filettino scendeva per la valle Tiburtina (o per Aefula: cfr. Quilici 1974, n. 624 nota 2) e che attraversa la via Prenestina, la Labicana, la Latina e l’Appia per poi raggiungere il mare lungo la via Severiana (via Anziate), la bibliografia è molto ampia. Sulla costruzione della strada basolata ad opera di M. Valerio Messala Corvino e sul relativo nome di via Valeria in base al

Nel 1888 venne rinvenuta un’altra iscrizione che menzionava la presenza di un vicus Angusculanus, e ciò convinse il Lanciani dell’esistenza di due abitati contigui, separati dalla via Cavona e dipendenti amministrativamente l’uno da Roma (la Respublica Decimiensium) e l’altro da Tuscolo (il vicus Angusculanus). La discussione attorno alla presenza di due differenti vici contigui parrebbe risolta in favore dell’esistenza di un unico abitato (Vicus Angusculanus).5 La scoperta del cimitero cristiano (seconda metà III secolo d.C.-inizi V secolo ) avvenuta agli inizi del 1900 arricchiva il quadro topografico relativo alle tombe della via Latina, lungo la quale si addensano numerosi mausolei e sepolcreti, destando l’interesse dei maggiori studiosi del tempo. Attualmente, una delle questioni più controverse è costituita dalla definizione dell’assetto insediativo nei vari periodi, in particolare a partire dall’età tardo repubblicana, quando fecero la loro comparsa nel tuscolano le grandi ville suburbane. Alcune di queste coronavano l’area di Ad Decimum e non è del tutto chiaro il loro rapporto con gli edifici pertinenti alla comunità di villaggio espressa dai Decimienses, sulla cui ubicazione ed estensione non sappiamo praticamente nulla. La posizione relativamente ravvicinata delle grandi ville terrazzate rivela che l’estensione delle singole proprietà doveva essere comunque piuttosto limitata, a maggior ragione se ammettiamo la presenza di aree depresse, terreni scoscesi, cave e superfici impaludate in antico. Pertanto, se da un lato risulta difficile paragonare questi edifici alle ben note ville di produzione, dall’altro bisogna considerare che in alcune zone del Tuscolano si coltivava la vite e l’ulivo, gli ortaggi, oppure i fiori nelle serre.6

passo di Tibullo (Eleg. I, 7, v. 57): Lanciani 1884, 195; la tesi venne accettata da altri studiosi del tempo: Cozza-Luzi 1898; Ashby I, 19021910, 176; Tomassetti 1926, 163; di parere contrario: Grossi Gondi 1908, 48. Sulle origini del nome della via Cavona, detta anche Marittima o Doganale, si veda in particolare: Tomassetti 1926, 162 ss. Sulla presenza di tagliate artificiali lungo il suo percorso che ne rivelano l’arcaicità, si veda quanto riportato dal Tomassetti (Tomassetti 1926, 162). 5 Per la discussione intorno alla (Respublica) Decimiensium, sul fundus publica via Latina desunto dalla notizia fundorum di età medioevale, si veda: Lugari 1885, 137; De Rossi 1873, 41; Lanciani 1905, 132 ss.; Grossi Gondi 1908, 46 ss.; Tomassetti 1926, 86. 6 Cfr. per ultimo vedi: Quilici & Quilici Gigli 1984, 17-19 e 38-39.

247

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Planimetria con posizionamento del rinvenimento in località Ad Decimum. di aver aperto nuove prospettive di ricerca che saranno sicuramente importanti e fondamentali per la conoscenza del Tuscolano. F.A.

Alcune nuove acquisizioni stanno comunque fornendo spunti interessanti per comprendere il quadro topografico dell’area. Nei pressi dell’Ipogeo delle Ghirlande sono venute alla luce alcune strutture antiche, in parte ben conservate, forse pertinenti alla statio ad Decimum, dinanzi alla quale la via Latina mostra una curiosa scansione, apparentemente immotivata, dopo qualche km di rettifilo.7

IL SEPOLCRO Lo scavo archeologico ha portato alla luce una tomba a camera ipogea in opera quadrata di peperino, alla quale si accede attraverso una ripida scala in opera laterizia, interrotta da un pianerottolo (Fig. 2).8

Queste brevi annotazioni lasciano intendere come l’interesse scientifico per questa zona albana sia alquanto accresciuto in questi ultimi tempi, in particolare grazie alle ultime significative acquisizioni che hanno il merito

La tomba presentava ancora il sigillo lapideo costituito da un blocco di peperino di ragguardevoli dimensioni (h. cm

7 L’ipotesi è stata formulata da F. Arietti nel corso del convegno Tusculum, a cura di A. Pasqualini e F. Arietti, i cui Atti sono in corso di stampa.

8 Il sepolcro si trova a circa m. 24 a SE della Via Cavona e 20 a NE dalla Via Anagnina.

248

GIUSEPPINA GHINI ET AL: L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE 120, largh. cm 90, spessore cm 70) recante su tre lati le originali grappe in ferro (Fig. 3). L’interno della cella è di forma quadrata e misura m 3 x 3 x 2,30 di altezza; la tecnica costruttiva impiegata è l’opera quadrata in grossi blocchi di peperino, accuratamente accostati, sia in corrispondenza delle pareti, che della volta a botte e del pavimento.

Sopra alla volta, che nell’intradosso presenta le impronte dei bessali, si conserva parte della copertura in conglomerato cementizio e cocciopesto, dello spessore di cm 40, che evidentemente serviva a proteggere dalla pioggia la costruzione ipogea e che si trova allo stesso livello del primo scalino del dromos di accesso. La parte anteriore del piano in cocciopesto è stata intercettata e distrutta dalla piattaforma del traliccio dell’Enel. All’interno della cella si sono rinvenuti due sarcofagi marmorei disposti ortogonalmente, il primo appoggiato alla parete di fondo, il secondo addossato a quella sinistra. Entrambi mostrano la fronte della cassa, lavorata in maniera simile, con la decorazione a bassorilievo costituita da tre tabulae rettangolari separate da lesene con capitelli, dalle quali pendono ghirlande vegetali (Fig. 4). In entrambi i sarcofagi il lato breve destro è decorato con un gorgoneion. Le tabulae centrali recano le iscrizioni che hanno permesso di identificare sia il nome dei defunti, rispettivamente Aebutia Quarta e Carvilius Gemellus, che il loro grado di parentela (madre e figlio). In particolare 1’ iscrizione del sarcofago posto sulla sinistra dell’ingresso riporta il seguente testo: Aebutia C.f.Quarta / Antestiae Balbinae / et / Carvili Gemelli / mater piissima I dati forniti dal testo permettono di affermare che Aebutia Quarta ebbe due mariti: un Carvilius e un Antestius, che le diedero due figli, una dei quali, Antestia Balbina, forse la secondogenita, seppellì la madre. II sarcofago posto sul fondo della tomba reca la seguente iscrizione rubricata: T.Carvilio.T.f.Ser(gia tribu) / Gemello / v(iixit) a(nnis) XIIX m(ensibus)III

Fig. 2. Il dromos di accesso all’ipogeo; in fondo il sigillo ancora in posto al momento del rinvenimento.

II personaggio deposto all’interno del sarcofago è dunque un ragazzo di 18 anni e 3 mesi, morto prematuramente, probabilmente prima della madre; la sua posizione in fondo alla cella funeraria lascerebbe pensare infatti che il suo sarcofago sia stato deposto per primo.

Alcuni blocchi, come ad esempio quello della fila mediana della parete di fondo, raggiungono la lunghezza di m 2,60; nelle pareti laterali alcuni blocchi presentano un taglio trapezoidale, realizzato appositamente per farli combaciare senza creare vuoti. Anche il pavimento è realizzato in opera quadrata di peperino.

Il sarcofago di Aebutia Quarta misura cm 207 x 74 x 62 di altezza; la fronte è lavorata a bassorilievo con tre ghirlande di foglie di lauro appese a lesene decorate a squame, con capitelli corinzi a foglie lisce, da cui pendono vittae; le tabulae, di cui le due laterali più piccole, sono anepigrafi, inserite in una cornice costituita da un listello e una gola rovescia, che ripete il motivo decorativo che circonda lo specchio decorativo della fronte.

Molto meno accurata si presenta invece la tecnica laterizia del dromos di accesso, addossato alla camera sepolcrale. Il corridoio, conservato per una lunghezza di circa m 6 e largo cm 90, è costituito, dall’alto, da otto gradini, un pianerottolo rivestito in cocciopesto largo cm 100 x 70, circondato da un cordolo nella stessa tecnica, sei gradini e il pianerottolo finale con pareti e volta in laterizio, largo m 2,40.

II lato breve destro della cassa pertinente a Aebutia Quarta reca a rilievo, come si è detto, una testa di Medusa, sotto la quale pende una ghirlanda sostenuta in 249

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Pianta, sezioni e prospetti dell’ipogeo (rilievo di M. Marchetti, SBAL).

Fig. 4. I due sarcofagi all’interno dell’ipogeo: in fondo quello di Carvilius Gemellus, sulla sinistra quello di Aebutia Quarta. 250

GIUSEPPINA GHINI ET AL: L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE alto da due nastri.9 Il coperchio, a doppio spiovente con corona e vittae sui timpani, è decorato con un motivo a tegole a foglie embricate, mentre il columen presenta un tralcio di foglie di quercia; i due timpani laterali sono decorati con una corona vegetale con nastri.10

Il sarcofago di Carvilius Gemellus misura cm 212 x 68 x 60 di altezza; la fronte è decorata con tre tabulae, di cui quella centrale, più larga, reca l’iscrizione funeraria. Sotto alle tabulae pendono ghirlande, appese a lesene lisce con capitelli corinzi lisci; sia le tabulae che la fronte sono incorniciate da un listello e una gola rovescia. Il lato breve destro è decorato con un gorgoneion e una ghirlanda sorretta da nastri. Il coperchio risulta piano e decorato a piccole foglie sulle quali poggia, nel senso longitudinale, un elemento vegetale costituito da foglie di quercia e ghiande. Entrambi i sarcofagi presentavano tra cassa e coperchio la sigillatura originale in stucco. In particolare il coperchio del sarcofago di Aebutia Quarta risulta rotto verso il fondo e restaurato in antico ponendo sul lato interno una ‘toppa’ quadrata di stucco, tenuto con un elemento ligneo che poggiava direttamente sulle gambe della defunta, causandone forse la frattura, di cui è rimasta traccia nelle impronte ancora visibili sullo stucco stesso. La decorazione dei due sarcofagi, resa con un rilievo molto basso, sembra ispirarsi a quella delle urne cinerarie, in particolare ad alcuni esemplari doppi,11 che presentano la tabula con iscrizione funeraria e, al di sotto, una ghirlanda. All’interno del sarcofago di Aebutia Quarta si è rinvenuto lo scheletro ricoperto quasi per intero da uno strato di elementi vegetali ben conservati, mentre la testa, recante ancora i capelli, una treccia posticcia annodata dietro la nuca ed una fascia di tessuto, era adornata da una reticella d’oro, ottenuta con fili costituiti da una treccia a due capi (Fig. 5).12 Il manto vegetale si presentava come un insieme di elementi di forma sferica infilati in steli di graminacee, che avvolgeva la testa e ricopriva il corpo fino alle ginocchia, essendo la parte inferiore andata perduta; sotto tale mantello è stato possibile individuare quanto rimaneva del sudario e, forse, della veste, di cui sono state recuperate parti di due diverse stoffe: cotone e seta. Unico elemento pertinente al corredo personale, era un anello d’oro con castone in cristallo di rocca che riveste un ritratto a rilievo, con capelli ricci, fronte alta e spaziosa, occhi grandi, naso aquilino e labbra sottili (Fig. 6).13 11 Si vedano in particolare la doppia urna con due tabulae sopra a ghirlande che pendono da bucrani esposta al Museo Nuovo Capitolino di età traianea (Sinn 1987, 212-213, tav. 76, n. 502) e quella con tabulae sopra a ghirlande appese a colonne, esposta al Museo della Civiltà gallo-romana di Lione, datata al periodo traianeo-adrianeo (Sinn 1987, 221, tav. 80, n. 536). 12 L’uso delle reticelle era piuttosto diffuso, come sappiamo dalle fonti antiche (Petronio, Satyricon, 67,6; Plinio, n.h., IX, 117) e come mostrano alcune rappresentazioni pittoriche, tra cui la famosa ‘Saffo’ o ‘poetessa’ da Pompei e altre pitture dell’area vesuviana, ma sono pochi gli esemplari rinvenuti, tra cui quello di provenienza sconosciuta e quella di Valleranno, entrambi conservati al Museo Nazionale Romano (Portoghesi L. in Bordenache Battaglia 1983, 79-88; Bedini 1995). 13 L’anello, a verga cava ingrossata verso il castone, misura cm 2,9-3,0 di diametro esterno, cm 13,20-14,50 di diametro interno; il suo peso, compreso il castone, è di gr 27,08; il castone in cristallo di rocca misura cm 1,72 x 1,2; non ha tracce di usura ed era fermato da un semplice

Fig. 5. La deposizione di Aebutia Quarta con il mantello di ghirlande e corone vegetali (disegno di A.M. Manfredonia, SBAL). 9 Per la presenza di gorgoneia sui sarcofagi, sia sui lati brevi che sulla fronte, si veda: Herderjurgen 1996. 10 Per la corona sui timpani dei coperchi dei sarcofagi: Herderjurgen 1996, 83, tav. 8, 4,5, cat. n. 14; per la corona con nastri sui coperchi delle urne cinerarie: Sinn 1987, 144-145, 155-156, 159-160, 162, 179, 184-185 tutte datate tra l’età flavia e gli inizi del II secolo d.C.

251

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI scavo nel Laboratorio di Antropologia della Soprintendenza. Il corpo di Carvilius Gemellus si presenta in un diverso stato di conservazione rispetto a quello di Ebuzia, con segni evidenti di una ‘mummificazione’, che, anche se è stata in parte garantita dalle condizioni ambientali, non può ritenersi casuale. Il corpo è completamente avvolto in un sudario che ricce anche i piedi e la testa; il defunto sembra adagiato, come del resto anche Aebutia Quarta, su una sorta di ‘materasso’ dalla consistenza sabbiosa. Sopra il sudario erano deposte quattro ghirlande i cui capi erano stati sciolti e una quinta correva attorno alla testa; per poter procedere alla loro analisi e conservazione sono state rimosse e se ne sono eseguiti piccoli prelievi (Fig. 7). Si è così potuto constatare che sia queste ghirlande, sia quelle rinvenute sul corpo di Aebutia Quarta erano costituite da viole, rose, lilium, piante che fioriscono fra la tarda primavera e l’inizio dell’estate.16 Inoltre all’interno di entrambi i sarcofagi si sono rinvenute tracce di mirra e colofonia, entrambe usate per preservare a lungo i corpi dei defunti durante la loro esposizione che poteva durare anche diversi giorni e per l’imbalsamazione.17 L’importanza del rinvenimento ha subito posto il problema della musealizzazione dell’intero complesso; si è cosi giunti alla determinazione di esporre sia i sarcofagi, sia il loro contenuto all’interno di una sala appositamente progettata nel Museo dell’Abbazia di S.Nilo a Grottaferrata. Fig. 6. L’anello d’oro con castone in cristallo di rocca.

Il progetto espositivo prevede la riproposizione della camera sepolcrale, entro la quale verranno posizionati i due sarcofagi, secondo la loro originaria collocazione; di lato, sempre secondo l’originaria disposizione ad ‘elle’, verranno esposti i due inumati entro teche climatizzate (ci si è ispirati a quella della mummia di Grottarossa, apportandovi alcuni cambiamenti per quanto riguarda l’illuminazione e l’aspetto esteriore); la reticella, la capigliatura e l’anello verranno esposti separatamente. Oltre ad uno strumento per il monitoraggio dei corpi, verranno approntati pannelli illustrativi ed un video esporrà le varie fasi del recupero e della conservazione, documentate con riprese dai tecnici della Soprintendenza. L’ipogeo e il suo prezioso contenuto sono ancora in corso di studio; tuttavia da una prima analisi dei dati in nostro possesso sembra potersi proporre una data compresa fra l’età flavia e quella traianea.

Quest’ultimo costituisce, per quanto è dato finora conoscere, un unicum di notevole interesse. L’unico oggetto che vi si avvicini, pur non eguagliandone la raffinatezza, è un anello da Mentana , con lamina d’oro rappresentante un leopardo, datato al II secolo d.C. e già ritenuto dall’editrice, un esempio ‘del tutto isolato’.14 Tra i due sarcofagi si è rilevata la presenza di ossa semicombuste pertinenti a due diversi individui, che probabilmente erano state deposte entro un contenitore ligneo di cui non è rimasta traccia. Poiché il secondo sarcofago si presentava ancora sigillato, con il mastice originario, in collaborazione con l’Istituto Centrale del Restauro si è proceduto all’esame endoscoscopico per verificarne il contenuto e acquisire i dati necessari per un corretto recupero del medesimo.15 Alla luce dei dati ottenuti si è successivamente deciso di rimuovere il sarcofago ancora chiuso e di procedere allo

Il rinvenimento di questa tomba trova confronti con quella della ‘dama’ di Callatis,18 scoperta nel 1970 e datata verso la metà del II secolo d.C.; all’interno del 16 Le indagini botaniche e i prelievi sono stati eseguiti da Lorenzo Costantini, del Servizio di Bioarcheologia del Museo Nazionale di Arte Orientale. 17 Per l’uso e le tecniche della mummificazione in età antica e romana in particolare: Chioffi 1998. 18 Barbet & Chera 1999, 134-137; Radulescu, Coman & Stavru 1973, 247-267.

anello piatto di ferro, molto ossidato (Le analisi sono state eseguite da Enrico Butini). 14 Bordenache Battaglia 1983, 44-48. 15 L’esame endoscopico è stato eseguito da Gianfranco Micheli con le apparecchiature messe a disposizione dalla C.N.D. Service.

252

GIUSEPPINA GHINI ET AL: L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE sarcofago si rinvennero, oltre ad un ricco corredo costituito da gioielli in oro, vasi e oggetti in vetro, scatoline in legno, calzature, specchi, un numero notevole di ghirlande, deposte sul corpo, al di sopra del sudario, come nel nostro caso. L’estremo interesse che questo ritrovamento riveste dipende dalle modalità di recupero, che hanno permesso di trovare praticamente intatte le due deposizioni con il loro corredo vegetale, essenze profumate, confermando quanto le fonti antiche e le rappresentazioni funerarie su pitture, rilievi, sarcofagi, ci hanno tramandato, circa l’uso di deporre fiori, corone e ghirlande durante i riti funebri.19 La prosecuzione delle indagini, soprattutto sui reperti vegetali, sui tessuti e sulla deposizione di Carvilius Gemellus potranno fornire ulteriori dati circa gli usi e i rituali funerari nella Roma di età imperiale. G.G. LE ISCRIZIONI Sono le iscrizioni che rivelano non solo i nomi dei due defunti, ma anche i rapporti esistenti tra di loro e, come vedremo, con lo stesso territorio circostante. Sul sarcofago, collocato per primo nel sepolcro, essendo in posizione frontale rispetto all’entrata, si legge (Fig. 8): T. Carvilio T. f. Ser(gia tribu) Gemello; v(ixit) a(nnis) XIIX, m(ensibus) III.

Fig. 8. L’iscrizione funeraria di Carvilius Gemellus. L’onomastica, attraverso la presenza del patronimico e l’ascrizione alla tribù Sergia, rivela come il defunto, morto in giovane età, poco dopo aver assunto la toga virile, fosse un cittadino romano di pieno diritto. Di lui, o meglio della sua gens di appartenenza, la Carvilia, nulla può esser detto, dal momento che, se ben nota in età repubblicana,20 non annovera esponenti di un qualche rilievo in età imperiale, ed in particolare tra la fine del I Fig. 7. La deposizione di Carvilius Gemellus con le ghirlande floreali (disegno di A.M. Manfredonia, SBAL).

19 Ov., Fasti, 535-540; Bayet 1959, 78-83; Pellegrino 1998, 7-23; Toynbee 1983; Heilmeyer & Lack 1997. 20 Münzer, Gœtz & Wissowa 1899.

253

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Antistianus Funisulanus Vettonianus,22 padre e figlio, consolo suffetti rispettivamente nel 100 e nel 121 d.C. Costoro non solo vissero ed operarono in un’epoca corrispondente a quella in cui possono ascriversi Aebutia Quarta ed i suoi due figli, ma erano di certo discendenti23 del console del 78 d.C., l’homo novus L. Funisulanus Vettonianus,24 che proprio nella località Ad Decimum aveva una proprietà ed il suo sepolcro.25

secolo d.C., e gli inizi del successivo, quando visse il nostro T. Carvilius Gemellus. E’ l’iscrizione incisa sul secondo sarcofago che consente di conoscere il nome della madre del giovane, in esso sepolta. Nella tabella che racchiude l’epigrafe, infatti, si legge il suo nome e quello di un’altra figlia della donna, che ne curò la sepoltura (Fig. 9): Aebutia C. f. Quarta Antestiae Balbinae et Carvili Gemelli mater piissima.

E’ possibile, dunque, che un marito di Aebutia, probabilmente il secondo, padre di Balbina, sia stato in rapporti di parentela con la gens che entrò nell’ordo senatorius con L. Funisulanus Vettonianus. La donna, del resto, o almeno la sua famiglia di appartenenza, doveva avere una proprietà nella stessa località presso il decimo miglio della via Latina. Infatti nell’attuale villa Senni, che un tempo si estendeva a comprendere anche l’area in cui è stato rinvenuto il sepolcro di Quarta e dei suoi figli, è conservata un’ara funeraria, finora pressoché inedita,26 relativa alla sepoltura di un C. Aebutius Romanus, eretta dalla moglie. Si tratta molto probabilmente di un liberto della gens Aebutia, o al più di un figlio di un liberto, che visse in età antonina, secondo quanto desumibile dalla paleografia e dalla tipologia dell’ara funeraria e che nell’area della proprietà della famiglia venne sepolto. Il suo praenomen, Gaius, è lo stesso del padre di Aebutia, quello familiare, dunque, e lo stesso gentilizio è tutt’altro che frequente.

Il testo segue un formulario non consueto: il nome della donna, al nominativo, non è seguito da alcun elemento biometrico, ma di lei si dice soltanto che fu madre di Antistia Balbina e di Carvilius Gemellus, avuti da due diverse unioni matrimoniali, secondo quanto rivela il diverso gentilizio dei due figli. Il fatto che il nome della figlia preceda, contro l’uso, quello del figlio può confermare il fatto che Gemellus era già morto al momento del decesso della madre e che Balbina soltanto ne abbia curato, come si diceva, la sepoltura. Dei due successivi mariti di Aebutia Quarta non vi è alcuna menzione, forse perché anche il secondo era premorto alla donna.

Dunque la donna fece costruire il sepolcro per il giovane figlio T. Carvilius Gemellus nell’ambito di una sua proprietà, ed accanto al figlio Antistia Balbina, forse anche interpretando un desiderio della madre, volle che Aebutia Quarta avesse la sua ultima dimora. M.G.G.C. PROBLEMATICHE CONSERVATIVE

BIOLOGICHE

E

Il sepolcro rinvenuto nella località Ad Decimum presso Grottaferrata di cui tratta il presente lavoro, presentava all’atto della scoperta una complessa situazione interattiva tra substrato, ambiente e sepolture. All’atto della scoperta erano evidenti due sarcofagi disposti ad elle e nell’angolo buio i resti di una incinerazione sommaria rappresentata da ossa combuste con terra e carboni vegetali. L’interazione tra ambiente, microclima e substrato di giacitura ha deposto a favore di una straordinaria conservazione di taluni elementi compositi organici, prima di entrare nel cui merito occorre illustrare alcune condizioni monitorate dal giorno del nostro primo intervento sino alla rimozione dei reperti.

Fig. 9. L’iscrizione funeraria di Aebutia Quarta. Il nome della defunta non offre alcun indizio sul suo status: è solo la scelta certo costosa della sepoltura in sarcofagi marmorei accuratamente decorati e la ricchezza del loro contenuto che suggeriscono condizioni economiche di indubbia agiatezza. Ma il gentilizio della figlia può costituire un indizio per formulare l’ipotesi dell’esistenza di qualche connessione con personaggi noti, anzi appartenenti all’ordine senatorio. Infatti il nomen Antestia/Antistia si ritrova in forma cognominale nell’onomastica di T. Pomponius Mamilianius Rufus Antistianus Funisulanus Vettonianus21 e di T. Pomponius

21

ANTROPOLOGICHE,

22

PIR P2 696. Syme 1983, 259; Salomies 1992, 88 e 133-134. 24 PIR F2 570. Sul suo cursus Corbier 1974, 81-87. 25 Schneider Graziosi 1913, 240-241, cfr. AE 1913, 224; Di Grigoli 1975, 9-10; AE 1992, 238; Andermahr 1998, 276-277 nr. 227. 26 Solo un accenno in De Rossi 1979, 176. 23

PIR P2 734.

254

GIUSEPPINA GHINI ET AL: L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE Temperatura e umidità sono state rilevate con un termoigrometro manuale ‘da campo’. A tomba già aperta e fruita dagli scopritori prima del nostro intervento la temperatura, che probabilmente era già variata all’atto dell’apertura, era di circa 22°C (da considerare anche una certa quota di scambio termico con l’ambiente esterno che dato il periodo estivo ha raggiunto temperature molto elevate) con un tasso di umidità prossimo al 94% (Figg. 10-11). A causa della numerosa presenza di operatori e non all’atto della scoperta, la temperatura ha oscillato in alto non avendo possibilità di stabilizzarsi, di contro la quota di umidità (importante per la conservazione di tessuti organici parzialmente idratati) è rimasta pressoché costante.

calcinati e disidratati i resti scheletrici non hanno necessitato di nessun intervento conservativo e sono stabilmente e ottimamente conservati. Primo sarcofago All’interno sono state rinvenute le spoglie di una donna (determinazione di sesso effettuata su ossa del bacino secondo i suggerimenti di Acsadi e Nemeskeri, 1970 per tutti gli individui) di circa 40-45 anni (determinazione di età effettuata sul grado di usura dentale, delle suture persistenti eso- ed endocraniche e su frammenti di sinfisi pubica secondo i metodi di Lovejoy, 1985; Meindl e Lovejoy, 1987; Ferembach et al. 1977-79) di nome Aebutia. Questa presentava un complesso ornamento funebre vegetale che la ricopriva lungo tutto il corpo facendo affiorare attraverso dei fori sagomati il volto e le mani una delle quali, la sinistra, recava un anello d’oro, nonché una sorta di berretto costituito da filamenti d’oro, tessuto, capelli umani e formazioni pilifere animali. Lo scheletro. All’atto della scoperta si presentava in perfetta connessione anatomica escludendo qualsiasi manipolazione post-deposizionale. In senso cranio-podale sono presenti tracce di combustione sino all’altezza dell’articolazione femoro-tibiale, interessanti soprattutto il settore anteriore del cranio e segmenti scheletrici del cingolo articolare superiore. L’osso si presentava ‘friabile’ a causa della perdita progressiva di spongiosa e in taluni casi mostrante tracce di curvatura da trazione come quella presente a seguito di contatto con calore da parte di un corpo (l’elemento trattivo è rappresentato dalla progressiva disidratazione delle masse muscolari che tendono a tirare producendo ‘linee di cracking longitudinali’ sui segmenti scheletrici che si differenziano da quelle orizzontali tipiche della combustione di ossa secche). Tali tracce combustive risultano in antitesi con la presenza di cuoio capelluto e capelli rinvenuti sotto il ‘berretto’ perfettamente conservato.

Fig. 10. Grafico relativo all’andamento dell’unindità nel periodo di conservazione attive del reperto.

I primi risultati delle analisi effettuate hanno evidenziato relativamente ai capelli la presenza di caseina di latte di capra, una presenza di Pb superiore circa 150 volte ai valori fisiologici ed una quantità di As rientrante nei valori normali. Relativamente all’elevato quantitativo di Pb questo potrebbe essere connesso al fatto che i capelli di Aebutia sembrano colorati di rosso e non è stata trovata nessuna traccia di coloranti di natura organica (in un primo momento si era pensato all’hennè, escluso però dall’analisi quantitativa effettuata con l’ICP-MS) per cui il quantitativo elevato potrebbe essere imputabile alla presenza di Minio, un minerale naturale a base di ossido di Piombo che veniva comunemente utilizzato in pittura, miscelato con un legante di natura organica, quale appunto la caseina di latte di capra, e applicato sui capelli per renderli oltre chè colorati, anche più facilmente acconciabili. Attraverso la microscopia elettronica è stato possibile evidenziare una morfologia strutturale di tipo europoide per i capelli (tipo cimotrico).

Fig. 11. Grafico relativo alla temperatura nel periodo di conservazione attive del reperto. I resti incinerati esterni sono stati prelevati avendo cura di una rimozione pressoché completa che permettesse di stabilire le varie componenti del ritrovamento. Essendo 255

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI potrebbe sicuramente aprire nuovi scenari funerari interessanti per la decodifica della sepoltura. M.R.

Secondo sarcofago Conteneva i resti di una c.d. mummia scheletrica a prima vista avvolta in un sudario con corredo di 5 ghirlande di cui 4 dal bacino al collo ed una ad aureola attorno al capo, appartenente ad un giovane di circa 18 anni (l’epigrafe lo appella con il nome di Carvilius Gemello morto all’età di 18 anni e 3 mesi). La conferma di sesso ed età alla morte è stata effettuata radiograficamente trovando ampie conferme per la parte scheletrica mentre ‘a vista’ per la dentizione secondo i metodi sopra descritti.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Accadi, A. & J. Nemeskerj, 1970. History of human Spain life and mortality. Akademiei Kiadò. Ambrogi, A., 1990. Sarcofagi e urne con ghirlande della prima età imperiale. Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, römische Abteilung 97, 163-196. Andermahr, A.M., 1998. Totus in praediis. Senatorischer Grundbesitz in Italien in der frühen und höhen Kaiserzeit. Bonn. Arietti, F., 1994-96. Gli Albani e il loro territorio nell’VIII e VII secolo a.C., in: Anna Pasqualini (ed.), Alba Longa: Mito, Storia, Archeologia, Atti dell’Incontro di studio Roma - Albano Laziale 27-29 gennaio 1994. Studi pubblicati dall’Istituto Italiano per la Storia Antica 9, 29-48. Arietti, F. & B. Martellotta, 1998. La tomba principesca del Vivaro di Rocca di Papa (= Istituto nazionale di studi romani, La regione romana 2). Ashby, Th., 1910. The classical topography of the Roman Campagna. PBSR (part III, sect. II) 5, 321 e 413. Barbet, A. & C. Chera, 1999. La tombe des Couronnes de Mangalia, in: Musée et sites archeologiques de Saint Romani en Gal-Vienne – Ouvrage public sous la direction de N. Blanc, 8 oct. 1998-5 janv. 1999. Bayet, J., 1959. La religione romana. Torino. Bedini, A., 1995. Mistero di una fanciulla. Roma. Bordenache Battaglia , G., 1983. Corredi funerari di età imperiale e barbarica nel Museo Nazionale Romano. Roma. Borda, M., 1958. Tuscolo (= Itinerari dei musei, gallerie e monumenti d’Italia, 98) Roma. Chioffi, L., 1998. Mummificazione e imbalsamazione a Roma ed in altri luoghi del mondo romano. Opuscula Epigraphica, 8. Corbier, M., 1974. Aerarium Saturni et aerarium militare. Roma. De Rossi, G.M., 1979. Bovillae (= Forma Italiae, R.I, vol. XV). Firenze. De Rossi, G.M., L. Quilici & S. Quilici, 1973. Rinvenimenti lungo la Via Latina, tra Via Cavona e Castel Savelli. Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Di Grigoli, N., 1975. Guida alle catacombe tuscolane “ad Decimum”. Grottaferrata. Ferembach, D., I. Schwidetzky & M. Stloukal, 1977-79, Raccomandazioni per la determinazione dell’età e del sesso sullo scheletro. Rivista di Antropologia 60, 551. Grossi Gondi, F., 1908. Il Tuscolano nell’età classica. Roma. Heilmeyer, M. & H.W. Lack, 1997. Le ghirlande del Fayum nella Collezione Georg Schweinfurth, in: Fayum Misteriosi volti dall’Egitto. Roma, 256-265.

La presente sepoltura si presenta come una struttura complessa di cui al momento abbiamo individuato solo alcuni dei principali componenti dell’ecofatto. Attraverso delle prove chimiche propedeutiche è stato possibile individuare la natura largamente inorganica della parte bassa (dal bacino in giù) di quello che all’inizio si riteneva fosse solo sudario. Il tutto si è potuto constatare attraverso delle reazioni con acido cloridrico e ossalato di ammonio. La composizione complessa si è successivamente specificata attraverso delle sezioni lucide sottoposte a SEM e microsonda che hanno rivelato nell’ordine stratigrafico dall’esterno verso l’interno la presenza di ossa combuste, terra e cute. Il probabile sudario nella sua composizione originale è presente nel solo capo dove residuano ancora grandi frammenti di cute e la capigliatura. E’ presente una colonia di alghe fotosintetiche localizzata sulle ossa del bacino di modeste dimensioni che si sta trattando con Troisan in veicolo alcolico al 5% e successivamente con Metatin 70/40 al 5% in White Spirit che sta dando ottimi risultati. Le ghirlande sono attualmente ben stabilizzate e in ottime condizioni. Le analisi effettuate hanno evidenziato anche in Carvilio la presenza di caseina di capra, mentre il quantitativo di As risulta 15-20 volte superiore al fisiologico. Al momento nessuna congettura è possibile avanzare per tale risultato. L’esame di microscopia elettronica ha evidenziato anche per Carvilius capelli di tipo cimotrico di natura europoide. Incinerato I resti combusti sembrano aver subito solo relativamente l’azione del fuoco. Anche la temperatura di combustione risultante dalla scala di Rubini (Rubini & Andreini 1991) di circa 600° non sembra elevatissima. La morfologia dei frammenti risulta ancora in larga parte identificabile e perlustrabile. Proprio grazie ad essa si è potuto risalire al sesso maschile ed a una età alla morte adulta compresa tra i 35 ed i 45 anni. La presenza di osteofiti sui corpi vertebrali farebbe supporre una qualche forma di stress fisico subito dall’individuo. Inoltre è stato possibile evidenziare anche alcuni frammenti di ossa giovanili (?) probabilmente appartenuti ad unico individuo di cui al momento non siamo in grado di accertare la natura umana o animale. La soluzione di quest’ultimo interrogativo 256

GIUSEPPINA GHINI ET AL: L’IPOGEO DELLE GHIRLANDE Herderjurgen, H., 1996. Stadtrömische und italische Ghirlandensarkophage, fasc.1, Sarkophage des 1. und 2. Jahrhunderts. Berlin. Lanciani, R., 1884. L’atrio di Vesta, con appendice del comm. Gio. Battista de Rossi, in: NS. Lanciani, R., 1905. Scoperte topografiche ed epigrafiche dal VII all’XI miglio della via Latina. Bull. Com. 2, 3. Lovejoy, C.O., 1985. Dental wear in the Libben population: its functional pattern and role in the determination of adult skeletal age at death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68, 47-56. Lugari, G.B., 1885. La via della Pedacchia e la casa di Pietro da Cortona. Roma. Lugari, G.B., 1888. Le catacombe ossia il sepolcro apostolico dell’Appia. Roma. Meindl, R.S. & C.O. Lovejoy, 1985. Ectocranial suture closure: a revised method for the determination of skeletal age at death based on the lateral-anterior sutures. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68, 57-66. Miller, K., 1916. Itineraria Romana. Stuttgart, 1916. Münzer, F., G. Gœtz & G. Wissowa, 1899. s.v. Carvilius, in: P.W. III, 2, 1899. Pellegrino, A., 1998. Dalle necropoli di Ostia riti ed usi funerari. Ostia. Quilici, L., 1978. La Via Latina da Roma a Castel Savelli. Roma. Quilici Gigli, S., 1980. Roma fuori le mura. Roma. Radke, G., 1973. Via Latina, in Viae publicae Romanae, in: Paulys Realencyclopaedie. Munchen. Radulescu, A., E. Coman & C. Stavru, 1973. Un sarcofago di età romana scoperto nella necropoli tumulare di Callatis (Mangalia). Pontica 6. Rubini, M. & L. Andreini, 1990. Resti umani incinerati, rinvenuti in un dolio di epoca romana presso Ciampino (I-II secolo d.C.). Rivista di Antropologia 70, 47-53. Salomies, O., 1992. Adoptive and polyonymous nomenclature in the Roman Empire (= Comm. Hum. Litt. 97). Helsinki. Schneider Graziosi, G., 1913. Nuovo Bull. Arch. Crist. 19, 240-241. Sinn, F., 1987. Stadtrömische Marmorurnen (= Beiträge zur Erschliessung hellenistischer und kaiserzeitlicher Skulptur und Architektur, 8). Mainz am Rhein. Syme, R., 1983. Spanish Pomponii. A study in nomenclature. Gerion 1, 249-266 (= Roman Papers IV, ed. by A.R. Birley, Oxford 1988, 140-158). Tomassetti, G., 1926. La Campagna romana antica, medioevale, moderna, I-IV. Roma. Toynbee, J.M.C., 1983. Morte e sepoltura nel mondo romano. Roma. Virgili, P., 1989. Acconciature e maquillage. Roma, 3336.

257

ASPECTS OF FUNERARY RITUALS IN THE NURAGHIC AGE Stefania Bagella Abstract: The paper highlights the importance of some factors linked to the funerary rites of Nuraghic Sardinia. Twenty categories were examined, taken from 130 ‘Giants’ Tombs’, by identifying the presence, the characteristics and the position of concentrations of ceramic material, menhirs, bethyls, bowls, more or less finished cavities and their contents, reserved or defined spaces etc. The tombs are unevenly distributed in the region. The relationship between particular elements and certain types of tombs is highlighted. This allows one to hypothesize on the time framework, and on the identify of the location. It is confirmed that the exedra are centres of attention and rituals in a manner which is perhaps not limited in time or to strictly funerary use.

Research has been in progress for some years aimed at identifying and making an initial definition of archaeological data in the ‘Giants’ Tombs’ in Sardinia which may be linked to the funerary rituals in the Nuraghic age.1 Until now they have not been studied as a whole in the literature. The ‘Giants’ Tombs’ typically consist of a funerary chamber and exedra. Numerous studies have been made of their number, distribution2 and types as well as of the most eye-catching symbolic elements, the dolmenic ‘Giants’ Tombs’ with the ‘curved stele’ (stele centinate, Fig. 1) and the ‘crenellated ashlars’ (conci dentellati, Figs. 2, 3) inside the isodomes. In the area around the ‘Giants’ Tombs’, attention has generally been focused on those pieces of ‘architectural furniture’ of the monuments which are either probably connected to their original use, or on later additions which are of collective relevance such as the large conical or truncated-conical bethyls.

Fig. 2. Iloi 2-Sedilo (OR), ‘concio dentellato’.

Fig. 3. Tamuli-Macomer (NU),‘concio dentellato’. The richness and number of archaeological works on the ‘Giants’ Tombs’, the many aspects of architectural interest and the lack of published works on scientific excavations has not encouraged interest in the ‘minor’ elements of the rituals. Our work, which is still at an initial stage, analyses and compares all of the published and some unpublished data and verifies in situ the rituals which are considered to be significant. Systematic analysis of apparently casual or statistically insignificant elements has allowed us to identify some quite distinct, albeit inhomogeneous, peculiarities. Twenty data categories have been established for some 130 ‘Giants’ Tombs’, which make

Fig. 1. Santu Bainzu-Borore (NU), ‘stele centinata’. 1 2

Bagella 2001. Castaldi 1969, 251-256; Moravetti 1990, 122-124, fig. 135.

258

STEFANIA BAGELLA: ASPECTS OF FUNERARY RITUALS IN THE NURAGHIC AGE up 17% of the more than 800 which have been identified until now (Figs 4, 5).3

Evidence has been collected on the presence, characteristics and position in the ‘Giants’ Tombs’ of particular concentrations of: ceramic materials, menhirs, bethyls (Fig. 6), bethylins, pebbles, globular (Fig. 7), disk-shaped (Fig. 8), conic or crescent-shaped stone elements, basins (Fig. 9), cupels (Figs. 10, 11), more or less finished holes and cavities and their contents, and reserved or defined spaces. The evaluated ‘Giants’ Tombs’ are unevenly distributed in the region. 75% of them are in the interior, in the provinces of Nuoro and Oristano. The dolmenic tombs have the most elements connected – under various headings – to rituals (37%, which is proportional to the number of the dolmenic ones among the monuments). These are followed by the isodomes (29%) and the tombs with rows of dry stones (12%). Connections have been found between particular elements and certain types of tombs. From this data one can hypothesize on their chronology – which does not however seem to be later than the end of the Bronze Age, with a concentration in the Middle and Recent Bronze Age – and also identify whether the particular elements were localized geographically or were present all over the island. The elements identified connected to the dolmenorthostatic ‘Giants’ Tombs’ (the oldest, probably erected in the Middle Bronze Age), are most common but vary little. Inside the funerary chambers the rare variations from the usual rectangular model are the niches (from one to four) in the longer sides. Outside in the exedra there are single conical bethyls, either protecting the

Fig. 4. List and distribution of ‘Giants’Tombs’ with data linked to the funerary rituals.

Fig. 5. Ritual elements (number of sites).

3

Bagella c.s. c.

259

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 9. Melas 2-Sedilo (OR), basin.

Fig. 6. Sant’ Antin’e Campu-Sedilo (OR), bethyl.

Fig. 10. Barrancu Mannu-Santadi (CA), cupel above the entrance in a tomb with rows of dry stones. Fig. 7. Iloi 2-Sedilo (OR), globular elements.

Fig. 11. Santu Bainzu-Borore (NU), cupel above the entrance on a ‘stele centinata’.

Fig. 8. Melas 2-Sedilo (OR), disk-shaped stone element. 260

STEFANIA BAGELLA: ASPECTS OF FUNERARY RITUALS IN THE NURAGHIC AGE façade or next to the sides of the entrance. The most conspicuous evidence, the cupels and above all the menhirs, very often are found in reusable monoliths and slabs. The types of elements and their position indicate that there was cultural continuity with the Neolithic and Neolithic phenomena related to hypogeism (‘Domus de Janas’), and that particular types of funerary characteristics persisted, especially in local areas.

interest in reinforcing or weakening the theory of the existence of an animistic cult or a cult of ancestor worship, or in other words of a transcendent and durable idea which is more than a simple act of piety towards the dead. The imposing façades, the finished tops of the architectural elements (‘stele centinata’/‘concio dentellato’), and those elements placed – in a fixed definite pattern within the monuments (bethyls, structured cavities, disks in relief), define a recognisable and extremely rigid community framework, certainly capable of transmitting a majestic concept of eternity. Within this framework one places modest artefacts and inconspicuous objects (globular elements Fig. 7, ‘microbethyls’ Fig. 12) and objects of common use (simple standardized ceramic forms with their contents), but above all constant and ritualized, transient manifestations linked to specific moments when the monuments were used. By this we mean such objects as votive offerings, mementoes, devotions and individual cultural expressions, concentrated in the external spaces and the communal areas, in the form of small and rather similar objects.

The isodome tombs and those with rows of dry stone are generally more recent. They were constructed after the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age and in the Recent Bronze Age. Here there is less data but it is more varied. The most frequent is the presence of multiple conical or truncated-conical bethyls of different sizes and in different combinations. In addition to the isodomes and the rows of dry stone walls one finds several conical or truncated conical bethyls, crescent-shaped elements, most of the stone disks and the controversial so-called contra-exedra structures. With the passage of time benches by the walls tend to substitute the niches in the funerary chambers. While useful anthropological data to clarify the aspects directly and concretely relating to burial are still lacking and not homogeneous, one should note the scarcity of artefacts and signs of the distinction of the dead inside the tombs. This is true even in those where the methods of deposition are relatively clear.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bagella, S., 2001. Rituali funerari in Sardegna durante l’età nuragica: le tombe di giganti. Tesi di specializzazione in Paletnologia, Università degli Studi di Roma-La Sapienza. A.A. 1999-2000. Bagella, S., 2003. Elementi rituali nelle tombe di giganti della Sardegna nuragica, in: Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Lipari 2-7 giugno 2000. Bagella, S., c.s. a. Le tombe monumentali, in: E. Contu, G. Tanda, S. Bagella, G. Canino, A. Depalmas, G. Marras & G.M. Meloni, Nuraghi, santuari, tombe monumentali. Convegno Il Bronzo Recente in Italia. Lido di Camaiore, 26-29 Ottobre 2000. Bagella, S., c.s. b. Incubazione, riso sardonico e altre possibili pratiche nuragiche a carattere rituale e terapeutico, in: Atti del Convegno: La civiltà nuragica. Nuove acquisizioni, Senorbì (CA) 14-16 dicembre 2000. Bagella, S., c.s. c. Stato degli studi e nuovi dati sull’entità del fenomeno funerario della Sardegna nuragica, in: Atti del 128° Congresso del CTHS, Bastia, 13-20 aprile 2003. Bittichesu, C., 1989. La tomba di Bùsoro a Sedilo e l'architettura funeraria nuragica (= Ricerche archeologiche, 1). Sassari. Bittichesu, C., 1998. Monumenti megalitici funerari del territorio di Sedilo, in: G. Tanda (a cura di), Sedilo. I monumenti, t. III. Sassari, 117-157. Castaldi, E., 1968. Nuove osservazioni sulle ‘tombe di giganti’. BPI (n.s.) 77, 7-91. Castaldi, E., 1969. Tombe di giganti nel Sassarese. Origini 3, 119-274. Castaldi, E., 1975. Domus nuragiche. Roma.

Fig. 12. Iloi 2-Sedilo (OR), microbethyls. By contrast the exedra are the centre of attention, and the rituals may not have been limited in time and not strictly connected to funerary uses, in particular in the Middle and Recent Bronze Ages, before the great development of the classic sites of the Nuraghic cult. The semicircular space which identifies them and distinguishes the particular model of ‘Giants’ Tomb’, is thought to be the part used collectively for long periods and is linked to communal use, although perhaps also to private acts by individuals, and is the centre towards which all the rest gravitates. It is not yet clear if the exedra were frequented outside the time when they were used as tombs. Establishing this would be of great 261

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Castaldi, E., 1976. Il ‘culto del toro’ nella preistoria della Sardegna ed il problema delle tre cavità sull'alto dei prospetti delle Tombe di Giganti (= Archivio per l’antropologia e l’etnologia CUI). Firenze, 439-458. Castaldi, E., 1980. Ancora sulla ‘stele’ delle tombe di giganti. BPI (n.s.) 24, 267-285. Contu, E., 1978. Il significato della ‘stele’ nelle tombe di giganti (= Quaderni SS NU). Sassari. Contu, E., 1985. L’architettura nuragica, in: AA. VV., Ichnussa. La Sardegna dalle origini all'età classica, 2 ed. Antica Madre, Milano, 3-176. Contu, E., 1997. La Sardegna preistorica e nuragica, 2. La Sardegna dei nuraghi. Sassari. Contu, E., G. Tanda, S. Bagella, G.F. Canino, A. Depalmas, G. Marras, M.G. Melis & G.M. Meloni, c.s. Atti Convegno L’età del Bronzo Recente in Italia, Lido di Camaiore, 26-29 Ottobre 2000 Nuraghi, santuari, tombe monumentali (S. Bagella, Le tombe monumentali). Lilliu, G., 1966. L’Architettura nuragica, in: Atti del XIII Congresso di Storia dell’architettura (Sardegna). Roma, 17-92. Lilliu, G., 1978. Dal betilo aniconico alla statuaria nuragica. St. Sardi 24 (1975-1977), 73-144. Lilliu, G., 1992. Miti e Rituali nella Sardegna Preistorica, in: R.H. Tykot & T.K. Andrews (eds), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea. Oxford, 378383. Lilliu, G., 1995. Betili e betilini nelle tombe di giganti della Sardegna. Memorie Accademia dei Lincei 9 (VI, 4), 421-507. Moravetti, A., 1986. Statue-menhirs in una tomba di giganti del Marghine. N. Bas 1(1984), 41-67. Moravetti, A., 1990. Le tombe e l’ideologia funeraria, in: AA.VV., Civiltà Nuragica, 2nd ed. Milano, 120168. Tanda, G., C. Bittichesu, A. Depalmas & M.G. Melis, 1992. Aspetti dell’architettura funeraria nuragica nella Sardegna centro-settentrionale: le tombe di giganti con fronte a filari. Rassegna di Archeologia 10, 776-777. Ugas, G., 1981. La tomba megalitica di San CosimoGonnosfanadiga (Cagliari): un monumento del Bronzo Medio (con la più antica attestazione minoica in Sardegna) Notizia preliminare. Archeologia Sarda, 7-30. Ugas, G., 1985. Il mondo religioso nuragico, in: Civiltà Nuragica. Milano, 209-225. Ugas, G., 1992. Considerazioni sullo sviluppo dell’architettura e della società nuragica, in: R.H. Tykot & T.K. Andrews (eds), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: a footprint in the sea. Sheffield, 221-234.

262

NECROPOLI DI CHIAVARI. CONTRIBUTO ALL’AGGIORNAMENTO DELLE RICERCHE Silvia Paltineri1 Abstract: The necropolis of Chiavari (GE), excavated in the sixties, but still unpublished, is now being examined by an interdisciplinary équipe. The paper discusses some aspects of pottery, in relation to the problem of import and imitation of Etruscan artefacts. The process of imitation helps to clarify the role of the local element, which both acquires pottery types from Etruria and, at the same time, differ from the Etruscan model.

La necropoli di Chiavari (GE),2 ancora inedita sul piano analitico, è attualmente in corso di studio3 con l’obiettivo di ricostruire, attraverso l’esame dei corredi, l’assetto sociale e il quadro culturale della prima età del ferro nella Liguria orientale, all’interno di un più ampio contesto di relazioni con il mondo etrusco, l’Italia nord-occidentale e l’ambito hallstattiano.

Fig. 1. Bicchiere dalla tomba 38B.

Il materiale ceramico, studiato sul piano tipologico, permette di abbozzare un quadro culturale complesso, in cui si rintraccia la coesistenza di più elementi, che disegnano un gruppo autonomo rispetto alla facies di Golasecca e rispetto all’Etruria propria, e tuttavia in rapporto con entrambe. Gli elementi che accomunano la necropoli con l’ambito nordoccidentale sono infatti molteplici e perdureranno per certi aspetti anche nella seconda età del ferro: tra gli altri, la tipologia tombale a cassetta, la copertura dell’ossuario mediante la lastrina di ardesia e, soprattutto, i bicchieri carenati (Fig. 1) che permettono un aggancio sicuro alle cronologie golasecchiane (Golasecca I C).4 Il problema dei rapporti con l’Etruria, già posto negli anni Sessanta, ha visto l’avvicendarsi di ipotesi volte a dimostrare ora la l’etruscità ora la ligusticità degli incinerati della necropoli5: si trattava comunque di modelli interpretativi

Fig. 2. Olla dalla tomba 9B. in cui il fattore etnico si poneva come cartina al tornasole nella lettura dei contesti funerari. In quel dibattito, tuttavia, la posizione di Rittatore spostava già la questione su un piano diverso dalla contrapposizione tra elemento ligure ed elemento etrusco,6 e sottolineava l’autonomia di una ‘facies di Chiavari’, evidenziando un fenomeno di commistione di elementi culturali diversi. Se infatti è lecito pensare a fenomeni di importazione diretta, come nel caso dell’olla della tomba 9B (Fig. 2), decorata a fasce orizzontali e cerchi concentrici e inseribile in una tradizione italo-geometrica con confronti a Poggio Buco,7 una serie di manufatti fa pensare a fenomeni di circolazione di modelli e relativa imitazione in loco di fogge vascolari etrusche. Ad ambito etrusco meridionale sono infatti state ascritte le tazze attingitioio ad ansa sopraelevata8 in impasto buccheroide,9 ma va

1

Il poster è nato da alcuni spunti della tesi di Specializzazione in Archeologia discussa dalla scrivente presso l’Università di Padova (relatore: prof. G. Leonardi) e continua attualmente in una tesi di Dottorato di Ricerca presso l’Università di Pavia. 2 Sulla necropoli di Chiavari sono ancora fondamentali le pubblicazioni preliminari di Lamboglia: Lamboglia 1960, 91-220; 1964, 31-96; 1966, 251-286; 1972, 103-136; 1976, 89-90; Zucchi 1978, 25-50. Sulla figura e l’attività di Lamboglia si veda, da ultimo, Paltineri 2003, 141-156 (con bibliografia precedente). 3 Un progetto multidisciplinare, avviato nel 1993 da R. Maggi (Soprintendenza Regionale per i Beni e le Attività Culturali della Liguria) e G. Leonardi (attualmente all’Università di Padova, al momento d’inizio del progetto docente a Genova), ha segnato una ripresa degli studi: il sito viene esaminato sotto diversi aspetti, dallo studio della stratigrafia, di cui si sta occupando G. Leonardi, alla tipocronologia dei materiali dei corredi alle analisi antropologiche, mineralogiche e paleobotaniche. Una presentazione del progetto e dei primi risultati si trova in Maggi, Leonardi & Saltini 1998, 81-82; Chella & Saltini 1988, 113-116; Saltini 1998, 116. 4 Sul problema dei rapporti tra territorio ligure e facies di Golasecca restano fondamentali i contributi di De Marinis 1988, 159-259; 1998, 59-75. 5 Si vedano in proposito Mingazzini 1972, 475-484 e Lamboglia 1973, 77-80. Mingazzini ravvisava nei corredi della necropoli una forte presenza della componente etrusca, mentre Lamboglia sosteneva la tesi della ligusticità di Chiavari, che rafforzava il peso degli elementi locali e sottraeva la costa ligure al mondo etrusco, riassorbendola invece in un quadro mediterraneo occidentale costiero: la Liguria della prima età del

ferro era dunque responsabile della trasmissione di modelli culturali al mondo golasecchiano. 6 Rittatore Vonwiller 1964, 95: “Dobbiamo così constatare che nulla autorizza a far dipendere le tombe di Chiavari dalla cultura di Golasecca, come pure viceversa. […] Nei confronti con l’area di Golasecca ci si può porre la domanda se, dopo la scoperta di Chiavari, […] si possa ancora parlare di Liguri in Transapadana, dato l’enorme divario fra i due ambienti. Si potrebbe definire gli uni «Liguri padani», con i loro rapporti con le finitime aree di Este, Villanova emiliana nonché transalpine, e gli altri «Liguri marittimi», gravitanti verso zone culturali costiere adiacenti sia della Francia che dell’Italia”. 7 Si confronti l’olla di Chiavari con: Matteucig 1951, pl. II n. 2 (tomba A). 8 Melli 1993, 116 (fig. 5).

263

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Anfora dalla tomba 9A.

Fig. 5. Olla dalla tomba 40A.

Fig. 4. Olla dalla tomba 54B. sottolineato, per queste forme come per le coppe in impasto buccheroide che imitano le coppe ioniche,10 che si tratta di materiali ampiamente attestati anche a Vetulonia e Populonia.11 Di questi manufatti ceramici troviamo a Chiavari anche imitazioni in impasto a gabbri,12 come nel caso della tazza attingitoio dalla tomba 66D.13 Altro caso non dissimile è quello dell’anfora a prese perforate della tomba 9A (Fig. 3), di probabile importazione da Populonia, imitata dall’olla dalla tomba 54B (Fig. 4). L’imitazione dà luogo a fenomeni di deriva

Fig. 6. Olla dalla tomba 41B.

9 Utilizzo i termini ‘impasto buccheroide’ e ‘bucchero’, trattandosi in entrambi i casi di ceramiche molto depurate cotte in ambienti riducenti; a differenziare i due termini sarebbero pertanto il risultato estetico (specie il colore, più omogeneo nel caso del bucchero, con variazioni dovute a difetti di cottura nel caso degli impasti buccheroidi) e il nucleo (nero nel caso del bucchero, marrone-rossastro nel caso delle ceramiche buccheroidi). Si tratta però di osservazioni tecniche macroscopiche, che costringono a contemplare sottoclassi. Solo ricerche archeometriche basate su un campione ampio potranno contribuire a una definizione adeguata. Si vedano in proposito le osservazioni di Mannoni 1993, 223227. 10 Melli 1993, 113 fig. 4. 11 E’ proprio in quest’ultimo sito che troviamo confronti sia per una tazza utilizzata come coperchio, dalla tomba 13 (per la decorazione si veda Donati 1989, 30 (fig. 7 n. 16, tomba I)), sia per la tazza attingitoio della tomba 112B, che presenta una decorazione incisa sull’ansa, sia per l’anfora ad anse perforate della tomba 9A, in impasto buccheroide, decorata con una serie di pendagli incisi con terminazione a rosetta; per i confronti si veda Romualdi 1994, tav. III n. 4. 12 Sulla produzione in loco di ceramiche che utilizzano il gabbro del Tigullio: D’Ambrosio 1987, 5-76 e Mannoni 1993, 223-227 (con analisi di alcuni campioni della necropoli e con importanti considerazioni sulla produzione locale). 13 Melli 1993, 116 (fig. 5 n. 11).

Fig. 7. Olla dalla tomba 50B.

264

SILVIA PALTINERI: NECROPOLI DI CHIAVARI. CONTRIBUTO ALL’AGGIORNAMENTO DELLE RICERCHE interscambio tra forma, decorazione e impasto, che pongono il problema del ruolo dell’elemento locale, perfettamente in grado di marcare il legame con l’elemento allogeno e a qualificarsi mediante la riproposizione consapevole di elementi codificati nella propria tradizione. Sul piano tipologico la ceramica degli Etruschi, sentita come altro da sé, non viene mai assunta come modello tout court da parte degli incinerati di Chiavari. L’Etruria propria resta pertanto un areale di riferimento disarticolato, su cui galleggiano di volta in volta elementi che le nostre conoscenze ci inducono a classificare come vulcenti, visentini, populoniesi, ecc., rielaborati dalla componente locale.14 BIBLIOGRAFIA Chella, P. & A.C. Saltini, 1998. Chiavari (GE) – tomba 19, in: Tesori della Postumia 1998, Catalogo della mostra di Cremona. Milano, 113-116. D’Ambrosio, B., 1987. Lo strato F della necropoli di Chiavari – Testimonianze di un sito costiero dell’età del bronzo finale. RSL 53, 5-76. De Marinis, R., 1988. La civiltà del Liguri e Celto-Liguri, in: Italia omnium terrarum alumna. Milano, 159259. De Marinis, R., 1998. I Liguri tra Etruschi e Celti, in: Tesori della Postumia 1998, Catalogo della mostra di Cremona. Milano, 59-75. Donati, L., 1989. Le tombe da Saturnia nel Museo Archeologico di Firenze. Firenze. Guzzo, P.G., 1975. Enigmi chiavaresi. Ipotesi su oreficerie liguri. Hamburger Beiträge zur Archäologie 5(2), 183-191. Lamboglia, N., 1960. La necropoli ligure di Chiavari – Studio preliminare. RSL 26, 91-220. Lamboglia, N., 1964. La seconda campagna di scavi nella necropoli ligure di Chiavari (1962-1963) – Studio preliminare. RSL 30, 31-96. Lamboglia, N., 1966. La terza campagna di scavo nella necropoli ligure di Chiavari (1966) – Relazione preliminare. RSL 32, 251-286. Lamboglia, N., 1972. La quarta campagna di scavo nella necropoli ligure di Chiavari (1967-1968) - Relazione preliminare. RSL 38, 103-136. Lamboglia, N., 1973. Liguri a Chiavari. RSL 39, 77-80. Lamboglia, N., 1976. Chiavari, in: Archeologia in Liguria. Scavi e Scoperte 1967-75. Genova, 89-90. Maggi, R., G. Leonardi & A.C. Saltini, 1998. La necropoli di Chiavari, in: Tesori della Postumia 1998, Catalogo della mostra di Cremona. Milano, 81-82. Maggi, R. & A.C. Saltini, 1997. Corredo di tomba a incinerazione, in: Gli Ori delle Alpi, Catalogo della mostra. Trento, 327-328.

Fig. 8. Olla dalla tomba 18. tipologica: nel caso dell’esemplare dalla tomba 54B viene imitata la decorazione a pendagli incisi, ma la sua variante decorativa (con la reduplicazione dei pendagli) e soprattutto l’assenza delle prese, presenti invece nel caso dell’importazione, trasformano un’anfora in olla, indicando una scelta del ceramista di foggiare un vaso in linea con la tradizione ceramica prodotta localmente, che presenta esclusivamente vasi privi di anse. Il fenomeno di ibridazione si ravvisa anche nel caso delle olle con costolature o decorazioni plastiche: i vasi dalle tombe 40A, 41B e 50B (Figg. 5, 6 e 7) sono di chiara ispirazione etrusco-meridionale, con evidenti rimandi, ancora una volta, a Vulci e Poggio Buco, soprattutto per la decorazione a cordoni plastici disposti intorno a una bugna; tuttavia, gli esemplari di Chiavari sono sempre privi di ansa – in linea con la produzione locale – e, in due casi (40A e 41B), sono cotti in ambiente riducente e lucidati sulla superficie: è difficile pensare che si tratti di imitazioni mal riuscite e/o inconsapevoli; probabilmente è più corretto considerare tali evidenze come indicatori di un processo di rielaborazione attiva, con una volontà di compiere contemporaneamente un’operazione di mimesi e di differenziazione rispetto al modello di riferimento. L’operazione mimetica prevede l’acquisizione di elementi decorativi di tradizione alloctona (pendagli incisi, bugne, costolature, ecc.); quella di differenziazione si colloca invece a un livello di consapevolezza più profondo e investe la tettonica stessa del vaso che, privato delle prese, può così essere riassorbito in un repertorio locale già standardizzato e consolidato che, come si è detto, non prevede le anse (Fig. 8): tale operazione vede pertanto, al momento della foggiatura, un allontanamento dal modello etrusco e, nella fase finale del processo produttivo, un ritorno al modello stesso, mediante la cottura riducente e il successivo trattamento di lucidatura: il risultato è un ibrido che ricorda il bucchero, ma che restituisce un manufatto ri-caratterizzato, che è ormai altro rispetto al modello. Si tratta di fenomeni di contaminazione, esito di una continua dialettica di

14 Sull’argomento si veda Paltineri 2002, c.s. (con bibliografia), in cui si analizzano anche le relazioni culturali con l’estrema Etruria settentrionale.

265

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Mannoni, T., 1993. Il termine “bucchero” visto alla luce delle analisi microscopiche in sezione sottile, in: M. Bonghi Jovino (ed.), Produzione artigianale ed esportazione nel mondo antico. Il bucchero etrusco, Atti del colloquio internazionale, Milano 10-11 maggio 1990. Milano, 223-227. Matteucig, G., 1951. Poggio Buco. The necropolis of Statonia. Berkeley/Los Angeles. Melli, P., 1993. Buccheri e impasti buccheroidi in Liguria, in: M. Bonghi Jovino (ed.), Produzione artigianale ed esportazione nel mondo antico. Il bucchero etrusco, Atti del colloquio internazionale, Milano 10-11 maggio 1990. Milano, 105-126. Mingazzini, P., 1972. Liguri o Etruschi a Chiavari? StEtr 40, 475-484. Paltineri, S., 2002. Progetto necropoli di Chiavari, in: Atti del XXIV Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Marsiglia-Lattes, 26 settembre-1 ottobre 2002. c.s. Paltineri, S., 2003. Anomalie liguri. Nino Lamboglia nella storia dell’archeologia italiana. Antenor 4, 141156. Rittatore Vonwiller, F., 1964. La civiltà di Golasecca e la “facies” di Chiavari. RSL 30, 91-96. Romualdi, A., 1994. Populonia tra la fine dell’VIII e l’inizio del VII secolo a.C.: materiali e problemi dell’Orientalizzante antico, in: La presenza etrusca nella Campania meridionale, Atti delle giornate di studio, Salerno-Pontecagnano 1990. Firenze, 171180. Saltini, A.C., 1998. Chiavari (Ge) – tomba 55D, in: Tesori della Postumia 1998, Catalogo della mostra di Cremona. Milano, 116. Tesori della Postumia 1998, Tesori della Postumia. Archeologia e storia intorno ad una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa, Catalogo della mostra di Cremona. Milano. Zucchi, P., 1978. La quinta campagna di scavo nella necropoli di Chiavari (1969). Relazione preliminare. RSL 44, 25-50.

266

URBANISM

263

268

ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002). SPAZI URBANI E STORIA Sabina Zeggio Abstract: The result of geophysical surveys and excavations undertaken between 1996 and 2002 in the Piazza del Colosseo in Rome, between the Meta Sudans, the Arch of Constantine and the north-eastern slopes of the Palatine are illustrated. The topography of the area between the Late Republican Period and the Flavian Age is better understood, also thanks to the discovery of the remains of an Augustan fountain, which could be identified as the original Meta Sudans. The fountain was the centre of various roads in the area and this indicates that from this location the system of 14 regions generated. New data are added concerning the sanctuary on the slope of the Palatine that is presumed to be the Curiae Veteres. Its foundation can now be dated at least to the late 7th century BC, thanks to the remains of a votive deposit. In front of this sanctuary a road, constructed around 700 BC, leads to the Forum going along a brook that flowed in the small valley between Palatine and Velia. This rivulet became embanked at the end of the 7th and was diverted into a sewer around the middle of the 6th century BC.

Si presentano in questa sede i più recenti risultati delle indagini che la Cattedra di Metodologia e Tecniche della Ricerca Archeologica dell’Università di Roma «La Sapienza», in collaborazione con la Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, conduce dal 1986 nel cuore del Centro Monumentale dell’Urbe, nella zona occidentale della Piazza del Colosseo (Fig. 1).1 Nell’ambito di una complessa sequenza di strutture e stratigrafie, che senza soluzione di continuità va dalla prima età del ferro ad oggi, i dati di scavo editi in più riprese hanno già contribuito a delineare l’assetto urbanistico di questa porzione della valle compresa fra Palatino e Velia a ovest, Oppio a nord e Celio ad est per le fasi più recenti, che pertanto ripercorrerò solo brevemente.2

Per l’età neroniana lo scavo ha infatti condotto, com’è noto, all’individuazione delle fondazioni dei plessi strutturali vallivi della Domus Aurea, che, organizzati verosimilmente in terrazze digradanti da ovest ad est verso lo stagnum, inglobavano l’ultimo tratto della direttrice viaria proveniente dal Circo Massimo, facendone una via tecta e collegandola all’atrium veliense, ai complessi edilizi palatini ed allo stesso stagnum. Anche questa soluzione massiva e regolare3 rappresentò, nella città semidistrutta dall’incendio del luglio 64, un’alterazione dello statu quo ante di portata eccezionale a livello geomorfologico, urbanistico, architettonico e simbolico; fatto questo che giustifica lo scalpore destato dall’operazione, così ben riflesso nella nota facezia svetoniana: “Roma domus fiet: Veios migrate, Quirites. Si non et Veios occupat ista domus”.4

Dall’età flavia e compiutamente da quella costantiniana l’area assume l’aspetto definitivo, con la monumentale Meta Sudans, fontana a pianta circolare e saliente cilindro-conico, a far da perno fra l’Anfiteatro Flavio, l’Arco di Costantino e la direttrice verso il Circo Massimo, la via che sale al Palatino e l’Arco di Tito, il Tempio di Venere e Roma ed il Colosso di Nerone, spostato da Adriano nella valle in seguito all’edificazione del tempio appena ricordato. Questa situazione, giunta in parte ai nostri giorni, rappresenta però una radicale innovazione rispetto al passato.

In effetti dalle origini e sino all’incendio del luglio 64 questa parte della città si era evoluta attorno all’incrocio fra gli antichi tracciati viari che collegavano da sud a nord l’area del Circo Massimo (e quindi la via Appia) con l’Esquilino e da ovest ad est il Foro ed il sistema collinare Palatino-Velia, da un lato con il Celio, dall’altro con la Porta Querquetulana e di qui con la via Tusculana.5 L’area, nevralgica e densamente edificata, era caratterizzata a nord da sontuose domus a più piani, talvolta con balnea riscaldati al piano superiore e con tabernae e servizi al piano terreno,6 mentre a sud-ovest ospitava un santuario di antica fondazione, più volte restaurato e splendidamente conservato nella sua ricostruzione claudia, conseguente ad un incendio sviluppatosi negli anni prossimi al 50 d.C. Molto è stato scritto sulle sue complesse e durature vicende fra età arcaica e primo impero, sulla sua collocazione all’angolo nord-orientale della pendice palatina in verosimile

1 Dirette da C. Panella con la collaborazione di chi scrive, le indagini sono state condotte in regime di collaborazione fra S.A.R. ed Università dal 1986 al 1994, mentre dal 1995 si svolgono in regime di concessione del Ministero per i Beni Culturali. Direttore dei lavori è M.L. Conforto, ispettore responsabile della S.A.R. dapprima C. Pavolini e dal 1999 R. Rea. Lo scavo, tuttora in corso, svolge anche la funzione di cantiere didattico ed i risultati qui presentati sono dunque frutto anche dell’impegno dei laureati, laureandi e studenti che vi collaborano a diversi livelli; in questo caso soprattutto di E. Brienza, F. Cesari, G. Coisson, E. Lorenzetti e G. Pardini. Corre l’obbligo di ringraziare in questa sede, oltre ai già ricordati funzionari, A. La Regina e I. Iacopi, per il benevolo sostegno che in questi anni non ci hanno mai fatto mancare. 2 I risultati delle indagini condotte dal 1986 al 1989 sono riassunti in Panella 1990, mentre quelli delle campagne dal 1989 al 1992, unitamente a problematiche storiche e topografiche più generali, sono trattati in Meta Sudans I. Informazioni sulle campagne successive sono in: Panella et al. 1995; Pensabene & Panella 1993-’94; Zeggio & Rizzo 1998; Cante et al. 1994-‘95; Zeggio 1999; 2000; Panella 2001; Zeggio c.s.; Panella & Zeggio c.s.

3

Medri 1996; Panella 2001, 57, fig. 8. Suet., Nero, 39. Panella 2001, 55, fig. 6. 6 Panella 1990, 44-50 e 59-60. Per le evidenze riferibili all’età precedente l’incendio del 64 d.C. rinvenute nel tempo nella valle dell’Anfiteatro, al di fuori dell’area dello scavo della Meta Sudans, v. Schingo 1996, Schingo 2001 (in part. 143, fig. 11). 4 5

269

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Le aree d’indagine nella valle del Colosseo e sulla pendice nord-orientale del Palatino (dis. E. Brienza). corrispondenza col luogo indicato da Tacito7 quale terzo vertice del pomerio romuleo, sede del santuario delle Curiae Veteres, sulla conseguente possibilità di identificare i nostri rinvenimenti con le Curiae stesse e sulla relazione fra pomerio appunto e la secolare inamovibilità accertata per la recinzione dell’area sacra,8 infine sull’appropriazione che con Augusto e poi con Claudio e Nerone i Giulio-claudi sembrano fare del luogo ed in qualche modo del culto,9 tramite il collegium degli Aenatores Romani (suonatori di strumenti a fiato bronzei) che ciclicamente vi dedicava statue a membri della gens Augusta.10

Fin qui l’edito.11 Ma in questi ultimi anni le indagini, condotte in una limitata area subito antistante a nord il 11 Colgo qui l’occasione per una breve notazione metodologica. Si sono accennati ovviamente solo alcuni dei risultati ottenuti in questi anni; in realtà la scala urbana dei ritrovamenti e le problematiche storiche, storico-religiose e storico-politiche sottese all’analisi di questi ed altri complessi monumentali vicini, già in luce o in corso di scavo, hanno di necessità comportato l’estensione dell’indagine ad est all’intera valle del Colosseo fino alle pendici di Oppio e Celio, a sud fino all’area di Porta Capena e del Circo Massimo, ad ovest, lungo le pendici nord-orientali del Palatino ove nel 2001 è stata aperta una nuova area di scavo (Fig. 1:a), fino all’Arco di Tito. Le finalità generali del nostro progetto, strettamente interconnesse, sono due: partendo dalla periodizzazione che è possibile desumere da stratigrafie indagate scientificamente e sviluppando nel contempo una metodologia di analisi integrata di dati di natura varia, tentiamo di definire genesi e sviluppo di un contesto urbano complesso e pluristratificato come quello di una porzione del Centro Monumentale di Roma, e contestualmente di predisporre un piano di fruibilità e valorizzazione dell’intero settore archeologico in esame. Sul piano del metodo perseguiamo diversi obiettivi: 1) ricostruzione geo-morfologica e paleoambientale della valle del Colosseo e dell’area nord-orientale del Palatino, sia in rapporto alla valle che lo divide dal Celio, sia in relazione alla sella che lo separa dalla Velia, occupata dalla via che sale all’Arco di Tito (v. oltre a nota 15); 2) ricostruzione storicizzata della viabilità interna e perimetrale della pendice palatina dal suo vertice nord-orientale, da un lato sino all’Arco di Tito e alla terrazza che sosteneva il tempio di Elagabalo, dall’altro al Circo

7

Tac., Ann., 12, 24. Zeggio 2000. 9 Panella 1996; 2001; Zeggio c.s. 10 Per le eccezionali evidenze epigrafiche pertinenti al frontone del tempio riedificato da Claudio intorno al 54 d.C. dopo l’incendio, alla base marmorea multipla dell’edicola ospitante le statue imperiali (Augusto, Claudio, Nerone ed Agrippina) ed alla base bronzea isolata della statua di Tiberio v. rispettivamente: Panciera 1996; 1998; 1994’95; Morizio 1996b; 1996a. 8

270

SABINA ZEGGIO: ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002). santuario (Fig. 1:b), hanno reso una notevole messe di dati, che se da un lato conduce a conoscere gli inizi primi dell’urbanizzazione di questa zona, dall’altro aggiunge eccezionali tasselli al quadro topografico della prima età imperiale.

pendice palatina fra ruscello e collina, permettendo un più agevole passaggio del tracciato stradale, allestito intorno a m 9,50 s.l.m. Un intervento antropico a quota così bassa, databile intorno al passaggio fra VIII e VII secolo a.C.,13 pone in discussione ricostruzioni geomorfologiche anche recenti,14 abbassando la quota dei terreni soggetti ad invasione delle acque e riducendo la ‘palude’ sempre ipotizzata nella valle quantomeno all’areale sottostante l’isoipsa dei m 9 s.l.m.15

Nell’angolo sud-occidentale della valle, prossimo alla pendice palatina, si assiste alla progressiva infrastrutturazione di un percorso che, sfruttando la sella esistente fra Velia e Palatino, sale verso l’area forense, dapprima a fianco e poi, previa canalizzazione, sull’alveo di un torrentello tributario di destra del Rivo Labicano.12 Subito a sud del corso d’acqua e del tracciato viario, proprio sull’angolo nord-orientale della pendice collinare, prende pian piano forma il luogo di culto suddetto. Questa sequenza è stata seguita con lo scavo fin sotto i m 12,00 s.l.m. (la piazza è attualmente a m 22,00 s.l.m.), poi profondità e falda hanno impedito l’indagine diretta e si è quindi scelto di procedere con carotaggi meccanici; grazie ad alcuni accorgimenti tecnici è stato possibile connettere fra loro le colonne stratigrafiche ottenute ed ‘agganciarle’ con buona precisione alla stratigrafia scavata manualmente. Si è così ottenuta una sezione continua che dalla prima antropizzazione della zona giunge all’età attuale (Fig. 2). La maggior parte della stratigrafia è rappresentata dal susseguirsi di ripavimentazioni del clivus che saliva al Palatino ed al Foro, il quale, nei quasi 800 anni documentati sino alla distruzione a causa dell’incendio del luglio 64 ed al conseguente spostamento per il mutato orientamento del nuovo progetto neroniano, subisce un innalzamento di oltre 7 metri ed un ampliamento da 3 metri a 14 circa. I mantelli stradali constano dapprima di battuti, dalla metà del VI secolo a.C. di pavimentazioni in ciottoli e frammenti ceramici e laterizi ben compressi (glareationes) e dal II secolo a.C. di basolati.

Sul primo allestimento si sovrappongono col tempo altri livelli viari; anch’essi corrono a fianco del corso d’acqua senza apparente delimitazione, tanto che fra un livello e l’altro s’individuano sottili strati sabbiosi naturali che potrebbero riconoscersi come limitate esondazioni del ruscello. Le cose cambiano però fra la fine del VII e gli inizi del VI secolo a.C.: la via ora realizzata, sempre di terra battuta, è limitata verso l’alveo da una banchina in irregolari blocchi di cappellaccio (Fig. 2:a), rialzata con un secondo filare dopo un decennio circa e dopo solo un ventennio obliterata. Per tutta questa fase non è possibile definire il limite della via verso la pendice, poiché la sede stradale continua sotto strutture di età arcaica pertinenti all’area sacra. Un pesante indizio del fatto che queste rappresentino però non il momento di creazione del luogo di culto, ma quello di una sua monumentale ristrutturazione, in linea con l’intensa attività edilizia dei Tarquini, e siano state perciò precedute da altre, pur meno imponenti, che avrebbero potuto rappresentare il limite della via, si ha nei dati di scavo. Su un battuto stradale databile intorno al 570 a.C. è stata individuata una fossa (Fig. 2:b) coperta da un blocco di calcare e circondata da zone arse, carboni e da un cumulo d’ossa (alcune di canide) con tracce di macellazione; presso il suo bordo era stata deposta rovesciata una ciotola-coperchio d’impasto grezzo rossobruno. Riempita di pezzame di tufi e tegole in impasto rosso, la fossa conservava anche un peso da telaio in impasto rosso e due tipici kyathoi miniaturizzati in bucchero nero; tutto il contesto rinvenuto nel riempimento risulta databile fra la fine del VII e gli inizi del VI secolo a.C.16 Da quanto detto appare evidente che ci si trovi di fronte alle testimonianze di un rito che potremmo definire ‘di rifondazione’, o meglio ‘di ricostruzione’, il quale evidentemente attesta almeno dall’Orientalizzante Recente l’esistenza del santuario, già dotato di una struttura in pietra e tegole restaurata o sostituita agli inizi dell’età arcaica, dato questo non ininfluente perché vi sia la possibilità di riconoscere nel

Il primo intervento umano riscontrabile in questa sequenza è un taglio del livello geologico preantropico, creato evidentemente per regolarizzare questo tratto di Massimo; 3) definizione dei blocchi struttivi presenti in questo stesso comparto dall’età regia all’età medievale e moderna; 4) integrazione degli elementi ambientali e storici fin qui acquisiti con quelli derivanti dalle indagini appena concluse o tuttora in corso sui versanti settentrionale (v. ad es. da ultimo Palatium I) e orientale (v. ad es. da ultimo Villedieu 2001) del Palatino, sia a livello urbanistico topografico e architettonico che geo-morfologico; 5) confronto e integrazione di questi dati con ulteriori testimonianze edite (bibliografiche e cartografiche) e inedite d’archivio e con dati derivanti da evidenze non raggiungibili attraverso l’analisi diretta, ma acquisibili tramite prospezioni di tipo geologico (coordinate da A. Arnoldus Huyzendveld) e geofisico (realizzate unitamente all’Istituto per le Tecnologie Applicate ai Beni Culturali del C.N.R. e coordinate da S. Piro), calibrate, testate e adeguate ad una situazione insediamentale complessa e di notevole durata. Per gestire una tale mole di dati di natura disparata e grande estensione è stata realizzata una piattaforma GIS intra-site (progettata da E. Brienza), con lo scopo di implementare in tempo reale banche-dati sia grafiche che schedografiche, di gestire il complesso della documentazione, ottimizzando i tempi di consultazione e di fruizione, e di elaborare cartografie tematiche sia descrittive che ricostruttive. 12 Il sistema idrografico dell’area e quello viario originario, strettamente connessi, sono illustrati più ampiamente in Zeggio c.s. (in part. tav. I b).

13 Un’analisi preliminare dei contesti ceramici relativi a queste prime fasi della stratigrafia è in Panella & Zeggio c.s. 14 Ad es. Terrenato 1997, 590 e 593-594. Ulteriore bibliografia in Zeggio c.s., note 13-15. 15 Questi ed altri dati di recente acquisizione sono alla base di una nuova analisi ricostruttiva del panorama geo-morfologico dell’area occidentale della valle dell’Anfiteatro, in preparazione da parte di A. Arnoldus Huyzendveld. 16 Per una più specifica analisi del deposito votivo e dei riti ad esso connessi v. Zeggio c.s. (in part. tav. III e tav. IV, a-b); per i materiali Panella & Zeggio c.s.

271

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Sezione nord-sud del saggio di scavo antistante il santuario delle pendici palatine (dis. G. Pardini & S. Zeggio). luogo di culto le Curiae Veteres, per le quali le fonti affermano una fondazione romulea.17

che di un vero e proprio edificio templare, delimita a sud il tracciato stradale.18

Al deposito rituale seguono rifacimenti stradali fino circa alla metà del VI secolo a.C., quando il torrente è canalizzato in una fogna (raggiunta nel 1996 grazie ad un carotaggio) realizzata in tufo granulare grigio, comunemente detto ‘cappellaccio’, la cui costruzione permette l’allargamento a nord della sede viaria, anche nello spazio prima occupato dall’alveo. Poco dopo il santuario subisce la prima ristrutturazione direttamente osservabile: un muro in irregolari blocchi di cappellaccio (Figg. 2:c; 3:a), probabilmente parte della recinzione più

17

18

Questa struttura, il cui spiccato si trova a m 13,70 s.l.m. in media, conserva l’elevato per un’altezza di m 0,65, corrispondenti a tre assise sovrapposte; la lunghezza visibile (continua infatti ad est) raggiunge m 4,30; la larghezza individuata è di m 0,60, ma dovrebbe rappresentare meno della metà dello spessore reale. Il muro è realizzato con blocchi di taglia piuttosto irregolare, approssimativamente squadrati ed affiancati apparentemente per testa senza legante; dallo spessore visibile non è possibile dedurre il numero dei filari affiancati. La sua fondazione è stata individuata per una larghezza di m 0,87, che anche in questo caso non dovrebbe raggiungere la metà del totale. Consta di un unico filare, spesso in media m 0,35, di blocchi irregolari di taglia analoga a quella dei componenti l’alzato, affiancati apparentemente per taglio, senza legante e con qualche zeppa; un blocco, che l’usura e la taglia minore denunciano come di riutilizzo, ed alcune zeppe sono di tufo rosso litoide lionato e potrebbero dunque essere appartenuti in origine alla precedente fase strutturale del santuario. Presso il limite occidentale del

Fest., 180 L.

272

SABINA ZEGGIO: ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002).

Fig. 3. Il muro di recinzione del santuario delle pendici palatine nei suoi quattro rifacimenti; a: età serviana; b: fine dell’età regia; c: età sillana; d: età augustea (dis. E. Brienza & G. Pardini). Dopo circa un ventennio, negli anni tradizionalmente assegnati al regno dell’ultimo Tarquinio, il santuario è recinto da un nuovo muro in blocchi di cappellaccio (Figg. 2:d; 3:b), che sfrutta come fondazione il precedente, rasato a m 14,00 ca. s.l.m. (Fig. 4).19 Al suo fianco la nuova strada è larga 5 metri e mezzo, per la prima volta è glareata e mostra ampia cunetta centrale e crepidini laterali pedonabili in cappellaccio.

innalzato ancora in età augustea ormai in opera laterizia (Figg. 2:f; 3:d), continuerà a salire di livello la strada con larghi marciapiedi in travertino, nuovamente basolata da Cesare, Augusto, Tiberio e Claudio.

Con l’avvento della repubblica il tracciato continua ad essere ripavimentato e dagli inizi del II secolo a.C. si presenta con mantello basolato ed ampi marciapiedi in tufo rosso litoide lionato.20 Al suo lato il muro di recinzione tardo-arcaico assolve il suo compito fino all’età sillana, quando viene riedificato su se stesso (Figg. 2:e; 3:c) in grandi blocchi di tufo rosso litoide lionato, ma con una complessa tecnica d’incastro e foderatura che ne preserva il preciso allineamento.21 Accanto ad esso,

Non siamo informati altrettanto bene su quanto accade nei secoli sul lato opposto della via che sale al Foro, ma è qui che nel gennaio 2002 è avvenuto il rinvenimento forse più sorprendente, ancorché non del tutto inatteso, degli ultimi anni. Lo scavo dei detriti dell’incendio neroniano ha rivelato, al disotto degli scarichi di macerie arse e terre di riporto consueti per l’area,22 un vespaio di centinaia di anfore in frantumi, che riempiva l’invaso di una grande fontana (Fig. 1:c) con vasca mistilinea, rettangolare movimentata al centro dei lati lunghi da due esedre semicircolari contrapposte.23 La vasca era dotata di pavimento in cocciopesto, pareti in lastroni di travertino animate da getti d’acqua e recava al centro un

saggio, per effetto della salita della pendice collinare, la fondazione sale di livello (cfr. Fig. 3, in basso a destra). 19 Questo muro, di cui rimane un’altezza di m 2,05 corrispondenti ad otto assise sovrapposte, è stato portato alla luce per una lunghezza di m 4,20 e per una larghezza di m 0,85, che rappresenta solo parte dello spessore reale; è realizzato in blocchi di cappellaccio ben squadrati, connessi per testa almeno in doppio filare e di taglia man mano minore col salire delle assise. 20 La strada dovrebbe ora raggiungere almeno 8 metri di larghezza, con marciapiedi larghi quasi 2 metri ciascuno; a questa eccezionale ampiezza, già evidente dall’età arcaica, non sarà stato certo estraneo il fatto, più volte sottolineato, che la via rappresenta parte del percorso delle pompe civiche e sacrali, fra cui quella trionfale, provenienti dal Circo Massimo e dirette al Foro. 21 Al momento del rifacimento tardo-repubblicano solo una parte del muro tardo-arcaico continuava ad emergere dal suolo. Se per la parte non visibile si usò quindi il più pratico sistema di rasare la struttura più antica, portarla in piano con una limitata gettata di malta e collocarvi sopra i nuovi blocchi (in media di m 1,50 x 0,57 x 0,57), connessi per testa in unico filare con l’ausilio di un sottile strato di calce, per la parte

fuori terra fu messo in atto un complesso sistema, che prevedeva lo scavo dei blocchi di cappellaccio arcaici e l’inserimento in essi di quelli nuovi in tufo litoide; al termine dell’operazione una copertura totale di intonaco (visibile a chiazze in Fig. 3) assicurò l’uniformità della parete. 22 Zeggio 1996. 23 Ancorché dimidiato dall’azione di fosse e cunicoli di spoliazione d’età medievale, il contesto, spesso in origine m 0,70 ca. in media, ha reso oltre 150 casse di reperti, per svariate migliaia di frammenti (il numero non è ancora precisamente calcolabile). Il materiale è per il 95% ca. formato da anfore di varia produzione, perlopiù integre e rotte in loco forse a causa della caduta nella vasca della fontana, mentre scarsamente rappresentate sono le altre classi, fra cui soprattutto ceramica comune da mensa, ceramica a pareti sottili e vetro. Il contesto, il cui studio dovrebbe iniziare a breve, aveva la funzione di creare un vespaio assorbente l’umidità, che contrastasse l’impermeabilità della grande massa cementizia della fontana ed agevolasse così il tiraggio della malta delle nuove fondazioni del progetto neroniano.

273

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Planimetria della fase tardo-arcaica dell’area antistante il santuario delle pendici palatine (dis. G. Pardini). apparentemente iconoclasta di Nerone,26 chiariscono senza dubbio che si tratta della Meta Sudans di età augustea, restaurata da Claudio dopo l’incendio del 50 d.C. più o meno, contestualmente all’antistante santuario. Le uniche differenze esistenti fra le due fontane sono facilmente spiegabili: le dimensioni più che doppie della ricostruzione domizianea rispetto al monumento augusteo si commisurano al gigantismo che connota tutta la ristrutturazione flavia della zona, a partire dall’Anfiteatro, mentre la diversa forma della vasca rende conto di una difformità basilare nelle scelte politico-urbanistiche. Nel desiderio di distinguersi radicalmente dal predecessore i dinasti flavi vogliono ricreare ex novo l’impianto dell’area, collocando la monumentale fontana in una piazza dove la visibilità non ostacolata rende ottimale una struttura a simmetria radiale (e dunque una vasca

saliente, verosimilmente cilindro-conico, in conci di tufo in origine rivestiti di marmo (Fig. 5).24 La sua forma e la sua posizione, ricalcate con precisione sei metri più in alto e vent’anni più tardi dalla monumentale erede flavia,25 dopo la parentesi 24 La lunghezza della vasca si aggira su m 12 (40 piedi romani – da ora abbreviato p.r.); la larghezza non raggiunge m 5 (16 p.r.) nella porzione rettangolare e m 7,50 ca. (25 p.r.) in corrispondenza della massima espansione delle esedre. Si sono rinvenute due pavimentazioni sovrapposte della vasca: quella augustea originaria si trova a m 15,60 ca. s.l.m., quella claudia a m 15,75 in media. Il bordo-vasca è conservato solo nell’angolo NW della fontana, per un tratto di m 2,20 ca. che consta di due elementi contigui spessi ambedue m 0,45 ca.: un pilastro (m 0,63 x 1,70 h.) recante sulla faccia interna all’invaso l’incavo verticale ed una grappa per l’installazione della fistula dello zampillo; un lastrone (m 1,58 x 1,50 h.) rivestito sulla faccia interna di signino bianco. Anche il bordo fu restaurato da Claudio, conseguentemente al forte innalzamento del piano stradale, con la sovrapposizione ai lastroni di un parapetto di grandi lastre disposte per piatto (m 0,70 conservati x 0,65 x 0,30 h.; m 17,20 s.l.m.), ed ai pilastri di un ulteriore blocco (m 0,65 x 0,65 x 0,90 h.; m 18,01 s.l.m.). Il tamburo del saliente centrale, rasato a m 16,53 s.l.m., ha un diametro di m 3,50 (12 p.r.) circa ed è composto di un nucleo cementizio rivestito di grandi conci di taglia bipedale in altezza e spessore, ma di lunghezza variabile, di cui rimangono due assise sovrapposte a secco ed ingrappate. 25 Nonostante la sua cronologia tradizionale, dovuta però a fonti tarde e talvolta imprecise (Chron. a. 354; Euseb., Chron., II; Hieron., Chron., 191; Prosp., Chron.; Cassiod., Chron. Per tutte v. Fontes, I, 60-61, nn.

70-71; III, 100, n. 111; VIII, 116, nn. 389-390), l’attribuisca ad un anno oscillante fra l’89 ed il 96 d.C., la Meta Sudans è in realtà effigiata più volte in conî databili a partire dall’80 d.C. (BCM, Emp, 2, 261, n. 189; 262, n. 190-191 e in nota; 356 s.n.; 358 in nota), così da far supporre una sua data di realizzazione prossima a quella dell’Anfiteatro, con il quale compone del resto un progetto evidentemente unitario. Sulla problematica v. più ampiamente Panella 1990, 75. 26 Va notato il fatto, attualmente di oscura interpretazione ma certo non casuale, che nonostante ne venga rasato il saliente e forse in parte spoliato il rivestimento marmoreo, la fontana è risparmiata dalla maglia fondale neroniana, che ne delimita precisamente i contorni su tre dei quattro lati.

274

SABINA ZEGGIO: ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002).

Fig. 5. La Meta Sudans augustea (foto S. Zeggio).

Fig. 6. Ricostruzione dell’incrocio dei percorsi viari della valle in corrispondenza della Meta Sudans augustea (dis. E. Brienza & M. Fano). 275

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI circolare); il ‘conservatore’ Augusto inserisce invece il suo progetto nell’ambito della fitta maglia urbana creatasi nel tempo. Vincolata a sud dal santuario antistante, di cui abbiamo già verificato la secolare inamovibilità, a nord da un massiccio isolato d’abitazione e ad est dall’importante snodo viario di cui s’è detto, la vasca si allunga nell’unica direzione possibile, ossia lungo la via che sale verso il Foro, che in corrispondenza dell’incrocio dava luogo ad un limitato slargo irregolare (Fig. 6).

monumentalizzare il ricordo dell’angolo nord-orientale del pomerio, quello appunto ospitante le Curiae Veteres…ma lo scavo è ancora in corso.32 BIBLIOGRAFIA BMC, Emp, Mattingly, H. (II ed.), 1976. Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum. Oxford. Cante, M., S. Panciera, C. Panella & S. Zeggio, 1994-’95. Il tempio restaurato da Claudio e l’organizzazione degli spazi tra pendice nord-orientale del Palatino e Valle del Colosseo in età Giulio-Claudia: nuovi dati. RendPontAc 67(1) (1998), 23-151. Castagnoli, F., 1979. Su alcuni problemi topografici del Palatino. RendLinc (s. VIII) 34, 332-347. Colini, A.M., 1944. Storia e topografia del Celio nell’Antichità (= MemPontAc, s. III, VII). Roma. Fontes ad topographiam veteris urbis Romae pertinentes, I-VIII (ed. G. Lugli), 1952-1969. Roma. Jordan, H. & Ch. Hülsen, 1907. Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum. Berlin. Lanciani, R., 1985. Rovine e scavi di Roma Antica (trad. di Ruins and excavations of ancient Rome. London, 1897). Roma. Medri, M., 1996. Suet., Nero, 31.1: elementi e proposte per la ricostruzione del progetto della Domus Aurea, in: Meta Sudans I, 165-188. Meta Sudans I. Un’area sacra in Palatio e la valle del Colosseo prima e dopo Nerone (ed. C. Panella), 1996. Roma. Morizio, V., 1996a. La base in bronzo con dedica a Tiberio, in: Meta Sudans I, 115-131. Morizio, V., 1996b. Le dediche ad Augusto e ai GiulioClaudi, in: Meta Sudans I, 201-216. Palatium e Sacra Via I, 1-2 (= BA 31-34. 1995) (eds A. Carandini & P. Carafa ), 2000. Roma. Panciera, S., 1994-’95. Riconsiderazioni epigrafiche, in: M. Cante et al. 1994-’95, 135-140. Panciera, S., 1996. L’iscrizione di Claudio, in: Meta Sudans I, 133-137. Panciera, S., 1998. Claudio costruttore de sua pecunia. A proposito di una nuova iscrizione templare romana, in: Y. Burnand et al. (eds), Claude de Lyon empereur romain, Actes du Colloque (Paris, Nancy, Lyon 1992). Paris, 137-160. Panella, C., 1990. La Valle del Colosseo nell’Antichità. BA 1-2, 34-88. Panella, C., 1996. Un’area sacra sulle pendici nordorientali del Palatino, in: Meta Sudans I, 27-91. Panella, C., 2001. La valle del Colosseo prima del Colosseo e la Meta Sudans, in: A. La Regina (ed.), Sangue e Arena (catalogo mostra Roma). Milano, 4967.

La collocazione della fontana su questo incrocio denuncia il suo ruolo di punto generante nell’ambito della riorganizzazione urbana in Regiones voluta dal princeps,27 ma anche quello di fulcro emblematico dai molteplici significati. In questo senso va notato come, pur visibile da tutte le strade che si incontrano in questo punto, è verso la via percorsa dal trionfo e verso l’antichissimo luogo di culto che la Meta rivolge il suo lato principale, in una continuità di messaggio simbolico che non può sfuggire. Del resto la valenza apollinea sottesa alla forma betilica, ben nota all’arte di propaganda augustea,28 è qui rafforzata dalla vicinanza della casa natale di Ottaviano, ricordata dalle fonti29 ad capita bubula, proprio nei pressi delle Curiae Veteres.30 Con suggestiva ipotesi si potrebbe dunque pensare che, come per altri versi accade per l’Area Apolllinis e gli edifici del Germalo,31 il nuovo fondatore di Roma scelga quest’area dell’Urbe, a lui così legata, per porsi in connessione con il ‘fondatore primo’. Non è forse un caso, dunque, che proprio sotto la fontana sembrino intravedersi i resti fondali di un precedente monumento a pianta centrale, che parrebbe sottendere l’esistenza di una Meta ‘originaria’, che in questo caso non potrebbe che 27

In questo punto, secondo le direttrici delle strade suddette (cfr. Fig. 6), dovevano incontrarsi 5 (o 4) delle Regiones più centrali fra le 14 in cui Augusto aveva ridiviso la città, fatto certo non estraneo alla denominazione di Meta data alla fontana. In favore dell’incontro di 5 regiones, I (Porta Capena), II (Caelimontium), III (Isis et Serapis), IV (Templum Pacis) e X (Palatium), sono fra gli altri: Richter 1901, 240; Jordan & Hülsen 1907, I.3, 200-202; Lanciani 1985, 175. Non accetta invece l’estensione della Regio II sino alla valle del Colosseo Castagnoli 1979, 347. Aperto ad entrambe le possibilità, ma forse più propenso alla prima, è infine Colini 1944, 52 e fig. 22. Sulla problematica v. più estesamente Panella 1996, 65-66 e 73-74. 28 Zanker 1989, 75-76; Strazzulla 1990, 22-29 (con ulteriore bibliografia); Panella 1996, 90-91. 29 Suet., Aug., V; Serv., ad Aen., VIII, 361. 30 Questa domus, venduta con altri beni di famiglia intorno al 45 a.C., in funzione del testamento di Cesare (App., Bell. Civ., III, 23, 10-15), qualche tempo dopo la sua morte e divinizzazione fu evidentemente riacquisita, se Svetonio (cit. a nota prec.) può informarci del fatto che era divenuta un sacrarium, ossia un luogo di culto gentilizio privato. Il sacrarium fu poi forse trasformato in un tempio vero e proprio (in tal senso s’intende Plin., Nat.Hist., XII, 94), voluto da Livia ed in seguito raso al suolo da un incendio; in esso dal 26 d.C. Livia Augusta conservava le lettere dello sposo defunto (Suet., Tib., LI). Come si vede, e come altrove più ampiamente discusso (Panella 1996, 83-91; Zeggio c.s.), molti sembrano i punti di contatto fra queste fonti e le vicende del tempio giulio-claudio individuato nel santuario antistante la Meta Sudans, facendo supporre che nella medesima area sacra potessero coesistere più edifici, relativi ad epoche e culti diversi. Non è il caso di riprendere qui il complesso problema del sacrarium e/o aedes Divi Augusti in Palatio, per il quale v. Torelli 1993 (con bibliografia precedente). 31 Pensabene 1997, 163-168.

32 Al momento di mandare in stampa questo contributo lo scavo della fontana è stato portato a compimento, fornendo un’ulteriore messe di dati, per i quali, in attesa dell’edizione analitica, si rimanda preliminarmente al contributo in preparazione da parte di C. Panella e di chi scrive nelle pagine della neonata rivista Workshop di Archeologia Classica 1, 2004.

276

SABINA ZEGGIO: ROMA, VALLE DEL COLOSSEO. SCAVO DELL’AREA DELLA META SUDANS (1996-2002). Panella, C., P. Pensabene, M. Milella & M. Wilson Jones, 1995. Scavo nell’area della Meta Sudans e ricerche sull’Arco di Costantino. Archeologia Laziale 12(1) (= Quaderni del Centro di Studio per l’Archeologia Etrusco-Italica, 23), 41-61. Panella, C. & S. Zeggio, c.s. Alle origini dell’urbanizzazione della valle del Colosseo. Stratigrafia e reperti dall’area della Meta Sudans, in: M. Rendeli & S. Verger (eds), Ceramica, abitati, territorio nella bassa valle del Tevere e Latium Vetus, in: Atti dell’Incontro di Studi (Roma, 17-18 febbraio 2003). In stampa. Pensabene, P., 1997. Elementi architettonici dalla Casa di Augusto sul Palatino. RM 104, 149-192. Pensabene, P. & C. Panella, 1993-’94. Reimpiego e progettazione architettonica nei monumenti tardoantichi di Roma. RendPontAc 66 (1995), 246-259. Richter, O., 1901. Topographie der Stadt Rom. München. Schingo, G., 1996. Indice topografico delle strutture anteriori all’incendio del 64 d.C. rinvenute nella valle del Colosseo e nelle sue adiacenze, in: Meta Sudans I, 145-158. Schingo, G., 2001. Gli sterri del 1939 per la costruzione della metropolitana. Dati archeologici inediti dalla Valle del Colosseo. BCom 102, 129-146. Strazzulla, M.J., 1990. Il principato di Apollo. Mito e propaganda nelle lastre “Campana” dal tempio di Apollo Palatino. Roma. Terrenato, N., 1997. La morfologia originaria di Roma, in: A. Carandini, La nascita di Roma. Dei, Lari, eroi e uomini all’alba di una civiltà. Roma, 587-594. Torelli, M., 1993. s.v. Augustus, Divus, Sacrarium; Aedes, in: E.M. Steinby (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, I. Roma, 143-145. Villedieu, F. (ed.), 2001. Il giardino dei Cesari. Dai palazzi antichi alla Vigna Barberini sul Monte Palatino (catalogo mostra Roma). Roma. Zanker, P., 1989. Augusto e il potere delle immagini (trad. di Augustus und die Macht der Bilder. München, 1987). Torino. Zeggio, S., 1996. La stratigrafia relativa alla trasformazione neroniana dell’area sacra: alcune precisazioni, in: Meta Sudans I, 159-163. Zeggio, S., 1999. La realizzazione delle fondazioni, in: P. Pensabene & C. Panella (eds), Arco di Costantino tra archeologia e archeometria. Roma, 117-137. Zeggio, S., 2000. Tratto di mura arcaiche nello scavo della Meta Sudans, in: A. Carandini & R. Cappelli (eds), Roma. Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città (catalogo mostra Roma). Milano, 301-302. Zeggio, S., c.s. Un santuario alle pendici nord-orientali del Palatino ed i suoi depositi votivi fra età arcaica e medio-repubblicana, in: A.M. Comella (ed.), Depositi votivi e culti dell’Italia antica dal periodo arcaico a quello tardo-repubblicano, Atti del Convegno (Perugia,1-4 giugno 2000). In stampa. Zeggio, S. & G. Rizzo, 1998. I materiali residui come indicatori della storia di un sito: il caso della fossa di fondazione dell’Arco di Costantino, in: F. Guidobaldi,

C. Pavolini & Ph. Pergola (eds), I materiali residui nello scavo archeologico, Testi preliminari e Atti della tavola rotonda (Roma, 16 marzo 1996). Roma, 133-145.

277

THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION AT PIAZZA D’ARMI (VEII; ROME): EXCAVATION CAMPAIGNS OF 1996-2002 Valeria Acconcia, Gilda Bartoloni & Silvia ten Kortenaar Abstract: The excavation carried out by the University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’ on the small plateau of Piazza d’Armi, at Veii, revealed a complex stratigraphical and chronological sequence. The area of Piazza d’Armi was inhabited from the Iron Age and developed from an early settlement with huts. From the late 7th century BC this arrangement was replaced by the first monuments, which marked the beginning of an urban lay-out. A regular system of orthogonal roads and monumental buildings (as the oikos excavated by E. Stefani) was planned, which developed until the late 6th century BC, with new buildings or renewed pavements of the roads. The main character of this process was a tendency to increase the monumental character of the area. Around 500 BC Piazza d’Armi was temporarily abandoned, until the late 4th century BC, after the Roman conquest of Veii.

as a hut with a lowered base (phase I; Fig. 3A).5 This phase is followed by the destruction of the pre-existing structures and for the first time, by a regular planning of the living area. At this stage the two roads under investigation in the excavation area were laid out. On the secondary road, two parallel furrows cut into the natural bank, sided by a short alignment of squared blocks of tufa, defined the width with a slightly different orientation from that of successive periods. Two circular holes dug at the corners of the main crossroads, showed the furrows cut at the extreme North-West.6

The plateau of Piazza d’Armi (south of the largest plateau of Veii) has been under investigation since the beginning of the last century and is known for its regular urban layout with orthogonal roads, earlier than the other examples known of the classical period (Fig. 1).1 This settlement pattern seems to have its fulcrum in the oikos building excavated by E. Stefani and orientated with shorter sides facing East-West and dated to the late 7th-early 6th century BC on the basis of the first architectural terracotta’s decorating the roof. The other buildings on the site coherent with the orthogonal lay-out are traditionally attributed to the same phase (preceded by huts, traditionally dated to Iron Age).

The complex of activities, dated in between the middle phase and the recent phase of the Orientalizing period, seems to be connected to the deposition of a large jar made of red ware, containing fragments of a goblet made of brown ware (found in a cut in the bank towards the southern end of the excavation area), and to the closure of the pits and of the assumed hut, already mentioned (phase II; Fig. 3B).7 The successive monumental character of the area is shown by the first paving of the wide main road, consisting of beaten fragments of grey tufa placed over thick levelling material, which in itself was spread over a layer of pebbles and sand probably used for drainage (phase III; Fig. 4A). The deep cut of the main road, larger than in the later phases, was further reinforced by a structure (named A) that delimited the crossroad with the secondary road right at the corner. Its walls were composed of two courses of squared blocks of grey tufa, protected at the corner by a tufa boundary stone. The limited space on the inside which included the pits of the first phase, by this time filled up and levelled out, does not seem to have ever been used for habitation, but probably as an open space. The crossroads between the two road axes (and so the regularity of the lay-out) seem further marked by the presence of a tufa boundary stone on the opposite side of the corner of structure A, on the secondary road. This phase can be assigned to the late 7th century BC based on the artefacts recovered. Around the

In 1996, the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, in collaboration with the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale, started a research project at Piazza d’Armi aimed at defining the characteristics of the urban development (in ambit of the ‘Veii Project’). The main excavation area was chosen on the basis of a preliminary campaign of geophysical survey2 in correspondence with the crossing of the main road – the so-called ‘cardo’ – with a secondary road which probably led eastwards in front of the oikos (Fig. 2). The excavation revealed a wide stratigraphical and chronological sequence until modern times, which integrates and defines precisely what is known about the site.3 The most ancient phase of the plateau (between Early Iron Age and Early Orientalizing period), is represented by a small dump of animal remains and ceramic fragments and the by some pits of large dimensions cut into the natural bank. One of these pits, more or less elliptical in form4 with a North-East/South-West orientation, enlarged on the northern side, is interpreted

1 The site was excavated by E. Gabrici and E. Stefani during the first half of the 20th century; the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale conducted investigations between 1968 and 1970, and again in 1988: Gabrici 1913; Stefani 1922; 1944; Guaitoli 1981, 82; Colonna 1986, 426. 2 Bartoloni et alii 1996. 3 This paper deals with the analysis of the Etruscan phases of use of Piazza d’Armi and therefore remains of the Republican, Imperial, Medieval and Modern periods are not discussed. 4 Length: 7 m; width: 4 m; medium depth: 0.40 m.

5

For further details of this structure, see Bartoloni et alii forthcoming b. On the southern side of the road one of the pits was cut in the corresponding furrow, making the hypothesis plausible that both cavities are to be related to the furrows as elements indicating extremities. 7 Acconcia 2001. 6

278

VALERIA ACCONCIA, GILDA BARTOLONI & SILVIA TEN KORTENAAR: THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION

Fig. 1. A. Veii in the Middle-Thyrrenian area; B. Veii (from M. Torelli 1981)

279

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. The plateau of Piazza d’Armi.

Fig. 3. Veio-Piazza d’Armi (1996-2002 excavations): phases I-II.

280

VALERIA ACCONCIA, GILDA BARTOLONI & SILVIA TEN KORTENAAR: THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION

Fig. 4. Veio-Piazza d’Armi (1996-2002 excavations): phases III-IV. fragments of white tufa which was spread even on the outside of the ‘cardo’, on the North-West limit of the investigated area, where it seems to create a sort of open space, delimited in the South by two pillars composed of squared blocks of tufa, placed in deep cuts into the natural bank (phase IV; Fig. 4B).8 The stratigraphy contains certified fragments of a light, sandy impasto, the so-called chiaro-sabbioso ware, which were absent in preceding periods and dated to the early 6th century BC.

same time the oikos building was constructed which has architectonical features and orientation similar to structure A. The urban planning of the site therefore seems to have been organized already in the earlier phase on account of the rigorous demarcation of the spaces which continued to be used by the successive rebuilding. The areas initially left free, were, in fact, occupied during a century, following the imposed partitioning of the area when the process was put into action. From this moment onwards, the development of the area is marked by renewed pavements of the road surface on the ‘cardo’, which preceded the less radical re-facing of the secondary road. The first re-facing corresponds to a layer of beaten

8 Some elements indicate that this arrangement existed in the precedent phase as well: a narrow trench cut into the natural ground had already the same orientation, delimiting a levelling layer to the North.

281

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Veio-Piazza d’Armi (1996-2002 excavations): phases V-VI. mentionedand reducing its width.9 This was realized contemporaneously with a compact pavement of beaten fragments of grey tufa spread over the entire main road and with a wall of badly joined irregular blocks, extending to the North of structure A. Furthermore, at the extreme southern point of the excavation area, a narrow cylindrical cistern and a deep cavity, more or less rectangular in shape, were cut into the natural bank as well as numerous pits. The rectangular cavity had a short canal and an inside wall made up of squared blocks

This phase could be connected with the building of the first boundary wall of the plateau. S.t.K. After a simple and less consistent re-facing of the pavement of the two road axes (phase V; Fig.5A), the main road was subjected to substantial interventions. In the successive period (phase VI; Fig. 5B), it was delimited East and West by stretches of single rows of tufa, incorporating one of the pillars already

9

Some of these (placed to the East of the road) had already been brought to light during excavation campaigns by the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale in 1968-1970.

282

VALERIA ACCONCIA, GILDA BARTOLONI & SILVIA TEN KORTENAAR: THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION

Fig. 6. Veio-Piazza d’Armi (1996-2002 excavations): phases VII-VIII. previous phase IV could be related to the first walls.11 It also seems important that at this moment, the stratigraphies excavated have revealed the first fragments of architectural terracotta’s relative to the decoration of the oikos building, so pointing to its abandonment and the beginning of its disuse.12 The tendency to monumentalize the area is shown also by a stretch of road paving made of thin slabs of tufa in front of structure A (phase VII; Fig. 6A). This intervention is followed by an arrangement of

which separated an ample sized pool (later filled to the edge by dumped waste material), from a smaller room originally filled with compact earth of sandy groundmass. The presence of the canal, connected directly with the larger room, could indicate that the structure was related to pottery production (decantation of clay?). This phase can be dated to the second half – end of the 6th century BC, as shown, by two probably imported fine clay cups found in the beaten layer of the main road, datable to the same period.10 The building could also be related to the construction of the monumental access of the acropolis itself, traditionally assigned to the 6th century BC, as the 10

11

Colonna 1986, 433; about the walls of Piazza d’Armi and their function in relationship to the population of the plateau, see also Torelli 1982; Fontaine 1993. 12 Such fragments are related to the first decorative phase as well as the second.

Ten Kortenaar 2001.

283

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Veio-Piazza d’Armi (1996-2002 excavations): phase IX. furrows and the monumental character of the crossroads at the end of the 7th century BC and seems to be concluded by the late 6th century BC. V.A

the northern boundaries of the secondary road (phase VIII; Fig. 6B) by preparing some stretches of irregularly joined blocks of tufa,13 which reduced its width, marking an area worth to limit. On the opposite side, the same road was bordered by a wall orthogonal to the one used for the South-West boundaries of the ‘cardo’ during phase VI. The area to the South of the wall was used, immediately afterwards, to mark a residence (structure B) that was rebuilt three times in a relatively short period of time.14 Contrary to the nearby structure A, the clear domestic function of this building B, which by the way was only partially investigated, is deduced from the presence on the insides of beaten layers rich in organic material, of assigned cooking areas and of internal limits made of walls or elevations held up by wooden screens. The building of structure B was contemporary to a paving layer of the main road, composed of a mixed soil of yellow tufa fragments, the last to be attributed to the Etruscan phase of the site. Among the most recent material from the excavation of the house and of the road, are fragments of the so-called ‘Internal Slip Ware’ and Attic red-figured pottery, allowing this phase (phase IX; Fig. 7) to be dated to the beginning of the 5th century BC, which, as already mentioned, seems to indicate an interruption of occupation on the plateau of Piazza d’Armi before the reoccupation after the Roman conquest.15

Confronting the results of the last excavation campaigns with those of the 20th century research carried out on Piazza d’Armi, a different picture of the development of the use of the plateau (interpreted as the acropolis of Veii or as a village by itself or as a seat of political power) emerges.16 In the recently identified phase I, between the 9th and first half of 7th century BC the population of the site seems to have been organized in several clusters of huts. The more ancient structures seem to be located as two clusters of huts in the middle and in the North of the plateau; those dating to the Orientalizing period, containing prestige artefacts appear to be located in the central part of the plateau. The intensity and the distribution of the remaining material related to phase I, make it possible to consider Piazza d’Armi as the most ancient phase of Villanovan Veii, similarly to what was established at Cretoncini at Tarquinia.17 The beginning of the urban lay-out with the division of the area into plots by furrows mapped out in an orthogonal plan is dated to the second half of the 7th century BC (phase II). A useful parallel can be found at Megara Hyblaea, where the urban space was defined and divided into plots of equal size (even though with variations) already around the late 8th century BC though the blocks with houses were laid out with walls delimiting the edges of the roads, for once and for all, only after a century.18 It is probable that at Veii the living space, already defined in the second half of the 7th century BC, became constructed with monumental

The process of partitioning and of regulating the area under investigation therefore, started by tracing the 13

Probably, it dealt with elements re-used in other structures. The North-West wall of structure B leant on the boundary stone that delimited the corresponding corner of the crossroads, confirming therefore, the hypothesis of the preservation of the original plots of the area. 15 Bartoloni 2004. 14

16

Gell 1832; Torelli 1982; Fontaine 1993; Bartoloni 2004. Mandolesi 1999. 18 Gras & Treziny 1999, 262. 17

284

VALERIA ACCONCIA, GILDA BARTOLONI & SILVIA TEN KORTENAAR: THE STRATIGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION remains.27 Also at Piazza d’Armi the structure with the lowered base was found at the entrance of the plateau where the network of the most ancient urban lay-out and main road ended, probably connected to the city by a wooden bridge. Therefore, a unified urban programme can be identified towards the end of the 7th century BC when an aristocratic residence was built that was connected to a place of worship and when the plateau was divided into plots, protected by a tower where members of the same clan probably lived, or that was used as a hestiatorion as at Portonaccio (which also in this case, would be confirmed by the numerous animal bones28 witnessing a notable consumption of meat). The desertion of this structure and the abandonment of the oikos seem to be contemporary. The place of worship does not seem to have developed or rebuilt nearby: it had to be moved inside the urban area assuming polyadic characteristics and loosing its aristocratic connotation.

buildings at a later stage. Such an early appearance of an orthogonal lay-out is also confirmed by comparing the situation at Veii with Oderzo in Northern Italy, where a similar lay-out was established during the 8th century BC.19 The area investigated in 1996-2003 would therefore represent the epicentre of the living area during this phase: the hut identified under the posterior part of the oikos20 fits in well with this picture. The deposition, more or less contemporary, of the red ware jar mentioned above, found nearby, could be a witness of a sort of foundation rite connected to this most ancient plan.21 Contemporary to this is also a fragment with a long presentation inscription recently identified by A. Di Napoli among the remains of the excavations of 1968197022: mi : raq(u)nθia : tipeia : θina : malaχ (: malaχas)i : ita : menaku, with the Etruscan name of the jar (thina), attributed by Varro to the mixing water and wine, emblematic of the symposium practice. The following phase III (dated to the late 7th century BC), is characterised by the monumental lay-out of the road and the erection of structure A, which was never inhabited, but could have been a public area for commercial use or meetings. Identification as a garden or as a private vegetable plot is less probable, given the monumental character of the structures that marked the area, emphasized in a successive phase by the arrangement of stretches of tufa blocks along the sides of the secondary road (see phase VIII). It is possible that structure A was built according to a town plan for the site, set out to regulate a portion of the plateau, dividing it and marking it as plots for houses or blocks of buildings that were not built immediately. On the contrary, some of these plots could have been left empty, for future use, and might never have been used for private development.

The successive phase IV seems less clear at the moment and is marked by the renewed pavement of the road and by pillars delimiting the area. The building of an imposing boundary wall on the plateau could be attributed to this phase.29 A strong building activity was carried out on the plateau till the end of 6th or the beginning of 5th century BC (phases V-VII), as shown by the re-paving of the roads and the realization of colonnades and structures for craft activities which were connected with the building of a dypilon door. Also, some fragments of architectural terracotta’s with anthemion from recent excavations are dated to this period as well as a fragment of spiralled antepagmentum and two fragments of painted tiles found by E. Stefani,30 probably relating to the decoration of a public building which has not yet been located. Continuation of activities are also proven for phases VIII and IX, suggesting a lengthening by at least one generation of the occupation of Piazza d’Armi, that is considered to be abandoned by the late 6th century BC.31 This renewed building programme, established for example, also for Portonaccio, seems to refer to the twenty years of relative good relationship with Rome, governed by magistrates of Etruscan origin and acknowledged at the end of the 6th century between the enterprise of Porsenna and the beginning of the war with the expedition of the Fabii. It is presumed that such a phenomenon is to be attributed to a tyrannous figure who, as in other contemporary cases of Tyrrhenian Italy, wanted to mark an area that appears to have been a residence of power right from the beginning of the habitation of Veii. A substantial change in the urban history of Veii is established by abandoning the

During the same phase, the oikos and at least two aristocratic buildings decorated with architectural terracotta’s are found in the centre and to the north of the plateau23 where thin brown impasto, bucchero and Italogeometric pottery, some of which inscribed, were found.24 The material found in a cistern at the extreme east of the plateau25 is of particular interest for this phase since it is related to a nearby structure with a lowered base that is most likely to be interpreted as an upright building, similar to that found near the bridge at San Giovenale26 or that at the entrance of the sanctuary at Portonaccio which was decorated with a frieze of prancing felines and interpreted as habitation or hestiatorion because of a large amount of animal

27

Colonna 2001, 39. The remains are studied by prof. Jacopo de Grossi Mazzorin. In analogy with other examples in Etruria, as at Roselle (Bartoloni & Bocci Pacini 2002). 30 Stefani suggested the existence of a Late-Archaic temple between the cistern and the oikos, close to trench XI, with a movement of the worship at the beginning of the 5th century BC. However, the recent excavations did not bring to light the existence of a worship area having polyadic characteristics in this area. 31 Torelli 1997, 112-113 28

19

29

Balista & Ruta Serafini 1996. Stefani 1944, 230. 21 Catalano 1978. 22 Colonna & Di Napoli 2002. 23 Bartoloni et alii forthcoming a. 24 Stefani 1922, 400, see, ET Ve 2.2 (r avilas). 25 Bartoloni et alii forthcoming b. 26 Colonna & Backe Forsberg 1999, 78. 20

285

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI plateau of Piazza d’Armi at the same time as the beginning of the hostility with Rome. There are no elements at the moment that seem to indicate traces of habitation dating to the 5th century up till the 4th century BC, while at the end of this period the plateau seems to have been used for agriculture. The present excavations have in fact brought to light a habitation complex32 that can be recognized as one of the rural sites of the MiddleRepublican age destined to occupy the ‘ager Veientanus’ according to an organized scheme of land division as promoted by Rome.33 G.B.

Colonna, G. & Y. Backe Forsberg, 1999. Le iscrizioni del ‘sacello’ del ponte di San Giovenale. OpRom 24, 6381. Colonna, G. & A. Di Napoli, 2002. Veii-Piazza d’Armi. REE, 351-357. Fontaine, P., 1993. Véies. Les remparts et la porte de la Piazza d’Armi. MEFRA 105, 221-239. Gabrici, E., 1913. Veio. Brevi cenni intorno all’andamento degli scavi che si fanno a Veio nelle necropoli e nell’arce. NotSc, 164-169. Gell, W., 1832. Gli avanzi di Veji. Memorie dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica 1, 3-23. Gras, M. & H. Treziny, 1999. Megara Hyblea, in: E. Greco (ed.), La città greca antica. Roma, 205-220. Guaitoli, M., 1981. Notizie preliminari su recenti ricognizioni svolte in seminari dell’Istituto, in: Ricognizione Archeologica. Nuove ricerche nel Lazio (QITA 9), 79-87. Mandolesi, A., 1999. La prima Tarquinia. L’insediamento protostorico sulla Civita e nel territorio circostante. Firenze. Moretti Sgubini, A.M. (ed.), 2001. Veio, Cerveteri, Vulci. Città d’Etruria a confronto (Catalogo della mostra). Roma. Stefani, E., 1922. Veio. Esplorazioni dentro l’antica città. NotSc, 390-404. Stefani, E., 1944. Scavi archeologici a Veio in contrada Piazza d’Armi. MonAnt 11, 177-290. ten Kortenaar, S., 2001. Schede I.E.7 e I.E.8, Coppette d’importazione, in: A.M. Moretti Sgubini 2001, 3233. Torelli, M., 1981. Storia degli Etruschi. Bari. Torelli, M., 1982. Veio, la città, l’arx e il culto di Giunone Regina, in: Miscellanea Archeologica T. Dohrn dedicata. Roma, 117-128. Torelli, M., 1997. Il rango, il rito e l’immagine. Alle origini della rappresentazione romana. Milano, 87121. Ward Perkins, J.B., 1961. Veii. The historical topography of the ancient city (= PBSR 29).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Acconcia, V., 2001. 1.E.2-3, in: Moretti Sgubini 2001, 31-34. Balista, C. & A. Ruta Serafini, 1996. Oderzo, l’impianto urbano, in: La protostoria tra Sile e Tagliamento, Antiche genti tra Veneto e Friuli. Padova, 101-105. Bartoloni, G., 2004. Veio-Piazza d’Armi: campagne di scavo 1996-1997, in: H. Patterson (ed.), Bridging the Tiber. Approaches to regional archaeology in the Middle Tiber Valley. London, 189-203. Bartoloni, G., F. Boitani Visentini & S. Piro, 1996. Prospezioni geofisiche integrate nel pianoro di Piazza d’Armi. StEtr 62, 321-336. Bartoloni, G. & P. Bocci Pacini, 2002. Roselle: una rilettura dei dati di scavo nell’abitato arcaico, in: M. Manganelli & E. Pacchiani (eds), Città e territorio in Etruria. Per une definizione di città nell’Etruria Settentrionale (Atti del Convegno, Colle di Val d’Elsa 2002). Colle di Val d’Elsa, 187-212. Bartoloni, G., V. Acconcia, A. Piergrossi, S. ten Kortenaar & I. Van Kampen, forthcoming a. L’abitato di Piazza d’Armi: le terrecotte architettoniche, in: Deliciae Fictiles III (Atti del Convegno, Roma 2002). In press. Bartoloni, G., V. Acconcia, A. Di Napoli, G. Galante, M.H. Marchetti, M. Merlo, M. Milletti, V. Nizzo, V. Paolini, A. Piergrossi, F. Pitzalis, F. Rossi, F. Sciacca, S. ten Kortenaar & I. Van Kampen, forthcoming b. Contesti abitativi di Veio-Piazza d’Armi a confronto: materiali da una capanna e da una casa, in: Ceramica, abitati, territorio nella bassa valle del Tevere e Latium Vetus (VIII-VI secolo a.C.) (Atti del Convegno, Roma 2003). In press. Catalano, P., 1978. Aspetti spaziali del sistema giuridico religioso romano. Mundus, templum. Urbs, ager. Latium. Italia. ANRW II 16 (1), 440-553. Colonna, G., 1986. Urbanistica e architettura, in: Rasenna. Storia e civiltà degli Etruschi. Milano, 371530. Colonna, G., 2001. Portonaccio, in: Moretti Sgubini 2001, 37-44.

32 33

Bartoloni 2004. Ward Perkins 1961.

286

L’ABITATO DI VEIO TRA ETÀ ORIENTALIZZANTE E CONQUISTA ROMANA: INTERPRETAZIONE IN BASE AI DATI DELLE ROCOGNIZIONI WARD-PERKINS Roberta Cascino & Maria Teresa Di Sarcina Abstract: The data on the ceramics from the surveys carried out by Ward-Perkins and his team, establishes a complex urban development at Veio from the 7th to the 5th century BC, with dwellings close to the main streets, manufacturing sites in the southern part of the town and cult sites at its strategic points, i.e. the crossing of the two roads, on the plateaus and close to the access gates. Territorial and chronological analysis of the material found by Ward Perkins can assist the selection of areas not yet examined by geophysical prospecting, magnetometry and excavation.

Negli anni ’60 del secolo scorso, il direttore della British School at Rome John B. Ward-Perkins, nell’ambito del progetto ‘South Etruria Survey’, effettuò con un gruppo di studiosi la ricognizione del pianoro di Veio (Fig. 1), subito dopo la prima profonda aratura di quelle terre che furono il sito dell’antica città etrusca.1 Tra i tanti meriti di quel lavoro pionieristico, va annoverata l’attenzione rivolta alle aree di abitato, nelle quali sono state effettuate ricognizioni sistematiche, una sicura novità per i tempi: oltre alla segnalazione dei resti di strutture visibili e delle tracce messe in luce dalle arature profonde, è stata effettuata la raccolta pressoché totale del materiale ceramico.2 Ciò ha consentito, nel caso specifico di Veio, un’ampia conoscenza dei materiali legati all’ambito domestico e di quelli riconducibili alla produzione e al commercio della ceramica.3 Il materiale raccolto non è mai stato interamente pubblicato; dal 1998 è in corso uno studio sistematico che rientra nel ‘Tiber Valley Project’, diretto da Helen Patterson, con la classificazione completa dei reperti ceramici e l’informatizzazione dei dati archeologici e topografici.4

1 Le conclusioni storico- topografiche sulla città di Veio seguite alla South Etruria Survey degli anni ‘60 sono pubblicate in Ward-Perkins 1961. Il presente contributo nasce dallo studio effettuato dalle autrici in occasione della tesi di laurea in Etruscologia ed Archeologia Italica all’Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’, discussa nel luglio del 2001 con la prof.sse Gilda Bartoloni ed il Dr. Marco Rendeli, ai quali vanno i più vivi ringraziamenti. 2 Le ricognizioni furono effettuate suddividendo il territorio in aree di raccolta, corrispondenti ai quadrati di 100 metri di lato, derivanti dall’incrocio delle coordinate cartografiche delle tavolette IGM 1:25 000 (per Veio: Foglio 143 II SE ‘Formello’). I materiali, suddivisi in cassette, erano accompagnati da brevi schede descrittive del luogo, con informazioni sul grado di visibilità, sul tipo di ceramica rinvenuta e sull’eventuale presenza di strutture visibili. 3 Già nel volume sulla topografia di Veio, Ward-Perkins riconosceva l’importanza del materiale ceramico recuperato come indicatore delle fasi di sviluppo della città. L’attuale revisione del materiale tiene conto del progresso negli studi sulla ceramica avvenuto negli ultimi quarant’anni, specialmente per le classi vascolari non standardizzate, a vantaggio di una migliore definizione cronologica e funzionale delle produzioni. 4 Il volume, in corso di stampa, riguarderà la topografia della città tra età protostorica e medievale, con la presentazione del repertorio ceramico e l’interpretazione delle evidenze archeologiche per ogni singola area, con particolare attenzione per le zone finora non indagate. Sul ‘Tiber Valley Project’ si vedano Di Giuseppe 2002; Patterson et al. 2004.

Fig. 1. Foto aerea della città di Veio (Roma), da Ward-Perkins 1961. Sono evidenziati i tracciati stradali antichi, la posizione delle porte, i resti delle mura urbane, e l’area centrale occupata dagli edifici del municipio romano. In base ai dati provenienti da due saggi di scavo eseguiti nei pressi di Porta Nord-Ovest (Fig. 2:5), Ward-Perkins faceva risalire i resti delle mura al V secolo a.C. (Fig. 1), senza escludere che anche nella fase precedente Veio avesse delle opere di fortificazione.5 Rimangono fondamentali le sue considerazioni sulla viabilità esterna ed interna, con particolare riferimento ai percorsi che collegavano la città agli altri importanti centri dell’Etruria Meridionale, dell’agro falisco e capenate; inoltre 5

287

Ward-Perkins 1961; Bartoloni 1998; Colonna 2001a.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI venivano individuate le strade verso Sud in direzione di Roma. Per quanto riguarda la viabilità urbana, il tracciato che percorre da NW a SE la dorsale del pianoro viene fatto risalire all’età del ferro, così come la strada che esce a SW in direzione della necropoli di Valle la Fata e quella a NE verso Quattro Fontanili.

urbanistici della città arcaica, una grande importanza ricopre lo scavo di Piazza d’Armi (Fig. 2:1), l’appendice meridionale del pianoro, dove sono emersi veri e propri isolati divisi da assi viari ortogonali, pertinenti alla fase tardo-orientalizzante ed arcaica.8 Altre informazioni sull’abitato arcaico provengono dall’area di Comunità (Fig. 2:2), con il ritrovamento di strutture abitative in blocchi di tufo e di un poderoso muro, interpretato come opera di terrazzamento;9 resti di abitazioni sono presenti anche nell’area di Campetti (Fig. 2:3), sul limite del pianoro,10 e a Macchiagrande (Fig. 2:4), nell’area del foro romano, dove la fase arcaica è stata obliterata dalle costruzioni del municipium.11 Per le aree non ancora indagate, l’organizzazione dell’abitato può essere ipotizzata sulla base dell’analisi del materiale ceramico frutto delle ricognizioni della British School at Rome, i cui risultati sono oggetto di questo intervento.

Fig. 2. Veio: localizzazione delle aree di scavo sulla tavoletta dell’Istituto Geografico Militare (scala 1:25 000; Foglio 143 II SE ‘Formello’). Il modello di studio proposto da Ward-Perkins con l’interazione tra diversi tipi di informazioni (provenienti da scavi precedenti, cartografia storica, fotointerpretazione e ricognizioni), ha dato un nuovo impulso alle ricerche sugli abitati, soprattutto in area etrusca, falisca e laziale, dove le precedenti conoscenze derivavano per lo più dallo studio delle necropoli.6 A partire dal 1996, nell’ambito del ‘Progetto Veio’ promosso dall’Università di Roma “La Sapienza” e dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale, sono riprese le ricerche in alcune aree già in precedenza interessate da scavi archeologici (Fig. 2), i risultati delle quali sono stati presentati in più occasioni.7 Per gli aspetti

Fig. 3. La South Etruria Survey a Veio: posizionamento sulla tavoletta IGM delle aree di raccolta che hanno restituito materiali di età orientalizzante ed arcaica. E’ stata realizzata la pianta di distribuzione dei frammenti, derivata dal posizionamento delle aree di raccolta sulla tavoletta IGM 1:25 000 Foglio 143 II SE ‘Formello’ (Fig. 3). La parte settentrionale del pianoro

6

Potter 1985; Rendeli 1993; Cambi & Terrenato 1994. Nella città di Veio altre indagini topografiche basate su ricognizioni sono state effettuate dall’Istituto di Topografia dell’Italia Antica dell’Università di Roma “La Sapienza”: a questo proposito si vedano Guaitoli 1981; Fenelli 1998. 7 I vari progetti sono stati presentati nel 1998 in una mostra svoltasi all’Università “La Sapienza” (Drago Troccoli 1998). Nel 2001 i risultati delle prime campagne sono stati oggetto di una mostra a Roma nel

Museo Etrusco di Villa Giulia, dal titolo ‘Veio Cerveteri Vulci. Città etrusche a confronto’ (Roma 2001). 8 Bartoloni 1998; Bartoloni 2001. 9 Colonna 1998; Belelli Marchesini 2001. 10 Carafa 1998; Fusco & Cerasuolo 2001. 11 Carafa 1998; D’Alessio 2001.

288

ROBERTA CASCINO & MARIA TERESA DI SARCINA: L’ABITATO DI VEIO appare intensamente ricognita, mentre si notano delle lacune nella zona centrale ed in quella tra Macchiagrande e Comunità, che permangono anche considerando le aree con ceramica esclusivamente di età romana, situate all’incrocio delle strade assiali, in corrispondenza del municipium (Fig. 1). In alcuni casi l’assenza di materiale può essere imputata alla scarsa visibilità dovuta a colture particolari (ad esempio nell’area delle ‘Vignacce’), oppure alla mancata aratura di alcune porzioni del pianoro durante le ricerche, o addirittura all’impossibilità di accedervi. E’ inoltre da considerare che la raccolta sistematica non è stata effettuata nelle aree precedentemente interessate da scavi, nelle quali le strutture erano ancora visibili (come a Portonaccio ed a Piazza d’Armi).

produzione di ceramica fine nell’area di Comunità, attestata dal rinvenimento di scarti di fornace (Fig. 5). La possibilità di individuare alcune forme vascolari pertinenti al repertorio delle classi di ceramica italogeometrica, etrusco-corinzia ed etrusca a fasce, consente infatti di parlare per Veio di una produzione collocabile tra la seconda metà del VII ed il VI secolo a.C.15

Lo studio dei materiali di ricognizione permette di ipotizzare un trend insediativo dell’abitato, nel caso specifico tra età orientalizzante ed arcaica, confrontabile con i dati degli scavi in corso e utilizzabile per l’orientamento della ricerca futura.12 Il posizionamento delle aree di raccolta evidenzia le massime concentrazioni di frammenti nella parte centrale di Campetti, sulle pendici settentrionali di Macchiagrande, e nella parte meridionale di Comunità, che corrispondono tra l’altro alle zone più pianeggianti del pianoro (Fig. 3). Tali concentrazioni si distribuiscono, inoltre, a ridosso dei tracciati viari più antichi già individuati da Ward-Perkins; è probabile che la minore quantità di materiali arcaici dalla zona presso l’incrocio delle strade assiali vada imputata agli sconvolgimenti dovuti all’impianto del municipium romano.13

Fig. 4. Diagramma percentuale delle attestazioni ceramiche suddivise per fasi (prima fase: età orientalizzante antica-media; seconda fase: età orientalizzante recente-alto arcaica; terza fase: età tardo arcaica-classica). L’attestazione di officine ceramiche in quest’area della città è da mettere in relazione con la vicinanza agli affioramenti di argilla situati nella Valle di San Sebastiano,16 facilmente raggiungibile dal luogo della fornace attraverso Porta Valle la Fata (Fig. 1). La dispersione degli scarti di fornace su una vasta area intorno all’altura, lungo il tracciato stradale, suggerisce la presenza di un quartiere artigianale nella parte meridionale della collina di Comunità, sulla cui sommità è stato più volte proposto di collocare il tempio di Giunone Regina.17

Per quanto riguarda l’organizzazione interna della città etrusca il rinvenimento di frammenti relativi a classi particolari di materiale (elementi architettonici, oggetti votivi, ceramica d’importazione e frammenti pertinenti all’instrumentum domesticum), consente di leggere diacronicamente l’occupazione del pianoro e la possibile destinazione d’uso di alcune zone, a scopo abitativo, produttivo e cultuale.

Durante il terzo periodo, tra la fine del VI e gli inizi del IV secolo a.C., si verifica una restrizione delle evidenze, che si concentrano ora soprattutto nella parte meridionale di Comunità e nell’area di Macchiagrande, la sola che continuerà ad essere densamente abitata in età repubblicana.18 La contrazione in questo periodo riguarda la varietà sia delle classi che delle forme ceramiche attestate, fenomeno riscontrabile anche nella minore ricchezza dei corredi tombali delle necropoli veienti.19

La cronologia del materiale permette di individuare tre grandi fasi di sviluppo dell’abitato (Fig. 4), con la massima attestazione di ceramica databile tra la fine del VII e la metà del VI secolo a.C., dato che sembra confermato dalle stratigrafie degli scavi in corso.14 Non a caso a questo periodo è da riferire l’inizio di una 12 A parte le indagini nel pianoro di Piazza d’Armi, più volte riprese nel corso del 1900 e in diversi punti della zona, il resto della città è stato indagato solo in minima parte; inoltre, molti degli scavi eseguiti all’inizio del secolo sono stati ricoperti, tanto che in alcuni casi, come per il santuario di Campetti presso la Porta Formello, le strutture non sono più localizzabili. Per la storia degli scavi a Veio: Delpino 1985; Bartoloni et al. 1997; Colonna 2001a. 13 Per la storia di Veio dopo la conquista romana, Liverani 1987; sulle indagini nella parte centrale del pianoro Delpino 1985; Carafa 1998; D’Alessio 2001. 14 Bartoloni 2001; Fusco & Cerasuolo 2001; D’Alessio 2001; Belelli Marchesini 2001.

15 Cascino 2003 c.s. Dalle schede di ricognizione redatte dall’équipe di Ward-Perkins sappiamo che nell’area furono individuati i resti di una struttura interpretata come fornace. 16 Peña 1987. 17 La localizzazione del tempio è controversa: a tale proposito Torelli 1982; Belelli Marchesini 2001. 18 Ward-Perkins 1961; Carafa 1998; D’Alessio 2001; Di Giuseppe 2002; Patterson et al. 2004. 19 Drago Troccoli 1997.

289

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI terracotta, denotano la presenza di edifici monumentali di particolare rilievo. Simili compresenze di materiali sono attestate a Sud della strada che dal centro del pianoro si dirige a Porta Nord-Ovest (Fig. 1:1), in un’area non ancora indagata. Dalla zona dove Ward-Perkins localizzava la ‘Vignacce Postern’ (Fig. 1:8) provengono, poi, due frammenti di gambe fittili a tutto tondo, in impasto chiaro-sabbioso dipinto, pertinenti forse ad un altorilievo: questo ritrovamento, unito ai dati provenienti dalla Porta Nord-Ovest ed alla presenza di santuari nei pressi della ‘Formello Gate’ e di Porta Caere (Fig. 2; Fig. 1:10), conferma l’ipotesi che in prossimità delle porte urbane sorgessero in età arcaica dei luoghi di culto.28 Alla luce dei dati sin qui esposti, possiamo parlare per Veio, tra VII e V secolo a.C., di uno sviluppo urbanistico complesso, con quartieri abitativi dislocati nei pressi degli assi stradali, attività produttive ed artigianali nella zona meridionale della città e luoghi di culto posti in punti strategici dell’abitato, ossia all’incrocio delle due strade assiali, nelle aree pianeggianti e nei pressi delle porte urbane. L’analisi spaziale e cronologica scaturita dallo studio dei materiali Ward-Perkins può fornire una base per indagini dirette sul campo, tramite prospezioni geofisiche, magnetometria ed apertura di nuove aree di scavo nelle zone della città non ancora esaminate.

Fig. 5. La città di Veio tra VII e V secolo a.C.: aree abitative, luoghi di culto, produzione ceramica. L’analisi distributiva della ceramica permette inoltre di aggiungere nuovi dati sulla dislocazione dei luoghi di culto.20 Finora gli scavi hanno messo in luce il grande santuario suburbano di Portonaccio,21 il tempio ad oikos di Piazza d’Armi22 e le aree di culto di Campetti23 e Porta Caere,24 poste in prossimità delle mura (Fig. 2). Altre strutture monumentali con tracce di culto risalenti all’età repubblicana sono localizzate a Macchiagrande,25 al centro del pianoro26 e sulla parte meridionale di Comunità, con un grande scarico di oggetti votivi individuato nel 1889 da Rodolfo Lanciani.27 Per questi luoghi è ipotizzabile anche una fase arcaica del culto in base ai rinvenimenti Ward-Perkins (Fig. 5): alte concentrazioni di ceramiche fini di imitazione e importazione (italo-geometrica, etrusco-corinzia, attica a figure nere e rosse), associate a vasi miniaturistici in bucchero, bracieri decorati a cilindretto, bacini dipinti di grandi dimensioni, decorazioni architettoniche in

BIBLIOGRAFIA Arezzo 1985. Santuari d’Etruria, a cura di G. Colonna. Milano. Bartoloni, G., 1998. Veio: l’abitato di Piazza d’Armi, in: Roma 1998, 144-147. Bartoloni, G., 2001a. Piazza d’Armi, in: Roma 2001, 2931. Bartoloni, G., 2001b. Le necropoli, in: Roma 2001, 89. Belelli Marchesini, B., 2001. Comunità, in: Roma 2001, 23-24. Cambi, F. & N. Terrenato, 1994. Introduzione all’archeologia dei paesaggi. Roma. Carafa, P., 1998. Veio: la villa di Campetti e la città romana, in: Roma 1998, 148-150. Cascino, R., 2003. Una produzione di ceramica fine a Veio, in: Atti del seminario ‘Les céramiques fines à dècor non figuré du VIe s. Étrurie méridionale et Campanie École Française de Rome, 14-15 febbraio, MEFRA.

20

Arezzo 1985; Colonna 2001a. Stefani 1953; Arezzo 1985; Colonna 2001b. 22 Stefani 1945; Arezzo 1985; Bartoloni 2001. 23 Vagnetti 1971; Comella & Stefani 1990. 24 Torelli & Pohl 1973. 25 Stefani 1922; Vagnetti 1971; Torelli 1999. 26 Giglioli 1919. 27 Lanciani 1889; Bartoloni 1970; Colonna 1998. 21

28

290

Arezzo 1985; Colonna 2001a; 2001b.

ROBERTA CASCINO & MARIA TERESA DI SARCINA: L’ABITATO DI VEIO Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Roma 1998. Scavi e ricerche archeologiche dell’Università di Roma La Sapienza, a cura di L. Drago Troccoli. Roma. Roma 2001. Veio Cerveteri Vulci. Città etrusche a confronto, a cura di A.M. Moretti Sgubini. Roma. Stefani, E., 1922. Veio. Esplorazioni dentro l’area dell’antica città. NSc, 206-214. Stefani, E., 1944. Scavi archeologici in contrada Piazza d’Armi. MonAnt 40, 177-290. Torelli, M., 1999. Tota Italia. Essay in the cultural formation of roman Italy. Oxford. Torelli, M. & I. Pohl, 1973. Veio. Scoperta di un piccolo santuario etrusco in località Campetti. NSc, 40-258. Vagnetti, L., 1971. Il deposito votivo di Campetti a Veio. Materiale degli scavi 1937-1938. Firenze. Ward-Perkins, J.B., 1959. Excavations beside the NorthWest Gate at Veii. PBSR 27, 38-79. Ward-Perkins, J.B., 1961. Veii. The historical topography of the ancient city. PBSR 29.

Colonna, G., 1998a. Il ‘Progetto Veio’, in: Roma 1998, 136. Colonna, G., 1998b. Veio: i santuari di Portonaccio e Piano di Comunità, in: Roma 1998, 139-143. Colonna, G., 2001a. Veio. Introduzione, in: Roma 2001, 3-5. Colonna, G., 2001b Portonaccio, in: Roma 2001, 37-44. Comella, A. & G. Stefani, 1990. Materiali votivi del santuario di Campetti a Veio. Scavi 1947 e 1969 (= Corpus delle stipi votive in Italia, 5 Regio VII, 2). Roma. D’Alessio, M.T., 2001. Macchiagrande-Vignacce, in: Roma 2001, 17-18. Delpino, F., 1985. Cronache veientane. Storia delle ricerche archeologiche a Veio, I. Dal XIV alla metà del XIX secolo. Roma. Di Giuseppe, H., 2002. Urban pottery production in the middle Tiber Valley from the 7th to the 3rd BC: some suggestions on the case of Veii, in: P. Attema, G.-J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, P.M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), 2002. New developments in Italian landscape archaeology. Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen, April 13-15 2000 (= BAR International Series, 1091). Oxford, 169-171. Drago Troccoli, L., 1985. Le tombe 419 e 426 del sepolcreto di Grotta Gramiccia a Veio. Contributo alla conoscenza di strutture tombali e ideologia funeraria a Veio tra il VII e il V secolo a.C., in: Etrusca et Italica. Scritti in ricordo di Massimo Pallottino. Pisa/Roma, 239-280. Fenelli, M., 1998. Veio: topografia generale e cartografia, in: Roma 1998, 137-138. Fusco, U. & O. Cerasuolo, 2001. Campetti, in: Roma 2001, 17-18. Giglioli, G.Q., 1919. Veio. Statue fittili d’età arcaica. NSc, 13-37. Guaitoli, M., 1981. Notizie preliminari su recenti ricognizioni svolte in seminari dell’Istituto, in: Ricognizione archeologica. Nuove ricerche nel Lazio. Firenze, 79-87. Lanciani, R., 1889. Veio. Scoperte nell’area della città e nella necropoli veientana. NSc, 10-239. Liverani, P., 1987. Municipium Augustum Veiens. Veio in età imperiale attraverso gli scavi Giorgi (1811-13). Roma. Patterson, H, F. Di Gennaro, H. Di Giuseppe, S. Fontana, M. Rendeli, M. Sansoni, A. Schiappelli & R. Witcher, 2004. The re-evaluation of the South Etruria survey: the first results from Veii, in: H. Patterson (ed.), Bridging the Tiber. Approaches to regional archaeology in the Middle Tiber Valley (= Archaeological Monograph of the British School at Rome). London, 11-28. Peña, J.Th., 1988. Roman-period ceramic production in Etruria Tiberina: a geographical and compositional study. Doctoral thesis, University of Michigan (1987), Michigan. Potter, T.W., 1985. Storia del paesaggio dell’Etruria meridionale. Roma.

291

‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY Edward Herring Abstract: This paper deals with the relations between the Greek and Native communities of South Italy. Traditionally these have been discussed in terms of the spread of Greek culture to the Natives. In recent years attempts have been made to move beyond such models and to see the Natives as having a dynamic rôle in their cultural development. As a contribution to this re-evaluation, this paper discusses co-habitation, that is Greeks living in Native communities and Natives living in Greek communities. Co-habitation can take many forms: seasonal or permanent, enforced or voluntary. It may be motivated by social, political or economic factors. Different forms of co-habitation may have been practised at different times or places.

social cohesion. It seems likely that political power was in the hands of an élite.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The study area consists of the modern regions of Puglia, Basilicata and southern Campania (Fig. 1). The chronological span runs from the late 8th century to the end of the 4th century. The paper is concerned with broad issues and, as such, deals in generalisations. Geographical and temporal variation would have been more significant than is recognized here. For present purposes a broad distinction is drawn between two population groups: here termed Greeks and Natives. Greeks began to found settlements in mainland Italy in the later 8th century. Strictly speaking this population should be discussed in terms of Tarentines, Metapontines, etc., as each settlement was independent. The less specific term is a category that the ancients themselves would have recognized, however. The other population consists of those groups (and their descendants) already resident in South Italy prior to the arrival of the Greeks. The ethnic names attributed to them by ancient writers have traditionally been applied to material culture. Many problems are associated with the use of these names (Whitehouse & Wilkins 1985). Most fundamentally, there is no reason why names derived from written sources should have any archaeological correlates. I prefer to use a generic term. Obviously the identity implied by the term ‘Native’ is not one that the ancient population would have recognized. However, from an archaeological perspective, the similarities, in terms of artefacts, settlement patterns, social ordering, etc., visible over the study area make the term valid for generalisation, even if it does not sufficiently emphasize between-group (inter-tribal) differences.

Fig. 1. Map of Southern Italy showing the principal sites and those mentioned in the text.

Once the Greeks had arrived, the two populations began to interact. The development and prosperity of both seems to be linked (Herring 1991b). However, they remained politically and culturally independent. The two societies had profoundly different social organisation. The Greeks had all the institutions that one associates with state societies. Native society seems to have been tribally based, with kinship the crucial instrument of

THE EVIDENCE Many authorities have argued for a mixed population phase at the early ‘colonial’ sites. This is usually inferred from the ceramics and architecture used. A good example is Francavilla Marittima, where Marianne Kleibrink (this volume) has convincingly argued that the earliest temple was a joint venture.

292

EDWARD HERRING: ‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY Greek vessels. These excavations also recovered 1 cremation in a small fossa and 5 fossa burials, of which 3 were supine and 2 flexed.

The assumption of mixed populations at such sites seems likely to be correct, however the best evidence for cohabitation before the 5th century comes from tombs. This consists of examples of Native burial practices in Greek cemeteries and vice versa. Burial practices are not necessarily indicative of specific ethnic groups, but identity is often stressed at funerary rites.

At the Schirone cemetery, which dates from 700-650 BC, a similar pattern can be identified. Here 64 cremations have been excavated, of which 26 (40.6%) were in impasto situlae (Adamesteanu 1971a). The grave goods found in the situlae were all of Native type. The other cremations (i.e. those in Greek vessels) contain only Greek (Protocorinthian) pottery. Adamesteanu (1971b, 484) suggests that those deposited in situlae were ‘Hellenised’ Natives. They are assumed to be ‘Hellenised’ because of the funerary rite, but their grave goods mark them out as Natives. Clearly this identity was still regarded as important by those who performed the funerary rituals. They were sufficiently part of society, however, to warrant burial in the predominantly Greek cemetery. Markantonatos (1994, 56-57) suggests that such acculturated Natives were the wives of Greek men. The suggestion is tantalising, such women would have had an accepted place in society. They would have been highly exposed to Greek culture and may have been open to assimilation.

NATIVES LIVING AT GREEK SITES Two cemeteries from the Siris area provide good evidence (v. Markantonatos’ valuable work (1994) using these data). The Madonnelle cemetery contains 229 depositions dating between c. 700 and c. 550 BC, of which 178 could be analysed fully (Berlingò 1986). There are three types of deposition: cremation, enchytrismos burial (usually of infants) and fossa burial. Of the total analysed 100 belonged to adults, the vast majority (94) of which were cremations. In 84 of these cases the cremated remains were placed in a vase, the remaining 10 were simply deposited in the earth. Of the 6 adult burials, 1 was placed in a pithos and 5 in fossa graves. 3 of those in fossa graves were interred in the flexed position. This follows the normal Native burial rite of east Basilicata. The Greeks of Siris, on the rare occasions that they buried adults, used the supine position. At the same cemetery 16 juveniles were buried in fossa graves. Of these 4 were flexed and 12 were supine. The 7 flexed burials account for 3.94% of the total sample and 6% of the adults and juveniles. The suggestion that these individuals were Natives is supported by the fact that in the 3 cases with grave goods (the adults), the artefacts were of Native type.

In the same cemetery there are 13 fossa graves with the occupants in the flexed position. This suggests that other, less obviously acculturated Natives were also resident at the site. These burials contain few grave goods. It has been argued that these are the graves of Native slaves (Tagliente 1985, 170, fn. 16). The interpretation is attractive, but we do not know if slavery was practised in the early Greek colonies. GREEKS LIVING AT NATIVE SITES

If we accept that the 7 were Natives, the possibility exists that some of the cremations and infant burials also were. The latter is reasonably likely. There were 62 infant, enchytrismos burials – a rite common to both populations. The probable presence of juveniles suggests that the resident alien population contained a range of ages. The case for seeing some of the cremations as Natives is weaker; but perhaps some were more acculturated than others and had assimilated the Greek rite. In favour of this view is the fact that of the 84 placed in urns, some 24 are in impasto situlae rather than the Greek vessels used in the other cases (Berlingò 1986, 124). A further 3 impasto situlae were used for enchytrismos burials. Impasto situlae are well known from Native sites, although they are not used as cremation urns. Only 5 of the 27 situlae contain grave goods; these are all of Native type (3 belong to infant burials and 2 to adult cremations). At this site a colonial Greek vessel is usually present when cremations have grave goods. Only 24 of the 84 cremations in vases have grave goods (Berlingò 1986, 126).

Here the evidence is not good. There are three cemeteries from east Basilicata that contain a few supine burials; the vast majority of interments are in the flexed position. In west Basilicata supine burial was normal practice. Therefore, these individuals are just as (if not more) likely to be from west Basilicata as they are to be Greeks. To turn to specific cases, there is a single male supine burial in a monumental slab-lined tomb from Incoronata Indigena. De Siena (1990, 78) has suggested that this man may have been a Greek metallurgist. As the tomb contained no grave goods, there is no reason to see him as Greek; nor, incidentally, is he certainly a metalworker. The suggestion is based upon the relationship of the tomb (T571) and hut I88, which is reasonably interpreted as a smithy. The location of the hut on the edge of the settlement, close to the cemetery, is said to reflect the marginal status of a resident ‘foreigner’ (De Siena 1990, 77). However, as Markantonatos (1994: 189) has noted, in the Greek world metalworkers were often forced to live on the edges of communities, because their work was considered harmful or polluting.

More recent excavations confirm the mixed character of the cemetery (Bottini 1992, 193-195). A further 26 burials were revealed, of which 20 were enchytrismoi. Of these 5 were in local vases, with the others in imported

At Masseria Incoronata-La Cappella there is a probable female burial in the supine position. The grave contained 293

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI found at the site. The streets are well paved. No other contemporary site shows this level of ‘urbanisation’ (Pancrazzi et al. 1979, 288-289). The site also produced a unique ceramic type, heavily indebted to Greek pottery in its style and fast wheel production technique. Generally Native potters did not adopt the fast wheel until the late 6th/early 5th century BC. Writing may also be early (late 6th/early 5th century) at the site (D’Andria 1990, 201203; Santoro 1984, 98-99, Tavv. LIII-LV, 1, IM 30.114). The majority of Messapic texts date from the 4th century onwards. There are significant wealth differences between tombs, indicating a fairly high degree of social stratification.

a number of metal ornaments suggesting that the individual was of high status. The grave is early, however, dating between 900 and 750 BC (Chiartano 1977, 18). It therefore seems more likely that the individual was a west Basilicatan than a Greek. Timmari-Camposanto has 6 supine burials dating between the 7th and 5th centuries BC (Lattanzi 1980, 242). The tombs contained no grave goods and could indicate either Greeks or west Basilicatans. There are also some cremations at Native cemeteries in Basilicata. Examples from the 6th century have been found at Garaguso, Oppido Lucano, Serra di Vaglio and Timmari. It could be argued that these represent Greeks. However, the cinerary urns are impasto situlae. As I have argued that the cremations in situlae at the Madonnelle and Schirone cemeteries may represent Natives, it is difficult to argue the reverse here. One could suggest that Native areas did not have had the same access to Greek storage vessels, but this is special pleading. An alternative interpretation would see these cremations as belonging to Natives who had assimilated the Greek rite. This is consistent with the interpretation of the Madonnelle and Schirone situla cremations. The hypothesis is harder to sustain here. Natives resident in Greek communities may well have been receptive to acculturation. Natives resident in their own communities would have had less exposure to Greek culture and few incentives to innovate in what tends to be a conservative sphere of life.

In Pancrazzi et al. (1979) there are 2 tombs dating to the 6th century – the period of the most remarkable developments. One (Tomb CV 1) is an infant burial located inside the habitation area. The skeleton was in the flexed position. The tomb contained 3 geometric vases, a bronze fibula, a bronze ring and a necklace made predominately of amber but also containing vitreous paste, faience, cowrie shells and an Egyptian scarab (Arias 1979, 221-226). Some of the exotic artefacts might suggest that the child was Greek, but the pottery argues against this. It seems more likely that the child belonged to an élite family with access to imported goods. The other tomb (CP1) is an adult burial located away from the habitation area. The occupant is assumed to have been supine because of the dimensions of the tomb, but no skeletal remains were found. The only object was a geometric monochrome jug, although the excavators were not certain that the tomb was intact (Pancrazzi 1979, 202). In Puglia the normal rite in the Early to Middle Iron Age was flexed burial. Therefore one could argue that the individual was a Greek. However, the tomb contents, such as they are, suggest not. Supine burial became increasingly common from the 5th century. It could simply be that Cavallino was precocious in the adoption of supine burial, as it was in many other ways.

A cremation from Serra di Vaglio is worth lengthier consideration. It dates to the second half of the 7th century and contained a number of grave goods. The remains were deposited in an impasto situla. The rest of the pottery is also of local manufacture. Other grave goods include amber and bronze jewellery and a fragment of a Greek terracotta metope. The tomb furniture suggests this was a woman of reasonably high status. The funerary rite and the presence of an unusual Greek object might suggest that she was Greek – perhaps the wife of a member of the local élite. The cinerary urn and the rest of the tomb furniture, however, better fit seeing her as an acculturated Native (notwithstanding the general objections to such interpretations raised above). For Puglia the evidence is equally thin. There have been plausible suggestions of a resident Greek population at two sites: Cavallino and the Tor Pisana cemetery at Brindisi.

The nature of the site and the character of its innovations seem very Greek derived. This has led some to speculate that it had a Greek enclave. At present, the evidence is inconclusive. If the suggestion is correct, it might explain why Cavallino is so much in advance of its neighbours. It would also imply that the enclave enjoyed a considerable level of influence. Trade seems to have been important at the site. Such an enclave, if it consisted of merchants, may have been able to wield power because the Native élite was keen to encourage its activities (in order to acquire greater quantities of imported prestige goods).

Cavallino is an unusual site. Fragments of Greek Geometric pottery are known from the 7th century contexts. This is not typical of inland sites at this time. The site takes on its most distinctive features in the 6th century. Some of the houses are large and elaborate. They are constructed with foundations of squared masonry and aligned along streets. They had tiled roofs and may have been adorned with the Corcyran architectural terracottas

At the Tor Pisana cemetery the dominant rite is inhumation, although cremations also occur. The tombs dating to the second quarter of the 7th century contain a remarkable number of Greek objects. For example, Tomb A, a cremation in a Rhodian pithos produced 5 Protocorinthian aryballoi, while Tomb B, an inhumation, contained 4 Protocorinthian aryballoi and a Cretan pyxis (Lo Porto 1964). This quantity of Greek material is rare at 294

EDWARD HERRING: ‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY captured several Greek cities, including Cumae and Paestum, in the later 5th century. Although some Greeks fled, others remained. Aristoxenos of Tarentum (ap. Athenaeus, 14.632a) paints a sorry picture of life at Paestum under Native domination, but less coloured evidence indicates that the Greeks retained their identity. As Pedley (1990, 97) notes, the temples were respected, the bouleterion (or ekklesiasterion) remained in use, and Greek was still used for inscriptions.

contemporary sites. Lo Porto (1964, 126-127) suggests that these may be the tombs of Greek merchants. Whatever their occupation, they do appear to be Greeks. Taken together, these examples are sufficient to conclude that Natives were living in Greek settlements more or less from their first foundation. It is also plausible that Greeks were living at Native sites in the same period. LATER EVIDENCE FOR CO-HABITATION

Much information on life in the 4th century can be gleaned from two iconographic sources: vase-painting and tomb-painting. The South Italian red-figure vases relevant to this study are those bearing images of the Native population (distinguished by their costume). Although the product of Greek culture, the vases do not depict the Natives pejoratively. This accords with their assumed market. That the vases offer an accurate record, of those aspects of life that they feature, may be assumed on the basis of the comparison with Native tombpaintings – the best examples of which come from Campania, notably Capua and Paestum. The Natives are shown in much the same way in both media.

If co-habitation was already occurring in the 7th century, what can we say about later periods. Unfortunately, for various reasons, the picture becomes less clear. The 5th century is less well represented in the archaeological record than the 6th or 4th century BC. Increased trade makes recognising co-habitation more difficult. Trade began to intensify in the late 6th century. Before that time outlying settlements saw few Greek goods, but from then on imports occur in increasing numbers and variety. Native tombs of the 5th century and later are full of Greek and Greek-type objects. The situation is worsened by the decline of traditional MattPainted pottery. In most areas it ceased production in the 5th century; in the Salento and North Apulia it survived as a funerary ware into the 4th century. It was replaced by wheel-made painted pottery, which is indebted to Greek wares for its forms and decorative syntax. Likewise impasto pottery was replaced by new wares, which owe much to Greek cooking pots. This makes differentiating ethnic groups virtually impossible by artefacts alone, except in exceptional cases (e.g. Herring 1995). The sorts of material culture items that conveyed information on group identity simply do not survive. For example, ethnic differences were still marked in costume, if iconographic evidence is to be trusted (Schneider-Herrmann 1996). There were, no doubt, other aspects of socio-cultural behaviour that remained distinct, but these have left no physical trace.

A number of paintings show Natives and Greeks together. While such scenes offer evidence of direct interaction, there is no a priori reason why they need imply cohabitation. The case has to be made. A famous Paestan tomb-painting shows a returning warrior with a Greek prisoner (Andriuolo T. 86, cf. Pontrandolfo & Rouveret 1992, 160-163 & 339-340; here Fig. 2). This suggests that prisoners-of-war were enslaved. Some vases show Native warriors as captives of another tribe, indicated by different patterning on their tunics (e.g. SchneiderHerrmann 1996, pl. 117). If these individuals were also enslaved, there may have been a mixed slave class. It is worth adding a note of caution. First, the scenes may involve artistic licence. The taking of captives may have been a visual shorthand for military prowess. Secondly, prisoners-of-war were not necessarily kept. They may have been exchanged or ransomed. Thus, any cohabitation may have been temporary. Thirdly, doubt has been cast on the economic viability of slave owning for all but the wealthiest in Greek society (Gallant 1991, 3233). The same economic barrier to slave ownership might well have applied in South Italy. On the other hand, there is historical evidence for the taking of captives (v. infra). Moreover, other vase-paintings show Native women attended by female servants in Greek dress (e.g. Schneider-Herrmann 1996, pl. 16). This may suggest that Greek captives could end up in servitude. Alternatively, Greek costume may not always be an ethnic indicator for women.

Burial patterns also change with increasing use of elaborate chamber tombs and the supine position. Once again, the differences between the populations have become blurred. That said, some Native practices did continue. It was still customary for the élite to be buried with massive numbers of artefacts. Indeed, this tendency, which is rarely seen in Greek contexts (except at Taranto in the 4th century), intensifies over time. Unfortunately, this practice cannot be considered diagnostic, because a lack of tomb goods is more likely to be indicative of social status than ethnicity. As a result of the factors outlined, direct evidence for cohabitation becomes increasingly scarce. Indirect evidence suggests that the practice continued. It may even have become more common. Other forms of contact were certainly intensifying.

There are other scenes that show interaction of a more voluntary nature; some of these may also imply cohabitation. The scenes have a ritual flavour. Some show Native warriors visiting women in Greek dress (e.g. Schneider-Herrmann 1996, pls. 50 & 109); Schneider-

There are a few later examples where we may be sure that the two populations lived together. Natives (Lucanians) 295

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Paestan tomb-painting (Andriuolo T. 86) showing a native warrior with a prisoner in Greek dress. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale di Paestum. only temporarily, others may have brought families with them and made a permanent home, while yet others may have married into the local population.

Herrmann connected such scenes with marriage or premarriage rituals. If this is correct, they provide corroboration for inter-marriage. Another vase (Schneider-Herrmann 1996, pl. 158) shows a Native woman and a Greek man at a column, presumably honouring the dead. On another a woman in Greek dress serves a Native man at a banquet (Schneider-Herrmann 1996, pl. 166). Others have more generic ritual scenes, whose wider meaning cannot be ascertained (e.g. Schneider-Herrmann 1996, pl. 165).

Ancient writers provide the final source for co-habitation. As mentioned earlier, history reveals that enforced cohabitation occurred at the cities that fell under to the Natives. More notable is the case of Naples, which retained its independence. Strabo (5.4.7) reveals that the some Native residents of the city were absorbed into the political élite (Lomas 1993, 34). The passage reads:

South Italian red-figure began production in the late 5th century. It is a reasonably safe assumption, because of the complex firing process, that such vessels were produced by Italiote craftsmen or in their workshops. Trendall and Cambitoglou (1982, 450) have suggested that there was a workshop in north Puglia, perhaps at Canosa. If they are correct, there must have been Greek craftsmen resident there. In a workshop based in a Native settlement, some of the artisans would probably have been local. It should be noted that traditional Native (Listata) pottery was still produced in this area. Indeed, local ceramic traditions continued to flourish, in the highly adapted form of the Canosan Polychrome wares, long after Apulian red-figure went out of production.

“But at a still later time, as a result of a dissension, they admitted some of the Campani as fellowinhabitants, and thus they were forced to treat their worst enemies as their best friends, now that they had alienated their proper friends. This is disclosed by the names of their demarchs, for the earliest names are Greek only, whereas the later are Greek mixed with Campanian. And very many traces of Greek culture are preserved there - gymnasia, ephebeia, phratriae, and Greek names of things, although the people are Romans.” (Strabo 5.4.7. Loeb Translation) The admission of Natives to the citizenship is voluntary, although internal divisions are cited as driving the decision. It is significant that that some achieved political prominence. This suggests assimilation at the top level of both population groups. The political factionalism, implied by Strabo and argued for other Greek cities

There may have been other instances of Greek craftsmen working in Native communities or vice versa, but there is no unequivocal evidence for this. Economically motivated co-habitation does not have to assume permanent residency. Some craftsmen may have stayed 296

EDWARD HERRING: ‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY (Lomas 1993), is noteworthy. Just as there were pro- and anti-Roman factions, there may have also been pro- and anti-Native factions. Such putative pro-Native factions would be likely to have consisted of those with closest ties, such as those with mixed marriages or of mixed parentage. That such ‘mixed-race’ individuals existed at Naples is evidenced by the tomb of the Epilytos family, which commemorates several generations of one family with alternating Greek and Oscan names (Leiwo 1994, 61-65).

weaknesses of the data. For the earliest periods, the best evidence comes from burials. The strongest examples involve a combination of burial rite and artefact types to argue that Natives were present at the Madonnelle and Schirone cemeteries. By extension other graves, with just the burial rite, are also taken to indicate co-habitation. This is justified on the grounds of the symbolically laden nature of burial practice. The evidence is then stretched further to argue that Native grave goods alone suggest the presence of acculturated individuals. Here the evidence is weaker. While it is generally true that in early periods, at least, Natives used Native pots and Greeks used Greek pots, one must remember pots are not people. To use ceramic types as ethnic indicators requires explicit justification. One can argue that, given the dominance of Greek objects, the choice of exclusively Native grave goods makes an explicit comparison, which sets these individuals apart. Context is everything here. The importance of the choice of object lies in the specific comparison that would have been visible and, one assumes, meaningful to those participating in the funeral. In other contexts the comparison would not be so symbolically meaningful, and might not have been so strict an ethnic indicator. After all, from the 6th century on Natives frequently used Greek vessels and placed them in the tombs. Thus, the case for seeing Native vessels as ethnic indicators is arguable here, but not overwhelming.

There are a number of dedicatory inscriptions from Greek sites that contain Messapic or Oscan names (Lomas 1997, 4). These individuals may not have been permanent residents, but they were around long enough to make (and to see the desirability of making) such dedications. There are two sources that provide corroborative evidence for slavery (cf. also the treatment of captives by Dionysius I during his South Italian campaigns). Athenaeus (12.522d) relates a story from book 4 of Clearchus’ Lives in which the Tarentines mistreat the women and children of the captured Iapygian town of Carbina (modern Carovigno). Leaving aside the issue of historical veracity, one could infer from this passage that conquered peoples were effectively the property of their conquerors. The text is highly critical of the Tarentines, however, and contains many familiar topoi. The second source is Pausanias (10.10.6), who describes a Tarentine dedication at Delphi made from spoils won from the Messapians; surviving inscriptions date the dedication to the first half of the 5th century. The sculpture depicted the tangible rewards of a successful campaign – horses and captive women.

The same points apply to the identification of Greek tombs in the Tor Pisana cemetery. Here again one could argue for the importance of context and the rarity of the Greek vessels at this time. The use of rare imported Greek vessels at a Native site might have had a high degree of symbolic potency, particularly if the occupants of the tombs were merchants who had privileged access to such objects. The argument is again sustainable but not incontrovertible.

Neither source conclusively proves the enslavement of Native prisoners-of-war, but both suggest that it sometimes occurred. It is more tenuous to argue from these sources that the Natives inflicted the same fate on Greek captives. However, the iconographic record suggests that sometimes this was the case. The situation would have been different when a city was captured and held. No one would argue that the entire population of cities like Paestum was enslaved.

The second point to make about the burial evidence is that the sample is small. This may reflect a lack of evidence, as not every tomb would necessarily contain the information to make it ethnically distinctive. Alternatively, it might reflect the reality of the situation. Co-habitation may have been rare early on.

The ancient sources are silent on inter-marriage. Even the foundation stories do not say whether the expeditions included women. This silence cannot be taken to be conclusive one way or the other. It simply reflects the nature of the societies that produced the texts. Women were not perceived as the doers of great deeds and consequently seldom appear in history. Moreover, the foundation stories cannot be taken as historical accounts, as the events took place centuries before the texts were written.

One of the most promising avenues for future study would be the use of physical anthropology (rather than artefacts alone) to determine more reliably the sex of those individuals identified as resident aliens. Gender often has a role in status. Men are assumed to have been merchants, craftsmen or slaves. Women tend to be seen as the wives of locals or of foreign workers or traders, or as prostitutes or slaves. More reliable identifications will help establish whether these assumptions are valid or just gender stereotypes. To turn to the evidence for later periods, the weaknesses are self-evident. Our sources are indirect. Iconographical evidence, albeit rich, requires a different level of interpretation from the analysis of burial patterns and

PROBLEMS WITH THE DATA Before discussing the significance of co-habitation, it is worth making a few cautionary points about the 297

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI should be also remembered that successful Greek military campaigns may have led to the capture and ransoming of Native prisoners. Alternatively, the Greeks may have retained them as slaves.

funerary assemblages. With iconographic data one needs to consider how realistic the source is, what the artistic traditions of the time were, who painted it and for whom was it painted. All of these factors bias the creation of an image. Such sources are not, and could never be, neutral. Archaeological assemblages may be biassed by their partiality but they are ‘neutral’ at the point of creation. Similarly, written evidence is partisan. The ancient sources offer a Greek (or later Roman) perspective and are selective in what they choose to record. Ancient writers, like their modern counterparts, are neither passive nor objective. Their works are coloured by their own rhetorical purposes and the cultural traditions in which they lived.

A more subtle way in which people may have been involved in the exchange of commodities was in the context of marriage. Marriage and the associated rituals often involve gift exchange in ethnographic contexts. Some of the Greek objects found on Native sites could easily have been gifts made at the time of marriage alliances. The incentive to inter-marriage may have been as simple as a shortage of partners. The Greeks may not have brought many (any?) women with them when they first arrived.

Such event-based histories do not record longer term social and economic developments. Thus, they tell us about the Natives when they were at war, but give few insights into their way of life, their political institutions, the basis of their economies and so on. Similarly, the writers provide no information on the peaceful contacts with the Greeks. Yet we know from archaeological evidence that trade helped ensure the prosperity of both communities. That said, one has to work with the information available.

At a more sophisticated level, the Greeks may have wished to cement relations with their neighbours. They may have been concerned to make political alliances with leading Native families, particularly during periods of tension. Economic motivations are also possible. Marriage alliances would have been a way of establishing reliable contacts. As Native society was probably organized on kinship-lines, inter-marriage would have been an efficient way for the Greeks to protect, or develop, their economic interests. For their part, the Native élite would also have secured access to the imports that they used as status indicators. Thus, there are sound political and economic reasons why both sides might see the benefits of inter-marriage. Moreover, there is no reason why women had to come from the Native side in every instance.

DISCUSSION The evidence for co-habitation has a certain interest value in its own right. It has far greater significance, however, for the light it sheds on interaction and acculturation. In studying Graeco-Native relations much interest has focussed on trade. One of the difficulties is that we do not know what was given in exchange for the Greek objects (and associated commodities, such as wine) that found their way into Native tombs. Whitehouse and Wilkins (1989, 115) suggest that textiles may have been traded. Although there is evidence for weaving on both Greek and Native sites, the suggestion has some merit; although, perhaps much of the trade was in wool as a raw material or in high quality textiles.

One point that worth raising is whether there were any social, cultural or religious barriers to inter-marriage. Obviously, there could have been but we have no evidence that there were. There is no evidence that marriage to foreigners was forbidden in the Greek world, although it was not necessarily approved of (cf. the mythical example of Medea). These sorts of barriers are more likely to exist in a world of nation states. In prestate societies boundaries between groups tend to be more flexible (Whitehouse & Wilkins 1985). The boundaries may have hardened over time as the Greeks developed the concept of the polis and the Natives reacted to it. This, in itself, is no reason to presuppose that Italiotes could not marry Natives. Ancient literature shows intermarriage between mythological heroes and non-Greek women (cf. the marriage of Diomedes and the daughter of king Daunus). Moreover, the Greeks created an origin mythology for the Native peoples, which gave them heroic founders, such as Daunus, Iapyx, Messapeus and Peuceteus. By doing so they were defining the Natives in a way that was familiar to themselves. The Greek aristocracy claimed their descent from the heroes. Perhaps the Native élite came to adopt this mythology, as they increasingly came into the Greek cultural milieu. It may be that the barriers that were important were those between the different social classes rather than those between people of a similar status but of different orgin.

One suggestion need not provide the whole answer. Cohabitation might suggest that people were also traded. At the simplest level, this might have involved providing the Greek cities with slaves. These would have been captives from other Greek cities or from other Native tribes. It is, of course, possible (even likely) that the Native élite kept some captives for their own use. A second aspect of the use of people as a commodity may have been the ransoming of prisoners. The paying of ransoms could easily result in the transfer of a significant volume of prestigious or ‘valuable’ products. In both cases, the captives, either to be ‘sold’ as slaves or ransomed, are likely to have been the chattels of the Native élite. This would fit the distribution of Greek goods in Native contexts. The élite seem to get more and better Greek products than other members of society. There is a risk of circularity here, however, as the élite are recognized by the quantity of Greek material found in their tombs. It 298

EDWARD HERRING: ‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY generations, if familial ties were maintained with both populations, as was likely to be the case if a match was made with a view to facilitating trade.

Obviously, this is purely conjecture. We should not forget that other texts clearly represent the Natives as barbaroi. Co-habitation does more than cast light on trade, it also helps define the mechanisms of acculturation. Much of the research on South Italy focusses on the assimilation of Greek culture by the Natives. Often the Natives are described as becoming ‘Hellenised’ without proper explanation of what might have motivated assimilation. Recently some scholars have argued that the Natives did not experience thoroughgoing ‘Hellenisation’ and have emphasized resistance to some aspects of Greek culture (e.g. Morel 1984; Whitehouse & Wilkins 1989; Herring 1991a; 1991b; 1995; Markantonatos 1994). Such views identify what one might call a pattern of differential assimilation, whereby some elements of Greek culture were adopted (and adapted to fit Native society) while others were left alone.

Co-habitation is not the only way in which ideas could have spread. One should not underestimate the importance of trade. Trade must have involved face-toface contact. As a form of social interaction, it too was probably responsible for the spread of ideas. The nature of the evidence leaves a number of questions unanswered. It is not yet possible to estimate how widespread co-habitation was. It is likely that it was more common at sites in reasonable proximity to each other. Native sites nearest the chorai of the Greek cities had the greatest level of contact with the Greeks. These are the sites that become most assimilated and also those that assimilate earliest. More distant sites were seldom in direct contact. Their exposure to Greek culture was filtered through intervening Native groups. The sites furthest from the Greek cities tend to be among the most resistant to cultural assimilation. Where contact was mostly indirect, it is unlikely that co-habitation would have occurred regularly. There may have been differing patterns at the regional level or even at the level of individual sites. One site may have been more welcoming to foreign residents than its neighbour.

That cultural assimilation was central to the development of Native society is uncontroversial, but one topic, which has seldom been addressed, is how did it actually work. What were the mechanisms by which ideas and technologies spread? The simple answer is by contact between the two populations, but this leaves unanswered questions. What form did this contact take? Was the whole of society involved or only certain groups? Normally interaction and assimilation are discussed in the abstract terms of contacts between societies. Effectively this is avoiding the issue. It is people who interact, people who respond to new ideas, people who create cultural change and people who resist it.

Another unanswerable question is whether there was any chronological patterning. We have some evidence that co-habitation was practised from the earliest period of the Greek settlement. There is also definitive evidence for it in the 4th century BC. It is impossible to know if it remained at a constant level over time. Generally contact increased, with a particular intensification from the late 6th century onwards. It might be reasonable to assume that co-habitation followed a similar trajectory, but one cannot be sure. There may have been reasons why cohabitation was more common earlier on if, for example, the first Greek settlers did not have certain specialist craftsmen among their ranks. Similarly, when trade was first being established it might have been more necessary for merchants to reside among their potential clients than it was once contacts were made. Furthermore, if the Greeks did not bring large numbers of women with them when they first arrived, they may have looked to the Native population for wives. Later on there would have been women born in the Greek cities, who would have been available for marriage; so the need for intermarriage might have declined. It would be interesting to know if women with Greek husbands enjoyed the same social status irrespective of their own ethnic origin.

If one tries to look at interaction at the human level, it is easy to see just how important co-habitation may have been. To take a simple example, the easiest way for Native potters to have learnt how to use the fast wheel would have been to have been shown by a Greek potter. Similarly, it is easier to see how writing spread, if some Natives lived alongside literate Greeks and learned the alphabet and the associated skills from them. Greeks living among the Natives would have brought with them their culture. By everyday contacts knowledge of Greek customs, ideas and technologies would have spread, though some would have been rejected. Equally Greeks living in Native contexts would have been exposed, and may well have been receptive, to Native ideas and customs. By the same token, Natives resident at Greek sites would have been constantly exposed to Greek culture. If such individuals ever returned to their original homes, as itinerant merchants or workmen would have, they may have brought Greek customs with them. Their habits might also have had some impact in the Greek communities in which they lived. Resident aliens would have had strong motivations to assimilate the culture of their adopted home, but they would not entirely have lost the customs and ideas of their own culture. Such people were the human agents of cultural change. In some cases, their children, who may have been of mixed parentage, could have continued the process of unconsciously spreading ideas from one culture to another over the

Inter-marriage poses other questions. One may wonder whether the children of mixed marriages were eligible for citizenship. If they were not, it would mean that Greek men were condemning their sons to a life outside mainstream political society. Even under apartheid in South Africa mixed marriages and other sexual relationships occasionally transcended the laws of a 299

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI the other hand, the iconographical evidence suggests that the Natives still defined themselves (and the Greeks) ethnically, and that the Greeks recognized these differences. This could suggest that there were still tensions, even if the hostility was not as extreme or as crude as Aristoxenos of Tarentum (ap. Athenaeus, 14.632a) imagined. The case of Naples, where the decision to admit the Natives to the citizenship was voluntary, may offer a more balanced view of cultural and political assimilation. The fact that so many elements survived there, probably better reflects the robustness of Greek culture (Strabo 5.4.7).

hostile political regime. Although offspring were disenfranchized, this did not discourage such relationships. A similar situation could have prevailed in the Greek cities. Equally it is possible that the offspring of mixed marriages were eligible for citizenship. The Strabo passage (5.4.7) discussed earlier, indicates that Natives could be admitted to the citizenship, so why not those of mixed parentage. We may be most familiar with the narrow and exclusive attitude to citizenship prevalent at Athens, but there is no reason to assume that the western Greeks shared such views. It would be interesting to know if Greek women ever married Native men and, if they did, what their status was. Assuming that Native society was organized along kinship lines, they may have been incorporated into the social ordering as members of their husbands’ kinshipgroups. It would also be worth assessing, if it were possible, the frequency of inter-marriage between different social groups. I have suggested that intermarriage may have been connected with trade and that the élite controlled the Native side of the network. Logically, therefore, inter-marriage should be more common among upper echelons of Native society. It is worth noting that the élite seem more acculturated than other sections of the community. However, this could be a circular argument as the extent of acculturation is assessed on the basis of its material expression in tombs. Élite tombs contain the greatest number of Greek goods, but this need not imply greater assimilation; it might simply reflect greater access to Greek objects. The Greek aristocracy may have been the most likely to practise inter-marriage. On the other hand, it is equally possible that trade on the Greek side was controlled by a merchant class. Therefore, merchants may have been the most likely to marry out.

CLOSING REMARKS The evidence presented here shows that co-habitation was practised in South Italy. Indeed, it may have been a reasonably common feature of Graeco-Native relations, especially later on. It seems likely to have taken various forms and been motivated by a number of different factors. Its importance has been underestimated in the past. Potentially it was a powerful dynamic of cultural assimilation. Interaction was vital to the development of both communities. Co-habitation was one definite way in which interaction operated at the human level. Undoubtedly, it was not the only context in which faceto-face contacts took place. Simple ideas can just be copied, but for complex ideas to spread some individuals from one community must be in contact with members of another. In pre- or semi-literate societies this requires face-to-face meetings. People are more likely to adopt new ideas if subjected to prolonged exposure to them. This makes co-habitation potentially such an important agency in the exchange of ideas. Obviously, once a few individuals adopted a new idea, it could be diffused more widely without further contact with its foreign source. Indeed, many of the Greek ideas, which penetrated deep inland, must have spread by inter-tribal contacts.

On the topic of slavery, chronological patterning would also be plausible. The ancient authors document plentiful conflicts in the 4th century. More conflict would have created greater opportunities for the taking of captives. Equally, the wealth of both populations increases overtime. Increased wealth may have created an environment in which the keeping of slaves was more economically viable. One could speculate that the increased wealth may have partly been based on slave labour. Warfare need not have been economically ruinous, when there were potentially ‘lucrative’ sideeffects, such as the ransoming of captives, the acquisition of slaves, and capture of animals (and perhaps other goods/raw materials).

To be able to make a more solidly based assessment of the importance of co-habitation more research is needed. In the study of burial evidence equal attention must be given not just to the artefacts and the burial rite, but also to the spatial distribution of graves and the physical anthropology of the skeletons. Taken together these sources of evidence might help identify resident foreigners on a more consistent basis. More and larger samples are needed so that speculation on the extent and importance of co-habitation may be better founded. It is imperative that samples are taken from both populations, so that it will be possible to assess how important cohabitation was to each. Similarly, the acquisition of fuller and more reliable bodies of data should enable chronological and geographical patterning to be observed. Although the present evidence is inadequate, it is enough to demonstrate that co-habitation did occur. It seems that Greeks and Natives were indeed ‘sleeping with the enemy’, and they were doing so over a long period. More

The military campaigns of the late 5th century led to Greek cities being captured and held by Native tribes. The level of co-habitation in these cities must have been far greater than was witnessed elsewhere. In these cases, co-habitation probably operated in a different way from that seen at sites that only had a few resident aliens. There may have been greater equality than was normal. There may also have been a higher degree of mixing. On 300

EDWARD HERRING: ‘SLEEPING WITH THE ENEMY’. MIXED RESIDENCY PATTERNS IN PRE-ROMAN SOUTH ITALY Scritti in onore di Dinu Adamesteanu. Meta, Matera, 239-282. Leiwo, M., 1994. Neapolitana. A study of population and language in Graeco-Roman Naples. Societas Scientiarum Fennica, Helsinki. Lomas, K., 1993. Rome and the western Greeks 350 BCAD 200. Conquest and acculturation in Southern Italy. Routledge, London. Lomas, K., 1997. Introduction, in: T. Cornell & K. Lomas (eds), Gender and ethnicity in ancient Italy. Accordia Research Institute, London, 1-8. Lo Porto, F.G., 1964. Ceramica dalla necropoli di ‘Tor Pisana’, in: Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia 5, 111-127. Markantonatos, M.J., 1994. The social and economic interactions between the indigenous population of Basilicata, Southern Italy and the Greeks from 900550 BC: an archaeological analysis of acculturation. Unpublished University of Texas at Austin Ph.D. thesis. Morel, J-P., 1984. Greek colonization in Italy and the West (problems of the evidence and interpretation), in: T. Hackens, N.D. Holloway & R.R. & Holloway (eds), Crossroads of the Mediterranean. Catholic University, Louvain, 121-161. Pancrazzi, O., 1979. Le sepolture, in: O. Pancrazzi et al., Cavallino, I. Scavi e ricerche 1964-1967. Congedo, Galatina, 199-215. Pancrazzi, O. et al., 1979. Cavallino, I. Scavi e ricerche 1964-1967. Congedo, Galatina. Pedley, J.G., 1990. Paestum. Greeks and Romans in Southern Italy. Thames & Hudson, London. Pontrandolfo, A. & A. Rouveret, 1992. Le tombe dipinte di Paestum. Franco Cosimo Panini, Modena. Santoro, C., 1984. Nuovi studi Messapici. Primo supplemento. Congedo, Galatina. Schneider-Herrmann, G. (ed. E. Herring) 1996. The Samnites of the fourth century BC as depicted on Campanian Vases and in other sources. Institute of Classical Studies & Accordia Research Centre, London. Tagliente, M., 1985. Elementi del banchetto in un centro arcaico della Basilicata (Chiaromonte). Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome. Antiquité 97, 159-191. Trendall, A.D. & A. Cambitoglou, 1982. The Red Figure vases of Apulia, II: Late Apulian. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Whitehouse, R.D. & J.B. Wilkins, 1985. Magna Graecia before the Greeks: towards a reconciliation of the evidence, in: C. Malone & S. Stoddart (eds), Papers in Italian archaeology, IV. The Cambridge Conference, part iii. Patterns in protohistory (=BAR, International Series 245). Oxford, 89-109. Whitehouse, R.D. & J.B. Wilkins 1989. Greek and natives in Southeast Italy: approaches to the archaeological evidence, in: T.C. Champion (ed.), Centre and periphery. Comparative studies in archaeology. Unwin Hyman, London, 102-127.

important than this, however, is that they were also living with ‘the enemy’, marrying them, having children with them, working with or for them, and dying amongst them. Most vital of all, they were talking to them and sharing their ideas and culture with them. Finally relations should not always be characterized as hostile; some were not so much ‘sleeping with the enemy’ as ‘loving the alien’. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adamesteanu, D., 1971a. Greci ed indigeni nell’agro di Heraclea (Policoro), in: Atti dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rendiconti 26, 643-51. Adamesteanu, D., 1971b. L’attività archeologica in Basilicata, in: Atti del 10° Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia. Taranto, 467-85. Arias, P.E., 1979. Contributo allo studio delle tombe di Cavallino, in: O. Pancrazzi et al., Cavallino.I. Scavi e Ricerche 1964-1967. Congedo, Galatina, 219-226. Berlingò, I., 1986. La necropoli arcaica di Policoro in contrada Madonnelle, In: AA.VV., Siris-Polieion. Fonti letterarie e nuova documentazione archeologica (Incontro studi - Policoro 8-10 giugno1984). Congedo, Galatina, 117-127. Bottini, A., 1992. Herakleia, necropoli occidentale, in: AA.VV., Da Leukania a Lucania. La Lucania centrooccidentale fra Pirro e i Giulio-Claudii. Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Rome, 193-195. Chiartano, B., 1977. La necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronata e di S. Teodoro (Scavi 1970-1974). Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 31 (Suppl.), 9-190. D’Andria, F., 1990. Cavallino, in: F. D’Andria (ed.), Archeologia dei Messapi. Catalogo della Mostra. Lecce, Museo Provinciale ‘Sigismondo Castromediano’. Edipuglia, Bari, 201-203. De Siena, A., 1990. Contributi archeologici alla definizione della fase protocoloniale del Metapontino. Bollettino Storico della Basilicata 6, 71-88. Gallant, T., 1991. Risk and survival in ancient Greece. Reconstructing the rural domestic economy. Polity Press, Cambridge. Herring, E., 1991a. Power relations in Iron Age Southeast Italy, in: E. Herring, R. Whitehouse & J. Wilkins (eds), Papers of the Fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology 2. The Archaeology of Power, Part 2. Accordia Research Centre, London, 117-133. Herring, E., 1991b. Socio-political change in the South Italian Iron Age and classical periods: an application of the peer polity interaction model. Accordia Research Papers 2, 31-54. Herring, E., 1995. Emblems of identity. An examination of the use of matt-painted pottery in the native tombs of the Salento peninsula in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, in: N. Christie (ed.), Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology. Settlement and economy, 1500 BC-AD 1500. Oxbow Books, Oxford, 135-142. Lattanzi, E., 1980. L’insediamento indigeno sul Piano Podi S. Salvatore-Timmari (Matera), in: E. Lattanzi (ed.), Attività archeologica in Basilicata 1964-1977. 301

PRESENZANO-RUFRAE. NUOVI DATI PER LA STORIA DEL POPOLAMENTO NELLA CAMPANIA SETTENTRIONALE TRA ETÀ ARCAICA E CLASSICA SULLO SFONDO DELLE 1

DINAMICHE DI LUNGO PERIODO

Francesco Sirano Abstract: The small centre of Presenzano was situated in the interior part of northern Campania on a high position overlooking the northern part of the river valley of the Volturno. Recent excavation revealed data on its settlement system between the Archaic and the Classical Age. These data enhance a more comprehensive reconstruction of the region as well as our understanding of the transition from the ‘Civiltà del Liri’ to the Samnite culture. Around 500 BC the village was abandoned though at the same time the related necropolis and sanctuary continued to be used. This indicates a complex situation. The local elite were strongly tied to the Samnitic culture and it is important to observe that this phenomenon is encountered throughout Campania around the same time.

Il piccolo centro di Presenzano,2 sito nella Campania settentrionale interna in posizione dominante all’estremità

nord occidentale della piana del fiume Volturno, ha restituito a seguito di scavi recenti3 nuovi dati sulle forme di occupazione del territorio tra età arcaica e classica che non solo arricchiscono sensibilmente il quadro del popolamento della regione, ma anche contribuiscono in maniera decisiva alla comprensione del delicato passaggio dalla fase cosiddetta ‘della civiltà del Liri’ a quella sannitica.

1 Ringrazio il Direttore Regionale per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, già Soprintendente per i Beni archeologici delle Province di Napoli e Caserta, dott. Stefano De Caro per avere consentito alla pubblicazione di queste notizie preliminari con la consueta generosità. La mia gratitudine agli archeologi della Soc. XENIA coordinati dalle Dott.sse Angela De Filippis e Barbara Vitali Rosati con le quali si prepara l’edizione dei materiali. Gli scavi in località Pozzo sono stati seguiti anche dai dott.ri A. Leone e M. Brizzi. I restauri, ancora in corso, degli scavi 2000-2001 sono stati realizzati da Giovanni Ziglioli, con il coordinamento della dott.ssa Luigia Melillo e la supervisione di Marina Vecchi. La documentazione fotografica dei reperti è opera di O. Fabozzi; i disegni dei reperti si debbono alla perizia dell’arch. A. Migliaccio. Ringrazio inoltre tutto il personale dell’Ufficio per i Beni Archeologici di Teano e la dott.ssa A. Mesolella, laureatasi su alcuni dei materiali in impasto dall’abitato presso la Seconda Università degli Studi di Napoli-Facoltà di Conservazione dei Beni Culturali di Santa Maria Capua Vetere. Una versione preliminare del presente testo è apparsa in: Presenzano e il Monte Cesima 2002, 61ss. 2 Pur non essendo questo il luogo per un esame puntuale della topografia dell’area, vale tuttavia la pena sottolineare come la creazione di una centrale idroelettrica negli anni ottanta del secolo appena trascorso, con il grande invaso poligonale del bacino, e i relativi enormi riporti di terra nelle zone limitrofe, abbiano drasticamente modificato l’aspetto complessivo della pianura che si distende ai piedi del massiccio del Monte Cesima, su una delle cui alture-Monte S. Leonardo, sorge centro abitato medioevale. Utili indicazioni sulla situazione precedente l’età contemporanea ci vengono dall’esame dalla carta (Fig. 1) della diocesi di Teano commissionata dal Vescovo Monsignor Guevara nel 1635 (Caiazza 1995a, 74-75, tav. XV). Si tratta di una cartografia storica che tiene conto delle conoscenze erudite su questa parte dell’Alto Casertano e che, nella ripetizione in corrispondenza di ben quattro punti del toponimo Rufe o Rufo, sembra prendere parte al dibattito sulla localizzazione dell’antico centro sannitico e romano come esplicitato dalla didascalia olim Rufae in rapporto alla vignetta raffigurante lo rovine dell’anfiteatro, evidentemente restate sempre in vista. Da un punto di vista ambientale e morfologico, l’esame del prezioso documento consente di sottolineare da un lato l’abbondanza di acqua, assicurata da due laghetti posti ai margini della piana (lago di Vairano e delle Corree), dall’altro la presenza di una folta selva, denominata Bosco di Presenzano, di cui oggi non resta traccia. Quest’ultima non sembra affatto isolata, anzi sulla medesima carta sono riportati anche altri boschi in zone pianeggianti, la cui antichità non è però possibile precisare allo stato delle nostre conoscenze. Restando nell’ambito della documentazione cartografica, sulla Tabula Peutingeriana è attestato solo il toponimo ad Rotas riportato lungo il percorso della via Latina (Caiazza 1995a, 106108). Né peraltro le fonti letterarie antiche ci soccorrono nella ricostruzione dei principali tratti del paesaggio, ad eccezione di un riferimento di Catone (Cato, Agr., 135, 2) ad una Rufri maceria presso la quale si sarebbero acquistati frantoi alle migliori condizioni, similmente che a Pompei e Nola. Il passo attesta la presenza e lo sfruttamento sistematico di cave probabilmente di calcare, come

Come noto, l’identificazione di Presenzano con l’antica Rufrae4 si basa, oltre che sopravvivenze toponomastiche (Fig. 1), sulla testimonianza fornita da una serie di dediche di età augustea da parte dei vicani Rufrani, o Rufeni come è stato correttamente letto da D. Caiazza,5 attestate sia nell’area dell’attuale Taverna S. Felice, sia presso il centro medioevale. Rufrae è menzionata da Livio6 tra i centri sanniti catturati dai Romani nell’ambito della Seconda guerra sannitica nel 326 a.C., insieme ad Allifae e Callifae. Estremamente scarse risultano le notizie riferiteci dalle fonti letterarie: oltre ad un passo di indicano non solo alcuni elementi di trapetum visibili ancora oggi nell’agro, ma anche la presenza presso la località Taverna S. Felice di una cava moderna della medesima pietra. Per l’interpretazione del brano catoniano quale testimonianza della presenza di rovine visibili all’epoca di Catone: Conta Haller 1978, 38. Per una diversa interpretazione: Caiazza 1995b, 89. Per quanto riguarda resti ancora visibili, si segnalano le basi di trapetum lungo la via Boscarelle sul lato destro in direzione Presenzano, poco oltre il Caseificio La Fenice; altra base lungo la via Provinciale alla località Morecine (Merchi), Masseria Ammessone. Le evidenze archeologiche, di cui si dirà più diffusamente tra breve, concorrono a definire un paesaggio antico generalmente pianeggiante con una leggera pendenza verso sud in parte corrispondente a quello moderno, basti pensare ai resti dell’anfiteatro in località Taverna S. Felice il cui piano di frequentazione corrisponde all’incirca all’attuale, in parte notevolmente mutato come indicato dall’ingente innalzamento del piano di campagna presso la località Pozzo, dove il piano di calpestio si è elevato di circa m 4. 3 Gli scavi si sono svolti tra il dicembre del 2000 e settembre 2001 e hanno visto la fattiva collaborazione del Comune di Presenzano, nella persona del Sindaco e del geometra Massimo Di Stefano, della società ENEL POWER, della Centrale ENEL di Presenzano e delle Ditte Malinconico, esecutrice delle opere, e De Paolis. Un ringraziamento particolare va anche a tutti i proprietari dei terreni interessati dalle opere che hanno offerto supporto ed ospitalità di rara gentilezza (sigg.ri Farinaro, Bocchino, Ormella, Durante). Per una prima notizia: De Caro & Miele 2001, 514-516; Sirano 2003, 297-298. 4 In generale: S. Storti, in: BTCG 14, 1996, 473-475. 5 CIL X, 4830, 4831, 4833; per la lettura recente: Caiazza 2002, 23 con bibliografia precedente. 6 Liv. VIII, 25, 4.

302

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE

Fig. 1. Pianta della diocesi di Teano eseguita per il Vescovo Monsignor Guevara 1635.

Fig. 2. Piana di Presenzano con indicazione dei principali siti.

303

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI recentemente, si deve al medesimo Caiazza l’inserimento della cinta sulla rocca in un più ampio sistema di fortificazione dell’intero distretto del Monte Cesima.14 Degne di menzione sono, inoltre, le notizie di rinvenimenti fortuiti a seguito dei lavori di costruzione del bacino idroelettrico, nonché un breve ma significativo intervento di scavo presso l’anfiteatro in località Taverna S. Felice, da parte di Gabriella Gasperett,i che ha consentito di precisare le principali fasi di vita dell’interessante edificio (I secolo a.C.-IV d.C.).15 Nel contesto dell’anfiteatro e delle sue immediate vicinanze, si ricordano alcune sepolture di età romana rinvenute in comune di Tora, nei pressi della Taverna S. Felice, nell’ambito dei lavori di sistemazione del passante ferroviario Cassino-Napoli,16 nonché alcune tombe a cappuccina scavate nell’agro a seguito della costruzione di un caseificio.17 Sono, invece, recentissime le scoperte avvenute tra il 2000 e il 2001 nel corso del controllo dei lavori di riqualificazione della piana di Presenzano. Gli scavi hanno posto in luce ben dieci siti che, pur nella natura necessariamente casuale dei rinvenimenti e nella successione imposta dal percorso delle opere pubbliche che si seguivano, hanno restituito dei dati di una certa coerenza e tali da offrire una nuova immagine della piana, dischiudendo ulteriori prospettive di ricerca su una base documentaria estremamente più ricca che nel passato. Fig. 3. Presenzano, rocca, fortificazione in blocchi poligonali (da Conta Haller 1978, tav. XXXII.2).

I siti hanno un excursus cronologico molto ampio che va dal VI secolo a.C. al VI-VII d.C. Da un punto di vista tipologico, una prima divisione è data tra i siti di necropoli (Fig. 2: nn. 2, 11) e quelli d’abitato, al cui interno distinguiamo un grande fossato (Fig. 2:3), due semplici fosse con scarico di materiali antichi (Fig. 2:5, 7), due strade (Fig. 2:6, 8), due siti pertinenti a strutture abitative (Fig. 2:9, 12), un pozzo (Fig. 2:10). Aldilà dell’interesse talvolta straordinario dei singoli rinvenimenti, che saranno più diffusamente illustrati in Appendice, preme sottolineare il notevole valore dell’insieme ai fini della ricostruzione storica delle dinamiche insediative della piana poiché esso costituisce un contesto nel quale si inseriscono anche le altre evidenze già note, che restavano però alquanto isolate le une dalle altre. Va, ad ogni buon conto, precisato il carattere preliminare delle seguenti osservazioni che avranno bisogno di ulteriori futuri approfondimenti e verifiche. Una prima constatazione riguarda la mancanza di dati relativi ai periodi pre e protostorici, per i quali non si hanno nemmeno ritrovamenti casuali o in deposizione secondaria: si tratta di un fenomeno che si riscontra, per così dire, a macchia di leopardo nell’Alto Casertano18

Catone,7 abbiamo un accenno di Virgilio nel VII libro dell’Eneide8 e uno di Silio Italico9 nei Punica. Interesse ancora maggiore acquistano, in tale contesto, le fonti archeologiche ed epigrafiche, dalle quali proviene un contributo sostanziale alla definizione, sia pure a grandi linee, della vicenda storica del sito (Fig. 2). I primi rinvenimenti sistematici si devono a W. Johannowsky10 che tra il 1973 e il 1974 ha scavato in corrispondenza della località Masseria Robbia (Fig. 2:1) 27 tombe a fossa datate tra la fine del VII e la prima metà del VI secolo a.C. e più ad est, in località Masseria Perelle (Fig. 2:4), una stipe costituita da statuine e ceramica datate tra il VI e il IV-III secolo a.C. Qualche anno dopo, Gioia Conta Haller11 valorizzava nel suo studio sulle cinte poligonali in area campano sannita i resti visibili al di sotto della cortina medioevale della rocca (Fig. 3). Domenico Caiazza,12 ripreso da S.P. Oakley,13 notava la presenza di un ampliamento della primitiva cinta verso nord ovest e l’esistenza di un braccio della fortificazione, anch’esso sottoposto alla cortina medioevale, che si distacca dall’acropoli scendendo lungo le pendici della collina su cui sorge il centro storico. Ancora più

14

Caiazza 2002, 24-47. Gasperetti & Russo 1991, 125 ss. Gli scavi, realizzati nel 1996 al km 160+986 della linea NapoliCassino, sono in corso di studio da parte della dott.ssa G. Gasperetti. Archivio SANC P2/ 6. Un accenno in: Gasperetti 1997, 243-244, fig. 7. 17 Gli scavi sono stati realizzati dallo scrivente nel 1999 presso la località Aspriti. Fonte Archivio SANC P2/ 7 18 In generale: Caiazza 1986, 19-70. Sull’indubbia antichità della presenza antropica nell’area, si vedano le recenti acquisizioni scientifiche relative ad impronte isolate di ominidi (Homo erectus) e di 15

7

16

Cato, Agr., 135, 2. Virg., Aen., VII, 739. 9 Silius, VIII, 562-567. 10 Cerchiai 1995, 177, tav. XXIX.2-3; Tagliamonte 1996, 75; Johannowsky 2000, 16-19 con bibliografia precedente. 11 Conta Haller 1978, 35-40, tavv. XXX-XXXII. 12 Caiazza 1986, 365. 13 Oakley 1995, 32-34, figg. 26-27. 8

304

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE attestazioni di una presenza organizzata sul territorio risalgono alla fine del VII secolo a.C. rappresentate dalle tombe di località Masseria Robbia che continuano sino alla metà circa del VI secolo a.C. Come già osservato da W. Johannowsky, i materiali che costituiscono i corredi funerari rientrano nella cultura cosiddetta della ‘civiltà del Liri’, comune a tutta l’area tra Cassino e il Volturno e caratterizzata da vasi di impasto grezzo, olle, anfore e brocche del cosiddetto bucchero rosso, mentre armi e fibule illustrano rapporti con le aree interne appenniniche e con l’Adriatico.20 A qualche centinaio di metri dal nucleo di sepolture di Masseria Robbia si trova il sepolcreto di Masseria Monaci (sito 2) frequentato dalla fine del VI secolo a.C. alla fine del IV secolo a.C. (Fig. 4). Non si hanno dati definitivi sull’abitato cui questo nucleo di sepolture si riferiva: è molto probabile che esso si trovasse nella piana a poca distanza dalla necropoli, nella zona compresa tra il limite orientale della Masseria Monaci e l’attuale via Brecciale. Infatti, ricadono in questa area non solo la stipe scavata da Johannowsky in località Masseria Perelle, ma anche i siti di recente ritrovamento dal n. 3 al 10. Questi ultimi hanno presentato univocamente materiale riferibile ad abitato, tegole, opera doliare, ceramica fine da mensa, databile nel corso del VI e sino alla seconda metà del V secolo a.C. (Fig. 5). La ceramica di produzione locale annovera impasti grezzi e bucchero rosso delle tipiche forme della civiltà del Liri, cui si associano impasti buccheroidi e buccheri di produzione, o ascendenza, capuana pure caratteristici dell’orizzonte tardo arcaico campano e di area aurunca. Da un punto di vista delle modalità di occupazione, si fa notare la posizione a ridosso della necropoli del grande fossato individuato presso il sito n. 3 (Fig. 6). Per conformazione, dimensioni e sequenza stratigrafia, in quest’ultimo potrebbe riconoscersi il fossato che circondava un aggere di difesa, similmente a quanto testimoniato in altri siti del Lazio e della Campania (Roma, Ardea, Atella, Acerra, Calatia, Cuma)21. Sulla base di quanto sinora noto non è possibile precisare se l’interno dell’abitato fosse occupato densamente, o piuttosto per nuclei. Vi è tuttavia evidenza dell’esistenza di aree funzionali: un santuario doveva sorgere presso la Masseria Perelle (sito 4), la cui stipe fu scavata come già ricordato da Johannowsky, un altro è forse ipotizzabile non lontano dal sito 3 sulla scorta del ritrovamento negli strati di distruzione del fossato non solo di vasi miniaturistici votivi (Fig. 7), ma anche di una mensa di altare circolare in tufo. Le strutture murarie riferibili ad unità abitative, solo parzialmente esplorate (sito 9), presentavano zoccolo in ciottoli di fiume circondati da un piccolo fossato isolante con alzato

Fig. 4. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, necropoli, vista da est.

Fig. 5. Presenzano, via Brecciale, proprietà Ormella, frammenti di orlo di pithoi US 3. segno evidente che una delle ragioni del fenomeno sta in un limite della ricerca archeologica ufficiale che, all’inseguimento degli scavatori clandestini, ha privilegiato le fasi storiche a discapito della Preistoria, le cui tracce sono di più difficoltosa individuazione e i cui reperti di minor pregio venale.19 Ad ogni modo, le prime

Mignano Montelungo, non lontano dunque da Presenzano: Furlani 2001, 512. 20 Johannowsky 2000, 16; Gasperetti, Passaro & De Caro 1999, 145146, nota 1. 21 Fossati di area campana: Giampaola, Ronga & Sica 1997, 227-230, 234-238, fig. 4, 9, 11; Giampaola 2002, 167-169, fig. 12. Da notare la presenza di un sito difeso con un aggere, colmato nel III secolo a.C., non lontano da Presenzano/ Rufrae nel comune di Marzano Appio: De Caro & Miele 2001, 516. Fossati di area laziale: Guaitoli 1984, 365370; Bedini 2003, 267-269; Pompilio 2003, 283.

animali impresse sul suolo vulcanico del Roccamonfina (sito detto delle campate del Diavolo nel Comune di Tora e Piccilli) risalente al Pleistocene Medio (385.000-325.000 anni fa): Mietto, Avanzini & Rolandi 2003, 133. Diverso il caso, per epoche più tarde, dei siti costieri dell’Alto Casertano dove scavi svolti a partire dal 1994 contribuiscono a definire un quadro incoraggiante e ricco di testimonianze: Belluomini, Federico, Lavino, Miraglia & Piperno 2002, 1ss. 19 Per l’età eneolitica e del Bronzo: Talamo 2004, 33-45. Recente la notizia del rinvenimento casuale di reperti dell’età del Bronzo a

305

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. Presenzano, proprietà Bocchino G., fossato, visto da nord.

Fig. 9. Presenzano, Masseria Perelle, stipe: statuetta fittile di guerriero armato di lancia e scudo. Fig. 7. Presenzano, proprietà Bocchino G., US 6 vasi miniaturisitici.

sembrerebbe tendere alla concentrazione e all’articolazione funzionale dell’abitato secondo modalità molto diverse da quelle sinora supposte per Presenzano22 in base all’analogia con altri siti della Campania settentrionale (es. Teano), per i quali si pensava ad insediamenti sparsi sul territorio. La situazione induce a richiamare piuttosto il caso di Cales, finora considerato isolato nella Campania a nord del Volturno,23 dove sul pianoro poi occupato dalla colonia latina sono state individuate non solo aree di capanne, ma anche alcune aree sacre di età arcaica, la più antica delle quali è quella di S. Pietro.24 Sulla base dell’esempio di Presenzano, si potrebbe ipotizzare che il processo di strutturazione urbana degli abitati campani abbia esteso la sua influenza anche all’alta valle del Volturno. Si comincerebbe in tale maniera a delineare un quadro degli insediamenti della Campania settentrionale nella tarda età arcaica più sfumato e complesso di quanto sinora si poteva supporre. Una siffatta ipotesi di lavoro fornirebbe un più armonico contesto al deposito votivo di Masseria Perelle (sito 4) (Fig. 9), nell’articolazione interna del quale G.

Fig. 8. Presenzano, località Rastello, pozzo scavato nel banco tufaceo, si notino le pedarole per l’ispezione. probabilmente in crudo, o en pisé, e copertura fittile, piani di frequentazione in terra battuta, con ogni verosimiglianza associati a strutture utilitarie, quali il pozzo individuato presso il sito 10 (Fig. 8), che conservava ancora le pedarole per la manutenzione. Qualora le precedenti considerazioni cogliessero nel vero, ci troveremmo in altre parole di fronte ad un modello insediativo che innanzitutto sfrutta gli spazi di pianura, con opportuna munizione, e che, in seconda battuta,

22

Cerchiai 1995, 171-177. L’occupazione della piana di Presenzano per agglomerati sparsi è supposta da Caiazza 1995b, 88-89. 23 Cerchiai 1995, 174-175; Gasperetti, Passaro & De Caro 1999, 148152; Passaro & Ciaccia 2000, 20-25. Uno stretto rapporto tra Cales e Presenzano è stato, d’altronde, supposto sulla base del solo studio dei materiali ceramici d’impasto da Talamo 1987, 171, alle cui nel puntuali osservazioni si rimanda. 24 Gasperetti, Passaro & De Caro 1999, 149.

306

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE

Fig. 11. Presenzano, Masseria Perelle, proprietà Ormella, muro di contenimento occidentale della strada, visto da est.

Fig. 12. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, tomba 64, corredo.

Fig. 10. Presenzano, Masseria Perelle, proprietà Ormella, strada, vista da nord.

costruttiva dei muri di delimitazione della strada e quella della cinta muraria che circonda la sommità della collina su cui sorge Presenzano induce, sia pur tra molte prudenze, a proporre una datazione nell’ambito del V secolo a.C. anche per la fortificazione dell’arce, già datate al periodo delle guerre sannitiche.28 Le trasformazioni sociali che le osservazioni topografiche delineano in controluce si mostrano con tutta evidenza qualora si esamini la composizione dei corredi funerari della necropoli di località Masseria Monaci (sito 2). Qui, infatti, pur nella continuità e contiguità planimetrica delle sepolture, alla metà circa del V secolo a.C. si assiste ad un netto mutamento qualitativo e quantitativo degli oggetti che accompagnavano il defunto nella tomba. Ad eccezione della tradizionale olla a bombarda in impasto, uno dei fossili guida della cultura materiale dell’area presente in tutti i corredi dal VII al IV secolo a.C., tesero a sparire gli altri vasi tipici della cultura del Liri per essere sostituiti da massicci arrivi di ceramica attica, ovvero di imitazione, riferibile alla panoplia di vasi tipici del simposio (cratere, oinochoai e brocche, patere, kylikes, coppette) (Fig. 12), nonché da più rari gioielli in oro e argento, cui si associarono nella seconda metà del V secolo e nel corso del IV secolo a.C. ceramica italiota,

25

ha riconosciuto segni rituali che Tagliamonte rifletterebbero forme di organizzazione sociale evolute e di una certa complessità. Questa situazione fu profondamente mutata tra la fine del VI e gli inizi del V secolo a.C. A tale periodo risalgono la distruzione e l’obliterazione tanto del fossato, quanto delle strutture murarie e del pozzo (siti 3, 9, 10), mentre continuò la venerazione presso il santuario di Masseria Perelle26 e l’utilizzo della necropoli di Masseria Monaci. Nell’ambito del V secolo a.C. deve porsi la frequentazione, e verosimilmente anche la creazione, della strada nord-sud individuata in località masseria Perelle, via Brecciale (sito 8) (Fig. 10). La struttura particolarmente curata delle spallette che la delimitavano, costituite da potenti muri a secco costruiti contro terra in blocchi irregolari di calcare (Fig. 11), l’ampiezza della carreggiata e la circostanza che l’ampliamento dell’area di scavo non ha rivelato strutture in fase, fanno pensare, piuttosto che all’abbandono dell’area, ad una ristrutturazione, ovvero riorganizzazione, dell’abitato tra VI e V secolo a.C.27 Inoltre, il confronto tra la tecnica 25

Tagliamonte 1996, 70-75. Johannowsky 2000, 17. Per un analoga ristrutturazione dell’abitato di Capua: Cerchiai 1987, 50-52. 26 27

28

Conta Haller 1978, 88; per una revisione critica con proposta di datazione più antica: Oakley 1995, 136.

307

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 13. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, tomba 21, cratere a figure rosse (inv. 303116) con rapimento di Tithonos da parte di Eos. Fig. 14. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, tomba 31, cratere a figure rosse (inv. 303146) con Eracle tra i Satiri. campana, armamenti di tipo sannita. Sin da una cursoria disamina dei materiali di accompagno è emerso con chiarezza come il modello culturale di riferimento andasse ricercato nel mondo ellenico (Neapolis), ovvero in quello osco sannita profondamente ellenizzato quale conosciamo dalle tombe di Capua, Montesarchio, Nola, Nocera.29 Non altrimenti potrebbe spiegarsi la deposizione non solo di ceramica di importazione, ma soprattutto di vasi figurati di un certo pregio artistico e con scene che presuppongono la conoscenza di miti legati all’oltretomba, o comunque riconducibili alla sfera della morte: cratere con Eos che rapisce Kephalos (Fig. 13);30 cratere con scena (da dramma satiresco?) di culto di Eracle, Alexikakos ovvero “εν Ακριδι” con riferimento all’iniziazione di Eracle ai misteri eleusini31 (Fig. 14); cratere con Trittolemo sul carro di Ades. E se l’origine attica dei materiali e l’attuale isolamento di questa eccezionale facies nel quadro della Campania a nord del

Fig. 15. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, tomba 32, cratere a figure rosse (inv. 303161), sviluppo grafico (dis. Arch. A. Migliaccio). Volturno ingenerassero legittimi dubbi circa la reale conoscenza e comprensione nel contesto socio culturale locale dei miti raffigurati sui vasi, si cita a fugare ogni perplessità il fortunato rinvenimento in un contesto del tardo V secolo a.C. (tomba 32) di un ulteriore cratere a figure rosse di fabbrica locale con raffigurazione dell’episodio di Edipo e la Sfinge, il cui enigma è come noto paradigmatico della parabola dell’umana esistenza (Fig. 15).32 Nel medesimo ambito ideologico si pone

29 Tagliamonte 1996, 55-57; 206-207; sugli splendidi vasi dei corredi funerari: D’Henry 1997, 415ss.; D’Henry 2000, 69-71; D’Henry 2001, 11ss. 30 Vedi infra nota 46. 31 Sulla ceramica figurata dalla necropoli: Sirano 2005, 151ss. La scelta del tema di Eracle assume, inoltre, un’ulteriore valenza locale qualora si consideri il legame tra la via Latina e l’eroe che, secondo la tradizione, la percorse di ritorno dall’impresa delle mandrie di Gerione: sul tema, sia pur riferito ad epoca più recente Cantilena 2000, 252ss. Per il cratere della tomba 31, vedi infra nota 48.

32

308

Vedi infra nota 49.

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE

Fig. 16. Presenzano, Taverna S. Felice-Campo Cerrone, pianta anfiteatro (da Gasperetti & Russo 1991, p. 127, fig. 11). anche la presenza in un paio di tombe di Masseria Monaci di uova che potrebbero tradire credenze ultramondane, in qualche maniera assimilabili a quelle della religione orfica, i cui mysthai sappiamo attivi nella non lontanissima Cuma.33

presentano tali elementi di continuità tra la fase della ‘Civiltà del Liri’ e quella sannita da indurre ad esplorare altre possibilità di spiegazione. Non priva di forza persuasiva e di verosimiglianza potrebbe apparire, d’altro canto, la proposta di agganciare le dinamiche appena ricordate alle più generali, ben note e profonde trasformazioni occorse in seno alla compagine sociale dei centri e del territorio della Campania proprio nel corso del V secolo a.C. e delle quali sono riconoscibili tracce, a livello evenemenziale, nella crisi del sistema di potere etrusco all’indomani della battaglia di Cuma (474 a.C.) e nelle ‘conquiste’ di Capua, Cuma, Nola, Neapolis.34 Attraverso gli scavi di Presenzano si coglierebbero alcuni degli aspetti salienti dell’etnogenesi culturale della sannitica Rufrae, mediante il maturarsi di dinamiche

Questione alquanto delicata, allo stato in cui è attualmente la ricerca, riguarda lo studio dei motivi che determinarono i fenomeni di mutamento della sede dell’abitato, ma non della necropoli, e di emersione nei corredi tombali di un’ideologia funeraria ellenizzata. Sembra da scartare l’ipotesi dell’arrivo di una nuova compagine etnica non solo per l’eccessivo meccanicismo insito in ogni lettura decontestaulizzante dei meri dati quantitativi o, come nel caso in discussione, qualitativi, ma anche perché i dati topografici e archeologici

34 Restano fondamentali gli studi di Ettore Lepore, che hanno guidato tutta la successiva riflessione: Lepore 1989a, 26-30; Lepore 1989b, 85ss. Più recentemente: Mele 1991, 242-246, 266-273; d’Agostino 1992, 77-81; Cerchiai 1995, 178-190.

33

Si pensi alla famosa epigrafe dei bebaccheumènoi: Pugliese Caratelli 1988, 166.

309

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI sociali interne alle popolazioni qui insediate almeno dal VII secolo a.C. e segnate da passaggi, alcuni pochi dei quali ad oggi archeologicamente perspicui, quali la tendenza a costituire abitati di pianura probabilmente monocentrici, il consolidarsi di forme di culto strettamente legate al mondo guerriero, nella vasta accezione difensiva e di attacco, il successivo parziale mutamento nei modi di occupazione e la contestuale trasformazione qualitativa dei contesti funerari che segnalano l’emergere di élites dalla cultura ellenizzante del tutto assimilabili a quelle campane di Capua e Nola. Riferendoci di nuovo alle dinamiche di più lungo periodo, le trasformazioni non dovettero, peraltro, interrompersi e, nel corso della seconda metà del V secolo a.C., anche la strada presso via Brecciale fu abbandonata. Singolare è la mancanza di strutture chiaramente riferibili al IV secolo a.C., con la sola dubbiosa eccezione della già menzionata cinta muraria sull’acropoli, la cui cronologia tradizionale è stata posta alla seconda metà del IV secolo a.C.35 Proprio alla fine del IV secolo a.C. esaurirono la loro funzione sia la necropoli di Masseria Monaci, sia la stipe di Masseria Perelle, quest’ultima forse frequentata ancora nel III secolo a.C.: il richiamo alle guerre sannitiche e alla presa di Rufrae nel 326 a.C. è sin troppo facile. A partire da questo momento la documentazione archeologica mostra una cesura di circa due secoli che allo stato attuale

Fig. 17. Presenzano, anfiteatro, vista della cavea da sud est. delle ricerche non ha soluzione. Certo è che alla fine del II-inizi I secolo a.C. l’immagine della piana di Presenzano era profondamente mutata. La sola evidenza monumentale nota per tale fase è la grande terrazza rettangolare (Fig. 16) in opera incerta presso Taverna S. Felice sul cui lato corto occidentale si appoggiò, in età augustea, la cavea dell’anfiteatro (Fig. 17). Il piccolo edificio, che fu in uso con molte trasformazioni sino al V

Fig. 18. Presenzano, località Pozzo, strada provinciale Tora Venafro km 4+460, piante di fase dell’abitato (dis. Dr. Massimo Brizzi).

35

Conta Haller 1978, 88.

310

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE zona dell’anfiteatro.42 In effetti, tale ipotesi risulta notevolmente ridimensionata dalle scoperte avvenute lungo la via provinciale Tora-Venafro. Presso la località Pozzo (sito 12) (Fig. 18) è venuta alla luce parte di un quartiere di abitato dalla complessa stratigrafia occupato, quasi senza interruzioni, dal primo periodo imperiale al V-VI secolo d.C., con strati di abbandono altomedioevali. Significativa la presenza a poche centinaia di metri più ad ovest, lungo la medesima strada provinciale, di un sepolcreto del V-VI secolo d.C. (sito 11) (Fig. 19) costituito da nove sepolture a schiera in lastre di tufo. Parte della popolazione doveva, infine, risiedere nell’agro come indiziato non solo dal ritrovamento di tombe alla cappuccina di età imperiale, ma anche dalla presenza di elementi di trapetum pertinenti ad impianti produttivi di villae. E forse proprio dal nome di uno dei fondi sfruttato da una di queste ville derivò il toponimo medioevale di Presenzano.43 BIBLIOGRAPHIA AA.VV., 2000, Studi sull’Italia dei Sanniti. Roma. AA.VV., 2002, Presenzano e il Monte Cesima. Archeologia arte e storia di una comunità (Atti Convegno, Presenzano-Quaderni Campano Sannitici III). Piedimonte Matese. Bedini, A. 2003, Castel di Decima, in Lo sguardo di Icaro 2003, 267ss. Belluomini, G., A. Federico, G. Lavino, M. Miraglia & M. Piperno 2002, Recenti scoperte nel Comune di Mondragone, in: L. Crimaco & F. Sogliano (ed.), Culture del passato. La Campania settentrionale tra Preistoria e Mediovevo, Napoli, 1ss. Boardman, J. & S. Woodford, 1988, sv Herakles, in LIMC IV. 1, Zürig- München, 817ss. Boardman, J., 1989, Athenian red figure vases. The Classical period. London/New York. Caiazza, D., 1986, Archeologia e storia antica del Mandamento di Pietramelara e del Montemaggiore I, Preistoria e Età Sanitica. Pietramelara. Caiazza, D., 1995a, Archeologia e storia antica del Mandamento di Pietramelara e del Montemaggiore II, Età Romana. Pietramelara. Caiazza, D., 1995b, Ager Rufranus: centri fortificati Preromani del Monte Cesima, in: R. Papi (ed.), Insediamenti fortificati in area centro-italica. Pescara, 85ss. Caiazza, D., 2002, Ager Rufranus. Centri fortificati preromani del monte Cesima, in: Presenzano e Monte Cesima, 7ss. Cantilena, R. 2000, La monetazione di un centro campano alleato di Roma, in: Akten Internationalen Numismatischer Kongress (Berlin 1997) I, Berlino, 252ss.

Fig. 19. Presenzano, Masseria Durante, strada provinciale Tora-Venafro km 4+200, sepolcreto tardo antico. secolo d.C., sorse non a caso in vista della via Latina dal cui continuo traffico traeva sostentamento.36 All’insediamento sono riferibili anche le strutture produttive e un gruppo di tombe datate tra I e IV secolo d.C. rinvenute ad ovest dell’anfiteatro lungo la linea ferroviaria Cassino-Napoli, nonché i resti di alcuni mausolei lungo la via Latina. Le iscrizioni confermano una certa ripresa del centro nella prima età imperiale, quando ricevé il patronato di Agrippa37 e fu dotato di un acquedotto,38 e suggeriscono lo scadimento di Rufrae a vicus,39 forse posto sotto il controllo della vicina Teanum Sidicinum,40 ovvero di Venafrum.41 Tutte queste circostanze avevano fatto pensare ad uno spostamento del centro in età romana dall’area dell’attuale Presenzano alla 36 Gasperetti & Russo 1991, 126-130, fig. 11; un’area per spettacoli gladiatori lungo la via Latina è stata recentemente rinvenuta a Mignano Montelungo: De Caro & Miele 2001, 317-319. 37 CIL X, 4831. 38 CIL X, 4833. 39 CIL X, 4833, 4834. Poche le precisazioni sulla società locale ricavabili dalla scarna documentazione epigrafica: della compagine sociale dovevano far parte anche veterani e liberti (CIL X, 4837); unico culto sinora noto è quello per la Madre degli Dei (CIL X, 4829). 40 Conta Haller 1978, 39. 41 Oakley 1995, 33-34.

42

Conta Haller 1978, 39. Caiazza 2002, 19-22 con bibliografia. Per la storia di Presenzano dal Medio Evo all’Età moderna si veda: Panarello 1999, passim.

43

311

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Cerchiai, L. 1987, Il processo di strutturazione del politico: i Campani. AIONArchStAnt IX, 41ss. Cerchiai, L., 1995, I Campani. Milano. Conta Haller, G., 1978. Ricerche su alcuni centri fortificati in opera poligonale in area campanosannitica. Napoli. d’Agostino, B., 1992, Greci, Campani e Sanniti: città e campagna nella regione campana, in G. Maetzke (ed.), La Campania fra il VI e il III secolo a.C. (Atti del XIV Convegno di Studi Etrusco Italici, Benevento 1981), Galatina, 73ss. De Caro, S., 2001, Ercole. L’eroe, il mito (Catalogo della mostra, Milano). Milano. De Caro, S. & F. Miele, 2001, L’occupazione romana della Campania settentrionale nella dinamica insediativa di lungo periodo, in: E. Lo Cascio & A. Storchi Marino (eds), Modalità insediative e strutture agrarie nell’Italia meridionale in età romana. Bari, 501 ss. D’Henry, G., 1997, La presenza attica nella Valle Caudina. Ostraka VI.2, 415ss. D’Henry, G., 2000, Ceramica figurata da Montesarchio, in: AA.VV., Studi sull’Italia dei Sanniti. Roma, 69ss. D’Henry, G., 2001, Caudium: centro sannitico aperto verso molteplici esperienze culturali. Orizzonti II, 11ss. Furlani, U., 2001, Mignano Montelungo (Caserta). Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 51, 512. Gasperetti, G. & D. Russo, 1991, Presenzano. Località Taverna San Felice-Campo Cerrone. Il parco archeologico dell’anfiteatro: prima campagna di scavo. Bollettino di Archeologia 11-12, 125-126. Gasperetti, G., 1997, Testimonianze archeologiche delle infrastrutture idrauliche di età romana tra il Garigliano e il Massico, in: Uomo, acqua e paesaggio, 239 ss. Gasperetti, G., C. Passaro & S. De Caro, 1999, Novità dal territorio degli Ausoni, in: M. Barra, E. Bagnasco, E. De Miro & A. Pinzone (eds), Magna Grecia e Sicilia. Stato degli studi e prospettive di ricerca (Atti Incontro Messina 1996). Messina, 145 ss. Giampaola, D., G. Ronga & M. Sica, 1997, Appunti per la storia del paesaggio agrario di Acerra, in: Uomo, acqua e paesaggio 1997, 225ss. Giampaola, D., 2002, Un territorio per due città: Suessula e Acerra, in: G. Franciosi (ed.), Ager Campanus (Atti del Convegno, Caserta 2001). Napoli, 165ss. Guaitoli, M., 1984, Le città latine fino al 338 a.C. Urbanistica, in: Archeologia Laziale VI, 84ss. Johannowsky, W., 2000. Presenzano: necropoli in località Robbia, in: AA.VV., Studi sull’Italia dei Sanniti. Roma, 16 ss. Johannowsky, W., 2004, Materiale di età arcaica e classica da Rufrae, S. Agata dei Goti, Circello, Casalbore, Carife, Castel Baronia, Bisaccia, Morra de Santis, in: D. Caiazza (ed.), Safinim. Studi in onore di Adriano La Regina per il premio I Sanniti. Piedimonte Matese, 275ss. Kathariou, K. , 2002, To ergasterio tou Zographou tou Meleagrou kai he epoche tou. Salonicco

Lepore, E., 1989a, La Campania preromana, in: Origini e strutture della Campania antica, Bologna, 13ss. Lepore, E., 1989b, Timeo in Strabone V, 4, 3 C 242-243 e le origini campane, in: Origini e strutture della Campania antica, Bologna, 85ss. Lo sguardo di Icaro 2003. M. Guaitoli (ed.), Lo sguardo di Icaro. Le collezioni dell’Aereofototeca Nazionale per la conoscenza del territorio (Catalogo Mostra, Roma). Roma. Mannack, Th., 2001, The Late Mannerist in Athenian vase painting. Oxford. Mele, A., 1991, Le popolazioni italiche, in: Storia del Mezzogiorno I. Il Mezzogiorno antico. Napoli, 237ss. Mercuri, L., 2001, Tête sans corps et corps sans tête. De certaines pratiques funéraires en Italie Méridionale et Sicile (VIII-VI siècle avant J. Ch.). MEFRAnt 113, 7ss. Mietto, P., M. Avanzini & G. Rolandi, 2003, Human footprints in Pleistocene volcanic ash. Nature 422, 133. Miele, F. & F. Sirano (ed.), Ager Allifanus. La piana alifana alla luce delle recenti ricerche archeologiche (Catalogo della Mostra, Alife 2004). Piedimonte Matese. Minoia, M., 2000. Il bucchero del Museo Provinciale Campano. Ricezione, produzione e commercio del bucchero a Capua (= Capua Preromana, IX). Pisa/Roma. Nenci, G. & G. Vallet, 1977-. Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche. Roma. Oakley, S.P., 1995. The hillforts of the Samnites. London. Panarello, A., 1999, Castrum Presenzano. Sessa Aurunca. Passaro, C. & G. Ciaccia, 2000. Cales: la necropoli dall’orientalizzante recente all’età ellenistica, in: AA.VV., Studi sull’Italia dei Sanniti. Roma, 20 ss. Pompilio, T., 2003, Ardea, in: Lo sguardo di Icaro 2003, 283. Pugliese Caratelli, G., 1988, L’orfismo in magna Grecia, in: Magna Grecia. Vita religiosa e cultura letteraria, filosofica e scientifica. Milano, 159ss. Ruthwolf, S., 1993, Herakles beim Gelege. Köln. Sirano, F., 2003, Rufrae, in: Lo sguardo di Icaro 2003, 297ss. Sirano, F., 2005, Ceramica figurata da Presenzano (antica Rufrae), in: Gillotta, F. (ed.), Pittura parietale, pittura vascolare. Ricerche in corso tra Etruria e Campania (Atti della giornata di studio di Santa Maria Capua Vetere, 2003). Napoli, 151ss. Szilagyi, J. Gy., 1970, Contribution à l’histoire de la peinture de vases à figures rouges campaniènne, in: ActaArchHung XVIII, 241ss. Tagliamonte, G., 1996, I Sanniti. Milano. Talamo, P. F., 1987, L’area aurunca nel quadro dell’Italia centro-meridionale. Testimonianze archeologiche di età arcaica. Oxford. Talamo, P.F., 2004, Nuove scoperte di età eneolitica e del Bronzo nell’ambito della Preistoria del territorio alifano, in: Ager Allifanus 2004, 33ss.

312

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE Trendall, A.D., 1967, The Red-Figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily. Oxford Uomo, acqua e paesaggio 1997. S. Quilici Gigli (ed.), Uomo, acqua e paesaggio (Atti incontro di Studio, S. Maria Capua Vetere 1996-Atlante Tematico di Topografia Antica, Suppl. II). Roma. APPENDICE Repertorio e breve descrizione dei principali siti menzionati nel testo44 Masseria Robbia (Fig. 2: sito 1) Necropoli VII-VI secolo a.C. Johannowsky 2000, 16 ss.

Fig. 20. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, necropoli, vista da ovest.

Masseria Monaci (Fig. 2: sito 2) Necropoli VI-IV secolo a.C. Complessivamente è stata indagata un’area di 950 mq. costituita da un settore principale, esplorato esaustivamente, e da tre saggi tesi alla determinazione dell’estensione, ovvero dei limiti della necropoli. Il sepolcreto, costituito pressoché esclusivamente da tombe a fossa scavate direttamente nel banco tufaceo, si estende su una superficie in leggero declivio da nord verso est delimitata a sud dal Rio Cattivo Tempo (Fig. 20). Sono state rinvenute complessivamente settantanove tombe. L’analisi della stratigrafia orizzontale evidenzia un comune orientamento delle deposizioni nord est-sud ovest disposte fittamente secondo un ordinato sistema distributivo, che non prevede sovrapposizioni o interferenze reciproche, con sentieri e piazzole interne. Non si individuano nuclei familiari, ma la planimetria sembra piuttosto riflettere un’organizzazione sociale complessa con caratteri di tipo ‘prepolitico’. Se si considerano i dati preliminari di cronologia assoluta, si può inoltre osservare come le tombe più antiche (fine VI secolo a.C.) occupino prevalentemente la zona sud occidentale, quelle del pieno V secolo a.C. la zona centrale, quelle infine del IV secolo a.C. l’area orientale. E’, pertanto, ipotizzabile un’estensione progressiva del cimitero con una linea di coerenza nell’occupazione degli spazi dal VI al IV secolo a.C.

Fig. 21. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, tomba 64 in corso di scavo. tombe realizzate con maggior cura, con le deposizioni più profonde (t. 61, 63) e con corredi relativamente ricchi comprendenti anche vasi importati (t. 30, 46, 61, 63, 64). I ricettacoli per la deposizione del corredo, ove presenti, si trovano sempre sul lato orientale della fossa, sia in corrispondenza della testa sia più di frequente presso i piedi del defunto. In 3 soli casi (t. 25, 72, 73) il ricettacolo è ipogeo, assumendo una forma ad arco nella t. 25 e a sesto acuto nella tomba 72 (tomba infantile con ascia con immanicatura lignea decorata con spirale di bronzo). Improntato ad una certa uniformità è anche il rito inumatorio che presenta tre varianti (semplice deposizione; deposizione in cassa lignea, copertura del cadavere con tavolato ligneo appoggiato sulle riseghe o sulle controfosse). Il defunto, in posizione supina braccia lungo il corpo e mani sul bacino, rivolge costantemente la testa a nord. In quasi tutte le tombe sono state registrate evidenze relative all’abbigliamento indossato durante la cerimonia funebre sia femminile (gioielli e fibule), sia maschile (cinturoni); particolarmente interessanti i resti di materia organica (tessuto) rinvenuti al di sotto di due cinturoni e le laminette cuoriformi, probabile applicazioni su abito cerimoniale dalla t. 18. Materia di riflessione antropologica saranno tanto il rito di coprire con un sottile strato di argilla depurata sia il defunto che il

Pur nella generale semplicità tipologica delle fosse, che sembrano prive di segnacoli, sono stati distinti sei tipi con relative varianti in base alla progressiva articolazione dello spazio tombale, dalle semplici fosse quadrangolari alle più complesse sepolture con una sorta di recinto leggermente ribassato rispetto al piano di calpestio e profonda fossa sul lato occidentale, in qualche caso dotate di letto di deposizione e ricettacolo (Fig. 21), premessa allo sviluppo di una vera e propria tomba a camera. Interessante notare come appartengano a questo tipo le

44 L’elenco segue un ordine geografico da ovest verso est. Per i siti editi ci si limita a citare la bibliografia relativa.

313

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI corredo riscontrato nelle tombe 12, 46, 53, quanto l’apprestamento notato nella tomba 39 ove il cranio del morto, unico resto scheletrico, è collocato nell’angolo nord est tra alcune pietre di calcare.45 Per quanto attiene al corredo vascolare, esso veniva riposto nel ricettacolo, ovvero sul fianco sinistro del defunto o tra i piedi; quando presente, la lekythos era in genere tenuta nella mano destra, in un caso sostituita da un amphoriskos vitreo (t. 26). Benché il materiale sia tuttora in corso di restauro e studio, in via preliminare si può osservare che i corredi della fine del VI e del V secolo a.C. sono numericamente e qualitativamente più ricchi di quelli del pieno IV secolo a.C., standardizzati su circa 13 vasi. L’unico vaso che ricorre costantemente in pressoché tutti i corredi è la cosiddetta olletta a bombarda in impasto, a volte ripetuta in più esemplari. I corredi più antichi sono caratterizzati dalla presenza del cosiddetto bucchero rosso (olle e brocche) e rare importazioni con coppe e kylikes ad orlo distinto e Blösch C. Attorno alla metà del V secolo, e nel corso della seconda metà, le importazioni di ceramica attica a vernice nera e a figure rosse si fanno numerose. Spiccano alcuni corredi con ceramiche figurate i cui temi appaiono coerenti con il contesto funerario: un grande skyphos dalla t. 27 con scena di libagione in onore di Kore, databile tra il 460 e il 450 a.C.;46 al 440 a.C. circa risale un cratere a calice con raffigurazione del ben noto rapimento di Tithonos da parte di Eos (t. 21; Fig. 13);47 un grande cratere (t. 64; Fig. 12),48 di produzione lucana, con scena di corsa a cavallo sul lato principale si data al 440-430 circa a.C.; della stessa cronologia, o di qualche anno successivo, è il cratere dalla t. 28 con Triptolemos sul carro di Ade; nell’ambito degli ultimi anni del V, o nei primissimi anni del IV secolo a.C., si colloca il cratere con Eracle attorniato dai Satiri dalla t. 31;49 la t. 19, infine, ha restituito un altro cratere a colonnette con l’usuale scena di inseguimento tra satiri e menadi. Notevole il cratere a campana di produzione locale dalla t. 32 con scena di sacrificio davanti ad un altare circolare di tipo etrusco adorno di sfingi (Fig. 22) e sul lato opposto con il mito di Edipo e la Sfinge (Fig. 15). Il vaso rientra in una classe di opere a figure rosse della quale molti esemplari sono stati rinvenuti in questa e altre necropoli dell’area di influenza capuana.50 Si segnalano, infine, tre tombe all’interno del cui corredo il cratere è assente, mentre il legame con il vino è assicurato da anfore (t. 35, 56, 62: rispettivamente MGS II, MGS IV e Corinzia A).

Fig. 22. Presenzano, Masseria Monaci, tomba 32, cratere a figure rosse (inv. 303161), Edipo e la Sfinge. Località Masseria Monaci Strada vicinale (Fig. 2: sito 3) Fossato. Lo scavo, per quanto poco esteso a causa della presenza dell’abitazione del proprietario del terreno, ha rivelato un tratto di un grande fossato che corre con andamento rettilineo nord ovest-sud est per una lunghezza di m 7,20 e una larghezza massima di m 6,80 restringendosi in basso sino a m 4,50. Il fondo della struttura, raggiunto a m 1,65 dall’attuale p.d.c., si è presentato rivestito da una glareatio composta da piccoli frammenti di calcare e minute scorie di leucite. La morfologia della sezione appare differenziata tra la sponda orientale, a profilo obliquo regolare e in parte glareata, e quella occidentale gradonata. Gli strati di riempimento, seppure differenziati per natura e composizione, hanno restituito materiali databili nel corso del VI secolo a.C., al più tardi agli inizi del V secolo a.C. Notevole la presenza di frammenti di coppe Bloesch C, bucchero di tipo capuano (oinochoe a corpo ovoide del tipo D2 Minoia51), olle e brocche del cosiddetto bucchero rosso, vasi di impasto buccheroide, coppette su piede di impasto grezzo e vasetti miniaturistici riferibili ad un contesto cultuale cui si vorrebbero associare parte dei materiali scaricati nei livelli superiori, tra i quali si distinguono una mensa di altare circolare in tufo (Fig. 23) e frammenti architettonici dello stesso materiale con incassi di incerta interpretazione. Sulla scorta delle osservazioni stratigrafiche e del contesto pedologico, è ipotizzabile con una certa verosimiglianza che si tratti di un fossato connesso ad un aggere contenuto da un muro a secco in grossi blocchi irregolari di calcare crollato, o scaricato, nel fossato dopo l’abbandono della struttura da porsi agli inizi del V secolo a.C. Tale interpretazione appare rafforzata da un lato dalla già ricordata prossimità alla necropoli, dall’altro dalla circostanza che nessuno dei siti posti ad E del fossato ha restituito materiali riferibili a

45

Per il fenomeno dell’acephalia/apocephalia cfr. Mercuri 2001,7ss. Attribuibile al Pittore di Lewis: Sirano 2005, 151-153. 47 Th. Mannack, The Late Mannerist in Athenian vase-painting, Oxford 2001, 69 (Pittore di Oinanthe?); Sirano 2005, 154-155. 48 Gruppo del Pittore di Pisticci: Trendall 1967, 19, n. 33, tav. 4, fig. 34; 36, n. 136, tav. 12, fig. 1; Sirano 2005, 157-158. 49 Particolarmente interessante e complessa l’iconografia: Boardman & Woodford 1988, 801, n. 1368; 802, n. 1370, 1372, 1373; 805, 819-820; Ruthwolf 1993, 34, 36-40; De Caro 2001, 104-107; Kathariou 2002, 6063. Stilisticamente avvicinabile al Gruppo di Meidias: Boardman 1989, 287; Sirano 2005, 158-160. 50 Su questa classe: Szilagyi 1970, 241ss.; Sirano 2005, 161-163. 46

51

314

Minoia 2000, 48, n. 21, tavv. IV, XVII.

FRANCESCO SIRANO: PRESENZANO-RUFRAE metà del IV secolo a.C. Da notare però che mentre gli strati di abbandono associano a queste coppe frammenti di coppette echiniformi e di coppe monoansate con orlo solcato, la cui datazione oscilla tra seconda metà del V e IV secolo a.C., al contrario i livelli di frequentazione della strada restituiscono solo frammenti di coppe con orlo ingrossato (oltre ad orli di skyphoi, piedi e pareti di altre forme chiuse non identificabili al momento), mentre mancano del tutto materiali attribuibili con certezza al IV secolo. Una datazione dell’abbandono entro la metà del IV secolo a.C. e una frequentazione nel corso della seconda metà del V secolo a.C. appaiono quanto mai probabili.

tombe, ma al contrario tutti hanno evidenziato reperti chiaramente attribuibili ad abitato (laterizi, opera doliare, ceramica grezza e fine da mensa).

Fig. 23. Presenzano, proprietà Bocchino G., US 4, mensa di altare circolare. Località Masseria Perelle (Fig. 2: sito 4) Santuario VI-III secolo a.C. Johannowsky 2000, 19; Johannowsky 2004, 275-282. Località Masseria Perelle (Fig. 2: siti 5, 7) Fosse di scarico. VI-IV secolo a.C. Località Masseria Perelle (Fig. 2: sito 6) Strada glareata. IV secolo a.C. Località Masseria Perelle Via Brecciale (Fig. 2: sito 8) Un accumulo di grossi ciottoli di calcare e numerosi frammenti di opera doliare hanno indotto ad un saggio di verifica che, per successivi ampliamenti, ha condotto alla scoperta di un asse viario che corre con direzione nord sud riconosciuto per una lunghezza di circa m 10. La strada, larga m 3,60 e pavimentata con ciottoli, è delimitata da muri a secco costruiti contro terra in grossi blocchi irregolari di calcare, dei quali è stata rinvenuta parte dei crolli; il muro ovest appare meno conservato, quello E è visibile per tre filari (quello superiore composto da ciottoloni). Gli strati di abbandono della struttura sono formati essenzialmente da grandi frammenti di pithoi tardo arcaici, uno dei quali pressoché interamente ricostruibile si trovava probabilmente su un lato della strada, da tegole, nonché in misura minore da ceramica fine in argilla depurata con decorazioni a vernice nera. Nell’ambito di questa classe, vero e proprio fossile guida, meritevole di un attento studio anche in considerazione della sua presenza in molti contesti tombali della necropoli, è costituito dalle coppe con orlo ingrossato a mandorla con o senza fascia risparmiata sotto l’orlo (Fig. 24): la forma ricorre sia negli strati di obliterazione, sia in quelli di frequentazione. Queste coppe si trovano nella necropoli tanto in corredi del terzo venticinquennio del V secolo quanto in contesti della

Fig. 24. Presenzano, via Brecciale, proprietà Ormella, ceramica dalla US 3. Località Masseria Perelle Via Brecciale (Fig. 2: sito 9) Benché si tratti di un saggio limitato, si sono rinvenuti resti di mura a secco associati a livelli di distruzione e abbandono risalenti al più tardi agli inizi del V secolo a.C., come denunciato dal materiale rinvenuto costituito da impasti ancora di netta matrice arcaica (pithoi, alcuni con presa triangolare, olle a bombarda, impasto buccheroide), nonché buccheri tra i quali si distingue una coppa carenata del tipo B1 Minoia, Livadie 18, var. B (Fig. 25) datata nell’ambito della seconda metà del VI secolo a.C.52

52

315

Minoia 2000, 102, n. 83, tavv. XII, XXVII.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI – tratto di strada; – condotto fognario con pareti in opera vittata e reticolata con copertura in laterizi a doppio spiovente e massicciata di malta; – scarico di officina siderurgica. – trentuno tombe alla cappuccina, sia ad inumazione sia ad incinerazione, di cronologia variabile dal I e IV secolo d.C. Un accenno al sito: G. Gasperetti, Testimonianze archeologiche delle infrastrutture idrauliche di età romana tra il Garigliano e il Massico, in: S. Quilici Gigli (a cura di), Uomo, acqua e paesaggio (Atti incontro di studio, S. Maria Capua Vetere 1996-Atlante tematico di Topografia Antica, Suppl. II). Roma 1997, 243-244, fig. 7.

Fig. 25. Presenzano, via Brecciale, US 6, coppa carenata in bucchero. Località Rastello (Fig. 2: sito 10) Pozzo scavato nel banco tufaceo, con pedarole. VI-V secolo a.C.

Taverna S. Felice-Campo Cerrone Anfiteatro (sito 15, figg. 16, 17). Gasperetti & Russo 1991, 125 ss.

Località Masseria Durante Strada Provinciale Tora-Venafro km 4+200 (Fig. 2: sito 11). V-VI secolo d.C.

Località Aspriti (sito 16). Resti di tombe alla cappuccina prive di corredo. Periodo imperiale.

Forma con spallette di tufo. Nove sepolture, in parte violate in antico, tre delle quali con semplice corredo di orecchini, anelli in bronzo e resti ceramici con decorazione a pettine. Località Pozzo Strada Provinciale Tora Venafro km 4+460 (Fig. 2: sito 12) Quartiere d’abitato. I (?)-VI secolo d.C. L’area indagata interessa una sezione lunga circa m 25 per una larghezza massima di m 5. Al di sotto di un potente interro, i cui livelli più bassi erano costituiti da materiali edilizi di età romana e lacerti murari in crollo, sono stati riconosciuti un totale di 7 ambienti di pianta quadrangolare con muri perfettamente orientati. Sono documentati livelli di abbandono ben datati dalla ceramica altomedioevale al IX-X secolo. Le strutture più antiche si pongono genericamente a prima del III secolo d.C., non avendo restituito i saggi sotto la pavimentazione degli ambienti materiale diagnostico precisamente databile. Interessante la documentazione, per l’ambiente 4, di un abbandono tra IV e V secolo d.C. e di una rioccupazione alla quale si vorrebbe riferire un tesoretto con monete di bronzo raccolte in un anfora nell’ambiente 7, il cui definitivo abbandono non sembra essere avvenuto con modalità violente. Centro Storico Rocca medioevale. Cinta muraria preromana (Fig. 2: sito 13). Oakley 1995, 32-34 Linea Ferroviaria Cassino-Napoli, km 160+986 (sito 14) Gli scavi furono eseguiti nel 1996 nell’ambito del controllo dei lavori per la realizzazione del sottovia al km 161+788 dalla dott.ssa A. Rosi con la direzione scientifica della dott.ssa G. Gasperetti. Furono rinvenuti:

316

SPAZIO INSEDIATIVO E SPAZIO ABITATIVO NEI CENTRI INDIGENI DELLA SICILIA ARCAICA Francesca Spatafora Abstract: The archaeological investigations conducted during the last decade in some indigenous centres of Sicily revealed settlements in which we find some traditional elements while others derived from their relations with Greeks from the coast. The emergence of stable relations and the opening of new routes caused, above all in the iterior of the island, a peculiar territorial division that we can find as well in some other areas of Magna Graecia. In many cases it resulted in a re-definition of the settlementarea and, in consequence, the re-arrangement of the cities by the adoption of new principles of town-planning and new types of dwellings. Obviously, the manner in which the indigenous population adopted the colonial model rather than the traditional one, as regards to the planning of their settlement and dwellings, depended on the intensity and the quality of the relations. The outcome however could not be predicted as documented by the sites discussed.

I numerosi lavori di ricognizione e le indagini di scavo condotte nell’ultimo decennio in alcuni centri indigeni dell’isola, venuti in contatto, seppur in tempi diversi, con gli ambienti coloniali costieri, permettono oggi di affrontare con maggiore consapevolezza alcuni temi fondamentali per la comprensione dei complessi fenomeni di interazione e acculturazione che caratterizzarono la Sicilia di età arcaica.1

questo breve saggio, circoscriverò l’analisi sia dal punto di vista cronologico, limitandola ai secoli VII e VI, che sotto il profilo tematico, esaminando soltanto due serie complementari di dati legati al sistema insediativo, da una parte, e all’organizzazione dello spazio all’interno degli abitati, dall’altra, nel tentativo di isolare elementi di continuità o di discontinuità rispetto ai modelli dell’Età del Bronzo Finale e della Prima Età del Ferro.

Delineare un quadro omogeneo e significativo che accomuni tutte le parti dell’isola sarebbe, tuttavia, un’operazione poco aderente ad una realtà molteplice e sfaccettata che si compone, zona per zona, sulla base delle diverse tradizioni locali e del carattere che, a seconda dei casi, assunse il movimento dei colonizzatori che interessò, in tempi e modi diversi e da parte di nuclei di diversa origine, l’intera isola.2

L’analisi si incentrerà in maniera più puntuale sull’area centro-occidentale dell’isola, visto che le testimonianze relative alla Sicilia orientale e meridionale, a più riprese e sotto diverse angolazioni, sono state esaminate da altri studiosi4, di cui riprenderò alcune fondamentali argomentazioni per i necessari raffronti con la parte centro-occidentale dell’isola. Ad una situazione insediativa tipica della Sicilia sudorientale (Fig. 1.1) che, ancora nella Prima Età del Ferro richiama le modalità di occupazione caratteristiche della Tarda Età del Bronzo e che si rinnova solo in concomitanza all’arrivo del Greci, con la scomparsa di molti dei precedenti insediamenti e la concentrazione delle popolazioni in centri abitati posti in posizione di controllo delle principali vie di comunicazione,5 corrisponde specularmente, nella Sicilia centrooccidentale, un’articolazione insediativa che si palesa con chiarezza, nella sua capillare organizzazione, solo a partire dalla fine del VII secolo a.C. (Fig. 1.2).6

Superato comunque l’approccio tradizionale, fondamentalmente legato all’analisi dei materiali d’importazione all’interno di contesti indigeni, seppure supportata da dati di tipo quantitativo e distributivo,3 pare ovvio, oggi, procedere all’esame integrato e comparato dei diversi segmenti culturali che compongono, nel loro insieme, le comunità, per scorgervi eventuali elementi di novità e di discontinuità che possano risultare indicativi delle forme e dei modi del contatto. E in questa prospettiva vanno analiticamente riconsiderati le modalità insediative, l’organizzazione dello spazio abitativo, l’uso di tecniche costruttive e di forme architettoniche, l’adozione di pratiche e costumi, i modi di produzione e l’organizzazione sociale.

Per le epoche precedenti risulta, infatti, poco concreta in quell’area la possibilità di isolare dei modelli di riferimento, anche perché l’accentuato conservatorismo della cultura materiale – in cui tuttavia, dall’Età del Bronzo Finale, si immettono alcuni significativi elementi di novità7 (Fig. 2.1), che rispecchiano una serie di relazioni e rapporti commerciali sia con la parte orientale dell’isola che in direzione tirrenica – rende arduo il riconoscimento di insediamenti sicuramente databili a quell’epoca, se non attraverso lo scavo e l’analisi delle

Per non incorrere, tuttavia, in facili e scontate generalizzazioni, considerata la disomogeneità dell’evidenza disponibile e visto il carattere sintetico di 1 Sul problema, in generale, cfr., tra gli altri, Nenci-Cataldi 1983, 1-10, 581-604; La Rosa 1996; Albanese Procelli 1996; 1997; 1999; 2003, 226-243; Leighton 2000. 2 Sulle modalità di approccio tra Greci e nativi e sui movimenti e contatti che precedettero la vera e propria fondazione di ‘città’ coloniali esiste un’ampia bibliografia e si sono delineate negli ultimi decenni diverse correnti di pensiero. In ultimo vedi le considerazioni di Albanese Procelli 2003, 131-145. 3 Esemplare appare in tal senso l’analisi di R.M. Albanese Procelli relativamente a contesti della Sicilia orientale: Albanese Procelli 1991.

4

Albanese Procelli 1996; Palermo 1996. Frasca 1996. 6 Johns 1992; Spatafora 1996; Vassallo 1996; Spatafora 1997; Vaggioli 1999; Belvedere 2002. 7 Spatafora 2001. 5

317

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1.1. Sicilia sud-orientale. • Insediamenti indigeni.

Fig. 1.2. Sicilia occidentale. • Insediamenti indigeni. sequenze stratigrafiche. Tuttavia, l’evidenza acquisita grazie ad alcune recenti indagini archeologiche, che hanno consentito di verificare, per alcuni insediamenti dell’area occidentale, una continuità di vita a partire almeno dal IX-VIII secolo a.C.,8 permette oggi di ipotizzare che le modalità insediative di età arcaica abbiano radici in un tipo di utilizzazione del territorio

pianificato dopo l’abbandono di alcune delle salde postazioni dell’Età del Bronzo Recente,9 abbandono che potrebbe sottendere una necessità di cambiamento innescato, alla fine del Bronzo Finale, da fattori esterni che non produssero, comunque, esiti dirompenti sotto il profilo etnico-culturale.

8 Mi riferisco, in particolare, ai siti di Monte Iato (Isler 2000, 17-19), Monte Maranfusa (Spatafora et alii 2003, 89-108), Monte Finestrelle (De Cesare & Gargini 1997), Colle Madore (Vassallo 2002 ).

9 Vedi, a tal proposito, l’abbandono repentino del villaggio protostorico di Mokarta (Tusa & Nicoletti 2000).

318

FRANCESCA SPATAFORA: SPAZIO INSEDIATIVO E SPAZIO ABITATIVO NEI CENTRI INDIGENI DELLA SICILIA ARCAICA

Fig. 2.1. Sicilia centro-occidentale. Insediamenti con attestazioni di materiali di ascendenza peninsulare. possano avere determinato la ricerca di posizioni più sicure.

Un chiaro e fitto articolarsi di insediamenti si enuclea, dunque, a partire dal VII secolo a.C., in tutta la zona centro-occidentale: possono isolarsi, tra l’altro, modelli abbastanza standardizzati sulla base di alcuni parametri oggettivi quali la densità e la frequenza dell’occupazione, la posizione e l’estensione dei centri abitati, l’articolazione gerarchica tra insediamenti.

Tuttavia, l’avvio di relazioni stabili con le colonie costiere e l’apertura di nuovi itinerari di attraversamento definirono, soprattutto in alcune aree interne, una più capillare articolazione territoriale che, per certi versi, trova ampi riscontri anche in altre zone della penisola.11 Tipica della Sicilia centro-occidentale, caratterizzata da emergenze montuose e collinari anche di un certo rilievo, appare la dislocazione degli abitati lungo le vie di percorrenza naturali costituite dalle vallate fluviali, secondo una tipologia insediative comune, tuttavia, all’intera isola, le cui coste rimasero pressoché estranee ai fenomeni di popolamento da parte delle comunità indigene, ad eccezione di alcune postazioni pericostiere che controllavano sicuramente le foci dei fiumi.12

Di contro a quanto già ricordato per la Sicilia orientale – dove l’avvio della colonizzazione incoraggiò lo spostamento degli insediamenti indigeni verso le aree più interne, favorendo l’aggregazione delle popolazioni in grandi agglomerati facilmente difendibili e in grado di interagire adeguatamente, anche sotto il profilo commerciale, con le città greche di nuova fondazione – nella parte occidentale è documentato per il VII secolo, momento in cui l’arrivo dei colonizzatori avrebbe potuto determinare cambiamenti radicali, un consolidarsi delle posizioni già acquisite: i semplici villaggi capannicoli sulle alture naturalmente fortificate e disposte a dominio delle più importanti vallate fluviali, si trasformano in veri e propri agglomerati urbani, anche se, in alcuni casi, lo spostamento dei nuclei abitativi in posizioni fortemente arroccate all’interno delle stesse alture, così come attestato ad esempio a Monte Maranfusa,10 induce a riflettere sulla possibilità che proprio la fine del VII secolo a.C. abbia coinciso con un momento particolarmente problematico in relazione ai processi di trasformazione della comunità indigena, non escludendo che i primi approcci tra elementi greci e soggetti locali 10

L’analisi dei sistemi insediativi delle più importanti vallate fluviali della Sicilia centro-occidentale – mi riferisco alle Valli del Belice,13 dell’Eleuterio,14 del S. Leonardo e dell’Himera settentrionale,15 del Torto,16 del Platani,17 molte delle quali oggetto di studi specifici, condotti tuttavia su evidenze non sempre omogenee e 11

Bottini 1986; Pontrandolfo 1990; Ciancio 1996; D’Andria 1999. E’ questo, ad esempio, il caso di Montagnoli alla foce del Belice (cfr. Castellana 2000). 13 Falsone 1976-‘77; Johns 1992; Spatafora 1996; Spatafora 1997; Vaggioli 1999. 14 Scarpulla 1985; Spatafora 2000. 15 Himera III (con bibliografia precedente); Vassallo 1996. 16 Vassallo 1996. 17 La Rosa 1994. 12

Spatafora et alii 2003, 65.

319

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI prescindendo, in taluni casi, da ricognizioni di tipo intensivo che consentirebbero elaborazioni statistiche di più ampio respiro – ha evidenziato una distribuzione ramificata degli insediamenti indigeni, permettendo di isolare alcuni tratti distintivi quali l’emergere di grandi centri urbani, estesi oltre 30 ettari, dislocati su posizioni elevate a controllo delle principali vie di comunicazione e delle risorse agricole e minerarie afferenti ad ampie porzioni di territorio. Si tratta di insediamenti gerarchicamente egemoni rispetto a quelli di più limitata estensione disposti sulle colline circostanti o nei territori di fondovalle, secondo un modello comune ad altre zone dell’Italia meridionale.18

dislocati nella parte centrale dell’isola, una evidenza che riflette l’avvio di rapporti con il mondo greco coloniale, seppure attraverso limitate testimonianze: è questo il caso di Monte Saraceno,19 dove un assetto grosso modo regolare è riconoscibile a partire dalla metà del VII secolo a.C., anche se l’organizzazione dello spazio è improntata a criteri semplici che si delineano attraverso l’adozione di tipologie abitative a pianta quadrata e ad ambienti giustapposti; oppure quello di Sabucina,20 dove le case a pianta rettangolare, di cui si sono rinvenute consistenti tracce, risentono già chiaramente delle tipologie abitative di origine greca. Sembra invece rispecchiare uno stretto legame con la tradizione la situazione di Polizzello, dove l’attestazione precoce di architetture rettilinee, seppure spesso associate con strutture curvilinee, come nel caso dei sacelli circolari con vestibolo rettangolare databili al VII secolo a.C., 21 è stata piuttosto attribuita ai frequenti rapporti con il mondo egeo, documentati fin dall’epoca dei vivaci ed intensi commerci col mondo miceneo e di cui i motivi geometrici sulle ceramiche di produzione locale a decorazione impressa sono il segno di una ininterrotta continuità. Alle stesse considerazioni richiama l’evidenza di Monte San Giuliano, nei pressi di Caltanissetta: del villaggio del VII secolo fa parte, infatti, la capanna ellissoidale con banchina interna, coeva all’ambiente rettangolare ad essa adiacente su cui si impiantò, nella prima metà del VI un ambiente rettangolare, absidato sul lato meridionale.22

A questa articolata organizzazione corrisponde certamente uno sfruttamento intensivo delle risorse naturali (agricoltura e pastorizia), attività alla base dei modi di produzione del mondo indigeno e che, oltre a garantire la sussistenza delle comunità, serviva probabilmente a produrre quel surplus che si trasformava in merce di scambio per gli attivi ed intensi commerci avviati con i Greci della costa. Conseguenza ed effetto del nuovo sistema e del riassetto socio-economico determinato dai nuovi equilibri, sono i cambiamenti che si verificano in tutta la Sicilia interna, comprese alcune realtà di confine: essi si colgono già dalla fine del VII ma si manifestano, tuttavia, in tutta la loro dirompente portata, non prima della metà del VI secolo a.C., palesandosi, dal punto di vista materiale, nella nuova organizzazione dello spazio abitativo, nel recepimento di schemi urbanistici di tradizione greca, nell’adozione di tipologie architettoniche e tecniche costruttive estranee al patrimonio locale.

Del resto, già nell’Età del Bronzo Recente è documentata, nella Sicilia occidentale, la coesistenza, nell’ambito dello stesso insediamento, di capanne circolari ed edifici bicellulari rettangolari, organizzati per giustapposizione – e questo, ad esempio, è il caso di Mokarta23 – e pertanto tale parametro, se scisso da quello più strettamente connesso all’organizzazione dello spazio, non può da solo considerarsi indicatore efficace di relazioni continue e profonde.

Tuttavia, allo stato attuale delle ricerche, limitate ad alcuni insediamenti e circoscritte a piccole porzioni di essi, è certamente difficile isolare ciascuno di questi segmenti poiché essi, in molti casi, si intrecciano e concorrono ad evidenziare trasformazioni più o meno profonde e più o meno precoci in dipendenza delle forme e dei tempi del contatto.

Ancora nel VII secolo persiste, infatti, in alcuni insediamenti, anche di posizione pericostiera, l’utilizzo esclusivo di architetture curvilinee: a Montagnoli, ad esempio, proprio alla foce del Belice e nei pressi di Selinunte, è stata scavata una grande capanna circolare costruita in pietra e mattoni crudi24 e a Selinunte stessa si sono riconosciute tracce di capanne, forse absidate, sulla collina di Manuzza,25 facenti parte del villaggio precedente all’arrivo dei Megaresi. A Monte Castellazzo di Poggioreale, le architetture rettilinee databili a partire dalla metà del VI secolo a.C. sono precedute da semplici capanne subcircolari con cortili recintati da muri rettilinei, attribuibili al VII secolo,26 così come alcuni

Ai modelli ancora intimamente legati alla tradizione, attestati per tutto il VII secolo a.C. – e documentati, soprattutto, dal persistere dell’architettura curvilinea come elemento caratterizzante della maggior parte dei villaggi indigeni, in cui l’organizzazione dello spazio è ancora strettamente connessa ai sistemi sociali e produttivi di età pre e protostorica – si contrappone, verso la fine del secolo e solo in alcuni insediamenti, per lo più 18 Mi riferisco, ad esempio, ad alcune zone della Basilicata (Bottini 1986) o all’area peuceta, dove, a partire dalla fine del VII secolo a.C., ad una organizzazione territoriale basata su un ‘popolamento diffuso’, si sostituisce un tipo di insediamento che vede l’emergere di centri egemoni attorno a cui gravitano nuclei secondari sparsi nella campagna (Ciancio 1996). Anche in alcune zone della Messapia, nel VI secolo, il sistema insediativo si articola in centri fortificati dominanti attorno a cui si dispongono insediamenti minori, estesi fino a 10 ettari (D’Andria 1999).

19

Monte Saraceno 1996, 58-60. Da Nissa a Maktorion, 34-35. 21 De Miro 1988-89, 27-34, figg. 3, 5, 6. 22 Da Nissa a Maktorion, 11-15. 23 Tusa & Nicoletti 2000. 24 Castellana 1990, 325-330; 2000. 25 Rallo 1976-77, 722 ss. 26 Falsone 1990, 39. 20

320

FRANCESCA SPATAFORA: SPAZIO INSEDIATIVO E SPAZIO ABITATIVO NEI CENTRI INDIGENI DELLA SICILIA ARCAICA poveri fondi di capanne caratterizzano il villaggio indigeno di Monte Iato27 prima del profondo e complesso processo di ellenizzazione che, già alla metà del VI secolo a.C., ha il suo più evidente riflesso in alcune vistose manifestazioni di architettura religiosa (Tempio di Afrodite) e civile (casa tardo-arcaica), che sottendono la presenza di nuclei di popolazioni greche all’interno dell’abitato indigeno.

longitudinale, e disposti intorno a spazi intermedi di collegamento (Fig. 3.1): siamo di fronte ad un impianto che risponde a dei pur semplici criteri di pianificazione, anche se l’adesione, più formale che sostanziale, al modello di ascendenza coloniale si manifesta sia nel mantenimento delle semplici tecniche costruttive che prevedevano edifici con zoccolo in pietra ed elevato in pisé e tetti in travetti di legno e paglia32 (Fig. 3.2) che nel recupero, all’interno del nuovo tessuto urbano, di quegli edifici della fase precedente che potevano in qualche modo adattarsi al nuovo e preordinato assetto, seppure diversamente orientati.

Una precoce ma poco profonda assimilazione dei nuovi schemi planimetrici è attestata, a partire dalla fine del VII secolo a.C., nell’insediamento indigeno di Monte Maranfusa, dove, in questa fase, le case sono costituite da più ambienti a pianta irregolarmente quadrangolare disposti intorno a cortili28 (Fig. 2.2), e a Scirinda, dove si è rinvenuta una grande capanna rettangolare.29

Fig. 3.1. Monte Maranfusa. Abitato indigeno di età arcaica. Fig. 2.2. Monte Maranfusa. Abitato indigeno di età arcaica. Ma è solo dalla metà del VI secolo a.C. che si evidenzia con chiarezza l’adozione di nuovi criteri urbanistici che prevedevano, in qualche caso, impianti regolari e distinzione tra spazi pubblici e privati, nonché l’utilizzazione di nuove tipologie edilizie e, in qualche caso, di più moderne ed evolute tecniche costruttive. Esemplificativa, per il primo aspetto, è la situazione dell’abitato di Monte Saraceno dove, nel VI secolo, sono attestati uno schema regolare secondo assi stradali N-S ed E-O e case ad ambienti plurimi rettangolari gravitanti intorno a cortili,30 ma anche quella di Monte Maranfusa, situato nella media valle del Belice, sull’asse di penetrazione di Selinunte in direzione del vasto e fertile entroterra, dove, a partire dal 550 a.C. circa, si assiste ad una riorganizzazione dell’abitato secondo un progetto unitario31 che prevedeva la costruzione di edifici a pianta allungata caratterizzati da un orientamento fisso e regolare, con ambienti allineati secondo un asse

Fig. 3.2. Monte Maranfusa. Ipotesi ricostruttiva edificio 2. Significativo della gradualità delle relazioni, pur all’interno di uno stesso contesto geomorfologico, appare il confronto con l’evidenza di Monte Iato dove, contemporaneamente, è attestata una casa di tipo greco 33 (Fig. 4.1), interamente costruita in pietra e con tetto di tegole, con ambienti distribuiti su due livelli e gravitanti intorno a cortili, che non trova confronto nelle coeve realtà locali.

27

Isler 1990, 279-282. Spatafora et alii 2003, 65-70. 29 Castellana 1992, 192 ss. 30 Monte Saraceno 1996, 58-60. 31 Spatafora 2003, 68. 28

32 33

321

Spatafora et alii 2003, 72. Isler 2000, 86-88.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4.1. Monte Iato. Planimetria della casa tardo-arcaica.

Fig. 4.2. Castellazzo. Edificio di età arcaica 322

FRANCESCA SPATAFORA: SPAZIO INSEDIATIVO E SPAZIO ABITATIVO NEI CENTRI INDIGENI DELLA SICILIA ARCAICA Anche a Monte Castellazzo di Poggioreale – sempre situato nella media valle del Belice – all’impianto capannicolo di età arcaica si sostituì, verso il 550 a.C., una tipologia abitativa composta da più vani rettangolari e da una corte anch’essa rettangolare 34 (Fig. 4.2), facente probabilmente parte di un nuovo impianto regolare e preordinato che denota una adesione abbastanza profonda ai modelli importati dalla vicina Selinunte, a cui richiama anche l’iscrizione bustrofedica in alfabeto dorico selinuntino con dedica ad Eracle degli inizi del VI secolo, rinvenuta negli anni cinquanta nei pressi della città indigena.35

intense ed incisive tra mondo indigeno e realtà coloniali; un quadro che, tuttavia, ai suoi poli estremi, si connota da un lato per un’adesione ai nuovi schemi, spinte fino ad investire la sfera ideologica, dall’altro, pur in presenza di una innegabile ed evidente permeabilità delle comunità indigene, per una serie di interferenze tra gruppi palesemente disomogenei sotto il profilo ideologico e per livello di sviluppo che, nella maggior parte dei casi, non permise di raggiungere livelli di piena e completa integrazione.

Che i cambiamenti sostanziali si delineino solo a partire dalla metà del VI secolo a.C. è del resto evidente anche nelle zone centro-orientali dell’isola: a Monte S.Mauro di Caltagirone, ad esempio, lo stile delle costruzioni cambia radicalmente a partire da quella data,36 sebbene non si riconosca contemporaneamente un piano urbano improntato ad effettivi criteri di regolarità, ed anche a Monte Bubbonia37 e a Morgantina,38 solo nel VI secolo, il rapporto con l’elemento greco si riflette dell’adozione di nuovi schemi urbanistici, improntati sempre a criteri semplici di distinzione degli spazi e di regolarità degli orientamenti.

Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1991. Importazioni greche nei centri interni della Sicilia in età arcaica: aspetti dell’acculturazione. Cronache d’Archeologia 31, 97111. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1996. Greeks and indigenous people in eastern Sicily: forms of interaction and acculturation, in: R. Leighton (ed.), Early society in Sicily. London, 167-176. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1997. Le etnie dell’età del Ferro e le prime fondazioni coloniali, in: S. Tusa (ed.), Prima Sicilie. Alle origini della società Siciliana. Palermo, 510-520. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1999. Identità e confini etnicoculturali: la Sicilia centro-orientale, in: Atti XXXVII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia. Taranto, 327359. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 2003. Sicani, Siculi, Elimi. Forme di identità, modi di contatto e processi di trasformazione. Milano. Belvedere, O., 2002. In: O. Belvedere et alii (eds), Himera III. Roma, 379-397. Bottini, A., 1986. I popoli indigeni fino al V secolo, in: A. Bottini & P.G. Guzzo, Greci e indigeni nel Sud della penisola dall’VIII secolo a.C. alla conquista romana (= Popoli e Civiltà dell’ Italia Antica, 8). Roma. Castellana, G., 1990. L’insediamento di Montagnoli nei pressi di Selinunte. Un contributo per la conoscenza delle popolazioni anelleniche lungo il corso finale del Belice, in: G. Nenci et alii (eds), Gli Elimi e l’area elima fino all’inizio della prima guerra punica. Atti del Seminario di Studi Palermo-Contessa Entellina 1989. Archivio Storico Siciliano (s. IV) 14-15 (19881989), 325-333. Castellana, G., 1992. Nuovi dati su scavi condotti nel versante orientale del basso Belice e nel bacino finale del Platani, in: Prima Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull’Area Elima (Gibellina 1991), Atti I. Pisa/Gibellina, 191-202. Castellana, G., 2000. Nuovi dati sull’insegnamento di Montagnoli presso Menfi, in: Terze Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull’Area Elima (GibellinaErice 1997), Atti I. Pisa/Gibellina, 263-271. Ciancio, A., 1996. Monte Sannace e l’area peuceta, in: F. D’Andria & K. Mannino (eds), Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e Sicilia. Galatina, 355-377.

BIBLIOGRAFIA

La stessa situazione, seppure attestata più precocemente, caratterizza del resto alcune delle aree peninsulari meridionali a stretto contatto con l’elemento coloniale, come nel caso delle case dell’avanzato VII secolo sorte al posto delle capanne indigene all’Incoronata di Metaponto,39 con ambienti a pianta rettangolare di superficie pari a quella dei vani di Monte Maranfusa (tra 8 e 12 mq) e anch’essi costruiti con fondazioni in pietra, elevato in mattoni crudi e tetti di materiale deperibile, secondo una tecnica costruttiva utilizzata, sempre nel VII secolo, anche nei piccoli vani a pianta quadrata di Siris, dove, tuttavia, è documentata l’esistenza di un edificio a tre ambienti rettangolari aperti su un corridoio, interpretato come una sorta di pastàs,40 secondo una tipologia attestata in ambito coloniale a partire dalla metà del VII e solo più tardi adottata in ambiente indigeno, come suggerisce, tra l’altro, anche la distribuzione degli ambienti dell’edificio 1 di Monte Maranfusa,41 il cui impianto originario risale alla fine del VII secolo a.C. In conclusione, al di là delle indiscutibili e scontate diversità, vengono sostanzialmente a delinearsi, oggi più concretamente e più vistosamente di quanto non consentisse l’evidenza di un ventennio fa, modi diversi di interagire e diversi gradi di recepire le innovazioni all’interno di un quadro caratterizzato da interrelazioni 34

Falsone & Leonard 1980-81, 938 ss. Manni Piraino 1959, 159-173. 36 Leighton 1999, 251-252. 37 Leighton 1999, 253. 38 Leighton 1999, 255-256. 39 Russo Tagliente 1992, 41 ss. 40 Russo Tagliente 1996, 46. 41 Spatafora et alii 2003, 66. 35

323

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI processi di trasformazione nella società antiche. Atti Convegno (Cortona 1981). Pisa/Roma, 581-604. Palermo, D., 1996. Tradizione indigena e rapporti greci nelle cultura della Sicilia centro-meridionale: il caso di Sant’Angelo Muxaro, in: R. Leighton (ed.), Early society in Sicily. London, 147-154. Pontrandolfo, A., 1990. Greci e Indigeni, in: Atti del XXVIII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 1988). 329-350. Rallo, A., 1976-‘77. Scavi e ricerche nella città antica di Selinunte. Kokalos 22-23, 720-733. Russo Tagliente, A. 1992, Edilizia domestica in Apulia e Lucania. Ellenizzazione e società nella tipologia abitativa indigena tra VIII e VII secolo a.C. (= Quaderni di archeologia e storia antica, 4). Scarpulla, A., 1985. Contributo alla archeologia del territorio di Marineo (Palermo) e della media e alta valle dell’Eleutero. Bagheria. Sicani, Elimi e Greci. Storie di contatti e terre di frontiera (eds Francesca Spatafora & Stefano Vassallo). Catalogo della Mostra (Palermo 2002). Palermo 2002. Spatafora, F., 1996. L’Alta e Media Valle del Belice tra la Media Età del Bronzo e l’età arcaica. Kokalos 42, 177-198. Spatafora, F., 1997. Ricerche e prospezioni nel territorio di Corleone: insediamenti preistorici e centri indigeni, in: Seconde Giornate Internazionali di Studio sull’Area Elima (Gibellina 1994). Pisa-Gibellina, 1273-1286. Spatafora, F., 2000. Indigeni, Punici e Greci in età arcaica e tardo-arcaica sulla Montagnola di Marineo e nella valle dell’Eleuterio, in: Terze Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull’area elima. (Gibellina-Erice 1997). Pisa/Gibellina, 895-918. Spatafora, F., 2001. La Sicilia occidentale tra l’Età del Bronzo Recente e la Prima Età del Ferro, in: Architettura, arte e artigianato nel Mediterraneo dalla Preistoria all’Alto Medioevo (Atti della Tavola Rotonda Internazionale in memoria di Giovanni Tore. Cagliari. Dicembre 1999). Cagliari, 143-159. Spatafora, F. et alii, 2003. Monte Maranfusa. Un insediamento nella media Valle del Belice. L’abitato indigeno (Beni Culturali – Palermo – 7). Palermo. Tusa, S. & F. Nicoletti, 2000. L’epilogo Sicano nella Sicilia occidentale: il caso Mokarta – Capanna 1, in: Terze Giornate Internazionali di Studio sull’Area Elima (Gibellina-Erice 1997). Pisa-Gibellina, 963977. Vaggioli, M.A., 1999. Per una carta archeologica del Comune di Contessa Entellina. Relazione preliminare delle campagne di ricognizione 1998, in: AA.VV., Entella. Relazioni preliminari delle campagne di scavo 1992, 1995, 1997 e delle ricognizioni 1998. Annali Scuola Normale di Pisa (s.IV) 4, 1-188. Vassallo, S., 1996. Il territorio di Himera in età arcaica. Kokalos 42, 199-223. Vassallo, S., 2002. Colle Madore. Terra di frontiera, in: Sicani, Elimi e Greci 2002, 98-105.

D’Andria, F., 1999. Ricerche recenti sugli insediamenti indigeni di Puglia e Basilicata, in: La forma della città e del territorio. Esperienze metodologiche e risultati a confronto (Atti dell’Incontro di studio. S. Maria Capua Vetere 27-28 novembre 1998) (= Atlante tematico di topografia antica, V suppl.). Roma, 103118. Da Nissa a Maktorion = Da Nissa a Maktorion. Nuovi contributi per l’archeologia della provincia di Caltanissetta (ed. R. Panvini). Palermo 1990. De Cesare, M. & M. Gargini, 1997. Monte Finestrelle di Gibellina: nota preliminare sulla prima campagna di scavo, in: Seconde Giornate Internazionali di Studio sull’Area Elima (Gibellina 1994). Pisa-Gibellina, 371374. De Miro, E., 1988-‘89. Gli ‘indigeni’ della Sicilia centromeridionale. Kokalos 34-35, 19-43. Falsone, G., 1976-‘77. Ricerche archeologiche nella Valle del Belice. Kokalos 22-23, 789-797. Falsone, G., 1990. Elima e Monte Castellazzo di Poggioreale, in: G. Nenci et alii (ed.), Gli Elimi e l’area elima fino all’inizio della prima guerra punica. Atti del Seminario di Studi Palermo-Contessa Entellina 1989. Archivio Storico Sicilano (s. IV) 1415 (1988-1989), 301-312. Falsone, G. & A. Jr. Leonard, 1980-‘81. Quattro campagne di scavo a Castellazzo di Poggioreale. Kokalos 26-27 (II, 2), 931-972. Frasca, M., 1996. Iron Age settlements and cemeteries in southeastern Sicily: an introductory survey, in: R. Leighton (ed.), Early society in Sicily. London, 139145. Himera III = Himera, III. Prospezione archeologica nel territorio (eds O. Belvedere, A. Bertini, G. Boschian, A. Burgio, A. Contino, R.M. Cucco & D. Lauro). Roma, 2002. Isler, H.P., 1990. Monte Iato, in: G. Nenci et alii (eds), Gli Elimi e l’ara elima fino all’inizio della prima guerra punica. Atti del Seminario di Studi PalermoContessa Entellina 1989. Archivio Storico Sicilano (s. IV) 14-15 (1988-1989), 277-285. Isler, H.P., 2000. Monte Iato. Guida archeologica. Palermo. Johns, J., 1992. Monreale Survey: L’insediamento dell’alto Belice dal Paleolitico Superiore al 1250 d.C., in: Prime Giornate Internazionali di Studio sull’Area Elima (Gibellina 1991). Pisa-Gibellina, 407-420. La Rosa, V., 1994. Le nuove indagini nella Media Valle del Platani, in: S. Tusa (ed.), La preistoria del basso Belice e della Sicilia meridionale nel quadro della preistoria siciliana e mediterranea. Palermo, 287304. Leighton, R., 1999. Sicily before history. London. Manni Piraino, M.T., 1959. Iscrizione inedita da Poggioreale. Kokalos 5, 159-173. Monte Saraceno 1996 = AA.VV., Monte Saraceno di Ravanusa. Un ventennio di ricerche e studi. Messina. Nenci, G. & S. Cataldi, 1983. Strumenti e procedure nei rapporti tra Greci e indigeni, in: Forme di contatto e

324

NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA Stefano Vassallo Abstract: Recent investigations increased our knowledge of the ancient town of Himera. During the first half of the 6th century BC, the urban area of Himera became rearranged through a double system of allotments:the lower town became divided in 41 m wide blocks (N-S wise)while the upper town consisted of 32 m blocks (E-W wise). We would also like discuss the discovery of a part of the fortification system, which is the first one found in the lower town so far.

Tra i contributi più significativi offerti dagli scavi archeologici di Himera agli studi sulla colonizzazione greca in Occidente vi è certamente quello legato all’urbanistica; fin dal 1963, infatti, quando l’Università di Palermo avviò le ricerche nell’abitato, si andò delineando un nitido esempio di pianta urbanistica coloniale, ricco di preziosi indizi per un filone di studi ancora giovane negli anni Sessanta, ma in crescita grazie anche ad un indirizzo dell’archeologia classica più attento ai problemi delle città, piuttosto che alle necropoli o ai santuari.1

la generale sistemazione urbanistica dell’abitato, che caratterizzerà l’assetto cittadino fino alla sua definitiva distruzione nel 409 a.C. e che costituisce, invece, l’argomento centrale del mio intervento. Per comprendere meglio le scelte operate dagli Imeresi nella riconfigurazione urbanistica della prima metà del VI secolo a.C. è necessario tenere presente la particolare conformazione dei luoghi; il sito della città giace, infatti, ad Ovest della foce del fiume Imera Settentrionale, su un terreno molto diseguale dal punto di vista geomorfologico (Fig. 1). L’abitato si estendeva in parte sulla pianura costiera di Buonfornello (città bassa), in parte sui rilievi collinari che la sovrastano (città alta), alti mediamente 90 metri (Piano di Imera, Piano Tamburino e Piano Lungo) compresi i loro fianchi a tratti scoscesi (Figg. 2 e 4), tant’è che la colonia venne ricordata da Eschilo (Glauc.Potn., fr.32 Nauch2) come ‘Himera dagli alti dirupi’.5

A quaranta anni dall’inizio degli scavi, e soprattutto dopo le nuove scoperte nell’area della città bassa,2 mi sembra opportuno fare il punto sull’urbanistica imerese, fissando gli elementi ormai certi e tracciando un ipotetico modello dell’organizzazione generale del tessuto urbano. Si tratta di un quadro in graduale evoluzione, ancora carente di molti dati essenziali per una lettura globale dell’abitato imerese, quali l’individuazione dell’agorà o degli esatti limiti della città; tuttavia, quanto già noto merita un primo livello di analisi, soprattutto nella prospettiva di alimentare il dibattito scientifico intorno all’urbanistica coloniale di età arcaica in Occidente.

Quando, nella prima metà del VI secolo a.C., gli Imeresi, sotto la spinta di una forte crescita demografica ed economica e in concomitanza, forse, con un preciso fatto storico o politico, decisero di ristrutturare la loro città,6 si trovarono, quindi, di fronte ad un terreno non facile, perché fortemente caratterizzato da due aree fisicamente e morfologicamente molto diverse.

Per brevità non mi soffermerò sui problemi, ancora scarsamente noti, inerenti la prima organizzazione della città,3 tra il 648 a.C., data storica della fondazione,4 e il terzo decennio del VI secolo a.C. , quando venne avviata 1 Tra i contributi sull’urbanistica imerese segnaliamo: Allegro 1999; Belvedere 1980; 1987; Bonacasa 1972. 2 Ci riferiamo soprattutto alle ricerche condotte in questa parte della città che hanno dato indicazioni utili per l’aspetto urbanistico (Camerata Scovazzo, Agosta & Vassallo 1984; Camerata Scovazzo & Vassallo 1988; Allegro & Vassallo 1992) e in particolare ad una serie programmata di saggi, ancora in corso, realizzati dalla Soprintendenza di Palermo in occasione di interventi di tutela in diversi settori della Piana di Buonfornello. 3 Ancora sporadiche sono le conoscenze relative alla prima organizzazione degli spazi urbani della colonia (Allegro 1999, 276280). Per la città alta è un dato ormai consolidato il generale orientamento Nord-Est/Sud-Ovest delle costruzioni, con occupazione rada del suolo, mentre non vi sono ancora elementi certi della viabilità, che seguiva probabilmente lo stesso orientamento; una ricostruzione ipotetica degli isolati e delle strade della città alta è in Allegro 1997a. Per la città bassa non abbiamo, al momento, elementi attendibili per formulare alcuna ipotesi riguardo all’orientamento e alle modalità del primo impianto urbano. Osservazioni sulla prima fase di occupazione del sito coloniale sono in Di Vita 1996, 290. 4 La cronologia storica (Diod. 13, 62, 4) ha trovato conferma archeologica negli scavi della città bassa e della necropoli orientale che hanno restituito materiali databili intorno o di poco successivi alla metà del VII secolo a.C. (Vassallo 1997, 85-90).

5 La prima descrizione del sito coloniale e del territorio prossimo alla città è quella di Mauceri 1908, che nel ricostruire la topografia coloniale in rapporto alle vicende storiche delle battaglie imeresi del 480 e del 409 a.C., fa un’analisi dettagliata dei luoghi, ancora preziosa, soprattutto perché risale alla fine del XIX secolo, prima delle trasformazioni verificatesi dopo la metà del XX secolo in quest’area. 6 Diversi sono gli elementi emersi nelle più recenti indagini imeresi che attestano una florida fase arcaica della colonia; ricordiamo qui l’innalzamento alla prima metà del VI secolo a.C. dell’impianto urbano della città alta, in un primo tempo considerato di V secolo a.C. (vedi ultra nota 21), ma anche le indagini nella necropoli orientale (Vassallo 1998, con bibliografia precedente) e la scoperta del quartiere extraurbano, ad Est del fiume Imera, di cui si dirà più avanti. Per quanto riguarda possibili fatti storici o eventi ‘forti’ della vita politica cittadina, cui attribuire la decisione di attuare questo impegnativo cambiamento urbanistico, la pressoché totale assenza di fonti storiche su Himera per il VI secolo a.C. non consente di avanzare ipotesi credibili. In ogni caso, tuttavia, lo stesso sviluppo demografico della colonia e la necessità di ristrutturare organicamente lo spazio abitativo in coincidenza con un articolarsi sempre più complesso delle funzioni della polis, ci sembrano elementi che potrebbero avere motivato tali scelte, anche a prescindere da particolari fattori esterni o da un ‘cambiamento’ politico nella conduzione della città.

325

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Himera, corografia del sito coloniale con ipotesi dell’antica linea di costa.

Fig. 2. Veduta aerea da Nord. 1. Città alta; 2. Città bassa; 3 e 4. Probabili vie di collegamento tra le due parti della città.

326

STEFANO VASSALLO: NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA

Fig. 3. Schema urbanistico di Himera, con impianto della città alta e ricostruzione ipotetica di quello della città bassa. 1. Tempio della Vittoria; 2. Santuario di Athena; 3. Quartiere in pendio; 4 e 5 Fortificazione; 6 e 7. Probabili vie di collegamento tra le due parti della città. volta alle prese con le complesse problematiche teoriche e pratiche di urbanistica su ampia scala.7 Così, mentre negli stessi anni Selinunte risolveva meno traumaticamente analoghi problemi di proiezione sul terreno di schemi geometrici, favorita anche da pendii meno scoscesi, progettando una generale rotazione dell’impianto nella parte a Nord e riuscendo a dare continuità alle strade da fiume a fiume,8 ad Himera le due parti restarono necessariamente disgiunte. Il

Fecero così una scelta drastica, in coerenza, tuttavia, con un disegno organico e funzionale che non costringesse a forzature né di progetto, né di proiezione e di attuazione sul terreno dello schema teorico previsto: pertanto, così come erano due e con caratteristiche dissimili i settori dell’abitato da organizzare, due e differenti furono i progetti, disuguali non tanto negli elementi modulari costitutivi dell’impianto, vale a dire gli isolati, le strade, gli ambitus e i lotti edificabili, quanto nei loro orientamenti, unità di misura e dimensioni (Fig. 3). I ripidi pendii delle colline, con dislivelli di 60/70 metri circa tra le due parti della città, determinavano, peraltro, una fortissima cesura fisica, urbanisticamente insanabile in un’età, quella arcaica, in cui i Greci erano per la prima

7 Per una sintesi sull’urbanistica coloniale delle colonie d’Occidente, vedi Di Vita 1989; 1996 e Mertens & Greco 1996, a cui fare riferimento anche per una bibliografia aggiornata. 8 Di Vita 1996, 280-289.

327

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI collegamento era comunque assicurato da percorsi privilegiati, tra cui possiamo fin da ora ipotizzare i due principali: uno lungo l’attuale trazzera che collega l’area del Tempio della Vittoria con il quartiere in pendio, l’altro attraverso la gola che separa il Piano di Imera da quello del Tamburino (Fig. 3:6 e 7).

La regolarità di questo impianto, i cui dati fondamentali relativamente all’orientamento e alle misure base degli isolati vennero fissati già nelle indagini degli anni Ottanta del secolo scorso,14 ha trovato conferma in indagini condotte nel 2001 e 2002 all’estremo vertice Nord-Ovest dell’abitato, in occasione della verifica del nuovo tracciato ferroviario Palermo-Messina. Tali indagini hanno anche consentito di ipotizzare l’estensione dell’impianto regolare su un’ampia porzione della pianura di Buonfornello; è stata infatti verificata l’esistenza di isolati nell’estremo settore Nord-Ovest della città, in corrispondenza degli isolati XVI-XVII e XXII. Grazie ad un attento lavoro di rilievo, con stazione topografica integrata, è stato possibile accertare che i nuovi elementi dell’impianto scoperti (due strade e due ambitus) si inseriscono perfettamente, con oscillazioni di pochi centimetri, nella maglia di isolati già proposta in precedenza.15 Pertanto, si può oggi plausibilmente ipotizzare l’esistenza di almeno 24 isolati, e quindi di 24 strade, comprese tra il fiume e il limite occidentale attualmente noto della città. E’ sulla base di queste indicazioni che proponiamo oggi una prima pianta della città bassa, con l’indicazione dello schema della maglia urbana entro i confini accertati dell’abitato; si tratta, naturalmente, di un’ipotesi di lavoro su cui la Soprintendenza è impegnata ad operare, per verificare la correttezza dei dati proposti e soprattutto per individuare gli elementi fondamentali ancora sconosciuti: ci riferiamo, evidentemente, alla localizzazione dell’agorà e delle strade Est-Ovest.

La città bassa occupa un’area quadrangolare, estesa, secondo le ultime indagini, circa 50-60 ettari. Certi sono il limite Sud, definito dalle pendici collinari, sino alla quota di m 30 circa, oltre la quale il pendio diventa eccessivamente ripido per le costruzioni; quello Est, attestato al fiume Imera Settentrionale,9 e quello Nord, lungo una linea arretrata di m 100-200 rispetto alla spiaggia di età greca.10 Ancora da definire è il limite occidentale, probabilmente, ad una distanza dal fiume compresa tra 1200 e 1300 metri. E’ verosimile che nella città bassa, prossima al fiume, alle attrezzature portuali, alla viabilità costiera e sorta su una piana alluvionale stabile e ricca nel sottosuolo di un’abbondante falda acquifera di facile sfruttamento,11 si concentrassero i settori più vitali e dinamici della colonia, con le attività artigianali e produttive: ed è qui che andrà cercata, a nostro parere, l’agorà, la cui localizzazione non è ancora nota.12 Nella città bassa, l’impianto urbano è disegnato secondo una maglia di isolati orientati in senso Nord-Sud.13 La loro larghezza, nei cinque casi in cui è stata verificata, oscilla tra m 40,5 e 41,48, pertanto, possiamo al momento proporre un’ampiezza media di m 41. Gli isolati, attraversati longitudinalmente da ambitus larghi cm 4050, sono separati da strade parallele, Nord-Sud, larghe in media m 6,20. Non è stata ancora localizzata alcuna delle plateiai Est-Ovest, che furono probabilmente non più di tre o quattro e che dovettero assolvere alla funzione sia di disimpegno della viabilità capillare Nord-Sud, sia di collegamento tra il limite fluviale (la probabile zona portuale sulla sponda del fiume) e la piana costiera che si stendeva ad Ovest della città, verso il fiume Torto.

Per quanto riguarda le dimensioni dell’oikopedon, del lotto edificabile, pur non avendone ancora la certezza, ma sulla base di forti indizi e del rinvenimento di numerosi ambitus in senso Est-Ovest, possiamo al momento ipotizzare un’estensione di m 20 x 20 (circa 400 mq), in cui la misura di m 20 corrisponde alla larghezza di mezzo isolato. Più complessa al momento la problematica relativa alla possibilità di stabilire una superficie originaria costante per la singola unità abitativa, giacché non è detto che l’estensione dell’oikopedon, almeno nella sua prima ampiezza ‘da piano regolatore’, coincidesse con quella di una singola casa,16 e pertanto bisognerà attendere nuovi indagini.

9 Recenti saggi aperti a Nord del Tempio della Vittoria e la lettura della cartografia storica e delle foto aeree di questo tratto di pianura, al limite della sponda fluviale, consentono di ipotizzare che, dopo la distruzione della colonia, il fiume Imera, a carattere torrentizio, abbia eroso parte dell’abitato, modificando, quindi, l’antico limite della città, che doveva essere protetto dalle piene del fiume con argini o banchine utili anche per l’approdo delle navi. 10 L’ipotesi di una linea di costa in età greca più arretrata, rispetto all’attuale litorale, già formulata dal Mauceri, ha trovato conferma in saggi condotti a Nord dell’autostrada (Allegro & Vassallo 1992, 136) e sulla sponda orientale del fiume (Vassallo 1998). 11 La falda, oggi ad una profondità media di 3-4 metri, venne ampiamente utilizzata in età coloniale, realizzando pozzi artesiani. 12 Dopo i primi scavi nella città alta venne ipotizzato che l’agorà potesse trovarsi in un ampio spazio libero da costruzioni, compreso tra il santuario di Athena e gli isolati I e II; tuttavia, come già supposto in Mauceri 1908, 397, oggi appare più plausibile che l’agorà principale della città vada localizzata nell’area della città bassa, mentre per lo spazio di cui si è detto è stata proposta una sua destinazione pubblica come agorà della città alta (Allegro 1999, 285). 13 L’esatto orientamento degli isolati è NNO/SSE.

14

Era fino ad allora possibile ipotizzare la presenza di almeno 13 isolati, a partire dal fiume (Allegro & Vassallo 1992). 15 L’elaborazione dei dati è stata agevolata dalla disponibilità di una dettagliata planimetria in formato digitale della piana di Buonfornello, fornitaci dalle Ferrovie, acquisita e processata con programma Autocad, su cui si sta operando per definire una carta informatizzata dell’intero sito coloniale. 16 Diverse cause potrebbero avere concorso alla definizione delle superfici da assegnare alle singole unità abitative, come, ad esempio, le scelte operate dai proprietari cui erano assegnati i lotti, oppure specifiche leggi della polis, di cui non siamo a conoscenza; peraltro non disponiamo, al momento, di dati archeologici che ci autorizzino a considerazioni più puntuali su tale problema. Certamente l’ampiezza dell’oikopedon della città bassa è considerevole e qualora fosse coincisa con l’unità abitativa, avremmo case di 400 mq. Vanno, tuttavia, ricordati esempi di frazionamenti interni ai lotti, come nel caso di Naxos (Lentini 1993, 1002-1008) che, sebbene databili al V secolo a.C., inducono ad una ragionevole prudenza. Ricordiamo comunque il caso

328

STEFANO VASSALLO: NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA Alcune case, parzialmente esplorate negli isolati XII e XIII, erano pressoché costantemente caratterizzate dalla presenza degli strati della violenta distruzione del 409 a.C.:17 quasi sempre, all’interno dei vani, al di sotto dei crolli dei tetti, sono stati trovati numerosi reperti in uso nell’ultimo giorno di vita della città, aprendo un’importante prospettiva di lettura nell’interpretazione delle architetture domestiche e delle funzioni delle varie parti delle case. Si ripete, nella città bassa, lo schema tipico della casa greca, ben nota ad Himera negli scavi della città alta,18 con cortile centrale (dov’è ricorrente il pozzo, le cui pareti sono foderate con anelli di terracotta), attorno a cui si dispongono gli ambienti. Tra i dati rilevanti, ricordo la frequente presenza di andrones, databili agli ultimi decenni del V secolo a.C., dotati di raffinati pavimenti realizzati con un impasto cementizio, che costituiscono una preziosa testimonianza della diffusione nella Sicilia greca di questa evoluta tecnica.19

con lotti edificabili di m 16 x 16, ha trovato recentemente una conferma nella pubblicazione di un’eccezionale epigrafe su laminetta bronzea rinvenuta nel santuario di Athena e databile nella prima metà del V secolo a.C. Oltre a costituire un’importante e preziosa fonte diretta sull’urbanistica imerese, l’iscrizione rappresenta anche la più antica attestazione del termine oikòpedon, che significherebbe ‘presella’, termine definito “non un’area qualsivoglia sulla quale sia tecnicamente possibile edificare, ma un’area di misura standard predisposta dalla città, presumibilmente allineata su di un asse stradale, sul quale è legalmente permesso edificare”.23 L’iscrizione, che farebbe riferimento ad una redistribuzione di lotti attuata ad Himera agli inizi del V secolo a.C., in coincidenza con fatti della vita della città legati forse ad una riorganizzazione del corpo civico della polis, con la formazione di nuove tribù,24 riporta anche il termine emischoinon, con possibile correlazione all’oikopedon, un’unità di misura equivalente al mezzo schoinon, che nel sistema eracleota corrisponde a m 32,7; pertanto l’emischoinon sarebbe uguale a m 16,35, con perfetta corrispondenza alle misure dell’isolato e del lotto edificabile dell’impianto urbanistico arcaico della città alta.25

Per la città alta mi limiterò agli elementi essenziali dell’impianto, trattandosi di dati ormai ben noti,20 benché stenti ancora a diffondersi negli studi archeologici la revisione cronologica, proposta da Nunzio Allegro,21 che innalza la realizzazione dell’impianto al terzo/quarto decennio del VI secolo a.C., piuttosto che agli inizi del V secolo a.C. (datazione avanzata dopo i primi scavi nell’abitato imerese); ciò porta sostanziali modifiche all’interpretazione non soltanto dell’assetto urbanistico, ma anche nella lettura storica della colonia, la cui prosperità in età arcaica appare sempre più evidente nelle ricerche degli ultimi anni e si evince anche dalle esplorazioni realizzate recentemente nella necropoli orientale.

Sul Piano di Imera è stata finora localizzata un’unica strada Nord-Sud, larga m 6,20 circa, ma è prevedibile che ve ne fosse un’altra anche sul Piano Lungo, alle pendici orientali del Piano di Imera, con analoga funzione di collegamento tra gli isolati Est-Ovest, presenti anche su questo secondo pianoro, interamente urbanizzato ed integrato nel medesimo schema urbano della parte superiore. In questo settore della città alta è stata infatti accertata, nella parte settentrionale, la presenza di almeno 4 strade Est-Ovest.26

In questa parte della città vennero progettati isolati orientati in senso Est-Ovest, per un coerente inserimento nel disegno naturale del Piano di Imera.22 Essi sono larghi m 32 circa, con strade di m 5,50/60 in media ed oikopeda quadrati che nella previsione originaria del piano misuravano m16 x 16, quindi 250 mq. La misura di m 32,

Resta ancora insoluto il problema dell’assetto urbanistico del vicino Piano Tamburino, un pianoro che per diversi motivi di ordine topografico e per i riscontri sul terreno riteniamo ricadesse all’interno del perimetro urbano, almeno limitatamente alla zona settentrionale, anche se non abbiamo ancora alcun elemento certo per quanto riguarda le modalità della sua urbanizzazione.27

delle due abitazioni della città bassa più note (Camerata Scovazzo & Vassallo 1988): benché non scavate integralmente, esse sembrano, almeno nella fase di fine V secolo a.C., estendersi integralmente dal limite sulla strada a quello interno dell’ambitus mediano, occupando quindi interamente i 20 metri in senso Est-Ovest. 17 Camerata Scovazzo & Vassallo 1988. 18 Belvedere 1976; Allegro 1999, 287-288. 19 Vassallo 1997, 82-85. 20 Bonacasa 1972; Allegro 1999, 283-288, che raccoglie anche la bibliografia aggiornata sull’argomento. 21 La datazione arcaica del secondo impianto della città alta, suggerita per la prima volta sulla base di saggi stratigrafici nel 1984 (Allegro 1988, 651-658), ha trovato in seguito conferma in numerose altre indagini condotte nel tessuto abitativo della città alta: vedi ad esempio: Allegro 1997a; 1997b. 22 Per i limiti fisici della città alta vedi Allegro & Vassallo 1992, 144145, tranne che per il limite occidentale, allora indicato nella depressione tra Piano di Imera e Piano del Tamburino: oggi ci appare verosimile considerare come spazio interno all’abitato anche gran parte dell’area settentrionale del Piano del Tamburino, a prescindere dalle modalità, ancora non note, della sua urbanizzazione e dell’eventuale collegamento e raccordo con l’impianto urbanistico del vicino Piano di Imera.

23 L’edizione critica della lamina è in: Brugnone 1997, per la definizione di oikopedon vedi anche Nenci 1993. 24 Brugnone 1997, 271-272; Allegro 1999, 292-293. 25 Brugnone 1997, 269-270. 26 Allegro 1993, 1124. 27 Il Piano Tamburino venne considerato già da L. Mauceri interno alla città nella sua ricostruzione sulla topografia imerese (Mauceri 1908); in seguito, altri studiosi concordarono con questa ipotesi (Schmiedt 1970, 25 ss.; Bonacasa 1972, 10; Bonacasa Carra 1980). Recenti ricognizioni da noi condotte, con l’individuazione di estese aree di frammenti fittili di età coloniale e la lettura di foto aeree di dettaglio, ci hanno convinto che almeno per la parte indicata nella figura 3 questo vasto pianoro e l’ampia gola che lo separano dal Piano di Imera, ricadessero entro i limiti dell’abitato. Peraltro, la forte posizione strategica del Piano del Tamburino, a dominio di gran parte della città bassa, ci fa ritenere probabile che gli Imeresi non abbiano lasciato quest’area al di fuori della città e delle sue difese. L’unica zona esplorata a Piano Tamburino si trova nel settore Nord-orientale, dove alcuni saggi consentirono di individuare l’esistenza di un santuario sorto in età arcaica (Allegro 1999, 290).

329

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Veduta aerea da Est della zona centrale dell’abitato con il dislivello tra le due parti della città. 1. Tempio della Vittoria; 2. Santuario di Athena; 3. Isolati I-III della città alta; 4. Quartiere in pendio; 5. Antiquarium di Himera. venne avviata la ristrutturazione dell’abitato, a partire dal secondo quarto del VI secolo a.C. (sebbene maggiori precisazioni potranno venire solo da ulteriori indagini), stupisce il fatto che vennero scelti due orientamenti e due misure differenti. Per quanto riguarda l’orientamento degli isolati – Nord-Sud nella città bassa, Est-Ovest in quella alta – è presumibile che tale decisione fu presa in considerazione della configurazione dei luoghi, per cui, in basso, esso venne determinato ed agevolato dal terreno pianeggiante, che consentiva di orientare in senso NordSud gli isolati, favorendo un rapido collegamento, attraverso il fitto tessuto viario, tra la zona a ridosso della città alta e la spiaggia; in questo caso l’esatto allineamento dell’impianto venne dettato dalla linea delle pendici collinari che chiude a monte questa parte di città.29 Nella città alta, l’impianto fu previsto con strade e isolati orientati in senso Est-Ovest, per sfruttare al meglio il disegno dello stretto pianoro disposto in senso NordSud. Tale disposizione consentiva anche un migliore inserimento in rapporto alle zone in declivio, evitando di tracciare strade parallele all’andamento dei pendii, soggetti a gravi problemi di erosione.30 L’allineamento degli isolati non venne però dettato, come era avvenuto per l’impianto protoarcaico, dal profilo del ciglio

Questo, nelle linee generali, l’assetto urbanistico di Himera che si manterrà immutato, nella sua struttura di base, sino alla distruzione della città. E’ plausibile che l’impianto non venne subito realizzato in tutta l’area dell’abitato, oggi stimabile intorno ai 100 ettari, ma gradualmente, privilegiando dapprima i tracciati stradali e la definizione delle aree destinate alla vita pubblica e ai santuari, mentre i lotti edificabili saranno stati assegnati progressivamente nel tempo, in relazione alla crescita e alla necessità dei singoli nuclei familiari. Il tessuto edilizio delle case private messo in luce dagli scavi riflette, comunque, il risultato di successivi rimaneggiamenti e trasformazioni planimetriche, anche sostanziali, frutto di ampliamenti o restringimenti delle abitazioni, oltre i limiti dei lotti definiti nel progetto originario. Ma di tali modifiche non parleremo in questa sede,28 sia perché esse non sembrano avere apportato importanti cambiamenti degli schemi generali degli impianti urbani, sia perché mancano ancora i dati di scavo per potere valutare una casistica sufficiente e utile ad una valutazione approfondita del problema. Benché sia ancora lunga la strada verso una conoscenza dettagliata dell’urbanistica imerese, soprattutto per quanto riguarda la città bassa, vi sono alcuni elementi generali che vale la pena evidenziare a proposito delle caratteristiche generali degli impianti. Se ci appare ormai affidabile il dato cronologico relativo al momento in cui 28

29 Bisogna ricordare che il profilo continuo del Piano di Imera e del Piano del Tamburino, costituisce l’unico elemento rettilineo che definisce la città bassa, in quanto, come dimostrato da numerosi saggi, i limiti Est e Nord, attestati alla sponda del fiume e alla spiaggia, avevano in età greca andamento curvilineo. 30 Vedi anche quanto detto in Bonacasa 1972, 8.

Osservazioni in tal senso sono in Allegro 1999, 285-288.

330

STEFANO VASSALLO: NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA settentrionale della collina, bensì dai limiti Est ed Ovest, paralleli tra di loro, del Piano di Imera. L’adattamento del sistema urbanistico al profilo del rilievo in questa parte di città, trova riscontro in altre colonie siceliote, il cui sito presenta uguali caratteristiche morfologiche.31

dopo il 480 a.C., in conseguenza, forse, del pericolo corso dalla città dopo l’assedio punico. La sua esistenza è comunque emblematica di una fase estremamente vitale e prospera, che denota una città in piena crescita demografica, nei primi decenni del VI secolo a.C., dotata di una struttura politica di governo della polis coerente e in grado di programmare ed attuare, secondo modelli nuovi, profonde trasformazioni del proprio tessuto abitativo e delle aree periferiche extraurbane.

Se appaiono comprensibili i motivi della scelta di un duplice orientamento degli impianti, meno chiare sono le cause che determinarono l’uso di diverse misure nei due settori dell’abitato, soprattutto se consideriamo che la ristrutturazione urbanistica sembra essere stata avviata negli stessi anni, frutto quindi di una decisione unitaria. Diverse potrebbero essere le spiegazioni; potremmo ipotizzare ragioni legate alla presenza nelle due parti della città di abitanti di diversi livelli sociali, con differenti attività lavorative32 e, quindi, con necessità di spazi e di funzioni abitative dissimili. Oppure, si può pensare ad una programmazione differenziata in rapporto all’organizzazione e alla formazione del corpo civico e delle tribù della polis o, ancora, ad esigenze squisitamente tecniche connesse al progetto iniziale e alla sua realizzazione sul terreno. Si potrebbero fare altre supposizioni; che tuttavia non ci soddisfano, anche perché, come detto, è opportuno attendere la realizzazione di indagini più approfondite per capire meglio se, al momento della ristrutturazione degli impianti, le diverse misure dei lotti edificabili, nelle due parti della città, corrispondessero effettivamente, e in quale misura, alle dimensioni delle singole unità abitative, presupposto fondamentale per potere poi ipotizzare eventuali differenziazioni sociali ed economiche della popolazione.

Nel panorama coloniale di Magna Grecia e di Sicilia il caso imerese è certamente, per diversi aspetti, di grande interesse: sebbene non sia questa la sede per approfondimenti critici, va comunque messo in rilievo, oltre a quanto già detto sulla particolarità del doppio impianto, l’eccezionale dimensione degli isolati della città bassa, la cui larghezza di circa m 41 appare assai singolare per tale fase storica e ben al di sopra delle misure più consuete adottate per altri impianti regolari, come peraltro attestato nella stessa città alta di Himera, dove gli isolati sono di m 32.34 Solo nella prima metà del V secolo a.C., a Naxos, troveremo isolati di maggiore ampiezza, di m 39 circa, sempre inferiori, tuttavia, al modulo arcaico imerese della città bassa. Più in sintonia con altre colonie occidentali è invece l’aspetto cronologico, giacché è proprio nella prima metà del VI secolo a.C. che si assiste ad un generale rinnovamento delle città, con impegnativi interventi di organizzazione dei propri impianti, che determinarono un assetto urbanistico definitivo, come nel caso significativo di Selinunte, città che rappresentò, insieme ad Himera, la frontiera più occidentale, sulla costa mediterranea, della colonizzazione greca in Sicilia. Certamente le cause di questa intensa attività di trasformazioni delle città, ad Himera come nelle altre colonie, furono il frutto di un momento felice, caratterizzato da un forte incremento della popolazione e determinato non soltanto da processi di crescita naturale o dall’arrivo di nuovi coloni dall’esterno, ma anche, probabilmente, dai rapporti con le comunità indigene presenti nel territorio; forse grazie a matrimoni misti o spostamenti di popolazione, non facili da documentare archeologicamente, ma che nel caso di Himera hanno trovato, nelle indagini degli ultimi anni, sempre più significative testimonianze.35

L’ampio respiro della dimensione urbanistica globale della colonia è testimoniato anche dal fatto che negli stessi anni in cui avvenne la ristrutturazione urbanistica, intorno al 580-570 a.C., veniva realizzato in località Pestavecchia, sulla sponda orientale del fiume e con uno schema regolare non dissimile da quello della città, un vasto quartiere extraurbano, esteso, alla luce di recenti indagini condotte in collaborazione con l’Università di Palermo, almeno due ettari.33 Si tratta di un’area d’occupazione intensiva, progettata con blocchi di abitazioni estesi m 21 x 11, separati da ambitus (Fig. 1). Il quartiere, destinato probabilmente ad attività produttive e commerciali, considerato anche il diretto contatto con il fiume e quindi con le strutture portuali, fu abbandonato

Per quanto riguarda le fortificazioni imeresi, più volte citate da Diodoro Siculo nella descrizione delle battaglie del 480 e del 409 a.C., mi limito qui a segnalare la recente scoperta di un tratto del muro di cinta della città bassa, che costituisce un importante rinvenimento, giacché dell’intero sistema difensivo esterno della città

31

Un chiaro esempio è Selinunte, dove l’impianto arcaico della collina meridionale (non dissimile nella sua configurazione dal Piano di Imera) venne disegnato rispettando lo schema dei limiti naturali della collina, con una strada centrale che attraversa longitudinalmente il pianoro superiore; lo stesso avvenne a Camarina per l’impianto noto di IV secolo a.C. ricalcante, almeno nell’impostazione generale, quello arcaico, con un asse stradale longitudinale, disposto al centro della collina che si prolunga verso la costa. 32 Non è improbabile che la città bassa fosse occupata prevalentemente da una popolazione legata ad attività artigianali e la parte alta da coloni dediti per lo più allo sfruttamento delle risorse agricole e alla pastorizia; osservazioni in tal senso sono in: Allegro & Vassallo 1992, 142; Allegro 1999, 288. 33 Allegro, Macaluso & Parello 1998; per l’organizzazione della piana costiera di Pestavecchia, ad Est del fiume vedi Vassallo 1998.

34 Non vi sono, al momento, confronti in ambito siceliota per isolati di tale ampiezza in età arcaica. Ricordiamo i due esplorati ad Agrigento, nell’area dei santuari compresa tra porta V e il tempio di Zeus, larghi circa m 40 (Orlandini 1979, 486), datati prima della metà del VI secolo a.C. 35 Vassallo 2002.

331

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI era finora noto soltanto un breve tratto di muro, al limite Sud della città alta.36

paramenti esterni con blocchi calcarei squadrati con discreta regolarità, il riempimento interno è costituito da schegge di pietra (Figg. 5 e 6). Dell’elevato in mattoni crudi si conservano in situ solo pochi lembi, mentre è chiarissimo lo strato di disfacimento dei mattoni accumulatosi alla base del muro dopo il suo abbandono. Piccoli contrafforti rettangolari, davano solidità alla struttura, soprattutto in corrispondenza di una postierla, ampia circa un metro, allineata al centro con l’asse della strada Nord-Sud 22 dell’impianto urbanistico della città bassa. La presenza di alcuni scheletri di animali sul piano di calpestio della postierla, restituisce anche una viva immagine della violenta fine della città nel 409 a.C. e del suo definitivo abbandono.37 Altro dato di estremo interesse è quello topografico, in quanto il muro offre un elemento importantissimo anche per la definizione del perimetro urbano, fissando un punto certo sul fronte settentrionale dell’abitato, dove la fortificazione correva parallela e a breve distanza dalla spiaggia, mentre sul versante occidentale costituisce il limite estremo, finora noto, della città bassa. Attualmente, considerati i nuovi dati della città bassa e un’attendibile proiezione dell’area cittadina sul Piano Tamburino, l’intero abitato di Himera non dovrebbe essere, quindi, inferiore ai 100 ettari, considerate anche le aree che per motivi legati alla morfologia dei luoghi non furono urbanizzate.

Fig. 5. Fortificazione nell’area Nord-Ovest della città bassa (cfr. fig. 3).

BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 1972. Quaderno Imerese (= Studi e Materiali dell’Istituto di Archeologia dell’Università di Palermo, 1). Roma. Allegro, N., 1988. Himera 1984-1988. Ricerche dell’Istituto di Archeologia nell’area della città. Kokalos 34-35 (1988-1989), 637-658. Allegro, N., 1993. Himera 1989-1993. Ricerche dell’Istituto di Archeologia nell’area della città. Kokalos 39-40 (1993-1994), 1119-1133. Allegro, N., 1997a. Le fasi dell’abitato di Himera, in: Wohnbauforschungen in Zentral- und Westsizilien. Sicilia occidentale e centro-meridionale. Ricerche archeologiche nell’abitato. Zurigo, 65-80. Allegro, N., 1997b. Una fossa alto-arcaica del Quartiere Est, in: AA.VV., Archeologia e territorio. Palermo, 251-265. Allegro, N., 1999. Imera, in: AA.VV., La città greca antica, a cura di E. Greco. Roma, 269-301. Allegro, N., P. Macaluso & G. Parello, 1998. Himera. Ricerche dell’Istituto di Archeologia dell’Università di Palermo nell’ex proprietà Cardillo. Kokalos 4344(II, 2), 611-622.

Fig. 6. Schizzo assonometrico della fortificazione. Nel settore Nord-occidentale della città bassa sono stati individuati diversi tratti del muro, spesso mediamente m 1,70-1,80, con sviluppo rettilineo e perfettamente conservato sotto uno strato agricolo di circa cm 50 (Fig. 3:4). La parte inferiore del muro, per un’altezza di circa m 1,5 compreso il filare di fondazione, è realizzata sui

37 Sono sempre più frequenti le testimonianze della violenta distruzione della città; già nella città bassa era stato trovato, sotto il crollo di un tetto, uno scheletro di ovino (Camerata Scovazzo & Vassallo 1988, 700), mentre nel quartiere in pendio, si è rinvenuto, nello strato di distruzione, uno scheletro umano ed uno di cavallo (Allegro 1993, 1123).

36 Segnalato da Mauceri (Mauceri 1908, c. 394); esso venne esplorato dall’Università di Palermo, vedi: Bonacasa 1976, 645-646. Un aggiornamento sulle fortificazioni è in Vassallo 2003.

332

STEFANO VASSALLO: NUOVI DATI SULL’URBANISTICA E SULLE FORTIFICAZIONI DI HIMERA Allegro, N. & S. Vassallo, 1992. Himera- nuove ricerche nella città bassa (1989-1992). Kokalos 38, 79-148. Belvedere, O., 1976. Tipologia e sviluppo delle abitazioni, in: Himera II, 575-594. Belvedere, O., 1978. Nuovi aspetti del problema di Himera arcaica. Insediamenti coloniali greci in Sicilia nell’VIII e VII secolo a.C., in: Atti della 2. riunione scientifica della Scuola di Perfezionamento in Archeologia Classica dell’Università di Catania, Siracusa 1977. Cronache d’Arte 17, 75-89. Belvedere, O., 1980. Vecchi e nuovi problemi di topografia e urbanistica imerese, in: Architettura e urbanistica nella Sicilia greca arcaica. Cronache di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte 19, 51-61. Belvedere, O., 1987. Himera, Naxos, Camarina, tre casi di urbanistica coloniale. Xenia 14, 5-20. Bonacasa, N., 1972. Il problema urbanistico di Himera. Quaderno Imerese 1, 1-25 Bonacasa, N., 1976. I saggi di scavo, in: Himera II, 627660. Bonacasa, N., 1981. Il problema archeologico di Himera. ASAtene 59, 319-340. Bonacasa Carra, R.M., 1980. Ipotesi sulla fortificazione di Himera, in: Beni Culturali e Ambientali. Bollettino della Regione Sicilia 1, 70-72. Brugnone, A., 1997. Legge di Himera sulla ridistribuzione della terra. Parola del Passato 395-7, 262-305. Camerata Scovazzo, R., G. Agosta & S. Vassallo, 1984. Himera. Scavo nella città bassa. Kokalos 30-31 (1984-1985), 629-635. Camerata Scovazzo, R & S. Vassallo, 1988. Himera: città bassa, scavi 1984-1987. Area albergo lungo la SS 113. Kokalos 34-35 (1988-1989), 697-709. Di Vita, A., 1989. L’urbanistica, in: AA.VV., Sikanie. Storia e civiltà della Sicilia greca. Milano, 359-414. Di Vita, A., 1996. Urbanistica della Sicilia Greca, in: AA.VV., I Greci in Occidente. Milano, 263-308. Himera I = AA.VV., Himera I. Campagne di scavo 196365. Roma 1970. Himera II = AA.VV., Himera II. Campagne di scavo 1966-73. Roma 1976. Lentini, M.C., 1993. Nuove esplorazioni a Naxos (scavi 1989-1994). Kokalos 39-40 (II, 1), 1001-1025. Mauceri, L., 1908. Cenni sulla topografia di Imera e sugli avanzi del Tempio di Buonfornello. MALinc 18, cc. 285-436. Mertens, D. & E. Greco, 1996. Urbanistica della Magna Grecia, in: AA.VV., I Greci in Occidente. Milano, 243-262. Nenci, G., 1993. Parigi. Melanges P. Léveque 7, 273-286. Orlandini, P., 1979. s.v. Agrigento, in: AA.VV., Storia della Sicilia. Napoli, 485-495. Schmiedt, G., 1970. Sguardo all’antica situazione geotopografica di Himera, in: Himera I, 21-49. Vassallo, S., 1997. Indagini in un quartiere della città bassa di Himera, in: Wohnbauforschungen in Zentral-und Westsizilien. Sicilia occidentale e centro-meridionale. Ricerche archeologiche nell’abitato. Zurigo, 81-90. 333

Vassallo, S., 1998. Himera. Indagini a Pestavecchia 1994-1996. Kokalos 43-44 (II, 2), 731-743. Vassallo, S., 2002. Himera. La colonia greca e gli indigeni, in: Sicani, Elimi e Greci. Storie di contatti e terre di frontiera, catalogo della mostra. Palermo, 36-43. Vassallo, S., 2003. La guerra a Himera. Il sistema difensivo della città e del territorio, in: Atti delle V Giornate Internazionali sull’Area Elima (Erice, dicembre 2003). c.s.

DOMESTIC POTTERY AND FOOD SYSTEMS

335

FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA DAL VILLAGGIO DELL’ANTICO BRONZO DA MANFRIA (GELA, CL) Enrico Procelli & Francescaromana Alberghina Abstract: The excavation and the finds from the Early Bronze Age (Castelluccio facies) site of Manfria were published in 1962, but the cooking pottery was not fully studied. In this paper the items used for cooking are identified and classified. Hypotheses concerning different techniques of food preparation are proposed by combining this information with that from the excavation and the remains of meals. We then proceed to make some deductions about the social dimension of food consumption.

INTRODUZIONE Già nel 1981 Charlotte Scheffer nel suo studio sui fornelli di Acquarossa1 lamentava lo scarso interesse mostrato dagli archeologi per il materiale da cucina. Dopo più di vent’anni la situazione siciliana non è per nulla cambiata e gli studi sugli usi alimentari nella preistoria isolana sono praticamente assenti. A ciò ha contribuito la scarsezza di pubblicazioni sui resti di pasto sia animali sia soprattutto vegetali. Emblematico della poca attenzione ai manufatti da cucina è la vicenda riguardanta uno degli elementi più caratteristici e diffusi nei contesti di abitato della facies di Castelluccio (antico Bronzo), l’alare, che ha stentato ad essere riconosciuto come tale e comunque non è riuscito a liberarsi dell’aggettivo di ‘ginecomorfo’,2 che qui si è preferito non usare.

Fig. 1. Località citate nel testo. 1. Manfria; 2. Monte Grande; 3. Muculufa; 4. Poggio Biddini.

1

Scheffer 1981, 23. Il primo esemplare rinvenuto di cui fu data notizia è quello dall’acropoli di Gela (Adamesteanu & Orlandini 1956, 315, fig. 32) che, a causa della sua frammentarietà, fu interpretato come recipiente. Successivamente S. Tiné, quando pubblicò gli esemplari interi provenienti dal territorio di Adrano (Tiné 1960-61, 123) non sembrava conoscere quest’esemplare, in quanto cita solo gli analoghi oggetti da ‘Pantelleria, Monte Sallia, Panarea’. (Per Pantelleria: Orsi 1899, 471, tav. XVII/13a e b, ma si tratta comunque di un tipo diverso da quello siciliano. Per Monte Sallia il solo riferimento che ho trovato in Orsi si riferisce a non meglio determinate ‘grandi anse piramidate’: Orsi 1923, 7; di cui non è data nessuna illustrazione. Si deve trattare probabilmente delle appendici di sostegno di cui erano forniti gli alari, materiali visti da Tiné al Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Siracusa. Per Panarea è possibile pensare che si tratti di una comunicazione di Bernabò Brea riguardanti gli alari del Milazzese: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1972, 202, tav. LVIII). Egli li riconobbe come ‘strumenti’, grazie alla presenza di un’ansa sul retro, accennando però ad una precedente identificazione come ‘idoli femminili’. Non sono riuscito a trovare traccia di tale interpretazione, nei confronti della quale lo stesso Tiné si mostra piuttosto critico. Tale identificazione era forse dovuta ad un confronto, in verità piuttosto generico, con oggetti minoici la cui assimilazione alle raffigurazioni femminili poggiava essenzialmente sulla presenza di due protuberanze vagamente mammelliformi. Orlandini, pubblicando l’esemplare di Manfria più avanti illustrato, preferì identificarlo come fornello, mentre Bernabò Brea lo aveva proposto come alare (Orlandini 1962, 86). A conferma di un utilizzo come elemento da cucina Orlandini stesso proponeva il confronto con i già citati oggetti cretesi (Orlandini 1962, 86-87). Lo stesso Bernabò Brea, pubblicando gli esemplari dal Milazzese, accenna ad un certo ‘antropomorfismo’ che sarebbe stato “accentuato da una piccola bugna corrispondente all’ombelico” (v. Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1972, 202), successivamente lo stesso studioso accenna ‘in un certo qual modo’ a un generico ginecomorfismo (Bernabò Brea 1976-77, 56). 2

La mancanza di dati da scavi recenti ci ha indotto a riprendere lo studio dei materiali provenienti dal villaggio di Manfria, pochi chilometri ad Ovest di Gela, con la speranza di poter ottenere nuovi dati sulla ceramica non decorata in generale e sui manufatti e utensili di uso comune in particolare (Fig. 1). Il villaggio, già noto ai tempi di Paolo Orsi, che vi scavò nel 1900 quattro tombe a grotticella artificiale,3 fu indagato per intero da Orlandini nel 1960 e in breve tempo pubblicato;4 a distanza di più di quarant’anni esso rimane il solo villaggio siciliano di questa facies scavato nella sua interezza i cui dati siano editi. Ai fini di questo studio è di particolare interesse il fatto che in un’ area periferica che circonda la zona occupata dalle abitazioni siano stati rinvenuti una serie di forni e focolari. Anche se non furono raccolti i resti di pasto, il nostro lavoro, sebbene ancora in corso, ci ha permesso di raccogliere una certa quantità di dati riguardanti gli strumenti connessi con la cottura dei cibi, di cui diamo qui una prima anticipazione. E.P.

3 4

337

Orsi 1901, 159-163. Orlandini 1960, 26-33; 1962.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Fornelli di tipo I: 1. Variante A; 2. Variante B; 3. Variante C; 4. Ipotesi ricostruttiva. Fornelli di tipo II: 5. Piastra laterale con attacco di ansa; 6. Piede; 7. Ipotesi ricostruttiva. 8. Fornelli di tipo III.

Variante A: Appendici di forma trapezoidale con sommità arrotondata (Fig. 2:1). Variante B: Appendici di forma trapezoidale con sommità fortemente insellata (Fig. 2:2).

TIPOLOGIA DEI MATERIALI Fornelli Rientrano sotto la denominazione di fornelli alcune forme che si differenziano tra loro per le caratteristiche morfologiche, ma che svolgevano tutte la medesima funzione.

Variante C: Appendici di forma trapezoidale con sommità piana (Fig. 2:3). Tipo II Forma a cassetta rettangolare caratterizzata da un piano orizzontale (‘di cottura’) con fori passanti e due anse che si impostano sui due lati corti verticali (probabilmente una per lato); forse era fornita di quattro bassi piedi (ne é stato identificato uno non in connessione) per permettere una migliore aerazione del fuoco (Fig. 2:5-7).

Distinguiamo tre tipi: Tipo I Corpo di forma troncoconica, cavo all'interno, con appendici trapezoidali impostate sull'orlo, probabilmente nel numero di tre. Nella parte inferiore doveva trovar posto un'apertura per permettere l’aerazione del fuoco sottostante, della quale tuttavia non si é conservata traccia (Fig. 2:4).

Tipo III Forma caratterizzata da una parte inferiore troncoconica, cava all’interno, con fori passanti di piccole dimensioni sulle pareti e ansa verticale a nastro. Manca purtroppo della parte superiore che doveva essere conformata in modo da sostenere il recipiente di cottura (Fig. 2:8).

Sulla base della forma delle appendici, che nella loro forma più complessa (variante B) dovevano rivestire una funzione specifica, distinguiamo tre varianti:

338

ENRICO PROCELLI & FRANCESCAROMANA ALBERGHINA: FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA

Fig. 3. Alari e sostegni: 1-2. Alare di tipo I; 3. Frammenti di alari di tipo II; 4. c.d. Rocchetti; 5. Corno fittile.

Di fattura più accurata rispetto al tipo precedente (Fig. 3:3).

Sostegni da fuoco All’interno della categoria dei sostegni si distinguono gli alari propriamente detti, che svolgono più funzioni di diverso tipo, da altri tipi di sostegni.

Rocchetti

Alari

Oggetti dal corpo cilindrico con strozzatura mediana più o meno pronunciata. La faccia superiore e quella inferiore sono piane o leggermente concave (Fig. 3:4).

Corpo di forma troncoconica, cavo all’interno, con appendici trapezoidali impostate orizzontalmente nella parete anteriore e verticalmente sull’orlo superiore.

Corni fittili Oggetti caratterizzati da un corpo allungato a sezione circolare, più o meno incurvato nella parte superiore, poggiante su una base piana (Fig. 3:5).

Sulla base delle caratteristiche morfologiche e della fattura si distinguono due tipi:

Variante: Piccole bugne di forma troncoconica poste sulla base, ai lati del corno, in genere in numero di due.

Tipo I Corpo troncoconico svasato alle estremità. Sull’orlo sono gli attacchi di due appendici verticali di piccole dimensioni, mentre sulla parete anteriore sono impostate orizzontalmente due appendici di forma grosso modo trapezoidale; ai lati, sono due fori di sfiato simmetrici. Di fattura grossolana (Fig. 3:1-2).

Recipienti da fuoco Rientrano in questa categoria i contenitori utilizzati comunemente per la preparazione dei cibi, posti su supporti o fornelli, oppure a diretto contatto con la fonte di calore.

Tipo II Corpo troncoconico sormontato da due appendici rettangolari sagomate, alquanto pronunciate, poste ai lati di un foro di sfiato. Sulla parete anteriore sono due appendici trapezoidali sagomate impostate orizzontalmente, in genere con la parte superiore piana; nella parte posteriore è invece un’ansa verticale a nastro.

Pentole Si classificano come pentole quei recipienti, utilizzati per la preparazione di alimenti di vario tipo, che sono mantenuti ad una certa distanza dalla fonte di calore da 339

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Recipienti da fuoco. Pentole: 1. Tipo I, variante A; 2. Tipo I, variante B; 3. Tipo II, variante A; 4. Tipo III, variante A (olla); 5. Tipo III, variante B (olla); 6. Teglia. Piastre: 7. Tipo I; 8. Tipo III; 9. Tipo II; 10. Vasi per filtrare o cuocere a vapore. Vasi occasionalmente usati per la cottura: 11. Fondo di pithos; 12. Coppa su piede; 13. Coperchi di bollitoio; 14. Cucchiaio. Elementi di presa: 15. Ansa con fori di raffreddamento; 16. Presa.

sistemi di sospensione o di sostegno. In base alle caratteristiche morfologiche, è opportuno raggruppare questi materiali in tre gruppi distinti.

Tipo III (o olla) Forma chiusa. Corpo più o meno globulare. Sulla base delle caratteristiche morfologiche si distinguono:

Tipo I Forma aperta. Vasca troncoconica con presa a piastra forata impostata sull’orlo o immediatamente sotto. Si distinguono due varianti:

Variante A: Orlo assottigliato, labbro rientrante; presa semicircolare impostata orizzontalmente sotto l’orlo (Fig. 4:4). Variante B: Orlo assottigliato, labbro diritto. Piccola presa (o bugna) di forma trapezoidale con estremità arrotondate e foro passante (Fig. 4:5).

Variante A: Vasca profonda a pareti tese; presa trapezoidale a piastra forata sopraelevata rispetto all’orlo e inclinata verso l’esterno (Fig. 4:1).

Teglie Variante B: Vasca a pareti curvilinee con labbro indistinto leggermente rientrante; presa trapezoidale a piastra forata impostata orizzontalmente poco sotto l’orlo e non sopraelevata (Fig. 4:2).

Rientrano in questo gruppo i recipienti da cucina con pareti molto basse e fondo piano, privi (stando almeno ai materiali a nostra disposizione) di elementi di presa. Possono essere poste direttamente sulla fonte di calore (Fig. 4:6).

Tipo II (o scodella) Forma aperta. Vasca più profonda rispetto al ‘tipo I’; pareti a profilo curvilineo:

Piastre Si classificano come piastre quelle forme piane, o a vasca poco profonda, poste a diretto contatto con la fonte di calore. In base alle caratteristiche morfologiche si distinguono due diversi tipi.

Variante A: Presa a piastra rettangolare con sommità insellata, impostata sull’orlo (Fig. 4:3).

340

ENRICO PROCELLI & FRANCESCAROMANA ALBERGHINA: FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA Tipo I Corpo discoidale piano con orlo arrotondato (Fig. 4:7).

calore. In ogni caso, la presenza di anse indica che si trattava di oggetti mobili.

Tipo II Vasca troncoconica poco profonda, con pareti a profilo rettilineo lisciate soltanto nella parte interna (mentre le pareti esterne recano segni di esposizione ad alte temperature) (Fig. 4:9).

Per quanto riguarda i fornelli, nel caso del ‘tipo I’, il contenitore doveva essere poggiato tra le appendici sormontanti l’orlo del fornello, in modo da creare un vuoto, tra vaso e fornello, che permettesse l’aerazione interna. Tra le tre varianti individuate solo quella indicata come ‘B’ sembra avere una diversità di uso rispetto alle altre due: il fatto che, in alcuni esemplari, la parte superiore di queste appendici sia fortemente insellata, farebbe pensare infatti ad un possibile alloggiamento per spiedi di piccole dimensioni.

Tipo III Vasca leggermente concava con presa a piastra impostata sull’orlo (Fig. 4:8). Coperchi di bollitoio

Appartengono ad un tipo differente gli esemplari di forma quadrangolare con piano poggiante su bassi piedi; sul piano di cottura doveva essere una serie di larghi fori per permettere il passaggio del calore, mentre le maniglie impostate sui due lati corti ne consentivano lo spostamento.

Forma caratterizzata da un corpo a pareti troncoconiche, con orlo arrotondato e appiattito e piccoli fori passanti; cavi all’interno (Fig. 4:13). Vasi per filtrare o cuocere a vapore

Il ‘tipo III’ infine comprende una forma a pareti troncoconiche con piccoli fori passanti e ansa verticale che, per le dimensioni ridotte rispetto agli esemplari precedenti, farebbe pensare ad un uso limitato a contenitori più piccoli che dovevano essere poggiati direttamente sulla parete superiore (che tuttavia, nell’unico esemplare a nostra disposizione, non si è conservata).

Forma caratterizzata da un corpo a pareti curvilinee con fori passanti di piccole dimensioni (Fig. 4:10). Elementi di presa All’interno di questa categoria inseriamo quegli esemplari di anse e prese non attribuibili a forme ben precise e che, per il luogo di rinvenimento e per particolari caratteristiche, possono essere considerati tra i materiali destinati alla preparazione di cibi.

Mentre i fornelli stavano direttamente sulla fonte di calore, i supporti vi potevano essere posti sia ai lati sia al di sopra. Rientrano in questa categoria gli alari che, come sostegni, dovevano essere utilizzati almeno in coppia in modo che il vaso potesse essere poggiato sulle appendici orizzontali. Gli esemplari compresi nel ‘tipo I’, per la forma cilindrica e per la presenza di due fori di areazione ai lati, sembrano aver avuto anche la funzione di fornelli; in tal caso, le due appendici laterali potevano fungere da elementi di presa.5

Anse Anse verticali a sezione ovale con fori di raffreddamento non passanti (Fig. 4:15). Prese Prese di forma trapezoidale con estremità arrotondate (Fig. 4:16). Cucchiai

Differente è invece il caso degli alari inclusi nel ‘tipo II’, che tuttavia a Manfria sono rappresentati da frammenti di appendici che, per la forma e la fattura accurata, rimandano ad un esemplare proveniente da Gela, conservato quasi per intero. La forma del corpo è troncoconica, con nella parte superiore due appendici verticali piuttosto pronunciate, poste ai lati di un foro di sfiato. Anche per gli alari di questo tipo si può pensare ad una doppia funzione dato che, oltre a fungere da sostegno per i recipienti da cottura, potevano essere utilizzati come sostegni di spiedi, alloggiati tra le due appendici superiori.6

Anche se non facente parte della ceramica da fuoco, si presenta un cucchiaio, probabilmente utilizzato nella preparazione del cibo, in quanto questo tipo di utensile era noto finora solo da contesti dell’età del Rame. Di forma ovale a sezione concavo/convessa con manico (Fig. 4:14). ASPETTI FUNZIONALI

Nell’analisi degli aspetti funzionali delle diverse forme impiegate nei processi di preparazione dei cibi, iniziamo con quegli oggetti il cui compito era quello di tenere sospeso il vaso sulla fonte di calore durante la cottura.

All’interno della classe dei sostegni sono stati inseriti anche i rocchetti fittili, comunemente associati ad altre attività. Si tratta, nel nostro caso, di esemplari di forma

Assolvono a questa funzione sia i sostegni propriamente detti sia i fornelli, che, a differenza dei primi, comprendevano al loro interno l’alloggio per la fonte di

5 6

341

Orlandini 1962, 86. Sheffer 1981, 76-77.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI USI ALIMENTARI

piuttosto tozza e robusta, con segni di contatto con il fuoco su una delle facce. Questi oggetti erano posti probabilmente sulla fonte di calore in numero minimo di tre e su di essi erano poggiati i contenitori per la cottura. Un uso simile sembra potesse essere riservato anche ai corni fittili, considerati comunemente come oggetti rituali, caratterizzati anch’essi, a Manfria, dalla presenza di colpi di fuoco alla base. Naturalmente un’ipotesi di questo tipo andrebbe supportata da un’indagine approfondita sugli esemplari provenienti da altri siti, tuttavia va sottolineato che ben il 62,5% degli esemplari rinvenuti a Manfria provengono dall’area dei forni e dei focolari (senza considerare nel computo quelli rinvenuti negli scarichi e quelli del saggio Lavore, la cui particolare situazione richiederebbe un’analisi più accurata).

Tecniche di cottura Dai non moltissimi dati a nostra disposizione si possono ricavare alcune considerazioni sugli usi alimentari della comunità di Manfria in particolare, e su quelle della facies di Castelluccio in generale, soprattutto se ad essa riportiamo i dati sulla composizione delle specie vegetali e animali individuate in altri villaggi di questa facies e soprattutto tra i resti di pasto della Muculufa, villaggio posto a circa 8 km più ad Ovest di quello che stiamo esaminando. La doppia funzione dei fornelli di tipo I B e degli alari di tipo II ci rivela l’uso di arrostire il cibo tramite spiedi. Quelli di dimensioni minori erano probabilmente utilizzati per carne tagliata in pezzi più piccoli o forse anche per qualche vegetale, secondo un uso largamente presente tra popolazioni, non soltanto primitive. Quelli più grandi erano probabilmente destinati alla cottura di pezzi di carne più consistenti se non di animali giovanissimi o di piccola taglia cotti interi.

Per quanto riguarda invece i contenitori destinati alla cottura dei cibi, a parte la diversa collocazione rispetto alla fonte di calore, abbiamo utilizzato il termine generico di pentole per indicare i recipienti utilizzati per alimenti di diversa natura la cui preparazione richiedeva una notevole componente liquida. Sotto la denominazione di teglie, invece, sono compresi i contenitori che servivano per la cottura di cibi per lo più solidi, per la cui preparazione la componente liquida era notevolmente ridotta, se non del tutto assente. Una funzione analoga era ricoperta dalle piastre, piani di cottura fissi o mobili (come suggerisce la presenza di prese) che, posti a diretto contatto con la fonte di calore, dovevano servire principalmente per arrostire cibi solidi.

Le pentole erano probabilmente destinate alla cottura di cibi comprendenti una parte preponderante di liquido la cui parte solida poteva essere sia vegetale sia animale. Le teglie sarebbero state destinate a cibi in cui la parte liquida era minoritaria rispetto a quella solida. Le piastre, poste direttamente sul fuoco, erano probabilmente utilizzate per la cottura di cibi essenzialmente solidi come focacce et similia. La lavorazione del latte è attestata sia dalla presenza di coperchi di bollitoio del tipo più antico, quello cioè troncoconico, sia, come vedremo, dai dati provenienti dallo studio dei resti di animali.

Tra i materiali di Manfria non mancano frammenti di pareti con numerosi fori di piccole dimensioni attribuibili a coperchi di bollitoio, destinati alla lavorazione del latte. Resta invece da verificare l’ipotesi dell’uso della cottura a vapore, alla quale rimanderebbero i pochi frammenti di pareti curvilinee con fori passanti di piccole dimensioni, che tuttavia potrebbero essere intesi anche come vasi per filtrare.

Un aspetto che merita attenzione e una ulteriore verifica è quello che riguarda l’uso di vasi-filtro che potevano essere usati per la cottura a vapore e forse anche per la preparazione di bevande fermentate.

Vanno inseriti tra i vasi da cucina anche alcuni frammenti, pertinenti a vasi su piede e pithoi, rinvenuti nei forni e nei focolari che, per la presenza di segni di contatto con il fuoco, farebbero pensare ad un uso occasionale per la cottura di alimenti.

Alimenti I dati a nostra disposizione sugli alimenti consumati delle popolazioni dell’antico Bronzo siciliano se sono soddisfacenti per quanto riguarda la componente carnea sono scarsissimi per la componente vegetale, che pure doveva avere una notevole importanza. Per quest’ultima infatti disponiamo solo dei pochi dati della Muculufa.7 Essi indicano la presenza di graminacee come l’avena, l’orzo, il frumento (Triticum spelta e Triticum dicoccum) e di una leguminosa, la fava. Le prime si prestavano ovviamente alla produzione di pane e focacce e tutte insieme alla preparazione di minestre.

Per concludere, va ricordata la presenza di numerosi elementi di presa con colpi di fuoco rinvenuti in aree di focolare ma non associabili a nessuna forma in particolare; tra questi suscitano particolare interesse delle anse con profondi fori non passanti la cui funzione era probabilmente quella di far abbassare la temperatura e facilitare l’impugnatura del vaso a cottura ultimata. F.A.

Siamo meglio informati sull’uso alimentare della carne visto che disponiamo di dati, sia pure in gran parte parziali, provenienti da otto siti, tra cui due 7

342

Costantini 1990, 66-67.

ENRICO PROCELLI & FRANCESCAROMANA ALBERGHINA: FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA

Fig. 5. Planimetria del villaggio di Manfria (rielaborazione da Orlandini 1962). I. Area delle capanne: Ia. gruppo maggiore (capanne 4-9); Ib. gruppo minore (capanne 1-3); II. Area dei forni e focolari; III. Area degli scarichi. dieta carnea doveva essere accessorio o, come vedremo, legato a funzioni sociali o cultuali. È questo il motivo per cui gli individui maschi erano per lo più macellati giovani, mentre le femmine e alcuni maschi, evidentemente utilizzati per la fecondazione, lo erano alla fine della vita riproduttiva.8 Una certa quantità di carne era fornita dalla caccia, soprattutto al cervo. Quasi inesistenti sono i dati sui modi di cottura delle carni, l’unico di cui disponiamo, proveniente dal coevo villaggio di Monte Grande (Palma di Montechiaro, Agrigento) a circa 43 km in linea d’aria verso Ovest da

particolarmente vicini al villaggio di Manfria, la già citata Muculufa e Poggio Biddini, sito a circa 25 km a Est di Manfria. Considerando il numero degli individui presenti e la quantità di carne fornita da ogni specie, i maggiori fornitori erano i bovini che venivano macellati soprattutto tra l’anno e mezzo e i 3 anni di vita, rari i casi di macellazione oltre i 5-7 anni. Seguono i suini, il cui allevamento aveva il solo scopo di fornire una riserva di carne, che erano macellati giovani o al raggiungimento del peso economicamente conveniente. I caprovini, che forniscono una quantità di carne limitata rispetto alle specie precedenti, erano allevati probabilmente per la produzione del latte e della lana e il loro apporto alla

8

343

Villari 1995, 251-254.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Manfria, è una cosiddetta brulure d’extrémité,9 indicante la “cottura per arrostimento sulle braci o all’interno di un recipiente privo di acqua”.

il cibo14, e ben il 43 % dei vasi per bere rinvenuti entro tutte le abitazione del villaggio. Mi sembra che questo sia un dato sufficiente per ritenere che in questa capanna si svolgessero attività sociali non ordinarie, in qualche modo connesse con il consumo di cibo. In ogni caso essa fu utilizzata soprattutto come abitazione, in quanto vi si rinvennero, oltre ad attrezzi per la produzione e manipolazione del cibo (macinelli, lame, etc.), anche quelli riguardanti la normale attività domestica (fuseruole, punteruoli, vario strumentario litico). Un po’ diversa è la situazione della capanna 915 che, pur essendo di poco più piccola della capanna 3, sembra essere la più importante per la posizione occupata e per la sua pianta. Essa è la sola ad essere in stretta relazione con un forno tra i maggiori tra quelli presenti nel villaggio. All’interno della capanna si rinvennero abbondanti frammenti di coppe su piede e di tazze-attingitoio, che rimandano ad attività analoghe a quelle della capanna precedente, con qualche significativa differenza: la presenza ad esempio di contenitori medi (anfore) e grandi,16 la grande quantità di lame in selce e di macine e macinelli e l’assenza di strumenti che possono indicare una normale attività domestica. È molto probabile che in questa capanna probabilmente nell’ambito di qualche tipo di riunioni, si conservassero, preparassero, distribuissero e consumassero I cibi che erano stati cotti nel grande forno I. E.P.

L’uso del latte, sotto forma di alimento naturale o trasformato è attestato oltre che dall’età di macellazione dei bovini e dei capriovini, anche dalla presenza di coperchi di bollitoio. Un’importante osservazione sull’uso sociale di determinati alimenti ci è fornito dal villaggio della Muculufa. Per questo sito disponiamo di dati provenienti sia dall’abitato sia da una zona elevata sistemata a terrazza, chiamata dagli scavatori ‘il santuario’.10 Si tratta di un’area indubbiamente delegata a riunioni della comunità, quale che ne fosse il significato sia esso sociale o religioso, anche se si può supporre che in una società di questo tipo i due aspetti non siano facilmente scindibili. Anche se i dati dell’abitato sono alquanto esigui quelli del c.d. ‘santuario’ sono abbastanza cospicui e indicano una presenza percentuale di capriovini del 80,89%, a fronte del 10,67% dei suini, del 3,93% dei bovini e del 2,8% della cacciagione. Inoltre la relativa mancanza di arti inferiori dei caprovini suggerisce una scelta delle parti del corpo. È chiaro che le cerimonie tenute in quest’area prevedevano il consumo quasi esclusivo dei capriovini, macellati nell’ 81,32% dei casi al di sotto dei tre anni (nel 34,33% entro il primo anno di vita, dato che caratterizza i depositi rituali).11

NOTE È interessante notare come i dati sui resti di pasto provenienti dal sito di Monte Grande, considerato dallo scavatore un santuario, siano significativamente omologhi a quelli disponibili per gli abitati, piuttosto che a quelli del ‘santuario’ della Muculufa.12

Gli autori sono grati al prof. P. Orlandini che con generosità ha dato il suo assenso alla studio dei materiali, ai direttori che si sono susseguiti alla guida del Museo di Gela, dott.e R. Panvini e M. C. Lentini che hanno agevolato in ogni modo il lavoro e il personale di custodia per la fattiva collaborazione, al prof. R. Leighton per la traduzione del riassunto. I disegni sono degli autori ad eccezione delle ricostruzioni alla figure 1, 4 e 7 che sono di O. Procelli.

L’importanza sociale del pasto è anche documentata a Manfria sia dai dati disponibili dalla capanna 3, la più grande del villaggio,13 sia dallo stretto rapporto tra la capanna 9, la seconda in ordine di grandezza, e il forno I (Fig. 5). Ambedue le strutture, per la loro posizione topografica, sembrano avere una posizione preminente nell’ambito del villaggio, in particolare nel secondo caso. Dalla prima proviene una gran quantità di ossa “più che in ogni altra capanna del villaggio”, ma anche il 21 % delle coppe su piede, probabilmente usate per consumare

BIBLIOGRAFIA

Adamesteanu, D. & P. Orlandini, 1956. Gela. Ritrovamenti vari. NSc, 203-401. Bedini, E., 1998. I reperti faunistici del deposito votivo del Bronzo Antico di Monte Grande, in: G. Castellana, Il santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e l’approvvigionamento dello zolfo nel Mediterraneo nell’età del Bronzo. Palermo, 432-458. Bernabò Brea, L., 1976-77. Eolie, Sicilia e Malta nell’età del bronzo. Kokalos 22-23, 33-99.

9

Bedini 1998, 454. Holloway et alii 1990, 11-67. Wilkens 1995, 201-207. 12 Bedini 1998, 432-458; dove a p. 453 l’autrice nota la scarsezza di individui macellati giovanissimi “che in genere caratterizzano i depositi votivi o rituali”. 13 Bisogna considerare che nel computo dell’area di questa capanna sono incluse ‘tre nicchie o ambienti semicircolari’ (Orlandini 1962, 23) che a giudicare dai fori per palo di diametro minore a quelli del corpo principale e, in alcuni casi, ad andamento obliquo, potrebbero indicare la presenza di quelli che con termine moderno si chiamerebbero ‘vani non abitabili’. Resta comunque il fatto che la pianta quadrangolare di questa capanna è unica a Manfria e piuttosto rara nei villaggi di questa facies. 10 11

14

Questa forma aveva probabilmente la funzione di contenitore o supporto per i cibi. Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1972, 193, osservazione valida anche se si fa riferimento a materiale di età immediatamente successiva. 15 Orlandini 1962, 40-45. 16 Purtroppo per questa capanna ci mancano i dati quantitativi sulla ceramica che sarebbero stati molto interessanti. Ci ripromettiamo di provvedere a questa mancanza.

344

ENRICO PROCELLI & FRANCESCAROMANA ALBERGHINA: FOCOLARI, FORNELLI E CERAMICA DA CUCINA Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1972. Meligunìs Lipára. III. Stazioni preistoriche delle isole Panarea, Salina e Stromboli. Palermo. Costantini, L., 1990. La Muculufa, the Early Bronze Age sanctuary: the Early Bronze Age village (excavations of 1982 and 1983). VIII. Report of vegetal remains collected in Castelluccian Strata of the village in 1988. RAArtLouvain 23, 66-67. Holloway, R.R. et al., 1990. La Muculufa, the Early Bronze Age sanctuary: the Early Bronze Age village (excavations of 1982 and 1983). RAArtLouvain 23, 11-67. Orlandini, P., 1960. Scavo di un villaggio della prima età del bronzo a Manfria, presso Gela. Kokalos 6, 26-33. Orlandini, P., 1962. Il villaggio preistorico di Manfria. Palermo. Orsi, P., 1899. Pantelleria, risultati di una missione archeologica. MonAnt 9, 449-540. Orsi, P., 1901. I Siculi della regione gelese. BPI 27, 153163. Orsi, P., 1923. Villaggio, officina litica e necropoli del I° periodo siculo a Monte Salia, presso Canicarao (Siracusa). BPI 43, 3-26. Scheffer, C., 1981. Acquarossa II, 1. Cooking and cooking stands in Italy 1400-400 BC (= Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae, s. 4°, XXXVIII: II, 1). Stockholm. Tiné, S., 1960-61. Giacimenti dell'età del rame in Sicilia e la cultura tipo “Conca d’oro”. BPI 69-70 (ns 13), 113-151. Villari, P., 1995. Le faune della tarda preistoria nella Sicilia orientale. Palermo. Wilkens, B., 1995. Animali da contesti rituali nella preistoria dell’Italia centro-meridionale, in: Atti del primo Convegno Nazionale di Archeozoologia (= Padusa Quaderni, 1). Rovigo, 201-207.

345

LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE: LE CASE DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA NEL QUADRO DELLA PROTOSTORIA ITALIANA Andrea Dolfini Abstract: This paper analyses the cultural structuring of a protohistoric house with a particular focus on the functional, behavioural, perceptive and symbolic organization of the domestic space. The study originates from an analysis of all the finds discovered in dwelling n. 2 of Sorgenti della Nova, a Late Bronze Age settlement located in South Etruria. Dwelling n. 2 is a huge elliptical hut with gully foundations, abandoned by the inhabitants during the later phase of the Italian Final Bronze Age (10th century BC). The functional analysis of the finds and the examination of the traces of some internal partitions preserved in the tufa allow the reconstruction of the spatial organization of a proto-Etruscan house. It is possible to suggest a complex internal partition of the house, based on a functional subdivision into three rooms: the back room has been used to store food and keep cooking and eating pottery; the side room might have been a sleeping room, according to ethnographic evidence of huts used by charcoal-burners and shepherds in Central Italy until a few years ago; the living area seems to be located in the central room, where a specialized craft activity such as spinning also took place. Finally the paper deals with some cultural conventions involved in the spatial setting of the house, which are especially based on behavioural and perceptive aspects, in order to identify the relationship between the domestic space and the social structure of a proto-urban community in ancient Italy.

INTRODUZIONE

La definizione di casa dipende invece dall’approccio teoretico e dagli strumenti metodologici in dotazione allo studioso: si può infatti indagare una casa in una prospettiva socio-psicologica, comportamentale, simbolica, affettiva o altro ancora, anche se naturalmente uno spazio abitativo comprende in sé, integrandoli, tutti i diversi livelli di analisi.3 In ogni caso un approccio normativo al problema porta generalmente alla creazione di categorizzazioni teoriche, che difficilmente possono essere calate in maniera significativa nel contesto analizzato: è infatti il contesto, che sia sociale, materiale o definito in base ad altri parametri, a determinare il significato e di conseguenza la definizione di casa.4 Sembra allora preferibile servirsi di una definizione più generale, il cui significato sarà poi precisato in base agli elementi e ai parametri utilizzati in un determinato caso di studio. Pertanto in questa sede l’abitazione sarà semplicemente intesa come living space, secondo quanto proposto da Laura Domanico in relazione all’insediamento di Sorgenti della Nova, dove con il termine space si sottolinea l’ambito fisico dell’azione, con living quello concettuale e temporale.5

Ricostruire l’organizzazione dello spazio abitativo è un problema che investe numerosi campi d’indagine. Se è vero che l’archeologia della casa indaga allo stesso tempo le strutture architettoniche e i manufatti mobili, è però altrettanto vero che questi rappresentano soltanto passaggi intermedi della ricerca, indispensabili ma non sufficienti, mentre il fine ultimo dell’indagine è costituito dalle modalità e dalle strategie di occupazione della casa messe in atto dai suoi abitanti, in rapporto dialettico col gruppo umano di cui erano parte:1 l’archeologia della casa è dunque un ambito non secondario per la ricostruzione del mondo antico, in particolare negli aspetti che riguardano il comportamento umano, i modelli culturali di riferimento e l’organizzazione sociale. Nell’affrontare una simile tematica è però necessario, per prima cosa, stabilire che cos’è una casa. Una definizione basata esclusivamente sulle caratteristiche morfologiche dell’edificio, sebbene sia di gran lunga la più comune, è del tutto inadeguata a rendere ragione della complessità dei significati sottesi alla strutturazione dello spazio abitativo di una comunità umana. Il rischio implicito in un simile approccio consiste nel limitarsi a una mera descrizione della casa, tralasciandone in tutto o in parte gli aspetti più schiettamente interpretativi. Vi è inoltre il pericolo, come sottolineato sia da R. Samson sia da L. Domanico, di cadere in una semplicistica prospettiva evoluzionistica, tanto più in un periodo – la fine del II e l’inizio del I millennio a.C. – in cui si assiste in tutta l’Etruria a un generale cambiamento nella forma e nel materiale da costruzione degli edifici: un processo definito, in termini evolutivi, come il passaggio dalla ‘capanna’ alla ‘casa’.2

Tale definizione sembra adattarsi particolarmente bene, come si vedrà nelle pagine seguenti, sia all’organizzazione funzionale delle abitazioni di questo insediamento, sia soprattutto alla strutturazione sociale dello spazio abitativo: l’ambiente costruito6 può infatti essere visto come un riflesso dell’universo socio-culturale di un gruppo umano, anche se naturalmente le modalità di un tale ‘rispecchiamento’ sono strettamente dipendenti dal contesto di cui l’abitazione fa parte.7 Senza un’adeguata conoscenza di quest’ultimo non è infatti possibile analizzare le attività praticate negli spazi 3

Buttimer 1980, 25-26; Engelstad 1991, 49-50. Bailey 1990, 23-24. Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001, 347. Si veda a questo proposito anche la definizione di D.W. Bailey (1990, 24), che intende la casa come “repeated action in one location in a social context”. 6 Per il concetto di built environment si veda Sanders 1990. 7 Engelstad 1991, 50. 4 5

1

Bailey 1990. Samson 1990, 4; Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001, 344-347; Izzet 2001. 2

346

ANDREA DOLFINI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE

Fig. 1. Localizzazione del sito di Sorgenti della Nova in Italia centrale, al confine tra Lazio e Toscana. sottolineare il carattere multifunzionale di tali settori dell’abitato, dove si concentrano, in spazi non più ampi di poche centinaia di metri quadrati, le strutture destinate alla maggior parte delle attività domestiche: lo stoccaggio delle derrate, la preparazione e la cottura dei cibi, il consumo dei pasti, lo smaltimento dei rifiuti, alcune attività artigianali quali soprattutto la filatura e la tessitura, l’adempimento di obblighi rituali/cultuali ed altro ancora.10

abitativi e le strutture deputate al loro svolgimento in termini sistemici, che è il solo modo per giungere a una ricostruzione significante della società antica.8 LE STRUTTURE ABITATIVE DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA Le abitazioni di Sorgenti della Nova, un vasto insediamento su rupe posto nel cuore dell’Etruria meridionale (Fig. 1) e occupato nel Bronzo Finale – tra XI e X secolo a.C. secondo la cronologia tradizionale – costituiscono un ambito privilegiato per una simile indagine: dopo quasi 30 anni di scavi sistematici conosciamo in maniera molto dettagliata l’organizzazione ‘urbanistica’ di questo insediamento, che risponde a criteri rigidamente strutturati e ricorrenti. L’aspetto forse più caratteristico è dato dall’urbanizzazione sistematica dei fianchi della rupe, che sono stati artificialmente terrazzati per impiantarvi grandi abitazioni ellittiche realizzate in materiale deperibile. Alle loro spalle si aprono numerose grotte artificiali con funzione residenziale, di servizio o adibite a luogo di culto. Negli spazi liberi tra le grotte e le capanne si trovano le strutture di servizio quali forni, focolari e recinzioni: si tratta dunque di un ben preciso ‘modulo abitativo’ che si ripete pressoché identico sia sul versante settentrionale sia su quello meridionale della rupe (Fig. 2:A).9 E’ importante

Negli anni passati lo studio delle abitazioni di Sorgenti della Nova si è basato soprattutto sulla comprensione degli spazi fisici, in senso sia tipologico che funzionale, e sulla ricostruzione degli alzati delle strutture. Fin dalle prime campagne di scavo si era infatti capito che la ‘conquista della terza dimensione’, rappresentata dalle soluzioni tecniche adottate dai costruttori nell’erigere le case – dunque dall’analisi delle volumetrie e non solo delle planimetrie – costituiva un presupposto essenziale alla comprensione dello spazio vissuto di una comunità del passato.11 L’analisi si è concentrata in particolare sui solo, si vedano Notiziari di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria; Cardosa & Milanesio Macrì 2000; Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001; Dolfini 2002a; 2002b; Negroni Catacchio & Cardosa infra. 10 Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001, tab. 4. 11 In anticipo rispetto al mainstream degli studi di ambito preprotostorico in Italia, dove anzi il pionieristico studio etno-archeologico, svolto tra la fine degli anni ’70 e l’inizio degli anni ’80 dall’équipe di ricerca guidata da N. Negroni Catacchio ha influenzato positivamente molti lavori successivi, non soltanto in area etrusco-laziale. Nonostante lo si consideri generalmente un dato acquisito, l’importanza dell’indagine tridimensionale dello spazio abitativo rappresenta una conquista non trascurabile per molti archeologi (Brocato & Galluccio

8

Rapoport 1990, 9. Gli scavi di Sorgenti della Nova sono condotti dall’Università degli Studi di Milano e diretti dal 1976 da Nuccia Negroni Catacchio. Cfr. Sorgenti Nova 1981; Sorgenti Nova 1995, con bibl. prec. Per aggiornamenti sulle ultime campagne di scavo e sulle più recenti prospettive di studio e interpretazione delle strutture, abitative e non 9

347

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI fattori considerati da D. Sanders ‘fissati dalle condizioni naturali’ (naturally fixed determinants), ossia il clima e la topografia del luogo, e sui ‘fattori flessibili’ (flexible determinants), ossia i materiali disponibili, il livello tecnologico e le risorse economiche, la cui interazione determina, con gradi di condizionamento variabili, le scelte insediative e costruttive di un gruppo umano.12 L’influenza di tali fattori sui modelli abitativi è stata indagata incrociando tre diverse serie di dati: un’attenta lettura sul campo della stratigrafia e delle strutture conservatesi nel banco tufaceo, l’analisi delle rappresentazioni di case coeve – costituite quasi esclusivamente dalle urne a capanna diffuse in area etrusco-laziale – e un’indagine etno-archeologica delle capanne costruite fino ad epoca recente da pastori e carbonai nella Maremma laziale. Tale indagine ha consentito di proporre una ricostruzione della maggior parte delle strutture abitative e di servizio di Sorgenti della Nova, già edita in diverse sedi e complessivamente ben nota.13

feti e neonati di maiale, rinvenuti in gran numero nella cavità superiore.16 Tra le grotte maggiori sono collocate alcune nicchie-focolare (grotte 14bis, 15bis e nicchia) e un forno in cotto incassato nella roccia (forno 2). Nell’area antistante le grotte sorgevano due abitazioni a pianta ellittica con fondazione su canalette (abitazioni 1 e 2), di cui si sono conservate le tracce lasciate dagli elementi di fondazione sul piano di roccia (Fig. 2:A). La prima abitazione si è preservata soltanto in minima parte, poiché sorgeva in una zona quasi completamente franata a valle in seguito all’abbandono dell’insediamento. La seconda è invece meglio conservata, sia nelle strutture di fondazione sia nella sequenza stratigrafica, cosicché è possibile ricostruire con buona approssimazione la planimetria complessiva dell’edificio. La canaletta perimetrale, prolungata nella parte terminale da un allineamento di cinque buchi di palo, ospitava la parete dell’abitazione 2, interrompendosi solamente sul lato breve sud-occidentale, dove era probabilmente posto l’ingresso. Tre buchi di palo di dimensioni e profondità notevoli, da ipotizzarsi anche al di là dell’asse di simmetria, sostenevano le travi di colmo del tetto, dividendo l’ambiente in tre navate. Tale abitazione, orientata in senso NE-SO, era originariamente lunga almeno 11 m e larga 8 m, con una superficie interna di circa 70 mq.

Soltanto in anni recenti è stato preso in esame l’influsso esercitato dai fattori ‘fissati culturalmente’ (culturally fixed determinants), per utilizzare ancora la terminologia di D. Sanders, ossia la funzione e le convenzioni culturali, elementi che ancor più dei precedenti condizionano le scelte architettoniche e la pianificazione dello spazio abitativo di una comunità.14 Tale analisi ha interessato però l’insediamento nel suo complesso, senza indagare in dettaglio la strutturazione interna degli spazi abitativi e i significati espressi attraverso di essa. Lo studio integrale, edito recentemente da chi scrive, di una delle grandi abitazioni a pianta ellittica di Sorgenti della Nova, l’abitazione 2 del settore III,15 permette ora di approfondire ulteriormente gli spunti interpretativi offerti in quella sede.

All’interno buchi di palo e canalette testimoniano una complessa organizzazione dello spazio abitativo: un tramezzo ligneo delimitava un ambiente sul lato orientale, cui si accedeva da un’apertura centrale. Un’altra canaletta, situata in posizione più avanzata, attesta con ogni probabilità un episodio di ristrutturazione del medesimo ambiente, che risultava così più ampio e con un differente punto d’accesso. Altre strutture erano addossate alla parete per tutta la lunghezza dell’abitazione, mentre non è chiaro se la canaletta più interna rappresenti un’ulteriore parete o più probabilmente la traccia di un’abitazione precedente (Fig. 2:B).

UN CASO DI STUDIO: L’ABITAZIONE A PIANTA ELLITTICA N. 2 Il III settore di scavo comprende un’ampia porzione di un terrazzamento artificiale realizzato in epoca protostorica sul fianco settentrionale della rupe, a circa mezza costa. Nella parete di fondo del terrazzamento si aprono alcune grotte, anch’esse artificiali, utilizzate come abitazioni (grotta 13), come strutture di servizio (grotta 12) o come luogo di culto (grotte 10-11), secondo l’interpretazione nata dall’analisi dei frammenti ossei di

Secondo la ricostruzione proposta,17 la struttura della casa era costituita da pali posti a distanza ravvicinata, che sostenevano una parete realizzata in pertiche di legno elastico o canne palustri. L’intelaiatura ottenuta era rivestita da diversi strati di materiale vegetale, così come il tetto, sostenuto da coppie di grossi pali portanti che reggevano una capriata. Tale accorgimento permetteva di realizzare una soprelevazione centrale che creava due lucernari contrapposti, come attestato in numerose urne a capanna (Fig. 2:C).18

2001, 300), per i quali l’analisi esclusiva delle planimetrie rappresenta un habitus mentale di cui ancor oggi faticano a liberarsi. Si veda a questo proposito il pur ottimo lavoro di D.W. Bailey (1990) che, nonostante dia per scontata la necessità di un approccio tridimensionale allo studio della casa (ibid., 23), di fatto analizza l’insediamento di Ovčarovo (Bulgaria) in una prospettiva esclusivamente bidimensionale. 12 Sanders 1990. 13 Sorgenti Nova 1981; Modi 1988; Sorgenti Nova 1995; Negroni Catacchio & Miari 1995; Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 1995; Massari & Setti 2000; Negroni Catacchio & Cardosa infra. 14 Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001. 15 Dolfini 2002a.

16

De Grossi Mazzorin 1998; Cardosa & Milanesio Macrì 2000; De Grossi Mazzorin & Minniti 2002. 17 Sorgenti Nova 1995; Dolfini 2002a. 18 Bartoloni et al. 1987. Si veda anche la ricostruzione della casa della I età del Ferro di Fidene: Fidene 1998; Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2001.

348

ANDREA DOLFINI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE

Fig. 2. A: Sorgenti della Nova, settore III. Planimetria delle strutture (da Sorgenti Nova 1995); B: Abitazione a pianta ellittica n. 2. Ipotesi di ricostruzione della planimetria e delle suddivisioni interne. Le lettere indicano i tre ambienti in cui è suddivisa l’abitazione, le frecce i punti d’ingresso (da Dolfini 2002a); C: Abitazione a pianta ellittica n. 2. Ipotesi di ricostruzione dell’alzato (da Sorgenti Nova 1995); D: Diametro all’orlo, espresso in millimetri, dei recipienti ovoidi rinvenuti a Sorgenti della Nova.

349

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI chiamiamo olle.23 Riguardo a queste ultime la frequente presenza di fiammate e resti carbonizzati in prossimità del fondo testimonia un loro uso preponderante, anche se certamente non esclusivo, come pentole da fuoco.

Analisi funzionale dello spazio abitativo: la distribuzione dei reperti L’analisi funzionale dello spazio interno dell’abitazione 2 deve necessariamente procedere dalla comprensione della destinazione d’uso dei manufatti rinvenuti sul piano pavimentale. Tale processo non è però né semplice né immediato, poiché richiede il passaggio da un livello puramente formale, tassonomico dell’analisi tipologica, che è il solo comunemente praticato dalla maggior parte degli archeologi, a un più complesso livello interpretativo, che miri a comprendere la funzione cui erano destinati gli oggetti. E’ dunque indispensabile superare i procedimenti di mera classificazione dei manufatti, intesa come l’imposizione a posteriori di un ordine da parte di chi conduce l’analisi, per giungere alla ricostruzione della tipologia, da intendersi invece come la ricerca dei modelli di riferimento utilizzati dai gruppi umani del passato, con tutte le difficoltà e i limiti che uno studio di tal genere comporta.19 Secondo la terminologia mutuata dalla linguistica, almeno nell’accezione comunemente utilizzata nella nostra disciplina, si tratta di muovere da un approccio etico a uno emico,20 un passaggio tanto più arduo per l’archeologo preistorico in quanto non dispone dell’informatore, di cui si serve l’antropologo o l’etnologo, e nemmeno di una fonte storica o storicoartistica che possa prenderne il posto, come talvolta può accadere all’archeologo classico.21

L’olla ovoide è un caso esemplare di come forma e funzione potessero non coincidere affatto nel modello mentale dei produttori e dei fruitori di un tipo specifico di recipiente, e dunque nelle convenzioni culturali e comportamentali accettate dal gruppo sociale di cui entrambi facevano parte: in questo caso infatti un’unica forma vascolare veniva adattata a funzioni anche molto diverse. Un’ulteriore conferma è data dall’utilizzo del medesimo recipiente in attività manifatturiere altamente specializzate, quali l’estrazione del sale e forse la salatura del pesce, nei siti costieri diffusi nella prima età del Ferro lungo tutta la costa tosco-laziale, i cosiddetti ‘giacimenti con olle ad impasto rossiccio’.24 Altre forme vascolari resistono tenacemente a tutti i tentativi di analisi funzionale: è ad esempio il caso dei vasi biconici, che nelle necropoli costituiscono il contenitore privilegiato per le ceneri del defunto ma che si ritrovano abbondantissimi in tutti i contesti abitativi dell’area medio-tirrenica, con una variabilità di dimensioni e ornamentazione che difficilmente può essere ricondotta a un modello interpretativo univoco. L’ipotesi che venissero utilizzati come contenitori per liquidi – acqua o forse anche vino – è senz’altro intrigante, ma al momento non vi sono elementi per confermarla o smentirla. In ogni caso restano da comprendere le relazioni che intercorrevano tra forma e decorazione, certamente non casuali, e tra la funzione primaria rivestita da questi recipienti negli abitati e la loro funzione secondaria nelle necropoli.

Alcuni esempi legati al materiale ceramico di Sorgenti della Nova potranno chiarire la portata del problema. Uno dei recipienti più diffusi in questo sito, così come in tutti gli insediamenti coevi dell’area medio-tirrenica, è l’olla ovoide, un vaso ben caratterizzato tipologicamente ma di dimensioni molto variabili. Una tale variabilità dimensionale – e di conseguenza volumetrica – costituisce un ostacolo di non poco conto alla possibilità di determinare la funzione di tali contenitori, dal momento che la dimensione riflette, talvolta più della stessa forma, la destinazione d’uso.22 Se si esamina il diametro di tutti i recipienti ovoidi di Sorgenti della Nova si può immediatamente notare che non esiste un discrimine netto tra i contenitori di piccole-medie dimensioni e quelli più grandi, che sappiamo essere utilizzati per lo stoccaggio di derrate alimentari (Fig. 2:D). Soltanto l’analisi combinata di più fattori, in questo caso diametro e capienza dei recipienti, unitamente al confronto con altre forme vascolari, dov’è invece attestato un ‘salto dimensionale’ evidente, consente di comprendere quale sia il probabile discrimine che distingue i recipienti che chiamiamo doli – ossia i contenitori per derrate – da quelli che

Nonostante tali limitazioni, da cui discende un’indispensabile cautela interpretativa, siamo in grado di ipotizzare, con maggiore o minore sicurezza a seconda dei casi, gli usi a cui veniva destinata la maggior parte dei manufatti prodotti a Sorgenti della Nova. Servendoci di sei categorie di classificazione dei reperti (1: recipienti per la conservazione delle derrate alimentari; 2: ceramica da fuoco e da cucina; 3: oggetti legati alla preparazione dei cibi; 4: ceramica da mensa; 5: vasi biconici; 6: elementi legati alla produzione artigianale) è possibile ricostruire l’organizzazione funzionale degli spazi abitativi di una casa dell’Etruria protostorica. La distribuzione dei reperti rinvenuti all’interno dell’abitazione 2, sia nell’ultimo livello di frequentazione che nel primo livello di abbandono,25 riflette le modalità 23

Dolfini & Cardosa 2000. Belardelli & Pascucci 1996; Mandolesi & Trucco 2000; Pacciarelli 2000, 170-176. 25 Secondo l’interpretazione proposta in Dolfini 2002a si tratta di uno strato formatosi in tempi molto brevi, con ogni probabilità una singola azione di colmata e livellamento intenzionale della superficie del settore successiva all’abbattimento dell’abitazione. Questo strato ha inglobato i reperti posti sul piano di calpestio più recente dell’abitazione,

19

24

Cazzella 1999. 20 Harris 1971; Dunnel 1986; Cazzella 1990-91; 1999; Bietti Sestieri 1999. 21 Peroni 1998, 10-11. Per un’interessante analisi che combina in maniera significativa documentazione archeologica e storica si vedano Zifferero 2000; 2002. 22 Rice 1987; Bietti Sestieri 1992, 261.

350

ANDREA DOLFINI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE − Ambiente B, posto sul lato meridionale e caratterizzato dalla presenza di strutture lignee addossate alla parete perimetrale. Non è chiaro se questo spazio laterale fosse fisicamente separato dall’ambiente principale per mezzo di una parete; quel che più importa è la sua posizione marginale e la presenza di arredi fissi. Costituiva forse la “camera da letto” dell’abitazione, se è corretta l’interpretazione degli elementi interni come giacigli, in modo analogo a quanto attestato nelle moderne capanne maremmane. In questo spazio, evidentemente ‘protetto’, venivano conservati due vasi di pregio dotati di una forte pregnanza simbolica, forse destinati ad attività rituali (cfr. ultra). Da quest’area proviene anche la maggior parte degli oggetti in bronzo, costituiti soprattutto da elementi di vestiario e d’ornamento. − Ambiente C, il locale maggiore, in gran parte asportato dall’erosione del terrazzamento. E’ probabile che costituisse il principale ambiente di vita della capanna, privo di particolari caratterizzazioni funzionali ad eccezione della filatura, attività evidenziata dall’insolito numero di rocchetti. In alcune abitazioni di Sorgenti della Nova lo spazio centrale è connotato in maniera più evidente dalla presenza di un focolare,27 che in questo caso poteva essere sostituito dal fornello-braciere mobile rinvenuto nell’ambiente A.

di utilizzo degli spazi praticate dai suoi abitanti. In tutta la metà anteriore della casa la ceramica è molto scarsa, come se si fosse posta particolare cura nel lasciare sgombra l’area adiacente all’ingresso. I materiali, rappresentati soprattutto da ceramica da cucina e da mensa, si fanno più numerosi nella metà posteriore, al di qua e soprattutto al di là delle canalette che alloggiavano la parete divisoria: in questo locale dunque si concentravano molteplici attività o più probabilmente si conservava la maggior parte della suppellettile familiare (Fig. 3:A). Lo strato superiore inglobava alcuni recipienti ceramici che, pur in frantumi, sono stati in gran parte ricostruiti: si tratta quasi certamente di oggetti lasciati in situ al momento dell’abbandono dell’abitazione. La loro posizione conferma e chiarisce le informazioni che si ricavano dall’analisi della distribuzione complessiva dei reperti. Dal lato meridionale della capanna proviene la ceramica vascolare di maggior pregio: un vaso biconico e un’anforetta con complessi motivi ornamentali a carattere simbolico. La zona orientale conservava un nutrito gruppo di oggetti legati al mondo dalla cucina e della dispensa: un fornello, una pentola, due doli e una ciotola, interpretabile come contenitore da mensa per cibi solidi. Accanto ad essi vi era un grande vaso biconico non decorato di cui ignoriamo l’uso, ma che presenta sul fondo alterazioni dovute al contatto diretto con la fiamma. Infine dobbiamo menzionare un gruppo di 10 rocchetti, trovati ammucchiati appena al di fuori del locale orientale (Fig. 3:B).

La definizione di ‘casa’ non come edificio ma come living space, discussa nell’introduzione dell’articolo, sembra adattarsi particolarmente bene all’organizzazione dello spazio domestico testimoniata in questo insediamento. Se infatti limitassimo la nostra analisi all’area racchiusa dalle pareti dell’abitazione 2 saremmo costretti ad ammettere l’inspiegabile assenza di alcune attività quotidiane indispensabili alla sussistenza del gruppo familiare, quali la preparazione e la cottura dei cibi. Le strutture e gli spazi preposti allo svolgimento di tali funzioni si trovano infatti al di fuori dell’edificio, nell’area immediatamente antistante e circostante: la preparazione dei pasti, almeno nelle fasi meglio percepibili dall’indagine archeologica, avveniva infatti ‘sulla soglia di casa’, come testimonia la macina rinvenuta in situ nel vano d’ingresso della grotta 13; la cottura avveniva invece in focolari più o meno strutturati posti presso l’ingresso delle abitazioni, come la grotta 15bis o il punto di fuoco rinvenuto al di fuori della grotta 13. E’ inoltre probabile che alcuni degli spazi destinati a tali attività fossero gestiti in comune da più nuclei familiari che occupavano la stessa porzione dell’abitato: è il caso ad esempio dell’unico forno per la panificazione rinvenuto nel settore III, in un’area occupata da almeno tre unità abitative.

L’analisi funzionale e distributiva dei reperti, combinata con l’interpretazione degli elementi strutturali interni alla casa, ci consente dunque di chiarire l’organizzazione dello spazio domestico dell’abitazione 2 di Sorgenti della Nova. Siamo in grado di riconoscere tre ambienti, diversamente caratterizzati dal punto di vista funzionale (Fig. 2:B): − Ambiente A, situato sul fondo dell’abitazione, nel lato opposto all’ingresso. E’ probabile che questo locale costituisse il luogo di stoccaggio dell’acqua e delle derrate alimentari, come attestano i due grandi doli, e il deposito delle suppellettili utilizzate per altre attività, in particolare la preparazione e la cottura dei cibi, che avveniva all’esterno, nelle aree attrezzate con forno e focolare vicine all’abitazione. In questo locale venivano anche conservati, ma probabilmente non utilizzati, i recipienti da mensa e il fornello, impiegato sia per cucinare sia come braciere, per riscaldare la casa.26

impedendo l’innescarsi di fenomeni di dispersione e scivolamento a valle dei materiali e permettendone così la conservazione in situ. 26 Un’analoga distinzione tra il locale di conservazione e quello di utilizzo della ceramica fine da mensa è attestata nella struttura L di Cures Sabini: anche in questa casa, benché strutturalmente diversa e cronologicamente più tarda rispetto alle abitazioni di Sorgenti della Nova, il vasellame fine e dipinto era collocato nel locale posteriore, quasi completamente occupato da un forno e dunque destinato alla preparazione dei pasti, ma non certamente al loro consumo (Guidi et al. 1996, 158 e fig. 11).

Se dunque accettiamo che il termine e l’idea di ‘casa’, intesa per il momento soltanto nei suoi aspetti funzionali, definisca lo spazio di vita del gruppo familiare, dobbiamo 27 Si vedano ad esempio la grotta 13, posta a pochi metri dall’abitazione 2, e l’abitazione del settore Ve (Sorgenti Nova 1995).

351

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI necessariamente constatare che a Sorgenti della Nova lo spazio domestico si sviluppava anche al di fuori delle strutture abitative, inglobando le aree immediatamente circostanti. Tali aree costituivano inoltre i punti di intersezione e di parziale sovrapposizione dello spazio domestico di più gruppi familiari, dal momento che alcune delle strutture destinate allo svolgimento di importanti attività di sussistenza, quali la panificazione, venivano gestite in comune da più famiglie. Le case non erano dunque dotate di confini fissi ed immutabili, per quanto l’esistenza di numerosi recinti e steccati lasci chiaramente intendere che esistevano ambiti rigidamente separati, ma l’area di pertinenza di ogni gruppo familiare poteva estendersi e contrarsi in rapporto alle attività svolte. Tale mobilità dei confini, tanto più in un insediamento così densamente popolato come quello in esame, era certamente negoziata in base a regole sociali che dobbiamo immaginare fossero ben strutturate e unanimemente condivise. Tali regole potevano fondarsi sullo status occupato dalla famiglia all’interno della comunità, sui legami di parentela, sulla presenza di embrionali forme di suddivisione del lavoro, che sembrano attestate sia a Sorgenti della Nova sia in altri insediamenti coevi dell’area medio-tirrenica,28 sulla partizione del tempo o su altre convenzioni culturali. L’organizzazione dello spazio abitativo: convenzioni culturali e comportamentali La constatazione che lo spazio abitativo non costituisce una realtà monolitica e chiusa in se stessa ha spostato inevitabilmente il punto focale della nostra analisi dalla funzione, che è stata intesa soprattutto nei suoi aspetti primari, puramente denotativi, alle convenzioni culturali, che costituiscono il secondo, importante fattore di condizionamento nell’organizzazione e gestione dello spazio vissuto di un gruppo umano. Dal momento che l’ambiente costruito gioca un ruolo cruciale nel suggerire i comportamenti adeguati e socialmente accettabili ai suoi fruitori,29 e dunque non soltanto riflette ma altresì genera strutture e pratiche sociali,30 allora la decodificazione delle componenti materiali e dei meccanismi coinvolti in tale processo costituisce un passaggio indispensabile per la comprensione dello spazio vissuto. Si tratta in altre parole di integrare l’analisi dei systems of activities, fin qui condotta nei suoi aspetti strettamente funzionali, con quella dei systems of settings, da intendersi come l’insieme dei luoghi e delle strutture che conferiscono significato allo spazio domestico: soltanto l’integrazione di entrambi gli aspetti consente infatti di ricostruire l’organizzazione dello spazio abitativo di una comunità del passato.31

Fig. 3. Sorgenti della Nova, abitazione a pianta ellittica n. 2. A: Distribuzione dei reperti rinvenuti nel livello di frequentazione superiore; 1: recipienti per la conservazione delle derrate alimentari; 2: ceramica da fuoco e da cucina; 3: oggetti legati alla preparazione dei cibi; 4: ceramica da mensa; 5: vasi biconici; 6: elementi legati alla produzione artigianale (da Dolfini 2002a); B: Reperti lasciati in situ sul piano di calpestio al momento dell’abbandono (da Dolfini 2002a); C: Sightlines e punti di visione preferenziali esterni ed interni all’abitazione.

28

Sorgenti Nova 1981, 247; Zanini 1994, 106; Pacciarelli 2000, 208212; Dolfini 2002b. 29 Rapoport 1990; Sanders 1990, 45. 30 Hodder 1982; Shanks & Tilley 1987; Bailey 1990. 31 Rapoport 1990.

352

ANDREA DOLFINI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE Un elemento fondamentale nella strutturazione di una casa è costituito dalla presenza, dalla posizione e dal numero delle aperture utilizzate per illuminare gli ambienti interni. Secondo la ricostruzione proposta, le principali fonti d’illuminazione dell’abitazione 2 erano la porta d’ingresso e i lucernari posti sul tetto, mentre non sappiamo se vi fossero o meno finestre lungo le pareti.32 Del tutto trascurabile era invece la luce prodotta dal fornello-braciere, la cui forma non permetteva alla fiamma di svilupparsi liberamente. Sia la porta che il lucernario anteriore fornivano un’illuminazione adeguata soltanto alla zona d’ingresso e alla parte centrale della casa, dunque al locale maggiore (ambiente C). Il lucernario posteriore doveva contribuire a illuminare ulteriormente questa zona, se supponiamo che la parete divisoria tra gli ambienti A e C non si sviluppasse in altezza fino al tetto. L’abitazione 2, così come le altre abitazioni ellittiche di Sorgenti della Nova, era dunque caratterizzata da una parte centrale e anteriore che riceveva un’illuminazione diretta, a cui si contrapponevano l’area posteriore e le zone laterali (ambienti A e B) che restavano costantemente in penombra. La separazione tra il locale centrale e lo spazio circostante le pareti era ulteriormente marcata dai pali di sostegno del tetto e da un significativo ribassamento del tetto, che certamente contribuiva a mantenere la zona nella semi-oscurità.

immediatamente i limiti di un approccio di tal genere, che non è in grado di rendere ragione della complessità dei significati e delle convenzioni culturali che caratterizzano il living space di un gruppo umano. Alle opposizioni evidenziate non corrisponde infatti, se non a prezzo di un’incongrua forzatura, la contrapposizione giorno:notte, dal momento che un settore importante dell’area periferica era destinato ad attività diurne quali lo stoccaggio delle derrate e delle suppellettili domestiche mentre d’altra parte non si può escludere che l’area centrale ospitasse nelle ore notturne i giacigli di alcuni componenti il nucleo familiare. Sembra rispondere a regole ancor più complesse la suddivisione dello spazio in base al genere, dal momento che non può essere ricondotta a una semplice opposizione binaria ricalcata sulle precedenti. La maggior parte delle attività documentate nell’abitazione 2 e nell’area antistante e circostante sembrano di prevalente se non esclusiva pertinenza femminile: il trasporto dell’acqua e delle derrate alimentari dalle zone esterne all’insediamento fino alla casa, dove venivano adeguatamente stoccate;34 la macinatura dei semi, la preparazione dei pasti e la loro cottura; lo smaltimento dei rifiuti e la pulizia della casa; la raccolta della legna, così come l’accensione e la cura del fuoco; alcune attività artigianali, quali soprattutto la filatura e la tessitura. Tali attività non sembrano confinate in aree ristrette o comunque connotate in maniera univoca (aree buie, marginali, etc.), ma interessano la quasi totalità dello spazio abitativo.

La distribuzione dei reperti all’interno dell’edificio ricalca significativamente la ripartizione luce-buio appena analizzata: tutta la metà anteriore della casa, quella meglio illuminata, risulta pressoché priva di frammenti ceramici, mentre il loro numero cresce in corrispondenza delle pareti e soprattutto nella metà posteriore, a partire pressappoco dalla canaletta trasversale che delimita l’ambiente A. Dunque la zona luminosa della casa era tenuta accuratamente pulita, mentre l’accumulo di rifiuti in quella buia non costituiva evidentemente un problema per i suoi abitanti. In una prospettiva strutturalista si potrebbe suggerire l’esistenza di opposizioni binarie che costituivano il tessuto connettivo su cui si fondava l’organizzazione dello spazio domestico.33 Si è osservata infatti la significativa coincidenza delle opposizioni centrale:periferico, luce:buio e pulito:sporco, cui possiamo forse aggiungere la dicotomia crudo:cotto, dal momento che l’area periferica era anche quella dove si conservavano le derrate alimentari, mentre quella centrale era verosimilmente destinata al consumo del cibo.

Viceversa le attività di pertinenza maschile documentate in ambito domestico sono assai più limitate: agli uomini era forse riservata la gestione dei momenti conviviali, o almeno di quelli maggiormente formalizzati, e probabilmente la conduzione di attività rituali di cui si è trovata traccia all’interno dell’abitazione 2. Uno dei due vasi che erano conservati nell’ambiente B, presso la parete meridionale della casa, è decorato dal motivo iconografico della doppia protome ornitomorfa, che è presente in quest’epoca sia in Etruria sia più in generale in tutte le aree della Penisola dov’è attestato il rito incineratorio. I primi risultati di uno studio attualmente in corso da parte di chi scrive suggeriscono che le figurazioni ornitomorfe costituissero, nell’Italia del Bronzo Finale, un medium simbolico tipicamente maschile che si dispiegava nel corso dei riti funerari e di specifiche attività cultuali.35 Un ulteriore collegamento

Se però proseguiamo sulla strada intrapresa, analizzando l’organizzazione dello spazio domestico esclusivamente in termini di opposizioni binarie, emergono

34

La sorgente che dà il nome all’insediamento sgorga ai piedi della rupe, ai margini dell’abitato protostorico. Anche le attività di produzione e di prima trasformazione del cibo, come ad esempio la macellazione, avvenivano al di fuori dell’abitato o nella parte più bassa della rupe, dove verosimilmente si trovavano stalle e magazzini (Sorgenti Nova 1981; Sorgenti Nova 1995; Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001, tab. 4). 35 Dolfini c.s. La relazione preferenziale se non esclusiva tra tali simbologie e la sfera maschile è generalmente ammessa da tutti coloro che si sono interessati al problema, anche se bisogna lamentare l’assenza di studi sistematici in proposito. Per la vastissima bibliografia

32

Le finestre sono generalmente assenti nelle capanne ellittiche moderne della Maremma laziale, mentre non è chiaro se i riquadri che decorano le pareti delle urne a capanna possano in alcuni casi rappresentare delle aperture (Massari & Setti 2000, 330). In ogni caso il loro apporto luminoso doveva essere modesto dal momento che, se presenti, erano certamente poche e di piccole dimensioni, per impedire la dispersione del calore nei mesi invernali. 33 Hingley 1990, 132 ss.

353

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI con la sfera maschile potrebbe essere suggerito dall’analisi di alcuni elementi del tetto, la cui presenza non è però certa nel caso specifico dell’abitazione 2 di Sorgenti della Nova. In alcune urne a capanna dell’area etrusco-laziale, tutte databili alla prima età del Ferro, i travetti che si incrociano sopra il palo di colmo del tetto hanno le estremità configurate a protome di uccello acquatico, un simbolo che richiama immediatamente il sistema semantico espresso dal vaso sopra citato; motivi iconografici analoghi sono inoltre disegnati sulle pareti esterne di numerose urne a capanna. La presenza degli uccelli acquatici sul colmo del tetto, forse da intendersi come elemento di protezione della casa e dei suoi abitanti, costituisce verosimilmente un rimando visivo, percepibile da tutta l’area circostante la casa, a un universo di valori esclusivamente maschile, posto a tutela e dominio dell’area dove si svolgevano gran parte delle attività che consentivano la sopravvivenza e la riproduzione del nucleo familiare.36 Non è privo di significato il fatto che tale forma di protezione e controllo fosse rivolta soprattutto alla componente femminile della famiglia, che nell’ambito domestico dispiegava compiutamente il proprio ruolo sociale.

oltrepassando una seconda porta si aveva finalmente una visione completa dell’intera abitazione (Fig. 3:C). Anche gli aspetti visivi e percettivi dello spazio domestico erano dunque rigidamente organizzati e strutturati con la creazione di una serie di barriere, punti di accesso e di passaggio che limitavano non solo la libera circolazione dei corpi, ma soprattutto quella degli sguardi. Se prima di oltrepassare la soglia era visibile esclusivamente l’area centrale:luminosa:pulita, soltanto dopo essere stati ammessi all’interno della casa era possibile vedere l’area periferica:buia:sporca e solo dopo aver varcato una seconda porta si poteva accedere ai beni conservati all’interno del magazzino, che costituivano una parte importante dei mezzi di sussistenza e dunque della ricchezza del nucleo familiare. Un’ulteriore, importantissima convenzione culturale che presiedeva all’utilizzo corretto della casa protostorica e delle attività che vi si svolgevano era costituita dalla presenza di numina, forze soprannaturali il cui potere era localizzato in singoli punti dell’abitazione e si esplicava nel corso di avvenimenti specifici. Sebbene tali credenze non lascino normalmente tracce archeologiche, se non labilissime, le fonti antiche tramandano l’esistenza di una pletora di divinità, sia nel mondo etrusco sia in quello latino protostorico e arcaico, legate indissolubilmente all’ambito domestico. Nel Lazio antico ad esempio le barriere e i punti di passaggio tra l’esterno e l’interno della casa erano presieduti ed anzi essi stessi costituivano un insieme di numina preposti alla protezione del nucleo familiare, quali Limentinus, il perimetro murario (e la soglia?), Ianus, la porta, Càrdea, il cardine, Forculus, il battente; all’interno dell’abitazione Fornax e Vesta presiedevano al fornello-braciere e alla conservazione del focolare domestico, mentre l’importanza delle derrate per la sopravvivenza stessa degli abitanti è sottolineata dal fatto che i Penates, in origine espressione della riserva delle provviste, diverranno con il tempo i protettori del nucleo familiare e gentilizio. Ognuna di queste potenze divine era onorata non solo con specifiche preghiere ed offerte, ma anche con riguardi e comportamenti rituali che si esplicavano sia nelle attività quotidiane sia in occasione di eventi rilevanti nella vita della famiglia, quali ad esempio la nascita di un figlio.38

Una delle componenti fondamentali nella costruzione dell’ambiente domestico è data dall’organizzazione dello spazio visivo tramite la predisposizione di barriere ottiche, o al contrario di punti di visione facilitati, che guidavano e più spesso limitavano le possibilità percettive.37 Un abitante o un ospite che si fosse avvicinato all’abitazione 2 per poi entrarvi avrebbe incontrato due punti di visione preferenziali, uno esterno e uno interno alla casa. Da principio, camminando frontalmente in direzione dell’ingresso, avrebbe avuto una visione completa dello spazio esterno e della facciata curvilinea, ma soltanto una visione parziale dell’interno, limitata ad alcuni metri oltre la porta. Dall’esterno non era infatti visibile l’area periferica, costantemente in penombra, dal momento che l’occhio, abituato alla luce del giorno, non era in grado di discernere le zone non illuminate. Soltanto dopo aver varcato la soglia e dopo il necessario acclimatamento oculare era possibile avere una visione completa sia dell’area centrale sia di quella periferica, anche se la presenza di un elemento divisorio impediva comunque la vista del locale di fondo (ambiente A). Solo attraversando fisicamente quasi tutta la casa e

CONCLUSIONI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE

In un recente studio L. Domanico ha analizzato la strutturazione dello spazio abitativo dell’insediamento di Sorgenti della Nova in una prospettiva eminentemente sociale, individuando quattro ambiti di interazione tra l’individuo, il gruppo familiare e la comunità intera. E’ stato così isolato un ambito ‘privato’, proprio del singolo individuo, uno ‘comune’, nel quale l’individuo interagisce con gli altri membri della sua famiglia, uno ‘collettivo’, in cui egli si identifica come parte di un

disponibile e per una più ampia discussione della problematica si rimanda a Dolfini c.s. 36 Naturalmente la suddivisione delle attività in base al genere proposta in questa sede non è fissata in maniera deterministica e può essere oggetto di discussione. Se però accettiamo l’esistenza di una fondamentale continuità culturale ed etnica tra le popolazioni italiane del Bronzo Finale e quelle dell’età del Ferro, ivi compresa l’area etrusca, dove sarebbe attestato un fenomeno di etnogenesi non dissimile da quello generalmente presupposto per altre popolazioni italiche (Negroni Catacchio 1998), allora è possibile utilizzare in maniera significativa la documentazione più tarda per ricostruire su basi non effimere la suddivisione dei compiti e le sue implicazioni culturali anche in epoca protostorica. 37 Sanders 1990; Parker Pearson & Richards 1994.

38

354

Quilici 1979, 199-203; Carandini 2003, 162-165.

ANDREA DOLFINI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE segmento della comunità e come tale si rapporta con gli altri, ed infine un ambito ‘pubblico’, dove il singolo si relaziona con l’intera comunità.39 Può essere interessante provare ad applicare questo modello al contesto specifico dell’abitazione 2 e alla ricostruzione delle ripartizioni interne proposta in questa sede. L’ambito strettamente privato sembra rappresentato soltanto dall’ambiente B, se è corretto interpretare le strutture addossate alla parete perimetrale come giacigli. Si tratta dell’unico luogo, probabilmente – ed è un dato significativo – nemmeno separato dal resto dell’abitazione, riservato alla sfera personale. In questo spazio si conservavano due vasi di pregio, probabilmente destinati ad attività rituali di tipo domestico, e gli accessori di vestiario e d’ornamento più pregiati.40

significativamente, anche ai singoli individui. Da questo momento inoltre egli è posto sotto la protezione dei numina del gruppo familiare e gentilizio, che decretano così il carattere sacro e l’intangibilità dell’ospite accolto tra le mura domestiche. Il quadro che emerge dall’analisi fin qui condotta evidenzia non solo una forte integrazione tra l’individuo e il proprio gruppo familiare, ma anche tra quest’ultimo e il segmento della comunità che occupava e condivideva il medesimo settore dell’insediamento. Se è lecito postulare una correlazione diretta tra forma architettonica e struttura sociale della famiglia,42 si può allora ipotizzare, come del resto già proposto da diversi autori, che l’ossatura della società proto-etrusca del Bronzo Finale e della fase iniziale della prima età del Ferro fosse costituita dalla famiglia estesa, che trovava la sua espressione più tipica nelle grandi abitazioni a pianta ellittica diffuse in tutti gli insediamenti noti. E’ comunque ben attestata in quest’epoca anche la famiglia nucleare, come indicano sia le abitazioni unifamiliari di Sorgenti della Nova, perfettamente inserite nel tessuto connettivo dell’insediamento, sia probabilmente alcuni contesti funerari.43 L’occupazione di una stessa porzione dell’insediamento da parte di più famiglie, che come si è visto condividevano ambiti e luoghi definiti ‘collettivi’, può forse essere spiegata postulando che vi fossero tra di esse legami di parentela: una tale organizzazione dello spazio insediativo, che si riflette con chiarezza ancora maggiore nella strutturazione delle necropoli coeve meglio note,44 costituisce verosimilmente un indicatore archeologico dell’esistenza di gruppi di discendenza o gentes, che sembrano costituire la ‘macrostruttura’ della comunità protourbana di Sorgenti della Nova e, più in generale, della società dell’epoca in Etruria meridionale.45

Di contro è molto ben rappresentato lo spazio comune, costituito dal locale principale dell’abitazione (ambiente C), l’area dove si mangia, si discute, si siede attorno alle braci, ci si dedica ai lavori domestici e ad attività artigianali come la tessitura. Anche l’ambiente A, il locale absidale della casa destinato allo stoccaggio delle derrate alimentari e della riserva d’acqua, nonché al deposito di pentole, recipienti da mensa ed altre suppellettili, costituiva uno spazio comune a tutto il gruppo familiare. L’ambito comune comprende infine lo spazio immediatamente esterno all’abitazione, utilizzato per la preparazione dei pasti e la cottura dei cibi. In quest’area sfera comune e sfera collettiva s’intersecano, ad esempio nell’uso dei forni e di altri ambienti specializzati che servivano più nuclei familiari o in momenti di riunione di un segmento della comunità, che potevano avvenire a poca distanza, nel complesso cultuale costituito dalle grotte 10-11. Ne resta invece esclusa la sfera pubblica, riservata presumibilmente agli spazi centrali dell’abitato. Se è vero che tutta l’area sia interna sia esterna all’abitazione 2 costituisce il living space del gruppo familiare, è però soprattutto la struttura dell’edificio a giocare un ruolo fondamentale nel gestire e guidare il passaggio tra le diverse sfere d’interazione, suggerendo i comportamenti adeguati ai diversi ambiti sulla base delle convenzioni sociali accettate dal gruppo familiare e dalla comunità intera.41 In particolare il sistema pareti-varco della porta-soglia costituisce la struttura deputata da un lato a separare l’ambito familiare da quello collettivo, dall’altro a permetterne una ‘interazione guidata’, come evidenziato con particolare efficacia dall’organizzazione dello spazio visivo dell’abitazione 2 (Fig. 3:C). Il superamento della soglia da parte di un membro della comunità o di un visitatore implica infatti la sua accoglienza all’interno del gruppo familiare e dunque la possibilità e il ‘diritto’ di accedere, con lo sguardo ma anche con il corpo, agli spazi riservati alla famiglia e,

BIBLIOGRAFIA Bailey, D.W., 1990. The living house: signifying continuity, in: R. Samson (ed.) 1990, 19-48. Bartoloni, G., F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, 1987. Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia. Roma. Belardelli, C. & P. Pascucci, 1996. I siti costieri del territorio di Civitavecchia e S. Marinella nella prima età del Ferro. Risultati preliminari di una revisione critica dei dati. Bollettino della Società Tarquiniese di Arte e Storia 25, 343-398. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1999. Classificazione, tipologia e terminologia in pratica, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.) 1999, vol. I, 21-30. 42

Izzet 2001, 41. Sorgenti Nova 1981; Sorgenti Nova 1995; Pacciarelli 2000, 255-259; Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001; Negroni 2002. 44 Pacciarelli 2000, 255-259. 45 Colgo l’occasione per ringraziare N. Negroni Catacchio e A. Zifferero che con le loro osservazioni, consigli e suggerimenti hanno contribuito alla stesura definitiva di quest’articolo. 43

39

Negroni Catacchio & Domanico 2001, 356-357. Analogamente nella casa B dell’insediamento di Myrtos (Minoico Antico) gli oggetti personali e quelli utilizzati in attività cerimoniali erano conservati nella stanza da letto (Sanders 1990, 70). 41 Parker Pearson & Richards 1994, 45. 40

355

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Human spatial behaviour in dwellings and settlements. Odense, 49-54. Fidene 1998. Fidene. Una casa dell’età del Ferro. Roma. Guidi, A., A. Arnoldus Huyzendveld, F. Bistolfi, O. Colazingari, M.T. Fulgenzi, M. Ruffo & A. Zifferero, 1996. Cures Sabini: lo scavo, le strutture, la cultura materiale, le attività economiche, in: Atti del XVIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi (Rieti-Magliano Sabina 1993), Firenze, 143-204. Harris, M., 1971. L’evoluzione del pensiero antropologico. Una storia della teoria della cultura. Bologna. Hingley, R., 1990. Domestic organisation and gender relations in Iron Age Romano-British households, in: R. Samson (ed.) 1990, 125-147. Hodder, I., 1982. Symbols in action. Cambridge. Izzet, V.E., 2001. Putting the house in order: the development of Etruscan domestic architecture, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds) 2001, 41-49. Kent, S. (ed.), 1990. Domestic architecture and the use of space. An interdisciplinary cross-cultural study. Cambridge. Mandolesi, A. & F. Trucco, 2000. L’abitato costiero della prima età del Ferro di Acque Fresche (CivitavecchiaRM), in: PPE.Atti IV, 495-503. Massari, A. & B. Setti, 2000. Architettura delle urne a capanna, in: PPE.Atti IV, 325-337. Modi, C., 1988. Architettura spontanea: le capanne, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Il museo di Preistoria e Protostoria della valle del fiume Fiora. Manciano, 207-230. Negroni Catacchio, N., 1998. Protovillanoviani e/o Protoetruschi. Un problema aperto, in: PPE.Atti III, 14. Negroni Catacchio, N., 2002. L’Etruria dei ‘secoli bui’ e lo scavo di Sorgenti della Nova, in: λόγιος ανήρ. Studi di antichità in memoria di Mario Attilio Levi. Quaderni di Acme 55, 319-349. Negroni Catacchio, N. & L. Domanico (eds), 1995. Un tetto sopra la testa. La casa nell’Etruria protostorica, Guida della Mostra (Manciano 1995-1996). Milano. Negroni Catacchio, N. & M. Miari, 1995. La ricostruzione grafica di alcune strutture residenziali e di servizio in Etruria: problemi e metodi, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC-AD 1500. Papers of the fifth conference of Italian archaeology. Oxford, 521-530. Negroni Catacchio, N. & L. Domanico, 2001. L’abitato protourbano di Sorgenti della Nova: dagli spazi dell’abitare all’organizzazione sociale, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds) 2001, 337-359. Notiziari di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria (N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Notiziari 1990-1998. Milano. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Parker Pearson, M. & C. Richards, 1994. Architecture and order: spatial representation and archaeology, in: M. Parker Pearson & C. Richards (eds), Architecture

Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, 2001. L’edificio della I età del Ferro di Fidene (Roma): posizione dell’abitato, tecnica costruttiva, funzionalità in base alla distribuzione spaziale dei materiali e degli arredi, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds) 2001, 211-221. Brandt, J.R. & L. Karlsson (eds), 2001. From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies. Proceedings of an international seminar organised by the Norwegian and Swedish Institutes in Rome (Rome 1997) (= AIRRS 4°, LVI). Stockholm. Brocato, P. & F. Galluccio, 2001. Capanne moderne, tradizioni antiche, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds) 2001, 283-309. Buttimer, A., 1980. Social space and the planning of residential areas, in: A. Buttimer & D. Seamon (eds), The human experience of space and place. London, 21-54. Carandini, A., 2003. La nascita di Roma. Dèi, lari, eroi e uomini all’alba di una civiltà, Torino (prima edizione 1997). Cardosa, M. & M. Milanesio Macrì, 2000. La Grotta 10 di Sorgenti della Nova (Farnese-VT): affinità di rituali tra Etruria protostorica e Grecia postmicenea, in: PPE.Atti IV, 379-390. Cazzella, A., 1990-91. Può servire a qualcosa la semiologia per la paletnologia? Origini 15, 23-33. Cazzella, A., 1999. Terminologia e tipologia. Denominare che cosa?, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.) 1999, vol. I, 13-20. Cocchi Genick, D. (ed.), 1999. Criteri di nomenclatura e di terminologia inerente alla definizione delle forme vascolari del Neolitico/Eneolitico e del Bronzo/Ferro. Atti del Congresso (Lido di Camaiore 1998). Firenze. De Grossi Mazzorin, J., 1998. Analisi dei resti faunistici da alcune strutture di Sorgenti della Nova, in: PPE.Atti III, 169-180. De Grossi Mazzorin, J. & C. Minniti, 2002. Testimonianze di pratiche cultuali nella grotta 10 di Sorgenti della Nova: recenti analisi sul materiale osteologico, in: PPE.Atti V, 627-636. Dolfini, A., 2002a. Le abitazioni a pianta ellittica del settore III (Sorgenti della Nova: i materiali del Bronzo Finale. Collana di Studi a cura di N. Negroni Catacchio). Milano. Dolfini, A., 2002b. Distribuzione spaziale dei materiali all’interno di una struttura protostorica: il caso dell’abitazione 2 di Sorgenti della Nova, in: PPE.Atti V, 637-650. Dolfini, A., c.s. Le simbologie ornitomorfe del Bronzo Finale in Italia: prospettive di analisi, in: PPE.Atti VI, in corso di stampa. Dolfini, A. & M. Cardosa, 2000. I dolii di Sorgenti della Nova, in: PPE.Atti IV, 151-159. Dunnel, R.C., 1986. Methodological issues in Americanist artefact classification. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 9, 149-207. Engelstad, E., 1991. Gender and the use of household space: an ethnoarchaeological approach, in: O. Grøn, E. Engelstad & I. Lindblom (eds), Social space.

356

ANDREA DOLFINI: LO SPAZIO ABITATIVO COME SPAZIO SOCIALE and order. approaches to social space. London/New York, 38-72. Peroni, R., 1998. Classificazione tipologica, seriazione cronologica, distribuzione geografica. Aquileia Nostra 69, 9-28. PPE.Atti III 1998 (N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del terzo incontro di studi (Farnese-Manciano 1995). Firenze. PPE.Atti IV 2000 (N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del quarto incontro di studi (Manciano-Montalto di CastroValentano 1997). Milano. PPE.Atti V 2002 ( N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del quinto incontro di studi (Sorano-Farnese 2000). Milano. PPE.Atti VI c.s. (N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del sesto incontro di studi (Pitigliano-Valentano 2002). In corso di stampa. Quilici, L., 1979. Roma primitiva e le origini della civiltà laziale, Roma. Rapoport, A., 1990. Systems of activities and systems of settings, in: S. Kent (ed.) 1990, 9-20. Rice, P.M., 1987. Pottery analysis: a sourcebook. Chicago. Sanders, D., 1990. Behavioral conventions and archaeology: methods for the analysis of ancient architecture, in: S. Kent (ed.) 1990, 43-72. Samson, R. (ed.), 1990. The social archaeology of houses. Edinburgh. Samson, R., 1990. Introduction, in: R. Samson (ed.) 1990, 1-18. Shanks, M. & C. Tilley, 1987. Social theory and archaeology. Cambridge. Sorgenti Nova 1981 (N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Sorgenti della Nova. Una comunità protostorica e il suo territorio nell’Etruria meridionale, Catalogo della mostra. Roma. Sorgenti Nova 1995 (N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.)), Sorgenti della Nova. L’abitato del Bronzo Finale. Firenze. Zanini, A., 1994. L’età del Bronzo Finale nella Toscana interna alla luce delle più recenti acquisizioni. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 46, 87-144. Zifferero, A., 2000. La ceramica preromana come indicatore di processi socio-economici: il caso dell’Italia medio-tirrenica, in: R. Francovich & H. Patterson (eds), Extracting meaning from ploughsoil assemblages. Oxford, 147-159. Zifferero, A., 2002. Pottery production and metallurgy, in: New developments in Italian landscape archaeology, Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen (= BAR Int. Ser., 1091). Oxford, 60-68.

357

PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA TRA TRADIZIONE E INNOVAZIONE Rosa Maria Albanese Procelli Abstract: Based on specific categories of archaeological finds (specialized containers, cooking pottery, stoves, food containers) I will discuss the changes in food and its preparation of communities on Sicily between the protohistoric and Archaic period with the aim to evaluate the effect of colonial groups on the cultural practices and economies of indigenous peoples.

Come è noto da studi di antropologia sociale, le pratiche alimentari costituiscono un fenomeno complesso, suscettibile di essere studiato a partire da diverse prospettive teoriche, relative sia alle dimensioni biologiche e tecnologiche, sia ai significati sociali ed economici associati ad esse. Per tentare di comprendere le dinamiche di produzione e preparazione dei cibi e i codici culturali che regolano i regimi alimentari nelle comunità protostoriche e arcaiche della Sicilia si hanno a disposizione diverse fonti documentarie (letterarie, archeozoologiche, paleo-botaniche e paleoantropologiche, archeologiche), dotate di differenti potenzialità informative (Fig. 1). E’ ovvio che le informazioni più dirette provengono dalle analisi di resti di pasto. Per quanto riguarda la fauna, in generale in Sicilia si nota tra il Bronzo Tardo e il I Ferro una predominanza dei bovini sui caprovini, con una minore incidenza dei maiali, in comunità sia di origine peninsulare (facies di Mulino della Badia), sia autoctone (facies di Pantalica). In abitati costieri, come Siracusa, la dieta è ovviamente integrata da una grande consumo di prodotti della pesca. Un consumo prevalente di bovini e ovicaprini, rispetto a una percentuale ridotta di suini, è confermata anche per l’età arcaica in siti indigeni interni, come Colle Madore.1

Fig. 1. Siti menzionati nel testo. 1. Barriera (Catania); 2. Butera; 3. Catania; 4. Civita (S. Maria di LicodiaPaternò); 5. Colle Madore; 6. Erbe Bianche; 7. Gela; 8. Grammichele (Mulino della Badia-Madonna del Piano, Terravecchia, Poggio dei Pini); 9. Himera; 10. Lentini (Metapiccola, S. Mauro, S. Eligio); 11. Lipari; 12. M. Balchino; 13. M. Bubbonia; 14. M. Casasia; 15. Marianopoli-Valle Oscura; 16. Messina; 17. Motagna di Marzo; 18. Montagnola di Marineo; 19. Monte Belvedere di Fiumedinisi; 20. Monte Castellaccio di Paternò; 21. Monte Maranfusa; 22. Monte San Mauro; 23. Morgantina; 24. Naxos; 25. Ossini; 26. Pantalica; 27. Pietraperzia; 28. Ramacca-Montagna; 29. S. Ippolito di Caltagirone; 30. Sabucina; 31. Serraferlicchio; 32. Siracusa; 33. Ustica.

Per quanto riguarda le analisi paleobotaniche, sono noti per la fine dell’VIII secolo a.C. resti di semi di orzo e grano dalla capanna A/6 di M. Castellaccio di Paternò e per la seconda metà del VI secolo semi bruciati di graminacee e leguminose (orzo, farro, veccia, fava) dal c.d. edificio-magazzino di M. S. Mauro.2

Un influsso greco può vedersi anche nel miglioramento della tecnica di molitura dei cereali, con il passaggio da macine in pietra basaltica fornite di macinelli sferoidali a quelle del tipo va-et-vient. Nel VI secolo a.C. a M. Maranfusa il rinvenimento di piattaforme per macine all’interno di due diverse abitazioni indica che la molitura dei cereali era praticata su base familiare.4

Una buona parte dell’alimentazione era basata su legumi e soprattutto cereali. Le tecniche di coltivazione dovettero subire considerevoli progressi in età arcaica, come lascia presupporre l’introduzione di nuovi strumenti come i vomeri di aratro, i falcetti e le roncole di ferro, che si diffondono nel VI secolo a.C. anche in centri interni.3 1 In generale: Albanese Procelli 2003, 16-17 e 266-67, con bibl. prec.; Colle Madore: Vassallo 1999, 255-266. 2 M. Castellaccio: McConnell 1996, 39; M. S. Mauro: Costantini 1979, 43. 3 Vomeri: Fiorentini 1985-86, 37, tav. XXXI, Marianopoli-Valle Oscura, tomba 24. Falcetti: Lamagna in stampa, M. Balchino, scavi

inediti; Spigo 1979, 25, M. S. Mauro. Roncole: Spatafora &Vassallo 2002, 113, n. 212, Colle Madore. 4 Protostoria: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, tavv. CCXVI-CCXVII, Lipari; Leighton 1993, 84 ss., Morgantina. Età arcaica: Spatafora 2003, 379 ss., con bibl. prec. sulla distribuzione.

358

ROSA MARIA ALBANESE PROCELLI: PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA In questa sede esponiamo in sintesi i primi risultati di una ricerca, basata su fonti archeologiche, che mira al censimento di alcune categorie di oggetti di età protostorica e arcaica della Sicilia, relativi alle procedure di preparazione degli alimenti, ai sistemi di cottura, alle ceramiche da cucina e da fuoco, ai contenitori da stoccaggio.

SISTEMI DI COTTURA La fondamentale differenza, formulata da Cl. LéviStrauss, tra il bollire e l’arrostire (e quindi tra la cottura indiretta o diretta degli alimenti) coinvolge aspetti non solo pratici, collegati agli utensili e alle fonti di combustibile utilizzati, ma anche sociali, essendo generalmente i primi preparati dalle donne e i secondi dagli uomini.

Una delle finalità che ci si propone è quella di vedere se e in che modo dopo la colonizzazione greca vi siano state nelle comunità indigene strategie adattative nelle scelte alimentari, come conseguenza dei cambiamenti socioeconomici indotti dal contatto coi Greci.

Per la cottura diretta, l’uso di alari fittili è documentato in Sicilia dal Bronzo Antico e perdura, con tipologie diverse, fino ad età arcaica, spesso con esemplari forniti di terminazioni a protome bovina.9

Per esigenze di brevità, vengono qui isolati solo alcuni aspetti di queste problematiche e in particolare quelli collegati alla sfera della preparazione, conservazione e cottura degli alimenti, senza affrontare una disamina del vasellame relativo al consumo, la cui analisi va comunque integrata con quella delle categorie precedenti, ai fini di una visione globale.

Nell’ambito dei sistemi di cottura indiretta, sono utilizzati in età protostorica focolari aperti, sui quali poggiano sostegni triplici, e focolari a tiraggio. A quest’ultima categoria appartengono i fornelli mobili, ora con griglia forata o con diaframma a quattro aperture, ora con sostegni incorporati: essi sono destinati a una cottura prolungata dei cibi, il che presuppone tra l’altro buone possibilità di acquisizione del combustibile. Fornelli mobili, la cui utilità risiede anche nel fatto che possono essere utilizzati all’aperto, sono noti in Sicilia nel Bronzo Finale e nella prima età del ferro in comunità di facies peninsulare, come Lipari e Morgantina, dove persistono nei contesti arcaici della Cittadella.10

RECIPIENTI SPECIALIZZATI PER PRODUZIONI ALIMENTARI In epoca protostorica sono attestati alcuni recipienti specializzati, forse utilizzati per la produzione di latticini. Tra di essi vanno considerati i vasi a listello interno con coperchio forato, che fungono da bollitoi per il latte, documentati in Sicilia dal Bronzo Medio alla prima età del ferro.5

Un altro sistema di cottura è quello che prevede il contenitore sospeso sul focolare tramite uncini: una pratica attestata a Lipari tra il Bronzo Antico e Finale.11

Un impiego nell’ambito della produzione casearia potrebbe anche ipotizzarsi per un vaso sporadico del Bronzo Finale da Madonna del Piano presso Grammichele: privo di collo e fornito di una parete a crivello al becco di versamento e alla parte sommitale, al di sotto dell’ansa a cestello, esso potrebbe pensarsi utilizzato per immersione al fine di prelevare il siero da recipienti di forma aperta.6

Per quanto riguarda i sostegni mobili per focolari, è significativo che l’uso dei c.d. ‘corni’ fittili disposti in serie di tre, di tradizione preistorica,12 sia diffuso nel Bronzo Tardo in comunità autoctone di facies Pantalica, come Sabucina, mentre esso sembra coesistere a Lipari dal Bronzo Recente con i triplici sostegni a corpo cilindrico forato, di tradizione peninsulare.13

Non è chiaro se possano essere serviti nell’ambito di attività inerenti alla produzione casearia i bacini su piede con vasca interna a cordonature o striature radiali, attestati dall’Eneolitico Medio al Bronzo Medio,7 così come alcuni vasi poco profondi con incisioni a reticolato al fondo interno e pareti molto spesse (talora con tracce di esposizione al fuoco), noti da contesti eneolitici.8

Nell’età del ferro i sostegni a corpo cilindrico si ritrovano preferibilmente in siti di facies peninsulare, come a Morgantina e a M. Castellaccio di Paternò in una capanna della fine dell’VIII secolo a.C.14 Tale forma viene in prosieguo di tempo adottata anche in centri indigeni in età

9

Bronzo Antico: Procelli & Alberghina, in questi stessi Atti. Bronzo Finale: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, 633, fig. 124, Lipari, Ausonio II. Età arcaica: Sedita Migliore 1981, fig. 48, Sabucina. 10 Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, 631 ss., figg. 118-119, con sostegni incorporati, figg. 120-123, con diaframma forato, Ausonio II; Albanese Procelli 2003, tav. VI.2, Lentini-Metapiccola; Leighton 1993, 70-71, Morgantina, con riscontri tipologici in Italia peninsulare. 11 Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, 557, tav. CLXXXVI, 1-4, 583, tav. CCXIV, 4. 12 Cfr. Procelli & Alberghina, in questi stessi Atti. 13 C.d. corni fittili: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, tav. CLXXXVI, 712, facies del Milazzese; tav. CCXIV, 5, Ausonio I. Sostegni cilindrici: op. cit., tav. CCXXVI, 16-20, Ausonio II, 633, tav. CCXXXVII, 1, 2, 4. 14 Morgantina: Leighton 1993, tav. 146, nn. 578-580. Castellaccio: McConnell 1996, fig. 32.

5 Bronzo Medio: Tusa 1997, 176, V.34, Erbe Bianche; Holloway & Lukesh 1995, 41. Bronzo Finale: Museo Archeologico di Caltanissetta, in esposizione, Sabucina; Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, 629, tav. CCLXV, 4, Lipari, Ausonio II. I Ferro: Leighton 1993, 77. 6 Albanese Procelli 2003, tav. V.1, n. 3. 7 Eneolitico Medio: Arias 1938, 812, fig. 134, Serraferlicchio. Eneolitico Tardo-Bronzo Antico: Villari 1981, 116, figg. 1, 4b, Monte Belvedere di Fiumedinisi. Bronzo Antico: Orsi 1907, 68, fig. 3, Barriera. Bronzo Medio: Holloway & Lukesh 1995, 38-39, Ustica. 8 Arias 1938, 718, fig. 20b, Serraferlicchio.

359

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Vasellame da fuoco. 1. Lipari. 2. Morgantina. 3. Monte Casasia. 4. Monte Balchino (fonti delle illustrazioni: 1. Martinelli in stampa, fig. 4, n. 2; 2. Leighton 1993, tav. 77, n. 99; 3. Fouilland-Frasca-Pelagatti 1994-95, fig. 166, n. 130; 4. Scavi inediti di G. Lamagna).

di cibi semiliquidi, come le zuppe, delle pentole biansate ad anse verticali, documentate a Lipari (Fig. 2:1). Nel I Ferro sono in uso pentole profonde di forma troncoconica, fornite di due prese opposte e documentate a Morgantina (Fig. 2:2). Sia in quest’ultimo centro, sia a Lipari, sono comuni anche le teglie, per la cottura di cibi solidi.19

arcaica, come indica il ritrovamento di tre elementi a M. Maranfusa nel VI secolo a.C.15 Sembra significativo che non si abbia sinora testimonianza in centri indigeni dei forni ‘a campana’, noti nelle colonie siceliote dal momento della colonizzazione in poi.16 Caratterizzati da pareti molto spesse con superfici esterne a ditate o solcature (funzionali alla dispersione del calore), essi sono simili ai forni destinati alla cottura del pane nel mondo punico.17 Peculiari della tradizione indigena sembrano delle piastre fittili, forse usate per la cottura di focacce o del pane, di cui offre esempi il centro di M. Maranfusa.18

Derivata da forme di origine peninsulare, la marmite con corpo troncoconico a base piana o globulare a base convessa, fornita di due o più prese a linguetta, è il recipiente per cottura più comune nei centri autoctoni siciliani dal I Ferro all’età arcaica (Fig. 2:3).20 Essa è attestata in abitati indigeni fino alla fine del VI - inizi del V secolo a.C.21 All’interno di questa forma, un’evoluzione che porta a migliorare l’alloggiamento del coperchio è data dall’inserimento di un orlo sagomato e di un labbro estroflesso, come indicano esemplari di VII e VI secolo a.C. da Lentini-S. Eligio e da M. Maranfusa.22

RECIPIENTI DA CUCINA E DA FUOCO Esiste un’ovvia correlazione tra la forma dei focolari e quella dei recipienti da fuoco, la cui evoluzione mira a un sempre più proficuo adattamento alla cottura, non solo a livello morfologico, ma tecnico, tramite il miglioramento della refrattarietà degli impasti.

Nella seconda età del ferro l’adozione di una pentola a corpo troncoconico poco profondo, fornito di bugne o prese, implica cambiamenti nell’alimentazione, dal momento che recipienti di questa forma possono essere

Le differenze nel vasellame da fuoco tra l’età protostorica e quella arcaica consistono infatti non solo nella tipologia dei recipienti, ma anche e soprattutto nella tecnica di fattura: i primi sono in un impasto grezzo e friabile, fabbricato a mano; i secondi sono prodotti al tornio in paste ricche di inclusi quarzosi, che le rendono capaci di resistere meglio alle alte temperature.

19

Lipari: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980, 629, figg. 115, 117; Martinelli in stampa. Morgantina: Leighton 1993, 171, tavv. 32 e 77, n. 99, tav. 83, nn. 145-146. 20 Ad es.: I Ferro: Orsi 1919, 138, figg. 79 e 103-104, SiracusaAthenaion. II Ferro: Lagona 1975/76, 65, n. 95, fig. 13, tomba 22; 77, n. 163, fig. 25, tomba I/A; 96, n. 315, fig. 40, tomba 14; S. Eligio; Lagona 1971, 15-16, tav. X, R 13-14, Ossini. Età arcaica, VII-VI secolo a.C.: Butera: Adamesteanu 1958, 332, fig. 85, tomba 49, 412, n. 3, tomba 135; Albanese & Procelli 1988-89, 126, VI secolo a.C., Ramacca; Fouilland, Frasca & Pelagatti 1994-95, 355, fig. 29, n. 91, 363, fig. 37, n. 130, 370, fig. 43, n. 153, 507, fig. 166, M. Casasia, VII secolo a.C.; Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 94, n. 171, Montagnola di Marineo, VI secolo a.C. Per la distribuzione, v. ora: Spatafora 2003, 256 ss., con bibl. prec. 21 Albanese & Procelli 1988-89, 78 e 142, Ramacca; Lamagna 19971998, 103, n. 11, 111, n. 29, Civita (S. Maria di Licodia-Paternò). 22 S. Eligio: Lagona 1975/76, 96, tomba XIV, n. 315; M. Maranfusa: Spatafora 2003, 256, nn. F6/7/10, figg. 220-221.

Durante il Bronzo Tardo in comunità siciliane di origine sia peninsulare sia autoctona sono adottate per la cottura 15

Spatafora 2003, 360, figg. 295-296. V. ad es. per Zancle: Bacci & Tigano 2001, 115, Z/59, Z/61, Z/64, fig. 8, ‘fornelli’, con bibl. sulla distribuzione. 17 Campanella 2001. Un forno simile per cuocere focacce si trova ancora in Africa orientale e in paesi arabi: Leroi-Gourhan 1994, 111, fig. 873. 18 Spatafora 2003, 266 s. 16

360

ROSA MARIA ALBANESE PROCELLI: PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA indigeni potrebbe essere un indizio a favore della presenza stanziale di Greci.26 E’ interessante in questo senso notare l’assenza di queste forme in abitati interni come M. Maranfusa, dove sono peraltro limitate le importazioni di anfore da trasporto greche.27 Pentole di tradizione indigena e chytrai monoansate di tipo greco e di probabile produzione greco-coloniale coesistono in età arcaica in centri indigeni della Sicilia orientale, come a M. Bubbonia, Ramacca-Montagna, M. Balchino.28 In quest’ultimo sito sembrano attestate contemporaneamente una chytra monoansata di tradizione greca e una pentola globulare a labbro piatto con due prese a linguetta opposte (Fig. 2:4). Quest’ultima sembra combinare caratteristiche di tradizione indigena e coloniale, visto che è fabbricata in una pasta refrattaria di buona qualità simile a quella della chytra citata. Del carattere ibrido, tradizionale e innovativo, del repertorio di vasi di uso domestico nel periodo tra la fine del VII e gli inizi del VI secolo a.C. in una comunità indigena interna della Sicilia orientale è esemplificativo il materiale ritrovato nella casa RM della Montagna di Ramacca, a pianta rettangolare bipartita. Sul focolare del vano anteriore (ambiente I) furono ritrovati frammenti di una pentola a corpo profondo con due ampie prese a linguetta rettangolare, plasmata a mano in un impasto grezzo, con molti inclusi (Fig. 3:4). Di un impasto simile è anche un bacino a labbro estroflesso bombato e vasca emisferica, che serviva per la preparazione del cibo (Fig. 4:1). Come vasellame da cucina, anche se non da fuoco, sono inoltre utilizzati due vasi troncoconici con labbro rientrante decorato a solcature e due coppie di bugne coniche opposte (Fig. 4:2 e 3). Eseguiti al tornio in una pasta bruna ricca di inclusi di tritume lavico, essi derivano dalle scodelle monoansate a labbro rientrante decorato a solcature della prima età del ferro.29

Fig. 3. Ramacca, casa RM. 1-3. Pithoi. 4. Pentola (disegni dell’autore, lucidi di O. Pulvirenti). utilizzati per una cottura di cibi che richiede limitate quantità di acqua. Pentole a corpo troncoconico fornite di prese a linguetta, ancora plasmate a mano, sono utilizzate in età arcaica anche in ambiente punico,23 mentre, a parte casi eccezionali,24 sono ignote in ambiente coloniale siceliota, dove sono usate olle monoansate o biansate a corpo globulare, di produzione locale o di fabbrica greca.25 La profondità di queste pentole arcaiche fa pensare che preparazioni bollite a base di cereali inferiori (orzo, avena, miglio) avessero un ruolo centrale nell’alimentazione.

Per il secondo quarto del V secolo a.C. i corredi della tomba Est 31 di Montagna di Marzo (Piazza Armerina, Enna), destinata all’inumazione di due guerrieri, offrono una documentazione interessante delle pratiche da banchetto adottate dalle élites nelle comunità indigene dell’interno. Tra la ceramica da fuoco sono attestate cinque ollette monoansate, oltre a una pentola biansata e a due tegami con coperchio. Una brocca di bronzo conteneva osse di un volatile, mentre due bacini-mortaio conservavano resti di uova e lische di pesce, un cibo quest’ultimo considerato generalmente povero in Grecia, ma che doveva costituire una pietanza non comune nell’alimentazione di una comunità che viveva in un

Rispetto ai recipienti in impasto di tradizione indigena, i cooking-pots di tipo greco costituiscono un prodotto qualitativamente migliore, che si accompagna talora ai primi negli abitati indigeni arcaici, fino ad imporsi nel corso avanzato del VI secolo a.C. Soprattutto se precoce, la presenza di vasellame da cucina greco in alcuni siti 23

26

24

27

Ciasca 1996, 183. Himera, necropoli orientale, tomba RO176 ad enchytrismòs: Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 50, n. 83. 25 Per la distribuzione in colonie: Bacci & Tigano 2001, con bibl. prec. Per la terminologia e la funzione delle chytrai in Grecia: Bats 1988, 45 ss. Per il problema della diffusione di ceramiche da fuoco greche in Magna Grecia: D’Andria & Semeraro 2000, 491, con riferimento a importazioni di pentole greco-orientali a Gela e bibl. prec.

Cfr. Albanese & Procelli 1988-89, 125-126. Spatafora 2003, 275 ss. 28 M. Bubbonia: Pancucci & Naro 1992, tav. XI, 9, n. 129; tav. XXVIII, 8, n. 354. Ramacca: Albanese & Procelli 1988-89, 45 ss. M. Balchino: Lamagna in stampa, con bibl. prec. Ringrazio vivamente la Dott.ssa G. Lamagna per la concessione del disegno dell’esemplare, inedito, a fig. 2:4 (Archivio Soprintendenza ai BB.CC. di Catania). 29 Albanese & Procelli 1988-89, 45 ss., fig. 63.

361

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Ramacca, casa RM. 1-3. Vasellame da cucina (disegni dell’autore, lucidi di O. Pulvirenti).

abitato collinare.30 La presenza di grattuge di bronzo per il formaggio lascia intravvedere usi aristocratici di lontana tradizione ‘eroica’.31

Di tradizione protostorica è il pithos a collo svasato, decorato a motivi geometrici o piumati (Fig. 5:2-3), di dimensioni variabili dai 70 a oltre 110 cm circa. Esso rappresenta il tipo più diffuso nel VII-VI secolo a.C. in contesti indigeni della Sicilia orientale e occidentale, anche se è documentato eccezionalmente in colonie, come a Himera e Lipari. Si tratta di una forma generalmente caratterizzata da tre anse anulari o tre prese prismatiche alla base del collo, anche se non mancano esemplari privi di maniglie.34 Alcuni pithoi del tipo a flabelli presentano al fondo, sopra alla base, un cordone ingrossato (Fig. 5:2), che serviva forse a renderne più agevole il trasporto, tramite l’uso di corde.35

CONTENITORI DA STOCCAGGIO Modificazioni nei sistemi di stoccaggio dall’età protostorica a quella arcaica sono deducibili dalle variazioni nella tipologia e nelle modalità di fattura dei pithoi, oltre che dai loro sistemi di alloggiamento all’interno delle abitazioni. Pithoi a breve collo obliquo, forniti di tre o quattro maniglie anulari al di sotto di esso, sono attestati in Sicilia dalla fine del Bronzo Antico alla prima età del ferro.32

Pithoi a decorazione piumata si trovano anche a Monte San Mauro (un centro indigeno occupato da coloni probabilmente di Leontinoi agli inizi del VI secolo a.C.), dove sono testimoniati tipi sia indigeni sia greci.36

Nel I Ferro a Morgantina la forma con tre anse alla spalla è prodotta in ceramica non dipinta (Fig. 5:1), in esemplari che variano dai 97 ai 130 cm in altezza. Alcuni pithoi presentano alle anse delle impressioni o incisioni, forse spiegabili come marchi di proprietà o del fabbricante. Nello stesso sito sono diffusi dolii quadriansati di medie dimensioni (alt. cm 82 circa), dipinti a flabelli. All’interno di uno di essi sono stati ritrovati frammenti di argilla semicotta (probabili resti di un coperchio) con impressioni di semi di grano, che ne testimoniano un uso come contenitore di granaglie.33

La qualità della pasta indica che esemplari a decorazione piumata sono fabbricati localmente in una colonia come Gela,37 dove non è illogico pensare a una utilizzazione di artigiani indigeni nella produzione. Di tradizione indigena è anche un altro tipo di contenitore, talora a decorazione dipinta, generalmente di 34 Butera: Adamesteanu 1958, figg. 44, 51, 52, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 78, 95, 96, 143, 163, 164. M. Maranfusa: Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 75, n. 143; Spatafora 2003, 207, nn. D243-244. Colle Madore: Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 112, n. 208. Himera: Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 52, nn. 87, 89, 90, 91. Lipari: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1965, tav. XLVI, 2. Per pithoi e dolii della Sicilia, in generale: Trombi 1999, 275 ss., tavv. LXXXIII-IV, tipi N1/2 (orli). 35 Cfr. Spatafora 2003, 248, con l’ipotesi che l’ingrossamento alla base servisse a bloccare il recipiente infisso nel terreno. 36 Orsi 1910, 756, figg. 14 e 15; Spigo 1979, 26. 37 Orsi 1906, 109-113, tav. V, 3, tomba 174; Orlandini 1962, tav. VII, 4. Per un frammento di pithos a flabelli da Siracusa (Athenaion): Adamesteanu 1958, 526, fig. 200.

30

Cfr. Albanese Procelli 2003, 237 ss., con bibl. prec. Cfr. Ridgway 1997. 32 Bacci & Tigano 2001, 166, fig. 9, n. 80, Messina, necropoli isolato 141, Bronzo Antico; Leighton 1993, 77 ss., Morgantina, con bibl. prec. sulla distribuzione nel Bronzo Medio, Tardo e nel I Ferro. Per altri tipi nel Bronzo Antico: Bacci & Tigano 2001, 166, fig. 9. 33 Leighton 1993, 77 ss.; frammenti con grain impressions: tav. 62, n. 563. 31

362

ROSA MARIA ALBANESE PROCELLI: PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA

Fig. 5. 1-5. Pithoi. 1. Morgantina. 2-3. Butera. 4. Himera. 5. Morgantina. 6. Anfora con becco di versamento, Morgantina (fonti delle illustrazioni: 1. Leighton 1993, tav. 137, n. 531; 2-3. Orlandini 1962, tav. VII, nn. 4-5; 4. Spatafora-Vassallo 2002, p. 53, n. 93; 5-6. Lyons 1996, tav. 82, n. 16-146, tav. 88, n. 32-7). RM di Ramacca-Montagna della fine del VII-inizi del VI secolo a.C. (v. supra), il contenitore di fabbrica coloniale, presumibilmente destinato a derrate (Fig. 3:1), era nel vano-magazzino posteriore, insieme ad un’anfora da trasporto corinzia A, mentre nel vano anteriore, destinato anche a cucina, si trovavano i due pithoi di tipo e fabbrica indigeni, destinati non necessariamente a contenere derrate, ma provviste di acqua (Fig. 3:2-3).

dimensioni comprese intorno ai 50-70 cm, comune in contesti arcaici di centri interni (Fig. 5:3). Esso è caratterizzato da collo svasato e due anse anulari alla massima espansione38: una forma che, anche nella presenza di una coppia di bugne alla spalla, denuncia una derivazione da anfore del Bronzo Tardo/I Ferro. E’ soprattutto nel corso del VI secolo a.C. che si diffondono nei centri indigeni pithoi di tipo e fabbrica coloniali, caratterizzati da labbro orizzontale estroflesso su breve collo e privi di anse39 (Fig. 5:5). Di probabile derivazione corinzia, essi sono comunemente prodotti nelle colonie siceliote.40

In età arcaica una minore incidenza sembra avere apparentemente l’esportazione di prodotti agricoli dall’interno verso le colonie, almeno se si guarda alla documentazione archeologica, anche se occorre immaginare un’evidenza per così dire ‘invisibile’, rappresentata da materiali deperibili (otri in cuoio, panieri in vimini, sacchi in tessuto). Nel VI secolo i pithoi di tipo indigeno riutilizzati come enchytrismoi nella necropoli orientale di Himera41 danno qualche testimonianza delle importazioni di derrate dal retroterra nelle poleis siceliote.

La loro presenza in centri interni (Ramacca, Colle Madore, Butera) nello stesso periodo in cui cresce in essi la circolazione di anfore commerciali greche e grecooccidentali, è significativa delle modificazioni intervenute nelle economie indigene e della loro dipendenza dalle colonie per alcune derrate, liquide e solide. Non è un caso che dei tre pithoi ritrovati nella casa

Un indizio dei cambiamenti intervenuti dalla fine del VII secolo a.C. nell’alimentazione e forse anche nella produzione agricola nei centri interni può essere offerto da un particolare tipo di contenitore altamente specializzato, di cui si ignora la destinazione. Si tratta di un’anfora a collo stretto e anse oblique alla massima

38

Butera: Adamesteanu 1958, 291, fig. 47; M. Maranfusa: Spatafora 2003, 251 ss., nn. R1-R3; Himera: Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 54, nn. 92-93. 39 Ad es.: M. Maranfusa: Spatafora 2003, 253, n. R9, seconda metà VIinizi V secolo a.C. Ramacca: v. infra. Colle Madore: Vassallo 1999, 36, figg. 63-64. 40 Lipari: Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1965, 201, tav. XLVI. Naxos: Pelagatti et alii 1994, 361, n. 89, fig. 60, tomba 75. Himera: Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 55, n. 102.

41

363

Spatafora & Vassallo 2002, 52, nn. 87/93.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI espansione, che presenta al fondo, poco sopra la base o il piede, un breve becco di versamento cilindrico rivolto verso il basso. Essa è documentata intorno al 600 a.C. a Butera (tombe 40, 65, 75) e nel VI secolo a Morgantina, Ramacca, Grammichele, M. Balchino, S. Ippolito di Caltagirone e in contrada Rampallo di Pietraperzia. A Morgantina la presenza di un esemplare deformato ne conferma una produzione locale (Fig. 5:6).42

tale recipiente specializzato, anche se l’unica attestazione nota sinora non è precedente agli inizi del V secolo a.C.45 AREE DESTINATE ALLA PREPARAZIONE E ALL’IMMAGAZZINAMENTO DEGLI ALIMENTI Cambiamenti significativi non solo nella tecnologia, ma negli spazi riservati alle attività relative alle pratiche alimentari si avvertono nei centri interni tra l’età protostorica e quella arcaica. E’ solo in quest’ultimo periodo che si definiscono, all’interno delle abitazioni, degli spazi esclusivamente riservati alla preparazione e cottura dei cibi e all’immagazzinamento delle derrate.

Anche se la fattura in paste diverse di colore arancione o grigiastro, dipinte o non dipinte, e in dimensioni differenti fa sospettare destinazioni diverse, ci si può chiedere se nei recipienti più grandi (come un esemplare intero da Butera, alto cm 53), a pasta più grezza e superficie non dipinta, possa vedersi un contenitore destinato a separare l’acqua dall’olio, in una fase del procedimento di lavorazione, successiva alla prima spremitura delle olive, che dà origine ad un liquido che contiene circa il 40 % di acqua. Il presupposto che dal contenitore debba sgorgare del liquido destinato a disperdersi potrebbe spiegare l’inserimento di un becco di versamento così in basso, che farebbe versare al suolo il contenuto (o parte di esso) se lo si volesse spillare, a meno che il recipiente fosse sollevato da terra. Per gli esemplari più piccoli e a parete più sottile, generalmente dipinti (come quelli di Morgantina e Grammichele), che quindi presuppongono un uso domestico ‘da cucina’ più che ‘da frantoio’, si potrebbe pensare ad una funzione come contenitori di olio, nei quali il becco al fondo potrebbe servire per far fuoriuscire il residuo (mòrchia, lat. amurca, gr. amórges) che tale prodotto deposita e per evitare che esso si mescoli al liquido, quando lo si versi attraverso la bocca.

Si tratta di innovazioni, che vanno di pari passo con la modificazione dell’architettura delle abitazioni: dalle capanne a pianta circolare (in cui il focolare ha di necessità una posizione centrale, corrispondente al foro per la fuoruscita del fumo del tetto conico) e dalle capanne a pianta allungata con uno o due focolari (sempre in posizione centrale per la necessità di essere distanziati dalle pareti con intelaiatura lignea) si passa alle case a modulo rettangolare con più ambienti, su modello ellenico. La presenza di focolari addossati a una parete e presso una banchina è una caratteristica propria delle abitazioni greche e coloniali. Nel Bronzo Finale/I Ferro non sembrano ancora esistere nelle comunità di facies peninsulare ambienti-magazzino separati dall’unico ambiente di abitazione. A Morgantina nella capanna della trincea 31 l’immagazzinamento delle derrate e la cottura dei cibi si effettuano in aree diversificate tra loro, ma non da quelle in cui si svolgono le attività diurne e il riposo notturno.46

Un’utilizzazione durante una fase del procedimento di lavorazione dell’olio potrebbe avere con maggiore probabilità un recipiente di forma aperta, a corpo ovoidale (alt. cm 46,5), fornito anch’esso di becco di versamento al piede, di cui si conosce un esemplare riutilizzato nel V secolo a.C. nella tomba 376 della necropoli di Diana a Lipari.43 Recipienti forniti di un tubular spout al fondo ed usati come ‘separation vessels’ sono noti a Cipro in età classica.44

Cambiamenti importanti avvengono invece in centri interni dagli inizi del VI secolo a.C. Se osserviamo ad esempio la casa RM di Ramacca a pianta rettangolare bipartita, abitata in questo periodo, notiamo che il focolare, delimitato da pietre, è posto nell’angolo nord-est del vano I all’estremità di una banchina, così come lungo una banchina addossata alla parete è un forno, delimitato da lastre di gesso (idoneo a mantenere il calore), nell’edificio N del VI secolo a.C. dello stesso abitato.47 E’ significativo che nella casa RM un tramezzo separi il vano-magazzino (ambiente II) dal vano anteriore I dove si svolgono le attività culinarie.

L’identificazione di tale contenitore, se l’ipotesi avanzata si rivelasse corretta, permetterebbe di cogliere l’incremento della produzione olearia nella Sicilia arcaica: non contrasterebbero con questa prospettiva di lettura sia il periodo nel quale tale contenitore è per la prima volta documentato (fine VII-inizi VI secolo a.C.), sia i caratteri della sua distribuzione, che comprende siti collinari, particolarmente adatti all’impianto di uliveti. Forse la colonia di Gela non è estranea alla diffusione di

Una specializzazione degli ambienti, con la distinzione di vani destinati esclusivamente alle attività di preparazione degli alimenti e alla conservazione di derrate, si osserva anche in altri centri indigeni, in cui è presumibile la presenza stanziale di coloni greci, come a Grammichele. In una casa sulle pendici est del Poggio dei Pini a Terravecchia, in uso tra la seconda metà del VI e la prima

42

Albanese Procelli 2003, con bibl. prec. Per proposte di destinazione per vino e miele, rispettivamente: Lyons 1996, 80; Bell 1995. 43 Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1965, tav. LII, 6. 44 Un esemplare in un frantoio a Nicosia-Pasydy: Hadjisavvas 1992, 75, fig. 144.

45 In esposizione al Museo di Gela, dall’emporio di Bosco Littorio a Gela, scavi R. Panvini. 46 Leighton 1993, 37 ss., fig. 18. 47 Casa RM: supra, nota 29. Edificio N: Patané 1995.

364

ROSA MARIA ALBANESE PROCELLI: PRATICHE ALIMENTARI NELLA SICILIA PROTOSTORICA E ARCAICA metà del V secolo a.C., la concentrazione in un solo vano lastricato di un focolare e di un forno, di macine, di contenitori di derrate, oltre alla presenza innovativa di una vasca,48 è un segno chiaro delle modificazioni avvenute in ambiente indigeno.

Bell, M., 1995. The Motya Charioteer and Pindar’s Isthmian 2. MemAmAc 40, 1-42. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1965. Meligunìs Lipára II. Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1980. Meligunìs Lipára IV. Palermo. Campanella, L., 2001. Nota su un tipo di forno fenicio e punico. RivStFen 29 (2), 231-239. Ciasca, A., 1996. La ceramica fenicia di Sicilia e i suoi rapporti con le produzioni coeve, in: I vasi attici ed altre ceramiche coeve in Sicilia. Catania, 179-186. Costantini, L., 1979. Monte San Mauro di Caltagirone. Analisi paleoetnobotaniche dei semi contenuti nei pithoi 4 e 6. BdA 4, 43-44. D’Andria, F. & G. Semeraro, 2000. Le ceramiche grecoorientali in Italia meridionale. Appunti sulla distribuzione, Atti Taranto 1999. Taranto, 457-501. Fiorentini, G., 1985-86. La necropoli indigena di età greca di Valle Oscura (Marianopoli). QuadMessina 1, 31-54. Fouilland, F., M. Frasca & P. Pelagatti, 1994-95. Monte Casasia (Ragusa). Campagna di scavo 1966, 1972-73 nella necropoli indigena. NSc, 323-583. Hadjisavvas, S., 1992. Olive oil processing in Cyprus (= St. Med. Arch., XCIX). Nicosia. Holloway, R.R. & S.S. Lukesh, 1995. Ustica I. Excavations of 1990 and 1991. Providence/LouvainLa-Neuve. Lagona, S., 1971. Le necropoli di Ossini-S.Lio. CronA 10, 16-40. Lagona, S., 1975/76. Nuove esplorazioni nella necropoli della ‘Cava S. Aloe’ nel territorio di Leontini. CronA 14/15, 51-148. Lamagna, G., 1997-98. Successione stratigrafica in un saggio nell’abitato indigeno di Civita (S. Maria di Licodia - Paternò). Kokalos 43-44 (II, 1), 83-114. Lamagna, G., in stampa. Ceramiche attiche da M. Balchino di Caltagirone: importazioni e imitazioni, in: Atti Conv. ‘Il greco e il barbaro’. Catania. Leighton, R., 1993. The protohistoric settlement on the Cittadella (= Morgantina Studies IV). Princeton N.J. Leroi-Gourhan, A., 1994. Ambiente e tecniche. Milano. Lyons, C.L., 1996. Morgantina. The Archaic cemeteries (= Morgantina Studies V). Princeton. Martinelli, M.C., in stampa. In: R.M. Albanese, F. Lo Schiavo, M.C. Martinelli & A. Vanzetti, Il Bronzo recente in Sicilia, in: Atti Convegno ‘L’età del Bronzo recente in Italia’, Lido di Camaiore, 26-29 ottobre 2000. McConnell, B., 1996. Archeologia a Pietralunga, in: AA.VV., Pietralunga. Catania, 27-71. Orlandini, P., 1962. L’espansione di Gela nella Sicilia centro-meridionale. Kokalos 8, 69-121. Orsi, P., 1906. Gela. MonAnt 17, 5-758. Orsi, P., 1907. Necropoli e stazioni sicule di transizione. VII. Caverne di abitazione a Barriera presso Catania. BPI 33, 53-99. Orsi, P., 1910. Di una anonima città siculo-greca a Monte S. Mauro presso Caltagirone. MonAnt 20, 729-851.

Significative sono inoltre le trasformazioni che avvengono nell’insediamento di Monte S. Mauro (Caltagirone): se la fase indigena di VII secolo è caratterizzata da ambienti monovano, a partire dal VI secolo, cioè dalla fase greco-coloniale (v. supra), si adottano planimetrie di tipo greco con una differenziazione funzionale dei vani, disimpegnati da un vano d’ingresso (case c.d. a pastàs), in cui cucina e magazzini hanno una autonomia.49 Il numero di pithoi stoccati in un magazzino dà un’idea concreta della crescita della produzione agricola nelle aree interne dell’isola, grazie all’intensificazione delle colture cerealicole e arboree. Sono processi cui non fu estranea la responsabilità dei coloni, ma che coinvolsero i nativi, determinando un cambiamento radicale nelle economie locali. Dalla seconda metà del VII secolo a.C. nei retroterra delle colonie di Gela, Catania e Leontinoi la coltivazione intensiva di vaste aree tramite una rete di fattorie è indicata dall’occupazione di piccoli siti su alture, gravitanti sulle pianure e sulle valli dei fiumi. La presenza in questi piccoli insediamenti di ceramica indigena insieme ad importazioni, anche precoci, di ceramica greca e coloniale, è uno degli elementi che permettono di intravvedere i forti cambiamenti che l’impulso coloniale determinò sul paesaggio agrario e sulle economie di sussistenza della Sicilia interna. BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 2000. Grammichele. Il parco archeologico di Occhiolà e la valle dei Margi. Catania. Adamesteanu, D., 1958. Butera. Piano della Fiera, Consi e Fontana Calda. MonAnt 44, 205-672. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 2003. Sicani, Siculi, Elimi. Forme di identità, modi di contatto e processi di trasformazione. Milano. Albanese, R.M. & E. Procelli, 1988-89. Ramacca (Catania). Saggi di scavo nelle contrade Castellito e Montagna negli anni 1978, 1981 e 1982. NSc (I Suppl., 1992), 7-159. Arias, P.E., 1938. La stazione preistorica a Serraferlicchio presso Agrigento. MonAnt 36, 693838. Bacci, G.M. & G. Tigano (a cura di), 2001. Da Zancle a Messina: un percorso archeologico attraverso gli scavi. Messina. Bats, M., 1988. Vaisselle et alimentation à Olbia de Provence. Paris.

48 49

AA.VV. 2000, 73-74. Spigo 1979; 1986.

365

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Orsi, P., 1919. Gli scavi intorno all’Athenaion di Siracusa negli anni 1912-1917. MonAnt 25, 353-754. Pancucci, D. & M.C. Naro, 1992. Monte Bubbonia. Campagne di scavo 1905, 1906, 1955. Roma. Patané, A., 1995. Saggi di scavo in contrada ‘La Montagna’ di Ramacca. Lèmbasi 1, 105-114. Pelagatti, P. et alii, 1984-85. Naxos (Messina). Gli scavi extra-urbani oltre il Santa Venera (1973-75). NSc, 253-497. Ridgway, D., 1997. Nestor’s cup and the Etruscans. Oxford JournArch 16 (3), 325-344. Sedita Migliore, M., 1981. Sabucina. Caltanissetta. Spatafora, F., 2003. Monte Maranfusa. Un insediamento nella media valle del Belice: l’abitato indigeno. Palermo. Spatafora, F. & S. Vassallo (eds), 2002. Sicani Elimi e Greci. Storie di contatti e terre di frontiera. Palermo, 37-55. Spigo, U., 1979. Monte S. Mauro di Caltagirone. Scavi 1978: aspetti di un centro greco della Sicilia interna. BdA 4, 21-42. Spigo, U., 1986. L’anonimo centro greco di Monte S. Mauro di Caltagirone nel quadro dell’arcaismo siceliota: prospettive di ricerca. Decima Miscellanea greca e romana, 1-32. Trombi, C., 1999. La ceramica indigena dipinte della Sicilia della seconda metà del IX sec. a.C. al V sec. a.C., in: Atti Incontro di Studi ‘Magna Grecia e Sicilia. Stato degli Studi e Prospettive di Ricerca’. Messina, 275-293. Tusa, S. (ed.), 1997. Prima Sicilia. Palermo. Vassallo, S., 1999. Colle Madore. Un caso di ellenizzazione in terra sicana. Palermo. Villari, P., 1981. I giacimenti preistorici del Monte Belvedere e della Pianura Chiusa di Fiumedinisi (Messina). Successione delle culture nella Sicilia nord-orientale. SicA 46-47, 111-122.

366

LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO) Elena Smoquina & Mirella T. A. Robino Abstract: The paper presents a new classification system for common pottery, created and used by the team studying finds from the Etruscan village at San Cassiano di Crespino (Ro). This system was created in order to classify the significant sherds as soon as they come to light during the excavations and to provide a simple means of preliminary identification. This first analysis distinguishes between shapes on the basis of macroscopic differences rather than by distinguishing a number of sub-categories of small differences. The decision to limit the primary analysis has allowed us to create a simple, but nevertheless scientific, typology which can serve as the basis for further study.

L’Università di Pavia, sotto la direzione di Maurizio Harari,1 in collaborazione con l’Università di Ferrara, con il Museo dei Grandi Fiumi di Rovigo e d’intesa con la Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto, dal 1994 indaga un insediamento nell’entroterra di Adria, localizzato a San Cassiano di Crespino (RO),2 del cui materiale in ceramica comune presentiamo una selezione, proveniente dalle campagne 1995-2002, basata sulla maggior occorrenza delle forme.

LA CERAMICA DEPURATA Il corpo ceramico dei reperti in argilla depurata provenienti dal sito di San Cassiano, ad un esame macroscopico, sembra riconducibile a due soli tipi: uno, il più attestato, è di colore arancio-rosato e piuttosto friabile (proprio la farinosità delle superfici rende impossibile stabilire quali esemplari fossero in origine decorati, quali invece acromi); il corpo ceramico del gruppo meno attestato è di colore grigio e di consistenza molto meno farinosa: le fratture sono nette e le superfici più compatte. L’impressione che si ricava dall’esame autoptico è che il colore sia il risultato di un diverso procedimento di cottura, piuttosto che di una differente argilla utilizzata: questo soprattutto per la presenza, rara ma significativa, di esemplari che presentano parete esterna ed interna dei due colori (indifferentemente esterno rosato/interno grigio o viceversa).

Il sistema di catalogazione adottato3 è un sistema aperto, studiato cioè per permettere l’inserimento delle forme in un momento immediatamente successivo alla loro identificazione, e comune, nelle sue categorie (gruppi e tipi), alla ceramica depurata e alla grezza. La prima distinzione significativa è stata fatta a livello funzionale, arrivando alla individuazione di alcune ‘forme funzionali’: 4 coppe, piattelli, olle etc.

Non si è notata, nella catalogazione dei reperti, una significativa differenziazione delle forme in base ai due diversi tipi di corpo ceramico, e si è pertanto preferito creare un catalogo unico. Talvolta la ceramica di colore arancio-rosato conserva tracce di decorazione: bande rosso-brune, date con campiture di vernice più o meno estese, talora ben conservate, talora dai contorni meno distinguibili, la fanno rientrare nella cosiddetta ‘etruscopadana’,5 che definiamo con De Marinis6 come quel

Le prime categorie così individuate hanno permesso una ripartizione in gruppi (indicati con numero arabo), dati dall’associazione di caratteristiche morfologiche e/o da rapporti dimensionali. Per la successiva specificazione del tipo si è guardato alla morfologia del labbro (un numero romano indica la variazione di profilo: I – estroflesso; II – diritto; III – introflesso; IV – a tesa), e poi a quella dell’orlo (una cifra araba specifica l’ingrossatura: 1 – ingrossato esternamente; 2 – senza ingrossatura; 3 – ingrossato internamente; 4 – a collare).

5

Colonna 1974 considera questa produzione vascolare non tanto segnale diretto della presenza di genti etrusche, ma della ‘progrediente etruschizzazione’ della zona; Patitucci Uggeri 1979 preferisce parlare di ceramica ‘geometrica’, connotandola per la decorazione piuttosto che per l’area di provenienza o di diffusione; è solo con Raffaele De Marinis (De Marinis 1982), che viene utilizzato per la prima volta il termine ‘etrusco-padano’, applicato a questa ceramica; Patitucci Uggeri 1983 pubblica la ‘ceramica dipinta’ di Spina. Del 1986-87 è l’ottimo catalogo della mostra Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (a cura di R. De Marinis), nel cui primo volume è pubblicata la ‘ceramica fine’ del Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito: qui Casini, Frontini & Gatti 1986, 247, non distinguono tra ceramica depurata di fabbricazione locale decorata a bande e ceramica acroma, con una motivazione convincente e per noi definitiva: “la presenza o l’assenza della decorazione non influisce sulle caratteristiche formali dei vari tipi” e quindi non può essere considerata elemento distintivo in un catalogo tipologico-morfologico, in cui la morphé è elemento fondamentale. Parrini 1993 pubblica invece la ceramica ‘locale tardo-arcaica’ della necropoli di Valle Trebba, presso Spina, suddividendola in tre classi: ‘acroma dipinta (cd. etruscopadana)’, acroma e a pasta grigia; in Donati & Parrini 1999, i materiali dell’abitato di Adria sono ancora distinti tra ceramica acroma e ceramica a bande.

Pertanto, una identificazione completa del pezzo (il tipo) è espressa da: forma (coppa, piattello, olla etc.), gruppo (1, 2, 3 etc.), inclinazione del labbro (I, II, III, IV), ingrossatura dell’orlo (1, 2, 3, 4).

1 Al quale vanno i nostri primi ringraziamenti; ricordiamo anche, per la collaborazione alla catalogazione, M. Cerioli, R. Cerri, F. Piva. 2 Per una bibliografia aggiornata sull’insediamento di San Cassiano, vedi articolo di M. T. A. Robino & E. Smoquina in questi stessi Atti. 3 Come proposto in Calandra 1999; il metodo fa riferimento a quello proposto da Morel 1981, con varianti finalizzate alla semplificazione: per esempio, la forma è indicata dal nome per esteso e non da un numero, per rendere più immediato il primo livello di identificazione. 4 Per una definizione esaustiva dei termini, vedi Morel 1981, 28.

367

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI complesso di ceramica comune, simile per caratteristiche tecniche e morfologiche (aggiungeremmo anche, quando ancora leggibili, decorative), e diffusa, perlomeno a partire dalla fine del VI secolo a.C., in tutte quelle aree della Val Padana in cui sia stata riconosciuta l’esistenza di siti abitati da genti di etnia etrusca.

tav. XXXV; Cabriolo di Fidenza: Catarsi Dall’Aglio 1998, 252, fig. 5; Este: Gamba 1987, 127, fig. 265.626; Forcello: Casini, Frontini & Gatti 1986, 248, fig. 147.3A2; Imola: Eles Masi 1981, 137, tav. 76, fig. 75.11; Marzabotto: Sandri 1972, 321, fig. 1.3; Bouloumié 1976, 118, pl. IV. 113119; Massa Pairault 1997, pl. XVI.6,8; pl. XXXII.5; Tripponi 1970, 50, tav. V fig. 8.99; San Rigo di Villa Coviolo: Patroncini 1973, 132 n° 17; Spina: Patitucci Uggeri 1983, 105, fig. 5; Parrini 1993, 83, fig. 4.6.

Forme aperte7 Le coppe I gruppi sono stati individuati in base alla forma della vasca (non determinante è stato considerato il piede, in considerazione del fatto che i profili integri sono numericamente esigui, non sufficienti a istituzionalizzare il rapporto corpo – piede). La coppa del gruppo 2 ha vasca emisferica (ed è quella percentualmente meglio rappresentata), mentre la 3 è a vasca carenata; il gruppo 4 ha vasca tronco-conica, con profilo leggermente arrotondato.

Coppa 2 III 2 (Fig. 1:2) Coppa a vasca emisferica, labbro introflesso, orlo non ingrossato. I diametri attestati sono compresi tra i 10 ed i 20 cm; di quindici esemplari, due sono a profilo completo (uno è attualmente in restauro, l’altro, con piede ad anello, è in depurata grigia). Altri due esemplari, che conservano anch’essi il profilo completo, hanno però dimensioni ridotte: uno, con piede ad anello, ha un diametro di 9 cm, l’altro, con piede a disco, ha un diametro di 7 cm e conserva una decorazione a bande di colore rosso: tre all’interno, una sola all’esterno in corrispondenza dell’orlo. Cfr.: Adria: Donati & Parrini 1999, 584, fig. 9.2 (acroma), fig. 9.1 (etrusco-padana); Cacciola di Scandiano: Patroncini 1973, 135 n° 38; Casale di Villa Rivalta: Patroncini 1973, 135 n° 28; Este: Gamba 1987, 127, fig. 265.621; Forcello: Casini, Frontini & Gatti 1986, 249, fig. 148 (tipo C); Imola: Eles Masi 1981, 42, tav. 10 fig.12.6; 91, tav. 44 fig. 46.6; 130, tav. 71 fig. 72.10; Marzabotto: Bouloumié 1976, 119, pl. IV.K132269; Massa Pairault 1997, pl. XV.5, pl. XXVIII.6; Tripponi 1970, tav. I fig. 1.13, 38, tav. II fig. 3.50,51; San Rigo di Monte Coviolo: Patroncini 1973, 138 C72, C86 e C87; Spina: Patitucci Uggeri 1983, 111, fig. 7.23b; Parrini 1993, 81, fig. 2.1 (dipinta), 83, fig. 4.3 (acroma).

Fra le coppe a profilo emisferico (gruppo 2), la tipologia predominante è quella che presenta il labbro diritto e l’orlo non ingrossato (coppa 2 II 2); ben rappresentate sono anche le coppe con labbro introflesso e orlo non ingrossato (coppa 2 III 2), un esemplare delle quali conserva una decorazione a bande di colore rosso; le coppe a labbro diritto, orlo ingrossato esternamente (coppa 2 II 1), sono solo 3; solo 2 le coppe a labbro diritto e orlo ingrossato internamente (coppa 2 II 3). Tutte le coppe a profilo emisferico, tranne due, hanno il corpo ceramico di colore arancio-rosato. Coppa 2 II 2 (Fig. 1:1) 8 Coppa a vasca emisferica, labbro diritto, orlo non ingrossato. I diametri variano tra gli 11 ed i 21 cm, con due eccezioni (7-9 cm); sono attestati tre esemplari a profilo completo, di cui due con piede ad anello, uno con piede a disco (all’interno, tracce di ingubbiatura rossa ben conservate; altri tre frammenti pertinenti alla medesima coppa presentano tracce di colore rosso, troppo ridotte per poter decidere se fosse colorata uniformemente o a bande). Cfr.:9 Adria: Donati & Parrini 1999, 585, fig. 10.3; Bologna: Malnati 1987, 41, fig. 23.1; Zannoni 1876, 102,

Fra le coppe carenate (gruppo 3), ben 51 su 56 sono a labbro diritto e orlo non ingrossato (coppa 3 II 2); tre coppe presentano il labbro estroflesso e l’orlo non ingrossato (coppa 3 I 2); due coppe hanno il labbro diritto e l’orlo ingrossato esternamente (coppa 3 II 1). Solo quattro coppe carenate sul totale hanno il corpo ceramico di colore grigio anziché arancio-rosato, e sono pertanto più facilmente accostabili ad esemplari di uguale forma in bucchero, attestati nell’Etruria propria (Rasmussen 1979, ‘bowl type 2’ – 203, pl. 41) alla fine del VI secolo a.C., mentre dalla necropoli di Valle Trebba (Spina) sono noti esemplari sporadici in impasto buccheroide, datati al tardo arcaismo (Parrini 1993, 61); ad Imola la stessa forma è attestata invece in corpo ceramico grigio.

6

De Marinis 1982, 498. Per quanto riguarda la presentazione del materiale ceramico in depurata, è stata applicata una prima selezione a livello delle forme, che in sede di convegno comprendevano anche i mortai, ed un’ulteriore scelta nella presentazione dei confronti. A causa dei limiti imposti dalle necessità editoriali, si analizzano infatti solo i tipi maggiormente attestati; per gli altri, i confronti saranno proposti in sede di pubblicazione di tutti i materiali provenienti dallo scavo di San Cassiano. 8 Tutti i disegni sono di M.T.A. Robino. 9 In questa sede, si è scelto di non distinguere la provenienza dei materiali di confronto (abitato o necropoli), sia per la ceramica depurata che per quella grezza, in quanto il discorso verte sulle caratteristiche tecnico-morfologiche di questo tipo di produzione. 7

Coppa 3 II 2 (Fig. 1:3) Coppa a vasca carenata, labbro diritto, orlo non ingrossato. 368

ELENA SMOQUINA & MIRELLA T. A. ROBINO: LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO)

Fig. 1. Ceramica depurata (1: Coppa 2 II 2; 2: Coppa 2 III 2; 3: Coppa 3 II 2; 4: Coppa 4 II 3; 5: Piattello 1 II 2; 6: Piattello 2 IV 2; 7: Piattello 3 IV 2; 8: Unicum; 9: Olla 1 II 1); Ceramica grezza (10: Catino 1 I 1; 11: Catino 2 I 1; 12: Coppa-coperchio 1 II 2; 13: Dolio 1 I 1; 14: Dolio 1 IV 1; 15: Olla 1 I 1; 16: Olla 3 I 1). Scala 1:4.

369

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI piano, vasca troncoconica, labbro con tesa, orlo non ingrossato (piattello 1 IV 2).

Il diametro attestato varia tra i 17 e i 24 cm per 23 esemplari; solo 5 presentano un diametro minore (compreso tra i 13 e i 15 cm), e uno maggiore (27 cm).

Il gruppo 2 ha vasca troncoconica e piede ad anello, ed è rappresentato solo da due piattelli (di cui uno proveniente dal fuori strato) che hanno labbro a tesa e orlo non ingrossato (piattello 2 IV 2 – Fig. 1:6). Cfr.: Forcello: Casini, Frontini & Gatti 1986, 257-258, fig. 155.8; Imola: Eles Masi 1981, 31, tav. 1 fig. 1.22.

Tre esemplari (tutti con piede ad anello) attestano il profilo completo; uno di questi presenta una colorazione rosso-bruna uniforme all’interno (forse con il tondo centrale risparmiato); tracce della stessa colorazione rimangono anche all’esterno. Un’altra coppa presenta chiare tracce di decorazione rossa a bande all’interno, lungo l’orlo. Cfr.: Balone: Salzani 1994, 46, fig. 24.7; Forcello: Casini, Frontini & Gatti 1986, 250-251, fig. 150 (tipo G); Imola: Eles Masi 1981, 31, tav. 1 fig. 1.8; Marzabotto: Sandri 1972, 321 fig. 1.5; Tripponi 1970, 27-28, tav. I fig. 1.4, 36, tav. II fig. 3.40; San Rigo di Villa Coviolo: Patroncini 1973, 134 n° 29; Spina: Patitucci Uggeri 1983, 106, fig. 6.21; Parrini 1993, 81 fig. 2.3.

Il gruppo 3 ha vasca tronco-conica e piede basso e sagomato; è attestato un unico tipo, con labbro a tesa e orlo non ingrossato (piattello 3 IV 2 – Fig. 1:7). Rimane per ora non attribuibile a un gruppo il piattello che si presenta a parte come unicum, con vasca carenata ma senza piede, proveniente dal fuori strato (Fig. 1:8). Cfr.: Imola: Eles Masi 1981, 57, tav. 21 fig. 24.7; 59, tav. 22 fig. 25.2; 64, tav. 27 figg. 29.17 e 29.18; 86, tav. 40, fig. 43.13; 96-97, tav. 47 figg. 49.11-12.

All’interno del gruppo 4, a vasca troncoconica, 45 coppe su 50 presentano il labbro diritto e l’orlo ingrossato internamente (coppa 4 II 3) – si deve segnalare che è l’unico tipo in cui le attestazioni di corpo ceramico grigio raggiungono una quota significativa, pari alla metà degli esemplari; 4 coppe hanno il labbro diritto e l’orlo ingrossato esternamente (coppa 4 II 1); una sola coppa (dal fuori strato) ha il labbro introflesso e l’orlo ingrossato esternamente (coppa 4 III 1).

Tutti i piattelli attestati hanno il corpo ceramico di colore arancio-rosato; nei casi in cui è possibile il confronto con altri siti, il riferimento più immediato è quello con la necropoli delle Balone (ai cui piattelli quelli dell’abitato di San Cassiano sono molto simili anche come corpo ceramico). E’ utile comunque sottolineare, oltre all’alto numero di tipi (sei) rispetto al totale degli esemplari (dodici), che poco numerosi sono i confronti possibili; evidentemente si tratta di una forma che presenta un’ampia possibilità di soluzioni.

Coppa 4 II 3 (Fig. 1:4) Coppa a vasca tronco-conica, dal profilo leggermente arrotondato, labbro diritto, orlo ingrossato internamente. I diametri attestati variano tra i 15 ed i 22 cm; l’unico esemplare a profilo completo ha piede ad anello. Cfr.: Imola: Eles Masi 1981, 31, tav.1 fig. 1.10.

Forme chiuse Le olle La tipologia delle olle dello scavo di San Cassiano prevede quattro differenti gruppi, di cui sono attestati in depurata solo i primi due.

I piattelli Per distinguere in gruppi i piattelli si è considerata la morfologia della vasca in associazione a quella del piede: la vasca, che deve essere per definizione poco profonda, è fino ad ora attestata nella forma tronco-conica e in quella carenata; la base d’appoggio è a fondo piano o con piede ad anello, tranne in un caso, in cui il basso piede è sagomato, nella faccia inferiore, da una solcatura profonda. In questo modo sono stati distinti, fino ad ora, tre gruppi.

Gruppo 1, olle che hanno il collo distinto: quattro olle, con diametro all’imboccatura di 7-8 cm, hanno labbro estroflesso, orlo non ingrossato (olla 1 I 2); sei olle (diam. all’imboccatura di 9-20 cm) presentano invece labbro diritto, orlo ingrossato esternamente (olla 1 II 1 – Fig. 1:9); a questo tipo appartiene quello che per ora è l’unico esemplare a profilo completo, con piede ad anello. Cfr.: Forcello: Casini, Frontini & Gatti 1986, 260-261, fig. 157.2-E2.

Il gruppo 1 ha vasca troncoconica e fondo piano: il tipo più frequente (attestato in sei esemplari, di cui due provenienti però dal fuori strato) è il piattello con labbro diritto e orlo non ingrossato (piattello 1 II 2 – Fig. 1:5). Cfr.: Balone: Salzani 1994, 50, fig. 28.4.

Il gruppo 2 presenta olle in cui il collo diviene labbro senza soluzione di continuità nel profilo del vaso; meno numeroso del primo gruppo (cinque olle anziché dieci), comprende esemplari tutti appartenenti al medesimo tipo, con diametri all’imboccatura compresi fra 7 e 14 cm: le olle hanno tutte l’orlo diritto e non ingrossato (olla 2 II 2).

Sono inoltre attestati: un piattello a fondo piano, vasca troncoconica, labbro diritto e orlo ingrossato esternamente (piattello 1 II 1), un piattello a fondo piano, vasca troncoconica, labbro con tesa, orlo ingrossato esternamente (piattello 1 IV 1), un piattello a fondo

Tutte le olle in depurata hanno il corpo ceramico di colore arancio-rosato. E. S. 370

ELENA SMOQUINA & MIRELLA T. A. ROBINO: LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO) LA CERAMICA GREZZA

pentola, ma potesse esserci un uso multifunzionale dei recipienti in ceramica grezza. Inoltre la situazione è resa ancora più complessa dal fatto che la ceramica in esame è stata rinvenuta, in molti casi, in strati di incendio, e quindi non risulta determinabile con certezza l’origine delle focature.

Con la definizione di ‘ceramica grezza’ si intende vasellame realizzato al tornio, il cui corpo ceramico risulti contenere inclusi di diversa natura e di granulometria variabile, già presenti nell’argilla o aggiunti intenzionalmente come degrassante per migliorarne la plasticità e la coesione durante la cottura. Tale definizione fa riferimento alla più evidente fra le sue caratteristiche, determinata dalla sua funzione.10

Come ultima annotazione preliminare si vuole segnalare che la ceramica d’uso comune rinvenuta a Crespino è in ogni caso assolutamente congruente con quella rinvenuta nello stesso ambito territoriale, ed in particolare con i reperti provenienti dagli scavi d’abitato adriesi, nella cui chora l’insediamento di San Cassiano si trovava ‘e testimonia di un notevole conservatorismo nei contesti tra V e III secolo a.C. sia nelle tecniche esecutive che nella morfologia.15

Lo studio di questa classe deve ritenersi ancora del tutto preliminare data la grande quantità di materiale rinvenuto e l’impossibilità di realizzare un sistematico lavoro di restauro su tutti i frammenti, aspetti che rendono talora assai problematico il riconoscimento e l’analisi dei tipi vascolari, con conseguenti oscillazioni, revisioni e modifiche.11 Soltanto una forma è documentata nella sua interezza: la coppa-coperchio, di cui sono stati rinvenuti due esemplari pressoché integri. Per tutti gli altri tipi è impossibile ricostruire il profilo completo e la lacunosità non permette di determinare le caratteristiche della base né l’eventuale presenza di anse.12 Dallo scavo provengono molte basi piatte di varie misure e con spessori molto differenti in sezione. È assai probabile, dato il gran numero di attestazioni, che fossero comuni a più di una forma, quasi sicuramente anche a recipienti di grandi dimensioni. Molto più rari i piedi ad anello, con certezza attribuibili alle coppe-coperchio, come testimoniato dagli esemplari integri, ma forse pertinenti anche ad altre forme.13

Forme aperte I catini Per catini16 si intendono grandi recipienti di forma aperta, con il corpo troncoconico o a profilo continuo e curvilineo (rispettivamente catini di gruppo 1 e di gruppo 2). I tipi maggiormente attestati sono il catino 1 I 1, con vasca troncoconica, labbro estroflesso ed orlo ingrossato esternamente, ed il catino 2 I 1, con vasca a profilo continuo e curvilineo, labbro estroflesso, orlo ingrossato esternamente. I diametri misurati per il catino 1 I 1 (Fig. 1:10) oscillano tra i 20 ed i 41 cm. Sotto il labbro, sulla parete esterna, ricorrono abbastanza frequentemente semplici solcature e/o cordonature di medie dimensioni. In un solo caso è testimoniata una decorazione più complessa con un motivo a treccia impressa, che però è localizzata verso la metà della vasca. Cfr.:17 Bondeno loc. Barchessa: Calzolari 1992b, 194, tav. LXXV.6; Villa Mancasale: Forte 1990, 86, tav. X.10. Sono rilevabili le stesse caratteristiche decorative sopra descritte anche per il catino 2 I 1 (Fig. 1:11). Il diametro è compreso tra un minimo di 22 ed un massimo di 30 cm. Cfr.: Adria: Donati & Parrini 1999, 596, fig. 15.1; Balone: Salzani 1988, 31, fig. 4.8; Salzani 1994, 47, fig. 25.4; Bondeno loc. Zoccolina: Calzolari 1992b, 204, tav. LXXXIII.2; Casale di Rivalta: Macellari, Squadrini & Bentini 1990, 208, tav. XLIX.10; Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 271, figg. 166.1, 168 tipo B; Casini, De Marinis & Fanetti 1999, 153, fig. 14.13; Marzabotto:

Per quanto riguarda i criteri generali che hanno presieduto al lavoro, si fa riferimento a quanto detto nell’introduzione generale. Si vuole sottolineare ulteriormente come le dimensioni non siano state assunte come criterio qualificante all’interno di un gruppo (non distinguendo, ad esempio, tra olle ed ollette).14 Su molti frammenti di orli, di basi e di pareti sono state rinvenute tracce di fuoco, ma in nessun caso resti di cibo carbonizzato. Inoltre la presenza di focature non è caratteristica di una forma o di un tipo preciso, fatto che ha spinto ad ipotizzare, allo stato attuale dello studio, che non ci fosse un contenitore standard utilizzato come 10 Questa scelta permette di uniformarsi alle posizioni emerse negli ultimi decenni nel dibattito sulla produzione di periodo romano, che non differisce a livello intrinseco da questi prodotti più antichi, per una sintesi delle quali rimandiamo a Barogi & Covizzi 1995. 11 A questo proposito si vuole sottolineare come, essendo questa una tipologia di labbri ed orli, non è possibile considerare i tipi riconosciuti nell’accezione di G. Pucci, quali “specifico genere di manufatti che presentano in un’unica combinazione attributi riconoscibili e distinti” (Pucci 1983, 287). 12 Motivo per cui, in sede di elaborazione della tipologia, si è scelto di non inserire questi elementi. 13 Situazione comune anche ad altri siti (p.es.: Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 266). 14 Diversamente da quanto osservato per il materiale del Forcello (Casini & Frontini 1986, 266), la ceramica grezza di San Cassiano non presenta alcuna caratteristica relativa al corpo ceramico associabile ad una particolare forma o corrispondente ad una specifica funzione.

15 Sui motivi ed i significati del conservatorismo proprio delle forme ceramiche funzionali al mondo domestico e soprattutto alla sfera dell’alimentazione, vedi Bats 1988, 25-28. 16 Sono denominati anche scodelloni (Gambacurta 1990, 61), o più genericamente ‘vasi troncoconici’ (Casini & Frontini 1986, 273). 17 La bibliografia di confronto proposta non presume in nessun modo di rivestire un carattere di esaustività ma vuole solamente rendere conto di una diffusione spaziale del tipo in analisi, in relazione, per ovvie considerazioni metodologiche, ai confini della cd. Etruria padana.

371

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Massa Pairault 1997, pl. X.5; Mirandola loc. Barchessone Cappello: Giusti 1993, 108, tav. IV.5; Reggiano: Pellegrini & Saltini 1992, 279, tav. XXXIII.369.

Cfr.: Adria: Donati & Parrini 1999, 595, fig. 14.1; Balone: Salzani 1994, 46, figg. 24.18-19; Bondeno loc. Barchessa: Calzolari 1992b, 196, tav. LXXVII.1; Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 276, fig. 169.1; Casini, De Marinis & Fanetti 1999, 161, fig. 22.123; Mirandola loc. Arginone: Campagnoli 1992a, 72, tav. XVII.1, 7; Mirandola loc. Barchessone Barbiere: Sgarbi 1993, 58, tav. IX.3; Mirandola loc. Barchessone Cappello: Giusti 1993, 109, tav. V.3; Modena territorio: Ferri & Losi 1989, 21, fig. 5.2, 4; Reggiano: Pellegrini & Saltini 1992, 274, tav. XXVIII.314, 316-318; Rubiera, Cava Guidetti: Lasagna Patroncini 1980, 104, n.233; S. Basilio: Salzani & Vitali 1988, 38, fig. 1.11; S. Claudio: Malnati & Losi 1990, 111, tav. XVII.5-7.

In entrambi i casi non è possibile stabilire con certezza quale fosse la base, anche se le dimensioni assai rimarchevoli di alcuni frammenti richiedevano senza dubbio un appoggio molto stabile che poteva essere garantito da una base piatta o da un piede ad anello molto ampio, i cui pochi frammenti sino ad ora rinvenuti sono però tutti di dimensioni piuttosto piccole, più adatte a coppe o coppe-coperchio. Circa la metà dei frammenti di catino 1 I 1 e circa un quinto dei catini 2 I 1 conservano tracce di bruciato soprattutto sulla superficie interna. La stessa situazione è stata riscontrata sugli esemplari adriesi, interpretati in sede di pubblicazione come recipienti destinati alla cottura dei cibi.18

I frammenti di coppe-coperchio rinvenuti in abitato ad Adria recano quasi tutti tracce di bruciato e questo ha fatto ipotizzare il loro utilizzo per la cottura sub testu.22 Al contrario pochissimi frammenti rinvenuti a Crespino presentano tracce di esposizione diretta al fuoco ed è quindi probabile che solo raramente venissero utilizzati per questo scopo.

Le coppe-coperchio

Forme chiuse

I numerosi frammenti rinvenuti attestano la grande diffusione di questa forma che godeva, per converso, di una variabilità morfo-tipologica molto bassa. Svolgeva probabilmente il doppio ruolo di coppa e di coperchio, con un ampio ambito di utilizzo, come testimonia l’elevato numero di attestazioni.19 Questo non esclude però che venissero utilizzati anche coperchi realizzati in altro materiale, probabilmente deperibile, come il legno. Gli esemplari in esame non presentano alcun tipo di ansa, ma dovevano essere dotati di un piede ad anello, come i due individui rinvenuti integri. Questo doveva fungere da presa nel caso di utilizzo come coperchio.

Sono state assunte come caratteristiche qualificanti di questa forma essenzialmente attributi morfologici, quali la conformazione del labbro e dell’orlo, e l’attributo metrico del diametro dell’imboccatura, superiore ai 30 cm, che li distingue dalle olle, alle quali sono simili.23 Si è anche osservato che in tutti i casi in cui è conservata con il labbro una porzione di spalla, questa è sempre assai ampia.

I diametri sono compresi tra un minimo di 13 ed un massimo di 30 cm, ma la classe dimensionale meglio documentata è quella tra i 15 ed i 22 cm.20 Gli esemplari più grandi sono forse da collegare alla funzione di chiusura di contenitori di derrate di considerevoli dimensioni.21

Non è stato possibile attribuire con certezza nessuno dei frammenti di fondo sino ad ora esaminati ad un dolio, ed è quindi possibile avanzare solo ipotesi ricostruttive. Il rinvenimento di basi a fondo piatto di considerevoli dimensioni permette di ipotizzare una loro pertinenza a questa forma.

I coperchi rinvenuti sono tutti con vasca troncoconica e pareti a profilo pressoché rettilineo o lievemente arrotondato (gruppo 1). Il tipo maggiormente attestato è quello con labbro diritto, orlo non ingrossato (coppacoperchio 1 II 2 – Fig. 1:12). Non presenta decorazioni.

L’aspetto più interessante è la presenza di tipi appartenenti a due tradizioni ceramologiche differenti. Infatti il gruppo 1 dei dolii, caratterizzato dalla spalla che si raccorda al labbro tramite un breve collo a profilo convesso,24 si articola in tre distinti tipi, dei quali il dolio 1 I 1 (con labbro estroflesso, orlo ingrossato esternamente – Fig. 1:13) rientra pienamente nella produzione etruscopadana,25 mentre i due tipi contraddistinti per il labbro a

I dolii

18 Donati & Parrini 1999, 599. Nell’abitato del Forcello i catini sono considerati come recipienti da fuoco, anche con funzione di braciere (Casini & Frontini 1986, 266, 273-275). La stessa funzione è ipotizzata per esemplari di Padova (Gambacurta 1990, 61) e di Casale di Rivalta (Macellari, Squadrini & Bentini 1990, 187). 19 Questa ambiguità d’uso è attestata in tutto il periodo antico. Si vedano, relativamente ad un ambito culturale diverso da quello etrusco, Peroni 1975, 90; per l’Etruria padana es. Casini & Frontini 1986, 276; Donati & Parrini 1999, 598. 20 In analogia con quanto osservato per le coppe-coperchio del Forcello (Casini & Frontini 1986, 276). 21 Un’ipotesi analoga è stata avanzata per le grandi coppe rinvenute in uno scavo a Padova (Gamba Cera 1990, 69).

22

Donati & Parrini 1999, 598-599. Per questa scelta si veda anche: Cattani, Ferri & Losi 1989, 12. Questa tipologia segue quella delle olle (vedi infra), dal momento che i dolii si distinguono da queste essenzialmente per le maggiori dimensioni, ma morfologicamente sono assai vicini. 25 Cfr., ad es., Balone: Salzani 1988, 31, fig. 4.1,6; Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 270, fig. 165.2; Casini, De Marinis & Fanetti 1999, 152, fig. 13.4; Marzabotto: Bouloumié 1976, 131, pl. VIII. F 132192; Massa Pairault 1997, pl. XXII.12; Mirandola loc. Arginone: Campagnoli 1992b, 89, tav. XXII.2; Spina: Baldoni 1981. 23 24

372

ELENA SMOQUINA & MIRELLA T. A. ROBINO: LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO) tesa (dolio 1 IV 1 e dolio 1 IV 2) – ed il dolio 1 IV 1 (Fig. 1:14) anche per le cordonature associate all’ingobbio rosso-rientrano, per le caratteristiche formali e la tecnica decorativa, a pieno titolo nei prodotti ceramici di tradizione paleoveneta.26 Sono inoltre i due tipi numericamente più abbondanti, se si considerano anche i molti frammenti di pareti cordonate rinvenuti, che per la presenza di ingobbio rosso o rosso bruno associato a cordonature sui frammenti di dolio 1 IV 1 permette di riconoscerle come appartenenti a dolii.

un diametro lievemente superiore (tra i 26 ed i 29 cm), che caratteristiche tecniche quali spessore dell’orlo e della parete inducono a considerare senza dubbio olle. Molti esemplari presentano subito sotto il collo sottili scanalature o basse cordonature quali elementi decorativi. Un numero cospicuo di frammenti presenta inoltre tracce di focature sulla superficie esterna, interna o su ambedue. Questa caratteristica ricorre senza alcun riferimento a gruppi o tipi. È pertanto probabile che le olle venissero anche utilizzate quali recipienti destinati alla cottura.

Dolii cordonati attribuibili alla produzione paleoveneta sono presenti anche in altri siti del Basso Po: a S. Basilio nel Polesine,27 nel sito di Le Balone,28 nel territorio di Bondeno,29 ad Adria, relativamente alle fasi più antiche dell’abitato,30 e sono stati rinvenuti anche nella necropoli di Ca’ Cima utilizzati come cinerari in tombe a cremazione di età tardo-arcaica,31 e nell’Etruria padana nel Mantovano32 o nel Mirandolese:33 in tutti i casi è sempre ricollegato alle produzioni venete.

I tipi maggiormente attestati appartengono al gruppo 1 (con collo distinto che separa la spalla dal labbro) e al gruppo 3 (priva di collo con la spalla impostata subito sotto il labbro). Olla 1 I 1 (Fig. 1:15): con labbro estroflesso ed orlo ingrossato esternamente (diametri compresi tra 8.4 e 28 cm). Cfr.: Adria: Donati & Parrini 1999, 594, fig. 13.2; Balone: Salzani 1988, 30, fig. 3.13-15; Bondeno, loc. Barchessa: Calzolari 1992b, 192, tav. LXXIII.8; Casale di Rivalta: Macellari, Squadrini & Bentini 1990, 207-208, tavv. XLVIII.4; XLIX.2; Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 267, figg. 162.1 (con bibl. prec.), 162.4 (con bibl. prec.); Casini, De Marinis & Fanetti 1999, 153 fig. 14.15,20; Marzabotto: Massa Pairault 1997, pl. VI.21b; XI.7; XXIX.6; Mirandola loc. Arginone: Campagnoli 1992a, 64, tav. XI.5-7; Campagnoli 1992b, 91, tav. XXIV.8; Mirandola loc. Barchessone Cappello: Giusti 1993, 105, tav. I; Mirandola, loc. Miseria Vecchia: Calzolari 1992a, 139, tav. L.1; 149, tav. LVI.9; Modena territorio: Ferri & Losi 1989, 28, fig. 10.1; Reggiano: Pellegrini & Saltini 1992, 280, tav. XXXIV; San Claudio: Malnati & Losi 1990, 118, tav. XXIV.10; Territorio tra Mirandola e Bondeno (Modena): Malnati 1992, 35, tav. 1c.10,11,13; Villa Mancasale: Forte 1990, 85, tav. IX.18.

Parimenti interessante è il fatto che invece in ambito veneto siano stati rinvenuti dolii derivati da modelli etrusco-padani, come attestano rinvenimenti a Padova, ad Archi di Castelrotto e Terranegra.34 Le olle Insieme alle coppe-coperchio è la forma maggiormente attestata nella produzione di ceramica grezza nel sito di San Cassiano, ma a differenza di queste la sua variabilità morfologica è molto elevata. Le olle, come i dolii su scala maggiore e con lieve scarto funzionale,35 erano utilizzate come contenitori di derrate alimentari. Ma la loro morfologia, poco caratterizzata dal punto di vista funzionale, le rendeva anche idonee ad un impiego più generalizzato, probabilmente non limitato al solo ambito domestico, cosa che spiegherebbe il gran numero di frammenti rinvenuti.

Olla 3 I 1 (Fig. 1:16): con labbro estroflesso, orlo ingrossato esternamente (diametri compresi tra 12 e 29 cm). Cfr.: Casale di Rivalta: Macellari, Squadrini & Bentini 1990, 223, tav. LXIII.8; Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 267, fig. 162.2 (con bibl. prec.); Mirandola loc. Arginone: Campagnoli 1992b, 92, tav. XXV.2; Marzabotto: Massa Pairault 1997, pl. VIII.8; XXX.16; San Claudio: Malnati & Losi 1990, 117, tav. XXIII.4. M.T.A. R.

Le dimensioni dei vari esemplari sono molto varie, ma non ricorrono sistematicamente all’interno di uno stesso tipo. La maggior parte degli orli ha un diametro compreso tra gli 8 ed i 22 cm, con una maggior concentrazione tra i 12 ed i 22 cm. Si segnalano poi pochissimi esemplari con 26 Si veda ad esempio Gamba Cera 1990, 38 (con bibl. prec.). Alcuni frammenti rinvenuti a Padova recano sul labbro una risega per l’alloggiamento del coperchio analogamente a tre esemplari di San Cassiano. 27 De Min & Iacopozzi 1986, 172 e 175. 28 Salzani 1994, 47, fig. 25.15. 29 Saronio 1984, 101. 30 Donati & Parrini 1999, 600. 31 Presentate nella mostra ‘Il banchetto dell’Aldilà’, ora in esposizione permanente in una sala del Museo di Adria (cfr. Etruschi Adriati). 32 Forcello: Casini & Frontini 1986, 270, fig. 165.3. 33 Giusti 1993, 114, tav. X. 34 Cfr. Gamba Cera 1990, 36 (con bibl.). 35 I dolii per le loro dimensioni servivano per un immagazzinamento a lungo termine delle provviste e non erano concepiti per essere maneggiati quotidianamente, a differenza delle olle.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Baldoni, D., 1981. Spina. I doli di Valle Trebba. Ferrara. Barogi, M. & C. Covizzi, 1995. Il panorama bibliografico, in: S. Santoro Bianchi (ed.), Castelraimondo. Scavi 1988-1990 II. Informatica, archeometria e studio dei materiali. Roma, 19-32. Bassa Modenese = M. Calzolari & L. Malnati (eds), Gli Etruschi nella bassa modenese. Nuove scoperte e

373

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI prospettive di ricerca in un settore dell’Etruria padana. San Felice sul Panaro (Modena), 1992. Bats, M., 1988. Vaisselle et alimentation à Olbia de Provence (v. 350-v. 50 a.C.). Modèles culturels et categories céramiques (= RANarb, suppl. 18). Bouloumiè, B., 1976. La céramique locale de Marzabotto: définition de quelques groupes. MEFRA 88, 95-140. Calandra, E., 1999. Spunti per un sistema catalografico aperto, in: Venetorum angulus, 633-635. Calzolari, M., 1992a. Mirandola, loc. Miseria Vecchia. Resti di abitato, in: Bassa Modenese, 123-150. Calzolari, M., 1992b. Bondeno, loc. Barchessa e Zoccolina. Tracce di insediamenti, in: Bassa Modenese, 183-205. Campagnoli, P., 1992a. Mirandola, loc. Arginone, vasca per allevamento ittico. Resti di insediamento, in: Bassa Modenese, 37-75. Campagnoli, P., 1992b. Mirandola, loc. Arginone, nordest casa colonica. Abitato dell’età del ferro. Ricerche di superficie: i materiali, in: Bassa Modenese, 85-94. Casini, S., R. De Marinis & D. Fanetti, 1999. L’abitato etrusco del Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito (MN): lo scavo del terrapieno. Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi 7, 101-178. Casini, S. & P. Frontini, 1986. La ceramica grossolana, in: Etruschi a Nord del Po 1, 266-280. Casini, S., P. Frontini & E. Gatti, 1986. La ceramica fine, in: Etruschi a Nord del Po 1, 246-265. Catarsi Dall’Aglio, M., 1998. L’insediamento etrusco di Case Nuove di Siccomonte a Cabriolo di Fidenza (Parma), in: F. Rebecchi (ed.), Spina e il Delta Padano – riflessioni sul catalogo e sulla mostra ferrarese. Roma, 247-252. Cattani, M., F. Ferri & A. Losi, 1989. Classificazione della ceramica dell’età del Ferro, in: Modena dalle origini all’anno Mille. Studi di archeologia e storia, cat. mostra, II. Modena, 11-13. Colonna, G., 1974. Ricerche sugli Etruschi e sugli Umbri a nord degli Appennini. StEtr 42, 3-24. De Marinis, R.C., 1982. Bagnolo S. Vito (Mantova). StEtr 50, 495-502. De Min, M. & E. Iacopozzi, 1986. L’abitato arcaico di San Basilio di Ariano Polesine, in: M. De Min & R. Peretto (eds), L’Antico Polesine. Padova, 171-185. Donati, L. & A. Parrini, 1999. Resti di abitazioni di età arcaica ad Adria. Gli scavi di Francesco Antonio Bocchi nel giardino pubblico, in: Venetorum angulus, 567-614. Eles Masi, P. von, 1981. Imola, Via Montericco, in: P. von Eles Masi (ed.), Romagna tra VI e IV sec. a.C. Bologna, 25-141. Etruschi a Nord del Po = R. De Marinis (ed.), Etruschi a Nord del Po. Mantova, vol. I 1986, vol. II 1987. Etruschi Adriati = S. Bonomi, N. Camerin & K. Tamassia (eds), Etruschi Adriati. Guida breve all’esposizione. Rovigo 2002. Ferri, F. & A. Losi, 1989. La ceramica di impasto, in: Modena dalle origini all’anno Mille. Studi di archeologia e storia II. Modena, 20-29.

Forte, M., 1990. Villa Mancasale. Sepolcreto e tracce di abitato, in: Vestigia Crustunei. Insediamenti etruschi lungo il corso del Crostolo. Reggio Emilia, 79-86. Gamba, M., 1987. La ceramica etrusco-padana a Este, in: Etruschi a Nord del Po, vol. II, 122-130. Gamba Cera, M., 1990. Tipologia dei materiali ceramici. Catalogo delle forme chiuse. BMusPadova 79, 33-60. Gambacurta, G., 1990. Catalogo delle forme aperte. BMusPadova 79, 61-95. Giusti, L., 1993. Mirandola, loc. Barchessone Cappello, insediamento di età etrusca, scavo 1991: la ceramica d’impasto. Quaderni della Bassa Modenese 24, 101114. Lasagna Patroncini, C., 1980. Nuovi materiali etruscoidi dal greto del medio Secchia. QuadAReggio 4, 97-139. Macellari, R., S. Squadrini & L. Bentini, 1990. Casale di Rivalta. Insediamento con impianti produttivi, in: Vestigia Crustunei. Insediamenti etruschi lungo il corso del Crostolo. Reggio Emilia, 177-234. Malnati, L. 1987. I ritrovamenti di Via Zucchi, in: G. Bermond Montanari (ed.), La formazione della città in Emilia Romagna. Bologna, 36-42. Malnati, L., 1992. Gli Etruschi nella Bassa Modenese: ipotesi di lavoro per lo studio sistematico di un settore dell’Etruria padana, in: Bassa Modenese, 13-35. Malnati, L. & A. Losi, 1990. S. Claudio. Abitato con impianti produttivi, in: Vestigia Crustunei. Insediamenti etruschi lungo il corso del Crostolo. Reggio Emilia, 87-125. Massa Pairault, F.-H., 1997. Marzabotto. Recherches sur l’Insula V, 3. Roma. Morel, J.-P., 1981. La céramique campanienne: les formes. Roma. Parrini, A., 1993. La ceramica locale tardo-arcaica dalla necropoli di Valle Trebba, in: Studi sulla necropoli di Spina in Valle Trebba – convegno del 15 ottobre 1992. Ferrara, 55-87. Patitucci Uggeri, S., 1979. Voghiera – un nuovo insediamento etrusco nel Delta padano. StEtr 47, 93105. Patitucci Uggeri, S., 1983. Classificazione preliminare della ceramica dipinta di Spina. StEtr 51, 91-139. Patroncini, P., 1973. Tracce della civiltà etrusca nella provincia di Reggio Emilia. QuadAReggio 2, 125149. Pellegrini, E. & A.C. Saltini, 1992. Ceramica d’impasto, in: L’età del Ferro nel Reggiano. I materiali delle collezioni dei Civici Musei di Reggio Emilia, Cataloghi dei Civici Musei 12. Reggio Emilia, 63-81. Peroni, R., 1975. Vasellame fittile, in: R. Peroni (ed.), Studi sulla cronologia della civiltà di Este e Golasecca. Firenze, 81-107. Pucci, G., 1983. Ceramica, tipi, segni. Opus 2 (1), 273290. Rasmussen, T.B., 1979. Bucchero pottery from southern Etruria. Cambridge. Salzani, L., 1988. Saggi di scavo in località Le Balone. QuadAVen 4, 28-32.

374

ELENA SMOQUINA & MIRELLA T. A. ROBINO: LA CERAMICA COMUNE DAL SITO DI SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (RO) Salzani, L., 1994. Lo scavo, in: R. Peretto (ed.), Balone. Insediamento etrusco presso un ramo del Po. Padova, 43-59. Salzani, L. & D. Vitali, 1988. L’abitato arcaico di San Basilio di Ariano Polesine. QuadAVen 4, 37-40. Sandri, P., 1972. Saggio preliminare sulle forme della ceramica acroma di Marzabotto. StEtr 40, 319-340. Saronio, P., 1984. Santa Maddalena dei Mosti di Bondeno – Materiali dell’Età del Ferro, in: Preistoria e protostoria nel bacino del basso Po, atti del Convegno (suppl. al vol. 61 degli ‘Atti dell’Accademia delle scienze di Ferrara’). Ferrara, 101-115. Sgarbi, M., 1993. Mirandola, Località Barchessone Barbiere: scavo 1992. Quaderni della Bassa Modenese 24, 39-60. Tripponi, A., 1970. Marzabotto – saggio di classificazione della ceramica locale. Bologna. Venetorum angulus = Protostoria e storia del ‘Venetorum angulus’. Atti del XX convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici. Portogruaro – Quarto d’Altino – Este – Adria 16-19 ottobre 1996. Pisa/Roma 1999. Zannoni, A., 1876. Gli scavi della Certosa di Bologna. Bologna.

375

ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE IN TERRITORIO MARCHIGIANO; STUDIO DELLE FONTI E ANALISI DEI MATERIALI CERAMICI: IL MORTAIO* L. Mazzeo Saracino & G. Giannotti Abstract: Our analysis is focused on the mortar as a means to study changes in food and food production in a crucial phase, the Romanization of the Picene area. It will examine literary sources and ceramics, as cultural indicators of primary importance. The mortar is, in fact, culturally significant inasmuch its morphology is linked to Greek models subsequently transmitted to the Etruscan populations, and thus alien to the local Picene culture. It thus gained a new ‘function’ and specific cultural significance within the funerary depositions of the Celtic groups. Finally, its function was again modified and specialized for the preparation of foods within the more sophisticated Roman cuisine.

PREMESSA

nelle forme dell’abitare, ma anche nei modelli culturali, tra cui quelli dell’alimentazione.

Lo sviluppo degli studi che affrontano l’esame della ceramica antica come indicatore culturale di primaria importanza per ricostruire abitudini alimentari e modalità di preparazione dei cibi1 ha riguardato principalmente le società del periodo preromano per cui sono carenti le fonti scritte;2 tuttavia anche per l’età romana i reperti vengono ad integrare le informazioni degli autori antichi, offrendosi come fonti dirette3 per arricchire in maniera importante la nostra conoscenza principalmente della cucina e della tavola delle popolazioni antiche, ma anche delle credenze che al cibo erano collegate. In tal senso sono molto più potenzialmente utili le ceramiche di uso comune, in particolare quelle da fuoco, adibite alla cottura degli alimenti e quindi morfologicamente legate alla funzione svolta, piuttosto che quelle da mensa, maggiormente dipendenti dalla moda e di conseguenza mutevoli nel tempo.4

In uno studio recente sulla ceramica di Rimini si è ripresa la tesi che comportamenti connessi al regime alimentare tendano a sussistere nel tempo malgrado i cambiamenti epocali intervenuti nella compagine sociale5 e che quindi la ceramica comune costituisca ‘un polo di resistenza alle forme di acculturazione’ (Fig. 1). Tuttavia se questa ipotesi nel caso riminese può essere vera per il periodo precoloniale, quando tra i vasi destinati alla cottura dei cibi predomina l’olla, legata all’uso italico della puls come base per l’alimentazione, non è tuttavia più sostenibile per il periodo coloniale, momento in cui avviene l’adozione di forme nuove come i tegami, che documentano l’introduzione di altri alimenti e di diversi procedimenti di cottura, legati all’utilizzo di sostanze grasse. Si evidenzia dunque come in questo caso sia stata importante l’assimilazione di nuovi modelli alimentari legati alla nascita della colonia romana,6 che hanno portato all’adozione di contenitori morfologicamente diversi.

Lo stretto legame tra modelli alimentari e struttura sociale che li esprime fa sì che sia importante e ricca di potenziali risultati in particolare l’analisi di quei periodi di forte cambiamento nelle modalità del popolamento che coincidono con le rivoluzioni storiche: uno di questi è il fenomeno della romanizzazione, che coinvolse tutto il territorio italico con esiti differenziati in relazione ai preesistenti substrati etnici e culturali, comportando mutamenti non solo nello sfruttamento del territorio e

Nell’ambito dello studio dei materiali ceramici rinvenuti a Suasa7 ci si è trovati davanti ad un ricco insieme di reperti che coprono non solo l’età della piena romanizzazione, conseguente alla battaglia di Sentinum ed alla colonizzazione del territorio e perdurante fino al periodo tardoantico, ma anche l’età precoloniale, come sembrano documentare con evidenza, oltre a resti di strutture murarie in ciottoli, alcuni oggetti diagnostici quali il vasellame da mensa a vernice nera, in parte

* La prima parte è di L. Mazzeo Saracino, la seconda e la terza di G. Giannotti, le conclusioni derivano da una riflessione comune. 1 Uno dei primi studi in questo senso, tuttora basilare, è quello di Bats 1988, che distingue i diversi momenti in cui si articola l’alimentazione, dalla preparazione dei cibi, al consumo, e per ognuno individua le forme ceramiche utilizzate. Alle pp. 31-39 si parla della preparazione con particolare riguardo ai cereali, e dei mortai. 2 Tra gli ultimi contributi si segnalano alcuni lavori riguardanti l’area centrale tirrenica in età preromana: Zifferero 2000; Zifferero 2002; la ceramica può contribuire in questo caso anche all’identificazione del territorio delle diverse comunità. 3 Mannoni & Giannichedda 1996, 29-31. 4 Si sta inoltre affermando sempre più negli ultimi tempi il valore aggiunto di indicatore di scambi commerciali anche per le ceramiche di uso comune, di cui le ricerche recenti, affiancate da analisi archeometriche mirate, riescono a dimostrare la produzione non sempre locale. Si veda tra gli altri lo studio sulle ceramiche comuni di area laziale, Olcese 2003.

5 Galli 2001, 224-225, con riferimenti alla bibliografia precedente. L’affermazione è discussa in Bats 1988, 27, nell’ambito della distinzione tre ‘petite’ e ‘grande cuisine’, cucina differenziata in base alla stratificazione sociale. 6 In questo periodo si sostiene anzi che sia la ceramica da mensa ad assumere una connotazione di ‘polo di resistenza’, essendo più legata ai modelli della madrepatria: Galli 2001, 242, n. 37. 7 Notizie preliminari sugli scavi della grande domus di età tardorepubblicana sono edite in: Dall’Aglio & De Maria 1988; De Maria 1991; Dall’Aglio & De Maria 1994-1995; De Maria 1991/1993; Dall’Aglio, De Maria & Mazzeo Sarracino 1997; si sta preparando l’edizione completa del complesso. Soltanto una prima informazione è stata data sulla grande struttura del probabile foro commerciale, attualmente ancora in scavo: Destro & Giorgi 2001-2002.

376

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE

Fig. 1. Mappa con siti menzionati nel testo.

riferibile almeno all’inizio del III secolo a.C.8 Si è dunque posto il problema di individuare continuità e mutamenti culturali nell’utilizzo di vasellame ceramico nel territorio marchigiano in genere nel periodo di espansione romana; da una parte si è affrontato l’esame della produzione di ceramica fine da mensa a vernice nera,9 dall’altra si è iniziata una ricerca sulle ceramiche da fuoco e da cucina, anche per cercare di ricostruire le abitudini alimentari ed i fenomeni di continuità e trasformazione che le hanno riguardate.10

Un’analisi di questo genere ha avuto come primo ostacolo la constatazione della limitata quantità di materiali ceramici che nella regione in esame in età preromana provengono da scavi editi di contesti abitativi ascrivibili all’orizzonte cronologico di IV-III secolo a.C.; la natura peculiare della documentazione disponibile è infatti quasi esclusivamente di carattere funerariocultuale. Non si può inoltre dimenticare come sia particolarmente delicato il periodo storico considerato, tanto da influire fortemente sulla ricerca della documentazione materiale stessa, in un territorio in cui si ha già prima dell’arrivo dei Romani una situazione di popolamento dai contorni non sempre definibili con precisione: accanto a materiali sicuramente piceni, con l’accezione in questo caso di ‘locali’, si ha infatti la presenza di reperti riferibili all’occupazione dell’attuale territorio marchigiano settentrionale da parte della tribù gallica dei Senoni. A questo si aggiunge il fenomeno della diffusione sempre più abbondante di ceramica di importazione greca o magno-greca a seguito della fondazione della colonia greca presso Ancona, e del relativo emporium di Numana, agli inizi del IV secolo a.C. da parte di Siracusa.

8

Mazzeo Saracino 1994-1995. Oltre al lavoro indicato nella nota precedente si veda Mazzeo Saracino, Morandi & Nannetti 2000, per l’individuazione anche di prodotti riminesi a Suasa; Mazzeo Saracino 2003, per gli indicatori che suggeriscono una produzione suasana di ceramica a vernice nera; Mazzeo Saracino 2004, per la possibile precocità della produzione ‘locale’. 10 Una prima ricerca ha riguardato una forma ceramica diffusa nel periodo della piena romanizzazione, il piatto-teglia, visto non solo nei suoi aspetti tecnologici e morfologici, ma anche come contenitore funzionale e probabilmente polivalente: Mazzeo Saracino, Morandi, Nannetti & Vergari 1997. 9

377

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI stanziamenti celtici.17 L’abitato pre-romano di Pesaro, frequentato fino al IV secolo a.C., mostra tracce di una fine violenta, probabilmente da riferire all’avanzata delle popolazioni celtiche nell’area picena, che sappiamo poi dalle fonti letterarie insediarsi nelle località dell’interno.18 Le testimonianze archeologiche inquadrabili tra il IV e III secolo a.C. lungo la costa sono estremamente carenti e frammentarie, in virtù anche della contemporanea crisi della cultura umbro-picena e del parallelo avvio del processo di romanizzazione dell’area medio-adriatica.19 E’ chiaro come tali carenze non consentano di individuare chiaramente le caratteristiche dell’impatto della romanizzazione sulla popolazione o sulle comunità preesistenti.

Lo studio generale del vasellame fittile da mensa di produzione ‘locale’ risulta essere limitato inoltre non solo dalle scarse evidenze archeologiche di contesti abitativi, tra cui si segnalano Ancona e Osimo,11 ma anche dalla totale assenza di impianti produttivi attestati nell’area presa in considerazione in questo periodo12; è pertanto tuttora impossibile stabilire dove questi manufatti ‘locali’ fossero effettivamente prodotti. Studi recenti hanno sottolineato la continuità di vita riscontrata tra l’età del ferro e l’epoca romana nella vallata del Metauro, dove insediamenti-villaggio costituiti da capanne sono testimoniati per lo più da labili presenze di materiali ceramici e da costruzione. In età repubblicana tra la fine del IV e l’inizio del III secolo a.C. è attestata una moltiplicazione delle aree abitative, purtroppo indiziate unicamente dal rinvenimento sul terreno di materiale ceramico diffuso su di un’area non molto estesa.13 Una preliminare sistematizzazione dei dati attinti sulla base bibliografica e archivistica è stata presentata inoltre nel volume dedicato alla Via Flaminia,14 dove sono stati analizzati i dati noti relativi ai siti archeologici individuati nella vallata. Si tratta di più di 80 siti, databili in base al materiale emerso genericamente fino alla media età del ferro (fine VI-inizi IV a.C.- Piceno IV e Piceno V); purtroppo le testimonianze riferibili al IV secolo a.C. sono percepibili in maniera molto sporadica e assai limitata lungo tutta la vallata in questione. Una discreta concentrazione si registra nell’alta valle del Candigliano e del Burano, più precisamente a Piobbico e località limitrofe a Cagli, dove sono segnalati sepolcreti e tombe di IV secolo a.C. con corredo composto da elementi di importazione dall’area etrusca in associazione con armi di tipo celtico,15 ricollegabili a comunità celtiche che, come sappiamo, “si insediarono lungo le vallate dell’entroterra, economicamente legate ad attività di carattere bellico e di controllo delle direttrici commerciali”.16 Anche tra la valle del Cesano e quella del Metauro sono noti altri

Rispetto alla globalità della ricerca, in questa sede si anticipano alcune osservazioni su un manufatto, il mortaio, che è risultato particolarmente caratterizzante del periodo pre-romano e che appare tuttora in uso in età romana, anche se, come si vedrà, probabilmente con funzioni in parte diverse ma comunque legate alla fase di preparazione dei cibi. Lo studio di questa forma ceramica ha suscitato ripetutamente interesse negli ultimi anni a causa della grande importanza che tale recipiente ha avuto nella manipolazione dei cereali, per secoli alla base dell’alimentazione delle popolazioni antiche pur se con differenze notevoli tra le varie epoche, oltre che per le valenze anche cultuali che la stessa forma può assumere. Alla diffusione del manufatto specialmente nel mondo greco è dedicato il lavoro di P. Matteucci20 che, dopo aver analizzato tutti gli aspetti funzionali dell’utilizzo dei mortai, ne propone una tipologia suddividendoli in quattro tipi morfologicamente abbastanza diversi tra loro, con alcuni sottogruppi, ed aggiungendo altri quattro tipi etruschi, tutti però simili tra loro e derivanti da un unico tipo greco,21 quello corinzio, che in assoluto è il più diffuso non solo in Grecia, dove soppianta pure quello attico22 nella stessa Atene, ma anche in Magna Grecia e in Etruria.

11

Tra i materiali provenienti dall’abitato preromano e romano dell’anfiteatro di Ancona oltre a ceramiche fini da mensa (vernice nera, coppe megaresi etc.) figurano ceramiche d’impasto, tra le quali vari frr. di olla ovoide (poculum) e la scodella troncoconica. L’olla di impasto si connota quale produzione tipica della cultura picena e dell’età del ferro dal V secolo a.C. (Piceno IVA) fino all’inizio del III secolo a.C. (Piceno VI) scomparendo in parallelo al fenomeno di romanizzazione del territorio: Pignocchi & Virzí Hägglund 1998, 119-155. Per la significativa presenza di vasellame a vernice nera di produzione laziale insieme alla ceramica locale di tradizione preromana cfr. Mazzeo Saracino 2004. Ai materiali anconetani si possono aggiungere quelli dall’abitato piceno di Osimo relativi al Piceno V (IV secolo a.C.) e Piceno VI (III secolo a.C.), tra cui, oltre a vari frr. di ceramica a vernice nera databile al IV-III secolo a.C., coppette e piattelli fittili acromi di IV secolo a.C, brocchette fittili e piccoli e grandi pocula d’impasto sempre databili al IV a.C.: Gentili 1991, 96-124. 12 Recente notizia di ritrovamento di un impianto produttivo è quella del complesso delle tre fornaci con sagoma ad ‘otto’ dotato di praefurnium a Montedoro di Scapezzano, pochi chilometri a nord dal centro di Senigallia (An), databile però tra la fine del VII secolo a.C. e tutto il VI secolo a.C.: Gobbi 2002, 131-168. 13 Ermeti 1993, 61-78; Monacchi 1993, 79-102. 14 Marchegiani 2002, 91-129. 15 Ibidem. 16 Lollini 1985, 324.

E’ probabilmente proprio l’Etruria che fa da veicolo per la diffusione dei mortai in area padana, dove essi sono presenti dal VI secolo a.C. con esemplari in ceramica 17

V. nota 13. Luni 1995, 186-187. Ibidem. 20 Matteucci 1986. Oltre alla tipologia ed alla sua evoluzione, l’A. analizza la funzione del recipiente nell’ambito dell’alimentazione, rifacendosi specialmente alle fonti latine, e infine le situazioni di rinvenimento, sottolineando anche la valenza cultuale indiziata dai ritrovamenti in tombe e in contesti sacri. 21 Sono tutti derivazioni del tipo II, 1, corinzio, a collare schiacciato. Tutta la questione è affrontata e rimessa in discussione in un recentissimo lavoro sulla diffusione dei bacini di tipo fenicio-cipriota in area tirrenica tra VII e VI secolo a.C.: Bellelli & Botto 2002; in particolare a pp. 302-304 si sottolinea l’importanza dell’area siropalestinese e di Cipro nella trasmissione della forma e più in generale degli apporti fenici “al complesso fenomeno della trasformazione della cultura materiale etrusca nella seconda metà del VII secolo a.C.”. 22 Matteucci 1986, 264-265. 18 19

378

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE depurata a decorazione dipinta di tipo geometrico e in ceramica grigia. La puntuale analisi fatta di recente da S. Rossi degli esemplari rinvenuti in Veneto ha sottolineato tuttavia come, partendo da esemplari importati, si sia sviluppata poi una produzione locale con caratteri standardizzati.23 Nel lavoro se ne propone la tipologia, in rapporto costante con quella della Matteucci, e si affronta il problema della funzionalità, anche in relazione alla valenza cultuale.

costituire un utile spunto di verifica di eventuali fenomeni di persistenza/assimilazione culturale, essendo la forma attestata ampiamente nella ceramica preromana non solo in ambito alto e medio-adriatico, ma anche in ambito etrusco-padano.28 Analizzando i ritrovamenti editi di mortai nell’area da noi considerata, ne viene evidenziata prima di tutto la presenza all’interno dei corredi tombali a partire dal periodo Piceno IV B (525-475 a.C.),29 quando si assiste all’aggiunta nello ‘scodellone’,30 comune nei corredi del periodo precedente (Piceno IV A), di un beccuccio versatoio funzionale, caratterizzante la forma, che si ritrova sempre più diffusamente nel Piceno V (475-inizio IV secolo a.C.), quando associata a questa particolarità deve essere registrata anche la presenza di grumi, inclusi minerali affioranti non facenti parte dell’impasto di origine, posti in corrispondenza del fondo interno del vaso, costituenti la tipica “grattugia” che lo caratterizza funzionalmente.

Per l’età romana, nella recente pubblicazione della ceramica comune di un’area particolarmente importante come quella di Roma e del territorio circostante24 dimostratosi negli ultimi anni centro di una produzione fittile vivace e differenziata, i mortai vengono accomunati ai bacini dato che spesso non è visibile l’elemento distintivo degli inclusi sul fondo. Anche in questo caso si sottolineano i rapporti con l’area etrusca e il Latium vetus, specialmente per i tipi 1 e 2 della classificazione proposta, rapporti notati per altro pure per diverse ceramiche da fuoco. Particolarmente interessante è risultato per noi il tipo 5,25 di cui non viene data un’indicazione di origine, ma che sembra di poter ricollegare in qualche modo al tipo corinzio II, 2 della Matteucci, semplificato con l’abolizione della fascia decorativa ad ovuli all’esterno dell’orlo. Esso risulta ampiamente diffuso nel Lazio tra la seconda metà del IV e il III secolo a.C. A tale tipo si rapporta da vicino l’esemplare più antico di Suasa26 (Fig. 3:1), sicuramente un mortaio per la presenza degli inclusi, che è diverso da tutti quelli di tradizione picena e dai successivi recipienti di età pienamente romana. Viene dunque da pensare che si tratti in questo caso di un manufatto indicativo di un momento di rottura nella tradizione ceramica, dovuta all’apporto dei nuovi coloni che giungono ad occupare il territorio dopo la battaglia di Sentinum e la lex Flaminia de agro gallico dividundo, provenendo per lo più appunto dall’area tirrenica. Lo stesso fenomeno è stato evidenziato nell’ambito della produzione ‘locale’ di vasellame a vernice nera, che mostra stretti rapporti morfologici proprio con quello di area laziale.27

Ricordiamo gli ‘scodelloni’ dalla tomba 22 e dalla tomba 20 di Grottazzolina,31 riferibili al Piceno IVB (Figg. 1:11:2) in cui è interessante notare la presenza di fori per il restauro antico, probabilmente da leggersi come indicatori del particolare valore a loro attribuito nel vasellame del corredo simposiaco in questa fase contrariamente a quanto riscontrato nei corredi della fase precedente, dove viene registrata una generale predominanza delle forme chiuse, riferibili al consumo del vino nella cerimonia, mentre tra le forme aperte possono individuarsi esclusivamente piccole coppette, su piede o meno, oppure piccole ciotole, recipienti che assolvono la funzione di vasi-potori nel cerimoniale simposiaco. La comparsa del mortaio all’interno del corredo tombale in questa fase deve leggersi in relazione alla valenza globale della cerimonia simposiale, dove accanto al ruolo importante rivestito dal vino e dalla carne non deve essere tralasciato quello del panefocaccia;32 quest’ultimo alimento verrebbe quindi a caricarsi di un valore simbolico, che allo stesso tempo ne sancisce il ruolo importante rivestito nell’alimentazione del tempo.

IL MORTAIO: PRESENZA E DIFFUSIONE NEL TERRITORIO MARCHIGIANO Nonostante i limiti già evidenziati nella documentazione si è proceduto all’osservazione dell’incidenza della presenza della forma nei ritrovamenti di epoca preromana in ambito piceno. Per cercare di evidenziare il reale valore culturale del mortaio oltre alla sua indiscutibile caratterizzazione domestico-funzionale si è ritenuto di non tralasciare tutte le variabili legate al contesto di ritrovamento; questo tipo di riscontro può

28 Diversi frr. di mortaria in ceramica etrusco-padana provengono infatti dallo scavo dell’abitato etrusco di Marzabotto (Bo), esemplari che si collocano principalmente tra la metà del VI e la prima metà del IV secolo a.C. Per il panorama delle forme etrusco-padane dell’abitato cfr. tesi di dottorato in Etruscologia di Chiara Mattioli, c.s. 29 Lollini 1985, 331-343. La comparsa del beccuccio negli esemplari di area greca viene allo stesso modo registrata non prima della metà del V secolo a.C., sia all’interno della produzione attica, sia in quella corinzia: Rossi 2001, 213, nota 89. 30 Per quanto riguarda il problema della terminologia utilizzata per indicare tale forma va sottolineata la grande varietà, esistente nella letteratura in materia, di denominazioni (coppa, coppa-grattugia, mortaio, scodella etc.) utilizzata per indicare tali recipienti in generale all’interno di tutto il panorama della produzione ceramica depurata e semidepurata che conosce un vero e proprio sviluppo a partire dalla fine del VI secolo a.C. in Italia centro-settentrionale: Rossi 2001, 200, nota 7. 31 Lollini 1985, 334, fig. 11 c, d. 32 Rossi 2001, 214.

23

Rossi 2001, 210. Olcese 2003. Con il termine di ceramica comune si comprendono qui tutte le produzioni di uso comune, sia da fuoco che da mensa, dispensa e preparazione. 25 Olcese 2003, 102-103, tav. XXXVII, 3. 26 V. infra nota 72. 27 Cfr. Mazzeo Saracino 1994-1995. 24

379

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI I primi mortai presentanti le caratteristiche sopra citate nell’area in questione, sono l’esemplare proveniente da Sirolo (tomba 18, area Quagliotti),33 databile nel Piceno IVB, acromo, contraddistinto da orlo verticale, esternamente ingrossato, breve beccuccio versatoio e piede ad anello arrotondato all’esterno (Fig. 2:3) e il mortaio con beccuccio versatoio e tracce di vernice diluita di colore rossastro nella fascia esterna corrispondente all’orlo e in una stretta fascia esterna immediatamente sopra il piede a disco a profilo concavo, da Trivio di Serra S. Quirico (tomba 28, femminile), inquadrabile nel Piceno IVB (Fig. 2:4).34

Purtroppo le scarsissime evidenze archeologiche di materiali provenienti da abitati pre-romani di questa fase in area ‘picena’ non evidenziano la presenza di questa forma, circostanza che non deve però essere presa come un argomento ex-silentio per escluderne del tutto l’esistenza, che deve essere ipotizzata in analogia a quanto accade in altre aree. Il fenomeno della comparsa del mortaio in argilla depurata, lavorata al tornio, con decorazione dipinta a vernice rossa o bruno-nerastra, molto diluita, in Veneto si contestualizza a partire dalla fine del VI secolo a.C., ponendosi come fattore anomalo rispetto alla produzione tradizionale locale ‘ad impasto’, in quanto morfologicamente assente nella precedente gamma vascolare. Esso poi viene imitato già nel V secolo a.C. localmente con impasti depurati e dipinti con i motivi decorativi tipici; solo a partire dalla fine del IV secolo viene prodotto in ceramica grigia.40

Un altro esemplare di mortaio proviene dalla tomba 19 di Camerano (Piceno IVB), tomba maschile, che presenta i fori indicatori della presenza di un voluto restauro avvenuto in antico,35 acromo, caratterizzato da un orlo tendenzialmente verticale, profilato all’esterno e piede a disco (Fig. 2:5). Ancora da Camerano, dalla tomba 90 (Piceno V),36 maschile, proviene un esemplare di mortaio con orlo pendente a sezione triangolare e beccuccio versatoio, piede a disco a profilo concavo), mentre da Pianello Castelbellino, all’interno della tomba 4 (area Salvati; tomba maschile), sempre riferibile al Piceno V, è conservato un mortaio con beccuccio versatoio, orlo pendente a sezione triangolare, piede a disco con profilo concavo e fondo interno caratterizzato a ‘grattugia’ (Fig. 2:6).37

In seguito all’osservazione di questa presenza cronologicamente e culturalmente caratterizzante, viene evidenziata l’importanza di questo fenomeno diffuso anche in altri centri dell’area adriatica, come a Spina, in area romagnola e in area veneta, ad Adria e ad Este. A Spina i mortai risultano essere quantitativamente abbondanti già a partire dalle prime fasi dell’abitato, attraverso una gamma diversificata di forme, rappresentata sia da esemplari con pasta grigia, che da altri con pasta chiara e decorazione dipinta a fasce. Contrariamente a ciò che abbiamo visto testimoniato dai ritrovamenti archeologici in area picena, il mortaio è relativamente attestato nelle necropoli spinetiche, dove viene ad assumere principalmente la funzione di coperchio di ossuari riferibili però a tombe di cronologia più tarda.41 Ad Adria e più in generale nel territorio a nord del Po, in area veneta dunque, il mortaio è documentato in strati pertinenti ad abitato a partire dalla fine del V secolo a.C., periodo più tardo rispetto ai precedenti contesti piceni.42 Esemplari di varie forme esclusivamente a pasta grigia, con tipica grattugia all’interno, costituita nella maggior parte dei casi da tritume di scorie ferrose, sono documentati in molte tombe, databili tra fine IV secolo a.C. e terzo quarto del III secolo a.C., in almeno due casi pertinenti a individui di sesso femminile (Tomba 93- via Spolverin e tomba 157- Canal Bianco).43 Ad Este possiamo vedere la presenza di tali forme definite ‘coppe con grattugia’ all’interno di deposizioni funerarie di III secolo a.C. (riferibili ad individui di sesso maschile) dove però rivestono la funzione di coperchi di ossuari, tranne in unico caso, quello della tomba L, in cui, essendoci più esemplari di tali coppe, solo una di esse deve aver assolto

Tutti questi materiali, esposti nel Museo Archeologico di Ancona, presentano un’argilla ben depurata di colore beige-rosato e un’accurata realizzazione al tornio; alcuni esemplari mostrano tracce di vernice diluita di colore rossastro nella parete esterna, costituenti il motivo decorativo geometrico a bande. Tali recipienti presentano dunque le stesse caratteristiche di quella produzione che tra la seconda metà del VI secolo a.C. e il IV secolo a.C. interessa l’area etrusco-padana, rivoluzionando la tradizionale tecnologia vascolare ad impasto.38 Nei corredi delle tombe picene di fase anteriore troviamo sempre attestato come strumento ‘sostitutivo’ del mortaio una ‘grattugia’39 in bronzo, a riprova della funzione specifica rappresentata da particolari utensili che, come il mortaio, al di là delle accezioni puramente di natura culturale, vengono a connotare determinati usi alimentari.

33

Lollini 1985, 338, fig. 16 (5). Lollini 1985, 339, fig. 17 (18). 35 Ibidem, 340, fig. 18 (7). 36 Lollini 1985, 343, fig. 22 (14). 37 Ibidem, 342, fig. 21 (4). 38 Rossi 2001, 199. 39 La presenza puntuale di questo instrumentum deve essere collegato ad una pratica cerimoniale del simposio, che caratterizza una specifica ideologia, quella del banchetto esemplificato dalle fonti letterarie greche: nell’Iliade (XI, 628-643) viene citato il particolare uso della grattugia nella preparazione di una bevanda, kykeon, ottenuta mescolando vino, erbe, formaggio di capra e miele, così da risultare energetica e con ipotetiche proprietà taumaturgiche, da accompagnarsi secondo la fonte ad una specie di focaccia di farina d’orzo: Rossi 2001, 212. 34

40

Rossi 2001, 200. Produzione locale attestata a Padova. Patitucci Uggeri 1983, 115-118; 1984, 148. Sembra dunque in questo caso avere perso la sua funzione/valenza originaria. 42 Vitali 1987, 322-323 e nota 11. 43 Camerin 1997, 197-200. 41

380

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE

Fig. 2. Esempi di mortai da contesti piceni (Lollini 1985). essere poi consumate nel rituale simposiaco.46 La comparsa del mortaio in questa necropoli è da collocare non prima della metà del IV secolo; questo è importante perché ci testimonia come tale elemento debba essere giunto dall’esterno, vista la mancanza di attestazioni in corredi celtici di altre aree, e contemporaneamente sottolinea la particolare accezione data da queste genti, in quanto esso non risulta attestato in tombe etrusche precedenti né a Monte Bibele né a Marzabotto, dove al contrario è ampiamente attestato nell’abitato.47 L’origine di questa peculiare usanza funerario-cultuale è stata attribuita all’area adriatica e romagnola,48 area particolarmente importante dal punto di vista dei contatti commerciali-culturali con quella egea, quella magnogreca e le altre rotte mediterranee facenti scalo negli emporia di Spina e di Ancona.

a tale funzione e le altre dovevano necessariamente far parte del corredo.44 Il mortaio, quale elemento ricorrente nei corredi funerari, è attestato anche in aree interne dell’Appenino bolognese esclusivamente in tombe di individui maschili che si connotano, attraverso la presenza di armi, come guerrieri, nella necropoli di Monte Bibele.45 Qui compare sia nella variante ad impasto rossiccio che a pasta grigia, ampio ma con vasca poco profonda; spesso vengono deposti sopra di esso, oppure sotto o all’interno, dei coltelli di ferro, per cui ne è stato ipotizzato l’utilizzo per attività di cucina inerenti la spezzettatura delle carni destinate ad 44 Chieco Bianchi 1987, 191-270. La coppa con ‘grattugia’ rappresenta una forma diffusa in ambito venetico a partire dalla metà del IV secolo a.C., costituente l’imitazione delle forme più antiche in ceramica depurata, che perdura sotto forma di diverse varianti, relative in particolare alla forma dell’orlo, fino all’età romana: Gamba & Ruta Serafini 1984. La forma, dalla prevalente funzione domestica, viene ad assumere però ad Este una valenza funeraria, in relazione al banchetto rituale: Chieco Bianchi & Calzavara Capuis 1985, tav. 161/2. 45 Vitali 1987, 321-323.

46

Ibidem. Tale interpretazione pone diversi problemi, visto che la grattugia nel fondo non poteva permettere un taglio netto della carne, attività per la quale è piuttosto da ipotizzare l’uso del coltello. 47 V. nota 26. 48 Vitali 1987, 323.

381

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Per concludere l’analisi delle attestazioni di mortai nel mondo etrusco-italico dobbiamo ricordare la raffigurazione parietale di IV secolo a.C., presente nella Tomba Golini I, detta anche dei Velii ad Orvieto (necropoli dei Settecamini),49 e la rappresentazione di mortaio posto su treppiede che si trova nella parte inferiore dello stelo di un thymiaterion o candelabro da Todi (necropoli della Peschiera), conservato al Museo di Villa Giulia.50

costume alimentare dell’epoca, anche se la fortuna di questo recipiente non tramonterà neppure successivamente con la rivoluzione del pane lievitato, ottenuto da farine di triticum o della siligo, prodotte mediante l’uso di macine e distribuito dai forni panificatori, per cui la lavorazione dei cereali assumerà una connotazione di professionalità.56 In questo senso, in considerazione anche della fortuna che il mortarium avrà nella cucina romana, sia di epoca repubblicana che imperiale, visto l’elevarsi in questa epoca della cucina al rango di vera e propria ‘arte del convito’, tale recipiente deve pertanto leggersi quale elemento di persistenza culturale ben radicato nella cultura italica, in primis per motivi di tradizione alimentare centro-italica che riconoscono al mortaio uno specifico ruolo nella preparazione dei cibi.

A questo punto considerando che il mortaio in epoca preromana è attestato sia in Etruria sub-appeninica, sia in Etruria Padana, deve senza alcun dubbio ritenersi un vaso funzionalmente significativo nella cucina etrusca, la cui ricchezza, legata alla ricchezza del territorio,51 può spiegare la presenza così rilevante di questo utensile domestico.52

Per cercare poi di spiegare la presenza di mortai in contesti sacri preromani (all’interno di corredi funerari oppure in depositi votivi santuariali)57 occorre ricordare in primo luogo la stretta correlazione con il culto di divinità della salute e della fertilità;58 pertanto la presenza di tali recipienti deve essere letta con un chiaro valore ideologico che viene a comprendere all’interno dello specifico rituale un ruolo peculiare dell’uso dei cereali (offerta simbolica di focacce alle divinità). Non si può inoltre dimenticare che le fonti latine parlano di ‘focacce sacre’, come il libum e la mola salsa, strettamente legate al rituale agrario ciclico annuale; da Varrone59 sappiamo che il libum veniva confezionato da fictores, individui di sesso maschile legati al collegio delle Vestali, addirittura anche all’interno di santuari e in generale in aree sacre. È chiaro in questo caso il legame diretto della focaccia sacra come dono agli dei, ma a volte simbolicamente venivano offerti alle divinità i mortai, in funzione simbolica del cereale, sia in contesti greci che etruschi.60 La mola salsa,61 chiamata anche mola casta, far pium, far tostum, sfarinato di farro, veniva invece preparata dalle Vestali, quindi ancora una volta ritorna il legame con la sfera sacrale-santuariale; dopo una mietitura simbolica un mese prima della mietitura reale (mietitura ‘fittizia’ in maggio, in giugno quella vera), quando il prodotto non era ancora maturo, germe di grano o spighe in fiore o appena uscite dalla fioritura, durante le Lemuria di maggio, venivano macinate e salate, infine offerte alle divinità, cospargendo con tale farina ‘pia’ le vittime sacrificali immolate alle divinità specifiche.62

Il fatto che il mortaio sia attestato parallelamente in ambito medio-adriatico e in quello laziale53 può essere, alla luce di quanto detto sopra, ritenuto probante della sua stretta pertinenza alla cultura centro-italica, da vedere quindi funzionalmente in correlazione alla dieta delle popolazioni centro-italiche pre-romane, che, come attestano le fonti,54 si basava sulla voce importante data dai carboidrati (cereali, farinate etc.), dai legumi e dalle verdure, in particolare nella fase definita “fase delle pappe e delle gallette”.55 La presenza del mortaio e il valore ad esso attribuito all’interno del servizio da cucina in tale sede deve spiegarsi pertanto in funzione del 49 Steingraeber 1984, 284, tav. 4: vi è rappresentata una scena di preparazione del banchetto nella cucina, con sei servitori, di cui quattro intenti a preparare varie vivande (carni poste sui piatti e melograni in primo piano, su ciascun tavolo) poste su quattro tavolini rotondi a tre zampe, preceduti da un servitore intento a tagliare i pezzi di carne con la scure, e in fondo un servitore con perizoma (diversamente dagli altri personaggi con veste lunga) che sta tritando qualcosa tramite l’uso di due pestelli all’interno di un mortaio con beccuccio-versatoio appoggiato su di un tavolino di forma quadrata. 50 Bendinelli 1915, c. 626, n. 19, figg. 12-13: è rappresentato un satiro in atto di preparare qualcosa secondo lo schema sopra citato all’interno di una forma aperta di grandi dimensioni connotata come mortaio, in considerazione del marcato beccuccio-versatoio. 51 Cfr. Livio (Historiae, V, 33): “Vuole la tradizione che questo popolo attratto dalla dolcezza dei prodotti e soprattutto dal vino, che a quel tempo costituiva per loro un nuovo piacere, abbia attraversato le Alpi e si sia impadronito delle terre precedentemente dagli Etruschi; e che il vino sia stato importato in Gallia per allettare quel popolo, da uno di Chiusi, Arrunte, sdegnato per essergli stata sedotta la moglie dal lucumone, di cui egli era la guardia del corpo…”. v. anche Diod. Sic. (V, 40, 3-5): “Un contributo notevole alla loro mollezza viene dalla fertilità del suolo: essi abitano difatti una terra veramente fertile, e raccolgono i frutti più svariati in grande quantità”. 52 Dalle fonti sappiamo che la puls o farrata, primo alimento degli abitanti del Lazio, doveva essere conosciuta anche in Etruria, perché secondo Marziale (XIII, 8) la farrata più famosa era quella prodotta a Chiusi. Giovenale (Sat., XI, 108) riporta la notizia dell’utilizzo di un tuscus catinus, recipiente che doveva contenere la farrata appunto. 53 Per quanto riguarda i mortai dell’area in questione si veda Olcese 2003, 43 e 104-106. 54 Plauto chiama con nome greco i Romani come pultiphagonides (mangiatori di puls), in virtù dell’importanza della polenta-minestra di cereali, a cui veniva aggiunto ogni altro ingrediente, soprattutto nelle fasi più antiche dove la puls veniva consumata in sostituzione del pane, ancora poco diffuso nella dieta comune. 55 Matteucci 1986, 239.

56 Plinio (Nat. Hist. XVIII, 28), attesta come la panificazione fosse ai suoi tempi ormai una realtà ben attestata, citando la presenza di fornai, i quali si organizzarono in corporazione, collegium pistorum. 57 Matteucci 1986, 272-276. Trovati a Pyrgi, ad Agrigento nel tempio di Zeus, a Corinto nel santuario di Demetra e Kore, a Didyma presso il tempio di Apollo. Per i contesti funerari v. sopra. 58 Rossi 2001, 214. 59 Varr.,VII, 44. Cato., De agri., LXXV. 60 Matteucci 1986, 273-274. 61 Per quanto riguarda l’argomento in specifico si veda Prosdocimi 1991, 1297-1315. 62 Pertanto svaniva il senso di colpa insito nella mentalità dei Romani di una violazione nei confronti dei lemures (morti non ancora giunti alla

382

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE Analizzando ora l’attestazione dei mortai in epoca romana in ambito marchigiano, dobbiamo subito notare come non ne siano finora segnalati in contesti funerari.63 Ciò accade peraltro in generale nel più ampio panorama geografico della pars adriatica romanizzata: eccezione alla regola sono il caso della necropoli di Angera, tomba 13, dove troviamo l’unico esempio di mortaio rinvenuto in generale in tutta la necropoli, datato ad età augusteatiberiana64 e gli esemplari di alcune tombe di Este65 e di una tomba di II secolo a.C. da Adria.66

fase precedente alla fondazione del municipium romano, mostri strette affinità con i mortai tipo II, 2 di Corinto, da cui tuttavia si discosta per l’assenza della decorazione ad ovuli.71 Infatti il mortaio suasano,72 acromo, presenta orlo indistinto e vasca emisferica non profonda e sul fondo alcuni inclusi costituenti la grattugia (Fig. 3:1). E’ interessante notare come esso si confronti direttamente con una serie di mortai provenienti dall’area laziale databili alla seconda metà del IV-III secolo a.C., raggruppati dalla Olcese nel tipo 5.73

Per quanto riguarda il panorama delle attestazioni di mortaria provenienti da contesti abitativi romani della penisola, il numero diventa invece sicuramente preponderante, sia per motivi legati alle migliori condizioni di ritrovamento di complessi di questa fase, sia per un diverso grado di diffusione dell’instrumentum per la preparazione dei cibi, in relazione al diverso grado di ‘ricchezza’ del ceto sociale medio. Diversamente, in contesti abitativi romani dal territorio marchigiano in letteratura si sottolinea la temporanea mancanza di tali attestazioni, ossia di esemplari che possono essere definiti tali in relazione alle sopraccitate caratteristiche morfologico-funzionali.67 Potrebbero forse essere considerati mortai, nonostante la frammentarietà stessa degli esemplari, il recipiente rinvenuto nell’insediamento di S. Benedetto del Tronto (AP)68 e quello in pietra proveniente da Potenza Picena (MC);69 entrambi mostrano orli che morfologicamente possono ritenersi vicini a quelli caratteristici appunto dei mortai.

Esso morfologicamente si differenzia da tutti gli altri esemplari pertinenti alle diverse fasi di vita della casa, che sono contraddistinti da orli più articolati, del tipo con orlo bifido (Fig. 3:2-3),74 tra cui il primo risulta essere identificabile col tipo 11 laziale, cronologicamente collocabile verso la metà dl I secolo d.C.,75 oppure dai mortai con orlo a tesa munito di beccuccio-versatoio o meno (Fig. 3:4-6),76 il primo dei quali risulta identificabile con i mortai tipo 12 sempre di area laziale, databili al I-II secolo d.C.77 Questi ultimi sembrano caratterizzare l’orizzonte pienamente romano e pertanto funzionalmente sono da ritenersi assai utili ai fini dello studio, qui presentato, in ragione dell’articolazione dell’orlo, estranea ai tipi attestati nella fase pre-romana,78 e che sembrerebbe più adatta per versare sostanze liquide o comunque fluide (soprattutto nei tipi con orlo a tesa pendente e versatoio) o per facilitare la presa del recipiente stesso. La stretta somiglianza riscontrata tra alcuni di questi esemplari suasani e quelli di area laziale, di sicura produzione locale (o urbana), assume grande importanza se legata al fatto che la ceramica a vernice nera più antica attestata a Suasa, di epoca tardo-repubblicana, mostra anch’essa stretti contatti con la produzione laziale.79

In particolare tra i materiali venuti in luce nella domus dei Coiedii di Suasa (AN) troviamo la presenza di mortai sia in strati di età repubblicana, sia in quelli delle fasi di vita imperiali dell’edificio.70 Osservando l’evoluzione morfologica dei tipi attestati si può immediatamente notare come un esemplare, proveniente da uno strato antecedente alla fondazione della domus, riferibile ad una

Morfologia e funzione del mortaio nelle fonti latine Il mortaio, contraddistinto da più forme e realizzato in diversi materiali a seconda del tipo di lavoro da eseguire, appare o nella forma di grande contenitore cilindricotroncoconico, più stretto e profondo (holmos in Grecia),

piena maturità) attraverso tale atto di espiazione, in quanto tale prodotto della mietitura primizia non serviva a soddisfare i bisogni dell’uomo, perché donata e non mangiata. 63 Si tratta in particolare delle necropoli di Porto Recanati e di Suasa (AN). 64 Saccardo 1985, tav. 60, n. 3. 65 V. nota 44. 66 Tomba 45 Ca’ Cima: fa parte del corredo un mortaio troncoconico a parete lievemente convessa, piede ad anello a profilo arrotondato; fondo interno occupato da piccoli frammenti trachitici e beccuccio-versatoio. Cfr. Dallemulle & Marzola 1977, 3-53, fig. 10 n. 49. 67 Probabilmente si tratta infatti di bacini piuttosto che di mortai nel caso di quelli citati da Pietropaolo 1997, 260, nota 44. L’autrice vede una forte somiglianza tra una categoria di mortai provenienti da Torre S. Sabina (Brindisi) e quelli diffusi in particolare nell’Italia settentrionale e centrale del versante adriatico tra fine II secolo a.C. e metà I secolo d.C.; nello specifico non sono però forse da considerarsi mortai quelli provenienti dall’insediamento rurale di età romana di Cesano di Senigallia (AN) e di S. Benedetto del Tronto (AP). 68 Mercando 1979, 175-177, fig. 90g. 69 Mercando 1979, 285-286, fig. 202c. 70 Nella domus sono stati riconosciute due fasi principali, una tardorepubblicana ed una di II secolo d.C.; in saggi in profondità al di sotto dei pavimenti di prima fase sono emerse strutture e materiali sicuramente precedenti ed assegnabili ad una frequentazione del sito in piena età repubblicana, probabilmente già dal pieno III secolo a.C.

71

Matteucci 1986, 257. Il frammento 93/4624, caratterizzato da un impasto depurato di colore beige-rosato, proviene dal saggio 16 effettuato nell’ambiente AD (cortile) della domus. 73 Cfr. Olcese 2003, fig. 3, tav. XXXVII. 74 Il frammento 90/12778 (fig. 2:2) proviene da uno strato (US 331) romano dell’ambiente AO (cubiculum). L’esemplare (fig. 2:3) invece proviene da uno strato successivo all’impianto della casa (US 708), dall’ambiente AD (cortile). 75 Cfr. Olcese 2003, fig. 2 tav. XXXIX. 76 Il frammento 90/18791 (figg. 2:4-2:5) è stato rinvenuto nell’ ambiente AF (cubiculum), che in base alla datazione stilistica del pavimento musivo con clipeo centrale gorgonico, può collocarsi all’età flavia. Il secondo (fig. 2:6) invece è stato scoperto sempre dal cortile AD. 77 Cfr. Olcese 2003, fig. 5 tav. XXXIX. 78 V. quanto detto sopra circa i rinvenimenti nelle Marche, nel Veneto e in Romagna di mortai preromani. 79 V. nota 27. 72

383

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Esempi di mortai da Suasa (AN).

384

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE di solito in pietra (trapetum)80 o in legno (pila),81 dove la superficie interna delle pareti risulta essere naturalmente scabra, utilizzato per lavori pesanti, come schiacciare le olive e le granaglie,82 per usi complementari come la pestatura e la decorticazione dei semi più coriacei come il farro; oppure nella forma più larga e non eccessivamente profonda, vasca emisferica e beccuccio versatoio, caratterizzata da una minore capacità funzionalmente spiegabile per un utilizzo-consumo domestico quotidiano, realizzato in terracotta (theia o igdis per i greci o mortarium per i latini), utilizzato per tritare pigmenti colorati e per la preparazione dei farmaci oppure per impastare i farinacei, per tritare erbe aromatiche e spezie83 e nell’operazione successiva alla decorticazione dei chicchi, cioè la macerazione.84 Mortai del primo tipo venivano utilizzati insieme a lunghi pestelli in legno a volte con le estremità rivestite in ferro,85 da cui la denominazione mortaio a pestelli, mentre quelli appartenenti al secondo tipo erano impiegati con l’ausilio di macinelli (pistillum per i latini o doidyx, aletribanos per i greci), sorta di rocchetti con estremità espanse di forma convessa,86 denominati mortai a macinelli.87

versatoio invece si è ipotizzato un loro uso nella preparazione di ricette che prevedevano il lavaggio e la macerazione dei cereali prima di giungere all’impasto,89 ad esempio la celeberrima placenta. Del tutto particolare risulta infine l’utilizzo del mortaio al di fuori dell’ambito culinario/medico, documentato da Vitruvio che lo ricorda come recipiente in cui mescolare la calce e la sabbia.90 Passando ad esaminare gli autori latini91 che si sono occupati specificatamente di ricette di cucina da cui possiamo puntualmente registrare l’uso del mortaio, vediamo che Catone è l’autore che per primo ci presenta un quadro preciso della cucina dell’epoca, cucina nella quale i piatti tradizionali in parte sono fusi con quelli importati da altre aree e che si sono a tutti gli effetti integrati con quelli autoctoni.92 Anche se i piatti riportati evidenziano l’‘austerità’ della società romana di II secolo a.C., è comunque importante riscontrare alla base delle ricette una precisa articolazione delle varie fasi preparatorie e notare come spesso ci sia la raccomandazione (fatta anche da Catone) circa la necessità di utilizzare un mortaio ben pulito “manus mortariumque bene lavato”.93 Catone ci riferisce anche circa l’impiego specifico del mortaio nella preparazione del panis depisticius, pane fatto impastando farina e acqua nel mortaio e cotto sotto il testo “farinam in mortarium indito, aquae poculatim addito subigitoque pulchre”.94 Oltre a ciò riferisce l’uso del recipiente in questione nella preparazione del libum,95 focaccia confezionata con farina di siligo e formaggio; indica di far sciogliere nel mortaio due libbre di formaggio fresco a cui devono essere poi aggiunti farina setacciata e un uovo intero. Dopo avere impastato il tutto viene fatto cuocere anche in questo caso sotto il testo. Sappiamo sempre dallo stesso autore di un uso specifico del mortaio in varie ricette in cui risultava basilare l’utilizzo dell’alica, tipo di grano duro che si ricavava dai chicchi della zela (zea o triticum monococcum), di cui è documentata la coltivazione specialmente nelle zone interne dell’odierno Abruzzo. Essa veniva utilizzata nella ricetta della placenta,96 sorta di focaccia salata molto apprezzata, e

I mortai a vasca emisferica in terracotta possono essere provvisti di beccuccio-versatoio o meno; questo è stato spiegato pensando che esso fosse necessario in funzione della ricetta, che cioè mortai ceramici non contraddistinti da beccuccio servissero per impasti cremosi,88 così da essere presentati sulla tavola assieme al recipiente in questione; per gli esemplari provvisti di beccuccio80 L’unica fonte che specifica il materiale litico da cui può essere ricavato il mortaio, oltre a citare la sua funzione, è Plinio (Nat. Hist., V, 36, 157) che parlando del marmo sottolinea come tale pietra fosse destinata anche alla produzione appunto di mortai: “Auctoribus curae fuere lapides mortariorum quoque, nec medicinalium tantum aut ad pigmenta pertinentium”. 81 Va segnalato a questo proposito il ritrovamento di un mortaio in legno, unicum nel panorama dei ritrovamenti finora noti di tale recipiente, all’interno del carico della nave romana rinvenuta a Comacchio (Fe), località Valle Ponti nel 1980, databile in base al carico all’età di Agrippa. Esso risulta finemente intagliato nella parte anteriore, caratterizzato da un beccuccio versatoio, vasca emisferica e piede ad anello e senza tracce di usura all’interno; questo farebbe pensare, a meno che si tratti di un manufatto mai usato, ad un suo utilizzo per miscelare sostanze liquide o comunque fluide, facendole poi defluire attraverso l’apposito beccuccio, piuttosto che pestare e triturare sostanze solide e dure: Desantis 1990, 105-106, 252 n° 211 (fig. 211 p. 254). 82 Il mortaio troncoconico era usato per il lavoro più pesante della lavorazione delle olive: White 1975, 9-10. Un mortaio di questo tipo compare nelle raffigurazioni di lavorazione di olio e di profumo in due pitture da Pompei, nella Casa di Trittolemo e nella Casa dei Vettii: Blümner 1912, 363-364. 83 De Vos 1985, 24 ; Hilgers 1969, 68-70. 84 Matteucci 1986, 250. 85 Matteucci 1986, 240-241; 248-250. 86 Rossi 2001, 211 e nota 70. 87 Il primo autore latino che menziona il mortaio, Plauto (Aul., 95), riferisce della necessaria complementarietà dell’uso del mortarium e del pistillum (pestello): “cultrum, securim, pistillum, mortarium, quae utenda vasa sempre vicini rogant”. 88 Anche uno degli autori più tardi, Nonio Marcellino (Compendiosa doctrina, 543,20), scrittore del IV secolo di origine africana, riporta “mortarium in quo terentur quae solvendae sunt”, mentre Isidoro di Siviglia (Orig., 4.11.6), la cui opera è da collocare nella prima metà del VII secolo, riferisce “mortarium, quod ibi iam semina in pulverem redacta est et mortua condiantur”.

89

Ibidem, 213. Vitruvio, De Arch., V, 12,2; VII, 1,5; VIII,6,14. 91 E’ interessante notare che precisi riferimenti circa l’uso del mortaio in cucina vengono riportati più frequentemente negli autori latini, piuttosto che in quelli greci, forse per la natura stessa delle fonti, più specialistiche nel mondo romano. 92 Salza Prina Ricotti 1983, 37. 93 Catone, De agri., 73. L’indicazione di usare recipienti puliti ricorre spesso negli autori; Apicio in particolare più volte invita ad usare una patella nova: v. Mazzeo Saracino, Morandi, Nannetti & Vergari 1997, 206. 94 Catone, De agri., 74. Sull’interpretazione del termine testum usato da Catone si veda Salza Prina Ricotti 1983, 241-243, che propende per il significato di fornetto. L’utilizzo di testi per la cottura del pane è ampiamente attestato anche in epoca pre-romana, in particolare in ambito medio-tirrenico: vedi Zifferero 2000, 156-157. 95 Ibidem, 75. 96 Ibidem, 76. 90

385

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI nella preparazione di un altro dolce tipico, i globi,97 formati impastando formaggio e alica, precedentemente pestata e decorticata.98 L’alica era necessaria anche nella preparazione di un altro dolce, fatto con lo stesso impasto dei globi, ma a forma di piccole spirali, encytus;99 una volta fritti, vengono spalmati con abbondante miele e successivamente spruzzati con semi di papavero.100

spicchi puliti che sbollentò nell’acqua mettendoli poi nel cavo della pietra. Qui li cosparse di sale e aggiunse il formaggio indurito nel sale, infine buttò sopra ad essi le erbe già dette… e con la destra (mano) cominciò a schiacciare sotto il pestello l’aglio profumato riducendo in poltiglia anche le erbe che confusero così i loro succhi… il lavoro procedeva bene; il pestello non saltellava più come per l’innanzi...poi di nuovo rimescolò il miscuglio e dopo averlo ben impastato lo tirò fuori, ripulì accuratamente con due dita il mortaio ed infine formò tutto in una palla per dargli così sia la forma che il nome di moreto (moretum).105

Altra ricetta in cui troviamo impiegata l’alica oltre al panis picentinus, di cui si parlerà in seguito, è la famosissima puls punica,101 assai apprezzata nel II secolo a.C., costituita da una crema non molto dolce, ma ben saporita vista la presenza tra gli ingredienti di sale e formaggio.

In generale l’uso del mortaio deve essere riferito al costume di tritare, come già detto sopra, erbe e spezie, e in riferimento a ciò Columella consiglia: “trita assieme erba cipollina con ruta, sedano tenero e menta e mischia questo trito alle olive rotte nel prelevarle dal contenitore in cui esse erano conservate”;106 Orazio quando parla delle salse di Catio dice: “erbe tritate, zafferano di Corycos e poi vi si versa olio di Venafro”.107

Tornando a riferimenti di Catone circa l’impiego del mortaio dobbiamo ricordare la ricetta della granea triticea,102 dove si raccomanda l’uso di grano pulito, lavato, cui viene tolta la buccia, pestandolo in un mortaio, per poi risciacquarlo e metterlo in una pentola con acqua. Columella consiglia l’uso di un mortaio nuovo o ben pulito per la preparazione della senape (mostarda), “postea tollito, et manibus expressum in mortarium novum aut bene emundatum adibito et pistillis conterito”,103 e poi ci descrive tra i vari passaggi quello finale che prevede di inclinare il mortaio per versare, attraverso l’apposito beccuccio-versatoio, l’acqua eccedente: “..deinde statim mortarium erigito, ut omnis umor eliquetur. Post hoc album acre acetum adicito et pistillo permisceto colatoque”. Lo stesso autore riporta tra le ricette dove il recipiente in questione è utilizzato quella del formaggio condito, anche detto moretum:104 “Addito in mortarium satureiam, mentam, rutam, coriandrum, apium, porrum sectivum aut, si id non erit, viridem cepam, folia lactucae, folia erucae, thymum viride vel nepetam, tum etiam viride puleium et caseum recent et salsum. Ea omnia pariter conterito acetique piperati exiguum permisceto”. Ritroviamo l’indicazione di tale pietanza, in correlazione all’utilizzo del mortarium, anche nell’omonimo poemetto pseudovirgiliano Moretum: “dopo aver provveduto a macinare il grano per ottenere la farina per la preparazione della voce principale del suo pasto, il pane appunto, aggiungendo come companatico al suo scarno pranzo il formaggio indurito sopraccitato”; “Quando ebbe raccolto tutte queste erbe si sedette allegro vicino al fuoco e a gran voce chiese alla serva un mortaio…. non tenne che gli

Apicio infine, famoso gastronomo di età tiberiana, autore di uno dei trattati più completi dell’arte culinaria romana, il De re coquinaria, fonte inesauribile di ricette e curiosità alimentari, ricorda il mortaio in relazione all’operazione di tritatura delle erbe aromatiche varie, nello specifico per la realizzazione delle celeberrime salse apiciane, che si diversificano a seconda dei piatti a cui dovevano correlarsi; tra queste ricordiamo l’oenogarum consigliata per i legumi: “trita pepe e levistico e pestali bene, versaci sopra liquamen e vino e un po’ di vino dolce”,108 oppure quella usata per insaporire le carote tagliate a fette: “trita pepe, levistico, prezzemolo, menta secca, foglia di nardo, molobatro, un po’ di cumino, miele, aceto e liquamen”.109 Un’altra salsa è quella chiamata piperatum: “trita pepe, levistico e bagna con vino passito per dare il dolce..”;110 oppure, tra le varie salse da accompagnamento o farcitura di piatti a base di carne, quella ricordata nella ricetta dei ghiri al forno: “farcire i ghiri con polpette di maiale e la loro stessa carne tritata con pepe, laser, pinoli e un po’ di liquamen”,111 oppure quella della ricetta di leporem (pipere) sicco sparsum: “pepe, santoreggia, ruta, cipolla ed un po’ di timo tritati e sciolti nel liquamen”,112 e ancora quella indicata nella ricetta di cinghiale: “trita pepe, levistico, cumino fritto, seme di sedano, menta, timo, santoreggia, cartamo, ossia falso zafferano, mandorle e pinoli tostati, miele, vino, mezzo bicchiere scarso di liquamen e poco olio”.113

97

Ibidem, 79. Riguardo allo specifico procedimento di decorticazione dell’alica v. Plinio (Nat.Hist.,XVIII, XXIX, 112 e sgg.): i chicchi (di alica) vengono decorticati in un mortaio di legno, perché la durezza della pietra non li rovini ed il pestello viene usato dagli schiavi incatenati. L’estremità di questo pestello è in ferro. 99 Catone, De agri., 80. 100 Tale ricetta, comune nella Roma di II secolo a.C., risulta essere stata importata qui da Alessandria, in quanto sono raffigurati tali dolci in una pittura della tomba di Ramsete III (XX dinastia), riferibile al XIII secolo a.C.: v. Salza Prina Ricotti 1983, 246. 101 Catone, De agri.,85. 102 Catone, De agri., 86 103 Columella, De re rustica, XII, 57.1. 104 Ibidem, XII, 59. 98

105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113

386

Salza Prina Ricotti 1983, 45-48. Columella, De re rustica, XII, 49.4. Orazio, Satire, II, IV, 64-69. Apicio, De re coquinaria, IV, V, 1;3. Ibidem, III, XXI, 1. Ibidem, IV, II, 21. Ibidem, VIII, IX. Ibidem, VIII, VIII; 12. Ibidem, VIII, I, 4.

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE Tra le altre ricette il mortaio compare sempre con funzione di recipiente entro cui triturare le erbe aromatiche e spezie: quella della patina cotidiana,114 sorta di pasticcio di sfoglia (laganum), la ricetta delle triglie annegate (mullos anecatos sic facies), quella relativa ad un dolce con sfoglia di pasta fatta da farina ed alica, impastata assieme agli apiciani aromi tritati e poi diluita nel vino passito e in seguito cotta con tracta e latte115 e quella del tortino salato di asparagi o patina de asparagis.116

In conclusione si sottolinea la persistenza della forma del recipiente, pur con alcune variazioni tipologiche, che riguardano principalmente l’orlo e la profondità della vasca, cambiamenti che riflettono, come attestato anche dalle fonti, una diversa utilizzazione del mortaio in epoca romana rispetto all’epoca precedente; i mortai pre-romani sono, dal punto di vista strettamente domesticofunzionale, da ritenersi come recipienti idonei ad impastare o decorticare cereali, mal si configurano come utensili adatti per versare sostanze. Al contrario i mortai romani, proprio in virtù dell’orlo maggiormente articolato, sembrano da ritenersi strumenti utilizzati nella preparazione di salse, condimenti di vario genere, e soprattutto per contenere sostanze liquide o impasti fluidi. Ciò non esclude tuttavia che sia proseguito l’utilizzo di grandi mortai per la lavorazione dei cereali o di altre sostanze, come documentato dalla persistenza di tipi di grandi dimensioni analoghi a quello di Suasa (v. Fig. 3:45).120

Particolarmente interessante come utilizzo peculiare nella cucina ‘picena’ del mortaio è infine quello nell’ambito della realizzazione di una ricetta, nota dalle fonti117 come pane picentino (panis picentinus); esso veniva realizzato facendo macerare l’alica in acqua per almeno 9 giorni; l’impasto introdotto in olle di ceramica veniva messo a cuocere in forno, dove spesso i recipienti finivano per rompersi. Il pane picentino costituiva un pane speciale e molto pregiato, veniva consumato inzuppato, addolcito nel miele. Ancora oggi possiamo riconoscere in questo pane la base per un dolce tradizionale della cucina marchigiana (in particolare della zona di Arcevia), lu frustingu.

L’Olcese a proposito della diffusione del mortaio nel mondo greco, dalla madre-patria alle colonie occidentali, definisce tale recipiente come ‘traceur culturel grec’;121 da queste aree il passaggio all’area centro-italica (Etruria centro-meridionale e Etruria padana) e da qui nelle diverse zone della penisola risulta essere fondamentale. L’area centro-italica del versante tirrenico svolge pertanto la funzione di centro propulsore nel generale fenomeno di diffusione di tale forma; in ultimo la successiva influenza della cultura romana nelle diverse aree consolida sempre più la presenza di tale recipiente, di cui si può affermare dunque la persistenza culturale, a fronte di una maggiore articolazione e specializzazione dal punto di vista funzionale che documenta i mutamenti sopravvenuti nell’ambito della preparazione dei cibi e dell’alimentazione.

CONCLUSIONI Per cercare di spiegare i possibili i motivi legati alla scomparsa del mortaio da contesti funerari possiamo pensare che in età pre-romana prevalga il legame con il rituale del banchetto, in riferimento alla preparazione dei cibi da consumare nella cerimonia, su quello, pur attestato, nell’utilizzo quotidiano, mentre in epoca romana si perde evidentemente questo significato, anche se si registra, in generale, una persistenza della forma, quasi esclusivamente in contesti di abitato. Uno spostamento della funzione del mortaio rispetto alla fase precedente deve essere messo in relazione con la specializzazione in epoca romana della produzione dei farinacei (farina di grano duro) e del pane, tale da giungere ad un livello ‘industriale’ con l’utilizzo di mulini e di fornai di professione (II-I secolo a.C.),118 creando un sostanziale mutamento dell’alimentazione, che vede in un primo momento (epoca delle pappe e delle gallette)119 quale fonte di carboidrati il consumo della puls e in una fase posteriore invece quello del pane. Sappiamo infatti che con l’arrivo del pane sulla tavola, la ‘polenta’, che era stata l’alimento base per molto tempo, vede diminuire la sua importanza. Il mortaio, può avere mantenuto, in questa fase, la sua funzione specialmente per la preparazione di spezie ed erbe aromatiche utilizzate nell’ambito di una cucina sempre più ricca e raffinata.

BIBLIOGRAFIA

Bats, M., 1988. Vasseille et alimentation à Olbia de Provence (350-50 a.C.), Modèles culturels et catégories céramiques. Paris Bellelli, V. & M. Botto, 2002. I bacini di tipo feniciocipriota: considerazioni sulla diffusione di una forma ceramica nell’Italia medio-tirrenica nel periodo compreso fra il VII e il VI secolo a.C., in: Atti del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici (13-17 ottobre 1998. Pisa, 277-307. Bendinelli, G., 1915. Antichità tudertine del Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia. MAL 23, coll. 609-682. Blümner, H., 1912. Tecnologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und Römern, I. Leipzig. Camerin, N., 1997. Adria, Canal Bianco, tomba 157 (catalogo-scheda), in: F. Berti, S. Bonomi & M.

114

Ibidem, IV, II, 15. Ibidem, VII, XIII, 5. Ibidem, IV, II, 6. 117 Plinio, Nat. Hist., XVIII, 106; Marziale, XIII, 47; Apicio, IV, 1, 2. 118 Matteucci 1986, 239: nascita di corporazioni dei panificatori, il collegium pistorum. 119 V. supra. 115 116

120 La persistenza del mortaio in età romana esula comunque dai limiti della presente ricerca. 121 Olcese 2003, 43.

387

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Luni, M., 1995. Fase protourbana nella regione medioadriatica nel V-IV sec. a.C. e frequentazione commerciale greca, in: Pro Poplo arimenese. Faenza, 183-225. Mannoni, T. & E. Giannichedda, 1996. Archeologia della produzione. Torino. Marchegiani, P., 2002. Popolamento preromano nella vallata del Metauro, in: M. Luni (ed.), La via Flaminia nell’ager gallicus. Urbino, 91-129. Matteucci, P., 1986. L’uso dei mortai di terracotta nell’alimentazione antica. StClOr 36, 239-277. Mazzeo Saracino, L., 1994-1995. Le ceramiche di età repubblicana, in: Dall’Aglio & De Maria 1994-1995, 178-194. Mazzeo Saracino, L., 2003. Indicatori di produttività fittile a Suasa (AN). RCRFActa 38, 127-132. Mazzeo Saracino, L., 2004. Diffusione di ceramiche a vernice nera e romanizzazione in territorio marchigiano, in: L’Appennino in età romana e nel primo Medioevo. Viabilità e popolamento tra Marche e Umbria: approfondimenti e confronti, Atti del Convegno (Corinaldo 2001). 59-70. Mazzeo Saracino, L., N. Morandi, M.C. Nannetti & M. Vergari, 1997. Una produzione di ceramica da cucina di Suasa (An): esame tipologico e studio archeometrico, per la definizione della funzione, in: S. Santoro Bianchi & B. Fabbri (eds), Il contributo delle analisi archeometriche allo studio delle ceramiche grezze e comuni: il rapporto forma/funzione/impasto, Atti della 1° giornata di archeometria della ceramica. Bologna, 200-213. Mazzeo Saracino, L., N. Morandi & M.C. Nannetti, 2000. Ceramica a vernice nera di Ariminum: produzione locale, rapporti produttivi e commerciali in base allo studio morfologico e archeometrico, in: Produzione ceramica in area padana tra il II secolo a.C. e il VII secolo d.C.: nuovi dati e prospettive di ricerca, Atti del Convegno (Desenzano 1999). Mantova, 133-142. Mercando, L., 1979. Marche. Rinvenimenti di insediamenti rurali. NSc 33, 89-296. Monacchi, W. 1993. La media vallata del Metauro nell’antichità: la zona occidentale, in: M. Luni (ed.), Castrum Firmignani. Castello del Ducato di Urbino. Urbino, 79-102. Olcese, G., 2003. Ceramiche comuni a Roma e in area romana: produzione, circolazione e tecnologia (tarda età repubblicana-prima età imperiale). Mantova. Patitucci Uggeri, S., 1983. Classificazione preliminare della ceramica dipinta di Spina. StEtr 51, 91-139. Patitucci Uggeri, S., 1984. Classificazione preliminare della ceramica grigia di Spina, in: Studi in memoria di M. Zuff. Rimini, 139-169. Pietropaolo, L., 1997. L’approdo di Torre S. Sabina (Brindisi). Le ceramiche comuni di età romana. Aspetti tipologici, tecnologici e distributivi, in Atti del Convegno Nazionale di Archeologia subacquea (Anzio, 30-31 maggio e 1 giugno 1996). Bari, 249270.

Landolfi (eds), Classico e Anticlassico. Vasi altoadriatici tra Piceno Spina e Adria. Roma, 197-200. Chieco Bianchi, A.M., 1987. Dati preliminari su nuove tombe di III secolo da Este, in: Celti ed Etruschi nell’Italia centro-settentrionale dal V sec. a.C. alla romanizzazione, Atti del Colloquio internazionale, Bologna 12-14 aprile 1985. Bologna, 191-270. Chieco Bianchi, A.M. & L. Calzavara Capuis, 1985. Este I. Le necropoli Casa di Ricovero, Casa Muletti Prosdocimi e Casa Alfonsi. Roma, tavv. 161-162. Dallemulle, V. & E. Marzola, 1977. Una tomba di II sec. a.C. da Adria: la 45 Ca’ Cima. Padusa 13, 3-39. Dall’Aglio, P.L. & S. De Maria, 1988. Nuovi scavi e ricerche nella città romana di Suasa (Ancona). Relazione preliminare. Picus 8, 73-156. Dall’Aglio, P.L. & S. De Maria, 1994-1995. Scavi nella città romana di Suasa. Seconda relazione preliminare (1994-1995). Picus 14-15, 75-232. Dall’Aglio, P.L., S. De Maria & L. Mazzeo Saracino, 1997. Suasa: scavi 1995-1996. Ocnus 5, 261-268. De Maria, S., 1991. Suasa: un municipio dell’ager Gallicus alla luce delle ricerche e degli scavi recenti, in: Le Marche. Archeologia Storia Territorio. Arcevia, 15-52. De Maria, S., 1991/1993. Testimonianze di famiglie senatorie a Suasa, in: Le Marche. Archeologia Storia Territorio. Arcevia, 141-150. Desantis, P., 1990. Le suppellettili in legno di uso quotidiano, in: F. Berti (ed.), Fortuna Maris. La nave romana di Comacchio, catalogo mostra. Bologna,, 105-113 e 252-254. Destro, M. & E. Giorgi, 2001-2002. Recenti scavi nel municipio romano di Suasa (luglio 2001). Ocnus 910, 277-280. De Vos, M., 1985. Glossario (Mortaio), in: A. Ricci (ed.), Settefinestre. Una villa schiavistica nell’Etruria romana. La villa e i suoi reperti, III. Modena, 24. Ermeti, A.L., 1993. La media vallata del Metauro nell’antichità: la zona orientale, in: M. Luni (ed.), Castrum Firmignani. Castello del Ducato di Urbino. Urbino,, 61-78. Galli, M., 2001. Per un’analisi della ceramica domestica come indicaatore culturale. Note preliminari sul caso della colonia romana Ariminum, in: Abitare in Cisalpina. L’edilizia privata nella città e nel territorio in età romana. AAAd 49, 217-255. Gamba, M. & A. Ruta Serafini, 1984. La ceramica grigia dello scavo dell’area ex Pilsen a Padova. Archeologia Veneta 7, 7-80. Gentili, G.V., 1991. Osimo nell’Antichità. I cimeli archeologici nella civica raccolta d’arte e il Lapidario del Comune, catalogo-guida. Casalecchio di Reno, 96-124. Gobbi, C., 2002. Le fornaci per ceramica di Montedoro. Picus 22, 131-168. Hilgers, W., 1969. Lateinische Gefässnamen. Düsseldorf. Lollini, D.G., 1985. Rapporto tra area romagnola e picena nel VI-IV sec. a.C., in: La Romagna tra VI e IV sec. a.C. nel quadro della protostoria dell’Italia centrale. Convegno Bologna, 323-350. 388

L. MAZZEO SARACINO & G. GIANNOTTI: ROMANIZZAZIONE E MUTAMENTI DEL COSTUME ALIMENTARE Pignocchi, G. & R. Virzì Hägglund, 1998. I materiali dell’abitato preromano e romano dell’anfiteatro di Ancona. Picus 18, 119-155. Prosdocimi, A.L., 1991. Mola salsa. Le giovani spighe in fiore. ArchCl 43, 1297-1315. Rossi, S., 2001. I mortai in ceramica depurata e semidepurata in Veneto: tipo-cronologia e ipotesi su funzione ed uso. Padusa 37, 199-227. Saccardo, L., 1985. Ceramica comune: mortarium, in: G. Sena Chiesa (ed.), Angera Romana: scavi nelle necropoli 1970-1979. Roma, 483. Salza Prina Ricotti, E., 1983. L’arte del Convito nella Roma antica. Roma. Steingraeber, S., 1984. Catalogo ragionato della pittura etrusca. Milano. Vitali, D. (ed.), 1987. Monte Bibele tra Etruschi e Celti: dati archeologici e interpretazione storica, in: Celti ed Etruschi nell’Italia centro-settentrionale dal V sec. a.C. alla romanizzazione, Atti del Colloquio internazionale, Bologna 12-14 aprile 1985. Bologna, 309-380. White, K.D., 1975. Farm equipment of the Roman world. Cambridge. Zifferero, A., 2000. La ceramica preromana come indicatore di processi socio-economici: il caso dell’Italia medio-tirrenica, in: R. Francovic & H. Patterson (eds), Extracting meaning from ploughsoil assemblages. Oxford, 147-159. Zifferero, A., 2002. Pottery production and metallurgy, in: in: P.A.J. Attema, G.-J Burgers, E. van Joolen, B. Mater & P.M. van Leusen (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology, Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen April 13-15, 2000 (= BAR Intern. series). Oxford, 60-68.

389

TO IMITATE OR TO SPECIALIZE? AFRICAN IMPORTS AND THE PRODUCTION OF DOMESTIC COOKWARES IN ROME AD 50-550 Janne P. Ikäheimo Abstract: In order to assess the importance of cookingware production in the environs of Rome over the period from AD 50 to AD 550, the effect of African cookingware imports on domestic production is examined through the study of a large assemblage recovered in the excavations of a late Roman domus on the north-eastern slope of the Palatine Hill. The results depict a versatile and adaptive craft that persisted under external pressure through a variety of production strategies. On a more general level, the production of the imitations shows how components of material culture, even everyday kitchen utensils, became increasingly uniform in the Roman world.

carried out in 1989-1993 as a joint-project between the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma and the American Academy in Rome and focused on a late Roman aristocratic domus located on the north-eastern slope of the Palatine Hill.8

INTRODUCTION

The Imperial period in Rome witnessed a steady increase in the number of cookware vessels produced in regional fabrics, but in forms apparently seeking to reproduce imported wares, particularly those from North Africa. This phenomenon is by no means unique; imitations of African cookware – as they should probably be defined1 – are present in small to moderate quantities on many archaeological sites around the western Mediterranean. Their production seems to have begun during the midImperial period, at the latest in the late 2nd century AD2 and in certain areas it may have continued to the early 7th century AD.3 While Sicily and Britain constitute the geographic extremes of this phenomenon,4 much of the evidence comes from the coasts of southern France and eastern Spain,5 where numerous kiln sites once involved in the production of these imitations were located.6

The dominating feature of the domus was an apsidal hall supported by a series of north-facing barrel-vaults. Soon after the completion of the principal structure in the late 3rd century AD, a set of smaller apses and chambers was built to the south of it. Most of these spaces, including the barrel-vaults, were filled with building- and household debris of unknown origin between the early 4th and the mid-6th century AD. These deposits are the main source of the material analyzed in this paper. Somewhat earlier deposits were found adjacent to a small fountain of Neronian or immediately post-Neronian date and the vestiges of Late Republican and Augustan domestic architecture to the north of the well-preserved structures of the upper story of the domus. As some of these deposits pertain to the early 1st century AD, the author is able to examine the effect caused by African cookware imports in Rome over five centuries.

As several explanations have been offered for the appearance of local imitations, the present paper attempts to assess quantitatively the effect of African cookware imports on domestic production in the environs of Rome over the period AD 50 to AD 550 through the study of a large cookware assemblage recovered through the Palatine East excavations.7 These excavations were

FROM SHERDS TO TRENDS

A total of 10,166 diagnostic cookware sherd families has been recovered from the Palatine East excavations. For the purpose of the present study, this assemblage was first refined by excluding the examples of Roman cookware found in Medieval and modern contexts as well as other diagnostic sherds than rims (i.e. handles, bases and decorated sherds) from further analysis. Consequently, the resulting 8349 extended cookware rim sherd families can be assumed to correspond with an equal amount of cookware vessels. As the assemblage contains only scarce evidence of pottery that corresponds chronologically with the construction of the aristocratic domus, the study material falls clearly into two groups (Table 1). About one-fifth of the vessels were recovered from chronological horizons preceding the building,

1

It should be borne in mind that besides the tradition established by Carthaginian cookwares between the mid-2nd century BC and the age of Augustus (see Fulford 1994, 53), pottery production in Africa Proconsularis shows strong Greek and west-central Italian influences: Frova 1977, 183; Castañer Masoliver et al. 1990, 170; Freed 1998, 31. 2 Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 375-377; Tortorella 1995, 95-96; Dodinet & Leblanc 1988, 138-141; Freed 1998, 62 no. 137 (see also p. 60, fig. 8, no. 137). 3 Pasquinucci et al. 1998, 1409-1410. 4 Swan 1993; Alaimo et al. 1997, 55, 67. African tableware forms were also reproduced locally both in Central Italy and elsewhere in the Roman world, e.g. Tortorella 1995, 96; Pasquinucci & Menchelli 1996, 507-510; Ciotola 2000, passim. For an extensive summary on the Italian imitations of African tableware, see Fontana 1998. 5 Aquilué Abadías 1987, 52, fig. 15, no. 13; Aguarod Otal 1991, 47, 413-414; Alonso de la Sierra Fernández 1995, 158-159; Sánchez Sánchez 1995, 267, 274, fig. 13, nos. 28-31; Serrano Ramos 1997, 220221; Bernal Casasola 1998; Seguí et al. 2000, 1416-1417, tab. 1. 6 France: Dodinet & Leblanc 1988, 136-139, 142 fig. 10; Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 371-373; Passelac 1996, 371, 374; Spain: Sánchez Sánchez 1995, 267 esp. footnote 92; Serrano Ramos 1997, 220, 229, figs. 9, 12-13; Bernal Casasola 1998, 1341, 1349-1350. 7 The author acknowledges the possibility that the assemblage may also include imitations of other imported cookwares than those of African

origin, see e.g. Ciotola 2000, 1401; Santoro 2002, 994-996. They will be dealt with, at the latest, in the final publication on the Roman period cookwares of the Palatine East excavations. 8 For a more detailed introduction to the Palatine East excavations, see e.g. Hostetter et al. 1994.

390

JANNE P. IKÄHEIMO: TO IMITATE OR TO SPECIALIZE?

Phase

Date (AD)

ReCW

AfCW

CAMP

AeCW

PANT

HAND

1.

40/50 - 80/90

N= 214

95.33

1.40

IRSC 2.34

0.93

-

PALS -

-

-

2.

80/90 - 100/110

864

89.88

4.88

2.07

2.56

0.37

-

0.24

-

3.

100/110 - 150/170

236

81.78

12.71

4.24

0.85

0.42

-

-

-

4.

150/170 - 190/200

450

63.33

32.89

2.00

1.33

0.22

-

-

0.22

5.

220/230 - 270/290

26

53.85

42.31

-

-

3.85

-

-

-

6.

270/290 - 300/310

956

48.85

46.44

1.99

2.51

0.21

-

-

-

7.

300/310 - 310/320

849

53.47

45.11

0.82

0.24

0.24

-

0.12

-

8.

310/320 - 320/325

1256

54.14

45.70

0.16

-

-

-

-

-

9.

320/325 - 350/360

708

67.09

32.49

-

0.42

-

-

-

-

10.

350/360 - 400/425

409

78.24

21.27

0.24

-

-

-

0.24

-

11.

400/425 - 525/550

2425

86.56

12.37

0.04

-

-

0.08

0.16

0.78

Key: ReCW = Regional cookware, AfCW = African cookware; IRSC = Internal Red-Slip cookware; CAMP = Campanian cookware; AeCW = Aegean cookware; PALS = Palestinian cookware; PANT = Pantellerian ware; HAND = hand-built cookwares.

Table 1. The proportions of cookwares at the Palatine East excavations (%). Pottery class

Phase

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

West-central Italian cookware

1.0

0.5

1.6

3.2

-

6.4

11.7

10.6

16.2

11.6

7.3

African cookware

40.0

9.1

9.1

5.7

-

6.3

12.2

11.1

25.1

29.8

33.9

Table 2. The share of west-central Italian imitations in the study assemblage (%).

while the majority of the material derives from deposits that follow its completion.

A development not showing up in table 1 is that the steadily increasing presence of African cookware is accompanied, from the late 2nd century AD onwards, by a growing number of locally produced vessels in forms apparently seeking to reproduce the African cookware. When the quantity of these imitations is contrasted to African cookware and west-central Italian production as a whole (Table 2), two diverse patterns emerge. Firstly, in respect of African cookware, the share of imitations grows steadily towards the end of the chronological sequence. While they play only a minor role even in the late 3rd century AD, the situation has changed completely in the 5th century AD. By then, a third of the forms considered typical for African cookware belongs actually to west-central Italian production. But, secondly, regarding the total volume of west-central Italian cookware, these imitations clearly pass out of sight, although one can observe a momentary increase in their quantity towards the 5th century AD.11

Of the eight productions distinguished from the assemblage, only two are of particular importance. The most significant is the group that can be attributed to local production and consequently termed regional or west-central Italian cookware. This group is evidently composed of several fabrics or fabric groups, which in all likelihood represent the output of different workshops and production areas. As the identification and characterization of these fabrics is evidently beyond the scope of this paper, the classification published by Peña9 has been adapted to this study. Of the imported cookwares, the only group that can be said to have considerable significance during the period in question is African cookware,10 which was produced in the province of Africa Proconsularis from the early 1st to the late 5th century AD. The remaining six productions – Internal Red-Slip cookware, Campanian (i.e. Black-sand) cookware, Aegean cookware, Palestinian cookware, Pantellerian ware and the class of hand-built cookwares – are clearly of minor importance.

11

In certain areas the production of imitations seems to have constituted a significant part of the output. An illustrative example of such pottery is the southern Gaulish fabric Céramique Commune Brune Orangé Biterroise (B.O.B.), one-third of which has been identified as imitations of African cookware, see Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 377, fig. 14.

9

Peña 1999, 187-188. African cookware finds from the late Roman deposits of the Palatine East excavations are extensively discussed in Ikäheimo 2003. 10

391

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Group

Phase

1

Fine volcanic cookware

-

Coarse volcanic cookware

2

4

(25.0) (33.3) (22.2)

(100.0)

-

-

(75.0)

Quartz sand cookware

3

(66.7) (11.1) -

(66.7)

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

-

83.3

43.4

43.0

32.5

45.9

42.2

-

-

1.9

1.4

3.9

5.4

6.5

-

16.7

54.7

55.6

63.6

48.7

51.3

Key: Fine volcanic cookware, Peña 1999, 188, fabrics 6b-c; Coarse volcanic cookware, Peña 1999, 188, fabrics 6d-e; Quartz sand cookware, Peña 1999, 187, fabrics 5d-e.

Table 3. The diachronic distribution of the three fabric groups in west-central Italian imitations (%). Form

Phase

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

TOTAL

Hayes 196 lid

-

3

1

1

-

-

6

8

2

1

14

36

Hayes 181 pan

-

-

-

3

-

2

1

2

5

7

5

25

Hayes 26/181 pan-casserole

1

-

1

-

-

-

2

1

1

-

15

21

Hayes 23A shallow casserole

1

-

-

-

-

1

7

8

3

-

11

31

Hayes 23B shallow casserole

-

-

-

-

-

3

10

22

39

15

96

185

Hayes 193 deep casserole

-

-

-

-

-

-

2

3

2

-

2

9

Hayes 197 minor

-

-

-

1

-

9

8

9

5

2

1

35

Hayes 197 deep casserole

-

1

1

4

-

14

16

17

19

12

10

94

Late Roman deep casserole

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

1

1

-

-

3

Central Tunisian deep casserole

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

1

-

-

-

2

TOTAL

2

4

3

9

-

30

53

72

77

37

154

441

Key: On the nomenclature and identification of these forms, see Ikäheimo 2003, 32-68.

Table 4. West-central Italian imitations of African cookware by form. When it comes to fabrics, it is of considerable interest that – at least in this preliminary analysis –approximately a half of these imitations show a rich quartz sand temper (Table 3). As quartz sand is also the main inclusion in pottery produced in Roman Africa, the production of imitations may have sometimes been more extensive than just the faithful reproduction of the vessel form. Of the imitations manufactured without the presence of quartz sand, the majority of examples show a fine fabric with slightly gritty matrix and minute inclusions of volcanic origin. The rarity of west-central Italian imitations with coarse volcanic temper, on the other hand, can be understood through the form repertoire of African cookware. For a potter employing heavily tempered clay including various large angular minerals of volcanic origin, the production of forms like Hayes 23B and Hayes 197, which preconceive the use of substantial compressional forces at certain stages of the forming process was out of the question.12

popular outside Roman Africa. These include, for example, the Hayes 181 pan, the Hayes 23B shallow casserole and the Hayes 197 deep casserole.13 The number of African cookware lid imitations, on the other hand, is substantially lower and may result, at least to a certain extent, from the difficulties of identifying westcentral Italian lid forms as African copies. Alternatively, the reproduction of African cookware lids was perhaps useless, because – in contrast to other forms – the performance characteristics of lids did not require much attention. Perhaps, it was also more profitable to concentrate on producing copies of African cookware forms of recognized performance characteristics. As the ease of manufacture and transportation had forced the producers to exclude the addition of a proper knob, the absence of imitations also suggests that the design of African cookware lids was not very user-friendly.14 13

E.g. Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 365, 376 fig. 13; Sánchez Sánchez 1995, 267; Pasquinucci & Menchelli 1996, 509, fig. 5 no. 32; 511, fig. 7, nos. 49-52; Pasquinucci et al. 1998, 1409-1410. 14 Had this controversial form been a lid-plate (it. piatto/coperchio, sp. plato/tapadera) or a bowl of distinguished performance characteristics, one should expect to find copies in local fabrics in the same abundance as imitations of other African cookware forms. On the identification of this form as a lid, see Ikäheimo 2003, 75-79.

By using their frequency as an index, the most common subjects of imitation (Table 4) both in Rome and elsewhere seem to have been the vessel forms that were 12

Ikäheimo 2003, 93.

392

JANNE P. IKÄHEIMO: TO IMITATE OR TO SPECIALIZE?

Fig. 1. A selection of African cookware imitations from the Palatine East excavations: a) Hayes 197 minor; b-c) Hayes 197 deep casserole; d) Hayes 193 deep casserole; e) Late Roman deep casserole; and e) Hayes 23B shallow casserole. Scale 1:3.

Fig. 2. The west-central Italian imitation of the Hayes 23B shallow casserole (left) does not show the same richness in detail as its Central Tunisian counterpart (right). Scale 1:2. Photo: Samantha Scaringe/The Palatine East Pottery Project.

393

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. The presence of minute volcanic inclusions – the small pebble visible on the left is clearly accidental – characterizes this example of the Hayes 197 minor. Scale 1:1. Photo: Samantha Scaringe/The Palatine East Pottery Project. In all, the quantitative evidence suggests that the strategy behind the success of these products was based on gradual replacement rather than a rapid conquest of the markets. After an initial period of introduction onto the Roman market, regional potters evidently began to exploit the success of African cookware with their own products of supposedly inferior technical and aesthetic qualities.15 As the introduction of these imitations inevitably affected the market share of African cookware imports, their presence in the region of Rome and elsewhere bear witness to vigorous cookware production. It was a both versatile and adaptive craft that managed to persist under external pressures for several centuries through a variety of production strategies.

CULTURAL ASSIMILATION THROUGH COOKWARES?

Although the existence of imitations is usually said to indicate the popularity of African cookware, the significance of the phenomenon itself has been interpreted differently. In any case, especially from the late 2nd to the early 4th century AD, African products were probably a point of reference among Roman cookwares (see Table 1). They were evidently worth copying,16 although we have no firm evidence regarding their actual market value. It is likely and, perhaps, even probable that imitations were generally cheaper than the imports.17 However, the idea about the large-scale importation of African pottery solely to the use of the upper class, which, in turn, would have developed a taste and markets for low-cost copies,18 is difficult to accept at face value. Thus, it is necessary to consider the issues of availability and competitiveness of various cookwares as well as the influence of Roman culinary habits to their distribution.

15

Aquilué Abadías 1987, 80; Aguarod Otal 1991, 413; Picon & Olcese 1995, 112; Tortorella 1995, 95-96; Bernal Casasola 1998, 1351; Peña 1999, 164. Due to differences both in the available raw materials and production methods, imitations of African cookware have been said to lack certain features that are characteristic of the originals, see e.g. Fontana 1998, 83. Still, intentional attempts to catch even the details of surface finishes were made, as examples reproducing blackish patina cenerognola cover on the vessel exterior clearly show, see e.g. Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 365; Moreno Almenara & Alarcón Castellano 1994, 1289-1293; Revilla Calvo et al. 1997, 105, 116; Serrano Ramos 1997, 220; cf. Aguarod Otal 1991, 245. Finally, while it is generally acknowledged that the popularity of Roman cookwares enjoying a wide distribution was primarily based on their good performance characteristics, enhanced appearance may have also contributed to their success, see Ikäheimo 2003, 98-99; cf. Picon & Olcese 1995, 112.

As pointed out by Santoro,19 imitations can be defined as such only if the original product was also available to the consumers. On the other hand, fraud is the essence of an imitation, as the consumer is not supposed to be expert or informed enough to distinguish between a copy and the 16

Panella 1986, 440; Bernal Casasola 1998, 1350. Tortorella 1995, 95; Santoro 2002, 994-995. 18 Bernal Casasola 1998, 1351; see also Tortorella 1995, 95-96; Fontana 1998, 83, 96. 19 Santoro 2002, 994-995. 17

394

JANNE P. IKÄHEIMO: TO IMITATE OR TO SPECIALIZE? original product. This raises the question about the availability of African cookware, an argument that has been occasionally used to explain the appearance of imitations.20 Availability was certainly an important factor promoting the predominance of African cookware in Ostia – one of the main hubs of trade and redistribution in the Roman world – where locally produced imitations are scarcely present. Similarly, in larger towns and cities, of which the imperial urbs aeterna is a prime example, cookware imports must have been widely available, but the vastness of the market left also room for local entrepreneurs. In more remote places, where African products were not necessarily available without interruption, the production of imitations may have assumed rather a complementary than competitive character.21

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aguarod Otal, C., 1991. Ceramica romana importada de cocina en la Tarraconense (= Publicacion de la Institución Fernando el Católico, 1.281). Zaragoza. Alaimo, R., G. Montana, R. Giarrusso, L. Di Franco, R.M. Bonacasa Carra, M. Denaro, O. Belvedere, A. Burgio & M.S. Rizzo, 1997. Le ceramiche comuni di Agrigento, Segesta e Termini Imerese: risultati archeometrici e problemi archeologici, in: S. Santoro Bianchi & B. Fabbri (eds), Il contributo delle analisi archeometriche allo studio delle ceramiche grezze e comuni. Imola, 46-69. Alonso de la Sierra Fernández, J.A., 1995. Cerámicas africanas de Córdoba. Anales de Arquelogia Cordobesa 6, 145-173. Anselmino, L., C.M. Coletti, M.L. Ferrantini & C. Panella, 1986. Ostia. Terme del Nuotatore, in: A. Giardina (ed.), Società romana e impero tardoantico, III: Le merci, gli insediamenti. Roma, 45-82. Aquilué Abadías, X., 1987. Las cerámicas africanas de la ciudad romana de Baetulo (Hispania tarraconensis) (= BAR: International Series, 337). Oxford. Bernal Casasola, D., 1998. La producción de cerámicas africanas de cocina en la Bética: aportaciones del taller de los Matagallares y de la alfarería de los Barreros (Salobreña, Granada). L’Africa Romana 12, 1341-1353. Castañer Masoliver, P., J. Tremoleda Trilla & A. Roure Bonaventura, 1990. Un conjunt ceràmic de finals del segle III d.C. a Vilauba (Camós, Pla de l’Estany). Cypsela 8, 157-191. Ciotola, A., 2000. I rifornimenti di ceramica africana a Roma ed Ostia tra IV e VII secolo d.C. Analisi comparata di alcuni contesti. L’Africa Romana 13, 1363-1404. Dodinet, M. & J. Leblanc, 1988. La production de céramiques gallo-romaines à “bords noircis” et à “patine cendrée” dans le Biterrois. Documents d'Archéologie Méridionale 11, 135-143. Fontana, S., 1998. Le “imitazioni” della sigillata africana e le ceramiche da mensa italiche tardo-antiche, in: L. Saguì (ed.), Ceramica in Italia: VI-VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes. Roma 11-13 maggio 1995. Firenze, 83-100. Freed, J., 1998. Pottery report, in: C. Wells, M. Carroll, J. Freed & D. Godden, The construction of decumanus VI N and the economy of the early colony of Carthage, in: J.H. Humphrey & D. Stone (eds), Carthage papers (= Journal of Roman Archaeology Suppl. 28), 18-63. Frova, A. (ed.), 1977. Scavi di Luni II. Relazione delle campagne di scavo 1972-1973-1974. Roma. Fulford, M.G., 1994. The cooking and domestic wares, in: M.G. Fulford & D.P.S. Peacock (eds), The Circular harbour, north side: the pottery (= Excavations at Carthage: The British Mission II, 2). Oxford, 53-77.

On the other hand, the importation of African cookware may have forced local potters to limit themselves to the production of a variety of indigenous forms.22 In the region of Rome, the west-central Italian flanged casserole is an illustrative example of such a form. In general, pans characterize the form repertory of both Internal Red-Slip cookware and Campanian cookware, while pans and small casseroles are abundant in African cookware. By contrast, the percentage of large flanged casseroles, ollae and other cumbersome vessels is significantly higher among the west-central Italian production. In addition to differences in the output of production centers, the ease of transportation as well as local customs of acquisition may have contributed to this remarkable diversity.23 Finally, the introduction of cookware imports together with respective imitations may also be interpreted as a sign of cultural integration and the advance of Roman culture.24 Culinary habits were vigorously altered especially along the coasts of Italy, France and Spain, while local nutritional traditions and indigenous vessel forms persisted further inland. According to this scheme, local imitations may have acted as mediators for cookware imports by introducing the consumers to new cuisine and kitchen utensils.25 While it is perhaps somewhat exaggerated to see their production as a sign of cultural osmosis in the western Mediterranean,26 cookware imitations show how even everyday kitchen utensils became standardized in the Roman world.27

20 Aguarod Otal 1991, 413; Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 377; Tortorella 1995, 96. 21 Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 377, 382; Tortorella 1995, 97; Panella 1999, 190. 22 Anselmino et al. 1986, 62, see also Villedieu 1984, 135-136; Panella 1999, 189-190. 23 Ricci 1986, 85; see also Panella 1986: 445-446. 24 Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 374-375, 377; Passelac 1996, 317. 25 Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 377; Fontana 1998, 96. 26 Cf. Dodinet & Leblanc 1988, 143. 27 Pellecuer & Pomaredes 1991, 378.

395

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Esparraguera, A. López Mullor, P. Padrós i Martí & M. Roca i Roumens (eds), Contextos ceràmics d'època romana tardana i de l’alta edat mitjana (segles IV-X) (= Arqueo Mediterrània 2/1997). Barcelona, 101-119. Ricci, A., 1986. Cosa e il suo territorio (Etruria). Il contesto di Settefinestre, in: A. Giardina (ed.), Società romana e impero tardoantico III: Le merci, gli insediamenti. Roma, 83-87. Sánchez Sánchez, M.A., 1995. Producciones importadas en la vajilla culinaria romana del Bajo Guadalquivir, in: Ceramica comuna romana d’època Alto-Imperial a la Península Ibèrica. Estat de la qüestió (= Monografies Emporitanes, VIII). Empuries, 251-279. Santoro, S., 2002. Pantellerian Ware: aspetti della diffusione di una ceramica da fuoco nel Mediterraneo occidentale. L’Africa Romana 14, 991-1004. Seguí, J.J., C. Falomir & J.M. Melchor, 2000. La cerámica norteafricana de la Torre de Benaduf (Valencia, España). L’Africa Romana 13, 1413-1427. Serrano Ramos, E., 1997. La producción cerámica de los talleres romanos de la Depresión de Antequera, in: Figlinae Malacitanae. La producción de cerámica romana en los territorios malacitanos. Área de arqueología, Universidad de Málaga, 217-232. Swan, V.G., 1993. Un tradition de Gallia Narbonnensis à York au début du IIIe siècle, in: L. Rivet (ed.), Société française d'étude de la céramique antique en Gaule (SFECAG): Actes du congrès de Versailles. Marseille, 371-380. Tortorella, S., 1995. La ceramica africana. Un bilancio dell’ultimo decennio di ricerche, in: P. Trousset (ed.), Productions et exportations africaines: actualités archéologiques en Afrique du Nord antique et médiévale (Actes du VIe colloque international sur l’histoire et l’archéologie de l’Afrique du Nord [Pau, octobre 1993 – 118e congrès]). Paris, 79-102. Villedieu, F., 1984. Turris Libisonis. Fouille d’un site romain tardif à Porto Torres, Sardaigne (= BAR: International Series, 224). Oxford.

Hostetter, E., T.N. Howe, J.R. Brandt, A. St.Clair & M. Parca, 1994. A Late Roman domus on the northeastern slope of the Palatine-hill, in: Rome Papers: The baths of Trajan Decius, Iside e Serapide nel Palazzo, a late domus on the Palatine, and Nero’s Golden House (= Journal of Roman Archaeology Suppl. 11), 131-182. Ikäheimo, J.P., 2003. Late Roman African cookware of the Palatine east excavations, Rome. A holistic approach (= BAR: International series, 1143). Oxford. Moreno Almenara, M. & F.J. Alarcón Castellano, 1994. Producciones cerámicas locales o regionales de época tardía en Colonia Patricia Corduba. El yacimento de Cercadilla. L’Africa Romana 11, 1285-1300. Panella, C., 1986. Le merci: produzioni, itinerari e destini, in: A. Giardina (ed.), Società romana e impero tardoantico, III: Le merci, gli insediamenti. Roma, 431-459. Panella, C., 1999, Rifornimenti urbani e cultura materiale tra Aureliano e Alarico, in: W.V. Harris (ed.), The transformations of Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity (= Journal of Roman Archaeology Suppl. 33). Ann Arbor, 183-215. Pasquinucci, M. & S. Menchelli, 1996. Il vasellame di uso comune (I-VII sec. d.C.) rinvenuto negli horrea di S. Gaetano di Vada (Rosignano M.mo, LI): ricerche archeometriche, morfologiche ed analisi quantitative. Archeologia e Calcolatori 7, 497-514. Pasquinucci, M., D. Alessi, S. Bianchini, A. Del Rio & S. Menchelli, 1998. Circolazione di merci africane nel Tirreno settentrionale (I-VII sec. d.C.), L’Africa Romana 12, 1401-1421. Passelac, M. 1996, Céramiques communes galloromaines en Languedoc occidental: exemples de production et de consommation (fin Ier s. av. notre ère-IIe s. de notre ère), in Bats, M. (ed.), Les céramiques communes de Campanie et de Narbonnaise (Ier s. av. J.-C. - IIe s. ap. J.-C.): la vaisselle de cuisine et de table (Collection du Centre Jean Bérard 14), Naples, 361-387. Pellecuer, C. & H. Pomaredes, 1991. La céramique commune “Brune Orangé Biterroise” (B.O.B.): une production languedocienne des IIème-IIIème siècles après J.-C., in: L. Rivet (ed), Société française d’étude de la céramique antique en Gaule (SFECAG): Actes du congrès de Cognac. Marseille, 365-383. Peña, J.T., 1999. The urban economy during the early dominate. Pottery evidence from the Palatine Hill (= BAR: International series, 784). Oxford. Picon, M. & G. Olcese, 1995. Per una classificazione in laboratorio delle ceramiche comuni, in: G. Olcese (ed.), Ceramica romana e archeometria: lo stato degli studi. Atti delle Giornate Internazionale di Studio Castello di Montegufoni (Firenze), 26-27 aprile 1993. Firenze, 105-114. Revilla Calvo, V., C. Marti Garcia, J. García Rosello, J. Pera Isern, J.A. Cerdà Mellado & J. Pujol del Horno, 1997. El nivell amortització del Cardo Maximus d’Iluro, in: M. Comes i Solá, J.M. Gurt i 396

ALIMENTAZIONE IN LUNIGIANA TRA INNOVAZIONI E PERSISTENZE Enrico Giannichedda Abstract: The Lunigiana was a peripheral area from early history onwards. People have always passed through this region to Liguria, Emilia Romagna and the rest of the Toscana. During the Roman period, this area witnessed an unprecedented increase in trade. New settlements were founded while the exploitation of the land changed. As far as the habits of cooking during the 1st-5th centuries AD is concerned, the local production of ‘cooking’ ceramics continued despite the substantial industrial import. The production was, however, simplified and over time this pottery class developed functional peculiarities, although never changing its shapes, at least until the 10th century. At a certain point in time a new shape, the baking tray, came in vogue, testifying a new need: the preparation of a flat bread of chestnut flour. By studying botanical remains, shapes, uses, needs and peculiarities of the materials, we conclude that the local pottery production was conservative and there was a cultural resistance to innovations from both internal and external sources.

che, pur privo di significative infrastrutture, certamente migliorò la rete di collegamenti locali preesistenti. Un sistema che, se non ridusse significativamente i tempi di percorrenza fra Luni e Lucca o Parma, certamente rese i collegamenti più sicuri e frequenti (in generale sullo stato delle conoscenze archeologiche nell’area cfr. Gambaro 1999; Durante & Gervasini 2000; per gli scavi di Luni, Frova 1973 e 1977) (Fig. 1).

1. La Lunigiana storicamente è terra di confine e di passaggio fra Liguria, Toscana ed Emilia. A partire dall’età romana in quest’area fino allora marginale si svilupparono traffici prima inesistenti, si modificarono i modi di gestione delle terre, nacquero insediamenti con caratteri nuovi. In un territorio ancora scarsamente popolato, i coloni romani portarono molte innovazioni, ma questo non comportò per intero la perdita degli usi tradizionali.

2. Nel quadro generale sin qui delineato, lo scavo di Filattiera Sorano consente di affrontare alcune questioni per le quali ancora non si dispone di risposte sicure, ma che si ritengono di grande rilevanza per la storia del popolamento regionale e di un qualche interesse metodologico in quanto affrontabili solo procedendo all’integrazione di dati diversi. Quel che si tenterà di fare è difatti sfruttare un caso isolato, e quindi più semplice ad esempio della situazione attestata a Luni, per porre in relazione – su un arco temporale esteso fra età augustea e bassomedioevo – le associazioni ceramiche caratteristiche di distinti momenti con quanto ricavabile da testimonianze archeozoologiche e paleobotaniche. In pratica si cercherà di discutere insieme delle pentole e di ciò che vi si metteva dentro. Questo tenendo conto di ogni altra testimonianza utile a capire chi produceva, scambiava e usava quelle pentole e, più in generale, ogni sorta di vasellame. Per fare questo oltre a riprendere i dati già editi dello scavo di Filattiera Sorano, campagne 19861995, si utilizzeranno anche i dati di successive ricerche e quanto proveniente dagli scavi, ubicati a circa cinquanta metri dai precedenti, della Pieve di S. Stefano (Giannichedda 1998 con aggiornamenti in Giannichedda 1998a e 2001).

Il modello ‘bipolare’ che, qui forse più che altrove, caratterizzò la romanizzazione della Liguria è leggibile da un lato in Luni e dall’altro lato negli insediamenti dell’interno. Nell’antica città portuale di Luna, aperta ai traffici sul Tirreno e funzionale allo sfruttamento delle cave apuane, è evidente un’organizzazione tipicamente romana, leggibile in ogni aspetto della vita, primo fra tutti ovviamente l’edilizia, sia monumentale che privata. Anche a distanza di tempo dalla fondazione della colonia di cittadini romani, avvenuta nel 177 a.C., ciò certamente richiese maestranze specializzate e quindi un afflusso di individui che si assommavano a quanti giungevano al porto per fare mercato delle proprie cose. Pur senza prove antropologiche al riguardo è quindi immaginabile una città cosmopolita soprattutto nei secoli del suo massimo splendore fra I e III secolo. Diversamente nell’interno la penetrazione romana fu lenta e dovette scendere a patti con le popolazioni locali. Prova indiretta, perché relativa ad altra zona, ne è la Tavola di Polcevera, un Senatoconsulto necessario a dirimere vertenze di natura economica e territoriale fra, in quel caso, Genova, alleata di Roma, e le comunità dell’entroterra (Pastorino 1995 con bibliografia precedente).

Il primo momento sul quale è necessario soffermarsi è, se si vuole, un antefatto: nella seconda età del Ferro le comunità liguri si caratterizzavano per piccoli insediamenti, di non più di dieci capanne, collocati spesso in altura in prossimità dei pascoli. L’agricoltura era limitatissima e le ceramiche, quasi sempre di produzione locale, erano semplici olle. Praticamente assenti altre forme funzionali caratteristiche, ad esempio, dell’uso da conserva o da trasporto. Non che queste attività ovviamente non si attuassero, ma certo in forme che diremmo caratteristiche del modo di produzione familiare o rurale accessorio.

In Lunigiana la migliore documentazione archeologica di quel processo proviene al momento dallo scavo di Filattiera Sorano, un sito ubicato nell’alta valle del Magra a circa trenta chilometri da Luni e stabilmente insediato a partire dall’età augustea. Altre testimonianze, da siti come Ceparana, Limone Melara e Pieve di Codiponte, benchè esito di scavi parziali e quindi maggiormente incerte, confermano come, proprio in quel periodo, dovette aversi una estesa riorganizzazione del territorio con insediamenti stabili posti in aree di mezza costa, prossime ai principali corsi d’acqua ed un sistema viario 397

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Carta geografica della Lunigiana con le principali strade (Filattiera è indicata con F).

Fig. 2. Schema ricostruttivo della fattoria di I secolo d.C.

398

ENRICO GIANNICHEDDA: ALIMENTAZIONE IN LUNIGIANA TRA INNOVAZIONI E PERSISTENZE

Fig. 4. Filattiera Sorano. Ceramica grezza ad impasto vacuolare di V-VI secolo d.C. (i numeri fanno riferimento al catalogo in Giannichedda 1998).

Fig. 3. Filattiera Sorano. Ceramica grezza ad impasto vacuolare di I secolo d.C. (i numeri fanno riferimento al catalogo in Giannichedda 1998).

preservare una attività di nicchia significativamente limitata agli usi da fuoco. Il cambiamento nei modi di vita è invece attestato dal servizio da mensa, con coppe e bicchieri d’uso personale prima poco o per nulla attestati, mentre in cucina prevale la tradizione che si impoverisce e comunque evita, ad esempio, che si introducano vasi d’importazione e di speciale utilizzo come, ad esempio, mortaria, bacini, olle biansate, vasi a listello. Per quanto attiene al possibile contenuto di quelle olle, e quindi all’alimentazione, le evidenze paleobotaniche consentono di sostenere che rapido fu il cambiamento dell’ambiente con colture specializzate che sostituirono i prati pascoli e il bosco. Al querceto già dalla fine del I secolo si sostituì progressivamente il castagneto che diverrà poi preponderante e caratteristico di economia ed alimentazione a partire dall’età tardo antica. Oltre a ciò i campioni di semi attestano una cospicua presenza di fave e, a seguito del fortunoso rinvenimento di un contenitore in materiale organico distrutto per incendio, di ben 55000 semi di panìco (Setaria Italica) pronti per l’uso (determinazioni e ricostruzione paleoambientale di M. Rottoli e S. Negri in Giannichedda 1998).

A Filattiera Sorano, a partire dall’età augustea, tutto cambia: non più capanne tondeggianti, ma un grande edificio con più stanze aperte su un cortile centrale e, poco lontano, un grande magazzino. L’edilizia è quindi di stampo romano, ne sono prova anche le tegole in cotto usate per le coperture, ma assente è ad esempio l’uso della calce, le pavimentazioni sono esclusivamente in terra, gli alzati in legno e argilla. Nel complesso ‘romana’ è però anche l’organizzazione generale del sito con ampi terrazzi destinati ad accogliere gli edifici e piccoli orti a coltivazione intensiva (Fig. 2). Anche le ceramiche in questa situazione che perdura fino al III secolo, seppur con ristrutturazioni edilizie forse connesse al fornire un riparo ad animali usati per il transito sulla strada Luni – Parma, costituiscono ora un’associazione prima mai vista nella regione. Alle ceramiche vacuolari e grezze di produzione circumlocale si associano ceramiche industriali sia destinate alla cucina che alla mensa. Queste importazioni, se vogliamo inevitabili dato il contesto, ottengono però di modificare la struttura della produzione locale che diventa più grossolana, priva di finiture superficiali o di decori, talvolta certamente realizzata a tornio lento se non a mano. Dal punto di vista della produzione sembra che si sia proceduto non al recepimento di novità tecnologiche provenienti dall’esterno, né a una qualche forma di concorrenza, ma a

Dopo un periodo di abbandono, in età tardoantica la situazione si presenta completamente mutata; il villaggio è costituito da capanne di legno intonacate con argilla, 399

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Filattiera Sorano. Ceramica grezza ad impasto sabbioso databile fra VII e X secolo d.C. (i numeri fanno riferimento al catalogo in Giannichedda 1998).

Fig. 6 e 7. Filattiera Sorano. Il focolare di I secolo d.C. in corso di scavo e, a lato, l’originaria sistemazione poi chiusa da pietre a sopraelevare il muretto posto a nord (in alto). Il rifacimento in conseguenza dell’uso non modificò la funzionalità della struttura caratterizzata dalle pietre con incavi, qui indicate con A e B, che si sono ipotizzate come sostegni per una griglia metallica.

con al massimo due sole stanze di cui una poteva essere destinata agli animali domestici. Il castagneto è prevalente, ma importante è la presenza fra i carboni di frumento volgare (o duro) associato a cereali più poveri quali miglio e panìco. A completare la dieta svariate leguminose, l’uva, probabilmente consumata come vino, specie orticole fra cui il cavolo. La dotazione di vasellame del resto cambia, ma non sembra che ciò avvenga per un variare delle pratiche alimentari, quanto piuttosto per fenomeni più generali ‘di mercato’:

diminuiscono, per poi scomparire, le ceramiche fini d’importazione destinate alla mensa, aumenta la presenza di ceramica comune, prodotta in area lunense o pisana, che copre più funzioni, compresa in parte la cucina. Le ceramiche vacuolari di produzione locale acquisiscono una perfezione formale resa possibile dall’uso del tornio veloce e, benché la standardizzazione sia ancora appena agli inizi, è caratteristica del periodo la ridotta capacità e un rapporto olle – ciotole di circa quindici a uno che ovviamente fa ipotizzare l’utilizzo di ciotole in legno (un 400

ENRICO GIANNICHEDDA: ALIMENTAZIONE IN LUNIGIANA TRA INNOVAZIONI E PERSISTENZE altomedievale, è anche lo sfruttamento delle risorse ittiche, avendosi prova della pesca nel fiume Magra, sia con ami che con reti (Giannichedda & Lanza 2003). L’importanza di tale attività è del resto testimoniata anche da un documento del 1185 in cui Federico il Barbarossa conferma al vescovo lunense vari diritti fra cui proprio quello relativo alla pesca nel Magra (piscationibus) (cit. in Ricci 2001, nota 42).

frammento carbonizzato di orlo di ciotola proviene dal riempimento, PV US 941, di una fossa per campane interna alla pieve di S. Stefano e per la giacitura è databile a inizi XI secolo). Il quarto momento che si può distinguere in questa storia a tappe coincide grossomodo con il X secolo, periodo per il quale non si dispone di dati relativi all’abitato civile e neppure di informazioni paleobotaniche essendo i reperti ancora allo studio. Anticipando quanto relativo ad altri classi di materiali già analizzati è però possibile riconoscere come caratteristiche del periodo due nuove classi vascolari: le olle filettate di produzione circumlocale, non più vacuolari ma con impasto a calcite, pareti molto sottili, piccole dimensioni, e i testi da fuoco che a tutt’oggi continuano ad essere usati in ambito locale per la cottura di focaccette di farina di castagno o di grano. Proprio l’associazione fra le olle filettate, già presenti forse da almeno un secolo e poi destinate a scomparire, e i testi che diventeranno il tipico contenitore da fuoco della Lunigiana medievale e moderna, sembra segnare un momento di passaggio che investe sia la produzione vascolare sia la preparazione dei cibi.

La conservazione dei cibi si aveva o in contenitori di materiale organico o, per brevi periodi e piccole quantità, nelle olle perché sempre poco rappresentate sono le anfore e assente è qualsiasi produzione locale di recipienti di grande dimensione. In breve si potrebbe dire che mentre, opportunisticamente, la produzione ceramica si adeguò al mercato, e divenne più semplice, essa non conobbe una crisi quantitativa nei livelli di produzione, ma fu ‘obbligata’ a realizzare vecchi tipi funzionali perché in cucina il tradizionalismo, forse addirittura di retaggio protostorico, prevaleva più che altrove. Successivamente, con il cessare delle importazioni, le produzioni locali migliorarono i loro caratteri tecnologici, ma la forma funzionale non cambiò almeno fino al X secolo.

Nei secoli successivi e fino al XII- XIII secolo, pur con modificazioni formali, questi oggetti permangono a caratterizzare gli usi alimentari e solo successivamente si diffonderanno olle e tegami invetriati che modificano, riteniamo per la seconda volta dopo l’adozione dei testi, in modo decisivo la storia dei modi di cottura lunigianesi (alcuni di questi contesti sono stati indagati a Filattiera con saggi nel paese vecchio, nella torre di S. Giorgio e con ricognizioni di superficie; cfr. in particolare Cabona, Mannoni & Pizzolo 1982 e la sintesi in Giannichedda 1998).

Solo a partire dal X secolo il frutto di quei castagni che già da secoli caratterizzavano il paesaggio antropizzato fu utilizzato non più per minestre, ma per focacce cotte nei testi. Il cambiamento qui fu radicale perché ovviamente cambiarono non solo le pratiche di cucina, ma in maniera sostanziale il loro esito. Addirittura, da un lato si andò verso produzioni ceramiche certamente opera di professionisti – le olle tornite e poi il pentolame invetriato – mentre dall’altro si rafforzava la produzione familiare di testi realizzati a mano o con semplici stampi creando un doppio sistema di approvvigionamento familiare del vasellame domestico. Un sistema funzionale sia alle pratiche di cottura dei cibi, sia ad una sorta di economia autarchica che sembra caratterizzare la Lunigiana interna, almeno per alcuni aspetti, già con il cessare delle importazioni di ceramiche tardoantiche africane e che perdura ben dentro l’età moderna (al proposito per la documentazione etnoarcheologica di produzione di testi e per altri cenni alle attuali pratiche produttive cfr. Ferrari, Ghersi & Giannichedda 2000).

3. Dal quadro sin qui emerso derivano alcune considerazioni circa la storia dell’alimentazione pensata sia deterministicamente come sfruttamento delle risorse disponibili sia come esito di scelte culturali. La romanizzazione dei liguri sembra avere in breve tempo modificato il territorio, le colture, la viabilità, le stesse dotazioni di beni individuali e il servizio ceramico da mensa, ma non le pratiche alimentari, connesse oltre che alla cucina alla dispensa. Le olle di piccole dimensioni, con impasti poco coesivi e porosi, attestano l’uso di cuocere a riverbero minestre liquide con cereali e legumi, oltre ovviamente alle castagne, mentre la carne, come dimostrano le strutture accessorie di un focolare di I secolo, sembra essere stata consumata soprattutto cotta alla brace e con l’ausilio di apposite griglie alloggiate in incavi sulle pietre delimitanti la struttura (Fig. 6 e 7). Relativamente alla carne, pressoché in tutte le fasi sembra aversi prevalenza di suini e di capriovini e un minor numero di bovini con queste due specie mantenute in vita fino ad età adulta per ricavarne latte e, nel caso dei bovini, anche lavoro (oltre che sui dati editi in Giannichedda 1998 per queste considerazioni ci si rifà al lavoro, ora in via di pubblicazione, compiuto da Emanuela Bisio che si ringrazia). Certo, almeno in età

4. Per finire, si noti che il tentativo fin qui fatto di raccontare innovazioni e persistenze nelle pratiche alimentari lunigianesi, benchè necessiti ulteriori approfondimenti anche analitici, si basa su una serie di osservazioni di diversa natura: caratteri dei siti e del territorio, associazioni di manufatti coevi (presenze ma anche assenze, quali ad esempio la mancata attestazione di testi da pane altomedievali), tipologia e considerazione dei caratteri produttivi e funzionali delle ceramiche (in particolare, forma, coesione dell'impasto, caratteri termici che differenziano ad esempio olle ad impasto vacuolare da olle filettate a calcite o da testi in terra di gabbro o con dimagrante sabbioso), tracce d’uso, resti paleobotanici e archeozoologici, osservazione di situazioni di tipo 401

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI della Lunigiana interna, pensati per semplicità come sostanzialmente omogenei dal punto di vista delle pratiche, con situazioni di probabile maggiore complessità come Luni. Questo con il fine di utilizzare non solo i manufatti, ma le pratiche d’uso per ragionare di persistenze e innovazioni locali dipendenti dalle risorse, ma anche di resistenze, queste tutte culturali, alle innovazioni, dei possibili stimoli esterni conseguenza talvolta del mercato e talvolta dello spostamento di persone e saperi. BIBLIOGRAFIA Cabona, D., T. Mannoni & O. Pizzolo, 1982. Gli scavi nel complesso medievale di Filattiera in Lunigiana. 1: la collina di S. Giorgio. Archeologia Medievale 9, 331-357. Durante, A.M. & L. Gervasini, 2000. Zona archeologica e Museo Nazionale. Luni (= Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, Itinerari 48). Roma. Ferrari, L., S. Ghersi & E. Giannichedda, 2000. Un’etnoarcheologia d’ emergenza e quasi sperimentale: riflessioni intorno ad alcuni eventi liguri, 1° Convegno italiano di etnoarcheologia, Roma 8-9 maggio 1998. Archeologia Postmedievale 4, 97109. Frova, A. (ed.), 1973. Scavi di Luni. Relazione preliminare delle campagne di scavo 1970-1972. Roma. Frova, A. (ed.), 1977. Scavi di Luni. Relazione preliminare delle campagne di scavo 1972-19731974. Roma. Gambaro, L., 1999. La Liguria costiera tra III e I secolo a.C. Una lettura archeologica della romanizzazione (= Documenti di Archeologia 18). Mantova. Giannichedda, E. (ed.), 1998. Filattiera-Sorano: l’insediamento di età romana e tardo-antica. Scavi 1986-1995. Firenze. Giannichedda, E., 1998a. Filattiera 1998: nuovi dati e prospettiva di ricerca. Quaderni del Centro Studi Lunensi n.s. 4, 139-142. Giannichedda, E., 2001. Trasformazioni sociali, economiche e religiose in Lunigiana tra Protostoria e Primo medioevo, in: S. Balbi, E. Patrone & P. Ribolla (eds), Canegrate/Liguria. Cultura materiale ed ambiente dalla media età del bronzo all’età del ferro nel levante ligure, Atti della Giornata di studio, Framura 7 ottobre 2000. La Spezia, 55-74. Giannichedda, E. & R. Lanza (eds), 2003. Le ricerche archeologiche in provincia di Mussa-Carrara. Firenze. Pastorino, A.M. (ed.), 1995. La tavola di Polcevera. Una sentenza incisa nel bronzo 2100 anni fa. Genova. Ricci, R., 2001. Mercati lunigianesi tra altomedioevo e primo medioevo centrale. Esempi, paradigmi, modalità d’indagine per un programma di ricerca. Giornale Storico della Lunigiana e del Territorio lucense n.s. 49-51 (1998-2000), 241-263.

Fig. 8. Filattiera Sorano. Distribuzione in percentuale delle principali classi di recipienti ceramici. Si noti che le anfore, e in minor misura anche le ceramiche comuni, successivamente al V secolo sono in parte da ritenersi residuali, mentre la pietra ollare (P.O.) non compare prima del VI secolo (da Giannichedda 1998 modificato).

Fig. 9. Schema esemplificativo delle trasformazioni subite dal pentolame grezzo da fuoco a Filattiera fra età romana e medioevo.

Fig. 10. Ricostruzione di un contesto d’uso di XII secolo caratterizzato dall’uso di materiali diversi: olle e testelli di produzione ‘rurale accessoria’, tegami invetriati e brocche da acqua prodotti da specialisti, lavezzi in pietra ollare e bicchieri in vetro d’importazione. etnoarcheologico in ambito locale. Ovviamente molto resta da fare, ad esempio nella direzione di ampliare i campioni analizzati, effettuare più numerose prove sperimentali, confrontare i dati provenienti dai siti minori 402

LO SCAVO SUBACQUEO DEL PORTO DI SCAURI NELL’ISOLA DI PANTELLERIA Leonardo Abelli, Roberta Baldassari & Sebastiano Tusa Abstract: The underwater excavation of the port at Scauri started in 1999 following a number of surveys in the wider area with the aim to detect the remnants of a shipwreck cargo. Based on the methodology of the excavation, the field drawings and material study were processed with GIS allowing to make a preliminary analyses of the data obtained and to create a digital database of the underwater site. The results of the four archaeological campaigns allow us to conclude that it is a shipwreck from the first half of the 5th century AD, with a cargo of cooking ceramics known as the ‘Pantellerian Ware’ produced on the islands and of other ceramic categories.

Nel settembre 1999 sono iniziate le indagini subacquee nel fondale dell’imboccatura del Porto di Scauri, nell’Isola di Pantelleria.1

bizantino. Numerosi sono stati infatti i ritrovamenti sporadici di ancore litiche di diverse tipologie2 e di anfore provenienti dalle coste nord africane e da quelle orientali del Mediterraneo (Fig. 2 e 3).

Quattro campagne di scavo hanno permesso di individuare, ad una profondità variabile tra gli 8 e i 9 metri, un consistente deposito archeologico costituito dai resti del carico di un relitto navale databile entro la prima metà del V secolo d.C dispersi su un pianoro di matrice sabbiosa (Fig. 1).

Fig. 2. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): ancora litica con raffio in legno.

Fig. 1. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): dispersione del materiale in superficie. Le ricerche sono state condotte attraverso lo scavo stratigrafico di settori di 4 metri di lato posizionati sull’area di massima concentrazione del materiale archeologico. Tutto il fondale della Baia del porto di Scauri è stato oggetto di ripetute ricognizioni di superficie che hanno portato all’individuazione, alla documentazione e al recupero di moltissimo materiale archeologico che testimonia l’intensa frequentazione del sito come area di ormeggio e approdo dalla prima età imperiale al periodo

Fig. 3. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): anfora nord-africana tipo Keay XXV rinvenuta durante lo scavo. Tutti i reperti rinvenuti durante le ricognizioni sono stati rilevati e recuperati, sia per evitare episodi di saccheggio, sia a causa dell’ubicazione del deposito archeologico che, trovandosi all’imboccatura di un porto, rende impossibile la sua musealizzazione in situ.

1 Le indagini sono dirette dal Prof. S. Tusa (Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA di Trapani) in collaborazione con con la Coop. ARES di Ravenna, lo S.C.R.A.S. di Palermo, l’Università di Bologna, Dipartimento di Archeologia di Ravenna e l’Archeoclub di Pantelleria. Nel settembre 2002 si è conclusa la quarta campagna di scavo. I materiali sono ancora in corso di studio, i primi dati sono stati presentati al convegno Rotte e Commerci nel Mediterraneo, Napoli 15-17 Febbraio 2003. In corso di stampa. si riporta in questa sede una breve nota sulle prime quattro campagne.

2 Sono state rinvenute sedici ancore litiche delle quali due con i raffi in legno.

403

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): una View del progetto GIS relativa alla dispersione del materiale archeologico.

La metodologia di scavo, di rilievo e di studio del materiale è stata concepita fin dall’inizio in funzione della realizzazione in tempo reale del GIS: questo ha permesso di ottenere immediatamente precise comparazioni tra tutti i dati ottenuti e di creare una banca dati digitalizzata sulle realtà archeologiche sommerse (Fig. 4). L’area è stata interamente rilevata e divisa in quadranti di m 20x20 a loro volta sezionati in riquadri di m 4x4. Le aree interessate dallo scavo sono state ulteriormente suddivise in quadrati di m 1 e rilevate mediante ortofotopiano raddrizzato tramite software per ogni unità stratigrafica individuata (Fig. 5). Il posizionamento e la numerazione dei reperti sono avvenuti sul campo e contemporaneamente all’operazione di fotorilievo, in modo da poter così costruire una banca dati direttamente collegata alla documentazione grafica inserita all’interno del GIS. Dal 1999 al 2002 sono stati indagati sei riquadri di m 4x4 che hanno permesso di posizionare l’area della dispersione relativa al probabile carico dell’imbarcazione e di recuperare una grande quantità di materiale. I dati raccolti fino ad ora indicano che il carico del relitto è composto principalmente da ceramica da fuoco di produzione locale, la Pantellerian Ware,3 e da numerose altre classi ceramiche di accompagnamento di produzione africana; ceramica comune da mensa, ceramica africana da cucina, anfore da trasporto di produzione nordafricana (Keay XXV-XXVI) e orientale (LRA1A-4),4 sigillata africana e lucerne (Fig. 6). Inoltre sono presenti

Fig. 5. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): Particolari dell’ortofotopiano di uno dei livelli individuati con numerose forme di ceramica da fuoco di produzione locale: A) giara, B) teglie impilate,C) teglia e reperto ligneo,D) pentole, coperchi e teglie.

3

Fulford & Peacock 1984, 8-10, 157-159, 166-167; Santoro 2002, 9921004. Per l’analisi della ceramica rinvenuta, in particolare la Pantellerian Ware e la bibliografia specifica si rimanda a D. Sami in questo volume. 4 Keay 1984, 184-218, 268-285

404

LEONARDO ABELLI, ROBERTA BALDASSARI & SEBASTIANO TUSA: LO SCAVO SUBACQUEO DEL PORTO DI SCAURI

Fig. 6. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): quantità percentuali delle classi ceramiche rinvenute.

BIBLIOGRAFIA

numerose tessere musive lapidee, fittili e di pasta vitrea, frammenti di bicchieri e coppe di vetro recuperati soprattutto attraverso il vaglio della sorbona, numerosi piccoli oggetti in osso (dadi e spatole) e alcuni metalli (chiodi, ami da pesca, monete). Tra il materiale rinvenuto sono attestate numerosi frammenti di laterizi, tegole e coppi, che sono probabilmente da interpretare come una parte del carico dell’imbarcazione, anche se non è da escludere che potessero costituire la copertura del castello di poppa.

Fulford, M.G. & C.P.S. Peacock, 1984. Excavations at Carthage: the British Mission, I, 2. Oxford, 8-10 e 157-159. Keay, S.J., 1984. Late Roman amphorae in the Western Mediterranean. A typology and economic study: the Catalan evidence (= BAR Int. Series). Oxford. Santoro, S., 2002. Pantellerian Ware: aspetti della diffusione di una ceramica da fuoco nel Mediterraneo occidentale, in: M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri & C. Vismara (eds), Africa Romana 14. Roma, 992-1004. Tusa, S., L. Abelli, R. Baldassari, F. Benassi & D. Sami, c.s. Primi dati dello scavo del relitto del Porto di Scauri a Pantelleria, in: Atti del Convegno, Rotte e Commerci nel Mediterraneo, Napoli 15-17 Febbraio 2003.

Attraverso lo studio e le indagini effettuate fino ad ora si può supporre che il relitto fosse costituito da un’imbarcazione di medie dimensioni proveniente con molta probabilità dalle antistanti coste africane, di passaggio a Pantelleria per l’acquisto di un consistente carico di vasellame da fuoco di produzione locale. Per quanto riguarda l’imbarcazione, sono stati rinvenuti fino ad ora solo alcuni frammenti di fasciame5 e numerosi chiodi: questi ultimi restano comunque di difficile attribuzione al naufragio in questione. Le indagini sono ancor in corso, con lo scopo di proseguire lo scavo stratigrafico, definire le dinamiche deposizionali del sito e l’entità del relitto, isolandolo dai depositi archeologici createsi durante l’intensa frequentazione dell’approdo nei secoli dell’antichità. Il progetto di Scauri prevede inoltre per il prossimo anno l’inizio delle indagini nell’entroterra della Baia, attraverso ricognizioni e scavi, con l’obiettivo di riuscire a comprendere le numerose strutture e sepolture di età contemporanea al relitto, e le aree di produzione della ceramica da fuoco facente parte del carico del relitto.

5 I materiali xilologici sono in fase di consolidamento e analisi (F. Benassi).

405

LA CERAMICA DI PANTELLERIA: PRIMI DATI SUI RITROVAMENTI PROVENIENTI DALLO SCAVO SUBACQUEO AL PORTO DI SCAURI SULL’ISOLA DI PANTELLERIA

Denis Sami Abstract: In this preliminary paper, data concerning the Pantellerian Ware discovered in a 5th century AD ship wreck in Scauri (Pantelleria) are presented. The study incorporates an initial count of the pottery fragments and formulates a typology for the different vessels found during the excavations at Scauri (directed by Professor Sebastiano Tusa). The study of the ceramic cargo of the wreck will assist the reconstruction of the economy, diet, and subsistence patterns of the community living on Pantelleria in late antiquity.

Questo preliminare elaborato contiene le informazioni raccolte nel corso delle diverse campagne archeologiche subacquee, susseguitesi dal 1999 fino al 2002 al porto di Scauri,1 e intende illustrare la ceramica di Pantelleria nelle sue fasi produttive tardo antiche.

Il primo studio specifico sulle stoviglie di Pantelleria risale al 1982 e si deve a Peacock il quale identificò la produzione e definì un iniziale carattere economicoproduttivo della manifattura isolana, elaborando un modello, sostanzialmente rivolto su scala locale (Peacock 1982, 98-103). Pochi anni dopo l’articolo di Peacock, un importante approfondimento sul tema apparve nel volume sui materiali ceramici degli scavi della missione britannica a Cartagine, dove per la prima volta, fu affrontato il problema delle analisi petrologiche dei vasi, parallelamente all’organizzazione di un preliminare repertorio morfologico, cronologicamente circoscritto, grazie alle sequenze stratigrafiche, al periodo tardoantico (Fulford & Peacock 1984, 8-10, 157-159, 166-167). Successivamente all’identificazione della classe ceramica sono seguite, nel corso degli anni, numerose segnalazioni provenienti da scavi e da ricognizioni dell’area mediterranea e nordafricana. Tra i più recenti contributi, sicuramente merita una particolare attenzione l’ampio studio di Reynolds, nel cui lavoro di sintesi sui traffici mediterranei tardo antichi, la ceramica di Pantelleria viene contestualizzata all’interno del panorama economico del Mediterraneo dei secoli V-VIII; la produzione vascolare isolana viene inoltre riconosciuta come uno degli elementi guida nella determinazione delle rotte commerciali tra i porti meridionali e quelli settentrionali del Mediterraneo (Reynolds 1995, 118).

Per il momento, l’argomento verrà affrontato da un punto di vista prettamente tassonomico, descrivendo e quantizzando i pezzi recuperati; verranno messi inoltre in evidenza i problemi relativi allo studio dei reperti e proposti alcuni confronti con siti che hanno restituito ceramica di Pantelleria contemporanea a quella qui studiata. L’obiettivo futuro verterà a definire una tipologia esaustiva della locale produzione di vasellame da fuoco, al fine di chiarirne gli aspetti produttivi e tecnologici, quelli funzionali legati alla cultura dell’alimentazione; oltre in conclusione, attraverso la comparazione dei differenti risultati, si tenterà di approntare una ipotesi ricostruttiva del contesto socioeconomico di Pantelleria, interrogandoci sul ruolo ricoperto dall’isola nell’ampio panorama del Mediterraneo occidentale. La produzione vascolare di Pantelleria è una classe ceramica oramai conosciuta, identificata e rinvenuta in molti scavi del Mediterraneo, sebbene rimangano ancora numerose tematiche aperte: per esempio è ancora incompleto il riconoscimento di un definitivo repertorio tipologico, che faccia luce soprattutto sulle fasi più tarde dei manufatti. Inoltre, a fronte della vasta bibliografia pertinente i commerci e la circolazione di vasellame fine da mensa e dei contenitori da trasporto, pochissimo sappiamo sulla produzione e il consumo delle ceramiche comuni da fuoco, mentre in generale, sono pochi gli studi relativi alle dinamiche della circolazione di questi beni che solamente negli ultimi anni sono stati inseriti nel complesso scenario dei cambiamenti economici del mondo tardoantico.

Al momento, come precedentemente sottolineato, si coglie la mancanza di contributi approfonditi sia per quanto riguarda la creazione di un corpus tipologico omogeneo, che riunisca in un unico lavoro il vasellame prodotto dall’epoca punico-romana a quella tardoantica e protobizantina, sia per un esame completo delle dinamiche commerciali di questo bene, ampiamente diffuso nel bacino mediterraneo (Santoro 2000, 991-104). Alla consueta documentazione sui reperti di scavo, devono essere aggiunti alcuni studi di carattere archeometrico (Alaimo et alii 1997), i cui indispensabili dati fanno luce sulle proprietà chimico-fisiche del vasellame prodotto sull’isola.

1 Il progetto di scavo subacqueo è sotto la direzione scientifica del Prof. Sebastiano Tusa (al quale vanno i miei ringraziamenti per avermi consentito i studiare il materiale recuperato) ed è il risultato della collaborazione tra la Soprintendenza ai BBCCAA di Trapani, lo SCRAS di Palermo, l’Università di Bologna, il locale Archeoclub, e la cooperativa Ares di Ravenna.

IL CONTESTO MATERIALE Il sito è localizzato all’interno del moderno scalo di Scauri, sul versante meridionale della costa dell’isola a 406

DENIS SAMI: LA CERAMICA DI PANTELLERIA

Fig. 1. Attestazioni di ceramica di Pantelleria nel Mediterraneo. circa 6 metri dalla riva ed è distribuito sul fondale roccioso, su di un dislivello di 8-9 metri di profondità per una superficie complessiva di dispersione dei reperti di circa 500 metri quadrati.

far riflettere sulla preliminarietà dei risultati qui proposti), possiamo presentare, in questo contributo, una iniziale tipologia morfologica per la ceramica di Pantelleria del relitto di Scauri.

Il recupero è avvenuto seguendo una rigorosa ed articolata metodologia di scavo e di verifica archeologica; alle tradizionali tecniche di indagine subacquea sono state affiancate procedure di documentazione computerizzata, avvalsasi di un sistema GIS per l’informatizzazione dei dati di scavo.

LE ATTESTAZIONI DI CERAMICA MEDITERRANEO OCCIDENTALE

DI

PANTELLERIA

NEL

Di seguito, verrà focalizzata l’attenzione esclusivamente su di una specifica fase produttiva della ceramica di Pantelleria, vale a dire, quella di epoca tardoantica: in particolare si prenderanno in esame le forme della prima metà del secolo V. Nonostante il limitato arco cronologico qui toccato non va dimenticata la lunga tradizione manifatturiera locale: ateliers sono attivi nel periodo punico e romano e il vasellame di questa epoca è largamente esportato su scala inter-regionale.

Lo studio dei materiali dello strato archeologico ha posto una serie di problematiche, prevalentemente connesse alla individuazione delle varie classi ceramiche e alla messa in fase dell’eterogeneo corpus ceramico, comprendente, oltre alla produzione isolana, una discreta quantità di sigillata africana, di ceramiche di uso comune, lucerne e contenitori da trasporto.2

I rinvenimenti della produzione isolana nelle stratigrafie di Sabratha sono un chiaro indice della commercializzazione di questo prodotto, assolutamente dominante tra le ceramiche da fuoco lavorate a mano, nel periodo compreso tra il II e il III secolo d.C. Importanti attestazioni coeve a quelle di Sabratha, le incontriamo anche a Leptis Magna (Pentiricci et alii 1998, 65, 71) e in Sicilia, soprattutto nell’agrigentino (Alaimo et alii 1997, 46-69).

Al carattere cronologicamente omogeneo del deposito subacqueo, va aggiunta una modesta quantità di rinvenimenti residuali – appartenenti a fasi di frequentazione dell’aera sia precedenti, sia successive alla formazione dell’ accumulo – determinatasi in seguito alla intensiva frequentazione dello scalo portuale, dall’antichità fino ai nostri giorni.

La cronologia delle suppellettili da fuoco di Scauri è stata determinata sulla base di due differenti raccolte di dati: la prima è di tipo diretto ed è stata realizzata tramite i confronti con forme analoghe recuperate in scavi dalle sequenze stratigrafiche chiaramente datate. Il secondo gruppo di informazioni è invece indiretto, e prende in considerazione le produzioni vascolari costituenti la

Sulla base del vasellame fino ad ora recuperato, sebbene i pezzi siano ancora in corso di studio e il 55% dei reperti raccolti non sia ancora stato schedato (il valore percentuale delle suppellettili ancora da visionare deve 2 L’insieme delle classi ceramiche recuperate nello scavo sono state presentate al convegno Rotte e commerci nel Mediterraneo, Napoli 1517 Febbraio 2003. In corso di stampa.

407

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI LA COSTRUZIONE TIPOLOGICA E I MATERIALI

merce di accompagnamento del carico di stoviglie di Pantelleria: nello specifico si è fatto affidamento, per una messa in fase del deposito, sulle cronologie di una discreta quantità di sigillata africana.

La pianificazione di un metodo per la suddivisione tipologica dei materiali ceramici ha aperto una vasta gamma di problematiche, collegate sia a fattori prettamente concreti, come la compilazione e l’informatizzazione di una tabella, adeguata ad accogliere e a elaborare graficamente i dati, sia alla vera e propria progettazione teorica di un sistematico lavoro di descrizione dei manufatti, che conduca all’ esposizione stessa del complesso archeologico.

La ceramica fine da mensa di origine nordafricana è presente nelle forme Hayes 67 – sicuramente la scodella più attestata tra il vasellame di questa produzione – seguita, in ordine di presenza, dai tipi Hayes 61 A e B, dalla scodella a listello 91 B, dal tipo Hayes 76 e dalla coppa Hayes 81; queste stoviglie, prodotte e commercializzate dalla fine del IV secolo fino all’ultimo quarto del secolo V, ci permettono di datare il deposito subacqueo di Scauri ad un periodo cronologico compreso tra il 410 e il 450 d.C.

L’ampia varietà di manufatti e il considerevole numero di oggetti da illustrare hanno ovviamente influenzato la selezione degli attributi costituenti la trama della nostra ricerca; in generale si è tentato di informatizzare il maggior numero di voci, in modo tale da poter rielaborare statisticamente i dati, senza però rendere ingestibile la sempre crescente mole di informazioni raccolte.

Per quanto concerne invece la comparazione della ceramica di Pantelleria, gli esemplari recuperati a Scauri trovano un preciso confronto con i pezzi rinvenuti in Africa settentrionale negli scavi di Cartagine (Fulford & Peacock 1984, 157-159), Gerba (Fontana 1998, 103-106), nonché con quelli di Sabratha. Per la Sicilia si può fare affidamento sul vasellame proveniente dalla necropoli paleocristiana di Agrigento (Bonacasa Carra 1995, 207235), sulle ceramiche dell’insediamento rurale in contrada Saraceno, sempre nell’agrigentino (Castellana & Mc Connel 1990, 32), mentre spostandoci verso la Sicilia nordorientale ritroviamo attestazioni in contesto urbano a Termini Imprese (Belvedere et alii 1993). Salendo invece verso il Mediterraneo nordoccidentale si hanno segnalazioni a Napoli (Arthur 1983, 198-199), Roma, Ostia (Coletti 1998, 407-409) e Cosa, in Sardegna a Porto Torres e Cagliari (Martorelli & Mureddu 2002, 283-340), Marsiglia e Tarragona (Macias Solé 1999, 158, 161). Le stoviglie recuperate in questi scavi provengono da livelli compresi tra la fine del secolo IV e la fine del V secolo, con l’eccezione dei pezzi provenienti da Gerba datati alla seconda metà del secolo VI.

Nonostante l’inserimento nella tabella di attributi prettamente comparativi, relativi alle diverse posizioni stratigrafiche di ogni singolo manufatto, si è focalizzata l’attenzione su due categorie di attributi: quella quantitativa, comprendente tutte le voci connesse alle misure dei pezzi, come il diametro, l’altezza o quando possibile il peso dell’oggetto, e quella qualitativa, attinente alla forma dei manufatti oppure alla presenza/assenza di particolari elementi morfologici con particolare attenzione, nel caso delle ceramiche di Pantelleria, alle prese dei vasi. Successivamente alla creazione della tabella è stata affrontata la questione legata all’inquadramento terminologico dei pezzi e alla relativa definizione funzionale dei diversi tipi. In proposito, il testo di riferimento per i lemmi descrittivi le varie funzioni delle suppellettili rimane il lavoro pubblicato sui materiali ceramici di Settefinestre (Carandini 1984).

Osservando nella Fig. 1 i luoghi di rinvenimento di questa particolare classe di materiali viene da interrogarsi sulla rotta intrapresa da questi beni: in proposito Reynolds ha mostrato come la distribuzione della ceramica di Pantelleria avvenisse prevalentemente attraverso un asse verticale di rotte Nord-Sud e avesse un areale di diffusione compreso tra l’Africa settentrionale, la Sicilia, la costa tirrenica meridionale, la Sardegna, un’esigua presenza sulla costa ligure e francese, fino a giungere nella Spagna visigota.

Lo studio sui materiali di Pantelleria è stato uniformato, per quanto possibile, alle suddivisioni operate nei grandi scavi dell’Africa settentrionale, in particolare con quello di Cartagine della missione britannica. Si è deciso quindi, di fare rientrare la ceramica di Pantelleria nella vasta famiglia delle cosiddette ‘ceramiche comuni’, nell’accezione funzionale del termine, per cui i materiali recuperati nello scavo sono stati organizzati per gruppi, creati seguendo distinzioni di tipo funzionale, tecnologico e quindi morfologico. Le scelte metodologiche che hanno indirizzato questa costruzione tipologica, hanno la capacità di presentare una struttura non rigida, ma aperta all’introduzione di eventuali nuovi tipi o varianti, che ci auguriamo di trovare col proseguimento delle ricerche.

La cronologia del vasellame di Pantelleria proposta in questo lavoro coincide con un importante periodo di transizione, cioè il passaggio dalla dominazione romana del Mediterraneo meridionale a quella vandala. Il contesto di Scauri si colloca proprio nella fase di passaggio tra le due epoche, testimoniando forse gli ultimi momenti di vita economica dell’impero romano, o forse una delle prime attestazioni dell’attività produttiva e commerciale di Pantelleria sotto la dominazione vandala.

Nello studio delle suppellettili di Pantelleria, particolare attenzione è stata rivolta alla valutazione – quale principale discriminante descrittiva – degli orli delle stoviglie: questo perché l’orlo rappresenta la parte diagnostica meglio riconoscibile e più attendibile di 408

DENIS SAMI: LA CERAMICA DI PANTELLERIA indistinto; il tipo 1.3 ha un breve orlo a tesa orizzontale indistinta o in certi casi appena ingrossata, mentre il tipo 1.4 si presenta con orlo estroflesso ribattuto all’interno o leggermente pendente. Sovente le pareti esterne hanno due ampie solcature appena accennate al disopra delle quali, la parete è polita a stecca, in alcuni casi molto marcatamente3. L’11% degli orli non è stato possibile identificarlo. I diametri sono compresi tra i 18 e i 35 cm.

ciascuna forma; sono state registrate inoltre anche la presenza e lo stato di conservazione delle prese dei coperchi, dei tegami, delle pentole e delle casseruole. Da questo punto d’osservazione i risultati ottenuti dall’insieme dei manufatti ci permette di arrivare alla determinazione quantitativa dei numeri massimi e minimi dei vasi. I fondi e le pareti non sono stati inseriti nel data base, in quanto, per le difficoltè di risalire alle forma di appartenenza, non possono contribuire all’identificazione di nessuno specifico tipo. Il repertorio morfologico fino ad oggi riconosciuto è composto da forme aperte: tegami, teglie, casseruole, pentole, olle e coperchi e dalle relative varianti tipologiche.

Fig. 2. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): quantità percentuale dei frammenti esaminati per forma, sul totale dei pezzi della ceramica di Pantelleria. Dal 1999 fino al settembre 2002 sono stati raccolti 3511 frammenti relativi alla sola produzione di Pantelleria; di questi ne sono stati esaminati al momento 1638: 196 appartenenti a tegami, 426 sono riferibili a teglie, 251 pentole e 754 coperchi. Sono presenti anche 7 frammenti pertinenti alla casseruola 7.1 e 4 frammenti di olle del tipo 8.1.

Fig. 3. Ceramica di Pantelleria, coperchi, scala 1:3.

E’ importante considerare, come già detto, l’elevata quantità di materiale ancora non visionato (Fig. 2), per cui col proseguimento delle ricerche i valori quantitativi, proposti in questa sede, potranno subire delle variazioni non prevedibili attualmente. I grafici elaborati per questo studio sono basati inoltre sulle quantità percentuali dei frammenti recuperati e quindi, in attesa dell’elaborazione delle quantità dei numeri minimi e dei numeri massimi, relativi ad ogni tipologia di stoviglia, sono da considerarsi puramente indicativi dei diversi gruppi.

Fig. 4. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): quantità percentuali dei diversi tipi di coperchi.

I coperchi (Fig. 3) Nell’insieme dei frammenti visionati, la forma più rappresentata è sicuramente quella del coperchio con presa a disco ombelicata. Il tipo 1.1 ha orlo diritto e indistinto; il tipo 1.2 ha orlo leggermente estroflesso e

3 Le caratteristiche tecnologiche di questi coperchi, eseguiti al tornio lento e probabilmente rifiniti manualmente, ha permesso di realizzare coperchi dagli orli in certi casi anomali, ma ugualmente riconducibili ad una delle tipologie sopra descritte.

409

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI I tegami (Fig. 5)

Le teglie (Fig. 7)

Al momento abbiamo riconosciuto tre tipi di tegame: la forma 2.1 ha il labbro moderatamente introflesso e indistinto dal corpo, due prese generalmente poco pronunciate sono applicate all’orlo. Il tipo 2.2 è attestato solamente da 2 frammenti: esso si differenzia dal precedente vaso per l’orlo diritto e indistinto. Tutti i tegami hanno fondo leggermente convesso e riportano politura a stecca sulle pareti esterne. I diametri variano da 25 a 30 cm. Il tipo 2.3 è un piccolo tegame unico nel suo genere: possiede orlo indistinto e leggermente estroflesso, con basse e spesse; il diametro è di cm 19. L’esemplare recuperato integro presenta al centro del fondo un foro praticato a cottura avventa.

Abbiamo definito teglie un insieme di forme circolari a parete più o meno bassa e prive di manici o prese. Nel deposito di Scauri ve ne sono di tre tipi: la prima (tipo 3.1) ha orlo leggermente estroflesso a mandorla, parete bassa e spessa; il tipo 3.2 ha ugualmente il labbro leggermente estroflesso a mandorla, ma differentemente dal tipo 3.1 questo è più piccolo e la parete si presenta più alta e non spessa. Le due teglie differiscono anche nelle misure del diametro, infatti il tipo 3.1 è compreso tra i 27 e i 43 cm. mentre il tipo 3.2 ha diametri compresi tra i 23 e i 33 cm. La teglia 4.1 ha labbro estroflesso a tesa orizzontale spessa e presenta una solcatura per l’appoggio del coperchio situata sulla tesa. Il diametro di questo tipo è compreso tra i 20 e i 30 cm. Tutte le teglie hanno fondo leggermente convesso e pareti spesso polite a stecca.

Fig. 5. Ceramica di Pantelleria, tegami 2.1-2; scodella 2.3, scala 1:3.

Fig. 7. Ceramica di Pantelleria, teglie, scala 1:3.

Fig. 8. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): quantità percentuali dei diversi tipi di teglie.

Fig. 6. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria):quantità percentuale dei diversi tipi di tegami.

410

DENIS SAMI: LA CERAMICA DI PANTELLERIA Le pentole (Fig. 9) Il 7% della ceramica di Pantelleria di Scauri è costituito da pentole con orlo introflesso: il tipo 5.1 ha orlo introflesso e indistinto a cui sono applicate due piccole prese poco pronunciate; il tipo 5.2 ha orlo introflesso ma di forma a mandorla; il tipo 5.3 come i precedenti ha orlo breve, introflesso, leggermente ingrossato internamente e munito di un cordone impostato al termine della parete a un centimetro circa dall’orlo. Tutti i tipi sono accomunati da un corpo con pareti leggermente globulari e fondo più o meno convesso. Sulle pareti esterne si notano in alcuni casi, politure a stecca. I diametri sono compresi tra i 18 e i 25 cm. Fig. 10. Relitto del Porto di Scauri (Pantelleria): quantità percentuali dei diversi tipi di pentole. Le casseruole (Fig. 11) Le olle (Fig. 11) Questa forma è un vaso troncoconico di grandi dimensioni: il labbro è diritto e ingrossato, non si è riscontrata la presenza di prese e se ne ipotizza quindi l’assenza. Le pareti sono lavorate a stecca, il fondo è convesso. Il diametro è di 29 cm.

Fig. 9. Ceramica di Pantelleria, pentole, scala 1:3. Questa forma vascolare è simile al tegame tipo 2.1 da cui si differenzia per la maggiore profondità rispetto al diametro, pur non arrivando a essere una pentola. Possiede orlo leggermente introflesso, sul quale si impostano due prese applicate, poco pronunciate. Le pareti esterne presentano lavorazioni a stecca, il fondo è leggermente convesso. Il diametro è di 19-20 cm.

Fig. 11. Ceramica di Pantelleria, casseruola 7.1, scala 1:3; olle 8.1, scala 1.4.

411

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI BIBLIOGRAFIA Alaimo, R. et alii, 1997. Le ceramiche comuni di Agrigento, Segesta e Termini Imerese: risultati archeometrici e problemi archeologici, in: S. Santoro Bianchi & B. Fabbri (eds), Il contributo delle analisi archeometriche allo studio delle ceramiche grezze e comuni: il rapporto forma/funzione/impasto. Imola, 46-69. Arthur, P., 1983. Le terme romane di via Carminiello ai Mannesi, Napoli; Relazione preliminare di scavo. Archeologia Medioevale 10, 387-391. Belvedere, O. et alii, 1993. Termini Imprese. Ricerche di topografia e archeologia urbana. Palermo. Bonacasa Carra, R.M., 1995. La ceramica da fuoco, La necropoli paleocristiana sub divo, Studi e Materiali. Roma, 207-235. Carandini, A. (ed.), 1984. Settefinestre. Modena. Castellana, G. & B.E. McConnell, 1990. A rural settlement of Imperial Roman and Byzantine date in Contrada Saraceno near Agrigento, Sicily. American Journal of Archaeology 94, 25-44. Coletti, C.M., 1998. Ceramica comune tardoantica da Ostia e Porto (V-VII secolo), in: L. Saguì (ed.), Ceramica in Italia: VI-VII secolo. Firenze, 407-409. Dore, J.N., 1989. The coarse pottery, in: M. Fulford & M. Hall (eds), Excavations at Sabratha, 1948-1951, II. The Finds: The amphorae, coarse pottery and building materials. London, 87-248. Fontana, S., 1998. Un immondezzaio di VI secolo da Meninx: la fine della produzione di porpora e la cultura materiale a Gerba nella prima età bizantina. Africa Romana 13, 95- 114. Fulford, M.G. & D.P.S. Peacock, 1984, Excavations at Carthage: the British Mission, I, 2. Sheffield. Macias Solé, J.M., 1999. La ceràmica comuna tardoantiga a Tàrraco, Anàlisi tipologica I Histoòrica (segles V-VII). Tarragona. Martorelli, R. & D. Murreddu, 2002. Scavi sotto la chiesa di S. Eulalia a Cagliari. Notizie preliminari. Archeologia Medievale 29, 283-340. Peacock, D.P.S., 1982. Pottery in the Roman world, an ethoarchaeological approach. London/New York. Pentiricci, M. et alii, 1998. La villa suburbana di uadi erRsaf (Leptis Magna): il contesto ceramico di età antonina (150-180 d.C.). Libya Antiqua n.s. 4, 41-98. Pucci, G., 1974-75. La ceramica, in: A. Di Vita, P. Procaccini & G. Pucci, Lo scavo a Nord del mausoleo punico-ellenistico A di Sabratha. Libya Antiqua n.s. 11-12, 57-111. Reynolds, P., 1995. Trade in western Mediterranean AD 400-700: the ceramic evidence (= BAR Inter. Ser., 604). Oxford. Santoro, S., 2000. Pantellerian ware: aspetti della diffusione di una ceramica da fuoco nel Mediterraneo occidentale. Africa Romana 14, 9911004.

412

LA CERAMICA BICROMA DELL’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO: ANALISI DEI PIGMENTI, PRIMI RISULTATI Marina Castoldi, Silvia Bruni & Vittoria Guglielmi Abstract: L’Incoronata in Metaponto is still one of the most representative sites of the protocolonial phase, seat in the Iron Age of an established ‘Oenotrian’ settlement – from the 9th to the beginning of the 7th century BC – which is progressively taken over by a resident group of Greeks. An analysis of contexts and a more precise reading of the sites’ evolution indicates a phase of interaction between the newcomers and the native population. Moreover, quite numerous are data indicating the presence of native females, inside a built up area that would become more and more Greek. The systematic publication of the excavation reports allows for a concise analysis of the production of the local ceramics. These have a wide repertoire of forms and ornaments, especially in the final period, when it is influenced by the ornaments of the Greek Late Geometric pottery. The introduction of the red colour for the bichrome pottery, which emphasizes the decoration with powerful symbols, can possibly be regarded as a reaction against a changing world, open to external influences and strains but also a source of disruption and danger. To understand this decorative scheme better, we have decided to combine the typological study with analyses of pigments, starting with a sample from a survey, collected during the first excavation years. Chemical investigation suggests that bichromy was obtained through well-established techniques used for the production of ancient pottery and that, in particular, the dark colouring was obtained by ‘manganese black’ involving a technique that is particularly simple to use because it allows for firing in an oxidizing atmosphere producing both the red and the brown colour. Further investigations will establish the firing temperature of these ceramics.

7

L’ABITATO INDIGENO E LA CERAMICA BICROMA

sulla loro interpretazione. Di strutture che possano definirsi abitazioni non sembra rimasta traccia, a parte pochi lacerti di pavimentazioni in ciottoli di fiume, qualche focolare, lenti di cenere con materiale antropico, 8 resti faunistici e ceramici. Mancano anche i buchi per palo che caratterizzano, ad esempio, le strutture del 9 materano, come le capanne di Timmari e di Murgecchia. Le uniche fossette che per tipologia e riempimento (terra cinerognola e pietre con pochi frammenti ceramici di grossi dolii per derrate) possono essere interpretate come buchi di palo sono a tutt’oggi le fosse nn. 1 e 2 del saggio T, che gli angusti limiti della trincea non hanno 10 consentito di collegare ad alcuna struttura in particolare. Se tuttavia si considerano nel loro insieme le abitazioni dell’Incoronata che conosciamo, vale a dire quelle dell’abitato greco, si nota che alcune di esse (saggi G, E, 11 F, H, T) sono del tipo a vano incassato nel terreno secondo un modello abitativo che sembra più caratteristico dell’ambiente enotrio-japigio che di quello 12 italiota. Dal momento che è ormai possibile ipotizzare per l’Incoronata greca una fase di rapporti e forse di convivenza tra indigeni residenti e prospectors greci nei 13 decenni iniziali del VII, non è improbabile che questi ultimi abbiano utilizzato in primis, per le loro necessità, proprio le capanne indigene, vale a dire le strutture incassate sotto il piano di campagna. Che queste ultime

Il costante interesse nei confronti delle culture indigene della Basilicata ha indotto la scrivente a continuare il percorso, iniziato anni fa, attraverso le testimonianze 1 restituite dall’Incoronata di Metaponto, uno dei siti più rappresentativi della fase protocoloniale, sede nell’età del Ferro di un insediamento ‘enotrio’ dalla lunga vita – dal IX all’inizio del VII secolo a.C. – che viene progressivamente occupato nel corso del VII da un nucleo stanziale di Greci. Rispetto alle prime letture dello scavo, un’analisi più approfondita dei contesti e una 2 lettura più problematica delle dinamiche d’insediamento, ha messo in evidenza una fase di interazione tra i nuovi arrivati e il nucleo indigeno preesistente; sono inoltre numerosi gli indicatori che alludono al permanere, all’interno di un abitato che tende a diventare sempre più 3 4 greco, di presenze femminili indigene. Per quanto riguarda la fase più propriamente indigena, rispetto a quanto si era cercato di ricostruire alla luce dei 5 primi rinvenimenti, le nostre conoscenze sull’abitato, rappresentato prevalentemente da reperti ceramici e da strutture ‘in negativo’, non sono tuttavia migliorate con la continuazione degli scavi, che hanno restituito ancora una volta cavità di varie dimensioni piene di materiale di 6 risulta, anche se non sono mancati spunti e suggestioni

7

Castoldi 1992, 29; Lambrugo 2003, 32. Castoldi 1986, 30. 9 Timmari: Lattanzi 1980, 248; Lo Porto 1991, 3. Murgecchia: Lo Porto 1998. 10 Fossa 1: cm 58 x 44, profondità cm 40; fossa 2: cm 45 x 34, profondità cm 35, cfr. Castoldi 1992, 29 e fig. 2. 11 Suggestione già riportata in Stea 1999, 57. Le case dei saggi G, H e T avevano un incasso di cm 30-40; quelle dei saggi E ed F un incasso di cm 70-80, cfr. Orlandini 1986, 33; per il saggio T, Incoronata 1992, 21; per il saggio E, Lambrugo 2003. 12 Lambrugo 2003, 32-33. 13 Cfr. anche Castoldi, in Incoronata 2000, 49, a proposito dell’oinochoe rodia rinvenuta nella ‘fossa greca’ del saggio G.

1

8

Il testo che qui si presenta ha il solo scopo di chiarire e di corredare degli indispensabili riferimenti bibliografici il poster presentato dalla scrivente al 6° Convegno di Archeologia Italiana di Groningen, per il quale ringrazio il Comitato organizzatore e il dr. Albert J. Nijboer. Se non altrimenti indicato si fa sempre riferimento alla cd. Incoronata greca. 2 Castoldi 1999; Castoldi, in Incoronata 2000, 49; Lambrugo 2003. 3 Stea 1999. 4 Castoldi & Lambrugo 2003. 5 Castoldi 1986. 6 Uno degli ultimi saggi, il saggio X, ha restituito una serie di fosse attribuite all’abitato indigeno, Orlandini 1996.

413

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI siano state rinvenute piene di anfore da trasporto e di vasi ‘coloniali’ da mensa e da cucina, indicativi di una 14 presenza greca stabile e consolidata, nulla toglierebbe alla ‘matrice’ indigena delle strutture, delle quali lo scavo coglie soltanto l’utilizzo finale. Più greci, e quindi più recenti, gli oikoi con muretti in pietre a secco come quelli dei saggi B, O, S, che permettono di ricostruire strutture abitative più ‘moderne’ e funzionali, con basamento di 15 pietre e alzato di mattoni crudi, anche se ancora con tetto stramineo data la totale assenza di tegole; un modello che si avvicina maggiormente a quelli dei primi 16 centri coloniali greci.

meandro, appare pienamente formata nelle sue linee generali nel periodo che vede la circolazione della ceramica del Protocorinzio Antico lungo la fascia costiera 23 ionica. Confronti puntuali vengono, come è noto, dai centri dell’area bradanica e del Materano (Gravina e 24 Cozzo Presepe) e dall’abitato indigeno di L’Amastuola, nell’entroterra tarantino, sconvolto dalla sovrapposizione, nel corso del secondo quarto del VII secolo a.C., di un 25 insediamento coloniale greco. Si tratta di una vera e propria koinè decorativa che si forma tra l’ultimo quarto dell’VIII e il primo quarto del VII secolo, in concomitanza con eventi dal forte impatto culturale e politico – come la fondazione delle prime colonie greche sulla costa ionica, Sibari e Taranto – e per l’apporto di merci e ceramiche provenienti dalla Grecia e dalle isole dell’Egeo. L’innovazione tecnica della bicromia, che carica la decorazione vascolare di valenze simboliche più potenti, va forse vista come un fenomeno di reazione nei confronti di un mondo che sta cambiando, aperto ad agenti e a sollecitazioni esterne che possono anche 26 costituire fonte di disgregazione e di pericolo.

17

La pubblicazione sistematica dei saggi di scavo ha invece permesso di approfondire l’analisi della produzione ceramica locale, estremamente vivace per forme e motivi decorativi soprattutto nella fase finale, influenzata dalla sintassi ornamentale del Tardo Geometrico greco e arricchita dall’uso della bicromia. Il riconoscimento di vasi ‘enotri’ anche all’interno degli 18 oikoi greci potrebbe infatti sottintendere l’esistenza di una componente indigena ancora produttiva nell’avanzato 19 VII secolo, che verrebbe a porsi all’interno di una realtà locale che appare invece fortemente ridotta e impoverita 20 dopo l’arrivo dei primi gruppi stabili di Greci.

Per meglio comprendere questa strategia decorativa si è deciso di affiancare allo studio tipologico un programma di analisi dei pigmenti – partendo da una campionatura di superficie raccolta nei primi anni di scavo – grazie alla disponibilità della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Basilicata e delle colleghe Bruni e Guglielmi del Dipartimento di Chimica Inorganica, Metallorganica e Analitica dell’Università degli Studi, nell’ambito della collaborazione interfacoltà dell’Ateneo. Lo scopo era quello di cercare di mettere a fuoco i modi della produzione e di capire fino a che punto entrava in gioco la consapevolezza dell’artigiano nella scelta della 27 decorazione bicroma piuttosto che monocroma. M.C.

Alla luce di queste problematiche si è ritenuto opportuno avviare uno studio sistematico della ceramica geometrica bicroma che, pur se presente in percentuale minore rispetto a quella monocroma, meglio si presta ad approfondire l’indagine sui rapporti tra i due abitati, 21 indigeno e greco, dell’Incoronata. La ceramica bicroma dell’Incoronata di Metaponto s’inquadra agevolmente nella produzione ‘enotria’ Tardo Geometrica, che rielabora con grande vivacità i modelli 22 offerti dalle coeve ceramiche greca e japigia. La sintassi decorativa caratterizzata da suddivisioni ‘metopali’ con motivi a svastica, a scacchiera, a clessidra ed elementi a

ANALISI CHIMICA DELLA DECORAZIONE La decorazione bicroma è stata esaminata dal punto di vista della composizione chimica mediante tecniche microanalitiche totalmente non distruttive. Si sono utilizzate in particolare l’analisi di raggi X in dispersione di energia (EDXA), che indica gli elementi presenti nella decorazione, e la spettroscopia micro-Raman, per mezzo della quale si riconoscono i composti chimici formati da tali elementi.

14

Cfr. a proposito Stea 1999, 58; Lambrugo 2003. Mattoni crudi, consolidati dal fuoco sono stati restituiti in gran quantità dal saggio N, cfr. Orlandini 1986, 33, figg. 20, 21. 16 Carter 1993; Lambrugo 2003. 17 Sono stati finora pubblicati i saggi P, T, S, H, G, E cfr. Incoronata 1991, 1992, 1995, 1997, 2000, 2003. 18 Castoldi 1995; 1997, 110; Stea 1997, 77; Lambrugo 2003. 19 Castoldi 1999, 47. 20 De Siena 1990, 8ss.; Sacchi 1990, 153; Osanna 1992, 42ss.; Stea 1999. 21 Questo lavoro è stato possibile grazie al costante appoggio della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Basilicata, nelle persone del Soprintendente, dottoressa Maria Luisa Nava, e del dottor Antonio De Siena, Direttore del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Metaponto, cui va il mio più sentito ringraziamento. Per motivi indipendenti dalla mia volontà, non potrò più continuare gli scavi sulla collina dell’Incoronata; ritengo quindi ancora più importante completare la pubblicazione di quanto è di mia competenza. 22 Per una visione generale della ceramica tardo-geometrica dell’Incoronata è ancora valido Macchioro 1986, da integrare con i contributi della scrivente pubblicati nella serie dedicata all’Incoronata. Sulla ceramica matt-painted dell’Italia meridionale cfr. Yntema 1990. 15

23

Castoldi 1992, 33-34. Small 1976; 1983. 25 Maruggi 1996, 207; 216-218, figg. 20, 21. 26 Cfr. Castoldi 2003, 98. 27 Lo studio sulla ceramica bicroma dell’Incoronata è in corso di preparazione da parte della scrivente e verrà presto pubblicato dal punto di vista archeologico e da quello fisico-chimico. 24

414

MARINA CASTOLDI, SILVIA BRUNI & VITTORIA GUGLIELMI: LA CERAMICA BICROMA DELL’INCORONATA

Fig. 1. Spettri EDXA ottenuti su a) zona bruna e b) zona rossa di un campione di ceramica bicroma.

Fig. 2. Spettri micro-Raman ottenuti su a) zona bruna e b) zona rossa di un campione di ceramica bicroma.

L’analisi EDXA dimostra la presenza di abbondante ferro nei motivi rossi e di manganese e ferro nei motivi bruni (Fig. 1).

BIBLIOGRAFIA Carter, J.C., 1993. Taking possession of the land: Early Greek colonisation in Southern Italy, in: Eius Virtutis Studiosi: Classical and Postclassical Studies in Memory of Frank Edward Brown (1908-1988). Hanover/London, 343-367. Castoldi, M., 1986. L’Incoronata di Metaponto nell’ambito dell’età del Ferro, in: Greci sul Basento, 57-62. Castoldi, M., 1992. Le strutture indigene: analisi dei ritrovamenti, in: Incoronata 1992, 29-39. Castoldi, M., 1995. Ceramica indigena dall’area del crollo, in: Incoronata 1995, 115-123. Castoldi, M., 1997, La ceramica ‘enotria’ dall’area dell’oikos e dalle fosse indigene, in: Incoronata 1997, 101-132. Castoldi, M., 1999. Ancora sulla ceramica bicroma decorata ad incisione dall’Incoronata, in: M. Castoldi (ed.), Koina. Miscellanea di studi archeologici in onore di Piero Orlandini. Milano, pp. 43-48. Castoldi, M., 2003. Ceramica indigena dall’area dell’oikos e dallo scavo, in: Incoronata 2003, 95-108. Castoldi, M & C. Lambrugo, 2003. Il corredo materiale. Proposte di interpretazione di alcuni indicatori archeologici, in: Incoronata 2003, 117-121. De Siena, A., 1990. Contributi archeologici alla

L’analisi micro-Raman indica che il ferro è presente sotto forma di ematite (ossido di ferro(III), Fe2O3) in entrambe le colorazioni, confermando che nei motivi bruni è contenuto anche manganese sotto forma di ossidi (Fig. 2). L’indagine chimica suggerisce quindi che la bicromia fosse ottenuta mediante tecniche ben consolidate per le ceramiche antiche e che in particolare la colorazione scura fosse realizzata con la tecnica detta ‘del nero di manganese’, particolarmente semplice da utilizzare poiché consente di effettuare un’unica cottura in atmosfera ossidante per ottenere tanto il colore rosso quanto quello bruno. Ulteriori indagini sono in corso per definire la temperatura di cottura dei manufatti decorati. S.B. & V.G.

415

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Small, A., 1976. The Iron Age pottery, in Gravina di Puglia III. Houses and a cemetery of the Iron Age and Classical Period. BSR 44, 76-132. Small, A., 1983. The Iron Age geometric pottery, in: The excavations at Cozzo Presepe (1969-1972). NSc (s. VIII) 31 (1977 Suppl.), 285-311. Stea, G., 1997. I materiali dell’oikos greco, in Incoronata 1997, 29-97. Stea, G., 1999. Forme della presenza greca sull’arco ionico della Basilicata: tra emporia e apoikiai, in: Koinà. Miscellanea di studi archeologici in onore di Pietro Orlandini. Milano, 49-71. Yntema, D., 1990. The matt-painted pottery of Southern Italy. Galatina.

definizione della fase protocoloniale del Metapontino. BBasil 6, 71-88. Greci sul Basento 1986. Mostra degli scavi archeologici all’Incoronata di Metaponto 1971-1984 (Milano, Galleria del Sagrato, piazza Duomo, 16 gennaio-28 febbraio 1986). Como. Incoronata 1991. Le fosse di scarico del saggio P. Materiali e problematiche (= Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, 1), P. Orlandini & M. Castoldi (eds). Milano. Incoronata 1992. Dal villaggio indigeno all’emporio greco. Le strutture e i materiali del saggio T (= Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, 2), P. Orlandini & M. Castoldi (eds). Milano. Incoronata 1995. L’oikos greco del saggio S. Lo scavo e i reperti (= Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, 3), P. Orlandini & M. Castoldi (eds). Milano. Incoronata 1997. L’oikos greco del saggio H. Lo scavo e i reperti (= Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, 5), P. Orlandini & M. Castoldi (eds). Milano. Incoronata 2000. L’oikos del grande perirrhanterion nel contesto del saggio G (= Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, 4), P. Orlandini & M. Castoldi (eds). Milano. Incoronata 2003. L’oikos greco del saggio E. Lo scavo e i reperti (= Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, 6), P. Orlandini & M. Castoldi (eds). Milano. Lambrugo, C., 2003. Archeologia degli spazi domestici: analisi degli elementi strutturali e discussione delle aree funzionali del saggio E, in: Incoronata 2003, 2950. Lattanzi, E., 1980. L’insediamento indigeno sul pianoro di San Salvatore-Timmari (Matera), in: Attività archeologica in Basilicata (1964-1977), Scritti in onore di Dinu Adamesteanu. Matera, 239-282. Lo Porto, F.G., 1991. Timmari, l’abitato, le necropoli, la stipe votiva. Roma. Lo Porto, F.G., 1998. I villaggi preistorici di Murgia Timone e Murgecchia nel Materano (= MonAnt, V). Roma. Macchioro, S., 1986. Ceramica indigena a decorazione geometrica. II, in: Greci sul Basento 1986, 83-93. Maruggi, G.A., 1996. Crispiano (Taranto). L’Amastuola, in: Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e Sicilia. Galatina, 197-218. Orlandini, P., 1986. Incoronata - Scavi dell’Università Statale di Milano (1974-1984), in: Greci sul Basento 1986, 29-39. Orlandini, P., 1996. Campagna di scavo all’Incoronata 1996, in: Mito storia in Magna Grecia, Atti del trantaseiesimo Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia. Napoli, 495-498. Osanna, M., 1992. Chorai coloniali da Taranto a Locri. Roma. Sacchi, C., 1990. Problemi storico-archeologici della Siritide e del Metapontino tra VIII e VII secolo. PP 251, 135-160. 416

DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY Manuela Merlo Abstract: This paper discusses a specific class of pottery manufactured in Latium Vetus and Southern Etruria that was also widely exported; the impasto chiaro sabbioso. The distribution of these artefacts follows certain known trade routes. For instance, finds in northern Etruria are distributed along trade routes already identified by other markers (amphorae and bucchero kantharoi). The exported articles had specific functions and further research on their distribution may shed more light on ancient eating habits.

The singular characteristics of the impasto chiaro sabbioso (light-coloured coarse ware, abbreviated in this paper to ‘i.c.s.’) make it easy to identify as a technological class of pottery.1 The sherds are readily recognizable for their light colour (yellow, pink and buff hues) and the constant presence of grits of volcanic stone (especially augite). Though the grits may vary in size, they are always visible to the naked eye. The light colour appears to be a constant, and must have been intentional,2 while grit quantity and size often vary, depending on the size of the artefact.

Whatever the terminology adopted, the technical characteristics as well as the recurrence of several open forms made almost exclusively with this kind of fabric make it easy for anyone doing bibliographical research to recognize published material even if reduced to tiny pieces and only summarily described. The chronology of this pottery production has often been discussed and scholars are still far from reaching certainty on the subject. The earliest studies10 dated the appearance of these artifacts to the 5th century BC, but other scholars soon moved it back almost a century.11 Today the presence of i.c.s. pottery in the 6th century BC seems to be universally accepted, though opinion is divided on whether its production started at the end of the 7th century BC12 or in the archaic period.13

Different definitions have been given to this kind of fabric3: from Gjerstad’s late Italo-geometric4 to coarse buff or pink ware5 or augitic impasto,6 from ceramica sabbiata7 to impasto chiaro sabbioso8 or impasto sabbioso.9 All these definitions highlight whichever feature was thought most distinctive by the various authors. It should be noted, however, that while paintedband decoration is not a constant of this ware, the uniform light colour and the presence of volcanic sands weigh equally in determining the attribution of sherds to this class.

A careful review of the currently available documentation shows that very few contexts dated 7th century BC by the authors have actually yielded pottery of this type. Besides Roman fragments,14 we can mention two bowls/basins (one from Tomb III at Colle S. Agata15 and one from Tomb IV in the northwestern necropolis of Satricum).16 Other items sometimes cited as evidence that the production started in the 7th century are either fine ware17

1 This paper was inspired by some considerations that emerged during my Ph.D research in Etruscan archeology at the “La Sapienza” University of Rome, which was focused on the study of i.c.s. ware, based on published and unpublished material from the lower Tiber valley. 2 The uniform color is due to both temperature regulation during firing and the addition of limestone fragments to the clay mixture, a practice confirmed by chemical analyses (e.g., those in the appendix to Clementini & Rossi Diana 1988, 69-70). 3 This large range of terms reflects the lack of standards in most studies of archaic ceramics. In spite of several attempts (most recently the conference on ‘Ceramica, abitati, territorio nella bassa valle del Tevere e Latium Vetus’ held in Rome, February 17-18, 2003, whose proceedings are going to be published), a satisfactory agreement on standard definitions and taxonomic criteria has yet to be reached. Even the traditional technology-based classes (red slip ware, coarse ware, impasto chiaro sabbioso, bucchero, fine ware, and so forth) have often been contested, and some authors (e.g., Chiaramonte Trerè 1999, 44-97) have discarded them in favor of a function-based classification. 4 Gjerstad 1953, 78, note 1. The author later changed this definition to subarchaic painted ware and still later distinguished between coarse painted and plain painted ware, depending on the presence or absence of painted decoration (for a concordance table of the terminology, see Gjerstad 1966, 600). 5 Murray Threipland 1963, 58. 6 Clementini & Rossi Diana 1988. 7 Lavinium 1975. 8 Serra Ridgway 1970, 549, 551; Gori & Pierini 2001, 20. 9 Most recently this definition was used by Angelelli 2001. See p. 218, note 2, for a brief historical review of research in this field, including all the terms adopted over time for this class of ceramics.

10 Gjerstad 1953-1966; Murray Threipland 1963. In more recent years Molas I Font, 1982, has argued for the 5th-century BC dating. 11 Colonna 1959, 227; later Pohl, Torelli 1973, 188-190. 12 Clementini & Rossi Diana 1988, 43; this study does not distinguish between basins in impasto chiaro and objects in red slip ware (in particular, see type A, pp. 46-47). Carafa 1995, 233. A different approach is adopted in Bellelli & Botto 2002: the authors take into consideration bowls with a band rim, traditionally called basins or pelves and hypothesize a Phoenician origin. In this case, the form is studied independently from the technology used to make it. Fine ware items (also found in 7th-century BC contexts) are thus lumped together with impasto artifacts (found in 6th-century BC contexts). 13 Angelelli 2001, 222 dates the items she examined to no earlier than the 6th century BC. 14 Carafa 1995, 233. The suggestion to move the date back is based on the presence of i.c.s. sherds 1.45 meters below the floor of Room W of the Regia and in Level 23 of the test dig at the Equus Domitiani. Sixteen fragments (four of them significant) come from the northern slope of the Palatine Hill, in contexts (19-21) which may be dated between 625 and 590 BC (Carafa 1995, 258). These would be the only settlement contexts to date back so far. 15 Caprino 1954, 243, fig. 46. The author dates the context to the second half of the 7th century BC. 16 Waarsenburg 1995, 88-90, 4.3, table 15. The tomb is dated 640-620 BC, but, as the author himself admits, the basin is extraneous to the others and would lower the chronology. 17 See for example the specimens from Monte Valscurella, near Formello (Stefani 1922, 216, fig. 3) and from the Vaccareccia tumulus in Veii (Stefani 1935, 352, 23, fig. 20).

417

1A

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

418

1B

Fig. 1. a-b: The main shapes in impasto chiaro sabbioso found in settlements and cemeteries of Etruria and Latium.

MANUELA MERLO: DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY

419

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI It is easy to note, as has been done more than once,22 that i.c.s. ware came to be much more widely distributed than other classes of pottery that appeared in the same period, to such extent as to justify speaking of exportation. The wide geographical radius in which comparable artifacts have been found is striking indeed, but detailed analysis is needed to ascertain where they were actually made, which forms were commercialized, why the trade developed, and who were the carriers and agents.

or were found in multiple-burial tombs spanning the 7th and 6th centuries BC,18 where the relationship between the pottery and the individual sets of grave goods cannot be reconstructed. Given the problems I have briefly described, and after assessing the data currently emerging from the study of unpublished contexts within the southern Tiber district, I believe that at present the beginning of this production should most probably be dated to the first years of the 6th century BC. Insofar as the findings outside southern Etruria and Latium Vetus are concerned, the chronology never goes farther back than the second quarter of the 6th century BC.19 In considering the time factor, though, one must bear in mind that not all types of artifacts appear at the same time. It seems that the first forms to be made were the open ones, and even the long-lasting forms underwent a typological evolution process, with the form of both the rim and the body changing over time.

To this end, a simple examination of the available published material gives us a rather good starting point from which to develop several considerations about production and distribution. However, this endeavour was heavily handicapped by the lack of uniformity in the publication of the materials, not to mention the fact that some contexts have not been published at all.23 The outcome is that we are faced with embarrassing alternatives, such as having to consciously exclude a good quantity of fragments (for example because they were published as photographs and therefore cannot be used for a type classification, or because reliable data on their technical characteristics is lacking24), and trying to analyse the distribution of this material while being aware that much more has already been excavated and is known but not accessible.

As regards the end of the production, we must consider that during its final phase the class appears much changed, with technological differences in the characteristics of the fabric (which becomes more compact and of a different colour, usually yellow or light green), notable changes in types and forms (where the proportion between open and closed forms is altered), and the gradual disappearance of painted decoration. Closed forms in particular, mostly jugs and jars, tend more and more to resemble the same kind of objects in fine ware, and eventually blend into the so-called common ware class of the Roman period. Two of the original forms persist over time: notably the big open bowls with banded rims and ring bases – often with a very wide diameter and a low body – and the large basins shaped like truncated cones, with a low body and a smooth corded lower flange (the rim is often thickened on the inside, probably to prevent the basin’s contents from spilling out).

Subject to the above restrictions, I have drawn up a table (Fig. 1:a-b) recapitulating the presence of the various forms at the different sites; the symbols indicate whether the material comes from a necropolis or a settlement, and whether it was found in a dig or a simple field survey. The silhouettes are not meant to represent types, but merely exemplify the main functional forms. A different colour is used to indicate the presence of forms typical of the i.c.s. class but made with other clay mixtures. No dates are given because, as I mentioned above, they are not always specified in the original publication.25

At present no exact time has been identified for the termination of the class. The problem is not only related to the difficulty of pin-pointing a precise discriminating factor between what is the final phase of i.c.s. and what instead is fine or common ware, but also to the assessment of the residual value of the objects found in stratifications.20 An important indication comes from the West and South wells in Pyrgi,21 a closed context which the presence of several coins has made it possible to date to the mid 3rd century BC, where jugs made with a mixed technique – i.c.s. handles and grit-free walls – were found.

If we highlight the relationship between sites and the variety of the forms found at each, the hypothesis – formulated by others in the past – that potterymanufacturing centres were located in the lower Tiber valley and the southern Etruscan area, specifically in Caere, Veii and Rome, is probably correct. In these cities we find forms that are not present elsewhere. Plates are 22

Most recently by Angelelli 2001, 220-221. In some cases only a few fragments are published, with the warning that they merely represent large quantities of material (e.g., Bedini 1979, 23, concerning the Laurentina area; Pensabene 1985, 154, on an test dig at the so-called Auguratorium on the Palatine Hill in Rome). 24 Authors should always be very careful when they decide to omit some data on the material they are publishing, especially as regards the characteristics (color and surface treatment, fabric composition, and so on) which are verifiable only upon direct examination. Such selectivity sometimes makes it impossible to use the information in later studies based on different assumptions. 25 The elaboration was made starting with a computer-based cataloguing of available published material. The reference bibliography is therefore too large to be entirely included in this article, so I will limit myself to a few titles relative to the contexts mentioned in the text, as well as some basic ones concerning the various regional situations. 23

18 For example, Poggio Buco, Chamber Tomb VIII (Bartoloni 1972, 105, fig. 49, no. 105); Cerveteri, Bufolareccia Tomb (Coen 1991, 13, table IIa). 19 With the sole exception of the necropolis at Pontecagnano, contrada S. Antonio, Tomb XXVIII (D’Agostino 1968, 174, fig. 66, no. 12). 20 Studies of this class often do not consider its entire chronological period; for various reasons, there are many more studies on the 6th and 5th centuries BC (e.g., Carafa 1995; Clementini & Rossi Diana, 1988, 44). 21 Colonna et al. 1988-89, 11-138.

420

MANUELA MERLO: DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY

Fig. 2. Maps of impasto chiaro sabbioso’s diffusion during 6th, 5th, and 4th-3rd centuries BC. that this type of pottery was not manufactured in only one or a few large towns. In this phase at least (i.e., from the end of the 6th century BC on), both artifacts and models were circulating and being copied by local craftsmen.

already present in Rome in the 6th century, and only later appear in Lavinium; loutheria26 with painted decoration are fairly widespread in Caere; a situla jar, with two handles set vertically on the rim, was found in Pyrgi (final phase) and has no parallels elsewhere;27 and certain kinds of bowls and amphorae from the earlier phases of the production have been found only in Veii.28

At Tarquinia and Gravisca,34 the situation is more complex. The amount of material and the number of types found seem to indicate a production centre geared to widespread demand. Here too, we find artifact types unknown elsewhere, such as hemispheric basins with horizontal handles set below the rim.

Generally speaking, though these objects circulated widely, especially from the 5th century BC on, a detailed analysis reveals several types specific to single localities, thus indicating different local productions. For example, the Veii29 situlae, with their low, indistinct rims, differ from the Roman ones, whose rims are higher and thicker.30

Outside of southern Etruria and Latium Vetus we find only a few forms: flat-bottomed bowls with band rims35 and large bowls with band rims, ring-shaped bases and sometimes a spout (in which case they were grindstone mortars, used with a round, fist-sized grindstone that would be rolled around and around the bowl to reduce the ingredients to a pulp).36 Both forms are often decorated with painted red, orange and brown bands along the inner and outer rim. Truncated-cone-shaped basins with a

The discovery of production-in-process discards in some settlements, such as Laurentina31 and Ficana,32 reveal the presence of kilns33 even in small villages, which means 26

Nardi 1993, 377, type 7.1 and fig. 577. The unpublished loutherion found at Fidenae was manufactured in Caere. This form was also found in Gravisca (Gori & Pierini 2001, type G2/3, 47-49 and tab. 11, n. 109114). 27 From the south well, with a Caere-type ‘A’ engraved on the shoulder before firing (Colonna et alii 1989-90, 84, fig. 65, no. 90; 85, fig. 22, no. 2; 87, 90). Both the south and west wells also contain firing discards (Colonna et alii 1989-90, 110 and note 147). 28 Regarding the amphora, a comparable rim fragment comes from Veii (NW gate, etruscan rampart. Murray Threipland 1963, 59, fig. 17, no. 3), as does an almost complete specimen (Piazza d’Armi, Bartoloni excavation; Bartoloni et alii, in print). The unpublished bowl, with an indistinct rim and flat, discoid-shaped bottom, comes from the same Veii (Piazza d’Armi) context and is dated to the first half of the 6th century BC. 29 Casale Pian Roseto. Murray Threipland & Torelli 1970, type G, 106, fig. 21, nos. 1-3. 30 Via Sacra, pit IV, Level 3. Gjerstad 1953, fig. 103, h. 31 Settlement, archaic building, pit I, Bedini 1990, 175, 8.1.13. 32 From the settlement, archaic building, pit I. Magagnini 1990, 175, 8.1.13. 33 Cf. Satricum’s kiln, as an example of association between building materials and pottery that probably indicates the end of the household

production at the beginning of the 5th century BC (Nijboer 1998, 121122). 34 Tarquinia: Chiaramonte Trerè 1999, 43-97. Gravisca: Gori & Pierini 2001. In both publications the typology of the materials is based on their shape, not on class, but the Gravisca study highlights the technological data in its analysis of the material. 35 In archeological literature these are usually called basins or pelves. I have decided instead to use the term bowl. ‘Basin’ seems to me too generic and anyhow improper to denote small-capacity artifacts not well suited to contain liquids, while I find the Latin ‘pelvis’ too specific and restrictive for a vessel whose function is not yet altogether clear and was probably quite varied (Matteucci 1986, 251, warns against using ‘pelvis’ because ancient textual sources use it to indicate vessels used for washing objects and for personal hygiene). 36 For the use of these objects as mortars, see Matteucci 1986, 248-252. Clementini & Rossi Diana 1988, 40, also offer suggestions on their function, but try to attribute a sole use to all open forms of this class, ignoring significant morphological differences such as size, body shape (truncated cone, hemispherical, etc.), presence or absence of spouts, presence or absence of handles, wall thickness, traces of use and size (this approach was criticized by Chiaramonte Trerè 1999, 69-70).

421

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI corded lower flange reached into the Albegna valley (though not in great numbers);37 a few specimens have been found even farther north.38

The distribution of the early i.c.s. pottery along the coast and river valleys (Ombrone, Fiora, Arno, Serchio) suggests a model which is already known for southern Etruria44 and does not vary in later phases. The means of transportation seem to point to a southern Etruscan coastal town as the trading hub – in all likelihood Caere, which always played a leading role in commerce. The strong morphological similarity between sherds found in Roselle and Artimino and the Caere types45 would appear to confirm this.

The maps (Fig. 2) show the geographic distribution in three different phases, from the archaic period to the Hellenistic. The dots indicate the places where i.c.s. sherds have been found; I have also shown the trading routes, or portions thereof, along which the artifacts travelled. The presence of technologically and formally different mortars at several Etruscan sites in the Po valley is shown in light grey.

Finds from the 5th and 4th centuries multiply and spread, particularly in smaller towns in the Versilia area,46 where volcanic-rock grindstones from the Latium or Southern Etruscan area have also been found.47 Unfortunately, the randomness of these finds and the fact that their contexts cannot be dated with satisfactory precision make it impossible at present to supply precise details on trading periods and means, though many of the fragments seem to belong to later types. However, the distribution of this pottery must have been fast: already in the mid 5th century BC the distribution area was quite wide, up to the port of Genoa;48 by the end of the century it had reached France.49

Like the table in figure 1, the maps show a sharp difference in the distribution patterns of this class. In the area of production (Latium Vetus and southern Etruria) the objects are very widespread, even at interior locations connected only by land routes. As we move northwards, however, the finds are distributed mostly along the coast and along navigable river routes. To this we must add the quantitative factor: though not merely sporadic, i.c.s. sherd finds in the north are never very abundant compared with those from local pottery. Accordingly, it seems justified to speak of an export market to the north of the production area, starting from what is now southwestern Tuscany in a market whose dynamics and motivations differ from those in the production areas further south.

What we still don’t know is whether the 4th-century change in production methods – which in the source area was reflected in type transformation and greater form standardization – influenced market dynamics. In particular, the existence and role of Roman pottery works should be investigated.

In northern Etruria, the earliest evidence is apparently datable to just after the production started, i.e., the second quarter of the 6th century BC. The oldest materials have been found in Lucca39 and Pisa;40 fragments found in Roselle,41 at Accesa Lake42 and at Artimino43 seem slightly more recent, but still from the 6th century BC.

Despite the few elements at our disposal, we know that Caere remained a major centre. At the typological level, artifacts dating from the middle to the end of the 5th century BC and found in Genoa, the Versilia area and Populonia are still extremely similar to Caere types.50

37

Michelucci 1984, 381, 2-3, 382, 4; Perkins & Walker 1990, 31-33, 127-128. 38 Accesa Lake: truncated-cone-shaped basin with corded lower flange (only the profile of the sherd is shown, and the description does not specify whether the corded flange is smooth or not) from the settlement (Etruria mineraria 1985, 159, 246). Populonia: truncated-cone-shaped basin in reddish ware with smooth corded lower flange, from chamber Tomb 8 of the necropolis at the Le Grotte site, dated 4th-3rd century BC (Romualdi 1984-85). Genoa: truncated-cone-shaped basin with a rim unlike any of the southern-Etruscan types, from the ancient settlement in the San Silvestro area (Milanese 1987, 135, figs. 73, 78); petrographic analysis indicates that the clay came from Latium, in the area between Rieti and Terni. 39 Necropolis in Via Squaglia (Ciampoltrini 1993, fig. 9, no. 6): Tomb 6, bowl decorated with painted horizontal bands, used to cover a funerary urn (second quarter of the 6th century BC). 40 Piazza Dante (Bruni 1993, 332, table 28, 4): bowl decorated with painted horizontal bands, from test dig II, US 404 (late 7th-mid 6th century BC). More 6th-century material, not shown in the figure, was recovered during test dig I. 41 The so-called Impluvium House: Donati 1994, 134-135 (the house’s life-span is dated from the 6th century to the beginning of the 5th century BC). 42 Etruria mineraria 1985, 159, 245-246. 43 Area of the ‘Paggeria medicea’ (Capecchi 1987, 130-131, figs. 92, 177, 178): big open bowls decorated with painted bands, from Level A7 (6th-first decades of 5th century BC). The attribution of the sherds from San Rocchino is problematic, because the relevant publication does nor

report their provenance; the site is dated starting from the 6th century BC. 44 For some aspects of river transportation see AA.VV., 1986. 45 Roselle, Impluvium House: Donati 1994, fig. 36, no. 400, comparable with Type 11b.3 from Caere, ‘vigna parrocchiale’ (Nardi 1993, 388, fig. 582,); fig. 36, no. 398, analogous to a fragment from a Caere district (Enei 1993, 120, tab. 16, 8, 159); fig. 14, no. 124, similar to an artifact from Pyrgi (Colonna 1988-89, 246, fig. 213, no. 5). Artimino, Area of the ‘Paggeria medicea’: Capecchi 1987, 130-131, fig. 92, no. 178, comparable to type 10d.9 from the ‘vigna parrocchiale’ (Nardi 1993, 384, fig. 579) and from the Caere area (Enei 1993, 120, tab. 26) and also present in Roselle, Impluvium House (Donati 1994, fig. 18, nos. 270, 1, 135); Idem., 130-131, fig. 92, 176, analogous to Type 11c.9 from the ‘vigna parrocchiale’ (Nardi 1993, 384, fig. 583). 46 Bora dei Frati (Pietrasanta): Paribeni, Storti & Vaggioli 1990, 231, fig. 125, nos. 261-265, 268-269. 47 In Bora dei Frati (see above note 45) and at the Romito di Pozzuolo (Lucca): Ciampoltrini, Rendini & Zecchini 1990. 48 Milanese 1987, 295-296, 313; mineral analysis of a fragment confirmed that the minerals in the fabric come from the area between Sovana and the Alban Hills. 49 For example, a sherd from Agde, in a 5th-3rd century BC context (Nickels & Marchand 1976, 51, figs. 6, 9). 50 Genoa, San Silvestro: Milanese 1987, 125, fig. 7, no. 45, analogous to a fragment from the upper and jumbled layers of the Pyrgi square (Colonna 1970, 528, fig. 393, no. 7). Versilia, San Rocchino (Massarosa): Maggiani, 1990, p. 79, fig. 16, is similar to Type 10d.7

422

MANUELA MERLO: DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY Several objects probably dating from the second half of the 4th century have been found in necropolis contexts in Populonia;51 the association among these imported objects show a preferential relationship with Caere, besides Latium and Campania.52

however, starting at the end of the 6th century BC, a functionally equivalent form was developed with local clay: a mortar with a thickened outer rim (or, in some cases, a band rim), low round body, smooth corded flange slightly protruding halfway up the outer wall and a ringshaped base.58 These artifacts too are often decorated with straight or wavy painted bands, sometimes quite carefully designed. The form was widespread in the Po valley, at Spina59 and other small towns.60 Mortars of Etruscan-Latium make, however, did not reach beyond the Apennine range, despite the presence of routes normally used for other goods.61 Volcanic-rock grindstones had a wider distribution: some have been found in Cascina Montorsi, Strabello Opera Pia Bianchi and Tabina di Magreta.62

It has been suggested, with reason, that mortars and bowls were not the main goods shipped from the southern Etruscan centres and later from Rome, but that they travelled with amphorae and a certain quantity of luxury goods.53 Mortars were exported together with volcanicrock grindstones, which have been found at various sites (Pietrasanta, the Versilia area, the Romito di Pozzuolo near Lucca, and the Castellaro di Camogli, near Genoa). Drawing a parallel – though not a perfectly symmetrical one – with the well-known use of amphorae for transporting wine, oil and grain, and the use of bucchero banquet cups,54 there is reason to think that what was being exported was not the ceramic object itself, but rather its contents or its specific alimentary/ritual use.

Various types of mortars made in the same period but not in Southern Etruria have been found in the Veneto,63 Piceno64 and Magna Graecia65 areas. The wide diffusion of this functional form must be carefully evaluated, since it is hardly realistic to suppose that it was adopted by chance in such diverse and numerous parts of ancient Italy. If these objects were really closely related to a specific food practice, the pattern of their distribution should enable us to trace a clear-cut change in eating habits.66 In this perspective, some scholars have attempted to come up with unitary explanations for painted-band decoration, interpreting it figuratively within the Italo-geometric tradition.67 Some believe it to be a decorative syntax reserved for fine

This is really evident with i.c.s. pottery: the only objects found outside the production area are only regular bowls and large bowls used as mortars. Since other forms, such as jars, pitchers, and so forth, are absent, it is clear that buyers were interested in these objects, which were unlike anything in the traditional local production, for their specific function55 or their use in eating practices derived from a particular ideology. The discovery of local imitations is of interest in understanding the value, aesthetic or otherwise, placed on these objects. An early example from Caere’s sphere of influence are certain fragments found in the settlement of Piana di Stigliano,56 made in red ware coated with a thick matte cream-colored slip. Another example comes from Pisa, where we find red-ware objects coated with creamcolored slip except where the red fabric is left to show through in imitation of the original painted-band decoration.57

58 Fine or semi-fine ware, often with ferrous, quartz or stone grits embedded into the bottom to form a kind of grater; on the problems involved in defining this class, see Rossi 2001, 199 and note 3. 59 Patitucci Uggeri 1985, 116-117. 60 For example, Castellazzo della Garolda and Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito (Mantova 1988, I, 252, fig. 151; 253, fig. 152; 254, fig. 153; 225, fig. 154; II, 197, fig. 315). 61 There were two routes from the Pisa area to the Po valley. The first, mostly overland, ran through the Mugello hills over the Apennines and up the Reno valley to Marzabotto, Felsina and Spina. The second, mostly by river, ran from the coast up the valleys of the Serchio, Enza and Secchia rivers. The routes were identified using as markers microclastic-scyst pottery produced in the Pisa area, associated with red-figure Attic pottery (Maggiani 1987, 310). 62 Malnati 1989, 145, and bibliography. A Latium provenance has been suggested for these grindstones. Recent evidence indicates that grindstones made of trachyte from the Euganean hills, near Padua, spread from the Veneto to the Etruscan towns of the Po valley (Cattani, Lazzarini & Falcone 1997). 63 Rossi 2001. The author stresses the close connection between production in the Etruscan Po valley and in the Veneto. 64 Landolfi 1988, tab. V; Lollini 1987. 65 On the connection between materials from Magna Graecia, Sicily and Etruria, see most recently Angelelli 2001, 220, note 4, and bibliography. 66 Textual sources mention the use of mortars (mortaria) in the preparation of solid and semi-liquid cereal-based foods (Matteucci 1986, 250-251). It has recently been suggested that the spread of mortars in the Etruscan environment should be linked to the introduction of leavened bread (Zifferero, 2004). However, we must bear in mind that these were multifunctional objects used to crush, wash and mix the ingredients. 67 Colonna 1959, 277.

The market of these objects does not seem to have reached the Etruscan towns in the Po valley. In this area, from the ‘vigna parrocchiale’ in Caere (Nardi 1993, 384, n. 579). Populonia, casual undersea find: Poggesi 1989, 195, no. 259, with base comparable to that of a specimen from the foundation embankments of Temple A in Pyrgi (Colonna 1970, 247, fig. 173, no. 22) and rim similar to Type 10.d.1 from the ‘vigna parrocchiale’ in Caere (Nardi 1993, 383, n. 579). 51 For example, in Chamber Tomb 8 of the necropolis at the Le Grotte site: big open bowl used as a mortar (Romualdi 1984-85, 57, fig. 48, no. 188). The grave goods in this tomb included a red-orange fabric truncated-cone-shaped basin with a smooth stip below the rim (idem., 57, fig. 48, no. 189). 52 Romualdi 1984-85, 65-68. 53 Milanese & Mannoni 1986, 142. 54 See Gras 2000, 100-101. 55 We may also surmise that what was particularly appreciated was the technological aspect; for example, in the Hellenistic period Fiesole produced mortars in local clay enriched with imported volcanic grits (Baroncelli 1990, 242-243). 56 Zifferero 1980, 41. 57 Angelelli 2001, 221 and bibliography.

423

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI tableware,68 others think that the bands were actually volume lines used to measure ingredients.69

Bruni, S. (ed.), 1993. Pisa. Piazza Dante. Pontedera. Capecchi, G., 1987. Artimino (Firenze). Scavi 1974. L’area della Paggeria medicea, relazione preliminare. Firenze. Caprino, C., 1954. I ritrovamenti di Innocenzo dall’Osso sul Colle S. Agata di Monte Mario. NSc, 195- 268. Carafa, P., 1995. Officine ceramiche di età regia. Roma. Cattani, M., L. Lazzarini & R. Falcone, 1997. Macine protostoriche dall’Emilia e dal Veneto: note archeologiche, caratterizzazione chimico-petrografica e determinazione della provenienza. Padusa 31, 105137. Chiaramonte Trerè, C. (ed.), 1999. Tarquinia. Scavi sistematici nell’abitato. Campagne 1982-1988. I materiali 1. Roma. Ciampoltrini, G., 1993. L’insediamento etrusco nella valle del Serchio dall’età del Ferro al VI secolo a.C. Nuovi contributi archeologici. Studi Etruschi 58, 5373. Ciampoltrini, G., P. Rendini & M. Zecchini, 1990. Romito di Pozzuolo (Lucca), in: E. Paribeni, Etruscorum ante quam ligurum. La Versilia fra VII e III sec. a.C. Pontedera, 271-286. Clementini, M. & D. Rossi Diana, 1988. Nuove considerazioni sul tipo del bacino in impasto augitico. RendLinc (s. VIII) 43, fasc. 3-4, 39-72. Coen, A., 1991. Complessi tombali di Cerveteri con urne cinerarie tardo-orientalizzanti. Firenze. Colonna, G., 1959. I rinvenimenti minori, in S. Severa (Roma). Scavi e ricerche sul sito dell’antica Pyrgi (1957-58). NSc, 225-246. Colonna, G., 1970. Santa Severa (Roma). Scavo del santuario etrusco di Pyrgi. NSc, suppl. II, 239-249. Colonna, G. et al., 1988-89. Pyrgi, scavi nel santuario etrusco, (1969-1971). NSc 2. D’Agostino, B., 1968. Pontecagnano. Tombe orientalizzanti in contrada S. Antonio. NSc, 75-196. Donati, L., 1994. La casa dell’impluvium. Architettura etrusca a Roselle. Roma. Enei, F., 1987. Cerveteri. Recupero nell’area della città antica (= Ricognizioni archeologiche 3). Roma. Gjerstad, E., 1953. Early Rome I. Lund. Gjerstad, E., 1966. Early Rome IV. Lund. Gori, B. & T. Pierini, 2001. Gravisca. La ceramica comune. Bari. Gras, M., 2000. Gli scambi, in: M. Torelli (ed.), Gli etruschi. Milano, 97-109. Landolfi, M., 1988. I Piceni, in: Italia omnium terrarum alumna. Milano, 315-372. Lavinium, II. 1975. Le tredici are. Roma. Lollini, D., 1987. Rapporto tra area romagnola e picena, in: La Romagna fra VI e IV secolo. Bologna, 323-350. Magagnini, 1990. In: La Grande Roma dei Tarquini. Roma, 181. Maggiani, A., 1987. Pisa, Spina e un passo controverso di Scilace, in: G. Bermond Montanari, La Romagna fra VI e IV secolo nel quadro della protostoria dell’Italia centrale. Bologna, 307-319. Malnati, L., 1989. L’affermazione etrusca nel modenese e l’organizzazione del territorio, in: Modena dalle

As regards the northern Tyrrhenian area, where mortars made of i.c.s. are found, the new usage was certainly spread by southern-Etruscan merchants and travellers. A clue may be found in Juvenal (Sat. XI, 109): speaking about farrata, a dish prepared with spelt, he says it was served tusco catino, in an Etruscan platter. The dynamics of the adoption of the formal prototypes and the multifunctionality of the forms70 must have been rather complex. Studies of how this functional form spread to other areas would be extremely interesting and, once completed, would enable us to draw a comprehensive picture that would make clear dynamics that today we can only glimpse. BIBLIOGRAPHY AA VV, 1986. Il Tevere e le altre vie d’acqua nel Lazio antico. Archeologia Laziale 7(2) (= QuadAEI 12). Angelelli, C., 2001. Ceramica d’impasto chiaro sabbioso, in: Scavi del Palatino. I. L’area sud-occidentale del Palatino tra l’età protostorica e il IV secolo a.C.: scavi e materiali della struttura ipogea sotto la cella del Tempio della Vittoria. Roma, 219-241. Baroncelli, A., 1990. Mortai, in: Archeologia urbana a Fiesole. Lo scavo di via Marini – via Portigiani. Firenze, 242-243. Bartoloni, G., 1972. Le tombe da Poggio Buco nel Museo Archeologico di Firenze. Firenze. Bartoloni, G., V. Acconcia, A. Di Napoli, G. Galante, M.H. Marchetti, M. Merlo, M. Milletti, V. Nizzo, V. Paolini, A. Piergrossi, F. Pitzalis, F. Rossi, F. Sciacca, S. ten Kortenaar & I. Van Kampen, in press. I. Contesti abitativi di Veio-Piazza d’Armi a confronto: materiali da una capanna e da una casa, in: Atti del Convegno Ceramica, abitati, territorio nella bassa valle del Tevere e latium Vetus (VIII-VI secolo a.C.). Bedini, A., 1979. Abitato protostorico in località Acqua Acetosa Laurentina. Archeologia Laziale 2 (= QuadAEI 3), 21-29. Bedini, A., 1990. Laurentina Acqua Acetosa, in: La grande Roma dei Tarquini. Roma, 171- 177. Bellelli, V. & M. Botto, 2002. I bacini di tipo fenicio – cipriota: considerazioni sulla diffusione di una forma ceramica nell’Italia medio-tirrenica nel periodo compreso fra il VII e il VI sec. a.C., in: Etruria e Sardegna centro settentrionale tra età del Bronzo Finale e Arcaismo (atti del XXI convegno di Studi Etruschi e italici - Sassari, Alghero, Oristano, Torralba, 13-17 ottobre 1998). Pisa/Roma, 277-307. 68

Rossi 2001, 213-214. Zifferero, 2004. 70 The relationship between the possible Corinthian origin of the larger open bowl prototypes (Matteucci 1986, 261) and the Phoenician derivation of the smaller bowls, likewise as mortars, but specifically for grinding herbs and spices (Bellelli & Botto 2002, in particular p. 298) has yet to be clearly understood. However, it must be noted that most of the smaller bowls bear no trace of abrasion. 69

424

MANUELA MERLO: DISTRIBUTION OF IMPASTO CHIARO SABBIOSO POTTERY IN ANCIENT ITALY Origini all’anno Mille. Studi di archeologia e storia. Modena, 137-152. Mantova, 1988. Gli etruschi a nord del Po, I-II. Mantova. Matteucci, P., 1986. L’uso dei mortai in terracotta nell’alimentazione antica. SCO 36, 239-277. Michelucci, M., 1984. Kaletra, Kalusium, Heba. Indagini sugli insediamenti etruschi nella bassa valle dell’Albegna, in: Studi di antichità in onore di G. Maetzke, II. Roma, 377-392. Milanese, M., 1987. Scavi nell’oppidum preromano di Genova. Roma. Milanese, M. & T. Mannoni, 1986. Gli etruschi a Genova e il commercio mediterraneo. StEtr 52, 117-146 Molas I Font, M.D., 1982. Ceramica de impasto, in: El Santuario de Juno en Gabii. Barcelona, 301-331. Murray Threipland, L., 1963. Excavations beside the North-West gate at Veii 1957-58. Part II. The pottery. BSR 31, 33-73. Murray Threipland, L. & M. Torelli, 1970. A semisubterranean Etruscan building in the Casale Pian Roseto (Veii) area. BSR 38, 62-121. Nardi, G., 1993. Bacini e sostegni, in: Caere 3.2. Lo scarico arcaico della Vigna Parrocchiale. Roma, 367-398. Nickels, A. & G. Marchand, 1976. Recherches stratigraphiques ponctuelles à proximité des remparts antiques d’Agde. Revue Archéologique de Narbonnaise 9, 45-62. Nijboer, A.J., 1998. From household production to workshops. Archeological evidence for economic transformation, pre-monetary exchange and urbanisation from 800 to 400 BC. Groningen. Paribeni, E., S. Storti, M.A. Vaggioli, & P. Pallecchi, 1990. Bora dei Frati (Pietrasanta), in: E. Paribeni, Etruscorum ante quam ligurum. La Versilia fra VII e III sec. a.C. Pontedera, 187-260. Patitucci Uggeri, S., 1985. Classificazione preliminare della ceramica dipinta di Spina. StEtr 51, 91-139. Pensabene, P., 1985. Ottava campagna di scavo nell’area sud-ovest del Palatino. Archeologia Laziale 7(1) (= QuadAEI 11), 149-155. Perkins, P. & L. Walker, 1990. Survey of an Etruscan city at Doganella, in the Albegna valley. BSR 58, 2143. Poggesi, G., 1989. In: A. Romualdi (ed.), Il patrimonio disperso. Roma, 195, 295. Pohl, I. & M. Torelli, 1973. Veio. Scoperta di un piccolo santuario etrusco in loc. Campetti. NSc, 40-258. Romualdi, A., 1984-85. Populonia (Livorno) – Loc. “Le Grotte”. Relazione preliminare sulle campagne 19651967 e 1979 nella necropoli. NSc, 5-68. Rossi, S., 2001. I mortai in ceramica depurata e semidepurata in Veneto: tipo-cronologia e ipotesi su funzione ed uso. Padusa 37, 199-227. Serra Ridgway, F., 1970. In: G. Colonna, Santa Severa (Roma). Scavo del Santuario etrusco di Pyrgi. NSc 2, 239-249. Stefani, E., 1922. Scoperta di antichi sepolcri nel territorio del comune di Formello. NSc 215-219.

Stefani, E., 1935. Veio. Esplorazione del tumulo di Vaccareccia. NSc, 329-365. Waarsenburg, D.J., 1995. The northwest necropolis of Satricum. An iron age cemetery in Latium vetus. Amsterdam. Zifferero, A., 1980. L’abitato etrusco di Piana di Stigliano. Roma. Zifferero, A., 2004. Ceramica preromana e sistemi alimentari, in: H. Patterson (ed.), Bridging the Tiber. Approaches to regional archaeology in the Middle Tiber valley (= Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 13). London, 255-268.

425

USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE? IL CASO DEI MORTAI IN CERAMICA DI TIPO ETRUSCO PADANO IN VENETO: ANALISI TIPOCRONOLOGICA, ASPETTI TECNOLOGICI E IPOTESI SU FUNZIONE ED USO S. Rossi Abstract: One of the most ancient shapes of Etrusco-padana pottery found in the Veneto region during the middle Iron Age, is the mortar; a large rimmed bowl (25-40 cm), with straight or slightly convex basin and short ring foot, characterized by large grains – the so-called ‘grater’–- on the inside bottom and by a particular red-painted decoration on both inside and outside surfaces. The mortar was rapidly aceepted in the Etruria padana region and imitated in Veneto. Its morphological pecularities, such as the grater, make it possible to ponder on its function and use as well as on the implications for cooking habits and rituals.

PREMESSA*

nell’impasto, lavorati al tornio, caratterizzati da una dipintura a vernice rossa, a volte bruno nerastra, stesa in larghe fasce, o con motivi a tremolo o a meandro spezzato su fasce di risparmio. La ‘grattugia’ è costituita dall’inclusione nell’argilla a crudo, sul fondo interno delimitato da un solco, di grani ferrosi, quarzitici o litici, in dimensioni e percentuali variabili. Alcuni esemplari di Este e Padova, sottoposti ad analisi chimica e mineralogica, sono risultati di produzione locale e cotti prevalentemente ad una temperatura compresa tra 700 e 800°C. L’unico campione di ‘grattugia’ analizzato è risultato costituito da frammenti angolari allo stato vetroso, di dimensioni millimetriche, e da inclusi subarrotondati di opachi anche molto bollosi.1

Con il termine ‘mortaio’ si indica una coppa a larga imboccatura (25-40 cm di diametro all’orlo), priva di anse, a vasca troncoconica, rigida o leggermente convessa, generalmente poco profonda, e con basso piede ad anello, caratterizzata dall’inclusione sul fondo interno di grani estranei all’impasto, la cosiddetta ‘grattugia’, e da una particolare decorazione a vernice rossa sulla superficie interna ed esterna. Assente dal repertorio vascolare veneto fino alla fine del VI-inizio V a.C., il mortaio è tra le prime forme in ceramica di tipo etrusco padano ad essere importata in Veneto, dove viene rapidamente accolto ed assunto all’interno del panorama morfologico locale ed imitato in modo originale. La peculiare caratteristica della ‘grattugia’, evidentemente connessa ad una specifica funzione, ha consentito di evidenziarne suggestivi risvolti funzionali e rituali, ed ha assicurato a questa forma una fortuna durevole nel tempo. Già nel V secolo a.C. si riconoscono pregevoli imitazioni in impasto fine, dipinte secondo i motivi più tipici della ceramica di tipo etrusco padano, e a partire almeno dalla fine del IV a.C., viene riprodotta pressoché con le stesse caratteristiche formali in ceramica grigia (Gamba & Ruta Serafini 1984, tipo XII), per diffondersi successivamente nella varietà con alto labbro a fascia, a volte dotato di beccuccio versatoio.

Tipo I/1/A: vasca troncoconica aperta, labbro verticale, orlo arrotondato (fine VI/inizio V a.C.-III a.C.) (Fig. 2); Tipo II/1/A: vasca troncoconica aperta, labbro rientrante, orlo arrotondato (V-III a.C.) (Figg. 3-4); Tipo III/1/A: vasca troncoconica profonda, labbro rientrante, orlo arrotondato (IV-I a.C.) (Fig. 5); Tipo III/2/A: vasca troncoconica profonda, labbro verticale, orlo arrotondato (IV-III a.C.) (Fig. 6:1); Tipo III/3/A: vasca troncoconica profonda, alto labbro a fascia, orlo arrotondato (V a.C.) (Fig. 6:2).

TECNOLOGIA E MORFOLOGIA

IPOTESI SU FUNZIONE ED USO

Ad oggi in Veneto sono noti oltre settanta mortai in argilla depurata (Fig. 1), con minuti inclusi micacei o calcarei, di colore variabile dal rossiccio all’arancio rosato, al bruno rosato, a volte grigia nel nucleo per difetto di cottura o per la presenza di sostanza organica

L’abrasività connotante funzionalmente il mortaio – inteso ora nella sua accezione più ampia di utensile per sminuzzare e triturare – può essere ottenuta attraverso accorgimenti diversi: tramite l’applicazione di un’ingubbiatura ruvida (Matteucci 1985, 250), o di fitte scanalature orizzontali e parallele, riscontrate in esemplari morfologicamente e tecnologicamente analoghi a quelli in oggetto,2 o ancora sfruttando la naturale ruvidità degli impasti più grossolani,3 come anche della

I tipi, individuati su base morfologica, sono:

*

Il presente contributo rappresenta la sintesi di uno studio (Rossi 2001) cui sono stati recentemente aggiunti i dati tecnologici emersi dalle analisi chimiche e minero-petrografiche compiute dalla dott. ssa L. Maritan, Dipartimento di Mineralogia e Petrologia, Università di Padova (Maritan 2003). Mentre il presente contributo era in fase di bozze sono stati pubblicati alcuni materiali, provenienti da recenti scavi a Treviso (Treviso 2004), tra i quali compaiono anche mortai in ceramica depurata di imitazione etrusco padana. Dunque l’incidenza delle attestazioni provenienti da Treviso risulta quantitativamente più consistente di quanto indicato in Fig. 1.

1 Risultati della tesi della dott. Lara Maritan, XV ciclo di dottorato in Scienze della terra, che ringrazio vivamente per la disponibilità e per il tempo dedicatomi. 2 Mortai da Chio, in un contesto che copre un periodo tra la fine del VII e il V secolo a.C. (Anderson 1954, fig. 5/27, 28, 79, p. 173). 3 Cfr. Romagna, i cosiddetti ‘scodelloni’ in impasto, privi di grattugia, ad esempio dalla necropoli di Montericco (Imola), tav. 59/60.14, p. 113.

426

S. ROSSI: USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE?

Fig. 1. Distribuzione areale e quantitativa del mortaio in ceramica di tipo etrusco padano in Veneto. pietra o del legno.4 Il suo utilizzo comincia infatti durante quella lunga fase dell’alimentazione umana che precede la panificazione, nota come ‘età delle pappe e delle gallette’. Per soddisfare le diverse necessità di trattamento cui devono essere sottoposti i semi dei cereali per fini eduli, vengono adottati inizialmente dei mortai in pietra e in legno5 e poi anche ceramici, atti ad affiancare e completare il lavoro della macina in pietra.6 Per funzioni complementari alla macinazione, ovvero la pestatura e la decorticazione dei cereali più coriacei, come il farro, vengono utilizzati grandi mortai cilindrici o troncoconici stretti e profondi, in pietra (trapetum) o legno (pila), dalla superficie interna per sua natura scabra, con l’ausilio di lunghi pestelli (pilum), anch’essi in legno, a volte rivestiti

di ferro all’estremità.7 Tale genere di mortaio, noto in Grecia con il nome holmos, si ritrova pressoché in tutte le epoche, pur con leggere variazioni morfologiche e dimensionali, connesse alle specifiche funzioni assunte nel tempo. Dunque gli esemplari di maggiori dimensioni sono legati ad attività che presuppongono la lavorazione di una notevole quantità di prodotto, come la spremitura delle olive, la decorticazione dei cereali, fino alla preparazione di essenze profumate,8 mentre gli esemplari più piccoli vengono usati per tritare pigmenti colorati e per preparare farmaci ricavati da erbe medicamentose. Anche per i cereali presenti in Veneto durante la seconda età del ferro, orzo (Hordeum), miglio (Panicum miliaceum), avena (avena), e numerose varietà di frumento (Triticum), in primo luogo il farro (Triticum dicoccum spelta) e la zela (Triticum monococcum), dovevano esistere trattamenti diversi, spesso scanditi in fasi, cui corrispondeva forse l’utilizzo di uno strumento specifico. In Veneto, già all’inizio del V secolo a.C., compaiono i primi esemplari ceramici di coppe con grattugia, forse corrispondenti nella maggior parte dei

4 White 1975, 9-11 (per il mondo romano); Sparkes 1962, 125-126; Amyx 1958, 235-238 (per il mondo greco). 5 La pestatura eseguita in un mortaio in pietra polverizzava il chicco, mentre in un mortaio di legno il chicco veniva solo decorticato o frantumato più grossolanamente, ottenendo così diverse qualità di semola (Matteucci 1985, 241) Per esemplari greci, noti fin dal periodo elladico, e relative fonti letterarie antiche si veda: Amyx 1958. Simili esemplari, risalenti al 2000-1780 a.C. ca., sono raffigurati in una pittura tombale egizia (Amyx 1958, 237). 6 Particolarmente adatta allo scopo risulta la trachite euganea; per la diffusione dal Veneto all’Etruria padana di macine in trachite eugenea, in un’età generalmente compresa tra il VII e il V secolo a.C., si veda: Cattani, Lazzarini & Falcone 1995, 105 ss.

7 Matteucci 1985, 240-241 utili in particolare per il farro e la zela; in generale 248-250. 8 Settefinestre, p. 24: si rimanda a scene di lavorazione di olio e profumo nella Casa dei Vettii e nella Casa di Trittolemo a Pompei.

427

Fig. 2. Mortai tipo I/1/A.

Fig. 3. Mortai tipo II/1/A.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

428

Fig. 4. Mortai tipo II/1/A.

Fig. 5. Mortai tipo III/1/A.

S. ROSSI: USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE?

429

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. N.1 mortaio tipo III/2/A; n.2 mortaio tipo III/3/A.

Fig. 7. Nn.1-2 unica; nn.3-6 frammenti di fondo e piede. figurata di provenienza beota, con una donna che lavora entro una sorta di mortaio dotato di tre piedi10 (Fig. 8), e quanto si evince anche dai confronti morfologici, tali mortai sembrano accostabili ai bacini tripodi di origine siriana e fenicia, ben attestati tra Etruria meridionale e Latium Vetus, derivanti probabilmente da una matrice comune costituita dai mortai in pietra orientali.11 Al

casi al mortarium latino ed al greco thyeia o igdis, utilizzati con l’ausilio di macinelli (pistillum e doidyx o aletribanos) che erano simili a rocchetti ad estremità espanse e convesse o genericamente definite a forma di presa.9 Considerando la testimonianza di una terracotta

9

Cfr. Vitali 1987, 323, nota 11. Per il macinello definito a forma di presa (fig. 8.1), si veda De Nino 1890, 129, citato da Matteucci 1985, 252. In Veneto sono stati rinvenuti pestelli simili a rocchetti (fig. 8.2), in calcare ammonitico rosso, in calcare grigio giurassico e in calcare bianco, a Trissino (Vi), in un contesto di abitato dal quale proviene

anche il frammento di mortaio presentato in fig. 2.8 (Ruta Serafini, Valle & Pirazzini 1999). 10 Sparkes & Talcott 1977, fig. n. 34. 11 Principi etruschi, p. 216, n° 242; Bellelli & Botto 2001.

430

S. ROSSI: USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE?

Fig. 9. Terracotta figurata di origine beota (Sparkes 1962, pl.VIII, 3). grattugia rettangolare, entro un mortaio posto ai suoi piedi, dotato di un grosso pestello con cui poi impasterà il contenuto (Fig. 9).14 Tornando agli esemplari veneti di mortai in depurata, la particolarità del labbro, prevalentemente rientrante o verticale, corrisponde probabilmente alla necessità di prevenire la fuoriuscita del contenuto, mentre la profilatura sporgente all’esterno, presso l’attacco con la vasca, lascia pensare che possa trattarsi di un espediente per una modalità di sostegno alternativa ad un piede funzionalmente troppo piccolo (il diametro del piede è circa un terzo di quello dell’orlo), che quindi non garantisce stabilità durante la lavorazione. La profilatura esterna, sempre presente nei tipi più antichi, rappresenterebbe cioè una facile presa per la mano che non lavora, come descritto nel Moretum,15 o una possibilità di agganciare il mortaio ad un sostegno, qualora entrambe le mani fossero impegnate. Questa seconda ipotesi sembra suffragata sia da una scena dell’affresco della tomba Golini I di Orvieto nella quale un servo, impugnando due macinelli, è impegnato a triturare qualcosa entro un ampio mortaio con beccuccio sostenuto da un treppiede16 (Fig. 10), sia da una composizione plastica formante un thymiaterion dalla necropoli della Peschiera presso Todi, in cui un satiro con un macinello in ciascuna mano, con movimento rotatorio trita ed impasta entro un mortaio posto su un treppiede.17 Anche se i mortai veneti sembrano mediamente più

Fig. 8. Terracotta figurata di origine beota (Sparkes & Talcott 1977, fig. n. 34). mortaio in ceramica, generalmente dotato di una vasca poco profonda e di capacità assai limitata rispetto a quello in legno o pietra, dovevano essere legate pratiche alimentari mirate al consumo quotidiano del nucleo familiare. In questa fase dell’alimentazione infatti era prevista una dieta basata principalmente su cereali e legumi, sotto forma di pappe e focacce, realizzate attraverso vari procedimenti che implicavano l’uso del mortaio, come il lavaggio, la macerazione12 e l’impasto di cereali, ma anche la mantecazione del formaggio, che a volte era parte integrante dell’impasto.13 A questo proposito è utile portare la testimonianza di un’altra terracotta di origine beota degli inizi del V secolo a.C., che rappresenta una donna seduta su uno sgabello intenta a triturare del formaggio, con l’ausilio di una rudimentale 12 La macerazione era la fase preparatoria alla macinazione o anche una tecnica complementare alla pestatura in molte preparazioni (Matteucci 1985, 244). 13 Per quanto riguarda l’uso del mortaio per i latticini, è stato notato (De Waele 1933, 447) che la superficie ruvida internamente poteva accelerare la coagulazione del latte ed aiutarne il trattenimento del caglio quando il siero del latte veniva versato via (Athenian Agorà XII, part 1, 222, nota 5), secondo un procedimento noto fino all’epoca moderna in Svizzera (Edwards 1975, 110; Gamba 1981, 58). Una prova a favore di questa ipotesi sarebbe la conservazione quasi perfetta della superficie interna degli esemplari osservati da Edwards 1975, 110, comune anche agli esemplari veneti in oggetto di studio, superficie che porterebbe i segni dell’usura, se fosse stata utilizzata per pestare e triturare.

14

Sparkes 1962, pl. VIII, 3, e p. 125. Moretum, vv. 93-102; vi si dice che il mortaio viene stretto con la mano sinistra e fissato sotto l’inguine rivestito di pelle mentre la destra pesta e mescola tra loro gli ingredienti. 16 Cfr. Gamba 1981, 58; Etruschi, 254. 17 Barnabei 1886, 358, dalla necropoli della Peschiera, presso Todi, ora conservato al Museo di Villa Giulia (cfr. Matteucci 1985, 252). 15

431

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI (Nat.Hist. XVIII, 19) parla della puls o farrata, una sorta di polenta di farro, come del primo cibo degli abitanti del Lazio, un piatto che doveva essere ben conosciuto anche in Etruria perché, a detta di Marziale (XIII, 8), la farrata più famosa era proprio quella prodotta a Chiusi; Giovenale cita un Tuscus catinus entro il quale essa veniva posta (Satira XI, 108: “…ponebant igitur Tusco farrata catino…”), lasciando la suggestione che si possa trattare proprio del mortaio. Anche Catone tramanda numerose ricette a base di cereali, per la cui preparazione era indispensabile un mortaio, focacce come la placenta, a base di farro macerato in acqua e lavorato assieme al formaggio, e il cosiddetto pane depsticio, o pappe come l’amylum, che per la particolare morbidezza e digeribilità era prescritto ai malati, e la granea, che andava servita con il latte.19 Tra le ipotesi sulla diffusione del mortaio in Veneto, si potrebbe quindi considerare l’idea che lo strumento fosse legato ad una particolare ricetta o pratica alimentare che ne presupponesse l’uso. E’ possibile che gli impasti cremosi venissero realizzati in mortai ceramici e che con essi venissero magari presentati in tavola, giustificando così anche la raffinatezza dell’esecuzione e della decorazione presenti fin dai più antichi esemplari veneti ed etrusco padani di questa produzione. Era forse più comune per i mortai in esame un utilizzo limitato alla lavorazione e all’addensamento di impasti cremosi, senza prevedere il versamento di liquidi, che avrebbe reso necessaria la presenza di un beccuccio. In Veneto l’unico esemplare di mortaio dotato di beccuccio, peraltro di fattura non accurata e non decorato, è miniaturistico e proviene da una stipe patavina a carattere domesticofamiliare, il cui contesto stratigrafico è purtroppo poco chiaro (Ruta Serafini 1981). Si affaccia dunque l’ipotesi che tra mortai con e senza beccuccio vi sia, almeno inizialmente, una distinzione funzionale e che per il lavoro più grossolano di pestatura e macerazione venissero utilizzati mortai più grezzi e robusti, dotati appunto di beccuccio, mentre per impastare, far addensare ed eventualmente presentare in tavola il cibo, fossero preferiti mortai più raffinati e leggeri, accurati anche dal punto di vista decorativo. In quest’ottica è interessante notare che a Padova il già citato mortaio miniaturistico dotato di beccuccio, era associato ad una macina in trachite all’interno di una delle due stipi dall’area ex Pilsen. Tale associazione riassumerebbe in se’ la prima fase della lavorazione dei cereali, quando il chicco viene macerato, pestato e macinato, mentre, nella più ricca stipe contestualmente vicina alla precedente, un mortaio miniaturistico di pregevole fattura, privo di beccuccio, era deposto in associazione con oggetti legati direttamente al banchetto (situline, alari, spiedo, paletta, pinzette/molle dal focolare, colatoio e attingitoio), testimoniando la fase successiva di trasformazione in cibo del cereale sgrossato, un prodotto forse da consumare solo in determinate occasioni.

Fig. 10. Particolare della decorazione pittorica della tomba Golini I (Orvieto) da Etruschi, p. 254. piccoli di quello raffigurato ad Orvieto e se non sono mai stati riconosciuti macinelli in diretta associazione con mortai in ceramica (forse perché in materiale deperibile o forse perché troppo simili a dei rocchetti, o semplicemente perché non ne era qui previsto l’uso), ciò non esclude comunque la possibilità che l’attività connessa al mortaio, con o senza macinelli, si svolgesse secondo analoghe modalità. Un riferimento, seppur prudente, va a quegli autori latini che nel tramandare le tradizioni agricole ed alimentari più remote, fanno riferimento al mortaio, utensile che ad esempio nell’Aulularia di Plauto (vv. 95 ss.) viene nominato tra gli oggetti di uso più comune in cucina, accanto a coltello, scure, pestello e recipienti vari. Particolare interesse va rivolto quindi a Varrone, Plinio e Columella i quali fanno frequente rimando al trattato agronomico dei Saserna, padre e figlio (II-I a.C.), discendenti da una famiglia di antichi coloni etruschi del piacentino.18 Tra le pappe e le focacce che più o meno esplicitamente richiedono l’uso del mortaio, Plinio 18

19 Per le citazioni da Catone si vedano nell’ordine: CATO, De agri, LXXVI; LXXIV; LXXVII; LXXXVI.

Frammenti di scrittori latini di agronomia in Speranza 1974.

432

S. ROSSI: USO ALIMENTARE O RITUALITÀ ALIMENTARE? Seguendo questa linea interpretativa, si potrebbe anche riconsiderare il valore del pane-focaccia all’interno dell’ideologia del banchetto, oltre al vino ed alla carne, suggellandone il ruolo di elemento distintivo dell’alimentazione. A questo proposito vale la pena considerare che già nei commediografi greci di V secolo a.C. è documentata una particolare modalità di cottura per quei tipi di pane che non contenevano lievito, ovvero focacce schiacciate, consistente nel collocare su di un braciere la massa dell’impasto (obelias) infilzata in uno spiedo (obelos).20 In quest’ottica si può ipotizzare che i piccoli dischi in lamina bronzea, trovati in numerosi contesti votivi patavini a partire dalla fine del V secolo a.C., anche in associazione con spiedi, alari e paletta, siano da riferire a rappresentazioni schematiche e simboliche delle focacce. La presenza del mortaio nella sfera del ‘sacrum’, testimoniata dai due casi veneti sopra citati,21 come anche da numerosi esempi in ambito etrusco, magnogreco e greco,22 legati sempre al culto di divinità che propiziano salute e fertilità, ne manifesta una particolare valenza ideologica, che richiama nel rito un aspetto specifico dell’uso dei cereali. Nelle fonti latine sono infatti presenti esempi di focacce sacre, come il libum e la mola salsa, legate ad espressioni rituali del ciclo agrario visto come ciclo di vita e di morte, connessione che in Grecia trova fondamento ed espressione nel mito.23

ceramica nell’Italia medio-tirrenica nel periodo compreso fra il VII e il VI secolo a.C., in: Etruria e Sardegna centro settentrionale tra età del Bronzo finale e l’arcaismo. Atti del Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici. Sassari-Alghero-Oristano-Torralba 13-17 ottobre 1998. 277-307. Cattani, M., L. Lazzarini & R. Falcone, 1997. Macine protostoriche dall’Emilia e dal Veneto: note archeologiche, caratterizzazione chimico-petrografica e determinazione della provenienza. Padusa 31, 105137. De Nino, A., 1890. Prezza in: NSc, 129. De Waele, F.G., 1933. The sanctuary of Asklepios and Hygeia at Corinth. AJA 37, 447 ss. Edwards, G.R., 1975. Archaic corinthian pottery and the anaploga well, in: G.R. Edwards, Corinth 7, part III. Princeton, N.J. Etruschi: Torelli M. (ed.), Gli Etruschi, Catalogo della Mostra. Venezia 2000. Gamba, M., 1981. Ceramica paleoveneta decorata a vernice rossa proveniente dallo scavo dell’area ex Pilsen a Padova. Archeologia Veneta 4, 49-72. Gamba, M. & A. Ruta Serafini, 1984. La ceramica grigia dallo scavo dell’area ex Pilsen a Padova. Archeologia Veneta 7, 7-80. Garcia Soler, M.J., 1995. I cereali e il pane tra gli antichi Greci, in: Nel nome del pane, Homo edens IV. s.l., s.d. Maioli, M.G. & A. Mastrocinque, 1992. La stipe di Villa di Villa e i culti degli antichi Veneti, Corpus delle stipi votive in Italia – VI, Regio X, 1. Maritan, L., 2003. Archaeometric study of etruscopadana type pottery from Venetian region: petrographic, chemical-physical analysis and comparison with results of experimental firing of clay materials. Plinius 29, 53-59. Matteucci, P., 1985. L’uso dei mortai di terracotta nell’alimentazione antica. Studi Classici e Orientali 35, 239-277. Principi etruschi: Principi etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa, Catalogo della Mostra. Venezia 2000. Prosdocimi, A., 1991. Mola salsa le giovani spighe in fiore. Archeologia classica 43, 1297-1315. Prosdocimi, A., 1995. Sul nome de pane, della cena e di Cerere in latino; e su altro ancora, in: Nel nome del pane, Homo edens IV, s.l., s.d., 37-69. Romagna: P. Von Eles Masi (ed.), La Romagna tra VI e IV sec. a.C., Catalogo della Mostra. Imola, 1981. Rossi, S., 2001. I mortai in ceramica depurata e semidepurata in Veneto: tipo-cronologia e ipotesi su funzione ed uso. Padusa 37 (ns), 199-227. Ruta Serafini, A., 1981. Deposito rituale dallo scavo dell’area ex Pilsen a Padova. Archeologia Veneta 4, 29-47. Ruta Serafini, A., Valle & C. Pirazzini, 1999. Nuovi dati dallo scavo dell’abitato d’altura di Trissino, in: Quaderni del Parco delle incisioni rupestri, 3, Atti del Convegno Archeologico Provinciale, Grosso 20 e 21 ottobre 1995. Sondrio, 127-150.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Amyx, D.A., 1958. Mortars, troughs, tubs, and related objects, in: M.C. Heath, Early Helladic clay sealings from the tile at Lerna. Hesperia 27, 233-249. Anderson, J.K., 1954. Excavations on Kofinà Ridge, Chios. BSA 49. Athenian Agorà XII. Black and plain pottery of the 6th, 5th ad 4th centuries BC, in: B.A. Sparkes & L. Talcott, Athenian Agorà 12 (1-2). Princeton, N.J., 1962. Barnabei, F., 1886. Todi. Di una ricca tomba della necropoli tuderte, scoperte nel predio la Peschiera. NSc, 357-361. Bellelli, V. & M. Botto, 2001. I bacini di tipo feniciocipriota: considerazioni sulla diffusione di una forma 20

Cfr. Garcia Soler 1995, 387. In Veneto sono questi gli unici due casi riconosciuti di mortaio in depurata da contesto votivo-rituale, ma l’utensile compare nello stesso contesto anche in altre classi ceramiche: ad esempio nella stipe di Villa di Villa è stato trovato un frammento di fondo e piede di mortaio in grigia, con iscrizione venetica (Maioli & Mastrocinque 1992, fig. 13G17); a Este-Meggiaro. 22 Per l’ambito etrusco Matteucci 1985, ricorda i mortai rinvenuti presso i due santuari di Pyrgi, dedicati a Tinia, Uni e Thesan; per l’ambito magnogreco il tempio di Zeus ad Agrigento e per l’ambito greco l’Asklepieion, il santuario di Demetra e Kore a Corinto, ed il tempio di Apollo a Didyma. 23 Per il riferimento al libum: VARR, VII, 44; CATO, De agri, LXXV. Per il riferimento alla mola salsa, detta anche mola casta, far pium o far tostum, cfr. Prosdocimi 1991, 1297. Si vedano anche: Prosdocimi (1995); Torelli (1995). Il raccolto viene inteso come sacrificio del cereale, in vista di una sua rigenerazione (Prosdocimi 1991, 1303 e 1308). 21

433

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Settefinestre: A. Ricci (ed.), Settefinestre. Una villa schiavistica nell’Etruria romana. La villa e i suoi reperti. Modena 1985. Sparkes, B.A., 1962. The Greek kitchen. JHS 82, 121137. Sparkes, B.A. & L. Talcott, 1977. Pots and pans of classical Athens (American School of Classical Studies at Athens). Princeton, N.J. Speranza, F., 1974. Scriptorum Romanorum de re rustica reliquiae, v. I. Roma. Treviso: E. Bianchin (ed.), Alle origini di Treviso. Dal villaggio all’abitato dei Veneti antichi. Catalogo della Mostra. Treviso, 2004. Torelli, M., 1995. Il pane di Roma arcaica. Calendario, riti strutture, in: Nel nome del pane, Homo edens IV, s.l., s.d., 147-168. Vitali, D., 1987. Monte Bibele tra Etruschi e Celti: dati archeologici e interpretazione storica, in: Celti ed Etruschi nell’Italia centro-settentrionale dal V secolo a.C. alla romanizzazione, Atti del Colloquio Internazionale, Bologna 12-14 aprile 1985. Bologna, 309-380. White, K.D., 1975. Farm equipment of the Roman world. Cambridge. Fonti letterarie CATO, De agri

COLUM.

IUV. MAR.

Moretum

PLIN, Nat.Hist.

M.Porcius Cato, De agri cultura liber, post Henricum Keil iterum edidit Georgius Goetz. Lipsiae 1922. L. Iunius Moderatus Columella, Liber de arboribus qui vocatur seu minoris de re rustica operis, recensuit Vilelmus Lundstrom. Upsaliae 1897. D. Iunius Iuvenalis, Saturae sedecim, edidit Iacobus Willis. Lipsiae 1997. M. Valerius Martialis, Epigrammata, post W. Hereum edidit D.R. Shackelton Bailey. Lipsiae 1990. Appendix vergiliana sive carmina minora Vergilio adtribuita, recognovit et adnotatione critica instruxit R. Ellis. Oxford 1957. C. Plinius Secundus, Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII, post Ludovici Iani obitum recognovit et scriptirae discrepantia adiecta edidit Carolus Mayhoff, vol.III, libri XVI-XXII. Lipsiae 1892.

434

CHRONOLOGY

435

436

DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: 1 SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA Nicoletta Martinelli Abstract: The paper examines the present situation and the future of tree-ring research in Italy with respect to the field of archaeology. The chronological range of the dendrochronological studies in Italian archaeology is quite large, from the end of the 6th millennium BC to the 14th century AD. Two periods are discussed especially: the Bronze Age and the early Middle Ages. The main results are obtained from pile-dwelling settlements of the Early and Middle Bronze Age in Northern Italy. In addition some unpublished dates from two underwater sites along the shores of Lake Garda and for the wetland settlements of Dossetto di Nogara and Tombola di Cerea, in the Valli Veronesi plain, will be presented. The author mentions among the challenges for Italian dendrochronology of the 21st century, the establishment of multi-millennial standard curves and the development of non-destructive methods for sampling.

PREMESSA

palafitte neolitiche de ‘La Marmotta’ sul lago di Bracciano (RM) e del Palù di Livenza (PN), sugli insediamenti dell’età del Bronzo di Canàr di San Pietro Polesine (RO), del Frassino I sul laghetto del Frassino (VR) e del Sabbione sul lago di Monate (VA).5 Di grande interesse si sono rivelate anche le indagini condotte su imbarcazioni monoxile facendo impiego di metodologie di campionamento non distruttive; ricordiamo gli studi sulle piroghe rinvenute nel fiume Oglio e nell’area endolagunare di Lova (VE) e la datazione assoluta ottenuta per una delle due piroghe recuperate dal Bacchiglione a Tencarola presso Padova.6

Sin dai suoi primi esordi la dendrocronologia si è dedicata alle applicazioni in campo archeologico, con risultati di grande interesse. Così è successo negli Stati Uniti, dove sin dal secondo decennio del secolo scorso la neonata disciplina è stata impiegata dal suo ‘fondatore’ A.E. Douglass come metodo di datazione nello studio dei villaggi Pueblos degli Indiani d’America nelle regioni sud-occidentali; così è successo in Europa, più precisamente in Germania, dove il pioniere della dendrocronologia europea, B. Huber dai primi anni ‘40 del Novecento iniziò ad occuparsi di reperti lignei provenienti da palafitte preistoriche tedesche e svizzere.2 Anche i dendrocronologi italiani, primo fra tutti E. Corona con il suo studio su Fimon-Molino Casarotto (VI), si sono presto rivolti alle analisi archeodendrologiche.3 E’ solo con la fondazione dell’Istituto Italiano di Dendrocronologia nel 1983 che tali studi acquisiscono un carattere di sistematicità, attraverso la programmazione e l’esecuzione di una serie di indagini su insediamenti palafitticoli dell’età del Bronzo nell’Italia settentrionale. Tra i siti oggetto di queste prime ricerche ricordiamo Bande di Cavriana (MN), Canale Anfora di Aquileia (UD), Lucone di Polpenazze (BS), Cisano (VR) e Porpetto (UD).4

SITUAZIONE DELLE RICERCHE In Italia, analogamente a quanto avviene in altri paesi dell’Europa occidentale, l’arco cronologico di interesse per gli studi dendrocronologici applicati all’archeologia è piuttosto vasto e va, senza soluzione di continuità, dalla fine del VI millennio a.C. al XVI-XVII secolo d.C. Vi sono, tuttavia, due ambiti privilegiati di ricerca: il primo è rappresentato dall’età del Bronzo (fine del III-II millennio a.C.), il secondo dall’Alto Medioevo (II metà del I millennio d.C.). Ciò è chiaramente documentato dalle informazioni riassunte in Figura 1, dove si sono voluti raccogliere i dati relativi al numero dei campioni analizzati nei diversi ambiti cronologici, per una più accurata e obiettiva stima dell’incidenza della ricerca dendrocronologica nei diversi ambiti cronologici. Per facilitare il confronto fra i dati e per criterio di omogeneità le informazioni non sono state riferite a periodi storici o a fasi, ma a intervalli temporali di 1000 anni (per il periodo 6500-2500 BC) e di 500 anni (per il periodo 2500 BC-1500 AD).7

Grazie all’opera di divulgazione della disciplina e all’interesse suscitato dalla pubblicazione dei risultati è andato costantemente aumentando il numero degli archeologi che si è rivolto alla dendrocronologia sia come tecnica di datazione assoluta, sia come metodo per lo studio e l’interpretazione delle strutture lignee, con un conseguente incremento della produzione scientifica. Tra i principali lavori editi ricordiamo le indagini sulle

Dall’osservazione del grafico si evince che i due 1

Tutte le ricerche inedite illustrate nel presente lavoro sono state condotte dall’autore presso il Laboratorio della Dendrodata s.a.s. di Verona. L’elaborazione della nuova cronologia Garda 1 e della cronologia Veneto 1 sono state portate a termine presso la DENDRODATA s.a.s. grazie al contributo Murst di cui all’art. 3 del DM 18.05.2000 n. 317. 2 Liese 1978; Robinson 1976. 3 Corona, D’Alessandro & Follieri 1974. 4 Bebber et alii 1983; Martinelli 1985-88 e 1989, Martinelli & Tinazzi 1990; Pignatelli & Preto 1984; Rottoli & Martinelli 1994.

5 Corti et alii 2002; Martinelli 1993 e 2003; Martinelli & Kromer 1999; Martinelli, Pappafava & Tinazzi 1998; Vitri, Martinelli & Čufar 2003. 6 Martinelli 1995 e 2002; Martinelli & Pignatelli 1999; Martinelli & Kromer 2002. 7 I dati riportati nella Tabella 1 sono stati desunti sia dall’edito, sia dalle ricerche tuttora inedite curate dalla scrivente negli ultimi vent’anni, dapprima per il Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona, poi per l’Istituto Italiano di Dendrocronologia, infine per il Laboratorio di Dendrocronologia della DENDRODATA s.a.s. di Verona.

437

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Specie legnose

Regioni o stazioni

Lunghezza anni AD

Autori

Abete bianco

Bosco Martense

1654-1980

Braeker & Schweingruber

Abete rosso

Alpi orientali Edifici Storici del Veneto Paneveggio Veneto settentrionale Fodara Vedla

1362-1988 1140-1384 1661-1996 1655-1988 1598-1990

Bebber e coll. Martinelli, Pignatelli, inediti Motta e coll. Pernigo e coll. Huesken & Schirmer

Faggio

Valle Cervara

1577-2001

Piovesan e coll.

Larice

Musella Croda da Lago Fodara Vedla Alpi orientali Alpi Italo-Slovene Val Malenco Paneveggio Val Ventina Val Venegia Veneto settentrionale

1563-1992 1516-1994 1520-1990 781-1988 756-1997 1007-1994 1681-1997 1229-1994 1586-1992 1683-1988

Nola Carrer & Urbinati Huesken & Schirmer Bebber Levancic, Pignatelli & Cufar Nola & Motta Motta e coll. Strumia & Cherubini Strumia & Cherubini Pernigo e coll.

Pino Cembro

Alpi occidentali - Alevé Alpi occidentali - Gimont Alpi occidentali - Chuassettaz Croda da Lago Dolomiti orientali Fodara Vedla

1453-1994 1472-1994 1478-1994 1409-1994 1384-1996 1474-1990

Motta & Nola Motta & Nola Motta & Nola Carrer & Urbinati Urbinati e coll. Huesken & Schirmer

Pino loricato

Monte Pollino Monte Pollino Monte Pollino

1148-1974 1441-1980 1036-1988

Serre-Bachet Braeker & Schweingruber Biondi & Visani

Tabella 1. Le curve standard elaborate per il territorio italiano. di Aquileia (UD) e negli scavi di Largo Europa a Padova8, le fondazioni lignee della porta dell’area Nord di Altino (VE), le palificazioni del ponte sulla Dora Baltea ad Ivrea e del ponte della via Annia nella tenuta di Ca’ Tron (TV), il carico di legno di bosso rinvenuto sulla nave Fortuna Maris di Comacchio (RA);9 per il medioevo ricordiamo le strutture di Ferrara-Porta Reno e le case di legno di Fidenza-via Bacchini (PR).10

principali ambiti cronologici interessati dalle indagini (il II millennio BC e il I millennio AD, o, più in dettaglio, la prima metà del II millennio BC e la seconda metà del I millennio AD) sono caratterizzati non solo dal più alto numero di siti indagati, ma anche da un numero di campioni analizzati decisamente maggiore. Ciò è dovuto principalmente alle modalità insediative adottate nei due diversi periodi e alla conseguente disponibilità di grandi quantità di reperti lignei per le analisi. Se, infatti, è senza dubbio vero che lo sviluppo delle ricerche ha risentito del rapporto privilegiato instauratosi in Italia, come nel resto d’Europa, tra dendrocronologia e archeologia delle acque, in particolar modo con l’archeologia delle palafitte, si deve però notare come negli ultimi anni sia divenuto frequente l’intervento del dendrocronologo (o meglio dell’archeodendrologo) in contesti di scavo di età romana o medioevale. Tra i siti archeologici di maggiore interesse oggetto di intervento citiamo per l’età romana le palificazioni rinvenute negli scavi dell’Essiccatoio Nord

8 In entrambi i casi sono state indagate anche strutture dell’età del Ferro, tuttora non datate (Martinelli, dati inediti). 9 Kuniholm et alii 1995; Martinelli 2004; Martinelli & Dolci 1993; per Altino, Aquileia e Ivrea (Martinelli & Pignatelli, dati inediti). 10 Martinelli & Pignatelli, 2003; per Ferrara-Porta Reno (Martinelli & Pignatelli, inediti).

438

NICOLETTA MARTINELLI: DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA DENDROCRONOLOGIA E RADIOCARBONIO: IL WIGGLE-MATCHING

L’elaborazione di tali cronologie ha consentito non solo di ottenere datazioni di alta precisione per i siti di provenienza dei campioni, ma anche di disporre di due validi strumenti per la datazione assoluta di campioni di altre provenienze, relativi ai medesimi ambiti cronologici. Non si deve poi dimenticare che la dendrocronologia consente comunque di raggiungere una precisione annuale nella datazione, anche se solo su scala relativa. Pertanto le indagini su temi di ricerca quali la ricostruzione planimetrica delle strutture lignee, lo sviluppo urbanistico dei villaggi, le relazioni fra siti, sono comunque possibili anche in assenza di vere e proprie calendar dates. Pertanto si deve evidenziare il fatto che le datazioni riportate nelle Tabelle 4 e 5, poichè riferibili alle medesime cronologie Garda 1 e Veneto 1, mantengono la precisione annuale in cronologia relativa. Per il medesimo motivo anche i risultati recentemente ottenuti da P.I. Kuniholm e coll. della Cornell University di Ithaca, N.Y. (U.S.A.) per l’insediamento del Lavagnone (BS) sono stati inseriti in tabella modificati, dopo avere effettuato la sincronizzazione dei dati con la cronologia Garda 1,15 e non così come pubblicati dagli autori, che hanno ottenuto la datazione assoluta della serie con una procedura indipendente di wigglematching.16

La dendrocronologia italiana, nonostante gli oltre trent’anni di ricerche alle spalle e le migliaia di campioni analizzati, deve ancora fare i conti con l’assenza di curve standard plurimillenarie, circostanza che implica il ricorso alle analisi radiometriche col 14C per la datazione assoluta delle sequenze elaborate per i periodi più antichi. L’esame dell’elenco delle cronologie disponibili per l’Italia (Tabella 1) chiarisce il motivo della concentrazione delle datazioni dendrocronologiche sinora ottenute su campioni di conifera nell’ambito archeologico dei secoli XIII-XIV d.C. Risultati di precisione annuale (calendar dates) sono stati ottenuti, ad esempio, nella città di Venezia, nella datazione delle strutture spondali rinvenute nei pressi della chiesa di S. Alvise, nella datazione delle fondazioni della casa mercantile che occupava l’area dell’attuale Teatro Malibran, delle strutture arginali individuate nell’area archeologica dell’isola di San Marco in Boccalama e a Padova, sulle tavole rinvenute negli scavi di San Canziano.11 Una datazione assoluta è stata proposta da Kuniholm per alcuni campioni di Abies da Ercolano (NA), grazie alla teleconnessione con un’inedita cronologia alpina.12

NUOVI DATI SULL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Al di fuori degli ambiti cronologici coperti dalle curve standard italiane, l’applicazione della tecnica del wigglematching, che combina i dati dendrocronologici con i dati radiometrici, ha consentito in numerosi casi di ottenere attribuzioni cronologiche di alta precisione con un errore nella datazione delle sequenze dendrocronologiche che oscilla fra ±10 anni e ±30 anni (1σ), dopo la calibrazione.13

I dati brevemente illustrati nelle Tabelle 2 e 3, alcuni dei quali finora inediti, offrono alcuni interessanti spunti di riflessione sulle dinamiche e le modalità del popolamento nel corso dell’età del Bronzo, rendendo nel contempo evidente la necessità di un ulteriore ampliamento delle indagini. Tali risultati sembrano confermare una datazione intorno alla metà del 21° secolo cal BC delle più antiche fasi insediative documentate nelle palafitte dell’area gardesana nell’ambito dell’antica età del Bronzo, ma alcune nuove datazioni, se pure sporadiche, sembrano smentire l’ipotesi precedentemente avanzata di una precoce frequentazione della zona dell’anfiteatro morenico.17

I principali risultati ottenuti in ambito archeologico sono illustrati nelle Tabelle 2, 3 e 4 in cui sono indicate le fasi di abbattimento individuate in ciascuno dei siti indagati. Ogni datazione deve essere intesa accompagnata dall’errore indicato nell’apposita colonna in tabella. Nell’insieme dei risultati pertinenti a insediamenti e a singole sequenze si distinguono, per la loro importanza, due cronologie regionali, ottenute dall’elaborazione di serie relative a più siti; si tratta della cronologia Garda 1, relativa alle palafitte dell’antica età del Bronzo dell’area benacense e della cronologia Veneto 1, relativa alle strutture altomedioevali della laguna di Venezia e del Veneto orientale.14

Nel corso dei lavori di mappatura e di rilievo subacqueo, coordinati dall’ufficio NAUSICAA della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto (direzione di L. Fozzati), condotti nella palafitta del Belvedere (Peschiera del Garda-VR)18 e in una nuova palificazione sommersa individuata nelle acque della sponda veronese del lago in località Ronchi (Castelnuovo del Garda-VR), sono stati prelevati alcuni campioni sottoposti ad indagine 15 La discrepanza di 20 anni evidenziatasi nella datazione fra le due curve rientra nel margine di errore indicato per entrambe (pari a ±10 anni con 1σ) e rappresenta una conferma indiretta della bontà del metodo. 16 Griggs, Kuniholm & Newton 2001; Rapi 2002. 17 Fasani & Martinelli 1996. 18 Lavoro condotto nell’ambito delle attivitá della scuda di archeologia subacqueo UNIO.

11

Martinelli & Pignatelli, dati inediti. Kuniholm 2002. Nelle applicazioni del wiggle-matching per i diversi siti italiani le analisi radiometriche col 14C e l’elaborazione dei dati sono stati curati da B. Kromer del Laboratorio per il 14C dell’Università di Heidelberg (Institut für Umweltphysik). 14 Martinelli 1996; Martinelli & Kromer 2002. 12 13

439

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

PROVINCIA

SITO/SEQUENZA

BIBLIOGRAFIA

ANNO INIZIO

ANNO FINE

COMP. MAX.

DATAZIONE ABBATTIMENTI ± 10 anni cal BC

Brescia

Lavagnone

Griggs et alii 2001

- 2233

- 1937

46

Brescia

Lavagnone

Martinelli 1996

- 2171

- 2022

13

Brescia

- 2166

- 1987

17

Mantova

Lucone di Martinelli 1996 Polpenazze Bande di Cavriana Martinelli 1996

- 2171

- 1961

86

Mantova

Barche di Solferino

Martinelli 1996

- 2158

- 1837

20

Verona

Belvedere

Martinelli q.s.

- 2139

- 2041

2

Verona

Ronchi del Garda

Martinelli q.s.

- 2176

- 2069

4

Verona

Lazise-La Quercia I

Martinelli 1996

- 2061

- 1847

26

Verona

Cisano-Porto

Martinelli 1996

- 2001

- 1881

36

Verona

Ca’ Nova di Cavaion Martinelli 1996

- 2132

- 1967

9

Verona

Dossetto di Nogara

- 2128

- 1928

17

- 2068 W - 2028 W - 2014 W - 2004 W - 1977 S - 1946 S - 1936 S - 2028 S - 2018 S - 2010 S - 2033 S - 1985 S - 2005 W - 2000/1998 W - 1980 W - 1974 W - 1970 W - 1959 W - 2039 S - 2004 W - 1987 S - 1837 S - 2084 ∅ - 2030 ∅ - 2085 ∅ - 2069 S - 1939 S - 1932 S - 1918 S - 1852 S - 1844 S - 1913 W - 1900 W - 1887 W - 1879 S - 2010 S - 1962 S - 1974 ∅ - 1928 S

Martinelli q.s.

Tabella 2. Datazioni dendrocronologiche disponibili per l’antica età del Bronzo dalla cronologia della quercia Garda 1. Con il simbolo (W) viene indicata la presenza dell’anello cambiale (Waldkante); con il simbolo (S) la presenza dell’alburno; con il simbolo (Ø) la presenza del solo durame.

440

NICOLETTA MARTINELLI: DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA PROVINCIA

SITO/SEQUENZA

BIBLIOGRAFIA

ANNO INIZIO

ANNO FINE

ERROR COMP. E1σ MAX.

DATAZIONE ABBATTIMEN TI cal BC

Varese

Il Sabbione

Martinelli 2003

- 1680

- 1563

± 30

44

Trento

Fiavè – zona 4

Martinelli 1996

- 2066

- 1823

± 25

1

- 1632 W - 1600/1599 W - 1591 W - 1583 W - 1563 W - 1823 ∅

Parma

Castellaro del Vhò

Martinelli 2001

- 1660

- 1577

± 20

1

- 1577 S

Verona

Frassino I

Martinelli 1999

Kromer - 1830

- 1637

± 12

58

Verona

Lazise-La Quercia II

- 1632

± 10

Lazise-La Quercia III

Aspes, Baroni & Fasani - 1810 1998 - 1647

Verona

Tombola di Cerea

Martinelli q.s.

- 1520

- 1413

± 15

6

Rovigo

Canàr

Martinelli, Pappafava & - 2040 Tinazzi 1998

- 1871

± 10

25

Livorno

Stagno

Zanini & Martinelli, in - 1160 stampa

- 1091

± 15

4

- 1709 W - 1695 W - 1656 W - 1646 W - 1637 W - 1690 - 1620 - 1588 - 1558 - 1425 W - 1413 W - 1940 ∅ - 1925 ∅ - 1911 ∅ - 1890 ∅ - 1874 ∅ - 1859 S - 1116 W - 1091 W

&

- 1533

Tabella 3. Datazioni dendrocronologiche disponibili per l’età del Bronzo. Con il simbolo (W) viene indicata la presenza dell’anello cambiale (Waldkante); con il simbolo (S) la presenza dell’alburno; con il simbolo (Ø) la presenza del solo durame. La cronologia del sito di Stagno è stata elaborate per il legno d’olmo; le oltre cronologie locali sono quercine. dendrocronologica. La datazione di sei delle serie ottenute da questi pali, attraverso il cross-dating sulla cronologia Garda 1, ha permesso di riconoscere la presenza di pali risalenti al 21° secolo cal BC o, al più tardi, agli inizi del 20° secolo cal BC (Tabella 4).

possibile indicare solo un terminus ante quem non per il taglio, corrispondente al 2030 e al 2084 cal BC. La sporadicità di tali dati non consente di riformulare una nuova ipotesi sulle modalità e sulle direttrici dell’antico popolamento di questa regione, ma è di stimolo all’ampliamento e all’approfondimento delle ricerche.

Più in dettaglio: quattro elementi della palificazione individuata nell’area archeologica A di Ronchi del Garda sono risultati pertinenti al 21° secolo cal BC, con ultimo anello datato tra il 2085 e il 2069 cal BC; solo un campione (dal palo n. 12) conservava parte dell’alburno e ha consentito l’individuazione di un episodio di abbattimento, avvenuto tra gli anni 2059 e 2049 cal BC.19 Per i due pali datati dalla palafitta del Belvedere (P502 e P512), invece, poichè entrambi mancano dell’alburno, è

Allo stato attuale delle conoscenze le più antiche fasi di abbattimento documentate nella regione sono quelle della palafitta del Lavagnone (BS). Nelle indagini edite dalla scrivente la più antica data di taglio documentata nell’insediamento era stata collocata negli anni tra il 2028 e il 2024 cal BC, ma le analisi compiute dall’equipe della Cornell University, nelle più recenti campagne di scavo dirette da R.C. De Marinis, hanno anticipato all’anno

19 Tutte le datazioni riferibili alla curva Garda 1 d’ora in poi citate s’intendono accompagnate dall’errore di ± 10 anni.

441

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI PROVINCIA

SITO/SEQUENZA

Venezia

BIBLIOGRAFIA

ANNO INIZIO

ANNO FINE

COMP. MAX.

DATAZIONE ABBATTIMEN TI ± 15 anni cal AD

Venezia, cavi Teatro Martinelli & Kromer 489 Malibran 2002

658

33

658/659 W 673 Ø

Venezia

Venezia, scavi ex Martinelli & Kromer 447 cinema S. Marco 2002

687

27

687/688 W 682 Ø 662 Ø 648 Ø

Venezia

Isola della Cura

683

1

683 Ø

Padova

Tencarola

724

1

724 Ø

Martinelli & Kromer 582 2002 Martinelli & Kromer 481 2002

Tabella 4. Datazioni dendrocronologiche disponibili per l’Alto Medioevo dalla cronologia della quercia Veneto 1. Con il simbolo (W) viene indicata la presenza dell’anello cambiale (Waldkante); con il simbolo (S) la presenza dell’alburno; con il simbolo (Ø) la presenza del solo durame.

2068 [2048] cal BC20 il più antico momento insediativo. Tale episodio, unitamente a quelli del 2030-2028 [20102008], 2028-2024, 2018-2016 e 2014-2011 [1994-1991], risulta ascrivibile alla palafitta del Lavagnone 2 (BA 1A), mentre sono attribuibili al Lavagnone 3 (BA 1B) quattro fasi di taglio più recenti, datate al 2004 [1984], 1977 [1957], 1946 [1926] e 1936 [1916].21 Rimane dubbia l’attribuzione del palo P4, il cui abbattimento è avvenuto fra il 2010 e il 2004.22

scavo 1999 diretta dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto con il coordinamento del Consorzio di Bonifica Grandi Valli Veronesi e Medio Veronese (direzione L. Salzani) è stata messa in luce una porzione di un villaggio palafitticolo edificato all’interno dell’antico paleoalveo del Tartaro. Il buono stato di conservazione delle strutture lignee ha consentito il prelievo di 46 campioni lignei, pertinenti a pali verticali e tavole.

Se nella seconda metà del 21° secolo cal BC i piccoli laghi dell’anfiteatro morenico benacense e le sponde sudorientali del lago di Garda, non lontano dall’imboccatura del Mincio sembrerebbero sperimentare una densità abitativa non usuale per il periodo (Tabella 4), le più antiche datazioni assolute finora disponibili per l’antica età del Bronzo della vicina regione planiziale risalgono al 20° secolo cal BC. Le ricerche dendrocronologiche tuttora in corso, per iniziativa del Centro Ambientale Archeologico di Legnago, sulle strutture dell’insediamento di Dossetto di Nogara, nella Media Pianura Veronese, hanno consentito non solo la datazione assoluta della principale fase insediativa documentata nell’area di scavo, ma anche la definizione di una più ampia validità geografica della già citata cronologia Garda 1. Nel corso della campagna di

Fig. 1. Frequenza dei campioni analizzati nelle diverse epoche preistoriche e storiche. Le indagini preliminari hanno permesso la costruzione di una curva stazionale costituita da 17 serie, lunga 201 anelli, datata tra il 2128 e il 1928 cal BC sulla cronologia Garda 1 (Fig. 2). La conservazione dell’alburno in due pali consente di individuare la presenza di almeno una fase di abbattimento avvenuta nel 1927-1924 cal BC, mentre il più antico terminus ante quem non ricavato dagli elementi costituiti da solo durame si colloca nel 1974 cal BC.

20 Per chiarezza di esposizione e per conservare la cronologia relativa fra i siti vengono illustrate le datazioni ottenute dalla sincronizzazione con la cronologia Garda 1; la datazione ottenuta da Griggs, Kuniholm & Newton (2001) viene però riportata tra parentesi quadre. 21 De Marinis 1999; Griggs, Kuniholm & Newton 2001; Martinelli 1996; Rapi 2002. 22 Fasani & Martinelli 1996, 22.

442

NICOLETTA MARTINELLI: DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA tale modalità insediativa fra 21° e 19° secolo cal BC, corrispondenti alle prime fasi dell’antica età del Bronzo. Risultano meno significativi, invece, dal punto di vista tipo-cronologico, i dati ottenuti per i secoli immediatamente successivi, dei quali verrà dato solo un cenno sommario, essendo già stati oggetto di pubblicazione. Episodi insediativi risalenti alla fine del 18° e al 17° secolo cal BC sono documentati nella palafitta Frassino I sul laghetto del Frassino (VR), mentre il villaggio del Sabbione sul lago di Monate (VA) è stato edificato fra il 17° e il 16° secolo cal BC.

Fig. 2. Dossetto di Nogara (VR) - schema di sovrapposizione delle sequenze dei campioni inseriti nella curva media; la campitura in nero indica la presenza dell’alburno; la cronologia è espressa in anni cal BC ± 10.

Un aspetto di notevole interesse delle ricerche condotte al Sabbione concerne lo studio dello sviluppo delle strutture abitative palafitticole. L’applicazione delle indagini ad allineamenti di pali contigui (almeno 30 campioni per ognuna delle quattro le palificazioni che circondano il villaggio) hanno consentito di riconoscere i successivi e progressivi ampliamenti dell’area abitativa, marcati dall’impianto di palizzate via via più ampie e sempre più spostate verso la terraferma, avvenuto fra gli anni 1632 e 1563 cal BC (±30 anni con 1σ). Contemporaneamente l’analisi estensiva di tutti i pali presenti in un’area di circa 120 m2 compresa fra i settori III/Q1 e IV/Q1 ha condotto all’identificazione e alla ricostruzione planimetrica di due capanne di pianta rettangolare, ma con dimensione e struttura portante diverse, costruite nel 1591 e 1583 cal BC (±30 anni con 1σ). E’ la prima volta che in Italia si dispone di dati certi sulla forma e sulle dimensioni di capanne palafitticole e sull’evoluzione ‘urbanistica’ di un villaggio – se pure parziale – potendo operare confronti con i ben più numerosi casi studio disponibili per l’area alpina.24

La datazione ottenuta sembrerebbe indicare la parziale contemporaneità dei resti riferibili al Lavagnone 3 (BA 1B) con le strutture dell’insediamento di Dossetto, per cui è stata proposta una attribuzione cronologica più recente (BA 1C), anche in relazione alle numerose analogie riscontrate nei materiali con il sito di Canàr di San Pietro Polesine (RO).23 Solo alla conclusione delle indagini sarà possibile negare o affermare la presenza di episodi insediativi più recenti e, di conseguenza, definire con maggiore dettaglio lo sviluppo delle due fasi archeologiche, anche in termini di cronologia assoluta. I buoni valori dei test di sincronizzazione fra la curva media di Dossetto e la curva regionale (t di Student = 6.84; t di Hollstein = 6.8; CDI = 218; CC= 66.8%) indicano come la validità della cronologia Garda 1 esuli dal mero contesto benacense, fino a includere la Pianura Veronese, ad una distanza di circa 50 km dalle sponde del lago di Garda. Rimane da chiarire il motivo dell’assenza di sincronizzazioni tra la cronologia e la serie stazionale del sito di Canàr di San Pietro Polesine (RO), almeno parzialmente contemporanea a quella di Dossetto, da cui dista solo una trentina di Km. Tale risultato sembrerebbe confermare l’ipotesi – già avanzata in Martinelli, Pappafava & Tinazzi (1998) – che la mancanza di risultati sia da imputare alle diverse condizioni ecologiche delle foreste sfruttate dagli abitanti delle due regioni limitrofe. Se tali risultati dovessero trovare conferma nel proseguire delle indagini si potrà forse indicare come confine del campo geografico di validità per l’applicazione della cronologia il limite tra la media pianura dei depositi terrazzati e la bassa pianura alluvionale.

Datate al 17° e 16° secolo sono anche le fasi di abbattimento desunte dalle curve dendrocronologiche denominate Lazise-La Quercia II e III, elaborate per il medesimo sito da cui proviene la curva Lazise-La Quercia I, che viene a costituire, con la curva Cisano I, la seconda parte della cronologia Garda 1.25 Tre dei siti indagati, Frassino I, Sabbione e Cisano hanno restituito materiali26 attribuibili alle fasi più evolute del Bronzo antico e alle fasi iniziali del Bronzo Medio, ma in nessun caso è stato possibile evidenziare elementi stratigrafici e strutturali che consentissero di correlare i reperti con gli elementi lignei datati in modo assoluto. La 24 Binaghi Leva & Martinelli 2003; Martinelli 2003; Martinelli, Binaghi Leva & Cattaneo 2003. 25 Aspes, Baroni & Fasani 1998; Martinelli 1996 e 2003; Martinelli & Kromer 1999; Martinelli & Tinazzi 1992. 26 Solo a Cisano è stata condotta una regolare campagna di scavo nel corso del 1986 (Salzani 1990); il villaggio Frassino I è stato oggetto di una serie di prospezioni subacquee tra il 1989 e il 1997 nel corso delle quali sono stati raccolti abbondanti reperti archeologici (Evans, Fozzati & Salzani 1991; Salzani 1989); le collezioni riferibili al Sabbione provengono per lo più da rinvenimenti occasionali e solo in piccola parte sono il frutto delle esplorazioni e dello scavo subacqueo condotti tra il 1993 e il 1994 (Cattaneo 2003).

ALTRI DATI CRONOLOGICI SULL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO Il progressivo ampliamento delle ricerche nelle palafitte dell’Italia nord-orientale consente di seguire con sempre maggiore dettaglio lo sviluppo delle strutture di tipo palafitticolo e il diffondersi dei gruppi che hanno adottato 23

Belluzzo & Salzani 1999; De Marinis 1999.

443

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Codice Laboratorio

Campione

Anelli Sequenza

età 14C BP

δ 13C

Età calibrata

Età calibrata

1σ

2σ

Hd-22548

Tombola 1

1 - 15

3243 ± 26

-27.5 ‰

cal BC 1525-1465

cal BC 1605 -1440

Hd-22578

Tombola 2

40 - 50

3227 ± 23

-28.6 ‰

cal BC 1525-1455

cal BC 1525-1435

Hd-22549

Tombola 3

80 - 93

3192 ± 17

-28.5 ‰

cal BC 1500-1435

cal BC 1520-1415

Tabella 5. Datazioni radiometriche ottenute per i campioni di Tombola di Cerea (VR).

Fig. 3. Tombola di Cerea (VR) - schema di sovrapposizione delle sequenze dei campioni inseriti nella curva media; la campitura in nero indica la presenza dell’alburno e i punti neri la presenza del centro assiale; la cronologia é espressa in anni ± 15 cal BC. l’attribuzione a un orizzonte di passaggio BM 1-BM 2 o all’inizio del BM 2.28 L’abbattimento del palo ES 621 è stato datato col wiggle-matching fra il 1571 e il 1561 cal BC ± 35 anni con 2σ.29 Se il risultato ottenuto su questo singolo elemento verrà confermato dalla prosecuzione delle indagini si dovrà ipotizzare il comparire delle forme del BM 2 prima dell’ultimo quarto del 16° secolo BC. E’ comunque da sottolineare il fatto che altri due elementi (ES 576 e ES 617) datati radiometricamente concordano nell’assegnare le strutture della prima fase insediativa di Castellaro del Vhò ad un arco cronologico compreso fra 17° e 16° secolo, comunque precedente al 1520 cal BC.30 Un altro abitato della pianura veneta che ha recentemente fornito reperti lignei per le analisi dendrocronologiche è Tombola di Cerea (VR) nelle Valli Grandi Veronesi. Già conosciuto per le ricerche condotte dal Museo di Storia Naturale di Verona negli anni ‘50 del secolo scorso, è stato oggetto di una nuova campagna di ricerca nel 1999 per conto della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto (direzione L. Salzani). Le indagini dendrocronologiche, condotte su iniziativa del Centro Ambientale Archeologico di Legnago, hanno interessato 63 elementi strutturali, in prevalenza pali verticali, ma anche travetti e tavole orizzontali.

documentazione archeologica del sito di Lazise-La Quercia proviene in gran parte dalle campagne di scavo condotte tra il 1986 e il 1990, di cui rimangono tuttora inediti i dati crono-stratigrafici.27 Non è quindi possibile al momento proporre una datazione assoluta l’inizio del Bronzo Medio in Italia settentrionale, anche se vi sono ormai numerosi indizi che suggeriscono come non possa essere abbassato oltre la fine del 17° secolo. Nell’insediamento del Frassino I, che ha restituito materiali relativi alla fase più evoluta dell’antica età del Bronzo e al Bronzo Medio iniziale, la curva stazionale elaborata pare essere rappresentativa dell’intero arco cronologico di sviluppo dell’area dell’insediamento indagata, poichè include un’alta percentuale dei pali idonei all’indagine. Si tratterebbe perciò di una zona dell’abitato di breve durata, in cui le fasi di abbattimento si sono protratte per circa settant’anni, sviluppatasi fra la fine del BA e gli inizi del BM; ciò rende legittimo ipotizzare che almeno il più recente degli episodi di abbattimento documentati (datato al 1632 cal BC ±12) possa essere attribuito alla media età del Bronzo. Nella medesima direzione parrebbe condurre il risultato ottenuto per uno degli elementi lignei facente parte delle strutture palafitticole della prima fase insediativa del sito di Castellaro del Vhò, per la quale è stata proposta

I resti insediativi venuti in luce nel 1999 a Tombola di Cerea sono di interpretazione complessa e sembrano il frutto della giustapposizione di strutture con tipologia e 28

Frontini 2001. Martinelli 2001, 219 e nota 8; Frontini 2001, 226. 30 Martinelli 2001, tab. 16. 29

27

“C’era una volta Lazise” 1992.

444

NICOLETTA MARTINELLI: DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA funzionalità diverse, probabilmente anche messe in opera in momenti diversi. I risultati preliminari che presentiamo in questa occasione riguardano l’allineamento costituito da tre file sub-parallele di pali verticali che caratterizzano il settore meridionale dell’area di scavo.

raccolta nel sito, abitato tra il Bronzo Medio e il Bronzo Recente. Se si escludono i risultati ottenuti per l’abitato di Tombola di Cerea, per i quali rimane ancora dubbia l’attribuzione tipo-cronologica, a cavallo fra i due periodi, si deve segnalare la completa assenza di datazioni assolute ottenute dalla dendrocronologia per il Bronzo Recente italiano.

Sono sei gli elementi verticali di questa struttura che vengono a costituire una curva media della lunghezza di 106 anni (Fig. 3). L’applicazione della tecnica del wiggle-matching alla datazione radiometrica col 14C di tre campioni costituiti dai gruppi di anelli 1-15, 40-50 e 8093 della sequenza relativa (Tabella 5) ha consentito di collocare il primo anello della cronologia locale negli intervalli 1534 (64.6%) 1512 cal BC e 1506 (3.6%) 1495 cal BC con 1σ e 1570 (95.4%) 1495 cal BC con 2σ. Il grafico illustra la datazione della sequenza con l’anello 1 collocato in corrispondenza dell’anno 1520 (Fig. 4); la serie dendrocronologica viene di conseguenza a datarsi tra il 1520 e il 1413 cal BC con un errore di ± 15 anni (1σ). Gli episodi di abbattimento, riconosciuti grazie alle caratteristiche dei campioni sincronizzati, sono almeno due, individuabili per la probabile presenza dell’anello cambiale (Waldkante) nei pali 8 e 54: il primo può essere datato al 1425 ±15 cal BC, il secondo all’anno 1413 ±15 cal BC.

Al contrario, il rinnovato interesse per lo studio dei rapporti esistenti tra cronologia storica tradizionale e dati cronometrici di origine naturalistica, e per l’analisi delle loro discrepanze, ha portato ad un intensificarsi delle ricerche in contesti archeologici della transizione tra l’età del Bronzo e l’età del Ferro. Tra i metodi di datazione assoluta la dendrocronologia è quello che può portare il maggiore contributo alla definizione della cronologia assoluta del periodo per la presenza dell’Hallstatt plateau nella curva di calibrazione del radiocarbonio nell’intorno del 2500 BP. Con lo studio della palafitta lagunare di Livorno-Stagno si sono poste le prime basi per la definizione di una cronologia indipendente, ovvero non convenzionale e storica, per i due periodi. Le datazioni ottenute per la zona indagata dell’abitato, attribuito ad una fase avanzata del Bronzo Finale, indicano l’esistenza di due episodi di abbattimento nel 1116 e 1091 cal BC (±15 anni con 1σ). Nonostante la grande precisione delle età radiometriche ottenute, il margine d’errore con 2σ (95.4%) diviene molto più ampio e i due episodi vengono a collocarsi nel 1096 e 1071 cal BC ±80 anni. Ciò significa che rimane comunque altamente improbabile che l’ultimo abbattimento sia avvenuto dopo il 991 cal BC.31 Tra le ricerche in corso per questo periodo di transizione citiamo quelle sull’insediamento peri-lagunare di CaorleSan Gaetano (VE) e sulle bonifiche protostoriche venute in luce nella città di Treviso (scavi di Piazza Pio X), che sono stati oggetto di una trattazione specifica nell’Incontro di studio “Oriente e Occidente: metodi e discipline a confronto. Riflessioni sulla cronologia dell’età del Ferro italiana”, tenutosi a Roma nell’ottobre 2003.32 Negli anni 2002 e 2003, inoltre, nell’ambito del progetto High precision datings for the Italian Late Bronze AgeEarly Iron Age: a combination of dendrochronology and wiggle-matching on archaeological wood coordinato A.J. Nijboer del Dipartimento di Archeologia dell’Università di Groningen (NL), si è proceduto al campionamento e alla raccolta dei dati da alcuni dei sarcofaghi della necropoli di Celano-Paludi (AQ), attualmente in corso di analisi.

Fig. 4. Tombola di Cerea (VR) - grafico del wiggle-matching applicato alle datazioni ottenute dalla curva media. Solo la prosecuzione delle indagini potrà dare il giusto valore al risultato conseguito permettendo di definire il rapporto cronologico del gruppo di pali datati con le altre strutture e il significato tipo-cronologico delle datazioni assolute in relazione alla documentazione archeologica

31 32

445

Zanini & Martinelli, in stampa. Bianchin Citton & Martinelli, in stampa.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Un contributo senz’altro determinante alla definizione di sequenze cronologiche valide per i periodi più recenti della protostoria dell’Italia peninsulare verrà dagli studi in corso presso il grande insediamento di Poggiomarino, loc. Longola (NA), che ha restituito un’ingente quantità di strutture lignee, non solo dalle fondazioni delle capanne sul suolo umido, ma anche dalle strutture di bonifica e di rinforzo delle rive nel labirinto di isolotti e canali che contraddistingueva l’antico abitato.33

di ottenere carote analizzabili sia da fondazioni in opera dalla città di Venezia, sia da imbarcazioni monoxile.36 Ma un vero e proprio campo di prova per nuove modalità di intervento si sono rivelati due dei più importanti complessi di archeologia navale in Italia, gli scavi dell’antico porto del Tunnel di Olbia e dell’isola sommersa di S. Marco in Boccalama nella laguna di Venezia, già famosi per l’integrità e il gran numero di imbarcazioni rinvenute. In questi contesti, per la prima volta, grazie all’esperienza accumulata in anni di ricerche in campo storico-artistico, sono stati applicati su materiali in legno bagnato alcune procedure di raccolta dei dati, quali la lettura diretta, il frottage e la lettura fotografica, solitamente riservati alle opere d’arte e agli strumenti musicali, o più in generale a manufatti di pregio.37

CONCLUSIONI Nel presente lavoro si è voluta privilegiare l’esposizione dei risultati relativi ai contesti dell’età del Bronzo, alcuni dei quali inediti, anche se l’ambito cronologico di applicazione della dendrocronologia si va sempre più ampliando, intensificando gli interventi anche nei periodi storici a noi più vicini, solitamente appannaggio della cronologia storica.

Non si deve dimenticare, infine, che la dendrocronologia non è solo una tecnica di datazione assoluta, ma è una disciplina che, attraverso lo studio degli anelli di accrescimento degli alberi, ci permette di decifrare le informazioni registrate nel legno nel corso degli anni. Temi quali lo studio dello sfruttamento forestale praticato nell’antichità, la ricostruzione dei contesti ambientali e delle condizioni climatiche del passato sono rimasti finora ai margini della ricerca in Italia, mentre possono rappresentare alcuni tra i contributi più interessanti che la dendrocronologia può apportare alla ricerca archeologica.

Nonostante un bilancio sostanzialmente positivo, la dendrocronologia italiana ha davanti a sé numerose sfide, prima fra tutte quella della costruzione di curve standard plurimillenarie che consentano la datazione dendrocronologica di precisione annuale anche oltre la fine del I millennio AD. Da questo punto di vista è stata di grande importanza la costruzione della cronologia altomedioevale del Veneto che copre l’arco cronologico compreso fra il 447 e il 687 cal BC (±15 anni)34, che per la prima volta viene a colmare una lacuna nell’ampio intervallo che separa le cronologie quercine ottenute da alberi viventi dalle cronologie elaborate per le palafitte dell’età del Bronzo. La principale fonte di materiali per l’elaborazione di questa cronologia è stata la città di Venezia, con le sue antiche strutture di sponda e di contenimento verso la laguna, e proprio da Venezia, ricca di strutture in legno nelle sue fondazioni e nei suoi alzati, ci si attende un importante contributo all’ampliamento della Banca-Dati dendrocronologica italiana.

RINGRAZIAMENTI L’autore ringrazia Luigi Fozzati e Luciano Salzani della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto per aver acconsentito alla pubblicazione dei dati inediti presentati in questa occasione. Un particolare ringraziamento va a Carol Griggs e Peter Ian Kuniholm per aver gentilmente fornito i dati relativi alla cronologia del Lavagnone. BIBLIOGRAFIA

Un secondo aspetto delle ricerche senz’altro da sviluppare è quello dell’ideazione e della messa a punto di nuove metodologie di indagine non distruttive applicabili in campo archeologico, che consentano di procedere alle indagini anche nei casi in cui si desideri preservare l’integrità dei manufatti lignei. L’impiego sperimentale di due tipi di succhiello di Pressler ad avanzamento manuale, il primo con una punta di diametro ampio (circa 1 cm) per legno bagnato, il secondo con una punta più sottile, ma modificata per il prelievo di campioni da legno umido35, hanno permesso

Aspes, A., C. Baroni & L. Fasani, 1998. Umweltveränderungen und ihre Folgen für die Bevölgerungen der Bronzezeit in Norditalien, in: B. Hänsel (ed.), Mensch und Umwelt in der Bronzezeit Europas. Kiel, 419-426. Barthe, F., C. Kintz, P. Lauer, T. Le Saint Quino, P. Rohmer, E. Schoen, W. Tegel, L. Thavot & R. Jude, 1999. Les chênes subfossiles de la gravière d’Herrlisheim (Bas-Rhin). Étude dendrochronologique pour une contribution à l’étude de l’évolution des forêtes riveraines du Rhin. NAU 5, 49-51. Bebber, A., A. Brugnoli, L. Fasani & N. Martinelli, 1983. Una curva dendrocronologica della quercia per l’antica età del Bronzo dell’Italia settentrionale. (Nota preliminare). Dendrochronologia 1, 55-61.

33 Le indagini, ancora inedite, sono state condotte sia da parte di Kuniholm e coll. della Cornell University, sia da parte di Martinelli & Pignatelli del Laboratorio della Dendrodata s.a.s. di Verona. 34 Martinelli & Kromer 2002. 35 Quest’ultimo messo a punto da W. Schoch del Labor für Quartäre Hölzer di Adliswil (CH); si vedano anche BACPOLES Project, rapporto interno, e Barthe et alii 1999.

36 37

446

Martinelli & Pignatelli, dati inediti. Pignatelli & Riccardi, in stampa; Martinelli & Pignatelli, dati inediti.

NICOLETTA MARTINELLI: DENDROCRONOLOGIA E ARCHEOLOGIA: SITUAZIONE E PROSPETTIVE DELLA RICERCA IN ITALIA Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Emilia-Romagna. 291-299. Liese, W., 1978. Bruno Huber: the pioneer of European dendrochronology. B.A.R. i.s. 51, 1-10. Martinelli, N., 1985-88. Le strutture lignee dell’abitato di Lucone di Polpenazze (BS). Indagine dendrocronologica e tecnomorfologica. Annali del Museo 16, 45-60. Martinelli, N., 1989. Indagine dendrocronologica su campioni lignei provenienti dall’insediamento di Lucone di Polpenazze (Brescia - Italia settentrionale). Dendrochronologia 7, 97-103. Martinelli, N., 1993. “La Marmotta”, Anguillara Sabazia (RM). Scavi 1989. Indagini dendrocronologiche. Nota Preliminare, Appendice, in: M.A. Fugazzola Delpino, G. D’Eugenio & A. & Pessina, “La Marmotta”, Anguillara Sabazia (RM). Scavi 1989. Un’abitato perilacustre d’età neolitica. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 84 (n.s. II), 317-322. Martinelli, N., 1995. Fiume Oglio (BS-CR). Datazione delle piroghe. Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1992-1993, 149-151. Martinelli, N., 1996. Datazioni dendrocronologiche per l’età del Bronzo dell’area alpina, in: K. Randsborg (ed.), Absolute Chronology. Archaeological Europe 2500-500 B.C. Acta Archaeologica 67 (= Acta Archaeologica Supplementa vol. I). Copenhagen, 315-326. Martinelli, N., 2001. Le indagini dendrocronologiche e le datazioni radiometriche, in: P. Frontini (ed.), Castellaro del Vhó. Campagne di scavo 1996-1999. Scavi delle Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche di Milano. Como, 215-223. Martinelli, N., 2002. L’età delle piroghe: dendrocronologia e 14C, in: Le piroghe dell’Oglio. Tecniche di restauro dei legni bagnati, Catalogo della Mostra della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia. Milano, 7. Martinelli, N., 2003. Le indagini dendrocronologiche nella palafitta del Sabbione: datazione assoluta ed evoluzione della struttura abitativa, in: M.A. Binaghi Leva (ed. ), Le palafitte del lago di Monate. Ricerche archeologiche e ambientali nell’insediamento preistorico del Sabbione. Gavirate, 121-131, 151-152. Martinelli, N., 2004. I ponti della via Annia. Indagini dendrocronologiche, radiometriche e xilotomiche, in: S. Busana & F. Ghedini (eds), Atti delle Giornate di Studio “La via Annia e le sue infrastrutture”. Cornuda (TV), 99-108. Martinelli, N. & A.M. Dolci, 1993. Indagini dendrocronologiche, in: C. Balista & A. Ruta Serafini (eds), Saggio stratigrafico presso il muro romano di Largo Europa a Padova. Nota preliminare. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 9, 109. Martinelli, N. & B. Kromer, 1999. High precision 14C dating of a new tree-ring Bronze Age chronology from the pile-dwelling of Frassino I (Northern Italy), in: Actes du 3ème Congres international “Archéologie et 14C” (= Revue d’Archéométrie

Belluzzo, G. & L. Salzani, 1999. Dati preliminari di una campagna di scavo nell’abitato dell’età del Bronzo a Dossetto di Nogara (Verona), in: Atti del XIV Convegno Archeologico Benacense, Annali Benacensi 12 (1996), 283-288. Bianchin Citton, E. & N. Martinelli, in stampa. Cronologia relativa e assoluta di alcuni contesti veneti della tarda età del Bronzo e degli inizi dell’età del Ferro. Nota preliminare, in: Incontro di studio “Oriente e Occidente: metodi e discipline a confronto. Riflessioni sulla cronologia dell’età del Ferro italiana”. Roma. Binaghi Leva, M.A. & N. Martinelli, 2003. Considerazioni conclusive sulla struttura abitativa e sull’ “urbanistica lacustre”, in: M.A. Binaghi Leva (ed.), Le palafitte del lago di Monate. Ricerche archeologiche e ambientali nell’insediamento preistorico del Sabbione. Gavirate, 139-144, 154. Cattaneo, A., 2003. I manufatti: catalogo dei reperti e considerazioni, in: M.A. Binaghi Leva (ed. ), Le palafitte del lago di Monate. Ricerche archeologiche e ambientali nell’insediamento preistorico del Sabbione. Gavirate, 75-111. C’era una volta Lazise, 1992. Catalogo della Mostra. Vicenza. Corona, E., A. D’Alessandro & M. Follieri, 1974. I pali lignei dell’abitato neolitico di Fimòn-Molino Casarotto (Vicenza). Annali di Botanica 33, 237-249, tavv. 1-7. Corti, P., N. Martinelli, M. Rottoli, O. Tinazzi & S. Vitri, 2002. Nuovi dati sulle strutture lignee del Palù di Livenza, in: Atti XXXIII Riunione Scientifica IIPP “Preistoria e Protostoria del Trentino-Alto Adige/Suedtirol”. Trento, 293-303. De Marinis, R.C., 1999. Towards a relative and absolute chronology of the Bronze Age in Northern Italy. Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi 7, 23-100. Evans, S.P., L. Fozzati & L. Salzani, 1991. Verona Palafitta dell’età del Bronzo nel lago del Frassino (Peschiera). Campagne di scavo 1989-1990. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 7, 17-35. Fasani, L. & N. Martinelli, 1996. Cronologia assoluta e relativa dell’antica età del bronzo nell’Italia settentrionale (dati dendrocronologici e radiometrici), in: L’antica età del Bronzo in Italia, Atti del Congresso di Viareggio. Firenze, 19-32. Frontini, P. (ed.), 2001. Castellaro del Vhó. Campagne di scavo 1996-1999. Scavi delle Civiche Raccolte Archeologiche di Milano. Como. Griggs, C.B., P.I. Kuniholm & M.W. Newton, 2001. A four-phase tree-ring chronology from the Early Bronze Age, poster presentato a “Tree-rings and people Conference”, Davos. Kuniholm, P.I., 2002. Archaeological dendrochronology. Dendrochronologia 20(1-2), 6368. Kuniholm, P.I., C.B. Griggs, S.L. Tarter & H.E. Kuniholm, 1995. A 513-year Buxus chronology for the Roman ship at Comacchio (Ferrara). Bollettino di Archeologia 16-18 Luglio-Dicembre 1992, 447

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Salzani, L. (ed.), 1990. Nuovi scavi nella palafitta di Cisano. Verona. Vitri, S., N. Martinelli & K. Čufar, 2003. Dati cronologici dal sito di Palù di Livenza, in: Atti del Convegno “Il declino del mondo neolitico. Ricerche in Italia centro-settentrionale fra aspetti peninsulari, occidentali e nord-alpini” (= Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli Occidentale, 4). Pordenone (2002), 187-198. Zanini, A & N. Martinelli, in stampa. New data on the absolute chronology of Late Bronze Age in Central Italy, in: Actes du XIV Congres International UISPP. Liége.

Suppl. 1999 et Soc. Préhist. Fr. Mémoire 26). 119122. Martinelli, N. & B. Kromer, 2002. A new oak chronology for early medieval times in the Veneto region, in: Atti del Secondo Congresso Nazionale di Archeometria. Bologna, 293-304. Martinelli, N. & O. Pignatelli, 1999. Datazione assoluta della piroga di Lova (Venezia). Bollettino del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Venezia 49 (1998), 207212. Martinelli, N. & O. Pignatelli, 2003. I metodi di datazione: la dendrocronologia e il radiocarbonio, in: M. Catarsi (ed.), Archeologia a Fidenza: le case di legno di via Bacchini. Archeologia Fidentina (guida breve) 1, 14-16. Martinelli, N. & O. Tinazzi, 1990. Le strutture lignee dell’abitato di Cisano: analisi dendrocronologica e tecnomorfologica. (Indagine preliminare), in: L. Salzani (ed.), Nuovi scavi nella palafitta di Cisano. Verona, 69-81. Martinelli, N. & O. Tinazzi, 1992. Lazise - La Quercia: indagine dendrocronologica sui campioni prelevati nel corso delle campagne di scavo dal 1986 al 1990, in: “C’era una volta a Lazise”, Catalogo della mostra. Vicenza, 102-105. Martinelli, N., M.A. Binaghi Leva & A. Cattaneo, 2003. La cronologia del sito del Sabbione, in: M.A. Binaghi Leva (ed.), Le palafitte del lago di Monate. Ricerche archeologiche e ambientali nell’insediamento preistorico del Sabbione. Gavirate, 133-137, 148-150. Martinelli, N., M. Pappafava & O. Tinazzi, 1998. Datazione dendrocronologica dei resti strutturali, in: Canàr di San Pietro Polesine. Ricerche archeoambientali sul sito palafitticolo (= Padusa Quaderni n. 2). Rovigo, 105-113. Pignatelli, O. & P. Preto, 1984. Analisi dendrocronologica su alcune strutture lignee dell’età del Bronzo rinvenute a Canale Anfora (Udine). Dendrocronologia 2, 99-101. Riccardi, E. & O. Pignatelli, in stampa. Dendrocronologia e archeologia navale. L’impiego di metodologie non distruttive nello studio degli scafi antichi, in: Atti del Convegno “Biologia e Beni Culturali”. Como. Rapi, M. (ed.), 2002. Il Lavagnone di Desenzano del Garda (BS). Contributi delle dendrocronologie alla cronologia relative e assoluta dell’antica età del Bronzo, in: Sciluppi recenti nella ricerca antichistica (= Quaderni di Acme, 54). Milano, 269-300. Robinson, W.H., 1976. Tree-ring dating and archaeology in the American Southwest. Tree-ring Bulletin 36, 920. Rottoli, M. & N. Martinelli, 1994. Porpetto (Udine): analisi paletnobotaniche e dendrocronologiche, in: Atti XXIX Riunione Scientifica I.I.P.P. Udine, 293303. Salzani, L., 1989. Peschiera, Lago del Frassino. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 5, 173-174.

448

L’INSEDIAMENTO DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO DELLA TENUTA QUADRARO-VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA). DATI PRELIMINARI PER UN INQUADRAMENTO CULTURALE E CRONOLOGICO Cristiano Iaia, Barbara Barbaro & Stefania Favorito Abstract: During 2001 and 2002 the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma conducted rescue excavations in the Quadraro-via Lucrezia Romana area (near the via Tuscolana in Rome). An Early Bronze Age settlement was found as well as many Final Bronze Age remains (for which see di Gennaro et al. in these Proceedings). The Early Bronze Age site was located along an ancient water course, that forced the prehistoric community to improve drainage, by depositing layers of sand, stones and fragments pottery, in order to improve the stability of the marshy soil. Structural remains are restricted to post-hole alignments, sometimes with angular positions, which are presumably related to large huts of uncertain plan. This contribution focusses on the relative and absolute chronological material recovered at the site. The research makes it possible to define, for the first time in detail, the cultural characteristics of the initial stage of Early Bronze Age in Latium. Despite the lack of a multi-layered sequence (the depth of the deposits is limited), two phases are recognized on account of the spatial distribution of the main pottery groups: 1) QuadraroLucrezia Romana 1, which is characterized by incised decoration (Ortucchio- and late Laterza type), and by engraved motives of Late Beaker derivation; this phase is dated to the Late Copper Age-Early Bronze Age transition. Cross-dating and radiometric evidence (14C) point to an absolute date around 2400-2300 BC; 2) Quadraro-Lucrezia Romana 2, whose pottery types resemble ceramics from a very dispersed group of sites, from Northern to Central Italy, particularly with the Adriatic zone and Southern Etruria (Norchia); this seems to correspond to a more advanced phase of the Early Bronze Age, which is to be dated before 21002000 BC.

Tra il 2001 e il 2002, la Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, sotto la direzione di R. Egidi coadiuvato per la parte protostorica dal dott. F.di Gennaro,1 ha condotto una serie di saggi nel suburbio sud-orientale della città di Roma, nell’area della Tenuta Quadraro, non lontano dagli stabilimenti di Cinecittà. La località si colloca lungo il tavolato tufaceo che si estende a nord-ovest delle estreme pendici dei Colli Albani, area interessata da una notevole concentrazione di complessi di età preistorica e protostorica, fra cui si ricordano in primo luogo, e solo a titolo di esempio, i noti insediamenti di Piscina di Torre Spaccata (Bietti Sestieri & Gianni 1984) e Quadrato di Torre Spaccata (Anzidei & Carboni 1995). Più ampia illustrazione sulla localizzazione del sito e sui rinvenimenti protostorici posteriori al Bronzo antico vengono offerti nel contributo presentato nella sessione New developments in fieldwork in questi stessi Atti. Nel settore settentrionale e centrale del cantiere, sono state indagate estensivamente vaste porzioni dell’insediamento riferibile all’antica età del Bronzo (Fig. 1). I lembi di stratificazione si dispongono sul fondo di una vallecola che incide il tavolato lungo una fascia orientata grosso modo N-S, della lunghezza di circa 120 metri, e di larghezza mai superiore ai 6 metri; tale articolazione dei resti sembra dovuta ad un probabile effettivo disporsi dell’abitato in stretta relazione topografica con un corso d’acqua che solcava la vallecola.

Fig. 1. Tenuta Quadraro, via Lucrezia Romana (Roma): pianta schematica dell’area insediativa dell’antica età del bronzo (evidenziata in grigio).

1 Si ringrazia vivamente il dott. Egidi per la liberalità nel concederci lo studio dei complessi scavati, e per il supporto logistico, e il dott. F. di Gennaro per l’appoggio e i consigli di natura scientifica. Un particolare ringraziamento ai prof. R. Peroni e M. Pacciarelli per le proficue discussioni e i numerosi suggerimenti riguardo a diversi aspetti della problematica qui trattata. Si ringraziano inoltre per gli utili scambi di idee A. Vanzetti, N. Ialongo.

Le evidenze del Bronzo Antico si articolano in quattro aree (Fig. 1), di cui la I e la II sostanzialmente prive di soluzioni di continuità, la III e la IV separate reciprocamente da circa 15 metri.

449

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI ad un aspetto posteriore a quello eneolitico tipo Conelle,2 nell’abitato di Quadrato di Torre Spaccata,3 vicinissimo a via Lucrezia Romana, e a nord del Tevere a Torre Crognola, Archi di Pontecchio e Luni-Tre Erici.4 I motivi a ‘tremolo’ e a ‘ondulazioni’ sono anche attestati nel gruppo di Cellino S. Marco (Lo Porto 1962-63, 14, fig. 17b).

Nelle aree I e III, lungo la stretta fascia già descritta, per la lunghezza di alcune decine di metri, sono state individuate serie di ‘piani di frequentazione’ (strati di limitato spessore) costituiti da concentrazioni di pietre e frammenti fittili, disposti con densità variabile, e opere di livellamento e bonifica (massicciate e vespai), da mettere in relazione con la frequentazione ripetuta, in alcuni casi stanziale, della sponda del corso d’acqua; situazione paleoambientale e soluzioni strutturali ricordano in modo molto stretto i siti perialveari tardo-campaniformi e del primo Bronzo della piana fiorentina, con particolare riguardo a Lastruccia (Sarti & Martini 2000). In vari settori di scavo, sono state individuate inoltre numerose porzioni di strutture con pali perimetrali, solitamente conservate solo a livello delle fondazioni, e quasi sempre di difficile ricostruzione. In particolare, nell’area II, si è potuto documentare il possibile angolo di una struttura abitativa, costituito dall’incontro fra due ‘canaletti’ di fondazione disposti ortogonalmente e accompagnati da pali di sostegno. Nell’area IV, in diretta connessione con numerose tracce di pareti di strutture, indiziate da allineamenti di buchi di palo, sono venute in luce una fossa interamente riempita di carboni e ceramica, e una piccola struttura a carattere accessorio (forse una dispensa), con numerosi resti di vasellame in situ.

Accanto a questa componente ornamentale, nella prima fase dell’insediamento si osserva una presenza decisamente minore (nell’ordine di poche unità) di elementi di derivazione ‘campaniforme’, a bande campite da tratti obliqui impressi con strumenti dentati di vario tipo – ma per lo più a denti di piccole dimensioni – (Fig. 2:6-7) pertinenti al cosiddetto aspetto stilistico di LuniTre Erici: quest’ultimo, è stato a suo tempo considerato da Guidi (1979) e Cazzella (1994, 74) come in qualche modo coevo all’aspetto della Romita di Asciano, livelli 78, e recentemente inquadrato da di Gennaro e Pacciarelli (1996) come stile di diffusione medio-tirrenica riferibile ad un orizzonte di passaggio fra età del Rame ed età del Bronzo. Ad Asciano (Peroni 1962-63, tav. 35, n. 5) e a contesti pugliesi della fase tarda di Laterza5 rimanda soprattutto la versione incisa di tali motivi a bande campite (Fig. 2:8,9,11), che invece a via Lucrezia Romana è attestata da numerosi frammenti.

Al Quadraro-via Lucrezia Romana i reperti litici sono estremamente scarsi e poco caratterizzati, mentre la ceramica è ampiamente rappresentata in strati di notevole estensione, ma di spessore solitamente piuttosto esile, raramente superiore ai 20-30 cm: ciò anche a causa di accentuati fenomeni erosivi, che hanno asportato quasi integralmente le fasi di vita dell’insediamento. Viene qui presentata una selezione preliminare del repertorio di forme ceramiche di impasto attestate, con una disamina necessariamente semplificata dei principali aspetti e problemi di natura cronologica.

Come avviene di frequente nel Bronzo antico iniziale, ornati e forme vascolari seguono spesso logiche distinte, per cui appare arduo riconoscere una precisa concordanza fra i due livelli formali sul piano geografico e di facies culturale; in linea generale, se le forme della fase 1 del Quadraro-via Lucrezia Romana rimandano complessivamente a contesti ‘epi-campaniformi’, gli ornati possono invece rientrare nell’ambito del già citato aspetto di Ortucchio-Quadrato di Torre Spaccata. Non mancano tuttavia interessanti eccezioni, come nel caso di alcune scodelle ed ollette ad orlo rientrante (Fig. 2:10-11) con confronti, sia per profilo che per decorazione, a Grotta Cappuccini di Galatone,6 ulteriore conferma di connessioni con Laterza evoluto. Le ciotole con accenno di carena, e soprattutto quelle a profilo sinuoso (Fig. 3:14), possono essere confrontate, limitatamente alla forma, con esemplari dal sito toscano di Lastruccia presso Sesto Fiorentino, nell’ambito del cosiddetto orizzonte N, a

Tranne casi piuttosto circoscritti, non sono state rilevate vere e proprie successioni di strati; tuttavia, la ricorrenza di distinte classi formali e ornamentali in aree o strutture topograficamente ben separate, rende possibile riconoscere almeno due fasi di occupazione, entrambe riferibili ad un orizzonte iniziale del Bronzo Antico. In particolare, le forme caratteristiche della fase 1 si concentrano nelle aree I e III, mentre quelle di fase 2 sono per lo più attestate nel settore meridionale dell’area II e nell’area IV. Fra le due fasi esiste indubbiamente una certa continuità, soprattutto per quanto riguarda le decorazioni, ma nel complesso la distinzione fra i rispettivi repertori formali è piuttosto netta.

2 Radmilli 1977, fig. 131, n. 3; fig. 132, n. 1. Radi 1988, fig. 16. Questo aspetto, oltre che dall’insediamento di Ortucchio, è ora ampiamente rappresentato da materiali di vari siti non stratificati del Fucino: per un riesame e una nuova documentazione grafica di questi reperti, si rinvia alla relazione di N. Ialongo presentata in questa sede. 3 Anzidei & Carboni 1995, fig. 64, fig. 68. I frammenti da questo sito con ornati a fasci di solcature sono purtroppo molto piccoli, per cui difficile è un confronto puntuale a livello di forme vascolari con i materiali di via Lucrezia Romana. 4 Torre Crognola: D’Ercole & Pennacchioni 1977, tav. 17, n. 14; tav. 27, n. 22; tav. 28, n. 23, 27, 28, 31. Archi di Pontecchio: Iidem, tav. 50, nn. 6,7; tav. 51, n. 7. Luni-Tre Erici: di Gennaro & Pacciarelli 1996, 575, n. 12. 5 Il motivo a bande campite con tratti obliqui incisi compare in contesti della fase di Cellino S. Marco: Striccoli 1996, 495, fig. 1, n. 13 (Corato). Ingravallo 2002, 26, n. 30 (Grotta Cappuccini di Galatone). 6 Ingravallo 2002, 26, n. 30; 28, n. 38, 29, n. 41.

Nei contesti riferibili alla prima fase, gli ornati della ceramica d’impasto sono prevalentemente realizzati nelle tecniche della solcatura e del pettine trascinato; si articolano per lo più in fasci orizzontali o in motivi angolari e a ‘tremolo’ (Fig. 2:1-5). Strette rispondenze per tecnica e motivi si hanno in primo luogo nel sito abruzzese di Ortucchio, nel gruppo di materiali pertinenti

450

CRISTIANO IAIA, BARBARA BARBARO & STEFANIA FAVORITO: L’INSEDIAMENTO DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Fig. 2. Tenuta Quadraro, via Lucrezia Romana (Roma): frammenti fittili della fase 1, dall’area III. Nel complesso, si può osservare come i dati forniti dalle aree I e III del Quadraro avvalorino l’esistenza, nel Lazio, di una facies con caratteri intermedi fra aspetti centrosettentrionali e meridionali, in parte cronologicamente parallela a Laterza finale, e al cosiddetto ‘epicampaniforme’ della piana fiorentina, in particolare all’orizzonte N di Lastruccia. Essa coincide con una fase in cui evidenti sono gli elementi di transizione fra Eneolitico e Bronzo antico.9

Luni-Tre Erici, capanna IV, e a Casale del Cavaliere, presso Roma.7 La classe numericamente più attestata nella fase 1 è però quella delle tazze e ciotole con accenno di colletto (Fig. 3:5-7), ampiamente nota in contesti dell’Italia centro-meridionale collocati fra Eneolitico finale e primissimo Bronzo antico;8 da segnalare specialmente è un esemplare con ansa a luce molto stretta, quasi ‘pizzuta’, e sormontata da una sorta di avvolgimento a ricciolo (Fig. 3:7), che per profilo complessivo della vasca presenta il migliore confronto a Grotta Cappuccini di Galatone (Ingravallo 2002, 29, n. 42).

La fase 2 del Quadraro-via Lucrezia Romana è attestata da un numero più circoscritto di contesti di strato (aree IIsud e IV). Essa inoltre, pur tutt’altro che priva di legami tipologici con la precedente, presenta un repertorio più limitato e compatto di forme in ceramica fine, con una maggiore diffusione di vasi a profilo articolato. Frequenti sono le scodelle emisferiche con orlo ispessito, spesso inclinato all’interno (Fig. 4:1-4), i cui più stretti confronti si trovano ora in contesti del versante adriatico: ad esempio nella Grotta dei Ciclami presso Trieste (Montagnari Kokelj 1996, fig. 4, nn. 9-10), e a S. Callisto di Popoli nell’Abruzzo interno (Mattiocco 1981, tav. V,

Fra le forme di impasto grossolano (Fig. 3:9-13), ad un esame solo sommario (lo studio è appena agli inizi), si annoverano scodelle troncoconiche o a profilo arrotondato, olle ovoidi, talvolta ornate a semplici file di impressioni, grandi recipienti con colletto cilindrico o imbutiforme, e coperchi troncoconici. 7 Lastruccia: Sarti & Martini 2000, fig. 24, n. 1. Grotta del Fontino (Grosseto): Vigliardi 2002, fig. 10, n. 5; fig. 14, n. 4. Luni-Tre Erici: di Gennaro & Pacciarelli 1996, 575, n. 6, n. 13. Casale del Cavaliere: Boccuccia et al. 2000, fig. 3, n. 9. 8 Tanaccia di Brisighella (Faenza, Forlì): Massi Pasi, Morico 1997, tav. 1. Borgo Panigale (Bologna): Catarsi dall’Aglio 1997, 302, fig. 152, n. 1. Lastruccia 2A (Sesto Fiorentino, Firenze): Sarti & Martini 2000, fig. 17, nn. 1, 2, 9; Lastruccia 3: Iidem, fig. 29, n. 2. Fosso Conicchio (Montefiascone, Viterbo): Fugazzola Delpino & Pellegrini 1999, tav. II, n. 17, IV, n. 33.

9 L’opzione in favore di un Bronzo antico iniziale rispetto ad un Eneolitico finale ci sembra poco rilevante rispetto al riconoscimento dell’esistenza di un orizzonte cronologico-culturale con caratteri specifici sul piano della facies ceramica, che può a ragione essere considerato ‘di transizione’ fra due estremi, appunto l’età del Rame e del Bronzo.

451

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Tenuta Quadraro, via Lucrezia Romana (Roma): frammenti fittili della fase 1, dall’area I (n. 1) e III (nn. 2-13) .

452

CRISTIANO IAIA, BARBARA BARBARO & STEFANIA FAVORITO: L’INSEDIAMENTO DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Fig. 4. Tenuta Quadraro, via Lucrezia Romana (Roma): frammenti fittili della fase 2, dall’area IV. Analoghe forme con collo sono attestate in versioni di dimensioni considerevoli (Fig. 5:4), che ci consentono di accennare al tema delle decorazioni; il secondo momento cronologico si caratterizza infatti per la presenza diffusa di bande orizzontali campite da tacche oblique o da tratti realizzati imprimendo uno strumento a denti; frequente è la sovrapposizione di due bande di questo tipo, da cui possono pendere serie di nastri rastremati. Tale aspetto, di apparente ascendenza campaniforme, trova stretta rispondenza sintattica nel cosiddetto aspetto stilistico di Norchia, recentemente riconosciuto da di Gennaro e Pacciarelli in numerosi siti del Lazio settentrionale (di Gennaro & Pacciarelli 1996), e che già Cazzella e Moscoloni alcuni decenni fa avevano riferito dubitativamente agli inizi del Bronzo antico (Cazzella & Moscoloni 1992, 260). In base ai dati qui presentati, priva di fondamento si conferma invece l’attribuzione dell’aspetto di Norchia agli inizi del Bronzo Medio, recentemente riproposta da D. Cocchi Genick.11

n. 4), entrambi complessi dove sono attestati anche materiali tipo Cetina. Collegate alle precedenti per la caratteristica forma dell’orlo sono le ollette ovoidi o globulari (Fig. 4:5), per cui si hanno al momento solo generici riscontri. Di contro ai profili sinuosi e poco articolati della fase 1, le tazze e i boccali mostrano ora un collo ben distinto da risega e un corpo globulare, su cui si innesta, laddove attestata, un’ansa a nastro (Fig. 5:1-3). Per tali manufatti si individuano confronti dispersi in vaste aree della Penisola, da contesti privi di distinzioni stratigrafiche: in particolare a Montesei di Serso in Trentino (Perini 1972, fig. 3, nn. 3,6,9), alla Grotta del Beato Benincasa (Pienza) in provincia di Siena (Radi 1981, nn. 4, 10), a Lastruccia nel cosiddetto orizzonte H (Sarti & Martini 2000, fig. 48, n. 2), e specialmente in siti del Lazio settentrionale.10

10

Norchia, Piano del Casalone (Viterbo): Cardarelli 1979, fig. 1, nn. 1, 3, 5; Bufalareccia (Cerveteri, Roma): di Gennaro & Pacciarelli 1996, n. 19. Un frammento di forma analoga proviene anche dallo strato rimosso dell’ipogeo di Fosso Conicchio (Fugazzola Delpino & Pellegrini 1999 tav. VII, n. 66), complessivamente caratterizzato da elementi più antichi.

11 Cocchi Genick 1998, 20; 2002, 21. L’ipotesi fu originariamente prospettata in Cardarelli 1979.

453

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Tenuta Quadraro, via Lucrezia Romana (Roma): frammenti fittili della fase 2, dall’area II-sud (n. 4), e dall’area IV (nn. 1-3).

Fig. 6. Tenuta Quadraro, via Lucrezia Romana (Roma): frammenti fittili della fase 2, dall’area IV.

454

CRISTIANO IAIA, BARBARA BARBARO & STEFANIA FAVORITO: L’INSEDIAMENTO DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO Fra la ceramica da cucina e da dispensa, piuttosto abbondante per questa fase, e il cui studio è solo agli inizi, ci si limita a porre l’accento sui coperchi con pomello sommitale (Fig. 6:2-3), che trovano confronti a Lastruccia orizzonte H (Sarti & Martini 2000, fig. 52, n. 5), e sulle piastre circolari da cottura (Fig. 6:1), che in Italia centrale sono scarsamente attestate in questo periodo,12 mentre al Quadraro-via Lucrezia Romana sono molto frequenti.

quanto per giunta viene ad essere più antica della maggior parte dei complessi tardo-campaniformi italiani.14 Riassumendo (vedi tabella delle concordanze a Fig. 7), in attesa di disporre di una data diretta dal sito romano, si può proporre una collocazione approssimativa della fase 1 nell’arco compreso tra 2500 e 2300 a.C., anche se probabilmente verso la fine di questo intervallo; per la fase 2 è da immaginare invece una data dopo il 2300 a.C. e verosimilmente prima degli aspetti centrali del Bronzo antico, che oggi si tende a collocare a partire dal 21002000 a.C, in corrispondenza con le più antiche dendrodate dei siti della facies di Polada.

Più problematico è l’inquadramento di questa seconda fase, per la quale si dispone di un numero assai limitato di riscontri in contesti di scavo. In particolare, nell’area di Roma, un aspetto parzialmente analogo, ma con materiali più frammentari, è attestato a Casale del Cavaliere, sulla via Tiburtina (Boccuccia et al. 2000); alcune corrispondenze si hanno inoltre con l’orizzonte H di Lastruccia,13 che tuttavia nel complesso sembrerebbe più recente, data la presenza di forme evolute come scodelle con orlo a tesa e ciotole carenate. La matrice di lontana, ma comunque avvertibile, origine campaniforme degli ornati, e l’assenza totale di classi vascolari tipiche del Bronzo antico avanzato inducono pertanto a collocare la seconda fase di Quadraro-via Lucrezia Romana in un momento immediatamente precedente l’ orizzonte centrale, recentemente definito fase 2a (Pacciarelli 2001, 21), dell’antica età del Bronzo. In conclusione, è opportuno un accenno alle poche date radiometriche da siti che presentano attinenze formali con via Lucrezia Romana: esse sono come noto caratterizzate da un margine di errore piuttosto ampio, che non consente di rilevare scarti cronologici di breve durata. Limitandoci alle date calibrate al doppio sigma, che presentano un maggior grado di affidabilità, per la fase 1 di Lucrezia Romana si può fare riferimento alle date dell’orizzonte N di Lastruccia, che coprono l’arco di tempo fra 2570 e 1975 a.C. (Sarti & Martini 2000, 177); genericamente coerenti con queste sono almeno una data di Luni Tre Erici, 2470-2030 a.C. (Skeates 1994, 188), e le tre recentemente rese note per Grotta Cappuccini di Galatone (Ingravallo 2002), con oscillazione più stretta collocabile fra 2500 e 2300 circa. Un limite in alto per la fase 2 di via Lucrezia Romana può essere la data di Lastruccia orizzonte H, 2270-1885 a.C., da un contesto con attinenze poladiane che, come accennato in precedenza, appare però tipologicamente più recente. Isolata in rapporto agli aspetti culturali di cui si tratta, è invece la data dal sito di Casale del Cavaliere (Boccuccia et al. 2000), 2890-2578 a.C., basata su un carbone proveniente da uno strato con scarsi elementi tipo Lucrezia Romana fase 1; tale data appare problematica in

Fig. 7. Schema cronologico, con i principali complessi italiani in rapporto con le fasi 1 e 2 di via Lucrezia Romana. BIBLIOGRAFIA Anzidei, A.P. & G. Carboni, 1995. L’insediamento preistorico di Quadrato di Torre Spaccata (Roma) e osservazioni su alcuni aspetti tardo neolitici ed eneolitici dell’Italia centrale. Origini 19, 55-325. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. Gianni, 1984. L’insediamento eneolitico di Piscina di Torre Spaccata, 1a campagna di scavo – relazione preliminare, in: A.M. Bietti Sestieri (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria nel territorio di Roma. Roma, 142-159. Boccuccia, P., G. Carboni, P. Gioia & E. Remotti, 2000. Il sito di Casale del Cavaliere (Lunghezza, RM) e l’Eneolitico dell’Italia centrale: problemi di inquadramento cronologico e culturale alla luce della recente datazione radiometrica, in: M. Silvestrini (ed.), Recenti acquisizioni, problemi e prospettive della ricerca sull’Eneolitico dell’Italia centrale, Atti del Convegno (Arcevia 14-15 maggio 1999). Ancona, 231-247. Cardarelli, A., 1979. Siti del passaggio alla media età del bronzo nel Lazio. Archeologia Laziale 2 (= Quaderni

12 Un piccolo frammento a Quadrato di Torre Spaccata: Anzidei & Carboni 1995, fig. 63, n. 2. Un esemplare frammentario nel sito di superficie del Bronzo antico di Lazzaretto (Livorno): Zanini 1997, 47, fig. 3, n. 3. 13 Sarti 1996; Sarti & Martini 2000 (Lastruccia 3 str. 3, Termine est, str. 3E).

14 Ad esempio le date a 2σ: Rubiera: 2573-2200 BC; Sant’Ilario d’Enza: 2590-2040; 2580-2030; 2470-2140. Sesto Fiorentino-Via Bruschi: 2860-2208 (da Skeates 1994).

455

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Peroni, R., 1962-‘63. La Romita di Asciano (Pisa). Riparo sotto roccia utilizzato dall’età neolitica alla barbarica. B.P.I. 71-72, 251-442. Radi, G., 1981. La Grotta del Beato Benincasa nel quadro delle culture dal neolitico all’età del bronzo in Toscana. Pisa. Radi, G., 1988. L’eneolitico in Abruzzo, in: L’età del Rame in Europa, Atti del Congresso internazionale (Viareggio 15-18 ottobre 1987). Rassegna di Archeologia 7, 370-377. Radmilli, A.M., 1977. Storia dell’Abruzzo dalle origini all’età del bronzo. Pisa. Sarti, L., 1996. Cronostratigrafia del Campaniforme in area fiorentina: dati preliminari dall’insediamento di Lastruccia. R.S.P. 47, 239-259. Sarti, L. & F. Martini (eds), 2000. Insediamenti e artigianati dell’età del bronzo in area fiorentina. Le ricerche archeologiche nei cantieri Consiag (19961998). Firenze. Skeates, R., 1994. A radiocarbon date-list for prehistoric Italy (c. 46.400 BP-2450 BP/400 cal. BC), in: R. Skeates & R. Whitehouse (eds.), Radiocarbon dating and Italian prehistory (= Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 8). London, 147-288. Striccoli, R., 1996. L’età del Bronzo antico nell’area murgiana, in: L’antica età del bronzo in Italia, Atti del Congresso (Viareggio 9-12 gennaio 1995). Firenze, 493-500. Vigliardi, A., 2002. La Grotta del Fontino. Una cavità funeraria eneolitica del grossetano. Firenze. Zanini, A., 1997. Lazzaretto (Livorno), in: A. Zanini (ed.), Dal bronzo al ferro. Il II millennio a.C. nella Toscana centro-occidentale, Catalogo della Mostra. Livorno, 47-48.

del Centro di Studio per l’Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 3), 139-147. Catarsi dall’Aglio, M.. 1997. Borgo Panigale (BO). Il Bronzo Antico, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana, Catalogo della Mostra (Modena 1997). Milano, 302. Cazzella, A., 1994. Cronologia radiocarbonica calibrata e cronologia “storica” nell’Italia centro-meridionale durante l’età del Bronzo, in: R. Skeates & R. Whitehouse (eds.), Radiocarbon dating and Italian prehistory (= Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 8). London, 73-83. Cazzella, A. & M. Moscoloni, 1992. L’insediamento preistorico del Colle della Capriola (Bolsena). B.P.I. 83, 229-277. Cocchi Genick, D., 1998. L’antica età del bronzo nell’Italia centrale. Profilo di un’epoca e di un’appropriata strategia metodologica. Firenze. Cocchi Genick, D., 2002. Grotta Nuova: la prima unità culturale attorno all’Etruria protostorica. ViareggioLucca. D’Ercole, V. & M. Pennacchioni, 1977. Vulci. Rinvenimenti di superficie d’epoca preistorica. Roma. di Gennaro, F. & M. Pacciarelli, 1996. Lo stile di Luni Tre Erici-Norchia, in: L’antica età del bronzo in Italia, Atti del Congresso (Viareggio 9-12 gennaio 1995). Firenze, 574-575. Fugazzola Delpino, M.A. & E. Pellegrini, 1999. Il complesso culturale “campaniforme” di Fosso Conicchio (Viterbo). B.P.I. 90, 61-159 Guidi, A., 1979. Nuovi dati sulla problematica dell’antica età del bronzo nel Lazio. Archeologia Laziale 2 (= Quaderni del Centro di Studio per l’Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 3), 129-138. Ingravallo, E., 2002. Grotta Cappuccini (Galatone) tra eneolitico e primo bronzo. Galatina. Lo Porto, G.F., 1962-63. La tomba di Cellino S. Marco e l’inizio dell’età del Bronzo in Puglia. B.P.I. 71-72, 191-225. Massi Pasi, M. & G. Morico, 1997. La Grotta della Tanaccia di Brisighella, in: M. Pacciarelli (ed.), Acque, grotte e Dei. 3000 anni di culti preromani in Romagna, Marche e Abruzzo, Catalogo della Mostra (Imola 5 aprile-13 luglio 1997). 20-28. Mattiocco, E., 1981. Centri fortificati preromani nella conca di Sulmona. Chieti. Montagnari Kokelj, M., 1996. Friuli Venezia Giulia, in: G. Bermond Montanari, A. Del Lucchese, P. Frontini, F.M. Gambari, G. Kaufmann, F. Marzatico, M. Montagnari Kokelj, F. Nicolis, G. Odetti, A. Pedrotti & L. Salzani, Articolazioni culturali e cronologicheL’Italia settentrionale, in: L’antica età del bronzo in Italia, Atti del Congresso (Viareggio 9-12 gennaio 1995). Firenze, 63-66. Pacciarelli, M., 2001. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Perini, R., 1972. Il deposito secondario n. 3 dei Montesei di Serso. Preistoria Alpina 8, 7-30. 456

LA SEQUENZA CRONOLOGICA DELLA NECROPOLI DELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO 1 DELL’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO Francesca Ferranti Abstract: At the present stage of research on the early Iron Age in Alto Jonio, the Incoronata of Metaponto necropolis can be regarded as one of the most significant and best-known contexts for the study and definition of the so-called ‘oenotrian facies’. The typological analysis of the pottery vessels and metallic objects resulted in a detailed chronological sequence, based on statistical association methods. Five different horizons all belonging to First Iron Age are distinguished. In the general scheme of the relative chronology of the Early Iron Age (Peroni 1996), phases 1A e 1B correspond to IFe1A, phase 2 to IFe1B, phase 3 comprehends the end of IFe1B and the beginning of IFe2A1, while phase 4 can be related to IFe2A1.

La necropoli dell’Incoronata di Metaponto è situata nella porzione centrale della Basilicata costiera, su di un terrazzo compreso fra i fiumi Basento e Cavone, a 65 m ca. sul livello del mare, dal quale dista in linea d’aria 6 km ca.; essa risulta composta da tre nuclei sepolcrali distinti, da riferire con ogni probabilità all’omonimo abitato: in prossimità del limite sud-orientale del pianoro la zona di Masseria S.Teodoro; diametralmente opposte ad essa, ad 1km ca. di distanza, le zone di Masseria Incoronata a Nord e Masseria La Cappella a Sud, le quali, sebbene vicine, risultano separate da una strada moderna (Fig. 1).

fra le tombe edite risultano infatti prive di corredo o caratterizzate solo da elementi secondari sfuggiti alla spoliazione. Va infine ricordato che ulteriori informazioni riguardanti la cronologia e l’organizzazione spaziale del sepolcreto potrebbero essere desunte dai dati di scavo relativi ad una più recente indagine svoltasi nella zona di S. Teodoro tra il 1988 e il 1989 e ad oggi purtroppo inedita. CRONOLOGIA RELATIVA

Le considerazioni sulla cronologia relativa dell’ Incoronata di Metaponto sono il risultato di uno studio tipologico-associativo che si concretizza in una tabella di associazioni.5 Preliminare all’elaborazione della sequenza cronologica vera e propria è stata la realizzazione di una classificazione tipologica comprendente la totalità dei materiali ceramici e degli oggetti metallici editi da Chiartano; tramite l’ausilio di un programma statisticocombinatorio – il WinBasp – dell’Università di Bonn si è proceduto alla realizzazione di una tabella di associazioni, la quale, rielaborata successivamente su Excel, ha permesso di isolare nell’ambito dello sviluppo della necropoli cinque fasi: Incoronata 1A, 1B, 2, 3, 4.

La distanza che intercorre tra la prima località e le altre due, più vicine tra loro, fa propendere per l’ipotesi che si tratti di due necropoli distinte,2 verosimilmente collegate a percorsi situati ad Est e ad Ovest del villaggio indigeno. Intensa e sistematica la serie di campagne di scavo di cui la necropoli è stata oggetto: organizzate dalla Sovrintendenza Archeologica della Basilicata sotto la direzione di Bruno Chiartano, esse si sono svolte a più riprese tra il 1971 e il 1987 permettendo l’individuazione di circa 530 tombe,3 interamente riferibili, come vedremo, ad un arco di tempo compreso tra il I Ferro 1A e il I Ferro 2A1.

Esse risultano definite in primo luogo dall’associazione di tipi esclusivi di ciascuna fase (1A, 1B, 2, 3, 4), in secondo luogo dall’ associazione di tipi comuni ad essa e a quella precedente o successiva (1A-B, 1B-2, 2-3, 3-4), e di tipi di lunga durata, ossia comuni a più di due fasi (1A2, 1A-3, 1A-4, 1B-3, 1B-4, 2-4).

Nonostante la qualità sia delle indagini sul campo che dell’edizione dei dati di scavo e dei materiali (tre i volumi ad oggi pubblicati),4 ancora aperto resta il problema dell’individuazione dei limiti delle aree sepolcrali, il cui riconoscimento è di fatto ostacolato sia dall’incessante attività agricola che si è svolta sul pianoro che dall’intensa opera degli scavatori clandestini: numerose

LE FASI6

1

Il presente articolo costituisce un breve estratto della tesi di laurea, discussa nel 2000, presso la Cattedra di Protostoria Europea dell’Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’, relatore il Prof. Renato Peroni il quale ringrazio per essere stato in tutti questi anni un prezioso ed insostituibile punto di riferimento scientifico. Un ulteriore ringraziamento ad Alessandro Vanzetti, correlatore in sede di tesi, e tuttora indispensabile consigliere. Grazie anche ad Andrea Di Renzoni e Luca Alessandri per tutto il tempo che hanno dedicato alla presentazione di questo intervento, in particolare un ringraziamento a Francesco Quondam. 2 Si tratta di sepolcreti di tombe ad inumazione a fossa con defunto in posizione rannicchiata. 3 Il computo si riferisce, come si vedrà, alle sole sepolture edite. 4 I materiali provenienti dalla necropoli dell’Incoronata sono stati editi da B. Chiartano in tre pubblicazioni: 1983, 1994, 1996.

Fase 1A Per quanto riguarda i metalli, esclusive di questa fase sono le fibule ad arco sottile e staffa a canale di piccole e grandi dimensioni, sia inornate (Fig. 2:2) che decorate, con e senza noduli sull’arco (Fig. 2:1). Compare fin da questa fase, e la ritroveremo in quelle successive, la 5 La tabella delle associazioni non è stata pubblicata in questa sede per problemi di spazio. 6 Per problemi di spazio si è deciso di presentare solamente i tipi relativi ai materiali metallici fatta eccezione per le punte di lancia e le armille.

457

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Incoronata. Posizionamento topografico: A. La Cappella; B. Incoronata; C. San Teodoro; D. Area dell’abitato indigeno e greco. fase precedente, compaiono ora nelle varietà con staffa decorata a cerchielli concentrici e denti di lupo (Fig. 2:7). Notevole la comparsa delle fibule serpeggianti ad occhio a un pezzo con spillone diritto, sia con staffa a canale e arco di filo (Fig. 2:6) o foliato (Fig. 2:5), che con staffa a disco/spirale ed arco foliato (Fig. 2:8), da ricondurre ad un momento iniziale della prima età del Ferro.

foggia delle fibule ad arco serpeggiante a due pezzi ad occhio con spillone diritto e staffa a disco-spirale nel tipo con arco a tortiglione esclusivo di questa fase (Fig. 2:3). Per quel che riguarda i manufatti ceramici l’unica foggia significativa è quella delle scodelle ad orlo rientrante in impasto con fondo convesso.

Per quanto riguarda in particolare le fibule ad un pezzo a spillone diritto con staffa a canale, esse sono tipiche di quest’orizzonte, e trovano confronto quasi esclusivamente con i gruppi tombali di Castiglione di Paludi,7 unico contesto pubblicato con un repertorio così ampio di esemplari. Come vedremo, nella fase 2 la scomparsa di questi tipi si contrappone alla comparsa delle serpeggianti meridionali.

Nonostante la fase sia in assoluto quella meno rappresentata sia per numero di tipi che di tombe la presenza in essa delle uniche fibule ad arco sottile documentate nella necropoli costituisce un indicatore cronologico piuttosto forte per un inquadramento di essa già agli inizi della prima età del Ferro (I Ferro IA1). Tipi comuni alle fasi 1A e 1B Per quanto riguarda le fibule le uniche attestate sono quelle ad occhiali del tipo con spillone direttamente ricavato dalla spirale, di grandi dimensioni (Fig. 2:4); tra la ceramica vascolare l’unica presenza comune alle due fasi è la brocca in figulina a collo troncoconico e corpo da ovoide a piriforme.

Caratteristica di questa fase è anche la comparsa delle fibule femminili ad occhiali del tipo con spillone inchiodato sull’arco (Fig. 2:11) e di quelle a quattro spirali, tra le quali esclusivo di questa fase risulta sia il tipo su barretta di supporto e con placca centrale a contorno quadrangolare (Fig. 2:9), che con spillone direttamente ricavato dal filo della spirale, senza placca centrale (Fig. 2:10).

Fase1B Le fibule ad arco serpeggiante a due pezzi ad occhio con spillone diritto e staffa a disco-spirale, già attestate nella

7

458

Guzzo 1975.

FRANCESCA FERRANTI: LA SEQUENZA CRONOLOGICA DELLA NECROPOLI DELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO

Fig. 2. Tipi esclusivi delle fasi Incoronata1A (1-3), 1B (5-12), 2 (15-21); tipi comuni a due fasi: 1A-1B (4), 1B-2 (13-14). Tutti gli esemplari sono riprodotti in scala 1:4 ad eccezione del n. 20 in scala 1:8.

459

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI staffa a disco chiuso decorata a cerchielli concentrici (Fig. 3:5). Sono inoltre attestati per la prima volta i rasoi, sia del tipo Amendolara (Fig. 3:8), come pure quelli frammentari con probabile manichetto inchiodato; alle due fasi risulta ascrivibile inoltre anche il fodero tipo Torre Galli (Fig. 3:7). Tra la ceramica, comuni a queste due fasi le tazze a colletto, e quelle ad orlo distinto e corpo arrotondato.

Si assiste inoltre alla prima attestazione sia delle armi che degli utensili femminili, rappresentati rispettivamente le prime dalle punte di lancia in bronzo, e i secondi dai pesi da telaio. La fase, composta quasi esclusivamente da tipi metallici, risulta ascrivibile per i confronti ancora al I Ferro 1A, dunque a un suo momento avanzato (I Ferro 1A2); la comparsa di pesi da telaio oltre a fibule dei tipi a quattro spirali permette inoltre per la prima volta di meglio caratterizzare corredi pertinenti a individui di sesso femminile.

Fase 3 Continuano in questa fase le fibule serpeggianti meridionali comparse nella fase precedente, sia con spillone lievemente ricurvo ed arco insellato (Fig. 3:9, 11) o rettilineo (Fig. 3:10), che con spillone fortemente ricurvo ed arco tendenzialmente rettilineo (Fig. 3:12-13); le fibule serpeggianti a più occhielli (Fig. 3:14), e infine le fibule serpeggianti a occhio con staffa a disco spirale sia con spillone diritto ed arco parallelo allo spillone (Fig. 3:16), sia con spillone lievemente ricurvo (Fig. 3:15).

Tipi comuni alle fasi 1B e 2 Tra le fibule, sono attestate oltre alle serpeggianti ad occhio ad un pezzo con spillone diritto, staffa a discospirale, arco di filo insellato e grande molla (Fig. 2:13), le fibule ad occhiali con spillone direttamente ricavato dalla spirale, questa volta di dimensioni medio-grandi (Fig. 2:12); tra la ceramica, notevole la comparsa della scodella ad orlo rientrante a profilo lenticolare con prese a ferro di cavallo, in figulina.

Tra le fibule serpeggianti a due pezzi a occhio e spillone diritto, esclusive della fase sono quelle del tipo con staffa a disco pieno, sia con cappio ad 8 ed arco foliato (Fig. 3:20), che con staffa solidale con l’arco, a tortiglione (Fig. 3:19). Notevole la varietà delle fibule a carrettino, tipiche di questa fase, rappresentate tra le altre da esemplari con spuntoni laterali o in bronzo fuso (Fig. 4:1) oppure in ferro a due pezzi (Fig. 4:2) e da esemplari di filo con arco ad occhielli (Fig. 3:17).

Fase 2 Tra le fibule serpeggianti a due pezzi a occhio con spillone diritto, esclusivo di questa fase è il tipo con arco di filo e staffa a spirale di filo (Fig. 2:19), inoltre va segnalato il tipo con spillone appena ricurvo, arco di filo e staffa a canale (Fig. 2:18), Compaiono invece a partire da questa fase le fibule serpeggianti meridionali ad occhio della foggia con spillone da lievemente a mediamente ricurvo (Fig. 2:14-17); tra le armi fanno la loro prima apparizione le spade, qui rappresentate da una variante in ferro del tipo ‘italico’ Torre Galli (Fig. 2:20). Per quanto attiene alla ceramica, compaiono nuove classi, quali le olle e le anfore, attestate da esemplari in figulina, le prime con prese, le seconde con anse all’orlo, e inoltre i vasi a collo troncoconico e corpo sia piriforme che ovoide, in figulina dipinta.

Le armi sono rappresentate dalle punte di lancia in bronzo e in ferro con cannone e costola variamente conformate, e da spade e foderi: esclusivo di questa fase è il tipo Verucchio (Fig. 4:4) a manico pieno, in associazione con il fodero tipo Veio, (Fig. 4:3); è inoltre presente un altro fodero, passante tra il tipo Pontecagnano e quello Guardia Vomano (Fig. 4:5). Fanno infine la loro prima comparsa i rasoi bitaglienti, del tipo Cairano (Fig. 4:6), del tipo Suessola8 (Fig. 4:7), entrambi esclusivi di questa fase.

Elementi quali la comparsa delle fibule serpeggianti di tipo meridionale e della spada tipo Torre Galli permettono di collocare la fase 2 ancora nell’arco cronologico corrispondente alla fase antica della prima età del Ferro, ma in un orizzonte più avanzato rispetto alla fase precedente (I Ferro 1B), come indica la scomparsa quasi completa delle fibule serpeggianti ad occhio a spillone diritto a favore di quelle a spillone ricurvo.

Per quanto attiene alla ceramica, tra le tazze fanno la prima comparsa a partire da questa fase nuove famiglie tipologiche, come le tazze biconiche, quelle a profilo sinuoso, inoltre l’unico tipo di tazze biansate in figulina. Attestate per la prima volta sono le brocche in impasto mentre perdurano gli esemplari in figulina, spesso dipinta. La fase 3 è certamente quella più consistente per il numero sia dei tipi che delle tombe (77); i metalli e la ceramica sono attestati in egual misura, con un repertorio di forme piuttosto vario. Riguardo ai metalli è da sottolineare la presenza di nuove famiglie tipologiche esclusive di quest’orizzonte, con particolare attenzione alle fibule a carrettino in bronzo, e alle spade tipo

Tipi comuni alle fasi 2-3 Tra le fibule fanno la loro prima comparsa le fibule a carrettino, nelle versioni in ferro ad uno e due pezzi (Fig. 3:6); troviamo inoltre le fibule serpeggianti del tipo meridionale con spillone lievemente (Fig. 3:1), mediamente (Fig. 3:2-3) e fortemente ricurvo (Fig. 3:4), e a due pezzi ad occhio con arco a tortiglione del tipo con

8

460

Il tipo è attestato nelle varietà B e C (Bianco Peroni 1970).

FRANCESCA FERRANTI: LA SEQUENZA CRONOLOGICA DELLA NECROPOLI DELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO

Fig. 3. Tipi esclusivi della fase Incoronata 3 (9-20); tipi comuni alle fasi 2 e 3 (1-8). Tutti gli esemplari sono riprodotti in scala 1:4 ad eccezione del n. 7 in scala 1:8.

461

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Verucchio con i foderi ad esse associati, indicatori cronologici che permettono d’inquadrare questa fase in un momento compreso tra la fine del I Ferro 1B e il I Ferro 2A1.

almeno in parte ostacolate dalla distanza che intercorre tra le tre zone indagate e, come già rilevato, dalla mancanza di indicazioni relative alla reale estensione della necropoli; ad ogni modo, mentre a Masseria Incoronata sembra riconoscibile uno sviluppo della necropoli da Sud verso Nord, con un ampia zona centrale vuota forse a causa di carenza d’indagine, a Masseria S.Teodoro lo sviluppo sembra caratterizzato da orientamento opposto, da N a S, e seguire un andamento a fasce piuttosto che a nuclei, come accade invece a Masseria Incoronata: la diversa direzione in cui si svolge lo sviluppo di questo settore della necropoli sembrerebbe quindi avvalorare l’ipotesi che si tratti di un nucleo sepolcrale distinto. Pochi i dati rilevabili per Masseria La Cappella, per la quale va comunque rilevata la presenza di un nucleo settentrionale più recente, coerentemente con quanto già dimostrato per Incoronata.

Tipi comuni alle fasi 3 e 4 All’ interno della famiglia delle fibule serpeggianti meridionali risultano comuni alla fase 3 e 4 i tipi con arco e spillone tendenzialmente paralleli, arco insellato e spillone lievemente ricurvo (Fig. 4:8), e con molla, occhiello e staffa allineati, staffa a canale allungata e spillone sia lievemente (Fig. 4:9) che decisamente ricurvo (Fig. 4:10). Comuni alle due fasi sono inoltre le serpeggianti in ferro con arco ad occhio e spillone lievemente ricurvo (Fig. 4:11) e un tipo di fibula ad occhiali in ferro con spirali separate, inchiodate su una barretta di supporto (Fig. 4:12). Per quanto riguarda la ceramica, numerosi i tipi di anfore, olle, vasi a collo e brocche in figulina dipinta.

Per quanto attiene invece all’evoluzione crono-tipologica dei manufatti, essa risulta evidente soprattutto per le fibule serpeggianti.

Fase 4

FIBULE SERPEGGIANTI

I tipi di serpeggianti meridionali esclusivi di questa fase presentano tutti uno spillone fortemente ricurvo, sia ad occhio in bronzo (Fig. 4:16), che a gomito in ferro (Fig .4:15); nuovamente attestati sono tipi di fibule femminili esclusivi di questa fase, quali tipi ad occhiali in lamina bronzea (Fig. 4:14), e a quattro spirali in ferro con spillone su barretta di supporto (Fig. 4:13).

Tra le fibule serpeggianti a un pezzo, quelle a spillone diritto si distribuiscono in un arco di tempo compreso tra la fase 1A e la fase 2; a queste si contrappongono quelle a spillone ricurvo, distinte in sede tipologica in tre categorie sulla base della curvatura dello spillone: a fibule serpeggianti caratterizzate da una curvatura dello spillone lieve o media, attestate già dall’1B ma presenti in maniera massiccia solo a partire dalla fase 2 in concomitanza con la scomparsa delle fibule serpeggianti a un pezzo a spillone diritto, fanno seguito nella fase 3 fibule serpeggianti caratterizzate da un forte grado di curvatura dello spillone; gli esemplari in ferro compaiono invece a partire dalla fase 3, per diventare quasi esclusivi nella fase 4.

Tra la ceramica, sono attestati vari tipi di anfore, brocche e scodelle in figulina e di tazze in impasto. Infine fanno la loro prima comparsa gli attingitoi con vasca troncoconica a pareti convesse ed ansa soprelevata. L’indicatore cronologico fornitoci dalle fibule serpeggianti meridionali nonché il confronto con i materiali più antichi provenienti dalla vicina necropoli enotria di S. Maria D’Anglona9 permettono di collocare la fase 4 in un momento finale del I Ferro 2A1.10

Tra le fibule serpeggianti a due pezzi, quelle con spillone ricurvo e staffa a canale sono esclusive delle fasi 1B e 2, mentre la foggia a spillone diritto e staffa a disco risulta attestata dalla fase 1A alla fase 3, con una presenza maggiore nelle fasi recenziori.

Dalla scansione cronologica presentata sono desumibili un cospicuo numero di informazioni relative sia allo sviluppo topografico della necropoli che all’evoluzione tipologica e decorativa delle principali categorie di manufatti ceramici e metallici sopra presentati.

Fibule a carrettino Le fibule a carrettino si distribuiscono tra le fasi 2 e 3; caratteristici della fase 3 sono i carrettini in due pezzi con spuntoni laterali sull’arco, sia in bronzo che in ferro, mentre comuni alle fasi 2 e 3 sono quelle in ferro ad uno o due pezzi.

Per quanto riguarda lo sviluppo topografico del sepolcreto, considerazioni di carattere generale risultano

Fibule a occhiali

9

Malnati 1984; Frey 1991. Nella necropoli dell’Incoronata la classe delle fibule serpeggianti a gomito è scarsamente attestata ( tre esemplari in ferro in tutto: due dei quali frammentari per cui di difficile attribuzione alla classe in questione e solamente uno integro ma di provenienza sporadica), tuttavia la scarsa presenza di queste fibule, considerate da R. Peroni il fossile guida del I Fe 2 A2, ci permette di concludere, allo stato attuale dei dati editi per la necropoli dell’Incoronata, che l’ultima fase di utilizzo del sepolcreto risale al momento iniziale del I Ferro 2. 10

Sebbene la famiglia delle fibule a occhiali in bronzo con spillone ricavato sia attestata in tutte le fasi, gli esemplari più grandi si caratterizzano come tipici delle fasi più antiche, mentre i più piccoli come tipici delle fasi recenziori. 462

FRANCESCA FERRANTI: LA SEQUENZA CRONOLOGICA DELLA NECROPOLI DELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO

Fig. 4. Tipi esclusivi delle fasi Incoronata 3 (1-7), 4 (13-16); tipi comuni alle fasi 3 e 4 (8-12). Tutti gli esemplari sono riprodotti in scala 1:4 ad eccezione dei 208 nn. 3-5 in scala 1:8. Le fibule a occhiali con spillone inchiodato, attestate a partire dalla fase 1A, vengono invece sostituite a partire dalla fase 3 da quelle in ferro e in lamina bronzea su barretta.

antiche della necropoli. Esclusive della fase 1B sono le fibule a quattro spirali, in bronzo su barretta di supporto, con placca centrale di rivestimento,di forma quadrangolare.11

Fibule a quattro spirali

Per quanto riguarda le fibule a quattro spirali in ferro esse sono attestate esclusivamente dal tipo su barretta di supporto e placca circolare attribuibili alla fase 4.

Le fibule a quattro spirali in bronzo con spillone sia ricavato che inchiodato sulla spirale, con o senza placca circolare di rivestimento, sono attestate genericamente dalla fase 1A alla fase 3, caratterizzando quindi già fasi

11 Solamente questo tipo di fibule a quattro spirali in bronzo su barretta di supporto presenta la placca centrale di rivestimento di forma quadrangolare.

463

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Necessario è un accenno alla ceramica dipinta di tipo enotrio geometrico,12 largamente attestata ad Incoronata; motivi riconducibili al Geometrico Antico sono attestati nelle fasi 1A, 1B, 2 e in parte della fase 3: si tratta di triangoli iscritti e di triangoli campiti obliquamente. Soltanto a partire da un momento avanzato della fase 3 compaiono motivi ascrivibili al Geometrico medio quali la tenda a lati concavi e la tenda a lati ispessiti e il cosiddetto ‘stile nero’.

della prima età del Ferro (I Ferro 2B), permettendo così di delineare un quadro complessivo della prima età del Ferro in Basilicata. BIBLIOGRAFIA Bianco Peroni, V., 1970. I rasoi dell’Italia continentale (= PBF, IV, 1). München. Bianco Peroni, V., 1979. Le spade nell’Italia continentale (= PBF, VIII, 2). München. Chiartano, B., 1983. La necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronata e S. Teodoro (scavo 1970-74) (= Metaponto II, NSc 1977, suppl. 1983). 9-190. Chiartano, B, 1994. La necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronta S. Teodoro. Scavi 1978-1985. Deputazione di Storia Patria per la Lucania. Quaderni di Storia Antica e Archeologia 1-2 (Galantina). Chiartano, B., 1996. La necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronta S. Teodoro. Scavi 1986-1987. Deputazione di Storia Patria per la Lucania. Quaderni di Storia Antica e Archeologia 1 (Galantina). Ferranti, F., S.T. Levi & M. De Marco, 2004. L’evoluzione stilistica della ceramica geometrica enotria dell’alto Jonio, in: XXXVII Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Firenze, 541-555. Frey, O.H., 1991. Eine nekropole der fruhen eisenzeit bei Santa Maria d’Anglona. Galantina. Guzzo, G.P., 1975. Paludi (CS): Località Castiglione. Klearchos 65-68, 97-117. Malnati, L., 1984. Tombe arcaiche di S. Maria d’Anglona (scavi 1972-73). Studi e ricerche in Basilicata, Quaderni Acme 4, 41-95. Peroni, R., 1989. Protostoria dell’Italia continentale. La penisola italiana nell’età del Bronzo e del Ferro. Biblioteca di Storia Patria (= Popoli e Civiltà dell’Italia Antica 9). Roma. Peroni, R., 1996. L’Italia alle soglie della storia. Bari.

I dati fin qui presentati sembrerebbero quindi porre la fine dell’utilizzo della necropoli in un momento corrispondente al I Ferro 2A1: questa indicazione cronologica sembra però porsi almeno in parte in contraddizione con quanto emerso dagli scavi condotti da Orlandini a partire dal 1976 sul pianoro occupato dall’abitato: nel corso delle campagne sono state infatti individuate delle fosse, che hanno restituito materiali ascrivibili ad un periodo compreso tra la I età del Ferro e l’inizio della colonizzazione greca, tra i quali numerosi frammenti bicromi (classe non attestata nelle necropoli): l’abitato sembrerebbe quindi coprire un arco cronologico più ampio rispetto a quello rappresentato dalla necropoli, comprendente l’intero orizzonte evoluto della fase recente della prima età del Ferro; secondo la scrivente, tale aporia è senz’altro legata alla discontinuità del record archeologico: alla lista dei fattori causa di discontinuità vanno infatti aggiunti, oltre alla relativa limitatezza delle indagini e ai succitati scassi agricoli e scavi clandestini, i fenomeni erosivi a cui il pianoro è stato sottoposto e che hanno letteralmente cancellato i resti dell’insediamento indigeno sia a livello abitativo che cimiteriale. Tali fasi recenziori della prima età del Ferro, che non è permesso cogliere a Incoronata sono invece attestate nella necropoli di S. Maria di Anglona (Policoro), anche per la quale è stata elaborata una sequenza crono-tipologica:13 gli evidenti legami tipologici tra la fase più antica di quest’ultima e la fase più recente dell’Incoronata permettono inoltre di seguire in maniera continua lo svolgimento delle produzioni in ceramica dipinta di tipo enotrio: attestati ad Anglona sono infatti, oltre a pochi motivi riconducibili al geometrico medio quali la tenda a lati ispessiti, schemi decorativi tipici del Tardo geometrico, quali la tenda evoluta, gli elementi penduli, lo stile vuoto, lo stile miniaturistico e lo stile bicromo, la cui presenza nell’abitato dell’Incoronata è già stata rilevata. Va infine rilevato come la presenza ad Anglona di elementi di corredo quali fibule a navicella e serpeggianti in ferro con o senza gomito o molla, oltre che di un esemplare di fibula di tipo frigio, in associazione al citato bicromo permettono di inquadrare la fine dell’utilizzo della necropoli in un momento finale della fase recente 12

Per un discorso più approfondito sull’evoluzione della ceramica enotrio geometrica si rimanda a F. Ferranti et alii, 2004. Tale sequenza è stata presentata alla XXXVII Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. 13

464

FINE CERAMICS AND CHRONOLOGY AT SALA CONSILINA. DEVELOPMENTS AND TRADITIONS OF AN EARLY IRON AGE COMMUNITY IN THE SOUTH OF ITALY Serena Sabatini Abstract: According to the archaeological data, Sala Consilina seems to have been a large, early Iron Age site extensively interacting with communities in south and central Italy. Several excavations have revealed large parts of its necropolis and a considerable number of well preserved contexts. However, the grave goods are rarely significant from a chronologic point of view. This affected any attempt to date a large number of burials negatively. This paper aims to present results of a comprehensive classification of three large categories of fine ceramics in order to elaborate a chronological sequence of the early Iron Age contexts at Sala Consilina.

The site of Sala Consilina is situated in the south-eastern part of Campania, along the east side of the ‘Vallo di Diano’, a former Pleistocene lake-basin of the Apennine Mountains that is now a long and flat river valley (Fig. 1). The ‘Vallo’ is a naturally privileged way of landcommunication to or from Campania and Calabria; geographically in fact, the large mountainous area that constitutes the western side of the valley arrives to the Tyrrhenian Sea and consistently prevents from finding more accessible ways any closer to the coast. Such location and potential accessibility to short and long distance exchanges1 probably explain to some extend the development of the site during the early Iron Age.2

Archaeological investigations conducted at different rates and by different authorities over the last 50 years3 returned an enormous quantity of rather well contextualized material. Nonetheless these several decades of field researches did not reveal any trace of settlement and the site is only known through its huge necropolis.4 Uncertainties and problems have been recently raised as far as it concerns the extension and the ancient topography of the site,5 however, Sala’s early Iron Age cemetery was most likely organized in two main sectors, a couple of kilometres from each other (Fig. 2): a probably less extended one (known as S. Antonio and S. Nicola) north-west of the modern town and a larger one (San Rocco) towards the south-east. Both sectors are located on a slope currently separated by the modern railway from the plain of the valley, and which was once probably just above the ancient lake or marshland side. During the early phases of the Italian Iron Age, the southeastern sector of San Rocco and the north-western one of San Antonio/San Nicola (this last one was probably in use exclusively in this period) do not differ substantially in burial rite or in spatial organization. In addition several classes of artefacts have been found in graves from both parts demonstrating a constant and conspicuous typological uniformity between them.6 In spite of the distance between them, the various burial grounds are generally considered as part of an articulated but single necropolis.7 Graves and grave goods from the site have been the subject of different and interesting studies.8 However, accurately dating a large part of the early Iron Age

Fig. 1. Southern Italy and geographical position of Sala Consilina.

3 For an overview of the various excavations see Kilian (1970, 16-19) with previous bibliography and Trucco (1987, 1-5). 4 Although the present work is focused on the early Iron Age necropolis, the site is in use from this period until probably the 6th-5th century BC. 5 An accurate revision of the topographical material has been carried out by Trucco (1987, 8-18; 1994; 1997, 304-306). 6 Sabatini 1999. 7 The existence of two burial clusters and the absence of any settlement trace led to various hypotheses upon the organization of the local community. A series of possible reconstructions has been presented by Pascal Ruby (1994, 123-128; 1997, 30-34). 8 I.e.: Kilian 1962; 1964; 1970; La Geniere 1968; Peroni 1979; Ruby 1997; Trucco 1987; 1994.

1 Exchanges and relationships with other communities to the north and south of Sala Consilina, mainly from the Tyrrhenian side of the peninsula, are well illustrated by the material recovered at the site. 2 The chronology of the Italian early Iron Age used in this paper, is based on Renato Peroni’s proposal (Peroni 1979), successively presented (Carancini et alii 1996, fig. 1-4) and further developed and adjusted (i.e.: Pacciarelli 1989 and 1999; Toms 1986).

465

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Plan of Sala Consilina’s archaeological area.

Fig. 3. Sala Consilina’s association table of fine ceramics with their contexts of provenance (rows) and their types of pertinence (columns).

466

SERENA SABATINI: FINE CERAMICS AND CHRONOLOGY AT SALA CONSILINA

Fig. 4. Metal artefacts from the contexts computed in the association table divided per phase as they appear in the contexts’ sequence. contexts has remained to some extent difficult. The majority of the burials in fact did not contain chronologically significant artefacts (i.e.: particular metal objects or ornaments) that could link their contexts to specific phases of the Italian early Iron Age. Therefore the main objective of the study illustrated in this paper is to find alternative chronological markers in the form of ceramic material and in particular three classes of fine ceramics,9 generally considered basic components of a drinking set.

detailed typological analysis. Afterwards, the ceramics were subjected to the statistical seriation of each single artefact with the double parameter of its respective type and provenance in order to obtain an association table (Fig. 3).11 Due to its characteristic, the table might be defined as a sequence of contexts (one per each row, along the vertical axis, Fig. 3) linked to each other by the elements of their grave goods and the respective life-span of their types (darkened parts of the columns within the table, Fig. 3).

Cups, brocche and orcioli jugs10 fulfil two essential requirements in order to obtain the aim of the research. First of all their presence is very common among the tombs’ grave goods. Therefore it is possible to examine and compare nearly all the tombs available. Secondly, they are often characterized by an elaborate manufacture and reach in several cases such a degree of standardization and accurate refinement that it becomes feasible to consider them cultural markers of the community’s customs and tastes. Being so distinctive, they are considered to possess an intrinsic value from a chronological point of view as well.

On the base of mathematical-empirical criteria (mainly centred upon finding gaps in the types’ sequence) the table has been divided into 5 phases, whose coherence from a chronological point of view was tested and substantiated by an analysis of other artefacts (mainly metal objects) found in the graves of the various sections (Fig. 4). The five periods found represent the core of the new proposal for a chronology of the early Iron Age cemeteries at Sala Consilina. Each of them was named using the same terminology applied to the Italian early Iron Age, in order to facilitate an evaluation between both. Comparative analyses conducted on the diagnostic material (Fig. 4) demonstrate a substantial correspondence between the phases of both chronologies. The only higher part of Sala’s sequence (Fig. 3) presents a structure and a series of combinations that do not allow for establishing a clear division between the first Italian early Iron Age sub-phases IA and IB1. However, it is

Components of the chosen categories of fine ceramics have been processed through a comprehensive and very 9 It is important to state that ‘fine ceramic’ means a particular class of ‘impasto’ ceramics with a fine manufacture and not the depurated ceramic like the partly contemporary so called ‘tenda’ productions. 10 The two types of jugs, (in Italian brocche and orcioli) are typologically distinguishable by the position of their handle, from the body to the mouth’s rim, the brocche and from the body to the vase’s neck, the orcioli. This distinction is important because it implies different ways of holding the objects (respectively with one or two hands) and is probably connected to the different functions of pouring and/or decanting liquids.

11 According to the necessities of the statistical computing, the sequence contains approximately ¼ of the total number of the considered tombs (ca. 800). It represents an important and reliable sample (Sabatini 1999).

467

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Type of broche/jugs from the IA-IB1 phase of Sala Consilina. From a chronological point of view the type is well dated by associations with other material pertaining to the beginning of the early Iron Age. One of the items has been found together with a Torre Galli sword (Fig. 4: (a)1), while four others were associated with one of the following types of fibulae with a hammered spiral disc catch holder, like the serpentine fibula with a curved pin (Fig. 4: (a)2), the serpentine fibula with a 3 loops arch (Fig. 4: (a)6), the arch fibula with inserted bronze discs (Fig. 4: (a)7) and the arch bow fibula (Fig. 4: (a)8).12

evident that the following IB2 and the IIA1 sections are not only well defined, but also most consistent in terms of the number of graves. According to the same parameter the later phases IIA2 and IIB at the bottom of the table are significantly smaller in size. The fact could be partly explained by changes in the funerary customs of the community (i.e.: less fine ceramics deposited with the dead), but it could also indicate a slight diminution of the population. The association table found substantiates previous hypothesis (Trucco 1987, 4 and 1997, 304-305) indication that Sala Consalina flourished as a centre during the central phases of the early Iron Age (IB-IIA).

During the successive IB2 phase Sala Consilina’s burial customs do not exhibit particular change though a slightly diminished presence of metal artefacts announces the successive scarcity of metals during the next periods (Fig. 4). A complex type of orcioli/jugs (Fig. 6) appears to be exclusive for this phase. It is formally characterized by a short, rather large neck and a prominent high body. Beside the homogeneous form, decoration, shape and position of the handle are very different from piece to piece, providing an interesting example of one of the many aspects of Sala’s fine ceramics. Several local types in fact are characterized by structurally similar items varying even consistently in one or more accessory elements. The orcioli/jugs are well dated by their association with a serpentine fibula with octagonal section arch and long catch holder (Fig. 4: (b)5), an arch fibula with inserted bronze discs and a solid disc catch holder (Fig. 4: (b)6) and a razor (Fig. 4: (b)8) that in the Bianco Peroni13 typology is assigned to the Vulci type, tentatively placed in the late part of the Italian early Iron Age IB phase.14

Each of Sala Consilina’s phases offers an abundance of fine ceramics’ types providing a picture of a lively community with a well established and most probably rather complex system of production, consumption and exchange of commodities. Sala’s fine ceramics may be appropriately introduced by a large type of brocche/jugs (Fig. 5) typical for the first phase of the sequence. They have a short, wide neck, a bulging slightly round body and a characteristic grooved handle. One of the peculiarities of this group is the presence of two couples of ‘twin items’ (respectively Fig. 5:1, 2 and 4, 6) found in two different tombs of the southern San Rocco necropolis. This case actually suggests the existence of peculiar/serial sets of material, though the combination of two brocche/jugs in the same grave is otherwise extremely rare (Trucco 1987, 165-166). The remaining items come from contexts of different areas of the San Rocco (Fig. 5: 5, 9 and 10) and the San Antonio/San Nicola burial grounds (Fig. 5: 3, 7 and 8), confirming the above mentioned homogeny of the material in both cemetery clusters. Moreover, this particular type of undecorated vases with the accurate and systematic reproduction of its structural features offers a first example of the level of standardization and elaboration of the fine ceramics at Sala Consilina.

Coming back once more to local customs and traditions, it is worth marking that the entire category of the orcioli/jugs appears only in the first two phases of the 12

Especially the detail of the fibulae catch holder is considered to be a marker of the initial moment of the Italian early Iron Age (Pacciarelli 1989, 15-28; Peroni 1979, 194). 13 Bianco Peroni 1979, 28-30. 14 Pacciarelli 1989, 24-20; Peroni 1979, 194-195.

468

SERENA SABATINI: FINE CERAMICS AND CHRONOLOGY AT SALA CONSILINA

Fig. 6. Complex type of orcioli/jugs, divided in four varieties, from Sala Consilina’s IB2 phase.

Fig. 7. Type of cups with an elaborated handle from Sala Consilina’s IIA1 phase. manufactured handle (Fig. 7) to cups with a less uniform handle shape, but complex and formalized incised decoration all over the vase (Fig. 8). These two examples are directly associated with serpentine fibulae with long catch holder of the so called ‘Sicilian’ form (Fig. 4: (c)6), with a double pin fibula (Fig. 4: (c)3) and with a razor with two cutting edges and a nailed handle (Fig. 4: (c)8). None of these metal objects is an exclusive IIA1 chronological marker, though they are all in use during this phase.15

association table (IA-IB1 and IB2). Their use may continue to some extend, but with such a statistically meaningless frequency that we can infer an interesting change in the community’s habits at the beginning of the third local phase (IIA1), which is supposed to coincide with the beginning of the later part of the Italian early Iron Age. Sala Consilina IIA1 phase is the most coherent section of the entire local sequence. During this phase metal objects become rarer and a few highly elaborated types of ceramic come into use. The most interesting examples of the distinctive refinement and of the variety of its expression are to be found in the cups. The range may go from relatively simple cups with a peculiarly

15 As apparently in the rest of the peninsula as well (Pacciarelli 1989, 15-43; Peroni 1979, 194-197), at Sala Consilina the ‘Sicilian’ serpentine fibula with a long catch holder is in use from FeIB2 until at least the FeIIA2.

469

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 8. Type of cups with complex incised decoration from Sala Consilina’s IIA1 phase.

Fig. 9. Type of broche/jugs from contexts of the IIA1 and the IIA2 phases at Sala Consilina. An interesting picture of the complexity of the local ceramic manufacture and consumption is provided by the association in a grave of the San Rocco cemetery of a cup from the previously mentioned type (Fig. 7: 7) and a jug of a brocche type with a very characteristic handle (Fig. 9: 7). Due to their formal characteristics, both types seem to be the results of a coherent project and were possibly created to be combined with each other. The last brocche

type with a peculiar handle (Fig. 9) was found in contexts from both the third (IIA1) and fourth (IIA2) of Sala’s phases. Although no chronologically significant metal artefacts are directly associated to any of its components, a series of combinations with other fine ceramic types confirm their position in the local sequence. One of the jugs comes from a grave with a cup typologically tied to another item, which is directly associated to a sanguisuga 470

SERENA SABATINI: FINE CERAMICS AND CHRONOLOGY AT SALA CONSILINA

Fig. 10. Type of cups from Sala Consilina’s IIB phase. fibula decorated on both the upper and the lower part of the arch (Fig. 4: (c)5), a typical marker of an earlier period (FeIIA1).16 Another jug of the type is related to a grave with a sanguisuga fibula decorated only on the upper part of the arch (Fig. 4: (d)1), a typical marker of a later phase (FeIIA2).17

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To conclude the survey of this latest proposal for a chronology of the early Iron Age necropolis at Sala Consilina, a last representative case of the applied methodology is given. At the bottom of Sala’s sequence we find a type of cups (Fig. 10) characterized by a sharp edge along the maximum diameter of the body and a distinctive handle, often decorated with accurately impressed motives between the edge and the base of the cylindrical neck. The contexts in which these cups have been found appear exclusive for the local IIB phase though none of the tombs contains important chronological markers. As in previous cases, the late dating implied by the position of these tombs in the association table has been confirmed by a series of combinations with other types of fine ceramics. These cups are in fact indirectly connected to a sanguisuga fibula with a long catch holder (Fig. 4: (e)2), which is a marker for the last part of the Italian early Iron Age.18

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I would like to thank A. Nijboer, M. Pacciarelli, C.F.E. Pare and the Organizers of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology for the opportunity to participate. Many thanks to A. Nijboer for the revision of this paper’s text.

Bianco Peroni, V., 1979. I rasoi dell’Italia continentale (= PBF VIII, 2). München. Carancini, A., M. Cardarelli, M. Pacciarelli & R. Peroni, 1996. L’Italia, in: Absolute, relative and comparative chronological sequences (Colloquium XX, XIII International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric sciences, Forlì 1996). Forlì, 85-86. Kilian, K., 1962. Beiträge zur Chronologie der Nekropole Sala Consilina, die Teilnekropole S. Antonio, S. Nicola. Apollo 2, 81-104. Kilian, K., 1964. Untersuchungen zu früheisenzeitlichen Gräbern aus dem Vallo di Diano. Heidelberg. Kilian, K., 1970. Früheisenzeitliche Funde aus der Südostnekropole von Sala Consilina. Heidelberg. La Geniere de, J., 1968. Recherches sur l’âge du fer en Italie meridionale. Sala Consilina. Napoli. Pacciarelli, M., 1989. Comunità protorubane dell’Italia continentale. PhD thesis, Roma, 12-43. Pacciarelli, M., 1999. La necropoli di Torre Galli. Reggio Calabria. Peroni, R., 1979. Osservazioni sulla cronologia della prima età del ferro nell’Italia continentale, in: V. Bianco Peroni, I rasoi dell’Italia continentale (= PBF VIII, 2). München, 192-200. Ruby, P., 1994. Problèmes chronologiques et topographiques de la nécropole du premier âge du fer de Sala Consilina, in: La presenza etrusca nella Campania meridionale (= Biblioteca di Studi Etruschi 28). Firenze, 111-134. Ruby, P., 1997. Le crepuscule du marges. Napoli. Sabatini, S., 1999. Contributo alla cronologia delle necropoli di Sala Consilina: le ceramiche fini. Dissertation thesis, University ‘La Sapienza’, Roma. Toms, J., 1986. The relative chronology of the Villanovian cemetery of Quattro Fontanili at Veii. Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli 8, 42-97.

The amount of information offered by the study of Sala Consilina’s material is remarkable and far from being exhausted by the chronological analysis. The exceptional quality and quantity of Sala’s funerary commodities reveals a complexly organized community with specific characteristics and traditions, well rooted in the contemporary Italian environment. This new proposal for a chronology of the early Iron Age cemeteries at Sala Consilina aims to represent a base for further investigations and studies.

16 17 18

Pacciarelli 1989, 30-32; Peroni 1979, 197. Pacciarelli 1989, 38; Peroni 1979, 197. Pacciarelli 1989, 38-43; Peroni 1979, 197.

471

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Trucco, F., 1987. Profilo socio-culturale di una comunità enotria dell’eta’del ferro: evidenze funerarie di Sala Consilina. PhD thesis, Roma. Trucco, F., 1994. Le necropoli di sala Consilina: analisi dei corredi, configurazioni planimetriche, gruppi sociali, in: La presenza etrusca nella Campania meridionale (= Biblioteca di Studi Etruschi 28). Firenze, 135-152. Trucco, F., 1997. Development and social structure of Sala Consilina on the basis of funerary data, in: K.F. Rittenshofer (ed.), Demographie der Bronzezeit. Jahrestagungen vom 24.-25 Mai 1988 in Ettlingen und vom 16.-21 Mai 1989 in Frankfurt a. Main. Espelkamp, 304-312.

472

IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA Nicola Ialongo, Serena Cosentino, Vincenzo D’Ercole & Gianfranco Mieli Abstract: The study is preliminary and attempts to reconstruct the chronological sequence of the sites in the Fucino Plain starting from the accurate typological analysis of the whole archaeological ceramic record of the area, both from excavations and surveys.

Genick, nel suo lavoro sull’Antica età del bronzo,4 data alla fase 1 del Bronzo Antico. Lo stesso vale per i confronti con l’area Adriatica meridionale, tutti provenienti da contesti della facies di Laterza, e quindi sicuramente di un momento iniziale del BA. Le fasi avanzate del BA non sono documentate nelle trincee scavate da Cremonesi, ma sono riconoscibili in quelle scavate da Puglisi, nel materiale di ricognizione proveniente dal sito stesso e da altri insediamenti sulla piana. Delle sette trincee aperte da Puglisi nel 1958, una non ha restituito materiali, cinque hanno restituito materiali Eneolitici, e una materiali che coprono tutto l’arco dell’età del Bronzo e della prima età del Ferro. Tra i reperti provenienti da tale trincea, quelli databili al Bronzo Antico trovano confronti nell’Italia centrale sia in contesti di BA 1 che in contesti di BA 2, ma mai in contesti della facies di Laterza, e in nessun caso si associano in tipologia con il materiale delle trincee Cremonesi. Si può ipotizzare quindi che il materiale delle trincee Cremonesi non vada oltre una fase 1A, mentre quello proveniente dalla trincea Puglisi copra le fasi 1B e 2 dell’Antica età del Bronzo.

BRONZO ANTICO Riconoscere nel bacino del Fucino una facies archeologica riferibile all’antica età del bronzo ha sempre rappresentato un problema per gli studiosi. La mancanza di elementi chiaramente diagnostici ha spesso indotto a pensare che questa fase fosse poco o per nulla rappresentata nei siti noti nella regione. Inoltre, il fatto che nelle grotte Maritza e La Punta fossero stati rinvenuti alcuni frammenti decorati a squame in tagli superiori a quelli contenenti materiali della cosiddetta ‘facies di Ortucchio’, generalmente datata all’Eneolitico finale, ha indotto alcuni studiosi a ipotizzare che la ceramica a squame nel Fucino potesse comparire dopo la fine dell’età del rame, e quindi caratterizzare una facies locale collocabile nel Bronzo Antico.1 Tuttavia l’analisi esaustiva di tutto il materiale ceramico proveniente dalla piana del Fucino ha permesso di stabilire che le difficoltà nel riconoscere il Bronzo Antico dipendevano esclusivamente dalla carenza di documentazione disponibile, ed in particolar modo dallo stato di pubblicazione del sito che si è rivelato essere il più importante per questa fase: il sito di Ortucchio. L’abitato di Ortucchio,2 assai noto in letteratura ma purtroppo altrettanto lacunoso nelle pubblicazioni, è stato indagato attraverso nove trincee.3 Sette furono aperte da Puglisi nel 1958, ed hanno restituito materiali databili tra l’Eneolitico e la prima età del Ferro. Altre due, aperte da Cremonesi nel 1962, hanno invece restituito una gran quantità di materiali che coprono un arco cronologico relativamente limitato, tra l’Eneolitico finale ed il Bronzo Antico Iniziale. La definizione della cosiddetta facies di Ortucchio, così come era stata proposta da Radmilli nel 1977 (e rimasta finora sostanzialmente invariata, almeno per quanto riguarda l’area in questione), si fondava quasi esclusivamente sull’analisi dei motivi decorativi, lasciando in secondo piano le forme vascolari. Proprio lo studio di queste ultime ha permesso invece di riconoscere diverse fogge comuni con contesti dell’inizio dell’Antica età del Bronzo, appartenenti alle facies di Asciano (o Epicampaniforme) e di Luni Tre Erici nell’area tirrenica centrale, e alla facies di Laterza-Cellino S. Marco nell’area adriatica meridionale.

Bronzo Antico 1 A Il tipo di ciotola carenata a colletto con una complessa decorazione a bande campite a punteggio eseguito a pettine (Fig. 1:1), trova confronti sia con l’area tirrenica centrale5 che con quella adriatica meridionale,6 così come la ciotola a profilo arrotondato a breve colletto con corpo lenticolare (Fig. 1:2).7 La tazza a colletto con ansa verticale impostata sull’orlo e decorazione a motivi ondulati eseguiti a pettine (Fig. 1:3) è molto simile all’esemplare proveniente dalla capanna di Luni Tre Erici,8 per il quale sono stati più volte proposti dei rapporti con la facies di Capo Graziano. Grazie all’analisi tipologica delle forme è stato possibile stabilire che gran parte dei motivi decorativi finora considerati tipici della facies Eneolitica di Ortucchio ricorrono su forme databili al Bronzo Antico. Tali decorazioni sono tutte eseguite a pettine, generalmente a tre punte, e sono estremamente sottili e leggere, talvolta riempite di pasta bianca. I più diffusi sono i motivi ondulati semplici, talvolta marginati o alternati da bande

Il materiale delle trincee Cremonesi trova confronti nell’area tirrenica centrale solo con tipi che la Cocchi

4

Cocchi Genick 1998. Sarti & Martini 2000, fig. 30.2. 6 Ingravallo 2002, 258, n. 10. 7 Ceccanti & Cocchi 1982, fig. 2.3; Tunzi Sisto 1996, fig. 1, l’esemplare in fondo alla pagina. 8 Di Gennaro & Pacciarelli 1996, fig. 1.1. 5

1

Radi 1988. Radi 1988; Radmilli 1977. 3 Remotti 2001. 2

473

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Scala 1:4. 1-3: Ortucchio trincee Cremonesi; 4-6: Ortucchio trincee Puglisi; 7-8: Motivi decorativi; 9, 11-13, 15-16: Celano Paludi; 10, 14: Pescina-Le Coste; 17: Trasacco S. Rufino 1; 18: Ortucchio strada 28; 19: Ortucchio strada 29. bande parallele, eseguite con pettine a due punte, campite da punti incisi con un pettine a tre punte (Fig. 1:8).

orizzontali (Fig. 1:7). Questi motivi, oltre a ricordare molto da vicino lo stile decorativo della facies di Capo Graziano, trovano precisi confronti nel sito dell’Antica età del Bronzo di Via Lucrezia Romana, alla periferia di Roma.9 Non mancano decorazioni estremamente complesse, come il motivo a zig-zag costituito da tre 9

Bronzo Antico 1B-2 Tra i tipi più significativi dello scavo Puglisi troviamo un boccale a colletto con corpo globulare e ansa verticale con sopraelevazione ad ascia (Fig. 1:4), una ciotola

Iaia, Barbaro & Favorito nel presente volume.

474

NICOLA IALONGO, SERENA COSENTINO, VINCENZO D’ERCOLE & GIANFRANCO MIELI: IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA sulla facies di Grotta Nuova,17 della fase 2 A del Bronzo Medio e hanno una grande diffusione nella piana del Fucino, ma sono del tutto assenti a Trasacco. La fase 2 B, presente a Trasacco in un consistente numero di esemplari, è rappresentata da basse ciotole carenate con breve risega, orlo svasato e fondo umbilicato (Fig. 2:1) e da grandi e profonde ciotole carenate a gola con vasca troncoconica (Fig. 2:2-3). L’elemento cronologicamente più significativo è costituito senza dubbio dai manici con foro rettangolare o circolare ad apici a lobo revoluti, impostati non più sulla massima espansione ma sull’orlo (Fig. 2:2-3). La diffusione di questi tipi è altrettanto capillare quanto quella dei tipi della fase precedente, ma risultano del tutto assenti a Paludi di Celano. Vengono così a delinearsi due contesti cronologicamente ben distinti riconoscibili nei siti di Paludi di Celano (fase 2 A) e di Trasacco (fase 2 B). Le ciotole a corpo arrotondato, di tradizione molto antica, non sembrano avere fortuna nelle fasi avanzate del Bronzo Medio al contrario delle ciotole carenate, che acquistano maggiore varietà nelle fogge, articolandosi in forme basse e aperte di piccole dimensioni e in forme profonde di grandi dimensioni. Per quanto riguarda l’evoluzione stilistica dei manici, il tipo impostato sulla massima espansione, a forma trapezoidale con sezione più o meno insellata (Fig. 1:18-19) viene completamente sostituito dal tipo impostato sull’orlo del vaso con apici revoluti molto sviluppati (Fig. 2:2-3).

troncoconica con orlo appena distinto e labbro ingrossato con spigolo interno (Fig. 1:5), che trova confronti nel materiale di tipo Cetina del sito di S. Callisto di Popoli,10 e la ciotola carenata con breve risega e parete inclinata all’esterno con decorazione a tacche incise al di sotto della carena (Fig. 1:6), che si confronta con un esemplare dal sito di Termine est 2, a Sesto Fiorentino, da un’ US datata al BA 2.11 BRONZO MEDIO Bronzo Medio 1 La sequenza del Bronzo Medio si ricostruisce interamente sulla base dei rapporti di associazione-esclusione tra i siti del Fucino. L’abitato palafitticolo di Paludi di Celano12 ha restituito un piccolo nucleo di materiali, rinvenuti tutti in un’area limitata dello scavo, databili tra il BM 1 e il BM 2A. Un contesto puro di BM 1 è invece costituito da una struttura a pozzetto rinvenuta nel sito di Le Coste di Pescina,13 che ha restituito pochissimi materiali ma assai significativi. Il BM 1 è caratterizzato dalle anse con sopraelevazione a nastro impostate sul punto di massima espansione, tipiche della facies protoappenninica, associate a ciotole a corpo arrotondato dal profilo tendenzialmente schiacciato (Fig. 1:9-11). Le ciotole a corpo arrotondato con colletto distinto da una risega (Fig. 1:12) trovano invece confronto nell’ambito della facies di Grotta Nuova.14 Le ciotole carenate sono caratterizzate da un colletto rientrante in continuità con la parete (Fig. 1:13). Forma che trova confronto a Torre de’ Passeri.15 Il boccale a profilo biconico proveniente da Le Coste (Fig. 1:14) non trova confronti specifici ma è datato dal contesto di rinvenimento.

Bronzo Medio 3 Nel corso degli ultimi due anni è stato indagato e studiato, ad opera di G. Mieli e S. Cosentino, il sito di Cerchio in località La Ripa, che ha restituito una sequenza stratigrafica che è possibile far risalire interamente al BM 3.18 Da questo contesto proviene una notevole quantità di materiali che, insieme a quelli provenienti dal ‘livello appenninico’ del già citato sito di Le Coste di Pescina, hanno reso piuttosto agevole la definizione di questa fase. La tipologia delle forme, come quella dei motivi decorativi, si inquadra piuttosto bene nell’ambito della facies appenninica medio adriatica. Le ciotole carenate non presentano una grande articolazione di forme: sembrano infatti tutte riconducibili a pochi modelli piuttosto standardizzati. Si può riconoscere una foggia caratterizzata da una parete rientrante piuttosto sviluppata, da una vasca poco profonda e da un orlo svasato piuttosto accentuato (Fig. 2:5-6,8). Le anse sono generalmente di piccole dimensioni impostate dalla carena alla parete; sono anche presenti tipi con attacco dalla carena all’orlo, che possono presentare delle piccole appendici (Fig. 2:6) che ricordano quelle diffuse nella Puglia settentrionale e in particolare nell’ipogeo funerario di Trinitapoli.19 Una seconda foggia presenta una forma complessivamente più aperta, con una breve parete verticale o appena rientrante e l’orlo svasato piuttosto accentuato (Fig. 2:4). I vasi a collo distinto riccamente

Bronzo Medio 2 La suddivisione del BM 2 in due sottofasi A e B si basa sulla sistematica esclusione reciproca dei due contesti più significativi di questi due momenti: lo stesso sito di Paludi di Celano e il sito di Trasacco.16 Non si verifica infatti in nessun caso che due esemplari provenienti da questi due siti si associno nello stesso tipo. Fogge caratteristiche della fase 2 A sono le ciotole a corpo arrotondato con spalla fortemente rientrante e orlo svasato (Fig. 1:15) e le ciotole carenate con vasca a calotta, breve parete rientrante e orlo verticale non distinto (Fig. 1:16-17). Entrambe le forme sono caratterizzate dalla ricorrenza di manici trapezoidali con foro circolare impostati sulla massima espansione. Questi manici (Fig. 1:18-19) sono caratteristici, secondo la cronologia della Cocchi Genick nel suo recente lavoro

10

Mattiocco 1981, tav. VI; Di Fraia 1996, fig. 3.14,8. Sarti & Martini 2000, fig. 50.7. Cosentino et alii 1998; 2001; D’Ercole 1986; 1991; 1998. 13 Radi 1996; Radi & Ventura 1994; Radi et alii 2001. 14 Cocchi Genick 2001, tipo 157. 15 De Pompeis & Di Fraia 1981, fig. 5.5. 16 Radi 1986; 1991. 11 12

17

Cocchi Genick 2001, tipi 473, 498 B. Cosentino, D’Ercole & Mieli 2003. 19 Tunzi Sisto 1999. 18

475

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. 1-7, 11-12 scala 1:4, 8 scala 1:5, 9-10 scala 1:6. 1-3: Trasacco; 4: Venere Restina; 5, 9: Pescina le Coste; 6-7, 10: Cerchio La Ripa; 11: Ortucchio strada 28; 12: Ortucchio la Punta. decorati (Fig. 2:9-10) sembrano costituire invece una peculiarità dell’area in esame, e presentano delle decorazioni che difficilmente trovano confronti precisi con altre zone di diffusione della facies appenninica. I manici del Bronzo Medio 3 sono impostati sull’orlo come quelli della fase precedente, ma presentano fori più piccoli, una strozzatura alla radice degli apici revoluti e sono caratterizzati soprattutto dai margini rilevati,

ispessiti e appiattiti sulla faccia interna e dalla presenza della ripresa (Fig. 2:7-8). BRONZO RECENTE Questa fase è rappresentata in molti siti, ma in nessuno di essi è presente con associazioni sufficientemente rilevanti da costituire un contesto cronologicamente omogeneo. 476

NICOLA IALONGO, SERENA COSENTINO, VINCENZO D’ERCOLE & GIANFRANCO MIELI: IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA Tuttavia l’abbondanza di indicatori cronologici (come i manici e le tipiche sopraelevazioni subappenniniche) e lo studio dei confronti, rendono possibile definire un quadro generale del Bronzo Recente nel Fucino.

di Celano che ha restituito una notevole quantità di materiale databile tra il Bronzo Finale e il primo Ferro 1 A. BRONZO FINALE

Le scodelle ad orlo rientrante a profilo continuo con labbro tagliato (Fig. 2:11-12) costituiscono una foggia molto diffusa nel Fucino, che trova confronti, sul versante adriatico, con materiale dalla Grotta S. Angelo.20 Ad esse sono molto spesso associate anse verticali con sopraelevazione (Fig. 2:11) e manici a corna revolute (Fig. 2:12). Il tipo di ciotola a corpo arrotondato a parete rientrante con ansa verticale (Fig. 3:2) trova confronti nel Lazio con il sito di Vaccina.21 Le ciotole carenate (Fig. 3:1,3) presentano tipi di ampia diffusione in Italia centromeridionale, trovando confronti molto vicini nei siti laziali di Vaccina22 e S. Giovenale strati 6-11.23 Gli indicatori più diffusi e caratteristici sono i manici a corna revolute (Fig. 3:5), che sembrano peculiari di un’area estremamente ristretta limitata all’Abruzzo interno. I manici del Bronzo Recente sono impostati non più sull’orlo, bensì sulla parete immediatamente sotto di esso, da cui si dipartono attraverso due setti orizzontali che si riuniscono e si sviluppano in altezza formando un ampio foro circolare. Dalla parte terminale del manico partono due lunghi corni revoluti. La ripresa non si sviluppa più verso i lati del manico ma verso l’esterno del vaso, mentre i margini interni si presentano sempre più ispessiti e rilevati. Questi manici sono associati esclusivamente a scodelle (Fig. 2:12).

I coperchi ansati su piede con decorazione incisa (Fig. 3:6) trovano confronto nel sito di Madonna degli Angeli nella valle del Pescara con tipi datati al Bronzo Finale 3.26 Le ciotole carenate a parete fortemente rientrante sono avvicinabili a due esemplari dai siti di Belverde27 (Fig. 3:7) e Casa Carletti28 (Fig. 3:8). Molto più articolate e significative sono invece le tazze, la prima delle quali, a collo non distinto (Fig. 3:8), sembra essere piuttosto antica sulla base del confronto con il sito di Torrionaccio,29 quindi databile al Bronzo Finale 1-2. Databili alla fase 3 risultano invece i tipi di tazze a collo distinto, confrontabili con le tombe di Poggio della Pozza30 (Fig. 3:9) e di Grotta Barche (Fig. 3:10). Ad un Bronzo Finale generico sono invece da attribuire il vaso a collo inclinato all’esterno di grandi dimensioni (Fig. 3:11) e quello, più piccolo, con collo troncoconico e costolature sulla spalla (Fig. 3:12). PRIMO ETÀ DEL FERRO 1A Il sito di Paludi di Celano presenta molti materiali tipologicamente databili alla prima età del Ferro. Tali materiali trovano confronti sul versante adriatico e su quello tirrenico solo con contesti databili alla fase 1 A della Prima età del Ferro italiana. La tazza a corpo biconico con orlo svasato, con fila di cuppelle all’attacco dell’orlo e bugna decorata con motivi incisi triangolari e cuppelle (Fig. 4:1) si confronta con una foggia diffusa nel Lazio nella fase Laziale IIA.31 La tazza a collo verticale distinto con ansa non sopraelevata con linguetta sull’orlo e decorazione a cuppelline alla base del collo (Fig. 3:13) è avvicinabile per il profilo ad un esemplare da Collelongo Fond’jò databile al I Fe IA.32

Per quanto riguarda le sopraelevazioni delle anse, si registra una netta predominanza delle sopraelevazioni ornitomorfe e a capocchia bilaterale a scapito di quelle cornute, rappresentate da un solo esemplare (Fig. 3:2). BRONZO RECENTE - BRONZO FINALE-PRIMO ETÀ DEL FERRO Di grande importanza per gli sviluppi territoriali nella regione, il periodo di passaggio dal Bronzo Recente al Bronzo Finale vede una fortissima continuità insediativa a fronte di un drastico aumento del numero dei siti. Nessun insediamento viene abbandonato; ne nascono invece molti a ridosso di quelli già esistenti, dando luogo ad un fenomeno di geminazione, finalizzato ad ampliare la superficie abitata ed ad occupare aree sopraelevate rispetto alla piana, che possano offrire un certo controllo sul territorio.24 Porre una cesura tra il Bronzo Finale e la prima età del Ferro in Abruzzo è sempre risultato problematico. Grazie alla recente ricerca della dottoressa Dora Gatti sul primo Ferro del versante adriatico centromeridionale,25 tuttavia, l’operazione risulta ora più agevole. Il contesto più significativo è l’abitato di Paludi

Di nuovo all’ambito laziale è infine riconducibile la grande tazza a collo distinto con ansa bifora (Fig. 3:14). Gli orcioli a corpo biconico (Fig. 4:2) sono strettamente avvicinabili a esemplari provenienti da Osteria dell’Osa da tombe della Fase IIA.33 I tipi di anforette a corpo globulare schiacciato a collo non distinto (Fig. 4:4)34 e a corpo lenticolare e collo distinto (Fig. 4:3)35 trovano confronti entrambi nel sito di Madonna degli Angeli.

26

Fratini 1997, tav. XV.6,11. De Angelis 1979, fig. 5.4. De Angelis 1979, fig. 5.1. 29 Cassano & Manfredini 1978, fig. 66.031. 30 D’Ercole, fig. 3, la tazza a collo in alto a destra. 31 Bietti Sestieri 1992, fig. 3a.140, t. 193, n. 3. 32 Gatti, tesi di Laurea. 33 Bietti Sestieri 1992, fig. 3a.8, t. 153, n. 2. 34 Fratini 1997, tav. XXIV.9. 35 Fratini 1997, tav. XXII.1, 7. 27 28

20

Di Fraia & Grifoni 1996, fig. 57.1. Damiani 2000, fig. 2.8. 22 Damiani 2000, fig. 3.1. 23 Gierow 1984, fig. 6.6. 24 Ialongo 2003. 25 Gatti 2003. 21

477

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Scala 1: 4, eccetto 11-12 (scala 1:6). 1: Trasacco; 2, 5: Trasacco 2; 3-4, 9: Ortucchio strada 28; 6-7, 10-11, 14-15: Celano Paludi; 8, 12: Trasacco; 13: Grotta la Punta.

478

NICOLA IALONGO, SERENA COSENTINO, VINCENZO D’ERCOLE & GIANFRANCO MIELI: IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA

Fig. 4. Scala 1:4. 1-4: Celano Paludi; 5-7: Ortucchio strada 28. PRIMO ETÀ DE FERRO IB-II

tradizione, risalenti almeno al BM 3. Dal momento che sopravvivono alcuni degli insediamenti più interni alla piana, questo fenomeno non dovrà essere messo in relazione con un drastico aumento del livello delle acque del lago, bensì con l’inizio dell’occupazione delle alture naturalmente difese circostanti la piana stessa (Fig. 4). I materiali databili a queste fasi non sono molti ma sono

Nelle fasi avanzate della prima età del Ferro si assiste per la prima volta nell’intero arco della protostoria ad una drastica diminuzione del numero degli insediamenti sulla piana. Nessun nuovo sito viene fondato a partire dalla Fase IB, e sopravvivono solo alcuni dei siti di più antica 479

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI piuttosto caratteristici. Le tazze basse a profilo poco articolato con ansa bifora (Fig. 4:5) trovano confronti stretti con materiale della Fase IB della necropoli di Pontecagnano.36 Al Ferro 2 sono invece databili le tazze basse a corpo arrotondato con orlo svasato (Fig. 4:6), confrontabili con materiale dal sito di Cures,37 e le tazze basse a colletto (Fig. 4:7) che trovano confronto in un tipo della necropoli romana dell’Esquilino.38

Celano, in: Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Atti del I conv.di archeologia. Avezzano, 174-198. D’Ercole, V., 1995. Poggio della Pozza: Allumiere. Campagna di scavo 1994, in: II Conv. P.P.E. 2, 181192. D’Ercole, V., 1998. La necropoli dell’età del Bronzo Finale delle Paludi di Celano, in: Archeologia in Abruzzo. Tarquinia, 139-156. Damiani, I., 2000. L’Insediamento di Vaccina (LadispoliRM) nel quadro del Bronzo Recente nell’Italia mediotirrenica, in: Atti IV conv. PPE. Firenze, pp. 473-481. De Angelis, M.C., 1979. Il Bronzo Finale in Umbria e Toscana interna, in: Il Bronzo Finale in Italia, Atti XXII riun. scient. I.I.P.P. Firenze. De Pompeis, C. & T. Di Fraia, 1981. Un Insediamento protoappenninica a Torre de’ Passeri (Pescara). Quaderni del museo delle tradizioni popolari abruzzesi 5, 4-38. Di Fraia, T., 1996. Considerazioni sull’antica età del Bronzo in Abruzzo, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’antica età del Bronzo in Italia, Atti del convegno internazionale, Viareggio 9-12 Gennaio 1995. Firenze, 483-492. Di Fraia, T. & R. Grifoni Cremonesi (eds), 1996. La Grotta Sant’Angelo sulla Montagna dei Fiori (Teramo). Le testimonianze dal Neolitico all’età del Bronzo e il problema delle frequentazioni cultuali in grotte. Roma. Di Gennaro, F. & M. Pacciarelli, 1996. Lo stile di Luni Tre Erici-Norchia, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’antica età del Bronzo in Italia, Atti del convegno internazionale, Viareggio 9-12 Gennaio 1995. Firenze, 574-575. Fratini, T., 1997. La protostoria della valle del Pescara. 2. Bronzo Finale e prima età del Ferro (= Quad. del Museo delle Genti d’Abruzzo, 25). Pescara. Gatti, D., 1997-98. L’insediamento di Collelongo ‘Fond’jò’ nel quadro della sequenza culturale protostorica dell’Abruzzo”, tesi di Laurea in Protostoria Europea. Università la Sapienza, Roma. Gatti, D., 2003. Proposta per la definizione di una sequenza cronologica del Bronzo Finale-prima età del Ferro nell’area centro-adriatica italiana, in: Atti XXXVI riun. scient. I.I.P.P., pp. 371-382 Guidi, A., A. Zifferero, M. Ruffo, G. Ruffo, C. Costantini, L. Costantini Biasimi & P. Catalano, 1987. Curas Sabini: risultati della quinta campagna di scavo. Arch. Laz. 8, 321-332. Gierow, P.G., 1984. Le fasi preistoriche: dal Neolitico al Bronzo Recente, in: S. Forsberg & B.E. Thomasson (eds), San Giovenale. Materiali e problemi. Stokholm, 17-36. Ialongo, N., 2003. Dinamiche insediative nel Fucino durante la protostoria, in: Atti XXXVI riun. scient. I.I.P.P. 641-644. Ingravallo, E. (ed.), 2002. Grotta Cappuccini (Galatone) tra Eneolitico e primo Bronzo (= Collana del dipartimento di beni culturali dell’Università di Lecce, 11). Lecce.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Bettelli, M., 1997. Roma. La città prima della città: i tempi di una nascita. La cronologia delle sepolture ad inumazione di Roma e del Lazio nella prima età del ferro. L’Erma di Bretschneider. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (eds), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Quasar, Roma. Cassano, S.M. & A. Manfredini, 1978. Torrionaccio (Viterbo). Scavo di un abitato protostorico. N.Sc. 32, 160-382. Ceccanti, M. & D. Cocchi, 1982. Revisione dei materiali dell’Antro della Noce di Belverde di Cetona conservati nel Museo Archeologico di Firenze. SEQ 4, 71-84. Cocchi Genick, D., 1998. L’antica età del bronzo nell’Italia centrale. Profilo di un’epoca e di un’appropriata strategia metodologica. OCTAVO, Firenze. Cocchi Genick, D., 2001. Classificazione tipologica e processi storici. Le ceramiche della facies di Grotta Nova. Mauro Baroni Editore, Viareggio (LU). Cosentino, S., V. D’Ercole & G. Mieli, 1998. Le Paludi di Celano. Le ricerche e i materiali dell’insediamento protostorico, in: Archeologia in Abruzzo. Tarquinia, 139-156. Cosentino, S., V. D’Ercole & G. Mieli, 2001. Nuovi dati dal sito delle Paludi di Celano, in: Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Atti del II conv. di archeologia, Celano 1999. Avezzano, 169-174. Cosentino, S., V. D’Ercole & G. Mieli, 2003. Gli Insediamenti dell’età del Bronzo di Cerchio la Ripa e di Celano Paludi (AQ), in: Atti XXXVI riun. scient. I.I.P.P., 342-355. D’Agostino, B. & P. Gastaldi (eds), 1988. Pontecagnano. II. La necropoli del Picentino. 1. Le tombe della prima età del Ferro. Napoli. D’Ercole, V., 1986. Prima campagna di scavo alle Paludi di Celano, in: Gli insediamenti perilacustri dell’età del Bronzo e della prima età del Ferro: il caso dell’antico Lacus Velinus, Atti dell’incontro di Acquasparta, 15-17 nov. 1985 (= Quaderni di Protostoria, 1). Perugina, 317-343. D’Ercole, V., 1991. Rapporto preliminare sulle prime cinque campagne di scavo condotte alle Paludi di

36

D’Agostino & Gastaldi 1988, fig. 35, t. 172, n. 3 – fig. 200, t. 4862, n.

4. 37 38

Guidi et alii, 1987. Bettelli 1997, tav. 35.3.

480

NICOLA IALONGO, SERENA COSENTINO, VINCENZO D’ERCOLE & GIANFRANCO MIELI: IL FUCINO NELLA PROTOSTORIA Irti, U., 1991. Insediamenti all’aperto nel Fucino dal Neolitico all’età dei metalli, in: Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Atti del I conv. Avezzano, 76109. Mattiocco, E., 1981. Centri fortificati preromani nella conca di Sulmona. Chieti. Remotti, E., 2001. Ricerche nel villaggio di Ortucchio, in: Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Atti del II conv. di archeologia, Celano 1999. Avezzano, 126132. Radi, G., 1986. Le ricerche nel Fucino: notizie preliminari sull’insediamento di Trasacco, in: Gli insediamenti perilacustri dell’età del bronzo e della prima età del Ferro: il caso dell’antico Lacus Velinus, Atti dell’incontro di Acquasparta, 15-17 nov. 1985 (= Quaderni di Protostoria, 1). Perugina, 301-316. Radi, G., 1988. L’eneolitico in Abruzzo, atti del congresso internazionale ‘L’età del Rame in Europa’. Rass. Arch. 7, 370-377. Radi, G., 1991. Scavi nel villaggio dell’età del bronzo di Trasacco, in: Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Atti del I conv. Avezzano, 110-121. Radi, G., 1996. Le Coste: stazioni dell’Eneolitico e della media età del bronzo nel Fucino (Pescina, L’Aquila). Origini 19, 415-445. Radi, G., A. Berton, E. Castiglioni & M. Rottoli, 2001. Le Coste, stazione dell’età dei metalli, in: Atti del II conv. di archeologia, Celano 1999. Avezzano, 110125. Radi, G. & O. Ventura, 1994. Nuovo sito con ceramica a squame nel Fucino. R.S.P. 46(1), 177-190. Radmilli, A.M., 1977. Storia dell’Abruzzo dalle origini all’età del Bronzo. Pisa. Sarti, L. & F. Martini (eds), 2000. Insediamenti e artigianati dell’età del Bronzo in area fiorentina. Le ricerche archeologiche nei cantieri CONSIAG (19961998) (= Millenni, studi di archeologia preistorica, 2). Firenze. Tunzi Sisto, A.M., 1996. Il Bronzo Antico nella Puglia settentrionale, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’antica età del Bronzo in Italia, Atti del convegno internazionale, Viareggio 9-12 Gennaio 1995. Firenze, 584-585. Tunzi Sisto, A.M. (ed.), 1999. Ipogei della Daunia. Preistoria di un territorio. Foggia.

481

I RAPPORTI TRANSADRIATICI NELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO SULLA BASE DELLA DIFFUSIONE DELLA CERAMICA D’IMPASTO Dora Gatti Abstract: Subject of study are settlement contexts of the Final Bronze Age-Early Iron Age of the South-Central Italian Adriatic coast, from the Marche to Northern Puglia, and of four settlements in Dalmatia (Zara, Radovin, Nin and Bribir), chronologically attributed to the Early Iron Age. Based on a critical reconstruction of the stratigraphy of the analysed contexts and of the typological study of the impasto pottery, for a large part unpublished, a comparison between the finds from both sides of the Adriatic is made with the aim to elaborate a comparative chronological framework and to analyse the cultural relations between the two regions. For this goal comparisons with the Upper-Adriatic and Istrian areas are also used. The study of the impasto pottery of the sites on the eastern coast and the comparative form-analysis with the Italian Adriatic contexts allows to define the nature and development of the cultural relations, which, from the beginning of the Early Iron Age,are encountered in the whole Adriatic, thus forming a cultural koinè. The close affinity between the two coasts, already noted in the literature regarding the metal finds and painted figulina, is strengthened by the correspondence of specific form and decoration schemes of the ceramics. The similarity of the material culture is expressed by a selection of specific elements and documents contacts of a temporary nature.

Le già ampiamente note affinità tra le due sponde dell’Adriatico, basate sulla circolazione di modelli e oggetti di classi ‘pregiate’, quali i bronzi e la figulina dipinta in stile ‘Geometrico daunio’,1 ma anche ‘Geometrico salentino’,2 si precisano anche grazie alle affinità nelle fogge ceramiche in impasto. Questa produzione rientra pienamente e sostiene ancora più quel modello di frequentazione e trasmissione culturale che lega profondamente i siti adriatici già dal momento più antico della prima età del ferro, ma solo con la fase più recente i legami diventano più evidenti ed intensi. I contatti diretti e più chiari sono senz’altro quelli tra la costa dalmata e l’ambiente piceno e quello alto-adriatico. In quest’ultimo ambito, è stato messo in evidenza come nella prima età del ferro si assista ad un fenomeno di grande portata, di transizione alla stabilità insediativa in siti maggiori, caratterizzati da un aumento dimensionale considerevole (Este, Padova, Oderzo, forse Treviso), cui fa riscontro un calo delle presenze diffuse sul territorio. Tale processo di crescita, evidente dall’VIII secolo, prosegue nel VII e nel VI, con un aumento anche demografico, che si riflette in un progressivo ripopolamento del territorio circostante i siti ‘maggiori’, che si configurano ora chiaramente (ma probabilmente fin dall’VIII sec. a.C.), come veri e propri centri proturbani.3 L’ambito istriano sembra invece chiaramente proiettato verso rapporti marittimi che investono tutto l’arco adriatico, ricoprendo al contempo il ruolo di tramite tra le regioni adriatiche e quelle europee centro-orientali.4 Sono state esaminate quattro località della Dalmazia (Fig. 1), Zadar, Radovin, Nin e Bribir (l’illirica Varvaria), da cui proviene molto materiale protostorico in ceramica d’impasto, figulina e alcuni bronzi, raccolti sia in interventi occasionali che durante scavi sistematici.

Fig. 1. Localizzazione dei contesti dalmati e distribuzione di fogge e decorazioni nelle due sponde dell’Adriatico. L’analisi dei reperti e le ricostruzioni crono-stratigrafiche effettuate per ogni sito sembrano in parte confermare le proposte cronologiche avanzate dall’autore dei saggi di scavo – Šime Batović – in tutte e quattro le località.5 Questi abitati dovrebbero iniziare la loro vita sul finire del momento iniziale della prima età del ferro per poi

1

Si citano per tutti, Peroni 1976; Batović 1976; 1973a; 1973c; Lo Schiavo 1970; Bietti Sestieri & Lo Schiavo 1976. 2 Alcuni esemplari di figulina Medio-geometrica di Nin si confrontano con frammenti da Ripalta e dal livello D di Salapia, ma rientrano più chiaramente nel repertorio del Medio-geometrico del Salento, come definito da D. Yntema. 3 Peroni 1996, 551-558. 4 Cassola Guida 1997.

5

482

Batović 1964; 1967; 1968; 1969; 1970; 1973; 1976; 1983.

DORA GATTI: I RAPPORTI TRANSADRIATICI NELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO Soprattutto a Nin sono presenti elementi di tipo piceno, quali le anse bifore, che però ritroviamo anche altrove ad esempio a Radovin; le anse con piattello sommitale; i cothones e i fondi di vasi con presa interna, presenti ad Ancona. Un rapporto per certi aspetti preferenziale sembra esserci con il sito di Martinsicuro che presenta generalmente notevolissime affinità con i materiali trans-adriatici. Basti pensare alla frequenza con cui in questo sito si ritrova la decorazione a solcature verticali, attestata in tutti i contesti liburnici esaminati, e l’esclusiva presenza di decorazioni a solcature associate a fila di cuppelle che permette di stabilire un legame preferenziale tra il sito in discorso e Bribir.7 Questo abitato, pur mostrando affinità con gli altri contesti della sponda orientale, offre un repertorio formale limitato e un carattere peculiare nel repertorio decorativo. Se per alcuni elementi, verosimilmente di epoca anteriore a quella in cui si colloca la massa di materiali del sito sembra molto Fig. 2. Confronto tra alcune fogge d’impasto di Radovine e Nin e dei legato ai contesti di area centrocontesti adriatici italiani. italiana, per altri aspetti attesta strette affinità con l’area alto-adriatica, istriana e friulana, in special modo per l’utilizzo della concluderla con la conquista romana. L’attestazione della tecnica decorativa a ‘falsa cordicella’ che, come noto, è fase piena della prima età del ferro appare chiara, tuttavia molto diffusa in quest’area all’inizio della prima età del le presenze del momento iniziale del primo Ferro, se non ferro, e per la frequente ripetizione della stessa sintassi addirittura della fine del BF, anche se ancora troppo decorativa. labili, potrebbero essere più evidenti di quanto sinora si è dichiarato.6 Con l’ambito territoriale alto-adriatico sembrano avere stretti rapporti anche i siti di Nin e Radovin, dove accanto I confronti nelle produzioni d’impasto con i contesti ai frammenti di ‘ceramica veneta’ di VII-VI secolo, sono centro-adriatici italiani (Figg. 2-4) rimandano quasi attestati i caratteristici vasi con applicazioni di borchiette esclusivamente all’ambiente piceno, in particolare delle di bronzo, che compaiono in alto-adriatico dal VIII sue prime fasi (I-III). Le analogie si colgono secolo, ma anche nel VII e successivamente, nonché una nell’attestazione di fogge e di motivi decorativi che fibula affine alle Pre-Certosa, uno spillone con testa a ritroviamo del tutto simili nei siti analizzati, ma con globetti e uno con testa a rotolo (Batović 1968, tav. XX), qualche legame preferenziale tra alcuni contesti per certi elementi che mostrano in Dalmazia una recenziorità elementi specifici. cronologica rispetto ai tipi italiani, ma attestano la varietà 6 Chi scrive ha avuto la possibilità, nell’ambito di un più ampio studio per il Dottorato di ricerca sul BF-IFe in area adriatica, di controllare la documentazione esistente e di riprodurre graficamente, nel Museo Archeologico di Zara, un considerevole numero di reperti inediti provenienti dai contesti in esame. Lo studio in dettaglio delle stratigrafie è stato realizzabile solo parzialmente, sulla base dei dati editi, ma le indicazioni riportate sui reperti hanno consentito di ricostruire una sequenza delle forme interna ad ogni singola area di scavo. Per questo lavoro si sono utilizzati sia i dati noti in letteratura che quelli inediti, inseriti nella ricerca di Dottorato ‘Il Bronzo finale-primo Ferro nell’area adriatica centro-meridionale italiana’, Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, 2003.

7 Da Martinsicuro proviene anche un frammento di forma di fusione di spada che T. Di Fraia confronta con il frammento di valva da Radovin (Di Fraia 1987).

483

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Confronto tra motivi decorativi e fogge di tazze e scodelle in ceramica d’impasto dei contesti dalmati e dei contesti adriatici italiani.

Fig. 4. Confronto tra alcune fogge in ceramica d’impasto di Zadar e Nin e dei contesti adriatici italiani. 484

DORA GATTI: I RAPPORTI TRANSADRIATICI NELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO della natura dei rapporti con il mondo adriatico occidentale.8

che coinvolge in modo articolato e non geograficamente omogeneo tutto l’arco adriatico a partire dalla fine del VII secolo, nel momento precedente mostra invece una natura occasionale, limitata a influenze tra zone circoscritte delle due sponde. Questo è particolarmente evidente nelle attestazioni degli oggetti metallici, la cui circolazione nel IX e nell’VIII secolo per alcuni elementi appare preferenziale tra specifiche zone. Ad esempio, sono attestate solo in Abruzzo, Marche e Puglia settentrionale le fibule serpeggianti a due pezzi, con arco di verga o foliato, che in adriatico orientale ritroviamo in area liburnico-japodica e, tra i siti considerati, a Nin. All’VIII secolo si datano le fibule ad occhiali con supporto a sbarretta, che in Italia sono attestate in area picena e in quella meridionale e nel versante orientale dell’Adriatico in tutta l’area liburnica, tra i siti considerati a Nin, Radovin e Bribir.11 Ciò si rispecchia in qualche modo anche nel tipo di circolazione di modelli della ceramica d’impasto (Fig. 1). I contatti si è visto essere limitati sostanzialmente ad un numero circoscritto di fogge e in particolare a motivi decorativi che mettono in contatto aree adriatiche specifiche. Ad esempio la decorazione a ‘falsa cordicella’, che non ritroviamo se non limitatamente ad alcuni siti in ambito piceno (ad esempio, ad Ancona), è variamente comune in Dalmazia, attestata solo nel sito di Bribir, e all’area istriana e alto-adriatica; un altro caso è la decorazione a solcature e a solcature e cuppelle che mette in rapporto direttamente i contesti dalmati con il mondo piceno. I quattro contesti liburnici esaminati mostrano di avere ciascuno dei contatti preferenziali, attraverso i quali recepiscono solo alcuni aspetti della cultura materiale delle aree con cui entrano in relazione. La natura di questi contatti, per il periodo che ci interessa, sembrerebbe davvero limitata ad alcuni aspetti specifici, operando cioè quel fenomeno di trasmissione selettiva di elementi propri delle aree con cui il mondo adriatico orientale è entrato in contatto, che è ben evidente nella diffusione dei bronzi.12 Il divario cronologico esistente nelle attestazioni dei manufatti metallici sulle due sponde dell’Adriatico, più antiche in occidente e più recenti e spesso di più lunga durata in oriente, fino all’osmosi culturale che inizia alla fine del VII secolo, sembra difficoltoso da cogliere in base all’analisi dei reperti ceramici. Sostanzialmente esiste una discrepanza cronologica tra la collocazione proposta da

Nin presenta molteplici elementi comuni alla facies picena, e inoltre, soprattutto in un momento posteriore, vi è abbondante la presenza di figulina ‘Geometrica’ e ‘Subgeometrica daunia’.9 Un legame specifico con l’Italia centro-meridionale adriatica è costituito anche dal rituale di seppellimento dei defunti in posizione rannicchiata, tipico della Puglia e della Basilicata, in uso nella grande necropoli di IX-VI secolo di Nin.10 Rapporti ugualmente prevalenti con l’area adriatica centro-meridionale sembra avere Zara, che solo in un momento più recente della prima età del ferro, oltre all’attestazione di più intensi contatti con l’area daunia, mostra maggiori collegamenti con il mondo alto-adriatico suggeriti dal rinvenimento nei vari saggi di scavo della città vecchia di frammenti di ceramica atestina di VII-VI secolo. Meno forti sono i legami con la costa adriatica centromeridionale italiana. In Abruzzo, alcuni legami si rintracciano con Colle del Telegrafo, che è fortemente influenzato dalla cultura materiale picena. Con la Puglia settentrionale il maggior legame è dato dalla presenza di ceramica figulina dipinta japigia, anche se non manca qualche elemento di affinità, che del resto coinvolge tutta la costa adriatica, come la decorazione a costolature oblique, presente nei siti est-adriatici di Zara e Nin, attestata tra il BF e il primo ferro in tutto l’arco adriatico. Sulla base dei confronti effettuati, si potrebbe sostenere che i contatti tra la costa dalmata e le regioni ad essa contrapposte avvenissero attraverso una circolazione per così dire ampia, che interessava tutte le aree adriatiche, dall’Istria alla Puglia settentrionale, ma anche per via diretta, con rotte precise transadriatiche, dal momento che gli stretti legami che si rintracciano per alcune fogge tra l’ambito piceno e quello dalmata escludono totalmente le regioni nord-adriatiche. Quel legame culturale, definito da R. Peroni sulla base delle produzioni di manufatti metallici koiné adriatica, 8

La fibula di Radovin sembra rientrare tra le fibule Baska, per la caratteristica staffa a linguetta ripiegata verso l’alto, probabilmente di verga. E’ stata evidenziata la componente marittima nella circolazione della più vasta famiglia tipologica delle fibule Pre-Certosa, diffusa in Puglia, nelle Marche, nel gruppo liburnico-japodico e nella Dalmazia meridionale, e questo specifico tipo in Italia si ritrova in particolare nelle Marche. Di diffusione circumadriatica è il tipo di spillone con testa a globetti e quello con testa a rotolo, il primo tipo proprio del gruppo liburnico-japodico, che per l’assenza del fermapieghe è da considerarsi più una derivazione che un tipo affine a quelli atestini in cui il fermapieghe è invece presente. La datazione per le fibule Pre-Certosa rimanda al VII o alla prima metà del VI secolo, mentre questo tipo di spilloni con testa a globetti non compare mai in Italia prima dell’VIII secolo avanzato e le derivazioni dalmate scendono al VII-VI secolo (Peroni 1976; Lo Schiavo 1970). 9 Batović segnala anche la presenza di ceramica atestina, non illustrata (Batović 1970). 10 Batović 1973.

11 Da notare che S. Batović colloca cronologicamente questo tipo di fibule ancora nel IX secolo, ovvero contemporaneo alle fibule serpeggianti. 12 Questo concetto di ‘trasmissione culturale selettiva’ è stato elaborato da R. Peroni sulla base della circolazione degli oggetti metallici tra le due sponde dell’Adriatico e in seguito al riconoscimento della maggiore antichità dei tipi italiani. Tale fenomeno, in opposizione ad un processo di acculturazione da ovest ad est, implica che la trasmissione di modelli culturali sia avvenuta ad opera delle stesse popolazioni della costa orientale, che entrando in contatto diretto con il mondo adriatico occidentale, ma in maniera transitoria, abbiano recepito di questo solo alcuni specifici elementi (Peroni 1976). Questa tesi è in netto contrasto con quella più volte avanzata e discussa dagli Autori jugoslavi secondo cui sarebbe stato un imponente fenomeno migratorio, avvenuto nell’arco di più secoli, a diffondere in tutto l’Adriatico elementi culturali e materiali propri della cultura liburnica (Batović 1973, 1976, 1983).

485

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Esemplificazione dei materiali di BF e/o IFe1 e di IFe2 dei contesti adriatici italiani e dalmati

migratorie dai Balcani verso l’Italia che sembrano state alla base della trasmissione di modelli culturali e tipologici secondo la tradizione di studi mitteleuropea.13

Batović della nascita dei siti dalmati dell’età del ferro (inizio IX secolo) e quella più recente che qui si propone sulla base dei confronti con i contesti adriatici italiani. Le sequenze dei quattro abitati della Dalmazia esaminati, con qualche elemento riconducibile al momento iniziale della prima età del ferro, (convenzionalmente IX secolo) e forse anche più antico, sembrano attestare in modo considerevole fogge e decorazioni che nei contesti adriatici italiani sono presenti solo a partire dall’orizzonte recente della fase antica del IFe1 o nel momento iniziale e avanzato del IFe2 (fino al terzo quarto dell’VIII sec a.C.) (Fig. 5). In termini di sviluppo insediativo, i contesti italiani nascono dunque prima e quelli dalmati poco dopo; elementi propri delle aree adriatiche occidentali raggiungono le coste orientali tramite scambi, diretti tra ledue sponde o secondo una direzione circumadriatica, di natura frequente ma temporanea e selettiva, quasi come se gli abitati orientali nascessero per reazione al consolidarsi precedente sulla sponda italiana della rete dei siti ‘piceni’, o in relazione alla fase di trasformazione ‘urbanistica’ dell’VIII secolo italiana; l’intensificarsi dei contatti in epoche più recenti creerà una unità culturale adriatica basata sul commercio stabile tra le due sponde. Questa lettura, per così dire ‘italocentrica’, confermata dalla cronologia e dalla distribuzione delle produzioni in ceramica d’impasto, contribuisce ad invalidare le tesi

BIBLIOGRAFIA

AA.VV., 1979-1983. Praistorija Jugoslavenskih Zemalija, voll. I-IV. Sarajevo. AA.VV., 1983. Protostoria del Caput Adriae (Catalogo della Mostra). Trieste. A.a.VV., 1992. La Civiltà Picena nelle Marche. Studi in onore di Giovanni Annibaldi, in: Atti del Convegno, Ancona 1988. Ripatransone. AA.VV, 1997. La Protostoria tra Sile e Tagliamento. Antiche genti tra veneto e friuli. Catalogo della Mostra. Padova. Batović, Š., 1964a. Zadar u prethictoriji. Zadar. Batović, Š., 1964b. Beretinova Gradina. Arheološki pregled 6, Radovin. Batović, Š., 1968a. Istraživanje ilirskog naselja u Bribiru, 1967. godine. Diadora 4, 85-92. Batović, Š., 1968b. Novija istraživanja prapovijesnog Zadra. Radovi 15 (Zadar).

13

486

Per l’argomento cfr. in particolare Batović 1976.

DORA GATTI: I RAPPORTI TRANSADRIATICI NELLA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO Lo Schiavo, F., 1970. Il gruppo liburnico-japodico: per una definizione nell’ambito della protostoria balcanica. MemLincei (ser. 8) 14, 363-524. Lucentini, N., 2000. I traffici interadriatici, in: Piceni, Popolo d’Europa. Catalogo della Mostra. Roma, 5658. Mihovilić, C., 1972. Nekropola Gradine iznad Limskog Kanala in: Histria Archaeologica, 3: II. Peroni, R., 1976. La “koiné” adriatica e il suo processo di formazione, in: Jadranska obala u protohistoriji. Zagreb, 95-115. Peroni, R., 1989. La protostoria dell’Italia continentale. La penisola italiana nell’età del Bronzo e del Ferro (= Popoli e civiltà dell’Italia antica, IX). Peroni, R., 1996. L’Italia alle soglie della storia. Roma/Bari. Yntema, D., 1990. The matt-painted pottery of Southern Italy (= Collana del Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità dell’Università di Lecce, 4). Galatina.

Batović, Š., 1968c. Istraživanje ilirskog naselja u Radovinu. Diadora 4, 53-74. Batović, Š., 1970. Istraživanje ilirskog naselja u Ninu, 1969 godine. Diadora 5, 33-48. Batović, Š., 1973a. Le relazioni tra la Daunia e la sponda orientale dell’Adriatico nell’età del ferro, in: Atti Pre. Proto. Della Daunia, Foggia 24-29 aprile 1973. Firenze, 340-347. Batović, Š., 1973b. Prapovijesni ostaci na zadarskom otočju. Diadora 6. Batović, Š., 1973c. Nin e l’Italia meridionale nell’età del ferro. Arch. Stor. Pugl. 26, 389-421. Batović, Š., 1976. Le relazioni culturali tra le spande adriatiche nell’età del ferro, in: Jadranska obala u protohistoriji. Zagreb, 11-93. Batović, Š., 1980. Istraživanje prapovijesti u Bribiru. Diadora 9, 55-94. Batović, Š., 1983. Problemes de l’age du fer dans la region Balkano-Adriatique, in: L’Adriatico tra Mediterraneo e penisola balcanica nell’antichità. Taranto, 67-85. Batović, Š., J. Belošević & M. Suić, 1968. Nin, problemi arheoloških istraživanja. Zadar. Bergonzi, G., 1983. Ceramica daunia nell’Alto Adriatico, in: Caput Adriae. Plaino (Udine), 177-188. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1997. Italy in Europe in the Early Iron Age. Proc. Prehist. Soc. 63, 371-402. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 2000. La tarda età del bronzo nell’area adriatica centrale, in: Piceni, Popolo d’Europa, Catalogo della Mostra. Roma, 39-42. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & F. Lo Schiavo, 1976. Alcuni problemi relativi ai rapporti fra l’Italia e la penisola balcanica nella tarda età del bronzo inizi dell’età del ferro. ILIRIA 4, 163-189. Cassola Guida, P., 1989. Le regioni dell’arco alpino orientale tra età del bronzo ed età del ferro, in: Italia Omnium Terrarum Parens, Appendice. Milano, 621650. Cassola Guida, P. & S. Vitri, 1988. La ceramica dei Castellieri. Castelli del Friuli 7, 221-259. Cassola Guida, P., 1997. Lineamenti di protostoria del Friuli, in: Protostoria tra Sile e Tagliamento. Piazzola sul Brenta, 313-320. De Julis, E.M., 1977. La ceramica geometrica daunia. Firenze. Di Fraia, T., 1987. Nuovi contributi alla conoscenza dell’età del bronzo Finale nell’Italia centro-adriatica. Tesi di Dottorato di Ricerca in Archeologia, Università di Pisa. Gatti, S. & P. Petitti, 1980. Appunti di cronologia e aspetti rituali nelle necropoli istriane del Bronzo finale e dell’età del ferro, in: Il bronzo finale in Italia, Archeologia, materiali e problemi, 1. Bari, 129-155. Korošec, J.P., 1980. Istraživanja na Bribirskoj Glavici u Bribiru. Diadora 9, 95-164. Lollini, D., 1976a. Sintesi della Civiltà Picena, in: Jadranska obala u protohistoriji. Zagreb, 117-153. Lollini, D., 1976b. La civiltà picena. Popoli e civiltà dell’Italia antica 5, 117-129.

487

488

TECHNOLOGY AND PRESERVATION

489

490

METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE: THE COMING OF IRON Claudio Giardino Abstract: Metallurgy flourished in Italy between Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age as documented by the large number of metal finds from settlements, tombs and hoards. Most of these objects are made of bronze, but there are also some iron or bimetallic (bronze and iron) artefacts. The alloying technology of copper is quite developed, as is documented by the general use of bronze during the LBA. Metallurgical analyses demonstrate that copper was often recycled. Italian metallurgists during the LBA and EIA used different copper alloys according to the mechanical and physical characteristics of the artefacts they wanted to produce. This paper focuses on important Italian regions: Northern Italy, the East Alpine area, Lombardy and the Po valley with the Terramare culture; Central Italy and Etruria (Tuscany and Northern Latium); Southern Italy, Calabria and the two main islands, Sardinia and Sicily. The spread of iron is a significant innovation in metalworking. Recent research provides us with new information on beginnings of iron metallurgy in Italy. Also for iron some areas are selected: the East Alpine region; Etruria, Latium and Campania; Calabria and Apulia; Sardinia and Sicily. It seems probable that Sardinia played a role in the diffusion of iron technology towards continental Italy.

in Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Italian hoards. Recycling was one of the main reasons of the variability of bronze alloys and of the widespread presence of undesired elements, like lead. Lead is not miscible in copper alloys, but it gathers in globules or droplets; therefore it weakens the final product. On the other hand lead improves casting and it makes it easier to cast small object as fibulas or pins; frequently ancient metallurgists added some lead to the alloy for producing the smaller artefacts. The recasting of such alloys led to the presence of lead in the recycled metal: ancient technology had no method to remove selectively the lead from the copper alloys.

INTRODUCTION The scarce archaeometallurgical analyses on Italian finds complicate the study on the development of metallurgy in this country. Generally, the actual data were realized without any systematic method; frequently they are also dispersed in small publications that are difficult to find in libraries. Moreover not all Italian regions are equally represented. Especially metallurgical data from Southern Italy and Sicily are hardly available. COPPER ALLOYS METALLURGY IN LBA AND EIA ITALY: A GENERAL VIEW

The only way to control the bronze content, al least partially was to use copper coming directly from smelting. This method seems to have been in use during the Early Iron Age for special categories of precious objects. The ED-XRF analyses carried out on materials from the huge Iron Age hoard at Bologna-San Francesco (early part of the 7th century BC, but most of the material dates back to the 8th century BC) revealed that horse bits (used by the local aristocracy), razors and palettes (used during rituals) had a constant ratio of Sn/Cu and a low Pb content. Probably the interest of the metallurgists was mainly to control the aesthetic characteristic of the objects, especially the colour. However, they did not control the alloy of ordinary objects, like axes: a small amount of lead in bronze, between 1-4 %, does not really modify the mechanical properties of tin-copper alloy.1

Between the Late Bronze Age (LBA) and the Early Iron Age (EIA) bronze metallurgy flourished in Italy. A large amount of metal finds comes from settlements, tombs and hoards of this period. Most of these objects are made of bronze, but there are also some of them realized in iron or bimetallic (bronze and iron). In comparison with the previous period, the amount of metal stored in the hoards increased enormously. The production of metal objects became more and more specialized on account of the quantity of new forms and types. Socket handling spread in order to save the precious metal. All these indications show a close interaction between metallurgy and productive activities. LBA metallurgy is characterized by the widespread use of copper-tin alloys. Available analyses demonstrate that the ratio between copper and tin was fluctuating; other metals were also in bronze with significant percentages, mostly iron and lead: sometimes about 1%. Bronze hardens with increasing tin: Bronze Age Italian metallurgists knew this characteristic and they basically kept this property in their mind when they realized their objects.

Italian LBA objects were cast in two-piece moulds that produced a typical symmetrical form; frequently moulds had a core when a socket was required, to economize the amount of metal necessary. It is not possible to exclude casting in sand moulds; sand moulds disintegrate after use, so generally they do not leave any archaeological traces. It is very probable that this technique was used in

The widespread use of recasting is archaeologically documented by the large quantity of broken objects found

1 See Bietti Sestieri et al. 1998; Bietti Sestieri, Giardino & Gigante 1998b.

491

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Italy at least during the Middle Bronze Age. Some open moulds without sprue should be checked carefully since they could have been the moulds for a one face model of an object to be realized in a two-piece sand mould.2

some presence of tin (0.3%) is an indication of the recycling of bronze objects to produce the ingots.5 More than 3000 metallic objects were found in the settlement of Peschiera del Garda; it is evidence for the quantity of metal artefacts to be found in a settlement. The bronze metalwork of the Peschiera period (about 1300 BC) seems to have a standardized tin percentage in the alloy, about 10 %. Frequently ornaments show a high tin content: disk pins and triangular pendants have 1530% tin.6

COPPER ALLOYS METALLURGY IN LBA AND EIA ITALY: A REGIONAL VIEW Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Italian metallurgy can be treated usefully by considering some large geographic regions. Prehistoric Italy had different cultural and technological units in the various parts of the country. Besides, the scarce and heterogeneous knowledge of the Italian archaeometallurgical data might be best examined per region.

Canegrate necropolis (Milan) is dated to the Late Bronze Age. The few metal objects analysed from this necropolis show relatively high tin percentages in the torques (between 8.5% and 12.2% Sn); the swords contain around 10% Sn. The high iron content (average value 0.2% Fe) in most of the objects is an indication for a slagging smelting process in the copper production.7 A Final Bronze Age pin from a tomb at Paderno Dugnano (Milan) has a similar percentage of tin (9.64% Sn). It has also a very low iron content (0.03% Fe), that could be regarded as an evidence that some copper was still obtained with no slagging processes.8 Two piece stone moulds for ornaments were discovered in the LBA hoard of Cermenate (Como).9

A. Northern Italy 1) East Alpine area This region is rich in copper ore deposits, mostly copper sulphides. They were mined intensively during prehistory. At Vetriolo, near Levico, a dump dating to the end of the Bronze Age was found. Several large primary slag deposits were discovered in the mountains of East Trentino, in Valsugana; they are dated to the Late Bronze Age (13th-11th BC). This demonstrates an active and large-scale smelting industry. Probably Valsugana was the centre of metallurgy for the East Alpine region. Actually more than one hundred of smelting sites are known. Usually the smelting operations took place along the slopes, near water sources used for mineral and slag washing. The slag was periodically tapped from furnaces allowing a continuous smelt. As in Trentino, metallurgical activities were very intensive in Alto Adige too. Near the mines stone mortars and pestles were found used for the treatment of the ore.

3) Po valley: late Terramare The people of the Terramare culture had excellent bronze workers that produced a large number of metal artefacts. In many settlements not only bronze objects were found but also the instruments to produce them, like chisels, moulds (mainly green stone, calcareous stones, sandstone but also terracotta and bronze),10 crucibles and tuyeres, together with special areas for metallurgical activity. All this indicates that metallurgists were fully integrated in the communities.11

At Acquafredda (Bedollo, Trento), at the Redebus Pass (m 1445), nine smelting furnaces were excavated. They were quadrangular, in a row and of dry stone masonry with clay lining. Four similar furnaces were also found at Cortaccia (Bolzano), in Alto Adige.3 The evidence from Acquafredda was interpreted as a matte smelting site, similar to the contemporary production that took place in the Austrian Alps, at Kitzbühel and possibly, at Mitterberg.4

During the Later Bronze Age a peculiar kind of tuyère spreads over the Po valley. They were horned shaped, about 30 cm long, bent at the top at quite a steep angle of about 60°. This inclined tuyere allowed to blast directly down into the bed of the furnace.12 Casting experiments were realized with air supplied through a tuyere of this kind. The crucible with copper alloy was in a simple pit furnace and the tuyere was placed just over the crucible; the curved top of the tuyere broke after about sixty melting operations.13

2) Lombardy The analyses carried out on some ingots from the Semiana hoard (Pavia; a hoard dating to the Middle or Recent Bronze Age) show a high iron content (0.48%). This suggests that copper came from slagging processes;

5

For the analyses, cf. Patroni 1924, 323; Pearce 1994, 78-79. De Marinis 1982, 80. 7 Cf. Cremascoli 1956-57, 35; Pearce 1994, tab. 4. 8 Cf. Cambi 1960, 35; Pearce 1994, 79, tab. 5. 9 De Marinis 1982, fig. 85-86. 10 About the moulds, cf. Le Févre & Lehöerff 1992, 133-143. 11 See also Carancini 1997, 389. 12 De Marinis & Frontini 1991-92, 214-215. 13 Binggeli et al. 1997. 6

2 Cf. Carancini 1991-92, 248, fig. 7, 10 (Middle Bronze Age casting scrap of an axe from Pieve Albignola, Pavia). On casting in sand moulds, see Ottaway & Seibel 1998. 3 On East Alpine metallurgy, cf. Preuschen 1973; Cierny, Marzatico & Weisgerber 1995; Marzatico 1997; Marzatico & Tecchiati 2002, 70-72. 4 Craddock 1995, 152.

492

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE

Fig. 1. Southern Etruria: Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age sites and metal ore deposits.

493

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI of Elceto.16 Analyses carried out by ICP on axes from the hoard of Monte Rovello (the trunnions and the shaft-hole axe) revealed high percentages of tin (11-13% Sn) and iron (0.2-0.4% Fe): the iron content is an indication of the slagging technology.

Metallurgical analyses carried out on the artefacts from the Terramare culture show a good knowledge of alloying technology.14 The axes and the sickles generally had a lower content of tin in comparison with the weapons, daggers and swords. Pins had high tin or lead content: both elements improve casting. Most of the objects had high iron percentages (0.1-0.9% Fe) which, is an indication of slagging processes in copper production.

Curiously there is little evidence for metalworking during the Late Bronze Age evidences in the area of the Colline Metallifere that is rich in metal ore deposits (Fig. 2).17 The settlements seem to spread along the sea coast. A bronze sickle coming from Campiglia Marittima is the only proto-historic find from this area.18

Nevertheless a LBA dagger from Redù has no detectable iron: probably a small amount of copper still came from no slagging processes, perhaps from native copper. In that area there are small native copper deposits, at Frassinoro (Modena). The presence of copper sulphide inclusions is an indication for the exploitation of copper sulphide ores. Chalcopyrite ores are present in the Apennine, in the province of Modena and Reggio Emilia. It is also possible that the great metallurgical production of the Terramare culture was also based on imports, possibly from the East Alpine regions.

Probably the absence of evidence is due to the lack of systematic research in the area. But it is also possible that it reflects a reality: perhaps the mineralogical richness of this territory was unknown during the LBA. In the history of mining it is fairly common that knowledge of ancient ore deposits was temporarily lost during certain periods. Mining stops in fact periodically: ore exploitation is characterized by frequent abandonment and recovery due to the exhaustion of veins or to the economical conditions.19 As a matter of fact, during the Late Bronze Age the evidence of metallurgy is concentrated in Southern Etruria, in the Fiora valley and in the Monti della Tolfa. This changes dramatically during the Early Iron Age when the old network of settlements disappeared in Southern Etruria and was replaced by the Villanovan centres of Vulci, Cerveteri and Tarquinia controlling of the territory. Vetulonia and Populonia started flourishing in Northern Tuscany. During the EIA new settlements were established near the metal ore deposits on the island of Elba too. Also hoards disappeared from the south of the region at the end of Late Bronze Age, to appear again in the north during EIA (see the hoards of Pariana, Colle le Banche, Limone, Gabbro). This is a clear indication of dislocations in metal production, trade and exchange.

B. Central Italy 4) Etruria (Tuscany and Northern Latium) Tuscany has the richest metal ore deposits of Continental Italy, mostly localized in the Colline Metallifere. Other important deposits are on the island Elba and in southern Etruria along the river Fiora and in the Monti della Tolfa. There are indications of very early exploitation of these mineral resources, probably from the Copper Age. In the Fiora valley many settlements are located along the course of the river, not far away from iron outcrops and also copper-lead deposits (at Monte Amiata). They started to flourish during the Later Bronze Age. LBA hoards are known from this area and they attest for the abundance of metal, e.g. the Piano di Tallone and Tra Manciano e Samprugnano hoards (Fig. 1). Evidence of metallurgy was discovered in the settlement of Scarceta, in an early Final Bronze Age context where slag, bronze residues, a tuyere and nine moulds were found. Here the excavators discovered the remains of a metallurgical workshop – a rectangular structure divided in two sectors – about 50 m from a large hut devoted to the bronze casting and working.15

C. Southern Italy 5) Calabria Southern Italy has no copper ore deposits, except some mineralization in Calabria. The exploitation of these deposits during the prehistory is still unknown. Odyssey relates that copper was exchanged with Aegean iron at Temesa.20 EIA hoards were found in the area between Cirò and Croton. The hoard at Capo Cimiti, near Croton dating to the EIA, but with much LBA material, contained broken objects together with casting residues. It was probably a foundry hoard.21

The nearby area of Monti della Tolfa, adjacent to the Fiora valley, shows a similar situation. Several settlements were established in this area near the metal ore deposits (copper, lead, iron and also alum) dating to the Later Bronze Age. Three Final Bronze Age hoards were discovered as well: at Monte Rovello, Coste del Marano and Tolfa; a fourth hoard, the hoard of Santa Marinella, is located not far away on the coast. Metallurgical evidence, some metal ores and casting residues, were found at the Proto-Villanovan settlement 14 15

16

Toti 1986, 42-43; Delpino 1989-90, 5. Giardino 1995, 124-129, 306-307, figs. 59-60. 18 Bergonzi & Cateni 1979, 251. 19 Cf. Braunstein 1993, 283. 20 Odyssey I, 180-184. 21 See Palmieri, Volterra & Marino 1998. 17

Garagnani, Imbeni & Martini 1997: analyses by AAS. Poggiani Keller 1988; 1993; 2001.

494

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE

Fig. 2. Colline Metallifere: Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age sites and metal ore deposits.

The large amount of moulds inside the main Sicilian LBA settlements (for example Lipari, Cannatello, Sabucina, Morgantina, Mokarta and Pantalica) is a clear indication that metallurgists were integrated in the local communities they were working for.22 Sicilian moulds were mostly of stone, except two that were made of copper alloy found in the hoards of Lipari and Monte San Mauro. They were univalves and bivalves; some of them were multiple moulds.23 Analyses allowed the determination of the moulds from Sabucina and Pantalica

D. Islands 6) Sicily The archaeological evidence shows that Sicilian metallurgy developed considerably during the Late Bronze Age. Large quantities of metal were stored in the hoards: the hoard of Lipari contained 75 kg of metal and it is the largest LBA hoard in all of Italy. A new technique became known on the island; laminating bronze and embossing decoration on it.

22 23

495

Giardino 1997, 409-414. Albanese Procelli 2000.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI typological affinity with Late Cypriot III bronze tripods.30 Sardinian artefacts realized with lost-wax method were precious and valued artefacts found also in Sicilian and Italian contexts.

as biocalcarenite (pack-stone). This rock can be shaped very easily and has a high porosity: an advantage to help gas discharge and to withstand thermal expansion.24 Archaeometallurgical analyses on LBA Sicilian bronzes are rare. Two axes from the hoard of Biancavilla at Palermo Museum had respectively 5.04% Sn, 0.35% Fe and 7.65% Sn, 0.24% Fe and a flanged axe from the hoard of Gratteri 5.83% Sn and 0.36% Fe;25 a spearhead from the hoard of Cannatello had 7.2% Sn, 0.35% Fe.26 The amount of tin guaranteed the required toughness and hardness of the objects; the high value of iron content is an indication for slagging smelting processes in order to obtain the copper.

The analyses carried out on more than 60 Nuragic ingots from different sites show a variable composition, that indicate a complex copper industry on the island. Most of the ingots had CuO-CuS inclusions, an indication that the ingot derived from a sulphide copper ore. They had large amounts of iron, sometimes more than 1%: the use of iron as flux in slagging smelting process produces a substantial residue of iron in the copper. The high lead content may represent an impurity in copper ores. Only few ingots had a sufficient quantity of tin to be labelled as bronze (2-10%). The presence of copper and bronze ingots suggests a selection of primary and secondary metal sources.31

Analyses carried out with Scanning Electron Microscope on materials from EIA hoard of Polizzello showed the presence of small globular crystals of iron sulphides together with lead inclusions in a bun ingot.27 It suggests that copper ore used was a copper sulphide.

THE BEGINNING OF IRON METALLURGY IN ITALY

Mixed sulphide ore deposits are known from the Monti Peloritani, in the North-eastern corner of the island. Several settlements are located in the mining areas during the LBA and EIA. This is an indication of a prehistoric exploitation of these deposits. They could contribute to the metal requirements of the Sicilian communities.28

The earliest iron object presently known is very old: it is a ring from the cemetery of Castelluccio di Noto, in Sicily, dating before 1500 BC. Two square iron rods were found in a Thapsos tomb, also containing a Mycenaean III A vessel.32 The ring has never been analysed: this small piece of jewellery could have been made of meteoritic iron. In agreement with the specific characteristics of the Sicilian culture of Castelluccio (Early Bronze Age-beginning of Middle Bronze Age), the occurrence of an iron object with such an early date can be connected with the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean rather than with mainland Italy.33 In the Aegean iron objects were starting to appear during this period as valuable status symbols. Early iron finds from Minoan Crete and Mycenaean Greece were personal ornaments, mostly rings.34

7) Sardinia Sardinia has large metal ore deposits – copper, lead, silver, iron and also tin – spread all over the island. Some of these metal deposits were mined from prehistory. Traces of prehistoric mining activity were found in Barbagia and in Iglesiente. In the Nuragic period a huge number of bronze objects was produced. Several moulds were found on the island: most of them were made of stone. The flourishing of Sardinian metallurgy is also marked by the large amount of ingots found in the LBA and EIA hoards, scattered all over Sardinia.29 The ingots had different shapes: plano-convex (bun); flat, irregular, conical and rod shaped.

As mentioned above, copper sulphide ores were frequently smelted during Late Bronze Age. Probably smelting of iron first came about in connection with metallurgical operations aimed at extracting copper using iron ores as flux. Normally temperatures of 1200 °C were achieved during the smelting processes in order to permit the metallic copper drops to fall through the slag and to merge at the bottom of the furnace. The process was not difficult because of the use of forced air produced by bellows. In fact, though the melting point of copper is 1083 °C, temperature in excess was necessary in order to let copper pass through the slag.

Sardinian metallurgy dates back to Copper Age. A close and complex interaction with Cyprus made it one of the most developed metal regions in the West Mediterranean. The early spread of lost-wax method of casting illustrates this since this technique to produce bronze artefacts was developed only in Sardinia during the LBA. Several objects (a jug, a tripod-stand, three plaques, a miniature boat) from the LBA hoard of Santa Maria in Paulis are some of the earliest Sardinian objects made with the lostwax process. It is meaningful that the tripod-stand has

30 Macnamara, Ridgway & Ridgway 1984; Lo Schiavo, Macnamara & Vagnetti 1985, 18. 31 Lo Schiavo et al. 1990, 172-183. 32 Thapsos, Tomb 48: Orsi 1895, 127. About the small Mycenean threehandled jar, see Taylour 1958, 77. 33 Castelluccio di Noto, Tomb 23. It was a shaft-and-chamber tomb, that produced 21 skeletons; there were also two pots, a cup and a bowl, seven flint blades, a fragment of stone axe, two ‘resin’ (amber ?) beads, two stone beads and two fragmentary pendants: Orsi 1892, 32-34, pl. V; Delpino 1989-90; Albanese Procelli 1996, 124, fig. 3d. 34 Waldbaum 1978, 18-19; Giardino 1998, 198-200, fig. 2.

24

Mazzoleni 2000. Analyses by ICP. 26 Mosso 1906, 532. 27 Caneva & Giardino 1992; Caneva, Giardino & Guida 2003. 28 Giardino 1996, 134-136. 29 Giardino 1995, 144. 25

496

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE

Fig. 3. Late Bronze Age iron objects and ‘iron patinas’ on LBA bronze artefacts. bronze. Iron has to remain in the forge in contact with hot carbon for some hours, in order to add the carbon that diffuses inside the metal (carburizing). Directly after the heating the metal has to be fast cooled, in order to fix the new steel structure (quenching). Iron-carbon alloy is steel with between 0.1-0.3% and 1.7% carbon.

The melting point of iron is 1537°C, but ancient metallurgists did not need to reach this high temperature. At 1150-1200°C bloomery iron is produced by smelting iron oxide ores into sponge metallic iron together with slag. This bloom is brittle and glassy at room temperature; if it is hammered it brakes in useless fragments. At 1150-1200°C the slag was liquid, so at these temperatures it was possible to squeeze the liquid slag from the bloom by hammering the spongy conglomerate. The result was a solid mass of metallic, ductile iron.35

Two quenched knives from the Cypriot site of Idalion are dated to the late 12th to early 11th century BC. The largest early group of carburized iron objects comes from Cyprus, from Amathus, Lapithos and Idalion; all dating to the 11th and 10th century BC.36 Regarding the strong connections between the two Mediterranean islands, it is tempting to relate the early iron evidence from Cyprus

When hammered, bloomery iron is not as hard as hardened bronze, but it is soft. Metallic iron needs to be carburized to turn it into steel, a material superior to 35

36 5 items are dated to the 11th century BC; 10 are dated 10th BC: Åstrom et al. 1986; Kassianidou 1994; Maddin 2003, 313-314, fig. 6.

Maddin 2003, 310-311.

497

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI with the LBA Sardinian iron finds. Several data indicate that iron metallurgy started in Italy during the Final Bronze Age and probably in an early stage of this period in Sardinia.37

I have similar doubts with another kind of evidence reported in literature, the so called ‘iron slag’. It is generally hard to distinguish whether a ferrous slag is related to iron or copper smelting, without specific studies that can be realized only in a laboratory.41 Ferrous slag were found in LBA settlements at Scarceta (Manciano, south Tuscany) and Canevedo (Este, Veneto); those finds need to be analysed before they can be considered evidence of early iron working in Italy.

A relatively large amount of iron objects were found in FBA Italian contexts; they are spread over most of the Peninsula and on the two main islands (Fig. 3). Unfortunately some of these finds were discovered long ago (late 19th-beginning of 20th century AD) and they have no good stratigraphic contexts. Besides many objects seem to be lost at present and very few analytical data confirm old reports.

IRON METALLURGY IN LBA AND EIA ITALY: A REGIONAL VIEW A. Northern Italy: East Alpine area

Possibly the iron rings from the terramare site of Gorzano are earlier.38 The settlement was mainly excavated during the second half of 19th century AD and is dated between the beginning of Middle Bronze Age and the Late Bronze Age. Actually it is not possible to date these rings precisely. Their character as ornament, as the ring from Castelluccio, is an indication of their antiquity.

The presence of iron metalwork increases in Italy starting from Final Bronze Age. This presence seems to be connected with those areas rich in iron ore deposits that were easy to be exploited. In the Trieste Karst there are several superficial ore deposits; these formations are limonitic hardpans produced by the karst phenomenon.42 A Final Bronze Age iron sword was found at San Canziano del Carso (in present-day Škocjan, Slovenia) from the votive deposit of Grotta delle Mosche (Jama II na Prevali-Fliegenhöhle). At the same site iron objects were also from tombs dating to the LBA-EIA transition: a knife and the blade of a socketed axe, cast-on a bronze socket (Fig. 4).43

A peculiar problem is related with the ‘iron patinas’ observed on bronze artefacts. It should be regarded as uncertain evidence for iron working. Of course, without a specific analytical examination, it is not possible to exclude completely the possibility that these patinas are the only traces left of totally corroded iron materials originally deposited together with the bronzes. In spite of that, we have to look into these ambiguous data carefully. The presence of high levels of iron in bronze artefacts is related to the developed slagging smelting processes in order to obtain copper. Traces of iron in the form of thick ferrous incrustations have been observed on bronze objects from several LBA contexts. The earliest one is from the LBA hoard from the acropolis of Lipari, where iron incrustations appear on several objects. On one of the ingots the patina is very thick, about one centimetre; one of the spearheads has the socket full of iron oxides. Similar characteristics have been observed on fragments from copper alloy ingots in the slightly later hoards of Monte Battaglia (Ravenna) and Casalecchio (Rimini), on a sporadic LBA shaft-hole axe of Zinzulusa type from Giulianova (Abruzzo, Teramo), as well as on some objects from the hoards of Gabbro (Livorno) and San Martino (Elba Island).39 Nowadays the only piece that has been analysed from this group is the axe from Giulianova. It has a strong and thick iron patina; the analyses with ED-XRF, revealed an high content of iron in the bronze, about 1%.40 In this case the iron surface incrustation is due to a migration process from the core and it is related with inner corrosion dynamics and post-depositional environmental conditions.

Fig. 4. San Canziano del Carso (Škocjan, Slovenia): bimetallic socketed axe. B. Central Italy: Etruria, Latium and Campania A few iron objects are known from Central Italian contexts dating to the end of the LBA. In the 19th century AD an unidentified, very corroded iron piece was found among the burnt bones in a FBA cremation grave from Colognole (Livorno); now it is lost, but it seems to be the

37

41

See Delpino 1988, 1989-90. Gualtieri 1977, 214. 39 Delpino 1988, 49-52; 1989-90, 5, 9. 40 Bietti Sestieri & Giardino 2003, 426, fig. 9; see also Craddock 1995, 137-141, tab. 4.1; about Zinzulusa Type, cf. Carancini 1984, 201-203.

Bachmann 1982, 10-18. Giardino 1984, 132. 43 San Canziano, tomb 272 (knife) and 158 (socketed axe): Steffè de Piero, Vitri 1977, 92-110; about the sword from the Grotta delle Mosche, cf. Szombathy 1913, 149-149, fig. 92.

38

42

498

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE earliest (and isolated) iron from northern Tuscany.44 At Populonia hardly any iron object belongs to the Villanovan period. At Vetulonia there are a few Villanovan iron finds; they probably are dated 8th century BC. In both cemeteries the real spreading of iron starts from Orientalizing period.45 More evidences come from Southern Etruria: fragments of small iron objects from LBA and subsequent layers in one of the huts (‘Building I’) of San Giovenale (Blera, Viterbo); a very corroded small iron disk from Forchetta di Palano (Allumiere), a Proto-Villanovan cemetery46 (as the Colognole fragment, it was also found in the 19th century AD and lost). Limonite outcrops are known in the Tolfa region and at Canale Monterano and FBA presence has been identified in the neighbourhood of the ironyielding areas.

Fig. 5. Rome, Campidoglio: smithing slag. Iron was also recovered in the great necropolis of Campania: it is of some relevance already in tombs of phase 1 at Pontecagnano and Sala Consilina, but most classes of artefacts started to be realized in iron only during the 8th century BC.52 Iron fibulas dating to the second half of 8th century were from the cemetery of Cuma.53

Iron objects, generally weapons and fibulas, increase in Central Italy during Early Iron Age, mostly in phase 2, during the 9th/8th century BC. Iron was found in the large Villanovan necropolis of southern Etruria, for example at Tarquinia and Veii. At Tarquinia swords, spearhead and fibulae were found already in the early phase of the cemetery (Tarquinia 1); although the transition to a fullfledged Iron Age correspond to the end of the 8th century BC. A similar situation characterizes Veii too: in the early phase of the necropolis the only iron objects are a nail and a fibula. Iron objects multiply during the 8th century, so as at Narce and Castel di Decima, a cemetery nearby Rome.47 Osteria dell’Osa is at present the largest cemetery in Latium Vetus: only one iron object was found here in the earliest phase: it is a knife and it is dated to the very beginning of EIA.48 Iron strongly increases in the middle of 8th century BC and became really common only at the end of that century, during the Orientalizing Period.49

During the second half of 8th century BC iron was smelted for the first time at Pithekoussai, the Euboean colony on Ischia; remains of iron smelting and smithing were discovered on the Mazzola site, in the Scarico Gosetti and in the necropolis too. Several iron objects (fibulas, a ring, a knife and a clamp) were found in the Late Geometric I tombs.54 It is possible that the local iron sand deposits were esploited.55 C. Southern Italy: Calabria and Apulia Iron ore deposits are known in the Aspromonte, they were exploited by the Bourbon government.56 Iron was worked in Calabria as early as by the end of Bronze Age. A forge was discovered at Broglio di Trebisacce (Cosenza), in levels datable to the non-advanced phases of the Final Bronze Age; it is the earliest forge in Italy. The metallurgical analyses revealed smithing and hammering activity in order to produce iron artefacts.57 Probably the early introduction of iron in Calabria is related to strong Aegean contacts.58

Metallurgical activity related to the processing of iron is documented at Satricum from the second half of the 7th century BC, testified by the slag and raw iron discovered during the excavation of the acropolis.50 A very similar situation occurs on the Campidoglio in Rome where smithing slag was found associated with forges, from a context dating to the middle of the 7th century BC (Fig. 5).51

An iron socketed spearhead was found in a LBA tomb at Castellace (Oppido Mamertina, Reggio Calabria); a LBA 52

Gualtieri 1977, 217-218. Iron was found in the cemetery of Pontecagnano-Pagliarone in 2 tombs of Pontecagnano 1A (Tomb 658 and 736) and in 6 tombs of Pontecagnano 1B (Tomb 661, 664, 679, 735, 889, 6107); an iron fibula was associated with a Nuragic figurine in tomb 6107: cf. Gastaldi 1998, 74-75, 84, 86, 111, 127. 53 Adinolfi 1998, 97, 99. 54 Buchner 1969, 98-99; Nijboer 1998, 240-244. Pithekoussai, tombs 662, 668, 647, 230 (fibulas); tomb 547 (ring); tomb 175 (clasp): Buchner & Ridgway 1993, 736-738, 740. 55 Sperl 1998, 44. 56 D’Achiardi 1883 II, 209. 57 Peroni & Vanzetti 1998, 15-19, 58. 58 The find of a Nuragic boat in the sanctuary of Hera Lacinia (Cape Colonna, Crotone), even in a different chronological context, could also be an intriguing indication: cf. Lilliu 2000, 181-185, pls. I-II.

44

Mantovani 1892, 36; Delpino 1988, 50. Gualtieri 1977, 221-222. 46 Forchetta di Palano: Klitsche de la Grange 1891, 224; San Giovenale: Berggren & Berggren 1981, 16, 44, pl. 39: 58-59; Delpino 1989-90, 5. 47 Cf. Gualtieri 1977, 219-221. The iron objects from Veii were found at the cemetery of Valle delle Fate, tomb 29/ 18 (nail) and tomb 33/1 (fibula): Ward-Parkins et al. 1965, 58. 48 Osteria dell’Osa, tomb 153: cf. Bietti Sestieri 1992a, 559. Cf . also Bietti Sestieri 1992b, 89. 49 Bietti Sestieri 1992b, 98. 50 Nijboer 1998, 244-247. 51 Giardino & Lugli 2001; Lugli et al. 2001, 314-317. 45

499

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI or EIA sword from San Leo, a site nearby the river Petrace, has an iron blade with cast-on bronze hilt, a technique that seems to belong to a period when iron was introduced.59 The several iron artefacts discovered in the earliest tombs of Torre Galli (Vibo Valentia) are an indication for local iron metallurgy. In the first phase of Torre Galli, dated at the very beginning of the Early Iron Age, we can observe a widespread use of iron: iron artefacts were found in 43 of these early tombs. Iron fibulae, swords, daggers, spearheads, rings and knives were in use together with bronze ones. Iron swords are more common than the bronze swords. Bi-metallic objects were found at Torre Galli too, swords and spearhead: they both had iron blades.60 A similar technique is documented in two swords from the EIA cemetery of Incoronata-San Teodoro (Metaponto).61 During this period iron was still quite precious and its characteristics were not well known yet. Bimetallic objects, made of iron and copper alloys, have no advantages because iron will corrode much quicker.

the slag he also discovered fragments of a diaphragm perforated with several holes belonging to an oven, that he misinterpreted as an iron smelting furnace.64 It was an oven with two chambers, characteristic for Final Bronze Age in Southern Italy, a chronology that seems in accordance with the painted pottery.65 He analysed the slag, probably with wet chemical tests and found: silica oxide (SiO2) 45.35%, iron oxide (FeO3) 7.95%, aluminium oxide (Al2O3) 20.25%; the ferrous slag had a very high Al2O3 content and a relatively low percentage of iron oxide compared with the average iron bloomery slags.66 The Gargano region and other areas of Apulia have peculiar sources of iron, the so-called ‘terre rosse’ (red soils), containing about 25% of iron. These are sedimentary deposits, concentrated in the karst hollows. They have variable contents of iron-manganese oxides and hydroxides, and sometimes also aluminium hydroxides (bauxites). In Gargano there was an important bauxite deposit at San Giovanni Rotondo, exploited in the past. Bauxite, an aluminium mineral, is frequently rich in Fe2O3 (about 20-50%).67 Experiments should be carried out to study the smelting possibilities of these ores.

In addition to the objects from Torre Galli, other weapons, spearheads, were found in the cemetery of Torre del Mordillo, dated Early Iron Age 1.62

Mosso also referred to iron objects from his excavation; unfortunately they were corroded and transformed into ‘pure iron oxide’, because of the high salinity of the soil.68

There are also indications for an early introduction of iron in Apulia, at the end of the Bronze Age. The ‘iron workshop’ from Coppa Nevigata (Foggia, Puglia) is a good example of the difficulties and doubts to re-examine evidence from old excavations. Nevertheless new light on this discovery comes from the almost simultaneous context at Broglio di Trebisacce that demonstrated how iron was actively worked in Southern Italy at the end of the Bronze Age.

It seems possible to suppose two different directions for the introduction of iron technology in Italy: the earliest, connecting Cyprus to Sardinia and Sardinia with northern Etruria; another, perhaps slightly later, from Aegean to Southern Italy, via the Adriatic Sea.

In the first years of 20th century AD, Mosso found some slag together with Late Helladic III C and local geometric pottery (so-called proto-geometrical Japygian) during his excavation of the settlement of Coppa Nevigata.63 Near

Apart from the ring from Castelluccio and the two square iron rods from Thapsos, there are several indications on Sicily for an early introduction of iron, at the end of LBA. Thirteen iron objects come from the LBA-EIA cemetery of Molino della Badia-Madonna del Piano (Catania): among them seven iron rings and two one-edged knives; also a bi-metallic two-edged knife from the same necropolis: it had an iron blade with cast-on bronze hilt. The iron knives have a typical Sicilian form, a clear indication of a local production; one of them has bronze rivets.69 Another iron knife (a fragment of blade) comes

D. Sicily

59 The same technique was found also in Near Eastern contexts dated about 1200 BC: Tylecote 1976, 43. The iron spearhead is from the Tomb 4 of Castellace dated at Final Bronze Age 2; the sword from San Leo is similar to the Torre Galli type: cf. Pacciarelli 1999b, 41, 66, figs. 13: 9 (San Leo) and 34: 43 (Castellace); for Torre Galli type, cf. Bianco Peroni 1970, 79-83. 60 Iron artefacts dated at Torre Galli 1 A: fibulae type Oe7a (tombs 24/4; 36/4; 58/4; 93/3; 124/7; 190/5; 34/6; 214/5; 257/3), swords type Q4 (tombs 65/6; 68/4; 86/8; 99/6; 120/7; 124/10; 190/9; 206/8; 239/5; 240/5; 284/5; S. Onofrio 13/B), daggers type Q2 (tombs 26/7; 58/6), spearheads P10 (tombs 28/7; 233/4; 240/4), rings type X2B (tombs 41/20-21; 85/10; 118/14; 145 bis/22; 158/12; 202/17), knives types T3 (tombs 24/6; 33/15; 73/6; 257/6; 28/8;57/19; 128/9; 150/9; 154/5; 158/11; 188/7; 226/12; 264/5; 45/17 )and T4 (tombs 114/6; 186/8; 203/6; 46/6; 57/20; 205/8): cf. Pacciarelli 1999a, 61-62, 133-139. Bimetallic objects: swords type Q4 (tombs 34/10, 36/10),spearheads P9 (tombs 34/9; 163/8). The latest is dated at the phase Torre Galli 1B. 61 Tomb 230 and tomb 454: Chiartano 1994, 45-46, pls. 41 (tomb 230), 112: a (tomb 454). 62 Iron spearheads were found at Torre del Mordillo in tomb 97, tomb 84 and tomb 109: Gualtieri 1977, 63. 63 Mosso 1909, 309-311, pl. IV; Peet 1910, 122-125; Tinè, Vagnetti 1967, 17; Vagnetti 1979, 541-542; De Juliis 1979, 519, fig. 3: 1-2. In

accordance with Gualtieri, a dating to the 10th century BC for the iron finds seems the most likely (cf. Gualtieri 1977, 215); Cazzella proposes to date the iron working at Coppa Nevigata to the 11th BC (Cazzella 1991, 50-51). 64 Mosso 1909, 311-317. 65 Moffa 2002, 60, 79, note 187. 66 Bachmann 1982, 10-11, tab. 1. 67 D’Achiardi 1883 II, 399-400; Mosso reported a letter from Baldacci, director of the Italian Mines Department, about this peculiar source of iron: Mosso 1909, 315. See also Fernandez 1972, 506-507. 68 Mosso 1909, 315-316. 69 Albanese Procelli 1996, 124, fig. 3: c (Molino della Badia), e-f (Madonna del Piano, Tombs 229 and 146 bis). Two more iron objects were found at Madonna del Piano during the excavation of 1959: I thank dr. Albanese Procelli for this personal comunication.

500

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE from the hoard of Modica (end of FBA-beginning of EIA) (Fig. 6).70 The use of iron will have spread over the island during the EIA.71

the grave goods included also amber beds of the ‘Tyrins Treasure’ and ‘Allumiere’ types, dating to the Final Bronze Age.77 The hoard of 26 iron and bronze tools found inside the wall of the nuraghe Sa Mandra ‘e Sa Giua-Ossi (Sassari) dates to the same period.78 An iron bracelet comes from the Giants’s grave of Bidistili-Fonni, a tomb used from the Late Bronze Age until the end of Final Bronze Age.79 There are also several iron objects found in the past in ambiguous Nuragic contexts, sometimes in unclear stratigraphic position. Frequently the prejudice of a late introduction of iron in Sardinia is the main reason of dating iron finds also late. Nissardi found some iron harpoons still fixed on the wall in the cistern of tower E of nuraghe Losa at Abbasanta.80 Taramelli discovered a corroded iron axe in his excavation at the nuraghe Santu Antine at Torralba; in 1984 during an excavation in the central tower he discovered the point of an iron dagger associated with Nuragic ware and probably some Punic potsherds.81 At Barumini Lilliu found some iron artefacts in the layers related to his phase D.82 An iron spit comes from the nuraghe San Pietro at Torpè (Nuoro); the context is of uncertain chronology, but it seems to belong to the Final Bronze Age and EIA.83

Fig. 6. Hoard of Modica: iron fragment of blade. It is hard to say from where iron metallurgy may have been introduced. A possibility is from Southern Italy, Calabria, if not directly from the Aegean; but also Sardinia has to be regarded as one of the possibilities. In fact there are several data linking Sicily with Sardinia and the west Mediterranean during LBA-beginning EIA.72 A Nuragic double axe was found at Taormina, not far away the outcrops of the Monti Peloritani.73 In the Monti Peloritani there are several iron ore deposits, that were exploited in the past. At Pantalica, in an EIA tomb a Nuragic askos was found together with an iron knife and a lead bead.74

A large iron ring was found outside the nuraghe Su Igante at Uri (Sassari), together with a bronze miniature boat and a punic potsherd.84 Iron objects, mostly darts and the shaft of a pin were found at Sa Sedda ‘e sos Carros (Oliena, Nuoro); this complex is dated from the Italian LBA to the beginning of the EIA.85 In the cave of Su Benticheddu at Oliena (Nuoro) an iron cramp to repair a bronze vessels was discovered together with a group of bronzes (perhaps a small votive hoard).86 The so-called Noah’s ark is a bronze miniature boat found in the Circolo del Duce, group V at Vetulonia; a corroded iron rod is placed in front of the forelegs of the ox figurine. Also another miniature boat has iron elements: it came from the Circolo delle Nave at Vetulonia. The boat has two iron bars through a suspension ring; an iron ring is on a bronze pendent in form of two rams, that had to be hung to the boat.87 In the small cave Su Foschile at Urzulei (Nuoro) fragments of an iron miniature boat were found together with other three bronze boats.88

E. Sardinia Apart from the rings of Castelluccio and Gorzano, the earliest evidence for iron in Italy comes from southern Sardinia. In the Nuraghe Antigori of Sarroch (Cagliari) a small fragment of a sub-circular iron sheet was found in room c, in association with a wish-bone handle of Late Cypriot II type, belonging to 13th century BC.75 Several data prove the introduction of iron on Sardinia al least during the Final Bronze Age. A fishing hook from the Giants’ grave of S. Cosimo-Gonnosfanadiga is dated to the LBA.76 An iron object (perhaps a dagger) with a steatite hilt was found at Motrox ‘e Bois-Uselus (Oristano) in a megalithic tomb with collective burials;

77

Contu 1955-57, 167-170. Ferrarese Ceruti 1985, 53. 79 Lilliu 1988, 383, 387. 80 Taramelli 1916, 245-246. 81 Taramelli 1939, 69; Lo Schiavo 1988, 88. 82 Nuraghe of Barumini, room π (Nuragic II of Barumini): Lilliu 195254, 369. 83 Lo Schiavo 1976, 52-53, 61. 84 Contu 1962, 298. 85 Lo Schiavo 1988, 86; Valera, Valera & Lo Schiavo 2002, 359. 86 Lo Schiavo 1978, 88-89, pl. XXIX: 4. 87 Noah’s ark: Lilliu 1966, 432; boat from the Circolo delle Nave at Vetulonia: Lilliu 1966, 400-401. 88 Moravetti 1978, 119; Lo Schiavo 1988, 86, fig. 2. 78

70

Orsi 1900, 166; Giardino 1995, fig. 11: 21. Albanese Procelli 1996, 124. 72 Cf. Giardino 1995, specially fig. 17, distribution map of Nuragic finds in Sicily; another presence has to be added, a jar from Mozia: Lo Schiavo 2002, 53. 73 Lo Schiavo 1985, 261. 74 Pantalica, necropolis South-East, tomb 81: Orsi 1912, 317, pl. IX, 66; Giardino 1995, 34. 75 Lo Schiavo, Macnamara & Vagnetti, 1985, 5, 62; Ferrarese Ceruti, Vagnetti & Lo Schiavo 1987, 24, 36. 76 Ugas 1981, 10, n. 45. 71

501

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The presence of smithing tools – tongs, hammers and charcoal-shovels – is another indication of an early introduction of iron technology on the island. Six pairs of bronze smithing tongs were found; two of them are of unknown provenance, the others come from Nuraghe Santu Antine – Torralba (Sassari), Serra Orrios village – Dorgali (Nuoro), Badde Ulumu (Sassari), and probably from Siniscola (Nuoro). They are the only large bronze tongs known in the West and they belong to ‘Levantine’ type, well documented on Cyprus, where they date to the 13th-11th century BC. A similar date – or a bit later – could be suggested for the Nuragic examples, that do not have themselves enough chronological context.89 It is important to stress that this kind of tongues are useless for copper working, but they are an essential requirement for iron forging.

were the dead buried in these tombs? Were they aristocrats and merchants who maintained their position through trade in Sardinian metal? Or were they foreign prospectors and metallurgists who settled in the area in order to exploit the resources? Or were they both? Perhaps immigrant master metallurgists started the metal production. Several centuries later, during 1st century BC, a similar role was probably played by refugee Celtic craftsmen in Sweden after the Roman victory at Alesia.93 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adinolfi, R., 1988. Cuma dalla preistoria all’età greca. Pozzuoli. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 2000. Bronze metallurgy in Sicily. The stone moulds, in: D. Ridgway, F.R. Serra Ridgway, M. Pearce, E. Herring, R.D. Whitehouse & J.B. Wilkins (eds), Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean setting. Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara. London, 75-90. Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1996. Produzione metallurgica e innovazioni tecnologiche nella Sicilia protostorica, in: R. Leighton (ed.), Early societies in Sicily (= New developments in archaeological research). London, 117-128. Åstrom, P., R. Maddin, J.D. Muhly & T. Stech, 1986. Iron artifacts from Swedish excavations in Cyprus. Opuscola Atheniensia 16(3), 27-41. Bachmann, H.G., 1982. The identification of slags from archaeological sites (= Occasional Paper by the Institute of Archaeology, 6). London. Berggren, E. & K. Berggren, 1981. San Giovenale II, 2. Excavations in Area B, 1957-1960 (= Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom 4°, XXVI: II, 2). Stockholm. Bergonzi, G. & G. Cateni, 1979. L’età del Bronzo finale nella Toscana Marittima, in: Atti della XXI Riunione Scientifica dell’I.I.P.P. - Il Bronzo finale in Italia (Firenze 1977). Firenze, 249-264. Bianco Peroni, V., 1970. Le spade nell’Italia continentale (= PBF IV, 1). München. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1992a. Le unità di base della necropoli durante le fasi più antiche, in: A.M. Bietti Sestieri (ed.), La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma, 551-784. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1992b. The Iron Age community of Osteria dell’Osa. A study of socio-political development in central Tyrrhenian Italy. Cambridge. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., C. Giardino & C.E. Gigante, 1998. L’alligazione del rame nella tarda preistoria, ovvero: l’antico metallurgista disponeva di ricettari?, in: M.C. Frère-Sautot (ed.), Paléométallurgie des cuivres. Actes du colloque de Bourg-en-Bresse et Beaune 1997. Montagnac, 165-172. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., C. Caneva, C. Giardino, G.E. Gigante, R. Mazzeo, C. Morigi Govi, A. Palmieri & S. Ridolfi, 1998. Production and functions of Early

The charcoal-shovels are also forge tools. They were found only on Cyprus and Sardinia. Three samples come from Nuragic contexts, from Sa Sedda ‘e Sos Carros (Oliena, Nuoro), from a private collection at Oristano and from Ruinas-Irgoli (Nuoro). The last one is a mould, a clear indication that these tools were made locally. Sardinian hammer-heads have striking affinities with those from Cyprus: they come from Nuchis (Sassari), Perfugas (Sassari) and from unknown provenance, in the Antiquarium of Oristano. The typology of Nuragic smithing tools strengthens the connection with Cyprus, where an efficient iron technology was developed as early as 12th century BC. Cyprus is very rich in copper ore deposits and it has also some iron ores, as goethite, gossans and umbers (an earth like material impregnated with iron oxides and manganese).90 Sardinia is rich in first-rate iron ores, and iron smelting is documented in several nuraghi. Therefore some scholars have suggested that western iron went to Cyprus from Sardinia in return for a cargo of Cypriot copper, traded in the form of ox-hide ingots.91 Probably Sardinia had a relevant role in the diffusion of iron technology toward continental Italy. Nuragic material was found in several Early Iron Age contexts: askoid jars with spur, bronze figurines, miniature boats, pins, buttons, swords, daggers, double axes, votive quivers and cauldron attachments.92 It is very probable that these materials, generally found in tombs, document the presence of Nuragic individuals in Villanovan communities. It has to be stressed that at Populonia and Vetulonia, i.e. in the region of the Colline Metallifere, about 60% of the material was found that was exported from Sardinia to continental Italy. Metallurgical activity seems to start in this region around the same time. Who 89 Lo Schiavo, Macnamara & Vagnetti, 1985, 23-25, fig. 9 (tongs), 2527, fig. 10: 1-3 (charcoal-shovels), 22-23, fig. 7: 6-8 (hammers). 90 Kassianidou 1994 , 75-79. 91 Lo Schiavo et al. 1990, 209-211. 92 Gras 1985, 113-162; Lo Schiavo & Ridgway 1987, 391-418; Giardino 1995, 54, 295.

93 Holmqvist 1979, 7-9. Cf. also, for the hypothesis of the emigration of some Sardinian small groups in Continental Italy, Lo Schiavo 2002, 70.

502

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE (Ossi-Sassari) e Motrox’ e Bois (Usellus-Cagliari). Studi Sardi 14-15(1), 129-196. Contu, E., 1962. Notiziario: Sardegna. RivScPr 17, 296300. Craddock, P.T., 1995. Early metal mining and production. Edinburgh. Cremascoli, F., 1956-57. Analisi di alcuni bronzi, Appendice III of F. Rittatore Vonwiller, La necropoli di Canegrate. Sibrium 3, 34-35. D’Achiardi, A., 1883. I metalli. Loro minerali e minieri III. Milano. De Juliis, E.M., 1979. Il Bronzo finale nella Puglia settentrionale, in: Atti della XXI Riunione Scientifica dell' I.I.P.P., Il Bronzo finale in Italia (Firenze 1977). Firenze, 515-529. De Marinis, R.C., 1982. L’età del Bronzo: la metallurgia, in: Archeologia in Lombardia. Milano, 63-72. De Marinis, R.C. & P. Frontini, 1991-92. Articolazioni cronologiche e culturali ed evoluzione delle tecniche nella produzione metallurgica durante la media età del bronzo nel’Italia settentrionale, in: Atti del Congresso “L'età del bronzo in Italia nei secoli dal XVI al XIV a.C.” (Viareggio 1989) (= Rassegna di Archeologia, 10). Firenze, 209-215. Delpino, F., 1988. Prime testimonianze dell'uso del ferro in Italia, in: The first Iron in the Mediterranean - Il primo ferro nel Mediterraneo (Populonia/Piombino 1983) (= PACT 21). Strasbourg, 47-68. Delpino, F., 1989-90. Siderurgia e protostoria italiana. StEtr 56, 3-9. Fernandez, D., 1972. Le rocce sedimentarie, in: Enciclopedia Italiana delle Scienze. Minerali e Rocce II. Novara, 439-534. Ferrarese Ceruti, M.L., 1985. Un bronzetto nuragico da Ossi (Sassari), in: Studi in onore di G. Lilliu per il suo settantaseiesimo compleanno. Cagliari, 51-61. Ferrarese Ceruti, M.L., L. Vagnetti & F. Lo Schiavo, 1987. Minoici, Micenei e Ciprioti in Sardegna alla luce delle più recenti scoperte, in: M.S. Balmuth (ed.), Studies in Sardinian Archaeology III. Nuragic Sardinia and the Mycenean World (= BAR Intern. Series, 387). Oxford, 7-37. Gastaldi, P., 1998. Pontecagnano II. 4, La necropoli del Pagliarone. Napoli. Garagnani, G.L., V. Imbeni, & C. Martini, 1997. Analisi chimiche e microstrutturali di manufatti in rame e bronzo dalle terramare, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 554-566. Giardino, C., 1984. Insediamenti e sfruttamento minerario del territorio durante la media e la tarda età del bronzo nel Lazio: ipotesi e considerazioni. Nuovo Bullettino Archeologico Sardo 1, 123-141. Giardino, C., 1995. Il Mediterraneo occidentale fra XIV ed VIII secolo a.C. Cerchie minerarie e metallurgiche. The West Mediterranean between the 14th and 8th centuries BC. Mining and metallurgical spheres (= B.A.R. Intern. Series, 612). Oxford. Giardino, C., 1996. Miniere e tecniche metallurgiche nella Sicilia protostorica: nuove linee di ricerca, in: R.

Iron Age metal artifacts from the Bologna Area. Archaeometallurgical research on the bronze hoard from San Francesco (Bologna), in: Proceedings of the XIII International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, IV (Forlì 1996). Forlì, 801808. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & C. Giardino, 2003, Alcuni dati sull’industria metallurgica in Abruzzo, in: Atti della XXXVI Riunione Scientifica I.I.P.P. “Preistoria e Protostoria dell’Abruzzo” (Chieti, Celano 2001). Firenze, 411-430. Binggeli, M., M. Binggeli, A. Boschetti & F. Müller, 1997. Una dimostrazione di archeologia sperimentale: la fusione di oggetti in bronzo, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 567-569. Braunstein, P., 1993. Gli statuti minerari nel Medioevo europeo, in: R. Francovich (ed.), Archeologia delle attività estrattive e metallurgiche. Firenze, 277-301. Buchner, G., 1969. Mostra degli scavi di Pithecusa. Dialoghi di Archeologia 3(1-2), 85-101. Buchner, G. & D. Ridgway, 1993. Pithekoussai I. La necropoli: Tombe 1-723. Scavate dal 1952 al 1961 (= Mon.Ant.Lincei. Serie Monografica, IV). Roma. Cambi, L., 1960. Appendice I of Frova, A., Tomba preistorica a Paterno Dugnano. Sibrium 5, 70. Caneva, C. & C. Giardino, 1992. Archaeometallurgy of Sicilian artifacts of the Late Bronze Age: the Polizzello hoard, in: E. Antonacci Sanpaolo (ed.), Archeometallurgia ricerche e prospettive. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale di Archeometallurgia (Bologna, Dozza Imolese 1989). Bologna, 291-305. Caneva, C., C. Giardino & G. Guida, 2003. Interpretative limit evaluation in compositional studies of protohistoric bronzes, in: Archaeometallurgy in Europe, 2 (Milan, Sept. 2003). Milan, 303-310. Carancini, G.L., 1984. Le asce nell’Italia continentale II (= PBF IX, 12). München. Carancini, G.L., 1991-92. L’Italia centro-meridionale, in: Atti del Congresso ‘L’età del bronzo in Italia nei secoli dal XVI al XIV a.C.’ (Viareggio 1989) (= Rassegna di Archeologia 10). Firenze, 235-254. Carancini, G.L., 1997. La produzione metallurgica delle terramare nel quadro dell'Italia protostorica, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 379-389. Cazzella, A., 1991. L’insediamento di Coppa Nevigata fra tarda età del bronzo ed età del ferro, in: Miscellanea etrusca e italica in onore di Massimo Pallottino (= Archeologia Classica, XLIII). Roma, 3953. Chiartano, B., 1994. La necropoli dell’età del ferro dell’Incoronata e di S. Teodoro (scavi 1978-1985). Galatina (LE). Cierny J., F. Marzatico & G. Weisgerber, 1995. Endbronzezeitliche Kupferproduction im Trentino. Der Anshnitt 47(3), 82-91. Contu, E., 1955-1957. Argomenti di cronologia a proposito delle tombe a poliandro di Ena’ e Muros 503

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Lo Schiavo, F., E. Macnamara & L. Vagnetti, 1985. Late Cypriot imports to Italy and their influence on local bronzework. BSR 53, 1-71. Lo Schiavo, F. & D. Ridgway, 1987. La Sardegna e il Mediterraneo occidentale allo scorcio del II millennio, in: La Sardegna nel Mediterraneo tra il secondo e il primo millennio a.C. Atti del II Convegno di studi “Un millennio di relazioni fra la Sardegna e i Paesi del Mediterraneo” (Selargius-Cagliari 1986). Cagliari, 391-418. Lo Schiavo, F., R. Maddin, J. Merkel, J.D. Muhly & T. Stech, 1990. Analisi metallurgiche e statistiche sui lingotti di rame della Sardegna (= Quaderni 17). Ozieri. Lugli, F., F. Micarelli & S.F. Brincatt, 2001. Le tombe dell’età del Ferro e l’attività siderurgica dall’età del Ferro al periodo arcaico. Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 102, 307-320. Macnamara, E., D. Ridgway & F.R. Ridgway, 1984. The bronze hoard from S. Maria in Paulis, Sardinia (= British Museum Occ. Papers, 45). London. Maddin, R., 2003. The beginning of the use of iron, in: T. Stöllner, G. Körlin, G. Steffens, & J. Cierny (eds), Man and mining – Mensch und Bergbau. Studies in honour of Gerd Weisgerber on occasion of his 65th birthday (= Der Anschnitt, 16). Bochum, 309-318. Mantovani, P., 1892. Il Museo Archeologico e Numismatico di Livorno. Livorno. Marzatico, F., 1997. L’industria metallurgica nel Trentino durante l’età del Bronzo, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 570-576. Marzatico, F. & U. Tecchiati, 2002. L’età del Bronzo in Trentino e Alto Adige/Südtirol, in: Atti della XXXIII Riunione Scientifica I.I.P.P. – Preistoria e protostoria del Trentino Alto Adige/Südtirol in ricordo di Bernardo Bagolini, 1 (Trento 1997). Firenze, 45-92. Mazzoleni, P., 2000. Appendix of R.M. Albanese Procelli, Bronze metallurgy in Sicily. The stone moulds, in D. Ridgway, F.R. Serra Ridgway, M. Pearce, E. Herring, R.D. Whitehouse & J.B. Wilkins (eds), Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean setting. Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara. London, 89. Moffa, C., 2002. L’organizzazione dello spazio sull’acropoli di Broglio di Trebisacce. Dallo studio delle strutture e dei manufatti in impasto di fango all’analisi della distribuzione dei reperti. Firenze. Moravetti, A., 1978. Navicelle votive da Urzulei, in Sardegna centro-orientale dal neolitico alla fine del mondo antico. Sassari, 119-122. Mosso, A., 1909. Stazione preistorica di Coppa Nevigata presso Manfredonia. Monumenti Antichi dell’Accademia dei Lincei 19, 305-386. Nijboer, A.J., 1998. From household production to workshops. Archaeological evidence for economic transformation, pre-monetary exchange ans urbanisation in central Italy from 800 to 400 BC. Groningen.

Leighton (ed.), Early societies in Sicily (= New developments in archaeological research) London, 129-138. Giardino, C., 1997. La metallotecnica nella Sicilia preprotostorica, in: S. Tusa (ed.), Prima Sicilia: alle origini della società siciliana. Palermo, 404-414. Giardino, C., 1998. I metalli nel mondo antico. Introduzione all’archeometallurgia. Roma-Bari. Giardino, C. & F. Lugli, 2001. L’attività siderurgica nel Giardino Romano. Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 102, 327-328. Gras, M., 1985. Trafics tyrrhéniens archaïques. Roma. Gualtieri, M., 1977. Iron in Calabria in the ninth and eight centuries BC. Dissertation in Classical Archaeology – University of Pennsylvania, Xerox Microfilms. Ann Arbor, Michigan. Holmqvist, W., 1979. The first iron in Sweden, in: H. Clarke (ed.), Iron and man in prehistoric Sweden. Stockolm, 1-21. Kassianidou, V., 1994. Could iron have been produced in Cyprus?, in: Report of the Department of Antiquities. Cyprus, 73-81. Klitsche de la Grange, A., 1891. Di un nuovo gruppo di tombe rinvenuto nella necropoli italica di Allumiere. Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts. Römische Abteilungen 6, 221-225. Le Févre-Lehöerff, A., 1992. Les moules de l’âge du bronze dans la plaine orientale du Po; vestiges de mise en forme des alliages base cuivre. Padusa 28, 131-243. Lilliu, G., 1952-1954. Il nuraghe di Barumini e la stratigrafia nuragica. StSard 12-13, 90-469. Lilliu, G., 1966. Sculture della Sardegna nuragica. Cagliari. Lilliu, G., 1988. La civiltà dei Sardi. Dal paleolitico all’età dei nuraghi (III ed.). Torino. Lilliu, G., 2000. D’una navicella protosarda nello Heraion di Capo Colonna a Crotone. Rendiconti Morali Acc. Lincei 9 (11), 181-233. Lo Schiavo, F., 1976. Nuraghe “S. Pietro” (Torpè, Nuoro), in: Nuove testimonianze della Sardegna centro-settentrionale. Sassari, 51-61. Lo Schiavo, F., 1978. Bronzi dalla Grotta “Su Benticheddu”, Oliena, Nuoro, in: Sardegna centroorientale dal neolitico alla fine del mondo antico. Sassari, 89-91. Lo Schiavo, F., 1985. La Sardegna nuragica e il mondo mediterraneo, in: Civiltà Nuragica. Milano, 255-269. Lo Schiavo, F., 1988. Il primo ferro in Sardegna, in: The first Iron in the Mediterranean – Il primo ferro nel Mediterraneo (Populonia/Piombino 1983) (= PACT 21). Strasbourg, 83-89. Lo Schiavo, F., 2002. Osservazioni sul problema dei rapporti fra Sardegna ed Etruria in età nuragica - II, in: Etruria e Sardegna centro-settentrionale tra l’età del Bronzo finale e l’arcaismo. Atti XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici (Sassari - Alghero - Oristano - Torralba 1998). Pisa-Roma, 51-70.

504

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: METALLURGY IN ITALY BETWEEN THE LATE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE I.I.P.P. – Preistoria e protostoria della Toscana (Firenze 1999). Firenze 501-517. Preuschen, E., 1973. Estrazione mineraria dell’età del bronzo nel Trentino. Preistoria Alpina, Rendiconti 9, 113-150. Sperl, G., 1998. La zona industriale di Pithecussa e il ferro elbano. Ricerche su scorie e ritrovamenti ferrosi, in: C. D’Amico & C. Albore Livadie (eds), Le Scienze della Terra e l’Archeometria. Atti della IV Giornata delle Scienze della Terra e dell’Archeometria (Napoli 1997). Napoli, 44. Steffé de Piero, G. & S. Vitri, 1977. La necropoli di Bre〉ec presso S. Canziano del Carso. Scavi Marchesetti 1896-1900. Milano. Szombathy, J., 1913. Mitteilungen der prähistorischen Kommission der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften, II, n. 2. Wien. Taramelli, A., 1916. Abbasanta. Ricerche nel nuraghe Losa. Notizie Scavi, 235-259. Taramelli, A., 1939. Il nuraghe Santu Antine nel territorio di Torralba. Monumenti Antichi dei Lincei 38, 1-70. Taylour, W., 1958. Mycenean pottery in Italy and adjacent areas. Cambridge. Tinè, S. & L. Vagnetti, 1967. I Micenei in Italia. Fasano. Toti, O., 1986. La “Civiltà Protovillanoviana” dei Monti della Tolfa, in: La “Civiltà Protovillanoviana” dei Monti della Tolfa. Società ed economia tra XI e IX secolo a.C. Allumiere, 11-85. Tylecote, R.F., 1976. A history of metallurgy. London. Ugas, G., 1981. La tomba megalitica I di San CosimoGonnosfanadiga (Cagliari): un monumento del Bronzo Medio (con la più antica attestazione micenea in Sardegna). Archeologia Sarda 2, 7-30. Vagnetti, L. 1979. Il Bronzo finale in Puglia nei suoi rapporti con il Mediterraneo orientale, in: Atti della XXI Riunione Scientifica dell’ I.I.P.P., Il Bronzo finale in Italia (Firenze 1977). Firenze, 537-549. Valera, R.G., P.G. Valera & F. Lo Schiavo, 2002. Lead in nuragic Sardinia: Ores, isotopy, and archaeology, in: M. Bartelheim, E. Pernicka & R. Krause (eds), Die Anfänge der Metallurgie in der alten Welt – The beginnings of metallurgy in the Old World. Rahden/Westf., 359-377. Waldbaum, J.C., 1978. From bronze to iron. The transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in the Eastern Mediterranean (= Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, LIV). Göteborg. Ward-Parkins, J.B., R.A. Stacciali, J. Close-Brooks, A. Cavallotti Batchvarova & P. Passatello, 1965. Veio (Isola Farnese) – Continuazione degli scavi nella necropoli villanoviana in località “Quattro Fontanili”. NSc 19, 49-236.

Orsi, P., 1892. La necropoli sicula di Castelluccio (Siracusa). BPI 18, 1-34, 67-84. Orsi, P., 1895. Thapsos. MonAnt 6, 89-150. Orsi, P., 1900. Ripostigli di bronzi siculi. BPI 26, 164174, 267-285. Orsi, P., 1912. La necropoli sicula di Pantalica, e la necropoli sicula di M. Dessueri. Monumenti Antichi dell’Accademia dei Lincei 21, coll. 301-408. Ottaway, B.S. & S. Seibel, 1998. Dust in the wind: experimental casting of bronze in sand moulds, in: M.-C. Frère-Sautot (ed.), Paléométallurgie des cuivres. Actes du colloque de Bourg-en-Bresse et Beaune 1997. Montagnac, 59-63. Pacciarelli, M., 1999a. Torre Galli. La necropoli della prima età del ferro (scavi Paolo Orsi 1922-23). Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro). Pacciarelli, M., 1999b. La necropoli protostorica di Castellace e considerazioni sui processi culturali dei secoli XII-X a.C., in: L. Costamagna & P. Visonà (eds), Oppido Mamertina Calabria – Italia. Ricerche archeologiche nel territorio e in contrada Mella. Roma, 35-80. Palmieri, A.M., E. Volterra & D. Marino, 1998. Archeometallurgia in Calabria: primi dati analitici, in: C. D’Amico & C. Albore Livadie (eds), Le Scienze della Terra e l'Archeometria. Atti della IV Giornata delle Scienze della Terra e dell'Archeometria (Napoli 1997). Napoli, 182-186. Patroni, G., 1924. Semiana – Analisi dei pani di rame e nuove informazioni sul ritrovamento. Notizie Scavi 21, 393-394. Pearce, M., 1994. Il territorio di Milano e Pavia tra Mesolitico e prima età del ferro. Dalla carta archeologica alla ricostruzione del paesaggio. Firenze. Peet, T.E., 1910. The early settlement at Coppa Nevigata and the prehistory of the Adriatic. Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology .University of Liverpool 3, 118-133. Peroni, R. & A. Vanzetti, 1998. Le campagne di scavo 1990-1994 sull’acropoli di Broglio di Trebisacce (Cosenza), in: R. Peroni & A. Vanzetti (eds), Broglio di Trebisacce 1990-1994. Elementi e problemi nuovi dalle recenti campagne di scavo. Soveria Mannelli, 961. Poggiani Keller, R., 1988. L’insediamento della media e tarda età del bronzo di Scarceta (Manciano-GR), in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Il Museo di preistoria e protostoria della Valle del fiume Fiora. Manciano, 159-164. Poggiani Keller, R., 1993. Anticipazioni sul complesso dei manufatti di bronzo e sull’attività metallurgica in situ nelle fasi della tarda età del bronzo dell'insediamento di Scarceta, in: Vulcano a Mezzano. Insediamento e produzioni artigianali nella media valle del Fiora nell’età del Bronzo. Valentano, 105124. Poggiani Keller, R., 2001. Lo scavo dell’abitato di Scarceta, in: Atti della XXXIV Riunione Scientifica

505

EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY AND ITS CARVING AT TARQUINIA A. Babbi, G. Testa, M. Barbieri & S. Cancelliere Abstract: The National Museum of Tarquinia possesses amongst others a vase with an anthropomorphic three dimentional figure and a bead of a necklace both made of alabaster and found in Iron Age tombs located on the Monterozzi Hill. A multidisciplinary study conducted on these artefacts provided information on the provenance of the alabaster deriving from the Messinian gypsum formation that has outcrops in the area between Civitavecchia and Tarquinia. In that area large mounds of small fragments of alabaster are known and have been interpreted as monumental tombs. This option is ruled out by the lack of anthropic traces. The authors suggest that these large deposits were produced by collecting, quarrying and selection processes. The discovery of several fragmented pieces of Messinian alabaster in a small coastal Iron Age settlement near La Frasca, supports the hypothesis regarding the local provenance of the alabaster. Moreover the settlements reveals a wide variety of activities linked to alabaster: carving the artefacts while the treatment of small pieces with fire could be linked to decorating and building activities. The round mounds could be dated by an archaeological deposit discovered on a layer of alabaster waste products where a fragment of an impasto jar was found dating to the Orientalizing period. These data seem to imply that the Iron Age coastal settlements were founded not only for the marine resources (i.e. fish and salt) but also to control and exploit the alabaster deposits.

PROTOHISTORICAL ARTEFACTS MADE OF ALABASTER1

was briefly described when it was dug out and was soon forgotten and lost. Later Filippo Delpino found a schematic drawing of it, done on the 14th of march 1882.9 This fragmentary object was recovered in many shards.10 It’s likely that it was a cup with an anthropomorphic three dimentional figure (Fig. 1). Some small holes just above the shoulder suggest that the find was decorated, restored or hung. The typology of the artefact is known from rare examples made of clay from Vulci, Tarquinia and Veio.11 At the Arcatelle necropolis there are three similar ceramic finds.12 The main differences are the material and the lack of peculiar

The stores of the National Museum of Tarquinia contain a lithic object that was found in the Arcatelle necropolis in the nineteenth century.2 At that site, located on the Monterozzi Hill two and a half kilometres from Tarquinia, many Iron Age tombs were found.3 The analysis of the archive indicates that there was a radial diffusion of graves from the top of the hill to its slopes.4 The lithic object derives from a tomb probably located near the top of the hill, in the most ancient part of the necropolis.5 The very rich burial, as shown by a rectangular cassa of nenfro, a bronze cap-helmet with socket, fragmentary bronze sheet possibly remains of a vase, a candelabrum, and a boat-shaped vase ending in a swan-head, both made in clay, documents the social importance of the deceased.6 Some finds, as for instance the bronze sheet vase, the razor ‘a curva ampia’7 and a bronze fibula with a disc and a crossbar make it possible to date the burial to the second half of the 9th century BC according to the traditional chronology.8 The lithic object

9 Ghirardini 1881, 359; Helbig 1882, 19-22. Della Seta, Elenco degli oggetti antichi appartenenti al Museo Comunale di Corneto-Tarquinia 1907, nr. R.C. 257; Hencken 1968, 330, fig. 329; Delpino 1991, 130, fig. 5; Barnabei & Delpino 1991, fig. 142. 10 The shards were divided into four different groups, see Babbi in print b. The object was restored by dr E. Foschi. 11 Vulci, unpublished: Rizzo 1985, 518, note 4; Ricciardi 1989, 45. Tarquinia: Hencken 1968, 230-231, fig. 208 (Poggio Sopra Selciatello 23); Buranelli 1983, 54, nr. 3 (Le Rose 47); Iaia 2001, 93 (Villa Bruschi 111). Veio: Berardinetti, Drago 1997, 40, note 12, figg. 7-8 (Grotta Gramiccia 386); AA.VV. 1972, 204, XY b, nr. 1; fig. 4, XY b, nr. 1 (Quattro Fontanili XY b); AA.VV. 1967, 134, EE8, nr. 2, fig. 24, EE8, nr. 2 (Quattro Fontanili EE8). These objects were studied for my doctorate in Etruscology on the Etruscan and Italic little clay anthropomorphic artefacts dating from the Final Bronze Age to the Orientalizing period. 12 Two small jars without context: Ghirardini 1881, 350; Helbig 1882, 42. Della Seta, Elenco degli oggetti antichi appartenenti al Museo Comunale di Corneto-Tarquinia 1907, nr. R.C. 646; Hencken 1968, 411, nr. 3, fig. 415; Damgaard-Andersen 1993, 22, nr. 15a; Iaia 1999, 27-28, note 38; Babbi in print b, fig. 2,A. Three small biconical vases, from a cremation burial in a cylindric nenfro case: Ghirardini 1881, 350; Helbig 1882, 15. Della Seta, Elenco degli oggetti antichi appartenenti al Museo Comunale di Corneto-Tarquinia 1907, nr. R.C. 649; Hencken 1968, 411, nr. 2, fig. 414; Damgaard-Andersen 1993, 22, nr. 15d; Torelli 1996, 349, fig. 12; 1997, 27; Iaia 1999, 27-28, note 38; Delpino in print, fig. 5; Babbi in print b, fig. 2,B. The third kernos, found on the 22nd of December 1881, consists of three jars and came from a pozzo tomb: Ghirardini 1881, 350, tav. V,8; Helbig 1882, 42; Montelius 18951910, tav. 280, nr. 14. Della Seta, Elenco degli oggetti antichi appartenenti al Museo Comunale di Corneto-Tarquinia 1907, nr. R.C. 649; Hencken 1968, 331, fig. 330,a (Monterozzi, Pozzo with a Triple Vase with Anthropoid Handle) that corresponds to the isolated find nr. 1 (Ibidem, 410-411, fig. 413; D’Atri 1986, 74-76, nr. 109, fig. 55, note 24; Damgaard-Andersen 1993, 22, nr. 15c; Iaia 1999, 27-28, note 38; Delpino in print, fig. 5; Babbi in print b, fig. 2,C.

1

I would like to thank dr M. Cataldi for having facilitated this research, prof. G. Bartoloni for her suggestions and advices, dr F. Delpino maestro in developing a balanced critical assessment, prof. A. Zifferero for new reflections, dr E. Foschi and dr G. Taurchini who led me during my first survey, friend dr B. Casocavallo who was with us in that first ‘walk’, the kind Mr U. Magrini of the National Museum of Tarquinia, dr V. Olivieri adviser and lovable compagna di viaggio. The English version was checked by Miss V. Olivieri and dr G. Testa. 2 For an accurate description of the object and a brief consideration on its iconography see Babbi in print b; Babbi in preparation. 3 For the Arcatelle discoveries see Ghirardini 1881, 342-371; Ghirardini 1882, 136-215; Helbig 1882, 10-22, 40-47, 161-176, 209-216; D’Atri 1977, 1-16; Delpino 1991, 123-152; Babbi in print a. 4 D’Atri 1977, 10-12, fig. 1. 5 The tomb was excavated at the beginning of the first campaign (between the 14th and the 20th of November), Archivio Storico Comunale di Tarquinia, titolo VII, fascicolo 10, anno 1881, lettera B, Nota degli oggetti rinvenuti nello scavo delle tombe nella settimana dal 14 al 20 novembre 1881. 6 Babbi in preparation. 7 Helbig 1882, 19. 8 A similar chronology was suggested in Delpino 1991, 130, note 21. For a detailed analysis of the context see Babbi in preparation. For a high chronology see Iaia 1999, 41, tab. 2 (phases IA-IB1); Pacciarelli 2000, 248 (phase IA).

506

A. BABBI, G. TESTA, M. BARBIERI & S. CANCELLIERE: EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY

Fig. 1. Tarquinia, Arcatelle, alabaster gypsum vase (A. Babbi).

features: the hairstyle on the back, the necklace, and the willow-leaf belt on the waist.13 However, at least for one of the three clay objects, these features may have been made in perishable materials. The deeply incised line on the top of the head, dark traces in the holes on the chest and the sign on the waist may indicate the presence of applied ornaments.14 A second find seems to confirm the use of a stone whose texture is exactly alike the texture of the vase. It’s a necklace of eleven remaining beads of glass and one lithic bead (Fig. 2). It is elliptical with a sharp edge (Fig. 3:a).15 Unfortunately documents in the archive do not record the exact location of the finds within the Monterozzi necropolis. The spherical blue beads with white eyes and the long ones with transverse and waved lines can be dated between the final Bronze Age and the early Orientalizing period.16 The glass beads are known in other sites but the lithic one seems rare. For instance there are some lithic pendants, green or blackish, found usually in female burial contexts at Tarquinia, Caere and

Fig. 2. Tarquinia, Monterozzi, glass and lithic beads R.C. 943 (A. Babbi).

13 The belt gives us an iconographic terminus post quem that seems to confirm the above-mentioned chronology. 14 The presence of an applied element around the waist has been already suggested by Hencken 1968, 411. 15 Ricognizione inventariale 1982-83, I Registro Guerzoni, Tamburini, nr. Pos. 1781, “11 vaghi di collana di cui 10 di pasta vitrea ed uno di alabastro (o marmo). Il n° 1781 e il n° 1782 erano nella scatola recante il cartellino con il n° R.C. 943. Il n° 1781 sembra corrispondere, anche se parzialmente al n° R.C. 943 del Catalogo Della Seta”. Della Seta, Elenco degli oggetti antichi appartenenti al Museo Comunale di Corneto-Tarquinia 1907, nr. R.C. 943, “Venti vaghi di collana sferici o di altre forme di vetro, di pasta graffita, uno di alabasto”. 16 Elceto, Allumiere: Toti without year, 34, fig. 20 (LBA settlement). Villa Bruschi Falgari 64, Tarquinia: De Angelis 2001, 90-91, fig. 105 (½ IX b.C.). Quattro Fontanili, Veio: Guidi 1993, 74, tipo 222, fig. 4,12 (phase IIA). Benacci Caprara, Bologna: Tovoli 1989, 293, tipo 202, tav. 103, 202B (VIII b.C.). Grotta Gramiccia 575, 779, 780, 655, Veio: Berardinetti & Drago 1997, 48, fig. 14 (I ½ VIII b.C.); 52, figg. 20 (I ½ VIII b.C.), 22 (II ½ VIII b.C.); 57, fig. 29 (II ½ VIII b.C.). Casale del Fosso 1032, 805, Veio: Buranelli, Drago & Paolini 1997, 69, figg. 17 (½ VIII b.C.), 18 (½ VIII b.C.); Bietti Sestieri 1992, 428-434, tipi 89 j (phases II-III), m, m var. I, m var. III, (phase II).

Fig. 3. Lithic beads. a. Tarquinia, Monterozzi R.C. 943 (A. Babbi); b. Roma, Osteria dell’Osa, grave 82 (Bietti Sestieri 1992, fig. 3c.13, 83/26). Veio, whose outline is shapeless or modelled differently.17 Two pendants found in the grave 82 at 17 Sopra Selciatello 182, 201, Tarquinia: Hencken 1968, 147, fig. 134,b (phase IIA); 321. Caolino 40, Santa Severa: Brusadin Laplace 1992, 276, fig. 25,18 (III ¼ dell’VIII b.C.). Quattro Fontanili DD 12-13, 5,

507

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Osteria dell’Osa have a stronger similarity (Fig. 3:b). The rich burial context can be dated to the Latial III period of the Early Iron Age. These artefacts are made from a green stone.18 The typology dates the Tarquinian necklace to the late phase of the Early Iron Age. So a provenance from a burial context can be suggested pertaining to the later graves of the Arcatelle necropolis. The lithic vase and the bead have been thoroughly analysed and the results will be discussed. A.B. PETROGRAPHIC AND GEOCHEMICAL ANALYSIS

ratio makes it possible to date a sedimentary rock of marine origin that contains strontium. Gypsum can contain up to 1% in weight of this element, as a substitute of calcium in the crystal lattice. The isotopic ratio revealed a Messinian age of the alabaster. The rock could come from the outcrops of Messinian age around Volterra. However, a few Messinian alabaster outcrops are known in the area between Tarquinia and Civitavecchia. Field observations indicate that this alabaster is macroscopically similar to that from Volterra, and the collected samples gave strontium isotopic ratios overlapping those of the lithic object. Although lacking analytical data that allow to rule out other provenances (Volterra Basin, Sicily, Southeastern Spain, Crete, Cyprus),24 the working hypothesis is that of a local origin. G.T., M.B. & S.C.

19

The mineralogical composition, petrographic texture, and the isotopic composition provides indications for the provenance of the lithic material. X-ray diffraction run by Dr. Cancelliere of Venice University revealed that more than 90% in weight of the sample is gypsum (CaSO4*2H2O). Alabaster is a microcrystalline aggregate of gypsum.20 On thin sections Dr. Testa recognized an isotopic structure and idiomorphic-subidiomorphic texture.21 The presence of relics of anhydrite indicates that the alabaster was formed by hydration of an anhydrite aggregate. This is typical of the alabaster from the Volterra area as well as of most of the other alabasters from Italy and the Mediterranean basin.

DATA INDICATING THE USE OF LOCAL ALABASTER25 The archaeometrical results imply that the origin of the alabaster can be located between the left bank of the Mignone River and the northern border of Civitavecchia (Fig. 4). In 1938 Bastianelli noticed the presence of round mounds from thirty to forty metres wide, near the sites of

It is worth noting that, as far as we know, the main quarrying areas for this material were two, as pointed out by Maggiani, Testa e Lugli,22 that is the area around Volterra characterized by Messinian age alabasters (about 5.5 million years), and the area of Chianciano, near Chiusi, where Late Triassic age alabaster (about 210 million years) was mined.23 A first attempt to locate the provenance of the studied alabaster artefacts, involves the dating the lithic material of the object. For this purpose Prof. Barbieri, of the “La Sapienza” University of Rome analysed the isotopic ratio 87Sr/86Sr of the strontium present in the gypsum crystals of the rock. This isotopic Fig. 4. Protohistoric sites and gypsum ‘mounds’ (A. Babbi).

N4, EF13, Veio: AA.VV. 1965, 90, b, fig. 26 (VIII b.C.); AA.VV. 1972, 322, 4, fig. 88 (phase I); 332, 6, fig. 96.6 (phase IIA); AA.VV. 1975, 93, n. 12, fig. 18.12 (III ¼ VIII b.C.). 18 Bietti Sestieri 1992, 428, 437, tipo 89y, tav. 46, fig. 3c.13, 83/26. 19 For a bibliography see Lazzarini, Moschini & Stievano 1980; Pensabene 1982; Gnoli 1988; Gorgoni, Lazzarini & Pallante 1992; Moens, de Paepe & Waelkens 1992; Maggiani, Testa & Lugli 1997; Pensabene 1998. 20 Testa, Barbieri & Cancelliere in print, fig. 3,A. 21 Testa, Barbieri & Cancelliere in print, fig. 3,B. 22 Maggiani, Testa & Lugli 1997, passim. 23 Testa, Barbieri & Cancelliere in print, fig. 3,C.

24 25

508

Testa, Barbieri & Cancelliere in print, fig. 3,D. For a first brief essay see Babbi in print c.

A. BABBI, G. TESTA, M. BARBIERI & S. CANCELLIERE: EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY

Fig. 5-6. Bastianelli notes (Bastianelli 1988, p. 133, nn. 86-87).

Sterpeto, Uomo Morto and Casale Pantano, made up of ‘gypsum shards’. The scholar interpreted them as funerary tumuli, even though he realized that, despite their similarity to the Tarquinian and Caeretan mounds, their structure was quite different.26 In 1927 Bastianelli had already dug one mound not far from Casale Pantano in order to find the funerary chamber, but he did not succeed (Figs 5-6).27 A few years later Mengarelli marked their location on maps.28 In 1957 Bradford

studied the region using aerial photography. He also interpreted them as burial sites even after noticing their unusual building technique and material, the overlapping of some structures and the angular outline of others (Figs 7-8).29 Mengarelli’s documents and the aerial photography,30 mark the large dimensions of the mounds and their wide distribution partly bounded by the Mignone River to the north and by the ‘Gypsum Quarries ditch’ to the south (Fig. 4, black dots). In the sixties, the large amounts of gypsum were exploited by a factory making concrete destroying the existing mounds. The exploitation was supervised by Toti who confirmed the absence of architectural structures and artefacts. He could gather information on the building technique of at least one mound. He noticed that first a large round pit, not less than 3 meters deep, was excavated, that was filled with small fragments of alabaster gypsum until it became a dome of 10 meters high. The overlapping structures noticed by Bradford may be explained by the presence of smaller mounds close together. The lack of other man made traces, the small dimension of the fragments and the peculiar building technique led Toti to suggest that these large deposits were produced by quarrying and

26

Bastianelli 1939, 391, note 1. Bastianelli 1988, 133, nn. 86. “Sterpeto (15.5.927)”; 87. “(29.5.927) Visita a Pantano [;] Il cavo iniziato nel grande tumolo avanza ancora [;] Tumolo presso il Casale, quello dove è stato piantato il palo della luce elettrica, diam. m. 30 circa. I tumoli poggiano sopra un banco di conglomerato grossolano una specie di scaglia, dello spessore di cm. 70 circa”. In 1934 there was a new campaign in one of the Pantano mounds (Archivio Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale, Faldone Civitavecchia nuove pratiche, Fascicolo Civitavecchia, lettera di Bastianelli al prof. Romanelli del 09.12.34). In October 1937 a clandestine dig obliged Bastianelli to intervene (Archivio Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale, Faldone Civitavecchia nuove pratiche, Fascicolo Civitavecchia, lettera di Bastianelli al prof. Romanelli del 20.10.37). I am grateful to the Soprintendente per l’Etruria Meridionale, Dr A.M. Sgubini-Moretti and to Dr I. Caruso for allowing access to the archives. 28 The scholar noticed the rarity of such structures in Italy and considered them remains of burial mounds similar to “quelli Hallstattiani della Côte d’Or, della Boemia ecc.” and attributed them to “una colonia preetrusca isolata di gente celtica”, Mengarelli 1941, 345, site 1, note 2, tav. I. Thanks to the kindness of dr M. Cataldi I could look at Mengarelli’s maps. 27

29

Bradford 1957, 139-142, fig. 11, tavv. 32b, 33a-b. Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione – Laboratorio Fotointerpretazione e Fotogrammetria, R.A.F. flight on the 14.05.1944. Babbi in print c 30

509

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 8. Civitavecchia, Pantano, analysis of aerial photography (Bradford 1957, fig. 11).

Fig. 7. Civitavecchia, Pantano, aerial photography (Bradford 1957, pl. 33b). selection processes.31 In 1965 the excavation of a small coastal Iron Age settlement near La Frasca, 3 kilometres from the Casale Pantano mounds, provided new data. At La Frasca a stratified site was excavated: at the bottom there were some posts of a hut (Fig. 9:I-III), while in a round fireplace of stones gypsum fragments were found together with concentrations of charcoal and ashes. Other fragmented pieces of alabaster gypsum were found in the strata above the fireplace (Fig. 9, grey strips).32 The finds at La Frasca confirm the knowledge of the local outcrops of alabaster gypsum during the Iron Age. Nonetheless these mounds have been interpreted as protohistorical or orientalizing monumental tumuli.33 The isotopic analyses on the alabaster fragments from La Frasca reveal the Messinian age of the stone and confirm their local provenance. It is most likely that the mounds were formed by quarrying that is the digging of shafts, the

selection of stones and the formation of gypsum waste.34 This hypothesis can not rule out the possibility that these mounds were also used as funerary tumuli.35 One of the main problems is the difficulty in dating these remains. New information derives from the excavation of archaeological strata discovered on a substantial layer of alabaster gypsum, overlapping an outcrop close to Casale Pantano (Fig. 4, Martinello site).36 Some pottery was found in a charcoal layer on top of burnt clay (Fig. 10:ac). One diagnostic shard was found being the rim of an impasto jar dating till the Orientalizing period (Fig. 11).37 It could mark the chronology of the exploitation of the lower outcrop (Fig. 10:d). 34

It is worth noting that gypsum is easily soluble in water. Ancient peoples had to be familiar with this problem, since underground exploitation of gypsum dates back at last to the Minoan civilisation, v. Gale, Einfalt, Hubberten, Jones & Jones 1988, 57-72. More recently, the openings of alabaster tunnels near Castellina Marittima (Pisa-Italy), that were used for at least the last three centuries, are still characterized by a thick cover of debris made of gypsum shards, very much alike the gypsum mounds described here (pers. comm. by dr G. Testa). 35 Geophysical analysis will probably give important data. 36 This stratification was recognised by dr E. Foschi and dr G. Taurchini. 37 Clear traces of potter’s wheel are visible on the internal surface. For the type see Carafa 1995, 133, tipo 301.

31

Toti 1962, 4; 1993, 52; 1996, 914. Drawings and pictures of the La Frasca site, unpublished, were made by dr O. Toti and Mr S. Angioni. I express my gratitude to Dr O. Toti for allowing me to use his reports. 33 Rendeli 1993, 431 (cemeteries VII-VI b.C.); Naso & Zifferero 1996, 126, sito nr. 3; 129, sito nr. 41 (vague attribution to etruscan period); Perego 2001, 15, fig. 9 (hypothetically dated to X b.C.). 32

510

A. BABBI, G. TESTA, M. BARBIERI & S. CANCELLIERE: EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY

Fig. 9. Civitavecchia, La Frasca, section and plan (O. Toti, S. Angioni; computer graph. A. Babbi).

Fig. 10. Civitavecchia, Martinello, section: a) pottery shards; b) charcoal; c) fireplace; d) gypsum shards (A. Babbi).

Fig. 11. Civitavecchia, Martinello, jar (A. Babbi).

would have supplied territory for farming and access to marine resources as suggested by Pacciarelli and others.38 Collecting alabaster gypsum, easily transported thanks to the proximity of the Mignone River and the shore, can

Regarding the Iron Age it appears that the finds mentioned as well as the geochemical analysis demonstrates the knowledge and the interest in exploiting the large gypsum deposits. The early Iron Age coastal settlements would have guaranteed to the community led by Tarquinia, the control of the shore and the southern part of the territory, more than the access to the sea provided by the nearby community of Le Saline (Fig. 4). At the same time they

38 Pacciarelli 1991a, 33; 1991b, 170-171, note 25; 1994, 233-234; Mandolesi 1994, 236; Belardelli & Pascucci 1996, 380, 386; Pascucci 1998, 108; Mandolesi 1999a, 56-57; 1999b, 200, 202, note 206, 216; Pacciarelli 2000, 170-171.

511

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI now be added as an economic activity in the area.39 The data confirm the exploitation of gypsum for carving artefacts but it also documents a process that involved high temperatures maybe for its use in decoration or building techniques. One of the structures interpreted as domestic pits found in these coastal settlements can assist with the interpretation as building material. I’m referring to the round-shaped and quite large pit discovered at Torre-Chiaruccia in 1956. It contains many pottery fragments, charcoal and ashes, which decrease in quantity towards the bottom where greyish mud was found as well as three big stones laying on a layer red by fire and rich of charcoal (Fig. 12, grey strip).40 The dimensions and stratigraphic features led Barbaranelli to believe that the pit was not a silo but a kiln for pottery. On the other hand the fireplace and the grey mud suggest a similar situation to La Frasca.41

The economic resources of the coastal region that might have caused the territorial reorganization led by Tarquinia were quite diverse. The wide variety of resources exploited, demonstrates a profound knowledge of the countryside.42 I am conscious that the amount of protohistorical artefacts of alabaster gypsum is limited compared to the large mounds. A more intense exploitation of the outcrops might be related to a later period.43 However, the appearance of more artefacts of alabaster gypsum at Tarquinia and other Etruscan centres dating to the late Orientalizing period can now be discussed in another light. Some of these finds, which are related to a Rhodian production on account of style and type of stone, may now actually have a local provenance.44 A.B. BIBLIOGRAPHY

AA.VV., 1965. Veio (Isola Farnese). Continuazione degli scavi in una necropoli villanoviana in località «Quattro Fontanili». NSc, 49-236. AA.VV., 1967. Veio (Isola Farnese). Continuazione degli scavi nella necropoli villanoviana in località «Quattro Fontanili». NSc, 87-276. AA.VV., 1972. Veio (Isola Farnese). Continuazione degli scavi in una necropoli villanoviana in località «Quattro Fontanili». NSc, 195-384. AA.VV., 1975. Veio (Isola Farnese). Continuazione degli scavi in una necropoli villanoviana in località «Quattro Fontanili». NSc, 63-184. Babbi, A., in print a. I materiali della necropoli tarquiniese delle Arcatelle al Museo L. Pigorini. BPI 93, in print. Babbi, A., in print b. Analisi storico-archeologica, in: Babbi, Testa, Berbieri & Cancelliere, in print. Babbi, A., in print c. Argomenti archeologici in favore di una provenienza locale della pietra, in: Babbi, Testa, Berbieri & Cancelliere, in print. Babbi, A., in print d. L’insediamento protostorico di Isola farnese. Considerazioni sull’età del bronzo finale nel

Fig. 12. Civitavecchia, Torre Chiaruccia, section of the ‘kiln’ (Barbaranelli 1956; computer graph. A. Babbi)

42 The aim of this paper does not concern the process of territorial reorganization between the Final Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. I go along with the hypothesis based on a gradual evolution towards settlement conglomerations as suggested in Mandolesi 1999a, passim; 1999b, 184-204. in this context see also Babbi in print d. 43 Apart from this it is necessary to consider that the few number of Iron Age gypsum artefacts may have been underestimated. Actually, the protohistorical burial structures could not protect these objects from moisture and weather, and during digs of the nineteenth century archaeologists did not care for fragmentary lithic finds. The abovementioned vase with the anthropomorphic figure, found inside a lithic container, was well protected but still seriously damaged. 44 As already suggested in Colonna 1970, 40, nr. 28. I am referring especially to the anthropomorphic shaped alabastra from the Flabelli tomb of Populonia (Colonna 1970, 40, n. 28), the Tholos of Casale Marittimo (Minto 1930, 64, tav. IV, 6). Moreover there are several other objects from burial contexts of Vulci (Isis tomb, Pittore della Sfinge Barbuta tomb, Pala’s digs) and of Tarquinia (many alabaster gypsum artefacts have been studied for a thesis degree at the Perugia University, unpublished), see Haynes 1977, 17-30; Martelli 1977, 87-89; Maggiani, Testa & Lugli 1997, passim; Roncalli 1998, 15-39.

39 The number of sites with reddish-ware jars found along the shore between Caere and Tarquinia is extremely high compared to similar places along all the Tyrrhenian shore, see Pacciarelli 2000, 170. In my opinion this peculiar concentration could be explained by the rich mineral deposits of the countryside, and strengthens the hypothesis on the exploitation of the outcrops of alabaster gypsum. In this context it might be relevant to point to some sites with reddish-ware jars a few kilometres from the shore (Pacciarelli 2000, 171, Greppa della Macchiozza and Casale S. Antonio near Monte Tosto-Caere) with clear traces of combustion activities involving the jars mentioned. 40 The site is not far from Santa Marinella in the south of Civitavecchia. Barbaranelli 1956, 463-467, fig. 4. 41 It is useful to remember the discovery of “accumuli di olle frammentarie in un terreno con lenti di bruciato e concrezioni grigiastre di natura ancora non chiara” near Marangone-Civitavecchia, Belardelli & Pascucci 1996, 378. A chemical analysis of those greyish layers would be decisive: rock salt would confirm the presence of activities linked with salt (extraction, fish brine etc…); on the contrary its lack would suggest the working of different materials as for instance alabaster gypsum.

512

A. BABBI, G. TESTA, M. BARBIERI & S. CANCELLIERE: EVIDENCE OF A PROTOHISTORIC ALABASTER QUARRY De Angelis, D., 2001. Le sepolture delle bambine: la tomba 64, in: Tarquinia etrusca una nuova storia (Catalogo della Mostra). Tarquinia, 89-91. Delpino, F., 1991. Documenti sui primi scavi nel sepolcreto arcaico delle Arcatelle a Tarquinia. Arch. Class. 43, 123-152. Delpino, F., in print. Una identità ambigua. Figurette femminili nude di area etrusco-italica: congiunte, antenate o divinità?, in: Les déesses-mères dans les religions antiques. Atti del Convegno (Parigi 2000). in print. Ermini-Pani, L. & S. Del Lungo, 1999. Leopoli-Cencelle. Le preesistenze. Roma. Gale, N.H., H.C. Einfalt, H. Hubberten, W. Jones & R.E. Jones, 1988. The sources of Mycenean gypsum. Journal of Archaeological Science 15, 57-72. Ghirardini, G., 1881. Corneto-Tarquinia. NSc, 342-371. Ghirardini, G., 1882. Corneto-Tarquinia. NSc, 136-215. Gnoli, R., 1988. Marmora Romana, 2nd edition. Roma. Gorgoni, C., L. Lazzarini & P. Pallante, 1992. Identification of ancient withe marbles in Rome. I: The Arch of Titus. Science and Tecnology for Cultural Heritage 1, 79-86. Guidi, A., 1993. La necropoli veiente dei Quattro Fontanili nel quadro della prima età del Ferro italiana. Firenze. Haynes, S., 1977. The Isis-Tomb; do its contents form a consistent group?, in: La civiltà arcaica di Vulci e la sua espansione. Atti del X convegno di studi etruschi e italici (Grosseto-Roselle-Vulci 1975). Firenze, 1730. Helbig, W., 1882. Scavi di Corneto. Bullettino di Corrispondenza Archeologica 10-22, 40-47, 161-176, 209-216. Hencken, H., 1968. Tarquinia, Villanovians and early etruscans. Cambridge Mass. Iaia, C., 1999. Simbolismo funerario e ideologia alle origini di una civiltà urbana. Forme rituali nelle sepolture “villanoviane” a Tarquinia e Vulci, e nel loro entroterra (= Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana, 3). Firenze. Iaia, C., 2001. Gli oggetti di uso cerimoniale, in: Tarquinia etrusca una nuova storia (Mostra di Tarquinia 2001). Roma, 91-93. Lazzarini, L., G. Moschini & A. Stievano, 1980. A contribution to the identification of Italian, Greek and Anatolian marbles through a petrological study and evaluation of Ca/Sr ratio. Archaeometry 22(1), 173183. Maggiani, A., G. Testa & S. Lugli, 1997. Caratterizzazione geologico-petrografica dell’ alabastro gessoso delle urne cinerarie etrusche come strumento di studio sulla loro provenienza. Rivista di Archeologia 21, 136-143. Mandolesi, A., 1994. Ricerche di superficie relative alla prima età del ferro, in: La presenza etrusca nella Campania meridionale. Atti delle giornate di studio (Salerno-Pontecagnano 1990). Firenze, 329-342. Mandolesi, A., 1999a. All’origine dell’Ager Tarquiniensis: il cantone meridionale tarquiniese nella

distretto veiente, in: Dinamiche di sviluppo delle città nell’Etruria meridionale: Veio, Cerveteri, Tarquinia, Vulci. Atti del XXIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici (1-6 ottobre 2001). in print. Babbi, A., in preparation. Il contesto tombale con kernos litico e applicazione antropomorfa dalla necropoli tarquiniese delle Arcatelle. Considerazioni storicoarcheologiche, being prepared a. Babbi, A., G. Testa, M. Berbieri, & S. Cancelliere, in print. Un vaso in pietra con immagine antropomorfa dalla necropoli delle Arcatelle di Tarquinia. Considerazioni storiche, archeologiche e mineralogiche, in: Miti, simboli e decorazioni. Atti del VI incontro di Studi di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria (Pitigliano 2002), in print. Barbaranelli, F., 1956. Villaggi villanoviani dell’Etruria meridionale marittima. BPI 65 (n.s. X), 455-489. Barnabei, M. & F. Delpino, 1991. Le “Memorie di un archeologo”di Felice Bernabei (= Collana di Studi Archeologici, II). Roma. Bastianelli, S., 1939. Gli antichi avanzi esistenti nel territorio di Civitavecchia. StEtr 13, 385-402. Bastianelli, S., 1988. Appunti di campagna. Roma. Belardelli, C. & P. Pascucci, 1996. I siti costieri del territorio di Civitavecchia e S. Marinella nella prima età del ferro. Risultati preliminari di una revisione critica dei dati. Bull. S.T.A.S. 25, 343-398. Berardinetti, A. & L. Drago, 1997. La necropoli di Grotta Gramiccia, in: Le necropoli arcaiche di Veio. Giornata di studio in onore di Massimo Pallottino. Roma, 39-61. Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma. Bradford, J.P.S., 1957. Ancient landscapes. London. Brusadin Laplace, D., 1992. Le necropoli protostoriche del Sasso di Furbara, 3. Il Caolino ed altri sepolcreti villanoviani. Origini 16, 221-294. Buranelli, F., 1983. La necropoli villanoviana “Le Rose” di Tarquinia. Roma. Buranelli, F., L. Drago & L. Paolini, 1997. La necropoli di Casale del Fosso, in: Le necropoli arcaiche di Veio. Giornata di studio in onore di Massimo Pallottino. Roma, 63-83. Carafa, P., 1995. Officine ceramiche di età regia. Produzione di ceramica in impasto a Roma dalla fine dell’VIII alla fine del VI secolo a.C. Roma. Colonna, 1970. Vulci. Tomba del Pittore della Sfinge Barbuta, in: Nuovi tesori dell’Aantica Tuscia (Catalogo della Mostra). Viterbo, 34-41. D’Atri, V., 1977. La necropoli delle «Arcatelle»: dati inediti sul villanoviano tarquiniese. ArchCl 29, 1-16. D’Atri, V., 1986. Materiale sporadico nella Raccolta Comunale tarquiniese e nel Museo Pigorini (X-VIII sec. a.C.), in: Gli Etruschi di Tarquinia. Mostra di Milano, 74-75. Damgaard-Andersen, H., 1993. The etruscan ancestral cult. Its origin and development and the importance of antropomorphisation. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 21, 7-66.

513

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Rizzo, M.A., 1985. Appendice I. Dati sulla risistemazione dei corredi e sulle nuove esposizioni. Studi Etruschi 51 (1983), 518-527. Roncalli, F., 1998. Un’immagine femminile di culto dalla “tomba d’Iside” di Vulci. Annali della fondazione per il Museo “Claudio Faina” 5, 15-39. Testa, G., M. Barbieri & S. Cancelliere, in print. Analisi minero-petrografica e geochimica della pietra, in: Babbi, Testa, Berbieri & Cancelliere, in print. Torelli, M., 1996. Rango e ritualità nell’iconografia italica più antica. Ostraka 5, 333-368. Torelli, M., 1997. Il rango il rito e l’immagine. Alle origini della rappresentazione storica romana. Milano. Toti, O., 1962. Un mistero insoluto: i tumoli di Pantano e dello Sterpeto. Incontri del Rotary Club, 1-5. Toti, O., 1993. Brevi considerazioni sulle presenze costiere della prima età del ferro. Bull. S.T.A.S. 22, 41-66. Toti, O., 1996. L’allume nel processo economico dei monti della Tolfa nel periodo delle testimonianze micenee, in: Atti e Memorie del Secondo Congresso Internazionale di Miceneologia, (Roma-Napoli 14-20 ottobre 1991). Roma, 911-921. Toti, O., without year. La “Civiltà protovillanoviana” dei Monti della Tolfa. Civitavecchia. Tovoli, S., 1989. Il sepolcreto Villanoviano Benacci Caprara di Bologna. Bologna.

prima età del ferro, in: Ermini-Pani & Del Lungo 1999, 47-63. Mandolesi, A., 1999b. La ‘prima’ Tarquinia. L’insediamento protostorico sulla Civita e nel territorio circostante (= Grandi contesti e problemi della protostoria italiana, 2). Firenze. Martelli, M., 1977. Intervento, in: La civiltà arcaica di Vulci e la sua espansione. Atti del X convegno di studi etruschi e italici (Grosseto-Roselle-Vulci 1975). Firenze, 87-89. Mengarelli, R., 1941. Pagi e necropoli etrusche nella zona litoranea tirrena tra i fiumi Mignone e Arrone; necropoli etrusca nella località detta dei «Pisciarelli» (Civitavecchia). NSc, 344-369. Minto, A. 1930. La tomba a camera di Casale Marittimo. StEtr 4, 58-68. Moens, L., P. De Paepe & M. Waelkens, 1992. Multidisciplinary research and cooperation. Keys to a succesful provenance determination of withe maebles, in: Ancient stones. Quarrying, trade and provenance. Interdisciplinary studies on stones and stone techology in Europe and Near East from prehistoric to the Early Cristian period. Second meeting of the Association for the Study of Marble and Other Stones Used in Antiquity (Leuven 1990) (= Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia, monographiae 4). Leuven, 247-252. Montelius, O., 1895-1910. Civilisation primitive en Italie depuit l’introduction des metaux. Stockholm. Naso, A. & A. Zifferero, 1996. Schede dei siti. Cencelle e la bassa valle del Mignone in periodo etrusco, in: AA. VV. 1996, 126-130. Pacciarelli, M., 1991a. Ricerche topografiche a Vulci. Dati e problemi relativi relativi all’origine delle città mediotirreniche. StEtr 56, 11-48. Pacciarelli, M., 1991b. Territorio insediamento, comunità in Etruria meridionale agli esordi del processo di urbanizzazione. Scienze dell’antichità 5, 163-208. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica (= Grandi contesti e problemi della protostoria italiana, 4). Firenze. Pascucci, P., 1998. L’insediamento costiero della prima età del ferro de “La Matonara” (Civitavecchia). ArchCl 50, 69-115. Pensabene, P., 1982. Osservazioni sulla diffusione dei marmi e sul loro prezzo nella Roma Imperiale. Bullettin des Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire, 57-70. Pensabene, P., 1998. Marmi Antichi, II. Roma. Perego, L.G., 2001. Quadro delle presenze archeologiche del «territorio tarquiniese» tra il Tirreno e le prime propaggini collinari del Viterbese, in: Tarquinia etrusca una nuova storia (Mostra di Tarquinia 2001). Roma, 14-20. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Ricciardi, L., 1989. La necropoli settentrionale di Vulci. Resoconto di un’indagine bibliografica e d’archivio. Bollettino d’Arte 58, 27-52. 514

THE SITE OF CAMPASSINI (MONTERIGGIONI, SIENA): A CASE STUDY FOR CRAFTSMEN PRODUCTION

Valeria Acconcia & Folco Biagi Abstract: The site of Campassini is significant for the territory between the Etruscan towns of Chiusi and Volterra. From 1986 the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Toscana and the University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’ excavated two oval huts dated to the late 8th century BC, followed by a big open air cistern, built in the 7th century BC. On the edge of this structure (which is probably one of the most ancient known in Etruria) several interesting pits have been investigated, some probably used as cooking areas, some for ore smelting, and some as pottery kilns. The cistern was then filled with material dating to the second half of the 7th century BC, after which it was abandoned.

The site of Campassini, South-West of the medieval castle of Monteriggioni (Siena), has been investigated in 1986-1989 by the Soprintendenza Archeologica per la Toscana and later in collaboration with the University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’ (1992-2003).

The anomalous position of the late 8th century graves in Campassini could be explained with the hypothesis that the related hut was used by the first group of settlers of the site who, burying nearby, wanted to mark their role as ‘founders’, when the space occupied was perceived as still non-structured.

The site, whose complete extension has still to be defined, flourished from the Early Orientalizing period and is related to the beginning of the territorial reorganization of the main centres of Volterra and Chiusi.1 It has been hypothesized that in this period Volterra promoted a sparse settlement group system managed by aristocratic enclaves, from the coast to the district North of Siena. One of these groups has been identified in the Monteriggioni area, where, at the slopes of Monte Maggio, the Casone plain was used as a funerary area from early 7th to 1st century BC (Fig. 1).2

The increase of the excavated area after the finding of the huts, allowed us to shed some light on a relevant part of the site, not occupied by dwellings, but by a water-catch square basin, carved in the natural clay soil. The basin (the so-called ‘cistern’) was surrounded by smaller pits, used for craftsmen activities. Excavation in this area, carried on from 1994, has not yet brought to light structures contemporary with the huts. The complex of the basin and the surrounding pits in fact can be ascribed to the following period, dating to the second and the third quarter of 7th century BC (the Etruscan middle Orientalizing period). During this phase, the cistern4 was lined to the northern, southern and western sides, with a dense paving of small stones, pottery sherds, bones etc. This period seems to be divided into two further phases. Most of the evidence for craftsmen activities is concentrated during the first phase, giving rise to some reflections on the production pattern at the site, which will be discussed here.5

The plateau of Campassini occupies a dominant position in the Casone plain. The excavation of the inhabited site allows us to integrate the knowledge of this area, outlined up till now only on the basis of the graves. It raises as well some questions about its internal development and its connections with the nearby territories. These topics, and the others, will be treated in the coming edition of the field work from 1986 to 2002.3 The first occupation of the site must be dated to the end of 8th century BC: for this period two oval huts have been brought to light. Their distribution does not point to a regular plan of the inhabited area. Some waste pits were found nearby one of the huts, with two contemporary graves: one of a man – incinerated in biconical urn –, the other of a buried woman. Adults’ graves near habitations are quite unusual in the Tyrrhenian area during this period, as the settlements are neatly separated from burial grounds.

As already mentioned, the most relevant structure is the so-called cistern, with superior edges measuring 11 m each. The walls then narrowed defining an internal squared space measuring 6,50 x 7 m, with a plain bottom 4,1 x 3 m large. The basin could retain a relevant quantity of water (Fig. 4).6 The evidence of small drains communicating with the basin from some of the surrounding pits – probably used for the pre-treatment of metal ores or for pottery firing –, and the presence in the paving of the walls of highly toxic metallic slag and refuse, makes one think that the cistern itself was not used for collecting drinking water, nor for the community neither for cattle. The water was probably

1 For previous research: Bartoloni et al. 1997; Bartoloni 2001; Acconcia & Aiello 1999; Acconcia 2001; 2002. For settlements of the late 8th century BC, with special regard to the Val d’Elsa district, where Campassini is located: Cateni & Maggiani 1997, 74. 2 For 19th century research in the Casone necropolis, where c. 300 Etruscan tombs were found: Bianchi Bandinelli 1931, 38-39, 71-82, 116-119, 162-167; De Marinis 1977, 36-42, 50-53, 65-68; Cianferoni 1983; Bartoloni 1997. 3 Ciacci 2004.

4

Which probably existed also during the previous period, contemporary with the huts, as the 2003 field work is demonstrating. 5 For other periods, see Ciacci 2004. 6 On the basis of calculations (explained in Acconcia & Biagi in Ciacci 2004), the cistern probably could keep up to 30.000 l of water.

515

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. 1) Monteriggioni; 2) The excavation area of Campassini; 3) The funeral area of the Casone plain.

the cistern by a drain, probably to regulate the temperature. Pits D, A and G, with two or more lobes separated by partitions carved in the natural soil could have had the same use.

used by craftsmen for their activities. Twelve pits have been assigned to this phase most of which still have to be excavated completely. Furthermore, some of them overlap others: this indicates that the activities were quite intense. Most pits were exploited again after their first use while some of them were definitively closed with a sort of ritual deposition of parts of animals or quite complete pots (part of a sheep/goat in pit E; a jar inside a circle of stones in pit G, Fig. 5).7 Pits H, I, F and C have a simple ovoid or circular shape (Fig. 2); the others seem more complex. Pit L consists of two ovoid lobes and could have been used as a pottery kiln, as shown by some comparable structures.8 Pit E as well, could have been a kind of ‘open air’ pottery furnace, communicating with

Pit B was circular in shape, with a small depression on its bottom, a small circular ditch beside it and a short drain: it could have been used for metallurgical activities. As shown by some elemental structures, similar to pit B, ascribed by P.T. Craddock to the first phase of copper metallurgy (which also have parallels with contemporary evidences), 9 the lateral cut could have been made for the tuyère, to drive air inside the hearth. Moreover, iron powder, absent elsewhere in the area, has been registered on the walls of this pit.

7 The skull of a pig was found in one of the pits of the following phase, deposited during its closing. 8 ‘Horizontal draft’ kiln at Montedoro di Scapezzano (SG): Baldelli 1999.

9

516

Craddock 1995, 125, 138.

VALERIA ACCONCIA & FOLCO BIAGI: THE SITE OF CAMPASSINI (MONTERIGGIONI, SIENA)

Fig. 2. The earlier phase of the ‘cistern’ with the working area.

Fig. 3. The pottery kiln. 517

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. The area of the ‘cistern’ (September 2002). be contemporary with them. It can be also pertain to the following phase. Besides the structures, several indications shed light on the craftsmen activities at the site. Most of the pits show traces of high temperatures: fired levels, charcoal and burnt clay layers. A relevant quantity of artefacts and refuses were found in the fillings of the pits and of the cistern and also in the paving of its walls. Fragments of furnace slabs, spacers (Fig. 6:1-2), refuses (as the deformed jar found in the vertical kiln carved in the rock soil, mentioned above, Fig. 6:3), clearly prove pottery production. Most part of the pottery found, probably relate to a ‘domestic’ level of craftsmanship. On the other hand, a sort of standardization inspired by external models can be recognized in some of the materials excavated. The presence of fine-ware carinated bowls, most of them decorated, points to a production inspired by models localized in Volterra (Fig. 6:6-10).10 A reddish-orange ware, with traces of white paint, seems to be similar to the south-Etruscan ‘white-on-red ware’ (especially in the forms pertaining to the Vulci territory), and to the ‘white-on-red’ produced in Volterra (Fig. 6:45).11 Fragments of stag antlers, with traces of preliminary working (Fig. 6:11) and a concentration of long animal bones inside one of the pits, show that also bones were worked and possibly the tanning of hides.12 10 Graves 19 e 21 in the necropolis of Guerruccia, in Volterra: Nicosia 1969, 400, type V13 (Middle Orientalizing period). 11 Hig-footed jars seem to be based on well known models from the Vulci and Bisenzio district: Delpino 1977; Mangani & Paoletti 1986, tav. 38, fig. 1, tav. 39, fig. 2,4; Bartoloni 1972, 38, fig. 13.3. The ‘red on white’ ware seems to be spread in Volterra at the end of the Early Orientalizing period: Cateni & Maggiani 1997, 68, fig. 8a. 12 As prof. J. de Grossi Mazzorin (who is studying Campassini paleofaunae) explained to us, concentrations of long animal bones can be related to the practice of removing them from the carcasses except those from the terminal part of the limbs in order to desiccate hides.

Fig. 5. The circle of stones in pit G. South-West of the cistern, without connections with it, a pottery kiln of the ‘vertical’ type, carved in the natural rock was excavated (Fig. 3). Inside its lower part, we found traces of firing (Fig. 6:3). Because there are no direct relations with other structures, this kiln might not

518

VALERIA ACCONCIA & FOLCO BIAGI: THE SITE OF CAMPASSINI (MONTERIGGIONI, SIENA)

Fig. 6. Sample of the artefacts found at the site. 519

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI As mentioned above, a significant quantity of slag and metallic concentrations – probably as a result of roasting – were found. These finds are still under examination, although they seem to be connected to various stages of metal working. Some of them, for instance, have an oval shape, with one plain surface and the other convex: it could mean that metal was processed in small pits or crucibles. The slag indicates copper working, although roasted metal concentrations are still under analysis, to define what mineral they were obtained from. The samples seem to include also ferrous minerals, probably from limonite outcrops, as shown by ochre fragments found in some of the pits. The ochre, which is usually found on the top of limonite outcrops, could have been used for other purposes such as the dyeing of textiles. Local metallurgy, although not clearly defined, seems to follow a different pattern from the one singled out for the nearby area of the Campigliese, Vetulonia and Populonia districts. Here the access to ferrous-and non-ferrous ores should be more direct, and exchange of knowledge with other Mediterranean areas supported a competing metallurgy of copper, iron and lead developing into a preindustrial production.13

The cistern and pits can be defined as a complex craftsmen area, with few comparisons in the middle Tyrrhenian area during the Orientalizing period. A valid parallel might be Poggio Civitate (Murlo) where between the end of 7th and the middle 6th century BC, in the socalled ‘Stoa-Workshop’ (a long open building supported by wooden columns, near the monumental building identified as a princely palace or sanctuary) bone, ivory and bronze were manufactured for luxury goods.18 Some furnaces used to smelt copper have been revealed in the surrounding area. This evidence must be related to the aristocratic character of the community, who could access directly the natural resources of the territory: one for all, the native copper ores, localized near the Crevole and Merse rivers, at Monte Acuto and at Casale di Pari.19 The skilled craftsmen working at the site, therefore, might have been itinerant, carrying workmanship knowledge and iconographic models.20 Other similar and more or less contemporary sites, in proximity of water basins, are the working areas brought to light at S. Cecilia (Anagni, FR),21 or at Cures Sabini (Fara Sabina, RT).22 Also at Satricum (Cisterna, LT) clear evidences of craftsmaship have been localized near the Mater Matuta sanctuary.23 They could be related to the water basin in front of the temple, which during Hellenistic period was filled with votive offerings. The so-called ‘lacus’ could therefore have been used not only for ritual practices, but also for productive purposes.24

In the surrounding area of Campassini, on the contrary, it is not known that ores were exploited during the Etruscan period. The few recorded metallurgical sites were exploited from the Renaissance onwards.14 On the other hand, a survey of the nearby territory allows us to recognize sulphide and other mineral outcrops – which could also be known in ancient times – coinciding with the cuts of modern caves or roads. The Etruscan exploitation thus could be limited in scale and very local. However, a lead weight found in one of the pits contemporary to the first period of the site, suggests contacts with the coastal area of Campigliese (Fig. 6:12).

Regarding craftsmanship as reflection of a corresponding social order, the nearest parallel is again with Poggio Civitate, although this site is later than Campassini and associated with an aristocratic building or a sanctuary.25 Those working at Campassini were not as skilled as craftsmen producing for an élite. Although some of the local pottery is marked by its quality, we do not yet clearly understand what kind of metallurgy was practised at the site and for what purposes. Bone working, as dyeing and tanning were widely practised, not only for the upper strata of society though the evidence of finished products is lacking.26

The weight can be dated to the late 8th century BC, and assigned carefully (for the lack of other contemporary weights from the same area) to a system recently defined by A. Maggiani.15 It is also one of the first lead artefacts known from Iron Age central Italy.16 Lead seems to have been exploited and worked here during the late 8th century BC, especially for the production of decorated axes, found at Volterra (necropolis of Guerruccia), its territory (Bibbona, Lustignano and, recently Colle Val d’Elsa) and Sarteano.17 The weight from Campassini was likely employed within this distribution system, which coming from the coastal area – were relevant sulphide ores are localized – seems mostly concentrated in the area controlled by Volterra.

On the other hand, the concentration of workmanship evidence for industry and technology around an installation that would need maintenance by the community, does not give the impression of a poorly organized site, with production only for common household goods. The evidence for craftsmanship revealed at Campassini as well, seems far from the 18

Nielsen 1991; 1993; 1995; Nijboer 1998, 277-281. Warden 1984; 1993. 20 Mangani 1993; contra, Nielsen 1984. 21 Gatti 1993, 301 (second half of 7th century BC). 22 Guidi et al. 1985, 80 (7th century BC). 23 Nijboer 1998, 115-131, 244-264. 24 Bouma 1996, 72. 25 For the identification of the monumental complex as a princely building, as a sanctuary or as headquarter of a North Etruscan Cities League, see Phillips 1993, 79-83; Hague Sinos 1994, 111-112. 26 Nielsen 1995. 19

13

Nijboer 1998, 272-273; Giardino 1995, 119-129; Zifferero 2002. The nearest ore deposit is that of Lucerena (between Casole d’Elsa and Sovicille), where magnetite and hematite were exploited between the 15th and 16th century: Benvenuti et al. 1991, 116, n. 85. 15 Maggiani 2002, 174. 16 Giardino 1998, 175. 17 Giardino 1995, 129; Acconcia et al. 2002, 154. 14

520

VALERIA ACCONCIA & FOLCO BIAGI: THE SITE OF CAMPASSINI (MONTERIGGIONI, SIENA) ‘resident artisans’ model, hypothesized mostly for Late Bronze Age and Iron Age sites of the Tyrrhenian area. For instance at Scarceta (Magliano) and Acquarossa (Viterbo), some of the dwellings dated to this period were probably inhabited by resident metallurgists.27 Campassini seems therefore to represent a stage in the development of the productive patterns placed between the ‘household production’ hypothesized by D.E. Arnold,28 and the system exemplified by Poggio Civitate. It could reflect an already well developed level of the community.

Arnold, D.E., 1989. Ceramic theory and cultural process. Cambridge. Baldelli, G., 1999. L’insediamento di Montedoro di Scapezzano, in: G. Colonna (ed.), I Piceni, Popolo d’Europa (Catalogo della Mostra). Roma, 169-170. Bartoloni, G., 1972. Le tombe da Poggio Buco nel Museo Archeologico di Firenze. Firenze. Bartoloni, G., 1997. La Tomba dell’Alfabeto di Monteriggioni, in: Etrusca et Italica. Scritti in ricordo di Massimo Pallottino. Pisa Roma, 25-49. Bartoloni, G., 2001. Evoluzione degli insediamenti capannicoli dell’Italia centrale tirrenica, in: J. Rasmus Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies. Stockholm, 361374. Bartoloni, G., G.C. Cianferoni & J. De Grossi Mazzorin, 1997. Il complesso rurale di Campassini (Monteriggioni). Considerazioni sull’alimentazione nell’Etruria settentrionale nell’VIII e VII secolo a.C., in: Aspetti della cultura di Volterra etrusca fra l’età del ferro e l’età ellenistica e contributi alla ricerca antropologica alla conoscenza del popolo etrusco (Atti del XIX Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Volterra 1995). Firenze, 93-127. Benvenuti, M., S. Guideri & I. Moscato, 1991. Inventario del Patrimonio Minerario e Mineralogico della Toscana. Aspetti naturalistici e storico-archeologici. Firenze. Bianchi Bandinelli, R., 1931. Materiali archeologici della Val d’Elsa e dei dintorni di Siena. La Balzana II. Bouma, J.W., 1996. Religio votiva: the archaeology of Latial votive religion. Gröningen. Cateni, G. & A. Maggiani, 1997. Volterra dalla prima età del ferro al V secolo a.C. Appunti di topografia urbana, in: Aspetti della cultura di Volterra etrusca fra l’età del ferro e l’età ellenistica e contributi alla ricerca antropologica alla conoscenza del popolo etrusco (Atti del XIX Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Volterra 1995). Firenze, 93-127. Ciacci, A. (ed.), 2004. Monteriggioni-Campassini. Un sito etrusco nell’Alta Valdelsa. Firenze. Cianferoni, G.C., 1983. Monteriggioni (Siena). Piana del Casone. StEtr 51, 438. Cianferoni, G.C., 2002. L’alta Valdelsa in età orientalizzante e arcaica, in: Città e territorio nell’Etruria settentrionale (Atti delle Giornate di studio, Colle di Val d’Elsa 1998). Colle di Val d’Elsa, 83-126. Craddock, P.T., 1995. Early metal mining and production. Edinburgh. De Marinis, G., 1977. Topografia storica della Val d’Elsa nel periodo etrusco. Castel Fiorentino. Delpino, F., 1977. La prima età del ferro a Bisenzio. Aspetti della cultura Villanoviana nell’Etruria Meridionale Interna. MemAccLinc. Gatti, S., 1993. Nuovi dati sul santuario ernico di S. Cecilia. ArchLaz 11 (QuadAEI 21), 301-310.

At the same time, the necropolis of the Casone plain shows for the 7th century an internal organization, where aristocratic enclaves selected separated burial areas.29 If the group settled at Campassini at the end of 8th century BC could be linked to the nearby necropolis, as we think, we can hypothesize that it became rapidly organized into a social system based on family relationship and that the people were able to collaborate in the working area excavated. The finds (finished goods or refuse) show that local craftsmen, although not apparently skilled in producing luxury objects, could fulfil the needs of the community. They could have been resident, with access to the natural resources of the surrounding territory. The area around the cistern might have changed destination during the following period, when the productive structures could have been moved far away from the basin. During the late 7th century BC, the cavity was probably filled up completely and on top of this filling stone paving was put. This seems to be the last archaeological trace on the site during the Etruscan period. BIBLIOGRAPHY Acconcia, V., 2001. Fosse e discariche come indicatori di strutture sociali: alcuni esempi, in: J. Rasmus Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies. Stockholm, 377381. Acconcia, V., 2002. La formazione del territorio in Etruria settentrionale interna: il caso di Campassini, in: Città e territorio nell’Etruria settentrionale (Atti delle Giornate di studio, Colle di Val d’Elsa 1998). Colle di Val d’Elsa, 147-159. Acconcia, V. & M. Aiello, 1999. I tipi più antichi di fornaci da ceramica in ambito etrusco: l’esempio di Monteriggioni. StEtr 63, 349-363. Acconcia, V. G. Bandinelli & D. Zinelli, 2002. Località Quartaia (Colle Val d’Elsa, SI): le prime campagne di scavo, in: Città e territorio nell’Etruria settentrionale (Atti delle Giornate di studio, Colle di Val d’Elsa 1998). Colle di Val d’Elsa, 149-160.

27 28 29

Poggiani Keller 1999; Östenberg 1983. Arnold 1989. Bartoloni et al. 1997, 100; Cianferoni 2002, 86, 94.

521

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Poggio Civitate (Murlo), in: E. Formigli (ed.), Antiche officine del bronzo, materiali, strumenti, tecniche. Siena, 41-50. Zifferero, A., 2002. Attività estrattive e metallurgiche nell’area tirrenica. Alcune osservazioni sui rapporti tra Etruria e Sardegna, in: Etruria e Sardegna centro settentrionale tra l’età del Bronzo Finale e l’Arcaismo (Atti del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Sassari-Alghero-Oristano-Torralba 1998). Pisa/Roma, 179-212.

Giardino, C., 1995. Il Mediterraneo Occidentale fra XIV ed VIII secolo a.C. Cerchie minerarie e metallurgiche (= BAR International Series, 612). Oxford. Giardino, C., 1998. I metalli nel mondo antico. Introduzione all’archeometallurgia. Roma/Bari. Guidi, A., G. Ruffo, L. Costantini, L. Costantini Biasini, G. Alvino & R. Macchiarelli, 1985. Cures Sabini. ArchLaz 7 (QuadAEI 11), 77-92. Hague Sinos, R., 1994. Godlike men. A discussion of the Murlo Procession frieze, in: R.D. De Puma & J.P. Small (eds.), Murlo and the Etruscans. Art and society in ancient Etruria. University of Wisconsin, 917. Maggiani, A., 2002. La libbra etrusca. Sistemi ponderali e monetazione. StEtr 65-68, 163-199. Mangani, E. & O. Paoletti, 1986. Grosseto museo archeologico e d’arte della Maremma, in: CVA Grosseto. Roma. Mangani, E., 1993. Diffusione della civiltà chiusina nella Valle dell’Ombrone in età arcaica, in: La civiltà di Chiusi e del suo territorio (Atti del XVII Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Chiusi-Chianciano Terme 1989). Firenze, 421-437. Nicosia, F., 1969. Il cinerario di Montescudaio. StEtr 37, 369-401. Nielsen, E., 1984. Speculations on an ivory workshop of the Orientalizing Period, in: T. Hackens, N.D. Holloway & R. Ross Holloway (eds), Crossroads of the Mediterranean (= Archaeologia Transatlantica, II). Louvain La Neuve, 333-348. Nielsen, E., 1991. Excavations at Poggio Civitate. StMat 6, 245-259. Nielsen, E., 1993. Further evidence of metal working at Poggio Civitate, in: E. Formigli (ed.), Antiche officine del bronzo, materiali, strumenti, tecniche. Siena, 2940. Nielsen, E., 1995. Aspetti della produzione artigianale a Poggio Civitate, in: E. Formigli (ed.), Preziosi in oro, avorio, osso e corno, arte e tecniche. Siena, 19-26. Nijboer, A.J., 1998. From household production to workshops. Archaeological evidence for economic transformation, pre-monetary exchange and urbanisation in Central Italy from 800 to 400 BC. Groningen. Östenberg, C.E., 1983. Acquarossa (Viterbo). Rapporto preliminare. Cenni introduttivi, le necropoli e i periodi preistorici e protostorici. NSc, 25-96. Phillips, K.M. jr., 1993. In the hills of Tuscany. Philadelphia. Poggiani Keller, G., 1999. Scarceta di Manciano (GR), un centro abitativo e artigianale dell’età del Bronzo sulle rive del Fiora. Manciano. Warden, P.G., 1984. The Colline metallifere: Prolegomena to the study of mineral exploitation in Central Italy, in: T. Hackens, N.D. Holloway & R. Ross Holloway (eds), Crossroads of the Mediterranean (= Archaeologia Transatlantica, II). Louvain, 349-364. Warden, P.G., 1993. Copper, iron and smelting technologies in Iron Age Etruria: New evidence from 522

LA VILLA ROMANA DELLA FONTANACCIA Gianfranco Gazzetti & Giuseppina Ghini Abstract: In this paper the excavations of the Roman villa of Fontanaccia are dealt with that is located on the southwestern slopes of the Tolfa massif. The villa that extends over several terraces dates to the Augustan period (end of the 1st c. BC) and was erected on a former Republican settlement site (2nd c. BC) with traces of even earlier occupation (4th c. BC). Between 1987 and 1997 more than 1700 Italian and foreign volunteers have excavated here under the guidance of the Gruppo Archeologico Romano (GAR) and supervised by the competent authorities. The authors discuss both the structural features of the villa and the finds from the stratigraphy.

grande villa si dispone a terrazze sul pendio meridionale del colle e si è impostata in età Augustea (fine I secolo a.C.) su di un precedente insediamento d’età repubblicana (II secolo a.C.). Lo scavo ha riguardato finora prevalentemente la parte rustica (produttiva e di servizio) del complesso. Tutte le strutture mostrano chiari segni di lesioni, dovute allo slittamento del banco argilloso nel quale sono fondate, che ha causato anche il crollo simultaneo di interi settori del complesso; le parti cadute si trovano ancora in posto (Fig. 1).

I resti del grande complesso della Villa romana della Fontanaccia sono stati sempre visibili sul terreno. Alcuni resti strutturali in opera incerta e reticolata affioravano già prima dell’intervento di scavo (Brunetti Nardi 1981) ed uno di questi era stato distrutto durante lavori agricoli del maggio del 1985. La necessità di indagare questo ampio complesso è stata quindi dettata da ragioni di tutela oltre che di ricerca scientifica; da un lato infatti occorreva delimitare con precisione l’area da vincolare e da proteggere, dall’altra era utile completare i dati sul popolamento del territorio in età romana, emersi durante le ricognizioni del GAR negli anni 1975-1985 (Gazzetti 1990a; 1990b; 1992; 1999) con l’indagine stratigrafica di uno dei siti principali. Dal 1987 al 1997 più di 1700 volontari italiani e stranieri, guidati da archeologi del GAR, hanno partecipato a 11 campagne di scavo durante i campi estivi svoltisi a Tolfa, sotto la direzione del sottoscritto e dal 1997 del collega Dott. Enrico Angelo Stanco. Lo studio dei materiali e del sito nel suo insieme è condotto da una equipe di lavoro, che ha già presentato i primi risultati delle campagne di ricerca alla ‘Fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology’ (Gazzetti 1992), sul volume ‘Caere e il suo territorio’ (Maffei & Nastase 1990), sulla rivista Archeologia Medievale (Gazzetti & Zifferero 1990), sulla rivista Archeologia Uomo e Territorio (Felici, Gazzetti & Vitali Rosati 1993; Vitali Rosati 1994; Groppelli & Iorio 1995) e sui volumi della serie Leopoli Cencelle (Iorio 1999). Il sito archeologico della Fontanaccia è collocato sul versante sud-occidentale del massiccio tolfetano, sulle pendici del M. La Tolfaccia. La presenza di una copiosa sorgente perenne ha propiziato l’insediamento umano, che dai materiali rinvenuti sembra essersi impostato in età ellenistica (IVIII secolo a.C.) in un area utilizzata come necropoli dall’abitato etrusco soprastante, ed ha poi avuto una seconda lunga fase di frequentazione in età romana, con successive rioccupazioni medievali e moderne.

Il primo terrazzamento, esterno alle strutture murarie in cementizio, è delimitato verso sud dal muro di cinta settentrionale del complesso e verso nord dal costone del M. La Tolfaccia. Il secondo terrazzamento, all’esterno delle strutture principali, è costruito da un muro in opera cementizia privo di paramento; all’interno invece si trova una serie di camere voltate, piene e vuote, di cui solo due sono state finora indagate compiutamente. Le murature delle costruzioni hanno di solito paramenti in opera incerta o a blocchetti di pietra; talora però ne sono prive, conservando in alzato le tracce del tavolato relativo alle casseforme di fondazione. Le prime due camere di sostruzione erano vuote e utilizzabili; all’ambiente 3 si accedeva tramite un corridoio con scala in muratura. Entrambi erano illuminati da due finestre a gola di lupo che si aprono nel muro. Il vano era coperto da una volta a botte a sesto ribassato, ritrovata in parte in situ e in parte franata all’interno; le murature sono conservate quindi per tutto l’elevato. Qui si trovava una latrina servile come dimostrano i resti del bancone e del sistema fognante sottostante. La seconda terrazza da cui si accede all’ambiente ipogeo ospita un atrio di servizio, pavimentato con letto di malta intonacata, la cucina servile, e i bagni oltre ad altri ambienti di servizio non ancora pienamente indagati. In questa sede si presenta lo studio dei materiali di un contesto particolarmente significativo dal punto di vista della datazione delle fasi di vita della Villa.

La posizione sul fianco ripido e argilloso del monte ha parzialmente alterato la giacitura originaria degli strati di crollo, che sono stati rinvengono smottati verso il basso, quando non completamente dilavati. In qualche caso il dilavamento ha asportato anche cospicui spessori della stratificazione, mettendo in luce i riempimenti sottostanti. La situazione è stata parzialmente alterata anche da interventi moderni, quali la costruzione di un pollaio sopra la fomace medievale, lo scavo di una cantina nella forica e di una trincea per una conduttura d’acqua. La

Sulla terrazza superiore del grande complesso romano lo scavo 1995 ha evidenziato una vasca scavata nella terra e rivestita in cocciopesto a tenuta idraulica (opus signinum). La vasca di circa m 1,80 x 3,20 profonda circa m 1,80 era riempita (US 616-640) da materiale ceramico di scarto consistente in vasellame da mensa fine e comune, lucerne, anfore, vetri, laterizi. Nel complesso

523

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Scavo di villa Romana della Fontanaccia. 25% dei bolli non sono identificabili per la loro frammentarietà. Prevalenti all’interno delle produzioni aretine quelle dei Titii (Aulo, Caio e Lucio) e degli Avillii (rispettivamente il 41,2% e il 18% del totale).

sono stati individuati circa 1000 vasi di cui un centinaio perfettamente ricostruibili. Tra questi ultimi sono stati scelti per l’esposizione all’interno del Museo Civico di Allumiere alcuni esemplari più significativi di ceramica a Pareti Sottili, di ceramica d’uso comune da mensa e da fuoco e di lucerne. I materiali rinvenuti sono inquadrabili nell’ambito del I secolo d.C.

La datazione dei vasi più tardi ritrovati nella discarica fa attribuire la costituzione dello strato di riempimento all’età neroniana, anche se la maggior parte del materiale è di età augusteo tiberiana. In particolare la presenza di 3 coppe Tipo Pucci XXVII e di 2 coppe Pucci 23/Consp. 32, sembrano indicare per la chiusura dello strato un arco cronologico compreso nel terzo quarto del I secolo d.C.

Lo scavo del I terrazzamento nel 1995/97 oltre al rinvenimento della vasca/butto ha rivelato l’esistenza di un abitato ellenistico con materiali databili dal IV secolo a.C. Di tale abitato è stata scavata un ‘abitazione di II secolo a.C. inizi I a.C. con fondamenta in pietra e alzato in argilla cruda. L’abitato è stato abbandonato alla metà del I secolo a.C. In età augustea la villa s’imposterà sui resti di tale Pagus.

Il rapporto fra le varie forme di vasi rinvenuti consente di individuare 2 gruppi di servizi uno d’età augustea e uno d’età tiberiano-claudia, con alcuni vasi d’età neroniana. Il primo gruppo comprende 6 Piatti, 6 scodelle e 6 coppe; il secondo 16 piatti e 14 coppe. Si tratta dello scarto di servizi da tavola durati per circa 3 generazioni. Lo studio ulteriore del vasellame potrà consentire l’identificazione precisa dei vari servizi e il loro numero. La grande percentuale di vasellame acquistato in Etruria è in linea con i risultati che stanno emergendo dal catalogo di alcune delle altre classi di materiali come la Ceramica a Pareti Sottili e le Anfore.

I MATERIALI ARCHEOLOGICI DELLA STRATIGRAFIA Terra sigillata Italica (vedi appendice) La vasca ha restituito 48 vasi di cui 30 con conservato il sigillo di fabbrica. L’analisi del materiale ha consentito di attribuire alle fabbriche aretine il 56,67% dei vasi, il 10% a figline nord italiche e il 3,3% a quelle puteolane; circa il

524

GIANFRANCO GAZZETTI & GIUSEPPINA GHINI: LA VILLA ROMANA DELLA FONTANACCIA Fabbricanti

Tutti gli esemplari presentano un’argilla dura, ben depurata o con scarse impurità, di colore crema, arancio o tendente al nocciola, in alcuni casi malcotta o con tracce di vampate, dovute a cattiva ventilazione del forno con forme tendenti all’ovale o comunque deformate; si tratta tuttavia di deformazioni che in alcuni casi possono non aver impedito l’uso dei vasi, tranne in quelli il cui fondo presenta crepe da cattiva cottura, che non garantivano la tenuta dei liquidi.

Us.616/640

Xanthus C. Avillius Cn. Ateius Sertorius L. Umbricius A. Titius C.Titius L.Titius C. Roscius Plotidius Rufus N. Naevius C. Annius C. Memmius L. Plaetorius Anterus P. Cornelius Primus Non identificabili Totale

1 3 1 2 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 5 30

Tutti gli esemplari hanno le misure standard di questa forma (h. cm 4,5-5,5; diam. cm 9-9,5), tranne per alcuni, che sono di maggiori dimensioni, delle vere e proprie coppe da portata; è probabile che, insieme ai vasi più piccoli, costituissero un servizio da tavola. Il tipo viene prodotto dall’età augusteo-tiberiana fino al periodo flavio in area centro-italica e gallica (Lione); nel nostro caso la presenza di esemplari non proprio perfetti, con ‘cercle d’empilement’ grigio-bruno evidente o malcotti farebbe ritenere che si tratti della produzione di una fornace da situarsi nella zona, per un mercato locale. Un fondo a guscio d’uovo con argilla arancio è attribuibile solo ipoteticamente, data la sua frammentarietà, ad una coppa emisferica del tipo sopraccitato.

Il quadro dei centri di produzione è pertanto il seguente: Centri Di Produzione Arezzo Pozzuoli Italia Centrale Valle Del Po Non identificabili Totale

Vasi firmati 17 1 3 2 7 30

% 56,67 3,33 10 6,67 23,33 100

In minore misura sono attestate altre forme di coppe, come i tipi biansati Marabini XLI-Mayet X-Ricci 2/250 (1 esemplare con decorazione a rotella Ricci 5), Marabini XLII-Mayet XXVIII-XXIX-Ricci 2/421,2/251 (1 esemplare decorato a la barbotine con foglie d’acqua, 1 sabbiato), Mayet XXXVII-Ricci 2/226 (1 esemplare con decorazione sabbiata Ricci 63) e la tazza bilobata Marabini XXV-Mayet X-Ricci 2/316, 384, 385,386 (1). Si tratta di produzioni localizzate in Etruria o in Italia centrale in età augustea e tiberiano-claudia fino a quella neroniano-flavia, ad eccezione del tipo Mayet XXXVII, prodotto nella Betica dal periodo tiberiano a quello flavio. Uno solo esemplare è assimilabile (la frammentarietà del reperto non permette un’attribuzione certa) al tipo Mayet XXXVIII-Ricci 2/241,268,334, prodotto nella Betica fra l’età tiberiana e quella flavia.

G.Ga. LA CERAMICA A PARETI SOTTILI

La US 616/640, che costituisce il riempimento della vasca dell’ambiente 25, contiene una considerevole quantità di ceramica a pareti sottili, in cui è stato possibile individuare la presenza di almeno 160 esemplari, parzialmente o completamente ricostruibili, che costituiscono il % di tutto il vasellame contenuto nella vasca.

I boccalini sono presenti con il 20 %; il tipo maggiormente attestato, con 17 esemplari, è il Marabini V-VI/LI-Mayet III B-Ricci 1/89,1/102.

Le forme maggiormente attestate sono le coppe, con 88 esemplari (54,5%); seguono i boccalini con 33 (20%), i bicchieri con 20 (13%), le brocche con 17 (10%) e infine le ollette con 4 esemplari (2%).

Tutti gli esemplari presentano un’argilla ben cotta e ben depurata o con scarse impurità, di colore nocciola, in alcuni casi con segni di tornio, esterni ed interni, di colore grigio-cenerognolo; la frammentarietà di alcuni esemplari talvolta non permette di attribuirli con certezza al tipo Marabini V-VI o LI, peraltro molto simili nella forma e distinguibili solo per la presenza, nel tipo LI, dell’ansa. Nel caso del tipo Marabini V-VI la produzione va dall’inizio del I secolo a.C. al periodo claudio-neroniano; il tipo Marabini LI è prodotto nell’Italia centrale, e in particolare a Sutri, dall’età tiberiano-claudia a quella flavia.

Tra le coppe quelle di gran lunga più attestate sono quelle di tipo emisferico, con una solcatura sulla vasca tipo Marabini XXXVI-Mayet XXXIII, di cui sono stati individuati da un minimo di 70 a 80 esemplari. Minore il numero dello stesso tipo (Marabini XXXVIMayet XXXV), con vernice metallizzata e decorazione sabbiata Ricci 63, presente con 8 esemplari, di cui 2 con fascia risparmiata sotto l’orlo.

525

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tutti e tre i tipi sono attestati nella prima età augustea; per la forma Marabini XXX è stata ipotizzata come area di produzione l’Italia centrale, la Betica o, più genericamente, la penisola iberica.

Simile al precedente, ma con corpo globulare, il boccalino Marabini L-Mayet XX B, presente con 6 esemplari. Anche questo tipo viene prodotto in Italia centrale, e in particolare a Sutri, fra l’età tiberiana e quella flavia.

Le brocche sono presenti in 17 esemplari, tutti appartenenti o assimilabili al tipo Mayet LI-Ricci 1/206, prodotto a Mérida nella seconda metà del I secolo d.C.; i vasi rinvenuti presentano tutti un’argilla arancio con scarse impurità, ad eccezione di uno, ipercotto e scuro, che farebbe pensare ad un prodotto di fornace mal riuscito. E’ ipotizzabile per questa forma una produzione locale.

Tre esemplari, per la loro frammentarietà, non sono con sicurezza attribuibili all’olletta globulare Marabini V o al boccalino Marabini L. Sei esemplari appartengono al boccalino Marabini XVMayet XXIV-Ricci 1/30, caratterizzato dalla decorazione graffita a pettine (Ricci 7); tutti i vasi presentano un’argilla dura e leggermente ipercotta, di colore cenerognolo, talvolta violaceo all’esterno; inoltre l’orlo, rispetto al tipo canonico notevolmente estroflesso e arrotondato, è invece estroflesso ma a corolla, simile a quello dell’olletta Marabini IV-Mayet III. Questo boccalino, di produzione centro e nord-italica, è molto diffuso a partire dall’età augusteo-tiberiana fino agli inizi del II secolo d.C.

Infine le ollette sono presenti con 4 esemplari, 3 dei quali del tipo Marabini III-Mayet II-Ricci 1/7, 14, 35, 36, 37, 360, 361, caratterizzati da corpo ovoide, allungato ed orlo estroflesso, superficie esternamente polita; il tipo, datato fra la metà del II e la metà del I secolo a.C., è prodotto in Italia centrale e nella penisola iberica. Uno solo esemplare è costituito dall’olletta Marabini VIMayet III B, con corpo globulare e orlo a corolla, prodotto a Ibiza dagli inizi del I secolo a.C. all’età claudio-neroniana.

Uno esemplare è assimilabile al tipo Marabini XLVIMayet XLII-Ricci 1/102,106,109, prodotto in Italia centrale e nella Betica fra l’età tiberiana e quella flavia.

La ceramica a pareti sottili dell’ambiente 25 si inserisce in un contesto cronologico e produttivo omogeneo. Quasi tutti gli esemplari sono databili tra l’età augusteotiberiana e il periodo flavio, se si eccettuano alcune ollette, la cui produzione inizia già in età tardorepubblicana; la loro presenza potrebbe attribuirsi ad un residuo del giacimento oppure ad un prodotto tardo di questo tipo. Come si è visto la grande maggioranza di vasi è costituito da coppe della stessa forma e di due dimensioni: la più piccola da singolo convitato e la maggiore da coppa di portata; insieme costituivano un vero e proprio servizio da tavola. La presenza di un solo tipo di brocca è abbastanza significativa, in quanto questo genere di recipiente non è attestato molto spesso. Tra i prodotti importati, una minoranza rispetto al totale, la maggior parte è di provenienza spagnola e in particolare della Betica.

Vendi esemplari sono costituiti da bicchieri, di cui il tipo maggiormente attestato (10) è il Marabini XXXV-Mayet V B-Ricci 1/158, caratterizzato da orlo dritto e ingrossato, distinto inferiormente dal corpo, ovoide; l’argilla è ben depurata, di colore bruno, con solcature di tornio sia interne che esterne, di colore grigiocenerognolo. La forma è prodotta in Italia centrale e in Gallia (Lione) dall’età augustea a tutto il I secolo d.C. Attestati con un numero inferiore di esemplari i tipi Marabini XXXIII-Mayet XII-Ricci 1/162,164 (2), Marabini XXXIV (2), Marabini LVI-Mayet XIII-Ricci 1/165 (2); nei primi due casi si tratta di bicchieri cilindrici, che differiscono solo nella forma del fondo, mentre il terzo esemplare è di tipo troncoconico, monoansato, con tipica decorazione a spina di pesce Ricci 5 e.

Interessante infine la circostanza che la maggior parte dei vasi sia di produzione centro-italica, verosimilmente locale, come indicherebbe la presenza di reperti malcotti o con qualche piccola deformazione che, se non ne impediva l’uso, certo li escludeva da un commercio su vasta scala o per una clientela particolarmente esigente. G.Gh.

La loro produzione, di età augusteo-tiberiana, è situata in Italia centrale e a Lione; nel nostro caso appare verosimile pensare ad una fabbrica locale. Con uno solo esemplare sono attestati i boccalini Marabini XII, Marabini XXX-Mayet XIV-Ricci 1/161,177,432, Marabini XXXII-Mayet XVII; il tipo Marabini XII presenta corpo troncoconico e piccolo orlo a tesa orizzontale, mentre i tipi Marabini XXX e XXXII hanno corpo cilindrico e orlo dritto, oppure, nella forma XXXII, con decorazione a rotella Ricci 5 p, distinto mediante una doppia scanalatura.

526

GIANFRANCO GAZZETTI & GIUSEPPINA GHINI: LA VILLA ROMANA DELLA FONTANACCIA Appendice FONTANACCIA Sigillata Italica

Forme

Tipi

US.713

Consp.1.1.2/ATL.3,1,7 Cosnp.1.2/ATL 10,12 Consp.2.2.1/ATL.11,2 Consp. 3.1/ATL.19,13,15 Consp. 3.1.2/ATL.19,13,15 Consp.3.2/ATL.19,3,7 Consp.3.3.1/ATL.19,17 Consp.4.3.1/ATL.5/6,3 Consp.4.5/ATL.6,4 Consp.4.5.2/ATL.6,4 Consp.5.1.1/ATL.11,3 Consp.5.1.2/ATL.11/3/36,1 Consp.5.2/ATL.11,6 Consp.8/ATL.18 Consp.10.1/ATL.7,9 Consp.11/ATL.7,5,6 Consp.12/ATL.8,3,4 Consp.12.4.1 Consp.12.5.2 Consp.14 Consp.14.1.1/ATL.20,1/21,10 Consp.14.2/ATL.21,1/21,4,8 Consp.15/ATL.31,1 Consp.15.1/ATL.22,1-14 Cosnp.15.1.2/ATL.22,1-14 Consp.15.5 Consp.15.5.2 Consp.18/ATL.10 Consp.18.2.1/ATL10,3-8 Consp.19/ATL.9 Consp.20.1.1/ATL.10,26 Consp.20.2/ATL.10,22,23 Consp.20.3/ATL.10,27,28 Consp.20.4.3/ATL.10,17-21 Consp.20.5.1/ATL10,29 Consp.21.2/ATL.9,7 Consp.22/ATL.25,8 Consp.22.1.1 Consp.22.1.3 Consp.22.2 Consp.22.6.1 Consp.23 Consp.23.1 Consp.23.2 Consp.24.4.1 Consp.25/ATL.25,3,7

US 7/555 US.470 US.454 US 616/640

US 26

1 1 1

1 4 2 6 1 3

130 2

1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 2 1 5 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 5

1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 1 1 1 6 2 1 1 4

527

3

4 4

4 2 2 3 3 2

1 1

5 1

Totale 1 1 2 4 2 136 3 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 8 2 1 5 5 1 1 2 1 1 5 5 5 1 3 7 4 6 2 3 1 1 1 6 2 2 1 1 4

Datazione 40-15 a.C. 10 a.C. 15-10 a.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 20-100 d.C. 0-40 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15.d.C. 15-0 a.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15 d.C. 0-15.d.C. 15-0 a.C. 15-0 a.C. 15-0 a.C. 10-0 a.C. 10-0 a.C. 10-0 a.C. 10-0 a.C. 10-0 a.C. 10 a.C-25 d.C. 10 a.C-25 d.C. 0-35 d.C. 0-30 d.C. 0-30 d.C. 0-30 d.C. 30-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 20-10 a.C. 20-10 a.C. 20-10 a.C. 20-10 a.C. 10-0 a.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-15.d.C. 10 a.C-25 d.C.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Consp.26.1/ATL.29,1 Consp.26.1.3/ATL.29,1 Consp.26.2/ATL.29,2-4 Consp.27/ATL.29 Consp.29/ATL.39,1,4 Consp.31 Consp.32/ATL.23 Consp.32.2/ATL.23,4 Consp.32.4/ATL.23,5 Consp.33.1/ATL.37,1 Consp.33.2/ATL.37,12 Consp.34/ATL.37,9-11 Consp.36.1/ATL.31,1-2 Consp.37.1/ATL.35,1-8 Cosnp.37.3/ATL.35,9-10 Consp.38/ATL.34,6 Atl.27 Consp.45.3 Consp.50/ATL.41 Consp.50.1/ATL.41,1 Consp.50.5/ATL.43 Consp.54.1.1/ATL.48,1 Drag. 1 Drag.29 Totale

Sigillata Italica

1

1 16

1 1 2 9 5 2 1 1 1 1 1 21 2 2 2 1 3 4 1 2 1 1 1 16

221

330

US 26

Totale

Centri Prod.

1 3

AREZZO ITALIA CENTRALE AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO

1 1

2 1

7 5 2

1 1 1 1 1 21 1

1 2 2 1 3 4 1 2 1

1

0

1

2

59

48

0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 0-50 d.C. 15-70 d.C. 15-96 d.C. 0-40 d.C. 50-100 d.C. 50-100 d.C. 50-100 d.C. 0-35 d.C. 0-35 d.C. 30-100 d.C. 20-0 a.C. 40-100 d.C. 40-100 d.C. 0-35 d.C. 50-90 d.C. 70-120 d.C. 15-90 d.C. 15-90 d.C. 15-90 d.C.

Produzioni US.713

US 7/555 US.470 US.454 US 616/640

XANTHUS(CN.ATEIUS) C.AVILLIUS

1 3

CN.ATEIUS S.ATEIUS SERTORIUS L.UMBRICIUS A.TITIUS C.TITIUS L.TITIUS (C.)ROSCIUS N.NAEVIUS PLOTIDIUS RUFUS C.ANNIUS M.ANNIUS S.ANNIUS C.MEMMIUS L.PLAETORIUS ANTERUS P.CORNELIUS M.PERENNIUS

1

1

1 1

2 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2

528

1 1

3 1 2 1 1 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 1

POZZUOLI AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO PADANIA AREZZO AREZZO AREZZO

GIANFRANCO GAZZETTI & GIUSEPPINA GHINI: LA VILLA ROMANA DELLA FONTANACCIA L.PERENNIUS PRIMUS S.MURRIUS S.MURRIUS.T. S.MURRIUS CAL L.RASINIUS PISANUS L.NONIUS FELIX Non id. Totale

1 1 1 1 3 1 1 5 0

0

0

3

BIBLIOGRAFIA

Brunetti Nardi, G., 1981. Repertorio degli scavi e scoperte archeologiche nell’Etruria Meridionale III (1971-1975). Roma, 14. Felici, F., G. Gazzetti & B. Vitali Rosati, 1993. La villa Romana in località La Fontanaccia (Allumiere). Relazione preliminare. Archeologia Uomo e Territorio 12, 59-88. Gazzetti, G., 1990a. Il Periodo Romano, in: G. Gazzetti & A. Zifferero, Progetto Monti della Tolfa-Valle del Mignone: secondo rapporto di attività (1985-1989). 450-451. Gazzetti, G., 1990b. Storia del Territorio in età romana, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastase, Caere e il suo territorio. Da Agylla a Centumcellae. Roma, 101-103. Felici, F., M. Romiti & B. Vitali Rosati, 1990. La Villa residenziale della Fontanaccia (Allumiere), in: G. Gazzetti & A. Zifferero, Progetto Monti della TolfaValle del Mignone: secondo rapporto di attività (1985-1989). 457-458. Gazzetti, G., 1992. Nuove scoperte archeologiche sui Monti della Tolfa, in: Papers of the Fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology 4. London, 93-97. Gazzetti, G., 1999. Il territorio Tarquiniese interno in età romana: la bassa Valle del Mignone, in: L. Pani Ermini & S. Del Lungo, Leopoli – Cencelle I Le preesistenze. Roma, 117-119. Groppelli, G. & V. Iorio, 1995. La Fontanaccia (Allumiere, Roma): campagna di scavo 1994. Archeologia Uomo e Territorio 14, 247-249. Iorio, V., 1999. Il sito adella Fontanaccia, in: L. Pani Ermini & S. Del Lungo, Leopoli – Cencelle I Le preesistenze. Roma, 129-131. Felici, F. et al., 1990. Il Progetto Monti della Tolfa Valle del Mignone, in: A. Maffei & F. Nastase, Caere e il suo territorio. Da Agylla a Centumcellae. Roma, 101129. Vitali Rosati, B., 1994. Iscrizione votiva dalla villa in località la Fontanaccia ad Allumiere (Roma). Archeologia Uomo e Territorio 13, 87-92.

529

30

12

1 1 1 1 3 1 1 5 45

AREZZO PADANIA LUNI LUNI LUNI LUNI LUNI

THE PLUNDERING OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN ITALY: SOME ROGRESS TOWARDS A SOLUTION 1 Marina Papa Sokal Abstract: In January 2001 the governments of the United States and Italy signed a bilateral agreement to protect Italian archaeological materials in jeopardy from illegal excavation and export. The U.S. prohibited the importation of designated categories of archaeological materials ranging in date from approximately the 9th century BC to the 4th century AD, unless accompanied by an export license issued by the Italian government. The U.S. also pledged to return to Italy any such material that might be forfeited for violation of this import prohibition. In this paper I discuss in detail the terms of this important agreement and the ways that archaeologists and museum professionals can contribute to its implementation. I also examine other possible initiatives to address the problem of looting and plundering of archaeological sites around the world.

The worldwide looting of archaeological sites and ancient monuments has grown in the past two decades to alarming proportions. Every time an object is ruthlessly extracted from the ground and separated from its context – rather than being scientifically excavated – invaluable historical knowledge is irreparably lost. This loss is not only to the people whose cultural heritage is being devastated, but to the common history of humanity.

At the international level, the problem of the illicit trade in antiquities – and the strong incentive for pillage of archaeological sites that it creates – was addressed by UNESCO in 1970 with the adoption of a convention for the protection of the world cultural patrimony.4 Thus far 100 countries have ratified the Convention: Italy signed it in 1979, the United States in 1983, Britain and Japan in 2002, and Denmark and Sweden in 2003. Most importantly, in June 2003 the Swiss parliament passed a federal law to implement the UNESCO Convention, which it will soon ratify.5 This is particularly heartening since Switzerland has long been a major centre for the trade of art and antiquities illegally exported from Italy and other countries. Moreover, the Swiss legislation is strong and comprehensive, even in areas where other countries, such as the United States, have chosen not to intervene directly.6 Belgium is currently considering ratifying the Convention as well.

The plundering of sites in Italy ranks among the most serious cases of archaeological pillage. For instance, the destruction of Etruscan and Apulian tombs by the infamous ‘tombaroli’, or of other important sites such as Morgantina in Sicily, has continued for decades and shows no signs of abating, despite the increasing public awareness of the problem.2 One of the main problems is that the antiquities market – dealers, collectors, and all too many museum curators – is not satisfied with recycling old pieces that have been in circulation for a long time; they are hungry for ‘virgin’ objects.

A further welcome development is a bill introduced in the British Parliament in December 2002 that would make it a new criminal offence to import or deal in any cultural object that has been illegally excavated or illegally removed from a monument, a building of historical, architectural or archaeological interest, or an underwater wreck.7 The offence will apply irrespective of whether the

Under the Italian law of 1 June 1939, any archaeological item of historical or cultural value is the property of the State.3 All casual finds must be reported to the authorities, and the finder and landowner are entitled to a reward not exceeding 25% of the market value of the piece. All private collections of archaeological materials must be declared, and the collector is required to present proof of having acquired the objects legally; otherwise the collection would be confiscated and deposited in one of the national museums. Finally, the sale of any item of historical importance must be approved by the Soprintendenza Archeologica. Unfortunately, these stringent regulations are frequently evaded by smuggling the objects out of Italy and selling them in countries where the antiquities trade is less strictly regulated.

4 The full title is the Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property; it was adopted by the 16th General Conference of UNESCO on 14 November 1970. For a comprehensive commentary on the Convention, see O’Keefe 2000. 5 Loi fédérale sur le transfert international des biens culturels, adopted by the Swiss Federal Assembly on 20 June 2003. This law will take effect on 9 October 2003 unless 50,000 Swiss citizens demand a referendum. 6 For instance, in the case of Article 10(a) of the UNESCO Convention, according to which each State Party undertakes, “as appropriate for each country, [to] oblige antique dealers ... to maintain a register recording the origin of each item of cultural property, names and addresses of the supplier, [and] description and price of each item sold”. This requirement would obviously serve as a very powerful deterrent to the illicit trade. Switzerland has incorporated such a provision in its implementing legislation (Article 16), while, significantly, the United States has thus far declined to implement Article 10(a) at the federal level. 7 The bill was introduced in the House of Commons by Richard Allen MP as a Private Members’ Bill (HC Bill No. 30) on 11 December 2002. It passed the Commons on 4 July 2003 and is currently (July 2003)

1 An earlier version of this article appeared in Accordia Research Papers vol. 9, published by the Accordia Research Institute, University of London. 2 For more detailed accounts of the situation, see: Graepler & Mazzei 1996; Elia 2001; Pastore 2001; Brodie, Doole & Renfrew 2001; Bell 2002. 3 All Italian legislation concerning the protection of cultural heritage is now amalgamated in a single code, Decreto Legge 490 of 29 October 1999, the so-called Testo Unico, which came into force on 1 January 2000.

530

MARINA PAPA SOKAL: THE PLUNDERING OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN ITALY: SOME ROGRESS TOWARDS A SOLUTION illegal removal took place inside or outside the United Kingdom, and irrespective of which country’s law was violated by the removal. This last provision has important consequences, particularly for wrecks found in international waters, where several different countries may potentially have jurisdiction. It is worth noting that the enactment of such a new criminal law is not a necessary prerequisite to the ratification of the UNESCO Convention, but it will certainly strengthen its implementation and serve as a further deterrent to the illicit trade in antiquities. Unfortunately, the proposed offence does not cover objects that have been illegally exported in contravention of local law.8

– The other major art-importing nations are likely to implement similar import restrictions within a reasonable period of time. In addition, the President is urged to obtain a commitment from the requesting country to permit the exchange of its archaeological and ethnological materials in ways that do not jeopardize its cultural patrimony. CCPIA also provided for the creation of a Cultural Property Advisory Committee (CPAC) composed of eleven members appointed by the President, representing the various constituencies concerned with cultural property: three experts in archaeology, anthropology and ethnology; two representing the interests of museums; three representing dealers in archaeological and ethnological material; and three representing ‘the interest of the general public’. CPAC’s job is to investigate each request for import restrictions and to advise the President on appropriate actions. Although the committee’s recommendations are not binding, the President would ordinarily follow them.

The United States is, together with Britain and Japan, one of the world’s major importers of art and antiquities, both legal and illegal. In recent years, however, the U.S. has taken some important steps, under the Convention on Cultural Property Implementation Act (CCPIA) of 1983, to help other countries protect their archaeological heritage, by deterring the illicit import of archaeological materials into the U.S. More specifically, CCPIA implements Article 7(b) of the UNESCO Convention, which concerns the recovery and return of cultural property that has been stolen from a museum or monument in another country; and Article 9, which allows countries whose cultural patrimony is in jeopardy from pillage to request the help of other countries in protecting those materials, through measures that may include restrictions on exports and imports.9

On 19 January 2001, the last day of the Clinton presidency, the governments of the United States and Italy signed a bilateral agreement to protect Italian archaeological materials in jeopardy from illegal excavation and export.10 The U.S. pledged to prohibit the importation of designated categories of archaeological materials ranging in date from approximately the ninth century BC to the fourth century AD, unless accompanied by an export license issued by the Italian government, and to return to Italy any such material that might be forfeited for violation of this import prohibition. Restricted types of artifacts include stone and metal sculpture, metal vessels, metal ornaments, weapons and armor, inscribed or decorated sheet metal, ceramic sculpture and vessels, glass architectural elements and sculpture, and wall paintings.

According to CCPIA, the President of the United States may impose import restrictions pursuant to a bilateral agreement with another country that has ratified the UNESCO Convention, but only if he certifies that certain conditions have been met: – The archaeological or ethnological patrimony of the requesting country must be in jeopardy from pillage; – The government making the request must have taken appropriate measures to protect its cultural patrimony; – Import restrictions, if applied in concert with other art-importing countries, would be of substantial benefit in deterring the pillage; – Remedies less drastic than import restrictions are not available;

Notably – and regrettably – coins, glass vessels, beads and semi-precious stones are not included.11 Under the terms of the agreement, the Italian government pledged to invest more resources in archaeological research, to devote more public funds to guard museums and archaeological sites, to regulate the use of metal detectors, to develop tax incentives for private support of legitimate excavations, to continue improving the efficiency of its system for granting export licenses, and to examine new ways for facilitating the export of archaeological items legitimately sold within Italy.

being considered in the House of Lords, where it was introduced as HL Bill No. 90 by Lord Redesdale on 7 July 2003. 8 Kevin Chamberlain, a legal adviser to the UK government on issues of illicit trade in antiquities, specifically mentions the case of Italy, whose export law for cultural property he considers to be far too restrictive and “of questionable legality both under EC law and under the European Convention on Human Rights” (Chamberlain 2002). 9 Legislation to implement Articles 7(b) and 9 was first introduced in the U.S. Congress in 1973, based on a draft proposed by the State Department. Over the next decade, it was debated in House and Senate committee hearings and became the object of strenuous lobbying by antiquities dealers, museums, and archaeologists. After a half-dozen successive revisions, the Convention on Cultural Property Implementation Act (CCPIA) was finally passed in December 1982 and signed into law in January 1983. For a detailed legislative history of CCPIA, see Papa Sokal (in preparation).

10

United States/Italy 2001. The complete list of materials covered by the import restrictions can be found in United States 2001. Additional information, including photographs illustrating the restricted categories of objects, can be found on the website of the Cultural Property Advisory Committee at http://exchanges.state.gov/culprop/itfact.html. 11

531

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Most significantly for both Italian and American archaeologists and museum officials, the Italian government agreed to increase its collaboration with the U.S. by promoting long-term loans of archaeological and art objects for education, research and scientific purposes, including:

It seems clear to me that Italy is here in a very strong position to exert pressure on American museums to rectify their acquisition policies and to adhere more stringently to a proper code of ethics. This is a power that Italy can and should exercize, given the all-too-often cavalier attitude that some major American museums have demonstrated towards questions of provenance and ownership.

– Scientific analysis of materials and their conservation; – Comparison for study purposes with material already held in American museums; and – Educational presentations of special themes.

Under the provisions of CCPIA, the U.S.-Italy agreement will remain in force for five years, after which time the situation will be reassessed by CPAC. If the committee finds that the factors which had prompted the agreement in the first place still persist, it may recommend that the President extend the import restrictions for a further fiveyear period.

(This limitation to educational and research purposes was necessary because Italian law currently prohibits international loans of State property for more than a year – in fact, until recently the maximum was only six months.) Italy also agreed to encourage American museums and universities to propose and participate in joint excavation projects authorized by the Ministry of Culture, with the understanding that some of the scientifically excavated objects from such projects could be given as a loan to the American participants.

The U.S. has so far signed similar bilateral agreements with the governments of Bolivia, Cambodia, Canada, Cyprus, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mali, Nicaragua and Peru. One would sincerely hope that Iraq will be next on the list.13

In the autumn of 2002, a number of roundtable discussions were organized in New York, Washington, Baltimore and other major American cities, where American and Italian archaeologists, museum curators, Soprintendenza inspectors and other government officials met to consider plans for possible future collaborations and loan programs between the two countries. This was followed by a meeting at the U.S. embassy in Rome on 27 February 2003, and by a seminar held at the Italian embassy in Washington on 24 June 2003. At the latter meeting, the Italian government proposed an integrated project of cultural exchanges and exhibitions in the field of archaeology to representatives of major American museums, cultural and educational institutions, and the State Department.12 The programs were first outlined by Giuseppe Proietti, Director General for Archaeological Property in the Ministry of Cultural Properties and Activities (MBAC), and then discussed in considerable detail by a number of the Ministry’s officials. The proposed projects include 22 exhibitions covering a wide range of themes, historical periods, regions and peoples, from the Greeks and indigenous peoples of Basilicata, to the Etruscans, the Romans, the Celts and the Longobards. Some are existing or scheduled exhibitions available either immediately or within the next couple of years, while others are currently in preparation or in advanced stages of planning. A number of collaborative projects were also proposed, including cataloguing, research and restoration of artifacts from different excavations currently kept in storage by the Soprintendenze Archeologiche. In addition, the Italian government has granted seven excavation permissions to American universities and institutions for ongoing field projects, and they have offered to negotiate more.

12

Obviously this agreement between the U.S. and Italy, and the ratification of the UNESCO Convention by major artimporting countries such as Britain, Japan and Switzerland, are important steps in the right direction. However, in order to effectively address the problem of looting and plundering of archaeological sites around the world, it is imperative to consider additional measures to reduce the total global demand for purchase of antiquities: first, by greatly reducing the appeal of private collecting, through campaigns aimed at raising public awareness about the problem of pillage; and second, by giving museums and educational institutions wider access to antiquities through means other than purchase on the private market. Among these are: long-term loans, widely travelling exhibitions, strictly controlled museum-tomuseum sales or exchanges of duplicate objects, and joint excavation projects with art-rich countries in which the finds could be fairly shared between the country of origin and the foreign contributing institutions. It seems to me that the long-term task for archaeologists must be to sensitize both citizens and politicians to the immense loss to our historical patrimony that is being caused by the illicit trade in antiquities. And here is certainly an area in which archaeologists can use their expertise to provide an invaluable public service. With 13 One section of CCPIA (19 USCS \S 2603) allows the U.S. President to impose unilateral import restrictions in an emergency situation, without the need to negotiate a bilateral agreement, but only pursuant to a formal request by the government concerned, followed by evaluation by CPAC. The latter requirement is an obvious flaw in the law, since it fails to cover situations such as civil wars, coup d’état or the temporary absence of a recognized government, as in the case of Iraq at present. However, on 7 May 2003, a bill for the protection of the Iraqi cultural heritage was introduced in the U.S. Congress (H.R. 2009) which would, among other things, amend CCPIA by eliminating (in emergency situations only) the need for a request from the government of the country whose cultural patrimony is in jeopardy.

Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali 2003.

532

MARINA PAPA SOKAL: THE PLUNDERING OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN ITALY: SOME ROGRESS TOWARDS A SOLUTION such an awareness, it should be possible to devise effective measures to protect the world’s cultural heritage, and to make that heritage widely available to people around the world in a safe and democratic way. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bell, M., 2002. Italian antiquities in America. Art, Antiquity and Law 7(2), 195-205. Brodie, N., J. Doole & C. Renfrew, 2001. Trade in Illicit antiquities: The destruction of the world’s archaeological heritage. McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge. Chamberlain, K., 2002. The introduction of a new criminal offence in English Law. Paper presented at a seminar on the Implementation of the UNESCO 1970 Convention, organised by the Institute of Art and Law and the Art-Law Centre, Geneva, and held at the Department for Culture Media and Sport, London, on 22 November 2002. Elia, R.J., 2001. Analysis of the looting, selling and collecting of Apulian red-figure vases: A quantitative approach, in: N. Brodie, J. Doole & C. Renfrew 2001, 145-153. Graepler, D. & M. Mazzei, 1996. Provenienza: sconosciuta! Tombaroli, mercanti e collezionisti: l’Italia archeologica allo sbaraglio. Edipuglia, Bari. Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali 2003. ItalyUSA Integrated project: Cultural Exchanges and Exhibitions in the Field of Archeology. Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, Direzione Generale per i Beni Archeologici, Roma. Published by the Istituto Italiano di Cultura, Washington DC, 24 June 2003. See also http://exchanges.state.gov/culprop/itexhib.html O’Keefe, P. J., 2000. Commentary on the UNESCO 1970 Convention on Illicit Traffic. Institute of Art and Law, Leicester. Pastore, G., 2001. The looting of archaeological sites in Italy, in: N. Brodie, J. Doole & C. Renfrew 2001, 155-160. United States, 2001. Import restrictions imposed on archaeological material originating in Italy and representing the Pre-Classical, Classical and Imperial Roman periods. U.S. Federal Register, 66 FR 7399, 23 January 2001. Available on-line at http://www.gpoaccess.gov/fr/index.html United States/Italy, 2001. Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of Italy concerning the imposition of import restrictions on categories of archeological material representing the Pre-Classical, Classical and Imperial Roman periods of Italy. 19 January 2001. Available on-line at http://exchanges.state.gov/culprop/it01agr.html

533

BAR S1452 (II) 2005

Papers in Italian Archaeology VI Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval Period

ATTEMA, NIJBOER & ZIFFERERO (Eds)

Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the University of Groningen, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, The Netherlands, April 15-17, 2003

Volume II Edited by

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Peter Attema Albert Nijboer Andrea Zifferero with Olaf Satijn, Luca Alessandri, Mette Bierma and Erwin Bolhuis

BAR International Series 1452 (II) 2005 B A R red cover template.indd 1

20/04/2010 14:46:41

Papers in Italian Archaeology VI Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval Period Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the University of Groningen, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, The Netherlands, April 15-17, 2003

Volume II Edited by

Peter Attema Albert Nijboer Andrea Zifferero with Olaf Satijn, Luca Alessandri, Mette Bierma and Erwin Bolhuis

BAR International Series 1452 (II) 2005

ISBN 9781841718897 (Volume I) paperback ISBN 9781841718903 (Volume II) paperback ISBN 9781841718880 (Volume set) paperback ISBN 9781407328997 (Volume set) e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841718880 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

VOLUME II NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD BRONZE AND IRON AGE THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIOD THE ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL PERIODS LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY AND SURVEYS LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME II THEMES: NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD; BRONZE AND IRON AGE; THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIOD; THE ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL PERIODS; LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY AND SURVEYS; LIST OF PARTICIPANTS NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD Laura Maniscalco IL NEOLITICO IN SICILIA COME APPARE A ROCCHICELLA DI MINEO ................................................................535 Robin Skeates VISUAL CULTURE IN NEOLITHIC SOUTH EAST ITALY ......................................................................................541 Ruth D. Whitehouse EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY ......................................................545 Maria Grazia Melis NUOVI DATI DALL’INSEDIAMENTO PREISTORICO DI SU CODDU-CANELLES (SELARGIUS, CAGLIARI)..............554 Natasja de Bruijn OBSIDIAN EXPLOITATION IN WEST CENTRAL SARDINIA: EXAMINING THE USE OF SECONDARY SOURCES .......561 M. Colombo, C. Tozzi & B. Zamagni THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE CATIGNANO-SCALORIA BASSA CULTURE AND THE ADRIATIC IMPRESSED WARE IN THE ITALIAN PENINSULA ................................................................................................569 Giulio Bigazzi & Giovanna Radi PROVENANCE STUDIES OF OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ITALIAN PREHISTORIC SITES USING THE FISSIONTRACK METHOD ...............................................................................................................................................571 NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: BRONZE AND IRON AGE C. Albore Livadie & G. Vecchio UN VILLAGGIO DEL BRONZO ANTICO A NOLA – CROCE DEL PAPA (CAMPANIA)............................................581 Massimo Cultraro DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO: APPUNTI PER UNO STUDIO DELLA PERCEZIONE DELLO SPAZIO SACRO NELLA SICILIA DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO ....................................................................................588 Stefano Boaro NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ A PARTIRE DALL’ANALISI DELLA ‘FACIES BERICO-EUGANEA’ ..........................................................................................596 Nicolò Bruno I COSIDDETTI DOLMEN DI CAVA DEI SERVI NUOVO INQUADRAMENTO DI DUE TOMBE MEGALITICHE ..............608 A. Atzori, V. Fausti, G. Leonardi & A. Morandini ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO NELLA PIANURA VERONESE TRA BRONZO ANTICO E BRONZO RECENTE .........................................................................................................................................................613 Claudio Giardino THE ISLAND OF CAPRI IN THE GULF OF NAPLES BETWEEN THE 5TH AND THE 2ND MILLENNIUM BC...............625 Valeria Corazza & Gianluca Pellacani A SITE OF THE BRONZE AGE: THE TERRAMARA OF FALCONIERA (MIRANDOLA, MODENA). MICROALTIMETRICAL AND AEROPHOTOGRAMMETRIC ANALYSIS: PRELIMINARY RESULTS .............................633

ii

Luca Alessandri L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE DEL LAZIO CENTROMERIDIONALE .....................................................................................................................................637 Anna Depalmas FORME D’INSEDIAMENTO E ORGANIZZAZIONE SOCIALE NELLA SARDEGNA DI ETÀ NURAGICA ........................646 Claudio Moffa L’ARCHITECTURA IN MALTA DI FANGO NELLA PENISOLA ITALIANA TRA MEDIA ETÀ DEL BRONZO E LA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO ....................................................................................................................................652 Raffaella Poggiani Keller, Marco Baioni, M. Giuseppina Ruggiero, Stefania Lincetto, Alessandra Massari, Barbara Raposso & Ilaria Santomanco ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO NELL’AREA PREALPINA CENTRALE (LOMBARDIA): UN INEDITO QUADRO DI RIFERIMENTO ....................................................................................656 F. di Gennaro, R. Egidi, L. Alessandri, B. Barbaro, A. Di Renzoni, S. Favorito, C. Iaia, S. Sabatini & A. Schiappelli TENUTA QUADRARO – VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA). RICERCHE SU UN COMPRENSORIO PERIINSEDIATIVO DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO ................................................................................................666 Anne Lehoërff MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE À LA FIN DU DEUXIÈME MILLÉNAIRE AVANT NOTRE ÈRE ......................................................................................................................673 Nuccia Negroni Catacchio & Massimo Cardosa CASE, FORNI E MAGAZZINI. UN NUOVO ‘QUARTIERE’ DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA (VITERBO - LAZIO)............683 M. Angle, M.F. Rolfo, S. Bozzato & Cristiano Mengarelli COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY IN PROTOHISTORIC TIMES ................................................................................689 C. Albore Livadie, C. Bartoli, G. Boenzi, C. Cicirelli & P.G. Guzzo THE POGGIOMARINO RIVER SETTLEMENT IN THE LONGOLA AREA ..................................................................699 Ulla Rajala FROM A SETTLEMENT TO AN EARLY STATE? THE ROLE OF NEPI IN THE LOCAL AND REGIONAL SETTLEMENT PATTERNS OF THE FALISCAN AREA AND INNER ETRURIA DURING THE IRON AGE.......................706 Maria Rita Copersino & Vincenzo d’Ercole PROPOSTA DI DEFINIZIONE DEGLI AMBITI CULTURALI E TERRITORIALI DEI POPOLI ITALICI IN ABRUZZO NEL I MILLENNIO A.C. .....................................................................................................................................713 Alessandro Guidi, Federica Candelato, Daniela Peloso, Vittorio Rioda & Massimo Saracino IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE ........................................................................................720 Catharina Boullart THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE ......................................729 Michele Cupitò ADDENDA INTERPRETATIVI SUL SISTEMA FIGURATIVO DEL CARRELLO DI BISENZIO .......................................739 NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIOD Iefke van Kampen, Annette Rathje, Alessandra Celant, Maria Follieri, Jacopo De Grossi Mazzorin & Claudia Minniti THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA IN GIACOMO BONI’S EXCAVATION OF THE SEPOLCRETO ARCAICO .............................................................................................................................745 Marianne Kleibrink THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS: AN OVERVIEW OF ITS EARLY-GEOMETRIC II AND ITS MID-7TH CENTURY BC PHASES ......................................................................754

iii

Claudia Lambrugo UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO: ANALISI DELLA CULTURA ABITATIVA ED INTERPRETAZIONE DI TALUNI INDICATORI ARCHEOLOGICI .......................................773 Ferdinando Sciacca LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA ......................................782 Mirella T.A. Robino, Elena Smoquina & Anna Spalla ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (ROVIGO, ITALY) ........................................794 E.M. Menotti LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA, CON PARTICOLARE RIFERIMENTO AL V SECOLO A.C.....................................................................................................................................................802 Jeffrey A. Becker INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA .........................................................................813 Vedia Izzet CHANGING PERSPECTIVES: GREEK MYTH IN ETRURIA .....................................................................................822 Orlando Cerasuolo CAPENA, LO SCAVO DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V - INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. ...................................................828 Leonardo Salari CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. ..................................................833 Orlando Cerasuolo, Luca Pulcinelli & Tiziano Latini MONTERANO, LA VIABILITÀ IN EPOCA ETRUSCA .............................................................................................842 NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: THE ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL PERIODS Flavio Enei PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’. RICOGNIZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE SUI FONDALI DELL’ANTICA PYRGI.............851 Amalia Faustoferri e Paola Riccitelli MONTE PALLANO: L’URBANISTICA DI UN INSEDIAMENTO ITALICO D’ALTURA ...............................................871 Maria Fortunati & Mariagrazia Vitali TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA: INDAGINI PRELIMINARI E RECENTI SCOPERTE DI ETÀ ROMANA. TRA ETÀ TARDOREPUBBLICANA E PRIMA ETÀ IMPERIALE ....................................882 Carola M. Small & Alastair M. Small DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI IN SOUTH ITALY .............................................894 Margherita Carucci DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE: ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENTS AND SOCIAL CHANGES ........903 Paolo de Vingo & M.M. Negro Ponzi IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE TRA V E VII SECOLO NELLE AREE ALPINE OCCIDENTALI E LE SUE CONSEGUENZE SULLO SVILUPPO DEL MODELLO INSEDIATIVO .........................913 Carlo Citter & Emanuele Vaccaro MEDIEVAL CASTLES AND URBANISM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN TUSCANY....924 John Moreland TRANSFORMATIONS IN A SABINE LANDSCAPE, 200-1000AD .........................................................................930 M.C. Galestin NEW EVIDENCE FOR OLD PROBLEMS...............................................................................................................935 Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli FALERII NOVI, PROSPEZIONI GEOFISICHE LUNGO LA VIA AMERINA ................................................................939

iv

Mauro Incitti, Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli ROFALCO, UN EMPORIUM FORTIFICATO ALL’ALBA DEL III SECOLO A.C. ........................................................944 Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli GROTTE PINZA, UN OPPIDUM AL CONFINE TRA CAERE E TARQUINIA ..............................................................949 T. Ravasi CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA. IL CASO DELLE ANFORE RICHBOROUGH 527 .........................................................................................................................................954 Hélène Verreyke & Patrick Monsieur LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE). IN SEARCH OF LATE ANTIQUE OCCUPATION PATTERNS AND TRADE ROUTES IN THE ADRIATIC ............................................................................................962 NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN FIELDWORK: LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY AND SURVEYS Nuccia Negroni Catacchio & Massimo Cardosa ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’. IL PROGETTO DI RICOGNIZIONE DEL MONTE ARGENTARIO E DELL’AREA LAGUNARE COSTIERA (GROSSETO-TOSCANA).................................................................................................973 Frank Vermeulen THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT IN MARCHE ..........................................................................................................................................................984 Luisa Agneni, Claudio Barchesi, Federica Candelato, Helga Di Giuseppe, Alessandro Guidi, Helen Patterson & Paola Santoro IL PROGETTO GALANTINA ...............................................................................................................................993 Giacomo Biondi MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN) ...............................................................................1008 John Pearce, Maria Pretzler & Corinna Riva THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY: METHODS AND INTERPRETATION IN A TRANSITIONAL LANDSCAPE ......1016 Guy Bradley THE IUVANUM SURVEY PROJECT: AN ANCIENT COMMUNITY IN SAMNIUM ...................................................1024 Gert-Jan Burgers RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT. FIELD SURVEYS AND THE EARLY HELLENISTIC LANDSCAPE OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN ITALY ..............................................................................................................1030 Marinella Pasquinucci, Maria Raffaella Ciuccarelli & Simonetta Menchelli THE PISA SOUTH PICENUM SURVEY PROJECT ................................................................................................1039 Rob Witcher THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE OF REGIO VII ETRURIA ..................................................................................................................................................1045 Helga Di Giuseppe REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE TRA L’ETÀ ARCAICA E REPUBBLICANA..............................................................................................................................................1056 Cristina Corsi, Eugenio Polito & Sara Persichini FROM OPPIDA TO CASTELLA. SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE IN THE LIRI-BASIN (SOUTHERN LATIUM – ROMAN TO MEDIEVAL) .................................................................................................................................1067 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS ................................................................................................................................1075

v

vi

THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD

vii

viii

IL NEOLITICO IN SICILIA COME APPARE A ROCCHICELLA DI MINEO Laura Maniscalco Abstract: The Neolithic period on Sicily was identified at the outset of research into Sicilian prehistory by Paolo Orsi at the end of the 19th century. Orsi’s pioneering excavations at Stentinello and Megara Hyblaea demonstrate a surprisingly ‘modern’ interdisciplinary approach of the evidence for this first, formative period of settled life. At a moment when the identification of a Neolithic period was completely insure, Orsi was able to identify a series of settlements as Stentinello, Megara, Matrensa and he even did send bone to specialists for an identification of the faunal remains (Orsi 1890; 1910; 1921). While in the following decades progress was made in the description of Neolithic ceramic styles and their meaning for cultural relations between Sicily and other parts of the Mediterranean (Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980), there remains a dearth of comprehensive data regarding settlement layout, climate, incipient forms of agriculture, animal husbandry and other themes which have emerged from the study of the Neolithic elsewhere in Italy and in Europe. Recent excavations by the Soprintendenza Beni Culturali ed Ambientali at Catania, of two sites located on a low hill in the Plain of Catania, San Marco di Paternò and Rocchicella di Mineo, offer presently good information on the environment of the Middle and Late Neolithic of Eastern Sicily (Maniscalco 2000; Iovino & Maniscalco 2004).

Già alla fine dell’Ottocento lo studio del Neolitico in Sicilia nasce per opera di Paolo Orsi sotto i migliori auspici. Nel corso delle indagini da lui effettuate a Stentinello e a Megara Iblea vengono, infatti, raccolti e analizzati reperti faunistici che ci forniscono un primo dato importantissimo sull’ambiente del tempo (Orsi 1890; 1910; 1921). Negli anni successivi, mentre sono stati approfonditi certi aspetti della cultura materiale che hanno portato, con l’ausilio delle datazioni radiometriche eoliane, alla creazione di una griglia cronologica per opera di Luigi Bernabò Brea (Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1980), sono mancati, a differenza di quanto avvenuto per altre aree d’Italia e di Europa, indagini sistematiche relative a dati comprensivi riguardanti l’ambiente, lo sviluppo dell’agricoltura e dell’addomesticazione. Ultimamente uno studio sull’ambiente nell’olocene effettuato presso il lago di Pergusa ha permesso per la prima volta una ricostruzione, anche se parziale del clima nell’area a partire da 11.000 anni fa (Sadori & Narcisi 2001). Recenti indagini effettuate dalla Soprintendenza Beni Culturali ed Ambientali di Catania in due insediamenti posti su basse alture della Piana di Catania, uno sul margine settentrionale, San Marco di Paternò, e l’altro sul margine meridionale, Rocchicella di Mineo, hanno fornito preziose indicazioni relative alla ricostruzione dell’ambiente e alle faune, una serie di datazioni radiometriche nonché dati ricavati dalle analisi petrografiche e fisico-chimiche effettuate su alcune ceramiche e ci consentono di conoscere un po’ meglio almeno le fasi relative al Neolitico medio e al Neolitico tardo della Sicilia orientale (Maniscalco 2000; Iovino & Maniscalco 2004) .

Fig. 1. Carta della Piana di Catania con evidenziati siti neolitici. L’abbondanza di acque e la fertilità dei suoli in parte vulcanici e in parte alluvionali, rende queste colline particolarmente adatte allo sfruttamento agricolo intenso anche ai nostri giorni. I siti neolitici sono in gran maggioranza posti su bassi poggi (100-200 s.l.m.) nelle immediate vicinanze dei numerosi fiumi e corsi d’acqua esistenti nella Piana dalla fascia pedemontana etnea a nord ai fertili campi conosciuti come le Terreforti ad occidente alle prime propaggini degli Iblei a sud. Le vallate del Simeto, del Dittaino e del Gornalunga

La Piana di Catania, la più vasta tra le pianure siciliane, è compresa tra l’Etna a Nord, le alture dell’ennese ad ovest e l’altipiano degli iblei a sud. Si compone di una parte centrale, la Piana vera e propria, formata dai depositi alluvionali dei fiumi Simeto, Dittaino e San Leonardo, malarica e inospitale fino ancora negli anni ‘40, e di una parte marginale costellata da alture non elevate. È su queste alture che si sono insediate le popolazioni di età neolitica (Fig. 1). 535

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Veduta di Rocchicella.

Fig. 3. Rocchicella - Pianta dell’area delle piattaforme. costituiscono un continuum di questo habitat con la presenza di altre stazioni neolitiche nei territori di Adrano, Biancavilla, Centuripe e nel Calatino.

intravisto. Si può comunque notare come di fronte ad una limitata attestazione di insediamenti risalenti al Neolitico antico si verifica un notevole incremento di siti assegnabili al Neolitico medio e soprattutto tardo. Questi insediamenti nella maggioranza dei casi continueranno ad essere frequentati per tutto l’arco temporale che arriva all’antica età del bronzo con una apparente flessione delle

A causa dell’esiguo numero di indagini di scavo, il processo di neolitizzazione della Sicilia in generale e dell’area attorno alla Piana in particolare può essere solo

536

LAURA MANISCALCO: IL NEOLITICO IN SICILIA COME APPARE A ROCCHICELLA DI MINEO una grande ascia in pietra verde con profonda coppella al centro di ciascuna faccia (Fig. 4). Strutture genericamente simili alle piattaforme di Rocchicella, almeno per la disposizione del cordolo di pietre, sono a San Marco (Maniscalco 2000, fig. 5), dove uno spazio quadrangolare delimitato da lastre poste di coltello all’interno del quale si rinvenne un gran quantità di incannucciato è databile alla fase a ceramica impressa e nel villaggio Neolitico di Serra del Palco (La Rosa 1987, 804, fig. 1). L’esiguità dell’area indagata a Rocchicella non permette di capire se le strutture rinvenute fossero poste all’interno di una o più capanne o se non costituissero piani di lavorazione esterni come quelli rivenuti a Vulpiglia a sud di Grotta Corruggi testimoniati più che piattaforme, pero’, da buchi di pali.

testimonianze attribuibili alla prima età del rame. Continuità con le culture del Mesolitico è attestata con certezza solo nel caso di Perriere Sottano, una piccola altura che sorge nel settore meridionale della Piana fra il Dittaino e il Gornaluna (Aranguren & Revedin 19891990). Annidata nel margine meridionale della Piana lungo la valle del fiume Margi, naturalmente protetta da un sistema collinare che la delimita sui due lati, Rocchicella è un’altura basaltica che sorge a poca distanza del laghetto di Naftia, sede nell’antichità del culto indigeno dei Palici (Fig. 2). Sull’altura sono i resti di Palikè, la città fondata da Ducezio nel V secolo a.C., mentre davanti l’ampia grotta che si apre ai piedi del versante meridionale dell’altura di fronte i laghetti, sono stati individuati livelli archeologici e strutture comprese tra l’Epipaleolitico e l’età sveva. Le prime indagini a Rocchicella risalgono agli anni Sessanta. Uno scavo effettuato nel 1962 dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica di Siracusa per opera di Luigi Bernabò Brea e Paola Pelagatti aveva permesso di confermare sulla sommità di Rocchicella l’esistenza di una città del V secolo a.C., e aveva messo in luce, davanti la grotta, i resti di una struttura di età arcaica in un’area abitata fin dal paleolitico (Pelagatti 1966). Materiali compresi tra l’età neolitica e la prima età del bronzo furono anche rinvenuti in alcuni saggi effettuati presso le case Grimaldi poste davanti una collinetta fronteggiante il lago a circa trecento metri dalla grotta (Bernabò Brea 1965).

Fig. 4. Ascia in basalto. A Rocchicella dallo strato che copriva il pavimento e le piattaforme provengono frammenti ceramici, noduli di ocra, marna, numerosi frammenti di intonaco liscio su entrambe le superfici e porzioni di incannucciato a spigolo arrotondato, presumibilmente pertinenti a piattaforme simili. La ceramica, non particolarmente abbondante, comprende le seguenti classi:

Nell’autunno del 1995 la Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA. di Catania ha ripreso le indagini che sono proseguite nel 2000-2001, e nel 2003, dopo l’acquisizione dell’area al demanio regionale, con fondi comunitari. I materiali ceramici e litici e i resti faunistici delle ultime campagne di scavo, nel corso delle quali sono stati rinvenuti livelli databili ad età neolitica sono tuttora in corso di studio (Maniscalco 2002).

– a superficie grigia o nera, a volte lucente, a volte con tracce di ocra rossa, con semplici incisioni lineari effettuate per lo più con la stecca; – figulina dipinta tricromica; – a vacuoli, di aspetto spugnoso.

Nel talus della grotta un saggio di approfondimento di dimensioni m 7,5 x 3, aperto vicino una capanna databile alla prima età del bronzo, ha messo in luce livelli assegnabili al Neolitico medio, alla facies di Stentinello, e resti di strutture. Queste sono state solo parzialmente indagate in quanto continuano tutte al di sotto di strutture più tarde. I resti identificati finora consistono in un pavimento in argilla bruciata, con almeno un rifacimento, sul quale sono stati rinvenuti sfoglie di concotto e frammenti di vasi di grandi dimensioni, e due piattaforme in argilla (Fig. 3). Le piattaforme, costruite direttamente sul pavimento, hanno dimensioni e aspetto simili: una, larga cm 160 e alta cm 15-30, è delimitata da un cordolo di piccole pietre unite da argilla e marna, l’altra, larga cm 170 e alta cm 20, è delimitata da pietre e marna triturata e, su un lato, anche da una grande macina infissa verticalmente per uno dei lati lunghi. Sul piano di questa piattaforma si sono rinvenute altre tre grandi macine e

Le forme riconoscibili sono: nella classe dipinta olletta globulare con colletto (Fig. 5), olletta con ansa a nastro, nella classe a superficie grigia o nera orli con bugna e piedi a tacco, nella classe a decorazione incisa orci di grandi dimensioni (Figg. 6, 7), anse ad anello (Fig. 8) e anse a corto nastro. I materiali trovano diversi riscontri a Lipari e, in minor misura, nell’area etnea. Abbondanti sono gli strumenti litici, in corso di studio da parte di Fabrizio Nicoletti e Maria Rosa Iovino, soprattutto in selce, pochi in ossidiana di Lipari, rarissima la quarzite. Un gruppo omogeneo è costituito da 5 lame di selce rinvenute una accanto all’altra sul piano pavimentale vicino una delle piattaforme (Fig. 9). Le 537

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Orcio a decorazione incisa.

Fig. 5. Brocchette a decorazione dipinte.

Fig. 8. Anse a decorazione incisa. tracce di usura osservate sui margini dei reperti trovano strette analogie con quanto osservato sugli sperimentali utilizzati per la mietitura di Hordeum vulgare in campi biologici (Iovino & Maniscalco 2004). La selce utilizzata a Rocchicella proveniva probabilmente dal vallone Lamia distante circa sei chilometri, il basalto dalle vicine propaggini dell’altipiano ibleo. Noduli con ocra sono presenti in numerosi alvei fluviali della zona. Da più lontano dovevano invece provenire la ceramica dipinta figulina, l’ossidiana, che è di Lipari, le accettine in pietra verde. Studi recenti (Malone 1985; Cassano 1993) hanno visto nella diffusione della ceramica dipinta, identificata come bene di prestigio, una componente di

Fig. 6. Orcio a decorazione incisa.

538

LAURA MANISCALCO: IL NEOLITICO IN SICILIA COME APPARE A ROCCHICELLA DI MINEO condotte analisi alla Grotta dell’Uzzo (Tusa 1987) con materiali databili alla transizione Mesolitico-Neolitico e al Neolitico inferiore. Per la presenza sia delle specie coltivate che delle specie spontanee i dati sono anche molto simili a quelli della stessa età noti per la Calabria (Iovino & Maniscalco 2004).

una rete di scambi che doveva coinvolgere anche l’ossidiana e la selce. Tradizionalmente si è identificato nella Puglia o nella Calabria l’origine della ceramica dipinta figulina della Sicilia. I dati emersi in Calabria, anche dalle analisi petrografiche effettuate nei siti databili al medio Neolitico, non permettono finora di confermare questa ipotesi visto che non è mai emersa finora una produzione locale di ceramica dipinta. Nella Sicilia orientale è presente invece, sia ceramica dipinta figulina che, dalle analisi petrografiche effettuate almeno nel caso di San Marco risulta di fattura non locale, sia ceramica dipinta di impasto che appare invece con tutta probabilità realizzata nell’area etnea vista la presenta di tritume lavico (Maniscalco 2000, 502).

Sorprendenti appaiono invece i dati relativi alle faune dei livelli neolitici (Di Patti & Piscopo, in: Maniscalco 2002). Infatti, contrariamente a quello che è noto per siti assegnabili al Neolitico in genere e al Neolitico medio in particolare, nei quali sono di gran lunga prevalenti le specie domestiche su quelle selvatiche, a Rocchicella la specie più rappresentata è il Cervus elaphus con l’82% dei reperti determinati, rispetto alle specie domestiche quali Ovis, Capra, Bos taurus, e Sus scrofa. Non sono al momento disponibili dati radiometrici per il Neolitico medio di Rocchicella. In considerazione della datazione radiometrica dei livelli soprastanti (5808-5036 a.C. cal. 2 sigma) e per affinità con i dati di Stretto, Piano Vento e Uzzo si può collocare questa fase alla seconda metà del VI millennio a.C. La limitatezza dell’area indagata non permette purtroppo di stabilire con sufficiente certezza il carattere delle strutture rinvenute a Rocchicella. La presenza di oggetti che si potrebbero definire di uso comune come macine e strumenti in selce, può fare ritenere che siamo di fronte ad un settore di un abitato e che le piattaforme siano strutture destinate ad attività lavorative domestiche come la macellazione e la preparazione di pasti. In un contesto domestico appare però del tutto insolita l’alta percentuale di faune selvatiche quali il cervo, riscontrata invece a Rocchicella, soprattutto se si considera che nelle fasi Mesolitiche dello stesso sito il cervo è rappresentato solo da pochi e dubbi resti. Un analogo caso di prevalenza di cervo è quello riscontrato nell’ipogeo Manfredi di S. Barbara presso Polignano a Mare in Puglia (Geniola 1984; Castelletti, Costantini & Tozzi 1987, 45). Si tratta di una costruzione ipogeica databile alla facies di Serra d’Alto che presentava crani di cervi disposti lungo le pareti. Il significato cultuale di questo ambiente ipogeico, che non è funerario, sembra accertato.

Fig. 9. Lame in selce. L’insediamento di Rocchicella posto in posizione strategica all’imbocco della vasta valle del Margi lungo una direttrice che in età storica sarà quella della strada che dalla costa catanese, attraverso il sistema SimetoDittaino-Margi, giunge alla costa geloa (Arcifa 2001, 295), era certamente coinvolto in una serie di scambi di beni che coinvolgevano quindi la Puglia (Ceramica dipinta), le Eolie (ossidiana) e la Calabria (pietre verdi). Le analisi paleobotaniche effettuate (Castiglioni, in: Maniscalco 2002) nei livelli neolitici di Rocchicella hanno permesso di riconoscere olivo (Olea europaea), querce caducifoglie (Quercus sez. ROBUR, 7 carboni), querce sempreverdi (Quercus sez. SUBER, presumibilmente leccio, 6 carboni).

È allora possibile ipotizzare un uso cultuale anche per le strutture di Rocchicella? Questo sito fu sede in antichità del santuario dei Palici il cui culto è attestato sia dalle fonti letterarie che dai rinvenimenti archeologici a partire dall’età arcaica. Le recenti indagini hanno infatti messo in luce un sacello databile al VII secolo a.C. proprio nelle immediate vicinanze delle piattaforme neolitiche, nel talus della grotta che si apre sui laghetti ora scomparsi (Maniscalco & McConnell 2003). Il santuario, che era secondo quanto affermato dalle fonti letterarie il più venerato della popolazione indigena dei Siculi, si era sviluppato attorno alcune polle d’acqua da cui si sollevavano alti getti dovuti alla presenza nel sottosuolo di anidride carbonica.

Si sono inoltre identificati cariossidi di cereali non meglio determinabili (Cerealia,) e semi di leguminose: pisello (Pisum sativum), pisello o cicerchia (cf. Pisum/Lathyrus), veccia o cicerchia (cf. Vicia/Lathyrus). I dati di Palikè, relativi sia ai carboni che ai resti carpologici, sono di grande interesse, data la scarsità di testimonianze archeobotaniche disponibili per la regione: in particolare per il Neolitico della Sicilia sono state

539

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Iovino, M.R. & L. Maniscalco, 2004. La Sicilia Orientale e la Calabria centro-meridionale nel Neolitico, in: Atti XXXVII Riun. Sc. I.I.P.P. Scalea, 189-204. La Rosa, V., 1987. Un nuovo insediamento neolitico a Serra del Palco di Milena, in: Atti XXVI Riun. Sc. I.I.P.P. Firenze, 801-808. Malone, C., 1985. Pots, prestige and ritual in Neolithic southern Italy, in: Papers in Italian archaeology, IV, part ii (= BAR Intern. Ser., 244). Oxford, 118-151. Maniscalco, L., 2000. Il Neolitico attorno alla Piana di Catania: l’insediamento preistorico delle Salinelle di San Marco, in: A. Pessina & G. Muscio (eds), La neolitizzazione tra Oriente e Occidente. Udine, 489507. Maniscolco, L., 2002. Rocchicella, Sicilia, in: M.A. Fugazzola Delpino, A. Pessina & V. Tiné (eds), Le ceramiche impresse nel Neolitico Antico. Italia e Mediterraneo. Roma, 737-743. Maniscalco, L. & B.E. McConnell, 2003. The sanctuary of the divine Palikoi (Rocchicella di Mineo, Sicily): Fieldwork from 1995 to 2001. AJA 107(2), 145-180. Orsi, P., 1890. Stazione neolitica di Stentinello. B.P.I. 16(6), 177-195. Orsi, P., 1910. Villaggio neolitico di Stentinello. B.P.I. 36, 66-67. Orsi, P., 1921. Megara Hyblaea villaggio neolitico e tempio arcaico e di alcuni singolarissimi vasi di Paternò. MonAnt 17, 109-150. Pelagatti, P., 1966. Palikè (Mineo, Catania): Santuario dei Palici. Bull.‘Arte 51, 106. Sadori, L. & B. Narcisi, 2001. The Postglacial record of environmental history from Lago di Pergusa, Sicily. The Holocene 11(6), 655-670. Tusa S., 1987, Il neolitico della Sicilia, in: Atti XXVI Riun. Sc. I.I.P.P. Firenze, 361-379. Whitehouse, R., 1992. Underground religion. Cult and culture in prehistory Italy. Accordia Research Centre, London.

È ben possibile che il culto del Palici risalge ad un momento anteriore all’età arcaica. Culti connessi con fenomeni geologici sono ben attestati in Sicilia non solo in età storica ma anche presso diversi siti preistorici. Soprattutto le stazioni del Neolitico tardo in Sicilia sembrano avere una speciale associazione con l’acqua e le attività vulcaniche come dimostrato dall’insediamento dalla Calcara sull’Isola di Panarea nelle Eolie (Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1968, 8) e dalle Salinelle di Paternò (Maniscalco 2000). In uno studio di qualche anno fa R. Whitehouse individuava nelle cavità non solo profonde ma anche anfratti e ripari sotto roccia una serie di aspetti quali oscurità, segretezza, collegamento con il mondo sotterraneo che possono spiegare un loro uso nella preistoria come luogo di culto. In quest’ambito particolare rilevanza occupano le acque di carattere ‘abnorme’ che si manifestano cioè non in forma liquida ma in forma vaporosa o gassosa. Per la Sicilia esempi di luoghi di questo genere vengono da lei considerati la grotta di San Calogero a monte Kronio presso Sciacca e la proprio la grotta dei Palici presso il lago di Naphtia (Whitehouse 1992). Se è possibile ritenere che nell’area davanti la grotta davanti i laghetti di Naphtia si sia potuta svolgere una attività connessa a culti delle acqua giù in età neolitica, è difficile al momento attuale delle ricerche potere specificare in termini più precisi la funzione delle piattaforme rivenute e dei reperti connessi. Le indagini di scavo, riprese da poco potranno, si augura, portare maggiori chiarimenti oltre che su questo aspetto anche sulla ricostruzione dell’ambiente di questo settore della Piana di Catania. BIBLIOGRAFIA Arcifa, L., 2001. Dinamiche insediative nel territorio di Mineo tra tardo antico e bassomedioevo. MEFRM 113, 269-311. Aranguren, B. & A. Revedin, 1989-90. Primi dati sugli scavi a Perriere Sottano (Ramacca, Catania). Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 42(1-2), 305-310. Bernabò Brea, L., 1965. Palikè, Giacimento paleolitico ed abitato neolitico ed eneo. BPI 75, 23-46. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1968. Meligunis-Lipara III. Stazioni preistoriche delle Isole Panarea, Salina e Stromboli. Palermo. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1980. Meligunis-Lipara IV. L’acropoli di Lipari nella preistoria. Palermo. Cassano, S.M., 1993. La facies di Serra d’Alto: Intensificazione delle attivita’ produttive e aspetti del rituale. Origini 17, 221-245. Castelletti, L., L. Costantini & C. Tozzi, 1987. Considerazioni sull’economia e l’ambiente durante il neolitico in Italia, in: Atti XXVI Riun. Sc. I.I.P.P. Firenze, 37-55. Geniola, A., 1984. Il neolitico della Puglia centrale, in: Atti XXV Riun. Sc. I.I.P.P. Monopoli, 55-83. 540

VISUAL CULTURE IN NEOLITHIC SOUTH EAST ITALY Robin Skeates Abstract: This paper examines transformations in the form and significance of visual material in Neolithic Apulia. It is argued that ‘portable art’ was increasingly valued as ritual paraphernalia, gifts and status symbols, which were circulated, accumulated, displayed and sacrificed in growing quantities. It is also argued that ‘installation art’ became increasingly important, particularly in linking key places to particular groups and their ancestors. Some long-term symbolic ‘themes’ are also identified. One may have referred to concerns about the definition of social identities and relations, while another may have referred to concerns over the demarcation, control and sharing of the landscape and its economic resources.

farming. This spread across the southern Adriatic Sea, to North Apulia probably via agricultural ‘colonists’, and to Central and South Apulia via contacts with, and between, indigenous groups of hunter-gatherers. The whole process involved the intensification and maintenance of social relations between and within human groups. It was within this socio-economic process that the production and consumption of larger quantities, and new forms, of visual material may have played an active role, particularly in re-defining social relations previously established during the Final Upper Palaeolithic.

INTRODUCTION The aim of this paper is to begin to offer a synthesis of Neolithic material culture in Apulia, using the approach of visual culture studies. My research is based upon the analysis of a wide range of visually expressive artefacts (‘portable art’) and archaeological features (‘installation art’). Analytical themes include the materials used, the production and appearance of the remains and their functions, but also their life histories, the values ascribed to them, and their impact on the viewer (Figs 1-2) (e.g. Skeates 1995a; 1995b). The contextual approach of archaeology underpins this work. Through it, interpretations are placed within the context of the longterm transformation of visual material. My interpretations are also informed by the approach of visual culture studies, with its emphasis on the social dynamics of visual communication (e.g. Mirzoeff 1999; Skeates 2001). ‘Visual culture’ is an area closely related to the study of ‘art’, which can be broadly defined as ‘those made objects that are intended to be visually expressive and stimulating’. But the term ‘visual culture’, which has recently gained widespread interdisciplinary acceptance, usefully complements and broadens this definition, by highlighting the embeddedness of art in dynamic human processes. This is, in a sense, not a new approach for archaeologists, for it is clear that visual culture studies share much in common with contemporary ‘contextual’ and ‘interpretative’ archaeological approaches to the symbolic and structural meanings of material culture.

Body art, represented by traditional pendants and pigments, as well as by new bracelets and pintaderas, increased in quantity. Through this, the significance of the human body was enhanced as a medium for visual communication and social display was enhanced. Portable art continued to be decorated with incised and painted motifs. This included a new range of food-related visual material, typified by highly decorated pottery vessels. These may have visually highlighted new social practices and values by which food was stored, prepared and shared. More generally, their locally produced impressed and painted styles are characterized by gradual regional innovation within the constraints of a widely shared southern Adriatic Impressed Ware tradition. This may have helped their makers and users express a degree of social differentiation, whilst maintaining social connections to distant relatives, places and ideas. Installation art also became more overt, and took on new forms, at both open and cave sites. The laborious and repeated construction of circular enclosure ditches (and presumably banks), together with the ritual deposition of food, artefacts and human remains, sometimes in large quantities, represents a much greater physical intervention in, and symbolic demarcation of, the human landscape (than that of the Final Upper Palaeolithic). More specifically, ditches and their visual remains may have played an active part in the construction of social relations within and between new agricultural communities, helping to define and protect their social identities and economic resources, with particular reference to elders and ancestors.

VISUAL CULTURE IN NEOLITHIC SOUTH EAST ITALY I shall try to illustrate the relevance of this approach to prehistoric archaeology by examining developments in visual culture across successive phases of the Neolithic in South East Italy (c.f. Skeates 2000; 2002; Tinè & Simone 1984; Whitehouse 1992). COMMUNITY ART: THE FIRST FARMERS I shall begin with the Earlier Neolithic period, dated to between around 6150 and 5700 Cal. BC. This was a period of significant cultural transformation, which saw the appearance of a new package of resources, socioeconomic practices and knowledge relating to early

541

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. ‘Portable art’: Neolithic painted pottery from Santa Tecchia (after Cassano 1987: tav. VIII). who exchanged stylistic information more intensively, at the same time as innovating more freely, to produce colourful, distinctive, beautiful and valuable artefacts that embedded social display and exchange in their practical functions.

ANIMATE ART: LATER NEOLITHIC ELABORATION The next period is the Later Neolithic, dated to between around 5700 and 4000 BC. This period saw the continued intensification of social relations amongst members of dispersed agricultural communities, characterized by increasing intensities of ritual activities and the development of slightly wider and more intensive exchange networks. Such relations were probably based, above all, on a recognition of the benefits of mutual dependency and social cohesion, rooted in ties of kinship. However, some clearer signs of social differentiation and competition also appear, both between communities (especially in North Apulia), and within them, particularly according to age and gender. In this context, greater social demands appear to have been placed upon the production and consumption of visual material, at both open and cave sites, where Neolithic visual material was elaborated further.

Installation art was also transformed. Enclosure ditches were multiplied at major settlement sites, and ceremonial performances enacted within them and at sacred cave sites involved the structured ritual deposition of more overtly symbolic visual material. This included some distinctive pottery vessels, female figurines and cave paintings, which incorporated a powerful visual symbolism of figurative and abstract motifs. Generally, such practices may have been embedded in strategies of social control, intended to reinforce the cohesion and distinctive identity of local agricultural communities, at the same time as highlighting the power of elders and ancestors within them. But locally specific meanings may also have been expressed. In the painted caves of Grotta di Porto Badisco, for example, situated in South Apulia, the recurrent figurative representation of the hunting of

Among portable art-works, decorated fineware became highly prized. It was skilfully crafted by local potters, 542

ROBIN SKEATES: VISUAL CULTURE IN NEOLITHIC SOUTH EAST ITALY

Fig. 2. ‘Installation art’: the Neolithic multiple ditched enclosure site of Masseria Fongo, photographed from the air (after Bradford 1957: plate 28). rather than reflecting widespread population change, these novel features appeared within a continued longterm process of local socio-economic transformation. Integral to this was the production and consumption of new forms of visual material, which contributed in particular to the re-definition and differentiation of social status by increasingly competitive members of social groups.

game animals might have related to tensions within indigenous groups with a Palaeolithic ancestry surrounding their full transition to an agricultural way of life. STATUS ART: EARLY COPPER AGE INNOVATION AND COMPETITION The Final Neolithic or Early Copper Age follows, dated to between around 4000 and 2900 BC. This period is marked by a widespread cultural re-orientation, characterized by the abandonment of some coastal lowland settlements and a dispersal of settlement inland, the broadening of subsistence strategies, the development of social competition and even warfare between groups, the strengthening of long-distance communication and exchange networks, particularly between Apulia and the south Tyrrhenian region, and the adoption of new production techniques and of a new set of ritual practices and symbols. The degree of innovation exhibited by the visual material of this period is particularly striking, as seen in new types of ornaments, figurines, weapons, pottery decoration and mortuary structure. However, underlying evidence of cultural continuity suggests that,

Portable art-works are characterized by a slightly greater variety and quantity of valuable goods, including polished fineware vessels, ornaments and weapons. These generally conformed to widespread inter-regional styles and were often finely made, sometimes of exotic raw materials. They may therefore have been used not only as practical goods, but also circulated as valuable commodities and tokens of social alliance, in long distance networks of ceremonial gift-exchange. This system probably also stimulated local production. Local potters, for example, may have been actively encouraged to develop their traditional skills and products, even to the extent of rejecting traditional techniques and forms (such as painted geometric motifs), by adopting and reproducing influential, exotic, ideas and values relating 543

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI BIBLIOGRAPHY

to the production of new aesthetically and socially valuable art-forms (such as slipped and polished fineware).

Bradford, J., 1957. Ancient landscapes: Studies in field archaeology. London. Cassano, S.M., 1987. Santa Tecchia, in: Coppa nevigata e il suo territorio: Testimonianze archeologiche dal VII al II millennio a.C. Roma, 86-88. Mirzoeff, N., 1999. An introduction to visual culture. London. Skeates, R., 1995a. Animate objects: a biography of prehistoric ‘axe-amulets’ in the Central Mediterranean region. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 61, 279-301. Skeates, R., 1995b. Ritual, context, and gender in Neolithic South-Eastern Italy. Journal of European Archaeology 2.2, 199-214. Skeates, R., 2000. The social dynamics of enclosure in the Neolithic of the Tavoliere, South-East Italy. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 13.2, 155-88. Skeates, R., 2001. Archaeologies of art: Contributions to world art studies, in: Raising the eyebrow: John Onians and world art studies – an album amicorum in his honour. Oxford, 289-300. Skeates, R., 2002. Visual culture in prehistoric SouthEast Italy. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 68, 165-83. Tinè, S. & L. Simone, 1984. Il Neolitico, in: La Daunia Antica: dalla preistoria all’Altomedioevo. Milano, 75100. Whitehouse, R.D., 1992. Underground religion: cult and culture in prehistoric Italy. London.

These valuables are often found as grave goods, carefully placed in association with selected human bodies, where they appear to have contributed to the symbolic definition of the status of the deceased, including their gender roles. Such mortuary deposits, which became the focus of installation art at this time, were often protected by more durable structures, including stone cists and rock-cut tombs. These were often located at ancestral sites, including on top of abandoned ditched enclosures and within sacred caves, but a few were also established in newly settled interior parts of the landscape. Throughout the region, their construction may have helped kin-groups to stake claims to territories, both ancestral and new. CONCLUSION In this paper, I have tried to emphasize the embeddedness of visual material in the cultural process, and to examine the regionally specific transformations in its form and significance through the Neolithic in Apulia. From this long-term perspective it is clear that portable art was increasingly valued as ritual paraphernalia, gifts and status symbols, which were circulated, accumulated, displayed and sacrificed in growing quantities. It is also evident that installation art, including natural caves and artificial monuments, became increasingly important, particularly in linking key places to particular groups and their ancestors. Some long-term ‘themes’ (as opposed to specific meanings, which may always have been ambiguous or open to re-interpretation) also emerge in the relation to the symbolic dimensions of this visual material. One major theme, constantly expressed in different art forms, referred to concerns about the definition of social identities and relations, including relations of kinship, gender, age and power between members of different social groups. Related to this was another key symbolic theme which referred to concerns over the demarcation, control and sharing of the landscape and its economic resources, particularly food, by dispersed groups who were mutually dependent but increasingly competitive. It was tensions over fundamental, quotidian, socio-economic issues such as these that lay at the heart of the long-term transformation of visual culture in prehistoric south-east Italy. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to Professor John Bintliff of Leiden University for his helpful comments on the version of this paper that was presented at the conference.

544

EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY Ruth D. Whitehouse Abstract: Some aspects of exchange among the Neolithic communities of the central Mediterranean have been well studied: obsidian is the outstanding example, but hard rocks used for ground and polished axes have also been examined. Other materials, such as flint, have received less attention. However, work over the last twelve years, conducted by a team from the University of Rome “La Sapienza” and others, on the flint mines of the Gargano promontory and their products has begun to change this situation. Research conducted so far involves three major elements: survey which has brought to light 23 flint mine sites in the northern part of the Gargano; excavation of one site – Defensola A – which has provided information on extraction methods and chronology; and chemical analysis of flint from both mines and settlement sites, which has demonstrated that it is possible to identify the flint from individual mines and therefore to plot the distribution patterns related to exchange from each source. This paper summarizes the information published so far and considers it in the context of our knowledge of the Neolithic of southeast Italy as a whole. Particular attention is paid to the early C14 dates from the Defensola A flint mine and their implications for the chronology and organization of Early Neolithic settlement in northern Puglia.

INTRODUCTION The first point to make is that this paper does not involve my own primary research; I am reporting the research of others (which I shall acknowledge specifically as I go through). My aims here are twofold: to make this important work known to a wider audience and to interpret the significance of the results achieved so far to our understanding of the Neolithic of southeast Italy.1 The flint mines of the Gargano – or some of them – have been known for more than 70 years (Rellini conducted a small excavation in the Copper Age mine of Tagliacantoni in 1934: Rellini 1934). Further exploration took place in the 1940s and 1950s (the work of Zorzi and Palma di Cesnola), but the modern phase of work can be dated back to the 1980s when the flint mine of Defensola was discovered (1981) and Fig. 1. Map of Gargano and Tavoliere, showing main sites mentioned in the Gargano Prehistoric Flint Mines the text. Project was established (1986). The THE MINES main protagonists have been Savino di Lernia, Girolamo Fiorentino and Attilio Galiberti. From 1997, a subsidiary There are now 23 mines known (D’Ottavio 2001, 112), project was established, concerned with the chemical distributed in two main areas: in the immediate hinterland characterization of Gargano flint (D’Ottavio 2001). In the of Peschici (Eocene limestones) and north-west of Vieste sections that follow I shall summarize the main results to (Cretaceous limestones) (Figs 1 and 2). Their date. chronological range extends from the Early Neolithic (Defensola A) to the late Copper Age (Valle Guariglia: Tunzi Sisto 1991). I shall discuss chronology in more 1 The context of my renewed interest in the prehistory of this area is a detail later. Small scale excavations have been carried out new project, the Tavoliere-Gargano Prehistory Project, which aims to at a number of sites, but by far the most extensive explore the relationships between the Tavoliere plain and the Gargano excavations have been at the site of Defensola A, dating promontory during later prehistory. The project is funded by the British Academy, the Institute of Archaeology, UCL and the National to the Early Neolithic. University of Ireland, Galway. A preliminary visit took place in July 2002, the first season of work in July 2003, and the second season in July 2004.

545

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Map showing geological formations of the Gargano Promontory (after D’Ottavio 2001). Key: 1. Quaternary; 2. Recent; 3. Nummulites Bearing Limestone of Peschici; 4. Limestone Type Scaglia; 5-6. Jurassic; 7. Flintmines.

Fig. 3. Plan of the Defensola A flint mine, showing location of 14C dates (after Galiberti et al. 2001).

546

RUTH D. WHITEHOUSE: EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY

Fig. 4. Tools used in the Defensola A flint mine and suggested modes of hafting (after Galiberti et al. 2001). The Defensola A mine is situated on the southwest side of the hill of Intreseglio in the immediate hinterland of Vieste at a height of c. 40 m a.s.l. It is excavated in the Eocene limestone, which includes strata of nodular flint. The mine is excavated on two levels, one c. 1 m below the other, each containing flint nodules of excellent quality. Above these strata is another containing coarse flint, which was used for making picks and other tools used in the mines. The full extent of the mine has not yet been established but it exceeds 6000 m2 (Fig. 3). The mine takes the form of a number of corridors: short ones that provide access to the extraction faces and long ones that link the short ones and lead to the exterior. There seem to have been two distinct phases of use, separated by the long corridor B-D running roughly east–west. The area to the north of this, as well as some parts of zone A to the south belong to the first phase of use, while the long corridors B, D and C and the short corridors E, F and G to the south belong to the second phase. It is this latter area that has produced most of the picks, stone lamps and pottery vessels from the mine, often found complete and in situ, which has led to the suggestion that the mine was abandoned suddenly, perhaps as the result of an earthquake (Di Lernia et al. 1995).

Fig. 5. Pottery vessels and stone lamps found in the Defensola A flint mine (after Galiberti et al. 2001). others. In one zone of the mine (A3 and A4 of the early phase), a different technique was used, which involved the excavation of the limestone beneath the flint layer to a sufficient depth to allow the nodules to be removed from the ceiling above the miners and to fall to the floor; in this case impressions are visible in the ceiling. The tools used include picks, mattocks, maces and wedges, all made of coarse flint (Fig. 4). Other finds include 9 lamps made of the soft limestone of the mine formation and a large number of pottery vessels (Fig. 5). These fall into two main classes: a) a small number of coarse ware vessels, orangeish in colour, mostly large open forms, in two cases decorated with impressions and b) a larger number of finer ware vessels, brown or blackish-brown in colour, consisting of roundbased open bowls and hemispherical vessels with flat bases. The coarser pottery is mostly associated with the earlier phase of working, the finer wares with the later phase, but both types are of long duration (they are compared to Early Neolithic wares of Rendina I type).

The main method of extraction was to excavate the limestone above the layer of flint nodules, which were then removed from above, probably with the aid of wedges made of wood or flint. This led to the creation of extraction ‘steps’ which are found throughout the mine,

Finally there are some artefacts apparently not related directly to the flint-working, but probably to associated

547

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. Flint tranchet axes from Monte Aquilone. Scale 1:1 (after Manfredini 1972).

area for flint-working. Analysis of the flints from this area have shown that it was not, as had initially been suspected, an area of primary reduction of the flint nodules to facilitate their removal from the mine. Rather it seems to have been an area of production mainly of scrapers and denticulates, suggesting a function connected with secondary activities involved in the functioning of the mine, e.g. preparation of wooden shoring, and repairs to wooden and skin containers used for carrying the flint.

activities: these include bone points, flint scrapers and preserving parts of flint nodules and impressions of denticulates and, most interestingly, two obsidian bladelets. The most recent excavations have been carried out in zone A3, close to the present entrance to the mine. In this area there is evidence of two phases of activity. In the earlier phase the area was open to the exterior; subsequently the opening was closed from the outside, as a result of the accumulation of excavation debris. After this the area was probably not used for a while, since the deposits were concreted, both those closing the entrance and those within zone A3. In the second phase of use, after the entrance was sealed, the zone was used as an

THE INDUSTRIES The main production seems to have been directed at wood-working tools, especially tranchet axes and chisels

548

RUTH D. WHITEHOUSE: EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY This preliminary work on the analysis of the Gargano flint has proved exceptionally successful, identifying four individual mines in the NBLP formation with 100% certainty and distinguishing these, again with 100% certainty, from the mines of the LTS formation. Within this latter formation three mines could be identified separately at the lower level of 84% on average. The analysis of the artefacts from the archaeological sites has shown that during the Neolithic products from the Gargano mines travelled at least 100 km from their origin (to Ripa Tetta). It is likely that they travelled further than this: although they are not common, the characteristic tranchet axes do occur elsewhere in Puglia. The southernmost example that I have been able to find comes from Masseria Bellavista near Taranto (Quagliati 1906).

(‘scalpelli’) in the so-called ‘Campignian’ (Campignano) tradition (Fig. 6). In the earlier phases of work, before the 1980s, much discussion was devoted to the nature and dating of this industry, whereas more recently work has concentrated on the mining itself. It is worth emphasising that the finished tools were flaked, not ground and polished; there is no tradition of polished flint axes in Italy, as there is in northwest Europe. The flint was also used for a wide range of smaller tools made on flakes and blades, such as scrapers and denticulates. DISTRIBUTION ‘The project for the chemical characterization of the flint from the prehistoric mines of the Gargano’ was set up in 1997 by the Istituto per le Tecnologie Applicate i Beni Culturali del C.N.R. in Rome (directed by dott. A. Palmieri with the co-direction of dott. E. Volterra) in collaboration with the Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche Archeologiche e Antropologiche dell Antichità dell’Università “La Sapienza” (Rome) and the Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti dell’Università di Siena. The first major report of this project (D’Ottavio 2001) records the analysis of c. 120 samples taken from seven mines and three Neolithic settlement sites (Fig. 2). The mines are: Defensola A, Defensola B, Arciprete and Tagliacantoni in the Eocene formation NBLP (Nummulites Bearing Limestone of Peschici) and Martinetti, Coppa di Rischio and Valle Guariglia in the Cretacious formation LTS (Limestone Type Scaglia). The three archaeological sites investigated are Arciprete A, in the Gargano close to the mine sites. Monte Aquilone, a ditched village in the northeast part of the Tavoliere plain and Ripa Tetta, on the western edge of the Tavoliere, in the lower foothills of the Apennines. All are attributed to the later part of the Early Neolithic.

Fig. 7. Flint analysis: cluster analysis (after D’Ottavio 2001).

The analysis discriminated clearly between the two geological groups (Figs 7 and 8). It also successfully discriminated between the four mines tested in the NBLP group (100% certainty). The attribution to the three mines in the LTS group was less secure (87% for Valle Guariglia, 75% for Martinetti and 89% for Coppa di Rischio). The analysis of the archaeological sample from the three Neolithic settlement sites was also interesting (Fig. 9). At the site of Arciprete A, close to the mines, 23% of the artefacts came from the Defensola A mine, 61% from Defensola B, 8% from Coppa di Rischio and just 8% from unidentified sources. On both the other two sites, on the Tavoliere plain, by contrast, the majority of the analysed artefacts came from unidentified sources, although some came from the sourced mines. At Monte Aquilone, c. 40 km from the Vieste area and c. 55 km from the Peschici area, 4% came from Defensola A, 15% from Defensola B, 4% from Martinetti, 19% from Coppa di Rischio, while 58% were from unknown sources. At Ripa Tetta, 90-100 km from the mines, 4% came from Defensola B, 12% from Martinetti, 23% from Coppa di Rischio and 61% from unknown sources.

Fig. 8. Flint analysis: principal components analysis (after D’Ottavio 2001). CHRONOLOGY It is clear that the Gargano mines as a whole were in operation from the Early Neolithic to the late Copper Age. Thus this formidable extractive industry lasted for a period of more than 3000 years. Here I am concerned only with the early phase of uses. There are six radiocarbon dates from the Defensola A mine, ranging from 6990 to 6540 BP, giving total calibrated ranges of 5982 to 5472 cal. BC at the 1-sigma level (67% probability) and 6013 to 5371 cal. BC at the 2-sigma level (95% probability). These place the mine firmly in the Early Neolithic; indeed the dates are by some way the earliest we have for Neolithic flint mining anywhere in Europe. Moreover the dates from Defensola A come from the later phase of use of the mine; obviously the first phase must be earlier still. 549

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 9. Flint analysis: pie charts showing percentages of flint from different sources at Arciprete A, Monte Aquilone and Ripa Tetta (after D’Ottavio 2001).

C14 DATES FROM THE DEFENSOLA A FLINT MINE Laboratory

Sample

Date BP

Utc. 1342

Def. 135

6990±80 BP

Beta 71143

Def. 412

6820±80 BP

Beta 80604

Def. 399

6630±70 BP

Utc. 1411

Def. 139

6630±40 BP

Beta 71144

Def. 439

6670±70 BP

Beta 80603

Def. 106

6540±60 BP

Calibrated dates BC 5982 (5866, 5864, 5841) 5747 cal. BC 1δ 6013 (5866, 5864, 5841) 5717 cal. BC 2δ 5766 (5717) 5638 cal. BC 1δ 5841 (5717) 5562 cal. BC 2δ 5623 (5609, 5589, 5558) 5482 cal. BC 1δ 5664 (5609, 5589, 5558) 5474 cal. BC 2δ 5619 (5609, 5589, 5558) 5492 cal. BC 1δ 5632 (5609, 5589, 5558) 5481 cal. BC 2δ 5657 (5618, 5577, 5563) 5529 cal. BC 1δ 5718 (5618, 5577, 5563) 5479 cal. BC 2δ 5598 (5480) 5472 cal. BC 1δ 5617 (5480) 5371 cal. BC 2δ

550

RUTH D. WHITEHOUSE: EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY Let us consider what this means. Di Lernia and his colleagues have argued that we are dealing here with a large and complex mining system, aimed at the maximum exploitation of raw material. Moreover we have evidence of the production within the mine (zone A3) of tools not related to the primary extractive process but to secondary support of the process (manufacture and repair of tools and structures). This suggests a high level of organization of the work and, according to Di Lernia et al., perhaps year-round exploitation by a group of specialist miners. This is a level of specialization which we would not normally associate with the Early Neolithic. Another interesting point relates to the discovery of the two obsidian bladelets. As far as I know, these have not been analysed to identify their source; the most likely sources are either Lipari or Palmarola (no Sardinian obsidian has been found in the Puglian Neolithic) but in any case they must come from the other side of Italy, since there are no closer exploited obsidian sources. This indicates that the community of miners was involved, directly or indirectly,

DISCUSSION Chronology The first point I want to discuss here is the significance of the early C14 dates from Defensola. The figure (Fig. 10) shows all the C14 dates from Early to Middle Neolithic sites in northern Puglia and Basilicata. Except for the Defensola dates, which I have placed at the bottom so that they stand out, they are arranged in chronological order. Apart from the flint mine, all the sites are settlements except for Grotta Scaloria (where the dates come from a phase of use of the cave for burials). It is clear that the Defensola dates belong in the earlier part of this sequence and that the earlier two dates from the mine belong right at the beginning of the sequence. Since all the dates come from the later phase of use, the first use of the mine must be earlier still – which puts it right at the beginning of the Neolithic sequence, as we have it dated so far.

Fig. 10. Radiocarbon dates for the Early-Middle Neolithic of northern Puglia and Basilicata. Dates are shown as cal. BC; the outer hollow box shows the 2σ date range; the inner shaded box shows the 1σ date range; the solid line shows the central date. 551

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI One of the problems is a mismatch between the distribution of the ‘Campignian’ tranchet axes, assumed to be the main products of the mines, and the main areas of Early-Middle Neolithic settlement in the Tavoliere plain. As described above, the axes do turn up on the ditched villages of the Tavoliere, but in relatively small numbers; most of the known examples, by contrast, are surface finds from within the Gargano itself, either from presumed settlement sites or stray finds. If the flint mines were motivated by economic concerns only, there seems to have been a mismatch between a highly organized production system and a relatively inefficient distribution system. It is also unclear to what extent it was strictly necessary to excavate for tabular flint, even for large tools, given the abundance of flint available on the surface in many areas of the Gargano, frequently in the form of sizeable nodules. Another problem relates to some of the finds made in the Defensola A mine itself. I am referring to the discovery of complete pottery vessels in some of the innermost parts of the mine. As stated above, Di Lernia and his colleagues have interpreted this in terms of the sudden abandonment of the mine, perhaps as the result of an earthquake (Di Lernia et al. 1995). However, while this might explain the abandonment of the pots, it does not satisfactorily explain why they were there in the first place. Pottery is not a very suitable material for containers for use in a mine: softer, lighter, more flexible materials such as skins or basketry would have been much more appropriate.

in an exchange system that extended over hundreds of kilometres – significantly further than the maximum extent so far documented for the distribution of the mine products themselves. The question that arises is: where did this high level of organization come from? Or: how did it develop? It must have had an ancestry of some sort; it cannot have appeared fully-formed at the beginning of the Neolithic, especially as it is accepted by most scholars that in this area of Italy at least, the Neolithic was introduced by a process of demic diffusion (brought in by intrusive populations from across the Adriatic). There would appear to be two possible answers. The first is that flintmining was a Mesolithic legacy, representing a developed form of pre-existing technologies and practices, which expanded dramatically after the arrival of the Neolithic settlers. This might mean that the exchange that developed was one that took place between two different populations: indigenous peoples already resident in the Gargano and intrusive Neolithic settlers on the Tavoliere plain. The problem with this argument is the apparent complete absence of any recognisable Mesolithic industries, or deposits dated to this period, in the Gargano (Pluciennik 1994). This may not be a conclusive argument, but we have to accept that, if there were communities in this area in the early Holocene period, they did not take the form of Mesolithic groups elsewhere in the central Mediterranean. The other answer to the question is that flint-mining was part of the Neolithic lifestyle from the very beginning. Indeed it may be that the location of resources such as flint may have been part of the Neolithic ‘colonization’ process. Bryon Bass has suggested this in relation to the first settlement of the Adriatic islands, e.g. Palagruza (Bass 1998) and it may equally have been true of northern Puglia. Possibly the Tavoliere and the Gargano were settled as ‘a package’: the Tavoliere for its excellent agricultural land and the Gargano for its flint sources.

I would suggest that there was an element of ritual present in the flint mine activity. In my 1992 book, Underground Religion. Cult and culture in prehistoric Italy I identified a theme of ritual activity in caves and other underground locations in the Neolithic and Copper Age of peninsular Italy and Sicily and this type of ritual has also been discussed by other scholars (e.g. Bernabei & Grifoni Cremonesi 1995-96; Grifoni Cremonesi 1994; Skeates 1991; 1994). There are a number of respects in which the Defensola A flint mine resembles the cult cave sites: not only is it, by definition, underground and in most parts deprived of natural light, but some zones are of extremely restricted dimensions and could only have been accessed on all fours. Moreover, the complete pottery vessels seem to have been deposited in these innermost zones, just as in the cult caves the areas of most marked ritual activity were in the deepest parts, furthest from daylight. If, as I have argued, there was during the Neolithic a belief in an ‘other world’ of deities, spirits and ancestors, situated underground, then surely the flint miners must have felt that in their labours they were in some way gaining access to, or at least approaching, this sacred other world. And this perhaps explains, at least as well as any mechanical qualities of the tabular flint itself, why the raw material from the mines was so highly valued and justified so much work: it may have been considered a gift of the gods or ancestors.

I do not have any definite answer to the question I have posed, but I hope I have raised an issue that calls for further consideration. One thing seems to be clear: we don’t yet have the beginning of the story. We need to know what was happening in northern Puglia before the earliest Neolithic dates we yet have, whether this turns out to be the earliest Neolithic or an as yet unrecognized Mesolithic, there was something happening in the 7th millennium cal. BC which we have not yet found. Industry and ritual The second issue I wish to discuss is whether it is appropriate to consider the flint mine production entirely in functional terms, i.e. as being motivated exclusively by the desire to locate bands of high quality flint for the production of macrolithic tools such as axes and chisels. This assumption, which has a ‘common sense’ foundation and has not been questioned in the literature to date, does not, however, entirely fit all the aspects of the evidence.

I offer this suggestion somewhat tentatively, knowing 552

RUTH D. WHITEHOUSE: EXTRACTION AND EXCHANGE OF FLINT IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHEAST ITALY Galiberti, A., 1984a. Scoperta di una miniera preistorica presso Vieste (Foggia) – Relazione preliminare, in: Atti III Convegno di Preistoria, Protostoria e Storia della Daunia (S. Severo 1981). 73-84. Galiberti, A., 1984b. La miniera preistorica della Defensola in Vieste, in: La ricerca archeologica nel territorio garganico. Atti del Convegno di Studi, Vieste 1982. 115-130. Galiberti, A., 1999. Scavo di un’area di débitage all’interno di una miniera di selce: proposta di un metodo. Rassegna di Archeologia 16, 97-107. Galiberti, A., S. Di Lernia, G. Fiorentino & M. Guarascio, 1997. New data on the neolithic mine of Defensola, Vieste (Italy). Siliceous Rocks and Culture (Madrid 1991), 211-222. Galiberti, A. & M. Guarascio, 1990. La mine néolithique de la Defensola (Pouilles, Italie). Cahiers du Quaternaire 17, 299-306. Galiberti, A., S. Sivilii & M. Tarantini, 2001. La miniera neolitica della Defensola (Vieste-Foggia): lo stato delle ricerche. Origini 23, 85-110. Grifoni-Cremonesi, R., 1994. Observations on the problems related to certain cult phenomena during the Neolithic in the Italian peninsula. Journal of European Archaeology 2(2), 153-168. Manfredini, A., 1972. Il villaggio trincerato di Monte Aquilone nel quadro del neolitico dell’Italia meridionale. Origini 6, 29-154. Pluciennik, M., 1994. Holocene hunter-gatheres in Italy, in: R. Skeates & R. Whitehouse (eds), Radiocarbon dating and Italian prehistory. Accordia Research Centre and British School at Rome, London, 45-59. Rellini, U., 1934. Rapporto preliminare sulle ricerche paleoetnologiche condotte sul Promontorio del Gargano. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 50-51, 159. Russell, M., 2000. Flint mines in Neolithic Britain. Tempus, Stroud, Glos. Skeates, R., 1991. Caves, cult and children in Neolithic Abruzzo, Central Italy, in: P. Garwood, D. Jennings, R. Skeates & J. Toms (eds), Sacred and profane (= Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph, 32). Oxford, 122-134. Skeates, R., 1994. Ritual, context and gender in neolithic south-eastern Italy. Journal of European Archaeology 2(2), 153-167. Tunzi Sisto, A.M., 1991. Nuova miniera preistorica sul Gargano, in: Atti XII Convegno di Preistoria, Protostoria e Storia della Daunia. 63-71. Whitehouse, R., 1992. Underground religion. Cult and culture in prehistoric Italy. Accordia Research Centre, London.

that there are colleagues who regard me as being overinclined to discover ritual activity in the prehistoric past, sometimes in what they would regard as inappropriate places. However, I should point out that recently it has been suggested that there were ritual elements in the flintmining of Neolithic Britain, especially in the flint mines of Sussex (Russell 2000), which, like the Italian mines being discussed in this paper, are dated to very early in the local Neolithic and have features which are difficult to explain in purely practical terms. Neolithic people, especially Early Neolithic people, in both areas (and others) were shaping entirely new worlds and this would have involved physical, intellectual and what we might call spiritual work, often linked together in single activities, which would therefore have had both practical functions and symbolic value. The Gargano flint mines can perhaps be understood in this way. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bass, B., 1998. Early Neolithic offshore accounts: Remote islands, maritime exploitations, and the transAdriatic cultural network. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 11.2, 165-190. Bernabei, M. & R. Grifoni Cremonesi, 1995-96. I culti delle acque nella preistoria dell’Italia peninsulare. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 47, 331-366. Di Lernia, S., 1993. L’indicatore ceramico nell’archeologia mineraria: il caso studio della Defensola. Rassegna di Archeologia 11, 45-65. Di Lernia, S., 1996. Gargano, in: V. Tinè (ed.), Forme e tempi della neolitizzazione in Italia meridionale e in Sicilia. Atti del seminario internazionale Rossano, 29 aprile-2 maggio 1994. IRACEB & IIAS. Rubbettino, Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro), 168-177. Di Lernia, S., G. Fiorentino & A. Galiberti, 1990-91. ‘Gargano Prehistoric Flint Mines Project’: the state of research in the neolithic mine of Defensola – Vieste (Italy). Origini 15, 175-199. Di Lernia, S., G. Fiorentino & A. Galiberti, 1995. The early neolithic mine of Defensola ‘A’: flint exploitation in the Gargano area (I18). Archaeologia Polona 33, 119-132. Di Lernia, S., G. Fiorentino & A. Galiberti, 1996. Defensola, in: V. Tinè (ed.), Forme e tempi della neolitizzazione in Italia meridionale e in Sicilia. Atti del seminario internazionale Rossano, 29 aprile-2 maggio 1994. IRACEB & IIAS. Rubbettino, Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro), 115-120. Di Lernia, S., G. Fiorentino & A. Galiberti, A., 1997. Topography of Gargano mining sites between geological context and quarrying techniques: a preliminary investigation, in: Siliceous rocks and culture. Madrid, 195-209. D’Ottavio, F., 2001. La caratterizzazione chimica della selce delle miniere preistoriche del Gargano. Proposta di un metodo archeometrico basato sulle analisi chimiche eseguite con la tecnica strumentale ICPAES. Origini 23, 111-143.

553

NUOVI DATI DALL’INSEDIAMENTO PREISTORICO DI SU CODDU-CANELLES (SELARGIUS, CAGLIARI) Maria Grazia Melis Abstract: The first results of two excavations in an extensive pre-nuragic settlement in South Sardinia are presented. This paper deals with an Aeneolithic context of the Sub-Ozieri phase with a large and interesting quantity of archaeological and faunal remains. The interdisciplinary approach aims at the reconstruction of the chrono-cultural, social and economic contexts.

Nel 2001 si è intrapreso un intervento di scavo archeologico in una parte del vasto abitato tardoneolitico e calcolitico di Su Coddu, più precisamente in località Canelles. L’indagine stratigrafica in tutta l’area dell’insediamento, che è stata sottoposta a vincolo ministeriale, è portata avanti da anni dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per le province di Cagliari e Oristano sotto la direzione scientifica della dott.ssa Maria Rosaria Manunza. Dal mese di settembre del 2001, ai fini dello svolgimento delle attività didattiche di laboratorio, è iniziata la collaborazione tra la Soprintendenza e le Università di Cagliari e Sassari, nelle persone della prof.ssa Tanda e della scrivente, alle quali è stata affidata la direzione scientifico-didattica delle esercitazioni di scavo. Quest’ultimo, non ancora ultimato, si è svolto in due campagne nel settembre 2001 e nel maggio 2002 ed ha riguardato i mappali 1636 e 1785 per un’estensione di m 14 x 23.

di daga in rame puro5 che costituisce la prima di una serie di prove della diffusione dei manufatti metallici nel primo Eneolitico sardo. L’avvio di ricerche sistematiche nel sito fu dato nel 1981 in occasione di lavori di lottizzazione edilizia che misero in luce strutture semipogeiche e abbondanti materiali archeologici.6 L’indagine archeologica fu portata avanti da Giovanni Ugas e dai suoi collaboratori.7 Negli anni successivi la Soprintendenza Archeologica di Cagliari proseguì le indagini di scavo, i cui materiali furono parzialmente analizzati in tesi di laurea dell’Università di Cagliari. Le indagini stratigrafiche evidenziarono strutture ipogeiche e semipogeiche relative a capanne d’abitazione, pozzi, silos, depositi per rifiuti. Il villaggio si inquadra nell’ambito della cultura di San Michele di Ozieri, più precisamente nelle sue fasi tardo neolitica e protoeneolitica. Quest’ultima fase, definita sub-Ozieri appare in modo esclusivo nell’area di cui è oggetto il presente lavoro.

In tale area la ricerca, impostata su base interdisciplinare, è coordinata dalla scrivente – che cura l’indagine archeologica – e coinvolge studiosi delle Università di Sassari e Roma. Per quanto riguarda l’ateneo sassarese le analisi archeozoologiche sono affidate al prof. Marco Zedda della Facoltà di Medicina Veterinaria:1 le analisi chimico-fisiche sono in corso di elaborazione da parte del dott. Paolo Mulè del Dipartimento di Ingegneria del territorio,2 quelle petrografiche da parte del prof. Giacomo Oggiano e dalla dott.ssa Paola Mameli dell’Istituto di Scienze geologiche e mineralogiche di Sassari. Le analisi archeobotaniche sono in corso di elaborazione da parte della dott.ssa Alessandra Celant del Dipartimento di Biologia Vegetale dell’Università “La Sapienza” di Roma.3 L’insediamento fu individuato dall’Atzeni,4 che descrisse un raggruppamento di ‘fondi di capanne’, contenenti ricchi depositi archeologici con ceramiche in parte di tradizione Ozieri e in parte riconducibili alla cultura eneolitica di Monte Claro. Degno di nota fu il ritrovamento di una punta

Il vasto insediamento si localizza nell’area urbana di Selargius e, più precisamente, nella sua periferia Nord e Nord-Ovest (Fig. 1:1). Il paesaggio nel quale è ubicato è caratterizzato da forme pianeggianti e subpianeggianti, con quote altimetriche oscillanti tra 10 e i 19 metri sul livello del mare. Il villaggio doveva essere in stretta relazione con il Riu di Selargius, che scorre da Nord a Sud nelle immediate vicinanze, e soprattutto – come confermano i dati di scavo – con lo stagno di Molentargius, circa 2 km a Sud. Il retroterra cagliaritano è infatti caratterizzato da una concentrazione di zone umide, la laguna di Cagliari, gli stagni di Molentargius, Quartu e Simbirizzi, intorno ai quali gravitano numerosi insediamenti prenuragici coevi a quello in esame.8 Il quadro geolitologico del territorio è caratterizzato da sedimenti antichi. I suoli sono profondi, da franco sabbioargillosi ad argillosi, particolarmente adatti ad uso agricolo. 5 Il manufatto fu analizzato presso l’Istituto di Chimica Generale dell’Università di Cagliari (Atzeni 1967, 177). 6 Ugas 1981. 7 Ugas, Lai & Usai 1989; Ugas, Usai, Nuvoli, Lai & Marras 1989; Ugas 2000. 8 Le analisi archeobotaniche dei sedimenti delle diverse unità stratigrafiche, in corso di studio da parte della dottoressa Alessandra Celant, hanno evidenziato la presenza di macroresti vegetali carbonizzati, costituiti da frammenti antracologici di dimensioni subcentimetriche. I primi risultati della ricerca indicano la presenza di taxa legnosi tipici della vegetazione mediterranea sempreverde, presumibilmente raccolti nelle zone circostanti l’insediamento prenuragico per essere utilizzati in attività domestiche e artigianali.

1 Le faune della struttura 40 sono state affidate ad Emanuela Piras in occasione della sua tesi di laurea, discussa il 27 giugno 2003. Relatore Maria Grazia Melis, correlatore Marco Zedda (Piras 2002-2003). 2 I sedimenti delle varie unità stratigrafiche saranno sottoposte ad analisi della tessitura, del pH, del contenuto in carbonati totali, carbonio organico e sostanza organica. 3 Desidero ringraziare tutti i componenti il gruppo di ricerca per aver offerto la propria disponibilità alla realizzazione del progetto di ricerca e per aver in alcuni casi comunicato i risultati preliminari delle indagini in corso, che verranno presentati in questa sede. 4 Atzeni 1967, 176-177.

554

MARIA GRAZIA MELIS: NUOVI DATI DALL’INSEDIAMENTO PREISTORICO DI SU CODDU-CANELLES

Fig. 1. 1: Selargius, la località di Su Coddu e l’ubicazione della lottizzazione di Canelles (quadrato bianco), in cui è stato effettuato lo scavo nel 2001 e 2002. 2: Su Coddu-Canelles, planimetria iniziale.

555

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI I caratteri geografici descritti consentono di inquadrare l’insediamento in un tipo noto in Sardegna nel tardo Neolitico e proto-Calcolitico.9

Ovest/Sud-Est dai solchi del vigneto, che intaccarono le unità stratigrafiche superficiali. Per questo motivo anche in questo caso non è chiara la funzione, che potrebbe essere stata abitativa. Ha restituito prevalentemente frammenti ceramici e malacofauna.

L’area dello scavo è adiacente ad una casa moderna, le cui fondazioni hanno intaccato le strutture 40, 39 e 41. E’ stata coltivata a vigna sino a circa 30 anni fa. I solchi per l’impianto delle viti, indicati nella fig. 1:2 con una linea tratteggiata, sono stati ben individuati nel corso dello scavo, avendo essi intaccato il bancone argilloso naturale e le strutture. Queste ultime sono presenti nell’area indagata in forte concentrazione, mentre in zone limitrofe si notano spazi vuoti. Eccetto il vasto complesso di strutture 42, 45 e 46, di non chiara lettura planimetrica, esse risultano semipogeiche e presentano piante sub-circolari o subellittiche. E’ probabile che il tipo architettonico sia il risultato di un adattamento alle caratteristiche ambientali, in considerazione della scarsa disponibilità di materiale lapideo per la costruzione di muri e della presenza di banchi argillosi adatti allo scavo delle strutture ipogeiche che possono aver influito sul tipo di costruzione e sulle scelte insediative.

La struttura 43, di pianta ellittica regolare risultò attraversata trasversalmente da due solchi paralleli. La stratigrafia semplice, che evidenzia la presenza di un’unica unità stratigrafica, la frammentarietà dei reperti e la loro dispersione suggeriscono una funzione di deposito per rifiuti, ipotesi eventualmente da confermare a scavo ultimato. La struttura 47 fu scavata nelle immediate vicinanze della 39, con la quale presumibilmente era in relazione. Entrambe sono le sole, tra quelle scavate, che hanno restituito fauna terrestre, seppur in quantità limitata. Di pianta circolare, ha le pareti verticali leggermente aggettanti, particolare che lascerebbe intuire che si tratti di un pozzo. Di grande interesse è l’US 1041, i cui caratteri chimico-fisici sono in corso di studio; si tratta di una lente di argilla color marrone rossastro, a tessitura fine, non omogenea, ma caratterizzata da grumi irregolari, che si è ipotizzato potessero essere il risultato del disfacimento di mattoni crudi. Se così fosse sarebbero forse pertinenti alla vera o parapetto circolare del pozzo. Ciò costituirebbe un nuovo contributo alla ricostruzione dell’alzato delle strutture ipogeiche e semipogeiche.11 Simili grumi, ma isolati, di forma ellittica, delle dimensioni di 5 per 10 centimetri furono rinvenuti anche nella struttura 40.

Tale tipologia architettonica, documentata nella penisola italiana sin dal Neolitico Antico è stata oggetto di studi e ricostruzioni sperimentali,10 mirate ad individuare le peculiarità architettoniche e le diverse funzioni, non sempre di facile ricostruzione, considerata la carenza di dati relativi all’alzato e alla copertura. Dopo uno scortico superficiale, che ha permesso l’individuazione di 12 strutture, si è iniziato lo scavo di alcune di esse, numeri 39, 40, 43, 47 e 48. Esso ha restituito una grande quantità di reperti ceramici, scarsa industria litica, prevalentemente in ossidiana, alcuni manufatti metallici e un’enorme quantità di malacofauna. Le strutture erano facilmente individuabili per la presenza di chiazze grigiastre ricche di materiali archeologici. Tra quelle evidenziate ed ancora non scavate si citano la 44 e la 51. La prima è attraversata da due solchi in senso NordOvest/Sud-Est, il cui riempimento è stato rimosso ed ha restituito tra i reperti un punteruolo in rame (Fig. 4). La seconda è degna di nota per le sue dimensioni ridotte (diametro cm 90 per 75).

La struttura 48, di pianta circolare, all’inizio dello scavo appariva nella sua parte superficiale dimezzata da un largo solco della vigna. Con l’approfondimento dell’indagine restituì molta malacofauna prevalentemente marina, ma in misura minore anche alcuni gasteropodi terrestri. Tra i reperti archeologici fu rinvenuta una grande quantità di frammenti ceramici spesso ricomponibili e riferibili per lo più a contenitori di grandi dimensioni. Tali caratteri suggeriscono la sua probabile funzione di locale per la conservazione di derrate alimentari. Un grosso frammento di incantucciato offre ulteriori elementi sull’alzato e la copertura, per i quali testimonia presumibilmente l’uso di canne e intonaco di fango.

La struttura 39 all’inizio dello scavo non mostrava i suoi limiti reali, intaccati dai solchi del vigneto, che in questa zona assumevano un andamento ad ‘L’. L’approfondimento dell’indagine ha permesso di cogliere meglio il profilo, in parte irrimediabilmente compromesso dallo scavo delle fondazioni della casa. Non è chiara dunque la sua funzione, che potrebbe essere stata abitativa. Una chiazza nera carboniosa è stata delimitata in prossimità del taglio delle fondazioni della casa. Tra i reperti si segnala la presenza di una lesina in rame (Fig. 4). Anche la struttura 40 era stata sezionata nei lavori di edificazione della casa e fu attraversata in senso Nord-

La malacofauna, riconducibile a resti di pasto, è stata rinvenuta in quantità abbondante ed offre preziose indicazioni sulle attività economiche e sull’alimentazione. Il suo studio mira a ricostruire le tecniche di raccolta, la sua eventuale stagionalità, attraverso sia i dati intrinsechi, sia il confronto con le tradizioni attuali. La sua presenza è senza dubbio da mettere in relazione con il vicino stagno di Molentargius. Tra le specie rappresentate prevalgono Mytilus galloprovincialis e Tapes decussatus (Fig. 2:1). Rari i gasteropodi terrestri, rappresentati da esemplari di 11 Nella struttura 96 di fase Ozieri, scavata da Ugas, furono rinvenuti mattoni parallelepipedi di fango e argilla, concotti e frammentari, pertinenti ad un edificio non conservato (Ugas 2000, 899).

9

Melis 2000; 2002; 2003. 10 Atti 1989.

556

MARIA GRAZIA MELIS: NUOVI DATI DALL’INSEDIAMENTO PREISTORICO DI SU CODDU-CANELLES collana (Fig. 3:1).13 Essi costituiscono, allo stato attuale, l’unico oggetto di ornamento rinvenuto nel corso dello scavo, se si eccettua un frammento di filo di rame, presumibilmente pertinente ad un monile. Tra i reperti archeologici è scarsa la presenza di industria litica, prevalentemente in ossidiana. Tale aspetto conferma una tendenza riscontrata nei vecchi scavi di Su Coddu e confermata in studi recenti, ad una riduzione dell’uso dell’ossidiana fin dai primi tempi dell’età del Rame.14

Fig. 2. Selargius, Su Coddu-Canelles. 1: Percentuale delle specie faunistiche rinvenute nella struttura 40 (elaborazione da E. Piras 2002-2003, p. 69); 2: Valve di Tapes decussatus con scheggiature nel bordo (in alto) procurate durante l’apertura dei molluschi. Candidula, che per le sue piccole dimensioni potrebbe essere di origine intrusiva. Fig. 3. Selargius, Su Coddu-Canelles. 1: Collana di valve di Cerastoderma e dule forate all’umbone, rinvenute nella struttura 40.

Considerando l’incidenza delle diverse specie determinate e i periodi di riproduzione e di sviluppo si può ipotizzare che il periodo di raccolta si concentrasse tra la primavera e l’estate.12 Dai dati emersi allo stato attuale dell’indagine si osserva la presenza nelle valve di ‘segni d’apertura’, probabilmente ottenuti tramite la leva di uno strumento appuntito o a lama (Fig. 2:2). Non sono emerse tracce di combustione.

Le ceramiche, prevalentemente inornate, raramente mostrano una semplice decorazione a zig-zag inciso. E’ attestata, seppur raramente, la pittura, testimoniata da bande di colore bruno. Tra le forme prevalgono i grandi

Di notevole interesse è la presenza di alcuni esemplari di Cerastoderma edule o Cardium edule, forati nell’umbone, utilizzati presumibilmente come vaghi di

12

13

Piras 2002-2003, 100. Lo studio dell’industria in ossidiana dell’insediamento prenuragico di Craviole Paderi evidenzia un elevato sfruttamento della materia prima, a testimonianza di una difficoltà nell’approvvigionamento dell’ossidiana, in un periodo contemporaneo a quello del villaggio di Canelles (Cappai, Melis & Mussi, 2004; Cappai in stampa). 14

Piras 2002-2003, 91.

557

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI tegami con ampie anse a nastro insellato, mal rifiniti all’esterno. Presenti anche i tripodi, le forme carenate e i doli. L’insieme si inquadra perfettamente nel Sub-Ozieri, come è rappresentato nei due grandi insediamenti del Cagliaritano che sono stati oggetto di scavo (Su Coddu e Terramaini)15 e in numerosi altri abitati, ubicati prevalentemente nel sud dell’isola, in particolare nella pianura del Campidano e nell’entroterra cagliaritano. Nella fase in esame è ormai chiaramente attestata la pratica della metallurgia dal ritrovamento di manufatti metallici in alcuni siti Sub-Ozieri. Il nostro scavo ha restituito un punteruolo, una lesina16 ed un frammento di filo di rame (Fig. 4). Il punteruolo, a sezione rettangolare nella zona mediana e prossimale, circolare in quella distale, presenta un’estremità arrotondata ed una appuntita. La superficie è ricoperta da una lieve patina di ossidazione. La lesina, a sezione rettangolare nella zona mediana e presumibilmente circolare alle estremità17 è ispessita nella parte mediana e assottigliata alle estremità. I due oggetti trovano confronti tra i numerosi manufatti metallici rinvenuti presso il settore F dell’insediamento di Cuccuru S’Arriu-Cabras.18 Il frammento di filo di rame, a sezione circolare, se è pertinente ad un anello (ma il cattivo stato di conservazione non consente ulteriori precisazioni) si inquadrerebbe nel gruppo a sezione circolare, i cui ritrovamenti più consistenti si registrano a Serra Cannigas-Villagreca.19 Ugas rinvenne nello scavo di Su Coddu scorie di fusione di rame e argento, alcune addirittura da riferire alla fase tardo neolitica dell’Ozieri. Esse rappresenterebbero la più antica evidenza diretta della fusione dei metalli. Il ritrovamento di scorie a Canelles, prevalentemente nella struttura 39 (Fig. 3:2) confermerebbe i dati di Ugas. Ma l’analisi al ‘gas massa’20 di tre elementi, condotta dal dott. Paolo Mulè, ha portato a dubitare che si tratti di residui della fusione di metalli, le cui tracce sono presenti in percentuali per milione troppo basse.21 Sono inoltre in fase di realizzazione, da parte della dott.ssa Paola Mameli, indagini archeometriche su alcuni campioni scoriacei provenienti da Canelles, finalizzate

Fig. 4. Selaragius, Su Coddu-Canelles. 1 e 2: Punteruolo dalla struttura 44, lesina dalla struttura 39 e frammento di filo di rame dalla struttura 43. all’individuazione della loro natura (presenza di un centro di produzione ceramica? Officina fusoria?). Le analisi finora effettuate sia in diffrattometria di raggi X su polveri (XRPD) che in microscopia elettronica a scansione (SEM), corredata da microanalisi EDS, permettono di escludere che il materiale scoriaceo derivi da fusione di metalli. Dai dati preliminari è invece interessante notare come associate a queste scorie ‘leggere’ si rinvengano frammenti di apatite spugnosa riferibili con buona probabilità alla presenza di ossa. Non essendo state sottoposte ad analisi le scorie rinvenute da Ugas22, allo stato attuale delle ricerche non si hanno prove certe di attività legate alla fusione di metalli per la fase culturale in esame.23 Solo l’analisi chimico-fisica di tutte le supposte scorie porterà a confermare o rifiutare l’ipotesi originaria, fornendo comunque preziose indicazioni sulla loro natura, che in ogni caso è legata al contatto con una forte fonte di calore.

15

Vedi nota 7; Usai 1987. I due oggetti saranno analizzati dal prof. Luigi Massidda del Dipartimento di Ingeneria chimica e materiali dell’Università di Cagliari, mentre il terzo a causa del cattivo stato di conservazione non sarà sottoposto ad analisi. 17 Il manufatto è ricoperto su tutta la superficie da una spessa incrostazione che ne impedisce una visione completa. 18 Atzeni & Forresu 1982, 111; Atzeni 1981, tav. N105; Melis 2000, tav. 111, 11-15, 17-19. Una lesina molto simile a quella di Canelles fu rinvenuta inoltre nella sacca 38 dello stesso insediamento (Santoni 1992, tav. III,3). La stessa tipologia si ritrova nel più recente contesto di Serra Cannigas-Villagreca (Atzeni 1985, fig. 7,14). Simili manufatti, in corso di studio da parte della scrivente, provengono dal santuari di Monte d’Accoddi-Sassari (Contu 1992; Lo Schiavo 1989). 19 Melis 2000, 87, tav. 111, 20-37. Ivi bibliografia. 20 L’analisi al gas massa è stata realizzata con la dissoluzione completa del campione tramite attacco con una miscela di acido cloridrico, acido solforico, acido nitrico, acido perclorico. 21 Si tratta delle prime scorie relative al Sub-Ozieri ad essere sottoposte ad analisi. I risultati sono i seguenti: Cr: 27,30 ppm; Cu: 88,90 ppm; As: 132,00 ppm; Sn: 28,80 ppm; Pb: 15,89 ppm. 16

22

L’autore parla di scorie di fusione del rame e dell’argento rinvenute a Su Coddu in ambito Ozieri e Sub-Ozieri, ma che sino ad oggi non sono state sottoposte ad analisi. Si veda la nota 7 ed inoltre Ugas 1993. 23 Il solo esame autoptico potrebbe non essere sufficiente. In altri casi infatti, oltre al presente, si è dimostrato fuorviante: per citare un esempio, le scorie rinvenute nell’abitato del Neolitico finale di Roquemengarde, nel Languedoc, sono risultate essere il risultato della combustione “…de fumiers, de pailles ou de graminées…” (Guilaine 1991, 285).

558

MARIA GRAZIA MELIS: NUOVI DATI DALL’INSEDIAMENTO PREISTORICO DI SU CODDU-CANELLES Riassumendo i dati finora esposti emerge un quadro complesso e articolato che conferma e arricchisce quello emerso dai vecchi scavi. In attesa di concludere l’indagine stratigrafica, con il contributo di tutte le analisi, i primi risultati sottolineano l’importanza dell’insediamento nella preistoria della Sardegna. Inoltre l’abbondante quantità di malacofauna evidenzia il ruolo di rilievo che ebbe lo stagno come risorsa primaria, tanto da condizionare la scelta insediativa.

île avec des recherches sur ses productions naturelles et ses antiquités (Atlas). Paris. Guilaine, J., 1991. Roquemengarde et les débuts de la métallurgie en France méditerranéenne, in: AA.VV., Découverte du métal (= Amis du musée des Antiquités nationales, Millénaires, dossier 2). Picard, 279-294. Lo Schiavo, F., 1989. Le origini della metallurgia ed il problema della metallurgia nella cultura di Ozieri, in: AA.VV., La cultura di Ozieri. Problematiche e nuove acquisizioni. Atti del I Convegno di Studio (Ozieri, Gennaio 1986-Aprile 1987). Ozieri, 279293. Melis, M.G., 2000. L’età del Rame in Sardegna: origine ed evoluzione degli aspetti autoctoni (monografia). Villanova Monteleone. Melis, M.G., 2002, Rapporti tra insediamento e ambiente lagunare in Sardegna tra neolitico ed eneolitico: alcune osservazioni, in: Quinto incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria, Farnese, 12-14 maggio 2000. Milano, Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia, 385-389. Melis, M.G., 2003. Aspetti tipologici insediativi e abitativi nell’eneolitico sardo, in: XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Le comunità della Preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul neolitico e le età dei metalli, Lipari, 2-7 giugno 2000. Piras, E., 2002-2003. Dati archeozoologici dalla struttura n. 40 dell’insediamento prenuragico di Su Coddu/Canelles, Selargius (Cagliari). Università degli Studi di Sassari, Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, tesi di laurea. Santoni, V., 1992. Cabras-Cuccuru S’Arriu. L’orizzonte eneolitico Sub-Ozieri. Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica per le province di Cagliari e Oristano 8 (1991), 15-47. Santoni, V., E. Atzeni, R. Forresu, S. Giorgetti, M.A. Mongiu, S. Sebis, A. Siddu & G. Tore, 1982. Cabras, Cuccuru S’Arriu. Nota preliminare di scavo (1978, 1979, 1980). Rivista di Studi Fenici 10(1), 103-127. Ugas, G., 1981. Selargius – Su Coddu, in: Archeologia Sarda, II. Ugas, G., 1993. La metallurgia del piombo, dell’argento e dell’oro nella Sardegna prenuragica e nuragica, in: T. Kirova (ed.), L’uomo e le miniere in Sardegna. Cagliari, 25-35. Ugas, G., 2000. Strutture insediative seminterrate e ipogeismo sepolcrale nella Sardegna preistorica, in: AA.VV., L’ipogeismo nel Mediterraneo. Origini, sviluppo, quadri culturali. Atti del Congresso Internazionale (Sassari-Oristano 23-28 Maggio 1994), II. 887-908. Ugas, G., G. Lai & L. Usai, 1989. L’insediamento prenuragico di Su Coddu (Selargius-Ca). Notizia preliminare sulle campagne di scavo 1981-1984. Nuovo Bullettino Archeologico Sardo 2 (1985), 7-40. Ugas, G., L. Usai, M.P. Nuvoli, G. Lai & M.G. Marras, 1989. Nuovi dati sull’insediamento di Su CodduSelargius, in: AA.VV., La cultura di Ozieri.

In una carta pubblicata nell’atlante del De La Marmora24 si può notare l’estensione delle zone umide dell’immediato entroterra cagliaritano di circa 150 anni fa, tra le quali figurano anche alcuni stagni scomparsi, come quello a sud di Sestu e quello di Terramaini, presso il quale è ubicato l’omonimo insediamento, che nella carta risulta in collegamento fisico con quello di Molentargius. La loro presenza favorì il popolamento e la frequentazione antropica fin dal primo Neolitico e nel corso dell’età del Rame. Intorno ad essi fiorirono attività di raccolta di molluschi, che come si è dimostrato, dovettero assumere un ruolo non secondario nell’alimentazione, e altre attività come, presumibilmente, la pesca e la raccolta del sale. BIBLIOGRAFIA Atti

1989. Atti del seminario di archeologia sperimentale. Interpretazione funzionale dei “fondi di capanna” di età preistorica, Milano, 29-30 aprile 1989. Milano. Atzeni, E., 1967. Tombe a forno di cultura Monte Claro nella via Basilicata di Cagliari. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 22, 157-179. Atzeni, E., 1981. Aspetti e sviluppi culturali del neolitico e della prima età dei metalli in Sardegna, in: AA.VV., Ichnussa. La Sardegna dalle origini all’età classica. Milano, XIX-LI. Atzeni, E., 1985. Tombe eneolitiche nel Cagliaritano, in: AA.VV., Studi in onore di Giovanni Lilliu per il suo settantesimo compleanno. Cagliari, 11-49. Atzeni, E. & R. Forresu, 1982. L’insediamento abitativo del settore F, in: V. Santoni et al., 110-111. Cappai, R., in stampa. L’industria litica in ossidiana nell’insediamento prenuragico di Craviole Paderi – Sestu (CA). Studi Sardi 34. Cappai, R., M.G. Melis, M. Mussi, 2004. L’uso dell’ossidiana nell’insediamento preistorico di Craviole Paderi – Sestu, in: Atti del Convegno Internazionale. L’ossidiana del Monte Arci nel Mediterraneo: recupero dei valori di un territorio, Oristano - Pau, 29 novembre-1 dicembre 2002. Contu, E., 1992. Nuove anticipazioni sui dati stratigrafici di Monte d’Accoddi. Scavi 1952-1958, in: AA.VV., Monte d’Accoddi, 10 anni di nuovi scavi. Genova, 21-36. De La Marmora, A., 1856. Voyage en Sardaigne ou description statistique, phisique et politique de cette 24

De La Marmora 1856, pl. IV.

559

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Problematiche e nuove acquisizioni. Atti del I Convegno di Studio (Ozieri, Gennaio 1986-Aprile 1987). Ozieri, 239-278. Usai, L., 1987. Il villaggio di età eneolitica di Terramaini presso Pirri (Cagliari), Preistoria d’Italia alla luce delle ultime scoperte, in: Atti del IV Convegno Nazionale di Preistoria e Protostoria, Pescia (8-9 dicembre 1984). 175-192.

560

OBSIDIAN EXPLOITATION IN WEST CENTRAL SARDINIA: EXAMINING THE USE OF SECONDARY SOURCES Natasja de Bruijn Abstract: Since the 19th century the Monte Arci on Sardinia has been recognized as a primary source area for obsidian and its distribution has been documented both on and outside the island. Over the course of the Riu Mannu Survey Project fieldwork and in subsequent lithic analysis evidence has emerged that apart from this primary source area, secondary sources were also present and used in prehistory. This paper discusses the relevant geological and archaeological evidence.

The Monte Arci on Sardinia has long been known as an important source of obsidian both on and outside the island. Attention has focused on mapping and sourcing the different primary and secondary sources on the Monte Arci. In this paper I intend to demonstrate that other secondary sources of obsidian also existed and that these were used in prehistory, too. I will argue that geological evidence suggests that glacial and fluvial events had increased the availability of unworked obsidian away from the Monte Arci. I will establish their use through a preliminary analysis of obsidian assemblages collected by the Riu Mannu Survey Project.1 THE MONTE ARCI, SARDINIA

eruption while a later phase consisted of mainly basic basalt lava flows.7 Early provenancing studies showed that archaeological artefacts could be subdivided into different obsidian types.8 In the late 1980s and 1990s the geological locations were matched with the archaeological subtypes and their main distribution on the Monte Arci was systematically recorded.9 At in situ, or primary, locations obsidian is still embedded in rhyolite and perlite matrices. This mostly occurs on the higher elevations of the Monte Arci. Secondary locations are situated on the lower elevations of the Monte Arci, mainly consisting of eroded and transported nodules of obsidian.10 Generally these primary and secondary sources on Monte Arci are seen as the main locations where unworked obsidian was found. In regard to the term secondary and to avoid further confusion it is important to keep in mind that in the remainder of this paper I will use the term secondary obsidian sources to refer to locations further away from the Monte Arci.

THE MAIN SOURCE OF OBSIDIAN IN

The Monte Arci is a major source of obsidian for both the island and the West Mediterranean.2 In the late 19th and early 20th century, research attempted to pinpoint the different locations where obsidian occurred naturally and also focused on the artefact distribution on the island itself.3 Cornelio Puxeddu stands out in particular among the post-1940s research. He single-handedly summarized previous research, set up an obsidian site typology and reported numerous new locations with obsidian artefacts.4 Although many problems remain with his site typology,5 his research is very valuable and clearly shows the abundant and widespread distribution of obsidian in West Central Sardinia.6

THE RIU MANNU SURVEY PROJECT: SECONDARY SOURCES OF OBSIDIAN Two discoveries made within the Riu Mannu Survey Project11 first suggested a wider availability and use of secondary sources in West Central Sardinia. First of all, during fieldwork it has become clear that there are several locations with large concentrations of unworked obsidian away from the source areas on the Monte Arci. Secondly, a preliminary technological artefact study has suggested the use of small and rounded nodules usually found in secondary sources such as riverbeds. For a large part this was based on the observation that the coarse cortex found on obsidian artefacts is very comparable to that on flint artefacts elsewhere. Flint sources with this type of cortex are secondary source deposits whose main transport mechanisms are river and stream systems.12

Geological studies undertaken in the 1970s shed light on the formation of the Monte Arci. It was formed in the Pliocene, during renewed tectonic activities along the Campidano graben. Chronologically and petrologically, various eruptions could be distinguished and their extent has been documented extensively. Obsidian-bearing rhyolithic layers were formed during the phase one 1 This paper discusses part of the preliminary results from my Ph.D research ‘Obsidian exploitation, production and use in West Central Sardinia’ currently being carried out at the University of Glasgow, Scotland. 2 Ammerman et al. 1990; Bigazzi et al. 1992; Michels et al. 1984; Phillips 1992; Pollmann 1993; Tykot 1992; 1995; 1996; 1997; Williams Thorpe 1995. 3 Some original publications: Ardu Onnis n.d.; Ardu Onnis 1903; Zanardelli 1899. For more recent overviews see Assorgia et al. 1976; Puxeddu 1955-‘57; Tykot 1997. 4 Puxeddu 1955-‘57; 1975. 5 Van Dommelen 1998, 60. 6 Puxeddu 1955-‘57, Carta Generale A and accompanying site list.

7

Assorgia et al. 1976, fig. 1; Montanini et al. 1994, fig. 1; Tykot 1997, fig. 2. 8 Cann & Renfrew 1964; Hallem et al. 1976; Tykot 1992; 1995, 83-87; also appendix C1; Tykot & Ammerman 1997. 9 Tykot 1995, fig. 29; 1997, fig. 2. 10 Tykot 1995, 83-87, fig. 29 and appendix C1; Tykot 1997. 11 Annis, Van Dommelen & Van de Velde 1996; Van Dommelen 1998, 60-63; Van de Velde 2001. 12 De Loecker personal communication.

561

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. West Central Sardinia, showing the principle landscape features, primary and secondary sources of obsidian mentioned in the text (after Montanini 1994, fig. 1; Puxeddu 1955-’57, Carta Generale A; Tykot 1997, fig. 2; Van Dommelen 1998, figs 3.2 and 3.12). Key to map: Contour levels (increasing in darkness in colour): at coast level; at 100 m a.s.l; at 300 m a.s.l.; at 700 m a.s.l. Small dashed circles represent the approximate position of Uras and Mògoro basic basalts. Large dashed line outlines the Riu Mannu Survey Project research area. Squares indicate the position of the transects mentioned in the text. SA, SB1, SB2, SC show the approximate location of primary and secondary sources of obsidian on the Monte Arci. A-T = secondary source locations subdivided into research categories: locations within Riu Mannu Survey Project transects 04, 23, 14 (A-C, J); locations from PhD research: D = Bau Ortu, E = Serra Pontis, H = Perda Lada, I = Narboni Mannu, K = Narboni Mannu; Puxeddu’s centri di raccolta: F = Sa Perda de Acutzai; G = Narboni Mannu; L = Perdixèdda; M = Is Noracèsus; N = Su Pònti de Flùmini; O = Masullas; P = Funtàna Cadèna; Q = Còrti 'e Pròccus; R = Pappòi; S = Cròxiu Grussu; T = Mitza sa Tassa. Riu Mannu fieldwork revealed four concentrations with substantial amounts of unflaked obsidian along both the rivers Mògoro and Mannu (Fig. 1: A-C, J). In a separate field excursion different locations in the Bau Ortu, Narboni Mannu, and Perda Lada areas were visited to test the general presence of obsidian along these river systems. Along the river Mògoro, in the area called Narboni Mannu (Fig. 1: I and K) unflaked obsidian was noted and collected at various localities along both sides of the river. This area roughly corresponds to two transects in the Riu Mannu Survey Project (around and between transects 10 and 14; see Fig. 1) and also encompasses two Puxeddu sites (Fig. 1: F and G).13 Perda Lada, the third area (Fig. 1: H) lies north-east of

transect 14, and also broadly coincides with a Puxeddu site (Fig. 1: M).14 Along the river Mannu, Serra Pontis (Fig. 1: E) was visited because local archaeologists had repeatedly mentioned it as a major area of unflaked obsidian, which was confirmed by the steady presence of medium-sized nodules.15 The location Bau Ortu was chosen at random and also demonstrated the general presence of obsidian nodules along the river Mògoro (Fig. 1: D).

13 Puxeddu 1955-‘57, Carta Generale A, no. 73 (Sa Pèrda de Acutzài) and 74 (Su Narbòni Mannu).

14

The association between the visited localities and Puxeddu’s work was deliberate. In his site typology, these three sites are classified as centri di raccolta (collection centres), of which he records a total of 11 15

562

Puxeddu 1955-‘57, Carta Generale A, no. 138 (Is Noracèsus). Perra, Artudi and Melis personal communication.

NATASJA DE BRUIJN: OBSIDIAN EXPLOITATION IN WEST CENTRAL SARDINIA Iglesiente.22 The east side was filled in with glacis, mainly eroded material from the slopes of the Monte Arci and the Marmilla. In the centre terrace formation took place along the river Mannu in particular.23 The central Campidano thus shows a division, with alluvial material from the Iglesiente coming from the west side, and material from the Marmilla and the Monte Arci from the east.

(Fig. 1: F, G L-T). In Puxeddu’s definition a collection centre contains both worked and unworked obsidian.16 For the majority of the sites the material seems to be unworked, with Mitza sa Tassa (Fig. 1: T) the exception. There, Puxeddu recorded a mixture of unflaked material and flaked material.17 Unfortunately, for other locations this difference in prevalence of worked or unworked material is unknown, making it harder to assess the exploitation strategies employed. Preliminary examination of some of these locations indicates that at most of these collection centres unflaked material dominates. Despite the problems with Puxeddu’s site typology, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that the centri di raccolta are more likely to be secondary sources and/or exploitation areas rather than habitation sites.

Two main rivers have contributed extensively to the formation of the Campidano. The first is the river Mògoro, which runs from the Monte Arci into the (now reclaimed) Sassu lagoon.24 It borders the northeastern side and created the Mògoro gorge, cutting through the Mògoro basalts.25 It has an extensive tributary system and this has undoubtedly contributed to the distribution of obsidian along the flanks of the Arci, into the Marmilla and the Campidano. Towards the end of its course, going into the former Sassu lagoon, sedimentation thickness increases and from the Holocene onwards this area saw sedimentation combined with eolian sand deposits blown in from the coast.26 The river Mannu is the second important river. It runs in the middle of the central Campidano, from the marshy areas around the San Luri lagoon to the San Giovanni lagoon (the former has now been reclaimed). It created an extensive valley system, bringing down material from the Iglesiente and filling the west side of the Campidano.27 Field observations have indicated that the Mannu has possibly eroded away parts of the Uras basalts. From the Holocene onwards, this river, too, has changed in character and has become more sedimentary, depositing thick layers of sediment.28 This constant changing and reshaping of the landscapes and the highly complicated geology of the graben make it difficult to ascertain the origins of the obsidian nodules found along the two river systems. Below, both systems and the potential explanations for their origins are discussed.

Thus, a pattern emerges (Fig. 1). Most of the secondary sources are located along the river Mògoro and its tributaries. The two locations (Fig. 1: C, E) along the river Mannu, however, are problematic when trying to understand how obsidian from the Monte Arci was transported down into the Campidano. To gain understanding of the origins of these secondary sources and their transport mechanisms, it is necessary to take a closer look at the different geological formation processes in this area. THE

GEOLOGY OF THE CAMPIDANO, THE AND THE RIVERS MÒGORO AND MANNU

MONTE ARCI

The area under consideration here is the central Campidano (Fig. 1). It is bordered by the Arborèa in the North, the Iglesiente in the Southwest and the Marmilla in the Northeast.18 The Campidano is a complex graben system in which various geological processes have left their mark. It was formed along the fault lines of a larger and older Sardinian rift system in the Pliocene and Pleistocene (5 million years – 0,1 million years BP). 19 Among the intensive volcanic activities in this area is the formation of the Monte Arci (3,8-3,2 million years BP). Of importance are especially the phase 1 and phase 4 eruptions. The former include the obsidian-bearing lavas. The latter created the deposits of basic basalts between Mògoro and Uras (see Fig. 1).20 The Uras basalts lie at a lower elevation than the Mògoro basalts and seem to extend further into the Campidano than is usually indicated.21

THE SUGGESTED ORIGINS OF SECONDARY SOURCES ALONG THE RIVERS MÒGORO AND MANNU The least problematic are the locations along the Mògoro river system. The river Mògoro and its many tributaries have transported obsidian nodules down from the slopes of the Arci, both from the SC and the SA locations.29 Obsidian was part of the mixture of alluvial material coming down from the Arci and the Marmilla. More problematic are the two locations along the river Mannu. This river itself can have never been directly responsible for the transport of obsidian from the Monte Arci, since

From the Pleistocene onwards the Campidano was slowly filled in. The west side of the central Campidano saw pediment formation through the consistent erosion of the 16 “Dove abbondando particolarmente le ossidiane grezze con o senza tracce di lavorazione”. Puxeddu 1955-‘57, 29. 17 Puxeddu 1955-‘57, 30-32. 18 Pracchi & Terrosu Asole 1971, fig. 1; Van Dommelen 1998, fig. 3.1. 19 Beccaluva et al. 1975; Beccaluva et al. 1985; Casula et al. 2001, fig. 3; Van Dommelen 1998, 42-45, fig. 3.3. 20 Assorgia et al. 1976; Montanini et al. 1994, fig. 1; Tykot 1997, fig. 2. 21 Montanini et al. 1994, fig. 1 shows two plateaus east of Uras dated to the same phase as the Mògoro set; Van Dommelen personal communication.

22

Seuffert 1970, 62-66; Van Dommelen 1998, 48-51. Seuffert 1970, 81-83, appendix area map; Pecorini 1971, fig. 3; Van Dommelen 1998, 51. 24 Van Dommelen 1998, 46. 25 Seuffert 1970, 86; Pelletier 1960, 341; Van Dommelen 1998, 48, 5151, fig. 3.10. 26 Van Dommelen 1998, 45-46. 27 Pecorini 1971, figs 3 and 4; Van Dommelen 1998, fig. 3.12. 28 As note 27. 29 Van Dommelen 1998, fig. 3.13. 23

563

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI neither it nor any of its tributaries are directly associated with the Monte Arci (see Fig. 1).30 If the river Mannu is not responsible for the transport of the obsidian, the question is, how did it get there?

subsequently exposed and eroded out by the rivers. The SA containing flow would be the most likely candidate since it is the most southern exposure. Problematic, as with the previous theory, is that obsidian layers were not observed along the rivers. In itself the extension of Monte Arci flows into the Campidano would not be strange, since the same process is documented in the Arborèa, where later eolian deposits have covered a Monte Arci flow. Unfortunately there both the depth and the type of flow are unknown.37

One possible explanation is that the river Mògoro was responsible for the transport and redepositioning of obsidian. In the process of transporting, depositing material and cutting the Mògoro gorge, it could have spread alluvial material deep into the Campidano, onto the Uras basalts.31 Subsequently, the river Mannu and some of its tributaries on its east side probably partially cut into these basalts, creating the fluvial terraces and in the process transported the obsidian nodules. The main argument in favour of this hypothesis is the similarity in characteristics between nodules from the various locations. Macroscopic observations showed no markedly different nodule sizes or shapes. Nor is there any disparity in variation of colour, banding, cortex or any other characteristics. Experimentation with visual identification of Serra Pontis material has shown strong similarities with SC material.32 Also supportive of this argument is the continuous spread of obsidian noted between the two river systems. The majority of the obsidian along the river Mannu occurs on its eastern border and obsidian is absent on the west side of the river. On the other hand, the main argument against this explanation is that it is generally assumed that the Mògoro river system did not greatly influence the formation of the central Campidano and that the two river systems remained relatively separate.33

A third option is human activity with people transporting nodules down to these areas to facilitate future exploitation. If that is the case, it is interesting that there does not occur any significant reduction at these locations or that the nodules were not taken directly to habitation sites. As the section below will show, habitation sites are present close by and preliminary analysis of their lithic assemblages shows on site artefact manufacture. It is hoped that the chemical analysis of samples taken at various locations will resolve some of the problems outlined above.38 However, results coming from the chemical analysis need not be clear-cut. It is not uncommon that transport of obsidian affects its chemical composition.39 In conclusion, it can be suggested that the river Mògoro and its tributaries have transported a mixture of material from the Monte Arci and the Marmilla down into the plain during the Pleistocene and Holocene. This resulted in terracing and the creation of the Mògoro valley. This and later Holocene deposition might have resulted in a dominance of SC material in the east part of the Mògoro basin and a SA prevalence on the west side.40

The second option is that the obsidian is not related to the known locations on the Monte Arci, but that it was formed in the Uras and/or Mògoro basalts. The main problem is that although obsidian can occur in basic basalt34 none of the studies carried out reported any obsidian-bearing layers.35 However, theoretically, the Mannu could have eroded the obsidian out of these basalts and transported it. If this is the case, it is to be expected that the obsidian has a different chemical composition from the known sources. Another variety would not be unsurprising, since to date 11 different geological sources are known of which only five have been recognized in the archaeological record.36 Although this hypothesis helps explain how obsidian ended up in the Mannu streambed the absence of reports on obsidianbearing layers in this area creates a problem.

The occurrence of unworked obsidian along the river Mannu is problematic. Several options have been offered to explain the presence of obsidian there, each with its supportive and opposing arguments. These uncertainties are to a large extent due to lack of research, both geological and archaeological. An intensive survey of the areas along the river and in between the two river systems is necessary, which I hope to carry out at a later stage. ARCHAEOLOGICAL INDICATIONS FOR SECONDARY SOURCE USE So far, only the geological aspects of the secondary sources have been discussed. However, there are indications of their use in the archaeological assemblages. Here I will discuss the various lines of evidence that indicate the general use of this type of sources using examples and preliminary results from the analysis of the

A variant on this hypothesis is that rather than representing a new type of obsidian the Mògoro and Uras basalts cover up earlier rhyolithic flows, which were 30

Van Dommelen 1998, fig. 3.12. As suggested by Pecorini 1971, figs 3 and 4. 32 De Bruijn 1998, 120. 33 Lugliè 2000; Van Dommelen 1998, 48. 34 Tykot 1995, 58. 35 Assorgia et al. 1976, Beccaluva et al. 1976; Montanini et al. 1994; Tykot 1997. 36 Tykot 1997. 31

37

Casula et al. 2001, fig. 16, section B. Currently 31 geological samples from seven locations are being chemically analysed. I am extremely grateful to dr Tykot, University of South Florida, who kindly agreed to analyse these samples for me. 39 Shackley 1998. 40 Lugliè 2000 38

564

NATASJA DE BRUIJN: OBSIDIAN EXPLOITATION IN WEST CENTRAL SARDINIA

Fig. 2. Number and percentage of obsidian artefacts divided over cortex type per transect. indication of their use. Especially the transects with the highest densities of obsidian (14 and 04) show a high percentage (95,6%) of flaked material with the secondary source type of cortex. The transects lying outside the primary source area (02, 05, 07) also show a consistent presence of both flaked and unflaked material.

Riu Mannu material. Three main lines of evidence were explored to investigate the use of secondary sources. First of all, during the Riu Mannu artefact study, several types of cortex were recorded. Types 1 and 2 represent a coarse, generally grey coloured, and pitted or semibattered cortex. The third type is variable but generally light coloured and more sandy or fine-grained. The fourth type of cortex is more complicated. It is a glossy patination and easily confused with general weathering. It has been classified as ‘pseudo’ cortex when there was clear indication of flaking after patina formation. A basic connection between the types of cortex and the source locations has been observed. Numerous nodules with cortex types 1 and 2 have been observed in and along the rivers Mògoro and Mannu. Combined with its occurrence on archaeological material this strengthens the idea that these sources were used in prehistory. The other two types of cortex have been observed mostly at the source areas on the Monte Arci.

Secondly, the location of concentrations with flaked material in relation to secondary sources is suggestive of their use. Two large Riu Mannu concentrations were found close to concentrations of raw material. In transect 04 a settlement site is found on a much larger diffuse spread of raw material. It seems extremely likely that the people living there used this material. In transect 14 raw material was found along the river Mògoro with an archaeological site 100m higher up the steep slope of the Giara di Collinas.

If one accepts that the coarse cortex types are associated with river transport, they can be used as a broad indicator for source type, bearing in mind that these cortex types can and do develop from one into the other. They are affected by transport distance; years spent on the surface and other post depositional effects such as chemical weathering (soil effects) and wind gloss. Combinations of cortex types therefore are possible and have been observed on some artefacts. For the majority, however, the distinction holds true. The battered cortex can be associated with river transport, while the smooth light and the patinated cortex are generally observed at the Monte Arci areas. However, more research needs to be done on the occurrence of the types of cortex at the source locations. Despite the fact that the relationships between source type, cortex type and transport mechanism are far from clear, the observations do warrant a basic distinction and make it possible to assess the percentages of these types of cortex in the Riu Mannu assemblages. A consistent percentage of around 30% for all studied assemblages shows that both primary and secondary source cortex types have been recorded (Fig. 2). Both kinds appear on raw material as well as on flaked material, a clear

Fig. 3. Example of core reduction using a fist-sized nodule. First a platform is prepared, by splitting the nodule in half, then flakes are removed all around the edge of the platform. On the bottom the cortex remains, the angle for further flake removal is too steep. The cortex remainder gives an indication of original nodule size and shape (modified after photo P. van de Velde).

565

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Number and percentage of artefacts with secondary source cortex per artefact class. Thirdly, several aspects of the lithic analysis support the use of secondary source material. There is a remarkable resemblance between the nodule size and shape of the archaeological material and the raw material nodules from secondary source areas. Both contain fist sized (1020 cm) and rounded to sub-rounded or oval nodules.41 The core analysis and especially the evidence for opening strategies support this. Nodules were halved or a large primary flake was removed to open the nodule and to create the platform from which flakes were subsequently removed. In some cases (Fig. 3) cortex remained on the bottom of the core, giving the estimated nodule shape and size. In the archaeological assemblages both types of opening strategies appear, opening flakes generally show a rounded to sub-rounded exterior and the primary flaking flakes; especially those with the secondary source cortex show that same rounded to sub-rounded profile.

was linked to the SA and SC sources. The latter and the locations alongside it, however, are more problematic. Several hypotheses have been discussed in an attempt to assess both the transport mechanisms responsible for its deposition and the original source location. Results from chemical sourcing are hoped to resolve some of these issues. Initial lithic analysis, especially analysis of reduction strategies, has shown a similarity in nodule shape and size between archaeological material and nodules observed at secondary sources. I have therefore proposed a link between cortex type, transport mechanism and source location. Lithic analysis unequivocally demonstrated that this secondary material was frequently used. However, some cautionary remarks are necessary. First of all, it is important to remember that my main aim was primarily to present the evidence for secondary source existence and use in general. I do not want to argue that sources on the Monte Arci were not used nor do I wish to belittle their importance. Abundant evidence for prehistoric exploitation of the SC source area is documented at Mitza sa Tassa.43 More recently, research has started into the regional history of the entire Pau district.44 Secondly, the above is a summary and at the moment ignores the presence of different sites within the transects that are dated to different periods and that are situated in different landscapes. Clearly, these discoveries lead to more questions than answers. My future research will be aimed at exploring the spatial and temporal differences in flaking strategies of the source types and the implications of the widespread availability of material for distribution patterns and local as well as regional exchange patterns.

The presence of cortex on artefacts does not only indicate flaking stage i.e. primary (debitage i.e. flakes, cores, fragments and chunks) or secondary (retouched material/tools) but also gives an indication of nodule size.42 Cortex is present in all the artefacts categories (see Fig. 4). The most illustrative examples come from transects 14 and 04, since in those cases the entire range of artefact classes is present, whereas in other transects the secondary flaking stages appear to be largely absent, not just in the artefacts with cortex. The latter is partially the result of mixed assemblages, the contexts they have been found in and the flaking strategies used. The general artefact size also points to the use of relatively small, rounded nodules. Very rarely does the artefact size extend beyond 50 mm. For instance the average flake size is between 15-27 mm, while the average tool size is slightly higher, with a majority between 33-39 mm. CONCLUSION

43

Puxeddu 1955-‘57, 30-32. The University of Cagliari has started a long-term project led by prof. G. Tanda and dr. C. Lugliè in the Pau district to assess the evidence for obsidian exploitation and production (Lugliè personal communication). The excavation of the workshop area of Sennisceddu where excavations recently started forms part of this project.

In conclusion, it can be said that secondary obsidian sources are more widespread than previously thought. The Mògoro and Mannu river systems are clearly associated with their distribution. The former has contributed to a much wider availability of obsidian and 41 42

44

See Mithen 2001, 89. Bradbury & Carr 1995.

566

NATASJA DE BRUIJN: OBSIDIAN EXPLOITATION IN WEST CENTRAL SARDINIA Sardinië en de West Mediterrane Wereld van ca. 6000-1800 BC. Unpublished MA thesis for the University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology. Cann, J.R. & C. Renfrew, 1964. The characterization of obsidian and its applications to the Mediterranean region. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 30, 111-133. Casula, G., A. Cherchi, L. Montadert, M. Murru & E. Sarria, 2001. The Cenozoic graben system of Sardinia (Italy): geodynamic evolution from new seismic and field data. Marine and Petroleum Geology 18, 863888. Dommelen, P.A.R. van, 1998. On colonial grounds. A comparative study of colonization and rural settlement in first millennium BC west central Sardinia (= Archaeological Studies Leiden University, 2). Leiden. Hallam, B.R., S.E. Warren & C. Renfrew, 1976. Obsidian in the western Mediterranean: characterisation by neutron activation analysis and optical emission spectroscopy. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 42, 85-110. Lugliè, C., 2000. L’industria litica a ritocco erto di Coddu is Abionis – Terralba (OR). Note tipologiche. Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia dell’ università di Cagliari, nuova serie 17 (vol. 54), 6-74. Michels J.W., E. Atzeni, I.S.T. Tsong & G.A. Smith, 1984. Obsidian hydration dating in Sardinia, in: M.S. Balmuth & R.J. Rowlands jr. (eds), Studies in Sardinian Archaeology, 1. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 83-114. Montanini, A., M. Barbieri & F. Castorina, 1994. The role of fractional crystallisation, crustal melting and magma mixing in the petrogenesis of rhyolites and mafic inclusion-bearing dacites from the Monte Arci volcanic complex (Sardinia, Italy). Journal of Volcanology and Geotermal Research 61, 95-120. Mithen, S., 2001. Distribution and character of flint beach pebbles on Islay, in: S.J. Mithen (ed.), Huntergatherer landscape archaeology. The Southern Hebrides Mesolithic Project 1988-98, vol. 1. Project development, palaeoenvironmental studies and archaeological fieldwork on Islay. McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge, 8789. Mussi, M & R.T. Melis, 2002. Santa Maria Is Acqua e le problematiche del paleolitico superiore in Sardegna. Origini 24, 67-94. Pelletier, J., 1960. Le relief de la Sardaigne (= Mémoires et Document 13). Revue de Géographie de Lyon, Institut des Études Rhodaniennes de l’université de Lyon, Lyon. Pecorini, G., 1971a. Geologia, in: R. Pracchi & A. Terrosu Asole (eds), Atlante della Sardegna, fasc. 1. Cagliari, 6-9. Pecorini, G., 1971b. Litologia, in: R. Pracchi & A. Terrosu Asole (eds), Atlante della Sardegna, fasc. 1. Cagliari, 9-12. Philips, P., 1992. Western Mediterranean obsidian distribution and the European Neolithic, in: R.H.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks to the organizers of the 6th Italian Archaeology Conference for allowing me to present and publish my paper. Thanks also to staff and postgraduates of the University of Glasgow who commented on an earlier version of this paper, especially E. Gibson, dr. A. Hall, dr. J. Huggett, G. Noble and K. Seretis. I am grateful to dr. P. van de Velde, for setting up and carrying out initial research and very generously sharing his field notes and ideas; to the Riu Mannu Survey Project directors dr. M.B. Annis, dr. P. van Dommelen and dr. P. van de Velde for their continuous support, generosity in advice and sharing of knowledge and last but not least to my supervisors dr. P. van Dommelen and dr. N. Finlay for all their advice and help. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ammerman, A.J., A. Cesana, C. Polglase & M. Terrani, 1990. Neutron activation analysis of obsidian from two Neolithic sites in Italy. Journal of Archaeological Science 17, 209-220. Annis, M.B., P.A.R. van Dommelen & P. van de Velde, 1996. Insediamento rurale e organizzazione politica: il progetto archeologico ‘Riu Mannu’. Sardegna, Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Cagliari e Oristano 13, 255-286. Ardu Onnis, E., n.d. Officine litiche in Sardegna. La Piccola Rivista Cagliari 1-12. Ardu Onnis, E., 1903. Per la Sardegna preistorica. Nota 3a – Le nuove contribuzioni. Estratto dagli Atti della Società Romana di Antropologia 11, fasc. I-II. Assorgia, A., L. Beccaluva, G.M. di Paola, L. Maccioni, G. Macciotta, M. Puxeddu, R. Santacroce & G. Venturelli, 1976. Il complesso vulcanico di Monte Arci (Sardegna centro-occidentale) Nota illustrativa alla carta geopetrografica 1: 50.000. Bollettino della Società Geologica Italiana 95, 371-401. Beccaluva, L., G. Macciotta & G. Venturelli, 1975. Dati geochimici e petrografici sulle vulcaniti della Sardegna Centro-Occidentale. Bollettino della Società Geologica Italiana 94, 14371457. Beccaluva, L., L. Civetta, G. Macciotta & C.A. Ricci, 1985. Geochronology in Sardinia: results and problems. Rendiconti della Società Italiana di Mineralogia e Petrologia 40, 57-72. Bigazzi, G., S. Meloni, M. Oddone & G. Radi, 1992. Nuovi dati sulla difussione dell’ossidiana negli insediamenti preistorici italiani, in: E. Herring, R. Whitehouse & J. Wilkins (eds), Papers of the fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology 3. New Developments in Italian Archaeology, Part I. Accordia Research Centre, London, 9-18. Bradbury, A.P. & P.J. Carr, 1995. Flake typologies and alternative approaches: An experimental assessment. Lithic Technology 20(2), 100-115. Bruijn, N. de, 1998. L’ oro nero sardo: een studie naar het onderzoek over obsidiaan en uitwisseling in 567

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tykot & T.K. Andrews (eds), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: A footprint in the sea (= Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 3 / Studies in Sardinian Archaeology IV). Sheffield, 72-82. Pollmann, H.-O., 1993. Obsidian im Nordwestmediterranen Raum. Seine Verbreitung und Nutzung im Neolithicum und Äneolithicum (= British Archaeological Reports, International Series 585). Oxford. Pracchi, R. & A. Terrosu Asole (eds), 1971. Atlante della Sardegna, fasc. 1. Cagliari, 9-12. Puxeddu, C., 1955-57. Giacimenti di ossidiana del Monte Arci in Sardegna e sua irradiazione. Studi Sardi 1415(I), 10-66. Puxeddu, C., 1975. La Preistoria, in: A.A.V.V, La Diocesi di Ales-Usellus-Terralba. Cagliari. Seuffert, O., 1970. Die Relief Entwicklung der grabenregion Sardiniens. Ein beitrag zur Frage der Entstehung von Fussflächsystemen (=Würzburger geographische Arbeiten, 24). Würzburg. Shackley, M.S., 1998. Intrasource chemical variability and secondary depositional processes: Lessons from the American Southwest, in: M.S. Shackley (ed.), Archaeological obsidian studies. Method and theory (= Advances in Archaeological and Museum Science, 3). Plenum Press, New York/London, 83-102. Tykot, R.H., 1992. The sources and distribution of Sardinian obsidian, in: R.H. Tykot & T.K. Andrews (eds), Sardinia in the Mediterranean: A footprint in the sea (= Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 3 / Studies in Sardinian Archaeology IV). Sheffield, 57-71. Tykot, R.H., 1995. Prehistoric trade in the West Mediterranean: The sources and distribution of Sardinian obsidian. Ph.D dissertation, Harvard University: University of Michigan: University Microfilms. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. Tykot, R.H., 1996. Obsidian procurement and distribution in the Central and Western Mediterranean. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 9(1), 39-82. Tykot, R.H., 1997. Characterization of the Monte Arci (Sardinia) obsidian sources. Journal of Archaeological Science 24, 467-479 Tykot, R.H. & A.J. Ammerman, 1997. New directions in Central Mediterranean obsidian studies. Antiquity 71 (274), 1000-1006. Velde, P. van de, 2001. An extensive alternative to intensive survey: Point sampling in the Riu Mannu Survey Project, Sardinia. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 14(1), 24-52. Williams Thorpe, O., 1995. Obsidian in the Mediterranean and the near East: A provenancing success story. Archaeometry 37(2), 217-248. Zanardelli, T., 1899. Le stazioni preistoriche e lacumaresi nel Campidano di Oristano. Bulletino di Paletnologia Italiana 25, 8-177.

568

THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE CATIGNANO-SCALORIA BASSA CULTURE AND THE ADRIATIC IMPRESSED WARE IN THE ITALIAN PENINSULA M. Colombo, C. Tozzi & B. Zamagni

to the contemporaneity, at least in the Abruzzo region, of the early phase of the Catignano Culture and the middle late phase of the Impressed Ware (Figs. 2-3). This hypothesis of coexistence and contacts between these two cultures is testified by the most recent archaeological discoveries: a dozen of impressed ware pottery fragments (Fig. 4) and three small fragments of Masseria La Quercia Impressed Ware Culture were found in feature 501-503.

The Neolithic village of Catignano (Pescara, Abruzzo), together with the Grotta della Scaloria Bassa (Foggia, Puglia), is the eponymous site of the best attested facies of the early Red Painted Ware Culture in the Middle Adriatic area (Tozzi & Zamagni, 2003a). This facies is represented by figulina ware, painted with red bands which are sometimes associated with black patterns, drawn with the peculiar technique ‘a negativo’. A similar cultural phase is also present in the village of Passo di Corvo (Foggia, Puglia) (Tozzi 1998; Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Catignano: Ovoid shaped vessel decorated in the typical style of Catignano-Scaloria Bassa. Fig. 2. Calibrated dates from Catignano.

Following the first investigations performed between 1971 and 1980, the Catignano Culture was believed to fill the chronological gap between the end of the Impressed Ware and the beginning of the Ripoli Culture, given its position in the stratigraphic sequence of the Grotta dei Piccioni and Grotta Sant’Angelo (Abruzzo) and the 14C dates between 6200 and 5900 BP (uncalibrated). Moreover the shapes of coarse ware are very similar to those of the Middle Adriatic Impressed pottery (Tozzi 2001).

In addition the presence of pottery firedogs recalls the Impressed Pottery settlement of Rendina (Basilicata), which yielded a pottery fragment, bearing a stylized human face similar to that found at Catignano. A clay figurine from Catignano (Tozzi & Zamagni, 2000/2001) shows features similar to those coming from the Impressed Ware site of Ripabianca di Monterado (Marche) and those from Monte Aquilone (Puglia) Masseria La Quercia Impressed Ware (Manfredini, 1972).

New investigations started in 1998 at Catignano (Tozzi & Zamagni, 2003b) and new radiometric dates changed the existing picture and led us to think of more complex relationships with the Impressed Ware Culture, both with its Middle Adriatic facies and its Puglia-Matera aspect. The new dates, between 6450 and 6100 BP seem to point

We must not forget that the Painted figulina Ware is a southern cultural aspect and is present in the latest phases of Puglia and Matera Impressed Ware.

569

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The lithic industry shows techno-typological aspects very similar to those of the Impressed Ware (especially to the industries of the Middle-northern Adriatic area and the Fucino basin), while a marked distinction with the following Ripoli phase can be noticed.

Fig. 4. Catignano: Impressed Ware pottery fragments from feature 501, 503, 511.

Fig. 3. Calibrated dates from Middle-Adriatic Impressed Ware sites. BIBLIOGRAPHY Manfredini, A., 1972. Il villaggio trincerato di Monte Aquilone nel quadro del Neolitico dell’Italia meridionale. Origini 6, 29-154. Tozzi, C., 1998. Culture de Catignano-Scaloria Bassa, in: J. Guilaine (ed.), Atlas du Neolitique europeen. L’Europe occidentale, vol. 2A. ERAUL 46, 178-180. Tozzi, C., 2001. Ripa Tetta et Catignano, établissements néolithiques de l’Italie adriatique, in: J. Guilaine (dir.), Communautés villageoises du Proche-Orient à l’Atlantique (8000-2000 avant notre ère), Seminaire du Collège de France. Paris, 153-167. Tozzi, C. & B. Zamagni, 2000/2001. Una statuetta fittile dal villaggio neolitico di Catignano (Pescara). Nota preliminare. Rivista di Scienze preistoriche 1, 465469. Tozzi, C. & B. Zamagni, 2003a. Gli scavi nel villaggio neolitico di Catignano (1971/1980), Origines. Firenze. Tozzi, C. & B. Zamagni, 2003b. Le nuove ricerche nel villaggio neolitico di Catignano (Pescara), in: Atti della XXXVI Riunione Scientifica Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Chieti-Celano, 181-193.

570

PROVENANCE STUDIES OF OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ITALIAN PREHISTORIC SITES USING THE FISSION-TRACK METHOD Giulio Bigazzi & Giovanna Radi Abstract: This paper illustrates the application of the fission-track method for provenance studies of obsidian artefacts from Italian prehistoric sites. Results of our analyses allow to make some remarks on the circulation of obsidian in Italy, since the early Neolithic. The Mt. Arci (Sardinia) obsidian is found in the central and north western regions, from southern Tuscany to Lombardy. The Palmarola obsidian has a wider distribution than previously thought, extending from Campania and Abruzzo up to Liguria and Venetia Julia. The widest distribution, covering the whole Italian peninsula, is that of the Lipari obsidian, which is almost the only raw material present in southern Italian sites. The Pantelleria obsidian is not found in continental Italy. The use of this glass appears to have been limited to a restricted area of the Mediterranean, the region between Sicily and Tunisia.

& Radi 1998), Latin America (Miller & Wagner 1981; Bigazzi et al. 1992), and the Near East (Bigazzi et al. 1993; 1994; Badalian et al. 2001) have already proved the potential of this method.

INTRODUCTION Obsidian was widely used for tool making, especially during Neolithic times. This volcanic glass is one of the rare materials that can be used to correlate prehistoric artefacts with their natural sources, as the latter are located in distinct volcanic complexes (Fig. 1). Moreover, the physical and chemical properties of glass are parameters that can be used for characterization and discrimination of the potential sources of raw material.

This paper reports on the application of the FT method for provenance studies of 149 obsidian artefacts from prehistoric sites distributed over a wide area of the Italian peninsula. Results of this study prove that this technique is an efficient diagnostic tool for obsidian provenance studies, alternative (and/or complementary) to the more widely applied methods based on chemical composition analyses. FT ANALYSIS OF OBSIDIANS FT dating consists in determining the fraction of 238U, contained as a trace element in a solid, which experienced the spontaneous nuclear fission. The FT age is proportional to the ratio of two parameters – the spontaneous track density and the density of the tracks due to the fission of the 235U isotope induced by an irradiation with thermal neutrons applied for calibrating the U-content. The identification of the provenance of prehistoric obsidian artefacts using the FT analysis is based upon the assumption that they maintain memory of the characteristics of the outcrop which they originated from. In other words, in principle an artefact should show FT parameters – such as track densities and age – identical to those of a geological sample one can collect today from its source. Comparison of these parameters on artefacts and potential natural sources of raw material should allow provenance identification, provided that track densities and age are efficient discriminative factors.

Fig. 1. Map of obsidian-bearing volcanic complexes as potential sources of raw material for tool making in the Mediterranean and adjacent regions. Europe is an ideal area for provenance studies of obsidian artefacts, as the potential sources of raw material are relatively few, in comparison with other regions on earth.

However, some artefacts yield FT data which do not enable one to promptly recognize specific sources. Natural glass is a peculiar material for FT dating, as thermal stability of tracks is rather poor, a certain amount of partial annealing of the spontaneous tracks accumulated during geological times commonly occurs also at room temperature. The peculiar environmental conditions experienced by artefacts during the last thousands of years may have produced accelerated annealing of spontaneous tracks.

Several studies carried out since the early seventies have shown that also the fission-track (FT) areal densities that one can determine in an obsidian sample and the corresponding FT age that one can compute, in principle are typical parameters of each obsidian source, which can be used for its characterization (Suzuki 1970; Durrani et al. 1971; Arias-Radi et al. 1972). Application in various geographic areas of the earth such as Europe (Arias Radi et al. 1972; Arias et al. 1986; Bigazzi et al. 1990; Bigazzi 571

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Shortened tracks are revealed with reduced efficiency, in comparison with the ‘fresh’ induced tracks, assumed as reference undisturbed tracks. Spontaneous track partial annealing is detected by a certain reduction of the mean size DS (the mean major axis of the etch-pit). A DS/DI mean size ratio < 1 (where subscript I denotes induced tracks) indicates reduced etching efficiency of spontaneous tracks and a corresponding decrease of the areal spontaneous track density and, consequently, of the age which is determined through the spontaneous to induced track density ratio. The less the DS/DI ratio is, the more the FT age is reduced.

out an experimental curve named ‘correction curve’, which represents the relationship between track-size reduction and corresponding track areal density decreasing (Fig. 2). Using this curve, the value in the ρ/ρ0 axis corresponding to the DS/DI ratio determined in the sample represents an estimate of the age reduction due to the spontaneous tracks partial annealing. The plateau method consists in re-establishing by laboratory thermal treatments an identical etching efficiency of spontaneous and induced tracks. This technique is commonly preferred for its higher precision. For analysis of artefacts in order to identify their provenance, precision is not an important factor. Therefore, to save time, the size-correction method is commonly preferred for artefacts, using correction curves previously determined for samples which represent their potential sources.

Therefore, a FT age on glass is commonly a ‘rejuvenated’ age (referred to as ‘apparent age’) unless a technique for correcting thermally lowered ages is applied. For this purpose, the ‘size-correction method’ (Storzer & Wagner 1969) and the ‘plateau method’ (Storzer & Poupeau 1973), respectively, had been proposed.

Analytical data of European obsidians are shown in Table 1. Ages of these glasses distribute over a wide time interval, since Middle Miocene up to Holocene. Age is potentially an excellent parameter for discrimination of the different obsidian bearing volcanic complexes. Only the Palmarola and Milos obsidians have similar ages. However, these two sources can be easily distinguished based on their induced track densities, which differ by a factor 3-4. On the contrary, FT dating has not enough resolution for discriminating obsidians due to different eruptions that occurred during a short time span, in comparison with their age. The induced track density, which is proportional to the uranium content, provides a further partial discrimination. For example, the several obsidian occurrences of the Mt. Arci volcanic complex (Sardinia), which are distributed in several groups based on their chemical composition, are grouped into two main clusters (a and b), based on their track densities. FT dating can easily discriminate the Gabellotto obsidian flow of Lipari from the historical ones, Forgia Vecchia and Rocche Rosse, because the few thousands of years interval between the corresponding eruptions is of the same order of magnitude of their age. Of course, these two last flows were not exploited during prehistoric times because they did not exist yet.

Fig. 2. The experimental curve that relates reduction of areal track density (ρ/ρ0) with corresponding reduction of mean track size (D/D0) is drawn through annealing experiments of induced tracks. Using this curve, from the DS/DI ratio determined on a sample, one can deduce a correction factor (C.F.) for obtaining the glass formation age (Corr. Age = App. Age / C.F.).

Commonly artefacts are a replica of geological samples. However, several artefacts show a larger amount of annealing, especially in the case of surface findings, due to peculiar environmental conditions experienced during the last thousands years (Fig. 3). Track-size measurements are important for artefacts, as they may reveal particular thermal histories (Fig 4). Some artefacts may have experienced a recent intense heating event that produced total annealing of pre-existing tracks that determined a full reset of the FT clock. In such cases the FT method yields the ‘archaeological age’ – the age of the human activity represented by the artefact – if the thermal event can be considered coeval to the use of the artefact itself. However, these ages are not very useful, due to the low precision typical of very young FT ages. In

The first technique is based on an estimate of track density loss by track-size measurements. Thermal treatments of varying intensity, obtained changing duration and temperature, are imposed to several splits of an irradiated sample in order to produce variable amounts of track-annealing. For each split the D/D0 (ratio between the mean size of partially annealed and undisturbed tracks) and ρ/ρ0 (ratio between areal density of partially annealed and undisturbed tracks) ratios are measured. The D/D0, ρ/ρ0 points obtained in this way allow to draw 572

GIULIO BIGAZZI & GIOVANNA RADI: PROVENANCE STUDIES OF OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ITALIAN PREHISTORIC SITES Table 1. Fission-track parameters of European obsidians. ρS (cm-2)

ρΙ (cm-2)

DS/DI

Sardinia Mt. Arci a Mt. Arci b

5,200 2,880

101.600 62.700

0,77 0,75

2,54 ± 0,11 2,28 ± 0,17

3,59 ± 0,22 p 3,50 ± 0,21 p

Palmarola Monte Tramontana Punta Vardella

2,890 6,330

178.800 264.800

0,69 0,81

0,80 ± 0,11 1,19 ± 0,08

1,57 ± 0,21 p 1,69 ± 0,10 p

3.2 4.2 34

122.000 139.400 204.000

~1 ~1 ~1

0,0013 ± 0,0004 0,0015 ± 0,0004 0,0083 ± 0,0015

— —

460 170

171.900 132.600

~1 0,90

0,133 ± 0,008 0,064 ± 0,007

— 0,073 ± 0,009 s

1,460 1.300

64.900 59.400

0,83 0,82

1,12 ± 0,08 1,09 ± 0,004

1,65 ± 0,15 p 1,63 ± 0,16 p

48

81.700

~1

0,029 ± 0,04

—

Antiparos

37.700

627.800

0,78

2,99 ± 0,10

4,78 ± 0,18 p

Eastern Slovakia Viničky Mala Bara Streda nad Bodrogom

27.400 28.400 13.800

142.700 155.100 69.100

0,81 0,79 0,74

9,54 ± 0,41 9,10 ± 0,44 9,93 ± 0,38

14,67 ± 0,65 p 14,78 ± 0,61 p 15,56 ± 0,87 p

North-eastern Hungary Kakas-Hegy (Mád) Bodrogkeresztúr Tolcsva a Tolcsva b Erdöbenye

7.890 8.630 5.570 6.300 9.280

65.900 68.000 54.900 59.000 59.600

0,77 0,82 0,73 0,78 0,88

5,95 ± 0,39 6,31 ± 0,54 5,05 ± 0,32 5,31 ± 0,33 7,74 ± 0,63

9,44 ± 0,72 s 8,87 ± 1,02 s 8,60 ± 0,32 p 8,05 ± 0,45 p 9,56 ± 0,85 s

Obsidian

Apparent Age (± 1σ) Corrected Age (± 1σ) (Ma) (Ma)

Lipari Rocche Rosse Forgia Vecchia Gabellotto (Pomiciazzo) Pantelleria Balata dei Turchi Fossa della Pernice Milos Demenegaki Adhamas Yali

—

ρS (ρI): spontaneous (induced) track areal density. DS/DI: spontaneous to induced mean track-size ratio. Corrected age: plateau (p) or size (s) corrected age. The obsidians from Lipari, Balata dei Turchi (Pantelleria) and Yali did not require age correction because DS/DI ~ 1 (after Arias et al. 1986; Bigazzi et al. 1990; and Bellot-Gurlet et al. 1999; ages reported in the first two papers have been recomputed using the new calibration system based on the standard glass IRMM 540.

Fig. 3. Artefacts originated from the main Italian source areas show varying apparent ages and DS/DI ratios according to different experimental conditions experienced during the last thousand years. The upper scale refers to the glass from Lipari. Points corresponding to these three sources distribute along apparent age – DS/DI diagrams typical of glasses which suffered differential annealing of spontaneous tracks. 573

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. The spontaneous track-size distribution (red) of artefacts from the same source (Mt. Arci) compared with that of the induced tracks (assumed, as reference reveals peculiar thermal histories experienced during the last thousands years). Whereas S. Paolina 1 shows the same spontaneous track annealing amount as its source, S. Eugenia experienced a recent heating event that determined significant track-size and age reduction. Some artefacts may have experienced a recent intense heating event that produced total annealing of pre-existing tracks that determined a full reset of the FT clock. In such cases the FT method yields the ‘archaeological age’ – the age of the human activity represented by the artefact – if the thermal event can be considered coeval to the use of the artefact itself (Grotta del Leone 6). More rarely, a recent intense heating event may have produced strong partial annealing of pre-existing tracks (the smaller ones), without a full reset of the FT clock (Malandrone). The larger tracks formed afterwards. Separation of tracks in two populations – larger tracks and smaller tracks – allows determination of the ‘archaeological age’ (4800 a), as well as of the age of the eruption that produced the glass (‘geological age’). Liguria) (Tozzi & Weiss 2000; Ammerman & Polglase 1997). From the coastal areas the Mt. Arci glass crossed the Apennines and was distributed in the Po river valley. Following a north-western trade way, it became widely distributed in southern France as far as the Spanish border in advanced phases of the Neolithic. Southward, Mt. Arci glass diffusion was very limited: the southernmost site with documented presence of this obsidian is Ischia di Castro (northern Latium).

such cases, the source may be identified based on the only parameter induced track density. EXPLOITATION AND CIRCULATION OF OBSIDIAN IN ITALY Artefacts from Italian sites analysed by us and by other authors originated from Italian sources located in Sardinia (the Mt. Arci volcanic complex) and in the islands of Palmarola, Lipari and Pantelleria. One exception is the identification made, in the periphery of Italy, of a few artefacts from Carpathian sources at Grotta della Tartaruga (Trieste) (William-Torphe et al. 1979) together with glasses from Palmarola and Lipari (Arias et al. 1986) and at Sammardenchia (Udine), together with artefacts from Lipari (Pessina 1999).

Our analyses have shown that the Palmarola obsidian had a diffusion area wider than believed before, extending from Campania and Abruzzo up to Liguria and Venetia Julia. Since this glass reached the Neolithic early phases, together with the Lipari obsidian, internal areas of central and northern Italy as well as the Adriatic coast. Obsidian from Palmarola together with Italian style Impressed Pottery was found in southern France, in the Pont de Roque site (Vaquer in press). Analyses of artefacts indicate a substantial exploitation during the central and southern Italian Impressed Pottery Culture, with a relatively wide distribution network that involved the Thyrrenian islands and the regions of the western slopes of the Apennines and some areas of the Po river valley. In the archaic sites of La Marmotta, Latium (Fugazzola Delpino et al. 1993), Le Secche, Giglio Island (Brandaglia 1985), Colle S. Stefano, Abruzzi (Radi & Danese in press), and Faenza-Fornace Cappuccini, Romagna (Bermond Montanari et al. 1994), the obsidian

Results of our analyses, integrated with those obtained by other authors, allow making some considerations on circulation of obsidian in Italy during prehistoric times (Fig. 5). Using the natural bridge represented by Corsica and the Tuscan archipelago, the Mt. Arci obsidian reached the western coast of Italy since the early Neolithic. This glass was identified in various sites of the Impressed Tyrrhenian Pottery Culture and Linear Pottery Culture of the Tuscan islands and of the Ligurian Sea coastal areas (Cala Giovanna and La Scola on the island of Pianosa, Podere Uliveto, Casa Querciolaia, Tuscany – the region with more frequent overlapping of the three main Italian sources – and Suvero and Arene Candide, 574

GIULIO BIGAZZI & GIOVANNA RADI: PROVENANCE STUDIES OF OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ITALIAN PREHISTORIC SITES

Fig. 5. Circulation of obsidian in Italy during the early Neolithic (a), middle Neolithic (b) and late Neolithic (c). During the Impressed Pottery early Neolithic only the Lipari obsidian was identified in southern Italy. The Palmarola obsidian, somewhere in association with Lipari obsidian, distributed over central Italy. The Mt. Arci glass, somewhere in association with the Palmarola glass, was identified in the islands of northern Tyrrhenian Sea and in Liguria. During more recent phases (Painted Pottery and Square Mouth Pottery) the Lipari glass appeared to be distributed over a larger area, in some sites in association with the Mt. Arci and Palmarola obsidians. During the late Neolithic the Mt. Arci obsidian, in some sites in association with the Lipari obsidian, appeared to be distributed over a large area of northern Italy. Distribution of obsidian in the sites of the old phases of the Neolithic suggests overseas transport following Tyrrhenian and Ligurian routes. The internal areas of the Thyrrenian regions and the eastern slope of the Apennines were reached through inland travelling. Whereas in sites of the Tyrrhenian and Ligurian coasts and of the Tuscan archipelago the percentage of obsidian is relatively abundant, as well as in internal sites of the Adriatic slope, such as Faenza-Fornace Cappuccini and Colle S. Stefano, this glass is virtually absent in the Adriatic coastal sites of central-southern Italy.

assemblage is composed only by glasses from Lipari and Palmarola. The latter consist of a remarkable aliquot. To give an example of the performance of the FT dating method, a selection of the analyses of artefacts from these sites is shown in Table 2. Whereas seven samples have ages and track densities well consistent with those of the obsidian from the Gabellotto flow of Lipari, other six samples have ages distributed over a wide interval, between 0,17 and 1,11 Ma. The DS/DI ratio – between 0,20 up to 0,83 – indicates differential annealing of spontaneous tracks. The size-corrected ages of these samples are reciprocally well consistent and allow concluding that they originated from the island of Palmarola.

During the more recent phases of the Neolithic the documented use of obsidian in the eastern coastal areas of Italy suggests that Adriatic Sea routes had been established. Lipari, which is the closest source for overseas transport, is the only source we have identified in these sites.

The widest diffusion area, that covered the whole Italian peninsula as well as southern France, corresponds to the Lipari obsidian, which is almost the unique raw material present in the southern Italian sites. The identification of artefacts originating from Lipari also in southern Italian archaic cultures (Torre Sabea, Campi Latini and Fontanelle, south-eastern Apulia) documents knowledge of the Aeolian glass since the early Neolithic at least. Moreover, the identification made of a Lipari artefact in a Mesolithic level at Perriere Sottano, Sicily, for which two 14 C age determinations are available (8700±150 BP and 8460±70 BP, Aranguren & Revedin 1998), suggests knowledge by our ancestors of the Lipari raw material since the eruption of the Pomiciazzo obsidian flow (~ 8500 BP). This surprising result has to be regarded with caution at the present stage, as it is based on a unique finding.

We never identified the Pantelleria source in material found in continental Italy. The use of Pantelleria glass appears to have been limited to a restricted area of the Mediterranean, between Sicily and Tunisia. Our analyses have shown that exploitation of all Italian obsidian sources had already started in the early Neolithic. The use of this volcanic glass for tool making attained its maximum during the middle and recent Neolithic. Afterwards, it significantly reduced at the end of Neolithic, and was progressively given up during the metal ages.

575

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Table 2. Analysis of artefacts from Impressed Pottery Culture sites Sample

Φ (x 1015)

ρS

NS

(cm-2)

ρI

NI

DS/DI

(cm-2)

App. Age (± 1σ) (Ma)

Corr. Age (± 1σ)

Source

(Ma)

Faenza – Fornace Cappuccini U.S. 30 V19 3.55 37.8 U.S. 427 (A) 1.91 42.5 U.S. 427 (B) 1.91 6,860 U.S. 435 (B) 1.91 1,026 U.S. 435 (C) 1.91 3,315 U.S. 436 (A) 1.91 58.0

12 9 265 21 32 10

855,700 603,600 628,700 586,000 524,800 595,600

1,041 629 773 408 367 621

0.93 0.73 0.73 0.20 0.57 0.87

0.0078 ± 0.0023 0.0067 ± 0.0022 1.04 0.17 0.60 0.0092 ± 0.0031

⎯ ⎯ 1.79 ± 0.17 1.85 ± 0.47 1.58 ± 0.39 ⎯

Lipari Lipari Palmarola Palmarola Palmarola Lipari

Le Secche – Giglio Island Giglio 1 5.47 Giglio 2 5.47 Giglio 3 5.47

3,850 34.3 29.2

26 16 9

957,900 1,170,000 1,253,000

314 372 409

0.82 ⎯ ⎯

1.09 0.0080 ± 0.0020 0.0063 ± 0.0021

1.52 ± 0.33 ⎯ ⎯

Palmarola Lipari Lipari

Colle S. Stefano Rim. Clan. 5 Rim. Clan. 7

1.16 1.16

44.0 3,380

14 142

358,000 245,500

1,191 1,093

0.69

0.0071 ± 0.0019 0.79

⎯ 1.50 ± 0.17

Lipari Palmarola

La Marmotta '89 AIV '89 CIV

1.26 1.26

5,750 46.7

222 9

325,100 346,200

511 802

1.11 0.0085 ± 0.0029

1.58 ± 0.15 ⎯

Palmarola Lipari

0.83

Φ: neutron fluence, referred to IRMM 540 standard glass. ρS (ρI): spontaneous (induced) track areal density. NS (NI): number of spontaneous (induced) tracks counted. DS/DI: spontaneous to induced mean track-size ratio. Tracks were developed in 20% HF at 20°C for 120s. App. Age (Corr. Age): apparent (size-corrected) age. The DS/DI ratio – between 0.20 up to 0.93 – indicates variable amount of annealing of spontaneous tracks, from intense to rather negligible, according to peculiar environmental conditions experienced by artefacts during the last thousands of years. The size-correction method was not applied to artefacts from Lipari, because too few sizes were measured. The analytical data are consistent with those of the Lipari and Palmarola obsidians. The Pliocene obsidian of Monte Arci (Sardinia) is not represented in these sites.

In other sectors on earth obsidian provenance studies turned to be more difficult than in Europe, due to the large number of natural sources of raw material and/or to an incomplete knowledge of them. For this reason it is important to have an alternative technique which makes it possible to use a multidisciplinary approach. FT dating and chemical composition studies are based on different parameters: chemically similar glasses may have different ages, or coeval obsidians may have different chemical composition. In addition, whereas an unknown chemical composition of an artefact does not allow hypothesising its source, the age may be useful for this purpose, based on geological information. This is an important point, as some obsidian occurrences exploited by prehistoric men may be nowadays inaccessible (covered by recent alluvium or by young volcanics, totally exhausted by prehistoric use, or erased by modern human activities). In conclusion, FT dating is a complementary technique that in some cases may identify the sources of prehistoric obsidian artefacts when other methods fail.

CONCLUSIONS Results of the application of the FT analysis for provenance studies of obsidian artefacts from Italian prehistoric sites prove that this technique is an efficient alternative to the more widely diffused techniques based on chemical composition studies. The European obsidianbearing volcanic complexes are fully discriminated by the FT method and the provenance of artefacts was identified without uncertainties. Results of this study confirm that it is common for a given volcanic complex to erupt obsidians during short time spans. In many cases, ages of different occurrences are reciprocally indistinguishable, considering the experimental errors. For this reason, whereas FT dating easily discriminates the various volcanic areas as potential natural sources of raw materials, discrimination between occurrences located in the same volcanic field is more problematic. However, in some cases obsidians with very similar ages can be distinguished using their uranium content.

576

GIULIO BIGAZZI & GIOVANNA RADI: PROVENANCE STUDIES OF OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ITALIAN PREHISTORIC SITES Brandaglia, M., 1985. Il neolitico a ceramica impressa dell’Isola del Giglio. Studi per l’Ecologia del Quaternario 7, 53-76. Durrani, S.A., H.A. Khan, M. Taj & C. Renfrew, 1971. Obsidian source identification by fission track analysis. Nature 233, 242-245. Fugazzola Delpino, M., G. D’Eugenio & A. Pessina, 1993. “La Marmotta” (Anguillara Sabaudia, RM). Scavi 1989. Un abitato perilacustre di età neolitica. Bullettino Paletnologia Italiana 84 (N.S. II), 181-304. Miller, D.S. & G.A. Wagner, 1981. Fission-track ages applied to obsidian artifacts from South America using the plateau-annealing and track-size agecorrection techniques. Nucl. Tracks Radiat. Meas. 5, 147-155. Pessina, A., 1999. Manufatti in ossidiana dal sito neolitico di Sammanderchia – Cueis, in: A. Ferrari & A. Pessina (eds.), Sammanderchia – Cueis. Contributi per la conoscenza di una comunità del primo neolitico. Edizioni Museo Friulano di Storia Naturale, Udine, Pubb. N. 21, 287-290. Radi, G. & E. Danese, in press. L’abitato di Colle Santo Stefano di Ortucchio (l’Aquila), in: Atti XXXVI Riunione Scientifica Istituto Italiano Preistoria e Protostoria “Preistoria e Protostoria dell’Abruzzo” 27/30 settembre 2001. Storzer, D. & G. Poupeau, 1973. Ages-plateau de minéraux et verres par la méthode des traces de fission. C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris 276 (serie D), 317-319. Storzer, D. & G.A. Wagner, 1969. Correction of thermally lowered fission track ages of tektites. Earth Planet. Sci. Lett. 5, 463-468. Suzuki, M., 1970. Fission track dating and uranium contents of obsidian. J. Anthropol. Soc. Nippon 78, 50-58. Tozzi, C. & M.C. Weiss, 2000. Le premier peuplement olocene de l’aire corso-toscane. Il primo popolamento olocenico dell’area corso-toscana. ETS, Pisa Vaquer, J., 2003. L’obsidienne dans le Néolithique à l’ouest des Alpes, in: Atti XXXV Riunione Scientifica Istituto Italiano Preistoria e Protostoria “Le comunità della preistoria italiana. Studi e ricerche sul neolitico e le età dei metalli”, in memoria di L. Bernabò Brea, Lipari 2-7 giugno 2000. 1027-1033. William-Torphe, O., S.E. Warren & L.H. Barfield, 1979. The sources and distribution of archaeological obsidians in northern Italy. Preistoria Alpina 15, 7392.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Ammerman, A.J. & C. Polglase, 1997. Analyses and descriptions of the obsidian collections from Arene Candide, in: R. Maggi (ed.), Arene Candide: a functional and environmental assessment of the Holocene sequence (Excavations Bernabò Brea – Cardini, 1940-50) (= Mem. Ist. It. Paleontologia Umana, nuova serie, 5). 573-592. Aranguren, B. & A. Revedin, 1998. Il giacimento Mesolitico di Perriere Sottano. Bullettino Paletnologia Italiana 89, 31-79. Arias, C., G. Bigazzi, F.P. Bonadonna, M. Cipolloni, J.C. Hadler, C.M.G. Lattes & G. Radi, 1986. Fission track dating in archaeology. A useful application, in: Paolo L. Parrini (ed.), Scientific methodologies applied to works of art. Montedison, Progetto Cultura, Milano, 151-159. Arias-Radi, G., G. Bigazzi & F.P. Bonadonna, 1972. Le tracce di fissione. Un metodo per lo studio delle vie di commercio dell’ossidiana. Origini 6, 155-170. Badalian, R., G. Bigazzi, M.-C. Cauvin, C. Chataigner, R. Jrbashyan, S.G. Karapetyan, M. Oddone & J.-L. Poidevin, 2001. An international research project on Armenian archaeological sites: fission-track dating of obsidians. Radiati. Measurements 34, 373-378. Bellot-Gourlet, L., G. Bigazzi, O. Dorighel, M. Oddone, G. Poupeau & Z. Yeğingil, 1999. The fission-track analysis: an alternative technique for provenance studies of prehistoric obsidian artefacts. Radiat. Measurements 31, 639-644. Bermond Montanari, G., M. Massi Pasi & D. Mengoli, 1994. L’insediamento neolitico di Fornaci Cappuccini di Faenza (Ravenna). Preistoria Alpina 27, 173-195. Bigazzi, G. & G. Radi, 1998. Prehistoric exploitation of obsidian for tool making in the Italian peninsula: a picture from a rich fission-track data-set, in: XIII International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, Forlì, Italia, 8/14 September 1996. Proceedings 1, 149-156. Bigazzi, G., M. Coltelli, N.J.C. Hadler, A.M. Osorio Araya, M. Oddone & E. Salazar, 1992. Obsidian bearing lava flows and pre-Columbian artifacts from Ecuadorian Andes: first new multidisciplinary data. J. South Am. Earth Sci. 6, 21-32. Bigazzi, G., T. Ercan, M. Oddone, M. Özdoğan & Z. Yeğigil, 1993. Application of fission track dating to archaeometry: provenance studies of prehistoric obsidian artifacts. Nucl. Tracks Radiat. Meas, 22, 757-762. Bigazzi, G., P. Márton, P. Norelli & L. Rozložnik, 1990. Fission track dating of Carpathian obsidians and provenance identification. Nucl. Tracks Radiat. Meas. 17, 391-398. Bigazzi, G., Z. Yeğingil, T. Ercan, M. Oddone & M. Özdoğan, 1994. Provenance studies of prehistoric artifacts in Eastern Anatolia: first results of an interdisciplinary research. Miner. Petrogr. Acta 37, 307-326.

577

578

BRONZE AND IRON AGE

579

580

UN VILLAGGIO DEL BRONZO ANTICO A NOLA – CROCE DEL PAPA (CAMPANIA) C. Albore Livadie & G. Vecchio Abstract: At the end of the Ancient Bronze Age, a Somma Vesuvio’s eruption had a strong impact on the land eastwards of the volcano inhabited by people belonging to the so-called Palma Campania cultural facies. Just like Pompeii, the town of Nola is bringing back, under a blanket of cinder and pumice, a unique situation which enriches the protohistory of Campania: a village with well preserved housing structures, as well as their content. In particular the data concerning breeding, corn growing, and the huts’ internal organization are quite remarkable.

L’individuazione di una facies culturale dell’età del Bronzo antico: la facies di Palma Campania (dal nome del sito dove avvenne il primo ritrovamento significativo della facies) è indubbiamente tra le acquisizioni più importanti della ricerca archeologica sull’età del Bronzo della Campania di questi ultimi decenni.1 La sua collocazione nella sequenza cronologica relativa tra un Eneolitico avanzato (Facies di Laterza) e un Bronzo medio iniziale (Protoappenninico/BM1) è ormai generalmente accettata, mentre la tipologia delle forme ceramiche di recente oggetto di classificazione (Talamo 1998), va riformulata a seguito dei ritrovamenti recenti. E’ anche necessaria una maggiore chiarificazione della genesi e dell’evoluzione interna della facies ed una più precisa definizione dei suoi caratteri peculiari in rapporto alla successiva e conseguente fase del Protoappenninico (BM1). Fondamentale per la cronologia assoluta di questa facies è la relazione tra molti dei siti rinvenuti e l’eruzione pliniana del Somma-Vesuvio (3500 y. BP circa),2 cosiddetta delle ‘Pomici di Avellino’. Il sigillo dell’eruzione, chiaro marker stratigrafico, ha consentito la buona conservazione di contesti sincronici, in maggioranza di abitato, esplorati però su un’area limitata che non ha permesso di chiarire gli specifici contenuti culturali e socio-economici.

L’intervento di scavo, durato da maggio 2001 a marzo 2002, ha interessato un’area di 1000 mq, successivamente ampliata a poco più di 1400 mq. L’eccezionalità del rinvenimento ha richiesto un notevole impegno sul campo rivolto anche alla comprensione della dinamica dell’evento eruttivo ed all’analisi delle strutture abitative e destinate agli animali. L’ingente quantità di dati evidenziati (dalle impronte perfettamente conservate dei cereali e dei resti vegetali e faunistici ai manufatti e alle strutture domestiche trovati in sito) ha richiesto la messa in posto di un team di esperti che sta lavorando sulle diverse problematiche aperte dallo scavo. Questa nota preliminare fa il punto dei primi risultati acquisiti.

Il rinvenimento di un gruppo di capanne con strutture sussidiarie, avvenuto nel maggio 2001 nell’immediata periferia di Nola (loc. Croce del Papa), ha permesso di acquisire dati originali a riguardo dell’architettura protostorica e dell’organizzazione degli insediamenti, nonché di molti aspetti della vita quotidiana, incluse le abitudini alimentari e di sussistenza.

1 Il sito scoperto nel 1972 è stato reso noto soltanto nel 1979 con una comunicazione al convegno tenutosi in occasione del XIX centenario della distruzione di Pompei (Albore Livadie 1982). L’anno seguente ne fu curato l’edizione completa (Albore Livadie 1980). 2 Per le analisi C14 (AMS) eseguite vedi Albore Livadie ed altri 1998. Una nuova analisi (campione DSA 177) eseguita su campione di breve vita, cioè alcune ossa degli ovicaprini rinchiusi in una gabbia sul sito di Nola – Croce del Papa, ha fissato la cronologia radiocarbonio dell’eruzione a 3451 (60), cioè 3827-3635 y. BP (1782-1686 BC), all’interno di un errore statistico di 1σ in accordo con le precedenti datazioni radiometriche (Albore Livadie ed altri 1998). Dopo le fasi di pretrattamento chimico e di pirolisi presso il Laboratorio di Spettrometria di Massa del Dipartimento di Scienze Ambientali della Seconda Università di Napoli, il campione grafitizzato è stato datato con acceleratore presso il Laboratorio DTL dell’Università della Ruhr di Bochum (Germania) (Lubritto ed altri 2003).

Fig. 1. Carta della Campania con ubicazione di Nola. A circa sei metri dal piano di campagna, sono state messe in luce, nella parte orientale dell’area investigata, tre capanne a forma di ferro di cavallo, separate le une dalle altre da staccionate. Non è certamente da escludere che il nucleo abitativo ritrovato sia solo una parte dell’agglomerato ma, in questa fase, l’indagine non si è potuta estendere alle vicine proprietà. Le capanne occupano uno spazio di quadratura diversa, per ognuna di loro, limitato da uno steccato che si apre su altre aree recintate (Figg. 1-2). Nel settore rimanente, si sono potute 581

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Planimetria generale dello scavo (disegno Arch. E. Castaldo). 1-2: Pozzi; 3: ‘Aia’; 4: Capanna 2; 5: Capanna 3; 6: Capanna 4; 7: ‘Gabbia’ con ovicaprini; 8: Pozza riempita d’acqua. investito dalla pioggia di pomici bianche delle prime 5-6 ore della catastrofe, ma solo dal fall di pomici grigie avvenuto nelle ore successive (Fig. 3). Gli abitanti ebbero la possibilità di abbandonare le loro capanne all’inizio della catastrofe, lasciando sul posto quello che non potevano trasportare. Durante questa fase le pomici si accumularono all’esterno delle capanne, scivolando lungo i tetti, senza seppellire completamente le strutture, che restarono in piedi. L’eruzione terminò con abbondanti precipitazioni piovose alternate alla caduta di ceneri fini che solo parzialmente ricoprirono le capanne, senza farle crollare (AA.VV. 2002, in particolare la nota di CioniRosi).

riconoscere tre aree chiuse e quello che sembra parte di un’aia, anch’essa circondata da una fitta staccionata. Tre recinti erano probabilmente riservati alla stabulazione, viste le numerose impronte di zoccoli di animali domestici (bovini, caprovini, ecc.), spesso associate a delle orme umane, impresse nel terreno. Gli animali erano evidentemente stati evacuati o erano sfuggiti al momento dell’eruzione, tranne quelli intrasportabili. E’ il caso di nove femmine di ovicaprini, gravide di circa 4 mesi, rinchiuse in una gabbia di argilla costruita su un telaio di rametti posta sotto una tettoia. Altre quattro femmine sono state rinvenute ancora legate ai pali di sostegno dello spiovente. Sembra che un altro ricovero di animali fosse ubicato in prossimità, in un settore che lo scavo però non ha potuto indagare. Nella capanna (struttura n.3), un cane adulto, nascosto dietro il graticciato di una parete dove per la paura si era rifugiato,3 era rimasto intrappolato, mentre un rospo verde (Bufo viridis) e una lucertola (Podarcis muralis) sono stati trovati impigliati nel rivestimento di paglia che formava il tetto.4

E’ durante questa fase tarda che si verificarono importanti fenomeni alluvionali in tutta l’area del sito: all’interno delle capanne, che più basse del nuovo piano di campagna, erano diventate zone di richiamo, penetrarono, in più momenti, gli scorrimenti fangosi che le riempirono fino a circa 70 cm di altezza, inglobando le travi, la paglia di rivestimento del tetto, il vasellame ceramico e le strutture (forno, ‘granaio’, ecc.), spostando e sollevando alcuni dei contenitori più leggeri. Ciò contrastò efficacemente il collasso delle capanne verso l’interno, fornendo un’importante controspinta alle pomici accumulatesi all’esterno e permettendo la conservazione dell’alzato su un’altezza di poco più di m 1,30. Pian piano, la materia organica iniziò a decomporsi, lasciando, nel fango ormai rappreso, la sua impronta perfettamente leggibile. Sorprendentemente, l’indagine di scavo ha rimesso in luce il calco preciso dell’interno e dell’esterno delle capanne e di tutto quello che vi si trovava. Ben evidente è tornata la forma di una scala triangolare con i suoi pioli, la sagoma dei recipienti in legno, la traccia del tessuto e dei legacci che tenevano appesi alcuni recipienti o uniti tra loro gli elementi della costruzione. Come pure sono ancora oggi chiaramente riconoscibili le fascine di

L’EVENTO ERUTTIVO A differenza di quello che è avvenuto nei vicini villaggi di Palma Campania e di S. Paolo Belsito, la dinamica dell’eruzione ha consentito alla popolazione di Nola un lasso di tempo sufficiente per la fuga. L’agro nolano, infatti, al margine dell’area di caduta dei piroclastiti della prima fase dell’eruzione, non è stato 3 La fauna domestica è in corso di studio da parte di N. Pizzano. E’ stato chiesto ad A. Genovese, N. Pizzano e J.L. Guadelli di curare più specificamente lo studio degli ovicaprini morti durante l’eruzione. Il cane è in corso di analisi da parte di J. De Grossi Mazzorin. 4 I micromammiferi e gli anfibi sono rispettivamente in studio da parte di T. Cucchi, sotto la direzione di F. Poplin, e di S. Bailon.

582

C. ALBORE LIVADIE & G. VECCHIO: UN VILLAGGIO DEL BRONZO ANTICO A NOLA – CROCE DEL PAPA (CAMPANIA)

Fig. 3. Distribuzione dei principali siti della facies di Palma Campania nell’area di dispersione delle piroclastiti (spessore in cm). permesso di risalire ai minimi dettagli dell’architettura delle capanne, man mano che venivano evidenziati.

paglia che rivestivano le capanne o le foglie di quercia e le felci fresche raccolte a mazzetti, i funghi, le impronte di cereali che il fango ha fossilizzato.

Lo scavo dei livelli pomicei depositatisi all’esterno delle abitazioni ha permesso di chiarire, grazie alla medesima metodologia d’indagine, la tipologia degli steccati (costruzione con travi e/o con graticcio, paletti, picchetti, tavole, ecc.) e di alcune sistemazioni domestiche (ceste di vinchi poggiate all’esterno delle capanne, sotto la tettoia; secchio di legno appeso ad un recinto). Si sono potuti evidenziare alcuni incastri del tipo a coda di rondine.

LO SCAVO E LA SUA DOCUMENTAZIONE Si è asportato, durante lo scavo, buona parte della copertura esterna costituita da fascine fatte con steli di farro o di orzo, colture ampiamente praticate, o forse di giunchi, legate con corde di varia grossezza ai correntini di legno di medio spessore (2-4 cm) allo scopo di evidenziare le impronte lasciate dalla carpenteria. Per documentare tutti gli elementi strutturali significativi, si è proceduto secondo i metodi tradizionali d’intervento (gesso liquido) o, in alcuni casi, con prodotti più moderni (gomme siliconiche), a riempire i vuoti lasciati dal deperimento del materiale di costruzione (pali e travi di legno, legami, incastri, ecc.). L’accuratezza della documentazione fotografica, ma soprattutto grafica,5 ha

Oltre al rilievo tradizionale dello scavo, è stato eseguito un rilievo di alta precisione con uno scanner laser tridimensionale, che assicura un gradiente di scientificità molto elevata. L’apparecchiatura, Cyrax, utilizza un laser ad intermittenza, che produce sino a 1.000 punti distinti per ciascun fascio verticale e misura il tempo-di-tragitto per ciascun punto a distanze considerevoli (Amato ed altri 2001). L’esito finale dell’acquisizione è la rappresentazione reale dell’oggetto sotto forma di una nuvola di punti che per la sua densità ed accuratezza è pari ad un’immagine fotografica misurabile (Albore Livadie 2002a).

5

L’architetto E. Castaldo (Coop. Officina Memoria s.a.l.) ha realizzato con notevole perizia tutta la documentazione grafica; è stato coadiuvato dall’architetto P. Mercogliano (Coop. Officina Memoria s.a.l.) e dal capo tecnico A. D’Avanzo (Soprintendenza per i Beni archeologici delle Province di Napoli e Caserta). In tutte le fasi dello scavo e della documentazione grafica e fotografica è stata essenziale la collaborazione dell’archeologo N. Castaldo.

583

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI LE CAPANNE E L’ORGANIZZAZIONE DELLO SPAZIO

4 sono stati trovati, all’interno di questo spazio, alcuni recipienti di vimini e una statuetta-idoletto femminile d’impasto, finora senza confronto nel Bronzo antico campano (Fig 5a-b). La struttura portante era realizzata da una sequenza di pali posti sull’asse maggiore: 5 pali (struttura 4) e 4 pali (strutture 3 e 2), conficcati profondamente nel terreno. Il diametro variava da m 0,20 a m 0,23 e la profondità del foro è dubbia a causa, attualmente, della presenza di una falda freatica a meno di m 0,50 sotto il piano delle capanne. E’ verosimile che i pali fossero collegati alla sommità alla trave di colmo, sulla quale si appoggiavano regolarmente, frontalmente gli uni agli altri, i paletti inclinati del tetto/pareti esterne. E’ probabile che fosse necessaria un’altra trave orizzontale di collegamento, posta a quota intermedia fra la trave di colmo e quelle che, nel punto di scarico del peso del tetto, sormontavano i pali posti sul perimetro interno. Oltre a sorreggere un eventuale piano ammezzato, il suo scopo era di contrastare la spinta verso l’interno dei paletti obliqui esterni. L’azione di spinta laterale è evidenziata dal fatto che alcuni dei pali assiali e dei paletti erano stati raddoppiati su parte della loro altezza.

Le strutture abitate, orientate in direzione NW-SE, possedevano una pianta c.d. a ferro di cavallo, ovvero una struttura rettangolare con un lato absidato, con apertura nella parte rettilinea, ed una parte avanzata, sopra l’ingresso, a mò di tettoia. Erano del tipo a due navate con pali assiali che sopportavano il tetto e verosimilmente una trave di colmo. Le capanne avevano dimensioni assai diverse tra loro: m 7,50 di lunghezza e m 4,50 di larghezza la capanna 2; m 15, 20 di lunghezza e m 9 di larghezza la capanna 3; ambedue con solo due ambienti; m 15,60 di lunghezza e m 4,60/5, 30 di larghezza la capanna 4 con tre ambienti. Si è potuta verificare con una certa esattezza l’altezza delle strutture 3 e 4 (varia tra m 4,30 e m 5), inserendo delle canne palustri nel cavo lasciato vuoto dal disfacimento dei paletti verticali delle pareti esterne e misurando poi il punto d’intersezione delle stesse. Il tetto scendeva fino a terra, assicurando una notevole stabilità alla struttura. Il perimetro esterno formato dal tetto stesso era costituito da paletti verticali posti ogni m 0,40 circa e da correntini di legno disposti orizzontalmente e distanziati di circa m 0,20/0,25 l’uno dall’altro (Fig. 4). Nella capanna 4 sono stati contati 83 paletti di circa m 0,8/0,10 di diametro e m 6 circa di lunghezza. I correntini di legno, disposti su più file parallele, erano legati a tutti i paletti. Questi, appena poggiati al suolo e rincalzati con un cordolo di terra (alto circa cm 10, largo cm 30) per evitare anche l’immissione di acqua piovana o la penetrazione di roditori, avevano un’inclinazione non superiore al 25%; la loro sommità si doveva incrociare sopra la trave di colmo. Su questa griglia erano applicati, a mo’ di embrici, i fasci di paglia lunghi circa m 0,60/0,70.

Fig. 5a-b. Idoletto femminile dalla capanna 4. L’esistenza di un ammezzato a copertura parziale degli ambienti sottostanti è stata ipotizzata sulla base del rinvenimento, a quota alta, di alcuni grandi e pesanti contenitori d’impasto nella capanna 4 e di alcuni manufatti (vasi e oggetti) nella capanna 3. Internamente le capanne erano divise in due (strutture 2 e 3) o tre ambienti (struttura 4) da tramezzi verticali formati da più tavole piatte di legno accostate; una stretta apertura metteva in comunicazione la zona con i focolari con quella di forma absidata, usata come dispensa per le derrate; solo nel caso della struttura 4 una seconda apertura collegava la zona con i focolari ad un vano d’ingresso, verosimilmente aperto. Alla base della parete divisoria fra la dispensa e la zona principale con forno e piastra di cottura era una banchina in argilla cruda di circa 0,10 cm di altezza che si restringeva in corrispondenza del varco. E’ probabile che una tenda di tessuto grezzo, di cui si è conservata l’impronta nella

Fig. 4. Veduta di due delle tre capanne. Altri pali erano posti verticalmente, a distanza piuttosto regolare l’uno dall’altro, a formare un perimetro interno. Reggevano un graticciato verticale costituito da pannelli di rametti lignei e/o di canne, sistemati per lungo (lung. variabile e altezza conservata circa m 1,40). Tra il graticciato e la parete esterna si veniva così a formare una intercapedine separata dal settore abitato. Nella struttura 584

C. ALBORE LIVADIE & G. VECCHIO: UN VILLAGGIO DEL BRONZO ANTICO A NOLA – CROCE DEL PAPA (CAMPANIA)

Fig. 6. Sostegni d’impasto non decorati (1-2) e ciotole su piedi decorate (3-4); olle biconiche (5-6); scodella su piede a tromba e fondo conico (7); tazza con ansa a nastro (8) (disegni C. Morlando).

585

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI PRIMI RISULTATI DELLE ANALISI

cinerite, chiudesse l’uscio; la porta d’ingresso della strutura 3 (larg. m 0,60), che si apriva verso l’interno, era invece realizzata in rametti intrecciati. Il pavimento, in terra battuta (strutture 2 e 4) con, qua e là, delle chiazze di argilla (struttura 3) era stato risistemato a più riprese. Nelle due capanne più grandi, alcune fosse oblunghe contenenti ceneri, ramoscelli combusti, ossa e frammenti ceramici, erano state aperte nel pavimento, in prossimità dei focolari.

Le prime analisi archeobotaniche hanno identificato una relativa varietà di resti di legni carbonizzati (faggio, carpino nero e fico) prevalentemente sul pavimento interno delle strutture; sono state trovate anche ghiande, un nocciolo di olivo e molti cariossidi di cereali, essenzialmente monococco, dicocco, orzo (Costantini ed altri in: AA.VV. 2002). Tante impronte di spighe di cereali, alcune di frutta (mandorla) e di altri vegetali (felci in particolare) sono pure conservate nella cenere. La presenza di numerose impronte di foglie di quercia sta ad indicare la prossimità di un boschetto con piante prevalentemente di tale specie (Di Pasquale ed altri in: AA.VV. 2002).

Numerosi erano i recipienti usati per la conservazione delle derrate, principalmente nella stanza absidata, dove porzioni intere (soprattutto costole e scapole) di carne macellata, bovina, ovicaprina e suina erano pure appese ai pali di legno; nella struttura 3, un grande contenitore/granaio cilindrico di argilla cruda era vicino alla porta nell’ambiente in cui si trovavano il forno e la piastra di cottura di forma circolare. Vicino alle pareti, nello stesso ambiente, vi erano altri recipienti d’impasto e di legno contenenti spighe di orzo e di farro. Ossi lunghi di bovini e di ovicaprini, con tracce di macellazione, sono stati trovati a terra. La precisione dei dati raccolti ha permesso la ricostruzione dell’interno della struttura 4 (Albore Livadie 2002b) mentre, non essendo ancora concluso lo scavo, non è stato possibile fare la stessa operazione per la capanna 3.

I numerosi rifiuti di pasto erano stati scaricati all’esterno delle capanne e nei recinti. Si tratta principalmente di ossi riferibili alle specie Sus, Bos, Capra vel Ovis. La parte posteriore di un Bos era conservata in un grande contenitore in materiale deperibile, posto all’esterno della capanna n. 4, mentre un cranio relativo ad un individuo di questa specie era appoggiato alla base del tetto, scivolato forse dall’interno della capanna. Abbondante era la microfauna (Avicola terrestris, Microtus arvalis, Apodemus Cf sylvaticus), mentre vari anfibi sono stati rinvenuti, soprattutto nei pozzi. In tutta l’area è abbondante la malacofauna terrestre.

Gli archeologi dispongono oggi di corredi completi dei manufatti in uso nelle capanne, così come sono stati abbandonati: le due abitazioni di maggiori dimensioni possedevano quasi un centinaio di vasi in impasto, di cui alcuni decorati con incisioni parallele ed a forma di reticolo, altri con motivi a triangoli excisi e riempiti con pasta bianca (Fig. 6). La capanna più piccola, destinata a pochi individui, conteneva meno di una diecina di vasi, non decorati. Non di rado, i vasi mostravano segni di usura dovuti al loro ripetuto impiego. In alcuni recipienti vi erano tracce del loro contenuto (mandorle, resto di pasto, ghiande).

Anche se l’indagine archeologica è ora ferma per permettere il consolidamento delle fragili strutture e la costruzione di una copertura per proteggerle dalle intemperie, due interventi limitati, condotti di recente, hanno arricchito ulteriormente il quadro già fortunato dello scavo di Nola. A circa 70 m di distanza dalla più vicina capanna, nel corso di lavori di fognatura, è stata individuata una nuova capanna; essa suggerisce che il villaggio fosse costituito da diversi gruppi di abitazioni separate da steccati per l’alloggio degli animali domestici. E’ possibile immaginare un’organizzazione basata su un’aggregazione di più nuclei di famiglie cellulari, con moderato grado di differenziazione sociale. La presenza di una piccola struttura (n. 2) riservata ad un singolo o, in ogni caso, a pochi individui, non manca di ricordare l’organizzazione del mondo agricolo/pastorale dei paesi germanici, tutt’ora in uso, in cui una piccola casa (‘Stöckli’) era edificata, all’interno della proprietà familiare, per i genitori anziani, quando i figli prendevano le redini della gestione della proprietà.6

Gli abitanti ebbero il tempo di portare via i loro averi più preziosi (certamente le armi e gli strumenti in bronzo), ad eccezione di un copricapo, fatto con placchette tagliate nelle zanne inferiori di giovani maiali, che era appeso alla parete della più piccola delle capanne. Doveva essere una pettinatura tipica, fabbricata in loco, giacché alcune placchette, in corso di lavorazione, sono state ritrovate nelle altre due capanne. Altre, frammentarie, erano state abbandonate negli spazi destinati agli animali. Nel recinto della capanna 4 sono state scoperte, all’interno di olle schiacciate, le sepolture di due feti umani, rispettivamente di quattro e mezzo e di sei mesi lunari. La tipologia di questo tipo di sepoltura è attestata anche a Frattaminore, pure in contesto di abitato (Marzocchella, Calderoni & Nisbet 1999; Albore Livadie & Marzocchella 1999).

Fatta salva la zona delle capanne, nei mesi estivi 2002, lo scavo è continuato nella parte meridionale dell’area archeologica (i livelli sottostanti alla cosiddetta ‘aia” ed ai recinti per animali) con l’asporto di una diecina di cm della paleosuperficie ricoperta dall’eruzione. Si sono allora evidenziate le tracce di una precedente 6

586

Sull’argomento Vischer 1959, 13 e seg.; Affolter 2001, 155 e seg.

C. ALBORE LIVADIE & G. VECCHIO: UN VILLAGGIO DEL BRONZO ANTICO A NOLA – CROCE DEL PAPA (CAMPANIA) frequentazione del sito. Si tratta di più capanne, due delle quali mostravano chiare tracce di incendio. Erano abbandonate prima che nell’area si insediasse il nuovo abitato, in seguito distrutto dall’eruzione delle Pomici di Avellino. Presentavano lo stesso orientamento delle strutture più recenti; vicini erano cinque forni, costruiti gli uni in prossimità degli altri ed usati per la lavorazione dei metalli, come confermano gli scarti di lavorazione ed una goccia di fusione ivi rinvenuti. La tipologia ceramica, che mostra scarsa differenziazione da quella documentata dalle capanne distrutte dall’eruzione, e la datazione C14 (AMS), effettuata su un primo campione (DSA 214) corrispondente al disfacimento della impalcatura lignea di una delle strutture abitative (struttura 5: US 1A1),7 non permettono di valutare l’intervallo di tempo trascorso tra il vecchio e il nuovo insediamento.

Albore Livadie, C., 1980. Palma Campania (Napoli). Resti di abitato dell’età del bronzo antico. Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 34, 59-101. Albore Livadie, C., 1982. A propos d’une éruption préhistorique du Vésuve: Contribution à la recherche sur l’âge du bronze en Campanie, in: Atti del Convegno Internazionale ‘La regione seppellita dal Vesuvio’ – Studi e Prospettive, Napoli-PompeiCastellammare di Stabia 1979. Roma, 863-905, 35 fig. Albore Livadie, C., 2002a. Un villaggio del Bronzo antico (3500 B.P.) distrutto dall’eruzione delle Pomici di Avellino (Nola-Campania). Notiziario AIAR 5 (dicembre 2002), 11-15. Albore Livadie, C., 2002b. A first Pompeii: the early Bronze Age village of Nola-Croce del Papa (Palma Campania phase). Antiquity 76, 941-942. Albore Livadie, C. ed altri, 1998. Sulla datazione delle «Pomici di Avellino» e il suo impatto sui siti archeologici del Bronzo antico della Campania, in: IV Giornata delle Scienze della Terra e l’Archeometria, 1996, CUEN. Napoli, 201-205. Albore Livadie, C. & A. Marzocchella, 2000. Riflessioni sulla tipologia funeraria in Campania fra Bronzo antico e Bronzo medio, in: Atti del 19° Convegno sulla Preistoria – Protostoria e Storia della Daunia. San Severo, 117-134. Albore Livadie, C. & G. Vecchio, 2002. Ambiente e territorio durante il Bronzo antico: il villaggio di Croce del Papa-Nola, in: XLII Convegno internazionale di Studi sulla Magna Grecia “Ambiente e Paesaggio nella Magna Grecia”. Taranto-Matera (poster). Amato, L., G. Antonucci, B. Belnato, P. Izzo & M. Niglio, 2001. Sistema laser scanner tridimensionale: la nuova frontiera del rilievo, in: Case history: costone tufaceo di Marechiaro (Napoli), l’Arco Traiano di Benevento, il rilievo della Torre Pendente di Pisa, RILEM International Workshop, Mantova 13-14 Novembre 2001. 2-11. Lubritto, C., F. Terrasi, C. Sabbarese, F. Marzaioli, I. Passariello, D. Rogalla, M. Romano, L. Gialanella, V. Roca, C. Rolfs, C. Albore Livadie & G. Vecchio, 2003. Accelerator Mass Spectrometry dating of archaeological samples from Nola area (Naples, Campania). Archéométrie. CMPCA, Bordeaux (poster). Marzocchella A., G. Calderoni & R. Nisbet, 1999. Sarno e Frattaminore: evidenze dagli abitati, in: C. Albore Livadie (ed.), L’eruzione vesuviana delle “Pomici di Avellino” e la facies di Palma Campania (Bronzo antico), Atti Sem. Int., C.U.E.B.C., Ravello 1994. 157-202. Talamo, P.F., 1998. La ceramica della facies di Palma Campania, in: Proceedings of the XIII International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, 8-14 settembre 1996, vol. 4, Abaco. Forli, 227-236. Vischer, A.L., 1959. Das bernische Stöckli. Berna.

Il lungo cammino ancora da percorrere, per restituire il quadro storico che è il fine dell’indagine archeologica, ha trovato a Nola una scorciatoia. L’eccezionale stato di conservazione delle capanne che permette oggi la loro esatta ricostruzione in un Parco della Protostoria campana, l’accurata disposizione dei manufatti legati alla quotidianità che testimoniano le attività domestiche e l’operosa cura dell’allevatore per gli animali e del contadino per la raccolta che traspare nella costruzione dei recinti, dei ricoveri e del ‘granaio’, aprono una inaspettata quanto significativa finestra sul passato. Nola e tutto il suo territorio, drammaticamente investito dall’eruzione, stanno restituendo documenti tali da permettere di indagare la cultura regionale di Palma Campania al di là della sua complessa documentazione materiale di base, di seguire le diverse fasi del suo sviluppo e il suo decorso ultimo, concretato negli insediamenti relativi alla ripresa della vita dopo l’eruzione, alcuni ubicati a poche centinaia di metri da Croce del Papa. E’ certamente tra gli impegni più importanti del momento salvaguardare le testimonianze di questo periodo-chiave della storia delle comunità dell’età del Bronzo, allargando le ricerche agli appezzamenti prossimi e affinando gli strumenti di indagine. E’ essenziale cogliere oggi l’occasione unica che si offre di verificare l’esatta estensione del villaggio e le sue caratteristiche strutturali alfine di delineare un quadro globale del sito ed acquisire valide conoscenze delle attività primarie e artigianali connesse all’ambiente vegetale sia antropico che naturale. BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 2002. Nola Quattromila anni fa. Il villaggio del Bronzo Antico distrutto dal Vesuvio. Nola, 71. Affolter, H.C., 2001. Die Bauernhäuser des Kantons Bern, Band 2. Berna, 155 e seg. 7 L’età radiocarbonica con l’errore è 3436 y. BP (71); i corrispondenti intervalli di età calendariale (all’interno di un errore statistico di 1σ) cadono tra 1877-1640 BC. I risultati indicano una quasi contemporaneità tra i due insediamenti (Lubritto ed altri 2003).

587

DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO: APPUNTI PER UNO STUDIO DELLA PERCEZIONE DELLO SPAZIO SACRO NELLA SICILIA DELL’ANTICA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Massimo Cultraro Abstract: The paper focuses on the importance of ‘sacred areas’ – or, on a different scale, of sanctuaries – in the territorial organisation of EBA Sicily. Both the location and the function of three of the most important Sicilian EBA sanctuaries (Monte Grande, S. Giuliano and La Muculufa) may be interpreted as markers within large regions, playing the role of boundary shrines between cultivated and uncultivated areas. The investigation of the sanctuary at Monte Grande indicates that this sacred area was a significant ‘frontier’ between two different areas, the agricultural landscape and the unploughed fields on its northern side. Monte Grande also acquired the role as communication centre for different social and political groups through the complex ritual activities that took place, including animal sacrifice and food consumption.

capanna’ da Monte Grande (Castellana 1998, 178, figs. 95-98) (Fig. 3:E); 2) Ceramica fine da mensa che include fogge selezionate, in prevalenza vasi potori, spesso riconducibili a tipi presenti in ambito domestico (Castellana 1998, 138-173) (Fig. 3:A-D); 3) Scarichi di ossa di animali, comprendenti mammiferi che, per il sistema di selezione delle specie e di macellazione, presentano significative differenze con le faune domestiche (Cultraro 2004); 4) Strutture e apprestamenti connessi con la manipolazione di cibi, come le grandi piastre fittili di Monte Grande (Castellana 1998, 54, figs. 33-34).

INTRODUZIONE Il considerevole incremento, nell’ultimo decennio, di acquisizioni sul sistema insediativo e sulla organizzazione territoriale nella Sicilia dell’età del Bronzo Antico offre l’opportunità di indagare un tema rimasto ancora sostanzialmente negletto nell’ambito della letteratura paletnologica siciliana: la definizione dei modi di percezione dello spazio antropizzato in preistoria. All’interno di questo nuovo quadro di riferimento che ingloba insediamenti di diverso ordine di grandezza e con differenti modalità nella struttura interna e nelle scelte ubicative (McConnell-Bevan 1999; Doonan 2001), spicca una specifica categoria di siti che rivela una stretta relazione con l’espletamento di attività cerimoniali, quali il complesso di Monte Grande, presso Palma di Montechiaro (Castellana 1998), e il c.d. ‘santuario’ a La Muculufa, nel territorio di Licata (Holloway & Lukesh 1990). Questi due siti si legano ad un terzo complesso, quello sul colle di San Giuliano, presso Caltanissetta, parzialmente esplorato alla fine degli anni ’60 e rimasto per lungo tempo isolato nel panorama delle forme di insediamento dell’età di Castelluccio (Orlandini 1968).

E’ chiaro che non possiamo attribuire uno specifico carattere cultuale a ciascun singolo elemento, ma solo l’attribuzione e la combinazione dei diversi correlati all’interno di uno specifico contesto archeologico spazialmente definito permettono di identificare le aree connesse alla sfera del sacro. LA DEFINIZIONE DEL CEREMONIAL LANDSCAPE Stabilito che si tratta di luoghi organizzati sul piano spaziale e architettonico in modo differente dai coevi insediamenti e lasciando da parte per il momento il problema della ricostruzione dell’attività rituale, cominciamo col definire quali sono i gradi di interrelazione funzionale tra ciascun sacred place e il territorio di riferimento.

Si tratta di complessi dei quali conosciamo assai poco, con la sola eccezione di Monte Grande che offre una gamma di informazioni maggiore e meglio verificabile (Castellana 1998). É proprio la ricca evidenza di quest’ultimo deposito che impone di indagare con maggiore chiarezza la relazione, o l’insieme di relazioni, che legano in modo diacronico e sincronico questi off-site areas alle diverse stratificazioni del paesaggio di riferimento. Per ragioni di brevità non é possibile analizzare, per ciascun complesso, i singoli indicatori archeologici che permettono di qualificare tali complessi come spazi o strutture funzionali all’attività cultuale. In questa sede è sufficiente menzionare i principali elementi di identificazione che possono sostanzialmente essere ricondotti alle seguenti categorie:

In anni recenti, nell’ambito della letteratura paletnologica post-processuale, si è sviluppato, grazie ai nuovi orientamenti dell’antropologia religiosa (Rappaport 1999, 214-215, 257-258), lo studio degli aspetti semiologici del paesaggio antico, che viene interpretato come il prodotto di una manipolazione dello spazio, sia a livello tecnico che simbolico, da parte di una determinata comunità. Questo approccio, definito nella letteratura anglosassone a ‘Perception of ritual landscape’ (Hodder & Orton 1987, 73-80), ha prodotto, nel caso della ricerca italiana, due interessanti filoni di ricerca che, pur operando nell’ambito della medesima tematica, non hanno trovato alcun punto di convergenza. Il primo, maturato nel settore

1) Presenza di figurine antropomorfe, zoomorfe e di altri fittili, in molti casi riferibili a tipi non attestati in contesto domestico, come i c.d. ‘modellini di 588

MASSIMO CULTRARO: DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO preistorica, si corre il pericolo di leggere il paesaggio antico usando categorie ermeneutiche moderne. Il ricorso ai principi delle neuroscienze, già impiegato nell’interpretazione di alcuni comportamenti umani in ambito religioso (Rappapport 1999, 225-230), deve avere solo un valore di strumento euristico per meglio chiarire il sistema di formazione, organizzazione e connessione dei processi di percezione umana in relazione alle conformazione ambientale. E’ chiaro, dunque, che uno studio della percezione su piccola scala non risulta in alcun modo fattibile, né tanto meno vantaggioso ai fini della ricostruzione del paesaggio antico; occorre piuttosto che esso sia esteso ad altri correlati, quali il rapporto tra i singoli siti, la funzione assunta da questi sacred-places, la lettura delle trasformazioni sincroniche e diacroniche del territorio di riferimento.

dell’antropologia religiosa e dell’etnografia (Remotti, Scarduelli & Fabietti 1989), offre interessanti spunti di riflessione alla comprensione dello spazio ‘sacro’ nella sua complessità, evidenziando il ruolo dei centri rituali come elemento strutturante di un territorio, non solo sul piano socio-economico, ma anche su quello ecologico e simbolico. Il secondo filone di ricerca, operando sul terreno della ricerca archeologica, ha consentito di definire il modello del ritual landscape nelle società complesse dell’Italia centrale nella prima età del Ferro, mettendo in luce il ruolo esercitato da alcuni poli religiosi nella formazione dei centri protourbani nel comprensorio etrusco-latino (Zifferero 2002). In ambito paletnologico, tale metodica ha trovato una felice applicazione in alcuni recenti studi elaborati da un gruppo di ricercatori spagnoli nella Galicia dell’età del Bronzo, dove la fitta concentrazione di strutture megalitiche, insediamenti e luoghi di culto, in Sierra Barbanza, rappresenta il terreno ideale per la definizione del concetto di ceremonial landscape (Criado Boado & Fabregas Valcarce 1994; Criado Boado et al. 2001). Tale investigazione si basa sulla ricostruzione di quelle procedure attraverso le quali un determinato paesaggio sociale risulta preordinato a vantaggio di uno o più gruppi di individui che usano il medesimo codice visivo e simbolico, mettendo in atto un vero e proprio catchment visual. Tuttavia, per quanto tale sistema di lettura appaia seducente, esso – per acquisire un maggiore grado di coerenza – deve andare ben oltre le metodiche elaborate dall’archeologia dei paesaggi e mettere in campo alcune delle più significative acquisizioni raggiunte, nell’ultimo ventennio, nel campo delle scienze cognitive e neurobiologiche della scuola francese (Changeux 2004). L’idea su cui si incardina l’intero approccio epistemologico è assai semplice: sfruttando a diversi livelli funzionali il meccanismo della selezione all’interno di repertori di strutture neuronali, lo spazio fisico di azione dell’uomo agirebbe alla stessa maniera dei cosiddetti ‘spazi di lavoro’ del cervello, entro cui confluiscono e vengono integrati e valutati i dati elaborati selettivamente, per esempio, dai sistemi percettivi. In pratica, come il nostro sistema nervoso costruisce spontaneamente delle pre-rappresentazioni, ovvero dei repertori di attività neurali che vengono selezionate dal confronto con l’ambiente, alla stessa maniera una comunità antica stabilisce una rete di connessioni sensoriali con lo spazio di riferimento. Traducendo l’impostazione in termini archeologici, alle tre tradizionali dimensioni dello spazio, ovvero quella fisica, quella sociale e quella culturale, si unisce anche la dimensione simbolica che incarna l’idea del modo come questo spazio fosse percepito da parte di quegli individui che, in un determinato contesto, hanno costruito, utilizzato e manipolato tale paesaggio.

In termini di strategia operativa, la ricostruzione della percezione dello spazio dei santuari castellucciani deve essere ricondotta ai seguenti parametri: 1) relazione del complesso cultuale con l’ambiente geofisico; 2) ricostruzione del catchment visual; 3) relazione del sito in rapporto con le vie naturali di movimento dei gruppi umani; 4) relazione del sito con gli insediamenti circostanti. L’analisi di ciascun parametro e l’interrelazione funzionale con gli altri permetterà di isolare alcuni specifici trends che, a livello più generale, consentono di qualificare la natura e il ruolo di questi siti intercomunitari in rapporto al palinsesto territoriale di riferimento. Partendo da tali premesse metodologiche, in questa sede risulta preferibile focalizzare l’attenzione solo su uno dei tre principali sacred places della Sicilia di età castellucciana, Monte Grande (Castellana 1998) (Fig. 2). La scelta risulta condizionata dal fatto che il complesso in esame risulta meglio indagato e presenta, per la particolare qualità delle informazioni, maggiori elementi di analisi per la ricostruzione della percezione del paesaggio. MONTE GRANDE E IL SUO CONTESTO GEOFISICO Il complesso di Monte Grande si estende su un’altura prossima al mare e di modesta altezza (267 m s.l.m.), ai margini della spiaggia di Punta Bianca, dominando la sottostante piana costiera e la linea di colline poste nell’entroterra (Fig. 1). L’intera area rivela una ricca concentrazione di sorgenti d’acqua sulfurea che si alternano a depositi di giacimenti di zolfo, sfruttati in antico (Castellana 1998, 74-77). Dal punto di vista topografico la dislocazione del sito appare di una certa rilevanza perché ricade alla confluenza di una serie di profondi valloni, perpendicolari alla linea di costa, che rappresentano il punto di collegamento tra l’entroterra e la fascia costiera. Se applichiamo il secondo parametro,

E’ bene però chiarire che uno studio impostato in tal modo rischia di essere soggettivo e soggettivante dal momento che, nel tentativo di ricostruire la percezione dello spazio elaborata dai membri di una comunità 589

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Il comprensorio di Monte Grande: carta di distribuzione dei siti dell’Eneolitico e del Bronzo Antico. 1. Castello di Chiaromonte; 2. Piano Vento; 3. Fumarolo; 4. Falcone; 5. Naresette; 6. Castellazzo; 7. Piano Gaffe; 8. Monte del Bosco; 9. Cipolla; 10. Cassarino; 11. Galia; 12. Ragusetta; 13. Trappeto; 14. Grotta Zubbia; 15. S. Leonardo; 16. Grotta Infame Diavolo; 17. Cignana; 18. Suttafari. dominate da fonti d’acqua, mentre la zona direttamente ad ovest del santuario castellucciano risulta impervia, povera di risorse e scarsamente antropizzata nel corso dell’età del Bronzo. Non è certo un caso che ancora in epoca arcaica e classica l’area con la maggiore densità di popolazione fosse quella del basso corso del Palma, dove i due centri fortificati di Castellazzo e Piano della Città (Fig. 1:6) dominavano strategicamente l’intera vallata, sbarrando l’accesso dal mare e controllando la via di collegamento verso l’interno (Adamesteanu 1963, 45-46).

quello del catchment visual, il complesso di Monte Grande risulta dotato di una spiccata visibilità e può essere avvistato anche a 5 Km di distanza avendo come punto di osservazione i pianori dell’entroterra. E infatti, nelle vallate interne, attraversate da profondi valloni che in antico convogliavano corsi d’acqua a regime torrentizio, sono stati segnalati piccoli insediamenti occupati almeno fin dal Neolitico Finale. Risulta, tuttavia, di un certo interesse far rilevare che l’attività di ricognizione, condotta in modo sistematico e intensivo dalla Soprintendenza Archeologia di Agrigento fin dagli anni ’80 (Castellana 1982), non ha permesso di identificare tracce di frequentazione antropica nell’area direttamente a nord-ovest dell’altura di Monte Grande (Fig. 1). Tale situazione non sarebbe imputabile alla natura dell’attività ricognitiva, ma andrebbe letta in relazione alla conformazione fisica del paesaggio che comprende una continua cerniera di basse alture di formazione gessosa, con suoli poco fertili e limitate fonti d’acqua. Se infatti sovrapponiamo la carta di distribuzione dei siti con quella pedologica, risulta evidente che Monte Grande si colloca ai margini di un vasto territorio collinare che ad est, in direzione della valle del fiume Palma, è dominato da una sequenza di alture, ricche di suoli dall’alto potenziale agricolo e

Dal punto di vista delle scelte insediative, i siti dell’età del Rame risultano concentrati sulle propaggini meridionali del grande sistema collinare che si sviluppa alle spalle di Monte Grande, con la sola eccezione dei siti in contrada Fumarolo e Falcone che, in entrambi i casi, dominano la bassa valle del Palma (Fig. 1:3-4). Il panorama relativo all’età del Bronzo rivela chiari segni di cambiamento nelle modalità ubicative. Il primo dato di una certa rilevanza è offerto dal limitato numero di siti che presentano una continuità con le fasi di occupazione dell’età del Rame: i siti di S. Leonardo e Piano Gaffe (Fig. 1:7) risulterebbero, allo stato attuale della documentazione, i soli insediamenti che non presentano alcuna cesura con il precedente orizzonte eneolitico. Il secondo elemento di novità può essere riconosciuto 590

MASSIMO CULTRARO: DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO Ricomponendo i dati finora esaminati sulle modalità insediative e sulle strategie di sfruttamento del territorio, si può agevolmente concludere che il complesso architettonico di Monte Grande rivelerebbe una particolare dimensione spaziale, caratterizzandosi come demarcatore di due comprensori con differenti attitudini e con diverse soluzioni insediative. Il polo cultuale, infatti, risulta posto ai margini della fertile vallata del fiume Palma, in un’area di contatto tra una vasta zona densamente popolata e un ampio sistema collinare a nordovest, completamente deserto. Se proiettiamo quest’immagine nel palinsesto territoriale di riferimento, Monte Grande assumerebbe la funzione da un lato di punto di riferimento di un complesso sistema insediativo stabile a maglie larghe, dall’altro di linea di frontiera verso una realtà non occupata in modo permanente.

nell’emergere di numerosi insediamenti di modesta entità nella zona dell’alto corso del Palma, lungo le vallate dei Monti della Galia e di Pizzo Ragusetta (Fig. 1:11-12), vera cerniera di collegamento tra la zona costiera e la regione montuosa interna. Il vasto numero di insediamenti, che furono oggetto di una vasta campagna di esplorazione (De Miro 1961) può essere messo in rapporto con la particolare ricchezza dei suoli e con l’abbondanza di sorgenti, mentre la dispersione a macchie di leopardo di gruppi di tombe a grotticella artificiale sui fianchi delle alture lascia sospettare modalità di occupazione del territorio mediante piccole comunità sparse su un vasto raggio. Se analizziamo l’area ad ovest di Monte Grande (Fig. 1), risulta evidente che questi ampi altipiani dominati da argille mioceniche e da suoli impermeabili difficilmente potevano prestarsi allo svolgimento di attività agricole, risultando invece più adatti ad altre forme di sussistenza, quali ad esempio la pastorizia. Questo potrebbe spiegare la scarsa antropizzazione del territorio, dove di fatto sembrano mancare, fin dall’età del Rame, tracce di insediamenti stabili. Le possibilità di sussistenza, pertanto, restano ampiamente affidate all’attività pastorale e alle innumerevoli sorgenti e corsi d’acqua che assicuravano ottimi pascoli durante le stagioni più calde, mentre i terrazzi prossimi al mare offrivano opportunità peculiari per l’esercizio di attività produttive e di scambio.

I CORRELATI DELLO SPAZIO SACRO Monte Grande si configura come una sequenza di ampi terrazzi che culminano sulla spianata di Baffo Superiore, sulla quale è stato identificato un gruppo di strutture a pianta circolare (Fig. 2). Si tratta di un complesso di recinti che presenta almeno due distinte fasi costruttive, entrambe riferibili all’orizzonte di Castelluccio. Al primo momento costruttivo (strato 2) appartengono i resti della capanna 5, messa in luce al di sotto del grande recinto centrale, alcuni focolari di argilla indurita e una piccola porzione di un recinto (Castellana 1998, 27-28). Nell’ultima fase (strato 1) si assiste al riassetto planimetrico dell’intero complesso, con la costruzione dei recinti centrali e di un articolato sistema di canalette in pietra e alcune fornaci funzionali alla lavorazione dello zolfo (Castellana 1998, 19-27). In generale, nonostante la forte lacunosità nella documentazione stratigrafica e la non sempre agevole lettura della planimetria degli edifici, il gruppo di strutture di Monte Grande si presenta come un insieme di recinti di pietrame a secco, open-air che, in qualche caso, includono piccoli recessi a pianta ellittica con copertura straminea. Inoltre, all’interno di queste strutture, chiamate dallo scavatore ‘capanne’, sono stati messe in luce alcune piastre di argilla indurita dal fuoco, in un caso conservante sette livelli di rifacimento (Castellana 1998, 28-29). La presenza, nelle immediate adiacenze, di scarichi di ossa di animali e di carboni assicura l’interpretazione di tali apprestamenti come piastre per la manipolazione di cibi.

Fig. 2. Monte Grande: planimetria del complesso dei recinti (da Castellana 1998). 591

Per quel che riguarda la composizione delle ceramiche recuperate all’interno

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI oppure bollita ricorrendo all’uso di alcune singolari vaschette fittili con presa interna, interpretate come pentole per la cottura a bagnomaria (Cultraro 2004, 207, fig. 4).

dei recinti, è possibile isolare due principali categorie: una classe di grandi contenitori per derrate e l’altra di fine vasellame da mensa, decisamente più numerosa, che include in prevalenza tazze e vasi per la consumazione di sostanze liquide. Nel primo gruppo rientrano olle a corpo biconico (Castellana 1998, 152, figs. 79-80), e alcuni pithoi con la superficie esterna riccamente decorata con motivi dipinti (Castellana 1998, 170-173, figs. 90-91) (Fig. 3:D). Nell’ambito delle forme atte alla distribuzione di cibi e bevande, risulta di un certo interesse la presenza del tipo della tazza-attingitoio (Castellana 1998, 138-144, figs. 72-75) (Fig. 3:A) e, all’incirca nelle medesime quantità, quello dell’olla biansata di piccole dimensioni (Castellana 1998, 144-151, figs. 76-78) (Fig. 3:B). La costante associazione dei due tipi vascolari si ripete in alcune necropoli del comprensorio di Palma, ad esempio a Ragusetta (De Miro 1961, 52, fig. 17), dove il sistema dei vasi funzionali al banchetto funebre è costituito dal binomio olla biansata e tazza-attingitoio. Esisterebbe, pertanto, una precisa relazione, almeno a livello di elementi compositivi, tra il sistema del banchetto ‘funebre’ e quello della consumazione di pasti rituali nel santuario di Monte Grande, secondo una pratica cerimoniale che trova ampie attestazioni nei complessi castellucciani della Sicilia orientale (Maniscalco 1999, 187-188). All’interno del medesimo sistema di pratiche rientra l’impiego del bacino su alto piede che, nel caso di Monte Grande, include una varietà di esemplari con una decorazione dipinta (Castellana 1998, 160-168, figs. 8489) (Fig. 3:C).

L’insieme di questi dati permette di concludere che il complesso di Monte Grande non venne occupato in modo permanente e regolare, ma solo periodicamente, in occasione di particolari cerimoniali religiosi che coinvolgevano un ampio numero di personaggi. LO SPAZIO SACRO E IL SUO PALINSESTO TERRITORIALE Definiti i caratteri strutturali del complesso vediamo adesso di ricostruire la funzione di questo luogo in relazione al palinsesto territoriale entro il quale risulta inserito. L’elemento certamente più significativo è che il grande complesso con funzione cultuale di Monte Grande non presenta indizi di frequentazione nel corso dell’età del Rame. I pochi frammenti di ceramica della classe S.Cono-Piano Notaro, recuperati sul terrazzo superiore di Pizzo Italiano (Castellana 1998, 31) permettono solo di stabilire una sporadica presenza nel corso dell’Eneolitico iniziale, cui sarebbe seguito l’abbandono del sito. I materiali finora editi, infatti, convergono nell’assegnare l’impianto dei recinti ad una fase media del Bronzo Antico e con chiari segni di continuità fino ad un momento iniziale del Bronzo Medio, come testimonia il gruppo di ceramiche rinvenute in località Vincenzina (Castellana 1998, 110-123).

Ancora un altro elemento merita di essere sottolineato: a fronte di un ampio numero di esemplari di vasellame fine da mensa, si registra la totale assenza di ceramica da fuoco e di tutti quegli altri instrumenta domestica che generalmente sono presenti in contesti domestici del Bronzo Antico. L’unica eccezione è rappresentata da un gruppo di alari fittili, di un tipo ampiamente attesto in altri contesti castellucciani dell’isola, che potrebbero essere interpretati come sostegni per spiedi (Castellana 1998, 204-207, figs. 114-115).

La fondazione del ‘santuario’ di Monte Grande corrisponde, in termini di cronologia relativa, ad un significativo cambiamento nei caratteri del popolamento e nella dislocazione degli insediamenti. Da una occupazione concentrata ai margini degli altipiani interni, generalmente in aree poste in corrispondenza di terreni cerealicoli, si passa ad un’occupazione più capillare delle sommità delle alture e dei pianori interni, che nel corso dell’Eneolitico erano rimasti sostanzialmente deserti. Essendo quest’ultima un’area che, per le sue caratteristiche pedologiche e morfologiche, mal si presta a coltivazioni seminative, appare dunque assai verosimile che il mutamento nelle scelte occupazionali sia in qualche modo da ricollegare ad un nuovo e più intenso ruolo dell’allevamento. Questa ricostruzione acquista un valido elemento di supporto nelle analisi delle faune raccolte all’interno dei recinti di Monte Grande, dove è stato accertato che il gruppo più numeroso è rappresentato dai capri-ovini (41,4%), seguito dai bovini (32,6%) e infine i suini (22,1%) (E. Bedini in Castellana 1998, 432-458; Cultraro 2004).

Sempre ai fini della ricostruzione del sistema del banchetto sacro, appare utile menzionare il gruppo di macine e pestelli litici rinvenuti nell’area del recinto 5 che, diversamente dalle altre strutture, presenta un piano pavimentale di argilla cotta, forse i resti di piastre per la cottura di cibi (Castellana 1998, 27). Inoltre, la presenza, nella stessa area, di numerosi contenitori fittili lascia sospettare che questa struttura fosse funzionale alla lavorazione di cereali che venivano successivamente stivati nei vasi di grandi dimensioni. Alla luce di queste breve osservazioni, possiamo pertanto ricostruire due differenti sistemi di manipolazione dei cibi: il primo è la triturazione di cereali, forse in relazione alla preparazione di cibi solidi, come focacce che potevano essere cotte sulle piastre fittili. Il secondo è il consumo di carne animale che poteva essere arrostita, mediante l’impiego di spiedi indiziati dagli alari fittili,

Come ho avuto modo di dimostrare in un altro lavoro dedicato alle faune della Sicilia del Bronzo Antico come indicatore per la ricostruzione di attività rituali (Cultraro 2004), nel caso di Monte Grande si registrano alcuni elementi di un certo significato: il primo è che gli scarichi 592

MASSIMO CULTRARO: DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO

Fig. 3. Monte Grande: selezione dei principali tipi vascolari: A. Tazze-attingitoio; B. Olle biansate; C. Bacini su piede; D. Grandi contenitori; E. Oggetti votivi: 1. modellino di capanna (?); 2. statuine fittili; 3. corni fittili (rielaborata da Castellana 1998).

593

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI differenti non solo in termini di strutturazione geomorfologica, ma anche per vocazione e prestazione economica. Sulla base di tali dati, verrebbe da pensare che l’intero comprensorio fosse organizzato in microdistretti, costituiti da piccoli gruppi umani. Un’ottima esemplificazione in tal senso é offerta dall’area della media valle del Palma, dove i siti ubicati sui Monti della Galia (Fig. 1:11) rivelano spiccate attitudini tatticostrategiche di controllo sulla via fluviale, disponendosi lungo il percorso di collegamento tra l’entroterra e la fascia costiera.

di ossa animali, in molti casi con tracce di arrostimento, vanno interpretati come i resti di pasti che venivano consumati tra coloro che partecipavano ad attività rituali. Il secondo punto comprende i parametri della macellazione che, nel caso dei capriovini, include un numero abbastanza alto di esemplari uccisi nei primi mesi di vita. Si può, quindi, pensare a comunità di allevatori che disponevano di numerosi capi di bestiame e in grado di privarsi periodicamente di un certo numero di animali, sottraendo al gruppo una pur sempre utile fonte di cibo e di prodotti secondari, come latte e lana. Il terzo punto, infine, riguarda la natura del sacrificio che, come si ricava dall’analisi dei dati di macellazione, prevedeva la selezione di determinate parti dell’animale. Tutti questi dati portano a concludere che Monte Grande viene a qualificarsi come un luogo ben definito sul piano architettonico e funzionale, in cui si concentrano specifiche attività cultuali che avrebbero coinvolto un numero assai elevato di individui.

Se leggiamo la dislocazione di Monte Grande in relazione alle diverse nicchie ecologiche, che contemplano soluzioni stanziali nella valle del Palma (aree a coltivazioni seminative) e occupazioni periodi sugli altipiani, il santuario avrebbe rappresentato una sorta di centro di ancoraggio sul territorio, indispensabile per quei gruppi caratterizzati da una forte mobilità e dispersione. Il processo di controllo simbolico dello spazio, e quindi delle sue risorse, trova un ulteriore punto di forza nel sistema di cerimoniali che si espletavano nell’area dei recinti, dove i protagonisti erano i membri delle comunità attive nel territorio che, attraverso la distribuzione di pasti collettivi, rinsaldavano i legami del gruppo e favorivano la coesione sociale. E’ il caso di sottolineare che dall’area dei recinti proviene un discreto quantitativo di ceramiche della classe matt-painted ware di produzione egea (Castellana 1998, 92-109; 224-313), che mettono a fuoco l’intensità e la precocità dei rapporti che i gruppi emergenti dell’area agrigentina mantenevano con altre regioni del Mediterraneo.

CONCLUSIONI Riprendendo i parametri di valutazione territoriali esposti in precedenza, Monte Grande appare il punto di riferimento di un nuovo sistema di assetto insediativo che, a partire dal Bronzo Antico 2, avrebbe interessato l’intero distretto tra i fiumi Platani e Palma (Fig. 1). Un’analisi dettagliata del sistema di dislocazione degli abitati e del loro rapporto con il bacino di visibilità del santuario porta ad evidenziare che esisteva una rete di percorsi il cui centro simbolico e reale era rappresentato dal luogo di culto, collocato sul punto più alto dell’intero sistema, apparendo anche come elemento di proiezione dalla forte valenza scenografica. Non può certo sfuggire che lo spazio sacro venga anche a coincidere con un’area di ricchi giacimenti solfiferi che, come ha dimostrato G. Castellana (1998, 72-91), risulterebbero sfruttati fin dal Bronzo Antico.

In conclusione, Monte Grande si configura come una sorta di spazio strutturato con funzioni speciali che agiva sul paesaggio circostante a più livelli, da punto di riferimento per gli abitati circostanti, a luogo di incontro e di integrazione tra diversi gruppi umani, compresi gli elementi allogeni non integrati, quali i prospectors elladici.

Le marcate diversificazioni – in termini di dislocazione dei siti e di vocazione economica delle singole comunità dell’area palmese – sottolineano con maggiore efficacia la centralità del complesso religioso di Monte Grande all’interno di un nuovo modello di occupazione territoriale, che presuppone una stretta interdipendenza funzionale tra i singoli villaggi. In altre parole, la funzione di Monte Grande e la sua proiezione sul territorio circostante possono essere comprese solo in relazione al vasto processo di mutamento delle scelte ubicative che, nel corso del Bronzo Antico, coinvolge la regione in esame e, probabilmente, anche altri comprensori della Sicilia centro-occidentale, come la media e bassa valle del Platani (Gullì 2000; Ianni 2004). Tale fenomeno di appropriazione di nuove risorse e di redistribuzione delle comunità per diverse fasce ecozonali dovrebbe strettamente legarsi, da un lato ad un nuovo e più intenso ruolo dell’allevamento e all’introduzione di nuove colture, dall’altro ad un chiaro incremento demografico. Monte Grande, pertanto, verrebbe a porsi come centro gravitazionale tra aree che appaiono

Il passaggio alla successiva età del Bronzo Medio segnerà la fine della frequentazione del santuario, ma anche la scomparsa di un complesso assetto territoriale di cui Monte Grande rappresentava il cardine e, al tempo stesso, lo specchio dei processi di trasformazione socioeconomica in atto nelle comunità castellucciane. BIBLIOGRAFIA Adamesteanu, D., 1963. Note di topografia siceliota, Parte 1. Kokalos 9, 19-48. Castellana, G., 1982. Nuove ricognizioni nel territorio di Palma di Montechiaro. SicA 49-50, 81-102. Castellana, G., 1998. Il santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e l’approvvigionamento dello zolfo nel Mediterraneo dell’età del Bronzo. Palermo. Changeux, J-P., 2004. L’Uomo di veritá. Feltrinelli Bologne (trad. it. ‘L’Homme de vérité’. Éditions Odile Jacob, Paris 2002). 594

MASSIMO CULTRARO: DIMORE SACRE E LUOGHI DEL TEMPO Criado Boado, F. & R. Fabregas Valcarce, 1994. Regional patterning among the megalithics of Galicia (NW Spain). OxfJA 13, 33-47. Criado Boado, F., M. Santos Estevez & V. Villoch Vazquez, 2001. Forms of ceremonial landscapes in Iberia from the Neolithic to Bronze Age. Essay on an archaaeology of Perception, in: P.F. Biehl, F. Bertemes & H. Meller (eds), The archaeology of cult. Budapest, 169-178. Cultraro, M., 2004. Food for the Gods: animal consumption and ritual activities in the Early Bronze Age Sicily, in: B. Santillo Frizell (ed.), Pecus. Man and animal in antiquity. Proceedings of the Conference at the Swedish Institute in Rome (September 9-12, 2002). Rome, 201-211. De Miro, E., 1961. Ricerche preistoriche a nord dell’abitato di Palma di Montechiaro. RScPreist 16, 15-56. Doonan, O., 2001. Domestic architecture and settlement planning in Early and Middle Bronze Age Sicily: Thoughts on innovation and social process. JMedA 14(2), 159-188. Gullì, D., 2000. Nuove indagini e nuove scoperte nella media e bassa valle del Platani. Quaderni di Archeologia dell’Università di Messina 1(1), 139168. Hodder, I. & C. Orton, 1987. Spatial analysis in archaeology. Cambridge. Holloway, R.R. & S. Lukesh, 1990. La Muculufa: The Early Bronze Age sanctuary: the Early Bronze Age village. RAArtLouv 23, 11-67. Iannì, F., 2004. Il castellucciano nel bacino centrooccidentale del fiume Salso. Caltanissetta. Maniscalco, L., 1999. The Sicilian Bronze Age pottery service, in: Tykot et al., 185-194. McConnell, B. & B. Bevan, 1999. Spatial analysis of a Castelluccian settlement in Early Bronze Age Sicily, in: R. Tykot et al., 195-204. Orlandini, P., 1968. Statuette preistoriche della prima età del Bronzo da Caltanissetta. BdA 53(2-3), 54-59. Rappaport, R.A., 1999. Ritual and religion in the making of humanity. Cambridge Press, Cambridge. Remotti, F., F. Scarduelli & U. Fabietti, 1989. Centri, ritualità, potere. Significati antropologici dello spazio. Bologna. Tykot, R., J. Robb & J. Morter (eds), 1999. Social dynamics of the prehistoric Central Mediterranean (= Accordia Research Center Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean, 3). London. Zifferero, A., 2002. The geography of the ritual landscape in complex societies, in: P. Attema, G.-J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, P.M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology (= B.A.R. Intern. series, 1091). Oxford, 246-265.

595

NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ A PARTIRE DALL’ANALISI DELLA ‘FACIES BERICO-EUGANEA’ Stefano Boaro Abstract: Archaeological studies on the early Bronze Age ‘Polada Culture’ of northern Italy have recently characterized some large and small variables in pottery. This paper deals with these issues both from a typological and a territorial point of view. The formation of differences inside the Polada culture is found in the Euganean and the Berici Hills. The study has analyzed the very beginning of the Polada culture in the north-eastern region. The author focussed on chronology of the transition from the Copper to the Bronze Age and on the mutual relation between Italian Bell Beakers and the Danubian and Dalmatian cultures of Ljubljana and Cetina.

LA FACIES BERICO-EUGANEA: CARATTERISTICHE

euganea, di contro alla quasi totale assenza di questi elementi nell’area berica (Fig. 1).

TIPOLOGICHE E INSEDIATIVE

Il presente lavoro, primo, preliminare indirizzo all’interno di un progetto di dottorato sulla tipo-cronologia e gli aspetti di facies della cultura di Polada, trae la sua origine dalla necessità di verificare la portata e le motivazioni di alcune difformità riscontrabili all’interno dei complessi ceramici dei siti di Fimon-Pascolone e Arquà Petrarca, tradizionalmente considerati espressione della facies berico-euganea dell’antica età del bronzo (Fasani 1975).1 In questo senso, posto uno sviluppo cronologico parallelizzabile tra i due complessi (che coprono un periodo compreso tra il Bronzo antico iniziale e un momento non evoluto del Bronzo medio), è possibile sottolineare come: a) fra i boccali, il tipo globoso ‘a sacco’, presente in entrambe le località, si differenzi per i motivi decorativi, caratterizzati da punti impressi o incisioni geometriche romboidali a Fimon, da decorazioni lineari ad Arquà; b) fra i boccali, ad Arquà sia presente il tipo a collo distinto ed orlo rettilineo, assente a Fimon; c) a Fimon, dal punto di vista quantitativo, prevalgano i boccali e bicchieri troncoconici sui boccali globosi piccoli e grandi dominanti ad Arquà; d) a Fimon siano molto frequenti, su boccali globosi e troncoconici di varie fogge, gli orli esoversi con angolo interno appiattito, tendenti a tesa mentre; ad Arquà tali orli, quasi del tutto assenti, siano limitati a pochi boccali globosi, tutti del tipo arcaico ‘a sacco’; e) a Fimon, dove sono assenti le anse a rocchetto ben attestate ad Arquà, prevalgano le anse a gomito, mentre sono quasi del tutto assenti le anse a nastro a margini rialzati quantitativamente dominanti ad Arquà.2

Fig. 1. Elementi campaniformi o di derivazione nell’ambito berico-euganeo.

Allargando lo sguardo dal livello di sito a quello di comparto, va infine registrata f) la rilevante presenza di elementi di tradizione campaniforme nella regione

L’esistenza di differenze a livello di facies ceramica – pur entro il comune plafond poladiano – trova un corrispettivo nell’organizzazione territoriale (Fig. 2), che vede (nel corso del periodo) lo strutturarsi di due comparti omologhi ma apparentemente autonomi, entrambi caratterizzati da central places posti in ambito lacustre entro vallecole interne intasate (Arquà e Fimon) e dalla progressiva attivazione di una serie di siti a perimetrazione dei due sistemi collinari. Un’altra caratteristica che accomuna i due comparti sembra però testimoniarne al contempo l’indipendenza/ complementarità a livello di strategie territoriali: per

1 Sull’esistenza di caratteri di regionalizzazione all’interno della facies poladiana oltre che, più in generale, del Bronzo antico dell’Italia settentrionale, AA.VV. 1996; Marzatico 2002. 2 Le osservazioni qui riportate derivano dall’analisi del materiale edito (per Fimon, Lioy 1865; 1876; Fasani 1975; per Arquà, Cordenons 1888; Moschetti & Cordenons 1901; Moschetti 1938; Salzani 1982; Urban 1993) e da una prima presa di visione dell’inedito (Museo NaturalisticoArcheologico S. Corona di Vicenza, Museo Civico di Padova, Museo Nazionale Atestino).

596

STEFANO BOARO: NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ quanto ubicati in posizione interna (a sfruttare le caratteristiche ambientali adatte all’insediamento ‘palafitticolo’), i due central places si pongono infatti in diretto collegamento con due distinti sistemi fluviali: il Bacchiglione per Fimon, l’Adige nel suo antico percorso pedecollinare per Arquà.

proposta, da più parti avanzata al convegno di ClermontFerrand del 1992, di integrare la cronologia di Reinecke con una fase denominata BA O.4 I ‘PROCESSI FORMATIVI’ DELLA CULTURA DI POLADA La transizione Eneolitico/Bronzo antico nel contesto europeo La possibilità di ritrovare nelle dinamiche connesse alla fase formativa uno dei motivi di fondo delle difformità esistenti tra i due comparti presi in esame, dipende essenzialmente da alcune constatazioni di ordine preliminare: a) l’area berico-euganea rappresenta il limite orientale di attestazione della cultura di Polada in senso proprio (AA.VV. 1996); b) parallelamente, il medio corso dell’Adige, fino forse agli Euganei, e la Lessinia orientale, col sito di M. Madarosa, forniscono a tutt’oggi il limite orientale di attestazione dei vari aspetti del Campaniforme dell’Italia settentrionale, con la parziale esclusione del solo Carso5 probabilmente legato a circuiti alternativi prevalentemente alpini (Fig. 3); c) in ambito euganeo e nello stesso sito di Arquà è riscontrabile, come già notato, una forte componente di elementi campaniformi o di derivazione campaniforme; d) in ambito berico e nei siti delle valli di Fimon queste componenti risultano praticamente assenti, di fronte alla presenza di alcuni elementi di derivazione danubianobalcanica come i frammenti decorati a rombi, ottenuti a solcatura profonda, già in passato accostati all’ambito di Vucedol-Lubiana (Fasani 1975); e) nell’area trentina è stato sottolineato come, a Montesei di Serso e in altre località, sia riscontrabile un forte influsso orientale nei momenti formativi del locale Bronzo antico, riferibile principalmente alle facies balcaniche di Lubiana e Cetina (Perini 1972 e 1990; Nicolis 2000). Questo insieme di considerazioni rende a mio avviso necessario approfondire l’analisi sulla posizione cronologica e sulla consistenza degli elementi di derivazione danubianobalcanica in Italia nord-orientale, per valutarne le vie di trasmissione, il ruolo e gli eventuali apporti, accanto a quelli del Campaniforme già supposti per Polada come per molte coeve facies continentali,6 in questo delicato momento di transizione.

Fig. 2. Siti attivi nel Bronzo antico (in grigio le attribuzioni non sicure). In assenza di stratigrafie locali cui ricondurre i tipi, e sempre tenendo conto di possibili difetti campionari, questa serie di considerazioni sulle difformità tra i due comparti può dunque essere ricondotta a due distinti ordini di motivazioni, con implicazioni ben diverse sul piano storico: da un lato è ipotizzabile una differenziazione progressiva da basi omogenee correlabile al processo di stabilizzazione territoriale in comparti almeno parzialmente ‘chiusi’; dall’altro, è ipotizzabile l’esistenza di comparti territoriali e di apporti culturali in parte autonomi e diversi già nei momenti formativi della facies Polada.3 È sembrato quindi conseguente, come prima ipotesi di lavoro da sottoporre a verifica, risalire a quei processi formativi del Bronzo antico di facies Polada, precedenti il momento già maturo del Lavagnone 2, da tempo riconosciuti in area trentina e la cui individuazione attraverso tabelle cronologiche di comparazione tra facies ha permesso, per l’Italia settentrionale, una suddivisione in almeno due orizzonti del periodo corrispondente al BA 1 di Reinecke; a simili conclusioni si è del resto giunti anche a livello europeo, perlomeno a partire dalla

4 Per il concetto di fase formativa in ambito trentino, Perini 1990; AA.VV. 1996; Marzatico & Tecchiati 1998. Per la fasizzazione dell’età del bronzo, Carancini et alii 1996, con posizione del Lavagnone 2, in cronologia relativa, al BA1 B. Sulla cosiddetta fase BA0, Cultures et sociétés 1996. 5 Sulla difficile attribuzione cronologico-culturale degli elementi ceramici assimilabili al Campaniforme italiano presenti nelle grotte del Carso, Montagnari Kokelj 1994, 79 ss.; Gilli & Montagnari Kokelj 1994-95, 199 ss. 6 Per una sintesi degli ultimi orientamenti sulla vexata quaestio della posizione cronologica e del ruolo esercitato dai complessi campaniformi nell’evoluzione delle facies del bronzo antico, Cultures et sociétés 1996 e Bell Beakers today 2001.

3 Come sottovariante va ovviamente considerata la possibilità, archeologicamente ancor più complessa da cogliere, dell’interazione tra i due distinti processi.

597

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Ceramica campaniforme e ad influssi Lubiana e Cetina nell’Italia nord-orientale.

da assunti in parte diversi, ad un’attribuzione di Cetina ad un momento non finale della seconda metà del terzo millennio giunge anche Della Casa, il quale la colloca, per esclusione, entro l’arco cronologico non attestato, a Odmut, tra i livelli a Lubiana adriatico e quelli con orizzonti affini alla facies dell’antica età del bronzo di Moros; ulteriori agganci a livello di datazioni incrociate vanno infine considerate, secondo l’Autore, le affinità riscontrabili tra i complessi Cetina e il Campaniforme – soprattutto ungherese – e la presenza di elementi ceramici con sintassi decorativa affine a quella tipica di Cetina nel protoelladico III di Olimpia e Lerna (Della Casa 1995).

L’inquadramento in cronologia relativa e assoluta delle facies di Lubiana (nei suoi vari aspetti costieri e continentali, peraltro non concordemente riconosciuti) e di Cetina (relativamente alle fasi 1 e 2 della scansione Marović-Čović, in parte corrispondenti al Proto-Cetina e al Cetina classico di Govedarica) è da tempo oggetto di discussione, per quanto riguarda sia i loro rapporti reciproci sia quelli con le facies italiane;7 data la parziale discordanza registrabile tra gli autori, in questo lavoro preliminare è sembrato necessario cercare conferme anche nella ormai consistente serie di datazioni assolute calibrate oggi disponibili a livello europeo,8 che, pur nel persistere di numerosi problemi, permettono di inquadrare meglio il problema. Non potendo in questa sede discutere il quadro complessivo in modo approfondito, ci limitiamo a sottolineare come il tardo Eneolitico di Lubiana-Parte (unico contesto radiodatato dell’area) si collochi in un periodo con estremi posti tra 2851-2466 e 2484-2346 cal BC 1σ; per Cetina, invece, le datazioni assolute ricavate dalla stratigrafia della grotta di Grapčeva Spilja sembrano porre la fase 1, apparentemente associata a ceramica riconducibile agli aspetti adriatici di Lubiana, in un range compreso tra il 2882-2678 ed il 2551-2144 BC, e la fase 2 (con parziale contraddizione) entro un range compreso tra il 2565 e il 2459 BC 1σ (Forenbaher & Kaiser 2000).9 Pur partendo

Oltre al dato (messo in luce a Grapčeva Spilja) di una probabile sovrapposizione tra aspetti Lubiana (almeno nelle sue ultime fasi) e Cetina 1-2, con probabile sopravvivenza – su base stratigrafica – della fase Cetina 2 al Lubiana, le datazioni assolute (pur nella loro parziale contraddittorietà) suggeriscono la possibilità di uno sviluppo parzialmente coevo anche tra le due facies e il campaniforme, tanto ungherese quanto dell’Italia settentrionale; se per il primo esistono infatti date che in buona parte coincidono con quelle delle facies slovenodalmate10 (Forenbaher 1993; Kalicz-Schreiber & Kalicz 2001), recentemente Mueller e van Willigen hanno proposto per il campaniforme della loro regione III, comprensiva anche dell’area padana, un’attribuzione al periodo compreso tra 2400 e 2200 cal BC; l’arco cronologico è confermato ai momenti centrali del terzo millennio a.C. anche per l’oltre Po (dove il

7 Per la cronologia relativa della cultura di Cetina, Govedarica 1985 e 1989; Marović & Čović 1983. 8 Per un quadro di sintesi si rimanda a Voruz 1996 per l’Europa occidentale, a Forenbaher 1993 per quella centro-orientale. 9 A questo riguardo va però sottolineato come, tanto nel lavoro dei due autori, ed in particolare nel secondo contributo da questi dedicato alla questione (Kaiser & Forenbaher 1999), quanto nella più recente produzione scientifica sull’area balcanica emerga con chiarezza la difficoltà di scindere correttamente, in particolare su forme

frammentarie, gli aspetti adriatici di Lubiana dagli aspetti ProtoCetina/Cetina 1. 10 Considerando le numerose datazioni disponibili per l’area, gli estremi si collocano tra 2922-2666 e 2301-2049 cal BC 1σ con forte concentrazione entro il periodo 2600-2400.

598

STEFANO BOARO: NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ cronologia’ fra ‘contemporaneità o successione’ non risulta definibile in base ai dati locali, non riflettano “fasi di insediamento continuativo bensì episodi di frequentazione” i cui resti possono essersi “accumulati nei depositi archeologici senza che i portatori siano entrati in contatto diretto nella realtà storica” (Montagnari Kokelj & Crismani 1996, 91-92). Verso analoghe conclusioni, fornendo nuovi spunti di discussione anche a livello cronologico, sembra portare l’analisi di contesti meno palinsestici rispetto alle grotte carsiche, grazie ai quali pare possibile cogliere come gli elementi formali e decorativi più tipici delle due culture balcaniche seguano, ad ovest del Carso, traiettorie sostanzialmente difformi. La transizione Eneolitico/Bronzo antico nell’Italia nordorientale: Lubiana, Cetina e Campaniforme Di recente Franco Nicolis ha avuto il merito di riportare all’attenzione degli studiosi il concetto di barbelé, estendendo però al contempo la sua analisi ad elementi decorativi in parte difformi dal punto di vista tecnico (Nicolis 1998). In questa sede si è scelto di concentrare l’attenzione sul barbelé nella sua accezione classica, cioè sulla tecnica decorativa ‘a filo spinato’ che, comune a molte regioni europee,12 rappresenta anche un carattere distintivo della facies di Lubiana nella fase Ig II della scansione Korosec. Allo stato delle conoscenze è possibile notare, oltre il goriziano, l’assenza di questa tecnica decorativa nella pianura friulana occidentale e veneta orientale; di contro, siti con consistente presenza di questo ‘fossile-guida’ sono stati riconosciuti nel veronese, lungo il medio corso dell’Adige, a Bernardine di Coriano d’Albaredo d’Adige e in località Bongiovanna alla periferia di Verona (Figg. 3-4), vale a dire nel cuore dell’area a presenza campaniforme.13 Se l’affinità di tecniche decorative tra Lubiana e Campaniforme è stata da tempo sottolineata (da ultimo, Gilli & Montagnari Kokelj 1994-95), l’effettivo influsso sloveno su questo aspetto della pianura veronese sembra provato anche dalla presenza di elementi propri ed esclusivi dell’area di Lubiana come il vaso a fiasco di Bernardine di Coriano, decorato con motivi a triangoli campiti e diverso anche per impasto dal resto del complesso, o, nello stesso sito, il particolare effetto a nastri ondulati presente in almeno un frammento decorato (Gilli, Petrucci & Salzani 2000, 126). Questa stessa porzione di territorio sembra peraltro attestare contatti ancor più precoci con l’ambito sloveno,

Fig. 4. Ceramica barbelé e Lubiana del veronese. Campaniforme, secondo gli autori citati, sarebbe leggermente più precoce rispetto alla regione III) dalle datazioni assolute di Rubiera e Sant’Ilario d’Enza11 (Müller & Van Willigen 2001). In territorio italiano, l’area in cui fino ad oggi hanno avuto maggiore sviluppo gli studi sui rapporti tra Lubiana, Cetina e le facies italiane, soprattutto grazie a Manuela Montagnari Kokelj, è quella del Carso. L’Autrice ha più volte evidenziato la difficoltà e spesso l’impossibilità di attribuire con chiarezza ai singoli orizzonti culturali e cronologici reperti estremamente frammentari provenienti da scavi operati per tagli non stratigrafici, difficoltà cui si unisce la scarsa definizione delle facies dell’ex-Jugoslavia al di fuori delle aree eponime del Ljubljansko Barje e del bacino del fiume Cetina; ha però anche sottolineato la possibilità che le attestazioni ceramiche del Carso, la cui ‘micro-

12 Ci si riferisce in particolare, dal punto di vista tecnico, a quelle decorazioni a fasce di linee continue parallele, a rotella o cordicella, punteggiate da impressioni ad esse perpendicolari ottenute tramite punzoni a sezione triangolare; dal punto di vista compositivo, i motivi lineari sono spesso associati a fasce decorate, con la medesima tecnica, da motivi metopali di linee oblique o triangoli campiti, oppure da linee verticali di raccordo. 13 Per Bernardine di Coriano, Salzani 1989; Gilli, Petrucci & Salzani 2000; per Verona-loc. Bongiovanna, P. Salzani 2002. Parte di un vaso decorato con la medesima tecnica proviene da un pozzetto apparentemente isolato rinvenuto a Roncoferraro (MN), a circa 30 km a sud di Verona (Nicolis 1998, 451 e fig. 1). Discutibile appare invece l’attribuzione a questo contesto cronologico del frammento di Covolo di Lusiana (Nicolis 1998, 454).

11

2471-2312 cal BC 1σ per Rubiera, 2470-2147/2458-2201 per Sant’Ilario.

599

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Lubiana, il palinsesto di alcuni complessi del Carso, permettendo di ridurre l’azione di disturbo degli elementi inquinanti dovuti alla natura degli scavi e quella di eventuali componenti derivate da diversi ambiti geografici; nello specifico (Fig. 6), sembra possibile tentare una parziale correlazione tra i tipi e gli elementi decorativi attestati a Baldaria e quelli presenti nei tagli 5 e 4 dei Ciclami, dove abbondano forme aperte con decorazione sulla gola o sotto l’orlo (Fig. 6:1), sono attestate coppe su piede decorate a incisioni ed è presente ceramica spatolata a fare da controparte alla rusticata di Baldaria (Fig. 6:2): tra gli elementi decorati riferibili a Lubiana, complessivamente scarsi, manca il barbelé del tipo ‘a filo spinato’ preso in considerazione in questa sede.15 Negli strati 6-4 degli scavi Stacul al Mitreo (Fig. 7), si nota, di fronte alla presenza di barbelé ‘a filo spinato’ (Fig. 7:1), l’assenza di coppe su piede, l’assenza di ceramica spatolata, la rarefazione delle forme decorate descritte per Baldaria e per i Ciclami 5-4; in particolare, le forme aperte a collo svasato, pur morfologicamente analoghe, si presentano prevalentemente aniconiche (Fig. 7:1), mentre le decorazioni a tacche e diteggiate si spostano prevalentemente sull’orlo (Fig. 7:2). Pur senza voler parlare di identità di facies, data l’attestazione, nei due ambiti geografici, anche di numerose componenti non compresenti, queste possibili correlazioni, oltre a confermare, per il veronese, una certa affinità con Lubiana e in particolare con l’area del Carso, permettono di intravedere una linea di sviluppo compatibile tra i due ambiti che può in certa misura avvalersi anche di qualche aggancio di cronologia assoluta: la facies a barbelé del veronese dispone di datazioni che la collocano entro un range, compreso tra il 2470 e il 2190 cal BC 2σ (P. Salzani 2002), compatibile con le datazioni del Mitreo: 2460-2140 cal BC 2σ per lo strato 4, 2308-1966 per il 5; per quanto ricavata da un campione proveniente da un contesto in parte palinsestico (Gilli & Montagnari Kokelj 1992), sembra dunque potersi prendere in considerazione come indicativa anche la datazione dello strato 4 dei Ciclami (i cui materiali sono in apparenza più arcaici) al 2910-2590 cal. BC 2σ (Skeates 1994).

Fig. 5. Repertorio ceramico del sito di Baldaria-fondo Rasia. suggeriti dalla particolare facies, parzialmente assimilabile anche ad alcuni complessi del Carso, attestata a Baldaria-fondo Rasia (Figg. 3 e 5).14 A Baldaria, dove non compare ceramica a barbelé nel senso qui inteso, il complesso ceramico è caratterizzato dalla presenza di forme profonde prevalentemente aperte, a profilo scampanato, con quasi costante presenza, sulla gola o sotto l’orlo, di una fascia orizzontale di decorazioni impresse a unghiate o punzone o di un cordone decorato a tacche. Di particolare rilievo è il fondo di una coppa su piede, decorato internamente da triangoli campiti profondamente incisi (Fig. 5, indicato con l’asterisco), che trova confronto per tecnica decorativa nelle coppe su piede tradizionalmente attribuite ad Ig I; pur tenendo ben presente la complessa problematica legata alla datazione del tipo, l’assenza nel sito di ceramica barbelé sembrerebbe far orientare verso una conferma della scansione tradizionale di Lubiana. L’anteriorità della facies rappresentata a Baldaria, rispetto a quella riscontrabile nei siti con barbelé a ‘filo spinato’, sembra ulteriormente confermata dalla presenza, tra la ceramica grossolana, di pareti a decorazione rusticata.

Nella pianura friulana e nel Veneto orientale, privi di attestazioni campaniformi in senso proprio, sono al momento sconosciuti anche complessi o reperti inseribili all’interno delle facies ceramiche veronesi e carsiche appena descritte (Fig. 3). Di contro, in quest’area si va facendo rilevante, in particolare nel padovano e nel vicentino, il numero di reperti isolati e di complessi caratterizzati da brocche e boccali monoansati di varia foggia inornati o con decorazioni a bande di solcature campite e/o sottolineate da punti impressi, tecniche decorative attestate anche su frammenti pertinenti a forme non ricostruibili. Pur tenendo ben presenti le difficoltà

La presenza nel veronese di siti apparentemente monofase denotanti forti affinità con l’area slovena aiuta forse a sciogliere in parte, almeno per gli aspetti affini a 14

15 Sono invece presenti altri tipi di decorazioni, sempre riconducibili alla macro-etichetta barbelé, come l’elemento riportato in Fig. 6:2, che se ne differenzia nettamente dal punto di vista tecnico-esecutivo. Si tratta, in questo caso, di una decorazione a linee orizzontali ottenute a rotella (Gilli & Montagnari Kokelj 1992, 107) campite da punti impressi che non escono dal solco dell’incisione.

Per Baldaria – fondo Rasia, Salzani 1988; Salzani (ed.) 1993.

600

STEFANO BOARO: NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’

Fig. 6. Scelta tipologica dai tagli 5-4 della Grotta dei Ciclami.

Fig. 7. Scelta tipologica dagli strati 6-4 della Grotta del Mitreo.

all’etichetta Cetina.16 Il sito di Borgo Ampiano, posto lungo la pedemontana pordenonese sulla destra Tagliamento, da un punto di vista topografico si inserisce lungo la tradizionale arteria di percorrenza che collega il

ancora esistenti per la formalizzazione cronologica e culturale delle facies dell’Europa centro-orientale e della Dalmazia, queste manifestazioni possono essere univocamente ricondotte, per comodità terminologica, all’altra macro-componente presente nelle grotte del Carso, quella della facies di Cetina nelle sue varie (e ancora discusse) articolazioni. Nell’alta pianura friulana (Fig. 8) è possibile al momento inserire in questo novero solamente un boccale (AA.VV. 1999) rinvenuto integro e isolato a Borgo Ampiano (PN), che, pur senza trovare riscontri puntuali, rientra nella tipologia attribuibile

16 I confronti migliori per profilo complessivo sono con un boccale dalla grotta dell’Ansa (Visentini 1992, n. 184), che se ne distingue per il fondo piano, per l’ampiezza dell’ansa e per la presenza – che vedremo significativa nel comparto veneto – di una decorazione incisa a rombi, e con alcuni boccali da tumuli funerari della valle della Cetina come quello di Rudine, attribuito a Cetina 1, che se ne distingue per l’impostazione dell’orlo ma si presenta, come quello di Borgo Ampiano, inornato e con fondo umbilicato (Marovic & Covic 1983, T. XXXI, 1); l’assenza di ornamentazione e la caratteristica dell’orlo pressoché diritto lo avvicinano comunque in modo significativo anche a forme diffuse nell’area slovena di Ig (Peroni 1971, tav. II).

601

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Carso e l’area slovena alla valle del Piave, la medesima caratterizzata da una dispersione lineare di tumuli funerari almeno in parte databili alla matura antica età del bronzo (Cassola & Corazza 2002).

Creola, con forti tracce di fluitazione (Leonardi & Maioli 1976), provenga dal sito perispondale individuato poco a monte, in località Trambacche (Bianchin Citton 1993); da quest’area provengono anche altri reperti, ancora inediti, denotanti forti influssi orientali in parte riconducibili alla medesima etichetta Cetina,18 oltre ad elementi più tardi attribuibili alla cultura danubiano-balcanica di GataWieselburg (Bellintani 1998). La presenza di elementi di probabile origine alloctona a Fimon, centro principale dell’area berica, è stata già sottolineata da tempo (Fasani 1975); si tratta, in particolare, di alcuni frammenti di grandi contenitori con cordoni diteggiati disposti a reticolo (decorazione che accomuna, su forme parzialmente diverse, Campaniforme, Lubiana e facies dalmate) e di due frammenti di pareti sub-rettilinee decorate a rombi concentrici, profondamente incisi, pendenti da serie di solcature lineari (Fig. 9:3-4). Questi frammenti, anche ad un’indagine autoptica, spiccano dall’insieme dei materiali per impasto e trattamento delle superfici, a conferma di una loro pertinenza culturalmente o cronologicamente (prudenza d’obbligo in assenza di stratigrafie) diversa. Anche per i frammenti decorati a rombi un’attribuzione univoca di facies sarebbe azzardata, ma va notato come simili decorazioni siano riscontrabili anche nell’area Cetina, ad esempio nel tumulo di Skarin Samograd attribuito alla fase Cetina 2 (Fig. 9:5); già in precedenza si è accennato al boccale della Grotta dell’Ansa con analoga decorazione.

Fig. 8. Borgo Ampiano (PN): reperto e localizzazione. Se l’ancor scarsa conoscenza della preistoria recente del Friuli non permette altre considerazioni di rilievo,17 una significativa quantità di materiali riferibili alla cultura di Cetina è riscontrabile nella pianura veneta orientale, in particolare lungo la via di penetrazione fluviale est-ovest alternativa all’Adige, il Bacchiglione (Figg. 9-10). Da una località ad ovest di Creola, recuperi subacquei hanno restituito negli anni ‘70 un frammento di boccale monoansato a corpo globoso, con ansa tra collo e spalla, alto collo distinto rettilineo e orlo esoverso appiattito internamente tendente a tesa (Fig. 9:1); la decorazione a linee incise spezzate, campite e sottolineate da punti impressi, rientra nella tradizione della Cetina, ed in particolare della fase Cetina 2 di Marović-Čović. Uno dei confronti maggiormente stringenti per tecnica decorativa e tettonica complessiva, anche per il particolare della sottolineatura dei punti di stacco tra le parti del vaso, è individuabile in un boccale proveniente, ancora una volta, dal Carso triestino, precisamente dal taglio 3 della Grotta degli Zingari (Fig. 9:2). E’ plausibile che il reperto di

Per l’inquadramento delle componenti di origine orientale attestate nella pianura veneta, un aggancio stratigrafico può essere fornito da un altro sito di area berica, l’insediamento pluristratificato di Brendola-Soastene, posto, come Fimon, sul versante settentrionale del comparto collinare. In questa località, due elementi in particolare sembrano riferibili all’orizzonte in questione: un boccaletto a collo distinto rettilineo ed orlo fortemente esoverso e un frammento di parete, di analogo impasto, decorato da una fila di incisioni triangolari sottostanti a una fascia di linee orizzontali parallele incise (Fig. 9:6), che trova un confronto puntuale per tecnica decorativa nella Grotta del Mitreo (Fig. 9:7). I due frammenti di Brendola provengono da unità stratigrafiche pertinenti alla medesima fase, caratterizzata da livelli di accrescimento naturale su precedenti strutture disattivate, che precede immediatamente le riattivazioni e ristrutturazioni dell’area associate ad anse a gomito genericamente poladiane (De Guio & Cattaneo 1997).19

17

Altri, scarsi elementi sembrano comunque attestare, per il pordenonese e per la pianura udinese, una gravitazione verso l’ambito danubiano-balcanico. A Meduno-Sach di Sotto, all’imbocco delle prealpi friulane e a pochi chilometri da Borgo Ampiano, le indagini di un contesto insediativo, di cui ad oggi sono editi solo pochi reperti da raccolte superficiali, hanno restituito tra l’altro un frammento di ciotola con orlo decorato a pettine e cordicella (Castiglioni, Fontana & Visentini 2003, fig. 9) che trova buoni confronti nell’area balcanica e nella Grotta degli Zingari, ma anche in ambito campaniforme a S.Ilario d’Enza. Da un pozzetto di Nogaredo al Torre, nella bassa pianura udinese, provengono frammenti ceramici assimilabili a quelli del Carso, oltre ad una semiluna (Pessina 1993). I due siti non sono stati presi in considerazione nel testo e nella cartografia in quanto non comprendono tra i loro materiali i fossili-guida che si sono ritenuti diagnostici in questa sede.

Frammenti con decorazione a linee incise e punti impressi, genericamente confrontabili con le tecniche decorative Cetina, si riscontrano anche nella Lessinia orientale sul Monte Madarosa (Fig. 9:8), il medesimo sito 18

Materiali conservati presso il Museo di S. Martino della Vaneza di Cervarese S. Croce (PD). 19 La frequentazione dell’area in un momento di stasi concorderebbe peraltro col carattere di forte mobilità e scarsa ricaduta archeologica caratteristico della presenza Cetina nell’area del Carso.

602

STEFANO BOARO: NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’

Fig. 9. Ceramica di tipologia o decorazione Cetina dal Veneto centro-orientale.

Fig. 10. Carta di distribuzione della ceramica tipo Cetina dell’Italia nord-orientale. ed è stato riconosciuto come rilevante anche in ambito egeo (Della Casa 1995), non era probabilmente disgiunto da istanze legate allo scambio e alla necessità di approvvigionamento di materie prime, come indicato anche dalle evidenze di Palagruza (Kaiser & Forenbaher 1999); in quest’ottica, la direttrice lineare attiva nel Veneto centro-orientale sembra indicare come l’accesso alle aree minerarie possa essere stato, se non l’unico, perlomeno uno dei principali motivi d’interesse delle componenti Cetina verso le nostre regioni.

che rappresenta a tutt’oggi il limite di massima espansione orientale del Campaniforme italiano. Gli elementi di cultura materiale attribuibili a presenze o influssi Cetina si collocano sul territorio lungo una traiettoria est-ovest (Fig. 10) che, seguendo in buona parte il corso del Bacchiglione, unisce l’ambito lagunare ai rilievi prealpini ed alpini e al bacino minerario di Trento, particolarmente ricco di evidenze di attività fusorie riferibili all’ambito cronologico di transizione tra Eneolitico e Bronzo antico (Perini 1989); e, forse non a caso, la località che ad oggi ha restituito il nucleo numericamente più consistente di questi elementi è proprio l’area produttiva di Montesei di Serso (Perini 1972). L’ampia mobilità degli elementi Cetina, o perlomeno l’ampio raggio di circolazione d’informazioni ad essi connesso, che interessa larga parte della nostra penisola dal litorale adriatico alla Calabria (Peroni 1996)

La fase formativa della ‘Cultura di Polada’ Uno sguardo alla carta d’insieme relativa alla distribuzione sul territorio delle principali facies ceramiche riferibili alle parti centrali e finali del terzo millennio a.C. (Fig. 3) sembra indicare con chiarezza come, di fronte ad una presenza di influssi Lubiana nel 603

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI pieno dell’area Campaniforme (a conferma delle numerose affinità già da tempo sottolineate tra le due facies), la presenza di influssi Cetina si svolga, anche a prescindere dalle questioni cronologiche, secondo direttrici sostanzialmente esclusive ed alternative alle altre due. Dati i forti limiti della documentazione ad oggi disponibile, la fonte archeologica che sembra poter fornire le migliori indicazioni per una maggiore focalizzazione di queste problematiche e della loro incidenza nella formazione dei locali aspetti poladiani sembra essere, se combinata ai dati territoriali e di cronologia assoluta, il deposito secondario di Montesei di Serso. Pur nel suo carattere non stratigrafico, la ceramica fine del complesso può infatti essere rivisitata, seppur con prudenza e come ‘ipotesi di lavoro’, come comprensiva (escludendo le presenze riferibili al Bronzo medio) di due distinti macro-gruppi in probabile successione cronologica diretta (Fig. 11): in un primo gruppo (A) si nota la compresenza di forme e decorazioni tipicamente campaniformi (in alto nella figura) e di forme e decorazioni, anche su pareti sub-rettilinee, che risentono fortemente della matrice attribuibile a Cetina (in basso e al centro): fra queste ultime, oltre ai nastri campiti, alle decorazioni excise e agli orli ispessiti esternamente, ritroviamo anche il fossile-guida dei rombi concentrici pendenti. Per quanto la contemporaneità dei due aspetti non possa certo essere data come assodata, almeno due elementi portano a non escluderla: l’apparente sostanziale isocronia fornita dalle datazioni assolute di ambito europeo e, soprattutto, la scarsissima sovrapposizione territoriale delle due facies non solo nell’Italia nordorientale (dove Montesei rappresenta una apparente – e, se effettiva – significativa eccezione) ma anche, a quanto sembra emergere, in larga parte del versante adriatico.20 Va sottolineato invece come, a livello ceramico, scarsissima o assente appaia a Montesei la componente Lubiana in senso proprio, di cui in letteratura è sempre stata sottolineata l’importanza, perlomeno nelle formi affini ad Ig II attestate nel medio corso dell’Adige; gli elementi Lubiana sarebbero dunque attestati nel sito esclusivamente dalla forma di fusione per asce ad occhio e dalle lesine a losanga tipo Ig. Recentemente è stato però messo in evidenza come la forma di fusione dei Montesei, al pari di molte delle asce ad occhio dell’Italia settentrionale, non sia immediatamente rapportabile, come ritenuto in precedenza, al tipo Kozarac (Cupitò 2000); in assenza di altri elementi, le lesine, tipiche ma non esclusive dei gruppi Lubiana, potrebbero dunque rappresentare un apporto mediato attraverso altre direttrici. Nello specifico del sito trentino, l’assenza di sicuri elementi Lubiana potrebbe però trovare spiegazione, oltre e più che nei circuiti alternativi sottolineati in questa sede (data la forte prossimità dell’area di Serso al corso dell’Adige), in una leggera anteriorità degli aspetti Lubiana – almeno nei loro

Fig. 11. Gruppi ceramici di Montesei di Serso (TN). rapporti col nostro territorio – rispetto alle forme di ascendenza Cetina presenti ai Montesei, il cui carattere fortemente decorativo sembra riferibile prevalentemente alla fase Cetina 2 di Marović-Čović. Il secondo aspetto ceramico attestato ai Montesei (gruppo B di Fig. 11) è rappresentato principalmente da boccali globosi ‘a sacco’ con corpo schiacciato, collo distinto spesso sottolineato da carenatura, orlo esoverso a spigolo interno tendente a tesa, ansa sul corpo e frequente presenza di decorazioni geometriche che richiamano quelle del gruppo A, ma in modo semplificato e impoverito. Questa particolare foggia ceramica, estremamente simile a forme aniconiche già attestate anche come vaso d’accompagno del Campanifome italiano (come nel caso del boccale della tomba di stile marittimo di Ca’ di Marco), è quasi unanimemente considerata il fossile-guida del Bronzo antico di facies Polada nei suoi aspetti formativi e/o arcaici, ed è presente nei siti palafitticoli tanto trentini (Ledro) quanto delle aree planiziarie (Polada, Fimon, Arquà ecc.). Il rapporto cronologico tra i due gruppi ceramici di Montesei, e il peso avuto dal campaniforme da un lato e da Lubiana e Cetina dall’altro nella formazione della ‘classica’ facies di Polada, rimangono problemi aperti che

20

A suggerire una almeno parziale sovrapposizione cronologica, va oltretutto notata la presenza, tra il materiale di Skarin Samograd attribuito alla fase Cetina 1, di un frammento ceramico decorato secondo uno stile che richiama molto da vicino il Campaniforme marittimo (Marovic & Covic 1983, tav. XXVIII, 10).

604

STEFANO BOARO: NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ in questa sede si è voluto semplicemente ridefinire. Per fornire un primo contributo alla problematica generale e alla soluzione del problema di partenza relativo alle difformità esistenti, all’interno del comune aspetto di facies, tra gli ambiti berico ed euganeo, è possibile rilevare come alcuni elementi sembrino effettivamente testimoniare a favore di un ruolo attivo delle due diverse componenti nello sviluppo di precoci varianti regionali della facies Polada.

derivare da un’evoluzione di quelle proprie della Cetina (Fig. 12): file di punti impressi a formare linee spezzate, solcature che disegnano rombi concentrici pendenti da linee spezzate.22 In modo che appare significativo, la decorazione a rombi su boccali poladiani unisce ancora una volta l’ambito berico e quello trentino, vale a dire le due aree maggiormente interessate dagli influssi Cetina nell’ipotizzabile momento formativo: se l’esemplare di Fimon, forse più arcaico per profilo complessivo, conserva ancora lo stilema dei rombi concentrici, a Ledro è presente un boccale, forse leggermente più recente per il particolare dell’orlo non distinto ma comunque arcaico data la sua contestualizzazione nello strato VI parallelizzabile al primo orizzonte dei ripostigli (Carancini & Peroni 1999), decorato da rombi semplici pendenti da linee ondulate. In area trentina il motivo decorativo sembra inoltre aver avuto particolare vitalità, se alla medesima sequenza evolutiva è possibile attribuire il frammento con fascia di rombi accostati proveniente dagli strati della fase 3a di Fiavé. BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 1996. L’Italia settentrionale, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’antica età del bronzo in Italia, Atti Congresso Viareggio (9-12 gennaio 1995). Firenze, 57-78. AA.VV., 1999. Archeologia di un territorio: sulla strada ricordata da Venanzio Fortunato. Sequals. Bell Beakers today. 2001. Pottery, people, culture, symbols in prehistoric Europe (ed. F. Nicolis). Proceedings of the International Colloquium Riva del Garda (Trento, Italy). Trento. Bellintani, P., 1998. Canàr di San Pietro Polesine. Breve sintesi degli studi archeologici, in: Canàr di San Pietro Polesine. Ricerche archeo-ambientali sul sito palafitticolo (= Quaderni di Padusa, 2). Stanghella, 15-21. Bianchin Citton (ed.), 1993. Ricerche interdisciplinari lungo il corso del fiume Bacchiglione tra Cervarese S.Croce e Saccolongo (Padova). Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 9, 112-130. Carancini, G.L. et alii, 1996. L’Italia, in: The Bronze Age in Europe and the Mediterranean. XIII International Congress of prehistoric and protohistoric Sciences, Forlì-Italia 8-14 September 1996 (= Colloquium, XX). 75-86. Carancini, G.L. & R. Peroni, 1999. L’Età del Bronzo in Italia: per una cronologia della produzione metallurgica. Quaderni di Protostoria dell’Università di Perugia 2, 1-86. Cassola Guida, P. & S. Corazza (eds), 2002. Il tumulo di santo Osvaldo: alla ricerca dell’antenato (Guida alla mostra). Udine.

Fig. 12. Ceramica Polada con motivi decorativi a rombi o punti impressi. Di contro alla consistente presenza in ambito euganeo, anche e soprattutto nella palafitta di Arquà Petrarca, di elementi di tradizione campaniforme (Fig. 1), l’ambito berico, che ne risulta sostanzialmente privo,21 ha restituito, dal sito palafitticolo di Fimon, alcuni boccali globosi che, tettonicamente rientranti a pieno titolo nei tipi del Polada arcaico, presentano, in affinità con il gruppo B dei Montesei, sintassi decorative che sembrano 21 In considerazione di quanto detto in precedenza, va notato che, tra i pochissimi elementi potenzialmente campaniformi attestati in area berica e inseriti in Fig. 1, significativamente limitati allo strumentario litico, le semilune fanno parte integrante anche del patrimonio Cetina. A Palagruza, ad esempio, è stata rinvenuta un’area di produzione all’interno della quale le semilune rappresentano il 18% degli strumenti finiti (Kaiser & Forenbaher 1999, 318).

22 Il boccale decorato a rombi si differenzia dai frammenti precedentemente attribuiti ad influssi diretti di Cetina ed inseriti in Fig. 9, sia per alcuni caratteri della decorazione (resa più sommaria e apparente proliferazione del motivo) sia per tipologia del supporto (i frammenti di Fig. 9, anche ad un esame autoptico, non presentano curvature compatibili con boccali globosi del tipo di cui a Fig. 12).

605

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI of the International Colloquium Riva del Garda (Trento, Italy). Trento, 439-458. Leonardi, G. & M.G. Maioli, 1976. Abitati, in: AA.VV., Padova preromana, Catalogo della Mostra. 69-169. Lioy, P., 1865. Le abitazioni lacustri della età della pietra nel Lago di Fimon nel Vicentino. Venezia Lioy, P., 1876. Le abitazioni lacustri di Fimon. Venezia Marović, I. & B. Čović, 1983. Cetinska kultura, in: Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja. Bronzano doba. Sarajevo, 191-231. Marzatico, F., 2002. Le palafitte del Trentino e del Garda: aspetti comuni e differenze culturali, in: A. Aspes (ed.), Preistoria veronese. Contributi e aggiornamenti. Verona, 117-118. Marzatico, F. & U. Tecchiati, 1998. The Bronze Age in Trentino and Alto-Adige/Süd Tirol. Preistoria Alpina 34, 27-60. Montagnari Kokelj, M., 1994. Il Carso triestino fra tardo Neolitico e Bronzo antico, in: Atti della XXIX Riunione Scientifica dell’I.I.P.P., 71-89. Montagnari Kokelj, E. & A. Crismani, 1996. La Grotta del Mitreo nel Carso triestino. Atti Società Preistoria Protostoria Friuli –V.G. 10, 7-98. Moschetti, A., 1938. Il Museo Civico di Padova. Padova. Moschetti, A. & F. Cordenons, 1901. Relazione degli scavi archeologici eseguiti sulle sponde del lago di Arquà, a cura ed a spese del Museo civico di Padova, dal giorno 18 aprile al giorno 8 maggio 1901. Bollettino del Museo Civico di Padova, 102-112. Müller, J. & S. van Willigen, 2001. New radiocarbon evidence for European Bell Beakers and the consequences for the diffusion of the Bell Beaker Phenomenon, in: Bell Beakers today. Pottery, people, culture, symbols in prehistoric Europe, Proceedings of the International Colloquium Riva del Garda (Trento, Italy). Trento, 59-80. Nicolis, F., 1998. Un nuovo aspetto ceramico tra età del Rame e età del Bronzo nell’Italia settentrionale. RivScPr 49, 447-468. Nicolis, F., 2000. Il fenomeno del «bicchiere campaniforme» tra età del Rame e età del Bronzo, in: M. Lanzinger, F. Marzatico & A. Pedrotti (eds), Storia del Trentino, I, La preistoria e la protostoria. Firenze, 255-283. Peroni, R., 1972. Il deposito secondario n.3 dei Montesei di Serso. Contributo alla conoscenza del Bronzo Antico nella Regione Trentino-Alto Adige. Preistoria Alpina 8, 7-30. Peroni, R., 1989. Testimonianze di attività metallurgica dall’Eneolitico alle fasi finali dell’età del Bronzo in Trentino, in: Per Giuseppe Sebesta. Scritti e nota biobibliografica in occasione del settantesimo compleanno. Trento, 379-404. Peroni, R., 1990. Età del Bronzo nel Trentino, in: AA.VV., Die ersten Bauern, Catalogo Mostra. Zürich, 233-244. Peroni, R., 1971. L’età del bronzo nella penisola italiana, I, L’antica età del bronzo. Firenze. Peroni, R., 1996. Bilancio conclusivo, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’antica età del bronzo in Italia, Atti

Castiglioni, E., A. Fontana & P. Visentini, 2003. Recenti dati sulla preistoria del Friuli ocidentale, in: G. Tasca (ed.), Giornata di studio sull’archeologia del medio e basso Tagliamento ‘in ricordo di Giuseppe Cordenos’. S. Vito al Tagliamento, 10-35. Cordenons, F., 1888. Antichità preistoriche anariane della regione euganea. Atti Soc. Veneto-Trentina di Scienze Naturali 11 (fasc.1), 67-99. Cultures et société 1996. Cultures et sociétés du bronze ancien en Europe (eds C. Mordant & O. Gaiffe), Actes du 117e Congrès national des Sociétés Savantes (Clermont-Ferrand, 1992). Parigi. Cupitò, M., 2000. Ascia ad occhio ‘tipo S. Antonino’, scheda, in: G. Zampieri & B. Lavarone (eds), Bronzi antichi del Museo Archeologico di Padova (Catalogo della Mostra). Roma, 89-94. De Guio, A. & P. Cattaneo, 1997. Dirt Roads to Brendola: le strade preistoriche di Soastene-Brendola (VI). Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 13, 168182. Della Casa, P., 1995. The Cetina group and the transition from Copper to Bronze Age in Dalmatia. Antiquity 69, 565-576. Fasani, L., 1975. Gli insediamenti dell’Età dei Metalli, in: A. Broglio & L. Fasani, Le valli di Fimon nella preistoria. Vicenza, 37-51. Forenbaher, S., 1993. Radiocarbon dates and absolute chronology of the central European Early Bronze Age. Antiquity 67, 218-256. Forenbaher, S. & T. Kaiser, 2000. Grapčeva Spilja i apsolutno datiranje istočnojadranskog neolitika. Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 92, 934. Gilli, E. & E. Montagnari Kokelj, 1992. La Grotta dei Ciclami nel Carso Triestino (materiali degli scavi 1959-1961). Atti Società Preistoria Protostoria Friuli – V.G 7, 65-162. Gilli, E. & E. Montagnari Kokelj, 1994-95. La Grotta degli Zingari nel Carso triestino (materiali degli scavi 1961-1965). Atti Società Preistoria Protostoria Friuli –V.G. 9, 63-126. Gilli, E., G. Petrucci & L. Salzani, 2000. L’abitato di Bernardine di Coriano-Albaredo d’Adige (materiali degli scavi 1987-1990). Bollettino del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona 24, 101-154. Govedarica, B., 1985. Die Cetina-Kultur und einige Probleme des Anfangs der Bronzezeit im AdriaGürtel des nordwestlichen Balkans, in: AA.VV., L’énéolitique et le début de l’âge du bronze dans certaines régions de l’Europe. Cracovia, 87-98. Govedarica, B., 1989. Rano bronzano doba na podrucju Istonog Jadrana. Sarajevo. Kaiser, T. & S. Forenbaher, 1999. Adriatic sailors and stone knappers: Palagruza in the 3rd millennium BC. Antiquity 73, 313-324. Kalicz-Schreiber, R. & N. Kalicz, 2001. Where the Bell Beakers as Social Indicators of the Early Bronze Age in Budapest?, in: Bell Beakers today. Pottery, people, culture, symbols in prehistoric Europe, Proceedings

606

STEFANO BOARO: NUOVI DATI SU REGIONALIZZAZIONE ED ELEMENTI FORMATIVI DELLA ‘CULTURA DI POLADA’ Congresso Viareggio (9-12 gennaio 1995). Firenze, 625-631. Pessina, A., 1993. Siti preistorici a Nogaredo al Torre. Quaderni Friulani di Archeologia 3, 39-53. Salzani, L., 1982. Arquà Petrarca (Padova), in: AA.VV. Palafitte: mito e realtà, Catalogo della Mostra. Verona, 222-224. Salzani, L., 1988. Rinvenimenti vari nel Veronese. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 4, 257-264. Salzani, L., 1989. Albaredo d’Adige, località Bernardine di Coriano: l’insediamento preistorico. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 5, 157-160. Salzani, L. (ed.), 1993. Rinvenimenti archeologici nel Veronese. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 9, 8191. Salzani, P., 2002. Verona – loc. Bongiovanna. Insediamento della fine dell’Età del Rame, in: A. Aspes (ed.), Preistoria veronese. Contributi e aggiornamenti. Verona, 96-97. Skeates, R., 1994. A radiocarbon date-list for prehistoric Italy (c. 46,400 BP - 2450 BP/400 cal. BC), in: R. Skeates & R. Whitehouse (eds), Radiocarbon dating and Italian prehistory (= Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, 3). London, 147-288. Urban, T., 1993. Studien zur mittleren Bronzezeit in Norditalien. Bonn Visentini, P., 1992. I livelli del Neolitico e delle età dei metalli della Grotta dell’Ansa di San Pelagio nel Carso triestino. Atti Società Preistoria Protostoria Friuli –V.G 7, 163-208. Voruz, J., 1996. Chronologie absolue de l’âge du bronze ancien et moyen, in: Cultures et sociétés. 1996, 97164.

607

I COSIDDETTI DOLMEN DI CAVA DEI SERVI NUOVO INQUADRAMENTO DI DUE TOMBE MEGALITICHE* Nicolò Bruno Abstract: The different opinions regarding the provenance (Apulia, Sardinia, Malta) of the so-called Cava dei Servi Dolmen (Ragusa) demonstrate the difficulty in interpreting the monument due to a lack of comparable structures. The recent discoveries of architectonic elements that constitute a façade and of a similar burial nearby allow us to date the two tombs to the Early Bronze Age. In light of these findings the tombs are comparable to Maltese temple architecture and not to the existing dolmens in the central Mediterranean. These two entirely free-standing monuments, unique for Sicily, thus are an alternative for the more usual Sicilian rock-cut tombs.

Fra le testimonianze dell’Età del Bronzo siciliana, il cosiddetto dolmen di Cava dei Servi (Del Campo & Scrofani 1971), nome locale di un tratto superiore del corso del Tellesimo, torrente che scorre fra le province di Ragusa e Siracusa, è sicuramente fra i più dibattuti monumenti preistorici siciliani (Fig. 1); la sua struttura litica è, infatti, unica nel panorama architettonico dell’isola, discostandosi dalle poche costruzioni di tipo megalitico presenti in Sicilia (Tusa 1997, 337; 2000, 279). Sin dalla pubblicazione della pianta (Di Stefano 1979, 107, fig. 28), che evidenziava una cella circolare delimitata da sei lastroni posti di taglio con una apertura sul lato est (Fig. 2, limitatamente alla parte in grigio), vari studiosi hanno infatti cercato di comprenderne la funzione, la datazione e la tipologia.

lavori riguardanti l’argomento, anche se in essi il monumento era descritto come tomba (Di Stefano 1978b, 577; 1979, 108; 1984, 85); pertanto gli studiosi che hanno inserito la struttura fra i tipi tombali presenti in Sicilia (Tusa 1983, 309; Procelli 1991, 259).1 non conoscendo il contributo che conteneva la descrizione del ritrovamento di resti umani, hanno confermato la sua funzione funeraria solo in base alle osservazioni dei primi scopritori. Per quanto riguarda la datazione, sin dalla prima segnalazione si è ipotizzata un’attribuzione alla Prima Età del Bronzo per la presenza nella zona di tombe a grotticella artificiale, ritenute della facies di Castelluccio (Del Campo & Scrofani 1971, 20), ma che difficilmente possono essere datate perché completamente distrutte da ampliamenti medievali (Bruno c.d.s. a; 2002, 122). Successivamente, con cautela, è stata attribuita la stessa datazione per un generico confronto (Di Stefano 1978a, 13; 1979, 108-109) con le cellette dolmeniche di Monte Sallia (Orsi 1898, 201-203) e per il ritrovamento di ceramica di questo periodo nei dintorni (Di Stefano 1978a, 13). La scoperta infatti nella zona di sepolture più recenti, inquadrabili nella facies di Pantalica Nord (Del Campo & Scrofani 1971, 21; Di Stefano 1978b, 577-578; Bruno 2002, 115-117)2, non rendeva sicura la cronologia.

* Ringrazio vivamente Enrico Procelli per i suoi sempre preziosi suggerimenti e per la sua completa disponibilità. Ringrazio inoltre l’amico Giuseppe Cavaleri, autore dei disegni, sempre pronto a seguirmi. 1 Esiste in realtà un contributo nel quale si riporta la scoperta all’interno del ‘dolmen’ di ‘fragments of human crania and long bones’ (Leighton 1999, 125); ma la fonte primaria dalla quale è estrapolata la frase, evidentemente conosciuta dall’autore, non viene citata, rimandando (Leighton 1999, 279, n. 62) solo al più conosciuto articolo sul ‘dolmen’ (Di Stefano 1979), nel quale però, come già osservato, non si fa menzione di ritrovamenti di ossa. In esso ci si limita, infatti, a riportare la bibliografia precedente. Che il dato relativo alle ossa umane non fosse generalmente noto è dimostrato da un lavoro (Piccolo 1995) nel quale è riportato come novità il rinvenimento di ossa umane, ingenerando l’equivoco (Guzzardi 1996, 13; Giannitrapani 1997, 433). Testimonianze di rinvenimenti ossei successivi al primo ritrovamento sono inoltre documentate in Modica Scala 1990, 597, nota 116 e Piccolo 1998, 43 (per ulteriori approfondimenti su questa problematica vedi Bruno c.d.s. a; 2002, 115). 2 Una datazione certa alla Prima Età del Bronzo è stata invece stabilita dopo il ritrovamento all’interno del ‘dolmen’ di ceramica della facies di Castelluccio (Piccolo 1995; 1998, 43 e 45); questa tesi è stata però confutata da osservazioni (Bruno c.d.s. a; 2002, 115) emerse dalla contraddittoria descrizione dei frammenti, ritenuti relativi a questa fase, ma definiti informi e con impercettibili presenze di ocra rossa sulla superficie (Piccolo 1995), dunque non diagnostici.

Fig. 1. ‘Dolmen’ n. 1. Per questo motivo riteniamo opportuno estrapolare tutti i dati utili presenti in bibliografia e confrontarli con altri scaturiti sia da una nuova lettura del monumento sia dall’analisi di un’analoga struttura dolmenica, rinvenuta recentemente nelle vicinanze. Il ‘dolmen’ di Cava dei Servi ha certamente, come vedremo, una funzione funeraria, anche se dalla bibliografia non si desume chiaramente: le prime scopritrici ipotizzarono un uso funerario in base alla sua conformazione (Del Campo & Scrofani 1971, 20); l’utilizzazione come tomba è stata comunque in seguito accertata dal ritrovamento al suo interno di ossa umane (Di Stefano 1978a, 12). Questo importante dato, divulgato in una rivista locale non facilmente reperibile, non è stato più ribadito dallo scopritore nei successivi

608

NICOLÒ BRUNO: I COSIDDETTI DOLMEN DI CAVA DEI SERVI NUOVO INQUADRAMENTO DI DUE TOMBE MEGALITICHE

Fig. 2. Planimetria del ‘dolmen’ n. 1 (da Bruno 2002, 120, fig. 5); in grigio il rilievo da Di Stefano 1979, 107, fig. 28; in grigio scuro le addizioni relative alla facciata. Per quanto riguarda la tipologia, le opinioni degli studiosi in base alla pianta pubblicata, che risulta come vedremo incompleta, sono state discordanti per l’impossibilità di un inquadramento della tomba che non trova puntuali confronti in Sicilia: da una generica influenza dalle più vicine aree (Malta, Sardegna, Puglia) nelle quali sono presenti dolmen (Di Stefano 1978a, 13), ad un più preciso confronto con i dolmen maltesi (Di Stefano 1979, 109; La Rosa 1989, 6); da un’evidente difficoltà di stabilire l’origine del tipo dall’Italia meridionale, dalla Sardegna o da Malta, per mancanza di confronti probanti (Procelli 1996, 94; 1997, 346), ad un’articolata posizione che fa derivare tutte le forme di megalitismo siciliano dalla cultura del Bicchiere Campaniforme attraverso la Sardegna e/o dalla Puglia, non escludendo, per il nostro, un ruolo di Malta, anche se di fatto l’influenza maltese viene esclusa per la seriorità dei dolmen melitensi rispetto a quello siciliano (Tusa 1997, 335-341).

Fig. 3. Resti della facciata del ‘dolmen’ n. 1. lastre litiche (Fig. 1), si è ipotizzata l’esistenza di un prospetto per la scoperta di un elemento architettonico precedentemente mai osservato “costituito da un blocco litico irregolarmente squadrato, conservato nella parte meridionale, tangente all’apertura, che può far ipotizzare la presenza di un prospetto monumentale” (Bruno c.d.s. a). Una verifica di questa ipotesi e un’ulteriore analisi hanno permesso di documentare (Bruno 2002, 120, fig. 5) ciò che rimane di una probabile facciata (Fig. 2), conservatasi solo nella parte sinistra del ‘dolmen’3 (Fig. 3); essa è costituita da almeno due filari di blocchi irregolari in pietra e da un elemento di raccordo con la cella, che conferma in tal modo l’ipotesi precedentemente avanzata. Una completa planimetria della tomba, con un’ipotetica ricostruzione delle parti mancanti (Fig. 4), ci mostra come la costruzione sia articolata in maniera diversa rispetto alla pianta fino ad ora conosciuta. Essa è costituita dunque da una cella di forma irregolarmente circolare, con un diametro massimo di circa m 2,20, formata da grossi blocchi, un piccolo corridoio d’accesso e una facciata composta da un muro a secco.

Se dunque l’unico elemento certo è il suo uso funerario – che ha visto d’accordo anche gli studiosi che non si sono basati sul dato oggettivo della presenza di ossa – i dati fino ad ora a disposizione per la soluzione delle altre problematiche non sono stati sufficienti. In questi ultimi anni una più approfondita analisi del monumento, che abbiamo denominato n. 1, e il ritrovamento nelle vicinanze di un’altra struttura dolmenica, che chiameremo n. 2, hanno aperto uno spiraglio per la comprensione del tipo tombale, rendendo possibile una nuova ipotesi. Infatti nel primo ‘dolmen’, oltre alla scoperta di una pavimentazione (Bruno c.d.s. a; 2002, 115), formata da

3 In Bruno 2002, 120, è erroneamente indicata l’ipotetica presenza della facciata nella parte destra dell’ingresso.

609

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 1979, 108; 1984, 86). Da questi elementi, tuttora in situ, possiamo ipotizzare una copertura costituita da una lastra, ormai scomparsa, di dimensioni più piccole rispetto al diametro della cella, posta a chiusura sui blocchi inclinati verso l’interno, che si appoggiano obliquamente a quelli delimitanti la cella stessa.

Fig. 5. ‘Dolmen’ n. 2. Nel secondo ‘dolmen’ il tetto era invece probabilmente costituito da più lastre di copertura, delle quali una è ancora in situ (Fig. 7); essa è collocata direttamente sulle facce superiori di alcuni blocchi formanti la cella, tagliate rozzamente a creare piani inclinati. Il peso del monolite, distribuito su più blocchi, veniva inoltre scaricato e bloccato, poiché a spiovente, su un elemento litico posto all’esterno della cella (Fig. 6), infisso nel terreno.

Fig. 4. Planimetria del ‘dolmen’ n. 1 con l’ipotesi di ricostruzione delle parti mancanti. L’individuazione nelle immediate vicinanze di un’altra sepoltura megalitica (Bruno 2002, 118-119) (Fig. 5) è di notevole interesse perché attesta la presenza di altre tombe di questo tipo nella zona4, permettendo di approfondire lo studio di tale tipo tombale. Il monumento è molto simile al primo, con un piccolo corridoio d’accesso e una cella formata da blocchi posti di taglio, non più in situ lungo tutto il tratto nord; la sua conformazione ellittica si può comunque dedurre dalla sistemazione pavimentale, che sembra integra, costituita da lastre di pietra poste all’interno della cella e nel corridoio (Fig. 6). Nella parte sinistra dell’ingresso un accumulo di terra e pietre, coperto dalla vegetazione, potrebbe celare i filari di una facciata in muratura (Fig. 5). Il ritrovamento del secondo ‘dolmen’ ci permette inoltre di formulare delle ipotesi sulla copertura di queste tombe megalitiche. Le ipotesi già avanzate per il ‘dolmen’ n. 1 sono scaturite dalla presenza di lastre litiche esterne alla cella, che si appoggiano ad essa (Fig. 1) e interpretate come facenti parte di un tetto costituito dalle stesse, poste ‘obliquamente a contrasto’ (Del Campo-Scrofani 1971, 20-21) o genericamente formanti un cupola (Di Stefano 1978a, 12) o una falsa cupola (Di Stefano 1978a, 12; 4 Il ‘dolmen’ era già conosciuto da studiosi locali e descritto in maniera sommaria (Modica Scala 1990, 596-597; Belluardo-Ciavorella 1999, 74, f. 75); al suo interno sono stati ritrovati resti di ossa umane (Modica Scala 1990, 597).

Fig. 6. Planimetria del ‘dolmen’ n. 2. 610

NICOLÒ BRUNO: I COSIDDETTI DOLMEN DI CAVA DEI SERVI NUOVO INQUADRAMENTO DI DUE TOMBE MEGALITICHE istituendo invece un più immediato confronto con le monumentali facciate dei templi maltesi e i relativi ingressi (da approfondire inoltre lo studio della pavimentazione).5 Del resto, sia le tombe megalitiche di Cava dei Servi, distanti meno di trenta km dal mare prospiciente Malta, poste sull’agevole via naturale del torrente Tellesimo che si immette sul fiume Tellaro, sia le tombe con i prospetti costruiti e cella ipogeica, distanti dal mare meno di venti km, insistono proprio nella zona con la più alta concentrazione di architetture confrontabili con quelle dell’arcipelago maltese (Bernabò Brea 19761977; Guzzardi 1980; Procelli 1981; Cacciaguerra 2000); e, se la tecnologia maltese non era certamente conosciuta dalle popolazioni siciliane, è ormai dimostrata la conoscenza diretta degli stessi monumenti ipogeici ed epigeici e dei loro elementi strutturali, decorativi e architettonici. E’ plausibile dunque che gli abitanti della nostra isola, prendendo a modello architetture melitensi e adottandone gli schemi compositivi e struttivi, abbiano trovato soluzioni alternative a problemi non alla loro portata o più confacenti alle loro necessità.

Fig. 7. ‘Dolmen’ n. 2; lastra di copertura. L’assenza lungo tutto il lato nord di blocchi perimetrali in situ non permette di capire la struttura della copertura in questo lato della costruzione. Ma la presenza a sud di lastre oblique (Fig. 6), poggianti su un blocco perimetrale, fa ipotizzare l’esistenza di una o più lastre di copertura che dovevano essere collocate, come nel primo ‘dolmen’, sulla parte sommitale di esse, a formare, con la lastra descritta prima, un tetto intenzionalmente non rettilineo.

Ancora una volta le popolazioni della facies di Castelluccio hanno rielaborato tecniche o motivi architettonici esterni, facendoli propri, per costruire strutture adeguate alle loro esigenze cultuali (Bruno c.d.s. b).

Una vera e propria tecnica trilitica è stata invece utilizzata per i piccoli corridoi d’accesso alle tombe, che dovevano avere una distinta copertura, meno elaborata, costituita certamente da una o più lastre poste orizzontalmente sui piedritti. Si potrebbe supporre inoltre che entrambe le tombe fossero ricoperte da un tumulo in pietra e terra, oggi scomparso, che lasciava visibile solo la facciata.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Belluardo, S. & G. Ciavorella, 1999. Alla ricerca della grande dea. L’architettura preistorica rupestre negli Iblei. Modica. Bernabò Brea, L., 1976-1977. Eolie, Sicilia e Malta nell’età del bronzo. Kokalos 22-23 (I), 33-110. Bruno, N., c.d.s. a. Indagini topografiche lungo il Tellesimo, in: Atti del I Congresso Internazionale di Preistoria e Protostoria Siciliane, Corleone, 17-20 luglio 1997. Bruno, N., c.d.s. b. ‘Tombe a pilastri’ in Sicily, in: Actes XIVe congrès de l’Union internationale des sciences préhistoriques et protohistoriques, Liège, 2-8 septembre 2001. Bruno, N., 2002. Aspetti archeologici della Valle del Tellesimo, in: AA.VV., La valle del Tellesimo (= Speleologia Iblea, 9). Ragusa, 111-131. Cacciaguerra, G., 2000. Tomba con rilievo trilitico in contrada Petraro (Melilli, SR). Sicilia Archeologica 33, 98, 129-143.

Per la presenza del prospetto in muratura e per il corridoio d’ingresso, esse sono già state associate (Bruno 2002, 118) ad alcune tombe con facciata costruita, ma con cella ipogeica, indagate nelle vicine contrade Paolina (Procelli 1981, 84-85) e Castiglione (Procelli 1980-1981, 70-71), distanti circa venti km in linea d’aria dalla Cava dei Servi e datate alla facies di Castelluccio. In base all’analisi dei nuovi elementi architettonici relativi al ‘dolmen’ n. 1, ai dati del ‘dolmen’ n. 2 e al confronto con i prospetti costruiti delle suddette tombe, possiamo dunque fissare la datazione dei due monumenti funerari all’Antica Età del Bronzo e, per la presenza della facciata e la sua monumentalizzazione, proporre una derivazione dall’architettura templare maltese, già dimostrata per le tombe di Paolina e di Castiglione (Procelli 1980-1981, 71; 1981, 104).

5 Dopo questa disamina è interessante notare che, con i pochi dati precedentemente disponibili, era già stata suggerita “anche se a livello di suggestione…una possibile provenienza maltese” della tecnica della copertura del ‘dolmen’ n. 1, “una sorta di falsa cupola…che potrebbe richiamare alla mente il sistema di copertura delle camere interne di alcuni templi maltesi” (Procelli 1981, 105). Sebbene la tecnica non sembra essere la stessa, un’ipotesi che possa sembrare azzardata, alla luce dei nuovi dati, può dimostrarsi una stimolante intuizione; non sembra dunque un caso che la difficoltà di trovare un confronto convincente con le architetture dolmeniche, in particolare con quelle più vicine della Sardegna, della Puglia e della stessa Malta (Procelli 1996, 94; 1997, 346), abbia spinto a formulare tale ipotesi.

Non si tratta dunque di veri e propri dolmen, ma di strutture funerarie il cui scopo era certamente quello di riprodurre, in alzato, le grotticelle artificiali. Viene così a cadere, per la loro complessità architettonica, una derivazione diretta dalle semplici strutture dolmeniche presenti nel Mediterraneo centrale,

611

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tusa, S., 2000. L’ipogeismo in Sicilia, in: Atti del Congresso internazionale, Sassari, 23-28 maggio 1994. 267-312.

Del Campo, M. & G. Scrofani, 1971. Rosolini. Insediamenti preistorici nella Cava dei Servi, in: Un quinquennio di attività archeologica nella provincia di Siracusa. Siracusa, 20-21. Di Stefano, G., 1978a. Recenti scoperte nella Sicilia orientale. Tabellarius, n.s. giugno, Ragusa, 11-13. Di Stefano, G., 1978b. Cava dei Servi. Studi Etruschi 46 (s. III), 577-578. Di Stefano, G., 1979. La collezione preistorica della ‘Grotta Lazzaro’ nel Museo Civico di Modica. Sicilia Archeologica 12, 91-110. Di Stefano, G., 1984. Piccola guida delle stazioni preistoriche degli Iblei. Ragusa. Giannitrapani, E., 1997. Rapporti tra la Sicilia e Malta durante l’età del Bronzo, in: S. Tusa (ed.), Prima Sicilia. Alle origini della società siciliana. Palermo, 429-443. Guzzardi, L., 1980. Un ipogeo preistorico a Calaforno e il suo contesto topografico. Sicilia Archeologica 23, 42, 67-94. Guzzardi, L., 1996. L’area degli Iblei fra l’età del bronzo e la prima età del ferro, in: L. Guzzardi (ed.), Civiltà indigene e città greche nella regione iblea. Ragusa, 942. La Rosa, V., 1989. Le popolazioni della Sicilia: Sicani, Siculi, Elimi, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Italia, omnium terrarum parens. Milano, 3-110. Leighton, R., 1999. Sicily before history. London. Modica Scala, G., 1990. Pagine di pietra. Modica. Orsi, P., 1898. Miniere di selce e sepolcri eneolitici a M. Tabuto e M. Racello presso Comiso (Siracusa). Bollettino di Paletnologia Italiana 24, 165-206. Piccolo, S., 1995. I dolmen della Sicilia sud-orientale. Tesi di diploma della Scuola diretta a fini speciali per operatori tecnico-scientifici per i beni culturali e ambientali, settore archeologico. Università di Palermo (anno accademico 1994/95). Piccolo, S., 1998. La tavola e la pietra. Archeo 14 (12:166), 42-46. Procelli, E., 1980-1981. Intervento a A. M. Bietti Sestieri. Kokalos 26-27 (I), 70-71. Procelli, E., 1981. Il complesso tombale di Contrada Paolina ed il problema dei rapporti fra Sicilia e Malta nella Prima Età del Bronzo. Bollettino d’Arte 66 (VI), 83-110. Procelli, E., 1991. Aspetti religiosi e apporti trasmarini nella cultura di Castelluccio. Journal of Mediterranean Studies 1 (2), 252-256. Procelli, E., 1996. Sicily between the third and second millennium B.C.: a brief survey, in: R. Leighton (ed.), Early societies in Sicily. New developments in archaeological research. London, 89-100. Procelli, E., 1997. La civiltà agro-pastorale siciliana matura: l’antica età del bronzo, in: S. Tusa (ed.), Prima Sicilia. Alle origini della società siciliana. Palermo, 343-351. Tusa, S., 1983. La Sicilia nella preistoria. Palermo. Tusa, S., 1997. Il megalitismo e la Sicilia, in: S. Tusa (ed.), Prima Sicilia. Alle origini della società siciliana. Palermo, 333-341. 612

ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO NELLA PIANURA VERONESE TRA BRONZO ANTICO E BRONZO RECENTE A. Atzori, V. Fausti, G. Leonardi & A. Morandini Abstract: The paper discusses the possibility to identify a interpretative model for settlement dynamics in the Veronese plain between Early and Late Bronze Age based on the published archaeological record. The area is delimited by the boundaries of the Veneto region to the south and west, the Lessini Mountains to the north and the Adige river to the east. Sites with a clear chronology and function have been related to each other by: a) nearest neighbour analysis; b) cluster analysis of all the sites with an interdistance shorter than the modal tendency of the nearest neighbours of each period and c) Thiessen polygons for each site and cluster. The overall analysis records settlement dynamics which start during the Early Bronze Age and continue consistently throughout the whole Middle Bronze Age up to the beginning of Late Bronze Age, when some new settlement patterns seem to arise.

– Per il Bronzo medio e recente quella di M. Bernabò Brea e A. Cardarelli nel catalogo ‘Le Terramare’ (Bernabò Brea et al. 1997).

INTRODUZIONE

Il presente intervento1 vuole costituire, in qualità di analisi e progettazione preventiva dei successivi momenti operativi, la prima parte di un progetto di ricerca territoriale ad ampio spettro. In tali termini, esso si propone di valutare se, dai dati archeologici finora pubblicati, sia possibile desumere potenziali modelli interpretativi – da sottoporre a successiva verifica sul campo – delle dinamiche di popolamento della pianura veronese fra il Bronzo antico e recente.

A livello metodologico, di ogni fase sono stati selezionati i soli siti significativi3 e su questi sono state effettuate le seguenti analisi: – Nearest neighbour analysis, con individuazione della tendenza modale delle distanze fra vicini prossimi per verificare il pattern distributivo degli insediamenti attraverso il tempo; – Cluster analysis in cui i siti sono stati raggruppati in base alle distanze inter-sito comprese all’interno della tendenza modale, per enucleare le concentrazioni di insediamenti; – Poligoni di Thiessen, individuati per ciascun sito e aggregati secondo quanto emerso dalla nearest neighbour analysis e dalla ulteriore cluster analysis, per individuare e valutare il territorio di pertinenza di ciascun cluster. A.A., V.F., G.L., A.M.

L’area indagata (Fig. 1) risulta delimitata a sud e ad ovest dagli attuali confini regionali, a nord e nord-ovest rispettivamente dai monti Lessini e dall’anfiteatro morenico del Garda, ad est dal corso dell’Adige. In termini di cronologia relativa,2 si è scelto di adottare: – Per il Bronzo antico le più recenti proposte di R. De Marinis (De Marinis 1999; De Marinis 2000);

BRONZO ANTICO 1

Questo lavoro prende spunto dai seminari svolti all’interno del corso di Paletnologia della Scuola di Specializzazione dell’Università di Padova durante l’a.a. 2001/02, relativi al popolamento della pianura veronese fra Neolitico e Secondo Ferro. Si ringraziano, pertanto, per i primi momenti di discussione e per gli spunti di riflessione suscitati, la prof. L. Capuis e i colleghi dott. A. Angelini, dott. A. Cupaiuolo, dott. S. Rossi, dott. V. Santi. Si ringrazia inoltre, per il supporto nella realizzazione delle carte di fase, il prof. G.M. Concheri e il dott. D. Comelli del Dipartimento di Architettura, Urbanistica e Rilevamento (DAUR) della Facoltà di Ingegneria dell’Università di Padova. 2 Considerata la vexata quaestio, ancora irrisolta, della cronologia assoluta dell’età del Bronzo e della scansione temporale delle sue fasi, si è ritenuto opportuno lavorare utilizzando come supporto unicamente le sequenze, relative, di materiali. Anche le sequenze relative di materiali non offrono però sempre letture univoche e questo è particolarmente vero per il bronzo recente. La complessità del periodo, la carenza di siti scavati stratigraficamente, l’abbondanza di elementi e di forme di lunga durata, hanno portato a tabelle e ad interpretazioni anche molto divergenti. Pur essendo state prese in considerazione molte di queste letture (si ricorda Peroni 1963; Leonardi 1979; Marchesan 1985; Capoferri 1988; Bagolan, Levi & Vanzetti 1997; Bagolan & Leonardi 2000), le tavole di sequenze principalmente usate sono quelle di Bagolan, Levi & Vanzetti (1997) edite nel volume sulle Terramare. Ci si è avvalsi inoltre di confronti con situazioni coeve e culturalmente affini ma fuori dal territorio veronese, in particolare con i siti di Ca dé Cessi (De Marinis et al. 1995), di Cavazzoli (Bernabò Brea & Tirabassi 1997), di Ponte S.Marco (Poggiani Keller 1994).

Bronzo antico 1 I dati attualmente a disposizione indicano una occupazione estremamente rada del territorio veronese (quattro presenze), distribuita fra la media pianura, nella fascia di deflusso di Tione, Tartaro e Menago, e la bassa delle Valli Grandi Veronesi, con selezione delle aree umide per l’impianto dei siti (Fig. 2). Non è chiaro se l’esiguità numerica delle presenze di questo periodo sia da attribuire ad una effettiva bassa densità insediativa dell’area, o non sia piuttosto da imputare ad una seria lacuna informativa del dato: se da 3

Si utilizza l’espressione ‘sito significativo’ per individuare un sito interpretabile o interpretato tanto a livello cronologico quanto a livello funzionale (Bagolan & Leonardi 2000). Indubbiamente si è consapevoli di quanto una scelta di questo genere possa ridurre il reale potenziale informativo della totalità dei rinvenimenti; d’altra parte si è ritenuto operativamente più funzionale lavorare su un dato noto e tenere l’incerto come integrazione problematica e problematizzante di secondo livello.

613

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. La pianura veronese: posizionamento e limiti del territorio indagato. In termini di nearest neighbour e cluster analysis (Fig. 4) la tendenza modale del rapporto di vicinanza prossima risulta compresa fra 1 e 5 km, e comporta da un lato, nelle fasce occidentale (B1-58: Grezzanin di Povegliano; B2-54: Zocca di Nogarole Rocca) e orientale (C1-77: Callesella di Zimella; C2-15: Morandine di Cerea; C3-8: Canàr di Castelnovo Bariano), siti apparentemente isolati, dall’altro la clusterizzazione dei siti della fascia centrale dell’area indagata (A).

un lato, infatti, il data-base costituito per le fasi successive consente di desumere che buona parte del territorio analizzato è stato oggetto di estese ricerche, perlomeno di superficie, dall’altro non è inverosimile pensare che buona parte dei depositi di Bronzo antico 1 siano stati in qualche modo intaccati, asportati o sepolti. Solo l’avanzamento delle ricerche consentirà, pertanto, di tarare il dato sul suo significato effettivo: allo stato attuale tale esiguità numerica rende poco significativo ogni approccio analitico.

Se interpolato con i dati derivati da una scomposizione dell’areale in poligoni di Thiessen, tale dato evidenzia una sostanziale ripartizione del territorio in tre fasce insediative, di cui la centrale, situata lungo i corsi del Tartaro e del Menago, sembrerebbe, analogamente a quanto si coglieva nella fase precedente, quella con il maggior numero di presenze e con la più coerente strutturazione del territorio.

Bronzo antico 2 Nel corso del Bronzo antico 2 si assiste ad un considerevole incremento delle presenze (Fig. 3) dato principalmente da una consistente attivazione di nuovi siti, ma supportato anche da una buona persistenza dei siti di Bronzo antico 1 (di questi il 75% continua nel periodo successivo). Analogamente a quanto si osservava per la fase precedente la scelta insediativa si orienta prevalentemente sugli ambienti umidi, dove si colloca il 64,3% dei siti: compaiono, tuttavia, le prime prospezioni di aree asciutte, in particolare dossi, dove in questa fase viene collocato il 14,3% dei siti.4

Inoltre, la valutazione autoptica degli areali di ciascuno dei poligoni dei siti clusterizzati consente di rilevare una sostanziale equivalenza delle superfici date. Se in questo caso, volendo applicare un modello di tipo site catchment analysis (Fig. 5), tracciamo per ciascuno dei poligoni individuati una circonferenza che sia inscritta entro un poligono e tangente ad almeno uno dei suoi lati, osserviamo come il territorio in questione ne risulti

4 Del restante 22% di siti non è nota, sulla base dei dati editi, la localizzazione specifica, e non è di conseguenza possibile fare inferenze statistiche relative al tipo di scelta insediativa.

614

A. ATZORI, V. FAUSTI, G. LEONARDI & A. MORANDINI: ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO

Fig. 2. Bronzo Antico 1: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio. Elenco siti: 1. Bernardine di Coriano; 2. Castello di Bovolone; 3. Castello di Bovolone; 4. Corte Le Gesiole; 5. Novarina; 6. Saccavezza; 7. Buttapietra; 8. Canàr; 9. Ghinatella; 10. Marola; 11. Aselogna; 12. Castello del Tartaro; 13. Castello del Tartaro; 14. Cerea; 15. Morandine; 16. San Zeno; 17. Tombola; 18. Gradenighi; 19. Stra; 20. Tremolina; 21. Castel di Maccacari; 22. Cop Roman; 23. Coron; 24. Corte Valserà; 25. Ex Stazione al Tartaro; 26. Finilone; 27. Finilone Valle; 28. Il Mulino; 29. Maccacari; 30. Quartieri di Maccacari; 31. Giarella; 32. Panzana; 33. Pellegrina; 34. Prà Longo; 35. Tarmassia; 36. Fondo Paviani; 37. Perteghelle; 38. Scalvinetto; 39. Stanghelle; 40. Terranegra; 41. Grezzano – Boschetto; 42. Ortigara; 43. Quarto del Tormine; 44. Tormine; 45. Dossetto; 46. Guglia; 47. Montalto; 48. Olmo di Nogara; 49. Palù; 50. Pila del Brancòn; 51. Corte Vivaro; 52. I Camponi; 53. Prà Grande; 54. Zocca; 55. Feniletto; 56. Mazzantica; 57. Gambaloni; 58. Grezzanin; 59. Muraiola; 60. Caselle – cimitero; 61. Olmo di Ronco all'Adige; 62. Corte Palù; 63. Cavalzara; 64. Filegare; 65. Val degli Olmi; 66. Tione-Sorgà; 67. Castello di Trevenzuolo; 68. Sabbionara; 69. Isolalta; 70. Marcegaglia; 71. Corte Lazise; 72. Fabbrica dei Soci; 73. Franzine Nuove; 74. Massaua; 75. Stanghelletti; 76. Venezia Nuova; 77. Callesella.

Fig. 3. Trend di popolamento nella pianura veronese fra Bronzo Antico 1 e Bronzo Recente 2: nascite, morti, continuità e totale delle presenze per fase.

615

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Bronzo Antico 2: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio.

Fig. 5. Bronzo Antico 2: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen, site catchment analysis e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio.

616

A. ATZORI, V. FAUSTI, G. LEONARDI & A. MORANDINI: ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO

Fig. 6. Bronzo Medio 1: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio. suddiviso in circoli aventi superfici tendenzialmente equivalenti e un raggio medio pari a 2,5 km, poco meno di un’ora di cammino.

BRONZO MEDIO

Passando da un livello analitico-descrittivo ad uno più propriamente interpretativo, si può alternativamente ipotizzare:

Durante il Bronzo medio 1 (Fig. 3) il numero delle presenze nella pianura veronese aumenta ulteriormente passando da 14 a 21 siti, di cui 7 in continuità con la fase precedente e 14 di nuova attivazione.

Bronzo medio 1

a) Che il pattern distributivo dei clusters in questione sia l’esito palinsestico di spostamenti ciclici di siti diversi,5 per cui la distanza rappresenterebbe l’areale ‘depauperato’ da una fase ciclica di sfruttamento; b) Che, al contrario, riproduca la distribuzione di siti fra loro contemporanei e la loro relativa ripartizione territoriale.

In termini di nearest neighbour e cluster analysis (Fig. 6) la tendenza modale del rapporto di vicinanza prossima risulta simile alla precedente e compresa fra 1 e 4,5 km, e consente di individuare due siti isolati (1: Bernardine di Coriano presso Albaredo d’Adige; 15: Morandine di Cerea) e cinque gruppi di siti. Se si interpolano nuovamente tali dati con quelli derivanti dalla costruzione dei poligoni di Thiessen, si osserva come il territorio risulti ripartito in un numero di entità territoriali maggiore rispetto alla fase precedente, ma mantenga sostanziali continuità rispetto ad essa.

Nonostante entrambe le ipotesi risultino essere difficilmente verificabili, quanto di fortemente interessante si può sottolineare è che tanto nell’uno quanto nell’altro caso le circonferenze tracciate sembrano poter individuare, data la loro uniformità, l’area esperita come necessaria alla sussistenza di un gruppo in Bronzo antico 2.

Nello specifico: – La fascia centrale (A1, A2, A3), dove in Bronzo antico 2 si osserva un raggruppamento unico di siti tendenzialmente equidistanti, risulta nel Bronzo medio 1 suddivisa in tre clusters aventi ciascuno almeno un sito in continuità con la fase precedente: si

5 Analogamente a quanto proposto per le palafitte del Garda in seguito alle analisi dendrocronologiche di L. Fasani e N. Martinelli (Fasani & Martinelli 1996).

617

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI sottolinea come a scomparire sia l’abitato al centro del macro-raggruppamento di Bronzo antico 2 e come, in termini di scelte insediative, la maggior parte dei siti (89%) continui ad essere impostata in area umida, coerentemente con quanto avveniva nella fase precedente; – La fascia occidentale (B), precedentemente caratterizzata unicamente da due siti isolati, risulta in questa fase coesa in un unico cluster che si concentra lungo gli alti corsi del Tione e del Tartaro: si sottolinea come l’elevato incremento insediativo riscontrato sembri avvenire nel rispetto dei territori di pertinenza dei siti di Bronzo antico 2 individuati dai poligoni di Thiessen. Va inoltre aggiunto che, in termini di scelta insediativa, l’85,7% dei siti sorge in zona asciutta, su dosso, analogamente a quanto esperito nella fase precedente; – La fascia orientale (C1, C2, C3), precedentemente caratterizzata da tre siti isolati, continua ad essere suddivisa in tre settori (C1-1: Bernardine di Coriano ad Albaredo d’Adige; C2-15: Morandine di Cerea; C38: Canàr di Castelnovo Bariano, 39: Stanghelle di Legnago) dei quali uno, quello di Canàr, viene accresciuto dalla nascita di Stanghelle: anche in questo caso si osserva come la nuova attivazione sorga all’interno dell’areale individuato dal poligono di Bronzo antico 2 come territorio di pertinenza di Canàr.

evidenzianti una progressiva strutturazione nell’assetto sociale delle comunità tribali. Un valido esempio è dato in primo luogo dall’organizzazione interna delle necropoli (Gambaloni di Povegliano ed Olmo di Nogara), in secondo luogo dalla costruzione, iniziata proprio in questo momento, e dalla manutenzione di imponenti opere richiedenti una notevole allocazione di risorse umane, quali, soprattutto, l’escavo di fossati e l’erezione di strutture arginate. Il trend del popolamento relativo al Bronzo medio 2 (Fig. 3) indica una contrazione del numero complessivo dei siti pari al 31% rispetto alla fase precedente. Il 54% degli insediamenti databili Bronzo medio 1 non sopravvive nella fase successiva, durante la quale, invece, gli abitati di nuova fondazione rappresentano il 49% del totale, tutti in continuità fino al Bronzo medio 3, mentre nel passaggio dalla fase centrale a quella terminale del Bronzo medio, cesserà di essere frequentato solamente il 13% dei siti noti, contro il consistente 54% di cessazioni nel passaggio dal Bronzo medio 1 al Bronzo medio 2. Alla luce di questi dati è possibile ipotizzare una cesura di consistente entità tra le modalità insediative relative al momento iniziale del Bronzo medio e le fasi successive, accompagnata da un riassetto territoriale (Fig. 7), evidenziato in particolar modo dal fatto che le aree dei comparti territoriali entro le quali si dispongono i siti centrali cominciano ad essere tendenzialmente omogenee e disposte in modo molto regolare lungo gli assi fluviali, attestando lo sviluppo di caratteri sempre più marcati nella pianificazione del territorio.

Complessivamente sembra possibile parlare di tre cellule autonome di insediamento per le tre diverse fasce della pianura veronese: una prima fascia (A), centrale, attivatasi con le prime prospezioni insediative planiziarie del Bronzo antico 1, evolutasi e strutturatasi territorialmente con il Bronzo antico 2, segmentatasi internamente – presumibilmente principio di una parabola di declino – con il Bronzo medio 1, e caratterizzata in tutte le sue fasi da siti impiantati in area umida, in analogia e continuità con le scelte insediative dell’area benacense del Bronzo antico; una seconda fascia (C), orientale, attivatasi in Bronzo antico 1, caratterizzata, fra Bronzo antico 1 e Bronzo medio 1, da un ridotto dinamismo demografico, e prevalentemente orientata verso una scelta insediativa di primo tipo, in ambiente umido; una terza fascia (B), occidentale, attivatasi a partire dal Bronzo antico 2, esplosa demograficamente con il Bronzo medio 1, e latrice dell’innovazione sostanziale di stabilire gli abitati in ambiente asciutto.6 A.A

Infatti tutti gli areali che si snodano lungo le direttrici fluviali (Tione, Tartaro, Menago), appaiono compartimentati, mentre la tendenza modale nelle distanze intersito si struttura su due livelli, il primo caratterizzato da valori compresi tra i 2 e i 2,5 km, il secondo comprendente valori tra 5 e 5,5 km: – Nell’area nord-occidentale (B), dove prevale la prima tendenza modale, gli insediamenti sembrano concatenarsi a distanze molto regolari lungo il corso del Tione; – Nella fascia centrale (A), caratterizzata da siti isolati, assume gradatamente importanza la fascia territoriale alla confluenza di Tione e Tartaro; – Nell’area sud-orientale (C) le Valli Grandi Veronesi, che sviluppano il secondo tipo di tendenza modale, sono caratterizzate da una progressiva strutturazione del territorio che suggerisce una iniziale crescita demografica.

Bronzo medio 2 L’evoluzione e lo sviluppo delle modalità insediative nelle fasi centrale e finale del Bronzo medio, sembrano accompagnati da precisi indicatori archeologici

Bronzo medio 3 Durante la fase finale della media età del Bronzo (Fig. 8) si assiste al consolidamento delle tendenze evidenziate nel Bronzo medio 2, ma con una maggiore frequenza di

6

Per quanto concerne la tendenza marcata al passaggio da areali umidi ad areali asciutti fra prima e seconda fase dell’età del Bronzo si veda anche il modello interpretativo proposto da C. Balista e G. Leonardi nel corso del Convegno IIPP del 2000 (Balista & Leonardi in stampa).

618

A. ATZORI, V. FAUSTI, G. LEONARDI & A. MORANDINI: ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO

Fig. 7. Bronzo Medio 2: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio.

Fig. 8. Bronzo Medio 3: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio.

619

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI insediamenti che appaiono strutturarsi e differenziarsi sempre più secondo un ordine gerarchico.

abitati è Fondo Paviani, sito arginato che in questo periodo raggiunge dimensioni enormi, valutabili intorno ai 16 ettari. Pare dunque di poter individuare una linea privilegiata di comunicazione da Fondo Paviani a risalire verso l’alta pianura. Questo sistema di gestione del territorio richiama quello rilevato lungo l’alto corso del Tione (5 siti con distanze comprese tra 2 e 3 km) nel Bronzo medio 3.

E’ questo il momento in cui è ravvisabile la maggior quantità di siti, il 53% in più rispetto al Bronzo medio 2. Assistiamo in questo momento al massimo sviluppo della concentrazione umana nella fascia di territorio B, dove i siti sono concatenati lungo il Tione con una tendenza modale compresa fra 2 e 3 km.

La tendenza modale nelle distanze nearest neighbour per questo periodo è compresa entro i 3,5 km.

Rimane molto importante nel Bronzo medio 3 il territorio alla confluenza del sistema Tione-Tartaro, caratterizzato da importanti abitati, mentre cresce e sembra strutturarsi ulteriormente il sistema insediativo delle Valli Grandi Veronesi, caratterizzato da una tendenza modale di valori compresi tra i 4 ed i 4,5 km e dalla nascita e consolidamento di insediamenti di rango elevato quali Castello del Tartaro, Fondo Paviani e Fabbrica dei Soci.7 La strutturazione marcata dell’assetto territoriale che viene ad evidenziarsi durante il Bronzo medio 2 e 3 può essere imputabile proprio alla formazione di un ceto emergente stabile a status sociale ereditario, in grado di pianificare le consistenti risorse umane e materiali entro un territorio ormai suddiviso in polities.8 A.M.

Possiamo ravvisare due tendenze fondamentali nell’organizzazione dei cluster del Bronzo recente 1: – Siti a distanze piuttosto basse e regolari: la coppia Fabbrica dei Soci-Stanghelletti e la concatenazione di abitati individuati lungo il corso del Menago; – Siti isolati con un territorio di competenza piuttosto ampio (Castello del Tartaro, Olmo, Crosare, Feniletto e Sabbionara). Anomalo risulta il rapporto fra Finilone e Finilone Valle, che distano tra loro solo 200 m. Per quanto riguarda le zone prescelte, prevalgono ampiamente i dossi e i terrazzi, dunque un ambiente asciutto. Fanno eccezione Feniletto e Tombola di Cerea. Eccetto il perdurare del sito palafitticolo di Feniletto, le zone asciutte diventano esclusive per gli abitati del periodo successivo, il Bronzo recente 2, quando gli ambienti umidi sono sfruttati unicamente per il culto (Pila del Brancon e Corte Lazise).

IL BRONZO RECENTE

Bronzo recente 1 Con il Bronzo recente iniziale (Fig. 9) assistiamo ad una evidente riduzione nel numero degli abitati (si passa da 22 a 15, con 11 siti che manifestano continuità, 4 nuovi insediamenti, 11 abbandoni), e questo viene solitamente interpretato come frutto non di decremento demografico, ma del concentrarsi della popolazione in siti meno numerosi ma molto più grandi. È interessante notare però come la maggior parte delle morti si trovino concentrate nell’area a nord-ovest della zona indagata (cessano 7 degli 8 abitati presenti nella fase precedente), area che non vede nuove nascite, mentre nell’area centrale e meridionale prevale la continuità (8 siti continuano, 3 muoiono, 2 nascono), ed abbiamo indicatori dell’attivarsi dell’area orientale dell’alta pianura (Feniletto e nelle fasi finali del periodo Sabbionara). Il calo numerico dei siti pare perciò in diretta relazione con il disattivarsi dell’area a nord-ovest.

Bronzo recente 2 Nel Bronzo recente 2 (Fig. 10) anche la sola osservazione delle distanze nearest neighbour mostra un evidente cambiamento nella distribuzione insediativa, indice di un cambiamento socio/politico in atto. Le distanze si allungano e la tendenza modale evidenzia il cambiamento, ponendosi entro i 5,5 km, la tendenza più alta tra tutti i periodi analizzati fin qui, escluso il Bronzo antico. Il trend di popolamento non mostra apparenti fratture: 15 abitati contro 16 abitati, 5 morti contro 6 nuovi nati. Il Menago perde la centralità acquisita nella fase precedente, mentre riacquisita peso la presenza di abitati lungo il medio e basso corso di Tione e Tartaro. Nel Bronzo recente 2 non incontriamo più aggregati di siti, ma siti isolati con un ampio e sostanzialmente omogeneo territorio di pertinenza. Una sola coppia di siti (Fondo Paviani e Venezia Nuova) ha distanza piuttosto bassa, pari cioè a 2 km circa, indice di un diverso tipo di rapporto. Ulteriore spia di un legame forte tra i due abitati: la presenza, proprio lungo il confine comune a entrambi individuato dai poligoni di Thiessen, del luogo di culto di Corte Lazise.

Mentre quindi perdono quasi totalmente d’importanza l’alto e medio corso dei fiumi Tione e Tartaro, si attiva in modo assolutamente nuovo il popolamento lungo il Menago. Il suo medio e basso corso risultano caratterizzati da una lunga concatenazione di siti (5) a distanze estremamente regolari, comprese tra i 2,5 e i 3,5 km. E’ interessante notare che il più meridionale di questi 7

Per un’analisi della gerarchia dei siti in ambito Valli Grandi veronesi si veda Balista & De Guio 1997. 8 Si veda a questo proposito l’intervento di M. Cupitò e G. Leonardi sulle ipotesi di tipo sociale emergenti dall’analisi di Olmo di Nogara e Pila del Brancon (infra)

620

A. ATZORI, V. FAUSTI, G. LEONARDI & A. MORANDINI: ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO

Fig. 9. Bronzo Recente 1: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio.

Fig. 10. Bronzo Recente 2: nearest neighbour analysis, cluster analysis, poligoni di Thiessen e ipotesi modellistica dell’articolazione del territorio.

621

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI De Guio (Balista & De Guio 1997) individua, per il Bronzo recente della zona delle Valli Grandi Veronesi, due ordini di siti, innanzitutto sulla base delle dimensioni: siti di primo rango (Fondo Paviani, Fabbrica dei Soci, Castello del Tartaro) e siti di secondo rango. Si crede che le basse tendenze modali individuate nel Bronzo recente 1 siano spesso indicatrici del legame di singoli siti (o di gruppi di siti) di secondo rango con siti di primo. Questo rapporto privilegiato quasi non esiste nel Bronzo recente 2: qui le tendenze modali mettono in relazione appunto quei siti di primo rango indicati da De Guio. Questo è ulteriore indice di un radicale cambiamento del sistema socio-politico e quindi della gestione del territorio. V.F.

corsi d’acqua. Si potrebbe obiettare che lo sfaldamento dell’unità territoriale di Bronzo antico 2 non può che inficiare la proposta di una fascia insediativa omogenea, tanto più che, contrariamente al taglio latitudinale (alta, media e bassa pianura) generalmente riscontrabile in letteratura, questa viene a disporsi in senso longitudinale: va tuttavia osservato come, proprio in questa fascia, la scelta insediativa rimanga, almeno fino a buona parte del Bronzo medio, orientata verso ambienti umidi, mantenendosi impermeabile alla nuova proposta insediativa di siti su ambiente asciutto partita con il Bronzo antico 2 nel settore occidentale. Con il Bronzo medio 2 e per tutto il Bronzo medio 3 e recente 1 si assiste ad una contrazione degli insediamenti che sembra configurare una fase di diversa strutturazione del territorio, centrata su un singolo sito con ampio territorio di pertinenza piuttosto che sulla dispersione degli abitati. Nel Bronzo recente 2 i siti isolati formatisi nelle fasi precedenti sembrano integrarsi nella nuova dimensione territoriale definitivamente assestatasi.

CONCLUSIONI

L’approfondimento della seriazione cronotipologica avvenuto negli ultimi anni, unito all’avanzamento delle ricerche ed alle nuove segnalazioni, permettono di accordare sempre più i dati archeologici allo studio delle modalità insediative.

La fascia orientale, nelle Valli Grandi Veronesi, si attiva in Bronzo antico 1 con la nascita di Canàr, ma a differenza della precedente rimane a basso incremento insediativo fino al Bronzo medio 1, quando il sorgere di Stanghelle sembra avviare l’effettivo processo di occupazione dell’area che crescerà con le fasi successive. A partire dal Bronzo medio 2 comincia quel fenomeno di popolamento che nel Bronzo medio 3 porta alla creazione dei grandi abitati arginati in tutta la fascia della bassa pianura veronese. Questo fenomeno si consolida ulteriormente nel Bronzo recente 1, con un aumento numerico dei siti e con l’incremento dimensionale dei clusters.10

La disamina complessiva dei dati sembra delineare un popolamento della pianura veronese che inizia con le prospezioni territoriali del Bronzo antico 1 (Fig. 2) e che evolve, fra il Bronzo antico 2 e il Bronzo recente 1 (Figg. 4-9), secondo una dinamica a camere di insediamento ad evoluzione individuale riconoscibile nelle tre fasce empirico-operative centrale, orientale e occidentale, individuate in base a scelte insediative omogenee, andamento unitario del trend di popolamento, legami di clusterizzazione, entità del territorio individuato dai poligoni di Thiessen relativi a ciascun cluster di siti.9 Con il Bronzo recente 2 (Fig. 10) scompare una divisione netta in fasce e il territorio appare già strutturato secondo criteri differenti.

Il settore occidentale, in corrispondenza dell’alto corso di Tione e Tartaro, sembra attivarsi invece, a differenza delle fasce precedenti, solo a partire dal Bronzo antico 2, con una tendenza dell’incremento insediativo positiva per tutto l’arco del Bronzo medio, nonostante una lieve flessione nel Bronzo medio 2. Se si interpola tale dato con l’elaborazione territoriale effettuata si osserva come la flessione di Bronzo medio 2 avvenga in concomitanza con una diversa concentrazione degli insediamenti lungo i corsi d’acqua: da un primo momento, in Bronzo antico 2, di congestione delle presenze in un areale relativamente ridotto si passa, in Bronzo medio 2 e per tutto il Bronzo medio 3, a distanze inter-sito lievemente maggiori e tendenzialmente costanti, pur mantenendosi sostanzialmente inalterata l’entità del territorio di pertinenza individuata dal macro-poligono di Thiessen in questo settore. Tale omogeneità di dinamiche territoriali risulta inoltre rafforzata dalla valutazione del tipo di

La fascia centrale, lungo il medio corso del Tartaro e del Menago e in corrispondenza della confluenza fra Tione e Tartaro, si attiva con il Bronzo antico 1 e risulta caratterizzata da una tendenza positiva del trend di popolamento fino al Bronzo medio 1, quando tale tendenza si inverte e il numero di siti decresce. Interpolando tale dato con l’elaborazione territoriale effettuata si osserva come l’incremento e il decremento delle presenze si accompagnino a diverse strutturazioni territoriali: da un primo nucleo di siti di Bronzo antico 1, infatti, si passa in Bronzo antico 2 ad un sistema territoriale articolato, caratterizzato da insediamenti disposti a distanze pressoché costanti e aventi territori di pertinenza sostanzialmente equivalenti e, in Bronzo medio 1, ad una sua frantumazione in tre celle differenti, ciascuna caratterizzata da insediamenti disposti lungo i

10 Balista & De Guio (1997) individuano in Fondo Paviani il ‘sito dominante’ di quest’area. Il ruolo egemone di questo sito risulta accentuato, nella suddivisione in clusters qui proposta, dal concatenarsi ad esso degli abitati situati lungo il corso del Menago, secondo l’ipotesi sottesa a tutto l’intervento che distanze al di sotto della tendenza modale siano indice di un rapporto forte, se non addirittura di dipendenza, tra siti.

9

E’ necessario precisare che gli areali delle fasce qui individuate non si mantengono uguali in tutte le fasi. Questo è particolarmente rilevante tra Bronzo medio 2 e Bronzo recente 1: quando parliamo di fascia orientale in relazione a questi periodi, intendiamo infatti un territorio in gran parte coincidente con le Valli Grandi Veronesi e che coinvolge quindi la bassa pianura centro-orientale.

622

A. ATZORI, V. FAUSTI, G. LEONARDI & A. MORANDINI: ALCUNE DINAMICHE DI POPOLAMENTO Balista, C. & G. Leonardi, 1996. Gli abitati di ambiente umido nel Bronzo antico dell’Italia settentrionale, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’Antica Età del Bronzo: atti del congresso di Viareggio, 9-12 gennaio 1995. Firenze, 199-228. Balista, C. & G. Leonardi, 2000. Le strategie d’insediamento tra II e inizio I millennio a.C. in Italia settentrionale centro-orientale, in: Atti XXXV Convegno IIPP, in stampa. Belluzzo, G. & L. Salzani (eds), 1996. Dalla terra al museo, Catalogo della mostra. Legnago. Belluzzo, G. & J. Tirabassi, 1996. Media e recente età del bronzo nella pianura veronese. Indagine cronologicoculturale, paleoambientale e strutturale degli insediamenti, in: G. Belluzzo & L. Salzani (eds), Dalla terra al museo, Catalogo della mostra. Legnago, 79-145. Bernabò Brea, M. & A. Cardarelli, 1997. Le Terramare nel tempo, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Electa, Milano, 295-378. Bernabò Brea, M. & J. Tirabassi, 1997., La stratigrafia di Cavazzoli (RE) negli scavi 1971, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Electa, Milano, 351-354. Capoferri, B., 1988. Cronologia dell’età del bronzo media e recente nell’area transpadana centroorientale. Brescia. Capuis, L., G. Leonardi, S. Pesavento & G. Rosada, G. 1990. Carta archeologica del Veneto, II. Modena. Carancini, G.L., 1996. La metallurgia dell’Antica Età del Bronzo, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’Antica Età del Bronzo: atti del congresso di Viareggio, 9-12 gennaio 1995. Firenze, 57-78. Carancini, G.L., 1997. La produzione metallurgica delle terramare nel quadro dell’Italia protostorica, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Electa, Milano, 379-404. Carancini, G.L. & R. Peroni, 1999. L’età del Bronzo in Italia: per una cronologia della produzione metallurgica. Perugia. Cardarelli, A., 1988. L’età del Bronzo nel Modenese: sistemi di insediamento e aspetti dell’organizzazione socio-economica. Annali Benacensi 9, 313-354. Cupitò, M. & G. Leonardi, 2003. La necropoli di Olmo di Nogara e Pila del Brancòn: considerazioni e ipotesi di tipo sociale emergenti dal rapporto tra i rituali funerari e cultuali, in: Atti del VI Convegno di Archeologia Italiana. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving, in stampa. De Marinis, R., 1997. L’età del bronzo nella regione benacense e nella pianura padana a nord del Po, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Electa, Milano, 405-419. De Marinis, R., 1999. Towards a relative and absolute chronology of the Bronze Age in Northern Italy. Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi 7, 23-100.

scelta insediativa attuata in questo settore, che sin dal Bronzo antico 2 e per tutto il Bronzo medio si orienta verso ambienti asciutti, discostandosi da quanto esperito nella fascia centrale. La scomparsa netta e totale di tutto questo settore in Bronzo recente 1 sembra infine ulteriormente suffragare l’ipotesi di una qualche unitarietà di questa porzione di territorio. Discorso a parte merita il Bronzo recente evoluto, quando una nuova organizzazione insediativa, più omogenea, non consente la consueta divisione in fasce territoriali. Diversamente da molte aree dell’Italia settentrionale non assistiamo qui ad una contrazione nel numero degli abitati, ma ad un rilevante cambiamento nella gestione dello spazio: aumentano le distanze inter-sito e ne consegue il generalizzarsi del fenomeno dei siti isolati con ampio territorio di pertinenza proprio della fascia centrale della pianura veronese a partire dal Bronzo medio 2. La tendenza modale delle distanze inter-sito, paragonabile solo a quella di Bronzo antico, le dimensioni presunte degli abitati e i dati archeologici di un’agricoltura di tipo intensivo paiono suffragare l’ulteriore deduzione che il territorio di sopravvivenza di poche famiglie in Bronzo antico diventa in Bronzo recente 2 sufficiente per sfamare centinaia di persone. A.A., V.F, A.M. BIBLIOGRAFIA

AA.VV., 1976. 3000 anni fa a Verona, Catalogo della Mostra. Verona. AA.VV., 1997. Carta geomorfologica della Pianura Padana. Ministero dell’Università e della ricerca scientifica e tecnologica, S.E.L.CA, Firenze. Angelucci, D. & T. Medici, 1994. Aspetti stratigrafici e culturali della terramara di Cavazzoli (Reggio Emilia). La campagna di scavo 1990. Padusa 30, 145-186. Bagolan, L. & G. Leonardi, 2000. Il Bronzo Finale nel Veneto, in: M. Harari & M. Pearce, Il protovillanoviano al di qua e al di là dell’Appennino. Atti della giornata di studio. Pavia, Collegio Ghislieri, 17 giugno 1995. Como, New Press, 15-46. Bagolan, M., S.T. Levi & A. Vanzetti, 1997. Basso veronese: siti dell’età del Bronzo Recente, che sovente iniziano nel corso del Bronzo Medio, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Electa, Milano, 357-360. Balista, C. & A. De Guio, 1997. Ambiente ed insediamenti dell’età del bronzo nelle Valli Grandi Veronesi, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Electa, Milano, 137-165. Balista, C., A. De Guio, G. Leonardi & A. Ruta Serafini, 1982. La frequentazione protostorica del territorio vicentino: metodologia analitica ed elementi preliminari di lettura interpretativa. Dialoghi di Archeologia 4, 113-136.

623

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI De Marinis, R., 2000. Il Museo Civico Archeologico Giovanni Rambotti: una introduzione alla Preistoria del Lago di Garda. Castiglione delle Siviere (MN). De Marinis, R.C., C. Balista, M. Rapi, M. Scandolo, G. Marziani, A. Iannone & B.M. Camagni, 1995. La Terramara dell’età del Bronzo recente di Cà dè Cessi (Sabbioneta, Mantova). Sibrium 22 (1992-1993), 43161. Fasani, L., 1984. L’età del Bronzo, in: A. Aspes (ed.), Il Veneto nell’antichità. Preistoria e Protostoria, II. Verona, 451-614. Fasani, L. & N. Martinelli, 1996. Cronologia assoluta e relativa dell’antica età del Bronzo nell’Italia settentrionale, in: D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), L’Antica Età del Bronzo: atti del congresso di Viareggio, 9-12 gennaio 1995. Firenze, 19-32. Leonardi, G., 1992. Assunzione e analisi dei dati territoriali in funzione della diacronia e delle modalità del popolamento. Archeologia del Paesaggio 1, 25-66. Leonardi, G., 1979. Il Bronzo Finale nell’Italia NordOrientale. Proposte per una suddivisione in fasi, in: AA.VV., Atti XXI Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Firenze 21-23 ottobre 1977. Firenze, 155-188. Marchesan, A., 1985. Le età del bronzo media e recente nel territorio veneto: tipologia e suddivisione in fasi cronologiche. Archeologia Veneta 8, 63-123. Martinelli, N., 2003. Dendrocronologia e archeologia: situazione e prospettive della ricerca in Italia, in: Atti del VI Convegno di Archeologia Italiana. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving, in stampa. Orton, C., 1980. Mathematics in archaeology. Cambridge. Peroni, R., 1963. L’età del Bronzo media e recente tra l’Adige e il Mincio. Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona 11, 49-104. Poggiani Keller, R. (ed.), 1994. Il villaggio preistorico e le fornaci di ponte S. Marco, catalogo della mostra. Calcinato. Salzani, L., 1985. Preistoria e protostoria nella media pianura veronese. Oppeano (VR). Salzani, L., 1986a. Abitati preistorici e protostorici dell’alto e medio Polesine, in: M. De Min & R. Peretto (eds), L’Antico Polesine. Padova, 103-116. Salzani L., 1986b. Povegliano: la sua storia dal bronzo al ferro. Povegliano Veronese. Salzani, L., 1987. La preistoria lungo la valle del Tartaro. Vago di Lavagno (VR). Salzani L., L. Belemmi & G. Squaranti, 1997. Povegliano: l’abitato dell’Età del Bronzo della Muraiola. Povegliano Veronese. Shennan, S., 1988. Quantifying archaeology. Edinburgh. Zorzin, R., L. Balzani, B. Dal Cero, A. Toniolo & A. Buonopane, 1990. La preistoria e l'età romana nel territorio sinistra Adige. Cologna Veneta.

624

THE ISLAND OF CAPRI IN THE GULF OF NAPLES BETWEEN THE 5TH AND THE 2ND MILLENNIUM BC Claudio Giardino Abstract: The Gulf of Naples was one of the focal points for the maritime routes in the Central Mediterranean during the Neolithic and the Bronze Age. The prehistory of Capri – that closes the southern side of the Gulf – is well known to the scientificcommunity because of the old excavations at the Grotta delle Felci. Now recent research provide new data for understanding the pre- and protohistoric settlement system on the island. Capri flourished particularly in the Late Neolithic. The island had another period of prosperity during the Middle Bronze Age, as the other island of the Gulf of NapIes, Ischia, Procida and Vivara. During this period the Aegeans established their commercial base for the Thyrrenian Sea in the Gulf, where they collected the metals from the mining areas of the West.

INTRODUCTION

Nevertheless, we have conducted several campaigns of systematic surveys in the past years, in order to identify, as much as possible, the prehistoric framework of settlements in the island.3 We also carried out a series of researches in the museums that keep finds from Capri, in order to re-examine all the evidences from old investigations.

Capri is a hilly island, just 5 km away from the Sorrentina Peninsula; it is mostly constituted by limestone rocks. The island is lacking of large areas for agriculture; even the water is scarce. It has no mineral resources. The Roman historic Dion Cassius defined Capri an island without any utility.1 The name itself of the island, Capri, means goats: it recalls wild cattle-breeding.2 During some of the prehistoric periods the densely of population was high.

First of all we have to remark the existing disproportion between the materials collected in the excavations at the Grotta delle Felci (‘Cave of Ferns’) and the finds coming from all other sites.

Capri bars the Gulf of Naples to the south: therefore it constitutes a natural gate for the navigation from the south Tyrrhenian Sea to the centre and the north of the Italian peninsula (Fig. 1). Thanks to this geographic position, the island was an important junction in the ancient routes, particularly in the Neolithic and in the Bronze Age for the routes related respectively to the obsidian and metal trades.

Unfortunately the recognition of the old reports frequently does not provide us with precise information, because the places are today deeply modified or no more accessible. Moreover the shortage of the materials recovered in the field surveys often permits to classify a site as ‘Neolithic’ or ‘Bronze Age’, or else, in more generic terms, as ‘Pre-protohistoric site’ (see the Map of distribution, Fig. 2). This material, in fact, often lacks in diagnostic typological elements. The framework emerging from all this data is still fragmentary; nevertheless the new systematic field surveys and the reassessment of the old finds have allowed a better definition of several ancient sites. It allowed to formulate new hypotheses on territorial dynamics in the prehistory. THE GROTTA DELLE FELCI Up today the main attention concerning the prehistory of Capri remains focused on the Grotta delle Felci, thanks to the old diggings carried out between the end of 19th and the beginning of 20th century.4 Far and away, the cave is the most important archaeological deposit of the island for the periods from the Neolithic to the Iron Age. Any study on the prehistory of Capri cannot set aside from a systematic re-examination of the archaeological evidences recovered there, that are mostly unpublished. The Grotta delle Felci is located near the southeastern coast of the island, on the southeastern slopes of the limestone massif of Monte Solaro.

Fig. 1. The Gulf of Naples. Nowadays the development of Capri is strongly related to the tourist industry. The consequent, intense building activity has made very difficult to lead archaeological field surveying today.

3

Giardino 1998; Boenzi 2001. De Blasio 1895; Colini 1903; Pigorini 1906; Peet 1909; Rellini 1923; Buchner 1954-55.

1

4

Dion Cassius, LII 43, 2. 2 Federico 1998, 376.

625

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. 1. Capri-Hotel Quisisana; 2. Petrara (o Munaciello); 3. Grotta di S. Michele; 4. Le Parate; 5. Mongiardino; 6. Il Capo (‘Sopra Tiberio’); 7. Grotta di Matermania; 8. Tragara; 9. Grotta delle Felci; 10. Riparo Kromberger; 11. Cave under Monte Solaro; 12. S. Maria a Cetrella; 13. La Torina; 14. L’Anginola; 15. Calcara; 16. Marina Grande-S. Costanzo; 17. Hotel Cesare Augusto; 18. Damecuta; 19. Punta Capocchia; 20. Rio; 21. Campetiello; 22. Mesola (or Messolo); 23. Grotta del Pisco; 24. Pino; 25. Il Limmo; 26. ‘Between Torre della Guardia and Belvedere Migliara’; 27. Via Aiano di Sopra. was found on the ground of the cave, intentionally scattered to produce a wide spot, together with a reddened pestle. During the excavation a pot was found still containing some ochre. Schematic, symbolic pictures were painted with ochre on some pebbles (Fig. 4:2). Those pebbles are probably attributable to the Neolithic levels; they are most likely some kind of idol or fetish.

The cave is a small natural cavity: it is about twenty meters long and approximately eighteen meters wide; it is one hundred meters high on the sea level. The access is from the north, after the larger Grotta dell’Arco; with some difficulty it is possible to get from the southern side to the sea below. A large rock fixed to the ground closes the western side of the cave. The vault is a dozen meters from the actual floor and it is covered by degraded stalactites. Neolithic burials were found in the hollows of the northwestern wall of the cavern; in these burials rich objects were placed with the deceased. Already from this early day, the Grotta delle Felci had an evident ritual function. This peculiar aspect is emphasized also by the recovery of amulets in stone, together with very refined painted pottery.

The cave was dug in several campaigns of excavations. The first digging was carried out by Ignazio Cerio, at the end of the 19th century; Ugo Rellini led other excavations in 1921-1922. Alberto Carlo Blanc made another digging in 1941; it was mainly of palaeontological interest. Cerio dug the most superficial levels, with the Bronze Age layers. He found a stratigraphic sequence a pair of meters depth; the deposit had however to be originally higher. As Cerio briefly reports, the superficial layer contained modern, roman and protohistoric materials; this is a clear indication of the uninterrupted frequentation of the site; the Bronze Age levels (1700-1000 BC) were just under the soil.

The cave held its sacral role all over the prehistory. It was the sanctuary in which the community officiated its own cults, executed its sacrifices and, in the Neolithic, buried his deads. The ceremonies carried out in the cave had complex rituals: vessels full of foods and drinks were offered to the divinity in this place.

– ‘Natural’ soil: the disturbed superficial layer, contained modern and roman potsherds together with several Bronze Age fragments; – Level 1: it was an intact layer, in which traces of hearths were recovered together with bones, shells and Bronze Age potsherds; – Level 2: it was a small sterile layer, consolidated by the ancient walking, constituted by fine limestone silt formed because of the breaking up of the vault during

Some records made during the digging testify the existence of elaborated ritual practises. Two jars were found upside down inside the funerary hollows. Red ochre had an important role in this prehistoric religion. Grinders and pestles were found on the floor levels; they were used to reduce the ochre to powder. Ochre powder 626

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: THE ISLAND OF CAPRI IN THE GULF OF NAPLES BETWEEN THE 5TH AND THE 2ND MILLENNIUM BC

Fig. 3. Chronological chart for the prehistory of Capri and the Campania region. outlined in brown and narrow lines in brown. This ware has precise and close connections with Lipari (so-called facies ‘Capri-Lipari’), in the Eolian.6 Lipari has extensive deposits of the volcanic glass obsidian; its obsidian was exported all over the north-west Mediterranean, excluding Sardinia and Corsica.7 Calibrated radiocarbon measurements date south Italian Trichrome Ware between the end of the 5th and the beginnings of the 4th millennium BC.8 The shapes are mainly slightly carinated cups with vertical handles; there are also biconical vases. Also late Neolithic horizons (Serra d’Alto and DianaBellavista styles) are testified at the Grotta delle Felci.

a phase of abandonment; – Levels 3-4: they were two levels of occupation debris, containing traces of fire, grinders, stone pestles, obsidian blades and Neolithic ceramics. In some area of the cave these Neolithic levels were disturbed by a Bronze Age pit; – Inferior layers (not anthropic): finally beyond six meters under the Neolithic, the layers evidenced sand and volcanic material; they contained fossil faunas, mostly of deer and hearth molluscs, without any anthropic evidence. NEOLITHIC AND COPPER AGE

Late Neolithic materials were also discovered in the territory of Anacapri: potsherds and obsidian have been recovered at Contrada Campetiello; fragments of burned clay together with Neolithic potsherds at Contrada Il Limmo, near Punta Carena (Fig. 4:3). Neolithic burials were found only in the Grotta delle Felci, the local sanctuary.

The earlier Neolithic phases are absent in the island. Middle Neolithic painted pottery has been recovered in the Grotta delle Felci and in the upper part of the deposit of the Hotel Quisisana in Capri.5 The island is characterized by the production of trichrome ware, with decoration consisting of red flame patterns

6

Whitehouse 1970, 284. Pollmann 1993, 107. 8 Giardino 1998, 68, note 11.

5

7

Rellini 1923; Whitehouse 1970, 284-286; Frangipane 1975, 104-107; Radmilli 1975, tav. XXVI; Albore Livadie 1990, 24-25.

627

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The obsidian finds from several places of the island probably should be ascribed to the Neolithic. Obsidian – blades and cores – are attested, at the Grotta delle Felci, at Campetiello, at Calcara,9 at Hotel Cesare Augusto, at Il Capo (‘Over Tiberius’) and at Le Parate; approximately one thousand tools were discovered in the past from this last site.10 Stone axes were collected in the past in many localities: at Petrara on the western slopes of the hill of Castiglione and at Mongiardino, near Tragara (Fig. 4:1); of some other axes it is unknown were they come from.11 The transition period between the Late Neolithic and the first age of the metals in Italy is traditionally placed at the beginning of the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. Some potsherds are attributable to an horizon that is contemporary of the Aeolian facies of Piano Conte; they were found at the Grotta delle Felci (Fig. 5:1). The Gaudo culture characterizes late Copper Age in Campania. Some potsherds of scaled impasto ware and few other fragments testify this chronological horizon at Capri, from the Grotta delle Felci (Fig. 5:2).12 From the cave some lithic finds are also generically attributable to the Copper Age: a fragmentary battleaxe in grey stone and one barbed and tanged arrowhead in yellowish flint. Some fragments of impasto ware from the Grotta del Pisco (Anacapri) belong to the Copper Age too (Fig. 4:45); this cave is in the southwestern side of the island.13 THE BRONZE AGE AND THE EARLY IRON AGE The Bronze Age – especially Middle Bronze Age – is a period of particular prosperity for the island of the Gulf of Naples. In this period the Gulf became a strategic centre in the transmarine routes from the Aegean towards the metal ore deposits of northern Tyrrhenian Italy, Tuscany and Sardinia. A flanged axe from an unknown cave under Monte Solaro can be ascribed to an archaic moment of the Early Bronze Age.14 A fragment of dagger from the Grotta delle Felci is a slightly later, Early-Middle Bronze Age.15 It can be ascribed to the Mercurago type and the S. Ambrogio type (variety C).16 Most of the Campania region was ravaged by the socalled Avellino volcanic eruption of Somma-Vesuvius at the end of the Early Bronze Age. The date of the eruption is still controversial. Radiocarbon dates from organic samples and soil fractions calibrated yields two different calendar age 9

Douglas 1985, 292; Friedlander 1989, 100. Nicolucci 1874, 5; 1876a, 7; 1876b, 82-83. 11 Rellini 1923, 312, 315; Douglas 1985, 288-291; Giardino 1998, 79. 12 Rellini 1923, 330; Marzocchella 1985, 31, 33. 13 Giardino 1998, 80-81. 14 Rellini 1923, 352. 15 Rellini 1923, 351-352. 16 See Bianco Peroni 1994, 44, pl. 21: 357. 10

Fig. 4. 1. Tragara; 2. Grotta delle Felci; 3. Il Limmo; 45. Grotta del Pisco; 6. Riparo Kromberger.

628

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: THE ISLAND OF CAPRI IN THE GULF OF NAPLES BETWEEN THE 5TH AND THE 2ND MILLENNIUM BC

Fig. 5. 1-11. Grotta delle Felci. ranges: 1880-1680 BC (preferable)17 and 1684-1535 BC.18

island of Vivara, became a real international port of trade, where the Aegeans came in tightened contact with the local communities, stimulating their cultural and technological development. Late Helladic pottery was found at Vivara-Procida and at Ischia, but not at Capri.

This disaster spared Capri and the other islands of the Gulf of Naples. The economy started developing in the whole area of the Gulf at the beginnings of the Middle Bronze Age, after a short while from the eruption. The 17 18

At the Grotta delle Felci, the Middle Bronze Age layers are rich with Proto-Apennine ware, the peculiar handmade, burnished pottery that characterizes the early phases of the Middle Bronze Age in most of Southern

Terrasi et al. 1999. Southon et al. 1999.

629

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Italy (Fig. 5:3-9). Some potsherds resembling the Grotta Nuova Culture were also found in the cave;19 they testify some connection between Capri and central-northern Italian communities in this period.

island. The Grotta delle Felci, the main sanctuary of the island, reflects a good image of economic and social conditions of the local communities, considering, as usual, the deformation related to the ritual ideology. Here, in fact, a large amount of valuable material was found both in the Neolithic and in the Bronze Age levels.

Proto-Apennine potsherds were found at the Riparo Kromberger too, a small shelter near the Grotta delle Felci (Fig. 4:6).

The first period of prosperity was during the Late Neolithic. The abundance of obsidian artefacts at Capri and the close connections between Capri and Lipari (one of the main centres of obsidian production in the Mediterranean) suggest that the development of island was related with the maritime trades of the volcanic glass. Analyses on obsidian from Capri located two different provenances: Lipari and the nearer island of Palmarola, in southern Latium Region.22

The later phase of Middle Bronze Age is characterized by the Apennine culture. Its distinctive ware has dark burnished fabric and incised band decoration filled with white inlay. Very good samples of this pottery were found at the Grotta delle Felci. Grotta delle Felci maintained a relevant role as a ceremonial centre during the whole Bronze Age. The holiness of the place is testified by votive deposits of elegant vases, also in miniature, food containers, animal bones, marine shells and remains of ritual hearths.

During the Neolithic period the sites are spread on the whole island. In fact in that time they were not only on the coasts, but also in the hinterland, along the inner ways of communication. It is possible to suppose a phase of decline of Capri related to the crisis of the obsidian trades. The island recovered its function in the maritime traffics during the Middle Bronze Age. At the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age the area of the Gulf of Naples became the centre of a complex system of middle and long distance trades.

Middle Bronze Age materials were found also in other sites of Capri. Generally it is not easy to set out a precise chronological attribution, because they are mostly tiny fragments, coming from field surveys. Middle Bronze Age potsherds were discovered in the upper, disturbed levels of the deposit near the Hotel Quisisana at Capri;20 an alignment of limestone blocks together with some Middle Bronze Age pottery was found during an excavation under the church of S. Costanzo at Marina Grande.21 The church of S. Costanzo was built on a small hill, near the natural harbour. Other potsherds were gathered at Cala di Mezzo (Anacapri) and in the Roman villa of Damecuta, above Punta dell’Arcera, a strategic place to control the Gulf of Naples.

On the Gulf the Aegeans established a network of permanent relationships with the indigenous elites of Vivara, to guarantee a constant and regular flow of the demanded goods. In fact the Mycenaeans organized a complex exchange framework with metals from the West to supply regularly the powerful states of the Near East.23 At Vivara-Procida a proto-Mycenaean port of trade was discovered in the archaeological excavations. It is dated between the second half of the 17th century and the first half of the l5th century BC. At Vivara existed a center for making and distributing copper. The metal came from the mining areas of north Thyrrhenian sea, probably Sardinia and Tuscany. Therefore in these centuries the Gulf of Naples assumed an exceptional strategic importance for the economy of the whole Mediterranean area. Thanks to its position Capri could control the admittance into the Gulf of all the ships coming from the south of the Italian Peninsula, and therefore also from the Aegean Sea.

Bronze Age pottery fragments were also found in the centre of the island, at La Torina and at L’Anginola. These sites are both located along the natural path that connects the east and the western side of the island. Up to now, any Late Bronze Age materials were discovered at Capri. Early Iron Age finds come only from the Grotta delle Felci. They are a few impasto pottery and a spearhead fragment (Fig. 5:10-11), that probably represent the extreme continuation of a cult activity.

The location of the Middle Bronze Age sites of Capri suggests that the indigenous communities were mostly related with seafaring activities: fishing, trades and piracy.

PREHISTORIC DEVELOPMENT OF CAPRI The archaeological evidences testify that the island of Capri enjoyed a special prosperity during prehistory. The large amount of Neolithic and Bronze Age sites give to us an indication about the demographic development related with the full valorisation of the potential riches of the

The myth of Teleboi is probably an indication of the importance that the piracy had for the protohistoric economy of Capri. Capri is the only place among the Greek colonies where this mythic tradition is documented. Following the classical tradition, Teleboi

19

Marzocchella 1985, 33, pl. II: 3.5, 3.8. Albore Livadie 1990, 24. 21 Arthur 1992, 27-29, 39-40. 20

22 23

630

Hallam et al. 1976, 97; Giardino et al. 1998, Guidi et al. 2003. Marazzi 1994, 33-37; Giardino 1998, 157-162.

CLAUDIO GIARDINO: THE ISLAND OF CAPRI IN THE GULF OF NAPLES BETWEEN THE 5TH AND THE 2ND MILLENNIUM BC had an ancient kingdom at Capri; they were people of seamen and pirates, originally coming from north-western Greece.24 Some of the Bronze Age sites are located on the heights along the coast, and they are mostly tied to demands of security and sea control. Hotel Quisisana at Capri, Riparo Kromberger, Damecuta and Cala di Mezzo had a location that allows a control of a wide expanse of sea and, at the same time, they are easy to be protected by a sea attack. On the contrary, the site of San Costanzo at Marina Grande, the main harbour of Capri, is only at about one hundred metres from the seaside: this place is probably related with the important landing-place. Torina and Anginola are located along the passage between the western plateau of Anacapri and the eastern side of the island. These sites were probably placed along the main inner way of communication. At the end of the Proto-Apennine phase the Aegeans abandoned the Gulf of Naples. This displacement of the Mycenaean routes caused a serious crisis for all the islands of the gulf. The settlements at Vivara-Procida did not survive at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. At Ischia there are no indication of settlement continuity between the Apennine phase and the Early Iron Age.25 The island enjoyed only a pure local economy after the Middle Bronze Age, and it was far away from the international routes. This is suggested because of the fact that at Capri there is a lack of Late Bronze Age archaeological documents and also a scarcity of Early Iron Age evidences. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The surveys have been carried out within the ‘Project for the valorisation of prehistoric, protohistoric and GreekRoman evidences’ promoted by the Centre of Studies on Magna Graecia (Naples), in collaboration with the Cultural Association Oebalus (Capri) and the Centro Caprense Ignazio Cerio (Capri). I am deeply grateful to all these institutions and also to the Soprintendenza Archeologica per le Province di Napoli e Caserta for providing me with its support during this research. I should like to thank all those scholars who have provided me with suggestions and support: prof. Alfonso Mele, prof. Filippo Barattolo, dr. Edoardo Federico, dr. Giuliana Boenzi, mr. Marco Amitrano. I also wish to thank all those students who participated to the programme of survey. The drawings of most of the archaeological finds were made by dr. Adelheid Heil and dr. Livio Pontieri: my deepest thanks to both of them. BIBLIOGRAPHY Albore Livadie, C., 1990. La Penisola Sorrentina nella preistoria e nella protostoria, in: Archeologia a Piano 24 25

Federico 1998, 383-388. Gialanella 2001, 239-245.

631

di Sorrento. Ricerche di preistoria e di protostoria nella Penisola Sorrentina. Piano di Sorrento, 23-38. Arthur, P. (ed.), 1992. La Chiesa di S. Costanzo alla Marina Grande di Capri. Scavi 1990, in: L’isola e il Santo. Napoli. Boenzi, G., 2001. Per una nuova carta della preistoria caprese: le ricognizioni del giugno 1999. Oebalus. Bollettino dell’Associazione Culturale Oebalus 2001 (giugno), 27-40. Bianco Peroni, V., 1994. I pugnali nell’Italia continentale (= PBF VI, 10). Stuttgart. Buchner, G., 1954-55. La stratigrafia dei livelli a ceramica ed i ciottoli con dipinti schematici antropomorfi della Grotta delle Felci. B.P.I. 64, 107135. Colini, G.A., 1903. La civiltà del bronzo in Italia. B.P.I. 29, 53-103, 211-237. De Blasio, A., 1895. Gli avanzi preistorici della Grotta delle Felci nell’Isola di Capri. B.P.I. 21, 58-72. Douglas, N., 1985. Capri, materiali per la descrizione dell’isola. Milano (orig. ed. Capri, materials for a description of the island. Firenze 1930). Federico, E., 1998, Capri dall’espansione cumana nel Golfo (VIII a.C.) al Foedus Neapolitanum (326 a.C.), in: E. Federico & E. Miranda (eds), Capri Antica. Dalla preistoria alla fine dell’età romana. Capri, 375415. Frangipane, M., 1975. Considerazioni sugli aspetti culturali neolitici a ceramica tricromica dell'Italia meidionale. Origini 9, 63-152. Friedlaender, I., 1989. Capri (I ed. 1937). Napoli. Gialanella, C., 2001. Appunti sulle collezioni preistoriche del Museo di Villa Arbusto, in: C. Giardino (ed.), Culture marinare nel Mediterraneo centrale e occidentale fra il XVII e il XV secolo a.C. Roma, 237255. Giardino, C., 1998. L’Isola di Capri dal neolitico alla prima età del ferro, in: E. Federico & E. Miranda (eds), Capri Antica. Dalla preistoria alla fine dell’età romana. Capri, 67-105. Giardino, C., G.F. Guidi, P. Moioli & P. Negri, 1998. Correlazione mediante spettrometria XRF di reperti in ossidiana provenienti da Capri con ossidiane del bacino del Mediterraneo, in: C. D’Amico & C. Albore Livadie (eds), Le scienze della terra e l'archeometria. Atti della IV Giornata delle Scienze della Terra e dell'Archeometria (Napoli 1997). Napoli, 295-299. Giardino, C., 1998. Tyrrhenian Italy and Sicily in the protohistoric metal trade across the Mediterranean: an archaeometallurgical outline, in: C. Mordant, M. Pernot & R. Rychner (eds), L’atelier du bronzier en Europe du XXe au VIIIe siècle avant notre ère. Actes du colloque international Bronze ‘96 (Neuchâtel et Dijon 1996), II. Paris, 157-167. Guidi, G.F., P. Moioli & G. Trojsi, 2003. Correlazione mediante spettrometria XRF di reperti di ossidiana provenienti dall’arcipelago Flegreo con le ossidiane del Bacino mediterraneo, in: Atti della XXXV Riunione Scientifica dell’I.I.P.P. Firenze, 1013-1019.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Hallam, B.R., S.E. Warren & C. Renfrew, 1976. Obsidian in the Western Mediterranean: characterisation by neutron activation analysis and optical emission spectroscopy. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 42, 85-110. Marazzi, M., 1994. Vivara e le prime navigazioni egeomicenee in occidente, in: Vivara Centro commerciale mediterraneo dell’età del bronzo. II. Le tracce dei contatti con il mondo egeo (scavi 1976-1982). Roma, 17-39. Marzocchella, A., 1985. La grotta delle Felci a Capri, in: Napoli antica. Napoli, 29-35. Nicolucci, G., 1874. Ulteriori scoperte relative all’età della pietra nelle Provincie Campane. Rendiconto della R. Accademia delle Scienze fisiche e matematiche 6, 1-14. Nicolucci, G., 1876a. Nuove scoperte preistoriche nelle Provincie Napoletane. Rendiconto della R. Accademia delle Scienze fisiche e matematiche 8, 6-7. Nicolucci, G., 1876b. Ancora delle armi e degli utensili di ossidiana. B.P.I. 2, 81-84. Peet, T.E., 1909. The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy and Sicily. Oxford. Pigorini, L., 1906. Materiali paletnologici dell’Isola di Capri (with a letter of Dr. Ignazio Cerio). B.P.I. 32(15), 1-16. Pollmann, H.-O., 1993. Obsidian im nordwestmediterranean Raum. Seine Verbreitung und Nutzung im Neolithikum und Äneolithikum (= B.A.R. International Series, 585). Oxford. Radmilli, A.M., 1975. Guida della preistoria italiana. Firenze. Rellini, U., 1923. La Grotta delle Felci a Capri. M.A.L. 29, coll. 305-356. Southon, J.R., J.S. Vogel, D.E. Nelson & W.C. Cornell, 1999. Radiocarbon dating of the Avellino eruption of Somma-Vesuvius, in: C. Albore Livadie (ed.), L’eruzione vesuviana delle “Pomici di Avellino” e la facies di Palma Campania. Bari, 133-138. Terrasi, F., L. Campajola, F. Petrazzuolo, V. Roca, M. Romano, A. Brondi, M. Romoli, A. D’Onofrio & R.K. Moniot, 1999. Datazione con la spettrometria di massa ultrasensibile di campioni provenienti dall’area interessata dall’eruzione delle “Pomici di Avellino”, in: C. Albore Livadie (ed.), L’eruzione vesuviana delle “Pomici di Avellino” e la facies di Palma Campania. Bari, 139-146. Whitehouse, R.D., 1970. The Neolithic pottery sequence in Southern Italy. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 35, 267-310.

632

A SITE OF THE BRONZE AGE: THE TERRAMARA OF FALCONIERA (MIRANDOLA, MODENA). MICROALTIMETRICAL AND AEROPHOTOGRAMMETRIC ANALYSIS: PRELIMINARY RESULTS Valeria Corazza & Gianluca Pellacani Abstract: This research on the Terramara of Falconiera, near Mirandola (Modena, northern Italy), a site that was inhabited from the Middle Bronze Age to the Late Bronze Age, was conducted by the Museo Archeologico Etnologico di Modena in the years 2000 and 2001. The analysis of the aerial photography already revealed the perimeter of the settlement. Our research adds new data from surveys, through an accurate topographical analysis such as micro-relief measurements. This made the identification of the original structure of the perimeter of the settlement possible. It revealed an embankment of rectangular form with rounded corners, surrounded by a ditch; the classical model for defence systems of the Terramare of the Po Plain. The total size of the settlement, including the embankment, is around 7 hectares, while useful area inside the perimeter is estimated as slightly more than 4 hectares.

The research on the Terramara of Falconiera, near Mirandola (Modena, northern Italy; Fig. 1), in the years 2000 and 2001, is part of a research project on Bronze Age settlements in the Modena area, conducted by the Museo Archeologico Etnologico di Modena in accord with the Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Emilia Romagna. The aim of this investigation is the assessment of the state of preservation and of the ‘archaeological potential’ of the site of Falconiera, which was inhabited from the Middle Bronze Age to the Late Bronze Age. This assessment has to result in a strategy for the protection and research on the site.1 During the first phase of the research, the historical maps and the aerial photographs relevant to the area of Falconiera have consulted (the most exemplary of which is the aerial photograph taken on 1959-60 by the Consorzio di Burana). The analysis of the aerial photographs indicates the perimeter of the settlement2 by a wide band of clear colour of 10 to 20 meters, identifiable as traces of an earthen dyke. The aerial photographs did however not reveal traces of the ditch surrounding the site, nor its links with the hydrographical system of the surrounding area.

Fig. 1. Location of the Terramara of Falconiera.

The current work adds a new series of survey data, through an accurate topographical analysis such as microrelief measurements and geopedological drilling in order to identify dyke and ditch.

settlements. The micro-relief of the site of Falconiera (Fig. 2) has been examined with a total electronic station, surveying 885 elevation points on a surface of 102.000 sq.ms; the sea level is taken from the average of four verifications corresponding to points rated on the Regional Technical Map.

The application on the site of Falconiera of micro-relief measurement is related to an approach, already affirmed at the beginning of the 1990s in the study of Terramare settlements and embankment sites of northern Italy, which intends to integrate data deriving from the traditional archaeological investigation with the observation of the morphological micro-remains left on the ground by structural elements of the protohistoric

The survey points have been selected in order to exclude or to reduce to a minimum the modern modifications of the ground, that have surely influenced the morphology of the site (drainage, channels and surface alterations to facilitate the flow of rain-water were left out; the southeast sector, where since the Renaissance the modern settlement of Falconiera developed was also omitted despite the fact that it partly lays within the perimeter of the terramara; the areas close to the cart road to Falconiera was also left out of the survey, this road crosses the ancient settlement from north-east to southwest).

1

The first conclusions of the micro altitudinal analysis and the geopedological drilling are introduced. A general description on the settlement will be given elsewhere. The work was done by Valeria Corazza, Gianluca Pellacani, Donato Labate (Museo Civico Archeologico Etnologico di Modena) and by Claudio Balista (geoarchaeologist). The drillings were performed and interpreted by Claudio Balista. 2 Calzolari & Ferri 1989.

633

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Terramara of Falconiera, micro-relief map over the aerial photograph of 1959-60, showing the trace of the earthen dyke. metres. Variation in grade, in the sense of a higher relief, seems to begin both on the east and on the west side, around 15 metres outside the anomaly on the aero photograph of the dyke, bringing the entire width of the embankment to 30-35 metres on the east side and to 4045 metres on the west (Figs. 2 and 3). The total extension of the settlement, including the embankment, is therefore around 7 hectares, while the useful area inside the embankment is a little more than 4 hectares.

The data were assessed by topographical software Surfer with contour lines (equidistance of 8 cms) after which the contour map of the site of Falconiera was integrated through CAD software in the digital regional technical map and to the georeferenced aerial photograph. As is shown in figure 2, the clear colour with sub square pattern, traceable in the aerial photograph and underlined in the plan by a punctuated line, is covered on the east and west side (the areas less altered by the construction of buildings or modern structures) by a series of contour lines that follows its course and becomes thicker along its external border, especially in the north and east corners. The higher elevation areas are set within this perimeter, especially in the areas immediately inside both corners mentioned above.

The most elevated contour line recorded on the whole site (around +70 cms from the plane of surrounding country) coincides with the area occupied by a Roman settlement. The strong inclination on the whole south side of the terramara was influenced, more than by ancient morphology, by a series of modern interventions as the construction of buildings and the perimeter road of Falconiera, as well as by the probable levelling in order to facilitate the drainage of water. Other modern interventions like drainage of the fields are noted especially in the west sector as a series of parallel depressions, that disturb the altitudinal traces of the embankment (Fig. 2).

The altitudinal and aero photographical data indicate clear colour difference (Fig. 2) thus tracing the original structure for the perimeter of the settlement as an embankment of rectangular form with rounded corners, having a major axis (north-west/south-east course) of 285 meters and the smaller one (north-east/south-west) of 245

634

VALERIA CORAZZA & GIANLUCA PELLACANI: A SITE OF THE BRONZE AGE: THE TERRAMARA OF FALCONIERA

Fig. 3. Terramara of Falconiera, interpreted micro-relief map.

The micro-relief also denoted a ditch typical for the Terramare of the Po Plain. This structure was not clearly visible on the aerial photograph (Fig. 3). To the extreme east and west of the survey area a depression was identified, up to 40-50 cms deep and 40-45 ms wide on the east side and 30-35 on the west. The dimensions of the structures (dyke and ditch) together are 70-80 ms wide, compatible to measures known from other Terramare sites (Montale, Savana di Cibeno, Case del Lago). The large dimensions of the ditch may nevertheless derive from a partial overlap with a preexisting water course.

Fig. 4. Terramara of Falconiera, altitudinal profiles (vertical exaggeration 20x). Both profile 1 and 2 underline a central sector characterized by higher elevation, which is delimited toward the outside by two more depressed zones. Recalling the above proposed interpretation, it is likely that the higher area in profile 1 corresponds to the settlement, indicated in Figure 4 by letters C and D and contained by the embankment (whose external limits are indicated by letters B and E). The embankment of the terramara would therefore come to occupy towards the west the band B-C and towards the east the band D-E. Also underlined is the residual depression of the ditch on both sides of the settlement, marked on its external borders by the letters A and F; beyond these two letters, in fact, the elevation of the soil goes up again to reach the middle level of the plane of the surrounding area. Profile 2 also shows the progressive increase of elevation that

The Arcview GIS software with 3D Analyst extension made it possible to reconstruct a digital terrain model (DTM), reproducing the altitudes of the current surface of the area that corresponds to the ancient settlement and its vicinity. The altitude profiles (Fig. 4), drawn from the DTM, indicate alignments that crosses the examined area: as the south sector of the terramara is modified by the modern interventions, it was decided to draw the principal profile (identified with number 1) along the major axis of the settlement, parallel to the evidence on the aerial photograph identified as part of the northeast embankment, around 40 ms from its external border (Fig. 3). Profile 2 is orthogonal to profile 1 and parallel to the northwest embankment.

635

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI marks, within the settlement borders, the area that during the Bronze Age was occupied by the dyke, but it can not provide information on the external sector, where the original morphology of the ditch was altered by the Mantovano Canal (north) and by the modern road of Falconiera (south). The survey data coincide with the above mentioned drillings, done both inside the settlement and along the east side of the embankment and ditch. The sedimentological analysis revealed levels of filling of the Bronze Age ditch (probably preceded by a natural water course) and the layers artificially accumulated for the embankment; inside the settlement a limited anthropo morphological layer ascribed to the Bronze Age was detected of slightly more than 20 cms. thick. BIBLIOGRAPHY Calzolari, M. & R. Ferri, 1989. Ricerche archeologiche e paleoambientali nell’area padana: il contributo delle foto aeree. S. Felice sul Panaro, 50-57.

636

L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE DEL LAZIO CENTROMERIDIONALE Luca Alessandri Abstract: A reconstruction of the landscape and a site typology based upon morphological characteristics is presented in order to interpret changes and developments in the social and economic structure of Bronze Age societies in southern Lazio from the middle to the final Bronze Age. The study area deals with the coastal region of southern Lazio, between the Tiber river to the north and the Garigliano river to the south. The term coastal is not only used here for sites which are actually located on the coast within hundred metres from it, but also for sites for which the sea played a fundamental role.

L’area oggetto dell’indagine è la fascia costiera del Lazio centromeridionale, compresa tra il fiume Tevere a Nord ed il Garigliano a Sud.1

intorno alla sponda interna delle lagune, verosimilmente per sfruttarne le risorse alimentari, e in posizione aperta, ad eccezione di Colle Rotondo, che è posto su di un piccolo pianoro, circondato da ripide scarpate e a pochi chilometri dal mare.

Il lavoro di ricostruzione del paesaggio antico ha preso le mosse dallo studio delle carte topografiche antiche, che, per l’area oggetto dell’indagine, risalgono almeno al XVI secolo; di notevole importanza si sono rivelate poi le carte dell’Istituto Geografico Militare, redatte intorno al 1927, sia per la precisione ed il dettaglio, sia perché riflettono la situazione morfologica preesistente alla moderna urbanizzazione e alla grande bonifica delle paludi pontine.

In questo caso, in continuità con le modalità insediative della fase precedente, possiamo ipotizzare una serie di piccoli villaggi, presumibilmente a base parentelare, la cui strategia di sussistenza includeva la caccia, la raccolta e la pesca nei bacini d’acqua rivieraschi. Nell’apparire, in questa fase e per la prima volta, di alcuni siti costieri in senso stretto (Fosso Foglino e Spiaggia delle Bambole) intravediamo l’affacciarsi, momentaneo come si vedrà più avanti, di una nuova strategia di sussistenza, che include nelle attività principali la pesca in acque salate.

Tramite l’intreccio di queste informazioni con quelle desunte dall’analisi geologica e pedologica, e dall’osservazione diretta e preliminare dei luoghi, si è potuto ricostruire, con un buon grado di approssimazione, l’aspetto che la zona doveva avere in età protostorica: l’intero comprensorio costiero, dal fiume Tevere al fiume Garigliano, doveva essere allora costellato da una serie pressochè ininterrotta di lagune (Fig. 1).

Nello stesso periodo, in Etruria meridionale, si assiste all’inizio di quel fenomeno che porterà ad una occupazione capillare del territorio nel corso del Bronzo medio3 e contemporaneamente si assiste ad una crescita delle potenzialità tattico-strategiche degli abitati che tendono a selezionare morfologie facilmente difendibili; sembra inoltre che il processo di stabilizzazione dell’insediamento sia ormai entrato nella fase della piena maturità e si connetta saldamente al fenomeno già accennato: in ogni fase i siti che sopravvivono saranno soprattutto quelli meglio difendibili.

Un’altra fase fondamentale della ricerca si è rivelata l’adozione di una tipologia (Fig. 2, con i siti dal Bronzo antico all’età del Ferro) basata sulle caratteristiche morfologiche di ciascuno dei siti presi in considerazione, effettuata a prescindere dalla cronologia e tenendo ovviamente conto delle trasformazioni del paesaggio lette a ritroso.

Nel Lazio centromeridionale costiero, al contrario, siamo ben lungi da un occupazione capillare del territorio; inoltre l’unico sito in posizione tattico-strategica importante è Colle Rotondo, e non sembra che le modalità insediative si avviino verso una maggiore stabilità.

La ricostruzione si è rivelata essenziale per la piena comprensione degli sviluppi del popolamento dell’area, almeno a partire dal Bronzo medio iniziale (BM1/2), quando gli insediamenti2 si dispongono, in buona parte, 1 Questo lavoro non avrebbe mai visto la luce se non si fosse giovato dei preziosi consigli del prof. R. Peroni, della disponibilità della dott.ssa A. Zarattini e dell’aiuto degli innumerevoli amici che mi hanno accompagnato durante le mie ricognizioni. I disegni dei frammenti ceramici sono di L. Alessandri e D. Gatti; la lucidatura è stata effettuata da D. Gatti. 2 Fosso Foglino, inedito; Spiaggia delle Bambole, Pellegrini 1996; per Colle Rotondo: Adamesteanu 1974; Guaitoli 1977; Quilici & Quilici Gigli 1984; devo la notizia del ritrovamento dell’ansa protoappenninica ad una gentile comunicazione personale del prof. Guidi; La Casarina: Zei 1988; per Borgo Ermada: Pascucci 1996; per Caterattino: Blanc & Segre 1953; Guidi 1981; per Spiagge S. Agostino e Spiagge S. Lorenzo: Guidi 1980; 1981; Morandini 1999.

Nel Bronzo medio 3 il numero di attestazioni presenti sul territorio passa da 8 ad appena 3 unità,4 di cui una dubbia (Colle Rotondo), tutte quante localizzate nella porzione settentrionale del Latium vetus, alle falde del Vulcano Laziale. 3

Di Gennaro 1991. Per Ficana: Malmgren 1981; Fischer Hansen 1990; Malmgren 1991; Brandt 1996; Malmgren 1997; per Pratica di Mare: Sommella 1969; Castagnoli et alii 1976; Guaitoli 1988; di Gennaro 1987; Guaitoli 1990; Fenelli & Guaitoli 1990; Fenelli 1995; Guaitoli 1995. 4

637

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Ricostruzione del paesaggio antico. approvvigionamento alimentare, tramite la pesca, la raccolta dei molluschi, e la caccia dell’avifauna di passaggio, assumano piuttosto la connotazione di favorevolissimi bacini portuali.

Ma quello che impressiona maggiormente è il repentino cambiamento delle strategie insediative caratteristiche della fase precedente; Ficana, Pratica di Mare e Colle Rotondo, infatti, riassumono sempre le stesse precise caratteristiche: sono siti subcostieri, in posizioni molto ben difese, collegati tramite corsi d’acqua di una certa importanza alle lagune immediatamente a sud-ovest, da cui distano circa 2 chilometri.

Un’altra importantissima cesura rispetto all’epoca precedente risiede nelle potenzialità tattico-strategiche; mentre nella fase precedente un solo sito, tra otto, sembrava porre attenzione alla propria difendibilità, in questa fase tutte le attestazioni provengono da posizioni difese nel senso canonico del termine; ovvero da piccoli pianori circondati per la maggior parte del loro perimetro da ripide pareti e raccordati ad una unità morfologica più ampia da un istmo facilmente sbarrabile.

Sembra di cogliere, nella scelta del luogo di insediamento, una precisa volontà, pur allontanandosi decisamente dagli stagni costieri, di rimanervi collegati; anche se proiettare in epoche più antiche i prodromi di sviluppi ulteriori, accertati solo per epoche successive, è una tentazione a cui lo storico dovrebbe resistere, è difficile, in questo caso, esimersi dall’interpretare questa volontà di ‘dominare’ le lagune, come una delle premesse che consentiranno, a partire dal Bronzo recente, lo sviluppo di quelle reti commerciali marittime, di cui i pochi frammenti micenei e italo-micenei provenienti da Casale Nuovo5 non sono che un pallido, ma significativo riflesso.

Per quanto riguarda la ricostruzione dell’economia di sussistenza, da abitati che fondano sulla caccia, sulla raccolta e sulla pesca la propria strategia alimentare, si passa a siti che, inseriti in un paesaggio dominato da fertili suoli di origine vulcanica, ne ricavano presumibilmente il sostentamento maggiore; se quella agricola sarà sicuramente stata una componente, sia pure secondaria, nelle economie delle società del Bronzo antico e medio iniziale, essa sembra divenire ora la risorsa principale su cui la comunità può fare affidamento.

L’impressione è che, a partire da questa fase, le lagune, precedentemente sfruttate in quanto ottimi bacini di 5

Angle et alii 1993.

638

LUCA ALESSANDRI: L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE

Fig. 2. Tipologia morfologica dei siti.

639

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Inoltre se, durante il passaggio tra le fasi iniziali e quella finale del Bronzo medio, siamo ancora di fronte ad un’estrema mobilità dell’insediamento, poiché un solo sito attestato nella fase precedente sopravvive in questa, appare significativo che, dei tre siti ora attestati, due sbocceranno nell’età del Ferro in compagini protourbane, ed uno, Colle Rotondo, sembrerebbe comunque frequentato quasi sicuramente fino al Bronzo recente, e poi rioccupato, o tuttora occupato, alla fine del II periodo laziale.

Sembra insomma di assistere alla nascita di un modello insediativo che, per la prima volta in questa zona, contempla al suo interno una pluralità di insediamenti; in questo caso nulla vieta di considerare Ficana e Casale Nuovo come siti in qualche modo egemoni, probabilmente sedi del potere politico e quindi, in qualche misura, più protetti, e Ostia Antica-Terme di Nettuno, da una parte, e Pelliccione, Saracca e Fosso Moscarello, dall’altra, come siti satellite, eventualmente a controllo del transito delle imbarcazioni attraverso la foce della laguna, ma sicuramente dediti ad attività connesse con la navigazione.

Sulla base dei pochi dati che possediamo sembra dunque di poter cogliere un’improvvisa accelerazione verso modelli sociali che nelle aree limitrofe sono sottoposti ad una adozione più lenta e graduale; un fattore che può aver agito da concausa all’innescarsi del processo è indubbiamente l’insicurezza che deve aver contraddistinto la zona costiera, percepibile attraverso l’abbandono di tutte le postazioni litoranee.

Nulla in più si può dire per Ostia Antica, date le scarse evidenze, ma molto meglio interpretabili risultano la Saracca, Pelliccione e Fosso Moscarello. Questi ultimi due siti appartengono a quei tipi d’insediamento che, in tempi recenti, sono stati definiti ‘giacimenti a olle d’impasto rossiccio’,12 caratterizzati, per l’appunto, dalla presenza quasi esclusiva di innumerevoli frammenti di olle, d’impasto tendenzialmente rosso.

Resta da sottolineare, per questa fase, che la posizione di Ficana, Pratica di Mare e Colle Rotondo è indubbiamente in connessione con quella via sublitoranea che forse fin da ora, ma con certezza nelle fasi successive, fa da cerniera di collegamento tra i siti più meridionali del Lazio, la Campania e l’Etruria meridionale.

Innumerevoli siti di questo tipo, riferibili alla fase antica del primo Ferro, sono stati individuati lungo la costa Civitavecchiese, altri, datati genericamente alla prima età del Ferro, si trovano lungo l’arco di costa compreso tra Nettuno e Torre Astura.

Nella fase successiva, il Bronzo recente, mentre i tre siti attestati nel Bronzo medio avanzato assistono alla nascita di due altri siti subcostieri, Ardea6 e Casale Nuovo,7 fioriscono nuovamente le attestazioni di comunità residenti sulla costa e presso le lagune.

Poiché sembra difficile considerare questi giacimenti alla stregua di abitati nel senso classico del termine, dato che materiali d’abitato stricto sensu sono quasi completamente assenti, per spiegarne la funzione sono state avanzate due ipotesi, di cui l’una non esclude necessariamente l’altra.13 Secondo la prima, le olle sarebbero grossi contenitori per lo stoccaggio del pesce, evidentemente salato per ragioni di conservazione; in alternativa le olle sarebbero servite, sul modello degli ateliers de briquetage,14 diffusi lungo le coste atlantiche in concomitanza con lo sviluppo degli oppida celtici, a cuocere l’acqua salata, trattata o meno precedentemente, per ricavarne il sale; poiché in questo modo si forma, all’interno del contenitore, una pasta molto tenace, sarebbe stato necessario rompere le olle per estrarne il contenuto; ciò spiegherebbe l’enorme accumulo di frammenti caratteristico di questi siti.

Sia Ostia Antica-Terme di Nettuno,8 a nord, che il Pelliccione9 e la Saracca,10 più a sud, si dispongono, contrariamente a quello che era il modello prevalente nel Bronzo medio iniziale, direttamente sulla riva del mare; inoltre, pur disponendosi nei pressi di lagune, è chiaro che il rapporto con esse è completamente cambiato: porsi ad una certa distanza dagli specchi d’acqua, e non più sulla riva, palesa il fatto che, in qualche maniera, si sono collocate in secondo piano le risorse direttamente accessibili, quelle alimentari per intenderci, che invece avevano costituito uno dei poli d’attrazione delle comunità del Bronzo medio iniziale. Degno di nota è il fatto che, in ambedue i casi, a settentrione e a meridione, a monte di ciascun sito costiero, considerando Pelliccione, la Saracca e Fosso Moscarello11 come facenti parte di un unico ‘gruppo’, vi è un altro sito, in posizione certamente più sicura, collegato alla laguna tramite un fiume.

In un caso o nell’altro, è presumibile che queste merci, particolarmente il sale il cui valore nell’antichità è indubbio, siano state indirizzate sia al consumo locale sia, come mezzo di scambio, all’inserimento nei circuiti economici.

6 Morselli & Tortorici 1981; 1982; AA.VV. 1983; Di Gennaro 1987; Quilici Gigli 1990. 7 Angle & Zarattini 1987; Angle et alii 1988; 1992; 1993; Angle 1996. 8 Zevi 1968; Fugazzola Delpino 1976; Angle 1985. 9 Piccarreta 1977, numero 13; Attema et alii 2002; 2003; Attema et alii 2003; sono grato al prof. P. Attema e al dott. A. Nijboer per avermi permesso di vedere parte dei materiali. 10 Piccarreta 1977, numero 9. 11 Piccarreta 1977, numero 196, più avanti per i nuovi frammenti ceramici.

L’insediamento della Saracca, all’interno del quale sono state rinvenute alcune vasche di argilla presumibilmente 12

Pacciarelli 1999. Belardelli & Pascucci 1996; Pacciarelli 2001. 14 Daire 1994. 13

640

LUCA ALESSANDRI: L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE connesse con la lavorazione della ceramica, non fa che avvalorare l’ipotesi, del resto già prospettata, che le olle venissero fabbricate sul luogo, in serie, per essere immediatamente usate; gli estesi giacimenti di argilla presenti lungo questo litorale possono inoltre aver giocato un ruolo non secondario nelle scelte insediative.

Accanto ai tipi già presenti nel BR, in posizione aperta e presumibilmente emanazione di centri egemoni, l’occupazione della costa, che evidentemente deve aver offerto, in questo periodo, condizioni di sicurezza migliori, avviene anche attraverso insediamenti che costituiscono cellule sicuramente autonome; è il caso di Anzio16 e Monte d’Argento,17 che trasferiscono il modello del pianoro, che continua a conoscere una fortuna notevole in posizioni subcostiere, sulla linea di battigia. Non è certamente un caso che entrambi questi siti risultino posizionati su tratti di costa che presentano condizioni tali da permetterne lo sfruttamento come porti naturali o come punti di ancoraggio.

L’enorme quantità di frammenti ceramici ha fatto sì che qualche autore si spingesse fino a definire ‘industriali’ questi siti; in effetti la consistenza di tali giacimenti è eloquente in merito all’altrettanto notevole quantità di beni, siano essi sale o pesce, che dovevano essere prodotti, ed altrettanto chiaro è che la produzione doveva eccedere di gran lunga quelle che dovevano essere le necessità interne alla comunità, e che il surplus così generato doveva essere immesso in un circuito di traffici ben strutturato. Ne sono testimonianza i frammenti micenei e italo-micenei provenienti proprio da Casale Nuovo che, lungi dal testimoniare contatti diretti tra i Micenei e le popolazioni locali, indicano comunque l’organico inserirsi del sito in un circuito ad ampio raggio di scambi tra comunità.

Tor Caldara,18 pur appartenendo per tipologia insediativa ai pianori costieri come i due siti già citati, è dei tre il meno munito; non è da escludere inoltre che il suo impianto tragga almeno in parte motivazione dalla presenza dei giacimenti di zolfo. Contemporaneamente continua la tradizione dei siti già definiti ‘industriali’, con la nascita di Le Grottacce,19 e i due siti di La Fibbia20 e Ostia Antica-Collettore21 testimoniano il perdurare dell’interesse per le lagune.

Per mantenere un’organizzazione simile, tale da investire organicamente l’intera comunità, è necessario ipotizzare gruppi dirigenti in grado di catalizzare intorno a sé una forza-lavoro notevole, come pure di gestire uno scambio i cui referenti saranno stati, a loro volta, le élites dominanti delle comunità limitrofe; in altre parole un ceto egemone, che, tramite rapporti la cui natura ci sforzeremo di definire più avanti, riesce a catalizzare la forza lavoro, concentrandola, controllandone l’operato e amministrandone il prodotto, e si pone come punto di riferimento sia per la comunità in solido, sia per le controparti commerciali che, verosimilmente, avranno avuto un analogo status sociale.

Per quanto riguarda la zona subcostiera, il sistema di occupazione del territorio si esplica in perfetta continuità con la fase precedente. L’urna cineraria proveniente dalla località ‘La Campana’22 testimonia, con ogni probabilità, l’esistenza di un abitato, in posizione subcostiera, che si inserisce in maniera ottimale nella direttrice viaria ipotizzata a partire dal Bronzo medio. La continuità insediativa tra BR e BF appare dunque notevole sia per quanto riguarda le scelte ubicative, sia per quanto riguarda le modalità di sfruttamento del territorio, e delle risorse marine.

L’appropriazione massiccia di una risorsa solo nominalmente marginale, come può essere, in questo caso, la produzione del sale, e la conseguente formazione di rapporti di dipendenza nell’ambito dell’organizzazione instaurata per la sua estrazione, si adatta molto bene ad un sistema, definito altrove e sulla base però di maggiori evidenze,15 a base gentilizio-clientelare; ovvero contraddistinto da un ceto dominante che, nell’impossibilità di investire le proprie risorse nel processo agricolo, ancora basato sulla proprietà collettiva della terra, esplica le proprie potenzialità indirizzandole verso nuove attività produttive.

Lo sviluppo delle comunità, verosimilmente anche dal punto di vista demografico, appare come il fattore principe che, nel corso del Bronzo finale, ha portato all’organico sfruttamento di tutte le risorse disponibili: agricoltura, pesca, sale, minerali. I siti sembrano inoltre inseriti in una fitta rete di traffici che si esplica sia via mare, sfruttando una serie di scali intermedi, sia via terra sfruttando una via di comunicazione ormai da lungo tempo praticata.

Per quanto riguarda l’epoca successiva, mentre in Etruria meridionale, su un’area-campione con 70 siti del Bronzo finale, ben il 92,8% di questi risulta essere del tipo difeso nel senso canonico del termine, e ci si avvia, nel corso del BF3, alla definitiva crisi del modello degli abitati su altura che porterà alla svolta protourbana, nel Lazio centromeridionale costiero cresce l’interesse per gli insediamenti di riva, e si moltiplicano i siti in posizione aperta. 15

16 Lugli 1940; Gierow 1960-61; Bergonzi 1976; Guidi 1980; Guaitoli 1981; De Meis 1984; Chiarucci 1985; 1989. 17 Torre 1988; Guidi 1991, numero 7. 18 Carboni & Ragni 1982. 19 Piccarreta 1977, numero 15; comunicazione personale del prof. P. Attema e del dott. A. Nijboer. 20 Piccarreta 1977, siti numero 155 e 156. 21 Conti 1982. 22 Angle 1995.

Peroni 1996.

641

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI FOSSO MOSCARELLO Nel febbraio 2000, durante un sopralluogo nei pressi del Fosso Moscarello, lo scrivente accertava che una strada era stata costruita esattamente sopra la concentrazione di materiali protostorici segnalata negli anni ‘70 da F. Piccarreta.23 Lungo le canalette di scolo delle acque si rinvenivano, nella terra di risulta dallo scavo delle stesse, e per una lunghezza di circa 70 metri, numerosi frammenti di impasto, anche di notevoli dimensioni. All’interno della canaletta più settentrionale, in un punto grossomodo centrale rispetto all’area di dispersione dei frammenti ceramici, appariva in sezione un deposito antropizzato dallo spessore di circa 40 cm; la ceramica visibile è stata recuperata dopo aver documentato lo strato.24 Il posizionamento di Fosso Moscarello sulla carta dell’ONC mostra chiaramente come il sito dovesse trovarsi, in età protostorica, lungo le rive della laguna, a poca distanza dal fosso omonimo e su di un piccolo dosso (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Il sito di Fosso Moscarello posizionato sulla carta dell’ONC, foglio K2-Foce Verde; coordinate UTM (ED 1950): 33T E318237 N4587876.

Fig. 4. Materiali inediti da Fosso Moscarello. 23 Piccarreta 1977, fig. 171 per la foto degli unici frammenti ceramici pubblicati. 24 Ringrazio, per l’aiuto prestatomi nel rilievo, il dott. A. Di Renzoni.

642

LUCA ALESSANDRI: L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE

Fig. 5. Materiali inediti da Fosso Moscarello.

643

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tra i frammenti raccolti a Fosso Moscarello (Figg. 4 e 5) la ciotola carenata numero 1 trova confronti in un esemplare protovillanoviano proveniente da Ficana,25 in un esemplare proveniente dallo strato 11 di Casale Nuovo, datato al Bronzo finale,26 e infine in un frammento proveniente dallo strato III/IV della ‘casa laboratorio’ di Scarceta, anch’essa assegnata al Bronzo finale.27 Il frammento di scodella numero 2 è accostabile ad un esemplare proveniente dallo scavo del settore orientale del ‘grande’ fossato di Norchia,28 scavo che ha restituito, in gran parte, materiali del Bronzo finale.

Education to the solutions of problems of ancient topography in Italy, in: Atti del X Convegno della Società Internazionale di Fotogrammetrica. Lisbona. Angle, M., 1995. Nuovi dati sul Latium Vetus, in: Atti del III incontro di studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Manciano Farnese, 215-227. Angle, M., 1996. Casale Nuovo, in: C. Belardelli & P. Pascucci (eds), Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio - provincie di Rieti e Latina.Roma, 61-63. Angle, M., 1985. La foce del Tevere durante la tarda età del Bronzo. Quad. Prot. 1985 (= Atti dell’Incontro Acquasparta, Gli insediamenti perilacustri dell’età del Bronzo e della prima età del Ferro: il caso dell’antico Lacus Velinus), 249-251. Angle, M. & A. Zarattini, 1987. L’insediamento protostorico di Casale Nuovo. Archeologia Laziale 8, 250-252. Angle, M., S. Bruschini, C. Caneva, O. Colazingari, R. Dottarelli, M.T. Fulgenzi, A. Gianni, C. Giardino, G. Gobbi & A. Guidi, 1988. Il computer nello strato: integrazione di tecniche informatiche alla ricerca archeologica. Quaderni dei Dialoghi d’Archeologia 4, 83-124. Angle, M., C. Caneva, A.M. Conti, R. Dottarelli, A. Gianni, C. Giardino & C. Persiani, 1992. Casale Nuovo (LT) e la tarda età del Bronzo nel Lazio meridionale, in: Atti del III convegno di studi, Un millennio di relazioni fra la Sardegna e i paesi del Mediterraneo. Cagliari, 265-303. Angle, M., A.M. Conti, R. Dottarelli, A. Gianni, C. Persiani, L. Vagnetti, R.E. Jones & L. Costantini, 1993. Prime testimonianze micenee nel Latium Vetus. La Parola del Passato 270, 190-217. Attema, P.A.J., A.J. Nijboer & M. Rooke, 2002. ‘Piccarreta 13’, een late Bronstijdnederzetting op de kust van zuid-Latium (Italië). Paleo-aktueel 13, 6569. Attema, P.A.J., T. de Haas & A.J. Nijboer, 2003. The Asturia project, interim report of the 2001 and 2002 campaigns of the Groningen Institute of Archaeology along the coast between Nettuno and Torre Astura (Lazio, Italy). BaBesch 78, 107-140. Bergonzi, G., 1976. Anzio, in: Civiltà del Lazio Primitivo (Catalogo della mostra). Roma, 318-322. Blanc, A.C. & A.G. Segre, 1953. Excursion au mont Circé (= IV Congrés International, Guide INQUA). Roma-Pisa. Brandt, J.R., 1996, Scavi di Ficana II,1. Il periodo protostorico ed arcaico. Roma. Carboni, G. & E. Ragni, 1982. Lettera di segnalazione alla Soprintendenza Archeologica del Lazio del 8.9.1982. Castagnoli, F., 1976. Pratica di Mare (Lavinium), in: Civiltà del Lazio Primitivo (Catalogo della mostra). Roma, 291-311. Chiarucci, P., 1985. Contributo sulla topografia dell’antica Antium. Documenta Albana (II serie) 7, 17-32. Chiarucci, P., 1989. Anzio Archeologica. Anzio. De Meis, A., 1984. Nuovo materiale della necropoli

Il frammento di vaso troncoconico numero 3 è accostabile ad un frammento proveniente da Madonna degli Angeli, incluso nel tipo 170 della Fratini, e databile genericamente all’età del Bronzo finale-primo Ferro.29 Il frammento numero 8 trova precisi confronti in esemplari provenienti da un contesto, in località Rocca S. Antonino (Anagni),30 che restituisce in gran parte materiali del Bronzo finale-primo Ferro. Sempre al Bronzo finale-primo Ferro è riconducibile il frammento numero 12, che si confronta con un esemplare dalla capanna 1 di Madonna degli Angeli.31 I vasi a collo numero 21 e 22 sono genericamente raffrontabili con un esemplare da Anzio datato al Bronzo finale.32 Frequentazioni più antiche potrebbero essere indiziate dall’esemplare numero 9 che trova precisi confronti in un frammento da Broglio di Trebisacce (sett. D, liv. S, riq. P); quest’ultimo rientra nel tipo n. 67A di Giardino, databile genericamente all’età del Bronzo recente.33 Una frequentazione più antica dell’età del Bronzo finale potrebbe essere indiziata anche dalla preponderanza, nell’ambito dei grossi contenitori, delle olle a colletto, o che comunque si distinguono da quelle ad orlo svasato; queste ultime sono molto comuni in insediamenti in cui è attestato il Bronzo finale, per esempio a Torrionaccio, pur essendo attestate in altri in cui vi è solo il Ferro, per esempio alcuni tra i siti lungo la costa civitavecchiese. BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV. 1983. Ardea. Immagini di una ricerca, Catalogo della mostra. Roma. Adamesteanu, D., 1974. Contribution of the archaeological Aerofototeca of the Ministry of 25

Malmgren 1981, 103, B64. Angle et alii 1992, tav. VIII, 5. 27 Soffredi & Poggiani Keller 1998, fig. 8, 4. 28 Mandolesi 1998, fig. 3, quinto esemplare dall’alto. 29 Fratini 1997, II, tav VIII, 8, tipo 170. 30 Biddittu & Segre Naldini 1987, 247, fig. 2, 21 e 2, 24. 31 Fratini 1997, tav XIV, 2. 32 Bergonzi 1976, tav 83, B3. 33 Giardino 1994, fig. 71, tipo 67A. 26

644

LUCA ALESSANDRI: L’OCCUPAZIONE COSTIERA NELL’ETÀ DEL BRONZO MEDIA, RECENTE E FINALE protostorica di Anzio. Bollettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 89(2), 237-244. Di Gennaro, F., 1987. L’insediamento nell’area mediotirrenica durante l’età del Bronzo: dislocazione e assetto territoriale. Tesi di dottorato, Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’. Fenelli, M., 1995. Lavinium: scavi nell’area centrale. Archeologia Laziale 12(2), 537-549. Fenelli, M. & M. Guaitoli, 1990. Nuovi dati dagli scavi di Lavinium. Archeologia Laziale 10, 182-193. Fischer Hansen, T., 1990. Scavi di Ficana I. Topografia generale. Roma. Fugazzola Delpino, M.A., 1976. L’età del bronzo, in: Civiltà del Lazio Primitivo (Catalogo della mostra). Roma, 65-67. Gierow, P.G., 1960-61. La necropoli laziale di Anzio. Bollettino di Paletnologia Italiana (N.S. III) 69-70, 243-257. Guaitoli, M., 1977. Considerazioni su alcune città ed insediamenti del Lazio in età protostorica ed arcaica. RM 84, 20-22. Guaitoli, M., 1981. Notizie preliminari su recenti ricognizioni svolte in seminari dell’Istituto. Quaderni dell’Istituto di Topografia Antica 9, 79-87. Guaitoli, M., 1988. Lavinium. Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica per il Lazio 1, 33-40. Guaitoli, M., 1990. Lavinium, in: La Grande Roma dei Tarquini (Catalogo della mostra). Roma, 182-186. Guaitoli, M., 1995. Lavinium: nuovi dati dalle necropoli. Archeologia Laziale 12(2), 551-562. Guidi, A., 1980. Rinvenimenti preistorici nel territorio della Soprintendenza del Lazio. Archeologia Laziale 3, 38-42. Guidi, A., 1981. Nuovi rinvenimenti in siti del passaggio alla media età del Bronzo. Archeologia Laziale 4, 4755. Guidi, A., 1991. Alcune osservazioni sul popolamento preistorico tra il Golfo di Gaeta e gli Aurunci. Latium 8, 5-31. Lugli, G., 1940. Saggio sulla topografia dell’antica Antium. Rivista del Reale Istituto di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte 7. Malmgren, L., 1981. Ficana (com. Acilia), Enea nel Lazio, in: Archeologia e Mito (Catalogo della mostra). Roma, 102-104. Malmgren, L., 1991. Early settlement at Ficana, in: Munuscula Romana (Papers read at a conference, Lund 1988). Stockholm, 17-28. Malmgren, L., 1997. Ficana, the final Bronze and early Iron age. Lund. Morandini, A., 1999. Gli insediamenti costieri in età protostorica nel Lazio meridionale. Latium 16, 5-47. Morselli C. & E. Tortorici, 1981. Contributi per una carta archeologica di Ardea in età protostorica. Quaderni dell’istituto di topografia antica dell’Università di Roma 9, 59-78. Morselli, C. & E. Tortorici, 1982. Ardea (= Forma Italiae Regio I, vol. XVI). Roma. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica.

Firenze. Pascucci, P., 1996. Torre Paola, in: C. Belardelli & P. Pascucci (eds), Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio - provincie di Rieti e Latina. Roma, 67-68. Pellegrini, M., 1996. Spiaggia delle Bambole, in: C. Belardelli & P. Pascucci (eds), Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio - provincie di Rieti e Latina. Roma, 69-70. Piccarreta, F., 1977. Astura (= Forma Italiae Regio I, vol. XIII). Firenze. Quilici, L. & S. Quilici Gigli, 1984. Longula e Polusca. Archeologia Laziale 6, 107-132. Sommella, P., 1969. Lavinium, rinvenimenti preistorici e protostorici. Archeologia Classica 21, 18-33. Torre, P., 1988. Monte d’Argento: indagini preliminari. Archeologia Laziale 9, 432-440. Zei, M., 1988. Un’ascia di Bronzo dalle rive del lago, in: Latina Turismo. 10-11. Zevi, F., 1968. Terme di Nettuno, saggi di scavo. Bollettino d’Arte (serie V) 53(I), 35.

645

FORME D’INSEDIAMENTO E ORGANIZZAZIONE SOCIALE NELLA SARDEGNA DI ETÀ NURAGICA Anna Depalmas Abstract: As from the early phases of the nuragic civilisation, we can observe in the central valley of Tirso that settlements are formed as clusters located on sites with particular features. The construction and scattering of ‘nuraghi a tholos’ correspond to widespread traces of occupation also in areas that were once of marginal interest. During Late Bronze Age ‘nuraghi complessi’ were constructed, generally located in crucial places for the communication routes and the access to resources. During the beginning of the Final Bronze Age the central position of the nuraghe decreases while villages develop with temples and sacred wells.

L’analisi delle forme d’insediamento e del sistema organizzativo della società nuragica appare condizionata dall’ampiezza numerica dei dati relativi all’evidenza insediativa e dalla vastità della regione, elementi che orientano necessariamente gli studi verso unità di osservazione campionarie, selezionate in funzione della disponibilità di sufficienti dati. In questa sede verrà preso in considerazione un ambito territoriale compreso nella Sardegna centro occidentale coincidente con la media valle del fiume Tirso, più precisamente con la sponda destra del fiume, costituito da una pianura di fondovalle attraversata un tempo dal corso del fiume ed ora occupata dall’invaso artificiale del lago Omodeo, e da un’ampia superficie tabulare corrispondente ad un altopiano di natura basaltica che raggiunge la quota massima di circa 400 m. La superficie di quest’area è di circa 450 kmq. Nelle prime fasi dell’età nuragica, che coincidono con i tempi iniziali del Bronzo medio (BM I - inizi BM II), si assiste alla realizzazione di una classe di edifici denominati nuraghi a corridoio (o protonuraghi), che appaiono caratterizzati da schemi planimetrici di forma molto varia, da un paramento murario di notevole spessore e imponenza a fronte di uno spazio interno piuttosto ridotto, limitato ad uno o più corridoi su cui, talvolta, si affacciano ambienti di piccole dimensioni (Fig. 1). I nuraghi di questa classe sono presenti nell’area della media valle del Tirso con 101 edifici, un numero piuttosto elevato se si considera che il numero complessivo di quelli noti assomma a 350 unità.1 L’occupazione del territorio appare caratterizzata da aree di concentrazione localizzate ai margini dell’area considerata, corrispondenti a posizioni sul versante dell’altopiano e sul margine dell’altopiano stesso mentre l’ampia zona tabulare presenta un tipo di insediamento più diradato (Fig. 2). In particolare si nota la preferenza per posizioni di controllo visivo e di vicinanza rispetto ad un corso d’acqua di portata perenne (fiume Tirso, Riu 1

Fig. 1. Sedilo (OR). Nuraghe a corridoio di Sa Madalena (a); Aidomaggiore (OR). Nuraghe a camera naviforme di Padro Longu (AA.VV. 1996).

Tanda 1998, 105.

646

ANNA DEPALMAS: FORME D’INSEDIAMENTO E ORGANIZZAZIONE SOCIALE NELLA SARDEGNA DI ETÀ NURAGICA

Fig. 2. Carta di distribuzione dei nuraghi a corridoio nella media valle del Tirso (Depalmas 2000). Flumineddu) o anche di tipo stagionale (immissari del Tirso).

di attestazioni relative all’aspetto funerario, rappresentate da dolmen di modeste dimensioni.2

Tra le strutture architettoniche non si notano differenziazioni particolari, e comunque tali da far pensare a una strutturazione gerarchica dell’organizzazione territoriale delle comunità. Uno degli aspetti che è opportuno sottolineare per questa prima fase di occupazione nuragica del territorio è che lo stanziamento sorge in zone del territorio dove, per le fasi precedenti (Neolitico, Eneolitico, prima età del Bronzo), non sono note manifestazioni così evidenti ad esclusione

Nell’area considerata, l’esistenza di un villaggio realizzato a ridosso del nuraghe a corridoio è accertata in 33 casi anche se solo per la metà di essi è possibile definire un’ipotetica superficie di estensione che non sembra mai andare oltre i 5 ha, e solo raramente supera i 2 ha.

2

647

Depalmas 2001, 103-105.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Alla fine dell’età del Bronzo medio, possiamo ipotizzare abbia avuto inizio la fase di costruzione delle 293 torri a tholos presenti nell’area, fase che è possibile sia continuata perlomeno nel corso del Bronzo recente (Figg. 3, 4).

interessate solo marginalmente dalla presenza di insediamenti, come ad esempio la zona all’interno dell’altopiano (Fig. 4). In questa vasta superficie tabulare, gli edifici monotorre a tholos presentano una distribuzione orientata verso piccoli raggruppamenti di tre – sette nuraghi, collocati in posizioni ravvicinate, alternati ad altri gruppi di diversa entità numerica disposti secondo degli allineamenti. Una tale disposizione potrebbe essere spiegata con la necessità di sfruttare al meglio le risorse del territorio, caratterizzato al suo interno dalla presenza di aree circoscritte con terreni contraddistinti da elevati valori di produttività. Un elemento di distinzione rispetto alla fase precedente, oltre alla notevole crescita del fenomeno insediativo, è costituito dalla perdita di interesse per le posizioni sul versante dell’altopiano ed un incremento di quelle su pianura anche a distanze ravvicinate dal fiume Tirso. L’esistenza di un insediamento di capanne realizzato a ridosso del nuraghe è stato accertato nel 52% dei casi, e non di rado si riscontra anche un muro di recinzione (antemurale) che definisce il perimetro di un’area più o meno estesa intorno all’edificio; frequentemente nella stessa area si individuano anche una o due tombe collettive (tombe di giganti). È a partire dalla fase del Bronzo recente che alcuni degli edifici monotorre vengono modificati con la realizzazione di un sistema turrito costruito intorno all’edificio preesistente (Fig. 5). Queste strutture pluriturrite – con due, quattro o più frequentemente tre torri aggiuntive disposte attorno ad una torre centrale – appaiono come complessi di notevole rilevanza, sia per ciò che riguarda le caratteristiche architettoniche, con strutture di significativa grandezza, sia in termini di quantità di lavoro necessaria alla sua realizzazione, ed indicatori espressivi di una certa gerarchizzazione delle strutture insediamentali. Lo sforzo per la realizzazione di tali edifici, ancor di più che per i nuraghi delle fasi precedenti, dovette essere concertato all’interno di comunità legate da stretti vincoli sociali e sotto la spinta di forti motivazioni comuni, considerato l’impiego straordinario e oneroso di forza lavoro.

Fig. 3. Aidomaggiore (OR). Nuraghe monotorre a tholos di Caddaris (a); Sedilo (OR). Nuraghe monotorre di Lighei (Sedilo) (b) (AA.VV. 1996). Il tipo di edificio più diffuso (Fig. 3) è quello a camera di pianta circolare con copertura a tholos con tre nicchie disposte lungo il perimetro, corridoio d’ingresso con scala per il piano superiore a sinistra e nicchia a destra.

Non conosciamo la struttura sociale di queste comunità ma possiamo ipotizzare che la base della società fosse sempre quella parentale con una gerarchizzazione poco accentuata e comunque attenuata dal forte peso della compagine sociale. Anche durante questa fase il tipo documentato di sepoltura è sempre quello collettivo, in tomba di giganti.

Il fenomeno della costruzione e dello sviluppo numerico di questi nuraghi appare come un evento legato ad un nuovo modello di popolamento che implica un’occupazione più diffusa,3 anche in aree prima

Rispetto alle fasi precedenti è confermato l’abbandono della fascia morfologica della pendice, che viene apparentemente controllata dalla linea di monumenti

3

Se consideriamo anche i preesistenti nuraghi a corridoio si calcola una densità insediativa di oltre 1 monumento per kmq.

648

ANNA DEPALMAS: FORME D’INSEDIAMENTO E ORGANIZZAZIONE SOCIALE NELLA SARDEGNA DI ETÀ NURAGICA

Fig. 4. Carta di distribuzione dei monumenti di età nuragica nella media valle del Tirso (Depalmas 2000). complessi che manifestano una tendenza alla struttura a catena.

affacciati sull’orlo dell’altopiano (Fig. 4); in corrispondenza delle propaggini del margine dell’altopiano si osserva, invece, il significativo consolidamento delle posizioni già occupate nelle fasi precedenti, con la realizzazione di nuraghi complessi di tipo a tholos o misto.4 Al centro dell’altopiano stesso risaltano, anche al confronto con la più regolare diffusione della fase precedente, ampie fasce e zone prive di attestazioni, intervallate dai raggruppamenti di nuraghi

In alcune zone, la concentrazione particolarmente alta di nuraghi complessi potrebbe essere spiegata con un elevato incremento della produzione e con un forte consolidamento della comunità residente. In questa fase sembra, infatti, delinearsi – sulla base della posizione dei nuraghi complessi – la creazione di tre grandi distretti, ognuno comprendente da 13 a 19 strutture pluriturrite, mentre il rapporto numerico tra le diverse

4 E cioè con un sistema turrito costruito intorno ad un nucleo preesistente costituito da un nuraghe a corridoio.

649

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

categorie di nuraghi è di 1 nuraghe complesso ogni 6 edifici semplici. Nel corso del Bronzo finale vi sono numerosi indizi riscontrabili che permettono di ipotizzare il lento e progressivo fenomeno di attenuazione della centralità del nuraghe e di contemporaneo sviluppo della forma d’insediamento del villaggio. Nell’area campione, se si prendono in considerazione i villaggi di grandi dimensioni e cioè di 3-4 ha, si nota che la loro distribuzione orientata verso due aree distinte sembra direttamente ricollegabile alla presenza nel territorio di alcuni edifici di culto. Si tratta di 5 pozzi sacri, strutture che raggiungono una vena d’acqua direttamente nel sottosuolo mediante la realizzazione di una struttura ipogea accessibile tramite una scala, costituita da un ambiente ricoperto a tholos, costruito sopra il punto di raccolta delle acque e di 12 fonti sacre, costituite da edifici realizzati in corrispondenza di un affioramento superficiale di acqua sorgiva. La distribuzione dei monumenti entro raggruppamenti distinti sembra riconducibile ad una precisa ripartizione del territorio in due grandi distretti, all’interno dei quali la presenza delle costruzioni di carattere sacro legate al culto delle acque non deve aver avuto un ruolo secondario, bensì determinante nella costituzione dell’assetto organizzativo. La formazione di centri cultuali infatti sembra un fenomeno strettamente collegato, se non determinato, da quel processo di intensificazione della produzione che già nella fase precedente aveva mostrato accentuati caratteri di sviluppo. L’emergere di una differenziazione sociale – nel corso del Bronzo finale – è documentata dalla presenza di tombe individuali e dalla rappresentazione nell’ambito della bronzistica di figure apparentemente di differente status sociale. Il fenomeno si può ricollegare ai meccanismi di gestione delle eccedenze produttive condotti, molto probabilmente, anche dagli stessi gruppi che controllavano le attività del tempio. Non vi sono indizi per escludere però che, anche nell’ambito di un processo di riorganizzazione sociale così innovativo, definito, sotto l’aspetto dell’occupazione del territorio, dalla formazione di vasti distretti comprensoriali, i rapporti di parentela mantenessero ancora un certo valore. Fig. 5. Sedilo (OR). Nuraghe complesso di Monte Maiore (a) (AA.VV. 1996); Sedilo (OR). Nuraghe complesso di tipo misto di Iloi (AA.VV. 1996). 650

ANNA DEPALMAS: FORME D’INSEDIAMENTO E ORGANIZZAZIONE SOCIALE NELLA SARDEGNA DI ETÀ NURAGICA BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 1996. I monumenti situati nell’area del progetto, in: G. Tanda (a cura di), Progetto Iloi, Sedilo 1. I monumenti (= Antichità Sarde. Studi e Ricerche, 3/I). Villanova Monteleone. Depalmas, A., 2000. L’organizzazione sociale ed economica delle comunità nuragiche in un’area campione della Sardegna centrale. Tesi di Dottorato, Roma. Depalmas, A., 2001. I monumenti megalitici nello spazio delle comunità delle età dei metalli in Sardegna, in: G. Serreli & D. Vacca (a cura di), Aspetti del megalitismo preistorico, Atti dell'incontro di Studio Sardegna-Spagna. Dolianova, 99-106. Tanda, G., 1998. I monumenti prenuragici e nuragici, in: G. Tanda (a cura di), Sedilo. I monumenti nel contesto territoriale comunale (= Antichità Sarde, 3/III). Villanova Monteleone, 79-115.

651

L’ARCHITECTURA IN MALTA DI FANGO NELLA PENISOLA ITALIANA TRA MEDIA ETÀ DEL BRONZO E LA PRIMA ETÀ DEL FERRO Claudio Moffa Abstract: Building with mud and wood is widespread in the protohistoric settlements of the italian peninsula, but, due to its perishable nature, the information about the building techniques are poor. Nevertheless a lot of information about the hut walls can be obtained by studying the mud fragments (concotto), that are found in large quantities during the excavation of the protohistoric settlements. Through this study six different techniques have been characterized, from plastered wooden frame to thick mud walls.

L’architettura in legno e malta di fango documentata in Italia fin dal Neolitico, nell’età del Bronzo e nella prima età del Ferro è la più diffusa negli abitati della della penisola. Tuttavia, a causa della deperibilità di questo genere di materie prime, le informazioni disponibili circa le tecniche architettoniche sono assai scarse. Così per la ricostruzione delle forme architettoniche delle capanne sono state utilizzate le tracce strutturali (buchi di palo, canalette, etc.), ma molte informazioni riguardo l’alzato possono essere acquisite con lo studio dei resti dei frammenti di malte di fango impiegate per l’edilizia (concotto), che si rinvengono in gran quantità negli scavi di abitati protostorici, e che sino dagli inizi del secolo scorso erano stati ricollegati all’intonaco delle capanne.1

malte con diverse caratteristiche: mentre l’intonaco doveva rimanere aderente al supporto ligneo, la malta per i muri in fango doveva essere stabile, in modo da non reagire alle sollecitazioni dovute alle variazioni di temperatura e umidità. Così, per le malte impiegate come intonaco se la terra era a tessitura limo-sabbiosa veniva impastata con paglia o sterco oppure con argilla,3 mentre se era argillosa veniva impiegata pura.4 Per i muri in fango veniva impiegata una malta con matrice limosabbiosa. Altre importanti informazioni per la ricostruzione delle tecniche architettoniche possono essere desunte dall’analisi dei resti delle strutture di fondazione e dalle impronte rilevabili sui frammenti di intonaco.

MALTE, IMPRONTE DEGLI ELEMENTI LIGNEI E STRUTTURE DI FONDAZIONE

Le strutture di fondazione maggiormente documentate sono di due tipi: il primo è costituito da buchi di palo, il secondo da una canaletta continua. Queste diverse tipologie strutturali presuppongono, in linea di massima, due diversi tipi di armatura delle pareti: i buchi di palo sono generalmente distanziati (circa 1 metro), ne consegue un impiego per una armatura a trama larga o per il sostegno di una trama fitta; mentre la presenza di una canaletta, implicando senza dubbio l’esigenza di piantare dei pali ad una distanza ravvicinata, suggerisce la presenza di una struttura a trama intrecciata.

Sono due le tecniche di architettura in terra cruda documentate nella penisola italiana nel periodo compreso tra la media età del Bronzo e la prima età del Ferro. La prima, e di gran lunga la più diffusa, è costituita da una armatura composta da una trama lignea più o meno complessa che veniva tamponata e rivestita con uno strato di malta di fango, il cosiddetto intonaco di capanna. Nella seconda, invece, i muri sono autoportanti e di uno spessore maggiore, e sono generalmente privi di armatura lignea.

Il rilevamento delle impronte lasciate sui frammenti di intonaco dai legni dell’armatura dei muri consente di stabilire la forma, le dimensioni e la disposizione reciproca degli elementi lignei. Le impronte sono generalmente a sezione circolare, e sono quindi relative a canne, rami o pali, ma possono essere anche piatte e relative a travi squadrate o ad assi.

Per costruire i muri di una capanna era necessaria una grande quantità di malta di fango: per i muri realizzati con armatura in legno intonacata ne servivano 80-100 kg per ogni metro quadrato, mentre nei muri in fango ne occorrevano fino a 200 kg per metro quadrato; di conseguenza, a seconda delle dimensioni dell’edificio e della tecnica muraria impiegata, era necessaria una quantità di terra compresa approssimativamente tra 1,5 e 8 metri cubi. Analisi composizionali delle malte eseguite su frammenti di intonaco relativi a diversi abitati della penisola italiana2 hanno mostrato che per la preparazione delle malte veniva impiegata la terra disponibile nelle immediate vicinanze dell’edificio da costruire, così la composizione delle malte varia a seconda della tessitura dei suoli locali. Le due tipologie murarie richiedevano

TECNICHE MURARIE Attraverso il confronto tra l’analisi delle strutture di fondazione, delle dimensioni e della disposizione delle impronte e dello spessore delle malte, è stato possibile individuare alcune tipologie di murature.

1

3 Come è stato riscontrato negli intonaci raccolti negli abitati dell’Italia meridionale. 4 Negli abitati della pianura Padana come Lovara (Moffa 2002b).

Ridola 1926. Per alcuni casi di studio archeometrico di frammenti di intonaco di capanna vedi in Laviano et al. 1995, Celli 1995, Moffa 2002a. 2

652

CLAUDIO MOFFA: L’ARCHITECTURA IN MALTA DI FANGO NELLA PENISOLA ITALIANA

Fig 1. Tipi di murature. a-f) Armatura intonacata del tipo: a a fascine; b) ad incannucciata fitta e caotica; c) ad elementi distanziati; d) fitta ed ordinata; e) a graticcio; f) a telaio. g) Muro di fango.

653

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Muri con armatura di legno intonacata

DISTRIBUZIONE CRONOLOGICA E GEOGRAFICA DELLE TECNICHE MURARIE

Tre tecniche murarie, piuttosto simili tra di loro, sono caratterizzate dalla presenza di montanti distanziati sui quali veniva fissata una trama più o meno fitta realizzata con ramaglie; quest’ultima veniva rivestita con uno strato di intonaco spesso da 2 a 6 centimetri, formando in questo modo dei muri con uno spessore compreso tra 6 e 10 centimetri. Variavano quindi solo le dimensioni e, soprattutto, la disposizione degli elementi vegetali più piccoli della trama. Le impronte a sezione circolare con diametro molto piccolo (compreso tra 0,1 e 0,5 cm) sono probabilmente riconducibili ad una armatura composta da fascine di vegetali, quali per esempio le graminacee, oppure lo sparto o la ginestra (Fig. 1:a). Impronte con diametro maggiore (compreso tra 0,5 e 4 cm, ma con valori concentrati tra 1 e 2 cm) sono riconducibili ad una armatura a incannucciata. Questa a sua volta può essere divisa per la diversa organizzazione delle ramaglie in: fitta e caotica (Fig. 1:b), ad elementi distanziati (Fig. 1:c), fitta ed ordinata (Fig. 1:d). Simile alle precedenti era la struttura a graticcio, che aveva una struttura composta da una serie di paletti verticali, distanti tra 20 e 40 centimetri, tra i quali passavano alternativamente sulla faccia interna e esterna degli elementi vegetali flessibili, come per esempio avviene nella lavorazione delle ceste (Fig. 1:e). Diversa, invece, è l’armatura a telaio, costituita da un sistema di pali e paletti (diametri compresi tra 2,5 e 7 cm) verticali e orizzontali, disposti a formare un telaio che componeva degli spazi ampi circa 10-20 centimetri, tamponati e rivestiti con la malta. Rispetto alle tecniche precedenti i muri a telaio presentavano uno spessore maggiore, pari a circa 10-15 centimetri (Fig. 1:f).

Per i muri delle capanne, l’impiego di intonaco con uno spessore di circa 2-4 centimetri su di un armatura in incannucciata dei tipi caotico o distanziato è la tecnica di gran lunga più documentata negli abitati della penisola, tra Bronzo medio e prima età del Ferro. Meno diffusa sembrerebbe essere l’armatura a telaio, documentata sia nel Bronzo medio in Italia meridionale (Broglio di Trebisacce, CS), ma anche in una struttura della prima età del Ferro dell’Italia nord-orientale (Lovara, VR), mentre l’armatura a fascine al momento risulta documentata solo in Italia meridionale nel corso del Bronzo recente (Broglio di Trebisacce). Dell’utilizzo dell’armatura a graticcio si dispone solo di prove indirette, la presenza di canalette di fondazione, ma probabilmente era anch’esso si diffuse nella penisola a partire dalla media età del Bronzo.8 In alcuni abitati del Bronzo recente i frammenti di intonaco relativi a queste tecniche si trovano associati ad una moderata quantità di frammenti di intonaco piuttosto sottile (circa 2 cm) steso su un’armatura ad incannucciata ordinata.9 Si ritiene che questo particolare tipo di intonaco sia da mettere in relazione all’intonacatura della struttura di copertura delle capanne, probabilmente di un controsoffitto. La pratica di intonacare il controsoffitto delle capanne è nota sia in Italia che in altri contesti europei,10 ed è documentato anche nell’architettura primitiva contemporanea.11 Da un punto di vista tecnico il limite della tecnica dell’armatura intonacata era dato principalmente dalla sua limitata durata nel tempo, dovuta allo scarso spessore dell’intonaco, che tendeva a fessurarsi, ed a causa del deterioramento della trama lignea. Decisamente di migliore qualità, per solidità, potere isolante e durata nel tempo, erano i muri di fango, documentati al momento solo nel Lazio (a Roma, nella borgata Fidene e sul colle del Palatino) a partire dalla prima età del Ferro. Mentre una casa in armatura lignea intonacata poteva avere una durata di circa 10-15 anni, una realizzata con muri in fango durava probabilmente fino a 20-25 anni.

Muri di fango Questa tecnica si caratterizza, rispetto alle precedenti, per l’assenza di una complessa trama di sostegno in legno e per lo spessore decisamente maggiore dei muri che venivano realizzati formando degli strati di malta di fango alti circa 20 cm e spessi 20-30 cm. Una volta che lo strato si era asciugato ne veniva realizzato un altro fino ad arrivare all’altezza desiderata. Questi strati potevano venire messi in opera semplicemente pressando la malta con le mani, secondo una tecnica ancora assai diffusa nell’Africa occidentale,5 oppure con la tecnica del pisè6, che prevedeva l’impiego di casseforme dove la malta veniva colata e poi pressata. In una delle due strutture conosciute realizzate con questa tecnica, quella di Fidene7, la presenza di buchi di palo sotto i muri suggerisce che nello spessore del muro fossero presenti dei pali posti ad una distanza di circa un metro (Fig. 1:g).

BIBLIOGRAFIA Adam, J.P., 1989. L’arte di costruire presso i romani. Milano. Arecchi, A., 1991. La casa africana. Milano. Blegen, C.W., J.L.E. Caskey & M. Rawson, 1953. Troy. The sixth settlement, vol. III, part 2. Princeton. Celli, A.M., 1995. Analisi mineralogica dei concotti, in: P. Di Desantis & G. Steffé (eds), L’insediamento terramaricolo di Pilastri (Bondeno-Ferrara). Prima di una ricerca. Firenze, 62-63. 8 Strutture con fondazioni costituite da canalette sono diffuse negli abitati dell’Italia centrale tirrenica e in Puglia. 9 A Broglio di Trebisacce, CS (Moffa 2002a, 39), Coppa Nevigata, FG, e a Muraiola, VR (Salzani 1997, 230). 10 Per esempio nell’Egeo, vedi in Blegen et al. 351. 11 Per esempio nelle abitazioni Diola del Senegal, vedi in Pelissier 1966.

5

Arecchi 1991, 65. Adam 1989, 63. 7 Sestieri & De Santis 2001. 6

654

CLAUDIO MOFFA: L’ARCHITECTURA IN MALTA DI FANGO NELLA PENISOLA ITALIANA Laviano, R., I. Muntoni & F. Radina, 1995. Studio archeometrico di manufatti in argilla dall’insediamento di Punta Le Terrare. Taras 15, 455476. Moffa, C., 2002a. L’organizzazione dello spazio sull’acropoli di Broglio di Trebisacce. Dallo studio delle strutture a dei manufatti in impasto di fango all’analisi della distribuzione dei reperti. Firenze. Moffa, C., 2002b. Frammenti di concotto dall’area della struttura 1 dell’abitato della prima età del Ferro di Lovara, in: A. Aspes, A. Broglio, L. Fasani & L. Salzani (eds), Preistoria veronese. Contributi e aggiornamenti (= Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona, II serie, n. 5). 172-174. Pelissier, P., 1966. Les paysans du Senegal. Les civilisations agraires du Cayour à la Casamance. Saint- Yrieix. Ridola, D., 1926. Le grandi trincee preistoriche di Matera. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 45. Salzani, L., 1997. Muraiola struttura abitativa, in: M. Bernabò Brea, A.E. Cardarelli & M. Cremaschi (eds), Le terramare. La più antica civiltà padana. Milano, 228-230. Sestieri A.M. & A. De Santis, 2001. L’edificio della I età del ferro di Fidene (Roma): posizione dell’abitato, tecnica costruttiva, funzionalità in base alla distribuzione spaziale dei materiali e degli arredi, in: J.R. Brandt & L. Karlsson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformation of ancient societies. Stockholm, 211221.

655

ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO NELL’AREA PREALPINA CENTRALE (LOMBARDIA): UN INEDITO QUADRO DI RIFERIMENTO Raffaella Poggiani Keller, Marco Baioni, M. Giuseppina Ruggiero, Stefania Lincetto, Alessandra Massari, Barbara Raposso & Ilaria Santomanco Abstract: The paper examines the character of the population in central and eastern prealpine Lombardy (provinces of Sondrio, Bergamo and Brescia) during the Late Bronze Age. After an analysis of the data on burials and cult places, it examines some keysettlements of well described geographical areas: the inner valleys, the hilly area facing the plain, the moraine hills, the inframoraine small lakes and the shores of the lakes.From a cultural point of view, it is possible to observe medium and long distance relations, that vary from the geographical and chronological point of view. Some contacts are well established: the eastern area leans towards the Terramara/Pile-dwelling Culture and the western area towards Canegrate and Alba Solero during the Late Bronze Age and respectively toward the Protoveneto and the Protogolasecca in the Final Bronze Age. In both periods the influence from the central Alpine area, with the ‘Inneralpine Bronzezeitkultur’ and then with the Luco Culture, continues.

dove sono presenti gli aspetti più tipici della Cultura delle Terramare; l’ambito della Lombardia occidentale e del Piemonte, a Ovest, dove si sviluppano la facies di Canegrate e di Alba Solero; infine, a Nord, l’area alpina dalle specifiche connotazioni che accomunano con vari esiti i due versanti sud e nordalpino.

In questa sede si presenta una sintesi di un impegnativo progetto finalizzato all’individuazione delle dinamiche insediative e delle loro variazioni diacroniche durante la tarda età del Bronzo nell’ambito del vasto comprensorio geografico della Lombardia prealpina centro-orientale, esteso nelle attuali province di Sondrio, Bergamo e Brescia.

Questo fenomeno permane, e forse risulta più evidente, nel successivo BF, quando l’area in esame si trova incuneata tra gli aspetti culturali (Protoveneto, Protogolasecca, Luco) che preludono alle successive culture dell’età del Ferro.

Il lavoro ha compreso la sistematica ricognizione e mappatura di tutti i ritrovamenti del passato, condotta non solo attraverso uno spoglio bibliografico e archivistico, ma anche con revisione autoptica dei materiali. Accanto ai siti noti sono stati presi in considerazione vari scavi condotti in anni recenti dalla Soprintendenza: alcuni di limitata portata – a volte poco più che verifiche stratigrafiche –, altri di notevole impegno, su vaste estensioni.

Nella presente sintesi sono stati presi in esame i contesti per tipologia: sepolture, luoghi di culto e abitati. Riguardo a questi ultimi, principale oggetto della ricerca, sono stati successivamente analizzati alcuni casi esemplari in rapporto con le rispettive aree geografiche. Dei reperti sporadici, tutti databili tra BR e BF, si fornisce l’elenco per località e tipologia (Tab. 3)

I siti in esame si sono rivelati significativi sotto vari aspetti quali la collocazione all’interno di comprensori geografici omogenei, la particolare ubicazione topografica, la tipologia insediativa, la funzione, l’articolazione cronologica e infine la connotazione culturale.

Durante la tarda età del Bronzo le sepolture (Tab. 2), tutte isolate, salvo la nota necropoli di Monte Lonato ubicata sulle colline moreniche a Sud del Lago di Garda, si dislocano a volte ancora in grotta, sovente nelle stesse grotte e ripari già utilizzati per le sepolture collettive e secondarie dell’età del Rame/antica età del Bronzo, e, fatto rilevante, queste sepolture sono a inumazione. Così è per l’inumato sotto tumulo con spillone tipo Mezzocorona del BR nella Grotta Buco del Corno di Vigano S. Martino, per l’inumato di Costa Cavallina con corredo con vaghi d’ambra tipo Tirinto del BF; così potrebbe essere per il Bus de la Scabla con vaso biconico e spillone tipo Fontanella, tutte grotte del Bergamasco. Nell’area collinare invece conosciamo la tomba a incinerazione di via Gezio Calini a Brescia, riferibile al BF.

Dal punto di vista geografico (Fig. 1) il territorio esaminato è segnato dalla presenza di laghi (lago di Garda, d’Idro, d’Iseo e di Como) e solcato da importanti vallate (la Valtellina, le Valli orobiche, la Valcamonica, la Val Trompia e la Valle Sabbia), alcune delle quali certamente di grande peso nelle comunicazioni transalpine e di sicuro interesse per le risorse minerarie. Ne risultano facilitate quindi le direttrici di attraversamento N-S, lungo le valli principali, rispetto a quelle E-W, che si sviluppano principalmente lungo la fascia collinare ai margini della pianura. Per quanto riguarda gli aspetti culturali l’area considerata nel BR confina con territori per i quali sono da tempo delineati i caratteri culturali: l’area veneta a Est, in cui aspetti della Cultura palafitticolo-terramaricola si associano progressivamente con elementi di tradizione subappenninica; la pianura padana centro orientale a Sud,

I luoghi di culto (Tab. 2) o, meglio, di deposizione votiva di oggetti (in genere spade, asce e coltelli), si collocano in prossimità di corsi d’acqua, dove la pratica di offerta alle acque si protrae dal BM e BR al BF/I F: ne sono un esempio il Pian di Spagna, alla confluenza dell’Adda e 656

RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER ET AL: ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Fig. 1. Carta dei ritrovamenti del BR e del BF nella Lombardia prealpina. osservazione sulla distribuzione e quindi sulle modalità di popolamento, sulla dislocazione topografica con la scelta di ambiti privilegiati, e infine sulla durata.

della Mera nel Lario, e alcuni laghi montani come il Lago d’Arno, a oltre 1800 metri d’altezza in Valcamonica, che ha restituito spilloni, di cui uno a testa di papavero, del XIII secolo a.C., e il lago di Montespluga, da cui viene un coltello del BF.

In linea generale, nelle valli e lungo la fascia collinare che borda in senso Est-Ovest l’alta pianura, tra Oglio e Adda, si rileva un posizionamento strategico a controllo, e difesa, di vaste porzioni di territorio, all’ingresso delle valli (S. Perpetua di Tirano allo sbocco della Val Poschiavina nella Valle dell’Adda), in prossimità di percorsi importanti come la via pedemontana (Cicola di Chiuduno, Castello degli Angeli, Monte Tomenone); in corrispondenza di passaggi fluviali, dislocati su terrazzi alti (Ubiale Clanezzo) o su dossi poco rilevati (CalcinatoPonte S. Marco, il Dosso di Tirano), ma anche, più raramente, su alture difese naturalmente o facilmente attrezzabili per la difesa (Lovere, Luine di Darfo in Valcamonica, Monte Gardio di Pezzaze in Valtrompia, i dossi di Grosio in Valtellina). Data questa situazione

Indizi di luoghi di culto si hanno anche in corrispondenza di alture e di passi d’alta quota: dal Passo del Mortirolo proviene un’ascia tipo Aldeno. Un importante complesso votivo del BF, legato alle acque di stillicidio, è attestato nella Grotta Tomba dei Polacchi, dove compare un rasoio quadrangolare con doppia ascia incisa associato ad un complesso di vasi situliformi e biconici che si confrontano prevalentemente con vasellame di ambito occidentale (Poggiani Keller 2002). Sugli abitati (Tab. 1), rappresentati per campioni di areali geografici ben caratterizzati, si può tentare qualche 657

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tabella 1. Elenco degli abitati con le caratteristiche morfologiche e le fasi cronologiche attestate. ABITATI Prov. Comune SO Dubino

Località Careciasca

SO SO SO SO

Tirano Tirano Grosio Grosio

S. Perpetua Dosso Dosso dei Castelli Dosso Giroldo

Morfologia terrazzo di versante su fiume versante dosso dosso dosso

BG

Monte Tomenone

complesso collinare

BG BG BG BG BG BG BG

Albano S. Alessandro/ Bagnatica/ Montello Casazza Chiuduno Lovere Parre Ubiale-Clanezzo Sorisole Carobbio degli Angeli

Prato di Pieve fraz. Cicola, Brolo Via Decio Celeri Proprietà Botti Castello Piana del Petosino Castello o S. Stefano degli Angeli

rilievo di versante pianoro sommitale pianoro sommitale pianoro sommitale terrazzo fluviale conca fluvio-lacustre collina

BS BS BS BS BS BS BS

Iseo Iseo Iseo Darfo-Boario Terme Brescia Pezzazze Calcinato

riva lacustre torbiera ? altura

BS BS BS

Rezzato, Virle Gavardo Gavardo

BS BS BS

Castrezzone Desenzano Sirmione

BS BS

Sirmione Sirmione-Peschiera (VR)

Area ex-Resinex Torbiera Lama Canneto Luine centro storico Monte Gardio fraz. P.te S. Marco, Via SS. Faustino e Giovita Monte Peladolo S. Martino loc. ad ovest di S. Martino Monte Guarda Lavagnone varie zone del centro storico Lugana Vecchia Maraschina

MN MN MN MN

Monzambano Cavriana Cavriana Cavriana

Castellaro Lagusello Bande Barche Monte Lonato

dosso dossi dosso colle terrazzo fluviale colle bacino lacustre penisola riva lacustre riva lacustre bacino lacustre bacino lacustre bacino lacustre colle

658

N R

BA

BM

BR

BF

I Fe II Fe

RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER ET AL: ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO Tabella 2. Elenco di grotte (G), sepolture (S) e luoghi di culto (C) con le caratteristiche morfologiche e le fasi cronologiche attestate.

Tabella 3. Elenco dei ritrovamenti sporadici e loro datazione.

Gli abitati ubicati nell’ambito dei bacini inframorenici o sulle rive dei laghi di Garda e d’Iseo mostrano invece fasi insediative circoscritte all’età del Bronzo, salvo qualche rara preesistenza neolitica (come nelle palafitte della Maraschina, di Lugana Vecchia e del Lucone); altrettanto raramente si prolungano fino al BF, la cui presenza, anche là dove accertata (Maraschina, Lavagnone, torbiere di Iseo, Bande di Cavriana, Barche di Solferino e Castellaro Lagusello), va meglio qualificata per natura: non è infatti ancora chiaro se si tratti di un’ultima fase di abitato o di una frequentazione sporadica del sito.

morfologica, si tratta in genere di insediamenti non molto estesi (tra 1 e 2 ettari), raramente più vasti. Di questi siti strategicamente collocati si può rilevare anche la lunga durata nel tempo o, comunque, una ciclicità di frequentazione che mostra qualche elemento costante: fondazione nel tardo Neolitico/prima età del Rame, abbandono col BA, ripresa nel BM o BR, abbandono alla fine del BF, a volte con qualche attardamento fino agli inizi dell’età del Ferro, ripresa nel V secolo a.C. alla fine del quale, in genere, i siti della fascia collinare vengono definitivamente abbandonati, a differenza di quelli interni alle valli che perdurano continuativamente fino alla romanizzazione (è questo il caso di alcuni siti camuni e valtellinesi).

Il caso di Sirmione è in questo senso significativo: all’abbandono delle due palafitte, delle quattro esistenti prima, perdurate fino alla tarda età del Bronzo, corrisponde nel BF la nascita di un abitato di terraferma 659

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI sulla penisola. Anche ad Iseo, con la fine dell’età Bronzo, l’abitato si sposta dalle rive del lago e dalle torbiere sull’altura della Rocca, anche in ragione di modificate condizioni ambientali.

forse destinata al culto, si diffondono aspetti culturali della cultura centro-alpina orientale di Luco.

Per esemplificare i caratteri culturali del territorio considerato, qui di seguito si illustrano alcuni siti d’abitato, scavati in anni recenti in estensione o per saggi, scelti tra altri perché emblematici per ambito geografico (aspetto che ha una sua rilevanza specifica), per periodi rappresentati e per i materiali che hanno restituito. Nella descrizione sono stati accorpati per aree omogenee, da Ovest verso Est, seguendone lo sviluppo diacronico.

Chiuse alla testata dall’alta Valtellina, presentano una situazione non particolarmente caratterizzata, ma proprio per questo tipica e portatrice di alcuni spunti interessanti: i tre abitati esaminati, fondati in una fase piena del BR, presentano recipienti in ceramica grossolana che condividono un’aria di famiglia comune ad una vasta area, occidentale con la facies di Canegrate e di Alba Solero e orientale, con il territorio veneto, mentre sono assenti, anche per mancanza di forme di ceramica fine, gli elementi tipici della facies palafitticolo-terramaricola che pure nel BM era penetrata fin nelle valli più interne. Sul finire del BR, invece, sembrano manifestarsi delle differenze areali: mentre la parte meridionale delle valli (Clanezzo e Casazza) mantiene questa caratteristica e anzi mostra più evidenti i legami con l’area occidentale, la parte interna (Parre Botti) sembra porsi in relazione prevalente con il Trentino e la Valle dell’Adige.

LE VALLI BERGAMASCHE

LA VALTELLINA In Valtellina (Poggiani Keller 1989; 1999), cioè l’alta Valle dell’Adda, nell’area nordoccidentale della Lombardia, al confine con lo spartiacque alpino, risultano forti e prevalenti, nel BM e BR, le relazioni con l’area transalpina dell’alta valle del Reno, caratterizzata dalla cosiddetta “Cultura dell’età del Bronzo centro-alpina”; con il BF, invece, si instaurano nuove relazioni con la Valle dell’Adige, con la diffusione della Cultura di Luco (Metzger-Gleirscher 1992).

Parre (BG), Proprietà Botti A Parre (Poggiani Keller & Raposso 1998; 2004), sono state scavate due strutture infossate con piani d’uso e focolari, sigillati da riempimenti ricchi di scorie di fusione che indiziano nelle vicinanze un’attività metallurgica. Elementi comuni a tutta la sequenza stratigrafica sono le olle in impasto grossolano di forma ovoide o cilindrica con impressioni sull’orlo e cordone liscio sulla parete, che per la loro genericità e ripetitività trovano ampi confronti. Un altro elemento comune è la quasi totale assenza di anse, che potrebbe essere legata alla destinazione funzionale del sito, ma che potrebbe anche essere interpretata in senso cronologico-culturale.

Grosio (SO), dossi dei Castelli e di Giroldo A Grosio (Poggiani Keller 1995), sui dossi dei Castelli e Giroldo si svilupparono, nel corso dell’età del Bronzo e del Ferro, due distinti insediamenti, cui è connesso anche un importante complesso di incisioni rupestri. Mentre sul Dosso Giroldo si è individuato un abitato a fondi di capanna databile tra antica e tarda età del Bronzo, che sembra concludersi nel BR, sul Dosso dei Castelli sono emersi resti di un secondo abitato, in parte coevo, fondato nel BM, perimetrato, all’atto della fondazione, da un poderoso muro ripercorso, nell’età del Ferro, da una nuova perimetrazione più interna, perdurato fino alla romanizzazione.

I materiali delle prime due fasi individuate nella sequenza stratigrafica (Fig. 2A:1-9) sono databili al BR, di fase avanzata, e assimilabili a tipi attestati sia in area nordorientale che in contesti occidentali, legati alla facies di Alba-Solero (Venturino Gambari 1995). I recipienti pertinenti a una terza fase databile tra BR avanzato e BF (Fig. 2A:10-16) mostrano tracce di una gravitazione preferenziale verso l’Italia nord-orientale, in particolare verso il Veneto, e verso l’area centroalpina.

La fase del BM è caratterizzata da recipienti confrontabili con l’area centro-alpina, anche se non mancano elementi sud-alpini, come la sopraelevazione a corna tronche, elemento da ritenere qui ‘intrusivo’. Questo legame con la cultura dell'età del Bronzo centro-alpina pare contrastare con la situazione delle vicine valli bresciane e trentine dove, almeno fino a tutto il BM, è stata sottolineata un’adesione stretta e prevalente alla cultura palafitticolo-terramaricolo padana.

Ubiale-Clanezzo (BG), località Castello L’abitato del Castello di Clanezzo (Fig. 2C), fondato nel BR, posto su un alto terrazzo in corrispondenza della confluenza dell’Imagna col Brembo, presenta case impostate su pali e con pareti rivestite di incannucciato. Nel livello più antico, attribuibile ad una fase avanzata del BR, i reperti sono genericamente confrontabili sia in area mantovana e veronese (Ca’ de’ Cessi: De Marinis et al. 1992-93, e Custoza: Salzani 1996-97), sia piemontese (Alba). Nei livelli superiori prevalgono vasi con orlo appena everso o indistinto, a tacche, breve gola e carena

Nel BR perdurano i confronti con i materiali dei Grigioni per gli orli a tesa sottolineati alla base da una o più linee incise. In un momento imprecisato della tarda età del Bronzo il quadro si modifica e compaiono olle ovoidi con coppelle rilevate al centro, foggia che contraddistingue le facies dei campi d’urne come la facies di Canegrate. Infine, in una quarta fase, quando sembra modificarsi la destinazione d’uso del sito, poiché viene costruita un’area

660

RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER ET AL: ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Fig. 2. Esemplificazione delle forme ceramiche: A) da Parre – Proprietà Botti (BG); B) da Iseo, area ex-Resinex (BS); C) da località Castello di Ubiale – Clanezzo (BG); D) da Monte Guarda di Castrezzone (BS). alta sottolineata da una linea di impressioni: queste forme trovano confronti a Sabbionara di Veronella (Salzani 1990-91).

area alpina che è riconoscibile lo stesso gusto decorativo che continua nel BF nella componente culturale di Luco, cui è qui da riferire un fr. di vaso con rostro.

Per i materiali che provengono dal terrazzamento a valle è proponibile un generico inquadramento tra BR e BF: orli con decorazione sul bordo sono attestati in un ampio areale e in un ampio arco di tempo, ma è soprattutto in

Casazza (BG), Prato Pieve Situazione analoga si riscontra anche nell’abitato di Casazza, fondato su un dosso, cinto da un anello di 661

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Lovere (BG), Lazzaretto-Via D. Celeri

strutture murarie, perimetrato da un secondo anello di muri e da un avvallamento: un piccolo ma ben strutturato complesso la cui funzione è probabilmente legata al controllo dell’area circostante e dei percorsi. Una prima analisi dei reperti sembrerebbe delineare una sola fase insediativa da ascrivere a un momento avanzato del BR.

All’altro capo del lago, allo sbocco della Valcamonica, sono stati scavati i resti di un abitato in parte coevo ad Iseo, ma con caratteri diversi: è l’abitato di Lovere, ubicato su un’altura dominante il lago e la valle dell’Oglio e perdurato dall’epoca della fondazione nel Neolitico, fino alla fine dell’età del Bronzo (Poggiani Keller 1999-2000).

LA FASCIA COLLINARE PEDEMONTANA E I LAGHI L’area manifesta, più delle altre considerate, relazioni a largo raggio e apertura alle influenze dai territori circostanti. La posizione e la varietà degli ambienti geografici hanno determinato una maggiore presenza di insediamenti, che spesso mostrano, nel medesimo periodo, proprie specifiche caratteristiche probabilmente determinate da attività specializzate (Iseo-Ex Resinex, Lovere).

Il livello di BR, seppure poco documentato, mostra chiare relazioni con l’ambiente palafitticolo-terramaricolo. Ben più consistente è la fase di BF con decisa caratterizzazione verso l’ambiente Protoveneto e centroitalico (Fig. 3A). Questi rapporti a lunga distanza si possono forse spiegare con l’attività metallurgica plurisecolare, attestata nel sito a partire da una fase calcolitica precampaniforme.

Iseo (BS), Area ex Resinex Castrezzone (BS), Monte Guarda -Castilì Dell’abitato di Iseo Area ex Resinex (Poggiani Keller, Baioni & Magri 2001; Poggiani Keller, Baioni & Magri 2004), ubicato in prossimità dell’antica linea di riva, è stata evidenziata una spianata sassosa artificiale di forma rettangolare allungata lunga oltre 20 metri, parallela alla linea di costa e in connessione con canali e con buchi di palo, forse una sorta di area attrezzata di uso portuale, per il carico e lo scarico di derrate. Concordano con l’ipotesi la grande quantità di semi di orzo vestito e la standardizzazione delle forme ceramiche.

Sulle colline moreniche del Garda è stato individuato il sito di Monte Guarda di Castrezzone, posto su altura, presso il Lucone di Polpenazze. Le ceramiche, frutto di un recupero, testimoniano due differenti fasi abitative, una databile al BR avanzato e una al BF. In entrambe, oltre ai consueti rapporti con l’area padana, si ravvisano contatti a lunga distanza con la Toscana settentrionale e centrale. Tra i materiali si possono segnalare sia i frr. di tradizione appenninica, sia la sopraelevazione d’ansa a protome zoomorfa (Fig. 2D:2), assai simile a quelle, in contesti di BF iniziale, da Casa Carletti di Cetona (De Angelis 1979, fig. 1,4) e da I Forti di Chiusi (Zanini 1996, fig. 7); il fr. di olla con cordoni (Fig. 2D:11) si ricollega ad una classe diffusa dalla Toscana fino a Frattesina (Zanini 1999, fig. 2).

La fase d’impianto si data verso gli inizi del BR, come attesta il vaso biconico di chiara influenza terramaricola. Dai livelli esterni provengono due spilloni, uno dei quali ben datato in contesti transalpini di Br D1. Al BR2 si datano i materiali della spianata, che mostrano una netta prevalenza di ceramica grossolana, rappresentata in massima parte da vasi con orlo a tesa obliqua e forma troncoconica, cilindrica od ovoide, distinguibili in tre classi dimensionali (diam. 20, 30, 40 cm), spesso con differenti elementi decorativi, come il trattamento delle superfici con leggere spazzolature verticali (fig. 2B).

Chiuduno (BG), Frazione Cicola-Brolo Nella fascia collinare, area strategica per il passaggio del percorso pedemontano, sono stati indagati con limitati sondaggi alcuni siti pluristratificati tra cui si segnala in questa sede Chiuduno-Cicola, un abitato su colle che ha restituito materiali tutti riferibili al BF con attardamenti fino alle soglie della prima età del Ferro (Fig. 3B). Nei reperti è possibile riconoscere una evoluzione di forme, soprattutto nei biconici, spesso con decorazione a piccole costolature verticali sulla carena, e nelle ciotole, che denotano un chiaro legame con l’ambiente veneto.

I migliori confronti per i materiali si colgono con Parre e con Fiavè Dos Gustinaci (Marzatico 1979) in area trentina. Il sito ebbe una vita relativamente breve: risulta infatti abbandonato dopo il BR per un progressivo impaludamento dovuto all’innalzamento del livello del lago.

Calcinato (BS)-Ponte S. Marco Iseo (BS), Rocca L’insediamento di Calcinato, situato su due dossi sulla riva sinistra del Chiese, a controllo di uno dei principali guadi del fiume, è stato oggetto di scavi all’inizio degli anni novanta (Poggiani Keller 1994; Poggiani Keller & Ruggiero 1998; Poggiani Keller, Ruggiero 2004); di

È interessante seguire per Iseo lo sviluppo dell’insediamento: con la fine dell’età Bronzo, l’abitato si sposta dalle rive del lago e dalle torbiere sull’altura della Rocca. 662

RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER ET AL: ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO

Fig. 3. Esemplificazione delle forme ceramiche: A) Lovere – via D. Celeri (BG); B) da Cicola di Chiuduno (BG); C) da Sirmione – centro storico (BS).

663

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Bronzezeitkultur e poi con la Cultura di Luco, sono ben confermati e documentati da numerosi contesti. Inedite sono altre relazioni, come quelle tra area gardesana e Toscana centrale, e le variazioni diacroniche riscontrate nell’ampiezza areale di queste influenze. Il quadro risulta inoltre essere non così schematico rispetto alle previsioni, poiché vi sono nel medesimo periodo e nelle medesime aree siti più aperti alle comunicazioni esterne e siti meno ricettivi.

recente è stato riaperto lo scavo sul dosso orientale dove è stata portata alla luce la perimetrazione con palizzata e probabile argine interno. I primi scavi hanno indagato 10 case rettangolari affacciate su strade ortogonali di un abitato fondato nel BR, su preesistenze del BM, e perdurato fino all’inizio del BF. I recenti studi si sono concentrati soprattutto sugli aspetti insediativi del BF e stanno evidenziando che, seppure mal conservati in quanto più superficiali, esistono alcuni lembi di strutture di questo periodo che si impostano sopra uno degli acciottolati stradali del BR che risulta quindi aver perso la sua funzione. In questa prospettiva ci potremmo trovare di fronte ad una continuità di vita dell’abitato nel BF iniziale ma con un diverso assetto dell’impianto.

Si fornisce qui una breve sintesi di una ricerca di futura pubblicazione sugli Annali del Museo, editi dal Civico Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia – Gavardo (BS). Il lavoro, coordinato da R. Poggiani Keller, si è avvalso della collaborazione di M. Baioni (Iseo, Monte Guarda Castilì), S. Lincetto (Casazza, Monte Peladolo), A. Massari (Ubiale Clanezzo), B. Raposso (Parre-Botti), M. G. Ruggiero (Calcinato, Sirmione), I. Santomanco (Brescia-tomba di via G. Calini). R. Poggiani Keller si è specificatamente occupata di Lovere, Cicola e Sirmione. Il lavoro di sintesi è stato curato da R. Poggiani Keller, M. Baioni e M.G. Ruggiero. L’apparato cartografico si deve al generoso contributo di Carlo Liborio (SCASocietà Cooperativa Archeologica, Milano) e di Martino Pacchieni (Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia). Disegni di M. Baioni, A. Massari, M.G. Ruggiero e F. Magri.

Il materiale ceramico di BR mostra significativi contatti con gli ambiti culturali veneti e occidentali. Alla cultura di Canegrate in particolare rimandano le decorazioni di tipo rustico, come pure le ciotole o tazze con doppia carena, presenti anche ad Alba. Si osservano inoltre rapporti con l’area trentina, non solo per i reperti di BR, ma anche per quelli di BF. Materiali tipo Luco A, provenienti dai livelli superiori dell’abitato e individuati in una sola struttura, sono stati ora riconosciuti su più vasta estensione nell’abitato, in associazione con ceramica di ambito culturale protoveneto, confrontabile con Casalmoro (De Marinis 1999). Penisola di Sirmione (BS)

Nel testo sono state usate le abbreviazioni BA (Bronzo Antico), BM (Bronzo Medio), BR (Bronzo Recente), BF (Bronzo Finale) e Fe (età del Ferro). Nelle tabelle la gradazione di colore dal grigio al nero indica, in aumento, la rappresentatività dei dati (numero dei reperti/presenza di elementi diagnostici/esistenza di stratigrafia) e, di conseguenza, il grado di attendibilità.

In ambiente benacense rappresenta un campione significativo la penisola di Sirmione (AA.VV. 2001) dove, all’intensa occupazione del BA e BM, fa seguito una riduzione degli insediamenti durante il BR: delle quattro palafitte note (S. Francesco, Lugana Vecchia, Maraschina e Porto Galeazzi) perdurano fino al BR Lugana Vecchia e la Maraschina, la sola che abbia restituito reperti del BF, come dimostrano le due fibule ad arco di violino rialzato con due nodi ed un ornamento raffigurante una barca con protomi d’uccelli (De Marinis 1999). Con il BF l’insediamento si sposta sulla terraferma sotto l’attuale centro storico. Qui interventi di archeologia urbana hanno ripetutamente portato alla luce livelli di insediamento del BF e del I Fe: i materiali presentano caratteristiche che li rendono partecipi degli aspetti culturali del Veneto occidentale (Fig. 3C).

BIBLIOGRAFIA

AA.VV., 2001. Le palafitte dell’età del Bronzo a Sirmione, catalogo della mostra. Milano. De Angelis, M.C., 1979. Il Bronzo Finale in Umbria e Toscana interna, in: Atti XXI Riunione Scientifica IIPP. Firenze, 221-247. De Marinis, R.C., C. Balista, M. Rapi, M. Scandolo, G. Marziani, A. Iannone & B.M. Camagni, 1992-93. La terramara dell’età del Bronzo Recente di Ca’ de’ Cessi (Sabbioneta, Mantova). Sibrium 22, 43-161. De Marinis, R.C., 1999. Il confine occidentale del mondo proto-veneto/paleo-veneto dal Bronzo Finale alle invasioni galliche del 388 a.C., in: Protostoria e storia del “Venetorum Angulus”, Atti del XX Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici 16-19 ottobre 1996. Pisa-Roma, 511-564. Marzatico, F., 1979. Fiavè Dos Gustinaci (Valli Giudicarie), scavi 1976. Preistoria Alpina 15, 57-72. Metzger, I.R. & P. Gleirscher (a cura di), 1992. Die Räter. Bolzano. Poggiani Keller, R. (a cura di), 1989. Valtellina e mondo alpino nella preistoria, catalogo della mostra. Modena.

CONCLUSIONI

I dati sin qui esposti, seppure ancora preliminari, data la mole delle informazioni raccolte, ci sembrano fornire un quadro assai articolato. Si osservano dunque nei vari ambiti relazioni a media e a lunga distanza, che variano dal punto di vista geografico e cronologico. Alcuni rapporti, come il gravitare dell’area orientale sul mondo terramaricolo/palafitticolo e dell’area occidentale verso l’ambito di Canegrate e Alba Solero nel BR e rispettivamente verso il Protoveneto e il Protogolasecca nel BF, nonché il persistere in entrambi i periodi di influenze dall’area centralpina con la Inneralpine 664

RAFFAELLA POGGIANI KELLER ET AL: ASPETTI INSEDIATIVI E CULTURALI DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO Zanini, A., 1999. Rapporti fra Veneto ed area mediotirrenica nel Bronzo Finale. Nuovi contributi per la definizione del problema, in: Protostoria e storia del “Venetorum Angulus”, Atti del XX Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici 16-19 ottobre 1996. Pisa-Roma, 307-343.

Poggiani Keller, R. (a cura di), 1994. Il villaggio preistorico e le fornaci di Ponte S. Marco, catalogo della mostra. Treviolo (Bergamo). Poggiani Keller, R., 1995. Dosso dei Castelli e Giroldo. Un insediamento protostorico sotto i castelli e altri resti dell’età del Bronzo e del Ferro (= Quaderni del Parco delle Incisioni Rupestri di Grosio 2). Sondrio. Poggiani Keller, R., 1999. Ricerche e scavi in Valtellina, in: Atti del II Convegno Archeologico Provinciale (= Quaderni del Parco delle Incisioni Rupestri di Grosio 3). Sondrio, 41-62. Poggiani Keller, R., 1999-2000. Lovere (Bergamo): una sequenza stratigrafica esemplare dal Neolitico Antico al Bronzo Finale in area prealpina. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 50, 297-374. Poggiani Keller, R., 2002. Il culto delle acque nella grotta “Tomba dei Polacchi” (Valle Imagna – Bergamo, in: Atti Culti nella preistoria delle Alpi. Le offerte, i santuari, i riti. Bolzano, 411-424. Poggiani Keller, R., M. Baioni & F. Magri, 2001. Un insediamento del XIII secolo a.C. ai margini delle Torbiere di Iseo. Lo scavo 1999-2000, in: AA.VV, Corte Franca tra Preistoria e Medioevo. Archeologia e storia di un Comune della Franciacorta. Brescia, 51-55. Poggiani Keller, R., M. Baioni & F. Magri, 2004. Resti insediativi ai margini delle torbiene di Iseo, in: Atti del Congresso sul Bronzo Recente, Viareggio, ottobre 2000 500-501. Poggiani Keller, R. & B. Raposso, 1998. Aspetti della tarda età del Bronzo nella Lombardia occidentale: il sito di Parre (BG), proprietà Botti, in: Atti XXXII Riunione Scientifica IIPP. Firenze, 393-397. Poggiani Keller, R. & B. Raposso, 2004. Il sito di Parre (Bergamo) nel quadro della tarda età del Bronzo della Lombardia prealpina, in Atti del Congresso sul Bronzo Recente, Viareggio, ottobre 2000, 443-448. Poggiani Keller, R. & M.G. Ruggiero, 1998. Calcinato (BS): un abitato della tarda età del Bronzo tra mondo alpino e ambiente padano, in: Atti XXXII Riunione Scientifica IIPP. Firenze, 399-403. Poggiani Keller, R. & M.G. Ruggiero, 2004. Ponte S. Marco (Calcinato, Brescia), in: Atti del Congresso sul Bronzo Recente, Viareggio, ottobre 2000, 61-66. Salzani, L., 1990-91. Insediamento dell’età del Bronzo alla Sabbionara di Veronella (VR). Padusa 26-27, 99124. Salzani, L., 1996-97. Il sito protostorico di Custoza (Sommacampagna – Verona). Padusa 32-33, 7-45. Venturino Gambari, M. (a cura di), 1995. Navigatori e contadini. Alba e la valle del Tanaro nella preistoria. Cuneo. Zanini, A., 1996. L’età del Bronzo finale nella Toscana interna alla luce delle più recenti acquisizioni. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 46, 87-144.

665

TENUTA QUADRARO – VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA). RICERCHE SU UN COMPRENSORIO PERI-INSEDIATIVO DELLA TARDA ETÀ DEL BRONZO F. di Gennaro, R. Egidi, L. Alessandri, B. Barbaro, A. Di Renzoni, S. Favorito, C. Iaia, S. Sabatini & A. Schiappelli Abstract: During 2001-2002, the ‘Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma’ conducted rescue excavations at the‘Tenuta Quadraro’, south-east of Rome, recovering a remarkable and extensive archaeological site with traces from the Bronze Age to the Roman period. Among the data are terracing and a riverbank made of stone along its two water courses dating to the Final Bronze Age. These arrangements demarcated to the East and West a settlement located on the top of the hillock bordered by the two ancient water courses. Unfortunately the settlement deposits are not well preserved due erosion.

Nel settore sudorientale del suburbio romano, nell’antica Tenuta Quadraro, lungo l’attuale Via Lucrezia Romana, nel corso degli anni 2001 e 2002, sono state effettuate indagini e scavi diretti dal dott. Roberto Egidi, coadiuvato per la parte protostorica dal dott. Francesco di Gennaro, della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma (Fig. 1:A).1 Le ricerche hanno condotto al rinvenimento di notevoli ed estese testimonianze archeologiche, riferibili in prevalenza ad un periodo compreso tra l’antica età del Bronzo e l’età romana.

In stretta connessione con le ricerche archeologiche sono state inoltre condotte, da parte del Dipartimento di Scienze Geologiche della Terza Università di Roma,2 indagini vulcanologiche e idrogeologiche che hanno consentito di ridefinire la cronologia degli eventi eruttivi recenziori dell’apparato vulcanico dei Colli Albani. Dal punto di vista geologico l’area in esame ricade infatti nel settore NO del vulcano Laziale ed era già nota nell’800 come zona di deposizione di colate di fango fuoriuscite dal cratere del lago Albano (Fig. 1:C).

Le evidenze di epoca protostorica, per lo più riferibili all’età del Bronzo finale, riguardano il corso di due paleoalvei (Fig. 1:B), in parte canalizzati artificialmente per mezzo di opere murarie a secco, destinate sia all’arginatura dei corsi d’acqua, sia alla delimitazione di aree probabilmente insediative.

Lo spessore dei depositi di tali colate ha obliterato il reticolo fluviale inciso nel corso dell’ultimo glaciale, ovvero prima di 12.000 anni fa, rendendo l’area così pianeggiante da assumere il toponimo di Tavolato. Tale formazione è costituita sia da unità vulcaniche primarie da colata piroclastica e da ricaduta, sia, in prevalenza, da prodotti da lahar, ovvero rimobilizzazione di grandi volumi di detrito vulcanico ad opera di acque superficiali. Un primo risultato di rilievo degli scavi del Quadraro è venuto dalla datazione radiocarbonica di un campione di suolo sottostante uno degli ultimi prodotti eruttivi, che ha fornito un’età di 5000 anni BP, ovvero attorno al 3000 a.C., che nei termini archeologici della cronologia relativa corrisponde all’età eneolitica.

Sono stati inoltre scavati diversi nuclei di sepolture a cremazione che saranno trattati specificamente in altra sede, mentre della correlazione tra le opere idrauliche accennate e le sepolture stesse si parlerà più avanti. L’area in esame si presenta attualmente come prevalentemente pianeggiante, con moderate articolazioni altimetriche, da immaginare verosimilmente più marcate in antico.

Ciò attesterebbe che l’attività del vulcano si è prolungata fino a tempi geologicamente molto recenti. Del resto studi condotti attorno al lago e all’interno di esso, hanno portato ad attestare la presenza di manifestazioni sorgive di anidride carbonica fino alla sua massima profondità (170 m).

Ad alterare tale situazione hanno concorso pesanti interventi antropici, legati sia alle attività agricole, attestate fin da epoca arcaica su tutta l’area, sia all’impianto di un ampio canale artificiale in età romana. Nella zona tra i due paleoalvei, inoltre, è stata indagata un’area di circa 3000 mq in cui è stata rinvenuta una necropoli di epoca romana (II-III d.C.) che aveva occupato l’intera superficie di una cava di pozzolana dopo il suo crollo. Questi interventi, oltre all’erosione naturale, hanno fatto sì che della stratificazione protostorica si conservassero solo i più profondi livelli concentrati sul fondo delle due vallecole corrispondenti ai citati paleoalvei.

Si è osservato inoltre che tali concentrazioni gassose vengono continuamente liberate modificando le condizioni di equilibrio naturale, innescando periodicamente processi di circolazione convettiva ed il conseguente sollevamento anomalo del bacino lacustre, così come l’oscillazione repentina del volume della falda acquifera in tutta l’area del Tavolato.

1 Allo scavo hanno preso parte anche numerosi studenti, laureandi, laureati in discipline preistoriche e protostoriche, in particolare, M. Cioccolini, G. Francozzi, S. De Angelis, R. Campanella, C. Colonna, D. Righini, R. Gennusa, N. Ialongo, S. Lorenzoni, D. Mancini.

2 In particolare si ringraziano i professori Renato Funiciello e Guido Giordano per la continua e fattiva disponibilità dimostrate per l’impostazione di un proficuo scambio interdisciplinare.

666

F. DI GENNARO ET AL: TENUTA QUADRARO – VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA)

Fig. 1. Tenuta Quadraro (Roma): A. Localizzazione dell’intervento; B. Planimetria generale della aree di scavo; C. Modello digitale dell’area dei Colli Albani e adiacenze (DEM); D. Area Ovest con posizionamento dei saggi di scavo rispetto al paleoalveo. una nuova fase asciutta che conclude il ciclo delle oscillazioni di portata delle acque.

L’elemento di raccordo fra le indagini geologiche sopra descritte e le evidenze archeologiche è dato in particolare dall’osservazione di cicliche variazioni del flusso idrico dei paleoalvei nel corso dell’età del bronzo, il cui legame con l’attività del vulcano potrebbe essere una delle spiegazioni.

Venendo alla descrizione dei ritrovamenti, nel settore ovest si è messa in luce un’area di circa 3000 mq (Fig. 1:D), approssimativamente orientata in senso nord-sud, lungo una fascia circa di 310 m, che segue il corso del paleoalveo del BF. Sono stati eseguiti saggi di approfondimento in 9 aree in cui il deposito archeologico appariva meglio conservato; si presenta di seguito una più dettagliata illustrazione dei più rappresentativi.

Tali variazioni vedono, dopo una fase iniziale del BA caratterizzata da scorrimenti a bassa intensità, un lungo periodo con diminuzione del regime idrico, che si conclude con una forte ripresa del flusso ad alta intensità nel BF. Ancora nel corso di questa stessa età si osserva

667

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Tenuta Quadraro (Roma): area Ovest, saggi 5 e 6, planimetria e sezione del paleoalveo con arginature e terrazzamenti.

Fig. 3. Tenuta Quadraro (Roma): area Ovest, saggio 9, planimetria e sezione del paleoalveo con arginature. 668

F. DI GENNARO ET AL: TENUTA QUADRARO – VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA) Nell’area 1 sono stati messi in evidenza piani di drenaggio, forse finalizzati a rendere praticabile la sponda occidentale del corso d’acqua, formati da dense concentrazioni di frammenti fittili, posti perlopiù in piano, e piccole pietre, su almeno due differenti livelli.

Dall’osservazione della sezione trasversale del paleoalveo appaiono inoltre ancora più evidenti i due momenti delle fasi costruttive dell’argine, dove ad un primo nucleo si sovrappone il presumibile livello di terrazzamento in gran parte eroso o devastato dalle attività agricole.

Sul lato orientale è stato inoltre rinvenuto un argine artificiale in pietrame per il contenimento delle acque.

Un tratto di argine, analogo al precedente, è stato rinvenuto anche nel settore est del cantiere; di esso si conservano alcune porzioni lungo il corso del paleoalveo orientale, approssimativamente parallelo a quello già descritto per il settore ovest.

Di notevole importanza anche le aree 5 e 6, dove sono stati portati alla luce consistenti tratti di muri a secco in pietra lavica, posti ad est del corso d’acqua (Fig. 2).

Anche in questo caso sono evidenti almeno due fasi della struttura, la seconda delle quali è quella di aspetto più imponente, realizzata a secco mediante grandi blocchi di pietra lavica, disposti su almeno due filari (Fig. 4:A).

La parte più settentrionale di questa zona ha restituito differenti strutture murarie, interpretabili come elementi di contenimento della sponda del canale, e probabili limiti di terrazzamento della zona immediatamente a monte, dove sono state messe in evidenza tracce di strutture testimoniate dalla presenza di buchi di palo, aree di focolare e almeno un dolio, completamente ricostruibile, alloggiato appositamente all’interno di un taglio, in posizione capovolta.

E’ stato inoltre individuato un muro perpendicolare al corso del paleoalveo, della lunghezza di circa 5 metri (Fig. 4:B), realizzato in pietre a secco di piccola pezzatura, entro cui sono ricavati alloggiamenti per pali di sostegno.

Nella zona più meridionale inoltre è stato messo in evidenza uno dei tratti meglio conservati dell’argine artificiale, costituito da grossi blocchi di pietra lavica e da strutture lignee, comprovate dalla presenza di buchi di alloggiamento.

Nel cavo di fondazione si sono rinvenuti materiali riferibili al Bronzo finale non avanzato. Per questo elemento strutturale si potrebbe ipotizzare la funzione di delimitazione di un passaggio fra una presunta area insediativa e il paleoalveo.

Proprio in questa zona una sezione trasversale dimostra che il paleoalveo in una prima fase non era contenuto artificialmente; tuttavia la presenza di frammenti fittili negli strati associati ai primi livelli di scorrimento attesta che l’area era già frequentata; solo in un secondo tempo, forse in seguito ad un episodio di esondazione e crollo della sponda, documentato dalla presenza di livelli di rideposizione dei suoli adiacenti al di sopra dei depositi sabbiosi all’interno dell’alveo, si intervenne con la costruzione dell’argine in pietra.

L’estremità orientale del muro è stata successivamente disturbata da una deposizione bisoma ad inumazione priva di corredo, per ora non databile, e da una tomba a pozzo del Bronzo finale avanzato; entrambe riutilizzavano i blocchi dello stesso muro. Per quanto concerne i materiali recuperati da tutta l’area di scavo presso i paleoalvei, si può già da ora osservare una netta prevalenza di forme riferibili a fasi non avanzate dell’età del Bronzo finale (Fig. 5).

Una porzione di canale arginato in ottimo stato di conservazione è venuta in luce all’estremità meridionale dello scavo, dove si è individuato un segmento del paleoalveo, a tratti scavato intenzionalmente nel tufo, bordato da opere murarie su entrambe le sponde (Fig. 3). Immediatamente a monte della sponda est, dove il banco tufaceo inizia a salire di quota, si osserva un doppio filare di grandi blocchi lavici, di cui quello più interno con funzione specifica di argine per il contenimento dell’acqua, e quello esterno, ad una quota più alta e costruito in un secondo tempo, da porre forse in relazione ad una imponente opera di terrazzamento.

Materiali di uso domestico pertinenti a fasi più recenti sempre nell’ambito del Bronzo finale, sono invece scarsamente attestati, e concentrati in livelli relativi a momenti di abbandono degli impianti di canalizzazione. Nel corso del BF 3, fase che sembra segnare la conclusione del ciclo di frequentazioni di età protostorica, vennero dislocati, ai margini del modesto rilievo definito dai due paleoalvei, alcuni nuclei di tombe ad incinerazione, per un totale di circa 20 unità. Ai fini della ricostruzione delle vicende di età protostorica del contesto in esame, occorre ricordare che nel BF, particolarmente nella vicina Etruria ma anche nel Lazio, è documentata una accelerazione del processo di concentrazione delle comunità in aree di sommità difese naturalmente.

Alle spalle del filare più alto sono state rinvenute inoltre fondazioni di muretti formati da piccole pietre apparentemente contenute da strutture lignee, come si può osservare dalla posizione di alcuni buchi di palo. Tracce di elementi lignei di contenimento sono state osservate anche all’interno dell’alveo, come rinforzo delle sponde. 669

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Tenuta Quadraro (Roma): area Est: A. Sezione del paleoalveo; B. Muro trasversale al paleoalveo.

Fig. 5. Tenuta Quadraro (Roma): esemplificazione di frammenti fittili da varie zone lungo i paleoalvei. 670

F. DI GENNARO ET AL: TENUTA QUADRARO – VIA LUCREZIA ROMANA (ROMA)

Fig. 6. Tenuta Quadraro (Roma): pianta con localizzazione dei rinvenimenti del BF prossimi all’area di scavo. relazione a queste conoscenze generali sono: tracce di abitato del BF, in particolare non avanzato; tombe del BF avanzato, a cui vanno aggiunti altri rinvenimenti funerari avvenuti in passato, fra cui quelli di Osteria del CuratoTorre di Mezzavia (Bietti-Sestieri 1984, 53), Quadrato (Bietti Sestieri & De Santis 2000, 13; Catalano et al. 2001, 304) e uno finora inedito di Gregna di Sant’Andrea.3

Questa forma di occupazione del territorio non prescinde dall’occupazione e dall’uso dell’agro intermedio tramite nuclei insediativi minori e abitazioni sparse, che sempre più fanno riferimento all’organizzazione fondata sui centri maggiori (di Gennaro 2000, 103); in ogni caso è da notare che in alcune aree la scarsa conoscenza o la difettosa conservazione del territorio confliggono con la possibilità di accertare le tracce di questa, più labile, forma di insediamento.

Sembrerebbe pertanto presumibile una variazione delle modalità di occupazione nel corso del BF, non ricostruibile in modo puntuale, ma apparentemente consistente nella parziale dislocazione dell’insediamento. Nella prima fase, corrispondente al Bronzo Finale non evoluto, l’abitato non è concentrato, sebbene non si possa escludere l’esistenza di un nucleo principale di

In un certo senso anche il complesso della Tenuta Quadraro, con la riserva rappresentata dalla possibilità che una morfologia locale originariamente più variata possa essersi addolcita dopo l’età protostorica, potrebbe appartenere ad un’area marginale rispetto al sistema degli abitati su altura, che peraltro è ben noto per quanto riguarda i vicini Colli Albani.

3 Si tratta di vasi di corredo riferibili a una o più sepolture del BF avanzato, rinvenuti nell’ambito di un complesso di età classica in località Gregna di Sant’Andrea e recuperati dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma.

Riassumendo i dati sin qui esposti, le evidenze archeologiche dell’area, che possono essere messe in 671

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI riferimento; una unità morfologica di insediamento sembra corrispondere infatti al dosso di recente erosione, compreso fra i due paleoalvei, dove sono stati rinveuti solo pochissimi buchi di palo sul banco tufaceo. Per la seconda fase, coincidente con il Bronzo finale avanzato, non si dispone d’altra parte di evidenze incontrovertibili circa lo sviluppo dell’abitato sul dosso stesso, quale potrebbe derivare da una lettura semplicistica della posizione dei gruppi di tombe ai suoi lati. Si potrebbero invece valorizzare le indicazioni offerte dall’uso funerario di aree in precedenza abitate, dalla esistenza di più gruppi di tombe, e dalla loro dispersione nel raggio di oltre 1 km. Tali evidenze possono riferirsi, sia all’avvenuta formazione nel BF evoluto di un centro unitario, da ricercare in un luogo tendenzialmente equidistante dai gruppi di tombe, per esempio il rilievo poi occupato dalla villa di età romana dei Sette Bassi, sia ad un sistema di insediamento diffuso, le cui evidenze sarebbero però meno conservate per ragioni ancora da chiarire, rispetto alla precedente fase del Bronzo Finale non avanzato (Fig. 6). Anche prescindendo dalla lettura dei dati in relazione a problematiche territoriali, l’interesse dei risultati di questa indagine ci sembra risieda nella rara attestazione di una forma di gestione del paesaggio finalizzata a modellare il reticolo idrografico, apparentemente con lo scopo primario di bonificare e rendere agibile l’area insediativa. La vastità, coerenza, e in alcuni casi imponenza, del sistema di irregimentazione delle acque, presuppone forme di coordinamento inter-comunitario già evidenziate per altri contesti della pre-protostoria italiana, ma finora non attestate nel Lazio del Bronzo finale. BIBLIOGRAFIA

Catalano, P., A. Cucina & A. De Santis, 2001. Anagnina. Rinvenimenti di età protostorica, in: F. Filippi (ed.), Archeologia e Giubileo. Napoli, 304, 306. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1984. Preistoria e protostoria nel territorio di Roma. Roma. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. & A. De Santis, 2000. Protostoria dei Popoli Latini, Museo Nazionale Romano Terme di di Diocleziano. Roma. di Gennaro, F., 2000. ‘Paesaggi di potere’: l’Etruria Meridionale in età protostorica, in: Paesaggi di potere, problemi e prospettive, Atti del Seminario (Udine 1996). Roma, 95-120.

672

MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE À LA FIN DU DEUXIÈME MILLÉNAIRE AVANT NOTRE ÈRE

Anne Lehoërff Abstract: In European protohistory, hoards are a main subject of research. In most studies three options are put forward for their existence:1. stock of metal for a foundry, 2. votive deposits and 3. treasure. In the first case, we have a sort of ‘bric à brac’, with broken objects in a sort of random association. In recent French studies a new proposition for hoards with broken objects and hoards with sword is put forward. If we study some of the Bronze Age hoards from central Italy in this way, it is possible to reconstruct a logical association as well.

documentaires les plus importants de l’artisanat métallurgique protohistorique européen, tant par l’abondance des ensembles (ils couvrent par exemple la quasi totalité de la production métallique connue du Bronze final européen) que du nombre des pièces que certains contiennent, à l’image de celui de San Francesco près de Bologne qui contient quelques 14 800 pièces?1

En Europe, les âges des métaux, âge du bronze et même âge du fer, sont caractérisés par l’abandon volontaire de mobiliers métalliques réunis en un seul lieu et à un moment unique. Telle est la définition la plus ample de ces ‘dépôts’. La seule qui puisse également s’appliquer exhaustivement tant certains critères varient par ailleurs: le nombre des pièces, l’état de déposition entier ou fragmenté, les modalités d’abandon, les structures avec en particulier la présence ou non d’un contenant, la date, le lieu précis.

Trois hypothèses ont été depuis longtemps avancées en différentes régions d’Europe: la première explication consiste à voir dans certains de ces ensembles des ‘dépôts de fondeurs’. Le nombre des pièces métalliques, comme le type de pièces ou de structure importe alors assez peu. En revanche, dans ce cas précis, les pièces ne sont pas déposées entières mais fragmentées et la composition de l’ensemble serait donc aléatoire. Il s’agirait en fait d’une sorte de stock de matière première d’artisan qui aurait été destinée à être refondue et n’a jamais été récupérée pour des raisons conjoncturelles auxquelles on associe souvent une idée d’insécurité, qui serait d’ailleurs en correspondaance avec la multiplication de ces dépôts au Bronze final, période elle aussi touchée par un millénarisme de l’an Mil avant l’heure. Dans le cadre d’une forme de désorganisation des réseaux d’échanges européens, le stockage du métal serait une forme de réponse à une éventuelle pénurie. Le lien est direct avec une activité artisanale essentielle mais éventuellement menacée. Le métal précieux est mis à l’abri pour le préserver d’hypothétiques envahisseurs. Ici, il est tout à fait significatif que seuls les objets des dépôts, de préférence les pièces fragmentées et les lingots, aient traditionnellement été pesés et non les mobiliers des contextes funéraires. La deuxième explication est celle du dépôt, synonyme de ‘trésor’. Les objets sont cette fois-ci entiers, liés à la production d’une personne et une nouvelle fois destinés à être récupérés sans que ce geste ait pu être effectué. La troisième hypothèse est celle du ‘dépôt votif’. Là encore les pièces sont intactes mais dans ce cas elles sont plutôt de nature exceptionnelle (cuirasse, casque, vaisselle etc.) et, surtout, elles ne sont pas destinées à être récupérées et se trouvent généralement dans un lieu d’un type particulier que l’on associe

Pour le deuxième millénaire avant notre ère, et même encore le premier, un tel acte n’est absolument anodin. Les pièces sont en alliages cuivreux, avec des compositions variables. Dans tous les cas, il s’agit d’un matériau précieux pour lequel un artisanat de haute technicité se développe en différents points d’Europe, y compris dans des régions dépourvues de matière première (au moins du cuivre allié à de l’étain avec parfois d’autres métaux, en particulier du plomb). Cet alliage, en raison de ses spécificités techniques, permet de réaliser des objets de forme nouvelle (outils, armes, vaisselle), avec des décors variés, dont la possession est non seulement utilitaire mais sert également de marqueur social. Dans l’Europe protohistorique l’obtention des minerais, puis de l’alliage adéquat et enfin la réamisation des objets euxmêmes impliquent donc tout un circuit économique et technique de savoirs comme d’échanges (Lehoërff à paraître). Ce matériau, alors si précieux, possède par ailleurs la capacité d’être recyclé, offrant ainsi une forme de réapprovisionnement en continu pour une quantité donnée dès lors qu’on se l’est procurée une première fois. Et pourtant, parce que des enjeux sociaux et non seulement techniques sont ici essentiels, certains objets cuivreux ne sont volontairement pas refondus mais abandonnés dans deux types de contexte, auxquels s’ajoutent les délicates ‘trouvailles isolées’: les tombes où l’exclusion du métal d’une chaîne technique n’étonne pas dans la mesure où les mobiliers d’accompagnement existent depuis les premières dépositions funéraires, quel que soit le matériau; et les dépôts. Ce phénomène si remarquable des dépôts soulève des débats scientifiques depuis environ un siècle et demi, c’est-à-dire qu’ils sont régulièrement découverts, le plus souvent fortuitement. Comment expliquer l’existence de tels ensembles qui représentent l’un des fonds

1 Le dépôt de S. Francesco fut mis au jour près de Bologne par Antonio Zannoni en 1877. Le contenant est un dolium dans lequel furent inventoriés 14 841 objets métalliques entiers et fragmentés de nature diverse (Zannoni 1888; Antonacci Sanpaolo et al. 1992).

673

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Cartes des principaux sites datés Bronze final/premier âge du fer d’Italie centrale et contenant du mobilier métallique. Les dépôts mentionnés sont soulignés.

674

ANNE LEHOËRFF: MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE Tableau 1. Corpus des dépôts de l’étude.

généralement aux actes cultuels tels les grottes, les rivières, les lieux inaccessibles, etc.

Formalisées à travers toute l’Europe depuis des dizaines d’années, ces définitions devraient théoriquement permettre de classer tous les dépôts sans qu’il y ait de confusion notable. Pourtant, dès lors que l’on tente de soumettre l’ensemble des dépôts à ces catégories-types, force est de constater des incohérences, des lacunes, des recoupements ou tout simplement des difficultés de classement de tel ou tel ensemble. En effet, rares sont les dépôts composés simplement et dont la classification s’opère sans discussion dans l’une ou l’autre des hypothèses ‘classiques’. La composition, et plus spécifiquement les associations de mobiliers, est un point aujourd’hui débattu: à bien y regarder, ces dépôts sont-ils vraiment des sortes de bric-à-brac sans cohérence interne ? C’est en particulier autour de cette interrogation que des travaux ont commencé à être menés en France ces dernières années.3 Depuis environ 10 ans, des études

Plus récemment, en particulier depuis les travaux de Bradley (Bradley 1990) et de Kristiansen (Kristiansen 1998), à côté de ces trois interprétations ‘classiques’, s’ajoute une quatrième hypothèse: ces dépositions de mobiliers seraient une sorte de pendant au mobilier d’accompagnement funéraire, en particulier à une période où les tombes elles-mêmes2 qui contiennent le défunt sont particulièrement pauvres en mobilier proprement dit (Kristiansen 1998, fig. 32). Les dépôts seraient donc des formes de substitut de sépultures dans un rituel funéraire complexe où la déposition du corps est dissociée de celle d’une partie du mobilier d’accompagnement. En 2000, Harding souligne que les interprétations intègrent des doutes en partie issus des travaux de Bradley (Harding 2000, chapitre 10, part p. 353 et 368). 2

3 On retiendra plus spécifiquement les travaux achevés sur les dépôts de type ‘Bühl Briod’ (Verger 1992), l’analyse des dépôts complexes

Sur les sépultures, leur définition et leur rôle spécifique voir en particulier Leclerc 1990 qui montre toutes les ambiguités de définition.

675

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI tendent à montrer que, dans un certain nombre de cas, les dépôts n’ont pas une composition aléatoire mais présentent au contraire des logiques d’association, à l’image des dépôts à épée (entière ou cassée) de type ‘Bühl Briod’ (Verger 1992). Par ailleurs, les trouvailles isolées ont également été intégrées à cette réflexion générale sur les dépositions volontaires. Ainsi, Maréva Gabillot (Gabillot 2003) propose de prendre en considération ces objets uniques au même titre que les ensembles plus important quantitativement, le critère déterminant ne résidant pas dans le nombre mais dans les règles précises de la déposition (Gabillot 2000, 459).

Le corpus d’étude concerne ici 16 dépôts d’Italie centrale auxquels s’ajoute celui de Merlara, plus septentrional, et datés de la transition Bronze final/premier âge du fer dans la terminologie italienne (Fig. 1). Ils ont été choisis en raison de leur caractère représentatif, dans la mesure où ils constituent pratiquement l’intégralité de la documentation métallique connue de la fin du deuxième millénaire avant notre ère. Pour le début du premier millénaire, si les tombes contiennent plus de métal (celles de la nécropole de Terni et celles d’Étrurie), le mobilier des dépôt reste fondamental dans la mesure où les types présents ne sont pas vraiment les mêmes qu’en contexte funéraire. Ces dépôts sont par ailleurs représentatifs de la complexité de cette question (tableau 1): leurs datations s’échelonnent sur plus de quatre siècles mais un même ensemble peut contenir des pièces datées a priori de moments différents comme à Contigliano et Piediluco où, si le noyau s’ancre sur le Xe siècle, des pièces plus anciennes s’y trouvent également. Le nombre des pièces est ici, comme dans le reste de l’Europe, très variable, de moins de 10 (Falda della Guardiola), autour de 20 (Bambolo) à plus de 100 (Piediluco et Contigliano) et même 150 (Tra Manciano e Samprugano). Quelques doutes subistent cependant car certaines découvertes remontent au XIXe siècle et certaines collections ont pu être dispersées. Un contenant n’a pas toujours été identifié et les aménagements (tels les alignements de pierre à Limone) sont plutôt exceptionnels. Enfin, ce sont en majorité des ‘dépôts complexes’ (dans la définition donnée aujourd’hui en France) qui associent des pièces entières et fragmentées selon une proportion variable (tableau 2). Tra Manciano e Samprugnano ne contient par exemple que des pièces fragmentées (Fig. 2) alors que Gualdo Tadino (Fig. 3) et Coste del Marano à l’inverse n’offrent que des objets entiers et que la plupart (Monte Primo – Fig. 4 –, Limone, Gabbro, etc.) associent les deux.4

Les dépôts de la péninsule italienne n’ont pas été intégrés jusqu’à présent dans ces travaux. Et pourtant ils sont particulièrement nombreux. Pour la fin du deuxième millénaire, il représentent l’essentiel de la documentation utilisée pour la connaissance des productions métalliques (Lehoërff à paraître). Plus encore, ils constituent la référence majeure pour l’établissement des typochronologies pour cette période, au moins pour l’Italie centro-septentrionale. Les hypothèses proposées depuis le XIXe siècle recoupent très exactement celles de l’Europe en général (Peroni 1994, 17-20 et fig. 100; Bietti Sestieri 1996, part. p. 90, 229 et 250 par exemple). Les dépôts y sont associés soit avec une thésaurisation (d’une matière première pour les ‘dépôts de fondeur’ – Rimessone par exemple –, d’objets finis pour les ‘trésors’), soit avec un acte de nature cultuel (les dépôts votifs – comme Coste del Marano). Le dépôt envisagé comme substitut de sépulture trouve apparaît moins dans les études sur les ensembles de la péninsule italienne tandis que les trouvailles isolées gardent leur place traditionnelle, associée à un acte le plus souvent fortuit, et ne sont pas toujours systématiquement inventoriés et encore mois pesés. Deux points essentiels émergent des travaux français aujourd’hui en cours: des logiques de composition interne au delà de l’apparente confusion et, plus encore, des règles spécifiques pour la fragmentation des objets euxmêmes (partie de l’objet, poids du fragment déposé). Si ce type de résultat ressort des données archéologiques de l’Europe transalpine, que penser de celles de l’Italie qui semblent avoir globalement les mêmes caractéristiques ? Et soulever même des difficultés similaires relatives à des datations complexes (plusieurs attributions chronologiques dans un même dépôt par exemple) ou des compositions mixtes (nature des objets, état fragmenté et entier, etc.). Pourquoi alors ne pas tenter de soumettre certains dépôts italiens à cette nouvelle lecture?

Pour envisager une analyse relative à la composition, il faut d’abord établir une liste des catégories d’objets susceptibles d’être présents dans ces ensembles (tableau 2). Dans le tableau 2 différents niveaux de division ont été établis, en partant des catégories fonctionnelles puis en établissant une subdivision sous forme d’arborescence (catégories de mobilier, nom plus précis des objets). De cette manière, 40 sortes d’objets ont été isolées auxquels s’ajoutent les incontournables ‘indéterminés’. Des lettres de ‘a’ à ‘k’ ont été attribuées puis des chiffres dans chacune des sous-catégories. Ainsi, la présence d’éléments de casque correspond à la dénomination ‘de/e/2’ et celle de rasoir à ‘fg/g/1’. Ces abréviations alphanumériques permettent de faire figurer des informations pour l’ensemble des dépôts dans un seul tableau (tableaux 3 et 4) afin de vérifier si certaines logiques se dégagent, en particulier de composition et

(Gabillot 2000; Gabillot 2003), les études sur les associations de mobiliers (Milcent 1998; Veber 1998), auxquels il faudrait ajouter différents travaux universitaires en cours sur ces thèmes actuellement très dynamiques. Un bilan partiel des découvertes en France, des évolutions méthodologiques de ces dernières années est disponible dans: Gabillot & De Soto 2003 (part 359-360); Blanchet 2003; Mordant 2003, avec un récapitulatif bibliographique.

4

Pour les fiches de l’ensemble de ces dépôts qui ne pouvaient être intégrées ici vu leur ampleur et la bibliographie depuis leur découverte voir Lehoërff à paraître, part. annexes. Un premier ensemble de données est publié dans une étude méthodologique et techniques sur les fibules de ces dépôts dans Lehoërff 1999.

676

ANNE LEHOËRFF: MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE

Fig. 2. Pièces représentatives du dépôt de Tra Manciano e Samprugnano (d’après Peroni 1961; échelles différentes de représentation).

677

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Pièces représentatives du dépôt de Gualdo Tadino (d’après Peroni 1963; échelles différentes de représentation). Fig. 4. Pièces représentatives du dépôt de Monte Primo (d’après Peroni 1961; échelles différentes de représentation). ‘c1’ ou ‘f4’, le nombre des croix est plus plus élevé qu’en ‘b4’ ou ‘g2’.

d’associations d’objets. Dans le tableau 3, les dépôts ont été numérotés de I à XVIII et placés selon un ordonnancement chronologique, du plus ancien en haut au plus récent. En colonne ont été reportées les désignations relatives aux catégories et au type plus précis d’objet. Là encore, pour une question de place et de lisibilité, seules les lettres associées aux désignations ont été reportées. Le tableau a ensuite été complété selon la présence ou l’absence de tel ou tel paramètre pour chacun des dépôts. Ce tableau met en avant plusieurs points: la complexité de cette question apparaît clairement au travers d’un positionnement des présences qui semble confus et aléatoire si l’on s’en tient au seul classement chronologique. En d’autres termes, la composition des dépôts d’Italie centrale n’évolue absolument pas de manière simple au cours du temps. Par ailleurs, il apparaît que certain types d’objets ne sont jamais présents dans ces dépôts, tels les casques ou les boucliers, les boucles ou les ustentiles de cuisine. Pour les autres types, même dans cette vision assez peu lisible de l’ordonnancement chronologique, une inégalité entre les objets se dégage au vu du nombre de croix. En ‘b2’,

Il faut donc se détacher de cet ordre chronologique non significatif, et rechercher une autre logique éventuelle. En alternant successivement les lignes et les colonnes du tableau 3, selon une méthode classique utilisée pour les tableaux de présence/absence, on parvient à une figure tout à fait différente (tableau 4) qui ouvre quelques perspectives nouvelles. Dans ce tableau 4 trois points se distinguent clairement: premièrement l’absence de certains types d’objets est davantage encore mis en lumière; deuxièmement un peu moins de la moitié des dépôts présente une concentration identique d’objets de même type (colonnes de ‘d4’ à ‘a2’ en particulier), à savoir épée (‘d4’), pointe de lance (d1), hache (‘c1’), fibule (‘f4’), outil spécialisé (‘b2’), vaisselle (‘h’), couteau (‘c 2’), faucille (‘a2’), avec des nuances dans le détail. Les objets de l’autre moitié des dépôts se répartissent se manière plus hétérogène et dispersée. En considérant donc la composition spécifique des dépôts il apparaît que, pour une partie d’en eux, des types précis 678

ANNE LEHOËRFF: MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE hasard. Le fait de relever ici la présence systématique de l’armement offensif avec certains types de pièces montre que ces ensembles d’objets fragmentés ne sont pas des stock aléatoires de métal mais bien le résultat d’un rassemblement d’objets volontairement associés et volontairement fragmentés puis abandonnés. Ainsi, Rimessone (Fig. 5) vu sous cet angle, n’est pas un classique dépôt de fondeur mais au contraire un dépôt à équipement personnel avec armement offensif (pointe de lance), parure (fibules) auquel il faut ajouter un stock de métal classique de produits manufacturés (haches et couteaux) et lingot associé à des tôles métalliques de biens de prestige et à qui il ne manque qu’un fragment d’épée pour constituer un ‘parfait’ dépôt de type Bühl Briod. Monte Primo (Fig. 4) est pour sa part un représentant sans défaut de ce type de dépôt à équipement personnel masculin.

Tableau 2. Les catégories fonctionelles représentées dans les dépôts.

En revanche, par rapport au nord des Alpes, le phénomène est décalé chronologiquement sur un temps plus long d’une part, avec de surcroît un décalage puisqu’en Italie centrale le phénomène s’ancre sur une période comprise ente le Hallstatt A1 et B1 européen (1200-900 avant notre ère environ) à un moment où justement les dépôts de type Bühl Briod semble presque disparaître (Verger 1992, 137) en dehors de quelques exemples exceptionnels. Certes, cette analyse des dépôts d’Italie centrale n’est pas exempte de certaines faiblesses: on pourra toujours avancer que le nombre d’ensembles étudiés n’a guère de valeur statistique pour un mathématicien. Néanmoins, pour un archéologue, ils représentent pratiquement 100% de la documentation actuellement disponible. On pourrait aussi souligner que, vu l’ancienneté de certaines découvertes, les inventaires ne sont peut-être pas toujours exhaustifs. À bien y regarder, ils le sont pour l’essentiel – pas plus ou moins que la moyenne des dépôts européens – et que, quoi qu’il en soit, les interrogations subsistantes (tableau 1) ne changent pas l’orientation des résultats obtenus: en Italie, comme dans le reste de l’Europe, certains dépôts métalliques en particulier de pièces fragmentées ne doivent plus être envisagés comme des stocks aléatoires mais bien comme des ensembles à la composition réfléchie et abandonnés selon des processus complexes de déposition dans lequels la nature des objets comme leur fragmentation jouent aussi un rôle.

d’objet sont présents de manière récurrente. L’armement offensif y est systématique, associé essentiellement à de l’outillage ou encore des pièces de ‘biens de prestige’ (vaisselle, mors – ‘j1’ –). On retrouverait donc ici un schéma de dépôts plutôt de type ‘Bühl Briod’ (Verger 1992), ou tout au moins complexe à panoplie, où la présence de l’armement offensif (ici plus encore la pointe de lance que l’épée) est aussi liée à celle d’outillage, avec parfois de la matière première (lingots) ou des pièces de prestige, ou de manière plus générale un équipement personnel avec certains types d’objets manufacturés. De ce point de vue, l’Italie centrale ne se distingue pas particulièrement de l’Europe tempérée. Dernier point enfin, celui de la fragmentation. Si l’on considère l’état des pièces déposées (tableau 4), il apparaît clairement que les dépôts à armement offensif (dépôts XIII à XVIII du tableau 4) précédemment décrits sont composés en majorité de pièces non pas entières mais fragmentées. Est-ce un détail ? Non. Les ensembles de pièces pour l’essentiel fragmentées tels Monte Primo, Limone, Goluzzo ou même Bambolo ont traditionnellement été interprétés, pour cette raison, comme des dépôts de fondeurs dont les associations de mobilier résulteraient du

En proposant ainsi l’existence d’une logique autour de la panoplie personnelle dans des dépôts complexes à fragments, aucune réponse simple n’est apportée dans ce premier travail à la question posée à Gröningen hors de la salle des débats, ‘mais alors, ces dépôts que sont-ils ?’ Pour l’heure sans pouvoir répondre vraiment de manière affirmative on peut en tout cas vérifier que les classifications traditionelles ne recouvrent pas toutes les interprétations et les logiques possibles autour des dépôts. Plus encore, cette remise en cause concerne les cadres ordinaires proposés pour l’âge du bronze européens où sont isolés les habitats, les sépultures et dépôts alors que 679

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Tableau 3.

les pratiques semblent à la fois moins simples et moins étanches.

volontairement délaissées doivent reprendre une place dans l’analyse complète de ces dépôts. Par ailleurs, si les catégories d’objets ont été inventoriées selon la dualité présence/absence, le poids relatif de chacune d’entre elles (fréquences des types, nombre des catégories représentées) selon les dépôts demande à être évalué.

Reste que ce travail est une proposition pour des lectures complémentaires des dépôts où certaines pistes n’ont pas été creusées. Ainsi, les questions de chronologie fine ici 680

ANNE LEHOËRFF: MÉTAL PRODUIT ET MÉTAL ABANDONNÉ DANS LES DÉPÔTS D’ITALIE CENTRALE Tableau 4.

Enfin, la totalité des pièces, fragmentées et entières, n’a pas pu être pesée. De ce fait, aucun travail sur la fragmentation proprement dite n’est proposé ici alors qu’il s’imposerait au vu de la partition entre les dépôts (tableau 4). Or, les travaux récents sur ce thème (Gabillot 2000, Gabillot à paraître et Gabillot 2003 pour un cadre méthodologique général, Lehoërff à paraître pour les

aspects techniques) montrent qu’il s’agit d’un point fondamental dans la compréhension plus globale des pratiques de déposition du métal à l’âge du bronze. Le fait de briser le métal relève à la fois d’un acte technique spécifique mais également d’une pratique culturelle liée à ces dépôts complexes. In fine, on retiendra que si les dépôts de la protohistoire européenne ont fait déjà couler

681

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 25e Congrès Préhistorique de France, Nanterre, novembre 2000 (à paraître). Gabillot, M., 2003. Dépôts et production métallique du Bronze moyen en France nord-occidentale (= B.A.R. Intern. series, 1174). Oxford. Gabillot, M. & J. Gomez De Soto, 2003. Dépôts de l’âg du bronze et du premier âge du fer en Gaule de l’ouest, de la Manche à l’Aquinaine septentrionale. Découvertes et recherches récentes, nouvelles perspectives. Documents d’Archéologie Méridionale 26, 357-364. Harding, A.F., 2000. European societies in the Bronze Age. Cambridge. Kristiansen, K., 1998. Europe before history. Cambridge. Leclerc, J., 1990. La notion de sépulture. Bulletin et mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris n.s. 2, 13-18. Lehoërff, A., 1999. La fabrication de fibules en Italie centrale entre le XIIe et le VIIIe siècle avant notre ère. Questions méthodologiques et première étude d’un corpus, in: M. Pernot & C. Rolley (éd.), Techniques antiques du bronze 2. Dijon, 45-78. Lehoërff, A., à paraître. Le bronze des dépositions volontaires en Italie centrale (1200-725 av. notre ère). Recherches pour une histoire des techniques. Rome, à paraître (Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome). Milcent, P.Y., 1998. Le Petit-Villatte à Neuvy-surBarangeon (Cher): lecture d’un dépôt complexe, in: C. Mordant, M. Pernot & V. Rychner (éd.), L’atelier du bronzier en Europe du XXe au VIIIe siècle avant notre ère, Actes des colloques internationaux ‘Bronze 96’, Neuchâtel et Dijon, vol. III: Production, cirdulation et consommation du bronze. Paris, 55-70. Mordant, C., 2003. Les dépôts d’objets métalliques de l’âge du bronze dans l’Est de la France. Nouvelles approches et méthodes d’études. Documents d’Archéologie Méridionale 26, 371-376. Peroni, R., 1961. Il ripostiglio di Coste del Marano, di Monte Rovello, di Piano di Tallone. Inv. Arch. Italia 1. Peroni, R., 1963. Il ripostiglio di Monte primo. Inv. Arch. Italia 3. Peroni, R., 1994. Introduzione alla protostoria italiana. Rome/Bari. Verber, C., 1998. Introduction à l’étude du dépôt de Farébersviller (Moselle) et production métallique du Bronze final III B en Lorraine, in: C. Mordant, M. Pernot & V. Rychner (éd.), L’atelier du bronzier en Europe du XXe au VIIIe siècle avant notre ère, Actes des colloques internationaux ‘Bronze 96’, Neuchâtel et Dijon, vol. III: Production, cirdulation et consommation du bronze. Paris, 41-54. Verger, S., 1992. L’épée du guerrier et le stock de métal: de la fin de Bronze ancien à l’âge du fer, in: G. Kaenel & P. Curdy (dir.), L’âge du fer dans le jura. Lausanne, 135-151. Zannoni, A., 1888. La fonderia di Bologna. Bologne, 1888.

beaucoup d’encre, il y a fort à parier qu’ils occupent encore longtemps une place dans les débats scientifiques.

Fig. 5. Pièces représentatives du dépôt de Rimessone (d’après Fugazzola Delpino 1979). BIBLIOGRAPHIE Antonacci Sanpaolo, E., C. Canziani Ricci & L. Follo, 1992. Il deposito di S. Francesco, in: E. Antonacci Sanpaolo (dir.), Archeometallurgia. Ricerche e prospettive. Bologne, 159-206. Blanchet, J.-C., 2003. Blanchet, Récents dépôts de l’âge du bronze final dans la France du nord. Documents d’Archéologie Méridionale 26, 365-369. Bietti Sestieri, A.-M., 1996. Protostoria. Teoria e pratica. Rome. Bradley, R., 1990. The passage of armes. An archaeological analysis of prehistoric hoard and votive deposits. Oxford. Fugazzola Delpino, M.A. & F. Delpino, 1979. Il deposito di Rimessone, in: Atti della Riunione scientifica 21, 425-452. Gabillot, M., 2000. Les dépôts complexes de la fin du Bronze moyen et du début du Bronze final en France du Centre-Est. Nouvelle approche. Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française 97, 2000, 459-476. Gabillot, M., à paraître. La fragmentation des objets: critère d’étude des dépôts de ll’âge du bronze, in: Approches fonctionnelles en Prhéhistoire, Actes du 682

CASE, FORNI E MAGAZZINI. UN NUOVO ‘QUARTIERE’ DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA (VITERBO - LAZIO) Nuccia Negroni Catacchio & Massimo Cardosa Abstract: The University of Milan has been excavating for some decennia at the Late Bronze Age settlement of Sorgenti della Nova (Farnese - Viterbo). From 1992 it investigated a large sector lying on the highest point of the northern side of the crag on which the site is located. Here, on a considerable artificial terrace, three large dwellings, with elliptical plan, were built in the progress of time. The second dwelling in particular is one of the largest of its type ever found in central Italy; it is over 21 m in length. Several structures (such as ovens, niches, grottoes and rooms deeply carved into the rocky base) face the upper part of the terrace. The excavation has not been completed yet, however it is possible to infer that they have differentiated functions. This area of the settlement can be considered a proper ‘quarter’ with a spatial organization, showing a pattern already discovered in other parts of the site. Furthermore a huge amount of ceramics, some of which date to the beginning of the Villanovan period, was recovered. Therefore it is possible to argue that this part of the village was still inhabited when other parts were abandoned.

LO SCAVO DI SORGENTI DELLA NOVA

studiato soprattutto l’impianto ‘urbanistico’ generale, che vede la costruzione di ampi terrazzamenti scavati lungo i fianchi della rupe. Sui pianori così ottenuti, venivano collocate grandi abitazioni a pianta ellittica con fondazioni su canaletta e alzati in materiali deperibili, molto simili alle urne a capanna usate come cinerari nello stesso periodo e in un momento di poco successivo. Alle loro spalle, lungo le pareti rocciose, venivano poi scavate ampie grotte con funzione sia abitativa sia di servizio. Nella parte sommitale invece sono state costruite alcune abitazioni a base incassata, di non grandi dimensioni, ma rifinite con molta cura e destinate probabilmente al ceto egemone.

L’abitato di Sorgenti della Nova (Farnese - VT), che prende il nome dalla grande sorgente che sbocca ai suoi piedi, occupa uno sperone di tufo nel cuore della Maremma laziale, poco lontano dalla città etrusca di Vulci, nella valle del fiume Fiora. Risale ai secoli XIinizio IX a.C., epoca ancora tutta da chiarire, contemporanea al Medioevo ellenico e al processo di formazione della nazione etrusca (Fig. 1). Il sito, scoperto nel 1938, fu oggetto di un saggio di scavo nel 1968. Gli scavi attuali sono in corso dal 1974 e diretti dalla scrivente dal 1976, per conto dell’Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, sezione di Archeologia, in collaborazione con la Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale e con il Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia.1

La storia degli scavi, i caratteri delle singole abitazioni e di tutte le strutture che costituivano l’abitato (forni, grotte, spazi per la vita comune) sono da tempo pubblicati ed esaurientemente descritti,2 mentre è attualmente in corso l’edizione sistematica dei materiali rinvenuti.3 Oltre le nuove ricerche sul campo, gli studi attuali riguardano in particolare l’analisi di dettaglio delle strutture abitative e di servizio, e lo studio della destinazione funzionale o cultuale degli spazi (aree destinate all’abitare o a specifiche produzioni o destinate al culto)4 sia dell’insediamento in generale, sia delle singole abitazioni in particolare e infine i rapporti abitato-territorio.

L’insediamento fiorì nella fase finale dell’età del Bronzo, abitato da una popolazione che ci è sembrato opportuno definire ormai proto-etrusca: sono gli stessi abitanti che, insieme a quelli di altre località non lontane, occuparono già nel corso del X secolo a.C. il grande pianoro di Vulci, colonizzandolo e ‘fondando’ la futura città. Questo processo portò all’abbandono di Sorgenti della Nova e degli abitati simili nel IX secolo a.C.

L’area attualmente in corso di scavo, il settore IX, oggetto in particolare di questo lavoro, ha restituito le tracce di tre grandi abitazioni a pianta ellittica, alcune strutture in grotta e tre forni per la cottura dei cibi. N.N.C.

Mentre in altri casi (ad esempio Sovana e Poggio Buco) i siti su rupe vennero rioccupati in epoca orientalizzante, quello di Sorgenti della Nova non fu più abitato per tutta l’età classica.

2

La bibliografia fondamentale sull’argomento è reperibile in Negroni 1981 e 1995; qui sono contenute tutte le notizie, i risultati degli scavi e la bibliografia fino al 1990, con particolare riferimento all’”urbanistica” dell’insediamento. Per gli anni ’90 gli aggiornamenti sono stati pubblicati nei Notiziari di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria (PPE.Not.) e negli Atti dei Convegni: Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. (PPE.Atti). Un’indagine approfondita sui modelli abitativi dell’Etruria protostorica e sulla ricostruzione grafica delle abitazioni si può vedere in Negroni & Domanico 1988 e 1995; in Negroni & Miari 1995 e, più recente, in Negroni & Domanico 2001. Infine da ultimo, si veda Negroni 2002. 3 L’edizione critica dei materiali rinvenuti è ora in fase di pubblicazione in una specifica collana, di cui sono usciti il primo volume (Dolfini 2002a), il secondo: (Massari 2003) e il terzo: (Cardosa & Passoni 2003). 4 Cfr Dolfini in questa stessa sede.

In epoca medievale la rupe fu nuovamente occupata da un insediamento parzialmente rupestre, di cui sono testimonianza ancor oggi visibile le grotte scavate nella roccia, i resti della chiesa e i ruderi della torre. In tutti questi anni l’abitato protostorico ha restituito importanti testimonianze per la conoscenza della vita quotidiana delle comunità protoetrusche. Finora è stato 1 Tutte le notizie relative alla storia degli scavi e delle scoperte, dall’inizio fino al 1995, si possono trovare in Negroni 1981 e 1995.

683

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Sorgenti della Nova. Planimetria generale.

Fig. 2. Planimetria del settore IX. 684

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: CASE, FORNI E MAGAZZINI IL SETTORE IX

divisorie suddividevano lo spazio interno. Nell’ampio ambiente centrale (m 11x14 ca) era presente un forno addossato alla parete meridionale (a), mentre una sottile canaletta ad andamento angolare individuava una struttura addossata alla parete occidentale (b), forse un piccolo ripostiglio, ma, date la grandi dimensioni dell’abitazione, non è da escludere un vano scalare per raggiungere un soppalco. In corrispondenza del forno sono stati rinvenuti vari frammenti di incannicciato, che dimostrano la presenza di un rivestimento di argilla della parete, cotto dall’uso del forno. Anche nell’ambiente di fondo una canaletta e un buco di palo delineavano una struttura a ridosso dell’angolo meridionale dell’ambiente (c).

Il settore IX si apre nella parte più alta del versante settentrionale della rupe di Sorgenti della Nova, a ridosso del crinale, dove, a breve distanza, si trovano i ruderi della chiesa dell’insediamento medievale (Fig. 2). Oggetto di un primo saggio di scavo nel 1975, se ne è iniziata una esplorazione estensiva a partire dal 1991; ampliato progressivamente nel corso degli anni, al momento ha già superato i 560 mq di estensione. L’area è interessata da un ampio terrazzamento artificiale, sul quale si sono susseguite nel tempo tre grandi abitazioni a pianta ellittica con fondazione su canalette. Nella spalletta a monte del terrazzamento, sono inoltre ricavate numerose altre strutture scavate nella roccia, la cui esplorazione non è stata ancora del tutto completata, rendendo questo settore molto simile, nell’articolazione spaziale, al settore III, posto sullo stesso versante, su un terrazzamento sottostante.5 Di tutte e tre le abitazioni si conserva solo la metà a monte, essendo il resto cancellato dal taglio dell’abitazione più recente e dai processi erosivi che hanno portato alla distruzione dei terrazzamenti, come si riscontra anche negli altri settori di Sorgenti della Nova interessati da strutture analoghe (Vc, III); ciò che si conserva è tuttavia sufficiente alla ricostruzione completa della loro pianta.

Per la realizzazione dell’abitazione 6 (Fig. 4), venne invece creato un apposito incasso lungo il margine del terrazzamento più antico, con un sensibile spostamento verso valle dell’area occupata dalla abitazione rispetto alle due precedenti. Questo fatto permette di ipotizzare che il terrazzamento venisse ampliato artificialmente, almeno in parte, con il materiale di risulta dello scasso, come è stato ipotizzato anche per altri settori di Sorgenti della Nova. La nuova abitazione era lunga 17 m e larga 8,50 m circa e riproduce, seppure in dimensioni minori, pressoché esattamente l’abitazione che l’ha preceduta, sottolineandone lo stretto legame. Rimangono le quattro coppie di pali portanti del tetto, anche se è diversa la proporzione tra le navate (quella centrale è poco più di tre volte quelle laterali). Meno sviluppo ha anche l’ambiente di ingresso. Un ampio focolare (d) sostituisce il forno, mentre pressoché identiche sono le tracce delle strutture secondarie nell’angolo meridionale dell’ambiente principale (e) e dell’ambiente interno (f). Lungo il lato meridionale della capanna, tra questa e la spalletta a monte dell’incasso nella roccia, correva un ampio canale di scolo, di profondità crescente da NE verso SW che finiva in un bacino sul margine del terrazzamento (g). Tale accorgimento, apparentemente inspiegabile, in quanto impediva il deflusso completo delle acque e provocava il loro ristagno, è forse dovuto ad una precauzione atta ad evitare l’innesto di un processo di erosione che avrebbe potuto mettere in pericolo la stabilità del terrazzamento.

L’abitazione più antica (abitazione 4 – Fig. 3:A) era lunga 17,40 m e larga 9 m circa. Il tetto era sostenuto da tre coppie di pali portanti, che scandivano l’interno in tre navate, quella centrale esattamente il doppio di quelle laterali; le due absidi erano isolate dal resto dell’abitazione da altrettante pareti divisorie, individuando così un ampio ambiente centrale di 9 m x 10, un breve ingresso all’estremità occidentale e un ambiente più interno a quello opposto. Non vi sono tracce di ulteriori strutture secondarie interne, anche se è possibile che gli adattamenti legati alla realizzazione dell’abitazione 5 abbiano cancellato le tracce delle strutture più leggere. L’abitazione 5 (Fig. 4:B) era lunga 22 m e larga 11 circa. Occupava la medesima area della precedente, le cui tracce sono state parzialmente cancellate da un leggero sbassamento della roccia realizzato in occasione della costruzione della nuova capanna. Si tratta di una delle più grandi abitazioni di questa tipologia mai individuate in Etruria, di dimensioni e proporzioni simili a quelle della struttura 61 di Scarceta, datata al Bronzo Recente.6 Il perimetro dell’abside occidentale era segnato, anziché da una canaletta, da una serie di buchi di palo, come è possibile osservare anche nelle abitazioni 1 e 2 nel settore III e 3 nel settore Vc. Il tetto era sostenuto da quattro coppie di pali portanti, con la consueta suddivisione in tre navate, quella centrale ampia cinque volte quelle laterali. Come nell’abitazione che l’aveva preceduta, due pareti 5 6

In questa chiara sequenza di fasi abitative distinte, è più complesso inserire le varie strutture che si aprono nella spalletta a monte del terrazzamento. In senso orario, da nord verso sud, si hanno: una struttura a base incassata (h), una grotta (i), due forni realizzati in un apposito ampliamento del terrazzamento (l), una nicchia chiusa da un muretto a secco (m), e una seconda grotta (n). Alla struttura a base incassata (h) si accede tramite un corridoio alle due estremità del quale sono altrettante canalette relative ai sistemi di chiusura, probabilmente realizzati in momenti diversi. La prima si trova all’imboccatura del corridoio, più sottile e meno profonda, la seconda, ampia e profonda, con leggeri incassi corrispondenti anche sulle due spallette, in

Per il settore III: Negroni 1995, 95-131. Poggiani 1999, 51 sgg.

685

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Ricostruzioni planimetriche. A. Abitazione 4; B. Abitazione 5. corrispondenza del gradino che dà accesso alla struttura. L’ambiente vero e proprio è quadrangolare, con gli angoli arrotondati. Lungo il margine esterno sono stati individuati buchi di palo relativi all’elevato; sul pavimento, piuttosto grezzo e ad una quota più bassa del corridoio, dal quale è separato da un gradino, non sono state individuate strutture accessorie, con l’esclusione di

un solo piccolo buco di palo decentrato, privo di una chiara funzione. All’interno dell’ambiente era presente solo un esiguo discontinuo strato di frequentazione, che ha restituito esclusivamente frammenti di vasi ovoidi. E’ quindi possibile ipotizzare che l’ambiente fosse utilizzato come magazzino o dispensa, forse in funzione delle adiacenti abitazioni a pianta ellittica. 686

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: CASE, FORNI E MAGAZZINI

Fig. 4. Ricostruzione planimetrica dell’abitazione 6. Lo scavo delle due grotte ancora non è stato concluso. Nella prima di queste (i), però, ripresa, ampliata e riutilizzata nel medioevo, si è potuto raggiungere lo strato di frequentazione di età protostorica, interessato in buona parte da un ampio focolare. Nel livello immediatamente successivo a questi, è stata raccolta una fibula in ferro con arco a sezione romboidale da datarsi all’età del ferro. Solo il raggiungimento del pavimento permetterà di chiarire le funzioni e l’articolazione di questa grotta, che presenta comunque interessanti analogie con la grotta 10 del settore III, anch’essa occupata da un grande focolare e interessata da tracce di frequentazione della prima età del Ferro.7

testimoniato da una canaletta, e il pavimento era ad una quota più bassa del terrazzamento esterno. I forni in cotto (l) furono realizzati in un’area situata immediatamente a ovest dell’ingresso della grotta, ricavata ampliando il terrazzamento verso monte, forse appositamente per lo scopo. La parte superiore dei forni, al momento dello scavo fu rinvenuta completamente distrutta e rimaneva solo la base di concotto e, nel caso del forno 4, l’attacco della parete. I due forni, così come quello posto all’interno dell’abitazione 5,8 erano realizzati con tecnica molto simile: su un vespaio di cocci erano collocati alcuni strati di materiale carbonioso e argilloso, poi sigillato dalla piastra più dura e compatta.9

Di funzione sconosciuta è invece la piccola nicchia a ovest dei forni (m), nei pressi dell’ingresso della seconda grotta. Era chiusa originariamente da un’asse contenuta da una fila di massi di tufo, della quale rimangono solo gli incassi sulle pareti laterali; al suo interno sono stati trovati solo livelli di roccia sbriciolata e compattata.

I forni e la prima grotta sono le uniche fra le strutture scavate nella spalletta di roccia che teoricamente potrebbero essere state utilizzate anche durante il periodo di uso delle capanne 4 e/o 5; le altre, invece, aprendosi a ridosso della loro canaletta di fondazione, sembrerebbero da attribuire ad un momento posteriore alla loro distruzione, forse contemporaneo a quello della abitazione 6. È da notare che anche nel settore III si è potuto constatare come almeno le grotte 14 e 14 bis fossero state realizzate in un momento successivo a quello delle abitazioni a pianta ellittica.

Anche la seconda grotta è in corso di scavo (n). L’estrema fragilità della roccia in questa parte del settore e la presenza di alberi ad alto fusto non ne ha permesso l’esplorazione in estensione, non è quindi possibile definirne la pianta. Lo scavo, al momento, ha interessato solo l’ingresso e la parte anteriore dell’ambiente che sembra avere caratteristiche planimetriche analoghe a quelle della prima grotta e della struttura a base incassata. Anche in questo caso era presente un sistema di chiusura 7

8

Guidetti 1996-98. Consolidati e restaurati a cura della Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Etruria Meridionale, i due forni sono poi però stati purtroppo oggetto recentemente di un devastante atto vandalico che ne ha comportato la completa distruzione 9

Cardosa & Milanesio 2000.

687

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Sia la struttura a base incassata, sia la prima grotta sono interessate da strati di frequentazione di esigua potenza e con scarso materiale ceramico. Questo fatto, da imputare ad una costante pulizia di questi ambienti, rende molto probabile l’attribuzione alla stessa fase di occupazione di un esteso strato che copriva le canalette delle abitazioni 4 e 5, ricchissimo di materiale ceramico, non a caso particolarmente abbondante proprio in corrispondenza degli ingressi delle due strutture.

nell'Etruria meridionale. Catalogo della mostra, Roma. Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), 1995. Sorgenti della Nova: l’abitato del Bronzo Finale, in: Origines, collana a cura dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Firenze. Negroni Catacchio, N., 2002. L’Etruria dei ‘secoli bui’ e lo scavo di Sorgenti della Nova, in: λόγιος ανήρ. Studi di antichità in memoria di Mario Attilio Levi, Quaderni di Acme 55, 319-349. Negroni Catacchio, N. & L. Domanico, 1988. I modelli abitativi dell’Etruria protostorica, in: Atti dell’XI Convegno Archeologico Benacense (Cavriana 1986, Annali Benacensi). Brescia, 515-585. Negroni Catacchio, N. & L. Domanico (eds), 1995. Un tetto sopra la testa. La casa nell’Etruria protostorica, Guida della Mostra (Manciano 1995-1996). Milano. Negroni Catacchio, N. & L. Domanico, 2001. L’abitato protourbano di Sorgenti della Nova: dagli spazi dell’abitare all’organizzazione sociale, in: Brandt & Karlsson (eds) 2001, 337-359. Negroni Catacchio, N. & M. Miari, 1995. La ricostruzione grafica di alcune strutture residenziali e di servizio in Etruria: problemi e metodi, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC-AD 1500. Papers of the fifth conference of Italian archaeology. Oxford, 521-530. Poggiani Keller, R., 1999. Scarceta di Manciano (GR) Un centro abitativo e artigianale dell’età del bronzo sulle rive del Fiora. Manciano.

Questo strato ha restituito numerosi materiali da porsi in un momento particolarmente avanzato del BF, con chiari richiami al repertorio formale decorativo villanoviano.10 Sembrerebbe quindi che la più tarda fase di frequentazione del settore sia da porre nel momento finale della vita dell’insediamento. Materiali cronologicamente sincroni, a Sorgenti della Nova sono stati rinvenuti in quantità consistenti, oltre che nel settore IX, solo nel settore Ve, simmetrico ad esso, ma sul versante meridionale;11 questo elemento sembrerebbe confermare un graduale, seppure relativamente rapido, abbandono dell’abitato e la sua progressiva concentrazione nel punto più alto e centrale della rupe. M.C. BIBLIOGRAFIA Cardosa, M. & A. Dolfini, 2000. I doli di Sorgenti della Nova, in: Atti del Quarto Incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Milano, 151-159. Cardosa, M. & M. Milanesio Macrì, 2000. La grotta 10 di Sorgenti della Nova (Farnese, VT): affinità di rituali tra Etruria protostorica e Grecia postmicenea, in: Atti del Quarto Incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Milano, 379-390. Cardosa, M. & A. Passoni, 2003. La capanna del settore Ve, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Sorgenti della Nova: i materiali del Bronzo Finale. Collana di Studi. Milano. Dolfini, A., 2002a. Le abitazioni a pianta ellittica del settore III, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Sorgenti della Nova: i materiali del Bronzo Finale. Collana di Studi. Milano. Dolfini, A., 2002b. Materiali del tardo Bronzo Finale dall’abitato di Sorgenti della Nova, in: Atti del Quinto incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Milano, 651-657. Guidetti, L., 1996-98. Il forno 3 dell’abitazione 5, in: Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Notiziario. Milano, 14-17. Massari, A., 2003. Le capanne del Settore I, in: N. Negroni Catacchio (ed.), Sorgenti della Nova: i materiali del Bronzo Finale. Collana di Studi. Milano. Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), 1981. Sorgenti della Nova – Una comunità protostorica e il suo territorio

10 11

Cardosa & Dolfini 2000 e Dolfini 2002b Cardosa & Passoni 2003.

688

COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY IN PROTOHISTORIC TIMES M. Angle, M.F. Rolfo, S. Bozzato & Cristiano Mengarelli Abstract: Data collected in recent years in the area of the Alban Hills, and especially in the area of Colonna provided evidence for the territorial and political organization of the communities from the beginning of the Early Bronze Age to the Iron Age.

This study1 presents data collected in recent years on settlement development and demography in the northern Alban Hills in Latium Vetus in the Bronze Age and Iron Age. By verifying and synthesizing our findings, it appears that the existing communities already disposed of an articulated territorial organization by the 10th century BC, while its roots possibly can be traced back to Early Middle Bronze settlement strategies. The proto-urban settlements in the Colonna area at least consolidated before the beginning of the Early Iron Age.

the Villaggio delle Macine, where the presence of both subsistence and handicraft activities is widely documented, belongs also to this period. All the settlements here mentioned are usually located in the vicinity of small seasonal ditches, and are marked by a frequentation that is limited in time, and by archaeological deposits that are both restricted in extension and poorly stratified. Typologically, the remains are highly comparable to deposits in Latium Vetus, both as regards their characteristics and materials, and seem to confirm the hypothesis of the presence of small communities living on a mixed economy, capable of moving easily across “thalweg” roads, near “fords”. These communities established temporary settlements that in the course of time may be revisited several times (Gianni 1991).

As yet, there are three Early Bronze contexts known from the Alban Hills. The first one was recently excavated in the so-called Villaggio delle Macine site (Castel Gandolfo) on the banks of Lake Albano (Fig. 1:17),2 where, at a low level, Early Bronze pieces of pottery came to light. At the beginning of the 20th century AD, a bronze axe was recovered in the Campi d’Annibale (Marino area), inside the Alban caldera (Fig. 1:6).3 This phase is also documented at the Colle Mattia site, which lies on an extensive hill slope in an area just east from the modern town on the offshoots of the Tuscolan-Artemisio eruptive massif, and which is marked by a number of seasonal ditch beds (Fig. 1:5). The hill dominates an area with alluvial soils, filled-in secondary calderas and permanent wetlands that are related to the hydrographical system of the Aniene River. Several surveys brought to light a mixture of remains scattered over a very large area. Among the collected items - most of which can be traced back to the Bronze Age - are fragments that may be classified as final Eneolitic or, rather, Early Bronze ‘A’.4

Thus, it seems probable that the sites known in the area of the Castelli Romani were frequented for the resources that their surrounding habitat could offer, and that they were occupied only sporadically or on a seasonal basis only, lacking true stability through time. This feature, which is also apparent in the coastal areas, is in contrast with the discovery of the system of palisades and platforms found in Lake Albano at the already mentioned Villaggio delle Macine, and the evidence for welldeveloped and complex manufacturing activities found there, such as metallurgy. Even though, due to the rise of the water level, the archaeological remains of the Villaggio delle Macine in Lake Albano are much better preserved compared to other contexts, this site has peculiar characteristics, and arguably the site played a leading political and economical role for the entire Alban area; this would not only suggest that the communities of the period possessed the knowledge and the capacity to manage the available natural resources of the surrounding territory, but also that they could structure relationships among themselves, according to more evolved strategies than usually thought.

In the next phase, that of the early Middle Bronze, the settlements of Colle Mattia and Villaggio delle Macine persisted; in addition to these, we mention the finds on the Colle S. Andrea (Figs. 1:3; 2:I) and the deposit of axes in Nemi (Giardino 1985); moreover, areas frequented in Lanuvio (Chiarucci 1980) and Lariano (Guidi 1981) are known (Fig. 1:8, 9, 10). The most significant part of the materials and structures found in

The Early and Middle Bronze 1/2 settlement sites were abandoned in the Middle Bronze 3 period, when sites were established in completely different places (even from an environmental point of view). In this respect, the Colle Mattia site, which shows evidence of continuity, is the only exception. As to new discoveries, we have to mention the new evidence found in the excavations of the Northern Institutes (in press) near the Roman Villa in Santa Maria (Lake of Nemi; Fig. 1:16), as well as that of the Porta Neola site (out of the map), north of Corcolle.

1 We express our sincere gratitude, for their collaboration and advice, to Clarissa Belardelli, Anna De Santis and Biagio Giaccio. Special thanks are due to Giuseppina Ghini, for supervising the excavation and surveys and for the possibility of studying the material from La Pasolina, and to Giuseppe Pulitani for signalling the Colonna discoveries. Pencil and ink drawings by Simone Bozzato. 2 Chiarucci 1985; Angle, Lugli & Zarattini 2002. 3 Carancini 1979, fig. 1/11. 4 Angle in press; Angle, Rolfo in preparation.

689

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Bronze Age and Early Iron Age sites in the Alban Hills. the territory, even though the available data on the subsistence economy are too scarce to pinpoint the economic reasons for these choices. Reasons mentioned often relate to the need felt for a more systematic and permanent agricultural exploitation of the land as well as territorial ownership and control. This may be an indication of the flexibility and variability in the ways the territory becomes managed in a context in which human activities are no longer limited to a search for primary resources, but extend to efforts in order to control routes and spaces connected with them.

In the area of Colonna, along the slopes of the Colle S. Andrea tuff outcrop (Angle, Belardelli & Nicosia in press), an open air space was found with as its main feature a firing facility. The material collected on the site compares well to central and southern Italian contexts dating to the Middle Bronze 3. Known ‘Appennine’ Middle Bronze sites in the Alban Hills area (such as those of Colle dei Cappuccini in Albano, Valle Marciana and Colle dell’Asino in Grottaferrata and Pilozzo in Monteporziocatone;5 Fig. 1:14, 11, 12, 1), appear to be linked to some form of control of the local routes, particularly the passes leading to the inner area of the large caldera. The only site systematically excavated is the well known site of Colle della Mola,6 which is located on a hill dominating the Vivaro basin and the Carchitti pass (Fig. 1:7). Here, two huts were identified showing a series of layers running from the ‘Appennine’ Bronze Age to the Final Bronze Age. It seems therefore that the new locations chosen in the Alban Hills area can especially be found on modest hill tops dominating wetlands and level grounds with colluvial deposits. These features indicate a profound change in the exploitation of

In the Late Bronze Age, in all of Latium Vetus we can observe a slight reduction in population in combination with an increasingly organic settlement strategy that is aimed at a better control of the resources and characteristics of the surrounding territory. The sites include specimens with clearly identifiable dwelling structures such as at Colle della Mola where hut foundations were found, and Paluzzi (Fig. 1:15) (Chiarucci 1978, 38-60). Recent excavations by the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio conducted on one of the hill tops of the Artemisio massif - that of Monte dei Ferrari - (Fig. 1:19), have revealed a strong boundary wall made of tuff blocks (Angle et al. 2003). Other sites are clearly connected to this site, such

5 Colle dei Cappuccini: Chiarucci 1978, 60-66; 1987, 203-204; Valle Marciana, Colle dell’Asino: Angle & Guidi 1979, 45-48; Pilozzo: archives Sopr. Beni Arch. Lazio. 6 Cassano, Chiarucci & Manfredini 1979; 1981; Chiarucci 1978, 25-38.

690

M. ANGLE, M.F. ROLFO, S. BOZZATO & CRISTIANO MENGARELLI: COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY as the contemporary settlements of Colle della Mola, Tuscolo (Fig. 1:4) (Angle & Guidi 1979, 51-61), Colle dei Cappuccini and Paluzzi, which are strategically located near the Carchitti pass (between Monte Artemisio and Tuscolo, east), the Camaldoli pass (a saddle of Monte Tuscolo, north) and the Monte Gentile pass (between the lakes Albano and Nemi, south-west) respectively. Hill tops occupied since the Middle Bronze 3 are still favoured locations, while new sites are always in a dominant position. The presence of sites in areas where primary resources are not easily available - as in the case of the “castelliere” in Monte dei Ferrari, where only seasonal springs are present - suggests the existence of a territorial organization with sites dedicated to specific activities that, therefore, would point to a ‘hierarchical’ settlement organization. The Colle Mattia settlement represents a significant exception to the rule as it was permanently occupied throughout the Bronze Age. However, it is in this phase that its frequentation cycle seems to come to a close.

phase, which is characterized by both a continuity of the existing villages and the choice for different locations to found new settlements, a socio-economical and ideological transformation is seen to develop. Considering the lack of written sources, the appearance of areas formally used as burial grounds or necropoleis is one of the most important indicators indicating social changes that were capable of transforming the layout of the territory. The evidence in Latium Vetus on funerary rituals indicates a significant evolution in the course of the centuries (between the 13th and the 9th century BC). For instance, the necropolis of Cavallo Morto (Anzio), that can be traced back to the Late Bronze Age, comprises about 40 tombs including men, women and children; instead, Final Bronze Age evidence consists of a relatively low number of burials for each necropolis only (such as Campo del Fico near Ardea, Pratica di Mare, and the more recent ones in the Alban Hills, Fig. 1:26-34).8 If we interpret the spread of incineration rituals as an expression of the rise of a ‘services and counter-services’ system, the hypothesis seems valid that in the period running from the 13th to the 12th century BC, internal competition among local communities was not strong yet, whereas it was to become so during the next centuries (11th –9th centuries BC), when the use of incineration burials, both individual and of little groups of individuals, was propagated (Angle 2003).

It is well known that contacts with Southern Italy and even Aegean cultures brought a more active circulation of goods and strategies in Latium Vetus. This suggests the presence of communities forming part of a wider context in which, besides items of strictly local production, also items showing the existence of long range contacts circulated. The presence of pottery types belonging mainly to the formal tradition of ‘gray ware’, which is strictly connected to Aegean cultures, strongly suggests a more articulated picture for the circulation of ‘model goods’ than suggested until recent years. This evidence for a high complexity of handicraft production strengthens the hypothesis in favour of an early form of settlement hierarchy.

In the Colonna area incineration burials have been found dating to the Final Bronze/Early Iron Age: among the exhibited items in the Copenhagen National Museum is a miniature-size askós with ornamental cuppellas with a probably stylized human figure (Gierow 1964, 28, fig. 5); in the Barberi area (Fig. 2:F), items from incineration burials were found; also in S. Maria (Fig. 2:H) six incinerations have been excavated, both of which can be dated to the 10th–9th century BC.

The next phase, the Final Bronze Age, is marked by a significant continuity in territorial occupation. All sites occupied in the previous period continue their existence, and often constitute permanent settlements, uninterruptedly occupied until the Iron Age. Moreover, evidence has emerged for early forms of settlement in the inner areas in the caldera– even if it was limited to the less wet soils – that may be connected to two main passes: Fosso dell’Acqua Marciana (Colle dell’Asino, Sorgente Preziosa and Prato della Corte sites; Fig. 1:20) and Monte Gentile (Paluzzi, Colle dei Cappuccini, Tofetti sites; Fig. 1:22). The early stages of population of the Monte Cavo summit can also be dated to this period (Fig. 1:21).7 Elevated positions continue to be favoured, even if frequentation of the Monte Tuscolo and Monte Artemisio slopes does not cease. During these centuries, some of the communities that had settled in the area experienced a transformation from a hut village structure (often of a seasonal type) to a proto-urban form. In this

Our knowledge on the demography of the Alban area in the Early Iron Age is increasing on account of several discoveries of permanent settlements and small hut villages, while the evidence on the necropoleis connected to these populated areas is even more abundant. The persistence of exploitation of burial grounds from the 10th century BC onwards, when inhumations begin to take place alongside incineration practices, is an element of special relevance for the understanding of settlement modes and strategies. This phenomenon is documented throughout the whole Alban area (Fig. 1). As to the Colonna area at the beginning of 11th century BC, materials partly come from burials damaged by construction works in the Barberi area, and are partly obtained in regular archaeological excavation projects (Ghini & Guidi 1984); in addition to these findings, other regular excavations brought to light five intact

7 Sorgente Preziosa: Angle & Guidi 1979, 48; Prato della Corte: De Rossi 1867, 41-42; Gierow 1964, 245-260; Angle in press; Tofetti: Chiarucci 1978, 66-71; Monte Cavo: Guidi, di Gennaro & Pacciarelli 1978, 84-86.

8 Cavallo Morto: Tusa 1983; Campo del Fico, burials dated to the Final Bronze Age: Delpino 1978; Delpino & Fugazzola Delpino 1981; Pratica di Mare: CLP, tavv. LXXIV e LXXV; Guaitoli 1995.

691

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Colonna: settlement and burial areas. incineration burials (one of which, t. 4, may date from the end of the 10th century BC) on the slopes stretching southeast from the town, in the S. Maria district. This group of burials is characterized by the presence of ashes contained either in hut urns or in jars with a lid. Out of the five burials, probably three were male and two female burials. The relevant burial equipment does not differ much from the typical Alban Hills funerary sets, and comprises either the usual miniature items or normal domestic pottery. About 100 meters away, towards the valley, two interment burials where found; these show burial equipment consisting of very few items, belonging to the late Orientalizing period.

Furthermore: – Miniature jar (Fig. 3:4), dark brown- blackish burnished clay mixture (exterior 5YR2.5/1 black).10 Present in the I and IIA phases; – Small jar (Fig. 3:3), brown smoothed clay mixture (exterior 2.5YR2.5/1 reddish black). Shows similarities to samples from Marino, Riserva del Truglio, mixed find-groups, where also materials, which can be dated back to the 10th century BC, were found. Decorations made with a combing instrument are not frequently encountered in Latium Vetus, but it can also be found in Colle dei Cappuccini (Albano).11 It can be traced back to the beginning of the IIA phase; – Three large size reticulate jars (Fig. 3:2), burnished brown clay mixture (exterior 10YR4/2 dark greyish brown). Traceable back to the IIA1 phase according to the chronology of Bietti Sestieri.12

Also from the Barberi area come fragments that can be attributed to incineration burials (Fig. 2:F). An example of this is a hut urn (Fig. 3:1, reconstruction drawing), a one-piece type with (probably) a round plan, partially reconstructed from four fragments. Its surface is a mixture of reddish brown, smoothed and polished (exterior 7.5YR3/1 very dark gray). The item shows striking similarities to samples excavated in Villa Cavalletti, and particularly to the urn from Tomb IX, type 1, variety B (Bartoloni 1987), dating back to the 10th century. The semicircular trygliph is an element similar to the Vigna D’Andrea burial, also dating to the 10th century BC, while the roof with L-shaped bent piles can also be found in the burials on the Forum Romanum (Antonino and Faustina, Y and GG, type 1, variety C, dated by De Santis (1987) to 9th century BC). A hut urn from Grotta Gramiccia tomb 127 (type 1, variety C), with a similar vent-hole, belongs to the same period (Veio IAIB; see Buranelli 1987).9

The presence of materials from burials ranging from the late 10th century to 9th century BC can be added to the group of burials datable to the first half of the 8th century BC (Guidi & Ghini, 1984) from the same area and to the finds made by De Rossi and Savignoni (Fig. 2:G) in the neighbouring area of Vigna Crescenzi (see Savignoni 1902; Gierow 1964, fig. 3/2, 3; Fig. 4:2, 3); VI/B1); Roma, Tempio di Antonino e Faustina, tt. Y e GG (Gjerstad 1956, 74-79, figs. 71-74; 104-108, figs. 33-34); Veio, Grotta Gramiccia, t. 127 (NSc 1913). For chronology and typology see Bartoloni et al. 1987. 10 See Villa Cavalletti, t. II; Pratica di Mare, t. XXIV; Palatino, t. ‘casa di Livia’ (CLP, tavv. IV/4, LXXIV/A5; pl. XV/B10); Villa Cavalletti, mixed find-groups: Gierow 1964, fig. 23/18. 11 Villa Cavalletti, t. VII: Gierow 1964, fig. 29/5; Marino: Gierow 1964, fig. 80/1-3; Colle dei Cappuccini: Chiarucci 1978, pl. XVI/2, 3, 5. 12 See Villa Cavalletti mixed find-groups, t. V, Gierow 1964, fig. 19/5.

9 See Grottaferrata, Villa Cavalletti t. IX and mixed find-groups (Gierow 1964, figg. 20/1; 21/2); Velletri, Vigna D’Andrea (CLP, pl.

692

M. ANGLE, M.F. ROLFO, S. BOZZATO & CRISTIANO MENGARELLI: COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY

Fig. 3. Barberi: mixed burial finds, nn. 1-4; Barberi: settlement, nn. 5-9. published yet) dating to the first half of the 8th century BC with grave goods showing marked similarities to the ones in Barberi, and a child’s burial (see below), were found: – Small cup (Fig. 4:1), light gray mixture, smoothed at the surface (exterior 10YR3/1 very dark gray). This type is comparable to materials from both the mid and late 8th century BC;14

therefore, the exclusive use of all the slopes east and south of Colonna for burial purposes since the end of the 10th century BC throughout the whole course of the Iron Age seems to be confirmed. Burial remains can also be found along the eastern side, formed by the Pasolina top (Fig. 2:C). Among these remains is a miniature askòs (exterior 2.5Y2.5/1 black), probably coming from an incineration (Fig. 4:9).13 In addition to these, a damaged inhumation burial (not

14

Pratica di Mare, t. L (CLP, pl.LXXVIII/24), dated to the phases IIIIVA; Vigna Meluzzi, mixed find-groups, (Gierow 1964, fig. 67/1); Marino, Riserva del Truglio, t. II (Gierow 1964, fig. 86/8), dated to the beginning of phase IVA; Osteria dell’Osa, t. 161 (IIIA), t. 112 (IIIB) and t. 228 (IVAI) (Bietti Sestieri 1992, figs. 3c.1/3; 3c.16/11; 3c.60/4).

13

See Grottaferrata, Vigna Giusti, mixed find-groups; Marino, Pascolaro t. I (10th century a.C.); Castel Gandolfo, discoveries 18161817 (Gierow 1964, figs. 14/19, 134/8, 194/23). See also: Rocca di Papa, S. Lorenzo Vecchio (10th century a.C.), CLP, pl. VII/8.

693

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. La Pasolina: child burial, nn. 1-8; La Pasolina: find from damaged burial, n. 9. This type does not find strict comparisons, also due to their reduced size; similar samples are frequently found in Northern Italy, as well as in Veio, and date back to the last decades of the 9th century BC;17 – Three small bracelets in bronze, round or slightly hammered in section (Fig. 4:5-7), with overlapping ends and two or three parallel grooves by way of ornamental pattern. Similar, but larger samples, were found sporadically in the Alban Hills area and in

– Bowl (Fig. 4:2), brown mixture (exterior 5YR2.5/1 black) carefully burnished. Comparable to burials dating to the III or IIIB phase;15 – Bowl on raised base (Fig. 4:3), brown mixture (exterior 2.5YR2.5/1 reddish black) carefully smoothed and burnished. All possible comparisons are with the IIB phase;16 – Small ovoid jar (Fig. 4:4), almost miniature. Coarse clay mixture, reddish brown surface (exterior 5YR3/2 dark reddish brown), smoothed but not burnished. 15

See Osteria dell’Osa, t. 414 (Bietti Sestieri 1992, fig. 3c.58/4, inornate, phase IIIB); Tivoli, t. XI (CLP, pl. XL, T. XI/3, phase III). 16 See Ardea, Campo del Fico, t. 7 (Crescenzi & Tortorici 1983, fig. 92; burial dated to phase IIB); Pontecagnano, Pagliarone, t. 697 (Gastaldi 1998, pl. 64, t. 697/9; dated to the phase Ibi, contemporary with Latial phase IIB1).

17 See Veio, Quattro Fontanili, t. FF9-10, dated to Veio phases IIA-IIB2 (in Guidi 1993, fig. 17/5, contemporary with the end of Latial phase IIB, beginnings of phase III; but see Pacciarelli 2001, p. 68, fig. 38, who proposes full IIIA).

694

M. ANGLE, M.F. ROLFO, S. BOZZATO & CRISTIANO MENGARELLI: COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY some burials in the Quattro Fontanili necropolis,18 dating back to the first half of 8th century BC; – A bronze twisted bracelet (being restored); – Two necklace beads in blue and white glass paste (Fig. 4:8).

the limited scope and fragmentary character of the investigation, the widespread presence of burial finds on the slopes and edges of the hill system is a significant datum.20 Among burials datable to the 8th century BC at Barberi, indications for the presence of individuals enjoying a particular social status have been found in female graves. Some objects connected to ritual banquets for the dead, or found among the valuables ‘sacrificed’ in the grave, are of special significance: fragments of bronze paterae, ornaments in valuable metals, one or more girdle-plates, etc. In this context, even if incomplete, we can recognize the presence of a community in which the role of the deceased and of his/her family had reached the type of hierarchical organizational levels perfectly similar to those documented in the greater necropolises of Castel di Decima and Acqua Acetosa Laurentina. The years between the end of 8th and the beginning of the 7th century BC are particularly important in the context of the rise and consolidation of the communities in Latium. Not surprisingly, then, some valuable items that can be connected to ‘external’ contexts have been found in the Colonna’s burials. As several authors have repeatedly pointed out (see Guidi 1998), the presence of burials containing valuable items is evidence for a fully completed process of territorial dominance by aristocratic elite, and can also be regarded as political actions, through which ‘family rights’ on portions of land or even peripheral areas were stated.

The presence of a child’s burial with its grave goods (even if partially preserved) with valuable items such as the small bronze bracelets, testifies to a community in which basic processes of internal socio-economical differentiation are already fully developed. It is well known that the use of placing valuable items in children’s graves only appears when social competition inside the community and between local communities reaches the stage of consolidation of aristocratic groups that are firmly in power (Guidi 1998). The special emphasis placed on the enactment of rituals and the ‘sacrifice’ of valuable assets for individuals who are not part of the community’s production and social system, is nothing else than a superiority statement, the recognition of a higher personal value and the assertion of magisterial status; and, conversely, the acceptance of this statement also means acknowledging an inferior personal condition, and the possibility or an individual to become subordinate (Mauss 1965, 281); in other words, it expresses the right to transfer acquired power and wealth to one’s lineage. Many pottery fragments from both damaged burials and settlement areas ranging from the 9th to early 6th century BC were found in the Le Quinte district (Fig. 2:A), in an area stretching to the northeast of the present town. The materials, the burial origin of which are certain, comprise: a fragment of a brazier and a bowl on a high foot, both of which can be attributed to the IIB phase, a kantharos and a small bucchero amphora of the last decades of the 7th century BC, some vases in figulina, a small cup on a high foot, and some small jars, dating to the late 7th century-early 6th century BC (Bologna, Bozzato & Rolfo 2003, figs. 2, 3; Bozzato & Rolfo, in press).

Moreover, settlement-related materials were found scattered on the modern Colonna slopes but, unfortunately, these always occurred in secondary deposits. The fragments that come from the upper Barberi area (Fig. 2:D), Le Quinte, and La Pasolina belong to a period ranging from the 10th to the late 6th century BC. The following items from the upper Barberi area are of interest: – A fragment of a carinated bowl (Fig. 3:5), dark brown clay mixture smoothed and burnished (exterior 5YR3/1 very dark gray). This is an item found in large numbers in Alban Hills contexts (both settlement areas and burial grounds) such as S. Sebastiano, showing elements from the Boschetto facies referable to the mid 10th century BC, but also in surface materials from Ficana and the Casale Nuovo US 106;21 – Two fragments of pots, with seven-tooth comb decoration (Fig. 3:6-7), comparable to fragments from Final Bronze sites in Monte S. Martino

About a kilometre away, in the Casale Ricci area (Fig. 2:L), burial rooms have been spotted not far from the ancient Via Latina. This means that all the ColonnaPasolina slopes are scattered with burials placed according to a radial layout, which shows signs of continuity until Archaic times.19 Burial areas are therefore situated around the probable core of the Colonna settlement according to a radial pattern already observed in the proto-urban centres of Latium, forming a sort of wide belt around the present town. Therefore, the discovery in the Pasolina district of different groups of burials together with materials from settlement areas, appears especially interesting. In spite of

20

The burials of Barberi were excavated and published by A. Guidi and G. Ghini; other materials are from the collection of De Rossi and from a rescue operation by Savignoni (Vigna Crescenzi: Savignoni 1902); the burials of Pasolina were excavated by Giuseppina Ghini. 21 Castel Gandolfo, S. Sebastiano, mixed find-groups: Gierow 1964, fig. 182/11; Colle dei Cappuccini: Chiarucci 1978, pl. XVI/10; Ficana: Malgrem 1981, p. 103/B66; similar model from Casale Nuovo, US 106 (Angle 1996, fig. 2/3) dated to FBA3.

18

Lariano, Colle della Fragola (Belardelli in press); Velletri, Colle del Vescovo (Drago Troccoli et al. 2003, fig. 6); Veio, Necropoli di Quattro Fontanili, t. AA 1, dated to IIB, but diffuse with few variants to Veio phase IIA-IIC (end 9th-first half 8th century BC: Guidi 1993, tab. B). 19 We thank Anna De Santis for signalling the presence of burial rooms.

695

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. La Pasolina: settlement, nn. 1-12. (Belardelli 1996, figs. 3/14 and 16), Colle dei Cappuccini (Chiarucci 1978, pl. XVI/2, 3, 5) and Colle dell’Asino (Guidi et al. 1978, fig. 1/1); – Two fragments of cooking stoves with raised plates (Fig. 3:8-9); coarse reddish brown clay mixture (5YR4/4 reddish brown – 5/6 yellowish red).22

and a variety of jars. From the neighbouring La Pasolina hill (Fig. 2:B), the following items are presented:

Other materials from a period ranging from the 9th to the 7th century BC are also present, such as many fragments of cooking stoves, a fragment of an andiron, rims of small dolia with notched relief cord, small cups, bowls

– Fragment of a small carinated bowl (Fig. 5:1), smoothed surfaces (exterior 10YR5/3 brown); type documented since FBA2 and 3;23 – Fragment of a cooking stove with raised diaphragm (Fig. 5:2); coarse reddish clay mixture (2.5YR5/4 reddish brown).24

22 Albano, Colle dei Cappuccini; Ariccia, Vallericcia: Chiarucci 1978, pl. XVII/1-3; pl. XXVIII/3; Castel di Decima: Guaitoli 1981, fig.18/10, saggio I strato A.

23 Albano, Paluzzi: Chiarucci 1978, pl. X/6; Rocca di Papa, Monte Cavo: Guidi et al. 1978, fig. 1/7. 24 See note 22.

696

M. ANGLE, M.F. ROLFO, S. BOZZATO & CRISTIANO MENGARELLI: COLONNA AND ITS TERRITORY typology connected to a Demeter cult.27 There is also a fragment of a small building wall,28 whose clay mixture may be connected to locally fired clay products of the same period (Fig. 5:12). The chronological homogeneity of these remains and the fact that they all belonged to the cult domain, suggest that a worship area nearby La Pasolina existed in the above mentioned period.29 C.M.

Also surface materials dating from the IIA to III phases were collected and many mixed materials ranging between the end of the 7th century and the beginning of the 6th century BC. Other dispersed materials (8th to 6th century BC) come from the saddle connecting the two hills. As the urbanization of the area prevents us from conducting excavations, it is impossible to know whether the two distinct top hills, Colonna and La Pasolina, were the sites of two different villages that were unified later. However, there is no doubt that the Colonna-Pasolina settlement extended (at least, starting from the 8th century) on a surface wider than it was previously believed (about 3 ha), even if it did not reach the size of Ardea, Gabii and Rome (80 to 100 ha), and that it had a significant chronological stratification. Similarly, the developmental pattern of the burial areas, which were grouped around the village, confirms a continued occupation of settlement and the formalization of the way the communal spaces were used.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Angle, M., 1996. Casale Nuovo, in: C. Belardelli & P. Pascucci (eds), Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Province di Rieti e di Latina. Roma, 61-63. Angle, M., 2003. “Quando del fuoco m’avrete fatto partecipe …”. La sepoltura di Vigna D’Andrea e alcune osservazioni sul rituale dell’incinerazione, in: M. Angle & A. Germano (eds), Museo e Territorio III, Atti Giornate di Studi “Il Territorio Veliterno nell’Antichità”. Velletri, 47-80. Angle, M., in press. Colonna. Barberi; Colonna. Colle Mattia; Marino. Prato della Corte, Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Roma. Angle, M. & A. Guidi, 1979. Il popolamento del territorio di Grottaferrata in età pre e protostorica. Doc.Alb. 2(1), 43-66. Angle, M., F. Lugli & A. Zarattini, 2002. Lago Albano: il “Villaggio delle Macine”, in: S Rizzo (ed.), Roma. Città del Lazio, catalogo della mostra. Roma, 52-56. Angle, M., S. Bozzato, A. Molinaro & A. Zarattini, 2003. Un insediamento di altura della tarda età del bronzo sul Monte Artemisio, in: M. Angle & A. Germano (eds), Museo e Territorio I-II, Atti Giornate di Studi “Il Territorio Veliterno nell’Antichità”. Velletri, 3146. Angle, M., C. Belardelli & E. Nicosia, in press. Colonna. Colle S. Andrea, in: Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Provincia di Roma. Bartoloni, G., 1987. Colli Albani, in: G. Bartoloni, F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, 1987. Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia (= Tyrrhenica, 1). Roma, 181-187. Bartoloni, G., F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, 1987. Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia (= Tyrrhenica, 1). Roma. Belardelli, C., 1996. Monte S. Martino, in: Belardelli C. & P. Pascucci (eds), Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Province di Rieti e di Latina. Roma, 36-38. Belardelli, C., in press. Lariano. Colle della Fragola, Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Roma.

To conclude, the presence of a cult place from the Archaic period (see below) in an area inhabited during the Iron Age phases reflects a model already identified in many sites in Latium (Guidi 1980), where dwelling structures from 8th century BC starting to play a special role inside the village are replaced by temples in later centuries. All these features are clearly connected to the rise and consolidation of a small community that, even if remote from the more lively coastal area, is organized according to a proto-state model (Guidi 1998, 156). M.A., S.B., M.F.R. On the La Pasolina site (Fig. 2:B), which is to be regarded as an integral part of the settlement, a significant presence of materials of the Archaic period was observed. Among these materials, in addition to what is already known from other areas,25 there is a group of pottery fragments and votive items allowing for a more in depth knowledge of the population features of that area in the Archaic period. Pottery is represented mainly by coarse ware, with a limited variety of shapes, among which several types of jars (Fig. 5:7-10) and basins with truncated cone rims (Fig. 5:5), but there are also dolia (Fig. 5:3) and basins of a sandy light clay mixture (Fig. 5:4 and 6). These pieces of pottery can be dated to a period ranging from the end of the 6th to the half of the 4th century BC26 and are comparable to two votive objects dating to the 5th-4th century BC. One of these is a fragment of a small statue with a sitting female figure (Fig. 5:11), which could not be clearer identified due to fact that the upper part of the body is missing; anyway, it may reasonably be hypothesized that it belongs to a

27

See Comella 1986, 48-49. Models of simple manufacture come from Satricum (Archaic?), Minturno (5th-4th century BC), Veio (5th century BC); and from chronologically more recent contexts, like Orvieto-Cannicella and Roma-Minerva Medica, dated to 4th-3rd BC. See also: Staccioli 1968, 15-66. 29 The finds in the La Pasolina district, made in the17th century AD let suppose the existence of a cult dedicated to Cibele in the Imperial Age; like the epigraph in the Greek language, in which the goddess is mentioned with the appellation of ‘Agraria’ (Tomassetti 1892, 358), directly connected with the semantic field of Demetra. 28

25 Data on the Archaic period in Ghini & Guidi 1984 and Bologna, Bozzato & Rolfo 2003, 161. 26 See Bouma 1996-I, 346–375, on the jars; Bouma 1996-II, 176, on the dolia; Mengarelli 2003, 73, and Guaitoli 1981, fig. 20, Saggio II, Strato A, on the presence of ‘chiaro sabbiosi’ between the 5th and the half of 4th century BC.

697

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa, I-III. Roma. Bologna, L., R. Bozzato & M.F. Rolfo, 2003. Intervento archeologico in località “Pasolina” (Colonna), in: J.R. Brandt, X. Dupré Raventós & G. Ghini (eds), Lazio e Sabina 1, Atti del Convegno “Primo Incontro di studi sul Lazio e la Sabina”. Roma, 159-162. Bouma, J.W., 1996. Religio Votiva: the archeology of Latial votive religion. The 5th-3rd BC votive deposit south west of the main temple at “Satricum” Borgo Le Ferriere, vol. I-III. Groningen. Bozzato, S. & M.F. Rolfo, in press. Colonna. Le Quinte, in: Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Provincia di Roma. Buranelli, F., 1987. Veio, in: G. Bartoloni, F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia (= Tyrrhenica, 1). Roma, 177-180. Carancini, G., 1979. Alcuni aspetti della metallurgia nel Lazio nel corso dell’età del bronzo. Arch.Laz. 2 (= QuadAEI 3), 177-184. Cassano, S.M., G. Chiarucci & A. Manfredini, 1979. L’insediamento appenninico di Colle della Mola (Rocca Priora). Arch.Laz. 2 (= QuadAEI 3), 157-160. Cassano, S.M., G. Chiarucci & A. Manfredini, 1981. L’abitato di Colle della Mola, in: Enea nel Lazio. Roma, 99-100. Chiarucci, G., 1978. Colli Albani. Preistoria e protostoria. Doc.Alb. 5. Chiarucci, G., 1980. Preistoria e Protostoria Lanuvina, nuove scoperte. Doc.Alb. 2(2), 5-12. Chiarucci, G., 1985. Materiali dell’età del bronzo nelle acque del Lago Albano. Arch.Laz. 7 (= QuadAEI 11), 34-39. Chiarucci, G., 1987. Nuovi materiali e recenti scoperte della civiltà laziale nell’area albana. Arch.Laz. 8 (= QuadAEI 14), 203-207. CLP 1976. Civiltà del Lazio Primitivo. Roma. Comella, A.M., 1986. I materiali votivi di Falerii, Corpus delle stipi votive in Italia I, Regio VII,1. Roma. Crescenzi, L. & E. Tortorici, 1983. Le tombe precedenti l’impianto del santuario, in: Ardea. Immagini di una ricerca. Roma, 43-55. Delpino, F., 1978. Presenze del bronzo finale ad Ardea. Arch.Laz. 1 (= QuadAEI 1), 26-27. Delpino, F. & M.A. Fugazzola Delpino, 1981. Territorio ardeatino: Capanna Rimessone e Campo del Fico, in: Enea nel Lazio. Roma, 104-105. De Rossi, M.S., 1867. Rapporto sugli studi e sulle scoperte paleoetnologiche nel bacino della Campagna romana. Ann.Inst.Corr.Arch. 39, 5-72. De Santis, A., 1987. Roma, in: G. Bartoloni, F. Buranelli, V. D’Atri & A. De Santis, 1987. Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia (= Tyrrhenica, 1). Roma, 197-205. Drago Troccoli, L., M. Merlo & S. ten Kortenaar, 2003. Ricerche nell’area dell’Artemisio: scavi archeologici in località Colle del Vescovo, in: M. Angle & A. Germano (eds), Museo e Territorio I-II, Atti Giornate di Studi “Il Territorio Veliterno nell’Antichità”. Velletri, 147-158.

Gastaldi, P., 1998. Pontecagnano II.4. La necropoli del Pagliarone (= AION 10). Napoli. Ghini, G. & A. Guidi, 1984. Colonna: nuove acquisizioni per l’età del ferro. Arch.Laz. 6 (= QuadAEI 8), 63-75. Gianni, A., 1991. Il farro, il cervo e il villaggio mobile: economia di sussistenza, insediamento, territorio, tra III e II millennio a.C. nel Lazio Meridionale e nella Campania Settentrionale. Scienze dell’Antichità 5, 99161. Giardino, C., 1985. Il ripostiglio di Nemi. Doc.Alb. 7, 715. Gierow, P.G., 1964. The Iron Age culture of Latium, II/1. Excavations and finds. Lund. Gjerstad, E., 1956. Early Rome, II. The tombs. Lund. Guaitoli, M., 1981. Castel di Decima. Nuove osservazioni sulla topografia dell’abitato alla luce dei primi saggi di scavo, in: Ricognizione archeologica. Nuove ricerche nel Lazio (= Quad.Ist.Top.Ant.), 117-150. Guaitoli, M., 1995. Lavinium: nuovi dati dalle necropoli. Arch.Laz. 12(2) (= QuadAEI 23), 551-562. Guidi, A., 1980. Luoghi di culto dell’età del bronzo e della prima età del ferro nel Lazio meridionale. Arch.Laz. 3 (= QuadAEI 4), 148-155. Guidi, A., 1981. Nuovi rinvenimenti in siti del passaggio alla media età del bronzo. Arch.Laz. 4 (= QuadAEI 5), 47-55. Guidi, A., 1993. La necropoli veiente dei Quattro Fontanili nel quadro della fase recente della prima età del ferro italiana (= Bibl.St.Etr., 26). Firenze. Guidi, A., 1998. The emergence of the state in Central and northern Italy. Acta Arch. 69, 139-161. Guidi A., F. di Gennaro & M. Pacciarelli, 1978. Rinvenimenti d’età pre- e protostorica a Grottaferrata e a Monte Cavo. Arch.Laz. 1 (= QuadAEI 1), 84-86. Malgrem, L., 1981. Ficana (com. Acilia), in: Enea nel Lazio. Roma, 102-104. Mauss, M., 1965. Teoria generale della magia e altri saggi (Sociologie et anthropologie, Paris 1950). Torino. Mengarelli, C., 2003. Nuovi dati dal territorio sud-est di Velletri, in: M. Angle & A. Germano (eds), Museo e Territorio I-II, Atti Giornate di Studi “Il territorio Veliterno nell’Antichità”. Velletri. Pacciarelli, M., 2001. Dal villaggio alla città, la svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C., nell’Italia tirrenica, (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana). Firenze Savignoni, L., 1902. Colonna. Notizie degli Scavi, 115116. Staccioli, R.A., 1968. Modelli di edifici etrusco-italici. I modelli votivi. Firenze. Tomassetti, G., 1892. Notizie epigrafiche. Bull.Comm.Arch.Roma, s. 4, 354–360. Tusa, S., 1983. Necropoli a incinerazione in località Cavallo Morto (Anzio). Arch.Laz. 5 (= QuadAEI 7), 21-27.

698

THE POGGIOMARINO RIVER SETTLEMENT IN THE LONGOLA AREA C. Albore Livadie, C. Bartoli, G. Boenzi, C. Cicirelli & P.G. Guzzo Abstract: A protohistoric settlement of exceptional archaeological interest for the reconstruction of the historic phases immediately prior to the foundation of Pompeii and the settlement system of the Late Bronze Age, the Early Iron Age and the Oriental period is currently being excavated at Poggiomarino, near Longola, close to the river. The dimensions of the site, undoubtedly greater than 7 hectares, its duration, from a late stage in the Middle Bronze Age to the late Orientalizing period, the unique nature of the evidence of human habitation and the environmental nature of the site, and above all the perfect state of conservation of the deposits, make Poggiomarino one of the most important discoveries in southern Italy of the last decades. The site is completely waterlogged, which preserved the wood and other organic substances, providing us with useful information for the reconstruction of the material culture and the ancient environment, by means of a study of the pollen, the various organic remains and the wooden items recovered (mainly Quercus sp). Dendrochronological analyses carried out in Italian and US laboratories, will provide information on the precise chronological sequence of the settlement and the various phases of its structures.

The plain of Sarno, in the immediate hinterland of Pompeii, previously known for its huge Iron Age burial grounds, raised a problem regarding the location of the settlements of the same time (Figs 1-2). The construction of a purification plant with a significant impact on the environment period at Longola Poggiomarino in the province of Naples, near the current course of the River Sarno, gave us the chance to carry out archaeological surveys in December 2000-February 2001 and the first half of 2002.1 Mechanical core samples show the presence of a large settlement covering virtually the entire area involved in the construction of the plant (7 hectares), which would 1 The first, very brief, period of excavation (financed by Archaeological Heritage Authority of Pompeii and directed by C. Cicirelli) was followed up in the field by C. Albore Livadie with the cooperation of C. Bartoli. On this occasion, it was also possible to gather large quantities of ceramic and faunal materials, as well as various fusion moulds for bronze artefacts and personal ornaments in bronze, amber and vitreous paste, which were brought to light by the drilling operations carried out during the construction of the biological treatment tank. This collection of materials, now outside their stratigraphic context, took place by means of a mapping operation that only approximately indicated the original location of the finds, as the terrain had been partially shifted by the mechanical earthmoving equipment. These artefacts provided a preliminary view of the periods of occupation of the area. A geo-archaeological core sampling operation was later carried out in the entire site zone, as well as an extremely complex stratigraphic excavation, which involved a large group of manual workers, 16 archaeologists and 3 to 5 drawing specialists. At the same time, the Archaeological Administration of Pompeii set up an analysis programme with environmental and fauna experts. For further information on the work being carried out with the Aegean Dendrochronology Project (December 2002 Progress Report), see http://www.arts.cornell.edu/dendro/2002news/2002adp.html presentation of the excavations took place during a press conference on 21st March 2002 in the hall of the Ministry for the Cultural Heritage and Activities, in Via Collegio Romano, Rome. During this occasion, a video produced by the Archaeological Administration of Pompeii illustrated the excavations and the most interesting finds. A preliminary report was presented during the XLII Study Convention on Magna Grecia by Prof. P.G. Guzzo. The exceptional nature of the finds and the problems linked with the construction work on the large purification unit along the mid-Sarno basin aroused the interest of a number of local cultural associations, which set up a special web site for the purpose, while the finds featured in a number of cultural TV programmes (Linea Blu, Gaia, and others) and in various weekly magazines and specialist publications (Il Venerdì di Repubblica, May 2002; Archeologia Viva, July-August 2002 and La Macchina del Tempo, October 2002).

Fig. 1. Map of Campania with the location of Poggiomarino. appear to have been constantly inhabited from the Middle Bronze Age to the early part of the 6th century BC (Fig. 3). This therefore makes it of fundamental importance for the reconstruction of the historic phases immediately prior to the foundation of Pompeii, and for an understanding of the settlement methods in the protohistoric villages of the Sarno Valley, the only evidence that up to now has been found in the burial grounds. Another factor that makes the site particularly interesting is the exceptional state of conservation of the findings and wooden structures (Fig. 4), made possible by the presence of the water bearing layer less than 50 cm from ground level. The discovery of a large number of paleobotanical and animal remains also enables us to reconstruct the ancient environment.

699

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The presence of swampy silt and blue clay, typical indicators of such environments, was noted at depths of more than 7 metres below current ground level in the core samples and during the surveys at greater depth. Lake sedimentation stopped during the Bronze Age. The levels for this period show sedimentation typical of a pond or swamp in which flooding appears to be mainly dictated by the seasonal refilling of the water bearing layer of the plain. The settlement found at Longola was occupied from an advanced stage in the Middle Bronze Age (BM3; Fig. 3:1-2), which means that it is as from this time that man began to become interested in the lakeside environment, which requires large-scale hydraulic and reclamation operations. An extensive stratified excavation has enabled us to bring to light a complex settlement system, made up of a series of ‘islets’ created by the laying of artificial canals (Figs 5-6), built to drain off the water and used for navigation. Evidence in this sense is the discovery of two single seater canoes more than 7 metres long, one of which is around 1.5 metres wide, identified in an interconnecting link between two major canals within a large-scale mooring system, in which the marks left by cables are still visible in the upper parts of a number of poles.

Fig. 2. IGM map with the main known sites (Striano, S. Marzano, S. Valentino, Poggiomarino). However, the level of the water bearing layer had a significant effect on the excavation work, and made it necessary to use a complex system of well points and drainage trenches, which required a significant organizational and financial commitment. Up to now, only a very limited area of the site has been studied by means of three sampling operations. The first of these, measuring 25x25 metres, took place in December 2000, while the other two, covering a total area of 1600 square metres, have been resumed in April 2004, and are still going on. The geo-archaeological surveys carried out by means of core sampling, however, have gone down as far as sterile silt levels and have enabled us to identify the most ancient stages of settlement.

The canals were a major hydraulic engineering project, which played a role in the programmed organization of the Sarno river system. Both the main and secondary connecting canals have banks made up of wooden stake barriers that had been renovated on various occasions in the course of time as the ground levels of the islets rose and the canals were filled. The fillings were made up of alluvial pyroclastic sand, and it may be possible that this was partially removed during maintenance work.

Located in the northern section of the river, the site occupies an ancient basin, located virtually halfway between the eastern flank of Somma/Vesuvius and the Sarno Hills, and situated around 11 km from Pompeii as the crow flies, in which we can see evidence of significant subsidence (more than 7 metres in the last 3,000 years).

A number of poles were found in the canal beds, which had been filled in and reactivated on a number of occasions. This would suggest that the banks collapsed repeatedly and documents clearly the various phases in the life of the canals. The canals mark out the boundaries of roughly rectangular islets. Each islet covers an area of variable extention (from few square metres up to 500 square metres), created by means of the artificial removal of ashy lime alternating with pumice, and used for drainage purposes, with the materials taken from the surrounding rises. In this way, dry ground surfaces were created, which could then be used to build residential structures and their boundary walls upon, with some of these structures used as stalls for animals. In some cases, as the canal banks were restored the islets were extended with wooden elements being re-used for this purpose. The different stages in the rearrangement of the banks and the raising of the ground levels point to subsidence phenomena connected with the hydrogeological layout of

The site is surrounded by modest rises on which the current communities of Striano, San Valentino Torio and San Marzano are built and where we find the great necropolis of the Iron Age. Here the indicators of subsidence over the same period of time are much less pronounced, and in some cases altogether absent. The ancient course of the river, obstructed by these areas in relief, penetrated the basin, with clear diversions to the west and south still clearly visible in the old historic maps, produced prior to the work on the reclamation of the river (Bourbon law of 1855).

700

C. ALBORE LIVADIE, C. BARTOLI, G. BOENZI, C. CICIRELLI & P.G. GUZZO: THE POGGIOMARINO RIVER SETTLEMENT

Fig. 3. Vases impasto (BM: 1-2; Iron Age: 3-7) and imitation Greek pottery LGII (8-9). Design C. Bartoli. large number of objects were found, made of metal, bone and horn, vitreous paste and amber, some of which were still in the processing stage. Particularly significant in this sense was the discovery of a number of clusters of untreated amber, casting moulds and bronze and iron tools such as gouges and chisels.

the zone. The residential structures identified on the islets are of a rectangular or apsidial shape, normally enclosed by a fence. Differing in shape and size, they all show various levels of rearrangement of the floor level, using ashy silt and pumice as filling materials. The humid areas outside the huts in the vicinity of the canals were often reclaimed with branches and mats made of vegetable fibres. It may be correct to hypothesize that some of the structures were partly used for craft activities.

A number of wooden objects were also found, including wheels, feeding troughs, combs and so on. Equally significant are the ceramic objects, with a variety of vases and decorative motifs that will make it possible to define a local style that up to now had been known only from the finds in the burial grounds in the Sarno Valley, as well as reconstruct the cultural dynamics.

The settlement appears to have been an important centre for the production and exchange of prestigious goods. A 701

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Wheels. At the end of the 7th century BC (EIA3), perhaps in some way connected to a significant environmental crisis that appears to have affected the Sarno hills at this time, the canals were filled in, eliminated once and for all and never re-used. The sandy deposits that fill in the beds have yielded a large quantity of archaeological materials that suggest the extension of the settlement upstream. The areas originally affected by the presence of the canals were reclaimed at this stage with the laying of wooden boards or fragments of stone, bone or ceramics, with a view to exploit the entire area. The population of the part of the site surveyed was highly reduced, with only a few huts located in the northern areas, which were used for specialist crops.

Fig. 5. Overall plan zone A with the main canal, minor canal with 3 islets visible (arch. E. Castaldo; arch. P. Mercogliano).

The subsidence phenomena continued into the historic period. The pyroclastic deposits left by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD destroyed an area used for forestry purposes, in which paths and the beds of dried up rivers were found. Near a centuries-old oak, a small cult area was brought to light, containing a number of miniature vases and a small head made of clay. In the area above the eruption of Pollena (between 472 and 505 AD), we can see the travertine blade formations typical of an underwater environment. The sedimentation of the zone up to the nineteenth century is that typical of a river and swamp environment.

As well as a large group of archaeologists and drawing specialists, contributions to the excavation were also made by geologists, volcanologists, archaeozoologists, specialists in woodworking and paleobotanists. The dendrochronological analyses were first carried out by P. Kuniholm, head of the Aegean Dendrochronology Laboratory at Cornell University in New York which, together with the ‘Dendrodata’ Laboratory of Verona will attempt to enter the measurements taken on the huge number of samples withdrawn at Poggiomarino in the dendrochronological curve currently being prepared for 702

C. ALBORE LIVADIE, C. BARTOLI, G. BOENZI, C. CICIRELLI & P.G. GUZZO: THE POGGIOMARINO RIVER SETTLEMENT

Fig. 6. View with the 3 canals and islets.

Fig. 7. Hut with hearth and reclamations with branches zone A (MAF 17). 703

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI the Balkan and Eastern Mediterranean areas.2 The first results obtained for M. Fioravanti (Department of Environmental and Forestry Science and Technology of Florence) show that the wooden structures and canoes were nearly all made using oak wood (Quercus sp.). In Poggiomarino, this species has very broad growth rings at a certain distance from each other, even though there are also oaks with a larger number of rings, found in the nearby mountains. For example, P. Kuniholm has pointed out the presence of a board showing 183 rings. Such a widespread use of this species is therefore due not only to its good mechanical resistance but also to its local availability.

different in terms of their dimensions (around 18 metres in length) and building technique, which involves the use of travertine slabs on the outside. Oak wood is prevalently used, but the use of white birch (Abies alba Mill.) over long sections is highly significant from the technological viewpoint, as this bears witness to an ability to select materials in line with specific user requirements. The excavation was suspended in June at the levels of the transition period from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age. Up to this period, the huts were built on dry land. When the excavations resume in the near future,3 we hope to reach the Late Bronze levels intercepted in the first survey in 2000, which are also partially visible in the exposed sections of the drainage trenches at the margin of the excavation area. We intend to check for the existence of the lake dwellings whose presumed discovery in the same area by Dall’Osso at the start of the 20th century provoked a number of disagreements involving Pigorini (Pigorini 1903a; 1903b), Patroni (Patroni 1909) and Pais (Pais 1908; 1910; 1922; Guzzo 2003a).4

In addition, the preliminary archaeobotanical surveys carried out on the abundant fruit and seed remains (such as fragments of Corylus and acorns, cereal kernels, seeds of leguminous plants and the seeds and fruits of hygrophile plants scattered by humans) provide us with information on the natural vegetation and the use of certain species as food. Equally significant information has been obtained from analysis of the animal remains found in large numbers and in an excellent state of conservation. We can observe the presence of animals, both wild (deer and wild boar) and, above all, domestic (cattle, sheep, goats and pigs). Also found were the remains of various small dogs, a bear’s skull, a large number of molluscs and many small mammals. The remains of fish are particularly interesting, especially since we have evidence of fishing in the form of various bronze hooks and weights for nets. The huts occupying the islets are nearly all horseshoeshaped with side openings. The huts are often divided into a number of rooms, separated from each other by thin wooden partitions. A hearth was found inside each structure, mainly made of potsherd with an underlying level of pumice. The hearths were rearranged with each alteration in the floor levels (Fig. 7).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The dimensions of the structures in EIA1 and 2 are generally 12/10 x 5/3 metres approximately, while the features found in a structure that can be dated to EIA3 are

Authors divers, Prima di Pompei. Un insediamento protostorico nel golfo di Napoli. La Parola del Passato, Macchiaroli editore, vol. LVIII, 2003, 168 pp. Cicirelli, C., 2003. Poggiomarino – Il sito perifluviale protostorico scoperto a margine dell’impianto di depuratore. RiviStPomp 14, 74-82. Guzzo, P.G., 2003a. Un’antica polemica nella ricerca protostorica sulla valle del Sarno. La Parola del Passato, Macchiaroli editore, vol. LVIII, 139-168. Guzzo, P.G., 2003b. Rassegna attività Soprintendenza archeologica di Pompei, in: Atti del XLII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto-Matera, 4-8 october 2002 (which CD-ROM, P.G. Guzzo, C. Albore Livadie, C. Cicirelli & G. Di Maio, L’insediamento perifluviale protostorico di localita’ Longola – Poggiomarino. Ricostruzioni paleoambientali). Pais, E., 1908. Per la storia antichissima della Valle del Sarno. A proposito degli scavi eseguiti nell’anno 1903, in: RAL 17 (5a), 459-482 (with Appendice ‘Scavi eseguiti a S. Marzano sul Sarno ed a S. Valentino. Appunti del ff. di Soprastante Salvatore De Blasi’, 477-482). Pais, E., 1910. A proposito della palafitta della valle del Sarno. RAL 19 (5a), 3-12.

2 The work carried out between December 2001 and June 2002 was financed by the Socioeconomic and Environmental Emergency Commission for the River Sarno Basin, Naples (technical-scientific responsible C. Cicirelli). The operations carried out from 27th June to 12th July 2002, for the recovery of wooden artefacts and two canoes, was financed by the Archaeological Administration of Pompeii. The Administration is restoring the main wooden finds from the area and a significant quantity of the artefacts, and an exhibition dedicated to the site will be organized in the near future.

3 During the delays in going to press, prime minister Silvio Berlusconi signed the ‘ordinanza’ that safeguards the Longola site (11/7/2003). The abandonment of the building project has saved the archaeological area from destruction, and this could now go on to become an archaeological park connected with the finds in the zone, which will also lead to the cleaning up of the river pollution. 4 Translation Laura and Colin Wood / Strut International Group.

The perimeter poles are reinforced with a kerb made up of compacted fragments of ceramics and stone. In some cases, the raised platform with poles and wooden trellis has been preserved. A perimeter duct is normally found outside the structure. To the side of some of the huts in EIA3, a track formed by fragments of stone, ceramics and bone was also brought to light.

704

C. ALBORE LIVADIE, C. BARTOLI, G. BOENZI, C. CICIRELLI & P.G. GUZZO: THE POGGIOMARINO RIVER SETTLEMENT Pais, E., 1922. Ancora a proposito della palafitta della Valle del Sarno, in: Idem, Italia antica (= Ricerche di storia e di geografica storica, 2). Bologna, 413-421. Patroni, G., 1909. La pretesa palafitta del Sarno. RAL 18 (5a), 265-270. Pigorini, L., 1903a. Una lettera intorno al sig. Pais e al Museo di Napoli. Napoli Nobilissima 12, 143. Pigorini, L., 1903b. Le più antiche civiltà d’Italia. BPI 9 (3a) 29, nn. 10-12, ottobre-dicembre, 189-211.

705

FROM A SETTLEMENT TO AN EARLY STATE? THE ROLE OF NEPI IN THE LOCAL AND REGIONAL SETTLEMENT PATTERNS OF THE FALISCAN AREA AND INNER ETRURIA DURING THE IRON AGE Ulla Rajala Abstract: The status and position of Nepi during the Early Iron Age and Orientalising period are discussed. The data include survey results from the territory of Nepi. Some finds suggest that there may have been settlement continuity from the Final Bronze Age onwards. During the 8th century BC Nepi was settled and a series of boundary cemeteries or minor settlements were founded. During the Orientalising period one may talk of an early state module. Gambini Voronyi polygons put Iron Age Nepi under the power of Veii, but population estimates suggest that Veii was unlikely to hold such a large territory.

most suitable during the Tuscania project.7 The material was collected in the course of three field seasons in 1999 and 2000. During the blanket survey a total of 231 units were covered. In addition, the Bronze Age site of Il Pizzo8 at Nepi was surveyed.

INTRODUCTION The aims of this paper are to discuss the archaeology of Nepi and its territory during the Early Iron Age and Orientalising period and to consider its status and position in the regional settlement pattern. The paper is based on a part of my PhD thesis at the University of Cambridge1 and deals with the local trajectory of the later Faliscan town. Nepi is located approx. 45 kilometres north of Rome (Fig. 1). It was supposedly a lesser centre than Falerii Veteres and Narce although its status as a gateway settlement has been emphasized.2 The data for the study have been collected from a series of sources. Naturally, the existing archaeological publications were important but the main bodies of data came from my own survey work, together with the still largely unpublished manuscript of the late Tim Potter3 and the unpublished Scuola di Specializzazzione dissertation of Francesco di Gennaro;4 both kindly allowed me to copy their work. I also got further information from Dr di Gennaro and Dr Cifani.5 All fieldwork was part of the Nepi survey project, one of the projects under the umbrella of the Tiber Valley Project of the British School at Rome. The project was directed by Dr Stoddart with the author as the field supervisor. The project was done in collaboration with Soprintendenza archeologica per Etruria meridionale (SAEM) and the intendent dott.sa Rizzo. The main aim was to improve the quality of the data6 existing for the area from the Bronze Age onwards. The territory was sampled by using transects, the method shown to be the

Fig. 1. The research area in central Italy. NEPI AND ITS TERRITORY DURING THE EARLY IRON AGE The Final Bronze Age settlement at Nepi was located on the promontory called Il Pizzo9 south of the town itself. During his research on the site, di Gennaro has found a diagnostic piece datable possibly to the 9th century BC.10 During the intensive survey in 2000 a series of rims belonging to biconical vases (Fig. 2:A) were found; these could be either from the Final Bronze Age or Early Iron

1 I would like to thank my supervisor Dr Stoddart and my advisor Dr Shell. This research would not have been possible without funding from the British Academy (AHRB), the Finnish Academy, New Hall, Cambridge European Trust and the Finnish Cultural Foundation. Francesco di Gennaro kindly read the manuscript. I thank Jessica Rippengal for correcting my English. 2 E.g. Edward et al. 1995; cf. Carlucci & De Lucia 1998, 28. 3 Potter N.D. 4 Di Gennaro 1995. 5 Both shared some of their superior knowledge on the area and clarified the extent of their own activities in the area. Dr Cifani also guided me in the cemetery of Tenuta Franca, mapped and published by him (Cifani & Munzi 1995). 6 Cf. Potter 1992.

7

Cf. Barker 1988; Barker & Rasmussen 1988; Vullo & Barker 1997. Cf. di Gennaro 1992; di Gennaro et al. 2002. Di Gennaro 1987; 1992; di Gennaro et al. 2002; Rajala 2002. 10 Di Gennaro et al. 2002, fig. 5.11. 8 9

706

ULLA RAJALA: FROM A SETTLEMENT TO AN EARLY STATE? Age.11 Therefore, the continuity of settlement at Nepi can be suggested but not definitely proven.

information about pozzo tombs from south of Castel Sant’Elia18 and from the vicinity of Castel d’Ischia.19 These finds can be boundary cemeteries or related to minor settlements. A further find is a piece of clay furnace from Piano di Vallescura; the type was more usual during the Early Iron Age, but was still in the use during the Orientalising period.20

Fig. 2. Selected material from Il Pizzo. A. Rims of biconical vases; B. A handle. Later Early Iron Age material has been found from both Il Pizzo and Nepi itself.12 Of the material found in the intensive survey on Il Pizzo, a pair of handle fragments (Fig. 2:B) could be dated to the 8th century BC; in Veii, a pair of jugs with similar handles was found from the cemetery of Casale del Fosso.13 However, in funerary contexts this type of handle has also been dated to the Orientalising period.14 In any case, the finds point to the funerary use at the same time as the site at Nepi was settled. Other early funerary finds are from the cemetery of Il Gilastro and date to the late 8th century BC.15

Fig. 3. The interpretation of the Early Iron Age finds in the Nepi area.

Elsewhere in the territory, there are only a few indications of Iron Age sites (Fig. 3). There is the 8th century material from tombs at La Massa, but these are not from the area nearest to Nepi but near Casale La Massa16 on the opposite site of the river valley from Castello Porciano. However, in 2000 a series of sherds were found near Fosso del Graciolo in the area of La Massa, which suggest that there was an Iron Age or Orientalising cemetery in the area.17 Furthermore, there is 11

Cf. Brusadin Laplace 1984-1987, fig. 36 C2; fig. 24 T.5, T.6; e.g. Mandolesi 1999, fig. 6.B3; Bonghi Jovino 1999, tav. 111.2. Cf. Iaia & Mandolesi 1993, n. 57, 30. 13 D’Erme 2001. 14 Cf. Carafa 1995, types 132, 140 and 162, 62-64, 70. 15 De Lucia Brolli 1991a, 95-96; Iaia & Mandolesi 1993, n. 57, 30. 16 The tombs were at Potter’s F9 (Potter N.D.). The finds were done by Stefani (1910) and dated recently by Iaia and Mandolesi (1993, 30). The latter suggested that the finds were found from the cemetery of La Massa in the communal forest opposite Nepi itself. However, Stefani (1910, 213) described the location of the tombs as ‘a poco più di un km., a valle di Ponte Nepesino, quasi sul ciglio dell’alta rupe tufacea’. 17 A late Iron Age jar rim and decorated sherd were most probably from a grave since the use of jars as funerary vessels was a Faliscan 12

Fig. 4. Thiessen polygons and the Nepi area.

peculiarity (Baglione & De Lucia Brolli 1990, 75). The rim is similar to the Carafa’s (1995) type 27. However, similar rim has been found from Tarquinia (Bonghi Jovino 1999, piece 124/4). Therefore the pieces are from the time period between the period IIB and 650 BC. 18 Potter N.D. F20. 19 Cifani pers.comm. 20 Scheffer 1981, 65.

707

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Outside the immediate territory of Nepi, the nearest settlement was located at Casale Filissano during the 8th century BC. It is on the Thiessen polygon boundary (Fig. 4) but the existence of the cemeteries and possibly settlements at Castel d’Ischia and Castello Porciano suggest that the river valley was the boundary between territories of Nepi and Narce. The latter would have more been logical had Casale Filissano been under its dominance.

finds suggest that there were settlements, or at least tombs, near Castel d’Ischia.27 In the Nepi survey a series of tombs was mapped near Poggio Maggiore north-east from Castel Sant’Elia. A series of surface finds (cf. Fig. 5) from San Pietro, Il Gilastro, Cerro, La Massa, Piano di Vallescura and near Castello di Ponte Nepesino seem to relate to tombs. This interpretation has been allowed by the dispersed finds of a few bucchero and impasto bruno sherds together with diagnostic impasto rosso rims.

The data suggest that the Early Iron Age was a defining moment in the development of local settlement patterns. Although there is a possibility of continuous settlement at Nepi from the Final Bronze Age, the emphasis of settlement changed to the site of newly occupied Nepi. Il Pizzo became a funerary site. Furthermore, there are signs of minor settlements or at least boundary cemeteries at boundary locations. NEPI AND ITS TERRITORY DURING THE PERIOD

ORIENTALISING

The whole promontory of Nepi may have been settled during the Orientalising period, but this is unsure since in the area of the monastery of San Tolomeo the earlier layers were destroyed by quarrying. Only one late IA arched fibula and a sherd of bucchero testify of preceding occupation.21 The excavation finds from the cemeteries of Nepi demonstrate that settlement was more prominent in the centre. However, there are much fewer tombs known from Nepi than from Narce and Falerii Veteres (cf. Table 1). The extent of the cemeteries has been supposed to have been large,22 a conclusion supported by the existing evidence. The most important cemeteries were those of Il Gilastro and Cerro.23

Fig. 5. The interpretation of the Orientalising finds in the Nepi area.

Table 1. The number of published tombs from three Faliscan centres. Tomb type Pit Trench Chapter

Narce 65 163 436

Falerii Veteres 36 157 368

Like during the Early Iron Age, all data point to the existence of a two-tier settlement system (Fig. 5). The local epicentre was at Nepi but a series of boundary settlements has been identified at Torre dell’Isola, Castel d’Ischia, Castello del Ponte Nepesino and in the vicinity of Piano di Vallescura. The number of low-density finds shows how the territory was extensively used and visited. By this time the early state module had been properly established and Nepi stood as a separate entity independent from Falerii or Narce.

Nepi 11 24

The number of finds increases in the territory during the Orientalising period. However, most of them seem to be connected with tombs, either those of Nepi or other settlements in the area. At Torre dell’Isola24 a poor fossa cemetery proves that the Final Bronze Age site was resettled.25 In the cemetery of Tenuta Franca some of the tombs are Orientalising.26 Furthermore, some of Potter’s

THE

POSITION OF NEPI IN THE REGIONAL SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS: THE GAMBINI POLYGONS

The position of Nepi was assessed not only by creating Thiessen polygons but also by using Gambini Voronyi polygons.28 The downside of both methods is that they

21

Di Gennaro et al. 2002. Cf. Carlucci & De Lucia 1998, 28-29. 23 Cf. Stefani 1910; Frederiksen & Ward Perkins 1957, 181; Rizzo 1992; Iaia & Mandolesi 1993, n. 57, 30. 24 The site is called Torre dell’Isola by the British and Torre Stroppa by the Italians (cf. di Gennaro 1995; di Gennaro et al. 2002). 25 Trucco pers. comm.; di Gennaro 1995, n. 56, 61-62. 26 Cf. Cifani 1992; 1994. 22

27

Potter N.D. F44 and F46. Gambini is a small stand-alone program that can be freely downloaded from the Web (http://www.wlu.ca/~wwwgeog/special/download/gambini.htm). It calculates multiplicative weighted Voronyi (Thiessen) polygons around generator points. 28

708

ULLA RAJALA: FROM A SETTLEMENT TO AN EARLY STATE? use geographic areas to estimate the relative importance of different centres. In the case of central Italy, the comparisons based on hypothetical settlement areas have been heavily criticized in the past.29 However, as surface scatter data is rare, the hypothetical areas defined by plateaux, bluffs and promontories are the only comparative measures available. The areas of centres were digitized in AutoCad from the Carta Tecnica Regionale (CTR Lazio) raster maps and the areas were calculated in ArcView.

influence, as suggested above. Furthermore, the Gambini graph for the whole central Italy (Fig. 7) suggests that Veii was dominant over all other centres in central Italy. The plateau of Veii is larger than any other site of major Etruscan and Latin centres, but the settled area was probably smaller. Vulci and Tarquinia seem to have been continuously settled from the Final Bronze Age, whereas at Veii settlement moved from Isola Farnese to the main site during the Early Iron Age. It is more likely that Veii was not dominant over Vulci, Tarquinia and Cerveteri, let alone the more distant Sabine or Latin centres. In any case, expanding Rome diminished its local importance and the graph (Fig. 8) suggests that the Faliscan area was more or less independent.

During the Early Iron Age, Veii seems to have been the most important centre in south-eastern Etruria (Fig. 6). Nepi was smaller than Narce but more equal in size with Falerii Veteres. During the Orientalising period, one can suggest that the area of modern Civita Castellana was settled. In that case, Falerii and Narce became equal and Nepi was a smaller place. The inferiority of Nepi, suggested by the comparison of the number of known tombs (Table 1), is a problematic issue. There are indications that the local excavations were unofficial and largely undocumented.30 Therefore, the tomb numbers are not suitable for comparison.

Fig. 7. The Gambini graph for the Early Iron Age in central Italy (the dominant centre is always left without a ‘polygon’). AN ALTERNATIVE CONSIDERATION: POPULATION ESTIMATES

Fig. 6. The Gambini graph for the Early Iron Age in south-eastern Etruria (the dominant centre is always left without a ‘polygon’).

In order to consider the relative importance of Veii during the Early Iron Age and the position of the whole Faliscan area, the possible population levels have been calculated.31 Firstly, the total geographically defined

Gambini polygons describe the relative influences of places by assessing both the size of the centres and the distances between them. In the local settlement pattern Casale Filissano would have been under Narce’s

31 The normal method for estimating urban populations in archaeology is multiplying area with density constant (cf. e.g. Shiloh 1980, 25; Bintliff 1997; 2002). The latter is here based on the building density and estimated household size. The best Iron Age evidence comes from Calvario near Tarquinia. The ratio between oval and rectangular huts, houses and outbuildings of estimated household, seems to have been approximately 1:3. Since more than 20 huts were in an area larger than

29

Rendeli 1991. He criticized both Thiessen polygons and rank size analysis. 30 For example, a French excavator called Paille worded in the area of S. Marcello, a property owned by De Maris family, for an unspecified time between 1893 and 1896 (Gaultier 1999, 88-89).

709

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI areas were used. The resulting figures (Table 2) reflect the results of the Gambini graphs – they are based on the same assumptions. According to the estimates, Veii would have been six times larger than Narce, which in turn may have been twice the size of Nepi or Falerii. Since the whole surface area is supposed to have been settled, a population larger than 3000 is likely to have been reached during the Orientalising period.32 However, if the scatter areas33 were used as the basis of the calculations, Veii would have had less than 250 inhabitants. In the absence of comparative figures for Nepi and the other two centres, one can only say that the estimated population was not overwhelming.

granted a burial, on the assumption that burial was restricted only to the most prominent families, the population would have been 2788.

Table 2. Population estimates of selected sites in southeastern Etruria (based on total geographical area, Iron Age building density and estimated household size). Centre Nepi Falerii Veteres Narce Veii

Inhabitants 255 255 572 3332

Since the relationship of surface finds and the extent of layers under ground level is a matter of debate, another way to estimate past population in Veii is to look at the cemeteries. Quattro Fontanili, Grotta Gramiccia and Casale Fosso are relatively well-known34 compared to any other Etruscan centre. The total number of burials35 has been used to calculate the size of the living population.36 The resulting total of 465 inhabitants is almost twice as much as the previous estimate, but this is not a population to draw an imperialistic force from. This figure is likely to exclude the lowest stratum of the society and the youngest members of the community.37 It also reflects the constant average population, not an increasing one. Supposing that all known tombs represented half of the original number,38 the constant average population in the late Iron Age would have been slightly above 900 and the final population would have reached almost 2000. If only a third of the population was

Fig. 8. The Gambini graph for the Orientalising period in central Italy (the dominant centre is always left without a ‘polygon’). With 2788 inhabitants, 83.8 % of the plateau of Veii should have been under occupation during the Early Iron Age. With the population of 465, 13.9 % of the plateau would have been settled. Given the restricted areas of the scatters, the likely maximum population at the end of the Early Iron Age was between 500 and 1000. The distribution of the Iron Age finds of the recently redated South Etruria Survey pottery39 suggests that perhaps 2030 % of the plateau was settled; that figure is compatible with the estimate above. All available data points to the conclusion that the total population in Veii may have been lower than most of the earlier calculations indicate.40 Although the differences are not huge in numbers, they are manifold in proportion. With the population estimated here, Veii was unlikely to have been able to hold a territory larger than an area up to the Baccano crater during the Early Iron Age.

2 hectares (Linington et al. 1978, 12), the building density was 10 huts per hectare and household density approximately 3.3 per hectare. A household is supposed to have had 5.67 persons in average. 32 On the example of Tarquinia and how the settlement changed from covering scattered areas to a blanket coverage, cf. Pacciarelli 2000. 33 Guaitoli 1981. 34 For the bibliography and further discussion, Bartoloni et al. 1997. 35 The total number of known tombs from Quattro Fontanili, Casale del Fosso and Grotta Gramiccia is 3098, but a few were Orientalising (Bartoloni et al. 1997, 89). The figure has been used since the Orientalising tombs cover the number of tombs in lesser cemeteries like Valle La Fata. 36 Beckett & Salvadei (1992) have calculated the size of the living community behind Osteria dell’Osa from the formula: Community size = Number of burials x average age of death/time span in years. The average age used here is 30 years and time span 200 years. 37 For a discussion on exclusive burial rite, see Morris 1986, 97-99. 38 Cf. Toms 1986, 44. For example, the central area of Quattro Fontanili was destroyed.

CONCLUSIONS It begins to seem possible that the core theories on the settlement patterns in central Italy may have to be 39 Patterson et al. 2000, fig. 2. The location of find spots was presented mainly as an x.y co-ordinate pair and, therefore, estimating areas is difficult. Since the 70+ concentrations documented did not cover the whole plateau, the relationship between the 41 Iron Age surface find spots/concentrations and settled area is not clear. 40 For example, Berardinetti Insam (1990, 22-24) estimated a community of 1,000 behind each phase at Quattro Fontanili. Di Gennaro (pers. comm.) thinks that the population was as high as 5,000, reaching at some point 15,000.

710

ULLA RAJALA: FROM A SETTLEMENT TO AN EARLY STATE? reconsidered in the future. This, however, requires further fieldwork, not only in Nepi but also in Lazio as a whole. There are some signs that the total desertification of Etruria outside the main future Etruscan cities is not the whole truth. If continuity in Nepi can be proven, this will have serious implications for the interpretations and the perceived emptiness of the Faliscan area.

dell’Osa, in: La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Rome, 53-64. Berardinetti Insam, A., 1990. La fase iniziale della comunità villanoviana di Quattro Fontanili. Rapporti con le comunità limitrofe, in: Dialoghi di Archeologia 1, 5-28 Bintliff, J., 1997. Further considerations on the population of ancient Boeotia, in: Recent developments in the history and archaeology of central Greece (= BAR International Series 666). Oxford, 231-252. Bintliff, J., 2002. Rethinking Early Mediterranean urbanism, in: Mauerschau, Festschrift für Manfred Korfmann, Band 1. Remschalden, 153-177. Bonghi Jovino, M. (ed.), 1999. Tarquinia. Scavi sistematici nell’abitato, Campagne 1982-1988, I materiali 2 (= Tarchna 2.2.). Roma. Brusadin Laplace, D., 1984-1987. Le necropoli protostoriche del Sasso di Furbara, II. Montorgano ed altri sepolcreti protovillanoviani. Origini 13, 341-408. Carafa, P., 1995. Officine ceramiche di età regia, Produzione di ceramica in impasto a Roma dalla fine dell’VIII alla fine del VI sec. a.C. (= Studia Archeologica 80). Roma. Carlucci, C. & M.A. De Lucia, 1998. Le antichità dei falisci al museo di Villa Giulia. Roma. Cifani, G., 1992. Una tegola dipinta dall’area falisca. Un contributo alla pittura etrusca tardo-orientalizzante. ArchCl 44, 263-271. Cifani, G., 1994. La necropoli della Tenuta Franca a Nepi (VT). AUTerr 13, 35-50. Cifani, G. & M. Munzi, 1995. Considerazioni sugli insediamenti in area falisca, I periodi arcaico e tardoantico, in: Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500, Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology (= Oxbow Monograph 41). Oxford, 387-394. De Lucia Brolli, M., 1991. Civita Castellana, Il Museo Archeologico dell’Agro Falisco. Roma. D’Erme, L., 2001. Necropoli di Casale del Fosso, tomba 838, in: Veio, Cerveteri, Vulci, Città d’Etruria a confronto. Roma, 90-91. Di Gennaro, F., 1987. L’insediamento nell’area tirrenica durante l’età del bronzo: dislocazione aspetto territoriale. PhD thesis manuscript. Università di Roma ”La Sapienza”. Di Gennaro, F., 1992. Presenze del Bronzo Medio nella Tusci. Rassegna di Archeologica 1991-1992, 708709. Di Gennaro, F., 1995. Le età del bronzo e del ferro nel territorio falisco. An unpublished manuscript for tesi di Diploma, Scuola di specializzazzione in Archeologia, Cattedra di Etruscologia e Antichità italiche. Università di Roma ”La Sapienza”. Di Gennaro, F., O. Cerasuolo, C. Colonna, U. Rajala, S. Stoddart & N. Whitehead, 2002. The city and territory of Nepi. BSR 70, 29-77. Edwards, C., C. Malone & S. Stoddart, 1995. Reconstructing a gateway city: the place of Nepi in the study of south-eastern Etruria, in: Settlement and

Continuity or discontinuity, a territorial module was in the making in the Nepi area during the 8th century BC. It looks clear that Nepi was one of the early state modules in the Faliscan area. The birth of the boundaries can be pushed back to the Early Iron Age. Even if there were no boundary settlements, the existence of cemeteries at the possible boundary zones shows that the idea of territory and its ritualization41 existed. The competitiveness of Etruscan boundaries can be traced back to the prehistoric period.42 The results show that Nepi and the rest of the Faliscan area were independent. Even if the maximum total population of Veii had been around 3000, it could not have governed large areas permanently. However, the real Early Iron Age population was probably smaller, less than 1000 inhabitants. Therefore, it could not have controlled large areas. This interpretation is in line with Stoddart’s and Rendeli’s theories.43 Lastly, one has to consider the importance of expanding Rome. If one accepts that Orientalising Rome covered an area larger than 300 hectares, it would have become by far the largest player in central Italy. The pressure of Rome would have kept the sight of the occupants of Veii turned eastwards. One has to conclude that the Faliscan area was independent during the Orientalising period, like the Gambini graph suggests. BIBLIOGRAPHY Baglione, M. & M. De Lucia Brolli, 1990. Nuovi dati sulla necropoli de “I Tufi” di Narce, in: La civiltà dei falisci, Atti del XV convegno di studi etruschi ed italici. Firenze, 61-102. Barker, G., 1988. Archaeology and the Etruscan countryside. Antiquity 62, 772-785. Barker, G. & T. Rasmussen, 1988. The archaeology of an Etruscan polis: a preliminary report on the Tuscania project. BSR 56, 25-42. Bartoloni, G., A. Berardinetti, A. De Santis & L. Drago, 1997. Le necropoli villanoviane di Veio, Parallelismi e differenze, in: Le necropoli arcaiche di Veio, Giornata di studio in memoria di Massimo Pallottino. Roma, 89-100. Beckett, M.J. & L. Salvadei, 1992. Analysis of the human skeletal remains from the cemetery of Osteria 41 For a discussion on ritual activities and boundaries, see Riva & Stoddart 1996. 42 Cf. Stoddart 1990. 43 Cf. Stoddart 1987; Rendeli 1991; 1993.

711

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI utgivna av svenska institutet i Rom, serie 4, XXXVIII:2.1). Lund. Shiloh, Y., 1980. The population of Iron Age Palestine in the light of a sample analysis of urban plans, areas, and population density. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 239, 25-35. Stefani, E., 1910. Scoperte di antichità nel territorio nepesino. NotSc 1910, 199-222. Stoddart, S.K.F., 1987. Complex polity formation in northern Etruria and Umbria. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge. Stoddart, S., 1990. The political landscape of Etruria. Accordia Research Papers 1, 39-51. Toms, J., 1986. The relative chronology of the Villanovan cemetery of Quattro Fontanili at Veii. AION 8, 41-97. Vullo, N. & G. Barker, 1997. Regional sampling and GIS: The Tuscania Survey Project, in: Archaeological applications of GIS. Proceedings of Colloquium II. UISPP XIIIth Congress. Forlì, September 1996 (= Sydney University Archaeological Methods Series 5), CD-ROM.

Economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500, Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology (= Oxbow Monograph 41). Oxford, 431-440. Frederiksen, M.W. & J.B. Ward Perkins, 1957. The ancient road systems of the central and northern Ager Faliscus (notes on southern Etruria, 2). BSR 25, 67203. Gaultier, F., 1999. Gustave Paille: un archeologo francese alla scoperta dell’agro falisco, in: Ricerche archeologiche in Etruria meridionale nel XIX secolo. Firenze, 87-95. Guaitoli, M., 1981. Notizie preliminari su recenti ricognizioni svolte in seminari dell’Istituto, in: Ricognizione archeologica: nuove ricerche nel Lazio (= Quaderni dell’istituto di topografia antica della università di Roma 9). Roma, 79-88. Iaia, C. & A. Mandolesi, 1993 Topografia dell’insediamento dell’ VIII secolo a.C. in Etruria meridionale. Journal of Ancient Topography 3, 17-48. Linington, R.E., F. Delpino & M. Pallottino, 1978. Alle origini di Tarquinia: abitato villanoviano sui Monterozzi. StEtr 47, 3-24. Mandolesi, A., 1999. La ‘prima’ Tarquinia: l’insediamento protostorico sulla Civita e nel territorio circostante (= Grandi contesti e problemi della protostoria italiana 2). Firenze. Morris, I., 1986. Burial and ancient society, The rise of the Greek city state. Cambridge. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città: la svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica (= Grandi contesti e problemi della protostoria italiana 4). Firenze. Patterson, H., F. di Gennaro, H. di Giuseppe, S. Fontana, V. Gaffney, A. Harrison, S.J. Keay, M. Millett, M. Rendeli, P. Roberts, S., Stoddart & R. Witcher, 2000. The Tiber valley project: the Tiber and Rome through two millennia. Antiquity 74, 395-403. Potter, T.W., n.d. An archaeological field survey of the central and southern Ager Faliscus. Unpublished manuscript. Potter, T.W., 1992. Reflections of twenty-five years’ fieldwork in the Ager Faliscus. Approaches to landscape archaeology, in: Archeologia del paesaggio, vol. II. Firenze, 637-666. Rajala, U., 2002. Life history approach to a site: working on Il Pizzo (Nepi, VT, Italy). Antiquity 76, 625-626. Rendeli, M., 1991. Sulla nascita delle communità urbane in Etruria meridionale. AION 13, 9-45. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte, Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Riva, C. & S. Stoddart, 1996. Ritual landscapes in Archaic Etruria, in: Approaches to the study of ritual. Italy and the Mediterranean (= Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean 2). London, 91-109. Rizzo, D., 1992. Le necropoli di Nepi. Immagini di 10 anni di ricerche archeologiche. Nepi. Scheffer, C., 1981. Acquarossa II:1, Cooking and cooking stands in Italy 1400-400 B.C. (= Skrifter

712

PROPOSTA DI DEFINIZIONE DEGLI AMBITI CULTURALI E TERRITORIALI DEI POPOLI ITALICI IN ABRUZZO NEL I MILLENNIO A.C. Maria Rita Copersino & Vincenzo d’Ercole Abstract: In this paper we propose some characteristics for various communities living in the middle-Adriatic area during first millennium BC. The geomorphologic nature of the region, currently named Abruzzo, with a narrow stretch of coast and a wide hinterland, influenced the various political and territorial boundaries. Along the coastline, fluvial valleys probably identified territory boundaries. Towards the interior, regions were formed by the presences of some of the largest rock formations of the Italian peninsula. A lack of archaeological remains from an altitude higher than 1500 metres, indicates that large tracts of the territory were not occupied by permanent settlement.

Una prima analisi del territorio dell’attuale regione Abruzzo è stata proposta da Adriano La Regina, essenzialmente su basi storiche-epigrafiche e topografiche, con l’intento di identificare dei confini dei diversi popoli che occupavano l’area in età storica (La Regina 1968). In questo basilare lavoro viene considerato soprattutto il territorio vestino e presentata una cartografia dell’area che travalica i confini regionali, includendo anche la Sabina laziale e parte dell’attuale regione Molise. Le ricerche archeologiche svoltesi nei trent’anni successivi, pur nella disomogeneità regionale, hanno evidenziato alcuni aspetti del rituale funerario1 che suggeriscono utili elementi per un nuovo approccio a tale problematica (d’Ercole 2000, 121-152). Si intendono proporre in questa sede alcuni spunti di riflessione per un’individuazione sia del record archeologico dei singoli popoli che occupavano l’area medio-adriatica nel primo millennio a.C. sia della delimitazione geografica del territorio di appartenenza (Fig. 1).

più evidente il frazionamento naturale del settore interno della regione, legato alla presenza di conche intramontane delimitate da massicci montuosi tra i più elevati dell’Italia peninsulare. La scarsità di resti archeologici, posteriori al paleolitico, a quote superiori a 1500 metri di altezza, fa presupporre che estese porzioni del territorio non fossero utilizzate stabilmente, salvo, forse, per eventuali frequentazioni stagionali a scopi venatori o di pascolo. Le fonti di epoca romana annoverano in Abruzzo dieci popoli che vengono così ubicati: nella fascia costiera, partendo da nord, Pretuzi, Vestini Trasmontani, Marrucini, Frentani e Carecini più all’interno; nel settore montano, ancora in senso nord-sud, incontriamo: Sabini,2 Vestini Cismontani, Equi, Marsi, Peligni e Pentri.

La conformazione geomorfologica dell’attuale regione Abruzzo si compone di due ambienti notevolmente diversi: una stretta fascia costiera ed un esteso retroterra. Una morfologia così marcata e caratterizzante ha certamente influito sulle ripartizioni politicoterritoriali: è infatti innegabile che alla fascia costiera sia applicabile il ‘modello a pettine’, organizzato cioè su un ‘dorso’, costituito dalla costa adriatica, e su ‘denti’, rappresentati dai principali assi fluviali e originati dai contrafforti dell’Appennino. Le linee di confine fra i diversi territori della fascia costiera vanno probabilmente identificate negli spartiacque delle valli fluviali, ossia in quelle linee di cresta che separano fra loro due diversi bacini idrogeologici (d’Ercole, di Gennaro & Guidi 2002, 11-126). Appare ben

Fig.1. Carta dell’Abruzzo.

1 Le ricerche archeologiche in Abruzzo si sono indirizzate soprattutto nello scavo e nello studio delle necropoli dell’età del Ferro e dei santuari di età ellenistico-romana. Molto meno approfondite sono state le indagini sugli insediamenti noti solo da ricerche di superficie le quali non permettono, per la loro stessa natura, di determinare con esattezza la cronologia e la strutturazione urbanistica dei siti.

2 Il territorio dei Sabini, così come quello dei Pentri, ed in misura minore anche quello degli Equi, ricade fuori degli attuali confini amministrativi della regione Abruzzo, e non è stato pertanto preso in considerazione nel presente contributo.

713

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig.2. Pretuzi. Età orientalizzante- arcaica: 1) tomba n.2 della necropoli di Campovalano; 2, 3, 4, 6) pendagli; 5) rocchetto; 7) kantharos; 8) olla; 9) olla con inserti zoomorfi; 10) calice a corolla; 11) anfora. Età italico-ellenistica: 12) punta di lancia piegata; 13) forbici; 14) cratere. modo nei pendagli con ciprea, con oinochoai miniaturistiche, con accetta levigata di tipo neolitico, a manina in bronzo e con zanne di cinghiale. Solo presso le sepolture femminili pretuzie le attività di filatura e tessitura sono testimoniate, oltre che dalla presenza di fuseruole, anche da rocchetti fittili, da aghi in bronzo e da fusi in vetro, bronzo e ferro. Nell’ambito delle manifatture ceramiche risultano peculiari dell’area sia il vasellame in impasto rosso, per la realizzazione di grandi dolii o pythoi per le derrate, che le produzioni in ceramica nera di tipo buccheroide; tra queste si realizzano alcune forme originali quali calici che vengono sovrapposti a formare delle pissidi, olle panciute su piede con inserti zoomorfi oltre a kantaroi, anfore e brocche. Altrettanto specifica la produzione di vasi in impasto di color arancio in cui si realizzano forme molto semplici, quali bicchieri, tazze e coperchi, destinati esclusivamente agli individui defunti in età infantile. Il vasellame metallico si segnala piuttosto per la quantità dei pezzi deposti nei corredi che non per l’originalità dei tipi. In età italico – ellenistica perdura la ridondanza nell’ornamentazione del costume femminile, espressa attraverso la presenza di anelli in argento, collane in vetro ed ambra tra cui alcuni esemplari di grande pregio provenienti dal mondo punico (pendenti policromi a volto umano) e celtico (bracciali e grani di collana a ‘bottiglietta’ in vetro). Elementi distintivi del costume maschile sono le forbici in ferro e bronzo, le punte di lancia ritualmente piegate, i vasetti portasabbia in bronzo e materiale organico. Comune alle

Il territorio dei Pretuzi era compreso a nord fra lo spartiacque del fiume Tronto, che ricadeva in ambito Piceno, e l’asse dei fiumi Salinello – Vibrata; a sud il confine passava oltre la valle del sistema fluviale Mavone – Vomano; molto netta risulta la delimitazione ad ovest che coincideva con le pendici orientali del Gran Sasso e dei Monti della Laga. Sulla base di tale delimitazione il comprensorio pretuzio occupava un’area di circa 1000 kmq, e risultava composto da due settori di simile estensione: quello costiero, collinare e adatto allo sfruttamento agricolo, e quello montano, di tipo silvopastorale. Al limite dei due diversi ambienti ecologici si colloca la città di Teramo (Interamnia Praetuttiorum), posta al centro dell’intero comprensorio lungo il fiume Tordino, che la collega all’impianto portuale di Castrum Novum (Giulianova). La volontà di rimarcare il confine meridionale da parte dei Pretuzi è testimoniata dalla creazione di santuari extraurbani allineati in senso est-ovest da Cortino a Montorio al Vomano, da Basciano a Monte Giove fino a Cellino Attanasio. Gli indicatori archeologici (Fig. 2) che paiono caratterizzare la ‘cultura’ pretuzia sono, per l’età orientalizzante ed arcaica, la realizzazione di fosse monumentali di notevoli dimensioni (5-15 mq), la deposizione di carri da battaglia rivestiti in ferro in alcune rilevanti sepolture maschili, la presenza di spiedi in ferro con capocchia a riccio, la ridondanza del costume femminile nell’ornamentazione, espressa in particolar 714

MARIA RITA COPERSINO & VINCENZO D’ERCOLE: PROPOSTA DI DEFINIZIONE DEGLI AMBITI CULTURALI E TERRITORIALI delle località di Farindola, Montebello di Bertona, Carpineto della Nora e Pescosansonesco (Iaculli 1995).

deposizioni maschili e femminili è la diffusa presenza del cratere a vernice nera che sottintende l’elevata importanza sociale attribuita al consumo del vino.

L’omogeneità fra i due comparti vestini, a differenza dei dati storici, non pare suffragata sul piano archeologico: non sembra di riconoscere, per i due distretti, aspetti e caratteristiche conformi in ambito culturale, mentre è possibile rintracciarne le singole peculiarità. L’area interna è stata certamente indagata meglio ed in maniera più sistematica, pertanto un primo fattore di disuguglianza va calcolato sulla base della difformità delle notizie disponibili.

Un caso a se stante nell’intero panorama regionale è quello costituito da Atri e l’ager Hatrianus: si tratta infatti di un territorio considerato dalle fonti in maniera autonoma e differenziata sia dai Pretuzi a nord che dai Vestini a sud. In realtà, da un punto di vista geografico, il territorio di Atri appare costituito da una sorta di piccolo triangolo delimitato dall’Adriatico ad est, dalla bassa valle del Vomano a nord e dal corso del torrente Piomba a sud-ovest. L’analisi archeologica di quest’area vede una quasi totale assenza di testimonianze relative al primo millennio a.C., plausibile risultanza di una precoce vocazione protourbana di Atri, la romana Adria (d’Ercole & Copersino 2001, 63-70).

La specificità dei Vestini Cismontani è riconosciuta soprattutto in ambito funerario grazie ai recenti scavi delle necropoli di Fossa e di Bazzano: la presenza di grandi tumuli con serie di menhir ed il rinvenimento di sepolture neonatali in coppi laterizi contrapposti ne costituiscono le prerogative principali (Fig. 3). Nell’ambito dei corredi funebri il grande utilizzo del ferro sia nella manifattura bellica (come le spade con elsa a pomo e a lingua di carpa) che ornamentale (tra cui le fibule e i dischi traforati), il kardiophylax in bronzo del tipo ‘Mozzano’, il servizio di vasellame fittile, composto da una brocca e da una tazza, sembrano prerogativa di questo versante tra la prima età del Ferro e l’età arcaica (Cosentino, d’Ercole & Mieli 2001).

Un problema assai complesso è costituito dal territorio Vestino, il solo in Abruzzo ad essere composto da due ambienti geografici completamente diversi: uno posto ad ovest, oltre la linea degli Appennini, nell’Abruzzo interno, l’altro sulla fascia costiera fra i Pretuzi ed i Marrucini. Le due differenti realtà cantonali vengono generalmente indicate con i termini Transmontani e Cismontani, sulla base della loro posizione rispetto al Gran Sasso. Il territorio dei Vestini Trasmontani si incentra intorno al sistema idrografico Fino-Tavo confinando quindi a nord con l’asse Mavone-Vomano dei Pretuzi e con il torrente Piomba dell’ager Hatrianus; l’elemento di distinzione a sud è rappresentato dallo spartiacque fra i complessi idrografici del Tavo e dell’Aterno-Pescara. Lo sbocco al mare era limitato alla sola foce dei fiumi Fino-Tavo, anche se Strabone (V, 241) attribuisce ai Vestini il porto fluviale di Ostia Aterni sul Pescara. L’eventuale partizione interna con i Vestini Cismontani doveva collocarsi sulle pendici sud-orientali del massiccio del Gran Sasso, nella zona di Campo Imperatore, fino a comprendere il valico di Forca di Penne e le sorgenti del Tirino, a Capo d’Acqua presso Capestrano. Ben delimitato dalle montagne è il settore interno dei Vestini che risulta circoscritto fra il Gran Sasso, il massiccio del Velino Sirente a sud-ovest, il torrente Raiale a nord-ovest e l’ansa dell’Aterno a sud. Oltre alle delimitazioni naturali si colgono testimonianze legate ad edifici santuariali di Bazzano e di Civita di Bagno lungo il torrente Raiale, posti quindi al confine con i Sabini; una ‘corona’ di luoghi di culto segue l’ansa meridionale dell’Aterno comprendendo anche la Conca Subequana. Segnano questo limes i santuari di Secinaro, Castel di Ieri, Raiano, Vittorito e Capo Pescara presso Popoli.

La massiccia presenza di tombe a camera, costruite in opera incerta, di cassoni in legno con angolari in ferro, di pissidi a vernice nera, di dadi e di pedine da gioco, di servizi da banchetto costituiti da coltello, spiedo e kreagra in ferro e, più raramente, in piombo, contribuisce ad identificare una specifica facies archeologica anche per le fasi italico-ellenistiche (d’Ercole & Copersino 2003). La limitatezza delle conoscenze non permette di fornire un quadro esauriente della zona occupata dai Vestini Transmontani nella prima metà del primo millennio a.C. Il territorio in analisi sembra infatti caratterizzarsi piuttosto per l’assenza di elementi attestati nell’area contigua che non per sue specifiche prerogative: emerge vistosamente la mancanza di tombe a tumulo, dei dischi corazza e dei prodotti siderurgici. Solo il repertorio ornamentale, in particolar modo quello muliebre, sembra configurarsi soprattutto attraverso la ricchezza e nella varietà dei tipi di fibule in bronzo. Situazione analoga si riscontra in età italico-ellenistica, durante la quale si rinvengono, nelle sepolture vestine, solo prodotti a larga diffusione quali letti funerari rivestiti in osso, skyphoi e brocchette miniaturizzate a vernice nera, unguentari a testa femminile in bronzo e grani di collana in vetro di tipo punico. Elemento unificante dell’intero popolo vestino sembra essere stata l‘edificazione di tombe a camera realizzate, nel territorio Transmontano, nella variante dell’opera laterizia, al posto di quella litica.

L’areale così identificato per i Vestini Transmontani occupa una superficie di circa 300 kmq, che risulta inferiore a quella dei Vestini Cismontani (500 kmq circa). Un evidente allineamento dei santuari extraurbani sancisce la distinzione fra Vestini Cismontani e Transmontani in direzione nord-sud: si tratta in dettaglio

Proseguendo verso sud la rassegna dei popoli abruzzesi situati sulla fascia costiera si incontrano i Marrucini, che

715

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig.3. Vestini. Prima età del ferro: 1) tomba a tumulo con menhir; 2) spada con elsa a pomo; 3) fibula ad arco traforato; 4) disco traforato; 5, 6) servizio fittile. Età italico- ellenistica: 7) tomba neonatale in coppi; 8) cerniere angolari; 9, 10) dado e pedine; 11) pisside; 12) kreagra; 13) coltello; 14) spiedo. vengono generalmente collocati nella valle del Pescara. E’ probabile però che l’effettivo confine settentrionale vada stabilito leggermente più a nord, fra il bacino del Tavo da quello dell’asse fluviale dell’Aterno-Pescara. Se il limite orientale è innegabilmente costituito dalla costa adriatica, quello meridionale va identificato nello spartiacque che distingue i bacini del Foro a nord e del Moro a sud verso i Frentani; ad est invece vi è l’evidente barriera costituita dal complesso montuoso MajellaMorrone e dalle propaggini meridionali del Gran Sasso sovrastanti la valle del Tirino.

grotta del Colle di Rapino (d’Ercole, Orfanelli & Riccitelli 1997, 21-28). Diversi fattori legano il comprensorio marrucino a quello pretuzio: l’estensione del territorio (circa 1000 kmq), il perimetro di forma pressappoco rettangolare, e l’esistenza di un fiume, in questo caso il Pescara, che scorre al centro dell’area. Su questa via fluviale, che costituisce il principale asse di percorrenza in direzione est-ovest, insiste l’insediamento protourbano di Chieti, che diverrà la città romana di Teate Marrucinorum, il sito con funzioni egemoniche sull’intera area. Il comprensorio marrucino non è mai stato specificatamente indagato per le fasi protostoriche: unica eccezione è lo scavo della necropoli di Guardiagrele (Ruggeri 2001, 301-305). Il dato che meglio sembra emergere da queste ricerche è l’utilizzo, da parte dei Marrucini, della tomba a tumulo con dolii in impasto bruno deposti all’esterno della crepidine, secondo un rituale riscontrato sia a Fossa, tra i Vestini Cismontani, che a Scurcola Marsicana, fra gli Equi. La cospicua presenza di statuaria lapidea, attestata nei siti di Manoppello, Rapino e Guardiagrele, lega i Marrucini agli altri popoli costieri d’Abruzzo, differenziandoli da quelli dell’interno. Appare abbastanza chiaro infatti come la scultura in pietra sia una caratteristica precipua dei popoli della costa adriatica:4 infatti oltre ai tre siti marrucini

Nel caso dei Marrucini la dislocazione dei santuari extraurbani scandisce quasi perfettamente il loro territorio: i due santuari di Alanno e di Pescosansonesco contribuiscono a corroborare l’ipotesi della posizione del confine settentrionale sullo spartiacque, quelli di Pescosansonesco3, Bolognano, Caramanico e della grotta del Colle di Rapino il limite occidentale. La demarcazione meridionale appare enfatizzata in maniera particolare dai luoghi di culto di Tollo, Ari, Vacri e dalla 3 Nell’ambito della categoria dei santuari di frontiera, codificata da Piero Guzzo (Guzzo 1987, 373-379) e più recentemente da Andrea Zifferero (Zifferero 1995, 333-350) per l’Italia meridionale e l’Etruria, sono stati identificati, per la situazione abruzzese, dei santuari cosiddetti di ‘cerniera’, posti cioè a contatto fra più ambiti territoriali: è questo il caso di Pescosansonesco e della grotta del Colle di Rapino fra i Marrucini (d’Ercole & Martellone c.s.).

4 Va sottolineato che esemplari di statuaria sono attestati, sempre lungo la costa adriatica, sia a Numana nelle Marche sia in ambiente dauno nella Puglia settentrionale (Colonna 2001, 105-109).

716

MARIA RITA COPERSINO & VINCENZO D’ERCOLE: PROPOSTA DI DEFINIZIONE DEGLI AMBITI CULTURALI E TERRITORIALI comprensorio frentano si sviluppa in direzione nord-sud, occupando una stretta fascia per una superficie, in area abruzzese, di quasi 1000 kmq. L’insediamento principale dei Frentani era Vasto, la romana Histonium, posizionata al centro del territorio, sulla costa adriatica. Lo sviluppo prevalentemente costiero ed il disturbo causato dall’eccessiva antropizzazione moderna hanno fatto si che fossero poco note le testimonianze archeologiche dell’area. Gli unici indizi disponibili per la prima età del Ferro parlano di una predilezione per i prodotti in bronzo tra i quali spiccano le fibule a due e a quattro spirali. Appare più caratterizzata la facies ellenistica attraverso le olle depurate e dipinte, i coltelli deposti all’interno delle ciotole a vernice nera, la ricca ornamentazione del costume femminile costituita da collane in ambra, bronzo, vetro e osso, oltre che parure di fibule in bronzo a testa d’ariete.

conosciamo due testimonianze fra i Pretuzi (Bellante e Penna S. Andrea), una fra i Frentani (Tornareccio) e una (Loreto Aprutino) fra i Vestini Transmontani. Fanno eccezione a questo quadro le celeberrime statue di Capestrano, sito non lontano dal limite fra Vestini Cismontani, Transmontani e Marrucini. Se la presenza di sculture in pietra pare una caratteristica delle necropoli periadriatiche fra l’età orientalizzante ed arcaica, l’uso di menhir è invece una prerogativa dei popoli delle conche appenniniche, in particolare Equi, Vestini, Sabini e ‘Ternani’, tra l’età del Bronzo finale e la prima età del Ferro. Un ulteriore elemento riscontrabile nella koinè costiera è il massiccio utilizzo del bronzo nella realizzazione di armi, lance e spade, e di ornamenti fra cui le particolari fibule a due pezzi con staffa a disco di ‘tipo Bucchianico’. Mentre i popoli che occupavano l’area centro-settentrionale dell’Abruzzo, sembrano aver adottato, dagli inizi del V secolo a.C., leggi contro l’eccessivo lusso nelle sepolture, lo stesso fenomeno non è attestato né fra i Marrucini né fra gli altri ethne dell’Abruzzo meridionale. Sembra infatti che presso queste comunità l’ideale eroico del guerriero, caratteristico del mondo arcaico, continui ed assuma anzi maggiore rilevanza in età classica. Testimonianza di ciò il principesco corredo proveniente da Villamagna e le numerose attestazioni di elmi di ‘tipo Negau’ che rendono i Marrucini i maggiori fruitori di questa classe di oggetti. L’apparato difensivo dell’armamento è completato, oltre che dai cinturoni rettangolari in bronzo, dalle corazze a tre dischi la cui diffusione si concentra maggiormente nella valle del Pescara. Nel repertorio delle armi da offesa si nota, accanto alle lance, la presenza di un lungo coltellaccio in ferro, con lama asimmetrica ad un solo tagliente. Come avviene fra gli altri popoli costieri la sfera femminile risulta fortemente caratterizzata dalla ricca ornamentazione che restituisce collane in ambra, con gli originali pendagli a testa femminile, e numerose fibule in bronzo ‘a balestra’.

Collocati nel retroterra frentano, i Carecini, pur ricadendo nella fascia costiera dell’Abruzzo, erano ubicati sulle falde della Majella che ne costituiscono il limite occidentale. Il loro territorio era circoscritto fra il medio corso del Sangro, a sud-est, ed il suo affluente Aventino a nord, delimitando così una area pressoché triangolare, che ripropone il modello ‘interfluviale’ già attestato presso i Vestini Transmontani. I limiti costituiti dalle valli fluviali appaiono ulteriormente suffragati dalla presenza di santuari ‘di frontiera’ quali Quadri e Villa Santa Maria, lungo il corso del Sangro, Lama dei Peligni e Palombara tra l’Aventino e i suoi affluenti. L’area così circoscritta ha un’estensione di circa 300 kmq e vede al centro la città principale di Iuvanum. Purtroppo il carente stato delle ricerche a carattere protostorico nell’area in esame non permette di identificare caratteristiche proprie né per le fasi più antiche dell’età del Ferro né per le epoche più recenti. Situazione opposta si riscontra nel caso dei Pentri il cui territorio esula in gran parte dai confini dell’attuale regione Abruzzo, salvo per il suo limite nord da identificare nel corso dell’alto Sangro. E’ proprio in questa valle fluviale che gli scavi di alcune necropoli come Opi, Barrea, Alfedena hanno permesso di configurare, almeno per le fasi orientalizzanti ed arcaiche, un patrimonio culturale molto ben connotato. Tra gli elementi più significativi spiccano le tombe a fossa disposte in circolo, prive di crepidine in pietra ma delimitate da strutture lignee; molte delle sepolture sono protette da lastre o da un vero e proprio cassone litico e sono spesso fornite, superiormente, di un ripostiglio per contenere una grande olla. Proprio le olle in impasto con alte anse verticali munite di piattelli costituiscono, insieme ai pendagli ad occhiali in bronzo, spesso fra loro incatenati (le cosiddette chatelàine), e le fibule in ferro con arco a bozze gli elementi distintivi del gusto locale. Il grande uso di agemine in bronzo su ferro, soprattutto sui manici dei pugnali e sugli archi delle fibule, ricorda le analoghe consuetudini dei Vestini Cismontani. L’elemento più noto della cosiddetta ‘cultura sangritana’ è certamente l’animale mitologico con coda a testa

L’area di pertinenza del popolo dei Frentani comprende l’estremità meridionale della regione Abruzzo e parte dell’attuale Molise. Le delimitazioni di questo territorio sono costituite dalla costa adriatica ad est, dallo spartiacque fra il fiume Foro ed il torrente Moro a nord e dai monti Frentani a sud-ovest. Sembra più complesso determinare il confine occidentale con i Carecini, forse localizzabile presso la confluenza fra i fiumi Aventino e Sangro. Analizzando la dislocazione dei santuari extraurbani, emerge con forza che lungo tutti i confini terrestri esiste un duplice allineamento di luoghi di culto che crea una sorta di doppia demarcazione con i Marrucini a nord e con i Carecini ed i Pentri ad ovest. L’allineamento interno settentrionale comprende i siti di Crecchio, Orsogna, Palombaro; quello duplice occidentale i santuari di Atessa, Tornareccio, Gissi, Furci, San Buono, Fresagrandinaria e Tufillo (d’Ercole, Orfanelli & Riccitelli 1997, 21-28). A differenza degli altri ambiti territoriali costieri, disposti secondo l’asse est-ovest, il 717

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI zoomorfa raffigurato al centro dei dischi corazza in bronzo5 ed attestato, oltre alle necropoli di Opi, Villetta Barrea ed Alfedena, anche a Torricella Peligna fra i Carecini, a Vasto, Villalfonsina e Paglieta fra i Frentani, nonché a Gurdiagrele, San Clemente a Casauria, Pescosansonesco e Torre dei Passeri fra i Marrucini. Si tratta verosimilmente di uno dei simboli più significativi della tradizione mitica comune a tutti i popoli dell’Abruzzo meridionale. Anche se l’apogeo della ‘cultura sangritana’ è ascrivibile all’età orientalizzantearcaica, resti di epoche successive come cinturoni rettangolari in bronzo, tazze biansate tornite e dipinte con fiori di loto, scodelle monoansate in impasto testimoniano una continuità d’uso delle necropoli in età ellenistica.

Questo asse è rimarcato anche dalla presenza di numerosi luoghi di culto dislocati fra Collelongo, Lecce dei Marsi, Gioia dei Marsi e Fonte della Prata a Bisegna; il margine nord del territorio marso, oltre che dalla riva del Fucino, è messo in evidenza dai santuari di Castelrotto, Ortucchio, Luco dei Marsi e la grotta di Ciccio Felice ad Avezzano. L’estensione del territorio così delimitato si aggira intorno ai 500 kmq; i due centri principali dei Marsi, S. Benedetto (la romana Marruvium) e Luco (Lucus Angitiae), ambedue con preesistenze protostoriche, si collocano ai margini del comprensorio. Ancora una volta il carente stato delle ricerche non ci permette di definire una facies sia per le fasi più antiche che per quelle più recenti dell’età del Ferro.

A nord della valle del Sangro si incontra la conca di Sulmona occupata dal popolo dei Peligni e delimitata ad est dal massiccio Majella-Morrone, a sud dal Monte Genzana e ad ovest dal Monte Marsicano; di più difficile interpretazione sembra la demarcazione a nord che dovrebbe all’incirca coincidere con il fiume Aterno, come confermato dall’ubicazione dei santuari extraurbani. Non si conoscono luoghi di culto che sanciscano la differenziazione con la Valle del Sangro e con i Pentri; al contrario un asse molto evidente di demarcazione con il territorio dei Marsi è costituito dai santuari di Scanno, Anversa degli Abruzzi e Cocullo; mentre quelli di Ercole Curino a Sulmona, di Pacentro e di Cansano, posti sulle pendici della Majella, distinguono il territorio peligno dal versante Marrucino e Carecino. L’ambito territoriale così identificato occupa una superficie di circa 500 kmq ed ha il suo insediamento principale, Sulmo, posto pressoché al centro del pianoro.6 Nella conca peligna si hanno rarissime testimonianze, soprattutto a carattere funerario, riferibili alla prima metà del primo millennio a.C.; meglio definita la fase ellenistico-romana che vede nella realizzazione di tombe a camera ipogeiche, di tipo rupestre, il suo marker principale insieme alla presenza di vasellame in piombo, di cofanetti, di brocchette o anforette in vernice nera con offerte di cibo all’interno.

Sebbene nell’età del Bronzo l’alveo del lago del Fucino dovesse costituire un importante elemento di aggregazione, nel corso dell’età del Ferro esso assunse invece il ruolo di confine fra il territorio Marso e quello Equo. Gli Equi infatti erano circoscritti dai monti Simbruini a sud e dal massiccio Velino-Sirente a nord, per un’area di circa 500 kmq: questi confini così netti dal punto di vista geografico, non sembrano invece trovare conferma nella presenza di santuari di frontiera. Gli insediamenti principali sono riconoscibili in Massa d’Albe (Alba Fucens) ed Oricola (Carsèoli), che risultano ambedue posizionati ai margini del territorio secondo lo schema delle città di confine già visto per i Marsi. Nel caso degli Equi abbiamo notevoli attestazioni per le fasi antiche dell’età del Ferro, grazie soprattutto agli scavi di Borgorose (Alvino 1991, 277-289) e di Scurcola Marsicana (Cosentino, Mieli & d’Ercole 2001, 99-109), da cui emerge il rilevante utilizzo delle tombe a tumulo e la presenza di stele in pietra. Dal punto di vista dei corredi il dato più appariscente è certamente l’assenza del vasellame fittile nelle tombe di età orientalizzante-arcaica e il grande uso di dischi corazza in bronzo, di cui largamente attestati i tipi con decorazione siderale. Sembrano meno significativi i dati pertinenti alle fasi italico-ellenistiche.

Oltrepassando ad ovest la frontiera peligna si incontra la zona occupata dai Marsi, che trovava nei bacini fluviali del Giovenco e del Liri i confini orientali ed occidentali del territorio. I limiti meridionali erano, invece, costituiti dagli stessi monti Marsicani rispetto ai Volsci, mentre quelli settentrionali, verso gli Equi, dal lago del Fucino.

Sulla base di queste evidenze ci pare opportuno proporre una tipologia delle organizzazioni territoriali dei popoli abruzzesi distinta secondo tre tipi: il primo, il più grande, con dimensioni intorno ai 1000 kmq, è schematizzabile in un rettangolo disposto in senso latitudinale ed imperniato su un asse fluviale centrale che collega la capitale alla città portuale (Fig. 4).

5 Si possono classificare in Abruzzo quattro diversi atteggiamenti nei confronti dell’utilizzo delle corazze: i popoli costieri del nord (Pretuzi e Vestini Transmontani) non le adottano, i Vestini Cismontani prediligono il tipo Mozzano, privo cioè di qualunque simbologia, i popoli del sud (Marrucini, Frentani, Carecini e Pentri) scelgono la decorazione con animale mitologico, mentre i gruppi dell’interno (Equi, Marsi e Peligni) preferiscono raffigurazioni astronomiche, come sole e stelle, o teorie realistiche di animali. 6 E’ degno di nota il fatto che nelle toutai dell’Abruzzo meridionale la seconda città in ordine di importanza è sempre ubicata al confine del proprio territorio, tanto da sembrare una vera e propria ‘città di frontiera’: è questo il caso di Corfinio, della marrucina Interpromium, posizionata a controllo delle gole di Popoli verso Peligni e Vestini, ma anche della frentana Ortona, oltre che della Carecina Cluviae.

Questo tipo, attestato presso Pretuzi e Marrucini, presenta una variante, nel caso dei Frentani, a sviluppo longitudinale, privo di asse centrale. Il secondo tipo mostra un aspetto triangolare, con estensione di circa 300 kmq e di collocazione pedemontana, come avviene presso i Vestini Transmontani e i Carecini. In ambedue i casi il capoluogo (Pinna e Iuvanum) risulta in posizione centrale, mentre la seconda città in ordine di importanza (Angulum nel primo caso e Cluviae nel secondo) al vertice del territorio, in direzione della costa. 718

MARIA RITA COPERSINO & VINCENZO D’ERCOLE: PROPOSTA DI DEFINIZIONE DEGLI AMBITI CULTURALI E TERRITORIALI Cosentino, S., V. d’Ercole & G. Mieli, 2001. La necropoli di Fossa, Le testimonianze più antiche, vol. I. Pescara. d’Ercole, V., 2000. I paesaggi di potere dell’Abruzzo protostorico, in: Quaderni di Eutopia, Atti del Seminario Paesaggi di potere: problemi e prospettive. Roma. d’Ercole, V. & M.R. Copersino, 2001. Il territorio di Atri e il comprensorio vestino costiero prima della conquista romana, in: Dalla valle del Piomba alla valle del Basso Pescara (= Documenti dell’Abruzzo Teramano, V(1). Chieti. d’Ercole, V. & M.R. Copersino, 2003. La necropoli di Fossa, La fase ellenistico-romana, vol . IV. Pescara. d’Ercole, V., F. di Gennaro & A. Guidi, 2002. Valore e limiti dei dati archeologici nella definizione delle linee di sviluppo delle comunità protostoriche dell’Italia centrale, in: Primi popoli d’Europa, Proposte e riflessioni sulle origini della civiltà nell’Europa mediterranea. Firenze. d’Ercole, V. & A. Martellone, c.s. La problematica dei confini nella protostoria d’Abruzzo, Atti del Convegno ‘Il confine nel tempo’, Ascoli PicenoAncarano 2000. Bollettino della Deputazione Abruzzese di Storia Patria, in corso di stampa. d’Ercole, V., V. Orfanelli & P. Riccitelli, 1997. L’Abruzzo meridionale in età sannitica, in: I luoghi degli dei. Sacro e natura nell’Abruzzo italico. Pescara. Guzzo, P.G., 1997. Schema per la categoria interpretativa del santuario di frontiera, in: Scienze dell’antichità. Storia, Archeologia, Antropologia. Roma. Iaculli, G., 1995. Il tempio italico di Colle San Giorgio (Castiglione Messer Raimondo). Chieti. La Regina, A., 1968. Ricerche sugli insediamenti dei Vestini. Roma. Ruggeri, M., 2001. La necropoli di Comino-Guardiagrele, in: Eroi e Regine, Piceni popolo d’Europa. Roma. Zifferero, A., 1995. Economia, divinità e frontiera: sul ruolo di alcuni santuari di confine in Etruria meridionale, in: Ostraka. Perugia.

Fig.4. Schema tipologico delle organizzazioni territoriali dei popoli abruzzesi. Il terzo tipo può essere schematizzato in una forma circolare, con dimensione di 500 kmq ed è esclusivo dei popoli delle conche montane. Si possono leggere però due differenti comportamenti nella dislocazione delle città principali: nel caso di Peligni e Vestini Cismontani una è posta in posizione centrale l’altra ai margini del territorio, mentre fra Equi e Marsi sono sempre periferiche. Il modello dei popoli costieri trova analogie con il sistema delle città stato etrusche sia nell’estensione territoriale che nell’impianto portuale collegato alla capitale, posta a breve distanza dal mare, tramite un asse fluviale. Il modello circolare abruzzese va invece verosimilmente applicato al resto dell’Italia centrale appenninica, ma, per l’assenza di una tipologia di riferimento già elaborata, risulta oggi difficilmente codificabile.7 BIBLIOGRAFIA Alvino, G., 1991. Il tumulo di Corvaro di Borgorose, in: Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe dell’antichità. Atti del I Convegno di Archeologia. Roma. Colonna, G., 2001. La scultura in pietra, in: Eroi e Regine, Piceni popolo d’Europa. Roma. Cosentino, S., G. Mieli & V. d’Ercole, 2001. Le testimonianze archeologiche dell’età dei metalli dal territorio di Scurcola Marsicana, in: Il tesoro del lago, Archeologia del Fucino e la collezione Torlonia. Pescara.

7

La singolarità del sistema territoriale triangolare potrebbe essere letta come la risultanza di fattori politico-militari che hanno visto, nel caso dei Vestini, un’espansione verso il mare a danno dell’ager Atrianus e, nel caso dei Carecini, un allontanamento dalla costa ad opera dei Frentani.

719

IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE Alessandro Guidi, Federica Candelato, Daniela Peloso, Vittorio Rioda & Massimo Saracino Abstract: Three campaigns of surveys (2000-2002) were performed in the area of the protourban centre of Oppeano Veronese. Extensive and intensive fieldwalking allowed us to reconstruct the settlement size (82.03 ha), the existence of a unitary centre in the Early Iron Age, a possible enlargement in the 5th-4th century BC and a sudden decline after this period.Trenches at the borders of the settlement revealed three successive phases of a defence system, dated between 7th and 4th century BC, while recent stratigraphical soundings and restricted excavations gave new information on houses, workshops and other settlement structures of the protourban centre.

PREMESSA

che hanno permesso di ritrovare materiali di età protostorica e monete di età romana.

Il survey effettuato a Oppeano Veronese nel corso di tre campagne (ottobre-dicembre 2000, ottobre-dicembre 2001 e ottobre-dicembre 2002) ha come fine la ricostruzione, mediante un’esplorazione intensiva dell’area interessata dall’abitato di età protostorica, delle fasi di sviluppo dello stesso. La scelta di Oppeano è stata dettata dalla possibilità che si offre, rispetto ad altri centri maggiori della civiltà veneta, come Este e Padova, quasi interamente occupati dall’abitato moderno, di esplorare un’area che in gran parte è ancora destinata ad usi agricoli.1

Il quadro che emergeva da queste evidenze sembrava potesse configurarsi come quello di un grande centro di 60-70 ettari, probabilmente occupato in modo capillare (‘a macchia di leopardo’) già nelle fasi più antiche dell’età del Ferro. La ricognizione di superficie effettuata si pone, quindi, come una sorta di verifica di quest’ipotesi. Si è cercato di applicare i metodi, sperimentati con successo in diversi centri protourbani dell’area mediotirrenica (divisione in unità di ricognizione, rilevamento della visibilità e determinazione dello sviluppo diacronico dell’abitato, etc.), come Veio, Tarquinia, Vulci, Gabii, Ardea e Crustumerium (si vedano come esempi i risultati delle ricerche di superficie condotti a Tarquinia e a Vulci in Mandolesi 1999 e Pacciarelli 2001), integrandoli, ove possibile, con raccolte di tipo intensivo (campionamento a fasce, quadrati o transetti; v. Guidi & Peloso c.s).

I dati conosciuti prima dell’inizio del survey (v. carte di distribuzione in Franchi 1996 e in Guidi & Peloso c.s.) sono quelli già pubblicati nella Carta Archeologica del Veneto, rivisti e rielaborati in occasione di una tesi di laurea, poi pubblicata, di Giovanna Franchi (Franchi 1996; v. anche Salzani, in Malnati e altri 1999, 369, fig. 16), i risultati degli scavi di emergenza effettuati sotto la direzione di Luciano Salzani nelle località Montara, campo sportivo e ampliamento del cimitero comunale e quelli delle ricerche di superficie effettuate dal sig. Gianluigi Corrent alla Montara e nei due campi adiacenti,

Per quanto riguarda la determinazione cronologica dei materiali, necessaria per la ricostruzione delle fasi di sviluppo dell’abitato, ci si è infine serviti dei risultati delle cinque tesi di laurea assegnate sui materiali provenienti dagli scavi effettuati negli ultimi anni dalla Soprintendenza (Rosi 1999-2000; Bellon 2000-2001; Starita 2000-2001; Casarotto 2001-2002; Cherubini 2001-2002). A.G.

1

La direzione scientifica congiunta del survey è dello scrivente e del dott. Luciano Salzani, della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto (Nucleo Operativo di Verona). Il coordinamento delle ricerche è affidato alla dott.ssa Federica Candelato, alla dott.ssa Daniela Peloso (che cura anche l’informatizzazione e l’elaborazione dei sistemi GIS) e al dott. Massimo Saracino, la documentazione grafica dei reperti alla dott.sa Barbara Chiaffoni e al dott. Alessandro Morandini. Si ringrazia, infine, il dott. Claudio Balista, per la consulenza prestata nell’interpretazione della sezione della Montara messa in luce nel 2001 e, per l’assistenza continua ed indispensabile, il sig. Giovanni Modena, di Oppeano Veronese. Per i primi risultati delle ricerche, v. Guidi e altri 2002 e Guidi, Peloso c.s. Di seguito si dà l’elenco dei partecipanti alle tre campagne di ricognizione: dott.ssa Bellon Erika, dott.sa Casarotto Francesca, dott.sa Cherubini Veronica, dott. Rioda Vittorio, dott.ssa Rosi Sara, dott.ssa Starita Ilaria, dott.ssa Stefani Tommasina, Baccaro Anna, Ballini Stefania, Brunetto Michele, Buccarelli Adele, Canestrelli Gioal, Casarotto Simonetta, Ciaghi Serena, Colognese Alexio, Ferrari Cristina, Leo Ilaria, Lonardoni Serena, Malfatto Silvia, Musetto Silvia, Panizza Marco, Perbellini Beatrice, Sorgato Claudia, Zampieri Angela, Zugno Gabriella, Terazzan Yari, Fochi Sonia, Permunian Chiara, Pirro Rossella, Passarini Vania, Nardi Elisabetta, Pasqualini Costantino, Quatrini Elisa, Marchesini Elisa, Accordino Giorgia, Cobianchi Giovanni, Piccoli Daniela, Pasini Cinzia, Lerco Elisa, Tosi Giulia, Bazzoli Claudia, Recchia Federico.

IL SISTEMA GIS IMPIEGATO (D.P.) Nell’applicazione di un sistema informativo territoriale non solo si è cercato di evidenziare come un potente ed efficace strumento può muoversi in un contesto di informazioni che si dispongono sui diversi livelli di cui è composto il sistema, ma anche come uno specifico segmento applicativo è stato indirizzato alla sfera dell’integrazione all’interno del GIS sia dei dati grafici sia di quelli alfanumerici (D’Andrea & Niccolucci 2002; Forte 2002). In modo specifico, l’organizzazione del progetto ha seguito tali fasi di sviluppo:

720

ALESSANDRO GUIDI ET AL: IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE del territorio. Il calcolo del modello digitale del terreno, invece, consiste nell’interpolazione delle quote altimetriche mediante procedure di calcolo molto avanzate, che producono superfici sintetiche per la rappresentazione dell’altimetria. Sull’area studiata, tali elaborazioni hanno messo in luce una parte del territorio più alta dove probabilmente era ubicato l’insediamento e dove è stata rinvenuta la maggior quantità di materiale, soprattutto delle fasi più antiche; un fenomeno che si deve anche all’azione distruttiva delle arature intensive degli ultimi decenni. Il dislivello massimo attuale, tra le pendici e la cima del dosso, non supera i 5 metri ed è sicuramente inferiore a quello originario.

Analisi Integrata del Territorio G.I.S. Informazioni storiche Definizione degli obiettivi

Inquadramento Geologico

Elaborazione fotografie aeree Carte tematiche di: Geologia Strutturale Tracce antropiche Archeologia

Ricognizioni di superficie

Localizzazione aree sospette per indagini di dettaglio

Rilievi Morfologici di dettaglio

Elaborazione di carte tematiche e mappe 2D e 3D

Interpretazione sequenze temporali. Sintesi storica

Parallelamente alle indagini di carattere archeologico si è proceduto alla definizione delle caratteristiche geopedologiche del primo sottosuolo. Le aree indagate sono state concentrate su depositi con prevalenza di limi e sabbie, in corrispondenza, quindi, di sedimenti che fanno parte dei depositi dell’antico conoide del fiume Adige.

Modello di pianificazione e gestione territorio

Il Sistema Informativo Territoriale è stato costruito, inizialmente, utilizzando una cartografia, in formato vettoriale a scala 1:10.000, dalla quale sono state estrapolate le quote prese in occasione della realizzazione della Carta Tecnica Regionale (1984): una base topografica georeferenziata rispetto ai sistemi di coordinate geografiche, aggiornata con dati ottenuti da rilievi di campagna e foto aeree, dati ed informazioni di qualsiasi tipo (dati ambientali, geomorfologici, idrogeologici, demografici, ecc.) fornisce strumenti di rappresentazione grafica di gran precisione.

Dall’osservazione delle foto aeree e dal confronto diretto con le stratigrafie sono state delimitate aree a differente litologia, scarpate e zone depresse, cui si è attribuita una particolare connotazione morfologica. In modo significativo si è potuto definire: l’estensione effettiva del dosso sabbioso tra il canale Busse ed il canale Peccana su cui in passato sorgeva l’abitato paleoveneto; l’ampia area depressa del piano di divagazione del canale Peccana; una zona prevalentemente torbosa a sud-ovest rispetto all’attuale paese di Oppeano Veronese.

Le ricognizioni di superficie hanno permesso di individuare molte aree di interesse archeologico per la cui suddivisione non si sono utilizzati solo metodi tradizionali, ma anche un sistema GPS palmare per registrare i siti individuati con una precisione di poche decine di metri, sufficiente alla situazione.

Fondamentale è stato, non solo poter effettuare un confronto diretto sul territorio di quanto individuato dall’interpretazione in laboratorio delle foto aeree e trovarne conferma, ma anche rapportare gli aspetti geopedologici evidenziati dalle prove penetrometriche e dalla lettura del paesaggio con i ritrovamenti archeologici delle campagne di ricognizione di superficie condotte i passati inverni. Si sono evidenziati con differente grafia i limiti dei dossi, i limiti poco evidenti dei dossi e gli orli di terrazzo; su questa base si è, infine, costruita la carta geopedologica dell’area in esame. Sono stati indicati con differenti retini i terreni prevalentemente sabbiosi, quelli con buona percentuale di limi e i terreni torbosi (Fig. 1:d).

Le differenti situazioni incontrate hanno anche sollevato il problema relativo alla ‘visibilità’ archeologica. Il parametro di classificazione è stato definito attraverso una procedura puramente empirica, la quale dipende dal valore della percentuale di terreno osservabile sulla superficie in esame; la prova è stata realizzata prendendo in considerazione varie porzioni di terreno, fotografato sulle aree analizzate durante la ricognizione (Guidi & Peloso c.s). Importante, infatti, in ricerche di questo tipo, è sempre conoscere e focalizzare le potenzialità ed i limiti delle metodologie applicative e dei singoli strumenti d’indagine, allo scopo di non confondere obiettivi propriamente archeologici e scientifici con la volontà di creare un sistema GIS a prescindere dalle specifiche problematiche da affrontare (Thompson 2000).

L’elenco delle informazioni organizzate sulle schede di ricognizione sono state tutte inserite in un semplice database relazionale che non solo è in grado di memorizzare i dati in formato elettronico, ma permette anche di manipolare le informazioni in modi efficaci per ampliarne l’utilità (come i collegamenti ad un archivio di immagini o di fotografie). Il trattamento interattivo dei dati, infatti, all’interno di un progetto che prevede l’applicazione di sistemi informatici nella ricerca archeologica, dovrebbe imporre l’adozione di tecnologie capaci di sostenere la diffusione e lo scambio delle informazioni.

Un’ulteriore elaborazione GIS, particolarmente complessa e molto utile per lo studio del territorio, è stata la ricostruzione del modello digitale del terreno (Digital Terrain Model – DTM; Harris 1998). Infatti, la lettura di una carta topografica consente di individuare solo le coordinate x, y e rende impercettibile la tridimensionalità 721

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI l’altra per quelle di tipo intensivo (in quest’ultimo caso, ovviamente, si prevedono stime più alte) (Tab. 2).

METODOLOGIE DI INDAGINE E PRIMI RISULTATI (A.G.) Un primo aspetto del lavoro è stata la suddivisione in campi numerati (da 1 a 28) dell’area presumibilmente occupata dall’abitato (con l’ovvia esclusione del paese attuale) e di quella (da 29 a 99) relativa alla fascia immediatamente circostante, in cui sono localizzate le necropoli; nel corso delle tre campagne di ricognizione è stato possibile esaminare tutta la zona dell’abitato e gran parte (da 29 a 67) dei campi posti al di fuori di esso (Fig. 1:a).

Tab. 1.

Il passo successivo è stata la scelta del tipo di raccolta da effettuare; a questo scopo si è scelto di utilizzare, in molti casi, una raccolta per fasce in cui sono stati, a loro volta, suddivisi i campi. Nei casi più fortunati, dove la quantità di materiali di superficie si presentava più rilevante (si vedano i campi 1A, 4, 11A e 28, evidenziati nella Fig. 1:a), sono stati applicati metodi di raccolta più intensivi, come i transetti, i quadrati o metodi misti (a fasce e, in alcuni punti, a quadrati).

Buona Visibilità

Media Visibilità

Scarsa Visibilità

Densità Bassa

0 - 0,10

0 - 0,05

0 - 0,03

Densità Media

0,11 – 0,50

0,06 – 0,20

0,04 - 0,10

Densità Alta

0,51 >

0,21 >

0,11 >

Buona Visibilità

Media Visibilità

Scarsa Visibilità

Densità Bassa

0 - 0,50

0 - 0,30

0 - 0,10

Densità Media

0,51 - 2

0,31 – 1

0,11 – 0,50

Densità Alta

2 >

1 >

0,51 >

Tab. 2.

Da un punto di vista più generale, le informazioni raccolte nel corso del survey hanno risentito del problema della visibilità. A questo proposito, si è scelto di limitare i possibili gradi di visibilità a tre:

Il risultato è una carta riassuntiva della densità dei materiali archeologici (Fig. 1:c) che, da sola, sta ad indicare la loro ampia diffusione ad Oppeano e, allo stesso tempo, le grandi potenzialità dell’indagine di superficie nel sito.

1) Visibilità buona (relativa a campi arati o lavorati da poco); 2) Visibilità media (relativa soprattutto a campi seminati o arati da molto tempo); 3) Visibilità scarsa o nulla.

Le osservazioni preliminari sul quadro diacronico del popolamento di Oppeano necessitano una premessa sull’aspetto paleoambientale dell’area.

La carta così ottenuta (Fig. 1:b), comprensiva anche dell’indicazione dei campi all’interno dei quali erano rilevabili diversi tipi di visibilità (medio/buona o medio/scarsa), disegna una situazione di osservabilità generale spesso appena sufficiente, che ci ha costretto a tornare in diversi periodi nei vari campi; da questo punto di vista può essere meglio definita come una mappa, sempre modificabile nel tempo, delle migliori condizioni possibili di visibilità.

Doveva trattarsi di un dosso fluviale, posto in corrispondenza di un paleoalveo dell’Adige (Zaffanella 1979), in posizione strategica, dunque, lungo una delle più importanti vie di comunicazione naturale della regione (si veda, per analogia, la ricostruzione proposta per il dosso fluviale lungo il paleoalveo del Po su cui sorgeva l’abitato protostorico di Frattesina in Arenoso Callipo & Bellintani 1994) (Fig. 1:d). Una prima valutazione dell’estensione originaria del dosso (Guidi & Peloso c.s., fig. 8), calcolata in 88,5 ettari, appare ora superata dai dati delle ricerche nell’area del campo 6 e in occasione della sezione effettuata alle pendici del campo 1 A (Candelato, Rioda, Saracino, infra). Il risultato è un apparente ridimensionamento della superficie (v. linea piú spessa a Fig. 1:d), ora valutabile intorno agli 82 ettari. Una prima occupazione del sito di Oppeano nel corso dell’età del Bronzo finale è stata già ipotizzata in base ad alcuni materiali provenienti dalle necropoli in località Franchine (De Marinis 1999). I dati raccolti nel corso di diverse raccolte di superficie alla Montara (campo 1a) e l’esame dei materiali degli scavi di emergenza effettuati dalla Soprintendenza nella stessa località sembrerebbero dimostrare come la parte più alta del dosso su cui sorgeva l’abitato poteva essere occupata già in questo periodo; singoli elementi riconducibili a quest’orizzonte sono stati raccolti anche nei campi 6 e 10.

Le osservazioni condotte sui singoli campi, insieme con quelle più generali sulla visibilità degli stessi, ha permesso di ipotizzare dei parametri più generali di densità dei materiali archeologici. Da tempo gli studiosi hanno osservato le differenze esistenti, anche da un punto di vista quantitativo, tra il ‘rendimento’, in termini di materiali raccolti, dei surveys intensivi, basati su sistemi di campionatura e quello delle raccolte di superficie tradizionali, di tipo estensivo (Hodder & Malone 1984). A questo proposito abbiamo elaborato, sulla base delle nostre esperienze, tenendo conto delle differenze tra terreni ad alta, media e bassa visibilità, delle stime di alta, media e bassa densità di materiali raccolti (in termini di quantità di materiali raccolti per metro quadro) qui presentate in due tabelle differenti, una per le raccolte di tipo tradizionale (Tab. 1), 722

ALESSANDRO GUIDI ET AL: IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE Grazie all’analisi puntuale del materiale raccolto (per la datazione dei materiali diagnostici si veda Chiaffoni & Morandini c.s.), è stato possibile realizzare una carta in cui sono evidenziati, oltre a questi punti, campi o fasce in cui si è raccolto materiale di incerta datazione (tra la fine dell’età del Bronzo e gli inizi dell’età del Ferro) e altri chiaramente attribuibili alla prima età del Ferro (fasi I-II tarda della civiltà atestina) (Fig. 2:a); è possibile osservare come la carta indichi un’occupazione abbastanza estesa del dosso, sia nelle parti sommitali che in quelle di pendio, con una distribuzione ‘a macchia di leopardo’ che fa propendere per l’esistenza, già in un periodo così antico, di un grande abitato unitario, piuttosto che di distinti nuclei di insediamento. Il fatto che si tratti di un centro di grandezza inferiore solo a quelle di Este e Padova può giustificare una recente proposta di ricostruzione grafica del suo territorio, di notevole estensione, effettuata con la tecnica dei ‘poligoni di Thiessen’ (Malnati 2000, fig. 2). Va notata, infine, la presenza di materiali anche in terreni posti immediatamente al di fuori dei limiti del dosso antico (v. campi 1b, 6, 9b e 11a), un fenomeno da interpretare certamente come conseguenza di ‘scivolamenti’ e conseguenti dispersioni, accentuati dalle arature, di strati provenienti in origine dal dosso, anche se non si può escludere la destinazione a particolari attività di aree poste tra l’abitato e le necropoli. La considerevole estensione del centro appare ancora più evidente in base alla carta di distribuzione delle aree che hanno restituito materiali databili genericamente alla seconda età del ferro (come la ceramica etrusco-padana) o comunque collocabili tra la fine del VII e il VI secolo a.C (fasi II-III/III antica della civiltà atestina) (Fig. 2:b); anche in questo caso si segnalano presenze di materiali in terreni posti anche a una certa distanza dai limiti orientali del dosso (campo 13).

Fig. 1. a. Planimetria dell’area con la numerazione dei campi; b. Carta della visibilità; c. Carta della densità dei materiali raccolti nei diversi campi in bianco quelli privi di materiali; d. Geomorfologia e ricostruzione dell’andamento e delle dimensioni del dosso su cui sorgeva l’abitato. 723

Contrariamente a quanto si immaginava, infine, i dati da noi raccolti relativi al periodo compreso tra la fine del VI e il IV secolo a.C. (fase III media e tarda della civiltà atestina), dimostrerebbero come l’abitato si sia addirittura ingrandito nel corso delle ultime fasi della civiltà atestina (Fig. 2:c). Oltre ai dati relativi a diverse fasce del campo 23, queste ultime anche a una certa distanza dai limiti del dosso, va sottolineata la presenza di ceramiche di queste fasi nei campi 15, 30 e in una piccola porzione del campo 34. Una lettura combinata di queste attestazioni con quelle della carta di densità (Fig. 1:c), dove si evidenzia l’esistenza

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. a. Carta di distribuzione di campi o porzioni di campi in cui è stato raccolto materiale databile tra la fine dell’età del Bronzo e la prima età del Ferro; b. Carta di distribuzione di campi o porzioni di campi in cui è stato raccolto materiale databile tra la fine del VII e il VI secolo a.C.; c. Carta di distribuzione di campi o porzioni di campi in cui è stato raccolto materiale databile tra fine del VI e il IV secolo a.C.

724

ALESSANDRO GUIDI ET AL: IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE campo 6 (Fig. 3:a) consente di caratterizzare, con buona approssimazione, la struttura geologica della zona presa in esame, attraverso l’interpretazione e la correlazione delle stratigrafie ricavate; inoltre, lo studio del materiale archeologico raccolto ha permesso di riconoscere le fasi di frequentazione dell’abitato in epoca protostorica e romana.

di una serie di campi immediatamente fuori dei limiti nordoccidentali (nn. 29-30) e sudorientali (nn. 11-15) del dosso, caratterizzati da densità medio-basse, potrebbe far ipotizzare l’allargamento dell’abitato a queste due aree, un processo forse iniziato (si veda il dato già citato del campo 13) nel corso della fase precedente. I materiali del campo 52 B coinciderebbero, invece, con l’estremo limite orientale del sistema di necropoli di Ca’ del Ferro.

La posizione e la quota dei saggi sono state individuate opportunamente mediante l’uso della stazione elettronica totale. Le misure topografiche hanno consentito una precisa correlazione spaziale dei dati stratigrafici. In particolare la realizzazione di diverse sezioni geologiche ha consentito di ricostruire l’antica morfologia del dosso nell’area investigata, modificata pesantemente nel caso specifico dalla costruzione e dal successivo smantellamento di una fornace per laterizi.

Le scarsissime attestazioni di vernice nera (si vedano gli asterischi a Fig. 2:c) indicherebbero che è alla fine di quest’epoca che inizia, diversamente da quanto avviene a Este e a Padova, un vero e proprio processo di spopolamento del centro abitato; per quanto riguarda il periodo romano, a parte poche, sporadiche attestazioni e il ‘tesoretto’ segnalato dal sig. Corrent, va segnalata la presenza di diverse ville (una particolarmente estesa, nel campo 41) nei campi posti immediatamente a est e a sud del dosso. Diversi frammenti fittili, infine, sembrano essere riferibili al periodo post-classico.

Nel dettaglio, nella sezione DDI e stato riconosciuto un accumulo di materiale edilizio (frammenti di mattoni, calcestruzzo ecc.) di spessore variabile (massimo a N con circa un metro di potenza) che tende a chiudersi verso S dove tronca un deposito di suolo sabbioso/limoso a sua volta in appoggio su sabbie limose e limi sabbiosi con dispersi frammenti di mattoni d’epoca moderna. Questo livello si appoggia sulle sabbie medie bruno rossastre ben sciacquate che costituiscono il substrato autoctono del dosso e sulle argille limose grigie che rappresentano depositi delle zone topograficamente più depresse. Del substrato sabbioso del dosso si può riconoscere inoltre il cambio di pendenza tra il sondaggio S25 e il sondaggio S34. Tale variazione coincide con il probabile limite antico del dosso. Le sovrastanti sabbie limose con mattoni sono state interpretate come materiale di riporto. Ancora più evidente il gradino morfologico (Fig. 3:b) sepolto sotto le argille limose grigiastre, visibile nella sezione CCI tra S28 e S29. Grazie alla lettura di questa serie di sezioni stratigrafiche distribuite su un’area di circa 5 ettari, si è potuto ricostruire il primitivo andamento del margine del dosso che risultava arretrato di una cinquantina di metri rispetto all’attuale posizione.

CAMPO 6 – EX FORNACE:

RISULTATI DELLE INDAGINI GEOLOGICHE ED ARCHEOLOGICHE (F.C., V.R., M.S.)

L’area oggetto di indagine si trova nella fascia della media pianura veronese. In particolare, la zona investigata corrisponde ad un risalto morfologico che emerge di alcuni metri dalla pianura circostante, ed è inserita, vista in un contesto geologico-geomorfologico generale, all’interno dell’antico ‘conoide’ del fiume Adige. Il dosso su cui sorgeva ed ancora oggi insiste l’abitato di Oppeano, costituisce quindi un elemento naturale legato ai processi deposizionali ed erosivi attivi durante la formazione del paleoconoide e durante il suo successivo modellamento ad opera dell’Adige stesso. Infatti, in questo contesto, esso è da considerare come un insieme di barre sabbiose giustapposte delimitato da aree più depresse (paleoalvei) che costituisce un pattern di tipo braided. Di forma grossomodo ellittica, il dosso risulta allungato in senso NW-SE, con un asse maggiore di circa 2 km e un asse minore di 0,5 km; verso NE risulta definito in maniera netta, dal momento che l’orlo di questo risalto morfologico coincide con la scarpata erosiva che racchiude il piano di divagazione dell’Adige. A SW il limite del dosso è meno pronunciato, ma ben evidente in foto aerea.

Sulla base del materiale raccolto nel corso delle ricognizioni di superficie e di quello messo in luce dai sondaggi preventivi, è stato possibile trarre le seguenti considerazioni.

L’assetto idrogeologico della zona rende, nel complesso, meno adatte all’insediamento le aree più ribassate mentre gli abitati tendono, ora come in passato, ad insistere sui dossi sabbiosi morfologicamente rilevati e con drenaggio migliore. Gli orli e la superficie del rilievo, nella morfologia e nell’andamento, sono stati fortemente modificati in diversi punti a causa di interventi antropici legati all’attività edilizia ed agricola.

I manufatti ceramici rinvenuti durante il primo survey (ottobre 2000), unicamente nella parte nordorientale del campo 6, sono attribuibili a due orizzonti cronologici: Bronzo finale e prima età del Ferro. Nell’ottobre 2002, in seguito ad un miglioramento delle condizioni di visibilità dell’area, è stato possibile suddividere il campo in 6 fasce con orientamento NW-SE (Fig. 3:a). Il numero dei reperti raccolti nelle diverse fasce varia notevolmente: da un massimo di 65 frammenti (fascia C1) ad un minimo di 2 frammenti (fascia B1). Ciò è dovuto soprattutto allo sconvolgimento dei livelli antichi, avvenuto in seguito alla costruzione negli anni

Lo studio dei dati ricavati da una serie di saggi eseguiti con mezzo meccanico per conto della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Veneto-Nucleo Operativo di Verona nel novembre 2002, nella porzione del dosso denominata 725

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. a. Planimetria del campo 6 – ex Fornace; b. Sezione C-C’; c. Reperti rinvenuti nel campo 6. III secolo a.C.; infine nella fascia C2 (tot. fr. 33) sono stati raccolti frammenti fittili del Bronzo finale-inizi prima età del Ferro, del VI (frammento di bicchiere ovoide ad orlo svasato) e del IV-III secolo a.C.

‘60 di un’industria per laterizi. Il materiale comunque raccolto appartiene ad un periodo compreso tra il Bronzo finale ed il IV-III secolo a.C. In particolare dalle fasce A1 (totale frammenti 20) e B1 (tot. fr. 2) provengono manufatti databili al Bronzo finale avanzato e alla prima età del Ferro; nella fascia A2 (tot. fr. 14) abbiamo materiale attribuibile alle fasi avanzate del Bronzo finale (ad esempio un frammento decorato a fasci di solcature parallele ed oblique sulle quali si imposta una fila di cuppelle); la fascia B2 (tot. fr. 47) ha restituito ceramica cronologicamente non omogenea e riconducibile al Bronzo finale - inizio età del Ferro, prima età del Ferro e fine V-inizio IV secolo a.C. così come dalla fascia C1 (tot. fr. 65) provengono elementi databili al Bronzo finale-inizi prima età del Ferro, al VI-V secolo a.C. (frammento di piede decorato a fasce rosse e nere) e IV-

Nel novembre 2002, si è proceduto alla raccolta del materiale presente in tredici (nn. 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 16, 28, 31, 35) dei trentacinque saggi effettuati in occasione del controllo archeologico preventivo. Sulla base di questi dati, viene sostanzialmente confermata la frequentazione dell’area già riconosciuta nelle precedenti ricerche ed inoltre vengono precisati, anche topograficamente, elementi cronologici non individuati in passato. Per una miglior visione dei dati si rimanda alla tabella di presenza/assenza del materiale diagnostico nei vari saggi, fasce e raccolte di superficie, sotto riportata. 726

ALESSANDRO GUIDI ET AL: IL CENTRO PROTOURBANO DI OPPEANO VERONESE

BFBF3 inizio IFe FE FASCIA A1 Saggio 31 FASCIA A2 Saggio 35 Survey 2000 FASCIA B1 Saggio 28 FASCIA B2 FASCIA C1 Saggio 1 Saggio 2 Saggio 3 Saggio 6 Saggio 16 FASCIA C2 Saggio 9 Saggio 10 Saggio 11 Saggio 13 Saggio 14 Recupero Pellini

VIIVIII VI

VI

metà VIVI-V inizi V

V

fine VIV-III inizio IV

x x x x

x x x x

x x

x

x x

x

x x x

x x x

x

x

x

x x

x x x

x

x

x

x x

x x x x x

Nella parte sudorientale (indicato con un asterisco nella pianta), è stato inoltre recuperata, grazie al sig. Pellini, una tazza biconica con carena arrotondata e profilo a ‘s’, fondo ombelicato e cordoncini verticali impostati sulla spalla, databile al VIII secolo a.C. (Fig. 3:c, a sinistra).

BIBLIOGRAFIA

Arenoso Callipo, C. & P. Bellintani, 1994. Dati archeologici e paleoambientali del territorio di Frattesina di Fratta Polesine (RO) tra la tarda età del bronzo e la prima età del ferro. Padusa n.s. 30, 7-66. Bellon, E., 2000-2001. Materiale di strutture di abitato dell’età del ferro da Oppeano Veronese, località Montara (scavi 1997, U.S.S. 44-80). Master’s Thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona. Casarotto, F., 2001-2002. Materiale di strutture di abitato dell’età del ferro da Oppeano Veronese, località Fratte – scavi 1996 (U.S.S. 101-154). Master’s Thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona. Cherubini, V., 2001-2002. Materiale di strutture di abitato dell’età del ferro da Oppeano Veronese, località Fratte – scavi 1996 (U.S.S. 155-258). Master’s Thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona. Chiaffoni, B. & A. Morandini, c.s. Materiali ceramici dalle ricognizioni di superficie svolte a Oppeano Veronese, in: A. Guidi & S. Ponchia (eds), Ricerche archeologiche in Italia e in Siria, Atti del convegno (Verona, 6-7/5/2002). D’Andrea, A. & F. Niccolucci, 2002. Database di scavo ed Internet. L’accesso remoto all’archivio SYSLAT, in: CUMA. Nuove forme di intervento per lo studio del sito antico. Napoli, 167-175 De Marinis, R., 1999, Il confine occidentale del mondo proto-veneto/paleo-veneto dal Bronzo finale alle

Infine, è stata effettuata un’esplorazione più approfondita del saggio 28, compromesso in parte da attività moderne. Dallo scavo è emersa una serie di pozzetti di scarico intersecantesi, di forma subcircolare e di diverse dimensioni e profondità. Il materiale recuperato, in prevalenza ceramica e fauna, è attribuibile alle fasi IIIC-IIID1, secondo la cronologia di Este elaborata da Peroni et alii (1975). Degno di nota tra i rinvenimenti è anche un gancio di cintura in bronzo con foro passante, decorato con cerchielli concentrici tra loro uniti da un’incisione obliqua e riferibile al medesimo orizzonte cronologico1 (Fig. 3:c, a destra). F.C., M.S.

1 Un gancio di cintura simile a quello rinvenuto a Oppeano, proviene dalla necropoli di S. Lucia di Tolmino (Slovenia) e datato al VI secolo a.C. (Marchesetti 1900; Montagnari Kokelj 1994).

727

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Fratte – scavi 1991, Master’s Thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona. Thompson, S.M., 2000. Problemi e principi di metodologia della ricognizione archeologica, in: Atti del quarantesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia. Taranto, 403-421. Zaffanella, G.C., 1979. Geomorfologia e Archeologia preistorica nel territorio compreso tra l’Adige, i Monti Berici e i Colli Euganei. Rovigo.

invasioni galliche del 338 A.C., in: Protostoria e storia del “Venetorum angulus”, Atti del XX Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici (16-19/10/1996). Pisa-Roma, 511-564. Forte, M., 2002. I Sistemi Informativi Geografici in archeologia, in: I quaderni di MondoGIS. Roma. Franchi, G., 1996. Il popolamento nell’area compresa tra Adige e Mincio-Tione-Tartaro nella prima età del ferro, in: Dalla terra al museo (catalogo della mostra di Legnago). Legnago, 191-203. Guidi, A., F. Candelato & D. Peloso, 2002. Nuovi dati sul centro di Oppeano Veronese, in: A. Aspes (ed.), Preistoria veronese. Contributi e aggiornamenti. Verona, 168-70. Guidi, A. & D. Peloso, c.s. Oppeano Veronese: i risultati delle campagne di ricognizione del 2000 e del 2001, in: A. Guidi & S. Ponchia (eds), Ricerche archeologiche in Italia e in Siria, Atti del convegno (Verona, 6-7/5/2002). Harris, M., 1998. Digital terrain Modelling and three dimensional surface graphics for landscape and site analysis in archaeology and regional planning, in: S. Rahtz, Computer and quantitative methods in archaeology. Oxford, 161-172. Hodder, I. & C. Malone, 1984. Intensive survey of prehistoric sites in the Stilo Region, Calabria. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 50, 121-150. Malnati, L., 2000. L’età del ferro nel bacino centrosettentrionale dell’Adriatico, in: L. Braccesi (ed.), Studi sulla grecità d’Occidente. Hesperìa 12, 65-87. Malnati, L., A. Ruta Serafini, E. Bianchin Citton, L. Salzani & S. Bonomi Munarini, 1999. Nuovi rinvenimenti relativi alla civiltà veneta nel quadro dell’Italia settentrionale, in: Protostoria e storia del ‘Venetorum angulus’, Atti del XX Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici (16-19/10/1996). Pisa-Roma, 347376. Mandolesi, A., 1999. La ‘prima’ Tarquinia. L’insediamento protostorico sulla Civita e nel territorio circostante. Firenze, All’Insegna del Giglio. Marchesetti, C., 1900. I Castellieri preistorici di Trieste e della Venezia Giulia, in: Atti del Museo Civico di Storia naturale di Trieste, v. IV, n. 3. Trieste. Montagnari Kokelj, E. (ed.), 1994. Atti della giornata internazionale di studio su Carlo Marchesetti: Trieste, 9 ottobre 1993, Comune di Trieste: Civici musei di storia ed arte. Trieste. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze, All’Insegna del Giglio. Peroni, R., G. Carancini, P. Coretti Irdi, L. Ponzi Bonomi, P. Saronio Masolo, A. Rallo & F.R. Serra Ridgway, 1975. Studi sulla cronologia delle civiltà di Este e Golasecca, Origines. Firenze. Rosi, S., 1999-2000. Materiale di strutture di abitato dell’età del ferro da Oppeano Veronese, località Montara (scavi 1997). Master’s Thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona. Starita, I., 2000-2001, Materiale di strutture di abitato dell'età del ferro da Oppeano Veronese, località 728

THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE Catharina Boullart Abstract: In January 2000 the Department of Archaeology at Ghent University initiated a survey project in Italy. My contribution to ‘The Potenza Valley’ survey is titled “From acculturation to social complexity in antiquity: A regional geo-archaeological and historical approach” and focuses on the settlement structures of the Piceni culture (9th-3rd century BC). Most of the knowledge about this culture derives from cemeteries, the scarce epigraphic documents are funerary and sofar only few settlements have been discovered and studied. Systematic prospection and aerial photography should provide more data regarding the Iron Age settlement system in this area and the evolution of Piceni society towards social complexity and proto-urbanism. The first preliminary results (2000-2002) are presented in this article.

INTRODUCTION

Montedoro (1982-1990), conducted by G. Baldelli, is the only one till now in the Marche that sheds some light on the most important functional and topographical elements.2 We shall discuss this site in particular, because it is relevant to our own investigations in the Potenza valley (see further).

The Piceni, the people who lived in the Adriatic coastal zone of Central Italy (Marche, northern Abruzzo) between the 9th and the 3rd centuries BC, had close contacts with the Greeks, the Celts and the Etruscans, before they were conquered by the Romans. Most of the knowledge about this Piceni-culture derives from cemeteries, as the scarce epigraphic documentation is of funeral nature and only few settlements have been discovered and studied until now.

Montedoro is a hilltop site of less than ten hectare with an approximate height of about 100 meters, located a few kilometres north of Senigallia. The hill lies somewhat inland from the coast; it closes the area of the Cesano mouth at the right bank and dominates it very clearly. The location of a Piceni settlement on top of this strategic hill procured control over a possibly interesting maritime landing stage as well as over the inland traffic of the Cesano valley, which functioned as a natural passage to the Apennine hinterland.3 The settlement has originally been established in the 9th-8th centuries BC and lasted until the 5th century BC and later.4

A possible explanation is that many of these settlements were built over in later periods, which makes study more difficult. It is, however, also correct to state that habitation sites have not been much studied so far. Furthermore systematic prospection activity also lacks. The Potenza Valley Survey aims to fill in this gap. Due to the literally superficial character of this research we can obviously not collect information about the appearance of the buildings. In this initial state of the research we mainly focus on obtaining new information about the localisation of Piceni-settlements in the landscape. Another main objective is to get a grip on the hierarchy of the settlement system, and this to better understand the pattern of the Piceni society.

On the very top of the Montedoro plateau the groundplans of two rectangular houses (circa 5x6m) as well as several furnaces were recognised. The remains of the small houses consist of some outer postholes in alignment and, for the second house, also three postholes in the central axis, which probably functioned as roofsupport. Only one of the furnaces has been excavated till now: it has a particular eight-shaped form and its bottom and walls are coloured very red by the action of fire. On its floor a big spool-like instrument and two ceramic tubes were placed. The settlement traces and productive structures do not show any overlap and can therefore be considered contemporary. The contents of the furnaces dated both between the 7th and the 6th centuries BC. Particular is that the houses were positioned precisely next to each other and that they seem to share a common back wall. Maybe we are confronted here with two distinct dwelling units or with a second room, which had a different function, such as a storage facility connected with the use of the furnaces nearby.5

THE SETTLEMENTS The first real excavations took place at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century and are unfortunately very badly documented. In the fifties the investigations were reopened on the basis of a new archaeological stratigraphical technique. They coincided with the post-war renovation and took place mostly in the modern inner cities (e.g. Ancona) or in rather limited areas (e.g. Moie di Pollenza). Therefore, these excavations did not offer much information about the overall structure of a Piceni settlement. In the last decades new excavations of Piceni-settlements at Matelica, Pesaro, Cingoli and Montedoro have been undertaken or are still in progress. We now begin to understand the overall organisation of a Piceni settlement.1 The interesting research on the hill of

Another rectangular hut (dated in the 8th century BC) and 2

Baldelli 2001, 169. Baldelli 1991b, 73; 2001, 169. Baldelli 1991a, 21. 5 Baldelli 2001, 170. 3 4

1

Baldelli 1999, 33.

729

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY PROJECT12

several postholes and some fragments of a tamped floor are present in the habitation area. Natural slopes and ditches (circa 4m wide) with earthen ramparts delineate the whole settlement area. The latter were destroyed in the middle of the 6th century BC. Both ditches meet at the highest point of the western slope, and stop some meters from one of the natural talus, thus forming an easily defensible and comfortable main entrance to the settlement zone.6 The most important burial place of the site was also located here.7 A minor settlement zone, provided with its own small cemetery, was situated at the foot of the hill near the river.8

In January 2000 the Department of Archaeology at Ghent University initiated a survey project in Italy, titled ‘The Potenza Valley Survey. From Acculturation to Social Complexity in Antiquity: A Regional GeoArchaeological and Historical Approach’.13 The aims and methods of this long term-project, as well as the preliminary results of the three first campaigns in 2000, 2001 and 2002, have been published in the journal Bulletin Antieke Beschaving (BABesch).14 The project’s survey-area is restricted to the circa 80 km long valley of the river Potenza in Central-Marche.

For the location of their settlements, Piceni-people originally seem to have been mostly interested in sites near the coast, such as Ancona and Osimo. The discovery however of sites near strategic locations for control on the river corridors inland, such as Moie di Pollenza in the Potenza valley (see further), do impose a certain interpretative cautiousness, as Naso9 truly states. This coastal pattern might indeed be the result of the state of current research and the difficulty to study hilly and mountainous areas such as the inland of the Marche.

The main research phase aims at a new and detailed archaeological evaluation of human evolution within the changing landscape from the early Iron Age to the early medieval period, with attention to earlier and later periods of settlement history. This means deployment of the full battery of techniques available to archaeological landscape research in the total area, as well as in wellchosen sample zones evenly distributed over the Potenza valley and nearby hills. The techniques used here include: systematic field walking, active aerial photography from a low flying aircraft, regressive study of cartographic material and vertical aerial photographs, study of satellite imagery, research of toponymic and selected historic written information and the identification and interpretation of the finds. Where necessary, existing archaeological collections and finds will be studied. All geographically linked information is being assembled and analysed, together with results of geomorphologic research, in a Geographic Information System (GIS) specifically developed for this project.

At the end of the Early Iron Age (end 8th-beginning 7th century BC) the first hills behind the coastline and some sites along the most important river valleys are also inhabited. This evolution can surely be related to the rise of commercial activity such as the highly developed amber trade. This trend continues in the Orientalizing period (700-580 BC) which results in an important increase of settlements inland along the most important traffic corridors, showing concentrations in dominant positions on the hills. The result was a dense settlement network that ranged from the coastline to the Apennine valleys. This network probably consisted of many small villages positioned between some more consistent pre-urban settlements. The first results of our own investigation in the Potenza valley (see further) indicate that also small hamlets or even single farms are part of such a settlement network.

While most of these research activities concern the whole valley, from source to mouth and in width limited by the watersheds of parallel river valleys, the intensive field surveys are only being carried out in 3 large sample zones. They are transects of some 17 to 33 km² each, systematically spaced at regular intervals across the whole valley. They cover all the main landscape types of the region and represent in particular the upper, middle and lower valley. They are chosen on geographical grounds, but also on the basis of cultural-historical features, such as the vicinity of known protohistoric centres like hill sites with important élite cemeteries.

Archaeologically, however, it is above all the increase of cemeteries in this period that points to demographic growth. The location of several settlements in the Ascoli zone is hypothetically based on the presence of cemeteries and not on the discovery of real settlements sites. On locations where the latter have been found, it seems that one preferred to settle on sandy hilltops with acquifer layers or river terraces.10 Water supply nearby (see further), easily cultivated grounds and a defensible position were important factors in the choice of a suitable site location.11

12

See contribution of Frank Vermeulen in this volume. The project is directed by Prof. Frank Vermeulen and the principal archaeological investigators on the Belgian side include Miss Catharina Boullart, Mr. Patrick Monsieur, Mr. Geert Verhoeven and Miss Hélène Verreyke (Department of Archaeology, Ghent University, Belgium). For the geomorphological aspects close collaboration is obtained with Prof. Morgan De Dapper and Dr. Beata De Vliegher (Department of Geography, Ghent University). The Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche and the Universities of Macerata and Camerino actively support the programme. 14 Vermeulen & Boullart 2001; Vermeulen, Monsieur & Boullart 2002; Vermeulen et al. 2003. 13

6

Baldelli 1991b, 73. Baldelli 2001, 169-170. 8 Luni 1992, 336. 9 Naso 1999, 52-53. 10 Percossi Serenelli 1987, 70-74, 77-94. 11 Baldelli 1982, 144. 7

730

CATHARINA BOULLAT: THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE

Fig. 1. Protohistoric finds campaign 2000. CAMPAIGN 2000

Immediately outside the main survey area we also investigated extensively two smaller zones: a small valley area in Fiuminata situated about 4.5 km west of Pioraco17 and the top of the Monte Primo to check some of the archaeological structures known from literature18 and made visible on the aerial photographs of our team.

The main area investigated during the September 2000 campaign is situated in the upper Potenza Valley in the region in between the actual centres of Pioraco in the west, Castelraimondo in the east and Camerino in the south. The area covers part of the territory of these three municipalities. It covers an area of about 17 km². It consists mainly (more than 80%) of agricultural land, used for wheat-growing and other crops, with only small areas of grassland, some scattered vineyards and mostly small holdings.

The artefact sites found in the main survey area of the September 2000 campaign, which we classified as protohistoric, can at present not be dated very precisely. The generally thick, dark-reddish very coarse pottery wares (impasto) and sometimes also smoother and thinner greyish or brownish sherds found here, are generally not very diagnostic and not suited for further distinctions in Bronze or Iron Age phases. It must further be stressed that the distinction between Piceni and Umbri and their respective pottery might be rather vague in these mountainous confines. Furthermore, it is still difficult to evaluate what exactly is the status of these small protohistoric sites and pottery scatters within our survey record. Earlier Italian surveys19 and also excellent recent work in Greece20 already made clear that the protohistoric equivalent of a small historic farmstead with hundreds of

This area was not arbitrarily chosen. From the Potenza source westwards, it shows the first real broadening of the valley after the narrow Pioraco gorge, where the river leaves the mountainous Umbria-Marche Apennine ridge and enters an intermediate basin. It is still a very hilly landscape, but here the Potenza valley offers for the first time enough arable land for widespread human settlement since prehistoric times. Due to its position in the intermediate basin, the area is situated on the crossroads of two intramontane corridors. The first is the Potenza valley, which is directed west east and links the Apennine Mountains with the Adriatic coast. The second gives passage from the Colfiorito area in the south to the Esino valley northwards. They cross each other southwest of Castelraimondo.15 Both corridors played an important role in the (proto-)history of this region.16

15 16

17 This zone was investigated at the special request of the mayor of Fiuminata, Claudio Mazzalupi, archaeologist and host of the ‘Agriturismo La Castagna’ where the whole crew was accommodated. We wish to thank Mr. Mazzalupi for the excellent stay, for the local scientific information which he provided and for the acquisition of a depot at Fiuminata in order to be able to stock the archaeological finds of this campaign in a proper way. 18 Bonomi Ponzi 1992. 19 Di Gennaro & Stoddart, 1982. 20 Bintliff 1998.

Biocco 1997, 308. Bonomi Ponzi 1992.

731

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI sherds collectable today on the surface will be represented by a handful of sherds only in a normal surface collection.

enclosures. The outer circumvallation was probably built to protect the entrance to the real settlement area. We remarked that part of this enclosure of the major late Bronze Age circumvallations was connected with a possible ancient stone-quarry (limestone). A second rampart is interrupted at the north edge of the mountain: it is a rocky and very steep area, so an artificial defence there was of no use. At a distance of about 10 meters, parallel with this second defensive wall, a third one was built. Finally, also the very top of the Monte Primo is demarcated. We recorded that the almost flattened top with steep slopes is surrounded by 3 concentric circles with a preserved height of about 2 m. In between them there is an alley of about 2 m wide.

A total of nine small concentrations of such protohistoric pottery, possibly representing small (wandering?) settlements, were found north and south of the river, generally at some distance from the Potenza (Fig. 1). Interestingly, they are often located near the edge of almost theatre-shaped depressions, which the geomorphologists identified as areas of (former) water sources. One of these sites was also located near the confluence of two torrents. The concentration of artefacts coincides here with large spots of dark grey soil spread over a small area, not more than 15x10 m large. These spots, possibly remains of ploughed up pits, are not more than 1.5 m diameter wide. They have an irregular shape and contain fragments of protohistoric pottery and associated unburned bone fragments. The bones belong to pig, cowlike animals and sheep or goat.21 The preponderance of medium-sized animals leads to the conclusion that this is indeed a settlement area with some pastoral activity. Some pottery evidence suggests a Late Bronze/Early Iron Age date.

The topographic position of the Monte Primo and the character of the finds lead scholars, as Bonomi Ponzi22 and Lollini, to conclude that this is a cult place, originally situated on the top of the Monte Primo. The selection of this place for a sanctuary-like destination is not arbitrary. The Monte Primo dominates the crucial passage of the Potenza-river valley and is an excellent spot to observe bird migration, a very important activity in protohistoric Italic culture. It seems very likely that it was also the place of seasonal settlement activity in the transition phases of the Bronze and Iron Ages. The attraction of the summer grazing grounds for pastoral activities, as well as its control function by an emerging élite of society, are both particular assets in this respect.

Also in the small survey area upstream, on Fiuminata territory, we located a very distinct protohistoric site. It was found in the middle of a long field parallel to the road to Rome, at some 70 meters from the left bank of the Potenza. It was clearly visible, also from the air, by a dark greyish brown soil with which the potsherds are associated. Most pieces of pottery are found on the northern edge of this field, where the surface lies some 30 to 50 cm higher than the surrounding area. This site seems to represent a small type of permanent settlement in a part of the narrow valley of the Potenza where just enough land is available for small-scale agricultural and pastoral activities.

CAMPAIGN 2001 The area investigated during the September 2001 campaign is situated in the middle valley of the Potenza, immediately east of Passo di Treia. The hilly area, situated generally between 250 and 350 m, consists of dorsal ridges alternating with small and sometimes deeply incised secondary valleys, which are connected with the east-west oriented Potenza valley. The still very agrarian open landscape with dispersed rural units, groups its population mainly in several towns situated since medieval times on the hilltops overlooking the valley.23

Our short visit to the top of the Monte Primo, immediately west of the intensive survey zone, was intended to confirm the existence here of the very important protohistoric site, known in literature as a Bronze Age sanctuary and a seasonal settlement area. In 1970 the Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche did some small-scale excavation work at the very top of this site. They revealed archaeological remains datable to the Late Bronze Age as well as some Iron Age finds.

Our survey area covers a part of the territory of the municipalities of Pollenza and Treia, with a total of about 18.8 km². Also this area was not arbitrarily chosen. Along the course of the middle valley, a couple of strategic protohistoric hilltop sites occur, e.g. the Monte Pitino and the Monte Franco. In the Passo di Treia area the Potenza runs through a narrowing of the valley formed by two axial hill-spurs of Miocene date, occupied by the medieval and modern centres of Treia (N) and Pollenza (S). On the south side a very conspicuous promontory, the Monte Franco (or Francolo), dominates the river. The presence of protohistoric features in this zone, known from literature24, does not surprise at all when we take

The Monte Primo site covers about one hectare and lies between altitudes of 1285 and 1300 meters. It is accessible from the south and east side of the mountain. Both approaches fuse into a single pathway, delineated by natural rocks on one side and by artificial ramparts and ditches on the other. The total area is divided into four

22

Bonomi Ponzi 1992, 210. Vermeulen, Monsieur & Boullart 2002. 24 Lollini 1958, 204-205; 1976.

21

23

Identification by archaeo-zoölogist Prof. A. Gautier (Ghent University).

732

CATHARINA BOULLAT: THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE

Fig. 2 Protohistoric finds campaign 2001. must be interpreted as one phenomenon. The location in the immediate surroundings of the Monte Franco is important to notice, since in about this same area the Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche excavated in 1961 some elements of an important Piceni-necropolis at Moie di Pollenza.26 The excavated remains of the cemetery were datable between 900-700 BC. In the summer of 1963 research continued and revealed that the necropolis was situated on top of a Piceni-settlement of the Early Iron Age, which in turn covered an Apennine occupation.27

into account the strategic value of this particular area. At least eight of the 16 protohistoric sites (Fig. 2) which we discovered in this zone much resemble the possible, ill-dated Iron Age sites, which we identified in the upper Potenza valley (see before), when relying on the ceramic finds and the location of these sites. We could eventually identify them as rather small settlements, since they reveal a limited number of fine ware. As is also the case in the upper valley some of their locations are clearly determined by the availability of easy and sure sources for the provision of water, an observation not unique in the Marche and elsewhere.25 They occur on both sides of the Potenza valley. A very distinct Iron Age site of this simple ‘casale’ type, found high on a hillslope immediately east of the centre of Pollenza, is a good example. It lies approximately some 50 m to the south of a natural spring. The very obvious and dense concentration of protohistoric pottery and some sparse river pebbles was found in an area of dark greyish brown earth, which is clearly distinguished from the surrounding lighter brown soil. From this slight slope, orientated towards the northeast, there is a very nice view over the whole Potenza valley until the coastal Monte Conero.

During our surveys we determined and mapped several dense cores of Iron Age artefacts in this general area, essentially in arable fields on the eastern and northeastern slopes of the Monte Franco. Most of them consist of protohistoric pottery associated with some wattle and daub, dolia fragments, tiles and some fragments of oven or hearth floors. Among the pottery we distinguish Iron Age bucchero-like fine ware, belonging to a series of different shapes and decorated with incised lines, triangles and circles (Fig. 3). Furthermore some SouthItalian semi-glazed wares with geometric motives and Greek black glaze imports were found. This kind of pottery reflects the thriving and wealthy culture of the Piceni and is likely to date from the end of the 7th to the first half of the 6th century BC. The bulk of the sherds

Of a very different kind is the extensive Iron Age settlement zone discovered at the foot of the Monte Franco. Here a cluster of six protohistoric concentrations

26 25

27

Baldelli 1982, 143-145.

733

Lollini 1966, 210. Lollini 1963, 322-323.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI however is coarse ware. Since there are many diagnostic fragments, we hope that they will give better insight in this ill-known category of Piceni pottery.28

mouth and of the Adriatic shore by a local Piceni-elite. The resemblance with the situation at Montedoro (see before) is striking. Both sites fit in the reiterate cohesion between old river mouths and neighbouring protohistoric altitude settlements which is observed along the MiddleAdriatic coastline and can be connected with the maritime commercial routes of the Greek merchants.32

Fig. 3. Piceni-bucchero ware campaign 2001. In the most obvious area, a very gently sloping or almost flat zone partly bordered to the north by a talus, probably Roman, different indications point to a function as settlement. Although the field does not belong to a clear river terrace, many pebbles occur here in the concentration. Furthermore, many small fragments of sandstone, some bone fragments, some bronze and wattle and daub are present. Together with other zones downslope, this whole area can be considered as a wide settlement zone located on the gentle slopes at the foot of the Monte Franco. It certainly represents a form of concentrated habitation connected with the presence of the Piceni elite in the middle valley. CAMPAIGN 2002 On the left bank, near the Potenza River mouth the aerial surveys of our team and subsequent preliminary field walking identified a major protohistoric site at Montarice (Fig. 4), on a promontory north of the actual river mouth. In a field of sunflowers different linear traces were revealed, some of which probably belong to the ancient enclosure of this imposing site, that might be the location of a Piceni settlement.29 A short field check of the general topography and of some of the internal traces and spots, indicates that this site with known Bronze age occupation30 and the recorded ‘sporadic Iron Age material’ by Lollini in 1976,31 was no doubt also very important in the Iron Age.

Fig. 4. Montarice.

This circa four ha large possibly pre-urban structure probably had a role to play in the control of the river 28

I wish to thank P. Monsieur for the provided information which has been published before in Vermeulen, Monsieur & Boullart 2002. 29 Percossi Serenelli 1995, 41. 30 Unpublished small-scale excavation by Lollini (Soprintendenza delle Marche) in 1976. See also Percossi Serenelli 1985. 31 Percossi Serenelli 1985, 134.

734

Fig. 5. Looped handle from kantharos-like beaker (Montarice). 32

Luni 1992, 336-337.

CATHARINA BOULLAT: THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE

Fig. 6. Protohistoric sherd density Montarice. much more articulated, a situation still visible at Montarice where a talus remains in the eastern half of the hillside.

During the September 2002-campaign in this area, we investigated the plateau-site of Montarice in more detail and the presence in the ploughed field of great numbers of protohistoric coarse ware, Piceni-bucchero wares and even Greek wares was clearly confirmed. In the northeastern and southeastern corners we observed zones with large pebbles, which might represent ploughed up remains of a circumvallation. The ceramic material, but also bones and building material was collected in a very systematic way in view of intrasite dispersion analysis.

At the southern edge of this plateau remnants of an old entrance road are still visible. On the old IGM map (Loreto 118), mapped out in 1892 and adjusted in 1948, a road is drawn leading from the Burchio hill to Montarice. Both hilltops have been separated later by the construction of the motorway. It is however not to be excluded that this road can go back to much older times, especially since during the spring flights of 2003, Montarice and Colle Burchio revealed very similar traces. In this matter, however, we need to undertake further research, including geomorphological observations, in order to obtain more insight on the topographic situation during the Iron Age.

Although ceramic and other material was present all over the plateau, denser concentration zones could be observed, as marked on Fig. 6. These zones, with the impressive amount of 300 to 600 sherds per 30x30 square (picked up by 3-4 persons in maximum 30 minutes), are mostly situated at the northern and southern edge of the hilltop. The very summit of the hill seems to have suffered much from ploughing activity, which could explain the decrease in artefacts towards the centre of the plateau.

Lollini’s small-scale excavation on Montarice has brought to light mainly Bronze Age material. There is no specific mention of Iron Age material, but apparently two black figured sherds and one red figured sherd were found in the vicinity.34 In her concise report Lollini mentions the continuity of occupation on Montarice in Iron Age periods.35 The PVS survey has clearly confirmed this.

Bearing in mind the huge amounts of finds, we suspect that Montarice has only recently been flattened within the context of its modern agricultural use. This could explain why the edges still hold a very significant number of artefacts, exceeding by far a normal surface distribution for protohistoric finds (see before). In this respect the picture at Montarice at first sight seems different from Montedoro, where atmospheric influences, but most of all an intense agricultural activity wiped out almost all traces.33 The hilltop sides in ancient times were probably

Typical finds for the Iron Age were elements of blackburnished buccheroide wares. Several looped handles (Fig. 5) from globular kantharos-like beakers match very well the examples from Cartofaro.36 Carinated wall 34

These sherds are displayed in the Archaeological Museum of Ancona. Lollini 1991, 126. 36 Silvestrini Lavagnoli & Cazzella 1981, 153, fig. 2. 35

33

Baldelli 1991b, 73.

735

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI fragments with their typical sharp edges also are present, as well as a typical example of a Piceni handle, as can also be seen on a cup with cover of S. Egidio di Tolentino,37 which dates in the period end 7th-begin 6th centuries BC.

condition of survey material might have altered its nature. The profile of the ring-base, the decoration and the diameter of an Attic skyphos point to a date in the 5th century BC.43 An amphora handle and a rim, probably of the mushroom type, suggest a date in the 4th or 3rd centuries BC.44

Of course most of the Iron Age material consists of plain and coarse wares, but they are not always distinguishable from Bronze Age material. The same problem goes for horned handles and cylindrical ones and wall sherds with lugs.38 It is the aim to work out a typology of the material in order to be able to come to a satisfying identification of Bronze and Iron Age pottery. Also spindle whorls, of which a well-preserved plain example was discovered during the survey, are objects difficult to date when not found in context. From a typological point of view there is nearly no evolution.39

Below the steep edge on the slope facing the actual Potenza River south of the Montarice, a dark greyish zone of earth mixed with many artefacts can easily be distinguished. Most pottery found here, including many imports, seems to belong to the Iron Age. Two interpretations are possible: we may deal with a normal outflow of soil material from the plateau in a gully colluvium, but it could also be an isolated unit located on a former terrace on the south slope with particularly rich pottery contexts. Very recent aerial photographs taken by Frank Vermeulen seem to confirm the latter.

Among materials other than ceramics found at Montarice, we can present a little bone disk, perforated in the middle around which a decoration of circles and dots has been elaborated. Although such objects can also belong to later periods, it was found in a protohistoric context, that is to say a quadrant (30x30 m) with 331 protohistoric sherds, 9 Greek sherds and 19 Roman sherds. References to this kind of decoration on bone, ivory or horns and antlers (and even on bronze) can be found in abundance in Piceno.40 The same decoration is also present on the Piceni black burnished buccheroide ware that we found during the 2001-Campaign at the foot of Monte Franco di Pollenza (late 7th or half 6th century BC).41

On the southern edge of the Potenza valley, a much smaller, but similar hill, Monte dei Priori, also yielded some protohistoric finds. It concerns a small, but well visible concentration of protohistoric pottery, some bones and charcoal, in a greyish layer of soil. This material is ploughed up and seems to indicate ‘in situ’ structures. The finds suggest the presence of settlement structures on the upper northeast oriented slope of the Monte dei Priori. The transect in the lower Potenza valley covers 32.7 km², to be field walked over two campaigns. A second prospection campaign in the same zone is awaited for the autumn of 2003, during which also Colle Burchio (see before) will be intensively surveyed. The preliminary distribution map will then be completed and published. This will, hopefully, lead to more conclusive remarks on the Piceni settlement question.

Montarice yielded also a reasonable number of imported wares, Greek and South-Italic in Greek tradition. Diagnostic and wallsherds of black glazed and black- and red-figured pottery give a chronology from the 6th until the 4th centuries BC. A wallfragment with floral band of an archaic stemmed kylix can be dated to the second half of the 6th century BC. Several similar decoration motives are typical on Laconian ceramics,42 but an Attic provenance shouldn’t be excluded.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AA.VV., 2001. Eroi e regine. Piceni Popolo d’Europa. Roma. Bailo Modesti, G. et al., 1999. Strutture morfologiche e funzionali delle classi vascolari del bronzo finale e della prima età del ferro in Italia meridionale, in: D. Cocchi Genink (ed.), Criteri di nomenclatura e di terminologia inerente alla definizione delle forme vascolari del Neolitico/Eneolitico e del Bronzo/Ferro, vol. II. Atti del Congresso di Lido di Camaiore, 26-29 Marzo 1998. Firenze, 441-467. Baldelli, G., 1982. Insediamento e territorio nel basso Ascolano durante l’età del ferro. DialA 2 (nuova serie anno 4 ), 143-145. Baldelli, G., 1991a. Senigallia (AN), località Montedoro: insediamento piceno, in M. Luni (ed.), Scavi e ricerche nelle Marche. Urbino, 21-24.

Indeed, a closer look on the fabric in the near future should lead to a more definitive conclusion, since the 37

AA.VV. 2001, 94, fig. 66, catalogusnumber 310. Bronze Age: for horned handles of Moscosi di Cingoli see Silvestrini & Pignocchi 1999, 37, fig. 5.2, fig. 5.3 & fig. 5.4; for horned handles of Monte Ingino see Malone & Stoddart 1994, 121, fig. 4.18-25; for lugs see Negroni Catacchio, Massari & Raposso 1999, 327, fig. 11; Negroni Catacchio, Cardosa & Domanico 1999, 433, fig. 7A; Bailo Modesti et al 1999, 448, fig. 8B. Iron Age: for horned handles of Ancona see Lollini 1956, fig. 9.7 & fig. 11.7; for lugs at Monte Giove see D’Ercole, Cosentino & Mieli 2001, 341, fig. 85, 96, 97, 99 & 114. 39 Bronze Age: for Bachero di Cingoli see Lollini 1979, 199, fig. 6.26. Iron Age: for Ancona-Colle dei Cappuccini see Lollini 1956, fig. 10.10, fig; 11.10 and AA.VV. 2001, 195, fig. 76-79; for Cartofaro see Silvestrini Lavagnoli & Cazzella 1981, 157, fig. 39 & 40; for Sirollo see Lollini 1985, fig. 15.10. 40 Lollini 1956, 260, footnote 53. 41 Vermeulen, Monsieur & Boullart 2002. 42 Stibbe 1972, fig.126.2, 127.2. 38

43

There is a close parallel with an example of the Athenian Agora, dated around 480 BC: see Sparkes & Talcott 1970, 259, nr. 337, fig. 20.337; Stamires & Vanderpool 1950, 390, fig. 25 nr. 33. 44 Cf. types MGS IV or V; Van der Mersch 1994, 74, 77; see in last instance Liko 2001, 265, fig. 1-c; see also Percossi Serenelli 1995, 41.

736

CATHARINA BOULLAT: THE SETTLEMENT QUESTION OF THE CENTRAL-ITALIAN IRON AGE PICENI CULTURE Baldelli, G., 1991b. L’insediamento di Montedoro di Scapezzano e l’età del ferro nel senigalliese, in: P.L. Dall’Aglio, S. De Maria & A. Mariotti (eds), Archeologia delle valli marchigiane Misa, Nevola e Cesano. Perugia, 73-75. Baldelli, G., 1999. Gli abitati, in: E. Percossi Serenelli (ed), Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche. Sezione Protostorica. I Piceni. Ancona. Baldelli, G., 2001. L’insediamento di Montedoro di Scapezzano, in: AA.VV. 2001, 169-170. Bintliff, J., 1998. Beyond dots on the map: future directions for surface artefact survey in Greece, in: J. Bintliff, M. Kuna & Venclova, The future of surface artefact survey in Europe. Sheffield, 3-20. Biocco, E., 1997. Castelraimondo (MC). Picus 17, 307309. Bonomi Ponzi, L., 1992. Occupazione del territorio e modelli insediativi nel territorio Plestino e Camerte in età protostorica, in: La civiltà picena, 204-241. Boullart, C., 2003. Piceni settlements: untraceable or neglected. Picus 23, 155-188. Boullart, C. & F. Vermeulen, s.d. The Potenza Valley survey (Italy): in search of Piceni settlements, in: Proceedings of the UISPP-congres Liège 2001. Liège (forthcoming). D’Ercole, V., S. Cosentino & G. Mieli, 2001. Stipe votiva dal santuario d’altura di Monte Giove, in: AA.VV., 2001, 338-343. Di Gennaro, F. & S. Stoddart, 1982. A review of the evidence for prehistoric activity in part of South Etruria. Proceedings of the British School at Rome 50, 1-21. Liko, H., 2001. Zur Entwicklung graeco-italischer Amphoren in Velia. Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta 37, 265-268. Lollini, D.G., 1956. L’abitato preistorico e protostorico di Ancona. BPI, 237-262. Lollini, D.G., 1958. Notiziario. Scoperte e scavi preistorici in Italia durante il 1958. Marche. RScPreist 8, 204-205. Lollini, D.G., 1963. Moie di Pollenza (prov. Macerata). RScPreist, 322-323. Lollini, D.G., 1966. Moje di Pollenza (Macerata), Necropoli. BdA 4, 210. Lollini, D.G., 1976. Sintesi della civiltà picena, in: Jadranska Obala U Protohistoriji: Kultuni i Etnicki Problemi. 117-151. Lollini, D.G., 1979. Il bronzo finale nelle Marche. RScPreist 34, 179-215. Lollini, D.G., 1985. Rapporto tra area romagnola e picena nel VI e IV sec. a.C., in: La Romagna tra VI e IV sec. a.C. nel quadro della protostoria dell’Italia Centrale, Atti del Convegno Bologna, 23-24 ottobre 1982. Bologna, 323-350. Lollini, D.G., 1991. Montarice di Portorecanati (MC), in: La ceramica attica figurata nelle Marche. Ancona, 126-127. Luni, M., 1992. Montedoro di Senigallia. Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche 10, 336-337. 737

Malone, C. & S. Stoddart, 1994. Territory, time and state. The archaeological development of the Gubbio Basin. Cambridge. Ministero per i beni e le attivita culturali, Soprintendenza archeologica per le Marche & Comune di Matelica, 1999, Archeologia a Matelica. ‘Nuove acquisizioni’. Catalogo della Mostra (Matelica Palazzo Ottoni marzo-ottobre 1999). Naso, A., 1999. I Piceni. Storia e archeologia delle Marche in epoca preromana (= Biblioteca di archeologia 29). Milano. Negroni Catacchio, N., M. Cardosa & L. Domanico, 1999. Il bronzo finale nelle valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna, in: D. Cocchi Genink (ed.), Criteri di nomenclatura e di terminologia inerente alla definizione delle forme vascolari del Neolitico/Eneolitico e del Bronzo/Ferro, vol. II. Atti del Congresso di Lido di Camaiore, 26-29 Marzo 1998. Firenze, 429-439. Negroni Catacchio, N., A. Massari & B. Raposso, 1999. Il bronzo finale nell’Italia nord-occidentale, in: D. Cocchi Genink (ed.), Criteri di nomenclatura e di terminologia inerente alla definizione delle forme vascolari del Neolitico/Eneolitico e del Bronzo/Ferro, vol. II. Atti del Congresso di Lido di Camaiore, 26-29 Marzo 1998. Firenze, 323-333. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1985. Frequentazione ed insediamento nel territorio di Recanati dalla preistoria all’Età Romana. Picus 5, 99-135. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1987. La facies Ascolana: contributo alla conoscenza della civiltà picena. Picus 7, 67-136. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1995. Potentia: fonti letterarie e fonti archeologiche. Studi Maceratesi 29, 27-55. Sgubini Moretti, A.M., 1977. Scavi e scoperte. Pitino di San Severino Marche. StEtr 45, 472-473. Silvestrini Lavagnoli, M. & Cazzella, 1981. L’insediamento piceno di Cartofaro (Ascoli Piceno). Picus 1, 151-162. Silvestrini, M. & G. Pignocchi, 1999. L’Insediamento dell’età del bronzo di Moscosi di Cingoli (MC): una sequenza stratigrafica dal bronzo medio al bronzo finale. Picus 19, 29-50. Sparkes, B.A. & L. Talcott, 1970. The Athenian Agora, vol. XII. New Jersey. Stamires, G.A. & E. Vanderpool, 1950. Kallixenos the Alkmeonid. Hesperia 19, 376-390. Stibbe, C.M., 1972. Lakonische Vasenmaler des sechsten Jahrhunderts v.Chr. (= Studies in ancient civilisation (new series), vol. 1). Amsterdam/London. Van der Mersch, Ch., 1994. Vins et amphores de grande Grèce et de Sicile. IVe-IIIe s. avant J.-C. Naples. Vermeulen, F. et al., 2003, The Potenza Valley survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2002. BABesch 78, 71-106. Vermeulen, F. & C. Boullart, 2001. The Potenza Valley survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2000. BABesch 76, 1-18. Vermeulen, F. & C. Boullart, 2004. La carta archeologica della valle del Potenza. Il contributo del ‘Potenza Valley Survey Project’, in: R. Orsetti (ed.), La carta

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI archeologica delle Marche. Risultati e metodologie a confronto. Atti del Convegno, Abbazia di Fiastra 2002. 74-78. Vermeulen, F., P. Monsieur & C. Boullart, 2002. The Potenza Valley survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2001. BABesch 77, 49-71. Vermeulen, F., M. De Dapper, C. Boullart, B.-M. De Vliegher & T. Goethals, 2002. Geo-archaeological approaches in the valley of the Potenza (Marches, Central-Italy), in: The Mediterranean world environment and history. IAG Working group on GeoArchaeology. Symposium Proceedings, Environmental Dynamics and History in Mediterranean areas. Paris, Université de Paris-Sarbonne 24-26 avril 2002, 381396.

738

ADDENDA INTERPRETATIVI SUL SISTEMA FIGURATIVO DEL CARRELLO DI BISENZIO 1 Michele Cupitò Abstract: Following a recent article by Torelli, this paper presents an interpretation of the figurative system of the chariot of Bisenzio (last quarter of the 8th century BC). It can be read as a sort of theatrical presentation of male life, divided on the formal level in the display of the receptive features (specifically weapons) of a single individual mirroring the representation within elite burials at the necropolis of Veio-Quattro Fontanili as described by Pacciarelli. On the other hand the Carrello can be read as the representation of a model for a pre-urban centre, expressed as a symbolic depiction of its economic and territorial components as well as of its social idiom of productive relationships – on which the power of the gentilizi groups is founded.

Come ha recentemente mostrato M. Torelli il sistema figurativo del carrello cerimoniale di Bisenzio costituisce da un lato la rappresentazione del percorso che, attraverso riti di passaggio rigidamente codificati, sanciva il progressivo ingresso dei giovani nella comunità fino al raggiungimento dello status di capo guerriero e di pater familias, dall’altro la celebrazione dei valori aristocratici e l’affermazione dell’immutabilità del sistema politico e sociale instaurato dai gruppi gentilizi.2 Per quanto concerne la struttura del ciclo biotico maschile, l’analisi combinatoria degli elementi che connotano le singole figure dimostra che la successione dei momenti che scandiscono tale ciclo si manifesta nell’assunzione e nell’esibizione da parte dell’individuo di attributi (o associazioni di attributi) che, a scala di complessità crescente, ne manifestano immediatamente la posizione raggiunta in seno al corpo sociale, in virtù di uno schema nel quale la tassonomia civile è funzione diretta della tassonomia guerriera. Tale analisi consente inoltre di evidenziare i forti nessi che collegano la complessa articolazione in classi di età e ruolo maschili sottesa dalla figurazione con il panorama restituito dalle evidenze di tipo funerario e, in particolar modo, lo stretto parallelismo esistente tra questo sistema di classi e il primo livello di rango sociale recentemente definito da M. Pacciarelli per il sepolcreto di Veio-Quattro Fontanili nella sua fase di VIII secolo a.C.,3 nel quale sembra potersi cogliere – forse per la prima volta sul piano archeologico – una divisione assimilabile a quella che distingue principes (gladio) cincti / non (gladio) cincti e iuvenes hastati / non hastati (Fig. 1).4

Fig. 1. Schema gerarchico delle classi di età maschili emergenti dall’analisi combinatoria degli attributi connotativi. Il secondo punto riguarda l’interpretazione iconografica della base del sostegno (Figg. 2-4). Esso, infatti, non solo è sede della rappresentazione quasi ‘teatrale’ del perfetto ciclo biotico maschile – regolato peraltro dalla logica circolare della genealogia – ma costituisce la riproduzione del modello archetipico di (proto-)città,5 attraverso la rappresentazione ‘abbreviata’ delle sue componenti territoriali ed economiche e della dialettica sociale dei rapporti di produzione sui quali si fonda il

1

Tanto nel testo quanto nell’apparato grafico il presente contributo corrisponde, in toto, al poster presentato dallo scrivente in occasione del convegno; esso rappresenta la sintesi di un articolo più ampio, attualmente in corso di stampa, al quale rimando per una valutazione più puntuale e articolata (vedi Cupitò 2003). Desidero inoltre ringraziare la prof.ssa Loredana Capuis e il prof. Aldo Prosdocimi per i preziosi suggerimenti fornitimi in corso d’opera e per la lettura critica del testo; il prof. Marco Pacciarelli per gli spunti da sviluppare, con il prof. Giovanni Leonardi lo scambio di idee è stato quotidiano. 2 Si veda in proposito Torelli 1997 con bibliografia precedente. 3 In particolare vedi Pacciarelli 2000. 4 Sull’argomento si rimanda a Prosdocimi 1995 e 1996 con bibliografia precedente.

5

Sulla strutturazione dello spazio urbano si vedano Colonna 1991 e Coarelli 2000.

739

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Schema interpretativo della bese del carrello con indicazione della posizione e dell’orientamento degli animali ‘domestici’ e ‘selvatici’. Fig. 4. Schema interpretativo generale della base del carrello con indicazione delle componenti territoriali ed economiche della (proto-)città. Il termine urbs è qui utilizzato esclusivamente per indicare il dentro ‘urbano’ rispetto al fuori dell’ager. Le barre che alloggiano i gruppi plastici della coppia e della familia del capo gentilizio,6 vera e propria ‘epifania del potere’, sembrano infatti concretizzare l’ambito pienamente ‘urbano’ della magione aristocratica, residenza del pater e del gruppo dirigenziale ad esso afferente. L’area segnata dall’aratura e lo spazio geometrico interno, connotato dalla presenza dei pecudes e degli armenta (bovini e caprovini bradi), materializzano rispettivamente, l’ambito della campagna strutturata, funzionale allo sfruttamento agricolo intensivo, e quello delle terre e dei pascoli destinati all’allevamento del bestiame, vale a dire l’ager publicus7 (ovvero ager del populus, dove populus indica la sezione della civitas in armi),8 cioè l’ampio territorio esterno al nucleo abitativo che rappresenta il principale bacino economico del centro protourbano. E’ possibile inoltre che lo spazio geometrico connotato dalla scena di aratura alluda, più precisamente, a forme di vera e propria proprietà privata agraria, assimilabile all’heredium della tradizione romulea, vale a dire il limitato appezzamento di terreno (bina iugera) annesso direttamente alla struttura residenziale.9 In questo senso, quindi, la social persona del capo gentilizio celebrata nella figurazione del carrello, già connotata dalle funzioni di princeps in armi e di pater familias si

Fig. 3. Schema interpretativo della base del carrello con indicazione degli ambiti semantici definiti dagli animali ‘domestici’ e ‘selvatici’ e quindi delle componenti economiche della (proto-)città. potere stesso dei gruppi gentilizi. Il sistema figurativo del carrello, attraverso una logica strutturale fatta di contiguità, continuità, allusioni e opposizioni, sembra infatti tradurre quel sistema centrato di cerchi concentrici che nella mentalità protostorica etrusco-italica presiede alla ‘reificazione’ degli spazi materiali e concettuali della (proto-)città, scomponendone e annullandone la fisicità.

6 Il termine è usato nell’accezione di ‘gentilizio-clientelare protourbano’ di Peroni 1996. Sul problema anche Peroni 1988. 7 Sulle questioni relative all’ager publicus si vedano Capogrossi Colognesi 1981, Colonna 1991 e Pacciarelli 1991. 8 Si vedano ancora Prosdocimi 1995 e 1996. 9 In particolare ancora Colonna 1991 e Pacciarelli 1991.

740

MICHELE CUPITÒ: ADDENDA INTERPRETATIVI SUL SISTEMA FIGURATIVO DEL CARRELLO DI BISENZIO arricchisce di una terza essenziale componente, quella cioè di capo supremo della domus aristocratica, unità produttiva sostanzialmente autarchica, costituita dall’insieme delle persone e dalle cose appartenenti alla ‘casata’, e in quanto tale assimilabile alla struttura dell’oikos omerico. Il potere del capo si concretizza non solo nell’estensione della propria potestas assoluta sui componenti della familia (la sposa, i figli e i servi) e sui segmenti sociali posti in posizione subalterna e legati al vertice gentilizio da rapporti di dipendenza di tipo clientelare, ma soprattutto nel controllo diretto dei mezzi di produzione, e in particolare: nel dominio sulle terre gentilizie, realizzato tramite l’esercizio personale della titolarità collettiva su porzioni dell’ager publicus,10 nella amministrazione delle riserve alimentari derivanti dalle attività agricole, nel possesso del pecus, misura stessa della ricchezza e della potenza del gruppo e nella gestione delle azioni belliche e di razzia volte ad ampliarne e incrementarne il patrimonio.

dell’Antichità. Storia Archeologia Antropologia 5, 209-232. Cupitò, M., 2003. Il sistema figurativo del carrello di Bisenzio: iconografia del potere aristocratico e del kosmos socio-politico protourbano. Antenor 4, 91118. Pacciarelli, M., 1991. Territorio, insediamento, comunità in Etruria meridionale agli esordi del processo di urbanizzazione. Scienze dell’Antichità. Storia Archeologia Antropologia 5, 163-208. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. La necropoli del Quattro Fontanili a Veio e la trasformazione verso la società stratificata e l’assetto urbano nel corso del PF2, in: M. Pacciarelli, Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze, 261-276. Peroni, R., 1988. Comunità e insediamento in Italia fra età del bronzo e prima età del Ferro, in: A. Momigliano & A. Schiavone (a cura di), Storia di Roma. I. Roma in Italia. Torino, 7-37. Peroni, R., 1996. L’Italia alle soglie della storia. Roma/Bari. Prosdocimi, A.L., 1995. Populus Quiritium Quirites. I. Eutopia 4(1), 15-71. Prosdocimi, A.L., 1996. Curia, Quirites e il ‘sistema di Quirino’. Populus Quiritium Quirites. II. Ostraka 5, 243-319. Torelli, M., 1990. Riti di passaggio maschili di Roma arcaica. MEFRA 102(1), 93-106. Torelli, M., 1997. Rango e ritualità nell’iconografia italica più antica, in: M. Torelli, Il rango, il rito e l’immagine. Alle origini della rappresentazione storica romana. Milano, 13-51.

Un’ulteriore serie di considerazioni può essere proposta in merito all’anello centrale del sostegno, sul cui margine prende posto il gruppo plastico dei duellanti. L’anello risulta porsi nel punto di intersezione fra l’ambito domesticus dell’ager e quello caotico della silva, vale a dire il kosmos della (proto-)città e il kaos della natura selvaggia; tuttavia, in quanto locus saeptus, circoscritto e chiuso, questo spazio non partecipa né della condizione ordinata del primo, regolato dalle norme e dalle consuetudini dello ius umano, né della totale ‘anomia’ del secondo. L’anello, inoltre, è teatro di un cruento duello che, rappresentando il compimento di una lunga serie di rituali di passaggio, si connota come la ratifica dell’acquisizione da parte dell’individuo del ruolo di maschio adulto in armi.11 Quest’area potrebbe quindi rappresentare l’allusione ad uno ‘spazio sacro’, chiuso e segnato – un lucus (?) –, e, per posizione strutturale, un sintetico riferimento al rigido sistema di confinazione politico-sacrale del territorio di pertinenza della (proto)città che, come nel caso paradigmatico dell’ager Romanus antiquus,12 si concretizza in una cintura di luoghi sacri ubicati lungo il margine esterno dell’ager. BIBLIOGRAFIA Capogrossi Colognesi, L., 1981. La terra in Roma antica. Forme di proprietà e rapporti produttivi. I. Età arcaica. Roma. Coarelli, F., 2000. Mundus, pomerium, ager: la concezione dello spazio a Roma, in: G. Camassa, A. De Guio & F. Veronese (a cura di), Paesaggi di potere, in: Problemi e prospettive, Atti del Seminario, Udine 16-17 maggio 1996. Roma, 285-292. Colonna, G., 1991. Acqua Acetosa Laurentina. L’ager Romanus antiquus e i santuari del I miglio. Scienze 10

Sulle modalità del controllo gentilizio dell’ager publicus si rimanda a Capogrossi Colognesi 1981. 11 Per i riti di passaggeo maschili in Roma arcaica si veda Torelli 1990. 12 Per la struttura dell’ager Romanus antiquus e la sua confinazione sacrale si veda soprattutto Colonna 1991.

741

739

THE ORIENTALIZING AND ARCHAIC PERIOD

743

744

THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA IN GIACOMO BONI’S EXCAVATION OF THE SEPOLCRETO ARCAICO Iefke van Kampen, Annette Rathje, Alessandra Celant, Maria Follieri, Jacopo De Grossi Mazzorin & Claudia Minniti Abstract: Our contribution deals with the evidence for habitation in the Sepolcreto Arcaico site on the Roman Forum, excavated by Giacomo Boni (1859-1925), including archaeological, faunal and palaeobotanical remains. The habitation layers record a main phase from the late 8th to the late 6th century BC, but also indicate the presence of a previous occupation (Latial Phase IIB/IIIA). The faunal remains documents domestic animals while large numbers of plant remains indicate the presence of several species of wood and cultivated species of cereals and pulses.

Subject of the present contribution are the habitations in the Sepolcreto Arcaico site in the Roman Forum, excavated by Giacomo Boni in the beginning of the 20th century. These concern the archaeological remains of the so-called IV strato (layer), of the Età Pre-Repubblicana, as Boni put it, although the latter term is not mentioned as such in his published work, but only present in his manuscript and on the boxes of materials preserved1 It has been possible to analyse the habitations, including both the stone structures and those in perishable materials, thanks to this original manuscript and to a series of excavation plans and sections.2

The tumuli are all in the W part of the site (Fig. 1), while the E part was dominated by the walls of an Archaic tilecovered habitation. In the pebbled courtyard various find groups (discerned by Boni but numbered by us) are preserved. Beneath the courtyard and slightly to the North was the so-called conca maggiore, literally ‘big depression’.8 This might actually be a hut-floor, also considering its relationship with the infant burials D and AA right underneath, just like the Tumulo di mezzo was connected with tomb K, and the northern tumulus with Tomb M. Gjerstad already postulated a hut in this area but he did not have access to the documentation.9 Boni understood the importance of the single contexts, containing both palaeobotanical and faunistic remains, as well as ceramics, and thus he preserved them together, as presented below.10

At the same time, analyses have been carried out of the faunistic remains by J. De Grossi Mazzorin and C. Minniti of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma3 as well as of the palaeobotanical evidence by A. Celant and M. Follieri of the University of Rome “La Sapienza”.4 The results of these scientific analyses are presented here for the first time, in connection with their exact context.

The tumulo di mezzo contains Find Groups 1,11 4,12 7,13 9,14 19,15 31,16 32,17 4218 and 43.19 The hut floor is actually visible on a photograph together with tomb P of the II Latial Phase.20

It is now possible to correlate the well-known plans of R. Morigi, on display in the Antiquarium Forense,5 with the excavation sections drawn by the same hand, thus comprehending the subdivision in strati, actually indicating different periods. One overall section runs from the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina to the socalled Carcer.6 Besides this lengthwise section there are two smaller sections in N-S direction.

The tumulus or debris layer,21 which contained Find Group 42, collapsed on top of the hut floor, and on top of a second layer with traces of burning,22 which contained Find Group 43. Both cover the layer containing Find Group 31, called riempitura, probably a fill used to level the hut after the cutting of infant burial I. A small division wall or parietina contained Find Group 32.23

There are three huts which were recognized and described during the excavations.7 Boni calls them tumuli, indicating a heap of debris caused by the collapsed walls: a northern one, partly cut by the foundations of an Imperial building, a central one or Tumulo di mezzo, the one best preserved, and a southern one, cut by an Imperial pilaster.

8

Boni 1911, 157-159, fig. 1. Gjerstad 1953, fig. 125. Boni 1913; Rathje & Van Kampen 1999. 11 Materials Nos. 1-45. Rathje & Van Kampen, in preparation. 12 Nos. 139-162. 13 Nos. 169-326. 14 Nos. 357-373. 15 Nos. 707-714. 16 Nos. 827-850. 17 No. 851. 18 Nos. 900-906. 19 Nos. 907-930. 20 Boni 1905, 183, fig. 64. 21 Rathje & Van Kampen 1999, fig. 132: layer marked in black. 22 Rathje & Van Kampen 1999, fig. 132: hatched layer. 23 Rathje & Van Kampen 1999, fig. 132: see the small wall under the tumulus, on the right. 9

10

1

Sartorio 1970; cf. Van Kampen 2004. Cf. Rathje & Van Kampen 1999; 2001. 3 Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, Laboratorio di Archeozoologia. 4 Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, Laboratorio di Paleobotanica e Palinologia, Dipartimento di Biologia Vegetale. 5 Gjerstad 1953, figs. 61-65. 6 Rathje & Van Kampen 1999, fig. 131. 7 Boni 1903a; 1903b, 11. 2

745

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Elaboration from Boni 1903a, fig. 2. The circled numbers indicate the position of the Find Groups here presented. Find Groups 23 and 37 were found in a larger area around Pit VI. The situation around the northern tumulus, connected with Find Groups 326 and 21,27 is a little complicated. A series of fosse (holes) dug one next to another, is indicated, covered by the tumulus or debris layer, while underneath is the infant burial M. Together with the ceramics of Find Group 3 (Fig. 2e) Boni collected ‘some grains of wheat’, in a ditch between latrines C and D,28 but they have not been preserved. The ceramics clearly indicate a domestic context from the Orientalizing and Archaic period.

From Find Group 42 a few sherds are registered, mainly from the Orientalizing and Archaic period; two sherds can probably be dated to Latial Phase II B (or the beginning of IIIA) (Fig. 2a). Find Group 43 (actual hut floor) contained quite a few fragments dating from Latial Phase IVA to the end of the 6th century BC, and, again, two fragments of Phase IIB (IIIA) (Fig. 2b). Find Group 31, the fill connected with the infant burial, shows the same picture (Fig. 2c). From the larger groups a chronological and typological selection of the materials is shown. Find Group 32 contained a piece of carved horn of red deer (Fig. 2d).

Faunal remains include mainly Sus scrofa dom. L., and Bos taurus L., while the remains of Ovis vel Capra are rare. Furthermore a coxal of Cervus elaphus L. was found, a tibia of a wild boar and another bone of a colt (Equus sp.). As these are rare, it might be connected with remains of another colt found in the Tumulo di mezzo nearby. At some distance we should remember the ossa equina, another colt which was ritually deposited.29 Considering its age, it would, however, be difficult to make a connection with the ritus of the October Equus.

Faunal remains connected with the hut include Sus scrofa dom. L., Ovis vel Capra and Bos taurus L., besides two fragments of horn of Cervus elephus L., two remains of Canis familiaris L. and two of a colt (Equus sp.).24 Unfortunately, the carbonized plant macro remains from the lower part of the tumulus, collected by Boni, are not preserved.25

26

Nos. 130-138. Nos. 715-724. 28 In una fossa tra le latrine C e D: Pochi chicchi di grano. Boni 1903a, fig. 2. 29 Boni 1903a, fig. 14.

24

27

For a summary of the faunal remains, see Table 1. 25 Find group 43: Materiale rinvenuto nella parte inferiore del tumulo (…) Detto materiale era frammisto a sostanze carboniose e reca traccie dell’azione del fuoco.

746

IEFKE VAN KAMPEN ET AL: THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA

Fig. 2a. Find Group 42 (scale 1:4).

Fig. 2b. Find Group 43 (scale 1:4). confirming the presence of cultivated species of cereals and pulses.34

In 1903, Boni individuated another tumulus or collapsed hut, the southern tumulus, in the SW corner of the excavation area. Nearby the ritual deposit of two entirely preserved vases,30 another Find Group (39)31 was registered within a layer of carbonized material, comprising only a cup of Latial Phase IIB (or IIIA) and a piece probably of the Recent or Final Bronze Age (Fig. 2f).32 Also a large number of plant macroremains was found:33 45 seeds of charred faba bean (Vicia faba L.), 4 caryopses of barley (Hordeum vulgare L.) and 3 caryopses of emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum Schübl.),

From Pit III35 stem various carbonized and uncarbonized fragments of wood, belonging to three taxa: Buxus sempervirens L. (36 fragments), Quercus sp. deciduous group (36) and Quercus sp. evergreen group (1). The presence of boxwood is worth being noticed, as it is very hard and can be used to produce various types of objects. Faunal remains comprise for the main part Ovis vel Capra, together with Sus scrofa dom. L. and some Bos taurus L. Interesting is the presence of 2 fragments of Canis familiaris L. and some wild species: Vulpes vulpes L., Aves ind. and Pisces ind. The archaeological remains are virtually all dated within the period 730/20-5th

30

Boni 1903a, fig. 2 (vasa), figs. 16-17. Find group 63: nos. 1699-1700. Nos. 881, 883. Later, Boni actually thought it could have been the remains of a cremation tomb (Boni 1905, 193). 32 We wish to thank Alessandro Guidi and Elisa Gusberti for their help in the identification of the pieces of the Bronze and Early Iron Age. 33 For a summary of the palaeobotanical evidence, see Table 2. 31

34

Find group 39: Materiale rinvenuto (…) fra terra carboniosa: chicchi di fave carbonizzati. 35 Nos. 1546-1675.

747

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2c. Find Group 31 (scale 1:4). recovered: Triticum dicoccum (10 caryopses) in fossetta 6, Vicia faba (4 seeds) in fossetta 5, elm wood in fossetta 21, and deciduous oaks wood in fossetta 22. The findings of carpological remains in two fossette and of anthracological remains in two others suggest that these may have had different functions: the charcoal remains might have belonged to postholes.

Fig. 2d. Find Group 32 (scale 1:4).

At the same level, called piano delle tombe (but not to be located exactly on the plan), a small pile of wood, identified as evergreen oak, was found, which has been dated by 14C.37

century BC (Fig. 2g) and comprise both material possibly from a domestic context together with pantiles, covertiles and pieces which seem to have a votive character: Greek imported pottery and an exceptional Italogeometric dolium. Finally, a fragment of a calefattoio dates from a previous age.

For the find groups recorded from the area of the Archaic Habitation: 24,38 25,39 47,40 48,41 49,42 5343 today, besides ceramics, only faunistic remains are preserved, even if Boni collected Chicchi di fave e di grano.44 We find Sus scrofa dom. L., Ovis vel Capra and

Interesting material was found in the so-called fossette rituali or ritual small holes.36 In fact, at the same level in which the tombs were dug, Boni found a series of small holes with plant macroremains, which he interpreted as small offerings connected with the tombs, and therefore named parentalia. Differently from the other structures studied from the palaeobotanical point of view, in each fossetta rituale only one species at a time has been 36

37 Analyses by AMS 14C radiometric methods have been carried out by Ångströmlaboratoriet (Uppsala Universitet). 38 Nos. 735-749. 39 Nos. 750-757. 40 Nos. 1010-1048. 41 Nos. 1049-1105. 42 Nos. 1106-1144. 43 Nos. 1310-1352. 44 Seeds of Faba bean and grains of wheat.

Boni 1903a, 169, fig. 2 (parentalia); cf. Gjerstad 1953, 142, fig. 133.

748

IEFKE VAN KAMPEN ET AL: THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA

Fig. 2e. Find Group 3 (scale 1:4).

Fig. 2f. Find Group 39 (scale 1:4). or IIA (Fig. 2h). This layer covers the one containing Find Group 37, containing only a bottom of an impasto rosso bruno jar (Fig. 2i).48 Animal remains include Sus scrofa dom. L., Ovis vel Capra and Bos taurus L., besides a rest of a bird (Aves ind.). No palaeobotanical remains were recorded.

few Bos taurus L., together with a piece of horn of Cervus elaphus L. No drawn sections include this area, and it seems that the stratigraphical situation was heavily disturbed by the presence of imperial pilasters, as almost all find groups comprise later intrusions.

Pit VI49 itself contained materials to be dated 730/20-2nd quarter of the 5th century BC (Fig. 2j), together with few faunal remains including Sus scrofa dom. L., Bos taurus L., Ovis vel Capra and an entirely preserved marine shell (Cerastoderma sp.).

Far better documented is the courtyard, with Find Groups 2,45 2346 and 37.47 We clearly recognize the different layers connected with the pit, with Find Group 23 in a layer containing Orientalizing and Archaic materials besides an earlier fragment from Latial Phase I 45

48 For the hypothesis of an earth fill applied to level this area, see also Rathje & Van Kampen 2001, 388. 49 Nos. 1702-1794.

Nos. 108-129. Nos. 725-734. 47 No. 869. 46

749

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2g. Pit III (scale 1:4; nos. 1561 and 1616 : scale 1:6).

Fig. 2h. Find Group 23 (scale 1:4).

Fig. 2i. Find Group 37 (scale 1:4).

750

IEFKE VAN KAMPEN ET AL: THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA

Fig. 2j. Pit VI (scale 1:4).

Table 1. Summary of the faunal remains (number of identified specimens per species; * = horn).

751

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Table 2. Summary of the palaeobotanical evidence.

We hope to have added a tessera to the mosaic of the reconstruction of Archaic Rome, so that, after the American, Danish and Italian excavations in the Roman Forum, also the other side of the via Sacra will not be the land of hic sunt leones any more.

Four tree taxa were identified from anthracological remains: Quercus sp. deciduous group (deciduous oaks, 22 fragments), Cornus mas L. (Cornel tree, 18), Vitis vinifera L. (grape vine, 2), and Ulmus sp. (elm, 1). CONCLUSIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY The richness of this site is clearly indicated by the outstanding documentation, even if difficult to read – we are now exactly a century after the excavation took place. The habitation layers show a main occupation for the IV Latial Phase continuing into the Archaic period, from the end of the 8th to the end of the 6th century BC.

Boni, G., 1903a. Foro Romano. Sepolcreto del Septimontium preromuleo. NSc, 123-170. Boni, G., 1903b. Dalle Origini. Nuova Antologia (16.06.1903), 3-17. Boni, G., 1905. Foro Romano. Esplorazione del sepolcreto (4o Rapporto). NSc, 145-193. Boni, G., 1911. Foro Romano. Esplorazione del sepolcreto (7o Rapporto). NSc, 157-190. Boni, G., 1913. Il ‘metodo’ nelle esplorazioni archeologiche, Bd’A VII, 43-67. De Grossi Mazzorin, J., 2001. Archaeozoology and habitation models: from a subsistence to a productive economy in Central Italy, in: R.J. Brandt & L. Karsson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies. Proceedings of an international seminar organized by the Norwegian and Swedish Institutes in Rome, (September, 21-24, 1997). Stockholm, 323-330. Gjerstad, E., 1953. Early Rome. I. Stratigraphical researches in the Forum Romanum and along the Sacra Via. Lund. Van Kampen, I., 1995. Un puteale fittile dagli scavi Boni sulla via Sacra. ArchCl 47, 233-243. Van Kampen, I., 2004. I materiali dal Foro Romano e una classe di ciotole ad orlo ingrossato, in: A. Naso (ed.), Appunti sul bucchero. Atti delle giornate di studio. Firenze, 269-273. Rathje, A. & I. van Kampen, 1999. Giacomo Boni, a twentieth century excavator – his theories and methods, in: R.F. Docter & E.M. Moormann (eds), Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Classical Archaeology towards the third millennium. Reflections and perspectives. Amsterdam, 317-319.

Furthermore, the recovery of a series of single sherds in many Find Groups dating from Phase II B/IIIA, indicates, though, that there might have been an earlier occupation than presumed before. The faunal remains comprise mainly leftovers of food, as the bones analysed belong mainly to the main categories of domestic animals; Sus scrofa dom. L., Ovis vel Capra and Bos taurus L., used for alimentation. Pig prevails with a 40% of the remains. This confirms the high rate of pig meat in the alimentation in urban contexts compared to that of other contemporary sites in Central Italy.50 Percentages of goat/sheep and bovines, 22% and 37%, are similar to those of other contemporary sites in Central Italy. The cows comprise mainly adult specimens, butchered at the end of their working life in the fields. A large number of plant macroremains (seeds, fruits and wood fragments) have been recovered indicating the presence of cultivated species of cereals and pulses, in some cases probably with a ritual function, and of several wooden taxa, belonging to the natural vegetation of the Campagna Romana, used as building material or/and manufactured articles. 50 This seems to be connected with the changed demographical conditions in Rome, an urbanized centre, as compared to, f.e., Ficana, Fidenae and San Giovenale; see also De Grossi Mazzorin 2001.

752

IEFKE VAN KAMPEN ET AL: THE PRE-REPUBLICAN HABITATION LAYERS OF THE VIA SACRA Rathje, A. & I. van Kampen, 2001. Distribution of space and materials in domestic architecture in Early Rome. A case study on the pre-republican habitation levels at the Forum Romanum, in: R.J. Brandt & L. Karsson (eds), From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies. Proceedings of an international seminar organized by the Norwegian and Swedish Institutes in Rome, (September, 21-24, 1997). Stockholm, 383-388. Rathje, A. & I. van Kampen, in preparation. Gli strati abitativi di età pre-repubblicana della via Sacra nello scavo Boni del Sepolcreto arcaico. Sartorio, G., 1970. Riordinamento del materiale proveniente dagli scavi di Giacomo Boni nel Foro Romano. Musei e Gallerie d’Italia 41(2), 19-24.

753

THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS: AN OVERVIEW OF ITS EARLY-GEOMETRIC II AND ITS MID-7TH CENTURY BC PHASES Marianne Kleibrink Abstract: Ancient literary sources make clear that the earliest extra-urban sanctuaries of Magna Graecia were dedicated to Hera (Kroton, Metapontion, Paestum and Temesa), to Apollo (Punta Alice) and to Athena (Punta Campanella and Lagaria = Francavilla Marittima). On the whole archaeologists and historians are sceptical as to their early existence (summaries Asheri 1988; de Polignac 1984; 1995; 1999), which seems to be a result of linking the sanctuaries to processes of state formation and incorporating them in the fashionable category of the ‘santuari di frontiera’ (e.g. Guzzo 1987; Greco 1999; Leone 1998; Genovese 1999; Osanna 1992). However, lately it has become apparent that a single coordinated pattern in relation to the foundation of Greek sanctuaries in Italy or elsewhere does not exist. On the contrary, close examination has revealed heavily contrasted patterns for the rise of Greek cults (Osborne 2003). Recent excavations at Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima) demonstrate that on its Acropolis, already from circa 700 BC onwards, a monumental Athenaion existed. A rectangular timber temple (nr III) in its centre was flanked by two similar timber temples (nrs I and V). Because these LG-II temples of Lagaria are successors to earlier indigenous aristocratic (cult?) buildings, the concept of a ‘border sanctuary’ only would fit the situation if it would be possible to push it back in time, to circa 750 BC. State formation development in the Greek homeland, as far as we can tell at the present stage of knowledge, does not allow such an early date. Moreover, the finds and architecture of the LG-II temples demonstrate that they were a joint venture of Oinotrians and Greeks; while only the restructured sanctuary with three identical (mud brick) temples on top of the levelled timber ones, from c. 660/50 BC onwards, can be considered a more truly colonial enterprise. Misconceptions about the Athenaion of Lagaria are not surprising, because only recently it has been possible to integrate data from the Scavi Stoop 1963-69 and the extensive robberies in the 1970s with the results from systematic excavation.

Oinotrian history. The Oinotrians seem to have settled preferably on low hills, situated along the river valleys near the coastal plains of the Ionian Sea. At least from the BA3 period onwards settlement distances vary from 3 to 5 km, which indicates a normal subsistence pattern (Peroni & Trucco 1994). During the Iron Age this pattern changes. In the Sibaritide settlements like Broglio di Trebisacce, Francavilla Marittima, Castrovillari and Torre Mordillo are kept by their political leaders at equal distances, while smaller settlements disappear (Peroni & Trucco 1994; Vanzetti forthcoming; Kleibrink forthcoming a and b).

THE OINOTRIAN AND COLONIAL PHASES OF THE ATHENAION South of today’s Calabrian village of Francavilla Marittima (3,000 inhabitants) two important archaeological sites are known: 1) Macchiabate, a huge Iron Age necropolis, and 2) Timpone della Motta, a hill of 280 m above sea level, with settlement on its artificially flattened lower plateaus and a sanctuary on its Acropolis (Fig. 1). These sites were important not only during the Colonial period but also during the last phase of the Middle Bronze Age and during the Early Iron Age. Periods in which a native population, usually referred to as Oinotrians, were so successful in settling parts of Calabria, Basilicata and Lucania that their regions along the Ionian Sea could be named Oinotria (Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; forthcoming a and b). Until today, the Oinotrians have not received as much attention as, for instance, the contemporary Etruscans or Latins, both Iron Age native peoples who obtained a solid place in Italian and European ancient history. One reason may be that Universities in Southern Italy are few and often involved with Greek and Roman colonization, e.g. the stories of Metaponto, Siris-Herakleia, Sybaris, Paestum, Kroton, etc. which drew the attention away from the earlier, Oinotrian culture to which it owed so much. Another reason certainly is that the Etruscans and Latins left a written record, while the Oinotrians were without script; in order to know them we must turn to archaeology.

At Francavilla Marittima systematic archaeological research was undertaken by teams from Groningen University (GIA 1991-2003) with the help of students from many other European Universities (Amsterdam, Århus, Bari, Berlin, Bern, Bologna, Cosenza, Gent, Lausanne, Leicester, Rome, Venice, etc.).1 Apart from new Oinotrian huts and colonial (6th century BC) houses, a third complex of superimposed temples (V) to the two (I and III) already known from the Scavi Stoop (Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82; Stoop 1983) was discovered. The recent excavations revealed that the LG-II temples (hitherto the earliest temples on Italian soil) were constructed with wooden posts, placed in deep holes, cut out from the local bedrock. Underneath two of the temples (I and V) the remains of earlier, 8th century BC, Oinotrian aristocratic dwellings, constructed in a similar technique, were found.

Thanks to the recent excavations of a number of Archaeological Schools and Superintendencies in the Metapontino, the Siritide (northern Oinotria) and the Sibaritide (central Oinotria, while the Kroton region is southern Oinotria) we are beginning to compile an

1

For the earlier Scavi Zancani Montuoro 1963-‘69 at Macchiabate see Zancani Montuoro 1983-‘84 with references to earlier publications; for the Scavi Stoop 1963-‘68 in the Athenaion see Stoop 1990 with ref. to earlier work; for the Scavi Maaskant Kleibrink 1965-‘69 at the settlement plateaux see Kleibrink1970-‘71; 1974-‘76.

754

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS

Fig. 1. Plan of the archaeological sites of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima): the necropolis of Macchiabate and the Timpone della Motta with its several settlement Plateaus and its Acropolis on the top. earlier (Kleibrink 1993; Kleibrink & Sangineto 1998; Luppino 2001; Tomay 2002; Papadopoulos 2002; 2003a; 2003b). For the sake of a clear overview and to help avoid in future the confusing perceptions caused by earlier literature, we propose to divide the building history of the site into the following phases:

The archaeology of the Athenaion is complicated, not only because the LG-temples were constructed on top of the Oinotrian dwellings dating from the MBA and EIA, but also because the three temples themselves underwent several reconstructions. However, the most serious complication stems from the extensive robberies by tombaroli clandestini during the 1970s (and before), by which important finds spread out over many public and private collections (Kleibrink 1993; Raselli Nydegger 2001; Luppino 2001; Muchnic 2002; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; Papadopoulos 2003b; Luppino et al. forthcoming; Van der Wielen-Van Ommeren et al. forthcoming; Weistra forthcoming). Only now that their provenance is known, the circa 6,000 objects, returned in 2001 to the National Museum at Sibari, are beginning to contribute to the Athenaion’s history (Tomay 2002; Papadopoulos 2002, 2003a; 2003b; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; Kleibrink et al. 2004; Kleibrink forthcoming a and b). The fits between many stolen fragments and recently excavated ones (e.g. Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b) demonstrate that the bulk of the stolen objects stems from the Acropolis’ upper south slope; especially from the areas south and east of the superimposed walls of Temples VC-E, not from Votive Deposit I (Prima Stipe),2 as was believed

FM phase I FM phase II FM phase III

Middle Bronze Age III: on Acropolis dwelling VA; pebble foundations on Plateau I; Late Bronze Age: pottery fragments on Plateau I; Early Iron Age, 8th century BC: on the Acropolis the smaller huts MSI and II and the larger dwellings IA and VB; on Plateau III a large timber dwelling underneath the ‘Casa dei Pithoi’, another smaller hut underneath the ‘Casa dell’Anfora’ and still another one underneath the

produced hydriskai and cups, together with much Protocorinthian pottery. It all was ‘glued together’ by the lime incrustations caused by the gravel in which the material occurred (Stoop 1974-‘76, 108 ff.; moreover autopsy by the present writer in 1967). However, from the drawing Stoop produced in her excavation manual (GdS=Giornale di Scavo, which alas only consists of a list – see Kleibrink 1993 – and a few drawings), it is clear that Stipe I is located along the southern wall of the recently excavated Temples VC-E.

2 Stoop postulated a Prima Stipe of at least 70 m in length along the upper south slope of the Timpone della Motta. In fact she excavated only a small part of it (5x3x2.50m) and found it packed with locally

755

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

FM phase IV

FM phase V

FM phase VI

‘Casa dei Clandestini’; on Plateau I hut IVA and a probable defensive structure with trench. On the necropolis first, second and third generation burials (e.g. Temparella groups A, B and C: Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b); Late Geometric II period, end 8th/7th century BC: on the Acropolis Temples IB, IIIA and VC; palisade around the temenos; on Plateau I continuation of hut IVA. On necropolis fourth generation burials (Temparella group D; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b); Colonial period (660/50-beginning of the 6th c. BC); on the Acropolis Temples IC, IIIB and VD, temenos wall of conglomerate blocks; on the necropolis fifth and sixth generation burials (e.g. Temparella groups E and F; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b); 6th century BC: on the Acropolis Temples ID, IIA, IIIB, VE and the massive defensive wall labelled ‘Muro Schläger’; on the lower plateaus houses on foundations of riverbed cobbles; a defensive wall around the foot of the hill was also constructed in this period; on necropolis 7th generation burials (Temparella group G: Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b);

FM phase VII

5th and 4th centuries BC: Temples IIB, IV (Luppino 1996), deposit of Pan and the Nymphs; no houses or burials are known from this period, but from near the village of Francavilla Marittima itself 4th century BC tombs are known.

In this paper the various early phases of the religious structures will be shortly reviewed. Unfortunately, the discussion cannot follow a chronological sequence; the clearest building plans must be presented first, because otherwise the less preserved structures are hard to understand. The plans of the subsequent structures of ‘Edificio I’ are largely left out because too many data are as yet missing. PHASE I: THE MBA-DWELLING (STRUCTURE VA, Fig. 2) The MBA-dwelling was a narrow, oval house. Preserved are its rear part, measuring 3.20 x 2.10 m, cut out into the bedrock for circa 0.25 m and a number of small postholes (circa 0.40/0.30 m in diameter and 0.40/0.50 m in depth), which together form the evidence for slightly horseshoeshaped walls. The orientation of the dwelling is north/south with the entrance in the south. In this position, it had a magnificent view over the Raganello valley and the Sibarite plain and sea. The dwelling was rigorously truncated by later structures; nevertheless a large amount of pottery fragments came to light in the rear dug-out part. Francesca Guandalini who compared them to pottery from the Rosa Russa survey and the Broglio excavations concluded that the pots date from the

Fig. 2. Plan of the subsequent structures and phases recently excavated in the ‘Area Chiesetta’, which is the southeastern part of the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima). 756

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS

Fig. 3. Schematical plans of the superimposed structures in the ‘Area Chiesetta’. ’71; 1974-’76) and two on the Acropolis. The latter large, native timber dwellings IA and VB on the Acropolis are situated underneath the later temples, one below Temple IB and another beneath Temples VC/D. In general there is no definite plan of Oinotrian huts, although a division between smaller and larger structures seems to occur also elsewhere (De Siena 1996, 161-195; Russo 1996, 67-87). Dwelling IA is, because of its unfortunate excavation history, difficult to reconstruct. The remains of the recently excavated dwelling VB are better understood and therefore described first. This dwelling VB, labelled House of Weaving because of in situ loom weights, was an apsidal elongated house. Its preserved parts consist of a row of postholes of its west wall and a double row of postholes of its apse in the east. These features, connected, result in a structure of c. 26 m long and c. 9 m wide. Faint traces of levelled bedrock southwest of the apse confirm the presence of its south wall. The postholes of the apse lengthwise are 0.90/1.10 m apart, while the inner and outer apsidal rows are c. 0.80/1.20 m apart. The holes are 0.50/0.60 m in diameter and have a depth of 0.30 to 0.60 m. A similar double row of postholes is known from the EIA timber structure underneath the colonial Casa dei Pithoi on Plateau III (Kleibrink 1970’71; 1974-’76). With these large timber buildings, the walls may have been clamped between an inner and an outer row of posts, or may have been built with an inner row holding up the wall itself and an outer row of oblique

MBA III period (Guandalini 1999 referring to Peroni & Trucco et al. 1994; Kleibrink forthcoming a). The carbon sample taken from the soil in the dugout part does not date from this period (see appendix); it shows contamination by a fill from the EIA dwelling, as indeed did a number of fragments from contexts AC5.8 and 15, which evidently likewise intruded into the MBA material. As at Broglio the MBA pottery is well burnished and generally well manufactured. Together with the dominant position of the house, it may indicate a socially high-level household. Different late MBA remains from plateau I, situated just above the river Raganello, may indicate socially lower level settlers. Taken together the late MBA evidence from the Timpone della Motta may indicate social ranking (Kleibrink forthcoming a). PHASE III: THE EIA TIMBER DWELLINGS (8TH CENTURY BC, Fig. 3) The 8th century BC timber dwellings so far unearthed on the various plateaus of the Motta show a marked difference in form and content between smaller and larger structures, the smaller huts are: on Plateau I nr IVA (Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; forthcoming a); on Plateau III the ones underneath the Casa dell’Anfora and the Casa dei Clandestini; on the Acropolis the huts MS 1 and 2. Large, apsidal, timber dwellings are: on Plateau III the dwelling underneath the Casa dei Pithoi (Kleibrink 1970757

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI supports. In view of the irregular pattern of the second row of posts, which are in a wider arc where the bedrock descends, the latter construction is the most likely at least for dwelling VB. Although the remains of dwelling VB were much damaged by the temples later built on top of it, a number of its original features can be reconstructed: – The eastern, apsidal room was filled with a large amount of pottery, especially near the south wall. It occurred together with animal bones and metal objects. The bulk of the pottery consisted of impasto fragments, mostly of storage and medium sized jars. Locally manufactured, pottery fragments decorated with Geometric motifs (so-called matt-painted pottery) were found among the impasto. Because of robbery activities the finds were intensely mixed up, but cooking and storage jars as well as trays and bowls of impasto can be reconstructed by way of the preserved rims and bases. In form and fabric, some of the pottery seems to represent a variant of the slipped impasto pots known elsewhere in Iron Age Italy (overview in Badoni 2000). The material with Geometric decorations consists of large bowls, biconical and globular jars and dipper cups; the motifs, especially those of the ‘filled triangles’, ‘simple tent’, ‘undulating line’, ‘net-pattern’ and ‘early fringe’ styles are characteristic for the Oinotrian Sibaritide (Belardelli 1994; Kleibrink & Sangineto 1998; Arancio 2001; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; forthcoming a). Usually such pottery is dated in the full 8th century BC; however, this dating does not match the radiocarbon dates for EIA strata on the Acropolis (see Appendix; Nijboer et al. 1999/2000; Kleibrink forthcoming a). Many fragments of storage jars, presumably originally belonging to the apsidal dwelling, were used as a secondary fill underneath the 7th century BC temenos wall and adjacent pavement of cobbles. From the disturbed levels of the apsidal dwelling bronze objects could be rescued; e.g. a shield fibula, several serpentine fibula, several bronze rings and bronze coils, together with repoussé decorated bands.3

3

The fact that fragments from the Bern-Getty pottery and terracotta statues fit to those recently found in the southeast corner of structures V – also the location of the east room of the weaving house – makes it likely that at least some of the Geometric Oinotrian bronze jewellery from these collections stems from the ‘House of Weaving’ (for example (Papadopoulos 2003b, nr. 173 bird-cage pendant, nr. 174 bird pendant; 175-76 axe pendants; 178-182 spectacle pendants; small spirals nrs 183186; beads nrs 187-189; disk nr 193; braid fasteners nrs 198-202; several earrings/bracelets; shield fibula nr 219; serpentine fibula 225, 236; fibulae with bone and ivory attachments 233-235; bronze coils or ‘clothing trim’ 259-261; repoussé decorated bands nrs 274-337; chalcophone elements 403-412; composite discs nrs 413-415). However, caution is needed: although during the regular excavations a relatively high quantity of similar bronze jewellery was found in the House of Weaving, the large amount of the Getty-Bern native bronze finds makes one wonder if a mix up with clandestine finds from the Macchiabate burial grounds did occur, since it is known that clandestine diggers were active also in the necropolis.

Fig. 4. A number of the bronze objects found in the West room of the apsidal structure VB on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima). – The apsidal east-room contained against its western wall a standing loom with relatively large, loom weights (e.g. Kleibrink 2000a; 2000b, 2003a; 2003b; Kleibrink et al. 2004). The weights, discovered in situ, in two comparatively ordered rows, are decorated with meander and labyrinth motifs and made of badly fired impasto clay, highly burnished on the exterior. 758

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS We have circa 20 more or less complete specimens and 21 non-fitting parts. The weights found at the ends of the row were of well-fired depurated clay, undecorated and heavier still; clearly, they were used at the selvedges. The loom weights from this house indicate special weaving activities: their pyramidal shape, their intricate labyrinth and meander decorations and their heavy weight (800-1300 grams) most likely indicate the manufacturing of patterned cloth.4 The pyramidal shape of these weights point to an Oinotrian weaving technique different from that practised in the rest of Iron Age Italy, where in this period predominantly weights in the form of spools were in use. Fortunately, finds of similar, but smaller and differently decorated weights in the Macchiabate tombs of women of high rank, give the weavers of patterned cloth in the House of Weaving an identity.5 Thus, it seems reasonable to suppose that during the 8th century BC Oinotrian women of high rank were involved in special weaving activities in the large timber dwelling VB. Together with the weights, parts of cooking stands and tall cooking jars of impasto have been found. The fragments were underneath and level with the weights and connected with remains of a baked floor (Kleibrink 2000a; 2000b; 2003a; 2003b; forthcoming a and b). Such cooking stands are also known from Ischia and Broglio di Trebisacce (Moffa 2003). Because the area near the loom contained few animal bones, the stoves and vessels may have been used to clean and colour wool. In any case the House of Weaving must be defined as a female activity area, because similar bronze fibulae, jewellery and weights occur together in high-status tombs of Oinotrian women, not only at Macchiabate but also in the 8thcentury BC tombs at Valle Sorigliano and at Incoronata (Chartiano 1977; 1994; 1996; Frey 1991). The burials from Basilicata show that especially the weavers among the Oinotrian women obtained high status. – A hearth consisting of an uprising part of the bedrock was situated in the west room of the House of Weaving. This hearth is associated with a layer of ash, in some areas 2 m thick and spread out over an area of 12 x 15 m south of the walls of the subsequent temples as well as dumped over a large part of the yellow floor of Temple VD, indicating a collapse or later fill. The ash contained many matt-painted pottery potsherds and animal bones without traces of fire (Kleibrink & Sangineto 1998). In the hearth-

room, a relatively large quantity of bronze jewellery occurred: fibulae, bracelets, earrings, braid-fasteners, spiral pendants, etc. (Kleibrink 2000a; 2000b; 2003a; 2003b; Kleibrink et al. 2004). During the Scavi Stoop similar Oinotrian bronze jewellery was unearthed in this area (Stoop 1979, 82-83), together with a cache of loom weights (Stoop GdS 1968; Stoop 1970-’71, pl. 26; Kleibrink et al. 2004). With these features, the 8th-century BC House of Weaving VB on Lagaria’s acropolis seems to be an example of an aristocratic dwelling where special weaving festivities took place; the many bronze jewellery items from it may even indicate special dedications of garments and hair tresses. The measurements of the building are similar to those of such structures in Greece (Mazzarakis Ainian 1997), while a number of metal finds associated with the two rooms of this dwelling also resemble contemporary finds from Greece. Not only the two copper alloy birds and a four-spiral ring from the 8th century BC (e.g. Kleibrink 2000b; 2003a; 2003b) demonstrate early overseas contacts, but also the Geometric finds published by Papadopoulos (Papadopoulos 2003b), many of which must stem from the House of Weaving, have parallels in Greek sanctuaries. This is not surprising since Italic 8th-century BC objects are also found in Greece (Kilian Dirlmeier 1985; Shepherd 2000). It is a pity that later building activities on top of the House erased much of its architectural evidence; a reconstruction at this moment seems not possible. As said the plan of the building resembles larger buildings from Geometric Greece, but its technique with pisé walls and sturdy wooden posts differs from the Greek buildings which usually are constructed with stone walls and stone column bases. One of the most astonishing archaeological discoveries of the past years, the apsidal building at Ano Mazaraki, not only shows an apsidal structure with stone walls and column basis, but also shows that the apse in fact may have been a frontal porch (Petropoulos 2002, 143-165). Underneath the so-called ‘Edificio I’ (Stoop 1983) postholes of an apse, almost in the same position as those of dwelling VB are discernible. Together with the mattpainted and impasto pottery discovered in this area during the Scavi Stoop they indicate a second apsidal elongated house, which we labelled IA, along the northern edge of the Acropolis. PHASE IV: THE LG-II TEMPLES OF THE ATHENAION

4

In Oinotrian female tombs small bronze buttons and other dress ornaments occur (in the richest Macchiabate tombs e.g. small ducks of bone and amber: Kleibrink et al. 2004). These tiny ornaments originally must have been attached to friezes woven in garments, because otherwise a row of small waterbirds of bone or amber is not very effective. 5 In view of the identical contents of metal objects and impasto, pyramidal loom weights in the rich, female, Oinotrian, tombs found at S. Teodoro and Valle Sorigliano (Chartiano 1977; 1994; 1996; Frey 1991), Zancani Montuoro’s idea that the weights found near the female Macchiabate tombs belong to a previous 9th c. BC village of potters is not very likely (Zancani Montuoro 1980-‘81; 1983-‘84).

Around 700 BC three long and narrow timber temples must have crowned the Acropolis (Fig. 5): Temple IIIA in the centre, flanked by Temple IB in the north and the recently discovered Temple VC in the south. The similarity of the three temple plans together with their identical building technique suggests that the structures are roughly contemporary. All three temples are constructed in the same technique as the previous apsidal buildings, using sturdy wooden posts placed in large and 759

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Reconstruction of the three LG-II temples on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima).

Fig. 6. Reconstruction of LG-II Temple IIIA on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima). which probably was open at the sides since the postholes of the sidewalls are far apart; their building thus measures 7.20 x 17.30 m. The holes cut in the conglomerate accommodating the posts supporting the walls of Temple IIIA are in the south close together, also those for the short west wall and the wall dividing the cella and the east porch. Internally the postholes are wider apart. All postholes have diameters of 0.60/0.50 m while their depths vary between 0.30 and 0.60 m, usually the deeper holes are present where the bedrock dips. Earlier studies failed to note the further row of smaller postholes in the east, it runs at a distance of circa 4.10 m parallel to the east wall of the building and consequently it belongs to this temple phase. With this second eastern porch the total length of the building is 21.40 m, thus the proportions of this formidable timber structure are 21.40 x 7.20 = 1:3. The length of the cella is two times its width, while the porches together have a length almost similar to the width of the building. In other words,

deep postholes (0.50/0.60 m in diameter and 0.60/0.70 m deep), cut out of the natural conglomerate. The distance lengthwise between the postholes varies between 0.90 and 1.10 m. The walls of the larger buildings were upheld by double rows of posts. The recently excavated Temple Vc shows that the previously existing House of Weaving VB must have been levelled before the last quarter of the 8th century BC. This must also have been the case with the parallel timber dwelling IA in the north in order to construct Temple IB; hitherto no previous dwelling could be detected beneath the central Temple IIIA. Of the three temples built with wooden posts, the central Temple IIIA has the clearest plan (Fig. 6). Mertens and Schläger describe a rectangular building proportioned 2:1 with rows of postholes indicating the four walls (Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82, fig. 59). The measurements of the main room (cella) are roughly 7.20 m in width and 14 m in length. In the east, they noted a 3.30 m deep porch, 760

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS Lefkandi, a house in Messenia and the Athena temples at Tegea (Östby 1994). The Lefkandi structure has a clear ground plan, but does not resemble the Motta temples and is much earlier (Mazzarakis Ainian 1997). A model of an earlier Oinotrian building was found in tomb 63 of the S. Antonio gravefield at Sala Consilina. Traditionally this model is dated to Sala Consilina Ib period, which means the end of the 9th/ beginning of the 8th century BC. However, Pascal Ruby changed the date for the tomb in which the model was found (Ruby 1995). He places the tomb in early IC, which he considers to be parallel to Toms’ Veii phase IC indicating a date in the first quarter of the 8th century BC (compare Damgaard Andersen 2001, 250-251). This house-model dates from before the temples, which turns it into a valuable piece of information on the roof angles. Judging from the drawings and photographs its inclination is somewhere between the 35 and 40 degrees, so not particularly steep. Presumably Temples IIIA and VC possessed outer naves, while with structure IB it is more likely that it was constructed with rows of posts upholding the walls and outer rows placed obliquely against the walls as supports.

timber Temple IIIA had regular measurements from the start. This in spite of the fact that the builders could not exactly regulate the walls, which is evident from the varying actual width of the temple, between 6.80 and 7.30, while its length is slightly irregular also. The builders of this temple had to cope with a considerable difference in level, as the difference in altitude between its east and west wall is 2 m; presumably, short posts for the rear wall in the west were compensated with tall ones for the frontal wall. Because of the irregular floor the internal postholes are not in an exact axial position; a roof construction over these posts must have made use of broad beams. With measurements of 0.30/.40 m the postholes cut for the outer east wall of the front porch are considerably smaller than the others. The plan of the cella shows an internal division in three naves. The naves of Temple IIIA were more or less symmetrical: the southern outer nave was circa 1.60 m wide, the northern one somewhat narrower. The central nave contains a number of postholes along the central axe. A small number of postholes do not tie in with the building; they seem to be too few to indicate an earlier dwelling on the spot. The internal plan of Temple IIIA is more regular than the ones discernible for Temples VC and IB.

PHASE IV, TEMPLE IIIB The timber Temple IIIA in a later phase was rebuilt on a stone foundation over the levelled earlier structure with exactly the same measurements: consequently the new building measured 21.30/22 x 7.10/7.35 m (Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82). The foundation for the walls consists of roughly hewn conglomerate blocks and large riverbed cobbles. The date of reconstruction is unknown. There is a good chance that in the 6th century BC a number of temples were rebuilt, because terracotta roof decorations from the Timpone della Motta date from that period. Mertens (Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82) and Heiden (Heiden 1996) discern fragments from a large roof A (with terracottas from the 2nd quarter of the 6th century BC) and terracottas from a smaller building from the 3rd quarter of the 6th century BC - roof B.

A hindrance to an acceptable reconstruction of the timber structures on the Acropolis are the double rows of posts of the long walls, which, when too close together as in the case of the apse of the House of Weaving and Temple IB, pose a puzzle. Elongated houses with double rows of posts, known in archaeological literature, usually have robust holes for the posts in the walls and smaller ones for outer reinforcements with posts. The dwellings and temples on the Motta show a slightly reversed difference in diameter, if any. The constructive possibilities offered by European protohistorical building history show basically a choice between two types of timber structures (Büchsenschütz 2001, 226):

The known finds from Temples IIIA-B are few and not stratigraphically ascertained, because the building was used as a house by charcoal burners (Stoop 1974-‘76, 108, n. 4; Kleibrink 1993, 14ff, 38). The small building visible on the plan of Temple III by Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82 never existed in antiquity and is a rest of the charcoal burners’ annexe to the temple. The most relevant material must stem from the trenches of the Scavi Stoop on the outside of the building, from the ‘trincea all esterno del muro nord del terzo edificio’ and the ‘trincea dal terzo edificio alla chiesetta medioevale’ (Stoop, no published finds).

1. Constructions with posts in the walls without any inner supports. Many of the historically known huts are thus constructed. A relatively upright position of the rafters reduces the pressure on the walls; 2. Constructions with roof trusses, which need interior supporting posts. The latter kind of building exists with a single nave, or two or more naves. The buildings on the Acropolis belong to the second category. While the measurements of the outer naves of Temple IIIA are circa 1.60 m and of Building VC circa 1.50 m, with the pairs of holes of Temple IB the distance measures only 1.40 m or less. This would leave internal naves of little more than 1 m in width, which could indicate a very steep angle to the roof. Constructions with posts like the timber temples of Lagaria’s Athenaion are not known from Greece, from the land of the temples itself; where posts usually are put on stone bases. Exceptions are the well-known 10th-century BC house at

PHASE IV, TEMPLE VC The missing dates of construction of the central Temple IIIA may now be tentatively supplied with those obtained during the GIA-excavations (1991-2002) for Temple VC (Fig. 7). This temple, constructed on top of the previously 761

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Reconstruction of LG-II Temple VC on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima). discussed Bronze and Iron Age dwellings VA-B, has the same width as Temple IIIA: varying from 7 to 7.20 m (measured from the centre of the postholes). The length of the porch in the west is probably close to 6.20 m from the outer postholes and 5 m from the innermost row; the central room or cella measures 16/16.50 m. Consequently, this building also has a proportion of circa 1:3, but to these measurements the east porch, with its length of circa 4.50 m, must be added. The maximum length of this temple thus is 25/25.50 m. The best help to understand the various construction phases of the superimposed buildings in this area came from the row of small postholes of the front porch. As said, this row of holes is at a distance of circa 5 m from the easternmost row of larger postholes of the cella wall and resembles the easternmost postholes of Temples IIIA and IB. In the case of Temple VC, the holes were dug through the soft soil of phase III and only for a few centimetres in the bedrock underneath (Fig. 8). The postholes were surrounded by pale ashy soil (of a secondary fill) and showed in the cuts the reddish, gritty soil of the pavement of the House of Weaving. Three of the postholes were filled and covered with thick patches of yellow soil with high lime content. The students compared the yellow fills in the tops of the postholes with fried eggs ‘sunny side up’, because the patches of yellow stood out very clearly against the pale ashy soil. In fact, one of the students stepped through such a yellow patch and ended with her foot in the soft brownish fill of the lower part of the posthole. This small stratigraphical

Fig. 8. The easternmost postholes of the front porch of LG-II Temple VC on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima). 762

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS drama provides confirmation for the relatively early dates of the three timber temples of the Athenaion in the following way: the impasto and matt-painted pottery of the phase III stratum, through which the postholes were dug, dates from the 8th century BC; the pottery associated with the yellow floor and yellow fills of the postholes dates from the second half of the 7th century BC: consequently, timber Temple VC dates in between these dates, from the end of the 8th century BC to circa 660 BC. The chronology provided by the strata beneath and on top of the postholes of VC, is confirmed by objects found in the loose fill of a number of postholes of the southern and northern long walls: e.g. three fibulae with long catch pins, an a drago fibula, an ivory spectacle fibula (e.g. Kleibrink 2000b; 2003a; 2003b, Kleibrink et al. 2004; Kleibrink forthcoming a), fragments of pots decorated in the ‘fringe’ style, datable by their similarity to the askos from a child’s tomb with the seal of Pharao Bocchoris.6 Generally the objects from Temple VC compare well with the LG-II period objects from the tombs at Pithekoussai (Buchner & Ridgway 1993). However, the assemblages of pots dedicated at Temple VC are completely different from those in the Pithekoussai corredi or the eating crockery from the settlement deposits discussed by Coldstream (Coldstream 1998, 301-310). Our recent excavations made it possible to reconstruct the pottery of phase IV dumped outside the south and east walls of Temple VC, because a small stretch of undisturbed soil could be excavated among the clandestine pits (Kleibrink et al. 2004). Predominantly fragments of cups and jugs occur, of native as well as imported wares. These vessels all must have been associated with the cult activities in the LG-II Athenaion. Although relatively more imported LG-II pottery is found in this Athenaion than anywhere else in Southern Italian religious contexts, by far the largest part of the cups and jugs associated with Temple Vc are local, native Geometric pottery (Figs 9A and B). These Oinotrian vessels predominantly are decorated with sloppily painted ‘fringe’ motifs; the chronological classes of these wares are currently being studied. The cups are of the dipper variety and come in all sizes, miniature ones included. The jugs, as far as we can tell, are sometimes still slightly biconical or ovoidal. Jars and dishes in larger and smaller dimensions also occur. From finds of early ProtoCorinthian material together with bichrome decorated ceramics it has become clear that bichrome decorations were also produced for and used in the LG-II sanctuary. Among the imported cups we note Thapsos, sub- and pseudo-Thapsos vessels, which remind us that the Scavi Stoop also produced such pottery (Stoop 1979, 77 ff; Dehl 1984). More Thapsos and sub-Thapsos fragments surfaced in the Getty-Bern collections of plundered material from this area (Van der Wielen-Van Ommeren et al. forthcoming). Fortunately Stoop’s notes make clear that the Thapsos and sub-Thapsos fragments as well as the kyathos-with-chevrons fragment have the same

provenance as the material in the Getty-Bern collections of robbed material: Temple VC (Stoop GdS; Stoop 1979). Among the imported wares also many fragments of EastGreek jugs and cups are found (Handberg & Jacobsen forthcoming) together with a number of early Achaian kanthariskoi. They resemble the early specimens among the Bern-Getty collections published by Papadopoulos (2002; 2003a) and Tomay (2002). Quite a class in themselves are a group of large lidded LG-II pyxides craters, which now can be attributed to the Athenaion at Lagaria with confidence, since identical material was found at the site and the find circumstances indicate that Francavilla Marittima is their place of provenance. A lengthy discussion will be published elsewhere but a short compilation of facts must be repeated here, seen the enormous importance of the iconography of the pots for the Athenaion’s cults. Among the recent finds from the LG-II wall deposits of Temple VC is a lid fragment decorated with a woman carrying a hydria and holding hands with a nude warrior. The position of his feet indicates that the couple is dancing. The fragment belongs to the lid of a pyxis/crater once stolen from the Timpone della Motta (Maaskant Kleibrink 1993 referring to Jucker 1982). The decorations on that pot, usually referred to as the Ticino vase (e.g. Tanci & Tortoioli 2002, 172) show a procession of dancing warriors on one side and on the other a procession of women (Fig. 10). The woman leading the female procession holds a hydria, which she uses to pour a drink to an enthroned goddess. This decoration is painted around 700 BC, presumably by a local artist after Greek examples. The scene with the enthroned goddess resembles a contemporary scene on a vessel found in the Kerameikos (Athens MN inv. Nr. 789) which is decorated with a scene of females participating in a chorus dance holding branches and a wreath before somebody seated on a throne (the upper part of the enthroned figure is damaged), while two armed youths are competing in a warrior’s dance to the music of a

Fig. 9. A. Very small dipper cup (height 3.2 cm) decorated in matt-paint with ‘fringe’ motif, from LG-II Temple VC on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima).

6

The askos with its fringe style decoration clearly is an import from the Sibaritide (Buchner & Ridgway 1993).

763

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 9B. Fragments of cups (A) and jugs (B) decorated with ‘fringe’ motifs in matt-paint, from LG-II Temple VC on the Acropolis of Lagaria (Francavilla Marittima); circa 1:2.

764

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS miniature, found in the Athenaion of Lagaria, it seems likely that on the Ticino-vessel an artist adapted known schemata in order to be able to depict the local dances and related cult-acts. That the scene on the vase has direct local significance may be deduced from two facts: 1) in the Athenaion of Francavilla Marittima more jugs/hydriskai and cups were dedicated than anywhere else in the ancient Mediterranean world, 2) the scene in combination with thousands of hydriskai excavated makes sense only in a sanctuary where Athena was venerated together with her hero Epeios, founder of Lagaria and water carrier during the Trojan war and in Athena’s protection because of it (Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; Kleibrink et al. 2004). The iconography of the vessels in question makes one wonder whether the pouring of water by the female participants in the procession did perhaps take place during the warrior dances; while beforehand perhaps couples of warriors and hydria-bearing women were performing a ritual dance together. The above vessel has an obvious parallel in the lidded crater in the collection of the Basel Museum (nr. 406)8; the decoration of the four dancing warriors of the Ticino vessel is twice repeated on this pot (Tölle 1964, 53 nr 136). A similar lidded crater in the Toledo Museum of Arts is the third pot we know from this group.9 This pot is decorated with birds, which were a favoured subject in the Iron Age cultures of the Adriatic part of the Mediterranean and the hinterlands (Bouzek 1973); in Oinotrian culture, like in many other places, they probably were sacred to female goddesses (Gimbutas 1989; Castoldi 1997, 111; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b). The Basel and Toledo pots stem from the Italian art market and must have left Italy already before 1963, the year the Scavi Stoop in the Athenaion started. Not only Jucker’s mentioning of the Ticino-vessel together with the stolen objects (Jucker 1982) but also the fact that its lid fragment was found during the recent excavations, together with a heavy lime incrustation in the interior of the Basel pot and the fact that recently more fragments of vessels decorated with identical birds were found, point to the Athenaion as the place of provenance of this group. Another interesting crater or crater/pyxis stand recently found at Lagaria is decorated with horses at their mangers, it shows a watered down version of similar images from Pithekoussai, which are more directly inspired by the Cesnola painter (Coldstream 1998, fig. 4). The lids on the above craters change the pots into monumental boxes, which puts them in the same category as the hundreds of pyxides found in the Athenaion. In the

Fig. 10. Fragments of a large lid from the GIAexcavations of the deposits nearthe south wall of Temple Vc. These fragments are assigned to the ‘Ticino’ crater/pyxis with a procession of women, circa 700 BC seated phorminx player while two vigorous lion-centaurs help the dance along (LIMC Athena nr 15). Interestingly, the Kerameikos-scene has been tentatively interpreted as depicting an enthroned Athena Polias (LIMC, referring to Callipolitis Feytmans 1963, which could not been consulted), while other scholars interpret the seated person as the arbiter of the dance game (Tölle 1964, Cat. 7). As a solution to the interpretative problem it may be suggested that Athena Polias herself is depicted here as arbiter, since the dance will have been performed in her sanctuary anyway. The Ticino-pyxis/crater7 depicts on the reverse of the hydria-procession a chorus dance of four young, nude warriors accompanied by a phorminx player. The women in this case do not participate in a chorus dance, since they do not hold hands, but lift them in prayer gestures to the enthroned woman in front of them, thus certainly a goddess. The foremost woman offers the goddess a drink from the hydria she carries. The one-handled beaker in the hands of the goddess resembles Oinotrian dipper-cups. Because of the thousands of hydriae and cups, either in full size or in

8 CVA, Basel nr 406, Pl. 4,1. “1963, aus dem italienischen Kunsthandel (Mitteilung H. Bloesch). H 35.5 (ohne DeckeI 28.5); Dm Mündung 20.0; Dm Fuss 14.8. Ton 10 YR 7/4, vereinzelte gröbere Einsprenglinge, etwas Glimmer; hartgebrannt. Firnis braun-schwärzlich (5 YR 3/1) bis orange-rot bei stärker oxydierten Stellen (10 R 5/6), matt. Grosser Teil des Fusses ergänzt, {…] das Gefässinnere von würzeldurchwobener Sinterschicht überzogen”. 9 CVA, The Toledo Museum of Art fasc. 2, Pl. 66: h. with lid, 0.365, diam. Mouth 0.191; light brown clay; Cat Sotheby (London) 11.11.63, no. 161; Münzen und Medaillen Aukion 34 (Basel) 6 may 1967, no. 87; Coldstream 1968, 203.

7 In Jucker’s (Jucker 1982) times the pot was in the possession of a dentist in Ticino – see also Isler 1983, 24-25 and 28, who attributed the vessels to a LG workshop in Vulci; recently the vessel was sold and its present whereabouts are not known to me.

765

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI finds identifies this phase as truly Colonial; there is much import directly from Greece as well as regionally and locally produced pottery; the production of matt-painted vessels in the native technique had stopped. Such a sudden change is also noticeable in the corredi of the Macchiabate tombs, where around 700 BC the deceased were still buried in the traditional Oinotrian manner but with ‘Greek’ corredi (group E: Temparella tombs 8 and 88 and group D) and in the second half of the 7th century BC contained exclusively colonial and Greek gifts (De la Genière 1994; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b). The impact of Greek culture on the Oinotrians of Lagaria seems to have been so overwhelming and irresistible, that they Hellenised at a very early date.

dedicated assemblages the boxes often seem interchangeable with kalathiskoi, which makes it possible to suggest that the lidded craters originally contained fluffs of unspun wool. As said, during the campaigns of 2000, 2002 and 2003 a small stretch of intact soil associated with Temple Vc could be excavated in between the clandestine pits. This context informs us much better than before about the cult activities linked with the LG-II Temple VC. Between the temple’s east and south walls and the surrounding palisade wall, which on the south side presumably functioned as the temenos boundary, dumped votive material was abundant. It consists mainly of fragments of cups and jugs of local matt-painted fabrics together with the above described imported LG-II specimens of eastGreek, Corinthian and Achaian manufacture, furthermore pyxides, kalathiskoi, spindle whorls and beads. The cups and jugs are consistent with the scene on the LG-II pyxis and may be interpreted as pottery used only once and left against the frontal and southern temple walls, after libations of water had been poured from them. The frequent kalathiskoi, pyxides and spindle whorls may be explained as indicators for dedications of fluffs of wool. These cult acts link Athena, the goddess of weaving with the legendary founder of Lagaria: Epeios. This builder of the Trojan horse was known as hydrophoros, carrier of water for the Greek kings during the Trojan War. Stesichoros mentions that the hero obtained the help and support of Athena because of his willingness to carry water. It seems that the people visiting the Athenaion of Lagaria, from the LGII period onwards, imitated Epeios in the hope to be rewarded with Athena’s help (Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b; Kleibrink et al. 2004).

From this 5th phase stem pinakes; the terracotta plaques forming a procession frieze are the most astonishing items and well known from the publication by Madeleine Mertens Horn (Mertens Horn 1992; Croissant 1992; 2002). They show a procession of women, walking as well as riding in a mule-chart, with as counterpart a procession of Trojan warriors in chariots. Another pinax is decorated with an enthroned ‘Goddess of the loom’; she holds a mantle or a piece of cloth rolled up in her lap and is seated in a naiskos (Jucker 1982; Mertens Horn 1992; Kleibrink 1993). This image, together with the many spindles and kalathiskoi from the sanctuary indicate that the goddess venerated still was connected with weaving. Terracotta statuettes from the sanctuary showing women offering pieces of new cloth, demonstrate that in the 6th century BC this was still the case; although at the same time an Athena Promachos type appears among the terracotta’s found at the sanctuary (Weistra forthcoming). Although not visible on the pinakes, the women in the processions almost certainly still carried hydriskai with water to the goddess, because the bulk of the enormous quantity of hydriskai, decorated with simple bands, date from the 7th and 6th centuries BC. They were mostly disposed of, together with drinking cups, against the exterior walls of the temples and the temenos.

PHASE V, TEMPLE VD The fourth construction phase in the southeast area of the Acropolis is Temple VD, which arose just before the middle of the 7th century BC. As described above, the posts from the previous building were pulled out and the holes filled with a distinct yellow soil with high lime content; the lower parts of the floor of this temple were also covered with it. Many of the objects connected with this 3rd phase are from this yellow matrix. For the new temple, foundation trenches were cut into the conglomerate bedrock (Figs 2 and 3). They are deep where the bedrock rises, which makes one suppose that they were necessary to level for a bit the 4 m difference between the west and east walls. The walls probably were of mud bricks, seen the considerable width of the building trenches, 68 cm. The amount of material recently excavated, together with the materials from the Scavi Stoop and the robbed artefacts in the Bern-Getty collections from the mid-7th century BC phase is enormous (Luppino et al. forthcoming; Van der WielenVan Ommeren et al. forthcoming). The amount now known from the Athenaion indicates one of the largest votive deposits of Southern Italy. The character of the

Assemblages of drinking cups, hydriskai, kalathiskoi, kanthariskoi, aryballoi, alabastra, pyxides, spindle whorls and scarabs had been disposed of also inside Temple VD. During excavation these interior assemblages were mainly found in the patches of yellow soil used to mark the postholes of the previous Temple Vc. The classes of objects found in these assemblages inside the temple match the ones from the exterior walldeposits, especially those found in the area between the south-east corner and the temenos wall foundation of conglomerate blocks associated with it (parallel to and the successor of the palisade temenos boundary associated with temple Vc). These assemblages teach us that cult practices continued as before, although additions to the dedications now must have been perfumed oils in alabastra, aryballoi and lekythoi as well as pinakes with the image of the goddess and/or dedicants. Among the fragmented cups and jugs at least three different types of 766

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS terracotta pinakes with images of local cult statues were found in the southeast wall deposits of Temple Vd: The ‘Dama’ 1 (the name derives from the label ‘Dama di Sybaris’ which became attached to this terracotta type although she stems from Lagaria; e.g. Croissant 1992; 2002). The coroplasts of the Athenaion at Lagaria almost certainly got hold of a regional matrix, which they altered. Fragment AC17A.8.t1 from the recent excavation (Fig. 12) shows an arm of the Dama I type, with a ‘new’ hand engraved over the matrix’ original one. To the ‘Dama 2’ type belong a series of terracotta pinakes stamped from a matrix which, seen the specimens from Cozzo Michellichio (Luppino et al. 1996; Croissant 1992; 2002), had a regional spread, but which was intensively used in the Athenaion, as we can see from the small imperfections (e.g. at the chin), which with several specimens grow gradually worse. This type of terracotta (e.g. AC16A.8.1) shows a similar strange hand as the ‘Dama I’, but more clearly, it seems as if the coroplast tried to indicate that thread had been spooled around it. Moreover, the best-preserved terracotta’s of this type show a round chequered object later added to the matrix next to the skirt. In view of these manifest alterations to the two main types of terracotta it seems not too far fetched to suggest that ‘standard’ matrices were altered in order to represent spinners. The Dama 3, a matrix certainly produced by the Athenaion’s coroplasts imitating the above matrices, does not represent a spinner. Apart from these Dama-types the coroplasts produced several different local terracotta figures (e.g. AC16A.21.1; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b), also found among the wall-deposits (Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b). The figures associated with Temple VD are exclusively upright ones; so far no terracotta’s of enthroned goddesses have emerged. During the mid- and second half of the 7th century BC the cups in the assemblages are often of the type known as ‘coppe a filetti’, furthermore locally produced kanthariskoi, imported and locally produced bird bowls, lakainai, panel cups and other specimens. The hydriskai are of the ‘classic’, well made type, they usually are fired hard and are thin walled and ovoid in shape. They usually have a small ring base and vertical ring handles; the decoration is reduced to parallel horizontal bands in orange, brown, red or glossy grey. The locally produced kanthariskoi and coppe a filetti are covered with identical glaze; the well made ones, also have small ring bases and ring handles.

Fig. 11. Reconstruction of the various defensive walls around the Timpone della Motta, in part after Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82. blocks was even too large to remove. The gravel fill was in places almost sterile and in others it contained very fragmented potsherds, mostly of 7th century BC hydriskai; no early Corinthian or other 6th century BC material has been found in it. The top layer of the gravel in the north-western part produced a relatively large amount of scrap bronze; which makes it possible to suggest that the scrap bronze items from the Getty-Bern collections (Papadopoulos 2003b), and the ones from the Scavi Stoop (e.g. Stoop 1980, 167 ff), also will belong to this phase, especially since all contain bronze hydria attachments, armour attachments, feet of bronze vessels etc. and the bulk of the material dates to the 6th century BC. Although nothing remained of Temple VE, because a Byzantine chapel was built on the spot, 6th-century BC roof tiles and pits with 6th-century BC votive objects (Galestin & Kleibrink 1996) buried in the gravel makes its existence likely. Because of the pits with 6th century BC dedications and the surrounding layer with scrap bronze, it seems that Temple VE was much smaller than the previous temples and situated only on the level part of the bedrock, more or less the same spot where much later the Byzantine Chapel arose.

PHASE VI, TEMPLE VE Temple VD was covered with a huge amount of gravel. Almost certainly this gravel formed a platform for a new temple: Temple VE, constructed in the 6th century BC. The gravel terrace was supported by large conglomerate blocks taken from the temenos wall associated with Temple Vd. During excavation these blocks were found either on the conglomerate bedrock or half way in the gravel and surrounded by it; in the northwest corner of the gravel terrace the amount of large conglomerate

As both the gravel terrace and the ‘Muro Schläger’ are contemporary restructuring elements it may be suggested 767

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Id, because it seems to have belonged to phase IV. Parallel to Temples III and V the following earlier buildings can be constructed in this area: IA IB IC ID

An apsidal longhouse; A temple with walls upheld by rows of posts; A mudbrick structure with deep wall trenches; The structure on a stone foundation, that is still in part visible.

These will be published elsewhere as we hope to find more data by cleaning the area. SHORT REMARKS ON THE WALLS AROUND THE ACROPOLIS (Fig. 11) A massive wall (labelled Muro Schläger after its discoverer) constructed on a broad foundation (1.00/1.30 m) was laid out on flattened stretches of the slope immediately underneath the acropolis. In the 1980s large parts of this wall were still present, at a number of points up to five courses of stones could be counted. Sadly, today the wall consists of heaps of stones because it has been completely dismantled by robbers. On the north side the wall rises up immediately behind Temple IC, in the east the wall was at its smallest and protected the entrance to the acropolis. The southeast corner has an angle of 90 degrees, which may have been the case at the northeast angle as well. In the west no wall traces have been found, so people probably relied on the steep slope behind Temple IIIB, or since antiquity the wall and part of the rock may have crumbled away, as the steep bedrock in these parts is very friable. Along the southern stretch the wall was kept in place by a sort of contreforts at regular intervals; these consist of U-shaped small porches placed against the south face of the wall (Mertens & Schläger 1980-‘82). In 1991/2 a team from Groningen University excavated a crumbled part of the south wall, an excavation area labelled Muro Schläger I (on the pottery fragments MS). This excavation showed that our impression from previous surveys was correct: against the interior and exterior wall faces large amounts of hydriskai and kernoi with hydriskai were present, especially in the openings of the contreforts. In fact the areas on both sides of the wall are completely filled with small round-bellied pots. The vases are locally manufactured and received simple decorations with horizontal bands. In all cases they are lacking bases and are of the so-called local medium hard clay datable to the 6th century BC. Often they are placed on an open ring forming kernoi. Underneath the lowest courses of stones of the wall foundation an assemblage of seven alabastra was found together with hydriskai. The alabastra are Corinthian imports, datable in the Early Corinthian period (625-590 BC). The pots intentionally placed beneath the wall, indicate that the wall must have been erected shortly after 600 BC.

Fig. 12. Terracotta fragments of pinakes found during the recent excavations: AC17A.8.t1 and AC16A.18.tc1, both middle 7th century BC. that the gravel originally stemmed from the tracée that was cut for this huge wall foundation around the Acropolis (see below). The tiny fragments of 7th-century BC hydriskai in the lower gravel layers would confirm such a picture, as they prove that the gravel originated from a place downwards from the Temples of phase V. SHORT REMARKS ON EDIFICIO I In the 6th century BC a long building measuring 21/22 x 7.20 m perched at the northern edge of the Acropolis’ top; in the new reconstruction it receives the label Temple

The flattening of the stretches of the slope beneath the 768

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS CONCLUSION

acropolis for the wall construction presumably generated the gravel deposited on top of Temple VC. This is likely because the gravel consists of different layers; sterile stretches are intermingled with layers containing small sherds of matt-painted and 7th-century BC hydriskai. Thus it seems likely that the new platform over the old temples and the wall must have been contemporaneous. The part between the wall and the gravel terrace was filled in with material from the old temples. Massive fills were necessary because the difference in height between the west and east walls of the temples V is circa 4 meters. Interestingly, with the timber structures this problem could be managed but in later times when temples on stone foundations and with roof tiles were constructed level substructures were required. Since we discovered stretches of earlier temenos walls (in 2003) the several fills in the southeast corner are clearer and they confirm the above proposed reconstruction.

Indeed, the more we learn about the place and cults of sanctuaries by careful excavation, like the Athenaion at Lagaria, the less they seem to follow a single model. In any case at Lagaria it can be demonstrated that indigenous aristocrats initially set the pattern, together with immigrants. Already around 750 BC foreign influences can be detected. The excavations at Francavilla Marittima have thus opened new perspectives in Oinotrian and colonial studies in general. They have also reopened a well known dispute on the location of Lagaria (e.g. De la Genière 1991; Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b). Strabo mentions Lagaria as situated north of Thurioi and as founded by Epeios (Strabo 6.1.14). This testimonium often has been regarded as dubious and scholars have pointed to Metapontion or to other settlements between Sybaris and Metapontion (De la Genière 1991). I myself affirm that the early date of the Athenaion at Francavilla Marittima, together with its manifest water cult, points to Epeios and Athena, and thus to Lagaria (Kleibrink 2003a; 2003b).

Appendix. The calibrated radiocarbon dates for the stratum with the loom weights lies between 900 and 800 BC; higher contexts show infiltration of material from the later temples and are less helpful because of calibration difficulties. 14C dates from contexts AC3-38, AC5-8, AC4-30 and AC6-cenere 3, calibrated with Stuiver et al. 1998. Laboratory number 14 C date

GrA-9034

GrA-9038

GrN-22856

GrA-9040

GrN-27353

2690±50 BP

2680±50 BP

2760±20 BP

2580±50 BP

2560±30 BP

Probability 68.2%, 1 Probability 68.2%, 2

900-870 BC (19.3%) 865-800 BC (48.9%)

900-875 BC (17.4.6%) 860-850 BC (6.3%)

920-890 BC (29.5%) 880-835 BC (38.7%)

820-750 BC (41.7%) 690-660 BC (7.5%)

800-760 (51.7 %) 690-660 BC (9.1%)

Probability 68.2%, 3 Probability 95.4%, 1 Probability 95.4%, 2 Probability 95.4%, 3 Excavation context

Sample

845-800 BC (44.5 %) 930-790 BC (95.4%)

640-590 BC (13.3%) 840-520 BC (95.4%)

610-590 BC (7.4%) 970-950 BC 970-950 BC 810-750 BC (1.6%) (6.6%) (54.4%) 930-790 BC 940-830 BC 690-660 BC (93.8%) (88.8 %) (12.3 %) 650-540 BC (28.7%) Acropolis, Acropolis, Acropolis, AC4-30, loom AC6-cenere 3 AC3-38, loom AC5-8, dark AC5-15, soft weights weight hut fill deposit fill with MBA context context on sherds conglomerate Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Animal bones

769

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Seminar organised by the Norvegian and Swedish Institutes in Rome, 21-24 sept. 1997. Stockholm, 245262. Dehl, Chr., 1984. Die korinthische Keramik des 8. und frühen 7. Jhts. v. Chr. in Italien. Untersuchungen zu ihrer Chronologie und Ausbreitung. Berlin. De la Genière, J., 1991. L’identification de Lagaria et ses problèmes, in: J. De la Geniere (ed.), Épéios et Philoctète en Italie. Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard, Naples, 56-66. De la Genière, J., 1994. L’exemple de Francavilla Marittima: La nécropole de Macchiabate, secteur de Temparella, in: J. De la Genière (ed.), Nécropoles et sociétés antiques, Actes du colloque international du centre de recherches Archéologiques de l’Université de Lille III, Lille 2-3 dec. 1991. Cahiers du centre Jean Bérard, Naples, 153-163. De Polignac, Fr., 1984. La naissance de la cité grècque: cultes, espace et société VIIIe-VIIe siècles avant J.-C. Éd. La Découverte, Paris. De Polignac, Fr., 1995. Cults, territory, and the origins of the Greek city-state (transl. from the French by Janet Lloyd). University of Chicago Press, Chicago. De Polignac, Fr., 1999. L’installation des dieux et la genèse des cités en Grèce d’Occident, une question résolue? Retour à Megara Hyblaea, in: La colonisation grècque en méditerranée occidentale, Actes de la rencontre scientifique en hommage à Georges Vallet, Rome-Naples 15-18 nov. 1995 (= Collection de l’école française de Rome, 251). École française de Rome, Rome, 209-230. De Siena, A., 1996. Metapontino: strutture abitative e organizzazione territoriale prima della fondazione delle colonia achea, in: F. d’Andria & K. Manno (eds), Ricerche sulla Casa in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia, Atti del Colloquio, Lecce, 23-24 Giugnio. Galatina, 161-195. Frey, O.H., 1991. Eine Nekropole der frühen Eisenzeit bei Santa Maria d’Anglona. Galatina. Galestin, M.C. & M. Kleibrink, 1996. Wijgeschenken voor de godin. Paleo-aktueel 7, 52-57. Genovese, G., 1999. I santuari rurali nella Calabria greca. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Rome. Gimbutas, M., 1989. The language of the goddess. Thames and Hudson, San Francisco. Greco, G., 1999. Santuari extraurbani. Tra periferia cittadina e periferia indigena, in: La colonisation grècque en mediterranée occidentale, Actes de la rencontre scientifique en hommage à Georges Vallet, Rome-Naples 15-18 nov. 1995 (= Collection de l’école française de Rome, 251). École française de Rome, Rome, 231-247. Greco, E. (ed.), 2002. Gli Achei e l’identità etnica degli Achei d’Occidente, Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Paestum 23-25 febbraio 2001. Fondazione Paestum, Tekmeria 3 and Scuola archeologica italiana di Atene, Pandemos, Paestum-Atene. Guandalini, F., 1999. Catalogo ceramica AC5 (unpublished internal report). Groningen.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Arancio, M.L., 2001. La prima età del ferro, in: Flavia Trucco & Lucia Vagnetti (eds), Torre Mordillo 19871990. CNR, Istituto per gli studi Micenei ed egeoanatolici, Rome. Asheri, D., 1988. À propos des sanctuaires extraurbains en Sicile et Grande Grèce: théorie et témoignages (= Mélanges Lévêque, I’Annales litteraires de l’Université de Besancon, 367). Paris. Badoni, F.P. (ed.), 2000. Ceramiche d’impasto dell’età orientalizzante in Italia, dizionario erminilogico. Fratelli Palombi, Rome. Belardelli, C., 1994. Chapter on the pottery from Belloluco in: Peroni & Trucco et al. 1994. Bouzek, J., 1973. Graeco-Macedonian bronzes: analyses and chronology. Prague. Buchner, G. & D. Ridgway, 1993. Pithekoussai I, Monumenti antichi (= Serie Monografica). Rome. Büchsenschütz, O., 2001. De la hutte a la maison, de Vitruve aux trois petits cochons, in: J. Rasmus Brandt & Lars Karlsson (eds), From huts to houses, transformations of ancient societies, Proceedings of an International Seminar organised by the Norvegian and Swdish Institutes in Rome, 21-24 sept. 1997. Stockholm, 223-231. Callipolitis Feytmans, D., 1963. BCH 1963, 404-430. Castoldi, M., 1997. La ceramica ‘enotria’ dall’area dell’oikos e delle fosse indigene, Incoronata 5; Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto, Scavi dell’Università di Milano. Istituto di Archeologia, Milano, 101-132. Chiartano, B., 1977. La necropolis dell’età del ferro dell’Incoronata e S. Teodoro (Scavo 1970-1974). NSc 1977, suppl. 1983, 9-190. Chiartano, B., 1994. La necropoli dell’età del ferro dell’Incoronata e S. Teodoro (Scavi 1978-1985), vol. I and II. Galatina. Chiartano, B., 1996. La necropolis dell’età del ferro dell’Incoronata e S. Teodoro (Scavi 1986-1987), vol. III. Galatina. Coldstream, J.N., 1968. Greek geometric pottery. London. Coldstream, J.N., 1998. Drinking and eating habits in Euboean Pithekoussa, in: Euboica, L’Eubea e la presenza euboica in calcidica e in occidente, Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Napoli 13-16 novembre 1996 (= Centre Jean Bérard, vol. 16; Aion ArchStAnt, vol 12). Edipuglia, Bari, 303-310. Croissant, Fr., 1992. Sybaris: la production artistique, in: Sibari et la Sibaritide, Atti Taranto 32, 539-559. Croissant, Fr., 2002. Crotone et Sybaris: esquisse d’une analyse historique de la koine culturelle achéenne, in: Greco 2002, 397-425. CVA = Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Damgaard Andersen, H., 2001. Tatched or tiled roofs from the early Iron Age to the Archaic period in central Italy, in: J. Rasmus Brandt & Lars Karlsson (eds), From huts to houses, Transformations of ancient societies. Proceedings of an International 770

MARIANNE KLEIBRINK: THE EARLY ATHENAION AT LAGARIA (FRANCAVILLA MARITTIMA) NEAR SYBARIS Guzzo, P.G., 1987. Schema per la categoria interpretativa del santuario di frontiera, in: Scienze dell’Antichità I. La Sapienza, Rome. Handberg, S. & J. Kindberg Jacobsen, forthcoming. An orientalizing and other bird bowls from the Athenaion at Francavilla Marittima. Analecta. Heiden, J., 1996. Gli edifice di culto, in: Luppino et al. 1996, 204-205. Isler, H.P., 1983. Ceramisti greci in Etruria in epoca tardogeometrica. Quaderni ticinesi, Numismatica e antichità classiche 12, 29 ff. Jucker, H., 1982. Göttin im Gehause und eine neue Vase aus der Gegend von Metapont, in: APARCHAI, scritti in onore di P. Arias. Pisa, 75 ff. Kilian-Dirlmeier, I., 1985. Fremde Weihungen in griechischen Heiligtümern vom 8. bis zum Beginn des 7. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Jahrbuch des RömischGermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 32, 215-254. Kleibrink, M., 1970-‘71. Abitato sulle pendici della Motta. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 11-12, 75-80. Kleibrink, M., 1974-’76. Abitato sull’altopiano meridionale della Motta. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 15-17, 169-174. Kleibrink, M., 1993. Religious activities on the Timpone della Motta, Francavilla Marittima – and the identification of Lagaria. BABesch 68, 1-47. Kleibrink, M., 2000a. Enotri, Greci e i primi culti nell’Athenaion a Francavilla Marittima. Magna Graecia 35, 21-30. Kleibrink, M., 2000b. Early cults in the Athenaion at Francavilla Marittima as evidence for a pre-colonial circulation of nostoi stories, in: Die Aegaeis und das westliche Mittelmeer, Beziehungen und Weckselwirkungen 8. bis 5. Jh. v. Ch., Akten des Symposiums Wien 1999. Vienna, 165-185. Kleibrink, M., 2003a. Van wol tot water, cultus en identiteit in het Athenaion van Lagaria, Francavilla Marittima (Calabrië, Italië). Grafosud, Rossano. Kleibrink, M., 2003b. Dalla lana all’acqua. Culto e identità nell’Athenaion di Lagaria, Francavilla Marittima (Calabria, Italia). Grafosud, Rossano. Kleibrink, M., forthcoming a. Oenotrians near Sybaris, the excavation of two timber dwellings: imprints of native proto-urban centralised settlement (= Accordia Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean, 11). Accordia Research Centre, University of London. Kleibrink, M., forthcoming b. Towards an archaeology of Oinotria. Suppl. BABesch. Kleibrink, M. & M. Sangineto, 1998. L’insediamento enotrio su Timpone della Motta I, la ceramica geometrica dall’edificio V, Francavilla Marittima. BABesch 72, 1-61. Kleibrink, M., J. Kindberg Jacobsen & S. Handberg, 2004. Water for Athena: votive gifts at Lagaria (Timpone della Motta, Francavilla Marittima, Calabria), in: R. Osborne (ed.), The object of dedication (= World Archaeology, 36). Routledge, London, 43-68.

Leone, R., 1998. Luoghi di culto extraurbani d’età arcaica in Magna Grecia. Firenze. LIMC = Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae. Zurich/Munich. Luppino, S., 1996. La ricerca archeologica sul Timpone della Motta, in: E. Lattanzi, M.T. Iannelli & S. Luppino (eds), I Greci in Occidente. Santuari della Magna Grecia in Calabria. Napels, 195-197. Luppino, S. et al., 2001. Offerte alla dea di Francavilla da Berna e da Malibu. Salerno. Luppino, S., M. Gentile, P. Munzi, M.T. Granese & L.Tomay, forthcoming. Il santuario del Timpone della Motta di Francavilla Marittima (Cs): nuove prospettive di ricerca dall’analisi dei vecchi scavi, in: Depositi votivi e culti dell’Italia antica dal periodo arcaico a quello tardo-repubblicano, Atti del Convegno di Perugina (1-4 giugnio 2000). Maaskant-Kleibrink, M. see Kleibrink, M. Mazzarakis Ainian, A., 1997. From ruler’s dwellings to temples; architecture, religion and society in Early Iron Age Greece. Astrøm Forlag, Jonsered. Mertens, D. & H. Schläger, 1980-’82. Die Bauten auf der Motta. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 21-23, 143-171. Mertens-Horn, M., 1992. Die archaïschen Baufriese aus Metapont. RM 99, 1-122. Moffa, Cl., 2003. L’Organizzazione dello spazio sull’acropoli di Broglio di Trebisacce. Florence. Muchnic, S., 2002. The Getty repatriates gifts. Art News 101, 144. Nijboer, A.J., J. van der Plicht, A.M. Bietti Sestieri & A. De Santis, 1999/2000. A high chronology for the early Iron Age in Central Italy. Palaeohistoria 41/42, 163-176. Osanna, M., 1992. Chorai coloniali da Taranto a Locri, documentazione archeologica e ricostruzione storica. Rome. Osborne, R., 2003. Greek archaeology: A survey of recent work. AJA 108, 87-102. Östby, E., 1994. Recent excavations in the sanctuary of Athena alea at Tegea (1990-1993), in: Kenneth A. Sheedy (ed.), Archaeology in the Peloponnese, New excavations and research (= Oxbow Monograph, 48). Oxford, 39-65. Papadopoulos, J.K., 2002. Magna Achaea: Akhaian late geometric and archaic pottery in South Italy and Sicily. Hesperia 70, 373-460. Papadopoulos, J.K., 2003a. The Achaian Vapheio cup and its afterlife in Archaic South Italy. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22, 411-423. Papadopoulos, J.K., 2003b. La dea di Sibari e il santuario ritrovato, studi sui rivenimenti dal Timpone della Motto di Francavilla Marittima, III, The Archaic votive metal objects, Bolletino d’Arte, Volume speciale. Istituto della Zecca dello stato, Rome. Peroni, R. & Fl. Trucco, 1994. Enotri e Micenei nella Sibaritide. Taranto.

771

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Zancani Montuoro, P., 1980-’81. Francavilla Marittima a) Necropoli e ceramico a Macchiabate. Zona T. (Temparella). Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 21-23, 7-130. Zancani Montuoro, P., 1983-’84. Francavilla Marittima. Necropoli di Macchiabate. Zona T. (Temparella, continuazione). Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 24-25, 7-110.

Petropoulos, M., 2002. The geometric temple of Ano Mazaraki (Rakita) in Achaia during the period of colonisation, in: E. Greco (ed.) 2002, 143-165. Raselli-Nydegger, L., 2001. Irrwege, Antike auf der Ruckreise (Sonderausstellung in der Antikensammlung Bern, 12. Januar-4. Marz 2002). Ruby, P., 1995. Le crépuscule des marges. Le premier âge du fer a Sala Consilina. Napels. Russo, A., 1996. Le abitazioni degli indigeni. Problematiche generali, in: Fr. D’Andria & K. Manino (eds), Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia, Atti del Colloquio a Lecce, 23-24 Giugnio 1992. Congedo, Galatina, 67-87. Shepherd, G., 2000. Greeks bearing gifts: religious relationships between Sicily and Greece in the Archaic period, in: C.J. Smith & J. Serrati (eds), Sicily from Aeneas to Augustus: New approaches in archaeology and history 55-70. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. Stoop, M.W., 1970-’71. Francavilla Marittima, Santuario di Athena sul Timpone della Motta. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 11-12, 37-66. Stoop, M.W., 1974-’76. Francavilla Marittima, Acropoli sulla Motta. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia n.s. 15-17, 107-167. Stoop, M.W., 1979. Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atene sul Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Calabria), 1-2. BABesch 54, 77-90. Stoop, M.W., 1980. Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atene sul Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Calabria), 3. BABesch 55, 163-179. Stoop, M.W., 1983. Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Calabria) 4. BABesch 54, 17-23. Stoop, M.W., 1990. Note sugli scavi del Santuario di Atena sul Timpone della Motta. Francavilla Marittima, Calabria, 7, Oggetti di bronzo vari (animali, ornamenti personali, armi, varia). BABesch 62, 21-31. Tanci, S. & Cl. Tortoioli, 2002. La ceramica Italogeometrica. Giorgio Bretschneider Rome. Tölle, R., 1964. Frühgriechische Reigentänze. Stiftland Verlag, Waldsassen. Tomay, L., 2002. Ceramiche di tradizione achea della Sibaritide, in: Greco (ed.) 2002, 331-357. Van der Wielen-Van Ommeren et al., forthcoming. La dea di Sibari e il santuario ritrovato, studi sui rivenimenti dal Timpone della Motto di Francavilla Marittima, II, The Archaic pottery (= Bolletino d’Arte, Volume speciale). Istituto della Zecca dello stato, Rome. Vanzetti, A., forthcoming. Results and problems of some current approaches to proto-historic centralisation and urbanisation in Italy, in Supplement BABesch. Weistra, E., forthcoming. La dea di Sibari e il santuario ritrovato, studi sui rivenimenti dal Timpone della Motto di Francavilla Marittima, III, The terracottas (= Bolletino d’Arte, Volume speciale). Istituto della Zecca dello stato, Rome.

772

UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTO: ANALISI DELLA CULTURA ABITATIVA ED INTERPRETAZIONE DI TALUNI INDICATORI ARCHEOLOGICI

Claudia Lambrugo Abstract: The analysis of the archaeological record from the well-known Greek settlement of Incoronata di Metaponto by the Basento River has clearly shown how it functioned as an ‘emporico-artigianale’ between the late 8th and the beginning of the 7th BC. Now the study of the archeological materials and structures from an unpublished area, that of area E, points out how the same settlement could be interpreted as a living space based upon close social relations between different ethnic groups.

Da tempo ormai il dibattito archeologico ha riconosciuto all’insediamento noto come ‘Incoronata greca’ un ruolo nodale per l’interpretazione di quelle originali esperienze di frequentazione greca lungo le coste dell’Italia meridionale che si è convenuto di chiamare pre- e protocoloniali:1 queste infatti non si configurano come specifiche realtà coloniali, caratterizzandosi bensì per una spiccata vocazione emporico-artigianale.2

maggiore di fosse (Fig. 1); da queste strutture è stato possibile recuperare un’abbondante quantità di materiale, per lo più ceramico, che ha consentito di stabilire i limiti cronologici dell’insediamento tra gli ultimi momenti dell’VIII secolo a.C. e gli anni immediatamente successivi alla metà del VII secolo a.C., allorchè il sito conobbe una violenta distruzione che naturalmente non si esclude possa essere in qualche modo collegata alla fondazione achea di Metaponto nel decennio 640/630 a.C.

Vale dunque solo la pena di accennare brevemente alla posizione del sito in esame: l’Incoronata greca sorge a poca distanza dalla costa ionica, sulla riva destra del fiume Basento, quasi al confine tra i territori dell’insediamento ionico di Siris-Polieion (l’attuale Policoro) e della successiva colonia achea di Metaponto. L’abitato greco rientra in un più ampio comprensorio collinare, noto appunto come Incoronata, sul quale gli scavi hanno documentato anche la presenza di un consistente insediamento enotrio dal IX fino alla fine dell’VIII secolo a.C.3 Di tale complesso collinare l’abitato greco venne ad occupare un piccolo rilievo isolato e quasi distaccato dal restante comprensorio, accessibile solo da un lato e difeso sui restanti da ripidi pendii, in posizione dominante l’intera pianura metapontina fino al mare.

L’attenta lettura della documentazione materiale restituitaci dall’insediamento ne ha opportunamente sottolineato la duplice vocazione emporica ed artigianale;6 della prima fanno fede le ceramiche importate, vasi protocorinzi, ceramica chiota e numerose anfore, per lo più corinzie, ma anche laconiche, grecoorientali ed attiche;7 alla seconda, ossia ad un’attività artigianale in loco, appartiene l’esuberante produzione ceramica con esemplari tuttora senza confronto, sia sotto il profilo morfologico che sotto quello figurato.8 In questi ultimi anni lo studio dei materiali provenienti dal saggio E, confluito nell’ultimo Quaderno dell’Incoronata di recente edizione,9 ha offerto l’occasione per un differente approccio esegetico, che non intende naturalmente sostituire, bensì affiancare ed integrare quelli già validamente proposti circa la funzione emporica ed artigianale dell’Incoronata greca. Infatti la complessità del quadro storico, economico e sociale in cui si inserisce il sito in esame afferisce ad un insediamento stanziale, – su questo aspetto non può più esservi dubbio –, la cui evidenza materiale, composta tanto da strutture quanto da oggetti, deve potersi leggere anche alla luce di una dimensione puramente domestica. L’idea non è nuova; ad usi ed esigenze interne alla comunità stessa dell’Incoronata greca rimanda di fatto la

Gli scavi archeologici, condotti dapprima tra 1971 e 1973 a cura della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Basilicata nella persona di Dinu Adamesteanu, quindi tra 1974 e 1995 a cura dell’Università Statale di Milano, sotto la direzione del professore Piero Orlandini,4 hanno portato alla luce, come noto, una serie di ambienti quandrangolari, al momento 12,5 ed un numero ben 1

Orlandini 1986a; De Siena 1990; Sacchi 1990; Orlandini 1995; Siritide & Metapontino 1998; De Siena, Giardino 1999; Orlandini 1999. 2 Ridgway 1999; 2000a; 2000b. 3 Più note le necropoli enotrie per le quali cfr. Chiartano 1983; 1994; 1996; discontinue le informazioni circa l’abitato enotrio per il quale si veda De Siena 1990; 1996; 2001. 4 Le relazioni preliminari di ciascuna campagna di scavo sono edite a cura di P. Orlandini in Atti Taranto 1974; 1975; 1977; 1978; 1981; 1983; 1987; 1996; a questi contributi si aggiungano Orlandini 1976; 1985; I Greci sul Basento 1986. Sono finora integralmente editi i saggi P, T, S, H, G, rispettivamente in Incoronata 1991; 1992; 1995; 1997; 2000. 5 Si tratta degli ambienti rinvenuti nei seguenti saggi A, B, E, F, G, H, M, N, O, S, T, V. Per gli ambienti rinvenuti nei saggi A-O cfr. Orlandini 1986b; per quello del saggio S cfr. Incoronata 1995; del saggio T cfr.

Incoronata 1992; per quello di più recente rinvenimento nel saggio V cfr. Orlandini 1998. 6 Ottimo in proposito il contributo di Stea 1999. 7 Sulle ceramiche di importazione cfr. Orlandini 1974-1976; Ciafaloni 1986; Cavagnera 1995; Orlandini 2000. 8 Orlandini 1980 (perirrhanterion dal saggio G); Ciafaloni 1985 (stamnoi); Orlandini 1991 (deinos e vaso globulare); Stea 1991 (ceramica grigia, c.d. ‘buccheroide’); per una trattazione più generale della ceramica di produzione coloniale rinvenuta all’Incoronata cfr. Denti 1999; 2000. 9 Incoronata 2003.

773

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Planimetria della collina dell’Incoronata greca con il posizionamento dei saggi (scala 1: 2200). presenza di abbondante ceramica comune, di macine, di strumenti in ferro, di oggetti per la filatura e la tessitura,10 mentre non si è escluso di recente che anche la produzione ceramica di tipo coloniale, figurato e non, avesse i propri committenti e fruitori nello stesso nucleo greco insediatosi sulla collina e in quelli lungo la linea di costa, piuttosto che negli abitati indigeni enotri dell’entroterra.11 La verifica di questa terza linea interpretativa, quella domestica, è proceduta nell’ambito della documentazione relativa al saggio E, attraverso l’analisi delle sue strutture e dei materiali ivi rinvenuti. Il percorso ha guidato ad una serie di interessanti osservazioni sulla cultura abitativa, sulla semantica degli spazi e su quelle dinamiche che presiedono all’organizzazione dell’orizzonte domestico as living space, anche in presenza di strutture assai semplici e poco articolate e in contesti di scarsa strutturazione sociopolitica.12 Quanto dunque alle strutture: il vano quadrangolare, emerso dallo scavo del saggio E (Fig. 2) non presenta variazioni

Fig. 2. Planimetria del saggio E al termine dello scavo.

774

10 Castoldi 1986a; 1986b; Franchi & Pizzo 1986; Pizzo 1995; Stea 1997; Castoldi 2000. 11 Stea 1999, 62-63; Denti 2000, 785-786. 12 Per questo tipo di approccio metodologico cfr. Rapaport 1976; 1982; Use of Space 1990; Social Space 1994; Nevett 1999 con abbondante bibliografia precedente.

CLAUDIA LAMBRUGO: UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTOI prime generazioni coloniali o di quei ‘prospectors’ che furono protagonisti delle frequentazioni protocoloniali.13 Nel saggio E tuttavia l’ambiente quadrangolare si imposta su un incasso praticato nel terreno vergine per una profondità di circa 80 cm, dentro il quale infatti si rinvennero crollati i muri di fondazione e sotto questi i materiali facenti parte del corredo domestico dell’abitazione; il vano incassato è documentato anche nel saggio F e, per una profondità superstite inferiore, nei saggi G, H, T, oltre che in una struttura rinvenuta dall’Università del Texas sullo sperone sud-orientale della collina.14 Si è quindi alla presenza di un modello abitativo con vano ipogeo che, se è raramente documentato in edifici sicelioti e magnogreci di età arcaica, trova invece riscontro sia nel tipo della capanna subcircolare enotria con vano incassato, attestata anche nell’abitato dell’Incoronata indigena15 (Fig. 3), sia in strutture, egualmente sub-circolari, di probabile frequentazione mista grecoindigena come quelle di loc. Andrisani a Metaponto (Fig. 4), coeve all’insediamento dell’Incoronata greca;16 confronti di interessante portata storico-culturale sono possibile anche con il modello abitativo documentato nelle colonie ioniche della costa settentrionale ed occidentale del Mar Nero (Fig. 5).17 L’insieme delle componenti strutturali e planimetriche del saggio E si completa con una cavità subcircolare esterna all’oikos, ma direttamente addossata al suo lato orientale, dell’ampiezza di circa 4,50 m e di una profondità di Fig. 3. Incoronata indigena: planimetria e sezione della cavità C85; appena 30 cm, con andamento scala 1:25 (De Siena 1996). digradante da est verso ovest (Fig. 2). La sostanziale omogeneità del materiale ceramico che sostanziali rispetto all’insieme dei dati planimetrici e riempiva la fossa, composto per lo più di larghi strutturali che si ricavano dall’analisi delle altre evidenze frammenti di impasto e di acroma, e la quantità piuttosto simili, portate alla luce sul pianoro dell’Incoronata; si modesta dello stesso materiale, se rapportata allo spazio tratta infatti di piccoli ambienti quandrangolari, definiti disponibile all’interno della cavità, hanno indotto ad oikoi, la cui area complessiva si aggira intorno ad un interpretare l’anomalia come una struttura approntata minimo di 8 fino ad massimo di 12 mq, con muri di fondazione in pietre a secco dello spessore di circa 30/40 13 In proposito cfr. Fusaro 1982; Fagerström 1988; Barra Bagnasco cm, alzato in mattoni crudi ed una copertura che, in 1990; Ricerche sulla casa 1996; Mazarakis Ainian 1997; Belvedere assenza di tegole, si deve ipotizzare straminea. I caratteri 2000; Mazarakis Ainian 2001. 14 morfologici di tali oikoi trovano naturalmente un Per i saggi G, H, T cfr. rispettivamente Incoronata 2000; 1997; 1992; per il saggio F, in attesa di una pubblicazione sistematica, si faccia confronto diretto con il tipo dell’abitazione monovano riferimento alla relazione di Orlandini negli Atti Taranto 1977; per la quadrangolare che compare in Grecia fin dall’età struttura indagata dall’Università del Texas cfr. Carter 1993. 15 geometrica e che nell’area magnogreca bene si De Siena 1986b; 1990; 1996. 16 accompagna alla condizione di sostanziale isonomia delle De Siena 1986a. 17

775

Lambrugo 2003a, 33-34.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Metaponto: planimetria e sezioni delle strutture in località Andrisani (De Siena 1986b).

Fig. 5. Planimetrie e sezioni di abitazioni incassate documentate nelle colonie greche sul Mar Nero (da Buiskikh & Buiskikh 2000).

Fig. 6. Incoronata greca, saggio E: ipotesi ricostruttiva delle strutture (disegno di E. Guzzetti e C. Lambrugo).

776

CLAUDIA LAMBRUGO: UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTOI appositamente e con materiale ‘selezionato’, per il drenaggio del terreno in corrispondenza di un lato dell’abitazione, sul quale è verosimile allora che si aprisse l’ingresso.18 Ecco dunque come si è infine ipotizzato che si distribuissero gli spazi all’interno della struttura del saggio E (Fig. 6): l’abitazione si impiantava su un incasso, adibito verosimilmente a magazzino per lo stoccaggio e la conservazione delle derrate alimentari; l’agibilità dello spazio interno alla casa era garantita probabilmente da un impiantito ligneo di cui si possono riconoscere le tracce nello spesso strato carbonizzato che copriva in maniera abbastanza omogenea la sottoscavazione. Le analisi archeobotaniche condotte su alcuni campioni di legno carbonizzato hanno rivelato la presenza di olmo ed olivo; il primo, in virtù della buona fendibilità e resistenza al degrado, era forse usato per l’approntamento della tavole del piancito ligneo; il secondo, per la durabilità, è da mettersi in relazione all’arredo dell’abitazione con scaffali, tavole e ripiani ecc.19 Si è anche ipotizzata, in corrispondenza dell’ingresso sopra il drenaggio di cui s’è detto, la presenza di una tettoia che avrebbe consentito la moltiplicazione degli spazi domestici, meglio garantendo lo svolgersi delle varie attività.20

Fig. 8. Pisside di fabbrica coloniale da una tomba tarantina (Lo Porto 1959-1960). Che alle strutture del saggio E si possa riconoscere quindi una specifica funzione abitativa, è un risultato francamente confermato anche dall’analisi del corrispondente corredo materiale. Quest’ultimo, che tra tanti oggetti ormai noti per forma e decorazione ha restituito anche recipienti interessanti come una pisside coloniale geometrica confrontabile con un simile oggetto figurato tarantino (Figg. 7-8), è stato studiato contemporaneamente in una duplice direzione.21

Fig. 7. Pisside di fabbrica coloniale dal saggio E (St. 123762).

La prima è la consueta analisi tipologico-stilistica per l’individuazione delle singole classi di materiali (Fig. 9); da questa è emersa la presenza, all’interno dell’oikos, di un quantitativo, tutt’altro che trascurabile, di ceramica indigena, – rappresentata per lo più dalle classi della ceramica indigena di impasto grossolano e della ceramica

18 Per una più approfondita analisi degli elementi strutturali del saggio E cfr. Lambrugo 2003a, 30-34. Per la discussione dei materiali ceramici rinvenuti all’interno dell’area subcircolare esterna all’oikos cfr. Lambrugo 2003b, fig. 12, e grafico p. 54. 19 Castiglioni & Rottoli 2003. 20 Per una discussione dettagliata delle aree funzionali relative alle strutture del saggio E cfr. Lambrugo 2003a, 34-37.

21

777

Per alcune precisazioni circa il metodo adottato cfr. Lambrugo 2003b.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI geometrica enotria con decorazione monocroma – da non riferirsi qui, come sostenuto altrove,22 al rimescolamento degli strati superficiali, bensì chiaramente pertinente agli strati di crollo dell’ambiente sottoscavato.

ricostruzione dell’insieme degli oggetti in servizio nell’oikos al momento della sua distruzione, e al loro inserimento entro categorie funzionali alla definzione del quadro di attività (Fig. 10).

Fig. 10. Grafici relativi alla distribuzione degli oggetti per categorie funzionali. La distribuzione degli oggetti per categorie funzionali ha sollevato interessanti osservazioni; ci si limita ad alcune di esse, lasciando le restanti alla consultazione del volume.23

Fig. 9. Grafici relativi alla distribuzione delle classi ceramiche nell’oikos e nell’area esterna all’oikos. Con il secondo livello di analisi del corredo materiale si è invece proceduto ad una quantificazione mirante alla

Si nota anzitutto come nel generale equilibrio tra le singole fogge funzionali, comprendenti ceramica da dispensa e trasporto, ceramica da cucina, ceramica da

22 Lambrugo 2003b, 52-54; la ceramica indigena del saggio E è stata oggetto di analisi in Castoldi 2003.

23

778

Lambrugo 2003b, 54-57; Castoldi & Lambrugo 2003.

CLAUDIA LAMBRUGO: UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTOI mensa, oggetti per la cura personale, oggetti per la filatura e la tessitura, l’impiego della ceramica di fabbrica coloniale sia di gran lunga superiore all’uso delle ceramiche di altre fabbriche, a testimoniare forse un buon grado di autosufficienza materiale della comunità nell’espletamento delle sue principali attività quotidiane. In secondo luogo tutt’altro che privo di conseguenze è il dato relativo alla ceramica da cucina; questa conta sia oggetti di pertinenza indigena (situle in impasto grossolano)24 che oggetti di pertinenza greca (le c.d. chytrai);25 in particolare proprio i contenitori in impasto si prestano utilmente ad essere interpretati come indicatori femminili di pertinenza etnica, come già verificato nella necropoli di Pithekoussai.26 Si profila quindi tangibile l’eventualità di una presenza, almeno femminile, dell’elemento indigeno all’interno della comunità; nella medesima direzione infatti paiono condurre anche altri indicatori materiali, come la circostanza che la ceramica acroma sia documentata nell’oikos del saggio E più in forme indigene che non greche27 e che alcuni frammenti in bronzo si possano forse riferire ad una fibula di un tipo affine a quelli documentati nella necropoli indigena di San Teodoro e dell’Incoronata.28

BIBLIOGRAFIA Atti Taranto. Atti dei Convegni di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto. Barra Bagnasco, M., 1990. Edilizia privata in Magna Grecia: modelli abitativi dall’età arcaica all’ellenismo, in: Magna Grecia 4, a cura di G. Pugliese Carratelli. Milano, 49-79. Belvedere, O., 2000. Osservazioni sulla cultura abitativa greca in età arcaica, in: Damarato, 58-68. Buiskikh, A. & E. Buiskikh, 2000. I siti di Olbia e della sua chora nel periodo della colonizzazione greca, in: Atti Taranto, 667-682. Carter, J.C., 1993. Taking possession of the land: Early Greek colonization in Southern Italy, in: Eius Virtutis Studiosi: Classical and Postclassical studies in memory of Frank Edward Brown (1908-1988). Hannover-London, 342-367. Castiglioni, E. & M. Rottoli, 2003. Analisi di archeobiologia, in: Incoronata 2003, 115. Castoldi, M., 1986a. Manufatti di pietra, in: I Greci sul Basento, 115. Castoldi, M., 1986b. Metalli, in: I Greci sul Basento, 116-118. Castoldi, M., 2000. Macine dall’area dell’oikos, in: Incoronata 2000, 47-48. Castoldi, M., 2003. Ceramica indigena dall’area dell’oikos e dallo scavo, in: Incoronata 2003, 95108. Castoldi, M. & C. Lambrugo, 2003. Il corredo materiale. Proposte di interpretazione di alcuni indicatori archeologici, in: Incoronata 2003, 117-121. Cavagnera, L., 1995. Ceramica protocorinzia dall’Incoronata presso Metaponto (scavi 1971-1993). MEFRA 107, 869-936. Cerchiai, L., 1997. I vivi e i morti: i casi di Pithecusa e di Poseidonia, in: Atti Taranto, 657-683. Chiartano, B., 1983. Le necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronata e di San Teodoro (scavi 1970-1974), in: NSc 31 Suppl., 9-190. Chiartano, B., 1994. Le necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronata e di San Teodoro (scavi 1978-1985), I-II. Galatina. Chiartano, B., 1996. Le necropoli dell’età del Ferro dell’Incoronata e di San Teodoro (scavi 1986-1987). Galatina. Ciafaloni, D., 1985. Stamnoi a decorazione geometrica dall’Incoronata di Metaponto. BdA, 30, 43-48. Ciafaloni, D., 1986. Ceramica greca di importazione, in: I Greci sul Basento, 121-133. Damarato 2000. Studi di antichità classica offerti a Paola Pelagatti, a cura di I. Berlingò, F. Cordano, P.G. Guzzo & M.C. Lentini. Milano. Denti, M., 1999. Per una fenomenologia storico-culturale del linguaggio figurativo dei Greci d’Occidente in età arcaica, in: Koinà, 205-221. Denti, M., 2000. Nuovi documenti di ceramica orientalizzante dalla Grecia d’Occidente. Stato della questione e prospettive della ricerca. MEFRA 112, 781-842.

In terzo luogo l’indivuazione, all’interno del corredo in servizio nell’oikos E, di un consistente apparato funzionale con forme per contenere, per mescolare, per versare e per bere, per lo più in presenza di un ornato assai modesto che esclude forse una circolazione commerciale, ha invitato a riflettere sul ruolo che le comuni pratiche di commensalità potrebbero aver giocato nell’orizzonte storico-archeologico dell’Incoronata greca, come momento di socializzazione, aggregazione e non ultimo identificazione etnica.29 Tutte le osservazioni qui esposte vanno considerate provvisorie e in attesa di ulteriori riscontri; si è naturalmente consapevoli dei rischi di generalizzazione connessi con i sistemi di campionamento e con la necessità di collegare gli oggetti a specifiche attività. Se il modello interpretativo proposto ha consentito di scomporre la complessità del ‘record’ archeologico in esame e di meglio evidenziare l’esistenza di logiche comportamentali, in fase di conclusioni occorre sempre restituire alla realtà storica quella variabilità e quella fluidità che la caratterizzano e che sono il prodotto ultimo dell’autonomia del singolo come della comunità.

24

Castoldi 2003, figg. 88-91. Lambrugo 2003c, figg. 75-78. Cerchiai 1997; l’argomento è approfondito in Castoldi & Lambrugo 2003, 117-118. 27 Castoldi & Lambrugo 2003, 117. 28 Lambrugo 2003d, fig. 84. 29 Castoldi & Lambrugo 2003, 118-119. 25 26

779

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Lambrugo, C., 2003c. Ceramica di fabbrica coloniale, in: Incoronata 2003, 67-89. Lambrugo, C. 2003d. Oggetti diversi, in: Incoronata 2003, 91-93. Lo Porto, F.G., 1959-1960. Ceramica arcaica dalla necropoli di Taranto. ASAtene 37-38, 7-230. Mazarakis Ainian A., 1997. From rulers’ dwellings to temples. Architecture, religion and society in Early Iron Age Greece (1100-700 a.C.) (= Studies in Mediterraean Archaeology, 121). Jonsered. Mazarakis Ainian A., 2001. From huts to houses in Early Iron Age Greece, in: From huts to houses. Transformations of ancient societies, Proceedings of an International Seminar organized by the Norwegian and Swedish Institutes in Rome (Rome 1997). Stockholm, 139-161. Nevett, L.C., 1999. House and society in the ancient Greek world. Cambridge. Orlandini, P., 1974-1976. Un frammento di coppa mediogeometrica dagli scavi dell’Incoronata presso Metaponto. AttiMemMagnaGr 15-17, 176-186. Orlandini, P., 1976. Scavi archeologici in località Incoronata presso Metaponto. Acme 29(1), 29-39. Orlandini, P., 1980. Perirrhanterion fittile arcaico con decorazione a rilievo dagli scavi dell’Incoronata, in: Attività archeologica in Basilicata (1964-1977). Scritti in onore di Dinu Adamesteanu. Matera, 175239. Orlandini, P., 1985. Incoronata (Metaponto): campagne di scavo 1977-1978. Quaderni de ‘La Ricerca Scientifica’ 112(II), 217-236. Orlandini, P., 1986a. Fase precoloniale nella Basilicata sud-orientale e il problema dell’Incoronata, in: SirisPolieion, 49-54. Orlandini, P., 1986b. Incoronata. Scavi dell’Università degli Studi di Milano (1974-1984), in: I Greci sul Basento, 29-39. Orlandini, P., 1991. Altri due vasi figurati di stile orientalizzante dagli scavi dell’Incoronata. BdA 66, 1-8. Orlandini, P., 1995. Incoronata. EAA suppl. (1971-1994) 3, 96-98. Orlandini, P., 1998. Scavi e scoperte all’Incoronata di Metaponto, in: Siritide e Metapontino, 91-94. Orlandini, P., 1999. La colonizzazione ionica della Siritide, in: D. Adamesteanu (ed.), Storia della Basilicata, 1, L’antichità, 197-210. Orlandini, P., 2000. Nuovi documenti di ceramica corinzio-geometrica dagli scavi dell’Incoronata, in: Damarato, 195-198. Pizzo, M., 1995. Ceramica comune, in: Incoronata 1995, 97-100. Rapaport, A., 1976. The mutual interaction of people and their built environment. A cross-cultural perspective. The Hague-Paris. Rapaport, A., 1982. The meaning of the built environment. California. Ricerche sulla casa 1996. Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia, Atti del colloquio (Lecce 1992), a cura di F. D’Andria, K. Mannino, Galatina.

De Siena, A., 1986a. Metaponto. Nuove scoperte in proprietà Andrisani, in: Siris-Polieion, 135-156. De Siena, A., 1986b. Scavi in località Incoronata ed a Metaponto: nuove scoperte, in: I Greci sul Basento, 199-212. De Siena, A., 1990. Contributi archeologici alla definizione della fase protocoloniale del Metapontino. BBasil 6, 72-89. De Siena, A., 1996. Metapontino: strutture abitative ed organizzazione territoriale prima della fondazione della colonia achea, in: Ricerche sulla casa, 161-195. De Siena, A & L. Giardino, 1999. La costa ionica dall’età del ferro alla fondazione delle colonie: forme e sviluppi insediativi, in: M. Barra Bagnasco, E. De Miro & A Pinzone (eds), Magna Grecia e Sicilia. Stato degli studi e prospettive di ricerca. Messina, 23-38. De Siena, A., 2001. Profilo storico archeologico, in: Metaponto. Archeologia di una colonia greca. Taranto, 7-43. Fagerström, K., 1988. Greek Iron Age architecture. Developments through changing times (= Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, 81). Göteborg. Franchi, E. & M. Pizzo, 1986. Dischi di terracotta, pesi da telaio, rocchetti, fuseruole, in: I Greci sul Basento, 177-192. Fusaro, D., 1982. Note di architettura domestica greca nel periodo tardo-geometrico e arcaico. DialA 4, 5-30. I Greci sul Basento 1986. Mostra degli scavi archeologici all’Incoronata di Metaponto 1971-1984, catalogo della mostra (Milano 1986). Como. Incoronata 1991. Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto. 1. Le fosse di scarico del saggio P. Materiali e problematiche. Milano. Incoronata 1992. Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto. 2. Dal villaggio indigeno all’emporio greco. Le strutture e i materiali del saggio T. Milano. Incoronata 1995. Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto. 3. L’oikos greco del saggio S. Lo scavo e i reperti. Milano. Incoronata 1997. Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto. 5. L’oikos greco del saggio H. Lo scavo e i reperti. Milano. Incoronata 2000. Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto. 4. L’oikos greco del grande perirrhanterion nel contesto del saggio G. Milano. Incoronata 2003. Ricerche archeologiche all’Incoronata di Metaponto. 6. L’oikos greco del saggio E. Lo scavo e i reperti. Milano. Koinà 1999. Koinà. Miscellanea di studi archeologici in onore di Piero Orlandini, a cura di M. Castoldi. Milano. Lambrugo, C., 2003a. Archeologia degli spazi domestici: analisi degli elementi strutturali e discussione delle aree funzionali nel saggio E, in: Incoronata 2003, 29-50. Lambrugo, C., 2003b. Il corredo materiale. Osservazioni sulla classificazione e sulla composizione, in: Incoronata 2003, 51-58.

780

CLAUDIA LAMBRUGO: UN NUOVO PARADIGMA INTERPRETATIVO PER L’INCORONATA DI METAPONTOI Ridgway, D., 1999. Riflessioni sull’orizzonte ‘precoloniale’ (IX-VIII sec. a.C.), in: Atti Taranto, 91-109. Ridgway, D., 2000a. Precolonizzazione o espansione generale?, in: Magna Graecia fasc. 1-2, 1-3. Ridgway, D., 2000b. The first Western Greeks revisited, in: Ancient Italy and its Mediterranean setting. Studies in honor of Ellen Macnamara. London, 179191. Sacchi, C., 1990. Problemi storico-archeologici della Siritide e del Metapontino tra VIII e VII sec. a.C. PP 251, 135-160. Siris-Polieion 1986. Fonti letterarie e nuova documentazione archeologica, Atti dell’incontro di studio (Policoro 1984). Galatina. Siritide e Metapontino 1998. Storie di due territori coloniali, Atti dell’incontro di studio (Policoro 1991). Napoli-Paestum. Social Space 1994. Architecture and order: Approaches to social space, a cura di M. Parker Pearson & C. Richards, London. Stea, G., 1991. La ceramica grigia del VII sec. a.C. dall’Incoronata di Metaponto. MEFRA, 103, 405442. Stea, G., 1997. Ceramica comune, in: Incoronata 1997, 76-85. Stea, G., 1999. Forme della presenza greca sull’arco ionico della Basilicata: tra emporia e apoikiai, in: Koinà, 49-71. Use of space 1990. Domestic architecture and the use of space, a cura di S. Kent, Cambridge.

781

LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA Ferdinando Sciacca Abstract: Unlike the Syro-Phoenician orientalia, the bronze ribbed bowls found in the Etrusco-Italic burials of the early Orientalizing period belong to the cultures of the middle East including Assyria, Iran and Urartu, where this kind of vessel is connected with rituals performed by kings or high officials. Phoenician merchants were responsible for the transmission to Italy of these ribbed bowls and other Assyrian products and ideas. These merchants were agents of the aristocratic oligarchy in the Phoenician motherland. With the great military and economic expansion of the Assyrian kings to the Levantine coast since TiglathPileser III (744-727 BC), the Assyrian court, at the peak of its power, played an important role in the establishment of the Mediterranean ‘Orientalizing’ culture.

Nel ricco quadro offerto dai materiali di origine orientale in Italia, le patere baccellate rivestono un ruolo molto importante per tre ordini di motivi.1 Primo, per il grande favore che questo vaso incontra in Italia, con una diffusione di quasi 300 pezzi, esclusivamente in tombe di prestigio tra I decenni finale dell’VIII e la metà del VII secolo a.C. (Graphics 1 e 2). Secondo, perché la patera baccellata è, tra i decenni finale dell’VIII e gli inizi del VII secolo a.C. (l’orientalizzante antico su cui è centrato questo intervento), l’oggetto con valore cerimoniale e di prestigio più diffuso tra gli orientalia. Infine perché, a differenza della maggior parte di questi ultimi, per lo più di chiara matrice siro-fenicia, le patere baccellate appartengono prevalentemente alle culture medioorientali, con quasi 30 pezzi rispettivamente in Iran, Assiria (incluse le rappresentazioni su rilievi) ed Urartu e poche altre attestazioni tra il IX ed il VI secolo a.C. in Siria, Anatolia, Cipro e Ibezia.2 Nel periodo in esame si trovano circa 30 patere baccellate soprattutto nel Lazio (Castel di Decima tombe 15, 21, 101, 130, Osteria dell’Osa t. 600) ed anche in Etruria (Veio Casale del Fosso t. 871, Vetulonia Circolo del Tridente), Campania (Pontecagnano tt. 575 e 2465, Calatia t. 201, S.Valentino Torio t. 633) e Agro Falisco (Narce t. 19M). Questi

2

5

4

Etruria Latium Vetus

1

Agro Falisco Italia merid. Prov. Ignota

15

Graphic 1. Distribution of metallic ribbed bowls in Italy (about 750-early 7th cent. BC).

3 8 6 8 21

Etruria Latium Vetus Agro Falisco

56

1

Questo lavoro sintetizza alcuni dei risultati della Tesi di Dottorato “Le patere baccellate in bronzo dall’Oriente, dalla Grecia e dall’Italia in età orientalizzante”, presentata nel 2004 presso l’Università di Roma “La Sapienza”. Tale lavoro è stato reso possibile e costantemente seguito da G. Colonna e G. Bartoloni, risp. coordinatore e tutor della ricerca, cui vanno i miei più sentiti ringraziamenti. Tale gratitudine va estesa a chi ha autorizzato e favorito lo studio diretto di molti degli oggetti analizzati nel presente contributo: F. Buranelli e M. Sannibale (Città del Vaticano, Musei Vaticani), A. Bottini, M. Cygielmann e G.C. Cianferoni (Firenze, Museo Archeologico Nazionale e Vetulonia, Museo Civico Archeologico “Isidoro Falchi”), U. Schaaff, F.-W. Von Hase, M. Müller-Karpe e M. Egg (Mainz, Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum), M.A. Fugazzola Delpino ed E. Mangani (Roma, Museo Nazionale Etnografico L. Pigorini), A.M. Sgubini Moretti, F. Boitani e M. De Lucia Brolli (Roma, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia e Civita Castellana, Museo Nazionale dell’Agro Falisco); G. Tocco e A. Iacoe (Pontecagnano, Museo Nazionale dell’Agro Picentino). 2 Studi specificatamente dedicati allo studio di questa classe di materiali sono: Matz 1937; Luschey 1939, 76ss.; Howes Smith 1984 e 1986; Hasserodt 2001, 197ss. A M. Hasserodt e H. Mätthaus va la mia più viva gratitudine per avermi facilitato la lettura della tesi di Dottorato di M. Hasserodt, lavoro fondamentale sulle phialai metalliche dalla Grecia in età orientalizzante. Lo studio delle patere baccellate orientali è stato da me compiuto indipendentemente dal lavoro di Hasserodt, alla cui pubblicazione, ora in avanzata preparazione, deve naturalmente essere rimandata la discussione dei punti di convergenza e divergenza.

Italia merid. Piceno 195

Italia sett. Prov. Ignota

Graphic 2. Distribution of metallic ribbed bowls in Italy (first and second quarters of the 7th cent. BC). esemplari più antichi sono raggruppabili in due forme principali e contemporanee, entrambe con vasca lenticolare: un tipo con 32-34 baccellature ed un altro con più di 100. Al primo tipo, con una solcatura sul fondo (che diverrà comune nelle produzioni etrusco-italiche di VII secolo a.C.) appartengono una patera dalla t. 575 di Pontecagnano3 (Fig. 1) ed una da Calatia t. 2014 (Fig. 2), 3 4

782

D’Agostino 1968, 86, 132 n. 9, figg. 8, 32, 35 s. Albore Livadie 1988, 23, n. 32, fig. 20.

FERDINANDO SCIACCA: LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA quarto del VII secolo a.C.21 In Oriente si conosce una patera dalla t. 446 di Assur con quasi 150 baccellature e 2 solcature sul fondo22 (Fig. 16), molto simile ad un altro esemplare da Narce t. 19M, di inizio VII secolo a.C.23 (Fig. 17) e a due patere dall’Urartu24 (Fig. 18). Isolata in Italia è una patera frammentaria dal Circolo del Tridente di Vetulonia (circa 700 a.C.), con 18 baccellature25 (Fig. 19). Il doppio contorno superiore delle baccellature e il fondo senza distinzione con la vasca sono, dopo la metà dell’VIII secolo a.C., elementi caratteristici delle patere dell’Urartu, dove il vaso di Vetulonia è stato con tutta probabilità prodotto (Fig. 20).26

i cui corredi si datano all’ultimo quarto dell’VIII secolo a.C.: esse trovano un confronto preciso ad Assur5 (Fig. 3). La patera dalla t. 871 di Veio6 (Fig. 4) è anch’essa da collegare ad un esemplare da Assur7 (Fig. 5). Altri esempi del tipo con una solcatura e fondo liscio provengono, a partire dalla metà dell’VIII secolo a.C., con uguale numero di baccellature dall’Urartu8 (Fig. 6), con meno baccellature dall’Iran9 (Fig. 7), più fittamente decorate dall’Urartu10 (Fig. 8) e dall’Iran11 (Fig. 9). Una patera dalla t. 600 di Osteria dell’Osa nel Lazio (ultimo quarto dell’VIII secolo a.C.) ha circa 80 baccellature e 2 solcature sul fondo12 (Fig. 10): confronti molto simili si trovano in Urartu13 (Fig. 11) e in Luristan da Chamzhi Mumah t. 3914 (Fig. 12).

decorazioni figurate, riscosse tale successo presso i principi etrusco-italici da essere l’oggetto di prestigio di origine orientale più diffuso e imitato nel corso dell’orientalizzante antico e medio? Il motivo risiede nell’alto valore cerimoniale del vaso in Oriente, come si

Una serie molto omogenea tra le patere più antiche trovate in Italia porta ad un virtuosismo estremo la decorazione, con 140-160 baccellature sulla vasca, fondo con 3 o 4 strette solcature sul fondo e piccolissimo omphalos. Ne fanno parte una patera dalla t. 130 di Castel di Decima, il cui contesto si data ancora verso la fine del terzo quarto dell’VIII secolo a.C.15 (Fig. 13), una patera senza contesto dai Musei Vaticani16 (Fig. 14) ed una da Narce, in un contesto databile al primo quarto del VII secolo a.C.17 (Fig. 15). Questi ultimi due vasi presentano al centro, unico caso in Italia, una complessa rosetta incisa: in particolare, la stella della patera del Vaticano ha i confronti migliori con una star-bowl da Nimrud di fabbrica ‘aramaica’ (oltre che su alcune Assurattaschen nord-siriane) e su patere baccellate iraniane che, come in genere le patere decorate dall’Iran, mostrano semplificazioni di elementi decorativi siro-fenici.18 Hasserodt ha studiato un gruppo di patere da Olimpia, ancora inedite, che hanno le medesime caratteristiche di quelle italiane ora menzionate.19 Altre 7 patere con più di 100 baccellature e con 3 solcature sul fondo, quando conservato, provengono ancora dalla t. 600 di Osteria dell’Osa20 e da Vetulonia in due tombe del secondo

Fig. 1. Pontecagnano, t. 575. ø 19,2.

5

Luschey 1939, 76, n. 10, fig. 29. Buranelli, Drago & Paolini 1997, 69, fig. 10. 7 Luschey 1939, 76, n. 7, fig. 28. 8 Cfr. una patera inedita da Mainz, Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, n. inv. 0.39778/205; altri esemplari inediti urartei di questo tipo, ma con più baccellature, sono stati da me studiati grazie alla gentile disponibilità di U. Schaaff; F.-W. Von Hase e M. Egg. 9 Calmeyer 1964, 53, n. 109, tav. 57 (Coll. Bröckelschen). 10 Mainz am Rhein, Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, n. inv. 0.39778/123. 11 Cfr. ad es. una patera da War Kabud nel Luristan (Vanden Berghe 1968, 131, tav. 33b), dalla Coll. Beitz (Orthmann 1982, 27 s., n. 94, tav. 29b) e da New York (Muscarella 1988, 206, n. 316). 12 De Santis 1995, 374, n. 16, fig. 4. 13 Egg & Pare 1995, 132, n. 165, tav. XI, 2. 14 Vanden Berghe 1987, 260, fig. 14, n. 18. 15 Bedini & Cordano 1980, 101, tav. 15, n. 28 (dis. ricostr. di S.Foglia). 16 Buranelli & Sannibale 1998, 177, n. 11, figg. 24s. 17 Narce, II sepolcreto di Pizzo Piede, t. 4 (XXXVIII): Pasqui 1894, col. 473, n. 15: la presenza nel corredo di tre patere di tipo del tutto diverso indica probabilmente la presenza di oggetti non contemporanei. 18 Curtis & Reade 1995, 139, n. 102; Herrmann 1966, 30 ss., tavv. 7ss.; per le patere iraniane cfr. nt. 32. 19 Hasserodt 2001, 235 ss. 20 Bietti Sestieri 1992, 846, n. 15, 413, tipo 80c, tav. 47, nn. 15, 17s. 6

Fig. 2. Calatia, t. 201 (da Albore Livadie 1988, fig. 20). ø 21,2.

21 Quattro esemplari dal Circolo del Monile d’Argento, II fossa (Falchi & Pernier 1913, 426) ed uno dal II Circolo delle Pellicce (Camporeale 1967, 45 nt. 3, n. 21). 22 Haller 1954, 35, tav. 12 h. 23 Dohan 1942, 37, n. 10, tav. XVIII. 24 Merhav 1991, 211, nn. 9-10. 25 Falchi 1908, 433; Camporeale 1967, 46 nt. 3; Cygielmann & Pagnini c.s. sul tridente in bronzo cfr. Sciacca c.s. 26 Cfr. ad es. Taşyürek 1976, 107, nn. 1-2, tav. 6 a-b, 7. 11 delle 23 patere urartee presentano il motivo del doppio contorno della terminazione superiore delle baccellature, presente anche sulle patere raffigurate sui rilievi assiri e sulle patere d’oro delle tombe di Nimrud (cfr. ntt. 27 e 29) e su due patere frammentarie da Tell Halaf (Hrouda 1962, 65s., 69 nn. 1-2, tav. 47 2, 49 1, 50 1).

783

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Iran (da Calmeyer 1964, tav. 57). ø 14,6.

Fig. 3. Assur (da Howes Smith 1984, tav. 1). ø 13,2.

Fig. 8. Urartu, Mainz. ø 18,6. Fig. 4. Veio, Casale del Fosso t. 871. ø 22,6.

Fig. 5. Assur (da Luschey 1939, fig. 28). ø 16,4.

Fig. 9. Iran (da Orthmann 1982), tav. 29b. ø 17.

Fig. 6. Urartu, Mainz. ø 19.

Fig. 10. Osteria dell’Osa, t. 600. ø 19,6. 784

FERDINANDO SCIACCA: LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA

Fig. 11. Mainz, Urartu. ø 17,8. Fig. 15. Narce, Pizzo Piede II t. 4 (XXXIII). ø 19.

Fig. 12. Luristan, Chamzhi Mumah, t. 39 (da Vanden Berghe 1987, fig. 14, n. 18). ø 17,6. Fig. 16. Assur, t. 446 (da Howes Smith 1984, tav. 2). ø 19,5.

Fig. 13. Castel di Decima, t. 130 (da Bedini-Cordano 1980, tav. 15, n. 28).

Fig. 17. Narce, t. 19M (da Dohan 1942, tav. XVIII). ø 19,4.

Fig. 18. Urartu (da Merhav 1991, 211, n. 9). ø 16,3; 14,1.

Fig. 14. Prov. ignota, Musei Vaticani. ø 19,7.

785

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI anni ’30 e ’20 dell’VIII secolo a.C.29 (Fig. 23) e la patera in mano alla regina (la coppa del sovrano è perduta) nel noto rilievo con Assurbanipal a banchetto nel giardino dalla sala S1 del Palazzo Nord di Ninive30 (Fig. 24). Più ampio utilizzo assume la patera in ambito urarteo e iraniano, dove essa si rinviene anche in contesti tombali di individui appartenenti ad elités locali, anche se la scarsità di dati archeologici rende arduo seguirne le trasformazioni di significato. Produzioni indipendenti dall’Assiria, ma influenzate dal forte valore del vaso nel cerimoniale regale assiro, vennero avviate fin dal IX secolo a.C. in Siria31 ed Urartu e dalla metà dell’VIII secolo a.C. in Iran e Luristan.32 In questo periodo la patera baccellata inizia a diffondersi limitatamente in Grecia, dove concorrono modelli siriani oltre che medioorientali,33 e soprattutto in Italia, dove, come abbiamo visto dall’analisi dei confronti, prevale l’influsso di modelli provenienti dal triangolo medio-orientale formato da Urartu, Assiria e Iran.

Fig. 19. Vetulonia, C. del Tridente. ø 14,5.

I problemi legati alla prima diffusione delle patere baccellate in Italia sono quindi notevolmente complessi. Sono prodotti importati, ed eventualmente da dove? Sono invece produzioni locali di artigiani orientali immigrati, e in tal caso da dove? Se le patere con 30-35 baccellature trovano confronti molto stretti in ambito assiro e urarteo, quelle con più di 100, pur mostrando molti confronti con lo stesso ambiente stilistico, hanno alcune caratteristiche isolate. Le risposte vanno quindi cercate alla luce dell’intera documentazione dei contatti orientali dell’Orientalizzante antico, quadro che per evidenti limiti

Fig. 20. Urartu (da Taşyürek 1976, tav. 6). ø 16. Perché la patera baccellata, che pure non ha particolari riscontra sui rilievi di Assurnasirpal II a Nimrud nella prima metà del IX secolo a.C., dove esso, a differenza di altre coppe di forma simile ma non baccellate, è usato solo dal sovrano e solo in rituali di libagione e lustrazione (Fig. 21).27 Tale valore regale e cerimoniale si mantenne nel tempo, come indicano le due patere baccellate con iscrizione di proprietà del re urarteo Išpuini nella seconda metà dell’IX secolo a.C.28 (Fig. 22), gli splendidi esemplari dalla t. II di Nimrud con iscrizione di proprietà delle regine di Tiglath-Pileser III e Shalmanaser V negli

29 Damerji 1998, 7 s., fig. 31. Sulla tomba più di recente Oates 2001, 81ss. Una patera simile proviene dalla tomba III e reca l’iscrizione di proprietà di Šamši-ilu, attestato come turtanū tra il 782 e il 745 a.C. (sulla tomba Oates 2001, 84ss.). 30 Migliore illustrazione in Reade 1983, 69, n. 103. 31 Una patera baccellata in bronzo con 30 baccellature, frammentaria e perduta nella 2° guerra mondiale, proviene dal Tempio-Palazzo di Tell Halaf edificato dal re Kapara (Luschey 1939, 76, n. 4, fig. 23; Hrouda 1962, 66, 69 n. 16, tav. 48, 16), la cui cronologia è fissata, pur con oscillazioni, al IX secolo a.C. (Herrmann 1989, 107 e nt. 156; Winter 1989, 323, con bibl. prec.). Per altre due patere baccellate in bronzo con 32 e 16 baccellature (anch’esse frammentarie e perdute: Hrouda 1962, 65, 69 nn. 2-3, tav. 47 2, 48 3) dalla tomba meridionale nei pressi del Tempio Palazzo sono state proposte datazioni al X secolo a.C. (Barnett 1975, 49), nella prima parte del IX (Hrouda 1962, 116; Moortgat 1970, 211 e 216.), fine IX-inizi VIII (Sader 1987, 38ss.) ed ultimo terzo dell’VIII (Akurgal 1979, 21, considera Kapara un capo ribelle all’autorità assira). Non sembra attualmente possibile identificare un collegamento tra questi esemplari (e gli altri orientali in genere) e le patere in oro a 15 e 23 baccellature dalla tomba del faraone Psusennes I a Tanis (inizio X secolo a.C.: Ziegler 2001, 39, fig. 13). 32 I pochi esemplari contestualizzati provengono da tombe di prestigio del Luristan nel Ferro III (750-650 a.C.), spesso contenenti materiali di ispirazione assira ed in parte siro-fenicia (Calmeyer 1964, 45, 49s., n. 106, tavv. 52 s.; Markoe 1985a, 105-110, 209-213; Id. 1985b; Vanden Berghe & Tourovets 1995, 47ss.). Tra questi, almeno un gruppo omogeneo di patere baccellate, tutte senza contesto, con complesse rosette incise si distinguono chiaramente come produzione iraniana, con modelli che riportano all’area assira per la forma e a quella siro-fenicia per la decorazione (Nagel 1963, 26, n. 97, tav. XLVII; Calmeyer 1964, 53, n. 110, tav. 57; Moorey 1974, 147, nn. 129s.; Amiet 1976, 51, 54, n. 96). 33 Per la Grecia si rimanda alle tesi di dottorato di Hasserodt e di chi scrive.

27 Sui rilievi del Palazzo NW di Nimrud l’immagine della patera baccellata si trova 2 volte nella sala B del Trono (libagione sul toro e sul leone uccisi nella caccia: Meuszyński 1981, 23, B-19/20, tav. 1, 3), 6 volte nella sala H (il sovrano armato di arco in posizione di riposo liba verso il genio alato di fronte a lui: ibid. 1981, 56 ss., H-2/4/9/16/19, tav. 11, 1-2, 4, 12 1), 1 volta nella sala C (scena analoga alla precedente: ibid., 29, C-7, tav. 4, 2). Per la valenza lustrale e purificatoria delle scene rappresentate nelle sale H e G: Brandes 1970; Magen 1986, 73 ss. (per altre possibili interpretazioni della sala G Dolce 1997, 150, nt. 36). Per le scene di caccia più di recente Watanabe 1998 e Schmidt-Colinet 2001; per il significato trionfale dell’arco in posizione di riposo Westenholz 2000, 117. 28 Salvini 1980, 183, C-D, tav. II a-b. È probabile che i due vasi siano di produzione urartea su modello assiro. Van Loon 1966, 172ss., ha posto il modello dello stile di corte urarteo, fortemente conservatore per tutta la sua durata, nell’arte assira (rilievi palatini, pitture, toreutica) del IX secolo a.C. (ed in particolare nella fase iniziale del regno urarteo sotto i sovrani Išpuini e Menua, ca. 832-786), anche se alcuni motivi iconografici possono essere giunti direttamente dall’ambiente artistico siro-fenicio.

786

FERDINANDO SCIACCA: LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA di spazio non può essere ovviamente approfondito qui. Si possono tuttavia tentare alcune piste di riflessione che sono state percorse più ampiamente nella ricerca di Dottorato. Tra i prodotti siro-fenici dell’Orientalizzante antico tirrenico, esistono almeno tre diverse correnti, che spesso confluiscono nei medesimi contesti funerari:34 una di oggetti di minor pregio, come amuleti, scarabei e pasta vitrea, ampiamente diffusi a partire dalla fine del IXinizio VIII secolo a.C. e per tutto l’orientalizzante,35 una di anfore da trasporto e altre ceramiche (soprattutto nel Lazio) collegate a circuiti fenici coloniali,36 ed uno di prodotti metallici di lusso di produzione siro-fenicia, come le patere dalla tomba S di Francavilla Marittima (ca. metà dell’VIII secolo a.C. o poco dopo) e da Vetulonia Poggio della Guardia (terzo quarto dell’VIII secolo a.C.),37 l’oinochoe di bronzo e la patera a doppia parete bronzea dalla tomba del Vivaro a Rocca di Papa (fine VIII secolo a.C.)38 e l’oinochoe dalla t. 2465 di Pontecagnano (fine VIII-inizi VII secolo a.C.).39 Ci sono infine tracce della presenza, ancora embrionale, di artigiani orientali, documentati da decorazioni a filigrana e granulazione su gioielli di forma locale,40 o, sullo scorcio dell’VIII secolo a.C., dalla maschera in bronzo per cavallo dalla t. 4461 di Pontecagnano, verosimilmente opera di un immigrato levantino (siriano?) che utilizza anche elementi greci;41 ma il fenomeno dell’immigrazione di artisti orientali in Italia prenderà corpo soprattutto dagli inizi del VII secolo a.C. Questo quadro, che già di per sé mostra l’ampiezza e complessità degli scambi nel Tirreno, può essere ulteriormente dilatato verso Oriente: esiste infatti un filone di oggetti di produzione assira, come il rhyton a protome di leone di Veio appartenente ad una tipologia diffusa principalmente nella cultura assira ed iranica42 (Fig. 25), un frammento d’ala di Vetulonia senza contesto (Fig. 26, forse parte di un attacco a sirena per calderone), dove l’elegante decorazione del piumaggio con calamo a rilievo ed appuntito la distingue dagli esemplari nord-

Fig. 21. Da Herzfeld 1920, tav. XIa.

Fig. 22. Urartu (da Salvini 1980, tav. II). ø 19.

34 Analisi complessive in Rathje 1979; Martelli 1991; Botto 1995; Von Hase 1995. Sulla componente etnica dei Levantini presenti sulle rotte occidentali (non solo Fenici e Fenicio-Ciprioti, ma anche Aramei e Filistei) cfr. ad es. Garbini 1993, 184ss. 35 Cfr. Von Hase 1975; Hölbl 1979; Martelli 1991, 1053ss.; Botto 1996; De Salvia 1999, con altra bibl. 36 Botto 1993 (produzione nei centri fenici di Sardegna); Docter & Niemeyer 1994, 113, nn. 56s. (produzione cartaginese). 37 Francavilla: Zancani Montuoro 1970-‘71, 14ss., tavv. A, IIIss.; Markoe 1985a, 143 s., 161s., Ca1 (produzione di un artigiano orientale immigrato). Vetulonia: Maggiani 1973, 88ss., tavv. XXV, XXVIIIs.; Markoe 1985a, E 15, 143, 202; Botto 1996, 566. Una star bowl da Nimrud (Layard 1853, tav. 61A; Falsone 1992, 104, tav. XI b), stando almeno al disegno di Layard, è attribuibile alla stessa mano della patera di Vetulonia, per l’identità dei leoni nel 4° fregio di Nimrud e 2° di Vetulonia e delle antilopi (?) del 2° di Nimrud e 1° di Vetulonia. 38 Bologna 2000, 204, nn. 215s., con bibl.; Martelli 1991, 1061, data la tomba al primo quarto del VII. 39 Cuozzo 2003, 111, fig. 20, n. 16. 40 Von Hase 1975, 120ss. 41 Cerchiai 1985, 31ss., fig. 2, tav. V a-b. 42 Sciacca 2003 (con errore nelle didascalie a figg. 1 e 2; per l’incerta provenienza cfr. 301 nt. 2).

Fig. 23. Nimrud, t. II (da Damerji 1998, fig. 31). ø 20 (sopra).

Fig. 24. Da Reade 1983, 69, n. 103.

787

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI siriani (con calamo inciso e terminazione inferiore spesso aperta) e l’avvicina invece ad un esemplare di manifattura assira dal British Museum ed in generale alla resa stilistica delle ali nei rilievi assiri.43 E da aggiungere inoltre, ma in maniera purtroppo ipotetica, una brocca a filtro (databile all’ultimo quarto dell’VIII secolo a.C.) acquistata in Italia nell’800 da William Temple, ambasciatore inglese alla corte di Napoli, da un mercante che ne asseriva la provenienza da Ruvo di Puglia44 (Fig. 27). In quale di questi filoni si possono inserire le patere baccellate? Il filone coloniale fenicio d’occidente va escluso per la limitatezza delle attestazioni e per la scarsità della produzione metallica di lusso nelle colonie.45 È poco probabile che le patere più antiche rinvenute in Italia siano opera di artigiani orientali immigrati, poiché gli esemplari con 30-34 baccellature hanno confronti molto precisi con oggetti di provenienza assira, e poiché sono riconoscibili delle imitazioni già nell’VIII-inizi VII secolo a.C., certamente locali e di qualità notevolmente inferiore, come gli esemplari in bronzo dalle tt. 3 e 4 di Tor de’ Cenci presso Roma46 (Fig. 28) e versioni in impasto da Veio Casale del Fosso t. 1086 (Fig. 29), Narce Monte Lo Greco t. 18 (XXXII) e Pontecagnano t. 575 (la stessa che ha restituito la patera in bronzo).47 Se le patere con 30-34 baccellature possono essere inserite, come si è già visto, nel filone delle importazioni assire (come anche la patera dalla t. 19M di Narce e quelle della t. 600 di Osteria dell’Osa, per queste ultime non è tuttavia da escludere l’ipotesi di un’importazione urartea), lo stesso non può dirsi per le patere con più di 140 baccellature e piccolo omphalos e per quelle simili da Olimpia (Figg. 13-15). Il fatto che esse uniscano caratteri stilistici vicino- e medio-orientali, consiglia di attribuirle ad una manifattura siriana o fenicia (del resto gli artigiani siriani conobbero ed utilizzarono il modello assiro della patera baccellata). Questi artisti lavoravano nella madrepatria, la costa levantina, o forse, volendo essere più imprudenti, proprio nei centri assiri

I sovrani assiri della seconda metà dell’VIII secolo a.C. riuscirono a completare l’ambizioso progetto di sottomissione delle regalità siriane, ebraiche e fenicie.48 Se le prime furono ridotte all’impotenza e sostituite spesso da governatori assiri, le città fenicie, e Tiro in particolare, divennero, grazie alla loro potenza mercantile, la fonte di approvvigionamento di metalli per l’immensa macchina dell’impero assiro, con un conseguente ulteriore stimolo all’attivismo commerciale e coloniale fenicio (anche in risposta all’indebolimento del commercio fenicio in Anatolia e Siria settentrionale): è questo il momento in cui la presenza fenicia raggiunge la massima espansione geografica.49 Nell’Italia tirrenica appaiono in alcune delle tombe più ricche dell’orientalizzante antico importazioni assire o con elementi assiri: proprio gli stretti legami commerciali ed economici tra Assiria e Fenicia inducono a ritenere che fossero soprattutto mercanti fenici a portare in Occidente oggetti che avevano una lunga e radicata storia nelle culture medio-orientali, come le patere baccellate (tranne (principi) delle città della Fenicia meridionale (ed in particolare di Tiro) che, sfruttando i collegamenti tirrenici già istituiti e praticati dalle colonie occidentali, introdussero nelle corti tirreniche (già aperte al mondo

Fig. 25. Veio, Casale del Fosso (da Bologna 2000, n. 78).

43 Von Hase 1972. Per l’esemplare da Londra Curtis 1994, 11ss., figg. 23 s., con bibl.; cfr. anche da un frammento di ala dall’Heraion di Argo: Strøm 1992, 52, tav. VIIa. 44 L’editore (Moorey 1980, 188ss., figg. 2-4, tav. IIIb) dà per certa la provenienza italiana, mentre Barnett 1974, 30 preferisce ipotizzare una provenienza assira in base al tipo d’oggetto. Per ragioni di spazio si rimanda alla tesi di dottorato per altre influenze assire su prodotti di produzione fenicia trovati in Italia (alcune decorazioni della patera fenicia dalla t. Bernardini 61565: Neri 2000, 21, con bibl., e su patere cipriote: Markoe 1985a, 40 s., 47ss.; forma della coppa baccellata d’oro al Victoria & Albert Museum da Preneste: Bologna 2000, 218 s., n. 250, con bibl.); forma della phiale dalla t. 928 di Pontecagnano; ibid., 126, n. 74 e siriana, nonché oggetti di produzione direttamente medio-orientale (vaso con iscrizione neo-babilonese di fine VIII-inizi VII da Falerii: ibid., 130, n. 83; testa equina di origine urartea?, da Cerveteri M.te Abatone t. 4: inedita, notizia in Botto 2000, 80) o di possibile influenza luristana (morsi di cavallo: Von Hase 1995, 275, figg. 5s.). 45 Si conoscono una patera baccellata in bronzo fuso su thymiaterion da Cerro del Peñón, d’importazione fenicia (VIII-VII secolo a.C.: Niemeyer & Schubart 1965) e una da Villagarcía de la Torre, di VII-VI secolo a.C. (De La Bandera & Ferrer Albelda 1994, 45, 50, figg. 1s., 14s.). 46 Bedini 1988-89, 233s., nn. 7-8, figg. 13ss., 247, n. 12, figg. 27ss. 47 Veio: inedita (notizia in Buranelli, Drago & Paolini 1997, 82); Narce: Molas i Font 1980, 19, n. 48, tav. VIII 4; Pontecagnano: D’Agostino 1968, 133, n. 18 (non ill.).

Fig. 26. Vetulonia (da Von Hase 1972). 48 Botto 1990, 21ss., 34ss., 65ss., 75ss.; Lamprichs 1995, 112ss., con altra bibl. 49 Frankenstein 1979, 271ss.; Moscati 1989, 74ss.; Botto 1989, 235ss.; Botto 1990, 31ss., 44ss., 73ss., 80ss.; Klengel 1990, 408ss.; Bisi 1991, 247s.; Baurain & Bonnet 1992, 182s.; Bernardini 1993, 68ss.; Tavares 1992; Briquel & Chatonnet 1995, 57ss.; Bernardini 2000, 1256s.; Lanfranchi 2000, 7s., 11s. (per i rapporti Grecia-Assiria) Non è ammissibile un legame di causa-effetto tra espansionismo assiro e colonizzazione fenicia in Occidente, essendo la seconda già in atto alla metà dell’VIII, mentre il primo si fa pressante solamente con TiglathPileser III dal 734 a.C. Per una visione articolata dei motivi interni ed esterni dell’espansione fenicia Aubet 1993, 50ss.; Bondì in: Bartoloni, Bondì & Moscati 1997, 21ss., con bibl.

788

FERDINANDO SCIACCA: LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA mediterraneo grazie al contatto euboico), oggetti lussuosi importati direttamente dall’Oriente e con essi un linguaggio cerimoniale orientale che si mescola a quello, anch’esso ‘orientalizzante’, euboico e corinzio. Tra le corti orientali che hanno trasmesso alle piccole corti occidentali i modi di banchettare e di autorappresentarsi, bisogna ipotizzare che un ruolo non secondario spetti alla massima potenza dopo la metà dell’VIII secolo a.C., l’Assiria. Uno dei problemi più rilevanti nello studio dei materiali vicino-orientali in Grecia ed in Italia è la mancanza di confronti proprio nella madrepatria siro-fenicia, mentre la grandissima parte dei materiali simili si trova ammassata a Nimrud e Khorsabad, dove vi giunse soprattutto come tributi imposti alle città vassalle e ai bottini delle campagne militari. Questo quadro, veritiero e validamente appoggiato sulle fonti che esaltano le vittorie assire, rischia tuttavia sia di mischiare in maniera automatica i dati delle fonti con quelli dell’archeologia, sia, come è stato in più casi avvertito, di sottovalutare il fatto che dietro la terminologia del tributo si nascondono spesso vere e proprie transazioni commerciali. È inoltre opportuno distinguere tra la semplice acquisizione delle ricchezze delle corti vicino-orientali (che in un’economia pre-monetaria assumono forma di oggetti in metallo prezioso) e la selezione operata su di esse nel cerimoniale di corte. In altri termini, la massa di oggetti siro-fenici in Assiria non è frutto di una semplice accumulazione, ma dell’uso, e quindi della nuova ri-funzionalizzazione di tali oggetti per le necessità del fasto regale. Lo studio della formazione del gusto della corte assira è al momento lontano dall’essere esauriente. Notevole è la distinzione apparentemente netta tra il linguaggio assiro della grande arte parietale e quello siro-fenicio degli oggetti mobili. Se tale divisione è radicata nella natura dei due tipi di evidenze (poca trasportabilità dei primi rispetto alla facile mobilità dei secondi), non è tuttavia plausibile che questi due ambiti artistici fossero totalmente separati e che non vi fosse invece un’ampia circolazione di idee e spunti nella massa di artisti che lavorava per la corte assira.50 In coincidenza della maggiore attività politica e militare assira nel Levante, da Tiglath-Pileser III in poi, i sovrani assiri introdussero mobili decorati con avori, scene di banchetto sui rilievi, produzioni assire in avorio e in metallo di ispirazione siro-fenicia, motivi iconografici come la catena di fiori di loto aperti alternati a boccioli (prima egizio e poi fenicio) o il fiore tenuto in mano (fenicio e siriano).51

Fig. 27. Ruvo di Puglia (da Moorey 1980, tav. IIIb).

Fig. 28. Tor de Cenci, t. 3 (da Bedini 1988-89, figg. 13ss). ø 13; 11,5.

50

Barnett 1975, 52; Barag 1985, 54; Markoe 2000, 147, hanno ipotizzato la presenza in Assiria di artisti stranieri che lavoravano l’avorio e il vetro. Tale presenza (oltre che di musicisti) è stata ipotizzata anche in base alle fonti: Oded 1979, 55ss., 99ss. (non è possibile, come spesso nel mondo antico, distinguere tra artisti ed artigiani; tuttavia orefici con nomi semitico-occidentali sono documentati a Nimrud e Niniveh: ibid., 102, con bibl.). Non è da escludere che gruppi di artisti vicino-orientali si siano volontariamente trasferiti nelle corti assire per sfruttarne la ricca committenza. 51 Cfr. Reade 1965, 129; Winter 1982, 366ss.; Herrmann 1997, 286; Winter 1982, 357, 364, attribuisce la monumentalizzazione dell’architettura e della scultura assira nel IX secolo a.C. all’influenza

Fig. 29. Veio, Casale del Fosso t. 1086. ø 18,4.

789

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI L’unificazione del Vicino Oriente sotto un unico potere forte accentuò il carattere di questa koiné culturale ed artistica nella cui formazione i sovrani successivi a Tiglath-Pileser III ebbero parte importante52 e che determinò fenomeni di “ritorno”: in un mercato ormai fortemente riorientato sugli interessi dell’Assiria, oggetti assiri intrapresero tramite il commercio fenicio la via dell’Occidente, raggiungendo la Grecia (e in particolare Samos) e l’Italia tirrenica. Paradigmatico è il caso della patera baccellata: il vaso, che nell’Assiria del IX secolo è di esclusiva pertinenza del sovrano (e delle consorti) nelle libagioni e nei rituali di purificazione, viene scelto dai mercanti fenici come dono di prestigio per le piccole corti etrusco-italiche, proprio per la sua associazione alla più importante regalità d’Oriente. Pur non potendo conoscere gli esemplari d’oro e argento del Medio Oriente, i principi tirrenici ne apprezzarono tramite i Fenici la storia ed il valore culturale (e cultuale?) e, pur con ‘tradimenti’ e modificazioni sia nella forma che nell’utilizzo (per lo più da vaso potorio a piatto), frequenti nelle trasformazioni indigene di tradizioni culturali allogene, ne fecero l’oggetto di origine orientale più ampiamente riprodotto (quasi 300 esemplari) nei corredi principeschi (e solo in questi) in Italia fino alla metà del VII secolo a.C.

Barnett, R.D., 1974. The Nimrud bowls in the British Museum. RStFen 2, 11-33. Barnett, R.D., 1975. A catalogue of the Nimrud ivories in the British Museum. London. Bartoloni, P., S.F. Bondì & S. Moscati, 1997. La penetrazione fenicia e punica in Sardegna. Trent’anni dopo. MemAccLinc 9, 1-140. Baurain, C. & C. Bonnet, 1992. Les Phéniciens. Marins des trois continents. Paris. Bedini, A. 1988-‘89. Tor de’ Cenci (Roma) – Tombe protostoriche. NSc, 221-279. Bedini, A. & F. Cordano, 1980. Periodo III (770-730/20), in: Aa.Vv., La formazione della città nel Lazio. DialArch 2, 97-124. Bernardini, P., 1993. La Sardegna e i Fenici. Appunti sulla colonizzazione. RStFen 21, 29-81. Bernardini, P., 2000. Tiro, Cartagine e Siracusa. Alcune riflessioni, in: M.E. Aubet & M. Barthélemy (eds), Actas del IV Congreso International de Estudios Fenicios y Punicos (Cádiz 1995). Cádiz, 1255-1261. Bietti Sestieri, A.M. (ed.), 1992. La necropoli laziale di Osteria dell’Osa. Roma. Bisi, A.M., 1991. L’economia fenicia tra Oriente e Occidente, in: Atti Roma 1991, 241-257. Bologna 2000. Principi etruschi tra Mediterraneo ed Europa, cat. mostra a cura di G. Bartoloni, F. Delpino, C. Morigi Govi & G. Sassatelli. Bologna. Bondì, S.F., 1979. Note sull’economia fenicia – I. Impresa privata e ruolo dello stato. EVO 1, 139-149. Botto, M., 1989. Considerazioni sul commercio fenicio nel Tirreno nell’VIII e nel VII secolo a.C. AIONAnnStAnt 11, 233-251. Botto, M., 1990. Studi storici sulla Fenicia. L’VIII e il VII secolo a.C. Pisa. Botto, M., 1993. Anfore fenicie dai contesti indigeni del Latium Vetus nel periodo orientalizzante. RStFen 21 (suppl.), 15-27. Botto, M., 1995. I commerci fenici nel Tirreno centrale: conoscenze, problemi e prospettive, in: Atti Roma 1995, 43-53. Botto, M., 1996. I pendenti discoidali: considerazioni su una tipologia di monili di origine orientale presente nel Latium Vetus, in: E. Acquaro (ed.), Alle soglie della classicità. Il Mediterraneo tra tradizione ed innovazione. Studi in onore di Sabatino Moscati. Pisa, 559-568. Botto, M., 2000. Tripodi siriani e tripodi fenici dal Latium vetus e dall’Etruria meridionale, in: La ceramica fenicia in Sardegna. Dati, problematiche, confronti, Atti del I congresso internazionale sulcitano (Sant’Antioco 1997). Roma, 63-98. Brandes, M.A., 1970. La salle dite du palais d’Assurnasirpal II à Kalakh, lieu de cérémonie rituelle, in: A. Finet (ed.), Actes de la XVIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Bruxelles 1969). Ham-sur-Heure, 146-154. Briquel-Chatonnet, F., 1995. Les Phéniciens en leur contexte historique, in: Atti Roma 1995, 55-64.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Akurgal, E., 1979. Analyse iconographique, stylistique et structurale de l’architecture et de la sculpture de Tell Halaf, in: AA.VV., Florilegium anatolicum. Mélanges offerts à Emmanuel Laroche. Paris, 9-28. Albore Livadie, C., 1988. La tomba 201 della necropoli sud-occidentale di Calatia, in: AA.VV., Maddaloni. Archeologia, arte, storia. Maddaloni, 13-40. Amiet, P., 1976. Les antiquités du Luristan. Collection David-Weill. Paris. Aro, S. & R.M. Whiting (eds), 2000. The heirs of Assyria. Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project (Tvärminne 1998). Helsinki. Atti Roma 1991. Atti del II congresso internazionale di studi fenici e punici (Roma 1987). Roma. Atti Roma 1995. Fenici: ieri oggi domani. Ricerche, scoperte, progetti (Roma 1994). Roma. Aubet, M.E., 1993. The Phoenicians and the West. Politics, colonies and trade (Tiro y las colonias fenicias de Occidente, Barcelona 1987). Cambridge. Barag, D., 1985. Catalogue of Western Asiatic glass in the British Museum, I.. London. degli stati nord-siriani, pur senza che si pervenisse ad una sostituzione del patrimonio iconografico mesopotamico (cfr. anche Mazzoni 2001, 297). Le fonti assire sono esplicite riguardo all’adozione dall’età di Tiglath-Pileser III in poi del modello architettonico del bit-hīlāni: ibid., 357ss.; per Bunnens 1996 il modello urbanistico delle fondazioni di capitali dei sovrani neo-assiri è ispirato a tradizioni hittite e siriane. Cfr. anche Reade 1965, 129. 52 Cfr. anche Mazzoni 2001, 312s. Per le influenze assire sulla statuaria nord-siriana Gerlach 2000, con bibl.

790

FERDINANDO SCIACCA: LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA Bunnens, G., 1979. L’expansion phénicienne en Méditerranée. Essai d’interprétation fondé sur une analyse des traditions littéraires. Bruxelles-Rome. Bunnens, G., 1996. Syro-Anatolian influences on neoAssyrian town planning, in: Id. (ed.), Cultural interactions in the ancient Near East (Melbourne 1994). Louvain, 113-128. Buranelli, F., L. Drago & L. Paolini, 1997. La necropoli di Casale del Fosso, in: G. Bartoloni (ed.), Le necropoli arcaiche di Veio, Giornata di studio in memoria di Massimo Pallottino. Roma, 63-83. Buranelli, F. & M. Sannibale (eds), 1998. Reparto antichità etrusco-italiche (1984-1996). BMonMusPont 18, 140-441. Calmeyer, P., 1964. Altiranische Bronzen der Sammlung Bröckelschen. Berlin. Camporeale, G., 1967. La Tomba del Duce. Firenze. Cerchiai, L., 1985. Una tomba principesca del periodo orientalizzante antico a Pontecagnano. StEtr 53, 2742. Chiera, G., 1986. Is. 23: l’elegia su Tiro. RStFen 14, 319. Cuozzo, M., 2003. Reinventare la tradizione. Immaginario sociale, ideologie e rappresentazione nelle necropoli orientalizzanti di Pontecagnano. Paestum. Curtis, J., 1994. Mesopotamian bronzes from Greek sites: the workshops of origin. Iraq 56, 1-25. Curtis, J.E. & J.E. Reade (eds), 1995. Art and empire. Treasures from Assyria in the British Museum. London. Cygielmann, M. & L. Pagnini, c.s. La Tomba del Tridente di Vetulonia. StEtr 70. D’Agostino, B., 1968. Pontecagnano. Tombe orientalizzanti in contrada S.Antonio. NSc, 75-204. Damerji, M.S.B., 1998. Gräber assyrischer Königinnen aus Nimrud. JbZMusMainz 45, 3-12. De La Bandera, M.L. & E. Ferrer Albelda, 1994. El timiaterio orientalizante de Villagarcía de la Torre (Badajoz). ArchEspA 67, 41-61. De Salvia, F., 1999. Gli Aegyptiaca di Torre Galli, in: M. Pacciarelli, Torre Galli. La necropoli della prima età del ferro (scavi Paolo Orsi 1922-23). Catanzaro, 213217. De Santis, A., 1995. Contatti tra Etruria e Lazio antico alla fine dell’VIII secolo a.C.: la tomba di Guerriero di Osteria dell’Osa, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC-1500 AD, Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archeology. Oxford, 365-375. Docter, R.F. & H.G. Niemeyer, 1994. Pithekoussai: the Carthaginian connection. On the archaeological evidence of Euboeo-Phoenician partnership in the 8th and 7th ceturies B.C., in: B. D’Agostino & R. Ridgway (eds), Apoikia. I più antichi insediamenti greci in Occidente: funzioni e modi dell’organizzazione politica e sociale. Scritti in onore di Giorgio Buchner. Napoli, 101-115. Dohan, E.H., 1942. Italic tombgroups in the University Museum. Philadelphia.

Dolce, R., 1997. Dualità e realtà virtuale nel Palazzo Nord-Ovest di Assurnasirpal II a Nimrud. CMAO 7, 141-162. Egg, M. & Ch. Pare, 1995. Die Metallzeiten in Europa und im Vorderen Orient. Die Abteilung Vorgeschichte im Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum. Mainz am Rhein. Falchi, I., 1908. Vetulonia – Nuove scoperte nella necropoli. NSc, 419-437. Falchi, I. & L. Pernier, 1913. Vetulonia – a) Il Circolo del Monile d’Argento e il Circolo dei Lebeti di Bronzo. NSc, 425-437. Falsone, G., 1992. Nuove coppe metalliche di fattura orientale. VicOr 8 (2), 83-112. Frankenstein, S., 1979. The Phoenicians in the Far West: a funtion of neo-Assyrian imperialism, in: M.T. Larsen (ed.), Power and propaganda. A symposium on ancient empires. Copenhagen, 263-294. Garbini, G., 1993. Aramaica. Roma. Gerlach, I., 2000. Tradition – Adaptation – Innovation. Zur Reliefkunst Nordsyriens/Südostanatoliens in neuassyrischer Zeit, in: G. Bunnens (ed.), Essays on Syria in the Iron Age. Louvain, 235-257. Haller, A., 1954. Die Gräber und Grüfte von Assur. Berlin. Hasserodt, M., 2001. Griechische und orientalische Metallphialen des frühen ersten Jahrtausends v.Chr. in Griechenland. PhD Heidelberg. Herrmann, G., 1989. The Nimrud ivories, 1. The Flame and Frond School. Iraq 51, 85-109. Herrmann, G., 1997. The Nimrud ivories, 3. The Assyrian tradition, in: H. Waetzoldt & H. Hauptmann (eds), Assyrien im Wandel der Zeiten. 39° Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Heidelberg 1992). Heidelberg, 285-290. Herrmann, H.-V., 1966. Die Kessel der orientalisierenden Zeit, I. Kesselattaschen und Reliefuntersätze. Berlin. Herzfeld, E., 1920. Am Tor von Asien. Berlin. Hölbl, G., 1979. Beziehungen der Ägyptischen Kultur zu Altitalien. Leiden. Howes Smith, P.H.G., 1984. Bronzes ribbed bowls from Central Italy and Etruria. Import and imitation. BABesch 59 (2), 73-107. Howes Smith, P.H.G., 1986. A study of 9th-7th century metal bowls from Western Asia. IranAnt 21, 1-88. Hrouda, B., 1962. Tell Halaf IV. Die Kleinfunde aus historischer Zeit. Berlin. Klengel, H., 1990. Fernbeziehungen und Kulturkontakte in den westlichen Randgebieten des Assyrerreiches. JBZMusMainz 37, 405-414. Lamprichs, R., 1995, Die Westexpansion des neuassyrischen Reiches. Eine Strukturanalyse. Neukirchen-Vluyn. Lanfranchi, G.B., 2000, The ideological and political impact of the Assyrian imperial expansion on the Greek world in the 8th and 7th centuries BC, in: S. Aro & R.M. Whiting 2000, 7-34. Layard 1853. The monuments of Nineveh II (a second series of the monuments of Nineveh; including bas791

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Rathje, A., 1979. Oriental imports in Etruria in the eight and seventh centuries BC: their origins and implications, in: D. & F.R. Ridgway (eds), Italy before the Romans. London, 145-183. Reade, J., 1965. Twelve Ashurnasirpal reliefs. Iraq 27, 119-134. Reade, J., 1983. Assyrian sculpture. London. Sader, H.S., 1987. Les états araméens de Syrie depuis leur fondation jusqu’à leur transformation en provinces assyriennes. Beirut. Salvini, M., 1980. Iscrizioni cuneiformi urartee su oggetti di metallo. SMEA 22, 181-190. Schmidt-Colinet, C., 2001. Die Löwenjagd am assyrischen Neujahrfest 672 v.Chr. Beobachtungen an den Jagdreliefs in Raum C im Nordpalast von Niniveh. Mesopotamia 36, 103-118. Sciacca, F., 2003. Nota sul rhyton a protome di leone di Veio: confronti e produzione. ArchCl 54, 301-319. Sciacca, F., c.s. Per una nuova interpretazione del tridente in bronzo dal Circolo del Tridente di Vetulonia. ArchCl 55. Strøm, I., 1992. Evidence from the sancuaries, in: G. Kopcke & I. Tokumaru (eds), Greece between East and West: 10th-8th centuries B.C. Papers of the meeting. Mainz am Rhein, 46-60. Taşyürek, O.A., 1976. Urartian figurines and metal vessels in the Adana regional and Gaziantep museums. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi 23 (2), 105-115. Tavares, A.A., 1992. Les campagnes militaires de l’Assyrie vers la Méditerranée. Reflets sur la péninsule ibérique?, in: D. Charpin & F. Joannès (eds), La circulation de biens, des personnes et des idées dans le Proche-Orient ancien. 38° Rencontre assyriologique internationale (Paris 1991). Paris, 291296. Van Loon, M., 1966. Urartian art. Its distinctive traits in the light of new excavations. Istanbul. Vanden Berghe, L., 1968. Het archeologisch onderzoek naar de bronscultuur van Luristan. Opgravingen in Pusht-i Kuh I. Kalwali en War Kabud (1965 en 1966). Brussel. Vanden Berghe, L., 1987. Les pratiques funéraires à l’âge du Fer III au Pusht-i Kūh, Luristān: les nécropoles «genre War Kabūd». IranAnt 22, 201-266. Vanden Berghe, L. & A. Tourovets, 1995. Excavations in Luristan and relations with Mesopotamia, in: J. Curtis (ed.), Later Mesopotamia and Iran: Tribes and empires 1600-539 BC, Proceedings of a Seminar in memory of Vladimir G. Lukonin. London, 46-53. Von Hase, F.-W., 1972. Zum Fragment eines orientalischen Bronzeflügels aus Vetulonia. RM 79, 155-162. Von Hase, F.-W., 1975. Zur Problematik der frühesten Goldfunde in Mittelitalien. HambBeitrA 5, 99-182. Von Hase, F.-W., 1995. Ägäische, griechische und vorderorientalische Einflüsse aus das tyrrhenische Mittelitalien, in: Beiträge zur Urnenfelderzeit nördlich und südlich der Alpen. Ergebnisse eines Kolloquiums. Bonn, 239-286.

reliefs from the Palace of Sennacherib and bronzes from the ruins of Nimroud. From drawings made on the spot, during a second expedition to Assyria). London. Luschey, H., 1939. Die Phiale. Bleicherode am Harz. Magen, U., 1986. Assyrische Königsdarstellungen – Aspekte der Herrschaft. Eine Typologie. Mainz am Rhein. Maggiani, A., 1973. Coppa fenicia da una tomba villanoviana di Vetulonia. StEtr 41, 73-95. Markoe, G., 1985a, Phoenician bronze and silver bowls from Cyprus and the Mediterranean. Berkeley-Los Angeles-London. Markoe, G., 1985b. An Assyrian-Style bucket from Chamzhi Mumah, Luristan. IranAnt 20, 43-54. Markoe, G., 2000. Phoenicians. London. Martelli, M., 1991. I Fenici e la questione orientalizzante in Italia, in: Atti Roma 1991, 1049-1072. Mazzoni, S., 2001. La Siria e il mondo greco arcaico, in: S. Settis (ed.), I Greci. Storia Cultura Arte Società. 3. I Greci oltre la Grecia. Torino, 283-328. Merhav, R., 1991. Everyday and ceremonial utensils, in: Urartu - A metalworking center in the first millennium B.C.E., cat. mostra a cura di R. Merhav. Jerusalem, 199-243. Meuszyński, J., 1981. Die Rekonstruktion der Reliefdarstellungen und ihrer Anordnung im Nordwestpalast von Kalhu (Nimrūd). Mainz am Rhein. Molas i Font, M.D., 1980. Un conjunto orientalizante inicial falisco. La tumba XXXII de las Necrópolis de Narce. CuadRom 14, 1-29. Moorey, P.R.S., 1974. Ancient Persian bronzes in the Adam Collection. London. Moorey, P.R.S., 1980. Metal wine sets in the Ancient Near East. IranAnt 15, 181-197. Moortgat, A., 1970. Noch einmal zur Datierung des Kapara, in: A. Kuschke & E. Kutsch (eds), Archäologie und Altes Testament. Festschrift für Kurt Galling. Tübingen, 211-217. Moscati, S., 1989. L’ancora d’argento. Colonie e commerci fenici tra Oriente e Occidente. Milano. Muscarella, O.W., 1988. Bronze and iron. Ancient Near Eastern artifacts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York. Nagel, W., 1963. Altorientalisches Kunsthandwerk. Berlin. Neri, D., 2000. Le coppe fenicie della Tomba Bernardini nel Museo di Villa Giulia. La Spezia. Niemeyer, H.G. & H. Schubart, 1965. Ein ostphönikisches Thymiaterion vom Cerro del Peñón (Almayate Bajo, Prov. Málaga). MM 6, 74-83. Oates, J. & D., 2001. Nimrud. An Assyrian imperial city revealed. London. Oded, B., 1979. Mass deportations and deportees in the neo-Assyrian empire. Wiesbaden. Orthmann, W., 1982. Iranische Bronzen der Sammlung Beitz. Bonn. Pasqui, A., 1894. Delle tombe di Narce e dei loro corredi. MAL 4, 399-548. 792

FERDINANDO SCIACCA: LE PATERE BACCELLATE IN BRONZO E GLI INIZI DELL’ORIENTALIZZANTE IN ITALIA Watanabe, C., 1998. Symbolism of the royal hunt in Assyria, in: J. Prosecký (ed.), Intellectual life of the Ancient Near East. 43° Rencontre assyriologique internationale (Prague 1996). Prague, 439-450. Westenholz, J., 2000. The king, the emperor and the empire: Continuity and discontinuity of royal representation in text and image, in: S. Aro & R.M. Whiting 2000, 99-125. Winter, I.J., 1982. Art as evidence for interaction: Relations between the Assyrian empire and North Syria, in: H.-J. Nissen & J. Renger (eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v.Chr. 25° Rencontre assyriologique internationale (Berlin 1978). Berlin, 355-382. Winter, I.J., 1989. North Syrian ivories and Tell Halaf reliefs: the impact of luxury goods upon “major” arts, in: A. Leonard & B.B. Williams (eds), Essays in ancient civilization presented to Helene J. Kantor. Chicago, 321-337. Zancani Montuoro, P., 1970-71. A) Necropoli di Macchiabate. Coppa di bronzo sbalzata. AttiMemSocMagnaGrecia n.s. 11-12, 9-33. Ziegler, Ch., 2001. Les trésors de Tanis capitale oubliée des pharaons de l’an mille. Paris.

793

ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO DI CRESPINO (ROVIGO, ITALY) Mirella T.A. Robino, Elena Smoquina & Anna Spalla Abstract: The paper presents the excavations of an Etruscan village (6th-4th BC) near the river Po. The excavation campaigns were from 1995 to 2002 and were organized by the University of Pavia (Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità), supervized by M. Harari. In July 2002 the same University (Dipartimento Ingegneria Edile e del Territorio) has done additional studies using a new laser technology.

IL SITO

LE STRUTTURE INSEDIATIVE

La località di San Cassiano di Crespino appartiene a quell’Etruria padana chiaramente indicata dalle fonti antiche, quando si afferma che il dominio etrusco si estese al di là dei confini del territorio compreso tra l’Arno ed il Tevere. Gli Etruschi si spinsero sin dalla prima età del Ferro in Campania e nella Valle Padana, qui risalendo le valli fluviali del Reno, dell’Idice e della Marecchia. Vi diedero luogo ad un complesso processo di strutturazione territoriale, finalizzato allo sfruttamento agricolo e commerciale.1

Le campagne di scavo hanno portato all’identificazione dei resti di un insediamento rurale piuttosto articolato. Ci sono rinvenuti tre distinti edifici, due con zoccoli di fondazione in trachite e una capanna, articolati in uno spazio accuratamente pianificato ed oggetto di un’azione di bonifica (Fig. 1). Le strutture erano separate fra loro da tre canali di drenaggio paralleli ed orientati quasi perfettamente secondo i punti cardinali N-S.4

Il sito di San Cassiano, pertinente all’entroterra di Adria, è stato esplorato nel corso di nove campagne di scavo (dall’estate del 1994 a quella del 2002), dall’Università di Pavia, in collaborazione con quella di Ferrara, con il Museo dei Grandi Fiumi di Rovigo e d’intesa con la Soprintendenza archeologica del Veneto, sotto la direzione scientifica di Maurizio Harari. È localizzato lungo un paleoalveo riconosciuto da Raffaele Peretto quale affluente o ramo secondario del Tartaro (oggi canalizzato come Canalbianco), che in antico confluiva nel potamòs Adrias, il Po di Adria secondo le fonti letterarie.2 Questo paleoalveo, denominato per comodità di San Cassiano, già attivo nell’età del Bronzo, era ormai senescente nell’età del Ferro, quando il dosso fluviale, emergente in un contesto di terre basse e facili all’impaludamento, doveva apparire assai adatto per un insediamento. La scelta di indagare il sito di San Cassiano, nell’ambito di un progetto finalizzato ad una migliore comprensione del popolamento preromano del territorio adriese, è dovuta alla segnalazione di cospicui affioramenti di materiale ceramico databile latamente al V secolo a.C.3 Alcune successive riprese aeree permisero di individuare a bassa quota un’anomalia di circa un ettaro localizzata sullo spalto del paleoalveo.

Fig. 1. Planimetria del sito. Figg. 1-10: Foto Dip. Scienze dell’Antichità –- Università di Pavia; disegno (scala 1:600): D. Timalo. Il primo edificio portato in luce è quello più complesso, nella sua ultima fase di vita articolato in tre ambienti distinti allineati secondo l’asse N-S. Costruito allo scorcio del VI secolo a.C., ha una prima fase ben documentata nel primo quarto del V, cui segue una ristrutturazione planimetrica (molto probabilmente come conseguenza di un incendio), ed una seconda fase di pieno V ed oltre.

1

Per un quadro completo dell’Etruria padana si vedano Harari 2000 e Sassatelli 2001. 2 Per quanto riguarda il problema delle fonti e la ricostruzione dell’idrografia della zona si rimanda a: Peretto 1986; 1991; 1994, 28 ss.; 1999; Harari 1998; 1999. 3 Salzani 1987.

4

Fossati con questa funzione sono stati identificati anche a Spina e al Forcello (cfr., rispettivamente, in gen. Patitucci Uggeri & Uggeri 1993; De Marinis 1986).

794

MIRELLA T.A. ROBINO, ELENA SMOQUINA & ANNA SPALLA: ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO di un ampio piano di cottura, realizzato con concotto di argilla fittamente inzeppato di cocci.6 Circa quindici metri a S di questa abitazione è stato rinvenuto il fondo di una capanna (riconosciuto come tale per la presenza di una serie di buchi di palo), ricoperto da un crollo di concotto da incendio. Nel fondo stesso della capanna è stata individuata una fossa per rifiuti, che ha restituito numerosi frammenti di ceramica grezza e depurata, nonché ceramica attica a vernice nera e figurata. Il rinvenimento, contestualmente a questo materiale, anche di alcuni frammenti ceramici dell’età del Bronzo, permette di ipotizzare l’intercettazione, già in antico, di un deposito precedente. Fig. 2. Particolare di un muro di fondazione dell’ edificio a tre vani.

A N-E del primo edificio è venuta alla luce, nell’ultima campagna di scavo, un’altra struttura costituita da un unico vano quadrangolare. Esso misurava in origine m 5,60 x 5,10, e vi si accedeva probabilmente da E, con accesso che si apriva sul lato di uno dei canali, che dobbiamo pertanto immaginare coperto da una passerella lignea. Sono state ipotizzate tre fasi di vita: la prima coincide con la costruzione dell’oikos le cui pareti, in argilla cruda, poggiavano su quattro zoccoli in conci di trachite (esattamente come nel caso del primo edificio indagato). È probabile che il tetto fosse in tegole, di cui si sono infatti rinvenuti diversi frammenti nei successivi strati di crollo. Di questa fase si conserva in posa solo uno dei quattro muri originari. La struttura fu poi interessata da un incendio. Segue una seconda fase di occupazione, alla quale sono pertinenti pochi individui ceramici rinvenuti assai frantumati, forse in seguito ad un’operazione di livellamento del piano di calpestio. Si segnala l’assenza, per ora, di tracce di focolare all’interno del vano. Ad un secondo incendio è relativa l’asportazione del muro di facciata, probabilmente sostituito da una struttura leggera, come farebbe ipotizzare la presenza di alcune buche.

Fig. 3. Foto aerea dell’edificio a tre vani in fase di scavo. La casa, con fondazioni in conci di trachite dei Colli Euganei (Fig. 2),5 nella sua prima realizzazione era probabilmente a forma di L, raggiungeva una lunghezza di circa 8 m per circa 4.5 m nel punto più stretto e forse doppia in quello più ampio. La lunghezza era occupata da un unico ambiente rettangolare dotato di una soglia di accesso sul lato W e di un secondo passaggio interno, sulla parete Est, che conduceva ad un altro ambiente, leggibile solo in negativo per la trincea di asportazione della parete N, e non definito nella sua intera estensione planimetrica a causa della cattiva conservazione degli strati archeologici. Dopo il 470 a.C. all’incirca, in seguito ad un incendio, l’edificio fu ristrutturato e modificato: il grande vano è suddiviso in due stanze pressoché quadrate, e quella meridionale è dotata di un ingresso autonomo sempre sul lato W. I muri del vano orientale sono asportati, e l’area sembra sia stata adibita a cortile (Fig. 3). La porta che metteva in comunicazione questo ambiente con il resto della casa è chiusa, mentre viene rimosso il muro settentrionale e sostituito forse da una parete realizzata con materiale leggero, che metteva in comunicazione il vano centrale così creato con un nuovo ambiente più settentrionale, caratterizzato dalla presenza

L’ultimo periodo di vita dell’ambiente è chiuso da un ulteriore incendio di cui rimangono tracce evidenti nei frammenti di legno carbonizzato, nell'ampia quantità di concotto e di laterizi misti a frammenti ceramici, nonché in un largo moncone di trave bruciato insieme con un pezzo di tegola, e alloggiati in un crollo di argilla cruda cotta dal fuoco. Nel corso delle operazioni di pulizia successive all’incendio sarebbero stati smontati, probabilmente per recuperarne il materiale lapideo, anche i due muri longitudinali N e S. E.S.

6 Questa tipologia dei piani di cottura è ben presente in area veneta: Paiola 1998; la fase più antica di questo ambiente non è stata chiarita a causa della cattiva conservazione del deposito archeologico, ulteriormente danneggiato da violente piogge in corso di scavo.

5

Forse provenienti da una cava localizzabile nel loro settore nordorientale, secondo una perizia petrografica di Giampaolo De Vecchi (Università di Padova).

795

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI CRONOLOGIA DEL SITO E MATERIALI SIGNIFICATIVI

italiota (Fig. 5), e contiene materiale con certezza proveniente dalla casa a tre vani, come testimoniato dal rinvenimento di due cocci di ceramica grezza appartenenti ad uno stesso vaso e provenienti l’uno dall’ambiente centrale della casa, e l’altro dallo scarico.

La fine del sito, da collocarsi nel corso del IV secolo a.C., dovuta nuovamente ad un incendio, come testimoniato in tutte e tre le strutture indagate, coincide appunto con un’accurata azione di spoglio delle strutture, per recuperarne tutti i materiali ancora utilizzabili, associata ad un’attività di pulizia sistematica dei resti. Infatti, nel caso del primo edificio sono stati trovati pochissimi frammenti di tegole nella stratificazione degli ambienti, mentre la maggior parte (comunque in numero molto ridotto) provengono da uno scarico localizzato circa trenta metri a W. Si tratta di tegole rettangolari con bordi rialzati simili a quelle rinvenute a Marzabotto (Fig. 4).7

Fig. 6. Frr. di kylix attica.

Fig. 4. Tegola.

Fig. 7. Lekythos attica a figg. nn.

Fig. 5. Frr. di skyphos di probabile fabbrica italiota. Va infine ricordato che una ricca fossa di scarico è stata individuata a S-E dell’edificio maggiore, dove sono stati rinvenuti, insieme a cocci di ceramica grezza e depurata del tipo detto etrusco-padano, numerosi frammenti di ceramica attica di notevole qualità: in particolare se ne segnalano un gruppo appartenenti ad un vaso a figure rosse con residui di decorazione anche plastica, forse un kyathos o un kantharos monoansato.8 Questo scarico è sicuramente relativo alle ultime fasi di frequentazione del sito, come indicato dalla presenza di alcuni frammenti di uno skyphos a figure rosse di fabbrica probabilmente Fig. 8. Frr. di kylikes attiche a figg. rr.

7

Briquel 1997, 96-100. A questo proposito e per l’esegesi del pezzo si vedano Harari 2000 (per le fotografie a colori); 2001. 8

796

MIRELLA T.A. ROBINO, ELENA SMOQUINA & ANNA SPALLA: ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO La cronologia assoluta proposta per le fasi di vita del sito si basa fondamentalmente sui rinvenimenti di ceramica attica: per la fine del VI secolo a.C. si segnala un piede di kylix di tipo C, per il primo quarto del V secolo a.C. alcuni frammenti riferibili alle più tarde fabbriche a figure nere (Fig. 6)9 ed una lekythos a palmette vicina alla bottega del Pittore della Megera (Fig. 7); la seconda metà del V secolo a.C. è documentata da kylikes a figure rosse (Fig. 8), i cui frammenti però non provengono dai vani scavati, ma dallo scarico di materiali indagato a circa 30 metri dalla casa, in cui sono state trovate anche le tegole.10 Il IV secolo a.C. è infine testimoniato dai frammenti dello skyphos di produzione forse italiota di cui si è detto in precedenza.

ceramica depurata di un’iscrizione frammentaria con un probabile nome di famiglia etrusco ]taraś.11 M.T.A.R. A queste considerazioni sulla storia del sito e della sua esplorazione, vogliamo ora far seguire la breve illustrazione di un test dimostrativo di una tecnica di rilievo innovativa, adottata in collaborazione con il Dipartimento di Ingegneria Edile e del Territorio dell’Università degli Studi di Pavia, sotto la supervisione della prof.ssa Anna Spalla. Il test è stato effettuato alla fine della campagna 2002. RILIEVI DELLO SCAVO MEDIANTE METODI FOTOGRAMMETRICI E DISPOSITIVI LASER A SCANSIONE Principio di funzionamento degli strumenti laser a scansione L’evoluzione tecnologica degli strumenti di rilevamento di dati ha aperto nuovi scenari di utilizzo dei dati stessi e ha determinato la richiesta e la diffusione di prodotti non consueti fino ai primi anni ‘80. Fra questi prodotti risultano estremamente efficaci per l’immediatezza dell’interpretazione del dato altimetrico i DTM (Digital Terrain Model) che vengono realizzati e gestiti con software CAD e di modellazione solida.

Fig. 9. Peso da telaio.

I DTM si presentano generalmente come grigliati regolari di punti alle coordinate planimetriche dei quali viene associata la relativa quota del terreno. La costruzione di questi modelli del terreno avviene a partire da un insieme di punti ad andamento planimetrico irregolare rilevati in vari modi. Nei primi anni ’80 quando la cartografia veniva ancora prodotta essenzialmente in formato cartaceo i primi esempi di DTM si ricavavano dalla cartografia per digitalizzazione.

Fig. 10. Coppa in ceramica depurata etrusco-padana.

Venivano acquisite in forma numerica le coordinate planimetriche di punti quotati e curve di livello: le coordinate, planimetriche e altimetriche, di questi punti costituivano i dati di input per programmi che calcolavano i DTM per interpolazione e grigliatura.

La funzione abitativa è documentata dai rinvenimenti di pesi da telaio (in uno dei vani dell’edificio più grande – Fig. 9), di una fusaiola nella fossa di scarico, di oggetti d’ornamento personale nell’oikos a tre vani e nella capanna, nonché da grandi quantità di ceramica grezza, soprattutto olle e dolii atti allo stivaggio e alla conservazione di alimenti, e di ceramica di tipo etruscopadano (in particolare coppe) per il consumo del cibo (Fig. 10). Per quanto concerne la definizione culturale degli abitanti del sito si segnala il rinvenimento su un piede di coppa in

9 Ad esempio frammenti di coppe scifoidi di Haimon, Dog e Leafless Group (Harari 1999, 629). 10 Harari c.s.

Da quando la produzione su larga scala di cartografia avviene direttamente in forma numerica, (e cioè a partire dai primi anni ’90) i dati di input per i DTM possono essere direttamente acquisiti dal contenuto planoaltimetrico della cartografia numerica stessa. Oltre a questi metodi classici che prevedono la costruzione del DTM come prodotto di ricasco della 11

797

Harari 2003, 72.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI cartografia, da qualche anno si sta diffondendo una nuova tecnologia di acquisizione diretta dei dati necessari per la costruzione dei DTM basata sull’uso di strumenti laser a scansione, sia da piattaforma aerea, sia per riprese terrestri.

l’angolo zenitale e l’angolo azimutale del raggio emesso e il valore calcolato per distanza. Attraverso dispositivi motorizzati di scansione in senso azimutale e zenitale, lo strumento è in grado di rilevare con continuità l’ambiente circostante acquisendo le coordinate di una maglia regolare di punti.

L’articolazione delle fasi del rilievo mediante laser a scansione da terra può essere descritta come segue.

Software opportuni trattano le coordinate dei punti rilevati da punti di presa diversi, e quindi in sistemi locali diversi , assemblando i risultati di tutte le prese effettuate in un unico sistema.

Si definisce un sistema di riferimento locale, che ha generalmente origine nel punto di stazione dello strumento e asse Z materializzato con l’asse di rotazione dello strumento, reso coincidente con la verticale passante per il punto di stazione (Fig. 11).

Tali coordinate sono i dati di ingresso di programmi di modellazione tridimensionale in grado di fornire restituzioni e visualizzazioni molto efficaci di quanto ripreso. Campagna di misure con lo strumento Riegl sugli scavi archeologici di S. Cassiano di Crespino Presso il DIET, Dipartimento di Ingegneria Edile e del Territorio dell’Università degli Studi di Pavia, è stata attiva nei biennio 2000-2002 un’unità di ricerca del programma di rilevante interesse nazionale Metodologie digitali di Rilevamento, GIS e reti multimediali per i Beni Architettonici e Ambientali cofinanziato dal MIUR che ha avuto come coordinatore nazionale il prof. Carlo Monti del Politecnico di Milano. Compito dell’unità di ricerca locale coordinata dalla prof. Anna Spalla è stato lo “Studio di utilizzo integrato di dati ripresi da dispositivi laser a scansione su piattaforma aerea e da terra per il rilievo di beni architettonici e ambientali.” In questo ambito, nel luglio 2002, è stata condotta una campagna di misure sullo scavo archeologico in località S. Cassiano di Crespino (Rovigo). La campagna di rilievi mediante strumento laser era finalizzata a valutare l'idoneità della strumentazione laser a fornire supporto di documentazione delle morfologie rinvenute, comunque consultabile anche ad avvenuta chiusura dello scavo. E’ stato utilizzato lo strumento RIEGL LMS-Z210 messo a disposizione dal Dipartimento di Georisorse e Territorio del Politecnico di Torino.

Fig. 11. Lo strumento RIEGL LMS-Z210.

Lo scavo, di forma approssimativamente rettangolare, è stato rilevato mediante 4 prese effettuate facendo stazione sui punti medi dei 4 lati. In Figura 12 è visibile una sessione di misura.

Il sistema invia un raggio di luce laser polarizzata su un punto di interesse. Da misure di tempo e di fase tra il raggio emesso dallo strumento e il raggio riflesso, il sistema ricava la distanza tra centro di emissione del raggio e il punto da cui il raggio è stato riflesso.

A corredo delle prese mediante laser a scansione sono state effettuate anche prese fotogrammetriche speditive con camera Rollei 6006 montata su dispositivo Cyclop (Fig. 13).

Il sistema calcola le 3 coordinate spaziali del punto investito dal raggio utilizzando come dati per il calcolo 798

MIRELLA T.A. ROBINO, ELENA SMOQUINA & ANNA SPALLA: ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO essa permette di ottenere DTM e rappresentazioni a partire da questi DTM che risultano molto interessanti soprattutto quando l'oggetto del rilievo si presenta con forma geometrica incerta. In questi casi i rilievi laser risultano anche più efficaci dei rilievi fotogrammetrici classici. A.S.

Fig. 12. Una sessione di misura.

Fig. 14. Visualizzazione mediante ArcScene della totalità dei punti acquisiti nelle 4 sessioni di misura; si notano zone circolari per le quali non sono stati acquisiti punti. Sono aree circostanti i punti di stazione che non potevano essere investite dalla scansione. Fig. 13. Prese fotogrammetriche. Tale dispositivo consente di effettuare due prese di uno stesso oggetto spostando la camera lungo un binario e potendo quindi fissare la distanza fra i centri di presa delle due immagini. Il rilievo così eseguito consente la restituzione tridimensionale degli oggetti ripresi secondo i metodi della fotogrammetria classica. Elaborazioni sui rappresentazioni

dati

da

laser

a

scansione

e

I dati relativi alle diverse sessioni sono stati elaborati e assemblati sempre presso il Politecnico di Torino e resi disponibili in formato DXF, leggibile dai principali sistemi di visualizzazione e gestione CAD. Dal formato DXF i dati sono stati importati ed elaborati con i moduli dell’ambiente ESRI disponibili presso il DIET, Dipartimento di Ingegneria Edile e del Territorio dell’Università degli Studi di Pavia.

Fig. 15. A partire dalle coordinate dei punti mediante il sistema il sistema ArcGis è stato costruito un DTM collegando i punti rilevati con triangoli (TIN Triangulated Irregular Network).

Le figure 14, 15, 16, 17 e 18 sono risultati di elaborazioni e visualizzazioni eseguite negli ambienti ArcGis di ESRI. La sperimentazione ha messo in luce la grande potenzialità della tecnologia laser in questo tipo di rilievi: 799

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 16. Del DTM possono essere date visualizzazione tridimensionali efficaci.

Fig. 18. Sul DTM si possono eseguire sezioni altimetriche.

Fig. 17. Il DTM può essere rappresentato per curve di livello dal cui andamento si riconoscono particolari significativi.

Casella, V. & A. Spalla, 2000. Dati laser a scansione da piattaforma aerea a supporto della pianificazione urbana. Sifet 2, 43-52. De Marinis, R., 1986. L’abitato etrusco del Forcello di Bagnolo S. Vito, in: R. De Marinis (ed.), Gli Etruschi a nord del Po I. Mantova, 140-163. ESRI, http://esri.com Harari, M., 1998. La seconda età del Ferro nel Polesine: nuove ricerche delle Università di Pavia e Ferrara, in: International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences. Proceedings of the XIII Congress (Forlì 1996). Forlì, 683-690. Harari, M., 1999. Un edificio tardo-arcaico presso il paleoalveo di San Cassiano, in: Protostoria e storia del “Venetorum angulus” (Portogruaro-Quarto d’Altino-Este-Adria). Pisa/Roma, 627-632. Harari, M., 2000. Gli Etruschi del Po. Pavia. Harari, M., 2001. Adria da emporion a polis, in Commerci e produzione in età antica nella fascia costiera fra Ravenna e Adria. Ferrara, 43-58.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Bornaz, L., A. Lingua & F. Rinaudo, 2002. A new software for the automatic registration of 3D digital models acquired using laser scanner devices, in: Proceeding of International Workshop CIPA on Scanning for Cultural Heritage Recording, Corfu (Greece). Briquel, D., 1997. Tuiles et toits, in: F. H. Massa-Pairault (ed.), Marzabotto. Recherches sur l’Insula V, 3. Rome, 96-102. Casella, V., R. Galetto & A. Spalla, 2000. Estimation of planimetric accuracy of laser scanning data. Proposal of a method exploiting ramps. ISPRS Intenational Archives 33, 157-163. Casella, V., R. Galetto, A. Spalla & B. Zampori, 2001. Estrazione del DTM di precisione dell’argine di un fiume: fotogrammetria analitica, fotogrammetria digitale e laser scanning a confronto. Sifet 2 (suppl.), 193-211.

800

MIRELLA T.A. ROBINO, ELENA SMOQUINA & ANNA SPALLA: ESPLORAZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE A SAN CASSIANO Harari, M., 2003. Crespino (Ro): Una fattoria etrusca oltre il Po, in: L. Malnati & M. Gamba (eds), I Veneti dai bei cavalli. Treviso, 71-72. Harari, M., c.s. Note di aggiornamento sugli scavi delle Università di Pavia e di Ferrara nell’entroterra di Adria, in: I Greci in Adriatico 2 (Urbino 21-24 ottobre 1999). Paiola, S., 1998. Considerazioni su un campione di focolari domestici dell’abitato di Montagnana – Borgo San Zeno, in: E. Bianchin Citton, G. Gambacurta & A. Ruta Serafini (eds), “…presso l’Adige ridente…” Recenti rinvenimenti archeologici da Este a Montagnana. Padova, 266-279. Patitucci Uggeri, S. & G. Uggeri, 1993. La topografia della città, in: F. Berti & P.G. Guzzo (eds), Spina. Storia di una città tra Greci ed Etruschi. Ferrara 1993, 21-31. Peretto, R., 1986. Ambiente e strutture antropiche nell’antico Polesine, in: M. De Min, M. & R. Peretto (eds), L’antico Polesine. Adria/Rovigo, 21-100. Peretto, R., 1991. Uomini ed acque nel territorio di Adria, in: M. Bergamini (ed.), Gli Etruschi maestri di idraulica. Perugia, 88-91. Peretto, R., 1994. La scoperta del paesaggio. Il territorio tra protostoria e romanità, in: R. Peretto (ed.), Balone. Insediamento etrusco presso un ramo del Po. Padova, 15-42. Peretto, R., 1999. Vie fluviali nell’antica area settentrionale del Delta Padano, in: Protostoria e storia del “Venetorum angulus” (PortogruaroQuarto d’Altino-Este-Adria). Pisa/Roma, 615-626. RIEGL Laser Measurement Systems http://www.riegl.co.at/ Salzani, L., 1987. S. Cassiano. Fondo La Romanina (com. di Crespino). Padusa 23, 233-237. Sassatelli, G., 2001. Gli Etruschi nella Pianura Padana, in: G. Camporeale (ed.), Gli Etruschi fuori d’Etruria. S. Giovanni Lupatoto (Vr), 168-191.

801

LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA, CON PARTICOLARE RIFERIMENTO AL V SECOLO A.C. E.M. Menotti Abstract: The recent discovery of the Etruscan site of Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito near Mantua has rekindled the attention of scholars for the possible Etruscan origins of Mantua itself that in the ancient sources is mentioned as an important centre in “Etruria Padana”. The author reviews the available archaeological evidence from small scale excavations in the historical centre of Mantua as well as surface finds in its territory and comments on the relationship between Etruscan and Venetan sites that can be discerned in the micro-regional archaeological record discussing these in the context of their archaeological landscape.

Dagli inizi degli anni ottanta del secolo appena concluso l’individuazione e lo scavo di un importante sito etrusco nelle vicinanze di Mantova, denominato dal toponimo della località attuale come Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito, ha riproposto all’attenzione degli studiosi il problema della presenza etrusca nel mantovano.1

tutte le dinamiche sottese all’occupazione del territorio da parte degli Etruschi. Per quanto ci è dato conoscere dall’evidenza archeologica ad oggi nota nel territorio mantovano posto a nord del Po, le più antiche attestazioni di presenza etrusca sono quelle venute in luce, per l’appunto, durante i citati scavi condotti nella zona del Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito, dove da età tardo arcaica era sito un importante emporio. A questi dati si affianca il ritrovamento ottocentesco di una lekythos a figure nere e di una cista di bronzo, avvenuto presso il lago inferiore di Mantova,4 in una località non ben definita ma posta anch’essa, come il Forcello, a sud/est di Mantova.

Benché ben nota dalle fonti,2 che menzionano Mantova come la grande città dell’Etruria padana che, unica nei territori interni, affiancandosi a Spina sulla costa, sopravvisse all’arrivo dei Celti, restando etrusca finché non divenne romana, la consistenza di questo importante sito preromano e del suo territorio era, fino a quel momento, dimostrata in modo molto meno ricco dall’evidenza archeologica.

E’ però con il V secolo a.C. che le attestazioni della presenza etrusca in questo territorio s’infittiscono e tendono a delineare un vero e proprio sistema di occupazione territoriale.

Gli scavi del Forcello riportarono l’interesse su questa importante realtà, presentando, finalmente in abbondanza, le testimonianze materiali degli Etruschi a nord del Po,3 con tutta la ricchezza derivante dai commerci con la Grecia ed il Mediterraneo orientale, e con l’area transalpina.

Primo fra tutti va menzionato il caso di Mantova, la città etrusca ben nota dalle fonti, che dovette occupare, tutta o in parte, la zona nota come civitas vetus.5

In seguito, scavi condotti a partire dagli anni novanta dalla Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, uniti a ricerche di superficie ed alla riconsiderazione dei vecchi ritrovamenti, hanno permesso di avere un quadro della realtà preromana dell’area mantovana posta a nord del Po, soprattutto per ciò che concerne il V secolo a.C., molto più articolato rispetto a quanto ci si prospettava dai risultati degli studi precedenti (Fig. 1).

Questa, che corrisponde al centro storico dell’attuale città, è, naturalmente, la zona più intensamente riedificata. Bisogna tenere conto che è stata interessata, senza soluzione di continuità, dalle fasi etrusche alle trasformazioni contemporanee, e che è in gran parte occupata dagli edifici che costituiscono il complesso di Palazzo Ducale. E’ pertanto spiegabile come pochissime siano le testimonianze concrete d’abitato.

In questa sede si presenteranno in modo sintetico i risultati ed i problemi posti da questi studi, con la premessa che la ricerca sul campo sta continuando in modo sistematico al fine di procedere ad un’ulteriore arricchimento del quadro, che possa chiarire al meglio

Tuttavia da scavi condotti nel centro della città di Mantova provengono materiali di V secolo a.C., com’è il caso del saggio in piazza Sordello o dei ritrovamenti in piazza Erbe,6 pochi elementi raccolti al termine di scavi purtroppo non esaustivi, condotti anche a notevole profondità su superfici estremamente ridotte; basti pensare che in piazza Sordello i livelli preromani sono stati indagati su di un’area di circa 1,20 mq, ridotta, per le

1

A tal proposito si veda Menotti, 2000. Per una ricca raccolta, e analisi, delle fonti relative si veda Sordi 1986 e Uboldi 1986. 3 Fondamentali a tal proposito, a tutt’oggi, le pubblicazioni ‘Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po’ (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I e II, Mantova 1986 e 1987 e ‘Gli Etruschi a nord del Po’ (Atti del convegno, Mantova, 4-5 ottobre 1986), Mantova, 1989. 2

4

Vedi Casini, De Marinis & Frontini 1986, 127-128. Menotti 2002, 287-296; Menotti c.s. Per i ritrovamenti di piazza Sordello, in gran parte inediti, si veda Roffia 1984, 86, per quelli di piazza Erbe si veda Tamassia 1991, 100. 5 6

802

E.M. MENOTTI: LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA

Fig. 1. I siti etruschi e veneti a nord del Po nel V secolo a.C.

Fig. 2. Mantova, Palazzo Ducale-Cortile degli Orsi: particolare dello scavo dell’abitato. fasi più antiche, quelle di V secolo a.C., ad una superficie di circa la metà.

Si tratta, sicuramente, di area di abitato, come indicano le strutture che vi sono state rinvenute.

Ma l’attestazione più importante è quella data dai ritrovamenti effettuati negli scavi condotti tra il 1987 ed il 1993 nel cortile degli Orsi, sito all’interno del Palazzo Ducale.7

Queste testimoniano un succedersi nel tempo di attività produttive ed abitative, nonché la necessità di difendersi dalle acque del Mincio, creando delle palificate a difesa degli edifici (Fig. 2).

7

Menotti 2000, 257; Menotti 2002, 288-289; Menotti c.s.

803

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Anche l’origine di questo scavo è stato il ritrovamento fortuito, ed anche in questo caso l’area interessata dagli scavi è estremamente esigua, dato che si tratta solamente di poco meno di 20 mq, e consiste in un’area di risulta fra le strutture dell’edificio rinascimentale, posta come è tra il muro di fondo del cortile ed il muro di sostegno dei pilastri del loggiato.

Qui, infatti, altri ritrovamenti che sembrerebbero ricollegarsi ad abitati sono occorsi a Castellucchio, Rodigo, Ceresara, Goito e, forse, Curtatone. Sono tutti riferibili siti in essere nel V secolo a.C. Contrariamente a quelli indicati in precedenza, individuati mediante scavi o ritrovamenti fortuiti, questi sono il frutto di indagini di ricerca di superficie. Nell’economia di questo studio la ricerca di superficie rappresenta un utile metodo attraverso il quale si riesce ad arricchire il quadro delle presenze di età etrusca in quest’area.

Da questo luogo provengono frammenti di ceramica a figure rosse (Fig. 3) e a vernice nera attica, datati dal terzo quarto del V secolo alla fine del V,8 così come ceramica d’impasto,9 secondo tipologie ben diffuse in tutta l’Etruria padana fra il VI ed il V secolo a.C.

A Castelluchio, in località Colombarina, sopra un dosso alluvionale di forma circolare, situato al centro del paleoalveo dell’Osone, in un’area interessata anche dalla presenza di una realtà della media età del Bronzo sono stati raccolti materiali consistenti in scodelle e dolii in impasto, in frammenti di skyphos a vernice nera, ed in una fibula tipo Certosa, attestando così la vita di questo sito dal V secolo a.C. (Fig. 4).13 A Ceresara, in località Campo dell’Osone, sul terrazzo destro del corso d’acqua, vi è la presenza di probabili pozzetti con materiale dell’età del ferro, consistente in ceramica depurata ed impasti etrusco-padani, riferibili ad un orizzonte di fine VI secolo – inizi V secolo a.C.14 A Rodigo, in località Corte Pastella, sulla sponda destra dell’antico alveo dell’Osone, vi è la presenza di materiale etrusco-padano,15 mentre altri materiali provengono dalla località Corte Castelletto, posta lungo il palealveo del Caldone (Fig. 5).16

Fig. 3. Mantova, Palazzo Ducale-Cortile degli Orsi: frammento di cratere in ceramica attica a figure rosse, della seconda metà del V secolo a.C. Anche dai sobborghi di Mantova vengono notizie relative alla presenza etrusca durante il V secolo a.C.: così a Castelnuovo Angeli sono stati rinvenuti frammenti e una ciotola etrusco-padana, datata al V secolo a.C., presumibilmente provenienti da una tomba a fossa,10 mentre in località Corte Cherubine11 è stata messa in luce, con uno scavo condotto secondo corrette metodologie, una piccola cava di limo, riferita ad un abitato non noto, nel cui riempimento erano conservati frammenti di coppe in ceramica depurata del tipo etrusco-padano, anch’essi databili al V secolo a.C.

Sempre nella stessa area si colloca il ritrovamento di Goito, località Corte Gaigole, dove è testimoniato un sito, ubicato su una modesta elevazione morfologica, posto nei pressi della sponda destra del canale Seriola Birbesi, che scorre all’interno di un piccolo palealveo.17 Il ritrovamento di Curtatone, frazione Buscoldo, è sicuramente di minore rilevanza quanto a quantità di materiale, trattandosi di un solo frammento di olletta in impasto, ma è di grande interesse per la sua posizione. Esso è posto all’interno del paleoalveo del fiume Mincio, nella zona denominata Serraglio, fra le corti Passioncella

Allontanandoci dalla città di Mantova è particolarmente interessante, per ciò che riguarda l’argomento in trattazione, l’analisi delle aree poste ad ovest della città medesima.12

collaborano da decenni con questa Soprintendenza, affiancando alla loro passione per la preistoria, l’opera di collaborazione con la scrivente nella ricerca dei siti dell’età del Ferro, e danno notizia di quanto da loro segnalato alla Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, pubblicandolo sul Notiziario della stessa. 13 Anghinelli 1998, 28-31. 14 De Marinis, Attene Franchini & Gruppo Archeologico di Remedello 1990, 41. 15 Anghinelli 1998, 33. 16 Anghinelli 2001, 22. Il ritrovamento, da meglio collocare cronologicamente, è posto lungo il corso antico del Caldone e del suo emissario Seriola Birbesi, dove, in un breve tratto, circa cinque chilometri, sono dislocati da est ad ovest i siti della necropoli di Collefiorito di Rivalta sul Mincio, di Castelletto e di Corte Gaigole di Goito, posta sul Birbesi. 17 Anghinelli 1991, 87-88; Menotti 2002, 258-259.

8 Menotti 2002, 289; Baraldi 2002, 36. Nel quadro della pubblicazione degli scavi del Cortile degli Orsi, a cura di E.M. Menotti, direttore dello scavo, la classe della ceramica attica è stata affidata a Emanuela Baraldi. 9 Ambrosini 2002, 297-298. Nel quadro della pubblicazione degli scavi del Cortile degli Orsi, a cura di E.M.Menotti, direttore dello scavo, la classe dell’impasto è stata affidata a Cristina Ambrosini. 10 De Marinis 1985, 198; Menotti 2000, 256. 11 Angotti 2002, 291-292. 12 Molti dati raccolti in quest’area si devono alla diligente ricerca dei signori Sergio ed Antonio Anghinelli che, a titolo volontario,

804

E.M. MENOTTI: LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA

Fig. 4. Castellucchio, località Colombarina: materiali (da Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1995-97). e Luzzara, dove sulla sponda sinistra del canale Roncorrente è ubicato un sito dell’età del Bronzo.18 E opportuno ricordare come nell’VIII secolo a.C. il fiume Mincio avesse già deviato il suo corso spostandosi più ad est. Tuttavia, malgrado il fatto che il maggior numero di siti nell’età del Ferro siano in prossimità del nuovo corso del fiume, la presenza di situazioni sporadiche non deve stupire, dato che restavano collegate con un sistema di canali minori, quali ad esempio il più volte nominato Osone.

Ancora ad ovest, ed a nord-ovest, la presenza etrusca è testimoniata dall’esistenza di tre aree di necropoli: Rivalta sul Mincio, Volta Mantovana e Bozzolo. Rivalta sul Mincio costituisce l’esempio più importante di necropoli etrusche scoperte nell’ottocento. Il nucleo più consistente era posto in località Collefiorito, situato sulle rive del Caldone, affluente del Mincio, mentre altre sepolture erano collocate nell’area del paese odierno.19

18

Molto spesso si è notato che nelle vicinanze dei siti di cultura etruscopadana sono presenti siti dell’età del Bronzo; tale è la situazione, ad esempio, di Castellucchio località Colombarine, Ceresara Campo dell’Osone, Rodigo Corte Pastella, dello stesso Forcello di Bagnolo San Vito e del Castellazzo della Garolda. In relazione a tale argomento, anche in aree a sud del Po ed in Emilia si veda Menotti 1996, 19-21, dove viene sottolineato come tali realtà debbano essere collegate a realtà ambientali e di percorsi.

19 Un’ottima revisione delle notizie e dei materiali rinvenuti nel XIX secolo a Rivalta è stata effettuata nella tesi di laurea, presso l’Università degli Studi di Torino, a.a. 196-97, di Daniela Angotti, il popolamento del territorio lungo il Mincio durante l’età del Ferro: la necropoli di Rivalta. Della stessa studiosa si veda Angotti 1999, 25-31. In precedenza si veda De Marinis 1986, 288-299.

805

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Rodigo, località Corte Castelletto: materiali (da Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1998). Posta su un terrazzo fluviale in riva destra del fiume Oglio, in località Corte Alta Cerese, la necropoli ha presentato 21 tombe, che sono state rinvenute decapitate dall’asportazione del terreno per i lavori della cava (Fig. 6).

Come è ben noto esse presentavano corredi con materiale di importazione quale ceramica attica, balsamari vitrei e un cinturone in bronzo di tipo veneto.20 A Volta Mantovana vi è la presenza di una tomba di inumato in fossa in nuda terra, con il corredo di una ciotola in argilla fine di V secolo a.C.21

Nella stessa località nel 1981, nelle vicinanze della necropoli, fu ritrovato, sporadico, un frammento di

Di grande importanza la scoperta, alla fine del 1990, a Bozzolo, di una necropoli etrusca.22

stato opportuno data la straordinaria importanza: si tratta, infatti, della prima necropoli etrusca scoperta nel mantovano per cui sia stato possibile, anche se solo in parte, uno scavo archeologico inteso in senso moderno. Attualmente, nella fase di revisione e recupero dati di questo ritrovamento, si è recentemente affidato alla dr.ssa Cristina Cattaneo della Facoltà di Medicina dell’Università degli Studi di Milano, l’analisi dei resti scheletrici recuperati, e si spera che vi siano i presupposti per poter effettuare la prova del DNA. In relazione a questa necropoli si veda quanto detto in Menotti 2000, 256-257.

20

Vedi De Marinis 1986, 288-299. Casini, De Marinis & Frontini 1986, 129. Da ultimo Menotti 2000, 256. 22 Purtroppo le condizioni del ritrovamento iniziale, avvenuto a seguito di estrazione di sabbia da una cava, a cui ha fatto seguito uno scavo, condotto in modo affrettato e frammentario, a cura di A.M. Tamassia, non hanno permesso la completa acquisizione dei dati, come sarebbe 21

806

E.M. MENOTTI: LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA

Fig. 6. Bozzolo: pianta della necropoli.

orientamento grosso modo est/ovest, con il capo dell’inumato posto ad est. Il corredo parrebbe essere deposto alla sinistra del corpo (Fig. 7).

ciotola in ceramica depurata, con iscrizione graffita, in caratteri etruschi, (---) VENKE, ascrivibile al V secolo a.C.23 Anch’esso doveva essere pertinente al corredo di una sepoltura, come fa supporre la presenza nelle vicinanze di ossa sparse.24 La necropoli doveva essere, probabilmente, più vasta di quanto è stato possibile constatare, ma è stata in buona parte distrutta da lavori di cava e da clandestini, che con molta probabilità hanno operato già in antico: gli operatori di scavo più volte, nelle loro schede, parlano di depredazioni avvenute probabilmente già in età romana. Da questa distruzione si sono tuttavia salvate alcune sepolture, che assieme agli elementi forniti dalle altre più o meno compromesse, ci permettono di poter definire alcune caratteristiche comuni, ed alcuni elementi del rituale funerario nonché dell’organizzazione spaziale della necropoli.

Fig. 7. Bozzolo: una tomba, parzialmente danneggiata dai lavori di cava.

Le sepolture dovevano essere poste ad una discreta profondità, dato che le tombe sono state rinvenute decapitate dai lavori relativi all’asportazione del terreno agrario, del sottostante livello di argille e di uno strato argilloso-sabbioso, per una profondità totale di circa m.1,20-1,40 rispetto al circostante piano di campagna. Ciò che si è conservato è la parte posta nei livelli delle sabbie alluvionali sterili, ed in questo modo risulta decapitata la parte alta delle tombe.

I materiali ritrovati, nelle tombe più o meno devastate, consistono prevalentemente in ceramica d’impasto, ceramica depurata, frammenti di ceramica a vernice nera attica, materiali in bronzo, quali elementi di situle, lamine, elementi di cintura, vaghi d’ambra, balsamari vitrei, osso lavorato. In taluni casi, quando le sepolture sono state rinvenute praticamente integre, si sono potuti individuare completamente i corredi, come nel caso della tomba 18, una sepoltura infantile, dove sono venute in luce quattro perle d’ambra, poste al collo, mentre all’altezza della vita vi erano cinque perle in pasta vitrea ed in bronzo. O come nella tomba 21 dove il corredo era costituito da una fibula in bronzo tipo Certosa assieme ad una ciotola con

Queste erano tutte costituite da sepolture in fossa in nuda terra, di forma rettangolare o subrettangolare, con 23

Pandolfini 1987, 121. Si veda quanto detto in Anghinelli 1984, 54. Gli autori attribuiscono tali ossa a tombe romane o medievali, non attestate; è probabile, invece, che si trattasse di elementi di inumati dell’età del Ferro. 24

807

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI coperchio, in depurata etrusco-padana, ed un’altra ciotola sempre in ceramica depurata.

dovettero essere spostati quando erano ancora in connessione anatomica.26

Gli elementi pertinenti ai materiali trafugati e distrutti, assieme agli oggetti ritrovati integri, forniscono la testimonianza di una realtà sufficientemente agiata, dove la presenza di materiali d’importazione, quali la ceramica attica, l’ambra, i balsamari in vetro o i ganci di cintura, a traforo, di tipo La Tène A finale, forniscono la prova di una realtà in relazione con il mondo mediterraneo e con quello transalpino, mediante le vie del commercio etrusco (Fig. 8).

Le inumazioni rinvenute sono in numero di tre e sembrano essere pertinenti ad individui di sesso femminile.27 In una tomba, la numero 3, vi sono le tracce della maggior devastazione: dell’inumato, sconvolto, restano solo il cranio, un frammento di ulna destra ed un frammento di mandibola. Doveva trattarsi, probabilmente, di una tomba ricca ed importante, posta a circa un metro e mezzo di profondità ha una superficie di circa otto metri quadri. Nelle altre due sepolture l’inumato era posto supino, orientato est-ovest, con il capo ad ovest. Il corredo d’accompagnamento era posto principalmente lungo il fianco sinistro del defunto. In contiguità alle tre tombe a inumazione, sono state ritrovate due sepolture di cremati, nonché le esigue tracce di altre due sepolture, sempre a cremazione. Poste a minor profondità delle tombe a inumazione, sono state tutte violate, tanto che della tomba 2 non resta che parte del dolio, mentre della 1 si conserva parte del corredo, fra cui un pugnale:28 si può pertanto dedurre che ci si trovi di fronte a sepolture di individui di sesso maschile. La necropoli sembra essere costituita da un piccolo numero di tombe, dato che l’area circostante, ampiamente indagata in passato non ha fornito altri elementi relativi alla cultura etrusca.29

Fig. 8. Bozzolo: Kilyx attica, dal corredo di una sepoltura. E’ necessario ricordare l’importanza del fiume Oglio, che collegava il Po con l’area bresciana, e che dovette sempre avere, anche in epoche precedenti, grande importanza come via di penetrazione commerciale. Basti pensare ai ritrovamenti di ceramica etrusco-corinzia di Quinzano d’Oglio, o alla stessa Brescia, o ai ritrovamenti di Casalmoro.25

Se si esaminano i siti, sia pertinenti ad abitati che a necropoli, che vengono considerati in questa sede, e che sono i siti etruschi, attualmente noti, del mantovano a nord del Po, si può notare come siano tutti collocati in prossimità di vie d’acqua minori che afferiscono a fiumi maggiori che, a loro volta, sono immissari del Po. Tale è la condizione del Forcello, posto sulle rive di un

A tutti questi siti se ne deve aggiungere uno di recentissima individuazione: si tratta della scoperta in località Ca’ Rossina, nel comune di Bagnolo San Vito, a non molta distanza, circa due chilometri, dall’insediamento del Forcello, di tombe a fossa presumibilmente etrusche attribuibili, ad una prima analisi, ad un orizzonte di V secolo a.C.

26 Lo studio di questi resti scheletrici è stato affidato, come quelli di Bozzolo, alla dr.ssa Cristina Cattaneo. 27 In attesa dei risultati dell’antropologo ci si basa sugli elementi di corredo che presentano, assieme a fibule e vasellame, collane e fusarole. Il materiale è molto concrezionato, motivo per cui è indispensabile aspettare che sia portato a termine il lavoro del restauratore per definire con la giusta precisione tutte le indicazioni che ci vengono dal corredo. 28 Anche in questo caso per i materiali è indispensabile aspettare l’effettuazione del restauro per definire con precisione la cronologia e l’ambito culturale. Le sepolture in dolio fanno pensare, ad un primo esame, a tombe di tipo veneto, si rimanda, peraltro, allo studio esaustivo della piccola necropoli per definire meglio i caratteri delle singole sepolture. 29 L’area archeologica di Ca’ Rossina-Città della Moda, che si aggira sui duecentocinquantamila metri quadri di estensione, per quanto si è verificato sinora, ed ha presentato ritrovamenti neolitici, eneolitici, celtici, romani, di età tardoantica, longobardi, solo in questo luogo ha offerto testimonianze etrusche. Voglio qui ricordare che la prima individuazione di quest’importantissima area è dovuta al prof. Amilcare Riccò, ispettore onorario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia, recentemente scomparso, la cui intelligente ed assidua collaborazione è stata indispensabile per la conoscenza dell’archeologia di Bagnolo San Vito.

Queste ultime sia come caratteristiche che come corredo sono molto simili alle tombe di Bozzolo. Tagliate nella sabbia, poste a notevole profondità, sono state tutte, in misura maggiore o minore, razziate in antico. Alcune caratteristiche dello stato di ritrovamento degli scheletri fanno pensare che, in almeno due casi, i violatori di tombe abbiano operato in un tempo relativamente vicino al seppellimento, dato che i corpi

25

De Marinis 1986a, 60-61.

808

E.M. MENOTTI: LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA piccolo fiume, affluente del Mincio, sulle cui rive era posto il porto fluviale.30

E’ plausibile che il nascere o il potenziarsi dei siti etruschi analizzati in precedenza sia in stretto collegamento con questo fenomeno. I commerci degli spineti risalirebbero quindi il fiume Po, distribuendosi poi lungo le aste dei fiumi Mincio ed Oglio, raggiungendo così le aree gardesana e bresciana e poi, secondo dinamiche già analizzate in passato, le aree occidentali e transalpine.34

Uguale è la situazione di Mantova, racchiusa dai lacci dei meandri del Mincio,31 costituita da un insieme di dossi posti, per l’appunto, all’interno del corso meandriforme del fiume. Rivalta è posta nei pressi del Caldone, affluente del Mincio, e sempre nei pressi del Caldone era il sito di Rodigo – corte Castelletto.

Lungo le aste di questi fiumi sorgono dei centri di “controllo”, posti prevalentemente su vie d’acque minori e quindi più protette.

Il sito di Colombarina di Castellucchio è posto sopra un dosso alluvionale, situato al centro del paleoalveo del fiume Osone, anch’esso affluente del Mincio, e nuovamente all’Osone fa riferimento il ritrovamento di Ceresara, come pure il ritrovamento di Rodigo corte Pastella.

Contemporaneamente, nell’oltre Mincio, ovvero sulla riva sinistra del fiume, sono presenti centri veneti. Oltre al già noto abitato del Castellazzo della Garolda,35 nel corso degli anni novanta è stato scoperto e scavato un sito veneto, in essere dall’VIII al IV secolo a.C., situato nell’area dell’attuale Castello di Castiglione Mantovano.36

E sempre in collegamento, per tramite di corsi minori, con il Mincio sono anche i siti di Corte Gaigole e di Buscoldo.

Il sito è posto su di un dosso, che si eleva isolato in mezzo alla pianura, ed è stato in gran parte creato dall’accrescimento antropico. L’area del castello-recinto è di circa quattro ettari e mezzo, ma l’abitato veneto doveva avere dimensioni maggiori dato che le opere relative alla costruzione del recinto, volte a regolarizzare il dosso, hanno sistematicamente tagliato l’abitato antico.37

Per quanto concerne il fiume Oglio si è già detto quale fosse il rapporto con la necropoli di Bozzolo, da cui si può in parte desumere quello con l’abitato relativo. Si può quindi affermare che i siti etruschi sono posti nelle vicinanze di vie di percorrenza fluviali collegate con il Po. Si viene quindi a delineare una diffusa occupazione del territorio, soprattutto nel corso del V secolo a.C., che si spinge verso occidente, occupando, nell’attuale mantovano, una fascia che va dal Mincio alla riva destra dell’Oglio, distribuendosi lungo corsi d’acqua secondari.32

L’area indagata è stata di soli 100 mq e presenta numerose fasi di risistemazione o ristrutturazione dell’area, che occupano un arco cronologico che va dall’VIII al IV secolo a.C. (Fig. 9).38 In tale area sono presenti sia realtà abitative che produttive, che si susseguono nel tempo, e di cui è una curiosa ed interessante testimonianza la presenza di un forno per alimenti, probabilmente da pane, costruito nelle vicinanze di un probabile silos interrato (Fig. 10).

Non può sfuggire la concomitanza con il ben noto aumento d’importanza, nello stesso periodo, dei centri etruschi dell’alto Adriatico, Adria e, particolarmente, Spina.33

30 Si veda quanto detto in Harari & Tozzi 1986, 131 e 139, ripreso da Menotti c.s. 31 Menotti 2000; Menotti c.s. 32 L’analisi della distribuzione territoriale dei siti dell’età del Ferro, e principalmente di quelli etruschi, sta proseguendo. Dopo l’individuazione di questi primi siti, che ha permesso di ipotizzare questo sistema di occupazione del territorio, si sta proseguendo in modo sistematico per ricostruire, il più esaustivamente possibile, tale rete. 33 Sassatelli 2000, 173-174, ricorda come già attorno alla metà del VI secolo a.C. si assista a una profonda trasformazione dell’assetto politico ed economico di tutta la valle del Po, anche a seguito del progressivo decremento della potenza navale etrusca nel mar Tirreno, a vantaggio della concorrenza greca e punica. Al fine di superare l’ostacolo dovuto a questo cambiamento di egemonie marittime si arrivò ad una riorganizzazione politica ed economica dell’Etruria Padana, fondando ex novo i centri urbani di Marzabotto, sull’Appennino Bolognese, di Spina, sulla costa del mar Adriatico e di Mantova, a nord del Po, Contemporaneamente si procedette alla rifondazione di Felsina, come fulcro di questo nuovo sistema. In questo modo le merci del mediterraneo orientale greco, prima fra tutte da Atene, raggiungevano

Spina, e da qua, per via fluviale, Mantova, da cui proseguivano per le destinazioni d’oltralpe. 34 Si veda Sassatelli 1993, 185-189. 35 De Marinis 1986b, 28-33. 36 Menotti 2001, 251-267. Nell’area interessata dal castello Gonzaghesco di Castiglione Mantovano di Roverbella (Mn) sono stati effettuati, a partire dal 1994, scavi archeologici volti ad indagare il sito di un importante abitato veneto. L’abitato veneto è sigillato dal castello-recinto. Gli elementi conoscitivi in nostro possesso sono dovuti ad un saggio di 100 mq, condotto in un’area libera all’interno del recinto, nonché da quattro saggi perimetrali. 37 Menotti 2001, 252. In relazione alle caratteristiche geomorfologiche del sito si veda Rossi 2001, 7-8. Caratteristiche simili in altri abitati, veneti quali ad esempio Oderzo, a tal riguardo Balista & Ruta Serafini 1996, 101. 38 In precedenza l’area era un ‘off site’ dell’età del Bronzo, come è testimoniato dalla presenza di materiali ceramici del Bronzo Medio, trovati rimescolati nel terreno con materiali dell’età del Ferro.

809

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 9. Castiglione Mantovano: l’abitato veneto in fase di scavo.

Fig. 10. Castiglione Mantovano: il forno per alimenti.

I materiali che sono stati rinvenuti nell’area sono pertinenti sia a produzioni venete, sia a importazioni, così, ad esempio, l’ambra, la ceramica retica o la ceramica attica.

insediamenti nell’angulus Venetorum sia data dallo stretto rapporto con l’acqua: le città in alcuni casi erano vere e proprie isole, mentre altre erano solo parzialmente circondate dall’acqua, e quindi simili a penisole.40

Il sito era un centro veneto comprimario, rispetto ai centri primari di pianura posti a controllo delle principali arterie fluviali,39 che afferiva all’ambiente euganeo ed il cui centro primario di riferimento era Este.

Queste caratteristiche sembrano contraddistinguere anche gli abitati etruschi dell’area mantovana a nord del Po: Mantova, ad esempio, si presentava come una città inserita in un paesaggio definito dalle acque del fiume e delle sue paludi,41 ma così pure i centri di Castellucchio Corte Colombarine, o di Rodigo, posti su dossi circondati da acque, né molto diversa dovette essere la situazione dello stesso Forcello.

L’abitato sorgeva in un ambiente palustre, in rapporto con un corso d’acqua, il cavo Molinella, che si collegava con il Mincio. E’ questa la caratteristica del paesaggio degli abitati veneti, così come ci viene descritto dalle fonti classiche. Strabone, infatti, ci dice che la peculiarità comune agli

40

Strabo, V, 1,5. “ …alcune città sono delle vere e proprie isole, altre sono solo in parte circondate dalle acque, le città esistenti all’interno, al di là delle paludi, hanno delle meravigliose vie di navigazione fluviale e tra queste soprattutto il Po…” (traduzione C. Voltan, Le fonti letterarie per la storia della ‘Venetia et Histria’, I: da Omero a Strabone, in Memorie dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, XLII, 1989. 41 In merito si veda il già citato Menotti 2002, 287-290.

39 In merito al concetto di centri primari e comprimari nel mondo veneto si veda Capuis 1998, 100.

810

E.M. MENOTTI: LA REALTÀ DEL TERRITORIO MANTOVANO IN ETÀ PREROMANA Analizzando queste situazioni viene naturale chiedersi se il fatto di seguire determinate caratteristiche insediative derivi solamente dallo stato dei luoghi o non rispecchi, piuttosto, usi mutuati dal mondo veneto.

centri distribuiti sul territorio, sorgono nei dintorni del Forcello fattorie e la città di Mantova sembra attestare un incremento demografico. BIBLIOGRAFIA

Di conseguenza diviene d’obbligo interrogarsi su quale potesse essere il rapporto fra il mondo veneto, preesistente all’arrivo degli etruschi, e questi ultimi.

Ambrosini, C., 2002. Ulteriori elementi per la conoscenza dell’abitato protostorico di Mantova: materiali dallo scavo di Palazzo Ducale cortile degli Orsi, in: Paesaggi d’acque. Ricerche e scavi (Atti del quinto incontro di studi. Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia. Sorano-Farnese 12-14 maggio 2000). Milano, 297-301. Anghinelli, A. & S., 1984. Bozzolo (MN).Reperto etrusco, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1983, 54. Anghinelli, A. & S., 1991. Goito (MN). Località Corte Gaigole. Insediamento etrusco-padano e romano, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1990, 87-88. Anghinelli, A. & S., 1998. Castellucchio(MN).Località Colombarina. Insediamenti dell’età del Bronzo e del Ferro, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1995-97, 28-31. Anghinelli, A. & S., 2001. Rodigo (MN).Località Corte Castelletto. Sito dell’età del Bronzo e del Ferro, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1998, 22. Angotti, D., 1999, Rivalta sul Mincio: le scoperte ottocentesche attraverso la documentazione d’archivio. Quaderni di Archeologia del Mantovano 1, 25-31. Angotti, D., 2002. Appendice a Menotti, E.M. 2002, Una città tra le acque. Elementi per la conoscenza di Mantova, in: Paesaggi d’acque. Ricerche e scavi (Atti del quinto incontro di studi. Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia. Sorano-Farnese 12-14 maggio 2000). Milano, 287-296. Balista, C. & A. Ruta Serafini, 1996. Oderzo. L’impianto urbano, in: La Protostoria fra Sile e Tagliamento. Antiche genti tra Veneto e Friuli. Padova, 101-105. Baraldi, M.E., 2002. in: L’atleta nell’antichità. Lo sport nell’Italia antica (Catalogo della mostra. Mantova settembre 2002- marzo 2003, a cura di E.M. Menotti). Mantova, 36. Capuis, L., 1998. I Veneti: territorio, società, cultura, in: Tesori della Postumia: Archeologia e Storia intorno a una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa. Milano, 100-104. Casini, S., R. De Marinis & P. Frontini, 1986. Ritrovamenti del V e IV sec. a.C. in territorio mantovano, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 124-130. De Marinis, R.C., 1985. Mantua. Studi Etruschi 51, 196213. De Marinis, R.C., 1986. Le necropoli, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 288-299. De Marinis, R.C., 1986a. I commerci dell’Etruria con i paesi a nord del Po dal IX al VI secolo a.C., in: Gli

La presenza di materiali veneti di VI-V secolo a.C., frammenti di olle cordonate e con decorazione dipinta, è attestata a Mantova;42 dal Forcello provengono materiali sporadici di IX e VIII secolo a.C.43 Per ora sono elementi ancora in numero limitato per poter affermare con sicurezza che i siti etruschi mantovani a nord del Po si insedino laddove vi era la presenza di un originario centro veneto, come è accaduto nell’area adriatica. Tuttavia sarebbe un errore procedere, in futuro, senza tenere ben presente questa eventualità. Anche il ritrovamento di Bagnolo San Vito, Ca’ Rossina, citato in precedenza, qualora l’analisi dei pochi materiali rimasti delle tombe a cremazione permettesse con sicurezza l’attribuzione alla cultura veneta di queste sepolture, potrebbe testimoniare un probabile insediamento da parte di elementi veneti di un’area considerata puramente etrusca. Le possibilità che, in via teorica, ci si pongono davanti sono quindi molte, e vanno da una assoluta separazione delle due culture, ad una coesistenza, al subentrare etrusco in un sito o, quanto meno, in un’area veneta. E’, quindi, possibile che gli Etruschi del delta padano,44 in relazione con il mondo veneto, abbiano risalito il Po, ponendo le loro teste di ponte presso abitati, o quanto meno piccoli insediamenti, veneti già noti. Da questi luoghi avrebbero potuto poi consolidare la loro posizione nell’area dislocandosi lungo vie di penetrazione fluviale verso nord e, contemporaneamente, spingersi decisamente verso occidente.45 Una realtà che con il sopraggiungere dei Celti Cenomani, nel corso del IV secolo a.C., cambia, essendo cambiati i presupposti della realtà economica e sociale dell’area.46 Viene così a morire il Forcello, grande porto di una realtà commerciale non più in essere, scompaiono gran parte dei 42

Da ultimo Menotti c.s. De Marinis, Casini & De Gasperi 1995, 549. In relazione a tali centri, fra il VI ed il V secolo a.C., si veda Malnati 1993. 45 Menotti 2000, 259. 46 E’ indubbio che gli scavi di Mantova abbiano dato un notevole numero di reperti dal IV secolo a.C. fino alla fine della città etrusca, materiali che si presentano senza elementi più antichi, nelle aree lontane dal Nucleo del Palazzo Ducale e di piazza Sordello. Menotti 2000, 255256. 43 44

811

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Sassatelli, G., 1993. La funzione economca e produttiva: merci, scambi, artigianato, in: Spina. Storia di una città tra Greci ed Etruschi. (Catalogo della mostra, Ferrara, 26 settembre 1993-15 maggio 1994). Ferrara, 179-217. Sassatelli, G., 2000. L’espansione etrusca nella valle Padana, in: Gli Etruschi (Catalogo della mostra, Venezia, Palazzo Grassi, 2000). Venezia, 169-179. Sordi, M., 1986. Etruschi e Celti nella pianura padana: analisi delle fonti antiche, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po ( Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 111115. Tamassia, A.M., 1991. Mantova. Piazza delle Erbe. I materiali e la cronologia, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1991, 100-101. Uboldi, M., 1986. Le fonti antiche, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 105-110.

Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 52-80. De Marinis, R.C., 1986b. Dall’età del Bronzo all’età del Ferro nella Lombardia orientale, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 21-39. De Marinis, R.C., S. Attene Franchini & Gruppo Archeologico di Remedello, 1990. Ceresara (MN) Campo dell’Osone. Abitato dell’età del Bronzo, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1988-89, 41. De Marinis, R.C., S. Casini & N. de Gasperi, 1995. Scavi e scoperte. Lombardia. Forcello (Comune di Bagnolo San Vito, Mantova). Studi Etruschi 60, 534-549. Harari, M. & P.L. Tozzi, 1986. Linee dei fotointerpretazione nell’antico paesaggio mantovano, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. I. Mantova, 131-139. Malnati, L., 1993. Le istituzioni politiche e religiose a Spina e nell’Etruria padana, in: Spina. Storia di una città tra Greci ed Etruschi (Catalogo della mostra, Ferrara, 26 settembre 1993-15 maggio 1994). Ferrara, 145-177. Menotti, E.M., 1996. Analisi preliminare dei primi dati di scavo di un sito preromano e romano in località Boccazzola Nuova a Poggio Rusco (MN). Quaderni del Gruppo Archeologico Ostigliese 6, 19-28. Menotti, E.M., 2000. A proposito della presenza e influenza etrusca nel territorio mantovano, in: L’Etruria tra Italia, Europa e mondo mediterraneo. Ricerche e scavi.(Atti del quarto incontro di studi. Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia. MancianoMontalto di Castro e Valentano 12/14 settembre 1997). Milano, 255-263. Menotti, E.M., 2001. l’Abitato del Castello di Castiglione Mantovano nel quadro della presenza veneta nel mantovano, in: La Protostoria in Lombardia (Atti del 3º Convegno Archeologico Regionale, Como – Villa Olmo 22-23-24 ottobre 1999). Como, 251-267. Menotti, E.M., 2002. Una città tra le acque. Elementi per la conoscenza di Mantova, in: Paesaggi d’acque. Ricerche e scavi.(Atti del quinto incontro di studi. Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia. SoranoFarnese 12-14 maggio 2000). Milano, 287-296. Menotti, E.M., c.s. Il ruolo delle acque nel paesaggio mantovano durane l’età del Ferro, attraverso le testimonianze archeologiche venete, etrusche, celtiche, in: Il paesaggio mantovano dalla Preistoria all’età Tardo Romana. (Atti del convegno. Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana. 3-4 novembre 2000). Pandolfini, M., 1987. Le iscrizioni etrusche del Mantovano, in: Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po (Catalogo della mostra), vol. II. Mantova, 116-123. Roffia, E., 1984. Mantova. Piazza Sordello. Saggio stratigrafico, in: Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1983, 86-88. Rossi, A.C., 2001. Paesaggio e geomorfologia antica di Castiglione Mantovano, Mantova. Quaderni di Archeologia del Mantovano 2, (2000), 5-12.

812

INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA Jeffrey A. Becker Abstract: Rural villas played a significant role in Roman culture across the Mediterranean basin and today villa sites are prevalent in the archaeological record. While the form and nature of Late Republican and Imperial villas is relatively well understood, our understanding of earlier villas is less clear, especially in terms of their architectural development. One site that has considerable bearing on this issue is the villa at Monte delle Grotte, near Grottarossa. This villa, excavated in 1926, has remained obscure and poorly studied, in spite of the fact that it belongs in the highest echelon of Middle Republican private architecture. Numerous features of the villa point toward a continuous occupation by elites from the Late Archaic period until the abandonment of the site, sometime in the Imperial period. A study of the villa’s features demonstrates its prominent status, as does a survey of the architectural context in which the villa existed. Its architectural peers include important buildings in the center of Rome, as well as other early villas like the one found at the Auditorium site in Rome. In association with the latter site, a reassessment of the villa at Grottarossa demonstrates the existence of a hitherto poorly understood class of Early and Middle Republican élite architecture, whose importance for the later development of classic villa architecture cannot be underestimated.

The villa* was a popular and widely distributed architectural form in Italy by the fall of the Roman Republic. The Late Republic witnessed an explosion of villa construction, and a ‘classic’ typology was developed to the point of canonization. The architectural writer Vitruvius devotes a great deal of attention to the description of atrium architecture, hinting at its standardization by the time of Augustus. As it was widespread, villa architecture served a variety of functions, from pleasure houses for elite Romans to centers of large-scale (and slave run) agricultural production. Since the villa is so well attested in the archaeological record of this period, the question of its origins has not often been explored. It has been presumed by many scholars that the ‘classic’ villa is, in fact, a Hellenistic form, imported to Italy following the Roman conquest of the Mediterranean basin. Proponents of Hellenistic origins point to examples such as the 5th cent. BC Dema house in Attika or the 4th cent. BC House of the Good Fortune at Olynthos, as each of these has affinities with the ‘classic’ arrangement of Late Republican Italian villas (Figs 1, 2). Despite the theory of Hellenistic origins, a strong case may be made suggesting that the villa form is not imported to Italy from the Hellenistic world, but rather that it is an indigenous form that has its roots in the Archaic period in central Italy. As such, an examination of the earliest examples of villa architecture may help to drastically revise our understanding of Italic architecture of the Early and Middle Republican periods.

Fig. 1. Plan and reconstruction of the Dema House in Attika (after Jones et al. 1962, fig. 13).

Many examples of monumental architecture come from Archaic Etruscan contexts, some of which are arguably residential. These sites are commonly agreed to be associated with the ruling class of Etruscan society, and some are accepted as palatial complexes. Although these sites are associated with Etruscan culture on the basis of material evidence, they set a precedent for Italic architecture that has a bearing upon the development of early villas in the hinterland of Rome in the late 6th cent.

Fig. 2. Plan of the House of the Good Fortune at Olynthos (after Gros 2001).

*

The author gratefully acknowledges the guidance and support lent to this study by Nicola Terrenato.

813

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI The second, and more complex, Etruscan center to be considered is Poggio Civitate (Fig. 4). A discussion of the building at Poggio Civitate is made difficult by the problematic nature of the site’s excavation and incomplete publication.2 Poggio Civitate certainly is a monumental structure, over 2000 m2 in area. It has been noted that Poggio Civitate is one of only two known pre-Hellenistic structures whose area is greater than 500 m2.3 An open court is situated at the center of the structure, surrounded by open porticoes decorated with painted fictile revetments and acroteria. These decorations remain a major point of scholarly contention in terms of the interpretation of the site. The date of the Poggio Civitate building is also unclear, but it was almost certainly occupied during the Archaic period; judging from the Fig. 3. Plan of Acquarossa zone F (after Östenberg 1975). material evidence, abandonment may have occurred by the end of the 6th cent. BC. Some scholars consider the destruction of these Etruscan centers to be connected with the decline of regal authority in Italy and the rise of urbanization.4 In light of the rich fictile decorations and other marks of elite use, the complex at Poggio Civitate is instructive as it demonstrates the capabilities of Italic architects in the 6th cent. BC, as well as a pronounced complexity of design. The importance of Poggio Civitate for a consideration of the origins of Roman villas derives from the fact that the complex is constructed on the same order of magnitude as other sites that are found in the hinterland of Rome in this period. Thus these sites may make a conscious reference to Etruscan regal sites as they attempt to assert their own status in their own environment.5 In the early 1990s the construction of Rome’s new auditorium in the area of Parioli uncovered the remains of a large and well-built ancient residence. Excavations conducted in 1996 exposed a unique structure with at least six distinct architectural phases. The Auditorium site is, in fact, an early monumental residence, with the earliest phase dating to the mid-6th cent. BC. During this time the site would have been on the periphery of the city Rome itself, but well within the boundary of the Ager Romanus antiquus. The phase 1 building has a rectilinear plan with a courtyard area surrounded on three sides by rooms, in one of which are the remains of an oven (Fig.

Fig. 4. Plan of Poggio Civitate (Poggio Civitate) (after Spivey & Stoddart, 1990). BC. Of these monumental centers, two especially have relevance for a discussion of the origins of villa architecture. The building at ‘zone F’ at Acquarossa is the first of these centers and includes a colonnaded portico that surrounds a central court (Fig. 3). The building, of rectilinear plan, is constructed in opus craticium on a stone socle and is traditionally dated to the 6th cent. BC.1

2

As has been noted previously, the need for a comprehensive analysis and publication of the Poggio Civitate site is great; cf. De Grummond 1997. 3 Terrenato 2001, 15. 4 Torelli 1981, 86; Terrenato 2001, 15. 5 Terrenato 2001, 15. fig. 13. Gros agrees that there is a link to be drawn between the Archaic palaces and Republican villas like the Auditorium site.

* The author gratefully acknowledges the guidance and support lent to this study by Nicola Terrenato. 1 Östenberg 1975, 17-26.

814

JEFFREY A. BECKER: INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA 5).6 The extent of the first phase remains unclear, although it appears to have been much smaller in area than later phases.7 The primary chronological marker for this phase is ceramic evidence dateable to the mid-6th cent. BC.

other villas in Tyrrhenian central Italy of similar nature, although its grand history would have set it apart somewhat from the others.12 Rural villas were almost commonplace by the end of the 1st cent. BC, although few could boast of a long history of occupation like the Auditorium site.

Fig. 5. Plan of phases 1 and 2 of the Auditorium site (after Carandini et al. 1997). The second phase of the Auditorium villa, dated by the excavators to roughly a half century after phase 1,8 witnessed a radical expansion and reorganization, perhaps reusing some walls with the result that the structure doubles in area.9 The focus of the building is still a courtyard, but it is much larger and would be replaced by an atrium in later phases (Fig. 5).10 The quality of construction was improved over phase 1 and the ashlar masonry walls are built of blocks of cappellaccio.11 The nature of its plan and construction makes phase 2 of the Auditorium a unique monument in the archaeological record, comparable with few other sites.

Fig. 6. Map showing locations of A) Grottarossa; B) Auditorium site; C) Torrino; D) Acqua Acetosa Laurentina (after Cifani 2002).

In later phases the Auditorium site increases in size and complexity, with new walls being added to the old. From phase 4 onward the Auditorium site is comparable with

The site of another early villa lies a few kilometers from the Auditorium site. Like the Auditorium, the villa at Grottarossa (Monte delle Grotte) is located in the northern part of Rome, tucked in a bend of the Tiber, literally within sight of the Auditorium (Fig. 6).13 Situated atop a high volcanic bluff, the villa at Grottarossa was excavated by Enrico Stefani and Pietro Mottini in 1926 and has been published only in two short reports in Notizie degli Scavi.14 From 1947 until the early

6

Carandini et al. 1997, 122. The size of the earliest phase is unclear as a southern area enclosed by a wall has not been documented in print and so calculation of the area covered by the earliest phases must await the final publication of the site by the excavators. The construction of this area is rougher and it may be associated with productive activities. 8 Carandini et al. 1997, 128-129. 9 Terrenato 2001, 8. 10 Terrenato 2001, 8. 11 The walls generally do not have foundation trenches, but thick leveling courses were laid beneath the blocks. This practice is precisely comparable to the elite houses on the north slope of the Palatine Hill in Rome, as well as in major Roman monuments of the period. See Terrenato 2001, 9. 7

12

Terrenato 2001, 10. Cifani 2002, 252 states that the Auditorium site is located 6 km north of the ancient city center, while Grottarossa is 9 km from the center. 14 Stefani 1946; Cozza 1947. 13

815

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Plan of the villa at Grottarossa (after Stefani 1946). structure, all constructed in opus quadratum. The use of local tufa for the construction of these early walls corresponds to the building practices of Late Archaic Rome, as structures on the Capitoline and Palatine Hills are built in tufo lionato in the 7th and early 6th cent. BC. The Archaic walls at Grottarossa may suggest a residence of limited size, although at present the full extent of the earliest structure is unknown. Associated with the early structure is an ogive cistern constructed of dressed tufa blocks that was explored by Lucos Cozza in 1946 (Fig. 8).16 This cistern may be correlated with examples of

1990s the villa was ignored completely by scholars and still has not been fully published. Recent visits to the site have proved that a portion of the villa remains in situ, allowing for the possibility of further first hand study. The villa’s construction is monumental and was executed in at least three phases (Fig. 7). Stefani identified the earliest phase as ‘pre-Roman’ and as being constructed of what has been recently identified as tufo lionato.15 He identified six walls in the southeast corner of the 15 Stefani 1946, 55. In the initial report Stefani identifies the tufa as tufo rossiccio. In this study the modern scientific equivalent tufo lionato has been substituted.

16

816

Cozza 1947, 101-110.

JEFFREY A. BECKER: INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA

Fig. 8. Plan of ogive cistern at Grottarossa (after Cozza 1947).

similar construction from the Palatine and Forum Valley in the center of Rome. One example discovered beneath the Basilica Aemilia helps to confirm the Archaic date of the cistern at Grottarossa and in turn that of the first building at Grottarossa.17 Also associated with the villa are a number of cuniculi that run beneath the structure, converging on a second cistern beneath room 23. This cistern was not explored by Stefani’s excavation but there is reason to believe that it was of similar construction to the ogive cistern discussed above. The presence of cuniculi is suggestive of possible Etruscan influence, as well as further indication of elite status for the residence. Material evidence, including a painted eaves tile, further suggests an elite presence at Grottarossa in the Late Archaic period (Fig. 9). The painted tile recorded by Stefani is similar to examples from elite contexts on the Palatine Hill and the Forum valley.18 The paint scheme of an interlocking meander is consistent with Etruscan motifs of the 6th cent. BC, as is the fabric. The tile strengthens the case for the Archaic residence at Grottarossa being the seat of an important clan, as architectural terracottas are associated with the most important structures in Rome itself. In the cliffs immediately to the south of the villa are a number of rock-cut tombs that give the site its modern name. The tombs have never been scientifically studied and are in poor physical condition. As we know nothing of the grave goods it is possible only to say that the morphology of the tombs themselves is in keeping with those of the Archaic period.

Fig. 9. Painted eaves tile from Grottarossa (after Stefani 1946). structure, roughly 800 m2 in area. This phase was constructed in cappellaccio blocks and so may be dated to the Early Republican period due to the fact that cappellaccio largely fell from use after the Roman sack of Veii in 396 BC.19 While there is room for argument regarding the status of the Archaic residence at Grottarossa, there is no question that the Early to Middle Republican edifice is an elite residence that may serve as

The second phase of construction at Grottarossa radically expanded the Archaic house (ca. 300 m2) into a massive

19 One perplexing instance of the use of cappellaccio after the 5th cent. BC comes from the Auditorium site, where it is in use into the 3rd cent. BC Carandini et al. 1997, 139-140.

17

Cf. Carettoni 1948, 111-128; Brown, 1935, tav. 5. 18 Cristofani 1990, 91 no. 4.1.7; Andrén 1939, 155.

817

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI a prototype for later villa architecture. This phase built in cappellaccio is extremely regular in its plan, one which includes two atria. The larger tetrastyle atrium is found in the western part of the villa, while a small Tuscan atrium is situated in the eastern part. This is an extremely irregular feature and few examples are known in Roman architecture.20 Given the state of our information about the site it is impossible to say if both atria were constructed simultaneously, but the construction in cappellaccio of both atria suggests that the double-atrium structure cannot be later than the early 4th cent. BC. The massive scale of the building, coupled with the double atrium plan, argues strongly for the villa being that of an important family, or perhaps even a local chieftain.

sophisticated than the Torrino site, but no degree of precision can be identified with respect to the construction (Fig. 11).22 Both sites may be dated to 6th cent. BC, suggesting that the landscape of central Italy was comprised of several easily discernable classes of settlement. As a settlement class, these small farmsteads represent a larger group than monumental sites such as Grottarossa. When compared in terms of size and sophistication, a marked contrast may be drawn between these two settlement classes. In turn this contrast serves to emphasize further not only the presence of social stratification in central Italy during the Early Republic, but also to further highlight the important position occupied by these early villas.

Other features mark the villa as an important building, as well as a center of activity. A number of tanks, sealed with opus signinum, are located in and around rooms 35 and 36. While it is unclear what function the tanks served, it seems clear that domestic industry of some sort took place at Grottarossa, something that would have been in keeping with an elite center, as is demonstrated by Poggio Civitate.

The development of the ‘classic’ villa typology has long been attributed to Hellenistic influences, particularly in light of examples of domestic architecture in the east, such as the Dema House and the Olynthos house mentioned above. This supposition originally was based on the belief that Hellenistic culture was superior to indigenous Italic traditions and, as such, any innovative forms in Italy were the result of foreign influence. This conclusion may have merit in terms of aesthetic innovations but the record of indigenous Italic architecture does not lend itself to this model of Hellenistic dependence. Already in the Archaic period monumental architecture was prevalent in central Italy – from the palatial Etruscan centers at Poggio Civitate and Acquarossa to the elite buildings in the center of a fledgling Rome. The evidence of these Etruscan palaces suggests that the tradition of monumental residences was well established in Italy by the end of the 6th cent. BC – long before the Roman conquest of the Hellenistic east. These elite buildings were also decorated in a manner befitting their status, most notably with painted fictile ornamentation. The relation of these Etruscan sites to later residences in central Italy has not been explored fully as yet, but the concept of a monumental residence as the seat of important families can be seen to transfer to the hinterland of Rome. Grottarossa and the Auditorium site give us firm evidence of this cultural phenomenon, yet our understanding of the cultural framework that supported these elite families is not clear. The architecture, on the other hand, speaks for itself.

Fig. 10. Plan of Torrino (after Bedini 1984). The importance of sites such as the Auditorium and Grottarossa is further highlighted when other contemporary rural architecture is considered. Two sites in particular help to establish a hierarchy of architecture for the Late Archaic/Early Republican period. The site at Torrino near the Via Ostiense is one such early farmstead (Fig. 10).21 The building is crude, perhaps having two stories, and has a sort of enclosed courtyard in front. The building is small, only 50 m2 in area. A larger site is Acqua Acetosa Laurentina, but again the plan is irregular and of crude construction. The structure is more

When considered alongside other examples of Republican architecture, the importance of the Grottarossa villa cannot be discounted any longer. Many scholars who have addressed the villa have chosen – quite deliberately – to ignore salient chronological markers so that the villa might fit more conveniently into the typology of Late Republican villa architecture. The true nature of Grottarossa is quite to the contrary. Any consideration of villa architecture must take into account the earliest elite phase, one that is dateable to the late 6th cent. BC. The presence of elite markers – including rockcut tombs – is unmistakable, as is the prominent

20 The only other double atrium example is the villa at Casale Ghella. Messineo et al. 1985, 177-184. 21 Bedini 1984.

22

818

Bedini 1978.

JEFFREY A. BECKER: INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA

Fig. 11. Plan of Acqua Acestosa Laurentina (after Bedini 1990).

topographic position of the site. The villa should be considered in this light, as being an elite residence from the Archaic period onward. When considered alongside the tradition of Archaic palaces in Etruria, the villa at Grottarossa poses the issue of the continuity and identity of elite families in the Early Republic. We of course have no evidence about the particular family that inhabited the villa at Grottarossa in any period, but in evaluating the role of early Roman elites, a degree of continuity can be suggested between the Archaic princes and the noble families of the Republic. Such an analysis is beyond the scope of the present consideration, but the Fabii and their war against Veii in the 5th cent. BC come to mind when looking at the Grottarossa villa.

evidence,23 coupled with that from Grottarossa, supports the development of an indigenous architectural tradition whose eventual outcome was the florescence of villa architecture in the Late Republic. Significant for the current consideration are the interstices on this continuum of development, especially those that are dateable to the very Early Republican period. The villa at Grottarossa is of great importance in this regard. When the Auditorium site was discovered it seemed to stand as an anomaly in the archaeological record. In the preliminary publication, the chief excavators of the site do not attribute a great deal of significance to the monumentality of the second phase, nor do they place it in a relevant context. When the Auditorium is considered along with the villa at Grottarossa, however, a fuller picture begins to emerge of architecture in the hinterland of Rome in the Late Archaic/Early Republican period. A third example, also in need of systematic study, is the Republican villa at Selvasecca di Blera, considered by some to be the ‘first villa’ in Italy (Fig. 12).24 The presence of Archaic terracottas at the villa, along with a possible production site, however, would suggest that it is earlier than the 3rd-2nd cent. BC date that is often attributed to it.

This trio of sites, then, forms the basis for a new exploration of Early Republican architecture, as well as an expansion of our understanding of the dimly understood Middle Republic. Each of these sites argues for the ingenuity and technical ability of Italic architects and severs them from an implied dependence on Hellenistic forms. The case of Grottarossa is particularly striking since its 5th cent. BC double-atrium phase is a singular feature in the archaeological record. Both the 5th cent. BC phase constructed in cappellaccio and the demonstrated innovation of the plan indicate the importance of the building. That it achieved a monumental size so early, and that its plan is unusual, suggests that the Grottarossa villa may have served as a

The salient question that Grottarossa raises is that of the origins of villa architecture, since it has such a developed plan from at least the 5th cent. BC. The Etruscan

23

Etruscan evidence enters this discussion by necessity, as Latium Vetus offers no contemporary structures whose magnitude and complexity approach that of the Auditorium site and the Grottarossa villa. 24 Cf. Carandini 1989, 101-200. See also Berggren & Andrén 1969.

819

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI monumental buildings such as phase 2 at Grottarossa and the Auditorium site highlights the need for a systematic re-evaluation of early villa sites, with an eye toward tracing the Italic lineage of villa architecture. The villa at Grottarossa, in particular, emerges as a key point in the development of monumental Roman villas. The fact that the site has rested in obscurity for so long further signals the need for a reappraisal that would consider all of the available evidence, and perhaps discover new evidence in the process. Grottarossa, taken together with its architectural peers, shows that Early and Fig. 12. Plan of Selvasecca di Blera (after Berggren & Andrén 1969). Middle Republican architecture need not be as mundane – or as nonexistent – prototype for later villa architecture. The occupation of as some scholars would have us believe. Grottarossa the Grottarossa villa into the 4th cent. A.D. fits with this demonstrates that a vibrant and developed tradition conclusion, as it surely remained the residence of flourished from the Archaic period onwards, resulting in important people. It must be remembered that the elite the wide distribution of villa architecture by the Late Etruscan centers – Poggio Civitate, for instance – were Republic. abandoned at the end of the 6th cent. BC while Grottarossa and the Auditorium site continued to flourish. The regal Etruscan sites are located in isolated sections of Etruria, while Grottarossa and the Auditorium are constructed in the immediate hinterland of a major city,25 thus drawing a sharp distinction between these settlements. The inhabitants of Grottarossa were very much different from the autonomous regent who dwelled at Poggio Civitate. Those living at Grottarossa in the Archaic period were likely among the leading members of an early gens, while those that inhabited the villa during the Republic, seeing to both its expansion and its on-going redecoration, no doubt occupied a similar role as leading citizens. In short, the rural chieftains who likely inhabited Grottarossa and the Auditorium site are seemingly conscious of their status and of how to demonstrate it to their neighbors. Both sites represent the early establishment of an architectural framework on which personal status might be displayed, and as such they employ the best construction techniques available.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrén, A., 1939. Architectural terracottas from Etrusco-Italic temples. 2 vols. Gleerup, Lund. Bedini, A., 1978. Abitato protostorico in località Acqua Acetosa Laurentina. Archeologia Laziale 1, 30-34. Bedini, A., 1984. Scavi al Torrino. Archeologia Laziale 6, 84-90. Bedini, A. 1990. Acqua Acetosa Laurentina, in: M. Cristofani (ed.), La grande Roma dei Tarquini , 171173. Berggren, E. & A. Andrén, 1969. Blera (località Selvasecca): Villa rustica etrusco-romana con manifattura di terrecotte architettoniche. Notizie degli Scavi, 51-71. Brown, F.E., 1935. The Regia. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 12, 71. Carandini, A., 1989. La villa romana e la piantagione schiavistica, in: Storia di Roma. Torino, 101-200. Carandini, A. et al., 1997. La villa dell’Auditorium dall’età arcaica all’età imperiale. Römische Mitteilungen 104, 117-148. Caretttoni, G., 1948. Esplorazioni nella basilica Emilia. Notizie degli Scavi, 111-128.

In conclusion we may see these early villas not only as architecturally innovative, but also as physical attestations of the complexity and refinement of Roman culture during the Republic. The early dating of 25

Terrenato 2001, 15.

820

JEFFREY A. BECKER: INVESTIGATING EARLY VILLAS: THE CASE OF GROTTAROSSA Cifani, G., 2002. Notes on the rural landscape of central Tyrrhenian Italy in the 6th-5th cent. BC and its social significance. Journal of Roman Archaeology 15, 247260. Cozza, L., 1948. Grottarossa (Vocabolo Monte delle Grotte): Cisterna ad ogiva in opera quadrata. Notizie degli Scavi, 101-110. Cristofani, M. (ed.), 1990. La Grande Roma dei Tarquini: Roma, Palazzo delle esposizioni, 12 giugno-30 settembre 1990. “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, Roma. De Grummond, N.T., 1997. Poggio Civitate: a turning point. Etruscan Studies 4, 23-39. Gros, P., 2001. L’architecture romaine du début du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. à la fin du Haut-Empire. 2: Maisons, palais, villas et tombeaux. Editions Picard, Paris. Jones, J.E. et al,. 1962. The Dema House in Attika. Annual of the British School at Athens 57, 75-114. Messineo, G., L. Petracca & L.M. Vigna, 1985. Via Cassia: Km 11. Località Casale Ghella (circ. XX). Bullettino della Commissione archeologica comunale di Roma 90.1, 177-184. Östenberg, C.E., 1975. Case estrusche di Acquarossa. Multigrafica, Roma. Spivey, N. & S. Stoddart, 1990. Etruscan Italy. Batsford, London. Stefani, E., 1946. Grottarossa (Vocabolo Monte delle Grotte): Ruderi di una villa di età repubblicana, Notizie degli Scavi, 52-72. Terrenato, N., 2001. The Auditorium site in Rome and the origins of the villa. Journal of Roman Archaeology 14, 5-32. Torelli, M., 1981. Storia degli Etruschi. Laterza, Roma.

821

CHANGING PERSPECTIVES: GREEK MYTH IN ETRURIA Vedia Izzet Abstract: This paper examines two identical representations of a scene from Greek myth that were found in similar contexts (Caeretan, funerary), but that were deposited almost 200 years apart. It asks how we should understand such similar images that were separated by such a historical gulf. By examining the other images on the vases (the semantic context), and the evidence for the use of the vase (the cultural context) it calls for a reconfiguration of how we read the same image and iconography, and argues that two nearly identical images had very different meanings for their ancient viewers.

It is the last point concerning the local relevance of Greek imports to Etruria that interests me here. I do not aim, in such a brief contribution, to offer any answers, if certain answers are at all possible, to the problem of the reception of Greek myth in Etruria. Instead, I wish to raise questions about the way in which we go about examining such images, in an attempt to widen the discussion from the impasse it seems to have reached. In order to do this, I will take two representations of the same episode from Homeric myth, the blinding of the Cyclops Polyphemus by Odysseus and his men (Homer Odyssey 9. 106-566). Though significantly similar in appearance and provenance (both were found in the necropoleis of Cerveteri), the two representations are separated by nearly two hundred years. My question is “what difference, if any, did the intervening period make to the reading of the same scene by an Etruscan viewer?” However, in trying to answer this question, we have to confront the problems of how we ourselves read the scene.

The reception of Greek myth in Etruria has been one of the most contentious issues in Etruscology over the past forty years. Opinion has ranged from viewing the versions of Greek myth found in Etruria as banalizzazione, to arguments in support of the intelligent understanding of Greek myth in Etruscan contexts (Camporeale 1965; Dohrn 1966/7; Hampe & Simon 1964, xi; Spivey & Stoddart 1990, 105, 139). The reason for such disparity is due to what is vested in each interpretation. The reception of Greek myth in Etruria is part of a wider debate about the nature of contact between Greeks and Etruscans. As such, it has become embroiled, consciously or not, in debates over cultural superiority, and, at the same time, intellectual superiority. It is not hard to see what is at stake for Hellenists in wanting to see the Etruscans as slavish ‘natives’ who took all they were given without discrimination; similarly, it is just as important to the intellectual credibility of Etruscology to see the Etruscans as active and intelligent selectors and manipulators of Greek material culture. Perhaps the most influential advocate for the Hellenists is John Boardman, whose early study of Greek Mediterranean expansion has been echoed in the work of later scholars, and has been reprinted in later editions almost unmodified (Boardman 1999; see also Izzet forthcoming). To counter such Hellenocentric readings, there have been some subtle and intelligent analyses by Etruscologists, most notably by Tom Rasmussen, Nigel Spivey, and Penny Small. Rasmussen’s influential study of bucchero vase-shapes shows clearly that the exchange between Etruscans and Greeks was not as uni-directional as the proponents of Greek cultural superiority would have us believe. Instead, he showed Attic potters to have been influenced by Etruscan shapes, and to have been responding, to some extent, to the needs of the Etruscan market (Rasmussen 1985). Spivey, by examining one particular figure, Ajax, demonstrated that the corpus of Greek myth upon which accusations of banalizzazione was based, was far more heterogeneous than such accusations imply (Spivey 1992). Small’s work on the Etruscan banquet shows the importance of the adoption and appropriation of Greek elements according to the local needs of the Etruscan context, rather than as the result of Greek whim (Small 1994). In such ways, the basis upon which much of the negative treatment that often characterizes scholarship written from a Greek perspective has been undermined, and movement towards a more ‘Etrusco-centric’ account of the interaction is becoming possible.

The later of the two images is on a Caeretan hydria, now in the Villa Giulia Museum, known as the Rome Polyphemus (Fig. 1; Hemelrijk 1984, 36-37; passim). The style, shape, and decorative scheme are typical of the Caeretan hydriae as a group (Hemelrijk 1984, 5). The Rome Polyphemus is by the Eagle painter and dates to around 520 BC (Hemelrijk 1984, 67). The lip of the vase is painted with a careful meander, below which the neck is decorated with alternating, stylised lotus flowers and stars. The shoulder is decorated with a frieze of equally stylised ivy in bud. The body of the vessel is covered with figured scenes, one on the front (side A), showing the blinding of Polyphemus, and one on the back (side B), which shows the attempted rape of Herakles’ wife Deianeira by the centaur Nessos, and Herakles’ subsequent killing of Nessos. Below the figured scenes is a frieze of lotus and palmette decoration, followed by a series of rays radiating from the base. The foot of the vessel is covered with radiating tongues. The representation of the blinding of Polyphemus is a carefully executed depiction of the Homeric episode: for example, Snodgrass comments that this is the first known depiction of the myth in which Polyphemus is shown to be one-eyed (Snodgrass 1998, 96-98). The Cyclops lies, supporting himself with one arm, as a stake is pushed into that single eye. In his right hand he holds a cup that, until 822

VEDIA IZZET: CHANGING PERSPECTIVES: GREEK MYTH IN ETRURIA

Fig. 1. The Rome Polyphemus (top: after Hemelrijk 1984, 36, fig. 25; centre: after Hemelrijk 1984, 37, fig. 27; bottom: after Hemelrijk 1984, pl. 81). in the case of the hydria, in appearance: for example, the shaggy hair and unkempt beard of the Cyclops is in opposition to the smooth-skinned Greeks. The barbarity of the Cyclops is brought home in the Homeric version in many ways. The most important of these is his abuse of the relations of hospitality by his imprisonment of his guest, Odysseus, and his eating of the Greek sailors. Thus, he is shown dramatically to be the opposite of a good host. Importantly, when he drinks wine, he drinks it undiluted, something the Greeks emphasized as barbaric (for example Lissarrague 1990, 6-8). His incapacity due to drinking undiluted wine, and the misfortune which befalls him as a result, act as a cautionary tale of what happens when the codes and rules of drinking are ignored (in the case of diluting the wine), or taken to excess (in the case of extreme drunkenness). In this representation, the punishment for such a solecism is severe.

recently, held the undiluted wine with which Odysseus had tricked the Cyclops into drunkenness. Odysseus, on the far left, and his men drive the burning stake into the drunken creature’s eye, blinding him in one gesture. The Cyclops’s size is emphasized by his depiction in a sitting position, yet reaching the same height as the standing Greeks; his beard and shaggy hair are depicted with careful incision. This story raises many interesting aspects of interpretation. The most obvious way to read the scene is of the superiority of the civilized Greeks against the barbarian giant, in a way similar to the work of Edith Hall for tragedy, Martin Hartog for history, Irad Malkin for the colonial context, and Paul Cartledge more generally (Cartledge 2002; Hall 1989; Hartog 1988; Malkin 1998). Such an interpretation is supported by many elements of the story and its representation on the hydria. Throughout, the Greeks and barbarians are contrasted with each others as opposites, both in their customs, and,

The image on the vessel therefore conforms very neatly to readings of other representations of barbarians with 823

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. The Aristonothos crater (after Mon. Inst. 9, 1869, pl. 4). of Polyphemus? The point is demonstrated by comparison of the same scene on a vase produced in the first half of the seventh century, on the famous Aristonothos crater (Fig. 2; Martelli 1987, no. 40).

which we are by now familiar, be they Amazons, Giants, Centaurs or Persians (for example, Du Bois 1987; Henderson 1994; Osborne 1994; Tyrrell 1984). These groups were used as antithetical models of behaviour, in order to inform the behaviour of Greeks. As such, Greek civility is contrasted sharply with barbarian atrocity.

The Aristonothos crater has raised debate over its authorship since its discovery, largely due to its idiosyncratic inscription. More recently, Mario Torelli has suggested a socio-political reading of the vase based on contemporary Etruscan aspirations for a thalassocracy. In the scene of the blinding, he sees Odysseus as the Etruscan owner of the pot, and the Cyclops as representative of Sicilian Greeks in a battle in which the Etruscan was victorious (Torelli 1987, 20-23; 1996, 568). Marina Martelli, too, has seen the scene as a battle between Greeks and non-Greeks, though this time with Odysseus and his companions as Greeks, and the Cyclops as non-Greek (Martelli 1987, 264).

Of course, there is a problem here. Though such readings are manifold for the literature and images of the Greek world, this image is not a Greek one (despite what one would think from some of the literature on Greek art (for example, Boardman 1985, 87-88; 1998, 221-222; Osborne 1998, front cover)). The Caeretan hydriae were almost exclusively found in the Etruscan cemeteries of Cerveteri (Hemelrijk 1984, 164-5). The danger of reading Greek values into Etruscan images has been highlighted by Spivey, and the need to acknowledge the Etruscan context has been pointed out by Arafat and Morgan (Spivey 1991; 1997: passim; Arafat & Morgan 1994). When we shift to an Etruscan context, what it is to be barbarian or civilized needs reconfiguration. To the Etruscan, who is the barbarian in the scene of the blinding

Elsewhere, I have argued that the inscription and images on the Aristonothos crater invite us to be highly questioning of what is before our eyes (Izzet 2004). The 824

VEDIA IZZET: CHANGING PERSPECTIVES: GREEK MYTH IN ETRURIA was read in the light of the early colonial aspirations of the Greeks, and the local Etruscan response to it, we must similarly examine the contemporary context of the Caeretan hydria. There are two aspects of this context, which we must consider: the first is the image on the back of the vase, and the second is the tomb in which it was found.

starting point for my enquiry was the strange and hybrid nature of the name Aristo-nothos: the name is unique, and oxymoronic (literally a noble bastard – clearly a contradiction in terms). That the inscription is placed in the middle of the action suggests that it too is part of the action. So who is Aristonothos? Is it the artist, or is it one of the characters in the scene? It could, following artistic convention of both Greece and Etruria, be a label for identifying the Cyclops or the Greek to the left, usually identified as Odysseus. Though Polyphemus’ father is known to be Poseidon, his mother is not mentioned; in addition, his hybrid nature as a giant and with his single eye, as well as his barbaric behaviour, marks him out as of mixed ancestry, and thus nothos, or bastard. At the same time, Odysseus through the combination of his aristocratic and heroic nature, and yet the problematic nature of his trickery and cunning, could also be paradoxically Aristo-nothos. Thus the inscription and image are ambiguous. The figures of Polyphemus and Odysseus are not unproblematically barbarian and civilized respectively. Each has elements of both, and as hybrid figures, like the name Aristonothos, they can be seen as problematising the nature of what it was to be barbarian or civilized. As a result, they mediate between the civilized and barbarian elements. The strange positioning of the inscription, in a scene that was dependent on the trickery of Odysseus’ pseudonym, Outis (no-name) – itself a play on the Greek word for cunning (metis) – invites such speculation. The same can be said for the back of the Aristonothos crater, which shows a Greek-oared ship and an Etruscan sailing vessel. The ships look set for confrontation, yet it is important to bear in mind that such confrontation has yet to take place. It is possible that the scene might be resolved through exchange and inter-communication rather than through warfare. The solution to this ambiguity in the reading of images on this vessel is presented in the examination of the cultural context of the Aristonothos crater: the function of the vessel as a mixing bowl, bringing together water and wine, confirms the possibilities for connections and unions between Greeks and Etruscans rather than antagonisms. It does this both metaphorically in the imagery, but also literally through the use of the vessel at drinking parties. The myth of Odysseus has been convincingly placed in a Greek colonising context by Malkin (1998), who shows that the myth was used as a mediating device between early colonists and local populations. Thus any reading of the crater must take into account its cultural context as a centrepiece in occasions of dining, and in early contacts between Greece and Etruria (Izzet 2004, 203-207).

The image on the back of the Rome Polyphemus is that of the rape of Herakles’ wife Deianeira, and Herakles avenging this crime against her (Sophocles, Trachiniae 555-581). Like the scenes of the blinding of Polyphemus, it is possible to read these images in terms of contact between civilized and barbarian, with Herakles as the Greek and the Centaur as the barbarian (see, for example Hölscher 1999). Similarly, it is possible to draw parallels in the themes of this myth and that of Polyphemus in the centrality to both stories of inappropriate behaviour extended by hosts (by Polyphemus to Odysseus and his men, and by Nessos to Deianeira). Yet it is equally possible, to read an inversion of the image similar to that possible for the Aristonothos crater. We know, for instance, that Nessos had the last laugh in this episode because as he died he gave Deianeira a potion, which he claimed would restore Herakles’ fidelity should it stray. In due course, when Herakles was unfaithful, Deianeira covered his clothes with the potion which, rather than restoring Herakles’ love for her, of course, killed him. Thus, rather than being seen as the victory of the civilized Greek (Herakles) over the barbarian (Nessos), the scene could be read as the ultimate victory of the barbarian (Etruscan?). The problem is, again, one of reading images. It is the archaeological context of the vase, which offers us a clue as to which way we should read the image. Though Hemelrijk is not certain about the function of the vessels, it is possible to argue for a largely, if not exclusively, funerary function for the vases (Hemelrijk 1984, 158). This is corroborated by several facts: first, their exclusively funerary provenance, second, the Caeretan hydria workshop seems to produce nothing but the hydriae and some plain ware, and third by the only detailed publication of an assemblage containing a hydria. This is the so-called London Battle hydria, published by Cristofani, who suggests that, from its position set apart from the other grave goods, the hydria was a post-depositional offering to the dead (Cristofani 1980). We might thus, through the archaeological contexts for the hydriae, speculate about a specifically mortuary function for the Rome Polyphemus. The tomb that contained the Rome Polyphemus also contained another hydria, the so-called Rome Vineyard. The decoration of this shows a scene of the vintage, undertaken by satyrs, and overseen by the god of wine, Dionysus (Hemelrijk 1984, 158, 20). If we return to the imagery of the Rome Polyphemus and the Rome Vineyard with which it was deposited, several elements corroborate a funerary

To return to the Caeretan hydria, how does this reading of the colonial context of the Aristonothos crater affect the reading of the same scene created nearly two hundred years later? The similarities between the scenes make iconographic analysis inapplicable for investigating the difference between them. The most important element to consider in our interpretations of the later Polyphemus scene must be its context. Just as the Aristonothos crater 825

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Hall, E., 1989. Inventing the Barbarian. Greek selfdefinition through tragedy. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Hampe, R. & E. Simon, E. 1964. Griechische Sagen in der frühen etruskischen Kunst. Tubingen. Hartog, F., 1988. The mirror of Herodotus: the represention of the other in the writing of history (transl. J. Lloyd). University of California Press, London/Berkley. Hemelrijk, J., 1984. Caeretan Hydriae (= Kerameus 5). Philipp von Zabern, Mainz/Rhein. Henderson, J., 1994. Timeo Danaos. Amazons in early Greek art and poetry, in: S. Goldhill & R. Osborne (eds), Art and text in ancient Greek culture. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 85-137. Hölscher, T., 1999. Immagini mitologiche e valori sociali nella Grecia arcaica, in: F. De Angelis & S. Muth (eds), Im Spiegel der Mythos: Bilderweldt und Lebensweldt. Lo specchio del mito: immaginario e realtà. Reichert, Wiesbaden, 11-29. Izzet, V., 2004. Purloined letters: the Aristonothos inscription and crater, in: K. Lomas (ed.), The Greeks in the West. Papers in honour of B. B. Shefton. Brill, Leiden, 191-210. Izzet, V., forthcoming. Contesting beauty: creativity and the reception of Etruscan art, in: P. Perkins & J. Swaddling (eds), Etruscans now, Proceedings of a conference held at at the British Museum, December 2002. Lissarrague, F., 1990. The aesthetics of the Greek banquet. Images of wine and ritual (transl. A. Szegedy-Maszak). Princeton University Press, Princeton. Malkin, I., 1998. The returns of Odysseus. Colonisation and ethnicity. University of California Press, Berkley and London. Martelli, M. (ed.), 1987. La ceramica degli Etruschi. La pittura vascolare. De Agostino, Novara. Osborne, R., 1994. Framing the centaur: reading fifthcentury architectural sculpture, in: S. Goldhill & R. Osborne (eds), Art and text in ancient Greek culture. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 52-84. Osborne, R., 1998. Archaic and classical Greek Art. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Rasmussen, T., 1985. Etruscan shapes in Attic pottery. Antike Kunst 28, 33-39. Small, J.P., 1994. Eat, drink and be merry: Etruscan banquets, in: R. de Puma & J.P. Small (eds), Murlo and the Etruscans. Art and society in ancient Etruria. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 85-94. Snodgrass, A.M., 1998. Homer and the artists: Text and picture in early Greek art. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Spivey, N.J., 1991. Greek vases in Etruria, in: T. Rasmussen & N.J. Spivey (eds), Reading Greek vases. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 131150. Spivey, N.J., 1992. Ajax in Etruria. Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia 3.1, 233-242.

reading for the vase. The inclusion of Dionysus on one hydria and Herakles on the other is most appropriate for such a context, since both characters undergo apotheosis after their deaths; in addition, similar parallels can be drawn between Herakles and Odysseus, as heroes who go to the underworld and return. In this way the Rome Polyphemus takes on a strong funerary relevance. In conclusion, the two nearly identical scenes on the Aristonothos crater and the Rome Polyphemus have to be considered as objects embedded in their own historical and archaeological contexts. Despite the similarities between the scenes, the changing nature of Etruscan society and the Mediterranean world more widely meant that they carried very different connotations. The Aristonothos crater, by emphasising mixing and contact and interaction, was the product of an age of early contacts and the establishment of new links and alliances. The Rome Polyphemus, though it appears to discuss similar issues, seems instead to be part of a different discourse, one grounded in archaic Etruscan attitudes to life after death. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to Rasmus Brandt for asking me to take part in his panel at the conference in Groningen, to R. Shorrock for reading this paper, to R. Roth for bibliographic help and to D. Bradley – it was during discussion of his undergraduate dissertation that the ideas for this paper had their genesis. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arafat, K. & C. Morgan, 1994. Athens, Etruria and the Heuneberg: mutual misconceptions in the study of Greek – barbarian relationships, in: I. Morris (ed.) Classical Greece: Ancient histories and modern archaeologies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 108-134. Boardman, J., 1985. Greek art. Thames and Hudson, London. Boardman, J., 1998. Early Greek vase painting 11th-6th centuries BC. Thames and Hudson, London. Boardman, J., 1999. The Greeks overseas. Penguin, Harmondsworth. Camporeale, G., 1965. Banalizzazioni etruschi di miti greci, in: Studi in onore di L. Banti. L’Erma di Bretschneider, Rome, 111-123. Cartledge, P., 2002. The Greeks: a portrait of self and others. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Cristofani, M., 1980. Reconstruction d’un mobilier funéraire archäique de Cerveteri. MonPont 63, 1-30. Dohrn, T., 1966/7. Die Etrusker und die griechische Sage. MDAI(R) 73/74, 15-27. Du Bois, P., 1987. Centaurs and Amazons: Women and the pre-history of the Great chain of being. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.

826

VEDIA IZZET: CHANGING PERSPECTIVES: GREEK MYTH IN ETRURIA Spivey, N.J., 1997. Etruscan art. Thames and Hudson, London. Spivey, N.J. & S.K.F. Stoddart, 1990. Etruscan Italy. An archaeological history. Batsford, London. Torelli, M., 1987. La società etrusca. L’età arcaica, L’età classica. Laterza, Roma. Torelli, M., 1996. The encounter with the Etruscans, in: G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), The Western Greeks. Classical civilisation in the western Mediterranean. Thames and Hudson, London, 567-576. Tyrrell, W.B., 1984. Amazons: a study of Athenian mythmaking. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.

827

CAPENA, LO SCAVO DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V - INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. Orlando Cerasuolo Abstract: The ancient city of Capena-Civitucola was one of the most important sites of Southern Etruria with respect to historical and cultural relations with ancient Latium. This paper presents some preliminary data from two limited excavations executed by Gruppo Archeologico Romano in the area of the ancient city: A) a partially excavated room with well probably built around 400 BC ; B) an ‘a fiasco’ well, of the same period, filled with jugs, rejected pottery and bones. These finds document part of the Archaic and Hellenistic Capena.

stati in parte già editi.2 Con questo contributo si presentano alcuni dei risultati ricavati dai materiali e dai dati raccolti in due limitati interventi di scavo effettuati in quegli anni: lo svuotamento di un pozzo ‘a fiasco’ e lo scavo di un piccolo ambiente, ricavato nel banco di tufo, a pianta rettangolare munito di un ampio pozzo circolare con parapetto. L’analisi degli interessanti reperti osteologici animali è oggetto di uno specifico studio del dott. L. Salari presentato in questa sede. I dati forniti da questi interventi di scavo (Fig. 1), soprattutto lo studio dei reperti, consentono di avere un’immagine di Capena tra epoca arcaica ed ellenismo; periodo ancora poco noto dell’insediamento.

Fig. 1. La zona della Civitucola, sede dell’antica Capena. In evidenza l’area degli scavi.

L’antica città di Capena, sul colle della Civitucola, è senza dubbio uno tra i più importanti centri dell’Etruria meridionale interna, sia per la funzione di controllo dei territori tiberini a nord di Veio, sia per i contatti con l’area della Sabina al di là del Tevere. Per questi motivi l’area della città, le ricche necropoli e i territori circostanti sono stati oggetto, nel corso dei secoli, di scavi e di ricerche, purtroppo raramente di carattere sistematico.

L’AMBIENTE CON POZZO (Fig. 2) La prima struttura è un ambiente rettangolare scavato nel banco tufaceo fino ad una profondità massima di circa 2,5 m la cui completa estensione non è stata raggiunta durante lo scavo; la larghezza dell’ambiente si aggira attorno ai 4 m, mentre la lunghezza portata alla luce è di circa 4.5 m. Addossato al centro della parete occidentale vi è un pozzo con parapetto, anch’esso ricavato nel banco (Fig. 3); il diametro della vera è di poco più di un metro, mentre la profondità doveva certamente superare i 2 m raggiunti dallo scavo.

Il Gruppo Archeologico Romano, nei primi anni novanta del secolo scorso, realizzò un progetto di ricognizione dell’area periurbana e alcuni interventi di ripulitura e di scavo all’interno della città;1 i dati di queste ricerche sono 1 I dati presentati in questa sede sono i primi risultati dello studio dell’autore sui due contesti in esame. Si intende qui ringraziare coloro i quali con i loro indispensabile e volontario contributo negli anni tra il 1990 e il 1993 hanno realizzato le ricognizioni e lo scavo sul pianoro della Civitucola: F. Alberini, P. Alunni, V. Arcari, M. Baldi, F. Bardelli, E. Benelli, P. Biancofiore, L. Brugnoli, A. Buglioni, A. Camilli, L. Campanelli, F. Candilio, L. Caporossi, F. Capozzi, F. Casertano, I. Cassetta, A. Catalano, A. Ceccarelli, G. Ceccarelli, I. Cioccolini, V. Ciofi, S. Corsi, M. De Cesaris, G. P. Del Proposto, R. Del Proposto, M.

Del Lucis, G. Fallacara, F. Felici, E. Ferracci, S. Furlani, A. Ghezzi, G. Gioffrè, A. Giorgio, V. Guidobaldi, V. Howson, A. Ingenito, V. Iorio, G. P. Loretucci, O. Luciani, C. Maronato, A. Mosetti, P. Narducci, D. Pacchiani, F. Paletta, A. Pieretti, M. Pulcini, D. Raiano, A. Renzella, M. Roello, M. Romiti, L. Rotundo, P. Scandellari, F. Scura, E. Serafini, M. Spacca, F. Tango, A. Tozzi, S. Trigona, M. Varvesi, B. Vitali Rosati, M. Vitali Rosati. 2 Camilli et alii 1994.

828

ORLANDO CERASUOLO: CAPENA, LO SCAVO DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V - INIZI IV SECOLO A.C.

Fig. 3. Particolare del pozzo dopo la ripulitura dalla vegetazione. terra è stata raccolta una gran quantità di materiale edilizio e ceramico di età arcaica ed ellenistica e resti osteologici animali. La parte non danneggiata dalla fossa, US 15, presentava uno strato (US 17) inclinato verso sud costituito da granuli di pomici e schegge di cappellaccio, privo di reperti ceramici; questo accumulo sterile potrebbe rappresentare la fine del progressivo riempimento dell’ambiente dopo un periodo di abbandono. Al di sotto, lo strato US 9, un accumulo di terra marrone chiarogrigiastro, presentava resti di animali e numerose scaglie di tufo, nonché un certo numero di materiale edilizio e ceramico di età arcaica ed ellenistica. A diretto contatto con il pavimento dell’ambiente è stato individuato uno strato di terra di colore grigiastro (US 7), contenente una gran quantità di materiale edilizio e ceramico di età arcaica e resti osteologici animali.

Fig. 2. L’ambiente con pozzo. Pianta e sezione stratigrafica della struttura. L’ambiente prima dell’intervento archeologico era stato in parte interessato da scavi clandestini e al momento dell’indagine si presentava coperto da vegetazione spontanea. Lo scavo iniziò pertanto con la rimozione della vegetazione e dello strato di humus (US 1), la cui superficie, lungo tutta l’estensione dell’ambiente, era inclinata verso sud. Nell’humus vennero raccolti rari frammenti di piccole dimensioni, con fratture arrotondate, di materiale edilizio.

Il riempimento del pozzo (US 19) è stato scavato soltanto fino alla profondità di un metro; le caratteristiche dello strato hanno fatto supporre agli scavatori che anche questo contesto potesse essere stato sconvolto da rimaneggiamenti. Dal punto di vista strutturale l’ambiente doveva probabilmente far parte di un edificio più ampio, come fa supporre la presenza di un varco sul lato est. Il sistema di copertura del vano rimane incerto: si potrebbe supporre la presenza di un tetto realizzato con tegole e coppi, rinvenuti in gran quantità in tutti gli strati di riempimento dell’ambiente, oppure la camera poteva essere interamente scavata nel tufo (tuttavia non sono stati rinvenuti frammenti di tufo nei riempimenti), infine non si può escludere che l’ambiente fosse a cielo aperto.

Al di sotto dell’humus sono stati individuati tracce di scavi clandestini che hanno sconvolto le stratigrafie archeologiche. La parte settentrionale dell’ambiente, lungo la parete, presentava una profonda fossa (taglio US 15, riempimento US 8) che aveva intaccato gli strati più antichi, fino a raggiungere in alcuni punti il pavimento dell’ambiente; il riempimento, con superficie inclinata verso est, era costituito da matrice bruna e numerosi frammenti di materiale ceramico edilizio e vascolare, frammenti di blocchi e schegge informi di tufo assieme ad abbonante materiale osteologico. Anche la parte superiore del riempimento del pozzo si presentava smossa (taglio US 40). Il ritrovamento di un accumulo di terra di riporto all’esterno dell’ambiente (US 6) è con ogni probabilità da mettere in relazione con questi scavi; tra la

La questione dell’interpretazione del vano rimane di difficile soluzione e il contributo dello studio dei materiali non sembra essere, da questo punto di vista, risolutivo: la tipologia di materiali appare tanto varia da sembrare il risultato di una miscela di contesti differenti (Tab. 1). Sono infatti presenti in quasi tutti gli strati di

829

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Tab. 1. Ambiente con pozzo. Attestazioni delle principali classi ceramiche (numero dei frammenti) per ciascuna unità stratigrafica. Coarse creamware

US 27 28

Vern. Nera

Cer. d’uso comune

Coarse Cer. da -ware fuoco

14

11

34

4

3

26

19

1

3

7

10

1

1

30 Cun

5

42

4

Pesi da telaio

Doli

1

1

Intonaco Altri 26

38

17

36

18

4

13

7

13

Tab. 2. Cisterna. Attestazioni delle principali classi ceramiche (numero dei frammenti) per ciascuna unità stratigrafica. Cer. da Coarse Doli fuoco -ware

Fornelli

222

290

25

2

Mat. Pesi da edilizi telaio o 50

137

51

220

16

9

1

35

8

32

33

153

4

2

26

160

288

146

447

42

5

8

87

9

4

14

2

1

Imp. Attica Imp. non Bucch. e vern. rosso nera US tornito 6 28 224 24 89

Cer. d’uso com. 250

8

5

105

9

25

9

12

29

38

7

29

247

5

8

2

19

Intonaco Altri 159 55 3

72 125 44

Alla sommità del riempimento, come chiusura della cavità, sono stati trovati alcuni grossi blocchi squadrati di tufo (US 26, Fig. 5); non si può escludere che i blocchi facessero parte della struttura esterna del pozzo.

riempimento un discreto numero di frammenti in impasto non tornito databili tra VIII e VII secolo a.C.; pochi reperti di VI e pieno V secolo (bucchero e impasto rosso); materiali di fine IV-III tipicamente insediativi (fornelli, pesi da telaio, abbondante ceramica da fuoco e coarseware, dolii e materiale edilizio) e materiali coevi caratteristici di contesti cerimoniali (alcune forme di bucchero – un frammento di basso calice presenta un iscrizione frammentaria, alcune forme di vernice nera, e due frammenti di un bacino di grandi dimensioni dipinto). Ciò fa pensare che i materiali costituenti buona parte del progressivo riempimento provenissero da aree o strutture circostanti e che l’ambiente, con il venir meno della sua incerta funzione originaria, fosse stato utilizzato come scarico.

Sotto i massi tre successivi strati di riempimento (UUSS 30, 27 e 28), contenevano una notevole quantità di materiale edilizio e vascolare databile all’epoca tardo repubblicana in associazione con frammenti di intonaco dipinto in rosso e resti osteologici animali. Al di sotto vi era un gruppo di sei brocche (US 42, Fig. 6), quasi integralmente ricostruibili che, poggiavano su un sottile strato di argilla di colore grigio chiaro (US 31) che ricopriva il fondo del pozzo e probabilmente costituiva il deposito naturale delle impurità dell’acqua. Dato interessante che si ricava dall’analisi delle sei brocche, fondamentale per l’interpretazione dell’intera struttura, è l’alto numero di casi in cui manca l’ansa: le brocche con ogni probabilità venivano usate per prendere l’acqua nel pozzo e il loro utilizzo doveva contemplare l’uso di una corda legata all’ansa dei vasi; i recipienti rinvenuti sul fondo della cavità sono certo quelli che durante il loro impiego si sono rotti, probabilmente contro la spalla interna del pozzo, lasciando la sola impugnatura in mano alla persona che raccoglieva l’acqua (Tab. 2).

IL POZZO A FIASCO (Fig. 4) Si tratta di una struttura ipogea profonda intorno ad 1.20 m interpretabile come pozzo. Alcuni interventi, di difficile interpretazione, devono essersi susseguiti nel tempo modificando, già in antico, l’originaria forma, grossomodo troncoconica della cavità (US 29): nella parte nord-occidentale della struttura vennero realizzati sia un ampliamento di forma approssimativamente quadrangolare (US 32) che ha modificato la forma dell’imboccatura e la cavità sotterranea, sia un cunicolo di drenaggio (‘cunicolo C’, US 43). Come abbiamo detto l’interpretazione di questi eventi risulta complessa e per lo meno lo scavo del cunicolo deve aver stravolto l’originaria funzione della struttura.

Il pozzo, dopo il periodo di utilizzo databile agli inizi del IV secolo a.C. tramite i confronti per le brocche, dovette perdere la sua funzionalità a causa dello scavo del 830

ORLANDO CERASUOLO: CAPENA, LO SCAVO DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V - INIZI IV SECOLO A.C.

Fig. 5. I blocchi di tufo (US 26) posti sulla sommità del riempimento del pozzo.

Fig. 4. Il pozzo a fiasco. Pianta della situazione superficiale con i blocchi di tufo in posto; pianta della struttura con il posizionamento delle brocche (US 42); sezione stratigrafica. cunicolo di drenaggio che lo intercettò. L’ampliamento di forma quadrangolare potrebbe essere interpretato come pozzo di aereazione del cunicolo.

Fig. 6. Particolare delle brocche (US 42) giacenti sul fondo del pozzo.

I MATERIALI

domestiche come olle e scodelle, testimonierebbe una scarsa presenza databile tra l’VIII e il VII secolo a.C. Almeno un esemplare presenta una decorazione tipica realizzata ad incisione.

Senza dubbio l’importanza di questi contesti, oltre che nelle strutture e nelle stratigrafie, che come si è visto sono risultate purtroppo abbondantemente disturbate, risiede nella discreta quantità e nella qualità dei materiali ceramici rinvenuti.

Di una certa consistenza sono le attestazioni, impasti e bucchero, riferibili al VI secolo. Il dato ripropone quanto dedotto dalle ricognizioni sistematiche svolte sul pianoro di Capena e si pone in lieve controtendenza rispetto all’immagine che ci mostrano le necropoli edite dove si

I materiali sono ora oggetto di studio tuttavia è possibile presentare alcune considerazioni preliminari. La presenza di reperti in impasto non tornito, prevalentemente forme 831

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI coglie una diminuzione e un impoverimento dei corredi. Da ricordare la presenza del grande bacino dipinto da collocarsi verso la fine del secolo. Abbondanti sono le testimonianze del V e dell’inizio del IV secolo momento in cui si collocano buona parte dei ritrovamenti con attestazioni di impasti, bucchero, depurate, vernice nera e vernice rossa. BIBLIOGRAFIA Camilli, A., F. Felici, G. Gazzetti, V. Iorio & B. Vitali Rosati, 1994. A attività di scavo e rticognizione sul Colle della Civitucola – Capena (Roma).

832

CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. Leonardo Salari Abstract: The paper presents the archaeo-zoological analysis of the faunal remains coming from two samples (both of them containing ceramics of the 5th-4th centuries BC) taken from a cistern. The first sample has been taken from the top of the well deposit and from a little gallery crossing that well. From these deposits scarce remains of cattle, sheep/goat, pig, dog, hare and partridge have been found. A richer osteological sample has been recorded in the cistern. It includes cattle, sheep, goat, pig, dog, horse, hare and frog. The study of these remains, make it possible to present a reconstruction of the environment, the subsistence economy and butchering techniques at Capena.

Nel corso delle campagne di scavo 1991/92, eseguite congiuntamente dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale e dal Gruppo Archeologico Romano sotto la direzione del Dott. G. Gazzetti, veniva recuperato anche un discreto contingente di reperti ossei.1 Il materiale faunistico proviene da diversi saggi eseguiti in un ambiente con pozzo, in un primo tempo interpretato come una cisterna (con reperti di fine V-inizi IV secolo a.C.), dalla colmata di un pozzo a fiasco e da un cunicolo che lo intercetta (con reperti databili al II-I secolo a.C.) (Cerasuolo c.s.). Tra gli scarsi resti del pozzo a fiasco e del cunicolo sono stati riconosciuti bue, ovicaprini, maiale, cane, lepre e pernice. I più abbondanti reperti ossei provenienti dalle UU.SS. 6, 7 e 8 dell’ambiente con pozzo, sono stati analizzati statisticamente al fine di ricavare delle indicazioni paleoambientali e paleoeconomiche.

quanto proposto da Bökönyi (1984, fide Tagliacozzo 1993), sulla base della massa corporea degli ovicaprini, valutando quella del bue e del maiale rispettivamente 7 volte e 1,5 volte quella degli ovicaprini; i giovani metà del peso degli adulti, feti e/o neonati zero. Gli elaborati grafici (tabelle e figure) si riferiscono esclusivamente ai resti faunistici dell’ambiente con pozzo. ANALISI DEL MATERIALE Sono stati esaminati complessivamente 679 reperti ossei, di cui 276 (41%) sono stati determinati. Circa 60 reperti ossei sono integri ed in buono stato di conservazione, mentre i rimanenti si presentano molto frammentati, spesso in uno stato di conservazione tale da non consentire l’individuazione della porzione anatomica, né tanto meno la determinazione della specie di appartenenza. Sono state individuate le seguenti specie: Lepus europaeus Pallas, Canis familiaris Linnaeus, Equus caballus Linnaeus, Bos taurus Linnaeus, Capra hircus Linnaeus, Ovis aries Linnaeus e Sus scrofa Linnaeus. Di quest’ultima specie è stata riconosciuta solo la forma domestica (maiale). C. hircus e O. aries vengono trattati congiuntamente, sia per lo stato di estrema frammentarietà dei resti e per la presenza di un discreto contingente di elementi giovanili, che rendono difficoltoso attribuire molte porzioni scheletriche all’una o all’altra specie, sia perché forniscono le medesime indicazioni paleoeconomiche. Il rospo e la pernice sono stati individuati a livello di genere; un altro resto di uccello è stato determinato a livello di classe.

METODOLOGIA Le misure osteometriche sono state prese secondo la metodologia proposta da Von den Driesch (1976). Per le altezze al garrese del cane sono stati utilizzati i coefficienti di Harcourt (1974) e Clark (1995), per il maiale e gli ovicaprini i coefficienti di Teichert (1969; 1973, fide Riedel 1986). La stima delle età è stata effettuata seguendo le tabelle riportate in Barone (1974) e Getty (1982) integrata, limitatamente agli ovicaprini, dalle metodologie proposte da Payne (1973; 1985). La distinzione tra Ovis e Capra è stata effettuata sulla base delle osservazioni di Boessneck (1969). Il numero minimo degli individui è stato calcolato, secondo quanto riportato in Tagliacozzo (1993), distinguendo i resti ossei in base al lato di appartenenza (destro e sinistro), scegliendo quindi tra questi l’elemento più frequente di un solo lato ed integrando poi questo numero con considerazioni riguardanti le dimensioni, il sesso e l’età degli altri elementi scheletrici. La resa in carne dei principali animali domestici è stata stimata, secondo

Pozzo a fiasco e Cunicolo che lo intercetta – I resti ossei provenienti dalle UU.SS. 27 e 28 del pozzo a fiasco e quelli recuperati nel cunicolo non sembrano mineralizzati e appaiono di colore chiaro. Nella US 27 è rappresentato solo il bue con una porzione prossimale di ulna destra e 3 frammenti di vertebre; sono presenti, inoltre, 9 schegge di ossa lunghe di animali di grossa e media taglia. Nella US 28 il bue è rappresentato da un calcagno destro giovanile, un tarsale (scafocuboide) ed un frammento di costa, probabilmente dello stesso individuo; gli ovicaprini sono rappresentati da una prima falange di un giovane di meno di 10 mesi; il maiale è rappresentato da un frammento di cranio di un giovane di 6-8 mesi e da una prima falange spaccata in senso longitudinale di un individuo adulto; il cane è presente con 3 denti decidui provenienti dalla

1 Intendo ringraziare la Soprintendenza Archeologica per L’Etruria Meridionale per l’occasione di studio offerta. Ringrazio inoltre il Prof. C. Petronio, la Dott.ssa C. Bedetti, il Dott. E. Di Canzio ed il Dott. R. Sardella per l’accesso al Laboratorio di Paleontologia dei Vertebrati dell’Università “La Sapienza” di Roma e per il continuo e proficuo scambio d’idee. Un sentito ringraziamento va infine al GAR, in particolare al Sig. Maurizio, per le belle foto, e ai ragazzi dell’Ufficio Tecnico.

833

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI mandibola sinistra di un cucciolo di meno di 6 mesi; gli uccelli sono presenti con una porzione prossimale di omero sinistro di una pernice (Alectoris sp) e dalla porzione distale di femore destro di un uccello di mediapiccola taglia; sono presenti, inoltre, 6 frammenti di ossa lunghe di animali di grossa e media taglia. Nel cunicolo che intercetta il pozzo sono stati riconosciuti, oltre a 2 schegge non determinabili, un coxale destro di una lepre giovanissima e 2 frammenti di una tibia destra di un individuo adulto di pecora o capra.

Ambiente con pozzo – L’US 7 ha restituito il maggior numero dei resti ossei (57%: Tab. 1), pertanto l’eventuale disturbo delle UU.SS. 6 e 8 (i cui resti non differiscono in modo sostanziale da quelli della US 7 né nello stato fisico né nella composizione della fauna) non svaluta le osservazioni seguenti. Ossa e frammenti ossei mostrano una discreta mineralizzazione e appaiono in maggioranza ricoperti da incrostazioni calcaree. In alcuni casi il precipitato calcareo, cementando sedimenti fini limoargillosi, arriva ad avere l’aspetto del calcestruzzo saldando tra loro alcuni frammenti ossei (fenomeno maggiormente rappresentato nella US 7); altre ossa, tra cui una porzione di sacro di bue o cavallo, alcuni frammenti di coste e vertebre di bue o cavallo, una mandibola di cane priva di denti, appaiono fluitate per avere stazionato a lungo in acqua prima di essere ricoperte dai sedimenti (fenomeno meglio rappresentato nella US 6). La maggior parte dei resti ossei sono, inoltre, di colore chiaro, particolarmente i resti di bue, mentre tra gli altri animali sono presenti numerose ossa e frammenti ossei di colore molto scuro, con sfumature che virano dal verde al violetto, con incrostazioni più tenaci, come se i primi fossero stati in qualche modo protetti o avessero seguito eventi deposizionali diversi dai secondi.

Fig. 1. Numero dei resti: rapporto tra i principali animali domestici.

L’estrema frammentarietà è dovuta sia a fenomeni postdeposizionali (calpestio, peso dei sedimenti), sia soprattutto all’azione dell’uomo (macellazione, consumo dei pasti). Molto scarsi sono i frammenti riferibili al cranio e alle vertebre; le mandibole di ovicaprini e di cane della US 6 sono troncate in prossimità del primo o del terzo molare con colpi dati latero-medialmente, mentre le mandibole di suini e di ovicaprini delle UU.SS. 7 e 8 sono troncate dietro l’ultimo molare e, limitatamente ai maiali, spezzate all’altezza del canino; le numerose coste di grande mammifero sono perlopiù troncate trasversalmente in corti frammenti da colpi che interessano una sola faccia; le scapole di maiale e ovicaprini sono troncate in prossimità del collo; molte ossa lunghe di ovicaprini e di suini sono tagliate nettamente in senso trasversale; una porzione prossimale di radio ed una porzione distale di metapodio di bue della US 6 ed una diafisi di metapodio di pecora o capra della US 7 sono tagliati secondo l’asse longitudinale. Numerosi sono, inoltre, i tagli, i graffi ed i colpi su diverse ossa delle specie riconosciute. Alcune ossa lunghe tagliate trasversalmente sono state ulteriormente elaborate: una porzione distale di radio di bue o cavallo della US 6 è stata tagliata anche in senso longitudinale e smussata anteriormente; una diafisi di tibia di pecora o capra ed alcune diafisi di ossa lunghe di ovicaprini e suini sono state ritoccate e/o appuntite. Dalla distribuzione degli elementi scheletrici (Tab. 2) si può notare che sono rappresentate tutte le sezioni anatomiche del corpo. Prevalgono gli elementi delle estremità (39%), seguiti con percentuali confrontabili (24-26%) dagli elementi della testa, degli arti posteriori e degli arti anteriori. La testa è rappresentata prevalentemente da mandibole e denti sciolti, elementi dotati di una struttura resistente che permette una migliore conservazione. Tra gli arti,

Fig. 2. Numero minimo degli individui: rapporto tra i principali animali domestici.

Fig. 3. Resa in carne: rapporto tra i principali animali domestici.

834

LEONARDO SALARI: CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. Tab. 1. Numero dei resti e Numero minimo degli individui.

Specie Bufo sp. Lepus europaeus Canis familiaris Equus caballus Bos taurus Ovis aries vel Capra Sus scrofa (maiale) Totale Totale selvatici Totale domestici Diafisi indet lavorate Vertebre indet Coste grandi Coste piccole Frammenti combusti Indeterminabili Totale indeterminabili

US 6 N.R. n % 1 8 1 22 16 15 63 1 62 1 9 17 5

1,6 12,7 1,6 34,9 25,4 23,8 100 1,6 98,4 1,0 8,7 16,5 4,9

N.M.I. n % 1 2 1 4 5 4 17 1 16

5,9 11,8 5,9 23,5 29,4 23,5 100 5,9 94,1

US 7 N.R. n % 1 0,8 11 9,0 22 18,0 1 0,8 26 21,3 37 30,3 24 19,7 122 100 12 9,8 110 90,2 3 39 18 3 167 230

71 68,9 103 100

N.M.I. n % 1 4,5 2 9,1 2 9,1 1 4,5 4 18,2 8 36,4 4 18,2 22 100 3 13,6 19 86,4

1,3 17,0 7,8 1,3 72,6 100

US 8 N.R. n %

N.M.I. N %

12

21,1 1

12,5

13 19 13 57

22,8 33,3 22,8 100

2 3 2 8

25,0 37,5 25,0 100

57

100 8

100

7 6 7

17,1 14,6 17,1

21 41

51,2 100

TOTALE N.R. n % 1 0,4 12 5,0 42 17,4 2 0,8 61 25,2 72 29,8 52 21,5 242 100 13 5,4 229 94,6 1 0,3 19 5,1 62 16,6 30 8,0 3 0,8 259 69,3 374 100

N.M.I. n % 1 2,1 3 6,4 5 10,6 2 4,3 10 21,3 16 34,0 10 21,3 47 100 4 8,5 43 91,5

Tab. 2. Elementi scheletrici delle specie domestiche (* per coste e vertebre vedi testo e Tab. 1). Cane Corna Cranio Mascella Denti superiori Mandibola Denti inferiori Denti Vertebre * Coste * Scapola Omero Radio Ulna Carpo Metacarpo Coxale Femore Patella Tibia Fibula Astragalo Calcagno Tarso Metatarso Metapodi Falange I Falange II Falange III Totale

Cavallo Bue

Pecora o capra 2

Maiale Totale 3 5

6 1

3 1

2 1 5 3 3 1

5 5 1

2

1

2

6 1 1 3 6

40

3 11

2

2 3 2

5 2 5 1

3 1 3 3

6 1 2

10 1 3

3 1 1

4

11

8 1

2 1

1 5

10 2 11 7 3 60

6 2 1

3

71

50

835

1

3

2 3 5 3 25 7 1 4 0 11 11 14 7 1 19 5 6 0 29 2 3 8 3 25 4 15 7 3 223

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI consumo di carne di cane in siti etruschi è stato riscontrato a Montecatino Val Freddana nel VI-V secolo a.C. probabilmente durante un periodo di carestia (Ciampoltrini et alii 1991).

l’anteriore (attualmente considerato meno pregiato) è meno rappresentato dell’arto posteriore e l’elemento scheletrico prevalente di quest’ultimo è la tibia. Sono ben rappresentati anche gli elementi del tronco (presenti complessivamente con 115 frammenti). Considerando, infine, che è stata recuperata una pur minima quantità di frammenti combusti, si può concludere affermando che il complesso osteologico in esame può essere interpretato come resti di macellazione e di pasto. LA FAUNA DELL’AMBIENTE CON POZZO Un resto di anfibio (Bufo sp) è probabilmente estraneo al complesso faunistico in esame e va pertanto considerato come intrusivo naturale. La lepre è rappresentata dalle ossa del piede sinistro di un giovane leprotto (Fig. 4), e da una porzione distale di omero (SD: 5.8; Bd: 11.2) ed una tibia (GL: 29.6; Bp: 18.3; SD: 6.4; Bd: 16.4; Dd: 8.9) di due individui adulti (Tab. 3). Le dimensioni delle lepri di Capena sono confrontabili con quelle di Populonia (III sec. a.C.): omero SD: 5.0, Bd: 11.5, tibia Bp: 19.0, Bd: 15.0, Dd: 9.0 (De Grossi Mazzorin 1985). La caccia alla lepre, che veniva uccisa sia per la carne che per la pelle, poteva essere effettuato da chiunque, mentre la caccia a grandi mammiferi quali il cervo ed il cinghiale, i cui resti sono relativamente frequenti nella maggior parte dei siti dell’Italia centrale fino all’Età del Bronzo recente, era diventata una pratica esclusiva dei ceti più abbienti (De Grossi Mazzorin 1995b).

Fig. 6. Mandibola di cane Tab. 3. Numero minimo degli individui (n: neonato; gg: giovanissimo; g: giovane; g-a: giovane adulto; a: adulto). Specie Lepus europaeus Canis familiaris Equus caballus Bos taurus Ovis aries vel Capra hircus Sus scrofa (maiale) Totale

N

gg 1

1 1

g

g-a

1

A 2 5 2 8 11

totale 3 5 2 10 16

1

2 3

2

3 8

1

6 34

10 46

Tab. 4. Altezze al garrese (in mm) di cani di alcuni siti del VI-IV secolo a.C. dell’Italia centrale. Sito

Fig. 4. Piede sinistro di giovane lepre.

Pyrgi Montecatino Val Freddana Cerveteri Capena Amelia

Fig. 5. Omero destro di cane.

Sulmona Osimo

.

età VI sec a.C. VI-V sec a.C. VI-V sec a.C. V-IV sec a.C. IV sec a.C. IV sec a.C. Piceno

min max media Fonte Caloi & Palombo 560 1980 Ciampoltrini et alii 675 1991 440 456

553

Clark 1989

497 572 500 550

Salari et alii c.s. De Grossi Mazzorin 1995a Wilkens 1997

Il cavallo è rappresentato da un radio mancante dell’articolazione prossimale (SD: 32.4; Bd: 63.8; BFd: 54.2) e un M1-2 mediamente usurato appartenuti a due individui adulti. Il cavallo domestico, introdotto in Italia nel corso dell’Eneolitico (De Grossi Mazzorin 1995b), è presente, con percentuali molto basse rispetto agli altri animali domestici, nella maggior parte dei siti dell’Italia centrale a partire dall’Età del Bronzo. Le ossa rinvenute appartengono in maggioranza ad animali adulti di piccola taglia e si presentano in genere poco frammentate poiché

Il cane (Figg. 5 e 6) è presente con 42 elementi scheletrici di individui adulti (17.4% dei resti e 10.6% degli individui); i cani di Capena erano a muso lungo di tipo lupino e di dimensioni medie-piccole (Tab. 4), con un’altezza media di 497 mm (min. 456 mm, max. 553 mm). La relativa abbondanza dei resti, nonché le troncature delle mandibole della US 6, lasciano ipotizzare che la presenza di resti di cane non sia casuale, ma che anche il migliore amico dell’uomo venisse mangiato; il 836

LEONARDO SALARI: CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. individui adulti, tra cui un becco ed un ariete, e sono presenti anche un giovanissimo di meno di 3-4 mesi, un giovane di 10-12 mesi, almeno 2 di meno di 18 mesi e un giovane-adulto di circa 18 mesi. Molto probabilmente la pastorizia era volta, oltre alla produzione di carne, allo sfruttamento dei greggi per la lana ed un misura minore (visti gli scarsi abbattimenti tra i giovanissimi) per il latte ed i suoi derivati. Gli ovicaprini erano di taglia mediagrande (Tab. 6) con un’altezza media di 658 mm (min. 601- max. 738) e risulta che la capra era più alta della pecora. Un metapodio di pecora o capra della US 6, infine, mostra segni evidenti di patologia: circa metà della diafisi è interessata posteriormente dalla crescita di neoformazione ossea: potrebbe trattarsi di un caso di osteopatia ipertrofica (Siegel 1976; Morgan 1990) (Fig. 9).

esso non veniva solitamente consumato, ma veniva usato soprattutto come cavalcatura o animale da tiro.

Tab. 5. Altezze al garrese (in mm) di maiali di alcuni siti del VII-III secolo a.C. dell’Italia centrale. Sito Ficana 3b-c (III) Montecatino Val Freddana Capena Populonia

Fig. 7. Resti ossei di maiale.

I suini (Fig. 7) sono meno numerosi di bovini e ovicaprini (21.5% dei resti e 21.3% degli individui); tra i principali animali domestici raggiungono il 28% dei resti e degli individui (Figg. 1 e 2). I 52 resti di maiale appartengono ad un feto o neonato, ad almeno 3 giovani di meno di due anni (di cui uno di 6-8 mesi), uno di circa un anno ed un altro di 18-20 mesi, e ad almeno 6 individui adulti, tra cui due verri di modeste dimensioni. L’allevamento suino era finalizzato esclusivamente alla produzione di carne; attualmente i suini sono macellati al di sotto dell’anno di età, poiché con le moderne tecniche di allevamento in questo breve periodo gli animali riescono a raggiungere un buon peso, ma negli allevamenti protostorici, basati su un’alimentazione essenzialmente brada, il massimo dell’accrescimento probabilmente si otteneva nel secondo anno di vita (Salari 1997/98). I suini di Capena erano di taglia media (Tab. 5) con un’altezza al garrese di 689 mm (min. 682 - max. 696).

Osimo

età VII-VI sec a.C. VI-V sec a.C. V-IV sec a.C. III sec a.C. Piceno

min 694

max media 782 727

628

676

660

680

696

689

590

804

704

649

857

735

Fonte De Grossi Mazzorin 1996 Ciampoltrini et alii 1991 De Grossi Mazzorin 1985 Wilkens 1997

Tab. 6. Altezze al garrese (in mm) di ovicaprini di alcuni siti VI-III secolo a.C. dell’Italia centrale. Sito Montecatino Val Freddana Cerveteri Veio Capena Praeneste Populonia Osimo

età VI-V sec a.C. VI-V sec a.C. V-IV sec a.C. V-IV sec a.C. IV sec a.C. III sec a.C. Piceno

min

max media 569

542

626

582 578

601

738

Fonte Ciampoltrini et alii 1991 Clark 1989 indeito

658 653

532

752

653

484

657

575

inedito De Grossi Mazzorin 1985 Wilkens 1997

I bovini (Fig. 8) sono relativamente abbondanti (25.2% dei resti e 21.3 degli individui); tra i principali animali domestici raggiungono il 33% dei resti ed il 28% degli individui (Figg. 1 e 2). I 61 resti rinvenuti appartengono in maggioranza ad individui adulti e sono presenti anche almeno 2 individui di meno di 3 anni. I resti di bue presentano uno stato di eccessiva frantumazione tanto da non permettere, il più delle volte, di prendere le misure necessarie e non è stato, quindi, possibile calcolarne l’altezza al garrese; dai dati osteometrici disponibili (Appendice) risulta una popolazione bovina di taglia alquanto variabile: animali di dimensioni medie-piccole affiancano bovini di grossa taglia; pur rientrando nella variabilità dovuta al dimorfismo sessuale, ciò potrebbe

Gli ovicaprini sono abbastanza numerosi (29.8% dei resti e 34% degli individui); tra i principali animali domestici raggiungono il 40% dei resti ed il 44% degli individui (Figg. 1 e 2). Oltre ad alcune ossa post-craniali, è stato possibile assegnare a Capra hircus un corno destro (forma a scimitarra, sezione a mandorla, cresta non carenata molto viva), e a Ovis aries una porzione di corno (forma leggermente ritorta, sezione subtriangolare). I 72 resti di ovicaprini appartengono in maggioranza ad 837

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI erano portati a pastura i maiali, ci si limiterà a fare delle considerazioni sulle tecniche di macellazione e sull’economia della Capena di fine V-IV secolo a.C. Le tracce lasciate dall’uomo sulle ossa animali testimoniano una tecnica di macellazione non molto diversa da quella descritta da De Grossi Mazzorin (1985) per i reperti faunistici dell’acropoli di Populonia. La scarsità di resti cranici non permette di stabilire come gli animali venissero uccisi, ma la scarsità di resti riferibili alle vertebre indica come la macellazione della parte assile comportasse un trattamento più distruttivo delle ossa di quanto non accada per lo spolpamento di un arto; le porzioni di carne ricavabili dalla parte assile, inoltre, sono generalmente cucinate o arrostite assieme a frammenti di coste o vertebre, il che comporta un ulteriore degrado delle stesse. Le troncature delle mandibole indicano come queste venissero rotte asportandone la branca orizzontale, lasciando il ramo verticale attaccato al cranio. Le rotture ed i segni dei colpi inferti con qualche strumento da taglio sulle ossa lunghe indicano come queste venissero tagliate sopra e/o sotto le articolazioni: la disarticolazione dell’omero dalla scapola poteva avvenire con colpi inferti all’altezza del caput (bue) o con il taglio del collo della scapola (maiali e ovicaprini), mentre il distacco dell’omero dal radio e dall’ulna avveniva tagliandone la troclea assieme al processo olecranico dell’ulna; il femore veniva staccato dalla pelvi probabilmente con un colpo inferto all’altezza del caput, mentre la tibia era disarticolata con un taglio netto al di sotto del ginocchio. Le tracce osservate sugli astragali e l’assenza di ossa tarsali e carpali lasciano ipotizzare un distacco delle porzioni inferiori degli arti con fendenti dati all’altezza del carpo e del tarso. Il basso numero di condili articolari dei metapodi ed i segni lasciati sulle falangi prossimali suggeriscono, infine, come le falangi venissero asportate con colpi inferti all’articolazione della prima.

Fig. 8. Resti ossei di bue.

Fig. 9. Ossa patologiche (a destra, prima falange di bue; a sinistra, diafisi di metacarpo di ovicaprino).

I resti faunistici di Capena ci permettono, inoltre, di chiarire alcuni aspetti dell’economia di sussistenza in questa città tra la fine del V e gli inizi del IV secolo a.C. L’allevamento del bestiame ne svolgeva il ruolo primario, essendo bovini, ovicaprini e suini la principale fonte di carne. A questi si doveva aggiungere, anche se molto modesto, l’apporto alimentare fornito dalla caccia alla lepre e probabilmente anche dal cane.

indicare la presenza di animali particolarmente robusti, selezionati per il traino ed il lavoro nei campi. Una prima falange di B. taurus della US 7, infine, mostra un forte ispessimento della parte prossimale della faccia dorsale: potrebbe trattarsi di una alterazione patologica (artrite ?) dovuta a stress da lavoro o altra causa (Siegel 1976) (Fig. 9).

Nelle figure 1 e 2 sono presi in esame i tre principali taxa domestici con i loro rapporti percentuali calcolati sia sul numero dei resti, sia sul numero minimo degli individui. Gli ovicaprini sono maggioritari sia nel numero dei resti (seguiti dal bue e poi dal maiale), sia nel numero minimo degli individui (seguiti da bue e maiale appaiati), e sembra, quindi, che incidessero molto sull’alimentazione della popolazione, ma ciò non è affatto corrispondente alla realtà se consideriamo questi dati sulla base della quantità di carne fornita dagli animali. Si può vedere in figura 3 come i bovini da soli fornissero circa i ¾ della carne consumata, mentre i suini (13%) e soprattutto gli

CONCLUSIONI I dati relativi alla fauna selvatica sono troppo scarsi per fare delle considerazioni di carattere ambientale, essendo gli animali domestici condizionati dall’uomo e dalle sue esigenze. Pur potendo ipotizzare la presenza nei dintorni di zone collinari e pianeggianti cespugliose secche alternate a vaste radure erbose, dove si rincorrevano le lepri, si nascondevano le pernici ed utilizzabili anche per il pascolo degli ovicaprini e dei bovini, e zone boschive umide, in cui si riproducevano i rospi e probabilmente 838

LEONARDO SALARI: CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. ovicaprini (16%) siano molto meno importanti di quanto si potesse pensare considerando il numero dei resti o degli individui.

se ridimensionato per la produzione di carne, il ruolo degli ovicaprini non era affatto marginale, i greggi, in cui presumibilmente le pecore erano più numerose delle capre, potevano fornire il latte, con cui venivano prodotti i derivati caseari, e la lana.

Mentre i maiali erano tenuti solo per la produzione di carne, i grandi ed i piccoli ruminanti erano allevati anche per altri scopi. I bovini avevano senza dubbio un’enorme importanza nel lavoro agricolo, sia come forza da traino (forse insieme ai cavalli), sia come produttori di letame per fertilizzare i campi; potevano, inoltre, fornire il latte, con cui venivano prodotti i derivati caseari e, molto probabilmente, le pelli, le corna e le ossa da lavorare. Pur

Questo tipo di economia basato sull’agricoltura e sull’allevamento del bestiame, con la caccia ed altre eventuali fonti di sussistenza ridotte ad attività marginali od occasionali, era largamente praticato, nel periodo considerato, in Italia centrale (De Grossi Mazzorin 1995b).

Appendice. Misure osteometriche degli animali domestici prese secondo la metodologia proposta da Von den Driesch (1976), di cui viene adottata anche la simbologia, ed espresse in mm. Ovicaprini Corno m41 m42 Capra 33.6 23.8 mandibola 4 7 8 9 11 69.2 56.7 23.2 22.3 68.8 47.1 21.7 64.5 44.4 21.2 34.4 20.2 113. 63.2 44.2 18.7 38.3 4 33.7

Capra 15a 15b 15c 30.1 19.3 16.4 19.5 12.2 22.2 19.3 33.5 20.0 15.6 20.7 17.5

SLC GLP LG 23.2 42.3 30.0 33.3 25.2 19.3 14.4 Omero Bd BT Capra ? 32.6 29.2 28.3 Radio Bd Ovis ? 28.3 27.8 metacarpo Bp Dp SD Capra 14.7 Maiale Scapola Ulna metacarpo III metacarpo IV

SLC 30.3 SDO 27.6 GL 64.4 GL 66.1

GLP 39.4 DPA 36.1 LeP 61.2 LeP

Ovis femore

19.8 17.3 21.3

BG 24.3 24.2 20.1 astragalo Ovis calcagno Capra Ovis metatarso Ovis Ovis Ovis Capra

Bd Dd 27.6 17.6

Bp SD Bd 44.7 14.2 27.1 26.4 25.8 13.3 24.8 GLl GLm Dl 26.5 25.1 15.1 GL GB 64.7 22.8 55.8 18.3 Bp Dp SD 12.8 23.3 21.5 10.8 18.4 17.3 10.8 9.8

LG

BG 23.8

tibia

Bp 20.1 Bp 13.3

Bd 20.2 Bd 14.8

metatarso III Falange I

839

19.8 14.3 16.2 16.6 13.7 15.6 14.9 16.1 14.7 13.2 Bd

35.7 30.8 tibia Capra ?

16.1 9.3 Scapola Ovis

Ovis

28.3 22.7 22.2 21.7 21.2 21.1 19.3 Bp

Bd 31.1 28.8 28.4 GL 72.8

Dd 21.1 18.6 18.2 19.2 Dm Bd 16.0 19.2

Bd Dd 23.4 16.1 21.1 14.9

Dd 25.8 24.4 23.3 LeP Bp Bd 70.7 18.3 19.4 23.4 GL Bp SD Bd 32.7 18.1 12.1 16.4 7.2 9.1

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Bue Scapola

SLC GLP LG BG 57.3 71.7 62.7 50.5 Radio Bp Dp 36.4 Ulna SDO DPA 52.2 64.2 metacarpo Bp Dp SD Bd Dd 68.8 38.4 54.8 32.3 51.5 31.2 50.5 27.8 48.3 31.7 28.4 astragalo GLl GLm Dl Dm Bd 63.4 59.7 35.1 35.8 43.4 59.3 54.4 31.5 31.9 36.2 Scafocub. GB 53.8 metatarso Bp Dp SD Bd Dd 60.3 33.7 49.5 44.2 45.7 45.4 44.8 41.9 40.0 39.3 37.8

Cane mandibola

1 133.4

8 76.5 74.2

10 35.9 35.9 35.7 35.4

falange I

GL Bp SD 70.0 34.8 30.1 66.3 31.7 26.6 27.6 65.6 27.8 22.2 64.2 27.8 25.1 63.7 29.3 25.1 62.6 27.6 25.2 57.6 25.4 21.7 25.1 20.1 56.2 24.7 20.3 54.8 28.4 22.8 falange II GL Bp SD 44.7 33.2 27.2 44.3 32.2 26.1 43.2 30.5 23.7 43.2 27.6 23.7 40.8 27.2 20.5 40.1 27.3 21.2 37.7 25.1 20.5 falange III DLS Ld MBS 68.3 51.5 20.1 55.2 45.4 18.3 52.5 41.2 15.4

11 41.7 39.5 38.3

LCD epistrofeo e 47.3 Scapola SLC 22.2 Omero GL 168. 2

Radio

Ulna

LAP a 46.6 GLP 28.3 Dp

12 36.1 33.8

14 19.8 20.5 20.5 18.8

18 52.8 52.4

10.5

19 21.2 20.6 23.7 22.7

30.5

22.7 23.5 Bd 29.5 27.6 26.6 24.2 21.7 22.1 21.7

20 18.8 17.8

coxale

26.6 21.2 34.4 BG 17.3 Bd

tibia

38.0 13.4 32.2

calcagno

39.8 33.2 39.8 30.1 38.8 29.8 Bp SD Bd 17.7 12.7 17.6 21.7 16.6 22.6 SDO DPA 20.5 24.9 19.8 24.4

LAR SH

22.4 9.8 18.5 Bp Bd Dd 38.3 21.9 16.2 GL

41.7 metatarsali GL Mt II Mt III 66.1 Mt IV 68.3 66.6 Mt V 57.1 57.3

840

SB

GB 15.1 Bd 8.6 8.8 8.8 8.3 7.3 7.3

M1 20.5x9.1 21.5x8.8 20.7x8.3

16.8

Bfcr Bfcd SBV H 28.8 LG 25.9 SD

17 10.5 11.5

Bd 32.2 28.3 31.0 26.1 26.3 27.3 26.1 24.4

LEONARDO SALARI: CAPENA, LE FAUNE DI ALCUNI CONTESTI DI FINE V – INIZI IV SECOLO A.C. BIBLIOGRAFIA

Salari, L., 1997/98. Analisi delle faune del sito di Grotta dei Cocci (Narni, Umbria). Considerazioni paleoclimatiche e culturali. Tesi sperimentale inedita in Paleontologia dei Vertebrati, Università “La Sapienza”, Roma. Salari, L., R. Sardella, E. Squazzini, A. Lisciarelli & T. Suadoni, c.s. Il cane della necropoli di Amelia (Terni, Umbria), in: Atti Convegno Internazionale “Animali tra uomini e dei. Archeozoologia del mondo preromano”, Ravenna e Monterenzio, 8-9 novembre 2002. Siegel, J., 1976. Animal palaeopathology: Possibilities and problem. Journal of Archaeological Science 3, 349-384. Tagliacozzo, A., 1993. L’Archeozoologia: problemi e metodologie relativi all’interpretazione dei dati. Origini 17, 7-93. Von den Driesch, A., 1976. A guide to the measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites. Peabody Museum Bulletin 1, 1-137. Wilkens, B., 1997. I resti faunistici dei livelli piceni di Osimo. Rassegna di Archeologia 14, 237-251.

Barone, R., 1974. Anatomia comparata dei Mammiferi domestici, I – Osteologia, III – Splancnologia. Ed. it. a cura di R. Bortolami, Edagricole, Bologna. Boessneck, J., 1969. Osteological difference between sheep (Ovis aries Linné) and goat (Capra hircus Linné), in: D.R. Brothwell & E.S. Higgs (eds), Science in Archaeology. London, 343-352. Caloi, L., & M.R. Palombo, 1980. Il cane domestico di Pyrgi. Studi Etruschi 48, 293-328. Cerasuolo, O., c.s. Capena, lo scavo di alcuni contesti di fine V – inizi IV secolo a.C., in: Atti 6° convegno di Archaeologia Italiana, Groningen (Paesi Bassi), 15, 16 e 17 aprile 2003. Ciampoltrini, G., P. Rendina & B. Wilkens, 1991. L’alimentazione nell’abitato etrusco di Montecatino in Val Freddana (Lucca). Studi Etruschi 56, 271-284. Clark, G., 1989. A group of animal bones from Cerveteri. Studi Etruschi 55, 253-269. Clark, K.M., 1995. The later prehistoric and protohistoric dog: the emergence of canine diversity. Archaeozoologia 7, 9-32. De Grossi Mazzorin, J., 1985. Reperti faunistici dell’acropoli di Populonia: testimonianze di allevamento e caccia nel III secolo a.C. Rassegna di Archeologia 5, 131-171. De Grossi Mazzorin, J., 1995a. Sepolture con cani nella necropoli di Fonte d’amore presso Sulmona (IV-III sec. a.C.), in: Atti 1° Convegno Nazionale Archeozoologia (= Quaderni Padusa 1). Rovigo, 375376. De Grossi Mazzorin, J., 1995b. In: Economie di Allevamento in Italia Centrale dalla Media Età del Bronzo alla fine dell’Età del Ferro (Oxbow Monograph, 41: Papers of the 5th Conference of Italian Archaeology). Oxford, 167-177. De Grossi Mazzorin, J., 1996. Analisi dei resti faunistici dell’abitato di Ficana (zone 3b-c), in: J.R. Brandt (ed.), Scavi di Ficana, Vol. II, tomo I, IPZ Stato. Roma, 405-423. Getty, R., 1982. Anatomia degli animali domestici, I, II, Sisson & Grossman’s, Ed. it. Piccin, Padova. Harcourt, R.A., 1974. The dog in prehistoric and early historic Britain. Journal of Archaeological Science 1, 151-175. Morgan, J.P., 1990. Radiologia diagnostica dell’apparato scheletrico. Ed. it. A cura di L. Pozzi, Scivac, Cremona. Payne, S., 1973. Kill-off patterns in sheep and goat: the mandibles from Asvan Kale. Anatolian Studies 23, 281-303. Payne, S., 1985. Morphological distinctions between the mandibular teeth of young sheep, Ovis, and goats, Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 12, 139147. Riedel, A., 1986. Ergebnisse von archäozoologischen Untersuchungen im Raum zwischen Adriaküste und Alpenhauptkamm (Spätneolithikum bis zum Mittelalter). Padusa 22, 1-220. 841

MONTERANO, LA VIABILITÀ IN EPOCA ETRUSCA Orlando Cerasuolo, Luca Pulcinelli & Tiziano Latini Abstract: The Etruscan city of Monterano is a station in the intricate road system of Caere in order to control its territory. A secondary road system connects Monterano with its agricultural hinterland. Many data identify the presence of these roads: the existence and direction of the ‘tagliate’, the development of monumental necropolis and the distribution of rural settlements. We present some preliminary data from the Monterano Project that focuses on the Etruscan phase of the site in order to investigate – through survey – the use and the control of its hinterland by a small Etruscan town.

Il progetto ‘Monterano’, sviluppato in collaborazione con la SBAEM, ha come finalità la verifica del ruolo politico di questo importante insediamento etrusco nel periodo compreso tra il VII e il V secolo a.C. tramite lo studio del suo rapporto con il territorio circostante.

sulla propaggine meridionale del pianoro di Frassineta che domina la confluenza del fosso Rafanello con il Mignone circa 1 km ad ovest dell’abitato. La necropoli non è mai stata oggetto di scavi regolari ma sconvolta nei decenni passati da un’intensa attiva di scavi clandestini; a tutt’oggi soltanto una decina tombe risultano accessibili, mentre le rimanenti sono indiziate unicamente da scarse tracce rilevabili sul terreno. Per quanto osservabile la maggior parte delle tombe si inquadra in una tipologia piuttosto semplice, caratterizzata da un’unica camera ipogea, databile genericamente nell’ambito del VI secolo a.C. Particolarmente notevole è la presenza di una tomba tricamerale con due camere minori trasversali aperte sul dromos e un ampia camera centrale in asse, con soffitto a doppio spiovente decorato a rilievo con una complessa rappresentazione dell’orditura del tetto cronologicamente attribuibile alla seconda metà del VII secolo a.C.

La porzione di territorio presa come campione dell’indagine, pari a circa 50 km quadrati, corrisponde alla zona compresa in un cerchio di 4 km di raggio. La scelta del campione da indagare sistematicamente dovrebbe corrispondere all’area sottoposta al diretto controllo di Monterano confinante con equivalenti territori di altri centri, di media importanza, della regione. Il dato, come ha suggerito Zifferero,1 potrebbe essere confermato dalla distribuzione dei ritrovamenti di epoca orientalizzante. In realtà è plausibile che l’influenza politico-economica di Monterano si estendesse ben oltre, in ragione del rapporto privilegiato con la capitale Caere, come più volte proposto alla luce delle evidenze archeologiche.2

Ara del Tufo

E’ la più isolata tra le necropoli di Monterano, formata da un unico nucleo di tombe, circa una trentina, localizzata

La necropoli si trova circa 1.8 km a nord-ovest di Monterano su un pianoro tufaceo affacciato sulla valle del fosso Rafanello. Le tombe, almeno una cinquantina, costituiscono un unico grande nucleo allungato e orientato SE-NO; sono quasi tutte accessibili anche se una ricca vegetazione permette una comprensione solo parziale della topografia interna del sepolcreto. Anche questa area è stata notevolmente danneggiata dall’attività dei clandestini, tuttavia alcuni recuperi effettuati in periodi recenti hanno permesso di ricavare dati sui corredi e sulla cronologia. A parte un complesso di materiali rinvenuto alla fine degli anni ’80 e ascrivibile all’orientalizzante antico4, le strutture osservate non sembrano presentare elementi architettonici databili ad un periodo anteriore al VI secolo a.C. La tipologia più attestata è quella unicamerale (tuttavia le camere presentano generalmente dimensioni maggiori di quelle delle altre necropoli della zona); ben attestate sono anche tipologie più complesse, come le bicamerali in asse e le tricamerali con celle laterali.

1

Largo della Bandita

I dati finora raccolti,3 riguardanti soprattutto le necropoli e le tagliate d’età arcaica in gran parte inedite, hanno permesso di ricostruire la fitta rete viaria, principale e secondaria, oggetto di questo contributo. I dati topografici ricavabili dallo studio della viabilità aiutano senza dubbio a chiarire i rapporti tra i siti principali e le forme del popolamento, mentre lo studio delle necropoli con le informazioni date prevalentemente dalle tipologie architettoniche dei monumenti funerari permette un più sicuro inquadramento cronologico e una valutazione delle influenze culturali. LE NECROPOLI (Fig. 1) Franco

Zifferero 1999, Zifferero 1992; si veda anche Naso, Rendeli & Zifferero 1989 e Naso & Zifferero 1985. 2 Gasperini 1963, in particolare 53-55; Gasperini 1971, 6. 3 In questa sede non è possibile indicare la bibliografia specifica di ciascuna segnalazione, tuttavia si rimanda a: Bastianelli 1942; Bulgarelli, Maestri & Petrizzi 1977; Coccia, Zifferero, Naso, Rendeli, Di Nocera, Gazzetti 1986; Cristofani, Nardi & Rizzo 1988; Rendeli 1993; Setter 1962; Zifferero 1992 a.

La necropoli principale di Monterano occupa con tre ampli nuclei di sepolture il sistema di colline allungate denominato Largo della Bandita, situato a sud-est di Ara 4

842

Naso 1996, 173, con bibliografia precedente.

ORLANDO CERASUOLO, LUCA PULCINELLI & TIZIANO LATINI: MONTERANO, LA VIABILITÀ IN EPOCA ETRUSCA

Fig. 1. La viabilità e le necropoli nei dintorni di Monterano. Linea continua nera, viabilità principale, linea tratteggiata nera, viabilità secondaria; linea grigia, le tagliate; campitura grigia a tratteggio, l’area urbana; campitura nera puntinata, probabile area agricola suburbana; tratteggio grigio fitto, le necropoli; tratteggio grigio rado, altre aree sepolcrali segnalate. del Tufo e delimitato dal corso del Mignone e del fosso del Rafanello. E’ la meglio conosciuta delle necropoli monteranesi: le prime notizie di recuperi risalgono agli anni ’50, mentre un censimento delle strutture esistenti ed un saggio di pubblicazione di materiali si devono al Del Chiaro ed al Gasperini5; un secondo censimento è stato effettuato da volontari del Gruppo Archeologico nel 1981.

Nella necropoli si può osservare il noto fenomeno che vede le sepolture più antiche occupare i punti più alti e visibili, mentre le tombe successive finiscono per riempire gli spazi intermedi disponendosi sempre più lontano dall’abitato, lungo le direttrici di percorrenza che attraversano l’area. Nel descrivere la necropoli non si può non ricordare la principale tomba del nucleo settentrionale, localmente nota sotto il nome di Grotta di Tabacco, una grande bicamerale con camere in asse caratterizzata da un bel soffitto a cassettoni leggermente displuviato e dalla presenza di finestrelle sulla parete divisoria, pesantemente alterata da interventi successivi. L’ipogeo occupa una posizione piuttosto isolata sul fianco della collina e la sua struttura esterna, probabilmente a dado, doveva risultare particolarmente monumentale.

Per quanto riguarda la cronologia, i materiali pubblicati parrebbero attestare un arco di vita che va dal terzo quarto del VII alla prima metà del IV secolo a.C., d’altro canto l’attestazione della tipologia semicostruita (almeno quattro casi) come pure la presenza di elementi architettonici quali la porta ad arco ed il columen desinente a dischi potrebbero testimoniare un utilizzo della necropoli già a partire dalla metà del VII secolo a.C. Le tombe, una settantina secondo una stima sicuramente per difetto, presentano svariate tipologie relative all’architettura delle camere (semicostruite, moncamerali, bicamerali in asse e con camera trasversale): è anche possibile riconoscere in diversi casi le sistemazioni esterne, principalmente tumuli di dimensioni contenute. 5

Bisogna infine segnalare un piccolo nucleo isolato di tombe situato all’estremità meridionale del complesso, in località Gatta Pelosa: sono a camera semplice di grandi dimensioni, secondo una tipologia la cui datazione potrebbe arrivare fino ad età ellenistica.

Del Chiaro 1961, 112; Gasperini 1963, 32-46.

843

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI La Palombara L’ultimo nucleo di tombe di una certa importanza si trova sulla dorsale collinare che costituisce l’accesso naturale da nord-est all’abitato di Monteranno, tra i casali Rabbai e Palombara, e lungo il pendio verso il fosso della Palombara. La necropoli è molto rovinata e le tombe poco visibili: le sepolture sembrano concentrarsi intorno alla strada moderna (che verosimilmente ricalca un tracciato antico) e si possono genericamente datare ad età arcaica. Gli altri nuclei sepolcrali Il Gasperini considera parte degli ambienti ipogei che si aprono sulle pendici meridionali del pianoro di Monterano come resti di una necropoli etrusca riutilizzata dall’abitato medioevale.6 Altri nuclei sepolcrali sono stati segnalati in località Poggio Li Cioccati e presso Casale Rabbai. Fig. 2. Alcune sezioni delle tagliate di Monterano.

A sud dell’abitato sono noti soltanto poche tombe, generalmente isolate. LE TAGLIATE (Figg. 1 e 2) La più importante via di accesso all’abitato di Monterano, sulla direttrice che collegava con Cerveteri, è costituita da una profonda tagliata nota localmente come Cavone7 (Fig. 3), che permette di superare il dislivello tra il pianoro ad est della sella che isolava l’area urbana ed il fondovalle del torrente Bicione. La via, oggi in parte ostruita da massi crollati, corre incisa nel banco di tufo con una profondità che nel punto più basso, allo sbocco verso valle, supera i 9 m di altezza per una larghezza media di 2.20 m. Il taglio, che presenta in più punti tracce di approfondimenti, è stato preceduto da una via con tracciato leggermente diverso (Fig. 4), i cui resti si possono vedere a monte in più punti, insieme ad un piccolo nucleo di arcosoli e loculi funerari. Il percorso proseguiva dall’altro lato del torrente attraverso la valle di un piccolo affluente: nella fitta vegetazione si riconoscono le tracce di una via che risaliva a tornanti leggermente incassata nel tufo; un altro breve tracciato sembra scorgersi poco più ad est, lungo una valle parallela. Un’altra via profondamente tagliata nel tufo scendeva con percorso sinuoso proprio in corrispondenza del ripido sperone occidentale dell’altura occupata dall’abitato: raggiungeva, piegando verso nord, la valle del Mignone e dovette restare in uso fino in età piuttosto tarda, dato che sulle sue pareti sono rozzamente incise diverse croci. Oggi non è più transitabile e notevolmente danneggiata in diversi punti da crolli.

6 7

Fig. 3. La tagliata del Cavone, vista da est. Una via lambiva la necropoli di Franco scendendo leggermente incassata lungo il margine orientale del pianoro, fino a raggiungere il fondovalle all’incirca presso la confluenza del Mignone con il fosso Rafanello. Più verso nord fino ad anni recenti esisteva una

Gasperini1963, 21. Il termine compare in Gasperini 1963, fig. 8.

844

ORLANDO CERASUOLO, LUCA PULCINELLI & TIZIANO LATINI: MONTERANO, LA VIABILITÀ IN EPOCA ETRUSCA importante tagliata8, conosciuta sotto il nome di Cavarella della Bandita, che permetteva di superare mediante un profondo taglio lungo un centinaio di metri un passaggio disagevole su fianco orientale dell’altura di Gatta Pelosa ed accedere quindi all’area della necropoli della Bandita. Il nucleo principale di questa necropoli è attraversato da un tracciato viario di crinale leggermente incassato nel tufo; da questo si distaccava, nella sella ai piedi della Grotta di Tabacco, un percorso antico che scendeva verso nord-ovest e raggiungeva l’Ara del Tufo attraversando il fosso Rafanello: il tracciato è testimoniato dalla presenza di diversi tagli e sistemazioni nel banco tufaceo.

Fig. 5. L’accesso inferiore della tagliata a nord dell’abitato.

Fig. 4. Percorso più antico a monte del Cavone, visto da est. Il lato nord di Monterano è caratterizzato da due tagliate che, per essere le più vicine all’abitato, hanno subito nel tempo svariati rimaneggiamenti: la prima segue il fianco del pianoro per circa 200 m scendendo gradualmente verso est (Fig. 5), fino a congiungersi con un’altra, molto più breve (Fig. 6), che scende dalla sella che isola la parte terminale del pianoro per raggiungere la valle del Mignone. La via di accesso più agevole era però quella che sfruttava il crinale dove si trova la necropoli della Palombara: lungo il tracciato di quella che è ancora oggi Fig. 6. La tagliata nella sella a est dell’abitato. 8

Della tagliata è stata pubblicata una foto in Gasperini 1963, fig. 16.

845

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Più a nord l’ultima tagliata lungo la via che passa per La Palombara si trova all’interno del bosco di fianco alla strada bianca, sul lato sinistro del percorso antico alcuni scavi clandestini sembrano indiziare la presenza di tombe. LA VIABILITÀ (Fig. 7)

TERRITORIALE

La viabilità identificabile nel territorio sotto il controllo di Monterano può essere articolata in due livelli: uno a carattere prettamente locale collegava, sfruttando prevalentemente percorrenze di fondovalle, gli insediamenti minori tra loro e con il centro principale, l’altra assicurava direttamente le comunicazioni con la metropoli di Caere e con gli altri grandi insediamenti della regione. Due sono i tracciati che giungono dall’estremità settentrionale del pianoro di Caere: il primo attraversa la parte orientale del massiccio di Monte Vittoria e, salendo di quota a partire da Panzanata, prosegue agevolmente fino a raggiungere prima il Ponte del Diavolo, poi il Cavone di Monterano; il secondo, oltrepassato il Monte Paparano, si infila nella comoda valle del Lenta fino a Bagni di Stigliano dove piega per raggiungere il Mignone nei pressi della città. Questo secondo percorso, come è indicato dalla distribuzione degli insediamenti e delle necropoli monumentali, doveva essere il principale anche perché si mantiene quasi sempre ad una quota piuttosto bassa. Fig. 7. Carta della viabilità tra Monterano e Caere con i siti di epoca etrusca.

Alla valle del Lenta faceva capo anche la direttrice per il centro costiero di Pyrgi, mentre, sempre verso ovest, l’ampia valle del Mignone conduceva da ultimo a Tarquinia. S. Giovenale era collegata da vari percorsi, di cui il principale doveva passare per le necropoli di Largo della Bandita e di Ara del Tufo. La strada che usciva dalla Palombara serviva una vasta porzione del territorio interno compreso tra i territori di Vejano e di Trevignano sul Lago di Bracciano. Una

la strada che porta alle rovine di Monterano fino a non molti anni fa si potevano vedere alcuni tratti di tagliata abbastanza ben conservati; da questa via, circa all’altezza di casale Persi e di casale Rabbai, si staccavano probabilmente due tracciati secondari che scendevano verso il Mignone.

846

ORLANDO CERASUOLO, LUCA PULCINELLI & TIZIANO LATINI: MONTERANO, LA VIABILITÀ IN EPOCA ETRUSCA diramazione dal Ponte del Diavolo si dirigeva verso Veio lungo un percorso poi ripreso dalla Via Claudia. BIBLIOGRAFIA

Bastianelli, S., 1942. Il territorio tolfetano nell’antichità. StEtr 16, 229-260. Bulgarelli, F., D. Maestri & V. Petrizzi, 1977. Tolfa etrusca e la necropoli di Pian Conserva. Roma. Coccia, S, A. Zifferero, A. Naso, M. Rendeli, G. Di Nocera & G. Gazzetti, 1986. Il Progetto Monti della Tolfa-Nalle del Mignone: una ricerca topografica nel Lazio settentrionale. AMediev 12, 517-534. Cristofani, M., G. Nardi & M.A. Rizzo, 1988. Il parco archeologico (= Caere 1). Roma. Del Chiaro, M.A., 1961. Saggio di esplorazione archeologico del territorio di Tolfa e Al lumiere, in Rendiconti Lincei, 108-116. Gasperini, L., 1963. Monterano. Un centro minore dell’Etruria Meridionale, in: Etudes Etrusco-Italiques. Mélanges pour le 25e anniversaire de la chaire d’Etruscologie à l’Université de Louvain (= Recueil de Travaux d’Histoire et de Philologie IV, 31). Louvain, 19-70. Gasperini, L., 1971. Il braccianese nell’antichità. Dalla preistoria al medioevo. Tuscia Archeologica 5-6, 411. Naso, A., 1996. Architetture dipinte. Decorazioni parietali non figurate nelle tombe a camera dell’Etruria Meridionale (VII-V secolo A.C.). Roma. Naso, A., M. Rendeli & A. Zifferero, 1989. Note sul popolamento e sull’economia etrusca in due zone campione dell’entroterra vulcente e ceretano, in: Atti del Secondo Congresso Internazionale Etrusco. Roma, 537-572. Naso, A. & A. Zifferero, 1985. Etruscan settlement patterns in the Monti della Tolfa area (Lazio), in: Papers in Italian archeology, IV. London, 239-259. Naso, A. & A. Zifferero, 1999. Cencelle e la bassa valle del Mignone in periodo etrusco: elementi per un quadro topografico, in: Leopoli-Cencelle i le preesistenze (= Tardo Antico e Medio Evo 1). Roma, 65-69. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria Meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Wetter, E., 1962. Studies and strolls in southern Etruria, in Etruscan culture, land and people. New YorkMalmo, 163-230. Zifferero, A., 1992. Forme di possesso della terra e tumuli orientalizzanti nell’italia centrale tirrenica, in Papers of the fourth Conference of Italian Archeology, IV. London, 107-134. Zifferero, A., 1992 a. Canale Monterano (Roma). StEtr 58 (Notiziario scavi e scoperte), 499-501. Zifferero, A., 1999. Giacimenti minerari e popolamento di età preromana sui Monti della Tolfa, in: LeopoliCencelle i le preesistenze (= Tardo Antico e Medio Evo 1). Roma, 89-106

847

848

THE ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL PERIODS

849

850

PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’. RICOGNIZIONI ARCHEOLOGICHE SUI FONDALI DELL’ANTICA PYRGI Flavio Enei Abstract: In this article the first results are presented on the underwater research at Pyrgi, which since July 2000 has been systematically carried out in the ‘Submerged Pyrgi’ Project (Pyrgi Sommersa). The project, directed by the Civi Museum of Santa Marinella, was initiated to study and protect the sea-beds along the Cerite coast that have not been intensely studied by underwater archaeology, and unfortunately have been plundered by professionals and non-professional scuba divers. The research starts with the investigation of the site of Pyrgi, the port of ancient Caere, between the well-known ancient docks. Here settlements dating from prehistory to modern times have been documented from excavations started in 1956 by the Etruscology Section of the University of Rome and the Archaeology Superintendency for Etruria Meridionale.

In questa sede si presentano i primi risultati delle campagne di ricognizione subacquea dei fondali pyrgensi, in corso di svolgimento, con metodo sistematico, dal luglio del 2000 nell’ambito del Progetto ‘Pyrgi Sommersa’.1 Il progetto, a cura del Museo Civico di Santa Marinella, nasce dalla volontà di approfondire la conoscenza e la tutela del territorio sommerso lungo l’antica costa cerite ancora non interessato da ricerche intensive di archeologia subacquea e purtroppo ormai da molto tempo esposto al saccheggio dei subacquei occasionali e dei clandestini. La ricerca prende le mosse dal riesame del sito di Pyrgi, porto dell’antica Caere, tra gli approdi più noti del mondo antico, interessato da un’eccezionale continuità insediativa, documentata dalla preistoria fino all’epoca moderna dagli scavi e dalle importanti ricerche condotte, fin dal 1956, dalla Sezione di Etruscologia dell’Università di Roma e dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale.2

Fig. 1. Le strutture sommerse del porto-canale dinanzi al Castello di Santa Severa (disegno anonimo del XVIII secolo; da De Rossi 1972, fig. 53). Per ciò che riguarda l’ormai secolare storia delle ricerche è probabile che un’annotazione dell’Holstenio, della fine del XVII secolo, sia il vero atto di nascita dell’archeologia subacquea pyrgense quando l’autore ricorda: “Sotto lo stesso castello vi è un porto di antichissima costruzione i cui avanzi e le cui fondamenta integre appaiono sotto il mare, strutture ammirevoli. Il resto della costruzione che stava sopra il livello del mare è crollato interamente, corroso dalla violenza dei flutti… Il porto ha una sola entrata formata da due braccia aventi origine sulla terraferma. Il porto nel suo complesso ha una forma per così dire triangolare”.3 Questa descrizione seicentesca dei resti antichi rintracciabili nello specchio d’acqua subito antistante castello trova in seguito una puntuale conferma in un disegno anonimo del XVIII secolo (Fig. 1) che raffigura il porto canale con i due grandi moli laterali e per la prima volta segnala la presenza di una struttura a pianta quadrata sul molo settentrionale.4

La rivisitazione della bibliografia e di quanto già individuato nel corso delle precedenti ricerche nell’area sommersa compresa tra il Castello di Santa Severa e la spiaggia del santuario etrusco di Pyrgi consente di riassumere un quadro archeologico-topografico incentrato sulla presenza di un porto-canale e di una peschiera siti subito di fronte alla Torre Saracena del castello.

1 L’attività di ricerca è condotta dallo scrivente e dai collaboratori del Museo Civico di Santa Marinella Dott.ssa Cristina Civinini, Dott. Giuseppe Fort, Dott. Stefano Giorgi, in coordinamento con la Dott.ssa Valeria D’Atri e con la Dott.ssa Rita Cosentino della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale. Hanno partecipato alla ricerca i volontari del settore subacqueo del Gruppo Archeologico del Territorio Cerite: Dott.ssa Flavia Butturini, Dott. Fulvio Chiacchera, Dott.ssa Sabrina Dominici, Dott.ssa Giorgia Dones, Dott. Marco Fatucci, Sig. Silvio Fontana, Dott. Filippo Gianfelice, Arch. Corrado Gavasso, Dott.ssa Vincenza Iorio, Sig. Carlo Nardinocchi, Sig. Albino Padalino, Dott. Mario Sbarra. 2 Per le ricerche e gli scavi del santuario etrusco di Pyrgi cfr.: Colonna 1965, 86-88; 1970; 1981, 13-34; 1985, 5-21; 1996, 678-684; da ultimo 2000, 251-336 con bibliografia precedente.

Le acquisizioni del XVII e XVIII secolo non sono recepite dall’architetto Luigi Canina che verso la metà dell’Ottocento, nella sua proposta di ricostruzione del 3

Holstenio, Adnotationes, 1666. L’interessante disegno che per la prima volta ritrae i resti del porto e della peschiera quadrangolare è pubblicato in De Rossi 1971, fig. 53. 4

851

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI porto di Pyrgi ipotizza, senza alcun fondamento, un bacino simile a quello della vicina Centumcellae; viceversa, sempre il Canina, nel descrivere lo “Stato attuale di pirgi occupato dal castello di S. Severa” documenta per la prima volta l’esatta posizione della peschiera quadrangolare ed ipotizza l’avvenuta demolizione da parte del mare dell’angolo sud-est del castrum romano e delle relative mura poligonali.5

documentano numerosi altri materiali e strutture sommerse nell’area del porto canale e nello specchio d’acqua a sud del castello.9 L’attività, condotta anche con l’ausilio delle foto aeree, porta il Frau ad ipotizzare l’esistenza di un grande bacino portuale, di forma allungata, esteso tra il mare e la via Aurelia, interrato nell’area immediatamente a nord del castello. Si individuano alcune supposte strutture di epoca preistorica, scavate nella roccia (nn. 35, 36), sui lati del canale portuale.10

Nel XX secolo si registra un incremento delle ricerche, a partire dalle indicazioni sulla topografia pyrgense pubblicate dal Castagnoli e dal Cozza nel 1957, redatte in base ad una sistematica ricognizione terrestre e dei fondali anche tramite l’utilizzo della fotografia aerea.6 Gli autori individuano i resti della città etrusca e romana in corso di demolizione da parte del mare lungo la spiaggia, oltre alla peschiera, segnalano sui moli del porto la presenza di strutture in cementizio sommerse e di un muro in opera reticolata poggiato su blocchi squadrati di tufo, inglobato da un molo moderno, subito sotto la fronte del castello (n. 50).

Infine, da ultimo, i lavori di Giacopini, Marchesini, Rustico e Pellandra hanno approfondito la conoscenza della struttura della peschiera (n. 33), definendone meglio la cronologia, l’articolazione interna e le caratteristiche tecniche e strutturali.11 La prima fase del ‘Progetto Pyrgi Sommersa’ finalizzato alla nuova ricognizione dei fondali è stata dedicata alla verifica ed al sistematico ricontrollo di quanto già visto in passato. In particolare si è proceduto alla rivisitazione delle strutture del porto canale e all’allestimento di una cartografia del fondale in scala 1:1000, utile per la redazione della carta archeologica. Le campagne di ricerca 2000-2002 sono state concentrate nello specchio d’acqua situato immediatamente a sud del Castello di Santa Severa, tra il bastione della Spianata dei Signori e la spiaggia antistante il santuario etrusco, per un’area complessiva di circa 250x150 metri al traverso.

Negli anni Sessanta la topografia del porto viene ancora riconsiderata nell’ambito delle ricerche dello Schmiedt, inerenti lo studio dell’innalzamento del livello marino: l’autore individua suddivisioni interne alla peschiera e definisce gli andamenti di altre strutture murarie visibili a sud del castello, tra le quali un tratto sommerso delle mura poligonali del castrum. Le foto aeree consentono di individuare anche un lungo tratto di massicciata (n. 88) che dal muro poligonale si allunga verso sud per circa 80100 metri.7

La carta archeologica, elaborata nel corso degli anni, comprende le schede e la documentazione grafica e fotografica di 94 siti, molti scoperti ex novo, alcuni già segnalati in occasione di precedenti ricerche, quasi tutti posizionati, dove possibile, da terra tramite strumento ottico (Figg. 2-3).

Con l’intervento del Centro Sperimentale di Archeologia Sottomarina, guidato da Nino Lamboglia, in collaborazione con gli studiosi dell’Accademia Americana Oleson e Mc Cann si giunge, nei primi anni Settanta, alla redazione di una pianta del porto canale con i relativi resti sommersi dinanzi al castello.8 In particolare, oltre alla peschiera, detta ‘Structure A’ (n. 33), si individua la presenza di un lungo muro in cementizio, probabile banchina portuale, definito ‘Structure B’ (n. 34), nel canale compreso tra il castello e la massicciata meridionale. Per la prima volta si riconosce la formazione artificiale delle due gettate di pietrame (East Jetty-West Jetty) esistenti sugli affioramenti di roccia naturale sui rispettivi lati del canale (nn. 48, 82). Si registra la posizione di alcuni ceppi di ancora e di altre strutture individuate nel corso delle prospezioni estese fino alla zona antistante il santuario etrusco.

Una prima analisi dei ritrovamenti indica con assoluta certezza l’avvenuta demolizione da parte del mare, in forte fase ingressiva, di un ampio tratto di costa nella zona subito a sud del castello, in coincidenza con la foce del fosso del Caolino, tra le mura poligonali e il santuario etrusco di Pyrgi. La costante erosione della corrente e l’azione violenta delle mareggiate ha comportato nei secoli la progressiva distruzione della stratigrafia ed il conseguente crollo in acqua dei resti delle murature antiche, di epoca etrusca, romana e medievale. Le sezioni del terreno, alte oltre 4 metri, visibili sulla spiaggia, tra il castello e il muro poligonale (nn. 56, 57) insieme alle strutture murarie oggi giacenti sul bagnasciuga (nn. 52-55) illustrano chiaramente la dinamica del fenomeno di erosione e di crollo: frammenti di muro in cementizio ora riversi in acqua erano fino a due anni addietro ancora inseriti nella stratigrafia circa 3 metri di altezza sul livello del mare.

Negli anni Ottanta le ricerche proseguono grazie all’opera del Fioravanti e del settore subacqueo del GAR, guidato dal Frau e dai fratelli Giorgi che individuano e 5

Canina 1846, pl. 43. Castagnoli & Cozza 1957, 16-21. 7 Schmiedt 1964, 17, 30, fig. 21; Schmiedt, 1970, Il porto di Pyrgi, fig. 3; Schmiedt 1972, 63, fig. 64. 8 Oleson 1974, 297-308, fig. 3; Lamboglia 1973/74, 63-64; 1974, 175178. 6

9

Per una sintesi delle ricerche cfr. Protani & Frau 1989, 85-127. Frau 1990, 319-321; Giorgi 1998, 7. 11 Giacopini et al. 1994, 229-232; Pellandra 1997, 21-33. 10

852

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’

Fig. 2. Progetto ‘Pyrgi Sommersa’: carta archeologica generale.

Fig. 3. Progetto ‘Pyrgi Sommersa’: carta archeologica. 853

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI E’molto probabile che molte delle strutture oggi riverse sulla spiaggia e sul fondale prospiciente, siano state in origine ben fondate sulla terraferma, ben più in alto di dove ora si trovano. L’azione del mare, innalzatosi di circa 50-70 centimetri rispetto all’epoca romana,12 ha completamente asportato il terreno sotto di loro facendole cadere in acqua.

domestiche, anfore, metalli, ossa animali e carboni. In particolare, per quanto riguarda i pozzi nn. 1, 7 e 9, alcuni frammenti in ceramica a vernice nera di epoca romana repubblicana sembrano datare l’abbandono e la colmatura delle strutture nell’ambito del III secolo a.C., forse in coincidenza con la deduzione della colonia e la costruzione del castrum.

I dati relativi alle strutture sommerse fino ad oggi individuate sono, quindi, da leggersi in funzione di questo fenomeno di progressiva demolizione e sommersione attuato dal mare nel corso dei secoli.

Sempre in relazione alla fase etrusca si registra la presenza di ampie zone di fondale cosparse di numerosi materiali ceramici ed edilizi con accumuli di pietrame e frammenti di tegole lungo l’intera fascia antistante la spiaggia, con particolari concentrazioni ad una distanza di circa 30-50 metri dalla costa ed alla profondità di 1.502.50 metri. Tali aree di macerie sembrano suggerire l’originaria presenza di edifici costruiti in scapoli di pietra e tetti con tegole e coppi, completamente smembrati e demoliti dal mare. Si riconoscono alcuni particolari depositi (nn. 8, 15, 59) tra i quali si distingue un mucchio di pietre con alcuni vasi schiacciati, ancora in sito uno sull’altro (n. 18).

Le spiagge pyrgensi, battute dal vento di scirocco e dalle correnti di provenienza meridionale, sono state certamente ridotte di almeno un centinaio di metri rispetto allo stato antico di epoca etrusca e romana. E’ probabile che il fenomeno erosivo dell’area interessata dalla ricerca si sia accentuato in parallelo con il costante ridimensionamento ad opera del mare del promontorio di Macchiatonda, situato a circa 2,5 km a sud del Castello di Santa Severa. La particolare morfologia di quel tratto di costa, che con una punta molto accentuata si protendeva verso il mare aperto, dovette assicurare al litorale di Pyrgi ed al suo porto, per un lungo tempo, una buona protezione dai venti e dalle correnti erosive meridionali.

La ricerca ha portato, quindi, al ricontrollo del fondale prospiciente il santuario etrusco che appare del tutto ricoperto da sedimenti sabbiosi che nascondono alla vista eventuali presenze: soltanto in prossimità del pennello di massi gettato da poco tempo a protezione della spiaggia, subito a sud-ovest del tempio A, si rileva l’esistenza di una vasta area, di almeno 2000 metri quadrati (n. 12), caratterizzata dallo spargimento di numerosi blocchi squadrati tufacei. I blocchi in tufo rosso, ben conservati, giacciono fino alla profondità di 2.60 metri, alcuni probabilmente ancora nella posizione originaria, allineati con orientamento NE-SO (nn. 67, 76), in un caso ancora alloggiati nella relativa fossa di fondazione (n. 75). Tali presenze, insieme ad una probabile base di colonna (n. 10), segnalano l’esistenza di una o più grandi strutture, edificate in opera quadrata di tufo, forse da ricollegare ad edifici di carattere pubblico, situati a meno di 100 metri di distanza dai templi dell’area sacra monumentale del santuario pyrgense. Il rinvenimento tra i blocchi sparsi di un’ancora litica con foro passante (n. 13) potrebbe suggerire la destinazione sacra dei supposti edifici, qualora nell’ancora si voglia riconoscere un dono votivo. In sintesi, nell’area indagata a sud del Castello di Santa Severa, all’altezza della foce del fosso del Caolino, i punti fermi costituiti dalla presenza dei pozzi e delle aree di spargimento dei crolli degli edifici descritti, consentono per l’epoca arcaica di ipotizzare con buona certezza una linea di costa più avanzata di almeno 100 metri rispetto a quella attuale. Nella fascia di terreno demolita dal mare dovette esistere un esteso settore di abitato relativo all’insediamento di Pyrgi con case costruite con muri di pietra, provviste di pozzi per la raccolta e la captazione dell’acqua, frequentate in un arco di tempo compreso tra il VII-VI secolo a.C. e il III secolo a.C. I reperti presenti nei pozzi e sparsi sul fondale testimoniano la presenza di attività metallurgiche, come nel caso della ‘metallina’ recuperata nel pozzo n. 4 e dei nuclei di ematite presenti tra i vasi del sito n. 18, di

Essendo ancora in corso la ricerca e lo studio dei siti individuati, in questa sede si propongono in sintesi alcune prime osservazioni ed ipotesi di lavoro scaturite da una preliminare analisi dei dati raccolti, soprattutto in relazione alle fasi di epoca etrusca e romana, suscettibili di tutte le modifiche che le future indagini consentiranno di apportare. LA FASE ETRUSCA Per la ricostruzione del paesaggio litoraneo di epoca etrusca riveste particolare interesse la scoperta dei resti di almeno tre pozzi a pianta circolare, di diverse dimensioni, ancora ben riconoscibili (nn. 1, 4, 7) e di un quarto quasi del tutto demolito (n. 9). Tali pozzi, oggi situati a circa 60 metri dalla spiaggia, alla profondità massima di 2.50 metri, costituiscono un elemento di certezza per la ricostruzione della linea di costa antica, essendo senza dubbio relativi ad abitazioni un tempo esistite nella zona oggi sommersa. I resti visibili sono da attribuire a pozzi scavati nel terreno e foderati in pietra e argilla, in gran parte distrutti dal mare, in origine aventi l’imboccatura diversi metri più in alto della sezione attualmente esposta, da considerarsi molto vicina al fondo. Qualora si tratti di pozzi per la captazione dell’acqua dolce e non di cisterne di raccolta, è indubbio che all’epoca del loro utilizzo dovevano trovarsi ad una discreta distanza dalla battigia. Nell’interno dei pozzi, negli strati di crollo e di riempimento messi in luce dall’erosione, sono presenti numerosi materiali edilizi di I e II fase, ceramiche 12 Per l‘innalzamento del livello marino cfr. Caputo & Pieri 1972, 309316, in particolare la tabella I.

854

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ attività di macellazione di ovini e suini rintracciabili soprattutto nei riempimenti dei pozzi nn. 1 e 7. La presenza di un ricco strumentario di uso domestico costituito da olle, fornelli, bacini, scodelle, piattelli, brocche, anfore e dolia, sembra confermare il carattere residenziale e produttivo del quartiere esistito nell’area oggi sommersa. Nella zona più vicina al noto Tempio A del santuario è invece possibile che sorgesse almeno un altro importante edificio, forse di culto, anch’esso edificato in opera quadrata di tufo.

rintracciabili sul fondale fino ad una distanza di circa 110 metri dallo stipite sud della Porta Alsiense, ben oltre l’estremo limite della massicciata moderna che ne ha in parte obliterato e confuso l’andamento. La colonia marittima medio repubblicana sembra essere caratterizzata da una pianta rettangolare regolare così come già intuito dal Canina nel XIX secolo e di recente ribadito dal Frau in base alle ricerche condotte negli anni Ottanta del Novecento.14 Non sembra, quindi, trovare più alcun riscontro sostenibile il supposto andamento obliquo del lato marino del castrum, ipotizzato da vari autori, da Oleson in poi, in base alla presenza di una massicciata di pietre estesa tra lo spigolo sud del bastione del castello e il muro poligonale sommerso.15 Tale accumulo di pietrame di media e piccola taglia (n. 60), potrebbe meglio riferirsi ad un’opera medievale o moderna, realizzata anche con materiali antichi, a protezione della costa dall’erosine marina e per la difesa dalle mareggiate del piccolo punto di approdo posto sotto il bastione.

In relazione alla portualità più antica scarseggiano ancora dati sicuri per definire l’esistenza o meno di apprestamenti artificiali di grande portata. E’, tuttavia, molto probabile che il primitivo impianto del porto canale, ricavato in un possibile paleoalveo fluviale, risalga all’epoca etrusca così come sembrano dimostrare le ancore litiche e i materiali arcaici ivi rinvenuti nel corso delle esplorazioni italo-americane degli anni Settanta13 nonché i nuovi ritrovamenti di ceramiche (n. 62) e di almeno una metà di un ceppo di ancora in pietra (n. 91). Purtroppo, proprio nel canale, nel corso degli ultimi decenni, molti reperti sono stati rubati o recuperati senza adeguata documentazione e posizionamento. Il probabile uso del canale già nel VII e VI secolo a.C., lascia presumere che anche le due estese massicciate artificiali site sui lati del porto siano state effettivamente gettate in epoca etrusca come prime forme di protezione dell’approdo.

La nuova ricerca nell’area subito antistante il Castello di Santa Severa, conferma quanto già osservato circa la fisionomia del porto in epoca romana, caratterizzato da un canale d’ingresso che, qualora non alterato da interventi successivi, risulterebbe di forma leggermente triangolare, lungo almeno 150 metri e largo 50 metri nel punto più stretto. La ricognizione dell’area ha verificato la presenza delle due estese massicciate artificiali, costituite da pietrame di medio e piccolo taglio e frammenti ceramici ed edilizi, gettate sui lati del canale direttamente sul banco naturale di roccia calcarea. Su entrambe le massicciate sussistono scarse tracce di strutture in opera cementizia, forse ancora visibili in documenti aerofotografici analizzati negli anni Sessanta e Settanta (nn. 48, 82). Sulla massicciata nord occidentale è situata la nota peschiera a pianta quadrata (n. 33) mentre un intero lato di quella sud orientale sembra essere delimitato e contenuto da un grande muro in cementizio, lungo circa 100 metri, visto da Oleson e in seguito purtroppo coperto dai sedimenti e dalla barriera di pietre posta di recente a protezione del castello (n. 34). La presenza di questo muro, probabile banchina portuale, segnala con il suo andamento irregolare l’esistenza di un possibile canale di collegamento aperto verso Est, destinato ad assicurare una corretta circolazione dell’acqua tra il porto-canale e il mare aperto, al fine di evitare l’insabbiamento del bacino. In questa zona a sud del canale le ultime ricognizioni hanno portato alla scoperta dei resti di altre grandi strutture in cementizio (nn. 79, 80) e di un frammento di muro in laterizi (n. 86), affondati non lontano dal limite della massicciata sulla quale erano probabilmente collocati.

Resta da definire la possibilità che anche gli apprestamenti portuali di epoca romana, scoperti nell’area immediatamente a sud del castello (cfr. infra), possano essere considerati la logica continuità di impianti più antichi anch’essi risalenti all’epoca etrusca. A questo proposito si ricorda il rinvenimento di almeno una presunta ancora litica con foro passante (n. 13) e di un’altra ancora dello stesso tipo dinanzi alla foce del fosso Caolino (n. 15). La ricognizione dei fondali antistanti il porto canale e la spiaggia del santuario hanno portato come prevedibile al rinvenimento di diversi materiali riferibili al transito e all’ancoraggio di navi di epoca etrusca; tra questi si segnalano frammenti di vasellame (n. 62), di anfore (nn. 37, 44), di ancore litiche del tipo con ceppo in pietra o con singolo foro passante (nn. 13, 14, 28, 91), un proiettile da fionda (n. 11), blocchi squadrati di tufo (n. 84). LA FASE ROMANA In relazione alla conoscenza della topografia pyrgense di epoca romana risultano di particolare interesse i risultati del rilevamento del tratto di muro poligonale caduto in acqua in seguito all’erosione, relativo all’angolo sud-est del castrum (n. 58). I blocchi costituenti il muro sono

Un elemento di indubbio interesse per la ricostruzione del porto canale di epoca romana è costituito dalle strutture murarie rintracciate subito a ridosso del mare, al di sotto della fronte del castello (n. 50). L’esistenza di tali

13 Per i ritrovamenti nell‘area del porto-canale cfr. Oleson 1977, 297308; Arch. VG, 1974 n. 5104 (Relazione di N. Lamboglia)/ 5 S. Severa.

14 15

855

Frau 1989, 105. Oleson 1977, 307, fig. 6.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI murature in opera quadrata e reticolata indica in quel punto la presenza di costruzioni in qualche modo collegabili a probabili banchinamenti, calate in acqua o in ogni caso a manufatti pertinenti alle infrastrutture del porto. Sembra cadere, almeno per quanto riguarda l’epoca romana, l’ipotesi che possa esistere una darsena interrata sotto alla Rocca del castello e alla Torre Saracena, tra il mare e le mura del lato marino del castrum.16 La posizione dei resti murari, di probabile epoca tardo repubblicana, definisce in almeno 30 metri l’ampiezza dello spazio di terra compreso tra le mura poligonali e il mare. E’ molto probabile che in questo spazio fossero ubicati magazzini ed edifici portuali con i servizi collegati al funzionamento dell’approdo. Su tali strutture, a probabile continuità di vita in epoca successiva, sarebbero sorti la Rocca del Castello di Santa Severa e la Torre Saracena, posti nel medioevo a controllo e difesa dell’area portuale. E’ possibile ipotizzare che la fronte attuale del castello rivolta al mare si appoggi direttamente sulle strutture di epoca romana, forse fondandosi proprio sulle antiche banchine di ormeggio, così come la stessa Torre Saracena.

dei frammenti di muro, comunque allineati in parallelo alla costa dalla continua spinta del moto ondoso mosso dal vento di Libeccio, è lecito supporre che in origine la banchina si trovasse direttamente a contatto con la massicciata di pietre, nei pressi della quale giacciono sparsi frammenti di fusti di colonne (nn. 6, 74), un grande frammento di muratura con arco in laterizi (n. 6), una probabile stele (n. 73) e diversi altri frammenti architettonici. Di grande interesse la presenza di una bitta per l’ormeggio con foro circolare (n. 16) tra i blocchi di pietra della massicciata e di un’altra probabile bitta a due fori nella zona più vicina al muro poligonale (n. 85). Resta possibile l’identificazione come bitte di ormeggio anche per i vari rocchi di colonna giacenti sul fondale a ridosso del lato interno della diga foranea (nn. 6, 74). Nel proporre una prima ipotesi di ricostruzione d’insieme, relativa all’epoca romana primo imperiale, sembra delinearsi l’esistenza di almeno due distinte aree portuali, una sita dinanzi alle mura di Pyrgi e all’attuale Castello di Santa Severa, incentrata sul noto porto-canale molto ben riparato dal vento di scirocco e di ponente, l’altra, tra la città antica e il santuario etrusco, difesa dal vento di libeccio da una gigantesca massicciata di pietre. Quest’ultima area portuale, localizzata nel tratto di mare immediatamente a sud della città romana, risulta certamente attiva nel I-II secolo d.C. ma la sua presenza è molto probabile che risalga ad epoche più antiche. In questo caso il porto, con ingresso aperto a Scirocco, è definito da una grande diga foranea edificata con pietre di diversa grandezza per preservare dalle libecciate uno specchio d’acqua di circa 60.000 mq, sul quale si affaccia una banchina di ormeggio lunga almeno 50 metri, costruita a ridosso della diga nella zona più interna e più protetta, prossima alla terraferma e all’angolo Sud-Est del castrum. I materiali sparsi sul fondo in questa zona segnalano la presenza di strutture (vasche, cisterne?) con muri in laterizi e/o reticolato e pavimentazioni in opus signinum (n. 3). Anche i grandi crolli di edifici in opera mista individuabili nella zona adiacente il tratto sommerso del muro poligonale possono essere riferibili a strutture funzionali alle attività portuali come possibili horrea o cisterne d’acqua dolce (nn. 52, 30). Infine, costituiscono dei punti di riferimento significativi per la definizione dell’ampiezza dello specchio d’acqua interessato dal porto la presenza della struttura su cassaforma lignea (n. 5) e i frammenti di murature in opera laterizia e/o mista, antistanti l’attuale foce del fosso del Caolino (nn. 65, 66). Nel caso della cassaforma lignea si tratta certamente di un manufatto ancora in sito pertinente ad una struttura della prima epoca imperiale, costruita in ambiente umido, con ogni probabilità molto vicino, se non direttamente a contatto, con l’antica linea di costa. I blocchi di muro antistanti il fosso del Caolino potrebbero, invece, segnalare il limite nord del bacino, verso la terraferma. Nel bacino del porto così come delimitato e descritto, oggi in media profondo 2.80 metri, potrebbero essere cadute almeno un’anfora greco-italica (n. 38) ed una del tipo Dressel 1 (n. 39).

La ricerca effettuata, invece, nel tratto di mare compreso tra il Castello di Santa Severa e il santuario etrusco di Pyrgi ha portato alla prima documentazione della grande massicciata di pietre, segnalata negli anni Settanta, che dall’antico angolo sud del castrum romano si spinge parallela alla costa, dalla quale dista 100-120 metri, per una lunghezza di circa 200 metri, una larghezza media di 30 metri, alta in alcuni punti anche fino a 2.50 metri dal fondale circostante (n. 88). La presenza di una moneta (n. 64), di un peso di bilancia e di numerosi frammenti di ceramica romana di epoca tardo repubblicana ed imperiale (n. 21), concrezionati tra i blocchi, potrebbe costituire un terminus ante quem per la costruzione della grande diga foranea. In particolare il relitto medievale/moderno con carico di minerale di ferro (n. 42), giacente sulla sommità della massicciata, sembrerebbe comunque confermare la datazione della struttura perlomeno in epoca romana. La massicciata sembra essere in relazione con numerosi resti di strutture murarie in cementizio con paramenti in opera laterizia di buona fattura, sparsi, insieme al pietrame mosso dal mare, fino a circa 20 metri di distanza in direzione della spiaggia. In particolare si riconoscono diversi grandi frammenti riferibili ad un’unica possente muratura, spessa almeno 2.5 metri, allineati per una lunghezza di circa 70 metri a formare un’originaria probabile banchina di ormeggio di epoca imperiale, costruita, forse, nel I o nel II secolo d.C. (n. 3). Nonostante la mole, i grandi blocchi in cementizio non sembrano essere in sito, ma risultano spostati dalla loro originaria sede, nel corso dei secoli, dalla violenza delle mareggiate. In considerazione della giacitura secondaria 16 Una diversa ipotesi viene prospettata dal Prof. Colonna che considera i resti murari localizzati sulla testata di un ipotetico molo dividente due distinte zone di ormeggio a pianta ovoidale (Colonna 2000, 256, fig. 3).

856

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ Per quanto riguarda in generale i rinvenimenti relativi al transito e allo stazionamento delle navi in epoca romana, si segnalano numerosi oggetti rinvenuti sparsi sul fondale, in alcuni casi isolati, in altri associati tra loro. Di particolare utilità per individuare possibili punti di ancoraggio esterni alle aree portuali si rivelano i ritrovamenti di anelli da vela (nn. 24, 41, 72), chiodi (nn. 40, 90, 91), ancore (n. 71), anfore isolate di produzione italica e spagnola (nn. 26, 27, 31, 46, 87). Luoghi di possibili naufragi potrebbero, invece, essere indicati dagli accumuli di frammenti di anfore di epoca tardo repubblicana e primo imperiale ancora riconoscibili nonostante il saccheggio da parte di bagnanti e subacquei in atto da decenni (nn. 20, 28, 83).

dell’imbarcazione carica di ematite affondata sulla cresta della grande massicciata (n. 42). E’ molto probabile che il porto del Castello di Santa Severa, ristrutturato da Papa Leone X agli inizi del Cinquecento,20 sia sempre rimasto attivo fino in epoche molto recenti, ormai trasformato in un semplice punto di approdo per navigli di piccolo e medio tonnellaggio come sembrano ben documentare i preziosi graffiti conservati nella chiesa di Santa Severa e Santa Lucia all’interno del borgo del castello.21 Punto di sosta intermedio tra Roma e Civitavecchia, è frequentato dalle navi della flotta pontificia che trasportano i Papi con il proprio seguito lungo la Spiaggia Romana.

Resta, infine, ancora da definire la cronologia del relitto di un’imbarcazione affondata nel porto canale, vista affiorare dal fondo sabbioso, dinanzi alla Torre Saracena (n. 47).

Ancora alla fine del XVIII secolo il Tofani ricorda una macchina detta ‘caricatore astricato’ capace di caricare il frumento ‘sulle navi estere’ alla fonda nel porto.22 LA CARTA ARCHEOLOGICA

LA FASE MEDIEVALE E MODERNA 1. Pozzo

Le ceramiche medievali in vetrina, in maiolica arcaica e rinascimentale rinvenute nel porto-canale in occasione delle indagini degli anni Settanta ed Ottanta, insieme ai frammenti di boccali del XVI secolo recuperati di recente (n. 92) e la bitta di ormeggio ancora in sito presso l’angolo della rocca castellana (n. 49), testimoniano la continuità di uso dell’area portuale nel medioevo ed in epoca moderna. Nei documenti medievali si ricorda l’esistenza del porto nell’anno 1068, quando metà dello stesso viene donato dal conte Gerardo di Galeria all’Abbazia di Farfa17 Nel 1166 e sempre nell’ambito del XII secolo Santa Severa è residenza di balivi genovesi.18 Sempre nel XII secolo potrebbe essere ancora in qualche modo utilizzata la peschiera romana sita sulla massicciata del porto, qualora il termine piscaris ricordato in una bolla del 27 marzo 1130, sia da riferire a questa struttura (n. 33).

Sul fondale si rintraccia il perimetro di un pozzo, avente circa 1.50 m di diametro interno, delimitato da una fodera in blocchi di pietra rozzamente squadrati, di diverse dimensioni comprese tra i 15 e i 40 cm, conservato per un’altezza di circa 30 cm. Nel paramento risulta riusato un frammento di colonna in tufo grigio (peperino?) di almeno 30 cm di diametro (Fig. 4).

Sempre alla fase di X-XI secolo potrebbe essere attribuita la scodella invetriata con decorazione graffita recuperata nell’antica area portuale romana a sud del castello (n. 63). La presenza della scodella tra i resti del porto romano potrebbe indicare una logica continuità di utilizzo dello specchio d’acqua nel medioevo e nei secoli successivi. Dalla stessa area provengono, infatti, altre tre scodelle in maiolica di epoca rinascimentale e moderna che ne documentano la frequentazione anche nel XVI e XVII secolo (nn. 22, 93, 94) quando la spiaggia a sud del bastione risulta interessata dallo scarico del minerale di ferro proveniente dall’Elba.19 A questa fase tardorinascimentale potrebbe datarsi la notevole quantità di minerale sparso sull’intero fondale e il relitto

Fig. 4. Pozzo con paramento in pietra di epoca etrusca (sito n. 1): posizione dei reperti e del rocchio di colonna nella muratura (in puntinato).

17

Per la donazione, da ultimo cfr. Enei & Gentile 1999, 23. Cfr. Enei & Gentile 1999, 24. Per lo scarico del ferro a sud del castello cfr. Enei & Gentile 1999, 28; Colonna 2000, 258, nota 20. 18

20

19

21

Enei & Gentile 1999, 37. Per i graffiti del battistero cfr. Enei & Gentile 1999, 70-72. 22 F. Tofani in ASR, S. Spirito, b. 1072, fasc. 512.

857

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Nell’interno del pozzo affiora un riempimento costituito da pietre, pertinenti forse al crollo della struttura, e da numerosi frammenti ceramici (olle in rozza terracotta tardo etrusca, impasto chiaro sabbioso, probabile brocca in ceramica depurata, ceramica depurata dipinta a bande, coppe a vernice nera tipo Morel 2538 e 2621), osteologici (costola? di equino o bovide, mandibola di ovino), metallici (nucleo informe e lamina di piombo, tre chiodi di bronzo) e organici (carbone).

calcarea (n. 22), tegole e coppi (nn. 16, 17). Soltanto nella zona più occidentale sembrano concentrarsi diversi blocchi squadrati di pietra di forma poligonale, provenienti quasi certamente dalle mura del castrum medio repubblicano (nn. 4-11). I resti descritti, sebbene leggermente spostati dalla posizione originaria dall’azione del mare, sembrano essere riconducibili ad una possente struttura portuale, forse un molo di ormeggio, lungo diverse decine di metri, costruito in epoca romana imperiale, forse nell’ambito del I-II secolo d.C. La struttura, edificata con gettate di cementizio entro casseforme lignee, si presenta con un paramento in laterizi di buona fattura e con alcune parti in reticolato o più probabilmente in opera mista. E’ verosimile che in occasione della costruzione siano stati riusati nelle gettate o nel rivestimento della parte immersa alcuni grandi blocchi del vicino e più antico muro in opera poligonale. Profondità: 1.50-2.60 m.

E’ probabile che si tratti di una parte del pozzo più vicina al fondo che non all’originario imbocco certamente da immaginare posizionato più in alto di alcuni metri. Il resto del paramento di pietre pertinente alla struttura risulta demolito dal mare e sparso per diversi metri. I materiali presenti nel riempimento indicano la costruzione del pozzo in epoca etrusca e sembrano datarne l’abbandono in epoca romana repubblicana, forse nel corso del III secolo a.C. Profondità: 1.70-1.80 m (cresta del muro di fodera) - 2.30 m (interno del pozzo).

4. Pozzo Sul fondale si rintraccia il perimetro di un pozzo, avente circa 85 cm di diametro interno, delimitato da una fodera in blocchi di pietra rozzamente squadrati, di diverse dimensioni comprese tra i 20 e i 40 cm, conservato per un’altezza di circa 35 cm (Fig. 6).

2. Frammento di muro in laterizi Frammento di muro in cementizio, lungo 1,10 m, spesso circa 40 cm, con paramento in laterizi di 19-21 cm, spessi 4.5-5 cm. E’ probabile che si tratti di un frammento di muratura di epoca romana imperiale (I-II secolo d.C.). Profondità: 2.60 m.

Nell’interno del pozzo affiora il banco di argilla e tracce di un originario riempimento costituito da pietre, pertinenti forse al crollo della struttura, e da numerosi frammenti di tegole etrusche, frammenti ceramici (parete di dolio, parete di olla in rozza terracotta), metallici (nucleo informe di rame semilavorato detto metallina).

3. Frammenti di murature in cementizio Per una lunghezza di circa 70 m sono sparsi numerosi grandi frammenti di murature in cementizio con resti di paramenti in laterizi riferibili a strutture di notevoli dimensioni (Fig. 5). Tra i frammenti si riconosce la presenza di un muro con paramento in laterizi, spesso circa 2.10 m (nn. 1, 2), di altre murature ancora più grandi che arrivano a misurare anche 2.50 di spessore (n. 3), di almeno due frammenti con tracce di probabili cassaforme lignee (nn. 13, 26). Da notare un blocco di cementizio di forma quasi esattamente conica, assunta in seguito all’azione del mare (n. 14). Sussistono inoltre parti di muri in laterizi riferibili a strutture di minori dimensioni, spessi 30-40 cm (nn. 12, 15, 19, 20, 21, 24) in alcuni casi associati a frammenti di probabili pavimentazioni in opus signinum (nn. 23, 25), cubilia in pietra

E’ probabile che si tratti di una parte del pozzo più vicina al fondo che non all’originario imbocco certamente da immaginare posizionato più in alto. Il resto del paramento di pietre pertinente alla struttura risulta demolito dal mare e sparso intorno per diversi metri: tra le pietre si segnala un basolo stradale di epoca romana e due frammenti di pareti di dolio. Profondità: 2.30-2.50 m. 5. Struttura in laterizi su cassaforma lignea Sul fondale si rintracciano i resti di un piccolo ambiente a pianta

Fig. 5. Distribuzione dei grandi frammenti di muratura in cementizio di epoca romana (sito n. 3). 858

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’

I quattro originari muri dell’ambiente si appoggiavano in parte su altrettante travi in legno, forse di quercia, a sezione rettangolare (10x almeno 28 cm) con incassi per incastri presso le estremità. Sulla superficie delle travi, appena esposte dal mare si notano tracce di malta ancora ben aderente. E’ possibile che si tratti dei resti di un vano di fondazione, in origine ipogeo, non frequentabile, pertinente a sostruzioni o ad impianti di un edificio distrutto dal mare, già in origine costruito in ambiente umido. La tecnica edilizia e la presenza di mattoni bessali sembra indicare la datazione della struttura in epoca imperiale, forse nell’ambito del I secolo d.C. Profondità: 2.50-2.80 m. Bibliografia: Giorgi 1998, 7.

Fig. 6. Pozzo con paramento in pietra di epoca etrusca (sito n. 4).

6. Frammenti di colonne e di strutture in laterizi Sparsi sul fondale, in un’area di almeno 100 mq, si rinvengono frammenti di colonne e di murature in cementizio (Fig. 8). Si riconoscono quattro parti di fusti di colonne monolitiche in pietra a sezione circolare con diametro di 40 cm, conservate per una lunghezza di 2.30, 2.00, 0.50, 0.40 m (nn. 1-4). La colonna misurabile per una lunghezza di m. 2.30 è in realtà certamente più lunga essendo ancora parzialmente sepolta da un banco di radici di posidonia. Le due colonne di maggiori dimensioni risultano adagiate sul fondale con il medesimo orientamento nord-sud: le forti concrezioni impediscono di riconoscere con certezza il materiale con il quale sono realizzate.

Fig. 7. Struttura in laterizi su cassaforma lignea (sito n. 5). quadrata, costruito in opera cementizia con paramenti in laterizi, direttamente su una cassaforma lignea, ancora ben conservata (Fig. 7).

Fig. 8. Distribuzione dei frammenti di colonne e di murature in cementizio di epoca romana (sito n. 6).

La struttura, con i lati lunghi circa 1.10 m, risulta demolita dall’erosione marina; al suo interno, così come nelle immediate vicinanze, si trovano sparsi molti frammenti di muratura e laterizi tra i quali diversi bessali.

Tra i frammenti di muratura in cementizio associati alle colonne, si nota parte di un arco con ghiera di laterizi lunghi circa 30 cm e spessi 4-5 cm (n. 6) (Fig. 9). L’arco, forse da ricostruire a tutto sesto e con una luce di almeno 2 metri, risulta inserito in un muro in laterizi di analoga fattura e di notevole spessore. A circa due metri di distanza dall’arco giace un altro grande frammento di muro in laterizi di grandi proporzioni (n. 5).

Soltanto il muro del lato meridionale si conserva per un’altezza di circa 35 cm e uno spessore di 40 cm, composto da almeno cinque ricorsi di laterizi di diverse dimensioni (15-50 cm di lunghezza x 3-4 cm di spessore). La struttura fu vista nel 1994 in migliori condizioni di conservazione con il muro ovest ancora in piedi.

859

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI impasto rosso bruno (orlo di braciere tipo S. Omobono, ciotole con piede ad anello sagomato, olle, orlo di dolio), impasto chiaro sabbioso (bacini con orlo a fascia ed a tesa, brocca a fondo piano), rozza terracotta tardo etrusca, (olle con orlo ingrossato a mandorla), anfore etrusche (tipo Py 4), anfora punica (tipo Bartoloni forma F), ceramica di tipo attico (piede a campana di probabile forma chiusa), ceramica depurata dipinta (piattelli su piede, coppe con orlo dritto anche decorate a fasce, skyphos), ceramica depurata acroma (piattelli, brocche, oinochoe con becco a cartoccio), ceramica a vernice nera (coppa a vernice nera tipo Morel 2621i), ceramica a vernice nera sovradipinta (skyphos del Gruppo Saint Valentin, forma Morel 4370); parete sovradipinta con palmetta, fornello (tipo Scheffer II A); numerosi frammenti di tegole e coppi in impasto di Ia e IIa fase; frammenti osteologici (costola di equino o bovide, ossa lunghe, mandibola di suino); frammenti metallici (nuclei informi e piccola lamina di piombo, nucleo di ematite, uncino in bronzo pertinente a probabile graffione); reperti organici (carbone).

Fig. 9. Frammento di muratura con arco in laterizi (sito n. 6). Le colonne e le parti di muratura potrebbero essere riferibili ad uno o più edifici di epoca romana imperiale, forse del I-II secolo d.C. crollati in acqua in seguito all’erosione del mare. L’arco in laterizi potrebbe essere riferito alla struttura di un molo sorretto da archi collegabile ai resti dei quali al sito n. 3. Profondità: 3.70-3.85 m. Bibliografia: Oleson 1977, 307, fig. 7.

E’ probabile che si tratti di una parte del pozzo più vicina al fondo che non all’originario imbocco certamente da immaginare posizionato più in alto di alcuni metri. Il resto del paramento di pietre pertinente alla struttura risulta demolito dal mare e sparso all’intorno per diversi metri insieme a frammenti ceramici, ossei ed edilizi. I materiali presenti nel riempimento, databili a partire dal VI secolo a.C., collocano la costruzione del pozzo in epoca etrusca. Le ceramiche più recenti ed in particolare la coppa a vernice nera tipo Morel 2621i, sembra datare l’abbandono della struttura in epoca romana repubblicana, forse nella prima metà del III secolo a.C. Profondità: 2.00-2.30 m (cresta del muro di fodera) - 2.60 m (interno del pozzo).

7. Pozzo Sul fondale si rintraccia il perimetro di un pozzo, avente circa 1.50 m di diametro interno, delimitato da una fodera in blocchi di pietra rozzamente squadrati, di diverse dimensioni comprese tra i 30 e gli 80 cm, conservato per un’altezza di circa 40 cm (Fig. 10).

8. Accumulo di pietre con materiali ceramici Sul fondale si riconosce un accumulo di pietre, alcune rozzamente squadrate, esteso per un’area di circa 12 mq con numerosi frammenti di tegole e coppi etruschi di I e II fase, ceramica in impasto rosso bruno (olle), rozza terracotta tardo etrusca (olle). In particolare la disposizione di alcune pietre potrebbe indicare l’originaria esistenza dei resti di un ambiente a pianta rettangolare quasi del tutto demolito dal mare. Profondità: 2.30-2.40 m. 9. Pozzo (?) Sul fondale si riconosce la presenza di alcune pietre rozzamente squadrate, di diverse dimensioni comprese tra i 30 e i 90 cm di lunghezza, disposte a formare un perimetro quasi circolare. Le pietre in parte mosse dall’originaria posizione, sembrano delimitare un originario perimetro di un pozzo avente circa 1 metro di diametro. Nell’interno della struttura si rinvengono frammenti di tegole in impasto di I e II fase, ceramica a vernice nera (coppa tipo Morel 2783), ceramica comune romana repubblicana (coperchio con pomello), un frammento di lastra squadrata in peperino. Come nei casi dei pozzi nn. 1, 4 e 7 è probabile che si tratti delle strutture pertinenti al fondo del pozzo avente l’imbocco originario, demolito dal mare, diversi metri più in alto.

Fig. 10. Pozzo con paramento in pietra di epoca etrusca: posizione dei reperti affioranti (sito n. 7). Nell’interno del pozzo affiora un riempimento costituito da pietre, pertinenti forse al crollo della struttura, e da numerosi frammenti ceramici, edilizi, osteologici, metallici ed organici. Si rinvengono:

860

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ Nei pressi dei blocchi, a circa 3 metri di distanza in direzione sud, si rinviene un piattello su piede in ceramica depurata dipinta. Profondità: 1.70 (cresta dei blocchi) - 2.30 (interno della struttura) m.

(40x60x30 cm), ma la sua identificazione non è certa, potrebbe trattarsi anche di un peso morto o di una bitta da ormeggio. Profondità: 2 m.

10. Base di colonna in tufo (?)

Pietra di forma poligonale, spessa circa 20 cm con superfici irregolari, provvista di un foro circolare spostato verso uno dei lati, probabile ancora litica (Fig. 12). Profondità: 3.60 m.

14. Ancora litica

Un frammento di probabile base di colonna di epoca etrusca in tufo rosso è stato segnalato nel corso della campagna di ricerca del 2002. In attesa di ulteriore documentazione e posizionamento preciso. Profondità: circa 2 m. 11. Ghianda missile Rinvenuta isolata sul fondale roccioso. Profondità: circa 2.50 m. 12. Area con blocchi squadrati tufacei Sul fondale argilloso e a tratti sabbioso si riconosce la presenza di numerosi blocchi squadrati tufacei, sparsi in un’area di almeno 3.200 mq (80x40 m al traverso). I blocchi, di diverse dimensioni, sembrano concentrarsi maggiormente nella zona sud dell’area di spargimento, in prossimità del pennello di roccia artificiale costruito di recente a protezione della spiaggia. Si riconoscono blocchi in tufo rosso di 50x30x20, 80x40x50, 100x40x55, 90x50x30 cm (Fig. 11).

Fig. 12. Ancora litica con foro centrale (sito n. 14). 15. Cumulo di pietre con materiali ceramici – ancora litica (?) Sul fondale si riconosce un accumulo di pietre, alcune rozzamente squadrate, esteso per un’area di circa 6 mq con numerosi frammenti di tegole e coppi etruschi di I e II fase, ceramica in impasto rosso bruno (olle, dolio). Nei pressi di questo sito sarebbe stata vista negli anni Ottanta, da un pescatore subacqueo, un’ancora litica con foro passante. Profondità: 2.60 m. 16. Bitta Sulla massicciata artificiale di pietre, presso il limite rivolto al mare, si rinviene una pietra squadrata (107x40x45 cm) con superfici regolari e foro passante, di circa 10 cm di diametro, situato presso un’estremità (Fig. 13). E’ probabile che si tratti di una pietra di ormeggio di epoca romana. Profondità: 2.80 m.

Fig. 11. Blocchi squadrati di tufo rosso (sito n. 12). In alcuni punti i blocchi sembrano conservare l’originario orientamento, risultando ancora in sito e tra loro in connessione (cfr. schede nn. 67, 76, 75). La presenza dei numerosi blocchi squadrati sembra indicare in quest’area l’esistenza in epoca etrusca di uno o più grandi edifici monumentali, di probabile carattere pubblico, ormai quasi del tutto demoliti dall’azione del mare. Profondità: 1.50-2.70 m. Bibliografia: rilievo SAEM (Archivio Disegni Museo di Villa Giulia). 13. Ancora litica (?) Segnalata nel corso delle ricognizioni della campagna 2001, manca ancora di documentazione analitica e posizionamento preciso. Si tratta di un oggetto in pietra che, ad una prima analisi, è sembrato essere un’ancora litica con forma ogivale

Fig. 13. Bitta da ormeggio (sito n. 16).

861

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 17. Frammento di coppa in sigillata africana e lastrina plumbea

In particolare, tra le pietre, si rileva la presenza dei resti di almeno tre vasi in ceramica depurata acroma schiacciati uno sull’altro: al di sotto di una pelike in buono stato di conservazione, mancante solo di alcune parti del corpo e dell’orlo, si trovano grandi frammenti riferibili ad una brocca a fondo piano, a sua volta schiacciata sopra un’altra brocca di simile fattura in frammenti più piccoli. Di notevole interesse la presenza di due paletti lignei circolari infissi nel fondo argilloso dei quali affiorano le sole sommità circolari, piane, di circa 5 cm di diametro. Nel sedimento che riempie la pelike e la brocca subito sottostante si rinvengono diversi piccoli nuclei di ematite di provenienza elbana, un frammento di coppa in ceramica a vernice nera, un femore di volatile con tracce di macellazione.

Si rinvengono isolati, a circa 4 m uno dall’altro, parte di una coppa in sigillata africana di produzione A (forma Hayes 8A) e un frammento di lastrina plumbea di forma triangolare. Profondità: 3.20 m. 18. Cumulo di pietre con vasellame Sul fondale cosparso di pietre si riconosce un’area di circa 2 mq di superficie caratterizzata dalla presenza di pietre, alcune rozzamente squadrate, associate a vasellame, tegole e coppi in impasto di II fase (Figg. 14, 15).

L’analisi della giacitura dei materiali indica che la posizione dei reperti, in particolare di quelli ceramici, non sembra essere stata molto disturbata dall’azione del mare. Tra i frammenti del vasellame sussistono ancora lembi di terreno vegetale a base argillosa. Il ritrovamento si presenta di difficile interpretazione essendo riferibile sia ad un contesto di carattere domestico che ad uno cultuale. Per quanto riguarda l’ipotesi cultuale, i vasi, rinvenuti schiacciati uno sull’altro, potrebbero essere stati in origine deposti, con il loro contenuto, come offerte votive all’interno di una fossa o di un pozzo scavato nel terreno, in seguito demolito dal mare. In questo caso le pietre e i frammenti di tegole e coppi potrebbero essere interpretati come materiali facenti parte dell’antico riempimento della fossa o del pozzo. Anche la profondità alla quale è stato rinvenuto il vasellame, ancora in sito, potrebbe deporre a favore di questa ipotesi. Qualora, invece, ci si trovi dinanzi ad un contesto domestico è lecito supporre che i resti appartengano ad un piccolo deposito di oggetti di uso situato in un ambiente, forse ipogeo, pertinente ad un’abitazione oggi del tutto scomparsa, distrutta dal mare. In questo caso le tegole, i coppi e le numerose pietre sparse nell’area circostante sarebbero da identificare come resti degli antichi crolli delle pareti e delle coperture del tetto dell’edificio: anche i due paletti lignei, ancora ben infissi nel terreno, potrebbero trovare una loro spiegazione come elementi edilizi funzionali alla costruzione delle strutture murarie.

Fig. 14. Vasellame di epoca etrusca entro cumulo di pietre (sito n. 18).

In relazione alla cronologia del sito è probabile che il vasellame e il materiale edilizio di II fase sia da datare in epoca tardo etrusca, verosimilmente nell’ambito del IV secolo a.C. Di notevole interesse la presenza dei nuclei di ematite, collegabili in modo diretto alla presenza di attività di fusione del metallo forse da localizzare in un luogo non molto distante da quello del rinvenimento. Profondità: 2.30-2.90 m. 19. Frammenti di colonne (?) Visti durante la campagna di ricerca del 2001, a circa 300 metri al largo della foce del fosso del Caolino. In attesa di posizionamento e documentazione. Profondità.

Fig. 15. Vasellame di epoca etrusca entro cumulo di pietre (sito n. 18). 862

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ 20. Frammenti di colonne (?)

Recuperata il 18/8/2000, depositata presso l’Antiquarium di Pyrgi. Profondità: 3.60-3.80 m.

Visti durante la campagna di ricerca del 2001al largo della foce del fosso del Caolino, in attesa di posizionamento definitivo e documentazione. Si tratterebbe di un gruppo di probabili frammenti di colonne adagiati sul fondale in maniera regolare, non lontano da quelli del sito n. 19. Almeno quattro parti di colonne sarebbero disposte parallelamente tra loro alla distanza di 1 m una dall’altra, con una ortogonale su di un lato. Tra le presunte colonne si è rilevata la presenza di un lingotto in piombo a sezione trapezoidale. Profondità: circa 8 m.

27. Frammenti di anfore romane Sul fondale in parte fangoso e in parte con sabbia, presso l’imbocco del porto canale, sono stati individuate e recuperate nel 1994, parti di due anfore romane del tipo Dressel 1. Della prima anfora si conserva l’intero corpo con il puntale e parte del collo, mancano la parte superiore del collo con l’orlo e le anse. Nell’interno erano presenti noccioli di oliva, gusci di noci, noccioli di ciliegie, acini di uva, piccoli ramoscelli e resti di altre essenze vegetali non identificate.

21. Peso di stadera e frammenti ceramici In parte concrezionato sulla massicciata di blocchi si rinviene un peso di stadera di forma globulare, con anima in piombo e rivestimento in lamina bronzea. Intorno al peso nel raggio di pochi metri sono sparsi alcuni frammenti di anfore romane tra i quali un orlo di spatheion e un frammento di coppa in sigillata africana A (f. Hayes 9B).

Della seconda anfora rimangono parte della spalla con il collo e un’ansa.

Sembra si tratti di materiali caduti sulla massicciata di pietre in epoca imperiale romana, indicativamente tra il II e il IV-V secolo d.C. Profondità: 2 m.

28. Frammenti di anfore romane e ceppi di ancore litiche

Le anfore sono depositate rispettivamente presso l’Antiquarium di Pyrgi e il Museo Civico di Santa Marinella. Profondità: 6.50-7 m.

Nel luglio del 1994, i frammenti di almeno 7 distinte anfore di epoca romana risultavano sparsi in un’area di almeno 400 mq, in parte affioranti dal fango e dalla radice della posidonia. Si riconoscevano parti di anfore tipo Dressel 1 e di altre non identificate ma forse della medesima forma. Nei pressi dell’area di frammenti di anfore sono stati rilevati due ceppi di ancora in pietra di probabile epoca etrusca, conservati per metà, coperti di concrezioni. Le due parti, lunghe circa 1.10 m, potrebbero in realtà appartenere ad un unico ceppo d’ancora. La posizione dei reperti è stata definita all’epoca della scoperta, in modo approssimativo tramite mire a terra.

22. Scodella in maiolica Rinvenuta isolata sul fondale. Maiolica bianco crema, orlo a tesa rivolto verso l’alto, vasca poco profonda, fondo rientrante. Datazione XVI-XVII secolo. Profondità: circa 2.50 m. 23. Frammento di anfora Frammento di un’anfora romana di epoca imperiale non identificabile con certezza (Pelichet 47 ?), fortemente concrezionata. Si riconosce il collo con un’ansa impostata tra la spalla e il collo. Profondità: 1.80 m.

La concentrazione di frammenti di anfore del tipo Dressel 1, potrebbe indicare il sito di un possibile naufragio avvenuto in prossimità del porto in epoca tardo repubblicana (II-I secolo a.C.). I ceppi di ancora litica non sembrano riferibili allo stesso contesto ma ad un ancoraggio di epoca certamente più antica. Profondità: 3.60-4.80 m.

24. Anello da vela 29. Trave in legno In piombo, rinvenuto isolato, in parte ripiegato su se stesso e deformato; presenta un diametro interno di circa 5 cm ed una larghezza irregolare variabile da 0.8 a 1.4 cm ed uno spessore di 0.4-0.8 cm. Profondità: 1.70 m.

Trave di legno, forse di quercia, adagiata sul fondale sabbioso, in parte coperta dai sedimenti, in parte da un frammento di roccia. Si presenta lunga 2.55 m, a sezione rettangolare di 20x12 cm, con superfici lisce. Presso una delle estremità, leggermente arrotondata è visibile un foro circolare passante, di 3 cm di diametro.

25. Ancora in ferro Una grande ancora in ferro, tipo ammiragliato, è stata vista a circa 100 metri al largo della Torre Saracena, dinanzi all’imbocco del porto canale. L’ancora, con il fusto lungo circa tre metri, si presenta adagiata in posizione orizzontale, appena affiorante dalla sabbia.

Potrebbe trattarsi di un elemento costruttivo navale di epoca imprecisabile. Profondità: 3.70 m.

Individuata durante la campagna di ricerca 2001. In attesa di posizionamento preciso e ulteriore documentazione. Profondità: circa 6 m.

Sul fondale si riconosce la presenza di grandi cumuli di macerie relative al crollo di strutture in cementizio con paramenti in opera mista. In particolare si rileva un frammento di muro in reticolato, adagiato in orizzontale, lungo circa 4 m e due distinti tratti, ancora in sito, tra loro poco distanti, lunghi 1.50 m e 1.70 m, orientato nordest-sudovest, conservati per un’altezza di circa 80 cm. Nei muri si nota la presenza di un paramento in opera reticolata con cubilia in pietra calcarea di 10 cm di lato,

30. Muri in opera mista

26. Anfora romana Rinvenuta isolata sul fondale, in parte ricoperta dal fango e dalla radice della posidonia. Si tratta di un’anfora spagnola tipo Dressel 14, mancante di un’ansa e di una piccola parte dell’orlo.

863

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI impostato su una fascia di laterizi, tra i quali un piano di bipedali, appena affiorante dal fondo.

Bibliografia: Oleson 1977, 305. 35. Ambiente scavato nella roccia

Le strutture potrebbero essere riferite ad ambienti di notevoli dimensioni, probabili horrea o cisterne, di epoca romana imperiale (I-II secolo d.C.), facenti parte di un esteso complesso edilizio costruito a ridosso del muro poligonale del castrum repubblicano (cfr. scheda n. 52). Profondità: 1.50 m (creste dei muri).

Individuato dal Frau nel corso delle ricerche degli anni Ottanta. Si tratta di una struttura, scavata nel banco roccioso naturale, a pianta rettangolare con lati lunghi leggermente arrotondati, lunga circa 10 metri e larga 3 metri, con il lato di fondo rastremato verso una sorta di nicchia centrale. Le pareti, alte fino a 3 metri si presentano rastremate verso l’alto, nell’interno sussiste un fondo costituito da un deposito di pietre di medio e piccolo taglio.

31. Frammento di anfora romana Sul fondale sabbioso si rinviene un frammento isolato di un’anfora di epoca romana, forse del tipo rodio (forma Dressel 43). Dell’anfora, databile in epoca imperiale (I-II secolo d.C.), si conserva parte del collo e di un’ansa con apice sopraelevato. In attesa di posizionamento e di ulteriore documentazione. Profondità: 6 m.

La struttura viene identificata dal Frau come un ambiente in origine ipogeo con volta a botte, ricavato all’interno di una grotta naturale preesistente nel banco di roccia. L’ambiente viene fatto risalire all’antica età del Bronzo antico in base ai calcoli relativi all’innalzamento del livello marino. La struttura sarebbe stata accessibile tramite due rampe laterali all’ingresso, largo circa 1.40 m. A poca distanza dall’ambiente ipogeo sono stati rinvenuti circa trenta frammenti di rame da fusione, in una piccola fossa, a 4 metri di profondità.

32. Ancora litica Vista nel luglio del 1994 a circa 300 metri al largo della Torre Saracena, dinanzi al porto canale. Dalla documentazione fotografica disponibile si riconosce una pietra di circa 50x40 cm con foro circolare centrale. Si tratta con buona probabilità di un’ancora litica di epoca preromana. In attesa di posizionamento documentazione. Profondità: circa 5 m.

preciso

e

di

Una prima nuova ricognizione delle strutture lascia aperti alcuni dubbi circa l’origine artificiale del complesso che in realtà potrebbe essere stato scavato anche dall’azione dal mare in presenza di un settore di roccia meno coerente di quella del banco circostante: semplici spaccature, si rivelano le presunte rampe di accesso laterali. In attesa di ulteriore documentazione e posizionamento preciso. Profondità: 4.00 m (sommità del banco) - 7.00 m (fondo dell’ambiente). Bibliografia : Protani & Frau 1989, 35-43, tavv. V-VIII.

ulteriore

33. Peschiera del porto-canale Situata sulla massicciata nord del porto canale, si fonda probabilmente sul banco di macco sottostante il riporto di pietre artificiale. Si tratta dell’emergenza monumentale più nota nella zona del porto canale, attribuita alle infrastrutture romane del porto stesso o collegata ai resti di una villa sita subito all’esterno delle mura poligonali del castrum in direzione di Santa Severa. La struttura presenta una pianta quadrata con lati di circa 27 m, larghi in media circa 3 m, interamente realizzata in opera cementizia. Costruita in grandi blocchi gettati entro casseforme lignee ancora in parte conservate, presenta tracce di una suddivisione interna articolata in vasche rettangolari. La struttura, già segnalata in un disegno del XVII secolo, è stata più volte oggetto di studio fino all’ultima approfondita analisi curata di recente dal Dott. Pellandra. Costruita in epoca tardo repubblicana (I secolo a.C.), potrebbe essere rimasta in uso per molti secoli e forse in qualche modo ancora utilizzata in epoca medievale, almeno fino al XII secolo. Profondità: 0-1.50 m. Bibliografia: Oleson 1977, 303-304; Giacopini et al. 1994, 229235; da ultimo Pellandra 1997, 21-25 con bibliografia; per il riutilizzo di epoca medievale cfr. Enei & Gentile 1999, 23-24.

36. Strutture scavate nel banco di roccia Nel corso delle ricognizioni degli anni Ottanta è stata segnalata la presenza di probabili strutture con buchi di palo, scavate nel banco di roccia, interpretate come i resti di due capanne preistoriche a pianta ellittica, di 4.50x4.15 m. In attesa di ulteriore documentazione e posizionamento preciso. Profondità: 4.50 m. Bibliografia: Protani & Frau 1989, 34-36, tav. IV. 37. Anfora etrusca Sul fondo sabbioso, presso un frammento di roccia, si rinviene la parte superiore di un’anfora etrusca del tipo Py 4, in impasto rosso bruno. A circa 1.80 m di distanza in direzione sud è visibile un frammento di ansa a bastoncello, forse pertinente all’anfora. Profondità: 4.80 m. 38. Anfora greco-italica

34. Muro in cementizio Parte superiore di un’anfora del tipo greco italico, forse del tipo Will A/C. Si conserva il collo con l’orlo e le tracce degli attacchi delle anse. In attesa di posizionamento preciso. Profondità: 2.50 m.

Visto in occasione delle ricerche degli anni Sessanta e Settanta del Novecento, lungo circa 100 m, largo 2.50 m, sporgeva dal fondale per almeno 50 cm. La struttura, con andamento irregolare, forse pertinente ad opere di banchinamento del porto romano, è stata in seguito sepolta dai sedimenti e dalla massicciata costruita a protezione del castello. Nei pressi del muro si ricorda la presenza di una grande lastra quadrangolare di marmo o travertino anch’essa vista affiorare negli anni Ottanta ed in seguito scomparsa. Profondità: circa 50-90 cm.

39. Anfora romana Parte superiore di un’anfora romana del tipo Dressel 1. Rimane parte del collo con l’orlo a fascia. Profondità: 2.80 m.

864

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ 40. Chiodi in bronzo 45. Blocco in pietra squadrato Due chiodi in bronzo a testa arrotondata sporgente, del diametro di 1.5 cm. Un primo chiodo integro, si presenta leggermente piegato ad S, lungo cm 8, a sezione circolare schiacciata di 0.5 cm; il secondo chiodo, conservato per una lunghezza di soli 3.5 cm, si presenta del tutto simile al precedente. In attesa di posizionamento preciso. Profondità: circa 4.50 m.

Blocco in pietra squadrato, a sezione rettangolare, lungo circa 1.10 m, largo 25 cm, spesso 30 cm, rinvenuto isolato sul fondale. Posizione approssimativa. Profondità: 6 m. 46. Frammento di anfora romana Parte superiore di anfora di epoca romana tipo Dressel 20 rinvenuta isolata sul fondale. Posizionamento approssimativo. Profondità: 6.30 m.

41. Anello da vela In piombo, di forma ovale per deformazione, rinvenuto isolato sul fondale sabbioso; si presenta con assi interni di 3.5-6.00 cm ed una larghezza irregolare variabile da 0.5 a 1 cm ed uno spessore di 0.4-0.8 cm. Profondità: 4.50 m.

47. Relitto di nave Visto negli anni Settanta sul fondale sabbioso nell’interno del porto canale. L’assistente SAEM Sig. Fantozzi ricorda la presenza di una chiglia lunga almeno 8 metri con diverse ordinate sui lati e parti del fasciame appena affioranti dalla sabbia. Il relitto, d’incerta cronologia, si troverebbe non distante dalla massicciata moderna che forse potrebbe in parte averne coperto i resti. Profondità: circa 2-3 m.

42. Relitto con minerale ferroso Segnalato dal Frau nel corso delle ricerche degli anni Ottanta. Sulla cresta della grande massicciata di pietre, si riconoscono alcune strutture lignee coperte da un cumulo quasi circolare di minerale ferroso elbano, alto circa 1.70 m, esteso per un’area avente un diametro di circa 7.50 m.

48. Strutture in cementizio (?) All’interno di una fossa scavata da clandestini nel mucchio di minerale concrezionato, si riconosce la presenza di almeno due travi tra loro parallele e distanti 10 cm, spesse 15 cm, appena affioranti, coperte da tavole larghe 14 e 30 cm, spesse 3 cm. Sul tavolato poggiano almeno altri tre travetti, spessi almeno 8 cm, molto deteriorati, disposti in modo ortogonale all’andamento delle tavole e delle travi sottostanti.

In base all’analisi di documenti aerofotografici lo Schmiedt suppone l’esistenza di strutture murarie a pianta quadrangolare, situate sopra la massicciata meridionale del porto canale. La ricognizione dell’area non rivela tracce delle supposte costruzioni. Profondità: 0.70-0.30 m. Bibliografia: Schmiedt 1970.

L’esiguità dei resti lignei, visibili per un’area di appena 1 mq, non consente l’identificazione e la datazione certa della struttura. Non sembra presente la tecnica costruttiva a mortase e tenoni ed è quindi probabile che si tratti del relitto di un’imbarcazione successiva all’epoca romana. Le due travi più in basso potrebbero essere identificate come due probabili paramezzali, qualora le tavole, pertinenti quindi al fasciame, siano slittate dalla loro originaria posizione. In questo caso i travetti rappresenterebbero i resti delle ordinate dello scafo. In alternativa a questa ipotesi, come già supposto dal Frau, si potrebbe proporre l’identificazione con i resti di una semplice chiatta. In ogni caso si tratta di un’imbarcazione adibita al trasporto del minerale ferroso proveniente dall’Isola d’Elba che per diversi secoli, in particolare tra il XVI e il XVIII secolo, risulta essere stato scaricato sulla spiaggia a sud del castello, proprio nel tratto antistante il punto in cui giace il relitto. Notizie non confermabili di pescatori subacquei ricordano la presenza di alcuni frammenti di ceramica in maiolica quasi a contatto con il legname. Profondità: 2.50 m (tavolato). Bibliografia: Protani & Frau 1989, 141.

49. Bitta di ormeggio medievale Inserita nella muratura in posizione orizzontale presso l’angolo del bastione della rocca. Si tratta di una colonna in granito grigio di epoca romana, con estremità ingrossata ad anello, diametro di 38 cm sporgente dal muro per una lunghezza di 55 cm, riutilizzata in epoca medievale per l’ormeggio delle imbarcazioni di stanza nel porto. 50. Murature in opera quadrata e reticolata Sotto la fronte del castello, nell’interno dell’avancorpo quadrangolare di costruzione moderna, sono visibili alcune strutture murarie di epoca romana (Fig. 16). In particolare si riconosce l’esistenza di un muro in opera quasi reticolata con cubilia in pietraforte e calcare di 7-9 cm, lungo circa 4.70 m, visibile per un’altezza di circa 1.30 m, appoggiato su una fondazione in cementizio parzialmente scoperta. Una seconda parete in opera reticolata, ortogonale alla prima, lunga almeno 2.00 m e alta come la precedente, presenta invece un paramento con cubilia di tufo rosso di 5-6 cm, appoggiato su una base di blocchi squadrati sempre in tufo rosso, decorati con un’ampia bugna centrale.

43. Tubulo in terracotta Rinvenuto isolato sul fondale. A sezione rettangolare. Posizionamento approssimativo. Profondità: 3.20 m.

Le strutture vengono segnalate per la prima volta nel 1957 dal Castagnoli: “ai piedi del castello, sul lato che guarda il mare la violenza della risacca ha scavato in parte il terrapieno entro la base residua di una torre quadrata ed ha messo in evidenza una fila di parallelepipedi di tufo sormontata da opera reticolata”. E’ probabile che all’epoca risultasse visibile soltanto la parete in opera reticolata di tufo, mentre quella con paramento in cubilia di pietra doveva rimanere ancora interrata alla base del muro

44. Frammento di anfora greca Parte superiore di un’anfora forse di tipo corinzio B, Si conserva di collo con l’orlo e l’imposta delle anse. Profondità: 5.60 m.

865

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI medievale poiché non viene menzionata dall’autore. I resti vengono quindi rivisitati dal Frau in occasione delle ricerche degli anni Ottanta.

Bibliografia: Castagnoli & Cozza 1957, 18, fig. 1 n. 2; Schmiedt 1964, 17-18, figg. 21-23; Oleson 1977, 306, fig. 6; Rilevamento della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale (Archivio disegni del Museo di Villa Giulia). 53. Pozzo in cementizio Situato sulla linea del bagnasciuga sulla spiaggia a sud del bastione del castello. Si tratta dei resti di un pozzo circolare foderato in opera cementizia, del diametro di 90 cm, con fodera spessa cm. La struttura, in gran parte demolita dal mare, è probabile che sia da datare in epoca romana imperiale (I-II secolo d.C.) e che avesse l’imbocco originario diversi metri più in alto. Bibliografia: posizionato nel rilevamento curato della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale (Archivio disegni del Museo di Villa Giulia). 54. Strutture in opera cementizia

Fig. 16. Strutture in opera reticolata su blocchi di tufo rosso (sito n. 50).

Crollati sulla spiaggia si riconoscono i resti di diverse strutture in opera cementizia di epoca romana. In particolare si rileva la presenza di un piccolo ambiente a pianta quadrangolare con un lato lungo 3 m e pareti laterali conservate per una lunghezza di 80 cm e un’altezza di 45 cm, orientato nordest-sudovest. Bibliografia: posizionato nel rilevamento curato della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale (Archivio disegni del Museo di Villa Giulia).

Per quanto riguarda l’identificazione e la cronologia delle strutture è possibile che si tratti di murature pertinenti a due distinte fasi edilizie di epoca tardo repubblicana, forse entrambe databili nel I secolo a.C. : per la loro posizione, subito a ridosso del porto canale, si potrebbero identificare come opere direttamente collegate agli apprestamenti portuali e alle banchine di ormeggio. Le strutture costituiscono, comunque, un punto di riferimento certo per la definizione del perimetro del porto in epoca romana. Bibliografia: Castagnoli & Cozza 1957, 18; Protani & Frau 1989, 91.

55. Muro in cementizio Visibile fino all’anno 2000 ancora in sito, in alto nella sezione del terreno subito a sud del bastione del castello, si presenta oggi crollato sulla spiaggia. Si tratta di un muro di fondazione in cementizio con scapoli di pietra, di epoca romana, forse primo imperiale, lungo almeno 2 m, spesso 80 cm, orientato nordest-sudovest.

51. Muro medievale in opera a tufelli Riverso in acqua subito sotto il lato rivolto a sud del bastione del Grande Giardino. Si tratta di un grande frammento di muratura in cementizio con paramento a blocchetti di pietra rettangolari di 15-20x10 cm. Il muro sembra essere riferibile alla struttura medievale del bastione. La tecnica del tipo ‘a tufelli’ potrebbe datare la muratura nel XIII-XIV secolo. Profondità: 0-60 cm.

La struttura esemplifica la dinamica del crollo e del successivo affondamento delle strutture murarie antiche ad opera dell’erosione marina. Il muro, situato fino al novembre del 2000 ad un’altezza di 3 m sull’attuale livello del mare, è crollato alla base della sezione mantenendo lo stesso orientamento che aveva nella posizione originaria. In seguito alle violente mareggiate degli anni successivi risulta ad oggi spostato di alcuni metri verso il bagnasciuga e disposto dall’azione del mare quasi parallelamente alla spiaggia.

52. Strutture murarie romane A ridosso della spiaggia a sud del castello, semisommersi dal mare, affiorano i resti di strutture murarie di epoca romana in opera cementizia. Si distingue un muro, lungo circa 15 m, conservato per un’altezza di circa 1.5 m, spesso 80 cm costruito in scapoli di pietra e tufo con malta grigia ricca di pozzolana. L’analisi del fondale circostante anche tramite l’utilizzo di visioni aeree, consente di riconoscere la pertinenza del muro ad un edificio a pianta rettangolare di circa 18x7 m, orientato nordest-sudovest, pavimentato in cocciopesto, addossato al lato interno del muro in opera poligonale del castrum repubblicano.

56. Stratigrafia nella sezione del terreno A ridosso della spiaggia compresa tra il lato sud del bastione del castello e il muro poligonale del castrum romano si trova un’interessante sezione del terreno, da tempo in corso di demolizione da parte del mare, studiata a partire dagli anni Cinquanta. Per una lunghezza di circa 60 m si riconosce nella parete una complessa stratigrafia comprendente resti di costruzioni pertinenti all’insediamento etrusco e romano di Pyrgi situato all’interno della cinta muraria medio repubblicana.

La struttura, forse di epoca romana imperiale (I-II secolo d.C.), potrebbe essere identificata come un originario ambiente ipogeo, probabilmente una cisterna, in seguito demolita e messa in luce dall’erosione marina.

Come già in passato messo in evidenza dagli studi del prof. Colonna, il deposito archeologico, per quanto visibile, si origina su strati di terra molto ricchi di argilla grigia con resti di edifici con muri in pietre e argilla, carboni, ossa animali e ceramiche in impasto rosso e bucchero sottile graffito, databili intorno alla metà del VII secolo a.C. Al di sopra di questi depositi che

Le murature, segnalate per la prima volta dal Castagnoli nel 1957 come pertinenti ad impianti marittimi, sono state in seguito rivisitate dallo Schmiedt, da Oleson e dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica.

866

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ affiorano alla base della stratigrafia, a circa 30 cm s.l.m., si trovano i resti di altri edifici con muri in pietra e in mattoni crudi, spessi dai 45 ai 60 cm, con pavimenti in terra battuta, coperture con tegole e coppi di I e II fase, databili in epoca arcaica e tardo arcaica con rifacimenti di epoca tardo etrusca ed ellenistica. Infine, nella zona sommitale della sezione, ad oltre 2.5 m di altezza s.l.m., si rintracciano diverse strutture murarie di epoca romana, riferibili a fondazioni di ambienti in opera cementizia, in fase con probabili basi di alloggio per dolia (doliarium?) e un grande collettore fognario.

il percorso del muro fino a ben oltre il mucchio di grandi pietre pertinente alla massicciata moderna di protezione della costa. La presenza dei blocchi consente di ricostruire il tratto di muratura che dalla porta Alsiense andava verso il mare per una lunghezza totale di circa 110 m. Il dato risulta di grande importanza per l’esatta ricostruzione del perimetro difensivo della colonia romana pyrgense nel settore sudest, prospiciente il mare. E’ molto probabile che a differenza di alcune ricostruzioni proposte in passato dal Rasmus Brandt, il castrum presenti una pianta rettangolare regolare così come documentato per le colonie marittime di Ostia e Minturno. Bibliografia: Rasmus Brandt 1985, 65-78, fig. 20.

Di particolare interesse risulta la sovrapposizione diretta delle strutture romane su quelle di epoca etrusca: le fondazioni in cementizio, in almeno tre casi, si appoggiano con precisione sulle creste di muri in pietra più antichi, riferibili con buona certezza a costruzioni relative alla Pyrgi etrusca. Il dato potrebbe indicare almeno in questo limitato settore dell’insediamento una continuità di vita degli edifici nel passaggio tra la fase etrusca e quella romana. Le abitazioni romane, presumibilmente di epoca tardo repubblicana e/o primo imperiale, ricalcano in maniera molto precisa l’orientamento nordovest-sudest delle case più antiche. Bibliografia: Castagnoli & Cozza 1957, 19-20, fig. 1 n. 9; Rilevamento eseguito dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale (Archivio Disegni Museo di Villa Giulia).

59. Area di macerie Un’area di macerie ampia circa 150x50 m è riconoscibile nel tratto di mare subito a ridosso del lato sud del muro poligonale del castrum, compreso tra il muro e la foce del fosso del Caolino. A partire dal bagnasciuga, fino alla profondità di circa 2 metri, sono presenti grandi accumuli di pietre da costruzione, tegole, coppi, laterizi, ceramica etrusca e romana (impasto rosso, vernice nera, sigillata italica, dolia, anfore), frammenti di murature in cementizio, basoli stradali, frammenti di pavimentazioni in opus signinum e in opus spicatum, cubilia in calcare, blocchi squadrati in tufo. Si tratta dei resti del crollo in acqua di edifici di epoca etrusca e romana avvenuta nel corso del tempo in seguito all’azione di demolizione del terreno da parte del mare. I materiali visibili sul fondo indicano una frequentazione dell’area compresa tra il VI e il II-III secolo d.C.

57. Stratigrafia nella sezione del terreno A ridosso della spiaggia compresa tra il lato sud del muro poligonale del castrum romano e gli scavi del santuario etrusco, si trova un’interessante sezione del terreno, da tempo in corso di demolizione da parte del mare, documentata e studiata a partire dagli anni Cinquanta.

60. Massicciata di pietre Situata tra il muro poligonale del lato sud del castrum e l’angolo meridionale del bastione del castello, si estende per circa 80 m con una larghezza di circa 20 m. Ben visibile nelle riprese aerofotografiche della zona, si compone di pietre di medio e piccolo taglio. L’andamento obliquo dell’accumulo di pietre, apparentemente legato in modo diretto ai resti del muro sud della colonia romana, ha fatto identificare a diversi autori la massicciata come parte dell’antico circuito del muro poligonale.

Per un lunghezza complessiva di circa 260 m, si rintracciano depositi archeologici comprendenti resti di strutture di epoca etrusca e romana relative all’antico abitato di Pyrgi. Si ricorda la presenza di notevoli murature in opera quadrata di tufo viste subito al di sotto del muro poligonale e in parte ancora visibili nella zona immediatamente a sud dello stesso. Di particolare interesse i resti della c.d. ‘Casa delle anfore’ e di altre abitazioni di epoca etrusca comprese tra il VI e il V-IV secolo a.C., affiorate a più riprese a ridosso della spiaggia ed in parte indagate dall’Istituto di Etruscologia dell’Università di Roma, in collaborazione con la Soprintendenza Archeologica.

Le nuove ricognizioni che hanno portato ad una verifica più precisa della lunghezza del muro sud del castrum (cfr. scheda n. 58), sembrano escludere tale identificazione. In realtà, è molto probabile che si tratti di un’opera di difesa della costa di epoca medievale e/o moderna, una scogliera eretta, anche con il riutilizzo di materiali antichi, a protezione dell’angolo sud del castello, utilizzato come luogo di ormeggio per piccole imbarcazioni fino in epoca molto recente. Bibliografia: Oleson 1977, 307, fig. 6; Rasmus Brandt 1985, 73, fig. 19; Belelli 1997, 3, fig. 5.

Per la fase romana sono noti i resti di un acquedotto sotterraneo e di altre strutture murarie in opera cementizia tra le quali alcune murature appoggiate alla parete esterna del muro in opera poligonale del castrum. Da ultimo, specialmente nella zona compresa tra il muro poligonale e il fosso del Caolino, si segnala la presenza di una notevole quantità di minerale ferroso depositato in strati di 5-10 cm nella parte sommitale della sezione. Si tratta dei resti lasciati dal continuo scarico di ematite elbana avvenuto nel corso dei secoli sulla spiaggia, dal XVI al XIX secolo. Bibliografia: Castagnoli & Cozza 1957, 19-20, fig. 1 nn. 10, 11; Colonna 1985, 8 e figg. 3-5.; da ultimo Colonna 2000, 256, fig. 3, p. 258, nota 19.

61. Frammento di lastra di marmo iscritta Frammento di lastra di marmo, rinvenuto e recuperato negli anni Novanta a circa 2 metri di profondità nella zona subito antistante la foce del fosso del Caolino. Sulla superficie parte di un’iscrizione latina a grandi lettere capitali. Il frammento è in deposito presso l’Antiquarium Pyrgense.

58. Muro in opera poligonale sommerso

62. Frammento di skyphos

La ricognizione del fondale consente di rintracciare i resti del muro poligonale del castrum romano per una lunghezza di circa 90 m a partire dalla spiaggia, fino alla profondità di 1.90 m. I numerosi blocchi di varie dimensioni sparsi sul fondo indicano

Frammento di skyphos in ceramica depurata dipinta, con tracce di vernice nera sulle superfici, rinvenuto isolato sul bordo del porto canale. Profondità: 2.80 m.

867

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 63. Frammento di scodella invetriata

70. Lastra in pietra nella Casa della Legnaia

Rinvenuto isolato sul fondale. Si conserva il fondo della vasca decorato con un motivo a fiore centrale con petali marroni, graffiti nell’argilla al di sotto della vetrina di colore gialloverde. La superficie esterna della scodella si presenta acroma con piede ad anello rilevato. Argilla depurata di colore arancio chiaro. Epoca medievale (X-XI secolo ?), produzione arabosicula (?). Posizionamento approssimativo. Profondità: 3.20 m.

Nella cantina della Casa della Legnaia, lungo la parete sud del lungo corridoio sotterraneo, si rileva la presenza di una lastra rettangolare in pietra sporgente dal filo del muro per 20 cm, riferibile ad una pavimentazione antica. Alla luce di quanto visibile, la lastra, facente parte forse di un pavimento più esteso, potrebbe essere stata rinvenuta e lasciata in sito in occasione della costruzione della cantina. In questo caso segnerebbe un livello pavimentale di epoca antica relativo ad un piazzale esterno al castrum, compreso tra le mura e gli apprestamenti portuali.

64. Moneta in bronzo Rinvenuta isolata tra i massi della grande massicciata di pietre. Purtroppo non riconoscibile a causa del dilavamento subito. Potrebbe trattarsi di un asse della serie della prua della nave di epoca tardo repubblicana. Profondità: 1.70 m.

71. Contromarra in piombo Isolato su un tratto di fondale sabbioso si rinviene un frammento di contromarra in piombo con un solo spazio rettangolare per incastro di 11x8 cm conservato per intero. Profondità: 5.00 m.

65. Frammenti di muri in cementizio 72. Anello da vela Sparsi sul fondale si riconoscono numerosi frammenti di murature in cementizio, di diverse dimensioni, con scapoli di pietra calcarea, riferibili ad edifici con paramenti in opera laterizia. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: 1.70-2.10 m.

In piombo, di forma ovale con assi interni di 6.7 e 5.5 cm, una larghezza regolare di 1 cm ed uno spessore di 0.8 cm. La sezione si presenta trapezoidale, rastremata verso l’alto. Nei pressi si rileva la presenza di alcuni frammenti di pareti di anfore romane. Profondità: 5.30 m.

66. Frammenti di muri in cementizio Sparsi sul fondale si riconoscono numerosi frammenti di murature in cementizio, di diverse dimensioni, con scapoli di pietra calcarea, riferibili ad edifici con paramenti in opera reticolata e/o mista. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: 2.30 m.

73. Stele ? Tra le pietre di medie e grandi dimensioni sparse sul fondale, si rileva la presenza di una lastra rettangolare con sommità a doppio spiovente di 1.20x0.70x0.35 cm, completamente ricoperta di concrezioni. Potrebbe trattarsi di un cippo o di una stele di epoca romana. Profondità: 3.40 m. Bibliografia: Giorgi 1998, 7.

67. Blocchi squadrati di tufo Nell’ambito dell’area di blocchi squadrati sparsi sul fondale sabbioso (cfr. scheda n. 12), si rintracciano alcuni blocchi ancora tra loro allineati a formare due presunti muri legati ad angolo retto. In corso di documentazione.

74. Frammento di colonna Sul fondale cosparso di pietre di medie e grandi dimensioni si rileva la presenza di un frammento di fusto di colonna in pietra, lungo circa 150 cm, del diametro di 35 cm, coperto da concrezioni. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: 3.80 m.

68. Blocco squadrato (cippo?) Blocco squadrato di forma rettangolare allungata, di 125x31x20 cm, in pietra calcarea con superfici molto regolari, spigoli arrotondati. E’ probabile che si tratti di un cippo di delimitazione.

75. Blocchi di tufo entro fossa di fondazione

69. Muro in blocchi di tufo nella Casa della Legnaia

Nell’ambito della vasta area cosparsa di blocchi tufacei squadrati (cfr. scheda n. 12), si rileva la presenza di almeno due blocchi in tufo rosso ancora in sito, posizionati di testa all’interno di una fossa di fondazione scavata nel banco di argilla esposto dalle mareggiate. Si tratta dei resti di un muro in opera quadrata di tufo, orientato nordest-sudovest. Profondità: 1.50 m. In corso di ulteriore documentazione.

Nella cantina della Casa della Legnaia si rileva la presenza di almeno tre blocchi squadrati di tufo rosso inglobati nelle murature medievali-rinascimentali dell’ambiente ipogeo. Alla luce di quanto visibile non è possibile stabilire con certezza la funzione e la cronologia della struttura in opera quadrata: i blocchi tufacei sui quali si appoggiano i muri successivi potrebbero essere stati riusati all’epoca della costruzione della cantina o, viceversa, potrebbero rappresentare i resti ancora in sito di una struttura di epoca etrusca o romana. In quest’ultimo caso si tratterebbe di una costruzione situata all’esterno del castrum romano, nello spazio esistente tra le mura e gli apprestamenti portuali.

76. Blocchi di tufo allineati Nell’ambito della vasta area cosparsa di blocchi tufacei squadrati (cfr. scheda n. 12), si rileva la presenza di alcuni blocchi in tufo rosso ancora tra loro ben allineati, per una lunghezza di circa 3 metri. E’ possibile che si tratti dei resti di un muro in sito, riferibile ad un edificio orientato nordestsudovest. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: 2.30 m.

868

FLAVIO ENEI: PROGETTO ‘PYRGI SOMMERSA’ 77. Lastre di pietra

Profondità: circa 3.00 m.

Adagiate sul fondale, quasi tra loro in connessione, si rinvengono tre lastre in pietra, di forma rettangolare irregolare di dimensioni variabili tra i 50-100 cm, spesse circa 25 cm. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: circa 2.00 m.

84. Area con blocchi squadrati di pietra Sparsi per un’area di circa 400 mq si rinvengono frammenti di blocchi squadrati in pietra, molto concrezionati. Potrebbe trattarsi di blocchi in tufo rosso di epoca etrusca. Profondità: 2.50 m.

78. Peso morto con catena in ferro 85. Bitta a due fori Grande blocco squadrato di pietra di forma rettangolare (2.80x50x50 cm), adagiato sul fondale con orientamento nordsud. Al blocco è fissata una catena ad anelli di ferro ovali di 17x10 cm, visibile per un tratto di 130 cm ancora collegata alla pietra. A circa 3 m di distanza si riconosce la presenza di un altro tratto di catena, lungo circa 3.50 m.

Tra le pietre della grande massicciata (cfr. scheda n. 88), si rileva la presenza di un blocco di pietra in calcare travertinoso di forma irregolare con due fori circolari passanti. E’ probabile che si tratti di una bitta da ormeggio. Profondità: circa 1.90 m. 86. Frammento di muro in laterizi

E’ probabile che si tratti di un peso morto da ormeggio di epoca moderna. Profondità: 2.70 m.

Tra le pietre costituenti la massicciata artificiale del porto si rinviene un frammento di muro in cementizio con tracce di un paramento in opera laterizia costituito da mattoni di colore arancio, lunghi circa 15-20 cm e spessi 3 cm. Il rinvenimento indica la presenza sulla massicciata portuale di strutture murarie romane di probabile epoca imperiale (I-II secolo d.C.). Profondità: circa 1 m.

79. Frammenti di muro in cementizio Almeno due grandi blocchi di muratura in cementizio, di dimensioni variabili intorno ai 4x4 m, affiorano dal fondale sabbioso. Si tratta di fondazioni relative a grandi strutture relative agli impianti portuali di epoca romana forse in origine situati sulla massicciata sud del porto canale. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: 2.50 m.

87. Anfora romana Dalla concrezione sul fondale affiora la parte superiore di un’anfora di epoca romana imperiale, forse identificabile con il tipo Forlimpopoli (fine I secolo a.C.-III secolo d.C.). Si riconosce il collo con l’orlo ingrossato e le due anse. Profondità: circa 4 m.

80. Frammento di muro in cementizio Grande frammento di muratura in cementizio, di forma rettangolare di circa 3.30x3.50 m, spesso circa 1.30 m. Si tratta di una probabile struttura di fondazione relativa ai resti di impianti portuali di epoca romana, situati sulla massicciata sud del porto canale. Profondità: 1.50 m.

88. Massicciata di pietre Grande massicciata di pietre estesa dall’angolo sud del castrum per circa 200 m, parallela alla costa, larga circa 30 m, conservata per un’altezza massima di 2.3 m dal fondale. Distante dalla spiaggia circa 100-120 m, è stata realizzata con il riporto di pietre di diverse dimensioni. La parte sommitale della struttura risulta demolita dal mare e crollata in direzione della spiaggia con uno spargimento di almeno 15 metri. Tra i blocchi sono stati rinvenuti frammenti di ceramica ed anfore romane, una moneta, un peso di stadera (nn. 21, 64). Sulla cresta della massicciata si appoggia il relitto di un’imbarcazione di probabile epoca medievale/moderna con carico di minerale di ferro (n. 42). Profondità: 1.50 m (sulla cresta) - 3.80 m (alla base).

81. Frammento di colonna Un frammento di fusto di colonna in pietra si rinviene sul fondo del canale portuale. Il frammento, coperto di concrezioni, lungo circa 50 cm, presenta un diametro di circa 35 cm. In corso di documentazione. Profondità: circa 3.00 m. 82. Strutture in cementizio (?) In base all’analisi di documenti aerofotografici lo Schmiedt suppone l’esistenza di strutture murarie a pianta quadrangolare, situate sopra la massicciata settentrionale del porto canale. La ricognizione dell’area non rivela tracce delle supposte costruzioni. Profondità: 0.70-0.30 m. Bibliografia: Schmiedt 1970, Tav. I Porti Antichi: Pyrgi.

89. Area di spargimento di pietre Sul fondale si riconosce la presenza di un’area di circa 15.000 mq caratterizzata dallo spargimento di pietre di piccolo e medio taglio tra le quali sono presenti alcuni blocchi squadrati di tufo e rari frammenti di tegole e coppi di epoca etrusca e romana. L’area potrebbe essere interpretata come il disfacimento di una barriera di pietrame deposto artificialmente in un’epoca imprecisabile. Profondità: 2-2.50 m.

83. Area di frammenti di anfore Sul fondale a tratti sabbioso si rileva una particolare concentrazione di frammenti di anfore di epoca romana. Tra i frammenti, si riconosce la presenza di anfore tipo Dressel 1. I materiali, databili in epoca tardo repubblicana (II-I secolo a.C.), potrebbero essere riferiti ad un punto di ormeggio oppure al sito di un naufragio, ormai quasi completamente saccheggiato dai clandestini.

90. Chiodo in bronzo Si rinviene, isolato sul fondale, un chiodo in bronzo con testa romboidale di 1.5 cm, lungo 10 cm, a sezione quadrangolare. Profondità: 2.40 m.

869

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI 91. Ceppo in pietra

Frau, B., 1990. I porti ceretani di Pyrgi e Castrum Novum, in: Caere e il suo territorio. A Agylla a Centumcellae. Poligrafico dello Stato, Roma. Giacopini, L., B.B. Marchesini & L. Rustico, 1994. L‘itticoltura nell‘antichità. Roma. Gianfrotta, P.A., 1982. Archeologia sott‘acqua, rinvenimenti sottomarini in Etruria meridionale. Archeologia Subacquea 1 (Suppl. 4 al BdA), 13-36. Giorgi, S. & M., 1998. Scoperte a Santa Severa, in: l’Archeologo Subacqueo 4 (2). Maggio-Agosto. Hayes, J.W., 1972. Late Roman pottery. London. Holstenio, L., 1666. In Italiam antiquam Philippi Cluveri Annotationes. Roma/Dragoncelli. Lamboglia, N., 1973/74. Forma Maris Antiqui 10, 60-64. Lamboglia, N., 1974. Campagna di ricerche sottomarine italo-americana sul porto etrusco di Pyrgi (Santa Marinella). RstLig 40. Oleson, J.P., 1974. Underwater survey and excavation in the port of Pyrgi (Santa Severa) 1974. JFA 4, 297308. Oleson, J.P., 1977. Underwater survey and excavation in the port of Pyrgi (Santa Severa). Journal of Field Archaeology 4. Pellandra, D.I., 1997. Due poco note peschiere romane a Santa Severa e a Santa Marinella (= Archeologia Subacquea, 2). Roma. Protani, V. & B. Frau, 1989. Pyrgi e il Castello di Santa Severa, GAR… Roma. Py, F. & M., 1974. Les amphoras étrusques de Vaunage et de Villevieille (Gard). MEFRA 86. Rasmus Brandt, J., 1985. Ostia, Minturno, Pyrgi. The planning of three Roman colonies (= Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia, 5). Rilievo SAEM. Rilievo della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Etruria Meridionale. Schmiedt, G., 1964. Contibution of photo-interpretation to the reconstruction of the geographic-topographic situation of the ancient ports in Italy, in: 10° Congress of International Society of Photogrammetry. Lisbon. Schmiedt, G., 1970. Atlante aerofotografico delle Sedi Umane in Italia. Firenze. Schmiedt, G. (ed.), 1972. Il livello antico del mar Tirreno. Firenze. Tofani, F. Santa Severa. Monumenta e registro parrocchiale, in: Archivio di Stato di Roma, Fondo S. Spirito, B. 1072.

Nei pressi del margine della massicciata sud del porto-canale, si rinviene una metà di un ceppo litico con estremità arrotondata, lungo circa 80 cm, a sezione rettangolare. Profondità: 1.50 m. 92. Frammenti di boccali in maiolica Nell’alveo del porto-canale si rinvengono isolati frammenti di boccali in maiolica con decorazione a scaletta di colore blu, di epoca rinascimentale (XVI secolo). Profondità: 2 m. 93. Scodella in maiolica Rinvenuta isolata sul fondale nei pressi del relitto carico di ematite (n. 42). Maiolica bianco crema, decorazione ‘a girandole e monticelli’ e fasce parallele blu e gialle nella vasca poco profonda, orlo ingrossato, fondo rientrante. Datazione XVI secolo. Profondità: circa 2.50 m. 94. Piatto in maiolica Rinvenuto isolato sul fondale. Maiolica bianco crema, orlo a tesa rivolto leggermente verso l’alto (diam. 23.5 cm), vasca poco profonda. Datazione XVII-XVIII secolo. Profondità: circa 2.80 m. BIBLIOGRAFIA

Belelli Marchesini, B., 1997. La colonia romana di Pyrgi: Le mura poligonali nella Legnaia del castello. S. Marinella. Canina, L., 1846. L‘antica Etruria marittima. Roma. Caputo, M. & L. Pieri, 1972. Innalzamento eustatico del livello marino nel Mediterraneo, in: Schmiedt 1972, 309-316. Castagnoli, F.& L. Cozza, 1957. Appunti sulla topografia di Pyrgi. PBSR 25, 16-21. Colonna, G., 1965. Osservazioni sul santuario etrusco di Pyrgi. BdA, 86-88. Colonna, G., 1970. Pyrgi, Scavi del santuario etrusco (= Suppl. II, 1-2 a NSc). Colonna, G., 1981. La dea di Pyrgi. Bilancio aggiornato dei dati archeologici (1978), in: Die Göttin von Pyrgi. Firenze, 13-34. Colonna, G., 1985. Anfore da trasporto arcaiche: il contributo di Pyrgi, in: Il Commercio Etrusco Arcaico. Roma, 5-18. Colonna, G., 1996. Pyrgi, in: Enciclopedia dell‘Arte Antica, II suppl., 678-684. Colonna, G., 2000. Il santuario di Pyrgi dalle origini mitistoriche agli altorilievi frontonali dei Sette e di Leucotea, in: Scienze dell‘Antichità, Poligrafico dello Stato. Roma. De Rossi, G., 1971. Le torri costiere del Lazio. Roma. Enei, F. & F. Gentile, 1999. Il Castello di Santa Severa. S. Marinella. Frau, B., 1989. Il ritrovamento del quarto lato del muro poligonale di Pyrgi, in: Mura Poligonali. I Seminario Nazionale di Studi. Alatri, 311-318.

870

MONTE PALLANO: L’URBANISTICA DI UN INSEDIAMENTO ITALICO D’ALTURA Amalia Faustoferri & Paola Riccitelli Abstract: The existence of defensive walls on mountain tops on strategic locations is a widespread phenomenon in central and southern regions of Italy occupied by so-called Italic populations. Different theories about their function and chronology have been put forward, yet systematic archaeological investigations are still lacking, and the evidence from regular excavation is rather poor. On Monte Pallano, where the remains of one of the most striking italic fortifications of Abruzzo have been found, it was possible to undertake extensive excavations, which revealed an Hellenistic forum with columned halls and a series of workshops and habitations set at different levels according to the natural morphology of the terrain. The sacred areas – of which at least three are known – were located on natural or artificial terraces. It is necessary to re-examine the functions and inner hierarchy of these fortified highland centres, some of which are pre-urban in character and apparently complement the traditionally acknowledged territorial organization by pagi and vici.

Il massiccio di Monte Pallano segna in maniera inconfondibile il paesaggio dell’Abruzzo meridionale e le sue caratteristiche morfologiche, associate ad una posizione dominante rispetto alla media e alla bassa valle del fiume Sangro e all’imponente fortificazione che ne cinge la cima, rendono plausibile l’ipotesi che esso ospitasse un importante abitato italico.

a Tornareccio in quanto le sepolture, che peraltro presentano forti analogie con quelle tipiche della facies sangritana,7 sembrano occupare un’area già utilizzata in precedenza per scopi abitativi e quindi abbandonata in una fase avanzata del VII secolo a.C., poco prima dell’impianto della necropoli. Non conosciamo ancora gli insediamenti cui si riferiscono tali necropoli, ma essi vanno cercati comunque poco lontano dalle aree sepolcrali e non sulla cima di Monte Pallano per un semplice problema di distanze reali. Ivi, inoltre, sono state individuate solo scarse tracce di frequentazione anteriori al IV secolo a.C., che pure non mancano e sulle quali torneremo più avanti. Sembra ad ogni modo risalire alla fine dell’età arcaica l’avvio di un processo di occupazione e strutturazione del territorio intorno al sito egemone di Monte Pallano, che acquisterà il ruolo di ‘capitale’, e il segno più eloquente dell’avvenuto compimento di tale processo può essere indicato nella costruzione delle mura, o meglio del circuito murario che con i suoi 4 km delimita una superficie di circa 34 ettari.

Con buoni argomenti Colonna ne ha suggerito l’identificazione con Pallanum, ubicata da molti itinerari antichi lungo la strada litoranea tra Annum e Histonium, ritenendo che il sito costiero indicasse in realtà una statio dalla quale si dipartiva il diverticolo che raggiungeva la Pallanum vera e propria risalendo la valle dell’Osento,1 e studi recenti hanno dimostrato la sostanziale fondatezza di questa ipotesi. Un’ampia area di frammenti fittili è stata infatti individuata tra i comuni di Casalbordino e Villafonsina, in una località indicata sulle carte topografiche con il nome di Villavecchia ma ancora nota localmente come Pallano,2 che si trova a poca distanza dalle rovine di S. Stefano in rivo maris, dove sono stati rinvenuti due miliari, e dalla stazione di Casalbordino, nei pressi della quale è stata scavata una mansio.3

Tale circuito8 include, oltre all’altipiano di sommità, l’altura denominata la Torretta, che costituiva l’arx meridionale dell’insediamento e forse il fulcro stesso della difesa per la sua posizione naturalmente fortificata, e quella ora occupata dai ripetitori rientrando così nella tipologia delle “cinte pluriapicali con vallecole interne”.9 Solo brevi tratti risultano però costruiti, in quanto l’imponente apparato difensivo sfrutta in buona parte il banco di roccia opportunamente regolarizzato e si adatta alla morfologia dei luoghi, che presentano sul lato occidentale ripidi fianchi boscosi interrotti dai valloni originati dalla Fonte Canaloni e dalla Fonte Benedetti, le due sorgenti che garantivano l’approvvigionamento idrico all’altipiano.

Sappiamo poi che fin nel Medioevo il comprensorio di Monte Pallano era definito Loucana o Loucania,4 dal nome della tribù sabellica dei Lucani settentrionali, o Lucani del Sangro,5 che lo abitava almeno dall’età altoarcaica: risale infatti a tale epoca l’impianto di una serie di necropoli disposte ad anello alle pendici del Monte, tra le quali si segnala quella presente nella c.d. sella di Colledimezzo per aver restituito due frammenti di sculture arcaiche6 pertinenti con ogni verosimiglianza a sepolture ‘regali’. Di particolare interesse per l’etnogenesi del gruppo dei Lucani settentrionali è però soprattutto il nucleo di tombe rinvenuto in via De Gasperi 1 Colonna 1955, 166ss., che rielaborava una teoria già in Mommsen (1850, 169s.). Una sintesi dei problemi topografici relativi alla localizzazione di Pallanum in Faustoferri 2002. 2 Aquilano 1990-1991; Tulipani 1997. 3 Staffa 1992, 807; Staffa 1993. 4 In proposito già Mommsen 1850, 170, e Colonna 1955, 169s. con bibl. 5 Per i quali si vedano Buonocore & Firpo 1991, 557-567, con bibl. precedente. 6 Colonna 1992, 106-108, 124ss.

7

Faustoferri 2000, 27s. L’articolo di Colonna (1955), che pur presenta alcune inesattezze, ha costituito a lungo l’unico lavoro scientifico sulle mura di Monte Pallano. Per maggiori dettagli, basati sui risultati delle più recenti indagini, si rimanda a Faustoferri 2002. 9 Di Stefano 2000, 148. 8

871

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Il fianco orientale è caratterizzato invece da una serie di salti di quota nei quali si aprono tuttavia tre sellette che permettono di superare le scarpate e raggiungere il Monte, e proprio in corrispondenza di tali accessi naturali, che sono peraltro seguiti dalla viabilità, gli abitanti di Monte Pallano hanno realizzato i tratti più impressionanti della loro opera di fortificazione. Non a caso, dunque, troviamo l’imponente muraglia in corrispondenza del Piano del Monte, tuttora punto di arrivo di un ampio sentiero che si sovrappone ad un antico percorso in parte sostruito, e nei pressi della Madonnina, dove può essere localizzato l’accesso carrabile che attraversava l’abitato per poi dirigersi verso il Sangro lungo un percorso ricavato in parte nella roccia naturale con una tagliata.10 Altri tratti sono poi visibili in prossimità dei valloni scavati dalle due sorgeti, e si segnalano in particolare quelli presenti a valle di Fonte Benedetti,11 nel punto in cui si può localizzare l’uscita occidentale della strada che attraversava il cuore dell’abitato antico e che in tale punto le mura sembrano costeggiare.

distrutta e sono rimasti in situ solo due blocchi della guancia di destra per chi osserva le mura dall’esterno. Altri blocchi riferibili a questo tratto della fortificazione giacevano poco lontano sul lato interno, e inoltre si riconosceva la fondazione dell’altra guancia della porta, che secondo Miller avrebbe avuto un architrave monolitico di 2.30 m15, per cui è stata effettuata una parziale anastilosi della porta stessa: sono stati cioè ricollocati i blocchi in crollo della guancia di destra, è stata parzialmente ricostruita l’altra guancia e si è ricucita la frattura nella cortina muraria sistemando, in posizione arretrata rispetto alla fondazione in situ, un filare di blocchi. Decisamente migliore era invece lo stato di conservazione della porta centrale, che da sempre rappresenta il simbolo stesso delle mura di Monte Pallano per il suo suggestivo, e all’apparenza enigmatico, aprirsi quasi sul vuoto in quanto, a differenza delle altre due porte, non è collegata a sentieri provenienti da valle. La sua monumentalità austera, cui si accompagna una sistemazione non meno monumentale della facciata interna, mal si concilia però con l’ipotesi corrente secondo la quale le mura sarebbero state costruite in maniera frettolosa e in tempi rapidi al fine di contrastare un pericolo contingente, né va dimenticato che la presenza di tre ingressi poco distanti gli uni dagli altri su un tratto relativamente breve16 contrasta con ogni logica poliorcetica. Se la costruzione delle mura di Monte Pallano fosse stata dettata da esigenze meramente difensive, di certo si sarebbe poi evitato di rendere vulnerabile la fortificazione interrompendone la continuità con una serie di accessi ravvicinati e, soprattutto, realizzando dinanzi ad essa una sorta di passeggiata monumentale. Come hanno dimostrato le recenti indagini, infatti, la porta centrale è funzionale ad una strada che costeggiava la facciata esterna della cortina muraria e che nel tratto settentrionale, dove il banco roccioso si interrompe ed il suolo è più instabile, poggiava su una sostruzione realizzata in grossi blocchi la cui tecnica è assai simile a quella delle mura.

La parte più nota della fortificazione che racchiudeva Monte Pallano è ovviamente costituita dal settore orientale dove, in località Piano del Monte, le mura si sono conservate per circa 180 m raggiungendo un’altezza di quasi 5 m. Lo schizzo realizzato il 5 giugno 1894 da un curato di Atessa12 ci dà però un’idea dei danni subiti nel tempo dal monumento a causa sia dell’uomo sia della vegetazione e degli agenti atmosferici, che hanno fessurato e poi frammentato i grossi blocchi, realizzati impiegando un calcare di qualità scadente ma con il pregio di essere disponibile sul posto in grandi quantità. Su tale settore, cui è legata indissolubilmente l’immagine di Monte Pallano, si è potuto intervenire di recente grazie ad un progetto di scavo e di valorizzazione del sito, finanziato con fondi CIPE, che ha consentito di effettuare urgenti e necessarie operazioni di restauro conservativo e di consolidamento della poderosa struttura in opera poligonale, ma anche indagini conoscitive circa il sistema costruttivo della fortificazione.

Tale viabilità è stata obliterata in epoca imprecisata dalla costruzione di una torre circolare17 e dal grande crollo verificatosi a seguito dei cedimenti causati dalla minore stabilità dello strato geologico sul quale è impostato il tratto delle mura immediatamente precedente la porta settentrionale, e sebbene parte del possente muro che correva parallelo alla fortificazione a 4 m circa da questa fosse ancora visibile,18 la sua effettiva funzione è stata chiarita solo nel corso delle recenti indagini.

Le mura poggiano direttamente sulla roccia naturale ovvero si appoggiano ad essa,13 e solo a partire dal punto in cui la cortina esterna si erge al di sopra del banco roccioso è stato ad esse addossato un emplecton di un’ampiezza variabile tra i 2.5 ed i 3 m costituito da schegge lapidee e pietrisco e contenuto da un setto interno per il quale sono state utilizzate pietre di piccole e medie dimensioni.14 In questo tratto si aprivano 3 porte, larghe 80 cm ed alte mediamente 2.20 m, ma negli anni ‘70 del secolo appena passato la porta meridionale è stata

15

Miller 1995, 437. Due porte sono state riconosciute sul Curino, la cui cinta muraria ha una lunghezza di 1800 m circa (Di Stefano 2000, 140-143), e altrettante sono presenti a Monte S. Paolo (Capini 1992, 33s.). 17 Conservata solo a livello di fondazione, non ha restituito materiali che consentissero di precisarne la cronologia. 18 Secondo Colonna (1955, 174 nota 1) poteva trattarsi della “scarpata di un terrapieno antistante le mura”.

10

16

Descritta e illustrata in De Mia 1977, 17, dove si trovano altre interessanti foto d’epoca, e Pellegrino 1989, 88 e fig. 7. 11 Colonna 1955, 175, tav. LXXIII.1. 12 Faustoferri 2002. 13 Su questa tipologia Conta Haller 1978, 74, 85. 14 Oakley 1995, 84 ff., fig. 87. Simile sistemazione al Curino di Alfedena (Di Stefano 2000, 150).

872

AMALIA FAUSTOFERRI & PAOLA RICCITELLI: MONTE PALLANO dell’espansionismo romano,22 ma anzi denotano una ricerca di monumentalità che meglio si addice ad una pianificazione urbanistica meditata.23 A nostro parere, infatti, ad esse si attaglia alla perfezione quanto afferma Lauter a proposito di quei monumenti imponenti che sono le fortificazioni delle città ellenistiche: “la cinta muraria ha un significato genuinamente urbanistico: essa è nello stesso tempo la buccia e la pelle robusta del corpo cittadino che grazie ad essa ottiene limiti e forma invece di perdersi in maniera amorfa”.24

In antico, dunque, si saliva al Piano del Monte percorrendo una strada, in parte sostruita come dimostrano alcune foto d’archivio conservate presso la Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo, che entrava nell’abitato attraverso la porta meridionale dopo aver incrociato un’altra viabilità parallela al circuito murario e anch’essa poggiante, almeno per un tratto, su una possente sostruzione. Nelle stesse foto d’archivio, realizzate una trentina di anni fa, si può inoltre vedere come sia la zona retrostante la fortificazione sia la scarpata da essa dominata fossero praticamente prive di vegetazione per cui le mura apparivano ancora in tutta la loro monumentalità trasmettendoci un’eco, seppur pallida, della prospettiva che si parava dinanzi a chi si dirigeva in passato verso il Piano del Monte. All’epoca il colpo d’occhio doveva mozzare il fiato suscitando un’impressione di rispetto e ammirazione piuttosto che di paura, e comunque si può escludere che la costruzione delle mura di Monte Pallano sia stata motivata da paura o pericolo contingente, se non altro per la connessione strettissima tra circuito murario e viabilità.

Analoghe motivazioni hanno determinato a nostro avviso la realizzazione delle mura di Monte Pallano, e se questa ipotesi sembra scontrarsi con le teorie più diffuse circa i cosiddetti ‘recinti fortificati’, che però anche in altri casi possono racchiudere veri e propri insediamenti fortificati d’altura come insegnano diversi siti oggetto di indagini sistematiche,25 essa trova poi conforto anche nei risultati dello scavo dell’abitato, che nel contempo si stava sviluppando in forma ‘protourbana’. Le mura non sono infatti l’unica emergenza archeologica presente sul Monte: nella valletta ubicata sul fianco occidentale del rilievo, il cui crinale è percorso dal circuito murario, in un’area riparata dai venti e nello stesso tempo ben esposta, prossima a fonti d’acqua e a percorrenze di collegamento che attraversavano il territorio rendendolo accessibile, si sviluppò almeno a partire dal IV secolo a.C. un esteso abitato, protetto e ‘rappresentato’ dalle mura ciclopiche, all’interno delle quali si trovava. L’insediamento, uno dei più grandi ed estesamente scavati della regione,26 si è preservato grazie alla coltre di terreno che lo ricopriva e alla scarsa frequentazione dell’area, utilizzata in passato per coltivazioni sporadiche e come pascolo. Appartata e

Il topos, non solo letterario, della inaccessibilità degli abitati fortificati d’altura in area centro-italica trova a Monte Pallano una clamorosa smentita di cui si può valutare appieno il peso qualora si consideri che il Monte non solo domina e controlla territorio e percorsi ma è esso stesso parte integrante della viabilità. Uno dei risultati più interessanti del lavoro svolto dal team angloamericano che nell’ultimo decennio ha eseguito una serie di campagne di ricognizione e alcuni saggi di scavo19 nell’ambito del progetto denominato ‘Val di Sangro’,20 può essere infatti individuato proprio nella definizione del sistema viario nel comprensorio di Monte Pallano, e nella relativa pubblicazione si legge testualmente: “Settlement on the summit of Monte Pallano thus needs to be considered as part of the regular communications network, rather than as isolated and ill-frequented”.21

22 Circa la datazione delle fortificazioni nell’Italia centrale Conta Haller 1978, 87ss.; Oakley 1995, 135ss. 23 Simili riflessioni erano già state espresse dalla Conta Haller (1978, 18) a proposito della fortificazione di Caiatia. 24 Lauter 1986, 73. 25 Sul carattere più propriamente urbano delle cinte che circondano ampi spazi Conta Haller 1978, 84; Oakley 1995, 42, 145ss., dove si sottolinea come tracce di occupazione stabile siano state evidenziate in tutti i siti scavati. Oltre agli esempi addotti dallo studioso ricordiamo Colle Mitra (Mattiocco 1981, 60ss.), Monte S. Croce (Innico 2000, 128ss.) e Monte Vairano (De Benedittis 1991). Per l’ipotesi che cinte più grandi dovessero ospitare insediamenti stabili anche La Regina 1975, 280. 26 Le prime esplorazioni risalgono al 1975 (Cuomo & Pellegrino 1976, 30 e tav. 16). Dal 1994 lo scavo è diretto da Amalia Faustoferri (Faustoferri 1996), che per la campagna del 1994 si è avvalsa della collaborazione di Davide Aquilano. E’ solo però tra il 1998 e il 2001 che si è svolta l’esplorazione estensiva e sistematica dell’abitato, messo finora in luce nella sua area centrale, mentre è ancora da verificarne l’estensione totale. Alle campagne di scavo dell’abitato di Monte Pallano 1998-2001 hanno preso parte in qualità di archeologi, Enza Orfanelli, che lavora sul sito dal 1996, Paola Riccitelli, Amalia Cocco Pinelli; i disegnatori Carla Malatesta, Francesca Mancini, Gianluigi Apolloni, Gianfranco Calcagni; il fotografo Fabio Dore; sin dal 1994 ha seguito i lavori con impagabile cura Sabatino Letta, assistente della Soprintendenza. Vi hanno collaborato inoltre Elvira Marino della Fazia, Giovanni Bertolani, Lella Di Iorio, Luca Galli, Giorgia Blasiotti, Sara Trotta, Rita De Francesco e Annalaura Di Loreto. Le immagini dall’alto sono di Mauro Vitale, fotografo della Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo.

Alla luce di questa affermazione è ormai necessario interrogarsi sull’effettiva funzione delle mura di Monte Pallano e sul fatto che, come già accennato sopra, i tratti realizzati in opera poligonale coincidono con gli accessi, carrabili e non, in un binomio fisso che non può essere dovuto alla casualità. Le mura, evidentemente, non erano state realizzate soltanto per scopi difensivi, come da troppo tempo si afferma anche a causa dell’effettiva concomitanza tra la cronologia generalmente attribuita alle cinte murarie dell’Italia appenninica e l’incombere

19 Sia a Monte Pallano sia a Colle S. Janni nell’alto Sangro: cfr. Sangro Valley Project Interim Report 1997 e seguenti; Christie 2002. 20 Tale progetto, coordinato dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo e dalle Università di Oxford e Leicester, cui si è affiancata in anni recenti quella di Oberlin (Ohio, USA), ha interessato principalmente due ambiti distinti della valle del fiume Sangro: il bacino compreso tra Opi e Barrea nell’alto Sangro e appunto il comprensorio di Monte Pallano: Lloyd, Christie & Lock 1997. Cfr. anche Faustoferri & Lloyd 1978; Bell, Wilson & Wickham 2002. 21 Bell, Wilson & Wickham 2002, 81.

873

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI periferica rispetto all’attuale tessuto insediamentale della zona, tutto sbilanciato verso la costa, in antico tale area aveva però evidentemente una centralità strategica che spiega l’entità delle sue emergenze e la lunga continuità di frequentazione.27

suscitano l’ipotesi che la superficie ora visibile sia ciò rimane di un piano conservato solo nei livelli inferiori del suo spessore, oppure che si tratti del residuo della preparazione di una pavimentazione in lastre o basoli di pietra, di cui non resta traccia in situ e di cui possiamo solo ipotizzare la quota originaria. E’ questo uno dei punti più problematici della zona pubblica: il piazzale ha una pendenza verso nord-ovest che, determinata dalla necessità di impedire il ristagno delle acque meteoriche, potrebbe essere stata ‘gestita’ architettonicamente non necessariamente con un unico piano inclinato; per quanto difficile da provare, la constatazione che il colonnato del lato lungo ovest presenta le basi delle colonne a quote diverse, degradanti da sud a nord, e non sempre raccordabili con la attuale superficie acciottolata, potrebbe far supporre un sistema di dislivelli che interessavano tutta la piazza o almeno l’appoggio dei colonnati sui lati maggiori.29

Per almeno 5 secoli, infatti, l’insediamento visse e si sviluppò su se stesso, rinnovando, spesso distruggendo, ricoprendo o riutilizzando spazi e strutture precedenti, in una sequenza di fasi di vita talvolta difficili da leggere nella intricata planimetria portata alla luce dagli scavi. Al momento l’area indagata è di poco meno di 4000 mq che hanno messo in luce la zona centrale dell’insediamento. L’impianto che può, con le cautele del caso, essere definito almeno ‘protourbano’, ebbe come fulcro il vasto spazio centrale aperto, di carattere pubblico, coincidente con la spianata valliva, cui dovevano condurre i tracciati viari principali che poi raggiungevano da una parte, più in basso, Fonte Benedetti e il fondovalle, e dall’altra le mura sulla cima del rilievo.

Di questi ultimi, a parte alcune delle basi, non sono stati trovati altri elementi delle colonne: perché depredati, come gran parte degli ‘arredi’ di questo luogo pubblico,30 oppure perché in realtà, come sembra più probabile, in materiale diverso dalla pietra, forse in legno.31 Gli altri lati del foro sono apparsi pesantemente manomessi,32 sicchè le ipotesi appena espresse sull’aspetto e l’impianto dell’area non sono riscontrabili; l’impressione tuttavia è che la piazza abbia avuto un impianto condizionato dalla morfologia del luogo, che ha imposto piccoli aggiustamenti e forse asimmetrie. Un breve cenno merita il sistema di pendenze e drenaggi che sembra essere stato il frutto di una vera e propria opera di bonifica, pensata non solo per lo spazio del foro ma per tutto l’abitato, e per tutta la sua durata, persino nelle fasi di declino:33 lo scavo ha messo in evidenza infatti, disseminati in tutta l’area su cui insistono le costruzioni, canalette realizzate con laterizi ed elementi lapidei ma anche semplici drenaggi di pietre, con la funzione di risolvere il problema dello smaltimento delle acque meteoriche e del ristagno dell’umidità di risalita. Si trattava di una vera e propria bonifica pianificata che, con strutture sottostanti i livelli pavimentali e di calpestio, convogliava le acque

La piazza, ampia ca. 1000 mq, aveva pianta rettangolare ed era porticata almeno su tre lati, quelli lunghi e quello corto nord-ovest. Il lato corto sud-est in realtà non è stato ancora individuato, perché obliterato dall’interro che tuttora seppellisce l’area non scavata; è già comunque evidente che l’ingresso nel ‘foro’ avveniva proprio da sud-est, cioè da questo lato – l’unico aperto, mentre gli altri non presentano alcun tipo di accesso – dove terminava, o meglio entrava nella piazza, la strada che si intravede sotto il viottolo che ora conduce allo scavo.28 La viabilità non fuoriusciva però dalla piazza dal lato opposto, che era chiuso da un muro continuo, interrotto solo dalla canalizzazione principale per la raccolta e il deflusso delle acque. Purtroppo, molto probabilmente subito dopo il suo abbandono, il sito, e in particolare i suoi spazi pubblici, più ricchi di elementi architettonici ‘riciclabili’, fu spoliato dei materiali lapidei lavorati, riutilizzati poi altrove; per questo non conosciamo l’aspetto originario del foro, rinvenuto parzialmente coperto da un rozzo e irregolare acciottolato: si tratta di un battuto di malta e ghiaia, steso su un vespaio di scapoli lapidei a loro volta posti direttamente sullo strato geologico sottostante di roccia naturale e terreno compatto e depurato, forse un riporto artificiale usato per livellare la spianata naturale. L’irregolarità e la sconnessione dell’acciottolato, poco plausibile in uno spazio di grande frequentazione, e le anomalie nel raccordo delle quote con alcune delle basi del colonnato (in qualche caso completamente ‘emerse’ rispetto al battuto, in altri poste più in basso rispetto a spunzoni di roccia naturale che costellano l’area del foro)

29 Una sistemazione del genere sembra essere stata identificata a Herdonia dove è stata trovata una piazza ‘sistemata in pendenza’ bordata da un portico con colonne lignee su basi di pietra. A Herdonia sono state inoltre messe in luce intorno al portico anche botteghe con pavimenti in terra battuta corredate da condotte per lo smaltimento dell’acqua (Mertens 1995, 156-158). 30 Sono sopravvissute alla spoliazione completa due basi di statue sul lato sud-est e frammenti di sculture in marmo, uno dei quali pertinente ad una statua loricata (Faustoferri & Lloyd 1998, 11 e fig. 5). 31 L’altra ipotesi è che il fusto delle colonne potesse essere in gavelli laterizi, di cui però, in tanti anni di scavo, non è stato identificato alcun resto. 32 Ad esempio sul lato corto nord-ovest gli elementi lapidei delle colonne sono stati, in un momento imprecisato, collocati direttamente sul muro che delimita il foro. 33 Infatti strutture drenanti, costituite da larghe fasce di ciottoli, pietre e altro materiale incoerente, sono state intercettate anche nei livelli di interro che avevano obliterato le costruzioni del lato destro del foro, forse in relazione al passato riuso agricolo dell’area.

27 Al momento è azzardato dare puntuali e definitive scansioni di cronologia assoluta, che si potranno precisare, relazionandole fra l’altro alle fasi che si stanno definendo grazie alle stratigrafie dei terreni e soprattutto delle strutture, solo dopo il restauro e l’esame complessivo dell’enorme mole di materiali restituita dagli scavi. 28 Questa zona è ancora da scavare, cosicchè il rapporto reale tra la viabilità e il foro è ancora da verificare.

874

AMALIA FAUSTOFERRI & PAOLA RICCITELLI: MONTE PALLANO

Fig. 1. Stralcio di ortofotocarta (1:10.000) con posizionamento delle aree indagate e della fortificazione in loc. Piano del Monte.

875

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Il settore della fortificazione in loc. Piano del Monte (foto M. Vitale).

Fig. 3. Disegno ricostruttivo del settore settentrionale della fortificazione in loc. Piano del Monte (disegno D. Corda).

Fig. 4. Planimetria dell’area forense dell’insediamento (rilievo C. Malatesta).

876

AMALIA FAUSTOFERRI & PAOLA RICCITELLI: MONTE PALLANO verso la condotta principale,34 un vero e proprio collettore costruito, che tagliava perpendicolarmente il lato corto nord-ovest della piazza fuoriuscendone verso valle, scaricando verso il fosso di Fonte Benedetti. Il canale principale era costituito da due spallette accuratamente costruite con pietre con faccia vista lavorata, legate da una malta tenace; il fondo coincideva con il banco roccioso.35

abbia preceduto la monumentalizzazione del piazzale; questi primi edifici furono rasati o fornirono la base per altri che ne presero il posto, alcuni dei quali pavimentati in cocciopesto e spesso intonacati internamente, a loro volta in qualche caso abbattuti o ‘ridisegnati’ nelle fasi successive. In questo susseguirsi accanito di occupazioni e riutilizzi, l’area forense mantenne presumibilmente la funzione di spazio aperto, pubblico: fatta eccezione per alcuni ambienti o strutture che invasero, in un momento ancora imprecisato, parte del lato lungo sud-est, la grande piazza non fu edificata. Tuttavia venne forse, in fasi tarde, accentuato il carattere artigianale e la destinazione produttiva delle strutture immediatamente circostanti questo luogo, come sembrano suggerire sia le manomissioni subite da alcuni tratti del portico, sia il rinvenimento di grandi quantità di scorie di ferro.

Intorno al foro è stato individuato un complesso aggregato di strutture in una complicata stratificazione di tempo e funzioni: costruzioni e ambienti a carattere sia pubblico che artigianale, tabernae e abitazioni private che risalivano sui declivi circostanti. Doveva trattarsi dunque di un abitato adagiato su pendii terrazzati che convergevano verso la valletta centrale, occupata dal foro. Le tecniche costruttive dei molti ambienti scavati trovavano localmente il materiale da impiegare: pietre appena sbozzate, a costituire una sorta di opera incerta, legate non da malta ma da un terriccio sottile e giallastro, molto depurato,36 utilizzato anche come rivestimento delle pareti, su cui talvolta, negli edifici più curati, era steso anche un rozzo intonaco.

Sebbene lo studio del sito sia appena all’inizio e ancora tutti da esaminare siano i materiali recuperati in enorme quantità, tuttavia è doveroso accennare ad alcuni dati di cronologia emersi già nel corso dello scavo. Due in particolare sono i punti al momento evidenti: il riempimento del canale principale del foro, che segna l’interramento e dunque la dismissione della condotta, non sembra essere più recente del I secolo d.C.;38 gli edifici del lato sinistro del piazzale non mostrano le preesistenze rispetto alla monumentalizzazione del foro e la complessità di stratificazione di fasi edilizie riscontrate invece sul lato opposto. In più i materiali recuperati nella fascia ovest sembrano essere databili genericamente a partire dal II secolo a.C., ma manifestano un uso di quegli ambienti più inoltrato nel tempo rispetto alla zona est dell’abitato, dove al contrario i ritrovamenti possono risalire cronologicamente a momenti più antichi ma non coprire le fasi più recenti dell’insediamento.39 L’impressione è che le prime costruzioni, precedenti alla sistemazione del foro in forme architettonicamente monumentali, fossero ubicate sul fianco est della valletta che ospitò la grande piazza; in seguito vennero realizzati l’impianto attuale del piazzale e gli edifici del lato sinistro (ovest); infine (è appena il caso di rimarcare che queste note sono una semplificazione delle fasi principali riscontrate nell’abitato, che in questa sede non può ancora dare conto della reale complessità della sua vita e delle modifiche e alterazioni subite nel tempo dalle sue varie parti), la zona est dell’abitato sembra essere abbandonata o trascurata, mentre il resto dell’insediamento, foro compreso, conosce riutilizzi che danno l’impressione di modificare e in un certo senso svilire gli originari aspetto, funzioni e destinazioni degli spazi, forse già in decadimento. Dunque, in estrema sintesi, l’insediamento di Monte Pallano sembra essere fiorito almeno tra la fine

I piani pavimentali, come si è potuto vedere nei rari casi in cui sono sopravvissuti ai riutilizzi o all’aratro, erano in genere in battuto di terra; solo in qualche caso sono stati invece ritrovati pavimenti in cocciopesto – accuratamente messo in opera su vespai di ciottoli – talvolta decorati da inserzioni di tesserine lapidee. Diverse fasi costruttive sono state riconosciute nel groviglio di ambienti e strutture murarie che circondano il foro, ma questa complessità di stratificazione cronologico-funzionale in realtà è stata riscontrata con certezza solo nell’area orientale della piazza, dove preesistenze e segni del succedersi di diverse costruzioni e fasi erano evidenti sia nelle stratigrafie dei suoli che negli alzati murari, nei quali comparivano spesso differenze di tessitura e spessore, testimonianze di riprese o nuove edificazioni sulle precedenti. E’ probabile che un primo impianto, caratterizzato da muri di spessore maggiore degli altri,37 34 E’ interessante notare che nell’attuale intervento di risistemazione dell’area forense si sono ripristinati sia il sistema di linee inclinate per lo scorrimento a valle dell’acqua, sia alcune delle canalette antiche, tra cui la condotta principale, rimesse in uso per lo smaltimento delle acque superficiali. 35 Al suo interno, nel riempimento che aveva colmato il condotto, è stato rinvenuto materiale frammentario databile nella prima metà del I secolo d.C. Inoltre nelle strutture murarie erano stati reimpiegati alcuni cubilia. Questo potrebbe aiutarci a circoscrivere meglio la datazione del foro, che pensiamo esistere, nella sua funzione di spazio pubblico, ancorchè non monumentalizzato, sin dall’inizio dell’insediamento, tant’è vero che non vi sono state rinvenute tracce di costruzioni preesistenti con altra destinazione. Un’opera di bonifica precedente alla pavimentazione del foro è stata riconosciuta in una profonda cavità circolare riempita di grossi ciottoli e caratterizzata sul fondo da una sorta di canale imbutiforme ricavato nella roccia geologica, rinvenuta nella fascia sinistra dell’area forense e solo parzialmente esplorata. 36 Unica eccezione è il muro in opera reticolata che si trova nell’angolo est del piazzale. 37 I muri più antichi, rasati e dunque coperti dai successivi ambienti, hanno uno spessore di ca. 60 cm, mentre tutti gli altri sono di ca. 45-50 cm.

38

Questo materiale è stato esaminato dal professor Hayes che ne ha fornito la datazione. 39 Nella fascia est è stata, per esempio, trovata molta vernice nera, spesso di ottima qualità e talvolta d’importazione, mentre, almeno allo stato attuale dello scavo e della ricerca, che è davvero solo all’inizio e trae le sue informazioni solo dalla visione, non certo approfondita ed esaustiva, del materiale in corso di scavo, non sembra aver restituito materiali tardi è del tutto assente la sigillata africana.

877

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI del IV e il I secolo d.C., con frequentazioni e riusi anche più tardi che ne giustificano la sopravvivenza della memoria anche nel medioevo, e non solo grazie alle mura.

nel quale confluirono e si ‘riconobbero’ i piccoli nuclei sparsi dell’area? Con questo, ovviamente, non si vuole ribaltare la tradizionale e assodata teoria dell’organizzazione territoriale di tipo paganico-vicano propria del mondo italico, ma semmai integrarla secondo una visione meno schematica, più libera dalla gabbia ideologica di contrapposizione città-non città, finora alla base dello studio delle realtà insediamentali antiche.43 Forse allora anche lo sconvolgente circuito murario di Monte Pallano, assolutamente unico e diverso per caratteristiche costruttive, sviluppo, imponenza, rispetto al resto delle cinte abruzzesi, può essere letto come una presenza non meramente funzionale, cioè difensivomilitare, ma ‘ideologica’, un marcatore territoriale e concettuale che ‘rappresentava’ una collettività e un territorio all’esterno.

Esplorazioni e sondaggi, effettuati dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo e dalle Università di Oxford, Leicester e Oberlin (Ohio)40 sulle colline immediatamente circostanti l’abitato, hanno individuato alcune aree sacre che dominavano da posizioni elevate il centro dell’insediamento. Un possibile luogo di culto può forse essere riconosciuto nelle labili tracce trovate sull’altura a sud-ovest del foro, sotto un sottile interro che non ha contribuito a preservare eventuali emergenze: assenti i resti strutturali veri e propri, si sono però recuperati frustuli di materiali ceramici forse votivi e un frammento di kalypter in terracotta. Un altro possibile luogo di culto, individuato nel corso delle ricognizioni territoriali anglo-americane, è ubicato su un terrazzo naturale prossimo a Fonte Benedetti. Nei livelli di dilavamento che seppellivano l’area a nord e a est del foro è stato raccolto, nello scavo 2001-2002, moltissimo materiale votivo proveniente dalle quote soprastanti, non ancora esplorate. Saggi dell’equipe anglo-americana hanno individuato immediatamente a sud-est dell’abitato antico, nei pressi del limite di scavo delle campagne della Soprintendenza, un’area sacra su un leggero rilievo, dove tra l’altro sono stati recuperati frammenti di terrecotte architettoniche di grande pregio. Alcune di queste mostrano raffigurazioni di delfini affrontati realizzati in uno stile che ha poco a che vedere con analoghe rappresentazioni restituite da altri luoghi sacri abruzzesi, tra cui per esempio il mosaico pavimentale del sacello dell’Ercole Curino a Sulmona.41 Sebbene sia ancora all’inizio lo studio di questo complesso da parte dell’équipe anglo-americana guidata da Ed Bispham e Susan Kane, la qualità alta delle decorazioni architettoniche di Pallano ha suggerito collegamenti con l’ambiente artistico magno-greco,42 cui d’altra parte indirizza tutta una serie di suggestioni ancora da elaborare. Tra queste una in particolare ha cominciato a definirsi, anche se è ancora da approfondire e vagliare: gli indizi di aree sacre così prossime al cuore dell’abitato, anzi al suo interno ma site in posizioni laterali, eccentriche, quasi a corona del nucleo centrale, testimonianze di un tessuto insediativo ricco e articolato, possono essere interpretate come la traccia di dinamiche territoriali che hanno portato a coagulare nel sito egemone di Monte Pallano l’insediamento sparso che ne costituiva il precedente modello? In altre parole si potrebbe riconoscere in tali aree sacre il ‘fossile’ topografico di un fenomeno di ‘sinecismo’ conclusosi nell’ambito del IV secolo a.C. con la creazione di un sistema territoriale accentrato nel vasto abitato descritto,

Ciò che emerge dalle indagini ormai pluriennali, in questa sintesi che potrebbe essere tacciata come grossolana e prematura e che invece si propone come ipotesi di lavoro, è che il sito dell’abitato, per il grado di strutturazione interna44, fu oggetto di un programma ‘urbano’ che era solo una parte di un progetto insediamentale di straordinaria importanza e ampiezza, con caratteristiche inusitate per la regione.45 Il rischioso percorso di lavoro e di studio che stiamo seguendo è che, data la complessità di concezione, realizzazione e significati delle emergenze di Pallano, e vista anche l’impossibilità di circoscrivere nel ristretto ambito delle ‘fortificazioni’ difensive le sue straordinarie mura,46 tutto l’insieme possa essere considerato come l’attualizzazione di un riconoscimento territoriale forte e autoreferenziale di una collettività che forse ha così inteso radicarsi, in modi peculiari e autonomi, nella terra che riteneva propria.47 A questo punto, però si rende necessario stabilire quando e perché proprio a Monte Pallano si siano verificate le condizioni per una precoce evoluzione in senso ‘urbano’ che rende il sito, almeno fino ad oggi, unico in Abruzzo. 43

E’ un dibattito appassionante e sempre sottoposto a continue e fruttuose elaborazioni critiche (si veda per esempio Gualtieri & Fracchia 1990, 204 e note 5 e 6, con bibliografia). 44 In area picena l’adozione di tipologie di ‘case’ a pianta quadrangolare, con fondazioni in pietra e coperture di tegole e coppi viene riferita a contatti con l’ambiente greco. In più “l’organizzazione protourbana di questi insediamenti indigeni è stata considerata nel contesto di fenomeni di ellenizzazione” (Luni 1995, 224, che estende con il beneficio del dubbio, vista la scarsità dei dati a disposizione, questa ipotesi anche all’area medioadriatica). 45 Contro Cuomo & Pellegrino 1976, 53. Interessanti sono i paralleli con il sito di Roccagloriosa (Gualtieri & Fracchia 1990, 204ss.). 46 Sul carattere urbano di alcune mura si era già espressa la Conta Haller che tra l’altro citava tra queste realtà il centro fortificato del Curino di Alfedena (Conta Haller 1978, 84 e 103). 47 L’inspiegabilità fino a qualche tempo fa delle mura, la cui imponenza apparentemente contrastava con una sostanziale povertà di tracce del popolamento antico, fu sintetizzata nel titolo ‘Il problema di Monte Pallano’ dato da Cuomo e Pellegrino (1976) al loro lavoro di descrizione della cinta e delle emergenze vicine. E un problema le mura megalitiche sono state e sarebbero ancora, a volerne vedere solo l’aspetto ‘fisico’ di apprestamento difensivo, cioè avulse dalla rete di presenze che, le si voglia considerare presupposti oppure conseguenze dell’esistenza dell’imponente monumento, dalle mura sono comunque ‘rappresentate’ e proposte all’esterno.

40

Cfr. sopra, nota 20, e per le campagne effettuate dall’équipe angloamericana tra il 1999 ed il 2002, www.sangro.org. 41 Van Wonterghem 1989. 42 Kane 2002a, dove si richiama anche la lamina di bronzo con raffigurazione di Anfitrite su un delfino dal santuario di Rossano di Vaglio (Nava 2000, 706, tav. LIX,2); Kane 2002b; Bispham 2002.

878

AMALIA FAUSTOFERRI & PAOLA RICCITELLI: MONTE PALLANO Al primo quesito si potrà dare una risposta più circostanziata quando sarà effettuato lo studio esaustivo del copioso materiale rinvenuto, ma è possibile affermare fin da ora che l’area forense non ha restituito reperti databili prima del IV secolo a.C. se non in giacitura secondaria, cioè in quegli strati di terreno, riportato evidentemente da altre zone dell’altipiano, che sono stati utilizzati per livellare i piani prima di procedere a nuove edificazioni. Di conseguenza possiamo affermare che fino al IV secolo, quando l’insediamento ha iniziato a strutturarsi ed è stata presumibilmente predisposta e poi realizzata la grande bonifica che ha messo fine, o almeno ha ridotto drasticamente il fenomeno di impaludamento di tale area, essa è stata libera da costruzioni. Questo non significa però che in precedenza la sommità di Monte Pallano fosse disabitata, ma soltanto che i nuclei insediamentali erano dislocati altrove, in luoghi certo più salubri, con ogni verosimiglianza gli stessi in cui sono state individuate le aree sacre che, secondo un modello assai poco romano, sono poi sempre rimaste esterne all’area pubblica. Di certo erano poi frequentate nell’avanzato IV secolo a.C. l’area delle mura e la strada che ne usciva attraverso la porta settentrionale, lungo la quale, alla base del banco di roccia tagliata artificialmente per consentire la realizzazione della strada stessa e quindi obliterati da sassi e dal terreno accumulatosi nel tempo, sono state recuperate una statuetta di Ercole in bronzo e alcune lamine in bronzo la cui presenza può forse essere collegata, di nuovo, ad un’area sacra. Un saggio effettuato a pochi metri di distanza dalla strada, nei pressi dell’area dove giacciono ora i blocchi in crollo del tratto immediatamente precedente la porta settentrionale che non sono ricollocabili con certezza, ha infatti restituito alcuni frammenti di ceramica d’impasto e una testina femminile votiva in terracotta databile genericamente in età ellenistica. Più antiche sono invece la statuetta di Ercole, che può rientrare nel gruppo Sulmona,48 e le lamine, forse riferibili al coperchio di uno specchio a scatola di fabbrica greca o magnogreca la cui presenza non costituisce però una testimonianza isolata e anzi si iscrive in una vivace corrente di contatti e scambi con le aree meridionali della penisola che richiedono una riflessione più approfondita sull’annoso problema dei rapporti tra i Lucani del Sangro e i loro più famosi ‘parenti’. La documentazione di cui disponiamo è decisamente poco abbondante in quanto ai Lucani settentrionali si fa riferimento solo sulla famosa laminetta in bronzo conservata al Museo di Napoli, che aveva permesso al Mommsen di ipotizzare l’esistenza di uno stato lucanate in area medio-adriatica,49 e nell’elogio presente sul sarcofago di Scipione Barbato, ove è ricordata la sottomissione di una Loucana identificata appunto con il comprensorio di Monte Pallano da quel profondo conoscitore della storia e dei territori italici che è Adriano La Regina.50

Ovviamente il riconoscimento di uno stato lucanate o lucano nella valle del Sangro pone una serie di quesiti circa l’etnogenesi dei Lucani veri e propri51 che non possono essere approfonditi in questa sede. Senza entrare nel merito della ‘formazione’ dell’ethnos lucano, ad esso devono aver comunque preso parte anche i Lucani di Monte Pallano se è vero, come altri studiosi hanno sostenuto, che la denominazione di Utiana attribuita alla dea venerata nell’importante santuario di Rossano di Vaglio deriverebbe da un gentilizio e non da un toponimo: gli Utii infatti sono attestati ancora in età imperiale proprio nella zona di Monte Pallano, da cui proviene l’iscrizione tuttora murata in casa Sorge ad Atessa.52 La Torelli seguendo questo filo va oltre: “La zona di Atessa-Monte Pallano potrebbe essere la localizzazione originaria della tribù sannitica di cui i Lucani sarebbero un segmento, staccatosi in seguito ed emigrato più a sud sotto la guida di un capo, un rex, appartenente alla gens Utia”.53 Ben altro spessore acquistano a questo punto le profonde analogie rilevate tra l’organizzazione urbanistica di Monte Pallano e quella di Roccagloriosa,54 che comunque non pare un fenomeno isolato ma anzi rientra nella strategia insediamentale dei Lucani,55 e diventa più comprensibile la stessa fortificazione realizzata sul monte, della quale è stata più volte sottolineata l’unicità, per concezione e tecnica costruttiva, nel panorama abruzzese. Quale che sia stato il luogo di origine e la direttrice di spostamento dell’ethnos, al cui interno i segmenti dislocati in zone diverse rimasero sempre in vitale contatto, appare possibile che alla familiarità di questa popolazione, almeno del troncone dei Lucani propriamente detti, con le più composite e articolate realtà meridionali, magnogreche, si deve almeno in parte la concezione e lo sviluppo del ‘sistema’ di Monte Pallano. BIBLIOGRAFIA Aquilano, D., 1990-1991. Vasto e il suo territorio dall’età romana all’incastellamento. Tesi di laurea, Università di Chieti. Bell, T., A. Wilson & A. Wickham, 2002. Tracking the Samnites: Landscape and communications routes in the Sangro Valley, Italy. JRA 106, 169-186. Bispham, E., 2002. What lies beneath: Field survey, ploughsoil assemblage and stratified deposits in the ribadendo comunque le motivazioni che lo hanno portato ad identificare la Loucana dell’elogio con il comprensorio di Monte Pallano (La Regina 1989, 392-395). In proposito si rimanda a Buonocore & Firpo 1991, 557-67, da integrare con Lamoine 1999. 51 Pontrandolfo 1982; 1986; Torelli 1986, 128ss. 52 CIL IX, 277 n. 2975. 53 Torelli 1990, 85. 54 Per esempio i piani pavimentali in battuto di terra sotto i quali passavano le canalizzazioni, il sistema di drenaggi che scaricava in un collettore principale, costruito a Pallano, naturale a Roccagloriosa, “l’esistenza di un piano organizzativo prestabilito e ben raccordato all’impostazione del muro di fortificazione” (Gualtieri & Fracchia 1990, 204). 55 Per i Lucani del sud, la loro strategia insediamentale e le influenze recepite dal vicino ambiente ellenizzato si vedano La Rocca 2000, 9ss.; Tocco 2001, 935s.

48

Colonna 1970, 164ss., n. 518 tav. 127. Tali oggetti sono raffigurati in Faustoferri 2002. 49 Vetter 1953, 117 n. 173; Mommsen 1850, 169 tav. 8. 50 La Regina 1968, 176ss., le cui teorie sono state confutate da alcuni studiosi (in particolare Marcotte 1985) cui l’autore ha risposto

879

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Kane, S., 2002b. Life ‘on the edge’: a view from Lybia and the Abruzzo, in: A. Faustoferri & G. Lock (eds), Archeologi e territorio (Convegno in ricordo di J.A. Lloyd). San Salvo, c.s. Lamoine, L., 1999-2000. Les lecteurs de l’elogium de Scipion Barbatus. ArchClass 51, 361-368. La Regina, A., 1968. L’elogio di Scipione Barbato. DialArch 2, 173-190 La Regina, A., 1975. Centri fortificati preromani nei territori sabellici dell’Italia centrale adriatica, in: Agglomération fortifiées illyriennes, Colloque international (Mostar 1974). Posebna Izdania 24, 271-282. La Regina, A., 1989. I Sanniti, in Italia omnium terrarum parens. Milano, 301-432. La Rocca, L., 2000. A proposito dei santuari rurali in Lucania, in: L. Quilici & S. Quilici Gigli (eds), Campagna e paesaggio nell’Italia antica (= Atlante Tematico di Topografia Antica, 8). Roma, 7-18. Lauter, H., 1986. L’architettura dell’ellenismo. Milano. Lloyd, J.A., N. Christie & G. Lock, 1997. From the mountain to the plain: landscape evolution in the Abruzzo. PBSR 65, 1-57. Luni, M., 1995. Fase protourbana nella regione medioadriatica nel V-IV secolo a.C. e frequentazione commerciale greca, in: Pro poplo ariminese. Atti del convegno internazionale ‘Rimini antica. Una repubblica tra terra e mare’ (Rimini, ottobre 1993) (= Epigrafia e Antichità, 14). Faenza, 183-223. Marcotte, D., 1985. Lucaniae. Considérations sur l’Éloge de Scipion Barbatus. Latomus 44, 721-742. Mattiocco, E., 1981. Centri fortificati preromani nella conca di Sulmona. Chieti. Mertens, J., 1994. Herdonia. Scoperta di una città. Bari. Miller, M., 1995. Befestigungsanlagen in Italien vom 8. bis 3. Jh. v.Chr. Hamburg. Mommsen, Th., 1850. Die unteritalischen Dialekte. Leipzig. Nava, M.L., 2000. L’attività archeologica in Basilicata nel 1999, in: Magna Grecia e Oriente mediterraneo prima dell’età ellenistica, Atti del 39° convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 1-5 ottobre 1999). Napoli, 675 ss. Oakley, S.P., 1995. The hill-forts of the Samnites. London. Pellegrino, A., 1989. I centri fortificati delle Valle del Sangro, in: Atti del I seminario nationale di studi sulle mura poligomali (Aletzi, 2 ottobre 1988). Aletzi, 8392. Pontrandolfo, A., 1982. I Lucani. Etnografia e archeologia di una regione antica. Milano. Pontrandolfo, A., 1986. Per un’archeologia dei Lucani, in: Greci, Enotri e Lucani nella Basilicata meridionale, Catalogo della mostra (Policoro, 4 maggio 1996). Napoli, 171-181. Staffa, A.R., 1992. Abruzzo fra tarda antichità e alto Medioevo: le fonti archeologiche. ArchMed 19, 789853. Staffa, A.R., 1993. Dall’Egitto copto all’Abruzzo bizantino (Catalogo della mostra).

Sangro Valley, in: A. Faustoferri & G. Lock (eds), Archeologi e territorio (Convegno in ricordo di J.A. Lloyd). San Salvo, c.s. Buonocore, M. & G. Firpo, 1991. Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’Abruzzo antico. Padova. Capini, S., 1992. L’insediamento di Monte S. Paolo a Colli al Volturno e la guerra nel Sannio nel 293 a.C. Bollettino di archeologia 16-18, 33-42. Christie, N., 2002. Castles and transhumance in the Upper Sangro Valley, in: A. Faustoferri & G. Lock (eds), Archeologi e territorio (Convegno in ricordo di J.A. Lloyd). San Salvo, c.s. Colonna, G., 1955. Pallanum. Una città dei Frentani. ArchClass, 164-178. Colonna, G., 1970. Bronzi votivi umbro-sabellici a figura umana, I. Periodo ‘arcaico’. Roma Colonna, G., 1992. Apporti etruschi all’orientalizzante piceno. Il caso della statuaria, in: La civiltà picena nelle Marche. Studi in onore di G. Annibaldi. Ripatransone, 92-127. Conta Haller, G., 1978. Ricerche su alcuni centri fortificati in opera poligonale in area campanosannitica (= Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli, III). Napoli. Cuomo, L. & A. Pellegrino, 1976. Il problema di Monte Pallano (= Documenti di antichità italiche e romane VIII). Roma. De Benedittis, G., 1991. L’abitato di Monte Vairano, in: S. Capini & A. Di Niro (eds), Samnium. Archeologia del Molise (Catalogo delle mostra). Rome, 127-130. De Mia, E., 1977. Le rovine di Pallanum. Mondo Archeologico 20, 15-17. Di Stefano, S., 2000. Le fortificazioni sannitiche di Alfedena, Castel di Sangro e Roccacinquemiglia nell’alta valle del Sangro, in: L. Quilici & S. Quilici Gigli (eds), Fortificazioni antiche in Italia. Età repubblicana (= Atlante Tematico di Topografia Antica, 9). Roma, 135-154. Faustoferri, A., 1996. 29. Tornareccio (Chieti), loc. Monte Pallano. StEtr, 510-512. Faustoferri, A., 2000. Tornareccio. La necropoli di Via De Gasperi, in: Piceni, Popolo d’Europa (Guida alla mostra di Teramo). Roma, 27 ss. Faustoferri, A., 2002. The archaeological park of Mount Pallano: a work in progress, in: A. Faustoferri & G. Lock (eds), Archeologi e territorio (Convegno in ricordo di J.A. Lloyd). San Salvo, c.s. Faustoferri, A. & J.A. Lloyd, 1998. Monte Pallano: a Samnite fortified centre and its hinterland. JRA 11, 522. Gualtieri M. & H. Fracchia, 1990. Roccagloriosa I. L’abitato: scavo e ricognizione topografica (19761986). Napoli. Innico, P.C., 2000. Le cinte murarie di Monte Santa Croce nel territorio di San Biagio Saracinisco, in: L. Quilici & S. Quilici Gigli (eds), Fortificazioni antiche in Italia. Età repubblicana (= Atlante Tematico di Topografia Antica, 9). Roma, 127-134. Kane, S., 2002a. Terracotta dolphin plaques from Monte Pallano (Abruzzo). Deliciae fictiles 3 (Roma), c.s. 880

AMALIA FAUSTOFERRI & PAOLA RICCITELLI: MONTE PALLANO Tocco, G., 2001. L’attività archeologica della Soprintendenza di Salerno, Avellino e Benevento, in: Problemi della chora coloniale dall’Occidente al Mar Nero, Atti del 40° convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 29 settembre - 3 ottobre 2000). Napoli, 915-936. Torelli, M., 1986. Per un’archeologia dell’Oinotría, in: Greci, Enotri e Lucani nella Basilicata meridionale, Catalogo della mostra (Policoro, 4 maggio 1996). Napoli, 123-131. Torelli, M.R., 1990. I culti di Rossano di Vaglio, in: M. Salvatore (ed.), Basilicata. L’espansionismo romano nel sud-est d’Italia. Il quadro archeologico (Venosa 23-25 aprile 1987). Venosa, 83-93. Tulipani, L., 1997. Pallanum in the ancient itineraries, in: J.A. Lloyd, N. Christie & G. Lock 1997, 49-53. Van Wonterghem, F., 1989. La decorazione del sacello, in: Mattiocco E., (ed.), Dalla villa di Ovidio al santuario di Ercole. Sulmona, 151-158. Vetter, E., 1953. Handbuch der italischen Dialekte. Heidelberg.

881

TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA: INDAGINI PRELIMINARI E RECENTI SCOPERTE DI ETÀ ROMANA. TRA ETÀ TARDOREPUBBLICANA E PRIMA ETÀ IMPERIALE Maria Fortunati & Mariagrazia Vitali Abstract: The following preliminary study is carried out around Bergamo for areas where the archaeological heritage is threatened by large-scale construction projects: study of historical maps; research into toponyms using cadastral records; interpretation of aerial photographs and field walking. Each excavation corresponds to traces of roads (there are four Roman roads in the Bergamo area) or centuriation (two centuriation patterns in the plain south of Bergamo). The city of Bergamo was founded in the 1st century BC on the hills of what is now the ‘Città Alta’; in late Republican period there are domus with floors in opus signinum; the early Imperial period is characterterized by geometric-type floors. In the late Republican period the vicus of Fontanella developed in the plain to the south of Bergamo. This first-century BC settlement occupied a strategic location on a terrace of the river Brembo, near the ‘Ponte della Regina’, in Almenno San Salvatore. In the 1st4th century AD, there are villas with a pars urbana and a pars rustica. Verdello and Levate are two sites on the plain to the south of Bergamo with Roman cemeteries. The funerary practice is cremation in ustrinum. The finds clearly illustrate the spread of Roman culture and the presence of local traditions. These finds date from the La Tène D2 (70 BC) to the 1st century AD. Late La Tène style objects are found in the burials together with items which are clearly Roman (miniature glass phiales, a decorated jar, an Aco beaker made by Gratus T. Rubriu, a cup with barbotine decoration and a small bronze jug).

– la strada Bergamo-Milano, passante per l’Isola Brembana, che attraversava il fiume Brembo a Ponte San Pietro e l’Adda a Villa d’Adda; – la strada Brescia-Bergamo-Como che attraversava il fiume Brembo ad Almenno San Salvatore e l’Adda ad Olginate; – la strada Milano-Brescia-Verona-Aquileia-Emona; – la strada, già percorsa come antica via della transumanza che, scendendo dalle valli bergamasche, in particolare dalla valle Seriana, collegava, con probabilità, Bergamo a Crema e a Piacenza.

Da alcuni anni in Lombardia e più generalmente sul territorio nazionale, è venuto evidenziandosi un nuovo concetto di tutela e di salvaguardia dei beni archeologici: il bene, infatti, non è visto solo nella sua, se pur importante unicità, ma è considerato come elemento costitutivo nella crescita e nella storia di un sito. Soprattutto in occasione della progettazione di grandi opere che incidono profondamente nel sottosuolo, la tutela preventiva di un sito, di un contesto, di un’area inserita sia in una città come Bergamo sia in una realtà territoriale più vasta come la sua provincia, così varia e diversificata nei contesti geografici e nelle manifestazioni culturali più antiche, si esercita grazie a studi preliminari quali:

E’ interessante, a questo proposito, ricordare come tra Bergamo e Piacenza si siano riscontrate alcune analogie quali lo stesso modello di centuriazione, di 20x20 actus, tra il primo impianto bergamasco e l’impianto piacentino; la stessa tribù, la Voturia e, infine, l’identità di numerosi gentilizi, a noi noti grazie ai testi epigrafici (Mamilii, Marci, Vettii).1

– la lettura e l’esame della cartografia antica, a partire dalla cartografia quattro-cinquecentesca (per es. la carta di C. Sorte del 1586), sino al Sommarione del catasto napoleonico, alla Carta del Regno LombardoVeneto del 1833, alle tavole IGMI del 1889 e del 1955, alla Carta Tecnica Regionale del 1994; – l’indagine toponomastica attraverso l’analisi della documentazione catastale; – la fotointerpretazione degli aerofotogrammi con restituzione delle anomalie; – la ricognizione di superficie.

Alcuni tracciati protostorici, come l’asse nord ovest-sud est, la pedemontana Brescia, Bergamo, Como, il collegamento con Crema, via percorsa per la transumanza, e quindi con Piacenza, colonia dedotta nel 218 a.C., divennero dunque primarie direttrici viarie I reperti della tomba 16 di Verdello e la brocca in bronzo di Levate sono stati disegnati da Dorinda Ida della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia; i disegni di tutti gli altri reperti sono stati eseguiti da Paolo Corti, con la collaborazione di Annamaria Fedeli, relativamente ai rilievi a matita dei reperti di Levate. Si deve a P.Corti anche la realizzazione delle tavole proposte in questa sede. Si ringraziano per la collaborazione Luciano Caldera, Paolo Corti, Dorinda Ida, Luigi Monopoli, Martino Pacchieni, Giuliana Righetto. La traduzione in lingua inglese si deve alla collaborazione di James Bishop. Le scoperte, le ricerche e gli studi effettuati sino al 1992 nel territorio bergamasco sono raccolti e documentati in Carta Archeologica della Lombardia. II. 3 volumi, La Provincia di Bergamo (a cura di R. Poggiani Keller), Modena 1992. 1 Fortunati Zuccala 1998a, 67-74.

La tutela preventiva e le successive scoperte archeologiche, d’altro lato, non possono essere disgiunte dalle conoscenze sino ad oggi acquisite relative alla viabilità antica e all’impianto di centuriazione. La città di Bergamo, unitamente al suo territorio, presi in esame in questa sede, sono interessati, in età romana, da quattro arterie stradali principali:

882

MARIA FORTUNATI & MARIAGRAZIA VITALI: TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA anche in età romana e videro il sorgere di centri la cui importanza era indubbiamente legata ai traffici e ai commerci. La crescita di siti come Fornovo S. Giovanni, Zanica, Arzago d’Adda, Almenno, Carobbio degli Angeli, Casazza, Lovere, solo per citare i casi più significativi, era dovuta alla fitta rete stradale che attraversava il territorio bergamasco. Arterie principali erano pertanto la Bergomum-Mediolanum, che superava il Brembo a Marne in comune di Filago (nel luogo ove tuttora esistono i resti di un ponte a due arcate di probabile origine romana) e proseguiva per Verdello, come indica il miliario dedicato dalla Devota Venetia a Valente e Valentiniano,2 la Comum-Bergomum-Brixia che attraversava il Brembo ad Almenno sul ponte cosiddetto ‘della Regina’ e l’Oglio a Palazzolo ove le pile del ponte attuale poggiano su pile più antiche di forma rotonda o a Cividino, dove sarebbero stati rinvenuti due miliari; infine la Mediolanum-Brixia che passava l’Adda a Pons Aureoli. Un tratto del tracciato Bergomum-Brixia fu rinvenuto nel secolo scorso a Carobbio degli Angeli, in località Scurizzo; la strada selciata si componeva di grandi pietre poligonali; anche il tratto di selciato messo in luce a Chiuduno, nelle località Campetti e Pradazzo, della larghezza di m 3,50, presentava un identico orientamento in direzione di Telgate. Differiva, invece, dal precedente, nella tecnica costruttiva, consistente in pezzi irregolari rozzissimi di pietra viva della vicina montagna, grossi ciottoli, e frammenti in cotto. Un tratto di strada che collegava la Val Calepio a Predore fu rinvenuto a Sarnico, nel 1930, in un’area limitrofa a tombe di età romana.

all’epoca dell’imperatore Traiano, il ponte era formato da grossi conci in pietra che misuravano sino a m 1,75 di lunghezza e m 0,70 di altezza; una solida muratura di cava costituiva il paramento. Lungo il medesimo tracciato, in direzione di Como, nel III secolo d.C., fu eretto il ponte di Olginate, sull’Adda, parimenti di considerevole mole: impiantato su 16-18 piloni, aveva una lunghezza di m 150 ed una larghezza di m 4.4 Grazie a quest’opera, si potenziarono i collegamenti tra Bergamo e Como e tra Milano e Lecco, passando per Monza. Da Lecco, sicuramente per via lacustre ma, probabilmente, anche terrestre, si perveniva a Chiavenna, quindi in Valtellina e, attraverso il passo dello Spluga, si raggiungevano il Reno ed il lago di Costanza. Venendo ad esaminare l’impianto di centuriazione, già riconosciuto da Pierluigi Tozzi nel 1972, si può notare come esso interessi tutta la pianura bergamasca.5 Sono stati individuati due impianti: l’uno riguarda essenzialmente il settore centrale e si colloca temporalmente a partire dall’89 a.C., quando venne concesso lo ius Latii alle città transpadane con la lex Pompeia di Cneo Pompeo Strabone, il secondo, inquadrabile in età augustea, è esteso alla massima parte del territorio di pianura definito dall’Adda a ovest e dall’Oglio a est. L’orientamento delle due centuriazioni è da nord-ovest a sud-est per i cardini e da sud-ovest a nord-est per i decumani, con una inclinazione leggermente diversa. Il primo è inclinato di 7-8 gradi rispetto al nord astronomico, il secondo di 11-12 gradi. Il Kardo maximus è stato individuato nel rettifilo StezzanoSpirano, il decumanus maximus tra Ciserano e Urgnano. In questa sede si intende prendere in esame il contesto temporale, strettamente collegato ai due impianti di centuriazione, compreso tra la metà del I secolo a.C. e la metà del I secolo d.C.; nell’arco di un secolo si evidenzia l’integrazione tra la cultura autoctona, di tradizione La Tène, e la cultura romana, e il successivo affermarsi di quest’ultima.

Una porzione di un selciato regolare in sassi fu scoperto a Romano di Lombardia, ai campi San Marcello, luogo con tombe tardoromane; l’acciottolato aveva un asse estovest, in direzione – verso est – del Dignone, ove sorgeva, in epoca coeva, un insediamento e, verso ovest, della località Carpeneto di Morengo, ubicata in prossimità di un guado del Serio e ugualmente sede di necropoli. Sono invece da riferirsi a una viabilità interna, a vici o a pagi, i tratti di strada glareata, in ciottoli, rinvenuti a Levate, a Ghisalba, in prossimità della necropoli ubicata in località cascina Portico Nuovo, a Fontanella, nel vicus di San Germignanino, a Caravaggio e a Fornovo. Nell’ambito dei tracciati viari, tra le opere pubbliche, rivestiva particolare rilevanza il cosiddetto ponte ‘della Regina’, inserito nel sistema viario della via pedemontana, asse est-ovest della centuriazione relativa al territorio di Almenno. Attualmente si conservano una pila e tracce di altre due ma, in origine, secondo la ricostruzione fatta nel 1894 dall’ing. Elia Fornoni,3 la struttura era composta da otto arcate impostate su sette pile; le sue dimensioni erano imponenti: la lunghezza era di m 180, l’altezza m 25 e la larghezza m 6,50. Costruito

In Bergamo, sui colli di città alta, già a partire dagli inizi del I secolo a.C. si assiste infatti alla costituzione del centro politico, amministrativo, religioso e residenziale di Bergomum. In tale epoca vengono condotti poderosi lavori di sbancamento, con il taglio delle emergenze rocciose, il cosiddetto ‘Flysh’ di Bergamo, sfruttato come materiale da costruzione. In questo periodo si inquadrano alcune domus, contraddistinte da pavimenti in opus signinum,6 di varia tipologia: con piccoli frammenti di laterizi e scaglie di pietra bianca (via San Lorenzo), con minute scaglie di marmo (via Arena), con scaglie di calcare bianco e tessere sparse di colore nero (via Rocca), con tessere sparse bianche e nere (via Colleoni e via del Vagine), con

2 Interessanti considerazioni sul miliario di Verdello e sul tracciato Mediolanum-Emona sono formulate da M. Vavassori, Due frammenti epigrafici significativi, in: AA.VV. 2003, 147-154. In particolare l’A. prende in esame gli altri miliari rinvenuti lungo la via, con analogo formulario, a conferma dell’antico percorso. 3 Fornoni 1894.

4

Degrassi 1946, 5-23. Tozzi 1972, 82-83, nota 202. 6 Fortunati Zuccala, Simonotti & Vitali 2001, 318 nota 12. 5

883

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI cornice costituita da una duplice fila di tessere nere (via Reginaldo Giuliani).

Una testimonianza indiretta, ma pur sempre basilare per la conoscenza dell’età romana in Almenno, è rappresentata anche dai tratti, tuttora parzialmente conservati, dell’acquedotto in cocciopesto che collegava la località Piscina e la forcella di Castra; con un percorso di circa due chilometri, esso permetteva l’approvvigionamento idrico dell’antico abitato.

In epoca immediatamente successiva, in età giulioclaudia, si inquadrano i pavimenti musivi con disegno geometrico a fasce bianche e nere, rinvenuti nell’articolato complesso ubicato a nord della Biblioteca Civica, in via Arena, in via Solata e presso il Convento di Sant’Agostino.7

La crescita di Almenno è da correlarsi a quell’area unitaria ed omogenea collocata immediatamente a sudovest, cioè all’Isola Brembana. Il ruolo strategico rivestito da questa zona dal punto di vista sia militare sia degli approvvigionamenti è infatti da porsi in relazione con il lecchese, con Como, con Chiavenna e, attraverso questa, con l’Europa centrale.

Anche le tecniche murarie, pur essendo sempre utilizzati conci di arenaria, materiale presente nel substrato roccioso, denotano differenze sia nel tipo di legante, in limo argilloso in età repubblicana, in malta biancastra in età successiva, e nella disposizione delle lastre, che diviene più regolare, su filari, talvolta con contrafforti. In età tardorepubblicana si inquadrano due abitati situati in provincia: il complesso di Almenno San Salvatore e il vicus di Fontanella.

Esaminando, invece, la pianura bergamasca, il vicus di Fontanella9 è un esempio dell’assetto organizzativo territoriale nella fase di colonizzazione latina; è ubicato in località San Germignanino ed è inserito in un contesto, attualmente caratterizzato dalla presenza di un considerevole numero di fontanili, nel quale già in passato erano stati riconosciuti tratti di centuriazione di età romana. Complessivamente gli elementi archeologici, individuati alla profondità di cm 40 dal piano di campagna, si riferiscono sia a strutture, con fondazioni in laterizi posti di piatto e di taglio, che formano ambienti, sia ad alzati lignei, definiti da numerose buche di palo di forma quadrata e circolare e da una trave in legno bruciata, sia a un’area porticata riconosciuta grazie alle fondazioni quadrangolari di pilastri, in frammenti di laterizi, poste allineate, sia ad aree esterne con battuti, sia infine a due pozzi, di cui uno con la ghiera superiore in ciottoli, l’altro in laterizi.

Il centro romano di Almenno, sviluppatosi nelle vicinanze del ponte sul Brembo (il cosiddetto ponte ‘della Regina’) e della via pedemontana che collegava Bergamo a Como, è stato localizzato nel sito ove ora sorgono il Santuario della Madonna del Castello e le abitazioni limitrofe; in questa zona, ubicata su un terrazzo che si affaccia sulla destra idrografica del fiume Brembo, nel corso di recenti indagini di scavo effettuate in alcune porzioni di aree non edificate, è stata accertata la presenza di un complesso residenziale di notevole rilevanza. Le strutture di età romana sono in ciottoli legati da malta biancastra; un pavimento in opus spicatum laterizio, con due piani circolari rilevati che, con probabilità, corrispondevano ai piani di appoggio di due macine, sembra testimoniare la presenza del settore produttivo nel piazzale antistante il Santuario.8

Il complesso abitativo, per le tecniche costruttive e per i materiali rinvenuti, trova numerose analogie con Bedriacum, l’antica Calvatone, sito della confinante provincia di Cremona.

Numerosi materiali rinvenuti in giacitura secondaria indicano, invece, la ricchezza dell’apparato decorativo del settore residenziale; si tratta, in particolare, di una consistente quantità di frammenti di decorazioni parietali in stucco e di piani pavimentali nonché di alcune migliaia di frammenti di intonaco dipinto, tutti reperti di alto livello qualitativo, inquadrabili tra la tarda età repubblicana e gli inizi dell’età imperiale. Si confrontano in ambito bresciano i frammenti di mosaico con tesseroni neri, tipo graniglia, i frammenti con campo centrale a tessere bianche e la cornice costituita da una fascia con tessere nere; i frammenti di pavimento in cocciopesto con crocette, disposte a distanza regolare, formate da una tessera nera circondata da quattro bianche, sono, invece, diffusi nel cremonese, a Bedriacum.

A partire dall’età giulio-claudia, invece, villae con i rispettivi fundi costellavano la pianura popolando terre ubicate in prossimità di cardini o di decumani oppure sfruttando microrilievi o aree terrazzate prospicienti i fiumi. A questo modello costruttivo, con vani absidati e rettangolari, riconducono le strutture parzialmente scavate ad Arzago d’Adda, a Ghisalba, località cascina Alessandra, a Bariano, località convento dei Neveri, a Covo, località cascina Bellinzana, ad Isso, località Cantonata e al Dignone di Romano di Lombardia. Si possono ascrivere ai medesimi tipi edilizi anche gli insediamenti identificati mediante la ricerca di superficie a Mozzanica, ad Azzano S. Paolo, loc. Murere, a Barbata, a Brignano, predio S. Pietro, a Cologno al Serio (nella frazione dal toponimo particolarmente significativo ‘Muradella’ e Morti dell’Arca), a Cortenuova, a Ghisalba,

Nello stesso territorio di Almenno esisteva un insediamento di tipo militare sul Monte Castra (anche il toponimo è in questo senso significativo).

7 8

Fortunati Zuccala, Simonotti & Vitali 2001, 318. Fortunati Zuccala 2001, 756.

9

884

Fortunati Zuccala 2001, 754.

MARIA FORTUNATI & MARIAGRAZIA VITALI: TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA Secondo la tradizione romana,12 anche questa necropoli era ubicata all’esterno del centro abitato che, con probabilità, è collocato nell’area sotto l’attuale centro storico di Verdello.13

località Villanova, a Gorlago e a Martinengo. Su aree terrazzate in prossimità di corsi d’acqua sorgevano le ville di Bolgare, loc. Asnenga, di Calcinate, campo Musna, entrambe poste sulla sinistra del torrente Zerra, di Carobbio sul Cherio, di Calcio, sul fiume Oglio e di Lurano sul Morla.

Il rito funerario in uso è l’incinerazione indiretta; la cremazione del cadavere e del letto funebre sul quale il defunto era deposto avveniva in un’area della necropoli destinata alle cremazioni, detta ustrinum.

La ricerca di superficie effettuata su questi terreni, in seguito alle arature sempre più profonde e alla limitata profondità dei resti antichi rispetto al piano di campagna, ha portato al ritrovamento di frammenti di olle, di ciotole e coperchi in ceramica comune, di patere a vernice nera e in terra sigillata, di coppette a pareti sottili decorate a ‘la barbotine’, di vetro, di monete e di fibule, tutti chiari indizi di stanziamenti simili, gravitanti nella medesima sfera culturale e cronologica, collocabile tra il I e il IV secolo d.C.

Settori destinati a nuclei familiari caratterizzavano la distribuzione e l’ubicazione delle tombe all’interno della necropoli. Nelle vicinanze di due tombe (nn. 1 e 8) sono state rinvenute fosse con resti carboniosi presumibilmente prelevati dall’ ustrinum e oggetti per offerte sacrificali, integri o frammentari; all’esterno di un’altra tomba (n. 16), in prossimità dell’angolo sud est, erano collocati tre oggetti, in particolare una ciotola, un tegame con piedi, comunemente definito peduncolato, e un microvasetto, sui quali erano, con probabilità, poste le offerte di cibo post-deposizionali.

Il paesaggio agrario della pianura bergamasca, conformemente al territorio padano, era dunque contrassegnato da numerose ville o aziende agricole le quali erano legate alla produzione dei cereali, delle erbe foraggere e all’allevamento stanziale. Esse ben si inseriscono nella maglia centuriale rispettandone i limites che vengono sfruttati anzi come confini fra i diversi fondi. Esse non si sovrappongono agli assi, essendo ubicate in prossimità di cardini o di decumani, come si è potuto verificare in alcuni casi, a Brignano, a Cortenova, a Lurano, a Mozzanica.

Per quanto riguarda la tipologia delle strutture tombali, tredici tombe avevano una struttura a cassa rettangolare, in tegoloni a bordo rialzato, di m 1,20-1,30 x 0,40-0,60; una tomba, invece, la n. 6, era costruita con lastre di arenaria di forma quadrata, ognuna di m 0,60 di lato; all’interno vi erano gli oggetti di corredo disposti su due livelli.

Le indagini condotte a partire dal 1980 in quattro siti, ad Isso, a Ghisalba, ad Arzago, a Romano di Lombardia e a Covo, permettono di ricostruire, in termini parziali ma pur sempre indicativi, gli impianti abitativi composti da una pars urbana o dominica e da una pars rustica.

Veniamo ad esaminare le rappresentati nella necropoli.

classi

degli

oggetti

Tra la ceramica comune, certamente il reperto più rappresentato, con circa quaranta esemplari, è l’olla, definita olletta quando è di più modeste dimensioni; nei corredi di tre tombe (nn. 5, 6, 9), l’olla rivestiva la funzione di urna cineraria.

Consideriamo ora le testimonianze culturali, inquadrabili tra la metà del I secolo a.C. e la metà del I secolo d.C., attestate dalle necropoli, in particolare di Verdello e di Levate, due siti ubicati a sud di Bergamo, lungo il 19° cardine da occidente.

L’olla è pressoché presente in tutti i corredi tombali e, in taluni casi, con più esemplari; per esempio nella tomba 4 vi sono due ollette, alte circa nove centimetri, e cinque olle, di maggiori dimensioni. Il corpo, dalla forma ovoide o globulare, talvolta presenta la superficie esterna decorata, caratterizzata da diversi motivi, incisi con uno strumento a punta, a stecca, a pettine o impressi, di chiara tradizione indigena (Fig. 1:1).

La necropoli rinvenuta nel 1996 a Verdello, in via Garibaldi, in località Colabiolo (Collobiolo nel catasto ottocentesco) rappresenta la propaggine sud orientale di una vasta area sepolcrale che si estendeva, nella sua fase più antica, sino all’attuale campo di calcio.10 La quattordici strutture tombali e i due resti di ustrina rinvenuti nell’area del Colabiolo si inquadrano nella tarda età repubblicana, nella fase culturale definita La Tène D2, tra il 70-60 a.C. e l’età augustea.11

Tra le forme in ceramica comune, vi sono anche ciotole e coppe, ciotole – coperchio, vasetti miniaturistici a corpo cilindrico e a corpo globulare e il tipo cosiddetto cosiddetto ‘a fiaschetto’, di chiara tradizione cenomane; inoltre è testimoniata la presenza di anfore domestiche,

10

12

11

13

AA.VV. 2003. Le tipologie delle tombe e la collocazione dei reperti di corredo sono trattati in M. Fortunati & P. Corti, La necropoli nell’area del Colabiolo, in: AA.VV. 2003, 157-173 e in M. Fortunati, Considerazioni generali sulla necropoli e sull’età romana, in: AA.VV. 2003, 233-245.

Toynbee 1993, 34-39. Sono state individuate presenze tardoromane nel corso di indagini effettuate nell’autunno 2002 nel centro storico per le quali cfr. M. Fortunati & P. Corti, L’indagine archeologica nello stallo Capolii, in: AA.VV. 2003, 231-232.

885

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Verdello (BG) – Loc. Colabiolo. 1: Olla decorata (T.1); 2. Tegame peduncolato (T. 15); 3. Vasetto ornitomorfo (T.6). Scala 1:2. bacili a fondo piano, tegami con tre piedi, detti comunemente peduncolati, con impasti grossolani. I tegami con tre piedi, presenti nella necropoli con due esemplari, l’uno nella tomba 15 (Fig. 1:2), l’altro collocato all’esterno della tomba 16, sono oggetti ampiamente diffusi in età romana nel territorio bergamasco sia in contesti abitativi (in Bergamo, a Carobbio degli Angeli, a Casazza, a Covo, a Ghisalba) sia in ambiti funerari (a Curno, nelle tombe inedite 13/E e

31/B, e a Levate). Il tipo si è ritrovato con una certa frequenza nell’area nord-occidentale lombarda, in particolare nell’area comasca, milanese e pavese e in Piemonte, nella villa di Caselette e a San Bernardo di Ornavasso, qui attestato nel II-I secolo a.C.14

14

886

Fortunati Zuccala & Vitali 1996, 115.

MARIA FORTUNATI & MARIAGRAZIA VITALI: TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA Olle, ollette, ciotole e vasetti miniaturistici risultano talvolta modellati senza uso del tornio.

Il balsamario della tomba 4 (Fig. 3:1), con corpo fusiforme allungato, decorato da due linee in rilievo, e con fondo piano trova confronto, per la forma e per l’impasto, in esemplari prodotti in officine centroitaliche.19

La necropoli del Colabiolo di Verdello rivela il momento di passaggio e di integrazione tra la cultura gallica e la cultura romana: non vi sono vasi a trottola, reperti caratteristici della cultura La Tène, mentre sono presenti le olpi, reperti propri della tradizione romana.

Agli inizi dell’età augustea si inquadra il bicchiere ‘tipo Aco’ (Fig. 3:2), riconducibile all’officina di Gratus T. Rubriu.20

Non sono attestate lucerne e esigue sono le monete, in tutto cinque esemplari, inquadrabili tra il II e il I secolo a.C., sino all’età protoaugustea.15

E’ un esemplare unico nella necropoli il vasetto ornitomorfo (Fig. 1:3), in ceramica, rinvenuto collocato all’interno di una patera a vernice nera, nella tomba 6; esso si inserisce nella produzione degli askoi / poppatoi fittili, oggetti forse collegati a deposizioni infantili, attestati nel I secolo a.C., per esempio nella tomba 4 di Valeggio sul Mincio (MN) e nelle necropoli di età romana imperiale di Angera, Nave, Milano, Biella, quest’ultimo invetriato. In ambito bergamasco, un poppatoio ornitomorfo è documentato tra i materiali rinvenuti a Ranica, nel 1800.21

Le olpi, con impasto depurato, sono di varia tipologia a corpo troncoconico e collo cilindrico, a corpo emisferico, a corpo piriforme, a corpo sferoidale e bocca trilobata, a corpo globulare, e a corpo ovoide (Fig. 2). Nell’ambito di questa classe, si evidenziano l’olpe (Fig. 2:4) presente nella tomba 6, con il corpo decorato da un motivo decorativo a bande, dipinto in colore arancione, di chiara tradizione La Tène16 e le olpi in terra sigillata (Fig. 2:56), a corpo ovoide, della tomba 16.17

I vetri sono rappresentati da due balsamari, l’uno a corpo piriforme (Fig. 3:3) nella tomba 9,22 l’altro a corpo globulare nella tomba 12.

Nell’ultima fase della cultura La Tène si collocano temporalmente anche le coppe e le patere in ceramica a vernice nera.

Si tratta di balsamari miniaturistici prodotti nel settore orientale dell’Italia settentrionale, tra l’età augustea e la prima metà del I secolo d.C., che si confrontano con reperti analoghi rivenuti sia nel Canton Ticino, in Austria, in Germania sia nei paesi orientali (Cipro, Corfù, Turchia, Siria e Palestina).

La ceramica acroma, depurata, probabilmente prodotta da officine locali, è rappresentata da oggetti con forme che riconducono ai reperti in ceramica a vernice nera; in particolare vi sono due coppe Lamboglia 28, nelle tombe 1 e 10, una patera Lamboglia 5 nella tomba 4 e un bicchiere o pisside a rocchetto, forma Lamboglia 3, nella tomba 10.

Le forme miniaturistiche dei piccoli balsamari in vetro, così come quelle delle olpi, delle coppette in Terra Sigillata, dei vasetti in ceramica comune, della piccola olpe in fajence egizia, di probabile produzione alessandrina,23 scoperta in passato a Verdello, sembrano indicare una produzione finalizzata all’uso funerario; infatti, reperti identici nella forma ma di maggiori dimensioni, erano comunemente utilizzati nella vita quotidiana.

E’ interessante ricordare che alcuni reperti fittili presentano iscrizioni in caratteri gallici e latini. In particolare, tra gli oggetti di corredo della tomba 16, risulta di estremo interesse una coppetta in T.S., forma Goud. 2, che reca l’iscrizione ACETATABLA VIII; la coppetta aveva pertanto la precisa funzione di acetabulum.18

Tra gli oggetti in ferro sono documentati rasoi-raschiatoi, coltelli, una roncola nella T.4, cesoie, due strigili e alcuni graffioni.

Alla classe ceramica definita ‘pareti sottili’ appartengono un balsamario e un bicchiere ovoide (tomba 4), un bicchiere con decorazione à la barbotine (tomba 6), un bicchiere tipo Aco (tomba 19).

19

Ricci 1985, 243-244, tipo I/I e 343-346, tav. LXXVIII nn. 1-3. Fortunati Zuccala 1998a, 83. Cfr. per l’esemplare di Valeggio sul Mincio: Salzani 1987, 271-280; Angera: Harari 1985, 537-540; Milano: Bolla 1988, 52, n.7/110 e 194195; Nave: Jorio, Zampori Vanoni & Bessi Trevale 1987, 203; Biella: Brecciaroli Taborelli 2000, 135-141; Ranica: Carta Archeologica della Lombardia. La Provincia di Bergamo, II, vol. II, schede, 112, scheda n. 472 e fig. 70. 22 Fortunati Zuccala 1998b, 24. 23 La necropoli scoperta in passato a Verdello, i rapporti commerciali con l’Oriente e con l’arco alpino orientale sono presi in esame in M. Tizzoni, La necropoli di Verdello e i Celti in Lombardia, in: AA.VV. 2003, 93-100; per l’olpe egizia cfr. F. Tiradritti, Un’olpe egizia a Verdello, in: AA.VV. 2003, 98. 20

15

21

Le monete rinvenute nei corredi tombali del Colabiolo e il ripostiglio monetale di centocinquantadue dracme argentee scoperto nel 1910 a Verdello sono esaminati da E.A. Arslan, Monete celtiche e romane, in: AA.VV. 2003, 107-122. 16 Simonett & Lamboglia 1967-71, 27; Domanico 1995, 286. 17 I reperti in terra sigillata sono trattati da S. Jorio, La terra sigillata, in: AA.VV. 2003, 205-208 e da G. Perani, I corredi delle tombe 1, 3,15, in: AA.VV. 2003, 179-203. 18 I reperti con iscrizioni sono oggetto di studio da parte di A. Morandi, Le iscrizioni galliche e romane, in: AA.VV. 2003, 123-137; per la coppetta in T.S. utilizzata come acetabulum cfr. Morandi, op. cit, 130131 e S. Jorio, op.cit., 205 e 206, fig. 1:2.

887

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Verdello (BG) – Loc. Colabiolo. 1: Olpe troncoconica (T.1); 2. Olpe troncoconica (T.3); 3. Olpe globulare (T.6); 4. Olpe decorata (T.6); 5 e 6. Olpi piriformi in T.S (T.16). Scala 1:3.

888

MARIA FORTUNATI & MARIAGRAZIA VITALI: TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA cospicua quantità e diversificate nelle forme (tipo Almgren 65, Cenisola, Nauheim, Schusselfibel). Le tombe del Colabiolo si collegano a una popolazione che nel corso del I secolo a.C., tra i primi decenni del I secolo a.C. e l’età augustea, abitava in Verdello, in un’area territoriale già oggetto di centuriazione agli inizi del I secolo a.C., come peraltro dimostra il passaggio del quarto cardine e del secondo decumano della prima centuriazione bergamasca. I corredi tombali indicano la presenza di un ceto abbiente e di un’economia aperta ai commerci, non solo con le regioni confinanti, di tradizione insubre e cenomane, ma anche con l’area centro-italica, con l’arco alpino orientale e con il bacino del Mediterraneo orientale. La necropoli di Verdello, in modo analogo alle altre necropoli datate tra la fase finale della cultura La Tène e l’età augusteo – tiberiana, ben esprime il lento processo di romanizzazione che si manifesta come un fenomeno cultuale prima che giuridico – istituzionale. Il passaggio dalla tradizione cosiddetta La Tène alla cultura romana trova espressione anche nella necropoli scoperta nel 1991-1992 e nel 1997 a Levate. L’area, attualmente indicata con il toponimo in cocio, era destinata tra la fine del I secolo a.C. e gli inizi del I secolo d.C. a necropoli ad incinerazione. Le quindici tombe rinvenute nel 1991-92, orientate nord ovest-sud est, sono in prevalenza nella nuda terra e, in misura minore, in cassetta di laterizi. Alcuni oggetti recano tracce di combustione e di deformazione documentando la deposizione di parte del corredo sul rogo insieme al defunto. In genere le ceneri sono contenute in un’urna di grosse dimensioni; in un caso, una duplice sepoltura sembra essere testimoniata da oggetti identici, collocati specularmente all’interno del corredo. Fig. 3. Verdello (BG) – Loc. Colabiolo. 1: Balsamario fittile fusiforme (T.4); 2. Bicchiere tipo ‘Aco’ (T.18); 3. Balsamario vitreo piriforme (T.9). Scala 1:1; n. 2 e 3 scala 1:2.

Tra le offerte postdeposizionali vi sono castagne e gusci di noci, anch’essi bruciati, scoperti in piccole buche, in prossimità di una sepoltura. Numerosi oggetti, di varia forma e tipologia, compongono i corredi funerari. Accanto a reperti propri della cultura La Tène (quali le urne in ceramica comune decorate a tacche sulla spalla, i vasetti in microceramica destinati a contenere cosmetici e balsami, le coppe dalle pareti oblique con bordo rientrante, le coppette a vasca emisferica, le numerose fibule, il coltello, le patere, forma Lamboglia 5 e 6, le coppe a vernice nera, forma Lamboglia 2, 16, 28, e le monete, in prevalenza assi unciali), vi sono oggetti più propriamente inquadrabili in età augustea, come le olpi, una patera in terra sigillata,

Alla classe dei reperti in bronzo appartengono sia recipienti, dalla padella tipo Aylesford al mestolo tipo Pescate, alla brocca tipo Gallarate, alla brocca tipo Levate, alla situla tipo Eggers 18,24 a uno strigile, sia oggetti d’ornamento quali le fibule,25 rinvenute in

24 Pubblicati in M. Castoldi, I recipienti di bronzo, in: AA.VV. 2003, 209-216 e in Perani, op.cit. 25 Cfr. Perani, op.cit.

889

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Levate (BG) – Via Moncenisio, 1997. 1: Brocca in bronzo (T.18); 2. Olpe a trottola (T.1); 3. Olpe piriforme (T.1). Scala 1:2; n. 2 e 3 scala 1:3. forma Drag. 17A, con bollo PRO in cartiglio rettangolare, un balsamario in vetro a corpo globulare deformato dal rogo, tipo Isings 6 ed un falcetto.

Moncenisio, databili tra la fine del I secolo a.C. e il III-IV secolo d.C. Nella fase più antica si collocano cronologicamente tre strutture, di cui due contigue, con i lati di m 1,10 e di m 1,20, alte m 0,60; sono in tecnica mista di ciottoli e laterizi, legati da malta di calce; superiormente, sui lati

La necropoli di Levate si estendeva su un’ampia superficie come testimoniano anche le ventuno tombe rinvenute nel 1997, in prossimità dell’attuale via

890

MARIA FORTUNATI & MARIAGRAZIA VITALI: TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA ovest e sud di ciascuna tomba, furono ricavati, per mezzo di laterizi, appositi spazi, strutturati come cassette, sulle quali, al momento della scoperta, erano ancora appoggiate alcune ciotole, contenenti semi di cereali, probabili offerte di libagioni. I corredi deposti sul piano pavimentale delle tombe erano composti da anfore e da olle, talvolta con funzione di urne cinerarie, e da coppette e da patere a vernice nera, da coppette in terra sigillata, da ollette e da ciotole in ceramica comune.

alimenti. Genericamente di forma ovoide più o meno espansa, hanno piccolo orlo appena estroflesso, dal profilo piano o arrotondato, attaccato alla spalla e fondo piano. In alcuni esemplari è presente una decorazione a tacche incisa sulla spalla in una o più linee parallele (Fig. 5:1). I corpi ceramici sono grezzi, di colore brunomarrone con focature. Sono presenti in alcuni esemplari le olle con breve orlo estroflesso, spalla rialzata modanata, corpo espanso e fondo piano. Il corpo ceramico è grezzo di colore brunomarrone. Un esemplare mostra sulla spalla una decorazione incisa su due linee parallele a tacche triangolari e curve (Fig. 5:2). Già attestate in Lombardia in insediamenti ed in necropoli fra cui anche quella di Verdello, queste olle sono di età augusteo-tiberiana.29 Rappresentate in numerosi esemplari, spesso integri, sono le ollette dall’orlo piccolo ed estroflesso, un breve collo tronco-conico, ampia spalla più o meno rilevata, corpo ovoide e fondo piano (Fig. 5:3). Il corpo ceramico è abbastanza depurato, di colore bruno a volte con focature. Tale tipo è ben attestato a Bergamo e nel territorio bergamasco, ed è collocabile nell’ambito del I secolo d.C.30 Non sono al contrario ancora documentate nel territorio locale grandi olle biansate, (Fig. 5:4) con piccolo orlo estroflesso, superiormente piano e leggermente incavato all’interno da cui parte la spalla. Il corpo è ovoide, il fondo convesso e le anse impostate sulla spalla. Il corpo ceramico è depurato, le pareti sottili e sono ascrivibili al I secolo d.C.31

Risulta di particolare interesse la presenza di una brocca in bronzo26 con il corpo ovoide arrotondato e con il labbro estroflesso pendente (Fig. 4:1) che trova un confronto in un esemplare analogo rinvenuto nella tomba 16 del Colabiolo di Verdello. Infine, in un corredo, si sono rinvenute tante piccole perle in vetro che, probabilmente, costituivano gli elementi decorativi di un indumento (M.F.). Riguardo ai materiali dei corredi tombali di Levate, si mostrano quelli in ceramica comune con una carrellata delle forme e brevi cenni su alcuni tipi più significativi o rappresentativi. Fra i materiali dei corredi, gli oggetti in ceramica d’uso comune risultano quelli maggiormente rappresentati. Sono olpi, brocche, olle, pentole, tegami, coperchi, ciotole-coperchio, ciotole-coppe, vasi miniaturistici, utilizzati per il rituale funebre, o per contenere le ceneri del defunto, come nel caso di alcune olle, o collocati per il banchetto offerto al defunto.

Fra le pentole sono attestati, come a Verdello, esemplari peduncolati, assai diffusi nel bergamasco per un ampio spazio cronologico dalla prima età imperiale a tutto l’impero ed il cui ritrovamento in contesti ben databili quali quelli tombali potrebbe permettere di evidenziare una sequenza crono-tipologica. L’esemplare maggiormente conservato (Fig. 5:5) ha piccolo orlo estroflesso arrotondato, vasca tronco-conica e corpo ceramico abbastanza depurato.32 Un altro esemplare di pentola (Fig. 5:6) con orlo sporgente appiattito superiormente, prese semicircolari applicate orizzontalmente poco al di sotto dell’orlo e corpo appena rastremato è inquadrabile nel I secolo d.C.33 Alcuni frammenti sono da ricondurre a tegami-coperchio da orlo ondulato, anch’essi ben diffusi nell’area bergamasca.

Le olpi, recipienti assai diffusi nei corredi funebri, sono qui documentate sia nel tipo a trottola sia in quello a corpo piriforme. Le prime, con ampia spalla carenata (Fig. 4:2), sono largamente diffuse in età augustea mentre le seconde (Fig. 4:3) perdurano nella produzione fino alla fine del I secolo d.C.27 Il corpo ceramico è abbastanza depurato, compatto, di colore arancio e la loro altezza raggiunge i 30 cm ca. Sono anche presenti olpi di minori dimensioni, 18 cm ca., dal corpo biconico a ventre rialzato con ansa nastriforme saldata sotto l’orlo e corpo ceramico depurato, da collocare cronologicamente fra la tarda età repubblicana e l’età augustea o proto-tiberiana.28 Le brocche sono attestate solo in forma frammentaria e in limitati frammenti. L’esemplare maggiormente conservato ha orlo diritto leggermente ingrossato, ansa a nastro e piede a disco. Il corpo ceramico, di colore arancio, è grezzo con inclusi medio-piccoli.

Presenti in numerosi esemplari sono le ciotole-coppe, distinte in due forme. La prima (Fig. 5:7) ha l’orlo introflesso, vasca tronco-conica a pareti bombate, piede ad anello e l’attacco fra la parete e l’orlo arrotondato. Sono ampiamente attestate nei contesti tombali ed

Ben attestate le olle e le ollette, rinvenute sia integre o ricostruibili, sia frammentarie. Per alcuni esemplari è sicuro il loro utilizzo come urne cinerarie. A tale scopo erano impiegate le olle di maggiore dimensione, di solito quelle comunemente impiegate nella conservazione degli

29

Guglielmetti, Lecca & Ragazzi 1991, 184, Tav. LXXXIV, 6-7. Della Porta, Sfredda & Tassinari 1998, 152 , Tav. LX, 5-6; Toffetti 1994, 57-58, Tav. XV, nn. 51-53. 31 Guglielmetti, Lecca & Ragazzi 1991, 154, Tav. LXIII, 3. 32 Della Porta, Sfredda & Tassinari 1998, 160, Tav. LXXIX, 3-4 con attestazioni per i numerosi confronti bergamaschi; Fortunati Zuccala & Vitali 1996, 115. 33 Guglielmetti, Lecca & Ragazzi 1991, 197-198, Tav. CXI, 10-11. 30

26

Fortunati 2002, 351-352, fig. 1,4; Castoldi, op.cit., 212-213. Zampori Vanoni 1987, 187. 28 Zampori Vanoni 1987, 187-188. 27

891

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Levate (BG) – Via Moncenisio, 1997. 1: Olla con decorazione a tache 9T.20); 2: Olla a spalla modanata (T.19); 3. Olletta (T.1); 4. Olla biansata (T.19); 5. Bacile (T.18); 6. Pentola bacile (T.1); 7. Ciotola coperchio (T.1); 8. Ciotola coperchio (T.1). Scala 1: 2; n. 1, 2 e 5 scala 1:4; n. 6 scala 1:10.

892

MARIA FORTUNATI & MARIAGRAZIA VITALI: TUTELA E POTENZIALITÀ ARCHEOLOGICA DELL’AREA BERGAMASCA insediativi dal periodo tardo celtico a quello augusteo e nel territorio bergamasco già attestate a Ghisalba.34 Il corpo ceramico è abbastanza depurato con inclusi micacei e nel contesto in questione è presente in esemplari di piccole e medie dimensioni. La seconda forma (Fig. 5:8) ha orlo piano, vasca emisferica, piede ad anello e il corpo ceramico simile alla precedente.35 E’ qui attestata con esemplari medio-grandi e anch’essa è collocabile nel periodo tardo celtico.

Fortunati Zuccala, M. & M. Vitali, 1996. L’insediamento romano di Casazza in Val Cavallina (Bergamo), in: Annali Benacensi, Atti del XIII Convegno Archeologico Benacense, Cavriana 19 ottobre 1993. 91-135. Fortunati Zuccala, M., F. Simonotti & M. Vitali, 2001. Aspetti dell’edilizia privata in Bergamo romana, in: Abitare in Cisalpina. L’edilizia privata nelle città e nel territorio in età romana, I vol. Atti della XXXI Settimana di Studi Aquileiesi. Trieste, 315-352. Guglielmetti A., L. Lecca Bishop & L. Ragazzi, 1991. Ceramica comune, in: D. Caporusso (ed.), Scavi MM3. Ricerche di archeologia urbana a Milano durante la costruzione della linea 3 della Metropolitana 1982-1990. 3. 1, I reperti. Milano, 133-242. Harari, M., 1985. Tipi ceramici diversi: gutti ed askoi, in: G. Sena Chiesa (ed.), Angera romana. Scavi nella necropoli 1970-1979, vol. I. Roma, 537-540. Jorio S., M.L. Zampori Vanoni & V. Bessi Trevale, 1987. Forme ceramiche varie, in: L. Passi Pitcher, Sub ascia. Una necropoli romana a nave. Modena. Ricci, A., 1985. Ceramica a pareti sottili. EEA 2, 231358. Salzani, L., 1987. La tomba 4 della necropoli di Valeggio sul Mincio (Verona), in: D. Vitali (ed.), Celti ed Etruschi nell’italia centro-settentrionale dal V secolo a.C. alla romanizzazione, Atti del Colloquio Internazionale, Bologna 1985. Imola, 271-280. Sapelli, M., 1981. La villa romana di Ghisalba (BG). Campagna di scavo 1980. Annali Benacensi 7, 143203. Simonett, C. & N. Lamboglia, 1967-71. Necropoli romane nelle terre dell’attuale Canton Ticino, in: appendice N. Lamboglia, Quadro generale della cronologia delle necropoli e dell’evoluzione delle forme. Bellinzona. Toffetti, L., 1994. Ceramica comune, in: T. Medici & L. Toffetti, La domus di via Arena (Bergamo). RASMI 54, 47-80. Toynbee, J.M.C., 1993. Morte e sepoltura nel mondo romano. Roma. Tozzi, P.L., 1972. Storia padana antica, Il territorio fra Adda e Mincio. Milano. Zampori Vanoni, M.L., 1987. Olpai, in: L. Passi Pitcher (ed.), Sub ascia. Una necropoli romana a Nave. Modena, 187-193.

Nelle sepolture di Levate, similmente a Verdello, sono stati anche rinvenuti vasi miniaturistici. Hanno corpo ceramico grezzo e pareti abbastanza spesse. Impiegati come balsamari o contenitori per profumi, hanno forme globulari chiuse o ad olletta. Spesso lavorati a mano sono cronologicamente ascrivibili fra l’età tardo celtica e la prima età imperiale (M.V.). BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 2003, in: M. Fortunati, L. Pagani & R. Poggiani Keller (eds), Verdello dalle origini all’altomedioevo. Ricerche archeologiche e storiche. Verdello (BG). Bolla, M., 1998. Le necropoli romane di Milano (= RASMI, Suppl. V). Milano. Brecciaroli Taborelli, L, 2000. Alle origini di Biella. La necropoli romana. Torino. Degrassi, N., 1946. Il ponte romano di olginate e la strada da Bergamo a Como. Rivista Archeologica dell’Antica Provincia e Diocesi di Como 127, 5-23. Della Porta, C., N. Sfredda & G. Tassinari, 1998. Ceramiche comuni, in: G. Olcese (ed.), Ceramiche in Lombardia tra II secolo A.C. e VII secolo D.C. raccolta dei dati editi. Mantova, 133-225. Domanico, L., 1995. Ceramica decorata del periodo tardo latène in: G. Sena Chiesa (ed.), Angera romana. Scavi nell’abitato 1980-1986, vol. I. Roma, 283-299. Fornoni E. 1894. Il ponte di Lemine (o della Regina). Bergamo. Fortunati, M., 2002. Reperti in bronzo di età romana dal territorio bergamasco, in: Bronzi di età romana in Cisalpina. Novità e riletture. Antichità Altoadriatiche 51, 351-362. Fortunati Zuccala, M., 1998a. Il territorio bergamasco e il dualismo montagna-pianura: osservazioni sulle presenze archeologiche. RASMI 61-62, 67-91. Fortunati Zuccala, M., 1998b. Un corredo dalla necropoli dell’età della romanizzazione in località colabiolo di verdello, in: Vetro e vetri. Preziose iridescenze. Martellago (VE), 23-24. Fortunati Zuccala, M., 2001. L’edilizia privata nel contesto bergamasco, in: Abitare in Cisalpina. L’edilizia privata nelle città e nel territorio in età romana, II vol. Atti della XXXI Settimana di Studi Aquileiesi. Trieste, 753-761. 34 Della Porta, Sfredda & Tassinari 1998, 211, Tav. CXL, 1; Sapelli 1981, 159-160, nn. 1-6, fig. 3, 1-6. 35 Della Porta, Sfredda & Tassinari 1998, 213, Tav. CXLII, 1, con bibliografia relativa.

893

DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI IN SOUTH ITALY Carola M. Small & Alastair M. Small Abstract: The ongoing project of excavation and field survey at Vagnari in Apulia has shown that the site was an industrial village belonging to the emperor. Intensive field survey in the surrounding area makes it possible to establish plausible boundaries for the estate. Settlement in the area in the early empire when the property was created was extremely thin, and the estate probably extended over ca. 3000 hectares. Analysis of off-site scatter suggests that only a small part of this was arable. The rest must have formed a saltus of forest and rough grazing. It probably bordered to the south on a drove road, confirming the close link between imperial estates and the grazing of transhumant flocks in south east Italy.

Since 1996, we have been jointly directing a project of surface survey in the valley of the Basentello river on the Apulian/Lucanian border.1 The results of the first four years’ work, partly summarized in a paper we gave at a previous conference at Groningen,2 revealed some unusual features in the distribution of Roman settlement in the valley, and raised questions about the economic organization of the area which could only be answered by excavation. We therefore extended the project in 2000 to include the excavation of a Roman village at Vagnari, the largest Roman site in the survey area, which we thought might throw more light on the economy of the valley in the Roman period. It soon became apparent that the village was an industrial centre of some importance, especially for iron working and the production of roof tiles. In the 2001 season, a tile stamped by a slave of the emperor, Gratus, was found in close proximity to a kiln of the 1st century AD, and since petrological analysis has confirmed that it was made of the local clay, we conclude that the emperor owned the tile yard, and with it the surrounding village and the estate to which it was linked.3 The discovery opened up the possibility of studying the archaeology of an imperial estate, and since this is a subject on which more evidence is badly needed, we reorganized the project in part to address this question. In what follows, we discuss how the evidence of the field survey can be used to throw light on the extent of the estate, and on settlement patterns and forms of land use within its boundaries.

the Masseria Vagnari. The river falls within the northern part of the Fossa Bradanica, the great rift which runs from the Gulf of Taranto north-east towards the plain of the Tavoliere, round the modern city of Foggia, and separates the karst limestone plateau of the Murge to the east from the pre-Apennine hills to the west (Fig. 1). Geologically, the Fossa consists of Pliocene marine deposits with layers of conglomerated gravels, sands, silts and clay. The softer deposits are easily eroded, creating a landscape of high and flat plateaus where the conglomerate cap has protected the surface from erosion, with steeply sloping sides intersected by deep ravines. Over the centuries the conglomerate cap has been gradually broken down by the processes of weathering accentuated by agriculture. Some of the most fertile and easily cultivated areas are now on the tops of the plateaus. Throughout the area, rainwater penetrates the uppermost layers and gets trapped by the impermeable clay which lies below. It then issues as springs above the clay layer, usually at an altitude of about 200 to 250 m. The slopes are pitted by ravines formed by seasonal torrents which rise from these springs. Ancient settlement therefore, and indeed any settlement before the 20th century, tended to be below the tops of the plateaus in the vicinity of a spring, or occasionally along the water courses which emanate from the springs. The whole area is now under grain cultivation except for a few small vineyards and some uncultivable land in the ravines. The landscape in the vicinity of Vagnari is virtually treeless (Fig. 2), but further to the south, on the slopes of Monte Irsi, and on the ridge to the east of our survey zone, there are stretches of indigenous woodland, consisting mainly of sessile oak, which indicate the natural climax vegetation of the area.

TOPOGRAPHY The Roman village where the excavation is taking place is situated in a side valley of the Basentello river close to 1

The survey, directed by C. and A. Small covers the Basentello valley from the confluence with the Bradano northward to the modern irrigation reservoir (the Lago del Basentello). Begun in 1996 it was initially financed by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and by the Comune of Irsina and was carried out with the support of the Archaeological Superintendencies for Basilicata and Puglia. It has latterly been run in conjunction with the ongoing excavations at Vagnari with financial support from the Society of Antiquaries of London, the British Academy, the Banca Popolare di Puglia e Basilicata, the Fondazione Ettore Pomarici Santomasi of Gravina, the Comune of Gravina, the Universities of Edinburgh and Foggia, and McMaster and Mount Allison Universities. Much practical support has been provided throughout by the British School at Rome. 2 Small & Small 2002. See also Small et al. 1998; Small 1999; 2001. 3 Small, Volterra & Hancock 2003.

The present landscape of rolling grain lands which characterizes our survey area is, however, largely a creation of the last fifty years. Until the land reform of the 1950s much of the terrain was given over to rough grazing by transhumant flocks of sheep. The traffic was channelled along defined drove trails, of which two were specially important in the economic history of our area. One led northwards from the coastal plain of the Gulf of Taranto through the Fossa Bradanica to the plain of the Tavoliere linking the two main areas of winter grazing,

894

CAROLA M. SMALL & ALASTAIR M. SMALL: DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI

Fig. 1. Map showing the location of Vagnari and other places mentioned in the text.

Fig. 2. View westwards over the area of Vagnari towards the Basentello. The site is in the centre of the picture between the farmhouse and the low white sheep fold). and providing access by side routes to extensive grazings on the Murge; the other departed from it at Gravina (Fig. 1), and ran westwards following a series of lateral valleys and low passes to the high Apennines near Potenza. This second drove trail bisects our survey area, and since a broad space to either side of it was void of habitation for most of the classical period, there can be little doubt that this land was reserved for grazing, and that the drove trail was in use at the time the imperial estate was created. There are good reasons to believe that many of the imperial estates in South Italy were developed to provide

grazings for transhumant sheep, and we have argued elsewhere that this was probably one of the functions of the emperor’s estate at Vagnari.4 ROADS The village at Vagnari was well situated for communications. We know from the Antonine Itinerary that a road which ran from Beneventum to Tarentum 4

895

Small et al. 2003.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI passed through Venusia (modern Venosa) and Silvium (near modern Gravina).5 It is normally identified as the southern section of the Via Appia. The course of the road between Venosa and Gravina has been lost, but the topography admits of few alternatives, and it most probably took the shortest route which would have brought it down the valley of the Basentello to Vagnari.6 From there it is likely to have climbed by an easy pass to the plateau of San Felice before descending to cross the stream of the Pentecchia di Chimienti in the vicinity of Gravina. The main elements of this route still survive in the form of roads and farm tracks. The field survey has shown that they link a series of Roman settlements, including Vagnari, and there can be little doubt that they represent a Roman road, which can plausibly be identified with the Via Appia. We have labelled it so on the map.

of the dam in the 1970s say that it was a typical torrente which could dry up almost completely in summer and turn suddenly into an impassable torrent after heavy rain. The sheep on the transhumance trail could normally cross it without a bridge, but they might be held waiting above the ford for a week or more in unsuitable weather. Such a river can hardly have been used for regular transport of heavy goods. THE VILLAGE The settlement extended over 3.5 hectares, on either side of a ravine which divides the site into two more or less equal halves.8 The development of the site before and during the Roman period can be inferred from the surface scatter of pottery and tiles collected and recorded in 10 m squares across the whole site (Fig. 3). This shows that there was some occupation in the northern half of the site between the 4th and 1st centuries BC which increased greatly in the Early Empire. Between the late 1st and 3rd centuries AD the site expanded still further, moving lower down the slope to a south-facing terrace, and crossing the ravine to the highest ground on the south side. In the Late Antique period, settlement continued on both sides of the ravine, but was densest in the southern half of the site.

The road from Venusia (written Venusie) to Silvium (corrupted to Silutum) is also recorded on the Peutinger Table, which shows another road, not listed in the Antonine Itinerary, linking Silvium with Potentia (modern Potenza) by way of mutationes at Pisandes (at 16 miles) and Lucos (at 23 miles). These road stations have not been certainly identified, but since any road leading westwards from Gravina to Potenza is forced by topographical constraints to run through the low pass of Sferacavallo and across the Basentello valley,7 it is safe to assume that the road shown on the Table followed the same route as the east-west drove trail, at least as far as the western limits of our survey area. It may have been formed out of the drove trail in Late Antiquity.

A magnetometer survey, carried out by Kris Strutt for the British School at Rome, has revealed the main outlines of the principal buildings in both halves of the site. The interpretation of the geophysics has been tested in a number of trenches which have produced evidence for the date and function of the structures. Excavations in the north part of the site have shown that a large complex of buildings was constructed on the slope above the ravine early in the 1st century AD and subsequently modified in at least two phases between the late 2nd and late 3rd centuries. It contained several workshops, including two smithies. Some late antique buildings in the south part of the site were also explored. They included another smithy, and a large building, perhaps a two storey structure, in which animals were kept on the ground floor. On either side of the central ravine there were numerous kilns. Six have been excavated, ranging in date from the end of the 1st century BC to the beginning of the 4th century AD. Most of them were used for producing tiles, but ceramic wasters found in the surface collection show that a small amount of pottery was also produced on the site.

There must also have been a route by way of the Basentello/Bradano corridor to the Ionian Gulf at Metapontum. This had been important in the Greek period when Metapontine products were widely distributed in the Fossa Bradanica, and it is probable that along it much of the large quantity of pottery from North Africa, including the amphorae, lamps and red slipped tableware found at Vagnari, was imported. The imperial estate at Vagnari was therefore well served by roads, along which its heavy industrial products must have been moved by ox-carts. It is extremely unlikely that there was access to water transport. It is impossible to judge the capacity of the Basentello in Roman times from the present state of the river, since its course has been dammed and most of its water diverted for irrigation, but those who knew it before the construction

The village was well located for industrial activity. Apart from the fact that it was well situated in the network of communications, there was easy access to the natural resources: suitable clay could be found in the near

5 Cuntz 1929, sections 120-121. The distance fromVenusia to Silvium (20 Roman miles) is far too short and must be corrupt. 6 The problem of the Via Appia between Venusia and Silvium is much discussed. For the route followed here see Lugli 1963; Quilici 1989, 5455, map p. 102. Vinson (1972) argues for this route from Venusia to the valley of Vagnari, but supposes that from the watershed it descended to the valley of the Pentecchia rather than following the ridge of S. Felice. For Silvium, see Small 1992, vol. I, 121-122. 7 This is the route taken by the modern superstrada and by the national road 96 bis which it to some extent supersedes, as well as by the narrow-guage railway line, and by the drove trail already mentioned.

8

A geomorphological study by Ian Campbell and Andrew Bicket has shown that the present configuration of the ravine is the result of a process of erosion which began after 1500 AD; but there was already a depression here in the Roman period, into which the tile kilns were built.

896

CAROLA M. SMALL & ALASTAIR M. SMALL: DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI

Fig. 3. Vagnari surface collection: distribution of selected fine wares. vicinity,9 there were supplies of water close at hand, and there was probably, as we shall see, a large area of forest in the near vicinity to provide the fuel. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Roman Emperors, who are known to have followed a policy of developing villages – vici – on their estates,10 should have selected Vagnari for the purpose. Such villages were intended to be centres of production and distribution for the surrounding area, and they asserted the influence of the emperor on the rural population. THE VILLA What is lacking at Vagnari is any trace of the ‘architecture of power’ that one might expect to find in an estate owned by the emperor.11 Only 1.5 km to the south east of Vagnari, however, there are the remains of a villa (our Site 229) which has just the characteristics we would expect of the centre of a large estate. It is situated on the shoulder of the plateau of S. Felice, on a gradually sloping terrace, with a wide view over the valley below, including the village at Vagnari (Fig. 4). There is a spring nearby. In the period immediately preceding the Roman conquest there had been a large Iron Age settlement on the plateau above the site,12 and a scatter of black glaze pottery and other wares of the Late Iron Age suggests that

Fig. 4. Vagnari: village, villa and conjectural line of the Via Appia. it may have extended to the slope where the villa was later founded. The Iron Age site, however, came to an end before the introduction of grey glaze pottery in the early 2nd century BC, so a significant number of grey glaze sherds found in our survey of the site must indicate a new foundation. A much denser scatter of Italian terra sigillata pottery suggests that the use of the site increased, and that the buildings were probably extended, in the

9

There are the remains of an ancient clay pit in the edge of the ravine that skirts the south side of the site. Pelham 1911, 295-299. 11 There is ample epigraphic evidence to show that the staff who ran imperial estates in the Italian countryside were based in villas or praetoria. Convenient summary in Bruun 1999, 39-40. 12 Small et al. 1998, 359-360. 10

897

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI reducing the possibility of controversy.18 In the vignettes that accompany the summary descriptions of small estates of ager arcifinius in the Casae Litterarum almost all the plots are bounded on one side by a river, and frequently on other sides by smaller streams.19

Julio-Claudian period; and this is confirmed by fragments of two tiles stamped GRATI / CAESARIS which point to a new phase of construction using tiles made in Gratus’ kiln at Vagnari.13 The building of this period had at least one portico with columns made of segmental tiles of which more than 20 kg were collected in the surface survey. It must also have had areas for processing and storing agricultural commodities, because a large quantity of dolium fragments and numerous pieces of millstones were found on the surface. All this suggests that the site was a large villa with an elegant pars urbana and functional pars rustica, spread over an area of approximately 5,000 m2.14 That being the case, there is a strong probability that the villa was the administrative centre of the estate to which Vagnari belonged, where the imperial procurator lived. From the villa he would have had a clear view of the village and the fields around it, at a convenient distance from the smoke of its tile kilns.15 THE BOUNDARIES OF THE IMPERIAL ESTATE Like all Roman estates, the imperial property at Vagnari must have had clearly defined boundaries which would have been recorded in a municipal land register,16 and no doubt in the imperial archive. In tracts of land which had been centuriated, the property boundaries were normally defined by the size of the estate and the record of nearest neighbours, and the registers were sometimes supported by maps incised on bronze tablets in which the elements of the centuriation were displayed. In the case of Vagnari, however, it is unlikely that the land was ever centuriated, for not only are there no traces visible in air photographs, or on the ground, of the orthogonal roads and ditches typical of Roman centuriation, but there are no signs either of the small settlements more or less evenly scattered over the countryside that one would expect to find in an area that had been the subject of agrarian reform. That being the case, the estate at Vagnari (and the surrounding estates as well) would have been classified by the Roman land-surveyors as ager arcifinius, in which the property boundaries followed the irregular lines of natural features, supplemented by roads, and other manmade indicators. “Ager arcifinius”, says Frontinus, “is bounded according to long-standing practice by rivers, ditches, mountains, roads, trees previously planted, watersheds ...”.17 Rivers and roads made particularly good borders, both because they were clearly visible, and because they left a strip of land or water between estates

Fig. 5. Basentello survey: sites of the Early Empire and suggested area of the imperial estate. With this in mind we can look at the settlement pattern in the area surrounding the village at Vagnari and the adjacent villa to see what topographical features might have served as boundaries between the imperial estate and adjacent properties. We can do this with some confidence, since in the area covered by our own field survey, that is to say in the immediate environs of Vagnari and in an extensive area to the south and east, the intensive methods used in the survey make it extremely unlikely that any large site can have escaped our notice.20 For a large area to the north of Vagnari, we can also draw on the results of a rather less intensive field survey

13 Small et al. 2003, 304 no. 3a. A second tile fragment stamped G[ratus / C[aesaris was found on the site in July 2003. 14 A more detailed survey in 10 m squares is being planned for 2004, to be directed by H. van der Leest. 15 The Romans were well aware of the evils of pollution, eg. Digest VII.1.13. 6. 16 For the existence of Roman land registers, see Veyne 1958, 177-184. Their content is indicated by Ulpian Censuses. bk 3, excerpted in Dig. L. 15. 4. For the maps incised on bronze tablets: Hyginus (2) in Campbell 2000, 159.35-41, with comment p. 397 n. 48. 17 Julius Frontinus, De agrorum qualitate, in Campbell 2000, 2.1823.The same concept recurs in Agennius Rufus, De controversiis agrorum: Campbell 2000, 28.17-20.

18 Dig. X.1.4.11 citing Paul, Edict bk 23. In the alimentary table of Veleia two thirds of the fundi listed ended at public roads: Criniti 1991, 227. 19 Campbell 2000, 232-239 and 441. 20 The entire area was covered by field walking with members of the research team spaced between 15 and 20 m apart. When close scatters of material were identified the spacing was reduced to between 2 and 5 m, and when a site was located the area was normally subdivided in a grid of 10 m squares within which all surface material was collected.

898

CAROLA M. SMALL & ALASTAIR M. SMALL: DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI carried out by S.P. Vinson in the late 1960s.21 Beyond the limits of these studies major questions remain, but as our map (Fig. 5) shows, the area covered by the surveys is sufficiently extensive to allow some tentative conclusions to be drawn. In the first place it is clear that the pattern of settlement to the north of the Via Appia, and especially between the Appia and the Pentecchia is different from that to the south of the road. In the Early Empire, when the imperial estate was created there was a thin scatter of relatively small sites, mostly no doubt farms, which might have been the centres of small privately owned properties, or dependencies of other larger estates. We cannot rule out the possibility that they were casae, belonging to the imperial estate at Vagnari, but the fact that they are all separated from the environs of Vagnari by the Via Appia suggests that the road formed the boundary of the imperial estate. This is especially likely in the immediate vicinity of Vagnari, where the plateau of Lamiecelle rises very steeply to the north of the line of the road, impeding access in this direction.

The imperial estate, as we have interpreted it, had a size of roughly 3050 hectares (11000 iugera). The literary sources provide no reliable information on the size of imperial estates in Italy, but such figures as we have for private estates suggest that our estimate is not implausible. Most estates were of course much smaller. In a recently discovered fragment of a land register of properties near Verona the largest measured 173 iugera;22 Varro mentions an estate of 200 iugera at Reate which belonged to a senator, Quintus Axius;23 and other indications are in the same sort of amount. But these were farms with cultivated land or (in the case of Axius) good pasture for breeding mules. Many estates which included forest or rough grazing (saltus) were much larger. T. Vettius in Campania, mentioned by Diodorus, may have had as much as 8,800 iugera,24 but perhaps a better comparison is with the most expensive estates pledged by the landowners in the alimentary table of Veleia, most of which were in mountainous country best suited to forest and rough grazing. Three of the richest landowners each pledged a single saltus worth 350,000 sesterces which spread over several pagi and into the territories of neighbouring cities.25 No doubt many of these vast estates had mixed functions, like Pliny the Younger’s property at Tifernum which included arable land and vineyards as well as woodland and a park for hunting. It was worth about 7,000,000 sesterces and must have been immense.26

To the south of the Via Appia, there is no settlement at all within the survey area, datable to the early Empire, until one reaches site 335 and its much larger neighbour, site 372, 12-13 km south of Vagnari. Site 335 extended over 1400 m. It had a long duration, but yielded only 4 fragments of Italian terra sigillata out of a total of 141 sherds, and cannot have been a major settlement in the Early Empire. It was perhaps a dependency of the larger site Site 372 which yielded 71 pieces of Italian terra sigillata (out of 2210 sherds) and some fragments of decorative marble scattered over 2200 m2. The latter was no doubt a villa, and probably the centre of a large estate which shared a common boundary with the imperial property at Vagnari. Although there are several minor streams which could have formed property boundaries closer to site 372, the most obvious topographical feature to have served this purpose is the drove trail which divides the intervening space roughly in two.

LAND-USE ON THE IMPERIAL ESTATE The absence of any sites of the Early Empire in the triangle between the Appia, the Basentello and the drove trail implies that most of the estate was not under arable cultivation. This is confirmed by the distribution of offsite scatter of artifacts. Many of the pieces, especially fragments of imbrex tile and many plain wares, can only be dated within broad limits extending from the Late Iron Age to Late Antiquity, and the map (Fig. 6) which shows all surface scatter, has to be interpreted in the context of all ancient settlement in the area. For example, several of the areas of densest scatter, notably on the plateau of Lamiecelle to the north, and in the vicinity of Serra Meschina in the south are associated with Late Iron Age sites.

West of Vagnari the survey did not extend beyond the Basentello river, but there can be little doubt that the river itself formed the property boundary in this direction. The eastern boundary of the estate is more doubtful. The most obvious feature which would close the gap between the Via Appia to the north and the drove trail to the south is the Pentecchia river which transects them both, between 8 and 9.5 km to the east of Vagnari. Whether it formed the boundary in this direction must remain uncertain until we have completed the survey in the remaining part of the area adjacent to the drove trail, but we accept it as a working hypothesis, since general topographical considerations suggest that the likelihood of our finding a large site in the area which might be the centre of another estate is not great.

Within the boundaries of the estate, as we have defined it, the pattern of scatter varied considerably from north to south. Two areas (apart from the river valleys) produced virtually no pre-modern scatter of any sort. One was the scarp up to the plateau of Lamiecelle and the other the western slopes of the plateau of San Felice. Both areas 22

Cavalieri Manasse 2000, 5-45. Varro R.R. 3.2.15. For discussion of this and other examples, see Duncan Jones 1974, 323-325. 24 Duncan Jones 1974, Appendix 1, 324-6. 25 CIL XI.1147. Eg. landowner 48 col. 7 lines 45-47 (p. 218): L. Cornelius Severus professus est saltum Blaesiolam qui est ... in Libarnese et Veleiate pagis Bagienno et Moninate ... See De Pachtère 1920, 22-23, 80 on the extent of these properties. 26 Pliny, Ep. V.6; White 1967, 76; Duncan Jones 1974, 20. 23

21 Vinson 1972, 58-90. The article was published before he reached Vagnari. The full publication of his extensive survey is in preparation (edited by A.M. and C.M. Small and S.P. Vinson).

899

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. Basentello survey: map showing densities of surface scatter per square kilometer. shows that oak (Quercus sp.) and ash (Fraxinus sp.) were both used. As we have seen, oak is still the climax vegetation in the area. The ash is more surprising since there are now no stands of ashwood near Gravina, though the toponym of S. Angelo del Frassineto (of the Ashwood) found near the spring of S. Angelo, 3 km NW of Gravina, implies that one, at least, formerly existed.27 The ash is a moisture-loving tree, and it must have grown near the watercourses, and perhaps in the flood-plain of the Basentello. But though forest industries must have been important on the Vagnari estate, much of the woodland, especially the southern part, near the drove trail, is likely to have been used for the pasture of transhumant flocks.28 The two uses are not incompatible: it was until recently common in Italy to graze both caprines and pigs in wooded areas, and the combination of forest and rough grazing which we are supposing here is well attested in Italy in the Roman period. The word saltus originally included both,29 and most of the

are now under cereals, but the steep slopes and clay soils would not have been easy to cultivate without a tractorpulled plough, and the absence of surface scatter indicates that they were not intensively frequented in antiquity. The area on the top of the plateau of San Felice was also markedly lacking in scatter of the Roman period. Analysis of off-site surface finds on the western part of the plateau is complicated by the presence of another large Iron Age site, and of a smaller medieval one at its western end, from which some of the less diagnostic fragments of pottery and tile may be derived. The area was closely sherded, however, and nothing securely dateable to the Roman period was found there. In the area to the south of Vagnari as far as the drove trail, the ancient scatter was very thin indeed. These areas, where the off-site scatter is thin or non-existent, are likely to have been given over to rough grazing or to forest, the two principal uses of uncultivated land in antiquity. There can be little doubt that much of it was forest, since the kilns in the village at Vagnari would have required abundant firewood for fuel, and charcoal was needed for the iron works. Analysis of the carbonized wood found in the stokeholes of the kilns

27

First attested in a document of 1080 cited Nardone 1941, 32-34. For pastoralism on imperial estates, including further bibliography, see Small et al. 2003. 29 Aelius Gallus cited in Festus p. 302M: Saltus est ubi silvae et pastiones sunt. 28

900

CAROLA M. SMALL & ALASTAIR M. SMALL: DEFINING AN IMPERIAL ESTATE: THE ENVIRONS OF VAGNARI emperor’s vast estate at Vagnari would have been classified as such.

involved in aspects of the project not touched on here, to all those who have provided hospitality and support at Gravina, and to the student volunteers without whose assistance none of this would have been possible.

The only area certainly within the estate as we have defined it where the scatter was sufficiently dense to suggest arable cultivation, apart from the immediate vicinity of Vagnari itself, lies between Vagnari and the Basentello river. It must have been cultivated by labourers living in the village.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bruun, C., 1999. Imperial procuratores and dispensatores: New Discoveries. Chiron 19, 29-42. Campbell, B., 2000. The writings of the Roman land surveyors. Introduction, text, translation and commentary. London. Cavalieri Manasse, G., 2000. Un documento catastale dell’agro centuriato veronese. Athenaeum 88(1), 5-45. Criniti, N., 1991. La tabula alimentaria di Veleia. Parma. Cuntz, O. (ed.), 1929. Itineraria romana I. Stuttgart. (Teubner. repr. 1990). De Pachtère, F.G., 1920. La table hypothécaire de Veleia. Étude sur la propriété foncière dans l’Apennin de Plaisance. Paris. Duncan Jones, R.P., 1974. The economy of the Roman empire: quantitative studies. Cambridge. Lugli, G., 1963. Il sistema stradale della Magna Grecia, in: Atti del 2o Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 1962. Naples, 23-37. Nardone, D., 1941. Notizie storiche sulla città di Gravina dalle sue origini alla Unità italiana (455-1870). Bari. Pelham, H.F., 1911. The imperial domains and the colonate, in: Henry Francis Pelham, Essays. Oxford, 275-299. Quilici, L., 1989. Via Appia: dalla pianura pontina a Brindisi. Roma. Small, A.M. (ed.), 1992. Gravina. An Iron Age and Roman Republican settlement on Botromagno, Gravina di Puglia. Excavations of 1965-1974. Vol I, The site (= Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 5). London. Small, A.M., 1994. Grain from Apulia. The changing fortunes of Apulia as a grain-producing area in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, in: M.O. Jentel & G. Deschênes-Wagner (eds), Tranquillitas. Mélanges en l’honneur de Tran tam Tinh. Québec, 543-555. Small, A.M., 1999. La Basilicata nell’età tardoantica: ricerche archeologiche nella valle del Basentello e a San Giovanni di Ruoti, in: Atti del 38o Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 1998. Taranto, 331-342. Small, A.M., 2001. Changes in the pattern of settlement and land use around Gravina and Monte Irsi (4th century BC-6th century AD), in: E. Lo Cascio & A. Storchi Marino (eds), Modalità insediative e strutture agrarie nell’Italia meridionale in età romana. Bari, 36-53. Small, A.M., C.M. Small, I. Campbell, M. MacKinnon, T. Prowse & C. Sipe, 1998. Field survey in the Basentello valley on the Basilicata-Puglia border. Echos du Monde Classique/Classical Views 42, 337371. Small, A.M. & C.M. Small, 2002. The Basentello Valley survey (Apulia, Basilicata), in: P. Attema, G.J.

In the area between the Via Appia and the Pentecchia river, which probably lay outside the imperial estate, the off-site scatter was more plentiful. Here, as we have seen, there were several small settlements in the Early Empire. The scatter was particularly dense in the eastern part, in the area now known as the Costa dei Rizzi. Of the sites here, two were occupied in the Late Iron Age and Roman Republican periods and four others in the Middle Empire and Late Antiquity. Much of the scatter must reflect the activities of their inhabitants, but two sites show some evidence of occupation in the Early Empire (Fig. 5). It seems likely that this area was arable throughout the Roman period. We have argued elsewhere that the pattern of thinly scattered Roman sites in the Fossa Bradanica is to be connected with extensive grain cultivation.30 We have concentrated here on the imperial estate which had its main settlement at Vagnari; but it is unlikely to have been the only one in the area. Another tile stamped by Gratus was found in another kiln site at S. Gerolamo, 11.5 km to the east of Vagnari (Fig. 6), which can hardly have formed part of the same estate unless its area was even greater than we have supposed. For whatever reason, historical or administrative, imperial estates tended to cluster,31 and it seems probable that there was more than one in the vicinity of Gravina and the Basentello valley. They were no doubt formed out of existing private estates. The Emperor’s neighbours included both small-holders and rich private landowners with very large estates. The picture differs markedly from that which is emerging in most other parts of Italy, and must ultimately be explained in terms of the previous history of the area, and of its economic status after the Roman conquest. These are topics which we hope to address in the final publication. Many colleagues have contributed to the work on which this article is based, and especially (in alphabetical order): Ian Campbell, Alessandra de Stefano, Giacomo Disantarosa, Annalisa di Zanni, Pasquale Favia, Roberta Giuliani, John Hayes, Philip Kenrick, Michael Mackinnon, Nic Fields, Tracy Prowse, Charmaine Sipe, Karen Stears, Kris Strutt, Franco Taccogna, Mark Trewin, Sterling Vinson, Giuliano Volpe, Vito Volterra. We are very grateful to them and to the many others 30 31

Small 1994, 543-555. Small et al. 2003.

901

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Burgers, E. van Joolen, M. van Leusen & B. Mater, B. (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology. Theory and methodology of field survey; Land evaluation and landscape perception; Pottery production and distribution (= BAR International Series, 1091). Oxford, 83-86. Small, A.M., V. Volterra & R.G.V. Hancock, 2003. New evidence from tile-stamps for imperial properties near Gravina, and the topography of imperial estates in SE Italy. JRA 16, 301-321. Veyne, P., 1958. La table des Ligures Baebiani et l’institution alimentaire de Trajan (deuxième article). MEFR 70, 177-241. Vinson, S.P., 1972. Ancient roads between Venosa and Gravina. PBSR 40, 58-90. White, K.D., 1967. Latifundia. A critical review of the evidence. BICS 14, 62-79.

902

DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE: ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENTS AND SOCIAL CHANGES Margherita Carucci Abstract: The domus of Rome have been almost neglected since only a few remains can with certainty be identified as town-houses. However, a careful and detailed analysis of those scattered data can highlight important aspects of Roman society: architecture, politics and economy. The paper will analyse some examples of late-antique domestic architecture on the Esquiline hill, where the first late-antique domus appeared, on the basis of archaeological, epigraphical, prosopographical and literary evidence. The aim of this paper is to relate the structural and decorative developments of wealthy town-houses with the great changes - political, economic, social and religious – within the Roman Empire from Diocletian (284) to Valentinian III (455).

Maecenas turned it into an elegant residential area.4 The analysis of its wealthy houses will highlight how their structural and decorative developments reflect the great changes – political, economic, social, religious, which the whole Roman Empire underwent from Diocletian (284) to Valentinian III (455).5

INTRODUCTION In the study of domestic architecture in late-antique Rome there is often speculation and misunderstanding, which arise because of the lack of evidence. In fact, of the 1380 domus recorded in the Regionary Catalogues few remains are left now: they are the scattered fragments of building which destruction, change and concealment have left behind, owing to the uninterrupted life of the city. Epigraphical and literary evidence records some names of owners, but in most cases structural remains of domus cannot be connected with the names of specific owners. The lack of secure evidence leads scholars to relate these remains to the domestic buildings of nearby Ostia. In fact, as the Ostian domus are well preserved because of their abandonment in late antiquity, they can give an idea of the more elegant houses of Rome and can highlight many aspects of late-antique architecture of which all trace has vanished in the caput mundi.1 The starting point for such studies is the assumption that the architecture of Rome must have influenced the building of both private and public structures in the nearby harbour town. However, it would be misleading to consider the well-preserved domus of Ostia as examples of domestic buildings in Rome: Ostia was a mere ‘provincial’ town that shared the luxury and wealth of Rome only to some extent; its economic and social structures were different to those of the capital.

APSIDAL ROOM Although the plans of the houses excavated on the Esquiline show fragments that are sometimes difficult to relate to specific rooms, it is evident that all or most of them were provided with an apsidal structure. That is a typical element of late-antique town-houses. In fact, the Forma Urbis Marmorea,6 the large marble plan of Rome carved at the beginning of the 3rd century AD, shows that the apse was at that time used only in public baths. In late antique domestic buildings, however, the apse is often introduced to the main reception room. However, since apses can serve many functions in late Roman architecture, the apsidal room may have been used as audience chamber or as great dining hall or as stibadium.7 The apsidal hall of the domus of Aco Catullinus Philomathius8 at Sette Sale9 (first half of the 4th century) (Fig. 1) was probably a formal dining hall, because its big dimensions (14.5 x 22 m) and its lavish decoration in opus sectile suited such a use. The triclinium off the nymphaeum, on the other hand, would have been used for dining with more intimate guests.

In spite of the lack of secure evidence, the late antique domus at Rome are an interesting topic of research, as the many contributions of Guidobaldi show.2 As a review of all late antique houses at Rome would exceed the limits of a short article,3 it is necessary to set reasonable limits to the discussion. Therefore, the paper will analyse some examples of domestic architecture on the Esquiline hill, where the first late antique domus appeared. In fact, because of its close proximity to the administrative quarters and to the Praefectura Urbis, its aqueducts and the roads leading to the main quarters of the city, the Esquiline was in great demand by aristocrats ever since

However, when the apsidal room is the only architectural element to be preserved, it is more difficult to identify its function without any clues. In the domus of Arippi and Ulpii Vibii10 (late 3rd century) (Fig. 2), the apsidal room entered from a rectangular vestibulum might have been a stibadium because of the bench along the semicircular wall.

4

Cima & La Rocca 1986; Pisani Sartorio 1983. Harris 1999. 6 Rodriguez Almeida 1981. 7 Dunbabin 1991; Rossiter 1991. 8 Arnheim 1972, 78-79. 9 Carucci (in print); Cozza 1974-1975; De Fine Licht 1983; Guidobaldi 1986, 167-171. 10 Ashby & Lugli 1932, 241-244. 5

1

Crema 1959, 104; Böethius & Ward-Perkins 1970, 279. Guidobaldi 1986; 1993b; 1999. The recent Rome ‘mostra’ (Ensoli & La Rocca 2000) has a large section on the domus by various authors. 3 Many houses of the Roman capital are analysed in Steinby 1993-2000, s.v. ‘domus’, II (1995), 22-217. 2

903

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Domus of Aco Catullinus Philomathius at Sette Sale. Also the so-called Basilica of Junius Bassus11 (first half of the 4th century) (Fig. 2), entered from a vestibulum, might have been used as stibadium. In fact, the antechamber with its curvilinear short sides has parallels with a room of similar function in the villa at Desenzano12 (4th century), where the vestibulum preceded the triconchos, a three-apsed hall that was used as a formal dining room. As the triconchos served the same function as the single-apsed stibadium but in a more

articulated and elegant setting,13 the Basilica of Junius Bassus might have been used as dining room. In fact, its lavish geometric and figurative panels of opus sectile, which decorated its floor and walls, seem to be appropriate to a room used for dining and reception of guests. However, other examples of domestic architecture suggest a different function. In some late antique domestic buildings in Asia Minor, such as the ‘Palace’ above the theater at Ephesus, the ‘Palace’ of the Governor or Bishop at Aphrodisias and the ‘Palace of the Dux’ at Apollonia (none of them can be dated

11 Ashby & Lugli 1932; De Rossi 1871; Guidobaldi 1986, 184-186; Jones, Martindale & Morris 1971, 154-155 (Bassus 14). 12 Arslan 1982; Ghislanzoni 1962.

13

904

Lavin 1962.

MARGHERITA CARUCCI: DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE

Fig. 2. Domus of Arippi and Ulpii Vibii and Basilica of Junius Bassus.

Fig. 3. Domus in via Giovanni Lanza. 905

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Domus under S. Pietro in Vincoli. precisely),14 the large apsidal hall with vestibulum was used as audience chamber. Its location, next to the main door of the house onto the street, ensured the maximum amount of privacy for the family. The fragmentary plan of the domus of Junius Bassus does not allow us to know whether also the basilica was located next to the street. However, a further example from palatial architecture shows that the basilica of Junius Bassus could have been used for conducting official business. The Constantinian Basilica at Trier15 was an audience chamber preceded by a vestibulum that had the same curvilinear short sides as the Roman basilica had. The above-cited examples show that the single apsed-hall of Junius Bassus may have been either a stibadium or an audience chamber, but it can have fulfilled both functions. For in Roman domestic buildings rooms were multi-purpose: the same public room may have served both as a dining room and as a room for conducting official business.

century, Macrobius describes how a group of guests convened before dinner in the bibliotheca of the domus of Vettius Agorius Praetextatus18 at Rome to debate on various topics. Epigraphical evidence records two houses of the Roman senator on the Esquiline19 and on the Aventine,20 but Macrobius does not indicate which house is the setting of the dialogue. A comparable episode is described by Sidonius Apollinaris21 in the mid-460s on the occasion of his visit to the villa of his friend Tonantius Ferreoulus, near Nîmes. The writer describes how the guests gathered in the villa’s library for conversation and recreation, until a slave entered to announce that the meal was ready; the guests then proceeded from the library and sat in the triclinium. In some examples, the rectangular apsidal room appears more articulated with the introduction of some fresh elements. In the domus under S. Pietro in Vincoli22 (first half of the 4th century) (Fig. 4), for example, a trifora replaced the northern wall of the apsidal room. In the later domus of Albinus23 (Fig. 5), on the other hand, the side walls of the apsidal room were ornamented with niches, alternately rectangular and curvilinear. It shows close parallels with the aula of the domus of Fabius Cilo by S. Bibiana, on the Aventine24 (mid-4th century).

In the domus in via Giovanni Lanza16 (early 4th century) (Fig. 3) the apsidal hall adjoined a room that is said to be a library because of its figurative stuccoes, one of which portrayed the neo-Pythagorean Apollonius of Tyana (1st century AD). The library may be indicative of the function of the nearby apsidal room: it might have been a stibadium, as two literary works suggest. In the Saturnalia,17 a work written during the first half of the 5th century but set in the penultimate decade of the 4th

18

Jones, Martindale & Morris 1971, 722-724. CIL XV, 7563. CIL VI 1777. 21 Ep. 2.9.5. 22 Colini & Matthiae 1966; Guidobaldi 1986, 170-175. 23 Steinby 1995, 28-29. 24 Guidobaldi 1986, 181-182. 19 20

14

Ellis 1988, 569, fig. 3. Böethius & Ward-Perkins 1970, 518-519. Guidobaldi 1986, 194-198. 17 1.6.1. 15 16

906

MARGHERITA CARUCCI: DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE

Fig. 5. Domus of Albinus.

Fig. 6. Domus under S. Lucia in Selci. Guidobaldi25 points out that the Roman examples are similar to the seven-apsed hall of the House of Bacchus at Djemila26 (end of the 4th or beginning of the 5th century). However, the similarity may be related only to the decorative character of the elaborate walls but not to the function of the room. For at Djemila each apse was framed by columns and would have held a stibadium dining couch; at Rome, by contrast, the niches may have held cupboards or statues.

By comparison with the above-cited examples, the fragments of the aula found under the church of S. Lucia in Selci27 (4th century) (Fig. 6) may also have been the hall, perhaps with an apse, of a rich domus. Krautheimer, who first stated that the fragments may have belonged to a building built before the church,28 pointed out that the hall may have been a civil basilica or a public building; afterwards, with a more critical examination, the same scholar admitted that it may have been part of a domus.29

27

Guidobaldi 1986, 188-192. Krautheimer 1937-1977, II, 192. 29 Krautheimer 1980, 72, 87.

25

28

Guidobaldi 1986, 207. 26 Lassus 1971.

907

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI NYMPHAEA, FOUNTAINS, LIBRARIES AND BATHS

DECORATION

The apsidal room is not the only architectural component of the late antique domus that has been preserved: as physical evidence shows, more structures adjoined it.

The architectural variety of the houses excavated on the Esquiline was emphasized by elegant decorative forms. The floors of the apsidal hall in the domus at Sette Sale33 and of the Basilica of Junius Bassus were carpeted with large-scale geometric compositions of opus sectile.34 It was a lavish and not common kind of decoration that ornamented the 4th-century residences of the emperors, private houses such as the ‘Palace of Theoderic’ at Ravenna and the Basilica of Maxentius in the Forum Romanum.

In the domus at Sette Sale the apsed-hall was flanked by a small semicircular fountain to the north; along its southern side a nymphaeum with a water basin and niche of semi-lunate shape opened onto a long courtyard, at the back of which was the triclinium. In the domus in via Giovanni Lanza the big nymphaeum (10 m wide) displayed more elaborate elements: a curved basin describing a semicircle, nine semicircular niches including marble statuettes, and bronze nozzles in the shape of heads of animals (tiger, wolf, panther) pouring water. The nymphaeum was probably of three-apsidal shape, since the western apse could have faced another one that has not been found. Lanciani30 saw fragments of a circular fountain in the so-called horti of Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (via Principe Amedeo). Since “le nom est une costruction des modernes”,31 the fountain and the porticus to which Lanciani referred are more likely to belong to a domus. In fact, in the 1st to the 3rd century, the horti on the Esquiline were imperial estates, but in the 4th century, with the abandonment of Rome by the emperors, they were occupied by a number of aristocratic houses. It is not clear why Vettius Agorius Praetextatus, whose political career was not different from that of other nobles, would have been entitled to occupy more space with his horti.

The type with centralized focus is another elegant form of opus sectile that decorated the hexagonal hall in the domus at Sette Sale and an apsidal structure in the domus in via Giovanni Lanza. However, the most common type, but no less lavish, was based on simple geometric elements of medium size: examples are the apse and the triclinium of the domus at Sette Sale and room D of the domus under S. Pietro in Vincoli. Panels of opus sectile clothed also walls. Fragments of marble revetment have been found in many houses: at Sette Sale (apse), under S. Pietro in Vincoli, and in via Giovanni Lanza. The most outstanding example is the Basilica of Junius Bassus: architectural and geometric panels framed figurative scenes, but only four of them survive. Two show tigers assailing their prey, the other two show the Rape of Hylas by the Nymphs, and a Roman magistrate advancing in a two-horse chariot among the outriders of the four circus factions. Scenes of animals decorated also the walls of the aula under S. Lucia in Selci.

In the domus in via Giovanni Lanza there might have been a bibliotheca, which could have been used for the entertainment and the reception of guests before dinner, as Macrobius attests in reference to the domus of Vettius Agorius Praetextatus. In the domus, along the street skirting the church of S. Martino ai Monti, there was a mithraeum and, above that, a lararium leaning against a wall that surrounded an open space (perhaps a courtyard).32

In spite of the widespread use of the opus sectile in late antique domus, mosaic was still a very appreciated form of domestic decoration. In the domus of the Arippi and Ulpi Vibi the triclinium was paved with a geometric mosaic and an inscription recording the name of the owners; the floor of the vestibulum was carpeted with scenes of vintaging putti and of Dionysus moving toward the sleeping Ariadne.

In the domus under S. Pietro in Vincoli remains of apses, basins, and hypocausts on its eastern side seem to have belonged to baths. Also the nymphaeum and the basin of the domus in via Giovanni Lanza may have been parts of baths. A bath-suite is also present in the domus at Sette Sale, but its small dimensions, its location close to the kitchen and to the latrine and the lack of decoration suggests that it be used by servants. The house is provided also with a hexagonal room which has no parallels: it adjoined rooms of rectangular and curvilinear shape and little round chambers in the corners.

Sculpture was an important component of domestic décor. In the domus in via Giovanni Lanza the lararium housed a big statue of Isis-Fortuna, as well as busts and statuettes of other gods; the walls of the library were ornamented with painted stucco-work and frescoes; the nymphaeum was decorated with bronze heads of animals. Moreover, in 1793 a substantial collection of silver objects was discovered at the foot of the Esquiline: among them was the wedding casket of Proiecta and Secundus, which probably belonged to the noble family of the Turcii.35 They are only a few remains of richer

30

33

31

34

Lanciani 1989, tav. 24. Grimal 1969, 50 n.2. 32 Visconti 1885.

Bianchi, Bruno, Coletta & De Nuccio 2000; Vincenti 1997. Guidobaldi 1993a. 35 Shelton 1981.

908

MARGHERITA CARUCCI: DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE sculpture collections which have been destroyed or removed: several sculptures found in collections from houses in southern France, at Carthage and anywhere in the ancient Roman Empire show how rich and lavish was the decoration of the Roman house.36

residence of Eliogabalus and then of Helena, was very similar to the Domus Augustana and to Hadrian’s villa, as it grouped the public sector, including the basilica Heleniana and a smaller apsidal room used as audience chamber, and the private apartments with their peristylia, apsidal room, and multi-apsed halls. The Sessorium is the last residence of the emperors at Rome. With the abandonment of Rome by the emperors in favour of capitals more convenient to their needs, cities such as Trier and Milan became the focal point of court life and the seat of new palaces, which were built in conformity with the imperial buildings at Rome. Diocletian’s Palace at Split40 displayed the architectural forms of a military camp, but the circular vestibulum, the apsidal hall and the bath-suite of the private apartments recalled the architectural forms of imperial residences at Rome.

ORIGINS OF LATE ANTIQUE DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE As the Severan Marble Plan shows, in the beginning of the 3rd century, the common type of domestic buildings at Rome was the peristyle-house with a central courtyard around which rectangular and square rooms were arranged. The remains of the late antique houses on the Esquiline and elsewhere at Rome, on the contrary, display more elaborate plans that cannot be related to a specific model. The architectural forms of the late antique domus appear to have their roots in the private residences of the emperors.37 The first innovative example was the octagonal hall of Nero’s Domus Aurea: with its octagonal shape, its secondary chambers radiating from five sides and vaulted with barrel vaults and cross vaults the hall must have seemed a very startling break with tradition. However, this novelty of plan was inserted into a framework of a conventionally rectangular structure.

SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LATE ANTIQUE DOMUS The abandonment of Rome by the emperors did not cause the end of those architectural forms in the caput mundi, as they continued to be developed in the residences of the senatorial class. The apsidal rooms, the niches and the curvilinear forms of other structures of the late antique domus appear to be the legacy left by the revolution of the 1st century’s Imperial architecture. However, the new private buildings cannot be considered as a mere scaled-down version of Imperial palaces, because, in order to fit those houses to a different context, domestic architecture developed specific typological forms. The domus, in fact, were often built on previous buildings that affected the arrangement of the spaces. The domus at Sette Sale, for example, was built on the service rooms of Trajan’s Baths; the domus of the Arippi and Ulpii Vibii, of Flavius Anicius Auchenius Bassus (consul in 431)41 and that under S. Pietro in Vincoli in their late form were the product of different building phases.

In the Domus Augustana, Domitian’s residence on the Palatine, the state apartments displayed more innovative forms than the private residence, which they adjoined in a single complex. The Basilica with its apse and rows of columns along the side walls; the Aula Regia, with its apse and bays, alternately curved and rectangular; the triclinium, whose side walls open onto a pair of symmetrically-placed courtyards containing curvilinear fountains; the octagonal chamber and the rooms of curvilinear shape placed in the wing of the peristyle document the turning of the atrium-peristyle house into a more elaborated form. The new architectural forms introduced in the Domus Augustana had a widespread use in the private residences of the emperors. Hadrian’s villa, near Tivoli, developed the recent architectural concepts in rather more sophisticated structures, such as the central pavillons of the Piazza d’Oro, the octagonal shape of the vestibulum, and the triple-apsed forms of the triclinium.

The examples of domestic architecture on the late antique Esquiline show the lack of a peristyle. Guidobaldi42 pointed out that the late antique domus did not have the central courtyard because of the lack of available space in the crowded capital. However, the peristyle was the kernel of the Roman house, the architectural element that represented the ‘Classical’ way of life:43 it not only fulfilled the function of giving air and light to the surrounding rooms, but created also a natural setting that neither nymphaea nor fountains may have completely formed. In late antiquity, the peristyle continued to play an important role in the arrangement of domestic spaces.

Those architectural forms continued to be used in late antiquity. Two examples are from the Esquiline. The socalled Temple of Minerva Medica in the Licinian horti38 was a decagonal structure (25 m wide) with semicircular niches whose function is not certain (nymphaeum? pavillion? triclinium?). The palatium Sessorium,39

40

Böethius & Ward Perkins 1970, 524-527. Jones, Martindale & Morris 1971 152-154 (Bassus 11). Fragments of this house seem to have been found under the church of S. Maria Maggiore, but the several structural changes the domus underwent in the 2nd to the 5th centuries make the reading of its plan difficult. 42 Guidobaldi 1986, 221. 43 Ellis 1988, 565.

36

41

Balmelle 2001; Bergmann 1999; De Chaisermartin & Orgen 1984; Gazda 1981; Hannestad 1994; Neudecker 1988; Stirling 1996a; 1996b. 37 Giuliani 1982. 38 Steinby 1993-2000, s.v. “Tempio di Minerva Medica”, III (1996), 6667. 39 Steinby 1993-2000, s.v. “Sessorium”, IV (1999), 304-308.

909

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI In fact, in late Roman villas44 excavated anywhere in the central Mediterranean world, the courtyard was inserted among the new architectural structures (apsidal rooms, bath-suites, nymphaea, gardens), which the availability of space in the countryside allowed to be developed in a number of more elaborate and monumental forms. It is, therefore, possible that the town-houses on the Esquiline were also provided with peristyles, which disappeared when the domestic buildings were abandoned or turned into churches: as an open space, in fact, it may have been easily occupied by other structures. Moreover, the lack of peristyles may be the result of the fragmentary character of the excavated houses.

Philomathius49 preserved Roman temples; Vettius Agorius Praetextatus50 and Naeratius Palmatus51 restored respectively the ‘porticus deorum consentium’ and the senate-house). It is easy to understand how these activities showed the wealthy status of aristocrats and enhanced their prestige. In several ways, Roman society was a visual culture that used images as means of communications.52 Public rituals (religious, social, intellectual), public buildings (baths, forum, gymnasium, amphitheatre), sculptures and paintings were the material products of a society that, through them, propagated its modes of civic life. In such a society, where images played an important role, people signified their level of Romanitas, their social status and their wealth by displaying the material objects they had.

In order to understand the reason why late antique domus borrowed the structural components of imperial palaces, it is necessary to ask questions about the identity and the social status of their owners, as their needs, their beliefs, and their aspirations affected the structural arrangement of domestic spaces.

As public figures holding important offices and as members of the residential aristocracy pre-eminent in Italy and Rome, senators had many occasions to show off their social identity in several ways. Elaborate and expensive clothes, special seats in theatre and amphitheatre, great households of clients, of servants and of agents, palatial mansions in the capital and wealthy residences and estates spread through Italy were clear indicators of their status and wealth. That ostentatious show-off must have made a strong impression on an officer and historian from Antioch during his visit to Rome in the 380s. Ammianus Marcellinus described the tastes and behaviour of the upper-class residents in two satirical portraits, inserted as digressions into his history.53

Epigrapical and literary evidence shows that the owners of the houses on the late antique Esquiline were members of the senatorial class45 who held the most prestigious public offices; most of them held also the prefecture of Rome,46 the summit of the senatorial career that enhanced the prestige and power of its holders. Despite the changes which had taken place in the political structures of the Roman Empire in the 4th-5th centuries, the senatorial class maintained its position as the hereditary governing class of Italy in possession of the most durable of all sources of influence: landowning and patronage. Their privileged conditions were always affirmed and enhanced, even in moments of political crisis: Valentinian’s prosecutions of senators charged with adultery and magic arts, a victim of which was Cethegus, who was executed for adultery (epigraphical evidence locates his house in the area of the Macellum Liviae);47 the law issued by Theodosius in 391 banning all pagan sacrifices and prohibiting access to pagan temples; and the sack of Alaric (410) which caused chaos and disruption in the eternal city were just episodes that did not affect the power and the wealth of the senatorial class. On the contrary, with the departure of the emperors, senators and in particular the urban prefects, whose judicial and administrative competence was very wide, enhanced their powers and their prestige by fulfilling the functions that, in the earlier centuries of the Empire, had been monopolized by the emperors. They had more opportunities for display and for munificence by providing spectacles and shows (Symmachus48 laid out 2,000 pounds of gold to hold the public games in celebration of his son’s quaestorship) and by dedicating and restoring public buildings (Aco Catullinus

In a society where the visual was a potent form of communication, domestic buildings with their architectural forms and decorative elements became also a declaration of status. The vestibulum for the morning salutatio of clients; the audience chamber and the basilica for the discussion of administrative matters; the triclinium for the dining and reception of guests were the rooms ornamented with the most refined architectural forms and the most lavish decoration because of their function of public reception. They, in fact, enabled the owners to perform those social duties that their role as public figures imposed. In late antiquity, domestic buildings were ornamented with more elaborate architectural elements in order to allow senators to perform a larger variety of public functions and to display their enhanced prestige as a result of the extension of their powers. As the members of the residential class at Rome were replacing the emperors of earlier times, the new structural forms of their domus were borrowed from imperial palaces. In a passage of his

44

49

45

50

Wilson 1983, 73-85. Arnheim 1972; Chastagnol 1992; Matthews 1975; Roda 1994. 46 Chastagnol 1960. 47 CIL VI 1709. 48 Seek 1883, LVIII-LIX.

Codex Theodosianus XVI.10.3. CIL VI 102. 51 CIL VI 37128. 52 Elsner 1998, 53 XIV 6.1f.; XXVIII 4.1f.

910

MARGHERITA CARUCCI: DOMUS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ESQUILINE history,54 Olimpiodoros of Thebes described in terms of wonder the great houses of the leading citizens of Rome in the mid-5th century: every house was like a separate city with its fountains, baths, squares and temples.

Guidobaldi & A. Paribeni (eds), Atti del VI Colloquio dell’Associazione Italiana per lo Studio e la Conservazione del Mosaico, Venezia 20-23 gennaio 1999. Ravenna, 351-360. Boëthius, A. & J.B. Ward-Perkins, 1970. Etruscan and Roman architecture. Harmondsworth. Carucci, M., (in print). The Sette Sale Domus: A proposal of Reading. Chastagnol, A., 1960. La Préfecture urbaine a Rome sous le Bas-Empire. Paris. Chastagnol, A., 1992. Le Sénat romain à l’époque impériale. Recherches sur la composition de l’Assemblée et le statut de ses membres. Paris. Cima, M. & E. La Rocca (eds), 1986. Le tranquille dimore degli dei. La residenza imperiale degli Horti Lamiani. Roma Capitale 1870-1911. Venezia. Colini A.M. & G. Matthiae, 1966. Ricerche intorno a S. Pietro in Vincoli. MPAA 9, 2. Cozza, L., 1974-1975. I recenti scavi delle Sette Sale. RPAA 47, 79-101. Crema, G., 1959. L’architettura romana (= Enciclopedia Classica III, XII, 1). Torino. De Rossi, G.B., 1871. La basilica profana di Giunio Basso sull’Esquilino dedicata poi a S. Andrea ed appellata Catabarbara Patricia. BAC 5-29, 41-64. De Chaisermartin, N. & E. Örgen, 1984. Les documents sculptés de Silahtaraga. Paris. De Fine Licht, K., 1983. Scavi alle Sette Sale, in: Atti del seminario ‘Città e Architettura nella Roma imperiale’ (= ARID Suppl. X). Roma, 186-202. Dunbabin, K.M.D., 1991. Triclinium and Stibadium, in: W.G. Slater, Dining in a classical context. Ann Arbor, 121-148. Ellis, S.P., 1988. The end of the Roman House. AJA 92, 565-576. Elsner, J., 1998. Imperial Rome and Christian triumph: the art of the Roman Empire AD 100-450. Oxford. Ensoli, E. & E. La Rocca, 2000. Aurea Roma: dalla città pagana alla città cristiana. Roma. Gazda, E.K., 1981. A Marble Group of Ganymede and the Eagle from the Age of Augustine, in: J.H. Humprey (ed.), Excavations at Carthage 1977 conducted by the University of Michigan VI. Ann Arbor, 125-178. Ghislanzoni, E., 1962. La villa romana di Desenzano. Milano. Giuliani, C.F., 1982. Note sull’architettura delle residenze imperiali dal I al III secolo d. Cr., in: H. Temporini (ed.), ANRW II.12.1. 253-258. Guidobaldi, F., 1986. L’edilizia abitativa unifamiliare nella Roma tardoantica, in: A. Giardina (ed.), Società romana e Impero tardoantico, II, Roma: politica, economia, paesaggio urbano. Bari, 165-237. Guidobaldi, F., 1993a. Pavimenti in opus sectile di Roma e dell’area romana: proposte per una classificazione e criteri di datazione, in: P. Pensabene (ed.), Marmi antichi. Problemi di impiego, di restauro e d’identificazione. Roma, 171-233. Guidobaldi, F., 1993b. Roma. Il tessuto abitativo, le ‘domus’ e i ‘tituli’, in: A. Carandini, L. Cracco

CONCLUSIONS Archaeological evidence shows that the new typological structures of domestic architecture were first introduced on the Esquiline between the late 3rd (domus of the Arippi and Ulpii Vibii) and the early 4th century (domus in via Giovanni Lanza). It is arguable that geographical and chronological limits for the first appearance of the late antique domus are not casual. Because of its proximity to the Praefectura Urbana (located near S. Pietro in Vincoli), the Esquiline was inhabited by senators who resumed their role as a ruling class in the government of the Empire with the reforms of Diocletian (285-305) and of Constantine (306-337). Perhaps, in the future, new archaeological evidence will show that the architectural forms described in this paper were introduced in domestic architecture earlier than the late 3rd century and in a different social context. The domus of the senator Octavius Felix55 shows that the apse was already introduced in a private house in the first half of the 3rd century, although the door which opened into a small rectangular room at the back of the apse makes the apsidal hall here an isolated example. But it is striking that it is on the Esquiline where the first apsidal room has been documented. The fragmentary evidence from Rome does not allow the formulation of definitive statements about the nature of the domus in the capital of the Roman world. However, it would be unreasonable not to try to read and to understand the present fragmentary documentation while waiting for fuller evidence to emerge from future excavations. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnheim, M.T.W., 1972. The senatorial aristocracy in the late Roman Empire. Oxford. Arslan, E.A., 1982. Lombardia (= Itinerari Archeologici 9). Roma, 1982. Ashby T. & G. Lugli, 1932. La basilica di Giunio Basso sull’Esquilino. Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana RAC 9, 221-255. Balmelle, C., 2001. Les demeures aristocratiques d’Aquitaine: société et culture de l’antiquité tardive dans le sud-ouest de la Gaule. Bordeaux. Bergmann, M., 1999. Chiragan, Aphrodisias, Konstantinopel: zur mythologischen Skulptur der Spätantike (= Palilia, Bd. 7). Wiesbaden. Bianchi, F., M. Bruno, A. Coletta & M. De Nuccio, 2000. Domus delle Sette Sale. L’opus sectile parietale dell’aula basilicale: studi preliminari, in: F. 54 55

Fr. 43. CIL XV 7503.

911

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Conservazione del Mosaico, Palermo 9-13 dicembre 1996. Ravenna, 829-838. Visconti, C.L., 1885. Del larario e del mitreo scoperti nell’Esquilino presso la chiesa di S. Martino ai Monti. BCAR, 27-38. Wilson, R.J.A., 1983. Piazza Armerina. London.

Ruggini & A. Giardina (eds), Storia di Roma, III. Torino, 69-83. Guidobaldi, F., 1999. Le domus tardoantiche di Roma come ‘sensori’ delle trasformazioni culturali e sociali, in: W.V. Harris (ed.), The trasformations of Urbs Roma in late antiquity (= JRA Suppl. 33). Porthsmouth, 53-68. Grimal, P., 1969. Les Jardins romains. Paris. Hannestad, N., 1994. Tradition in late antique sculpture. Conservation – modernization – production. Aarhus. Harris, W.V. (ed.), 1999. The transformations of Urbs Roma in late antiquity (= JRA Suppl. 33). Portsmouth, 53-68. Jones, A.H.M., J.R. Martindale & J. Morris, 1971. The prosopography of the Late Roman Empire, I, AD. 260-395. Cambridge. Krautheimer, R. et al., 1937-1977. Corpus basilicarum Christianarum Romae. Le basiliche cristiane antiche di Roma (sec. IV-IX). The early Christian basilicas of Rome (IV-IX cent.). Città del Vaticano. Krautheimer, R., 1980. Rome. Profile of a city, 312-1308. New Jersey. Lanciani, R., 1989. Forma Urbis Romae. Roma. Lassus, J., 1971. La salle à sept absides de DjemilaCuicul. AntAfr 5, 193-207. Lavin, I., 1962. The House of the Lord. Aspects of the role Palace Triclinia in the architecture of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. ArtB 44, 1-27. Matthews, J., 1975. Western aristocracies and imperial court AD 364-425. Oxford. Neudecker, R., 1988. Die Skulpturenausstattung römischer Villen in Italien. Mainz am Rhein. Pisani Sartorio, G. et al., 1983. L’archeologia in Roma Capitale tra sterro e scavo (= Roma Capitale 7). Roma. Roda, S. (ed.), 1994. La parte migliore del genere umano: aristocrazie, potere e ideologia nell’Occidente tardoantico. Torino. Rodriguez Almeida, E., 1981. Forma Urbis Marmorea. Aggiornamento generale. Roma. Rossiter, J., 1991, Convivium and villa in late antiquity, in: W.G. Slater (ed.), Dining in a classical context. Ann Arbor, 199-214. Shelton, K.J., 1981. The Esquiline treasure. London. Seek, O. (ed.), 1883. Quinti Aurelii Symmachi quae supersunt. Berlin. Steinby, E.M. (ed.), 1993-2000. Lexicon topographicum urbis Romae. Roma. Stirling, L.M., 1996a. Divinities and heroes in the age of Ausonius: a Late-antique villa and sculptural collection at Saint-Georges-de-Montagne (Gironde). RA, 103-143. Stirling, L.M., 1996b. Mythological statuary in late antiquity: a case study of villa decoration in Southwest Gaul. Ann Arbor. Vincenti, V., 1997. Le pavimentazioni musive delle Sette Sale a Roma, in: R.M. Carra Bonacasa & F. Guidobaldi (eds), Atti del IV Colloquio dell’Associazione Italiana per lo Studio e la

912

IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE TRA V E VII SECOLO NELLE AREE ALPINE OCCIDENTALI E LE SUE CONSEGUENZE SULLO SVILUPPO DEL MODELLO INSEDIATIVO

Paolo de Vingo & M.M. Negro Ponzi [….] Erede dell’antichità e delle culture dette ‘barbare’, il medioevo è l’infanzia dell’Europa. Riesce non soloriunire le diversità delle varie eredità ma anche la forza e la creatività dei suoi fondatori in una sintesi che il cristianesimo anima in una evoluzione e in trasformazioni di lunga durata…..Il medioevo rappresenta il fondamento essenziale per la costruzione dell’Europa. La conoscenza della sua storia è indispensabile per illuminare la ‘macchina’ europea di oggi [….] Jacques Le Goff

Abstract: A cultural ‘gap’ in north-western Italy, once part of the Roman Empire, is suggested between the late Roman and the Early medieval period, due to the spread of allochthonous groups, mainly of German origin, and consequently to their political and military control. The burial of dressed bodies was a basic feature of the funerary rituals of these groups; they used to place in the grave those artefacts considered to be inalienable possessions of the dead, as markers of his/her social status, such as weapons for men and clothes, fittings or jewellery for women. The settlement system in the Piedmont region, as far as we know today, differs from the pattern of large, basically egalitarian groups, established for short periods according to the needs of political and/or military occupation, which is considered to be the standard pattern for the period. Maybe the difference was due to the settlement of limited and diversified groups, possibly extended families which progressively occupied (through legal grants) not only tax lands, but also properties of which the previous rights of land grant had already been forfeited. This happened during a long period of time, maybe starting from the late 4th or early 5th century AD and associated with the reorganization of land attested by both historical and linguistic sources.

INTRODUZIONE

Eruli, Sassoni, Burgundi, Alemanni e Pannoni devastarono, oh poveri noi, qualsiasi cosa si trovassero innanzi fra le Alpi e i Pirenei, fra il Reno e l’Oceano…”.3 Per la prima volta, la prima di una lunga serie che culminò con la violazione della stessa Roma per opera di Alarico e successivamente di Genserico, la civiltà occidentale si trovò innanzi, nelle proprie case, nelle proprie piazze ed edifici pubblici, colui che rappresentava ‘l’altro da sé’ per antonomasia: il barbaro. Due secoli di fortificazioni, guerra infinita e strapotere militare non erano serviti a fermare quel gigantesco sommovimento di popoli che, ingeneratosi per molteplici e diversificati fattori nelle steppe dell’Asia centrale, aveva finito per scontrarsi contro il più grande apparato politico e militare sino ad allora mai visto: l’impero di Roma (Fig. 1). Fu proprio l’incontro-scontro fra romanità e modo ‘barbarico’, talvolta osteggiato dalla sovrastruttura cristiana, a determinare la fine del mondo antico, inteso, nel senso più ampio del termine, come sistema socioculturale omogeneo basato sulla civiltà urbana e sui commerci a largo raggio inseriti in una rete che si può già definire globale, e la nascita di un nuovo mondo, quello altomedievale, caratterizzato dalla eclissi della civiltà urbana e dei suoi saperi, dalla frantumazione dei poteri, dalla contrazione su scala regionale dei commerci e dalla completa cristianizzazione della cultura.

Nel primo millennio della nostra era si crearono due condizioni per la nascita della nazione intesa in senso moderno. Anzitutto si impose la convinzione che tutto il mondo cristiano fosse composto da popoli, gentes o nationes, concetto di derivazione storico-religioso, ma che trovava le sue fondamenta in una componente etnografica e nel linguaggio politico dello Stato romano.1 La struttura imperiale aveva dato relativamente poco spazio alle singole identità etniche, poiché il senso di appartenenza allo Stato, e quindi il diritto di essere cittadini romani, erano prerogative molto più importanti. Questo non precluse a Roma la possibilità di prestare la massima attenzione alla evoluzione dei rapporti etnici oltre i suoi confini, ma sempre entro la propria sfera di influenza e di controllo. Qui la differenziazione sociale dovuta al contatto con la cultura e la mentalità romana determinò la formazione di identità aperte, le quali furono alla base di nuove associazioni tribali che avrebbero formato quella piattaforma socio-culturale alla base della nascente Europa.2 Il 31 dicembre del 406, in una gelida notte invernale, un’orda di popolazioni germaniche attraversò il Reno ghiacciato e travolse senza incontrare alcuna resistenza le postazioni romane costruite a difesa dei confini imperiali. In tutto il mondo occidentale la vicenda venne vissuta come un trauma epocale. Scriveva San Gerolamo (347420): “...Innumerevoli e ferocissime genti occuparono tutte le Gallie. Quadi, Vandali, Sarmati, Alani, Gepidi, 1 2

LE ORIGINI DELLA ETNOGENESI Il termine etnogenesi è un vocabolo composto da due parole greche: il verbo guignomai ‘diventare’ ed il

Leguay 2002. Gasparri 1997; Chrysos 2003; Pohl 2002b; Werner Goetz 2003a.

3

913

Gerolamo 1971, 267-270.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. I principali movimenti migratori delle popolazioni ‘barbariche’ entro i confini dell’impero romano nel V secolo (da Davies 2001). sostantivo ethnos ‘etnia’4 corrispondente al latino gens o al gotico thinda.5 Si tratta di un’unità politica e non di una comunità di razza: per questa ragione il termine gens è accostato a quello di populos nel senso di società in cui domina una comunità di diritti ed una medesima coscienza sociale.6 Anche se le definizioni dei secoli altomedievali pongono alcuni problemi, è opportuno tenerne conto per sapere se bisogna parlare di ‘popolo’ o di ‘tribù’, di ‘Völkerschaften’ o di ‘Völkergruppen’ o ancora di ‘people’ e di ‘tribes’ oppure di ‘nazioni’ o ‘razze’.7

diversi cambiamenti e da mescolanze etniche: conseguentemente tutti i popoli storici condividono una genealogia eterogenea. Gli spostamenti etnici furono causati da ‘entità demiche di tradizione’ di medie e piccole dimensioni, che funzionarono come elementi catalizzatori per raggruppamenti di maggiori dimensioni. Il nucleo di tradizione esercitava una attrazione che si basava sulla possibilità di inseguire a ritroso nel tempo una origine comune che rappresentava il prestigio e il carattere di appartenenza:8 di conseguenza una gens costituiva, proprio come indica la parola a cui corrisponde in greco, e contrariamente al suo significato etimologico nonché alla comprensione attuale del vocabolo, una unità politica polietnica.9

Tra il 1950 ed il 1960 W. Schlesinger, H. Beumann e R. Wenskus avevano tentato di stabilire una distinzione tra le prime gentes pre-tedesche ed il significato che il periodo altomedievale attribuiva a questo termine e che doveva portare al concetto di nazione inteso in senso moderno. Wenskus dimostrò che i popoli tardoantichi ed altomedievali non formavano distinte comunità con una medesima origine, ma erano tenute insieme dalla presunta appartenenza ad una discendenza comune. In questo modo i popoli europei non si formarono come ramificazioni di un solo popolo primordiale, ma da

Questa distinzione è stata però messa in discussione prima da C.R. Brühl,10 poi da J. Ehlers11 ed infine da W. Pohl,12 che ha contestato in modo particolare il riconoscimento di Franchi, Sassoni e Longobardi13 come tribù, negando la possibilità che si possa parlare di ‘formazioni di tribù’ e quindi deducendone che un 8

Pohl 2000a. Gasparri 2001. 10 Brühl 1990. 11 Ehlers 1989. 12 Pohl 1997. 13 Jarnut 2003. 9

4

Dove 1916. Wenskus 1961. Wolfram 1997b. 7 Wolfram 1997a; 1997b. 5 6

914

PAOLO DE VINGO & M.M. NEGRO PONZI: IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE ‘popolo’ germanico nei secoli altomedievali non sia difatto mai esistito.14

sovrani reali e – nel vero senso della parola – ducali è, agli occhi di Schlesinger e di Wenskus, la constatazione che due tipi di re germanici si completavano prima di succedersi.23 Si è trattato sicuramente di un fenomeno generalizzato: in un primo tempo, i rappresentanti originari di uno spazio etnico relativamente ristretto ed unificato furono rivestiti della carica di re con un’alta e sacra responsabilità, mentre successivamente, quando si costituirono importanti formazioni plurietniche, ad esempio dopo una guerra, furono rimpiazzati da re comandanti, guerrieri che non erano necessariamente di sangue reale. Si può rinforzare questa ipotesi studiando i nomi dei più antichi dignitari che, formatisi in modo simile in diverse lingue, hanno lo stesso significato.24 Così, accanto alla radice latina ‘tribus’ esiste la parola tribunus (tribuno); accanto alla parola chiuda quella di thiudans; accanto a ‘kind’ esiste la parola kindins o hendinos, termine apparentemente burgundo;25 accanto al rex sacrorum esiste la parola sinistans o, in burgundo, sinistus; accanto alla parola franca volk, che significa esercito, esistono le parole truht e truhthin. Tuttavia il ‘tribuno’ romano non rimase capo tribù ma accumulò diverse funzioni, fino a raggiungere una posizione di prestigio nelle forze armate.26

Nel De Bello Gallico non sembrerebbero esserci dubbi sulla possibile preesistenza di un ‘popolo germano primitivo’ o persino di suoi precursori indo-germanici. Il confronto seguente permetterà forse di capire meglio ciò di cui stiamo parlando. La memoria della gens parla delle origini dei Germani in modo tale da fare supporre altri inizi:15 affinché i Longobardi di Odino potessero nascere erano necessari i Frea-Vinnilliani che a loro volta si erano staccati da una comunità di tribù unite tra loro.16 Quelli descritti nel De Bello Gallico non sono più gruppi originari di gentes. Benché Giulio Cesare non sia stato il primo a descrivere i Germani, il suo racconto ha però consentito di capire la percezione che di essi ebbero i Romani. Cesare può essere considerato come il vero precursore della etnografia germanica. Egli osservava anche in Gallia uno sviluppo complesso della società che presupponeva la presenza di solide strutture costituzionali e che ricordava gli esordi della polis mediterranea. Infatti, quando conquistò la Gallia, Cesare scoprì nei territori attraversati dal Reno la presenza di un paradosso definito come la ‘rivoluzione gallo-germanica occidentale’. Si trattava di stanziamenti di gentes celtiche e germaniche17 molto evolute ed efficacemente organizzate, stabilite lungo le sponde del Reno, che pur avendo ancora delle famiglie reali, non avevano più re.18 Queste gentes erano guidate da duchi frequentemente legati da solidi rapporti di parentela, ma impegnati in lotte sanguinose, con reciproche accuse di volersi impossessare del controllo dell’istituzione monarchica. Contrariamente alle nuove oligarchie installate nel cuore della Gallia, la monarchia fu relegata ai confini del mondo germano-celtico, nelle isole britanniche,19 in Scandinavia, presso i Germani orientali e nelle Alpi celtiche orientali.20

La concezione romana, e successivamente franca, dello Stato ebbe come conseguenza il declino dell’indipendenza e persino dell’esistenza della gens, ma anche l’inizio di una nuova etnogenesi.27 Bisogna qui ricordare l’osservazione di Patrick Geary secondo cui “…il mondo germanico è stato forse la creazione più importante e più duratura del genio politico e militare di Roma. Il fatto che questa creatura col tempo arrivasse a sostituire il suo creatore non deve fare dimenticare che essa doveva la sua stessa esistenza all’iniziativa romana, all’impegno paziente durato secoli di imperatori romani, generali, soldati, proprietari terrieri, mercanti di schiavi e semplici mercanti per modellare il caos della realtà barbarica in forma di attività politica, sociale ed economica che essi potevano comprendere e, forse, controllare…”.28 Se Tacito aveva già postulato nei suoi scritti etnografici l’inesistenza di un’unità germanica, furono di fatto i provvedimenti amministrativi romani, ma anche quelli, molto più semplici, dei Franchi, a provocare la comparsa di nuovi popoli.29 Patrick Geary ha compreso non solo la validità della ricerca sulla etnogenesi in lingua tedesca ma anche la necessità di sviluppare il nuovo dibattito etnografico.30 Lo straordinario successo dell’impero romano, fu dovuto anche alla capacità di integrare più o meno saldamente

R. Wenskus ha inoltre dimostrato che le denominazioni reali antiche come rex o basileus non possono essere interpretate diversamente da ‘re’.21 W. Schlesinger ha sottolineato l’interesse di un passaggio di Tacito nella ‘Germania’, in cui lo storico romano distingue il ‘Volkskönig’ (re del popolo) dal ‘Heerkönig’ (re dell’esercito): “…I Germani prendono i re (reges) per la loro nobiltà, ex nobilitate, ed i capi dell’esercito (duces), per le loro capacità, ex virtute. I re non possiedono diritti illimitati e dittatoriali, i capi dell’esercito agiscono seguendo piuttosto il loro esempio che non i loro ordini…”.22 È in questi termini che Tacito inizia il suo trattato sulla costituzione germanica. Ciò che egli sembra descrivere come una giustapposizione di 14

Pohl 2002a; 2003. Pohl 2000b. 16 Francovich Onesti 2000. 17 Wolfram 1997b. 18 Hingley 2000. 19 Pohl 1997. 20 Wenskus 1961. 21 Murray 2002; Wenskus 1961. 22 Wolfram 1997a. 15

23

Schlesinger 1963. Wolfram 1997a. 25 Wenskus 1961. 26 Wolfram 1997a; 1997b. 27 Hummer 1998. 28 Geary 1996. 29 Wolfram 1992. 30 Gasparri 2001. 24

915

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI vari gruppi, anche al di là delle sue frontiere, all’interno della sua matrice sociale e culturale.31

ai Merovingi a lui affini quanto ai Franchi e ai loro vicini permise la creazione di un regno unificato dei Franchi in un territorio in maggior parte romano e la nascita del regnum Francorum come diretta evoluzione dello stato romano.34 Si ricorda frequentemente il caso di Clodoveo per mostrare come un re ‘parziale’ sia potuto diventare un re monarchico.35 Inoltre Clodoveo aveva un albero genealogico straordinariamente breve, circostanza che sottolinea la novità del processo di concentrazione che aveva suscitato.

I DIVERSI TIPI DI ETNOGENESI Dopo queste osservazioni preliminari, il primo tipo di etnogenesi (tipo I) potrebbe essere descritto nel modo seguente: perdita dell’antica regalità compreso l’antico nome di tribù in conseguenza di un processo di concentrazione durante il quale, a partire dai molti ‘nomi antichi’ (nomina vera et antiqua) conosciuti in epoca imperiale, compare un numero molto ridotto di nuovi nomi di gentes (Fig. 2).

Riprendendo la possibilità secondo cui fu la battaglia di Zülpich a consentire che i territori situati ad occidente del Reno si chiamassero Francia e non Germania e ‘Deutschland’ e non ‘Frankreich’ quelli che si estendono ad oriente del fiume, si può dire che i Franchi e gli Alemanni abbiano conosciuto una posizione iniziale simile.36 Fu grazie ai successi riportati sui suoi nemici esterni ed interni – Siagrio e Alarico da un lato, i suoi concorrenti merovingi di Cambrai dall’altro – che Clodoveo conquistò la regalità presso i Franchi.37 W. Schlesinger ipotizza che sulle basi di queste modalità il piccolo ‘kuning’ non reale ebbe accesso al rango di re monarchico dei Franchi.38 La dinastia merovingia, che Clodoveo e i suoi figli consolidarono come forza egemonica nell’Europa occidentale, ebbe un prestigio senza pari per circa 250 anni.39 I guerrieri franchi si trasformarono in proprietari terrieri all’interno di un sistema di proprietà tardoromano e la condizione sociale dei lavoratori agricoli non conobbe trasformazioni qualitativamente migliori rispetto a quelle precedenti.40 La creazione del regno di Clodoveo trasferì l’etnogenesi franca in una dimensione completamente diversa, al punto che una regione, nella quale non si stabilì mai un numero consistente di Franchi, potè diventare la Francia. Essere Franchi diventò il modo per ottenere il riconoscimento di uno status rilevante. Contemporaneamente la sconfitta contro Clodoveo limitò gli Alamanni41 alla loro zona di influenza originaria, dove conseguirono uno sviluppo etnico duraturo42 che tuttavia non procedette affatto, nonostante la continuità spaziale, in modo ininterrotto e non realizzò quello che Zülpich aveva iniziato.

Fig. 2. Tavola sincronica dei regni germanici secondo J. Lafaurie (da Wolfram 1997a). Nei casi in cui la monarchia si era esaurita, le antiche famiglie reali non avrebbero potuto sopravvivere a lungo se privati delle loro funzioni. Con loro sparirono anche i relativi ‘nuclei di tradizione’32 determinando la perdita della memoria della gens e la sua sostituzione con nuove tradizioni. Le gentes senza re, creatrici di nuovi nomi, si trovavano alle frontiere dell’impero, sulla sponda opposta del Reno e del Danubio. All’epoca delle grandi invasioni attraversarono i due fiumi timidamente spingendosi relativamente poco in profondità.33 Apparentemente solo i Franchi costituirono un’eccezione: il processo di concentrazione che Clodoveo impose globalmente tanto

Il secondo tipo di etnogenesi (tipo II) è rappresentato da quei popoli che, stanziati originariamente nelle aree germaniche settentrionali ed orientali, non avevano abbandonato completamente l’istituto monarchico. Tra essi figurano i Goti-Gauti,43 i Vinnili-Longobardi, i Vandili-Vandali,44 gli Angli e i Sassoni,45 presenti nelle 34

Biget & Boucheron 1999. Wolfram 1997a. 36 Hummer 1998. 37 Halsall 1998; Schmauder 2003. 38 Schlesinger 1956; Werner Goetz 2003b. 39 Perin & Suchaux 2002; Wood 1994. 40 Gobry 1998. 41 Brather 2002. 42 Pohl 2000a. 43 Heather 2003; Luiselli 1995. 44 Gasparri 2001. 35

31

Gasparri 1997; Pohl 2000a. Pohl 1994. 33 Wolfram 1997b. 32

916

PAOLO DE VINGO & M.M. NEGRO PONZI: IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE fonti di epoca imperiale intorno al 150 d.C.46 Questi popoli portano nomi che non è possibile mettere in relazione con la radice ‘theudo’-popolo: per esempio, Gútthiuda per il territorio dei Goti dei paesi del Danubio, Svithéod per la Svezia o Engelthéod e Saexthéod per l’Inghilterra.47 Inoltre, solo i popoli germanici del tipo II non possiedono origines gentium che non siano riconducibili a quelle tradizionali o risultino arricchite di numerosi ricordi classici e biblici. La componente monarchica non poteva, tuttavia, mantenersi nella sua integrità neppure nel tipo II. Gli studi etnografici sul periodo più antico mostrano in modo preciso che i portatori di nomi rappresentativi come thiudans, sinistus/ans, subirono un declino e furono in seguito rimpiazzati da reiks o hendinos.48 Le gentes del tipo II dovettero infatti affermarsi per prime sul territorio romano e questa era la ragione per cui avevano bisogno del supporto di una regalità monarchica. Le modalità con cui ebbe luogo questa transizione decisiva sono illustrate da un’azione primordiale, che una gens del tipo II doveva realizzare per passare dal suo piccolo orizzonte limitato ad uno spazio molto più esteso. Questo tipo di azione può essere esemplificato in una vittoria militare ottenuta quando la situazione non presentava altre soluzioni possibili, o ancora in un cambiamento di religione, di culto49 o di nome (Vinnili-Longobardi),50 secondo quanto confermato dall’Origo gentis Langobardorum.51 Eppure non esiste nessuna gens germanica le cui tradizioni abbiano potuto essere monopolizzate in modo da rendere impossibile ogni esistenza al di fuori della medesima gens, come invece si è verificato nel caso del kaganato avaro.52 Senza relazioni culturali con il kagan non si poteva né essere né restare Avaro.53 Questo extra Avariam non est vita, si est vita, non est ita spiega probabilmente perché gli Avari non sopravvissero come gens alla cristianizzazione.54 L’attitudine a cambiare continuamente costituzione mostrata dalle gentes gotiche e longobarde – gli esempi continentali più conosciuti del tipo II – era la risposta alle esigenze polietniche della loro storia.55 I Goti e i Longobardi, costituiti da numerosi popoli, possedevano, grazie alla loro costituzione reale aperta alle trasformazioni, lo strumento che permetteva loro di esercitare un’attrazione sui gruppi stranieri e di integrarli con successo così da non perdere né la loro tradizione, né il loro nome.56

territorio romano furono pagati con un’imposta riservata all’esercito romano e non con terre espropriate. E. Chrysos59 ha constatato la stessa cosa per le popolazioni Anglosassoni. Esiste senza alcun dubbio un problema di terminologia poiché le espressioni che designano le terre sono le stesse di quelle che indicano le imposte che gravano su di esse. Così si legge in Procopio di Cesarea che Odoacre e poi Teodorico avrebbero assegnato ai loro uomini un terzo del suolo italiano; le fonti sui Visigoti, sui Burgundi e sui Longobardi contengono informazioni simili.60 Questo modello di spiegazione esige che fosse ancora efficiente un sistema fiscale funzionale sostenuto da curiales romani e che può essere ipotizzato in uso fino agli inizi del VI secolo.61 Tra le gentes del tipo II stanziate sulle aree romane, si svilupparono devastanti conflitti presentati nelle fonti, sia nel regno di Genserico che presso i Goti e i Longobardi, i Burgundi, i Rugi e gli Eruli, come cospirazioni della nobiltà contro la monarchia e quindi come lotte di natura politica, ma chiari indizi indicano come queste lotte, che miravano alla reciproca esclusione, avessero anche motivazioni economiche e conseguenze etnogenetiche determinanti.62 Esistono tuttavia delle indicazioni che mostrano una concorrenza tra i membri delle due classi dirigenti che tentavano di escludersi a vicenda. Lo stesso si verificava tra gli aventi diritti economici con le maggiori chance di ottenere capitale disponibile e divisibile. Così quando dei Burgundi emigrarono intorno al 500 verso il regno di Lione, le loro risorse iniziali erano esaurite, cosicché il re dovette ordinare nuove espropriazioni ed attribuzioni di terre.63 Per questo motivo sembrerebbe che le etnogenesi del tipo II, fino ad allora aperte, si siano realizzate sul territorio romano quando l’appartenenza a Goti, Longobardi, Burgundi o Vandali divenne un privilegio economico. Questo non deve essersi verificato, o per lo meno non in queste proporzioni, per le etnogenesi del tipo I, compresi i Franchi. È questa forse una delle ragioni per cui i Franchi diventarono così numerosi: apparentemente non si toglieva niente o quasi nulla ai nuclei già esistenti.64 Un relativo isolamento implicava una polarizzazione sociale tra i popoli del tipo II, come è possibile osservare in modo preciso presso i Visigoti ispanici. La conseguenza fu una diminuzione demografica, una riduzione quantitativa del tipo II rispetto ai popoli del tipo I.65

J. Durliat57 e W. Goffart58 sono partiti dal principio che i popoli goti, vandali, burgundi, longobardi stanziati sul

Tra il tipo I ed il tipo II si può riconoscere un terzo tipo di etnogesi (tipo III), che rappresentò una soluzione transitoria senza futuro. Si tratta di una monarchia limitata nel tempo che, minacciata da forze tanto esterne quanto interne, poteva assumere contenuti e

45

Ausenda 1995. Wenskus 1961. 47 Wenskus 1961. 48 Wenskus 1961. 49 Wolfram 1992. 50 Wolfram 1994. 51 Pohl 2000c. 52 Pohl 1987. 53 Pohl 1988. 54 Afanas’ev 2002; Bóna 1995. 55 Wolfram 1990. 56 Wenskus 1961. 57 Durliat 1988. 46

58

Goffart 1980. Chrysos 1997. 60 Wolfram 1990. 61 Wolfram 1997a. 62 Wolfram 1997a. 63 Favrod 1997. 64 Wolfram 1992; 1995a. 65 Wolfram 1997a. 59

917

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI caratteristiche assolutistiche. È possibile incontrarla presso le gentes che furono vittime della rivoluzione gallo-germanica occidentale. Nel IV secolo i Tervingi, i Goti del Danubio, svilupparono anch’essi una monarchia di questo tipo dopo la perdita del regno gotico alla fine del III secolo. Cesare e Strabone parlano di un dignitario celtico scelto per un anno a svolgere il più alto incarico esecutivo nell’ambito di una concezione dualistica della tribù e dotato del potere di vita e di morte.66 Cesare descrive questo fenomeno in uso solo presso gli Edui, ma Strabone lo illustra come se si trattasse di una istituzione non solo generalizzata ma ampiamente consolidata. Le fonti epigrafiche riportano anche il nome di due dignitari e questo permette di concludere che le cariche signorili più alte erano occupate in origine da due persone. Ma può anche esserci stato solo un monarca temporaneo, il vergobretos, ‘esecutore delle sentenze’ che non aveva il diritto di lasciare il territorio della tribù. Il meddix osco, ‘colui che detta legge’, presenta grandi somiglianze con il vergobretos celtico.67 Il suo nome è accompagnato dalla parola tuticus, derivata dalla radice indoeuropea teutapopolo, simile al titolo onorifico teutana68 e che ricorda la parola gotica thiudans.

– Controllo del territorio secondo le leggi stabilite dal diritto romano; – Cristianizzazione romano-cattolica a partire dalla prima metà del IV secolo, che coinvolse dapprima il gruppo dirigente per estendersi gradualmente a tutti i componenti della società. Le diverse forme di etnogenesi illustrate si trasformarono successivamente in nazioni dopo essere passate attraverso uno stadio di formazioni pre-nazionali (Fig. 3). La concezione pagana della tribù (stamm), di poca importanza, pluralista, lontana dal discorso biblico e antico, fu respinta all’esterno dell’impero e finalmente repressa.72 ETNOGENESI ED INSEDIAMENTO Secondo questo filone di studio, le differenze tra schemi di insediamento con crescita nel tempo di numero e visibilità dei popoli immigrati e quelli con stanziamenti ridotti e con progressiva assimilazione nel quadro sociale locale non furono occasionali, né dipendenti da fattori contingenti. I gruppi con forte competizione tra sovranità simultanee (etnogenesi di tipo I), come i Franchi, occuparono quanto più territorio le diverse componenti erano in grado di conquistare, quindi con crescita nel tempo della componente germanica.

Infine il quarto tipo, variante del modello I (tipo IV), è rappresentato dall’etnogenesi degli Slavi,69 dei Baltici e di alcune popolazioni scandinave. Queste non compaiono nelle fonti antiche o bibliche oppure vi compaiono in ritardo. Secondo il modello occidentale i Carantani furono il primo popolo slavo a ripetere il modello di conversione di Clodoveo.70 Ma bisogna sottolineare subito che ‘una ragione puramente etnica può difficilmente spiegare perché la metà dell’Europa fu slavizzata relativamente entro poco tempo’. Non la si può spiegare con il solo modello abituale delle grandi invasioni. La ‘rivoluzione culturale’ slava non si ridusse alla ‘presa di territori’ da parte di un popolo in vaste regioni vuote senza uomini, anche se è chiaro che ci furono importanti spostamenti di popoli. Il declino dell’impero romano e l’arretramento o l’emigrazione di gruppi che vi si stabilirono non lasciarono solo spazio a individui immigranti, ma anche a nuovi sviluppi sociali ed economici. Queste acquisizioni di territori ebbero esito positivo perché i popoli che vi parteciparono non avevano re quali comandanti militari.71

I gruppi con monarchia elettiva unitaria (etnogenesi di tipo II), come i Burgundi,73 Goti e Longobardi, tutte popolazioni determinanti nella fase di occupazione del territorio alpino occidentale, erano invece caratterizzati da coesione politica e non etnica. Questi gruppi furono insediati con assegnazioni territoriali ufficiali nel quadro della legislazione esistente, quindi con assegnazione di aree definite, nelle quali l’allargamento dei gruppi avrebbe diminuito i diritti individuali e familiari già acquisiti. Questo dava origine ad aspre lotte di reciproca esclusione non solo tra gruppi germanici e romanizzati, ma anche tra gli stessi gruppi germanici, lotte presentate nelle fonti storiche relative al periodo esaminato come complotti della nobiltà contro il proprio sovrano. Poiché l’insediamento legale doveva avvenire su terre disponibili nel rispetto dei diritti già acquisiti, si può ipotizzare una sovrapposizione nel tempo dei nuovi possessores longobardi anche su fondi abbandonati dai Goti sconfitti, a loro volta subentrati ai Romani, secondo modalità sintetizzate nella legge Gombette in area burgunda74 e nelle norme relative alla tertia hospitalitas in quella padana.75

Per concludere, le condizioni fondamentali che determinarono la positiva affermazione del processo di etnogenesi possono essere riassunte nel modo sottoindicato: – Successo di una regalità monarchica alla guida di una struttura militare;

Dal confronto delle modalità di insediamento in area italiana e in quella gallica, appaiono analogie tra la distribuzione territoriale degli insediamenti di Burgundi e di Longobardi e differenze da quella dei Franchi, i quali

66

Wolfram 1997a. Wolfram 1997a. 68 Wenskus 1961. 69 Kazanski 1999; Curta 2002. 70 Wolfram 1995b. 71 Pohl 1988. 67

72

Jones 1997; Pohl 2002c. Wood 1990. Galetti 1994. 75 Szidat 1995; Wormald 2002. 73 74

918

PAOLO DE VINGO & M.M. NEGRO PONZI: IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE

Fig. 3. Cartina dell’Europa continentale nord-occidentale nel secolo VIII (da Wood 1998). in base agli studi ricordati potrebbero essere collegate alla diversa etnogenesi di questi popoli, dalla quale sarebbero derivate modalità diverse di occupazione, nonostante una comune radice germanica, nella fase di passaggio nei territori dell’impero romano.76 Considerando il Piemonte quale area campione per verificare una immigrazione longobarda secondo il tipo II del processo di etnogenesi, lo schema insediativo che ne consegue non dovette essere, quindi, quello di gruppi numerosi e tendenzialmente egualitari, insediati collettivamente in periodi relativamente brevi e secondo esigenze di occupazione politica e/o militare, quanto una scelta insediativa finalizzata e compiuta da gruppi limitati e diversificati, presumibilmente famiglie allargate, insediate progressivamente e con modalità legali di assegnazione in un esteso arco cronologico di tempo, a partire forse dal tardo IV-V secolo, non solo su terre fiscali ma anche su fundi sui quali fossero decaduti i precedenti diritti di assegnazione, nel quadro della riorganizzazione territoriale segnalata sia dalle fonti storiche che da quelle linguistiche.

76

CONSIDERAZIONI CONCLUSIVE Approfondimenti delle ipotesi indicate potrebbero permettere di spiegare sia il modello di continuità insediativa, nel territorio piemontese preso in esame, a partire dal IV-V fino al VII-VIII secolo, ma con variazione planimetriche ed organizzative accentuate e significative, sia l’assimilazione nel periodo altomedievale delle componenti germaniche in una classe dominante antropologicamente stabile e sostanzialmente omogenea, documentata dalle analisi antropologiche, in contrasto con le ipotesi di radicale contrapposizione politica e religiosa dei gruppi immigrati rispetto alle popolazioni locali, desunta in passato dalle fonti storiche e sostanzialmente rimasta finora il quadro di riferimento per le ricerche archeologiche sulle forme insediative. La stessa ipotesi può anche spiegare la persistenza in territori caratterizzati dalla presenza insediativa di gruppi nobiliari germanici anche di nuclei di insediamento di natura diversa, nei quali la famiglia dominante (o una delle famiglie dominanti), sepolta presso un edificio paleocristiano, sembra avere mantenuto caratteristiche antropologiche peculiari e costanti dal periodo

De Vingo & Negro Ponzi 2003.

919

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI tardoantico al primo medioevo.77 Se dopo un lungo e proficuo dibattito, si è giunti oggi ad una sostanziale identità di opinioni sulla cronologia dei reperti, ponendo una maggiore attenzione su una classificazione delle sepolture in base a criteri che associano la presenza di alcuni manufatti78 alla componente etnica e allo status del defunto, sembra ora importante, non dimenticando una omogeneità della struttura sociale nelle aree europee legate alla cultura germanica, inquadrare le necropoli nel loro contesto territoriale di appartenenza, considerando soprattutto le oggettive diversità locali.79 Se i sepolcreti del primo periodo altomedievale riflettono la cultura materiale insediativa e sociale, le diversità riscontrate nei contesti esaminati (assenza o presenza di armi, distinzioni tipologiche delle componenti il costume maschile e quello femminile) non implicano la mancanza di una gerarchia sociale interna: la deposizione degli oggetti era una scelta determinata non solo dalla posizione sociale occupata dal defunto ma anche dalle condizioni economiche della famiglia di appartenenza. In modo particolare i corredi con armi possono essere interpretati in senso etnico, o in termini culturali e giuridici come pertinenti ad un uomo libero, anche se in entrambi i casi testimoniano comunque la presenza di exercitales: gli inumati possono essere ricondotti sia a componenti di un presidio militare che a persone giuridicamente libere, ma culturalmente assimilate alla cultura germanica, che vivevano di altre attività.80

cultura germanica, cioè una modifica delle modalità e delle ritualità attraverso le quali il cristianesimo fu vissuto e interpretato. Nello stesso modo in cui le trasformazioni del corredo funebre dei Longobardi non si limitarono ad una passiva forma di acculturazione, cioè ad un semplice adattamento alle tradizioni della popolazione locale, così l’acquisizione della ritualità cristiana della morte significò la possibilità di un suo utilizzo completamente nuovo, determinato dalla convergenza degli interessi patrimoniali del gruppo dirigente con la spinta di affermazione delle gerarchie ecclesiastiche nel regolare i meccanismi funzionali della struttura sociale.86 Il cambiamento relativo al rito funerario è indice di un processo di trasformazione, in corso nella prima società altomedievale, delle forme di trasmissione della proprietà, guidato dalle stesse istituzioni ecclesiastiche che, presentandosi alla medesima aristocrazia come veicolo di rafforzamento dei suoi beni patrimoniali, dimostrarono di gestire in modo proficuo tanto la cura delle anime quanto i loro possedimenti terreni. BIBLIOGRAFIA Afanas’ev, E.G., 2002. Settlement structures of the Khazar Khaganate. New perspectives from the analyses of aerial imagines, in: M. Molinos & A. Zifferero (eds), Primi popoli d’Europa. Proposte e riflessioni sulle origini della civiltà nell’Europa mediterranea (Atti delle Riunioni di Palermo, 14-16 ottobre 1994, e di Baeza, 18-20 dicembre 1995). Firenze, 71-80. Ausenda, G., 1995. The segmentary lineage in contemporay anthropology and among the Langobards, in: G. Ausenda (ed.), After Empire. Towards an ethnology of Europe’s barbarians. Woodbridge, 15-44. Biget, J.L. & P. Boucheron, 1999. Pouvoir et religion en Gaule mérovingienne (VIe-VIIe siècle), La France médiévale, Tome I (Ve-XIIIe siècle). Paris, 11-24. Bóna, I., 1995, Gli Avari. Un popolo dell’Oriente nell’Europa altomedievale, in: G.C. Menis (ed.), Gli Avari. Un popolo d’Europa, Deputazione di Storia Patria per il Friuli. Udine, 13-48. Brather, S., 2002. Ethnic identities as constructions of Archaeology: the case of Alamanni, in: A. Gillet (ed.), On barbarian identity. Critical approaches to ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages, Studies in the Early Middle Ages. Turnhout, 149-176. Brogiolo, G.P., 1995. Evoluzione in età longobarda di alcuni castelli dell’Italia settentrionale, in: E. Boldrini & R. Francovich (eds), Acculturazione e mutamenti. Prospettive nell’archeologia medievale del Mediterraneo, VI Ciclo di Lezioni sulla Ricerca applicata in Archeologia (Certosa di Pontignano, Siena – Museo di Montelupo, Firenze, 1-5 marzo 1993) (= Quaderni del Dipartimento di Archeologia e

Il corredo tombale può quindi essere interpretato come un adattamento locale del concetto di status symbol parallelo a quello di altre realtà, dove la presenza di oggetti in oro o in argento81 o di elementi del vestito quotidiano rappresentasse lo standard a cui tutte le altre famiglie, ciascuna secondo le proprie possibilità, dovevano uniformarsi.82 Nella seconda metà del secolo VIII, non erano più solo gli individui immigrati ad inumare con corredo, ma anche personaggi di condizione apparentemente inferiore. La vecchia classe dirigente romana, non sempre estromessa dal controllo delle proprie terre, ed i nuovi possessores longobardi manifestavano il loro status con la costruzione di chiese e di cappelle funerarie, aspetto di una cultura funeraria83 riscontrabile in Piemonte in area monferrina a S. Giovanni di Mediliano a Lu Monferrato84 e a Mombello.85 In tutto questo è possibile individuare un duplice processo: una cristianizzazione progressiva del concetto di morte in corso presso le popolazioni longobarde ed una rivisitazione del cristianesimo attraverso le maglie della 77

Mallegni, Bedini, Vitello, Paglialunga & Bartoli 1998. Gelichi 1997. Citter 1997. 80 Brogiolo 1995. 81 La Rocca 1997; Lusuardi Siena, Giostra & De Marchi 2002. 82 Citter 1997. 83 Crosetto 1998. 84 Demeglio 1994; Demeglio 1998; Micheletto, Pejrani Baricco 1997; Rumerio cds. 85 Pantò & Pejrani Baricco 2001. 78 79

86

920

La Rocca 1997.

PAOLO DE VINGO & M.M. NEGRO PONZI: IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE Francovich Onesti, N., 2000. Vestigia longobarde in Italia (568-774). Lessico e antroponimia. Roma. Galetti, P., 1994. Le strutture insediative nelle legislazioni barbariche, in: G.P. Brogiolo (ed.), Edilizia residenziale tra V e VIII secolo, 4° Seminario sul tardoantico e l’altemedioevo in Italia centrosettentrionale (Monte Baroro-Galbiate, 2-4 settembre 1993). Mantova, 15-24. Geary, P.J., 1996. Die Merowinger: Europa vor Karl dem Großen. München. Gasparri, S., 1997. Prima delle nazioni. Popoli, etnie e regni fra Antichità e Medioevo. Roma. Gasparri, S., 2001. La regalità longobarda, in: J. Arce & P. Delogu (eds), Visigoti e Longobardi. Firenze, 305328. Gelichi, S., 1997. Introduzione all’archeologia Medievale. Storia e ricerca in Italia. Roma. Gerolamo, S., 1971. Dalle lettere a Principia e Pacatula, in: A. Piganiol (ed.), Il sacco di Roma. Novara, 267270. Gobry, I., 1998. Les premiers rois de France. La dynastie des Mérovingiens. Paris. Goffart, W., 1980. Barbarians and Romans (A.D. 418584). The techniques of accommodation. Princetown. Hingley, R., 2000. Roman officers and English gentlemen. The imperial origins of Roman archaeology. London/New York. Halsall, G., 1998. Social identities and social relationship in early merovingian Gaul, in: I. Wood (ed.), Franks and Alamanni in the merovingian period. An ethnographic perspective. Woolbridge, 141-164. Heather, P., 2003. Gens and regnum among Ostrogoths, in: H.W. Goetz, J. Jarnut & W. Pohl (eds), Regna and Gentes. The relationship between late antique and early medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformation of the roman world. Leiden/Boston, 85-134. Hummer, H.J., 1998. Franks and Alamanni: a discontinuous etnogenesis, in: I. Wood (ed.), Franks and Alamanni in the merovingian period. An ethnographic perspective. San Marino, 9-32. Jarnut, J., 2003, Gens, rex and regnum of the Lombards, in: H.W. Goetz, J. Jarnut, W. Pohl (eds), Regna and Gentes. The relationship between late antique and early medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformations of the roman world. Leiden/Boston, 409-462. Jones, S., 1997. The archaeology of ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London/New York. Kazanski, M., 1999. Vers la formation des peuples slaves médiévaux (VIIe siècle), in: Les Slaves. Paris, 137142. La Rocca, C., 1997. Segni di distinzione. Dai corredi funerari alle donazioni “post-obitum” nel regno longobardo, in: L. Paroli (ed.), L’Italia settentrionale in età longobarda. Firenze, 31-54. Leguay, J.-P., 2002. L’Europe des État barbares (VeVIIIe siècles). Saint-Etienne.

Storia delle Arti, Sezione Archeologica, Università di Siena, 39). Firenze, 191-199. Brühl, C., 1990. Deutschlant-Frankreich. Die Geburt zweir Völker. Köln/Wien. Chrysos, E., 1997. De foederatis itirum, in: W. Pohl (ed.), Kingsdom of the Empire, 260-266. Chrysos, E., 2003. The Empire, the gentes and the regna, in: H.W. Goetz, J. Jarnut & W. Pohl (eds), Regna and gentes. The relationship between Late Antique and Early Medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformation of the roman world. Leiden/Boston, 13-20. Citter, C., 1997. I corredi funebri nella Toscana longobarda nel quadro delle vicende storicoarcheologiche del popolamento, in: L. Paroli (ed.), L’Italia centro-settentrionale in età longobarda. Firenze, 185-212. Crosetto, A., 1998. Sepolture e usi funerari medievali, in: L. Mercando & E. Micheletto (eds), Archeologia in Piemonte. III. Il Medioevo. Torino, 209-232. Curta, F., 2002. From Kossinna to Bromley: ethnogenesis in Slavic archaeology, in: A. Gillet (ed.), On barbarian identità. Critical approaches to ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages (Studies in the Early Middle Ages). Turnhout, 201-220. Demeglio, P., 1994. Lu. La Pieve di S. Giovanni di Mediliano ed il territorio circostante. Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte 12, 271272. Demeglio, P., 1998. S. Giovanni di Mediliano a Lu (AL): alcuni aspetti dell’area sepolcrale, in: Antropologia del Medioevo: biologia e cultura, Atti del Convegno promosso dalle cattedre di Antropologia, di Scienze Biologiche e di Archeologia Medievale dell’Università di Torino (Alba, 15-16 maggio 1998). Alba Pompeia 2, 72-77. De Vingo, P. & M.M. Negro Ponzi, 2003. Gruppi germanici e popolazione romana: una nuova proposta su possibili modelli insediativi, in: R. Fiorillo & P. Peduto (eds), III Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Medievale, Castello di Salerno, Complesso di Santa Sofia (Salerno, 2-5 ottobre 2003). Firenze, 693-696. Dove, A., 1916. Studien zur Vorgeschichte des deutschen Volksnamen (= Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften, 8). Heidelbert, 60-65. Durliat, J., 1988. Le salaire de la paix sociale dans les royaumes barbares (V-VI siècles), in: H. Wolfram & A. Schwarcz (eds), Anerkernnung und Integration. Zu den Wirschaftlichen Grundlagen der Volkerwanderungszeit (400-600) (= Denkschriften der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften philosophisch-historische Klasse, 193). Wien, 21-72. Ehlers, J., 1989. Die deutsche Nation des Mittelalters als Gegenstand der Forschung, in: J. Ehlers (ed.), Ansätze und Diskontinuität deutscher Nationsbildung im Mittelalter. Sigmaringen, 11-58. Favrod, J., 1997. Histoire politique du Royaume burgonde (443-534) (= Bibliothèque Historiques Vaudoise). Lausanne.

921

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Pohl, W., 2002a. Die Völkerwanderung. Eroberung und Integration. Stuttgart/Berlin/Köln. Pohl, W., 2002b. Invasion and ethnic identity, in: C. La Rocca (ed.), Italy in the Early Middle Ages. Oxford, 11-33. Pohl, W., 2002c. Ethnicity, theory and traditions: a response, in: S. Jones (ed.), The archaeology of ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London/New York, 221-240. Pohl, W., 2003. The construction of communities and the persistence of paradox: an introduction, in: R. Corradini, M. Diesenberger & H. Reimitz (eds), The construction of communities in the Early Middle Ages. Texts, resources and artefacts. Leiden/Boston, 1-17. Rumerio, E., cds. Le inumazioni di adulti della pieve di S.Giovanni di Mediliano a Lu (AL): ipotesi di continuità biologica e insediativa. Antropologia del Medioevo: biologia e cultura. Schlesinger, W., 1956. Das Heerkönigtum, in: T. Mayer (ed.), Das Königtum. Seine geistigen und rechtlichen Grundlagen (= Vorträge und Forschungen, 3). Konstanz, 105-142. Schlesinger, W., 1963. Über germanisches Heerkönigtum. Beiträg zur deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte des Mittelalters 1, 53-87. Schmauder, M., 2003. The relationship between Frankish gens and regnum: a proposal based on the archaeological evidence, in: H.W. Goetz, J. Jarnut & W. Pohl (eds), Regna and Gentes. The relationship between late antique and early medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformation of the roman world. Leiden/Boston, 271-306. Szidat, J., 1995. Le forme di insediamento dei barbari in Italia nel V e VI secolo: sviluppi e conseguenze sociali e politiche, in: A. Carile (ed.), Teodorico e i Goti tra Oriente e Occidente, Atti del Congresso Internazionale (Ravenna, 28 settembre-2 ottobre 1992). Ravenna, 67-78. Wenskus, R., 1961. Stammesbildung und Verfassung. Das Werden der frühmittelaltrerlichen gentes. Köln/Graz, Nachdruck 1977, 14-87. Werner Goetz, H., 2003a. Gens. Terminology and perception of the Germanic peoples from late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages, in: R. Corradini, M. Diesenberger & H. Reimitz (eds), The construction of communities in the Early Middle Ages. Texts, resources and artefacts. Leiden/Boston, 39-65. Werner Goetz, H., 2003b. Gens, kings and kingdoms: the Franks, in: H.W. Goetz, J. Jarnut & W. Pohl (eds), Regna and Gentes. The relationship between late antique and early medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformation of the roman world. Leiden/Boston, 307-344. Wood, I., 1990. Ethnicity and the ethnogenesis of the Burgundians, in: H. Wolfram & W. Pohl (eds), Typen der Ethnogenese unter besonder Berücksichtigung der Bayern (= Österreichische Akademie der

Luiselli, B., 1995. Teodorico e gli Ostrogoti tra romanizzazione e nazionalismo gotico, in: A. Carile (ed.), Teodorico e i Goti tra Oriente e Occidente. Ravenna, 297-312. Lusuardi Siena, S., C. Giostra & M. De Marchi, 2002. I due versanti alpini nell’alto medioevo. I contatti fra i popoli germanici letti attraverso i corredi funerari (fine VI-VII secolo), in: G. Schnekenburger (ed.), Attraverso le Alpi. Uomini, vie e scambi nell’antichità. Stoccarda, 227-233. Mallegni, F., E. Bedini, A. Vitello, L. Paglialunga & F. Bartoli, 1998. Su alcuni gruppi umani del territorio piemontese dal IV al XVIII secolo: aspetti di paleobiologia, in: L. Mercando & E. Micheletto (eds), Archeologia in Piemonte. III. Il Medioevo. Torino, 233-262. Micheletto, E. & L. Pejrani Baricco, 1997. Archeologia funeraria e insediativa in Piemonte tra V e VII secolo, in: L. Paroli (ed.), L’Italia centro-settentrionale in età longobarda. Firenze, 295-344. Murray, C.A., 2002. Reinhard Wenskus on ‘Ethnogenesis’. Ethnicity, and the origin of the Franks, in: S. Jones (ed.), The archaeology of ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London/New York, 39-68. Pantò, G. & L. Pejrani Baricco, 2001. Chiese nelle campagne del Piemonte in età tardolongobarda, in: G.P. Brogiolo (ed.), Le chiese rurali tra VII e VIII secolo in Italia settentrionale, 8° Seminario sul tardoantico e l’altomedioevo in Italia settentrionale (Riva del Garda, 8-10 aprile 2000) (= Documenti di Archeologia, 26). Mantova, 17-54. Perin, P. & D.G. Suchaux, 2002. Clovis et les Mérovingiens. Paris. Pohl, W., 1987. Das awarische Khaganat und die anderen Gentes im Karpatenbecken 6.-8. Jh., in: B. Hänsel (ed.), Die Völker Südosteuropas im 6. bis 8. Jahrhundert, Symposion Tutzing (1985). Südosteuropas-Jahrbuch 17, 41-52. Pohl, W., 1988. Die Awaren. Ein Steppenwok in Mitteleuropa (567-822). München. Pohl, W., 1994. Tradition, Ethnogenese und literalische Gestaltung: eine Zwischenbilanz, in: K. Brunner & B. Merta (eds), Ethnogenese und Überlieferung. Angewandte Methoden der Frühmettelalteforschung (= Veröffentlichungen des Institus für Österreichische Geschuchtsforschung, 31). Wien/München, 9-26. Pohl, W., 1997. Ethnic names and identities in the British Isles: a comparative perspective, in: J. Hines (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons from the migration period to the eighth century. An ethnographic perspective. Woodbridge, 7-31. Pohl, W., 2000a. Le origini etniche dell’Europa. Barbari e Romani tra antichità e medioevo. Roma. Pohl, W., 2000b. Die Germanen. München. Pohl, W., 2000c. La costituzione di una memoria storica: il caso dei Longobardi, in: L. Gatto & P. Supino Martini (eds), Studi sulle società e le culture del Medioevo per Girolamo Araldi. Firenze, 563-580.

922

PAOLO DE VINGO & M.M. NEGRO PONZI: IL PROBLEMA DELLA ETNOGENESI DELLE POPOLAZIONI GERMANICHE Wissenschaften Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Denkschriften, 201). Wien, 53-69. Wood, I., 1994. The Merovingian kingdoms (450-751). Harlow. Wood, I., 1998. Introduction, in: I. Wood (ed.), Franks and Alemanni in the merovingian period. An ethnographic perspective. San Marino, 1-8. Wolfram, H., 1975. Gotische Studien I. Das Richtertum Athnarichs. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 83, 1-32. Wolfram, H., 1990. Die Goten. Von den Anfängen bis zur Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts. Entwurf einer historischen Ethnographie. München. Wolfram, H., 1992. Das Reich und die Germanen. 2. Auflage, Berlin. Wolfram, H., 1994. Origo et religion. Ethnic traditions and literature in early medieval text. Early Medieval Europe 3, 19-38. Wolfram, H., 1995a. Die Germanen. 2. Auflage, München. Wolfram, H., 1995b. Salzburg, Bayern, Österreich. Die Conversio Bagoariurum et Carantanorum und die Quellen ihrer Zeit (= Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung Ergänzungsband 31). Wien/München. Wolfram, H., 1997a. La typologie des ethnogénèses: un essai, in: F. Vallet, M. Kazanski & P. Perin (eds), Des Royaumes barbares au Regnum francorum. L’Occident à l’époque de Childéric et de Clovis (vers 450-vers 530). Actes des XVIIIes Journées Internationales d’Archèologie Mèrovingienne (Saint Germain-en-Laye, Musée des Antiquités Nationales 23-24 avril 1997). Tome XI des Mémoires publiés par l’Association Française d’Archéologie Merovingienne. Bullettin des Antiquités Nationales 29, 127-136. Wolfram, H., 1997b. The Roman empire and its Germanic peoples. Berkeley/Los Angeles. Wormald, P., 2003. The Leges Barbarorum: law and etnicity in the post-Roman west, in: H.W. Goetz, J. Jarnut & W. Pohl (eds), Regna and Gentes. The relationship between late antique and early medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformation of the Roman world. Leiden/Boston, 21-54.

923

MEDIEVAL CASTLES AND URBANISM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN TUSCANY Carlo Citter & Emanuele Vaccaro Abstract1: This report aims at a reading of medieval castle urbanism in terms of an archaeology of power. To this end data have been collected in order to find the best ‘markers’, such as towers, manorial houses, churches, works of defence, and planned buildings. These data are associated with material culture markers – such as pottery, building techniques, and also environmental markers. If we accept that the presence of these markers is a sign of established power of early medieval hilltop communities, the lack of them would imply the absence of control or the development of new social hierarchies and central places: i.e. the towns. As a case study we chose the district of the province of Grosseto that holds large parts of the late medieval dioceses of Sovana, Roselle and Populonia. This choice is mid-way between the two extremes of either opting for a straightforward overlap of civil settlements and religious districts – which is very common indeed among current scholarship – or opting for a precise delineation of castle boundaries and their districts at a certain point in time – which proves to be very difficult for archaeologists.2 We, moreover, chose this part of Tuscany because of the relative large amount of archaeological data available deriving from simple surveys to long term excavation. Twenty-two sites out of 185 sites undoubtedly were castles for either the whole period or part of it, while in all of Tuscany the ratio is 100 out of 1554.3 In terms of chronology, seigniorial power is evident from the late 11th till the late 13th century/early 14th. AD. Although already declining in the 13th c., seigniorial power is in crisis by the middle of the 14th c and this lasts until the first decades of the 15th century.

C.C. THE BIRTH AND GROWTH OF CASTLE URBANISM BETWEEN THE 11TH AND 13TH CENTURY: ARCHAEOLOGICAL MARKERS OF SEIGNIORIAL POWER.

themselves used to live in wooden huts (at most with stone foundations) till the late 11th century, as archaeology has shown in Rocca San Silvestro, Scarlino and Montarrenti.5

Towers, probably already stone-built, are the first symbols of growing seigniorial power, but literary sources on this are very scarce. All in all, there are three references from the 10th century, and we can only add one more reference for the ensuing period.4 These late 11th and early 12th references can, however, not be verified archaeologically. From this date onwards things change, however, when landlords adopt hilltop castles both as centres of their power and places to live in. For this period we have evidence for the reshaping of the former topography of early medieval sites in terms of a clear divide between seigniorial life on hilltops and peasant life below these. But location is not the only marker, as we also have evidence for the presence of good working craftsmen. These probably came from the towns (for example Pisa along the coast, and Siena and Orvieto inland, but studies on this subject are only at the beginning). These craftsmen built the towers and the fortified clusters that literary sources call ‘cassero’. These were outstanding signs of power. We deal with strong and well-built walls, made with well-worked stones and mortar, a building technique that was not part of peasants’ common knowledge: on the contrary, they

This means that the markers of power lay both in the typology and in the technique of these new achievements. Inner defensive walls – the so called ‘cassero clusters’ – their spatial organization and their powerful appearance, were in the first place intended to express different social conditions, and only in the second place meant to provide an extra means to resist assaults. When compared to the Carolingian world, the medieval search for craftsmen from far away in order to provide the best available building techniques, was a quite different way to show social status. These craftsmen obviously were more expensive than peasants living in the hilltop villages, and there is no doubt the we deal here with real “projects”. But archaeology has shown that the influence of craftmanship extended beyond the “projects”. Architecture of the late 12th and 13th centuries in general was characterized by the massive usage of stones and good mortar, both in the lords’ and in the peasants’ areas. Ansedonia’s southern cassero, built on the so called ‘eastern height’, is in its first phase between the 11th and 12th century, characterized by a tall defence wall that surrounds a fairly circular area with a well-made rectangular tower in the middle of it and a small water tank nearby.6 This close topographical relationship between the two features is another possible marker for seigniorial water-control. Probably the later transfer of the tank inside the tower is an even stronger sign in the same direction.

1 For this paper we used currently available literature only. We thank Roberto Farinelli who allowed us to consult his Ph.D dissertation (Farinelli forthcoming). In recent years scholars of archaeology of architecture are elaborating on this and other intriguing related subjects. Shortly we can expect much more details and ideas. See for instance Bianchi 2001-2002 and Bianchi 2003 forthcoming for south-western Tuscany. 2 See for more details; Farinelli forthcoming. 3 Francovich & Ginatempo eds. 2000, 9. In the attached picture one can count 23 dots, because we added Rocca San Silvestro that although lying outside the province of Grosseto, is the best excavated castle in south Tuscany. 4 Farinelli 2000, 171.

All surveyed sites in the southern part of the selected area 5 6

924

See literary references for more details. Hobart 1995, 572-574.

CARLO CITTER & EMANUELE VACCARO: MEDIEVAL CASTLES AND URBANISM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY (Scerpena, Stachilagi, Capalbiaccio and Capita) seem to lack stone-made fortifications until the 13th century.7 But it is hard to believe that this is also the case for settlements mentioned nearly a century earlier as ‘castrum’. Literary references come later than archaeological data, so scholars suppose a major activity of towers and defence walls building to have taken place right in the 12th century.8 Following this theory, we can argue that this could be the first phase of tower construction in Stachilagi, Scerpena and Montauto, and we might consider the ‘Tre fontane’ Roman monastery to be the promoter of castle building in the Albegna Valley. A close relationship between tower (or ‘cassero’) and water tank is also evident in Rocchette Pannocchieschi,9 Castel Maus and Castellaccio del Prile.10 Better information is available from excavations such as at Castel di Pietra, where the former central tower of the early 12th century was diminished with 3/4 of its height to provide a platform, probably serving as water tank, at the time that the new tower-palace was built at the southeastern corner of the ‘cassero’.11 But earlier cisterns on the location of the existing ones – close to the eastern and west towers – can be expected for Selvena too.12

At Selvena, the west tower may, because of its less complicated building technique, have been built by less capable craftsmen, or, more probably, by the peasants themselves.17 On both sites this long-lasting building activity was promoted by Aldobrandeschi: by far the greatest lordly family in medieval Tuscany.18 The best example of the transmission of knowledge is Rocca San Silvestro, where the introduction of new technical knowledge has been recorded in the most representative features of the site. It has been argued that these craftsmen were also responsible for teaching local peasants. We assume the same for Rocchette Pannocchieschi.19 Also the pentagonal tower in Selvena is a potent symbol of power, situated as it is close to the only access to the seigniorial area – we know no other examples in southern Tuscany. It was probably built in the 13th century – we think after Frederic’s siege in 1241. It does not overlap the former cluster with towers, so we may conclude that it was made by imperial issue rather than on local initiative (Aldobrandeschi). The former seigniorial area (two towers with a cluster inbetween) must have been in ruins, given the fact that at the end of the 13th century Lord Jack of Santa Fiora built his palace over them.20

Towers and cassero-clusters were never built without planning. A central position seems to be the case in Punta Fortezza, Rocca San Silvestro, Montarrenti, Selvena, Istia d’Ombrone – though here probably a former early medieval cluster was adapted. In other cases it is not in the centre, but in the ‘best’ position: the portion of the hilltop that is most clearly visible from the surrounding area. This is the case in Castel di Pietra, Montemassi, Ansedonia, Cotone, Rocchette Pannocchieschi and Santa Fiora. Moscona stands out, because its cassero is probably much earlier than the village.13

In Montemassi too, where a castle of Aldobrandeschi existed since 1075 or 1076, the presence of two small towers gave the site a strong defensive character.21 Another clear way in which the self-representation of seigniorial power works was expressed was the accuracy of church construction. These buildings were planned for the needs of the whole castle population, and their position intersected seigniorial and peasant areas. A role of architecture as an interface and a means of dialogue between the two main social classes may be suggested. This is the case at Rocca San Silvestro, Castel Maus and Castellaccio del Prile. All contemporary edifices on these sites have been made by experienced craftsmen: they possibly had come from far in the case of the first two sites, and were local in the case of the last one. In the two latter cases the building is situated just outside the cassero, and a recent survey allowed to record fine building techniques both on the apse and the side-walls. But some differences can be noted. In Castel Maus foreign craftsmen provided well squared and smoothed blocks for the inner side of the wall, while ribbon technique is only used for the apses’ inner face. We can assume from what has been preserved that the church of Castellaccio del Prile was constructed by local craftsmen, or by less capable ones at any rate.22 The recently

At Castel di Pietra and Selvena stone-made towers and small clusters were built as early as the beginning of the 12th century.14 In both examples the exceptional strength of the buildings must have been a very explicit marker for contemporary peasants living nearby. Similar conditions seem to occur in Santa Fiora, probably because all buildings are part of the Aldobrandeschi county.15 The way the craftsmen worked corner-stones and façades is another important marker: we see ashlar-work at the pentagonal tower in Selvena and cassero-cluster corners in Castel di Pietra, and ribbon technique in the earlier tower corners at Castel di Pietra and Rocca San Silvestro.16 7

Fentress 2002, 266. As in the case with the territory of Roselle, see Farinelli 2000, 174 and 178. 9 Boldrini & De Luca 2003. 10 Vaccaro 2001-2002, 150-151. 11 Bianchi 1999; Citter ed. 2002a, 122-123. 12 Citter (ed.) 2001, 191 e 197. 13 Citter 1996, 111, note 166. 14 Citter (ed.) 2001, 261. 15 For a sicussion of the close relationship between Selvena and Santa Fiora towers with their clusters, see Nucciotti 2002, 121. 16 Bianchi 1999; Bianchi 1996, 61. 8

17

Citter (ed.) 2002, 181. For full details on this family, see Collavini 1998. Bianchi 1996, 58-62; Bianchi 1994, 260. 20 Citter (ed.) 2002b. 21 Farinelli 2000, 39; Bianchi 2000a, 125; Farinelli & Francovich (eds) 2000, 88. 22 Vaccaro 2001-2002, 150-151. 18 19

925

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Sites mentioned in the text and the three medieval dioceses of southern Tuscany. discovered 12th century church in Montemassi has a hanging apse that reflects both models of seigniorial chapels and plans of medieval churches.23 At Scarlino the renewal occurred between the 11th and 12th century and provoked the demolition and rebuilding of the former early medieval church now included in the circuit wall.24

LATE MEDIEVAL PHASES: TRANSFORMATION OF SEIGNIORIAL AND PEASANT AREAS AND THE ABANDONMENT OF CASTLES (LATE 13TH – 15TH CENTURIES)

The decline of seigniorial power and the rise of town control – between the middle of the 13th century and the beginning of the following – had in Rocca San Silvestro and Rocchette Pannocchieschi a rapid output in the strong reduction of investments in quality craftsmen and, at the same time, the revival of less accurate building techniques.27 This process increased at such a rapid pace in the last phases of the site, that is in the14th century, that one cannot explain it as demographic pressure.

The best-known example in the selected area is the 10th century church of Scarlino, built inside, but in a corner of the early medieval village, indicating the transition from a community settlement to a ‘curtis’. Although it is small compared to later buildings of the same type, it had frescoed walls, a strong marker of new powers.25 The last marker is village planning, i.e. house form and measures, street orientation and position of the squares. This becomes evident as seigniorial power reshaped earlier castles into permanent and large villages that functioned as central places for people and as control positions for natural resources. This is clearly the case with many 12th century houses in Rocca San Silvestro, Moscona and Batignano.26 E.V.

At Montemassi the changing leadership from Aldobrandeschi to Pannocchieschi in the last decades of the 13th century is characterized by an intensive building activity that yielded new assets at great expenses.28 Similar conditions can be seen in Castel di Pietra, where strong activity is attested for the same period and by the same lords.29 In the Amiata mountain portion of Aldobrandeschi county, the second half of the 13th century is a period of

23

Dallai & Grassi 2002, 195-197. Francovich et al. 1990, 54. 25 Francovich (ed.) 1994, 24. 26 For Rocca San Silvestro: Francovich (ed.) 1991, 65; for Batignano: Citter 1995; for Moscona: Farinelli & Francovich (eds) 2000, 148-151. 24

27

Bianchi 1996, 62. Bianchi 2000b. 29 Bianchi 1999; Citter (ed.) 2002a. 28

926

CARLO CITTER & EMANUELE VACCARO: MEDIEVAL CASTLES AND URBANISM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY into what remained of the second tower.38 This later usage is not compatible with the permanence of strong seigniorial powers.

intensive building activity. ‘Casseri’ and later palaces were built, as is best shown in Selvena and Santa Fiora.30 These data are in clear countertrend compared to other zones of the selected area, where already in the late 13th century we can see the progressive weakening of seigniorial control on castle urbanism. At Selvena the final transformation of the hilltop into a seigniorial area is shown by the construction of a great two floor-palace in the middle of the former cluster, and a new defensive wall surrounding the whole hilltop, which was plastered in stones.31 At the bottom two great ‘burgi’ were created, probably to be interpreted in connection with an increase in mining activity (quicksilver). All these achievements can be ascribed to Lord Jack of Santa Fiora (first half of the14th century).

OTHER ARCHAEOLOGICAL MARKERS OF SEIGNIORIAL POWER

Till now no other potential indicators of seigniorial power have been analysed except for the relationship between castle and the management of the exploitation of mining resources, a relationship which, as the fruit of long research, has become very clear in southern Tuscany.39 Other markers, like pottery distribution, still lack profound analysis. With respect to this, survey can hardly be expected to add useful data. Long term excavations, however, can provide more accurate information, and modern techniques of spatial analysis can really help in interpreting the data. Nonetheless, it is wrong to assume that the absence of differentiation in pottery distribution equals the absence of social differentiation. It just means that pottery was not regarded – on that site at that time – as a symbol of social status; and this is true throughout all the early middle ages. At Montarrenti preliminary studies on glazed pottery and glass distribution40 seem to point out that the manorial area may have received better products between the 13th and 14th century, although the peasant houses show a quite high level of prosperity. At Rocca San Silvestro we, however, see the contrary:41 late 13th century maiolica arcaica jugs from Pisa have been found both on the top and at the bottom of the hill. The same picture emerges from the analysis of the entire complex of fine pottery distribution in 12th and 13th centuries.42 Preliminary data from Castel di Pietra provide such an outstanding material culture from inside the cassero-cluster that we can hardly expect to find the same in the village nearby.43

A final step in the transformation processes is represented by a progressive, but clear substitution of seigniorial power by the authority of towns. One cannot fix a date, like at Rocca San Silvestro, where since the second half of the 13th century Pisa reshaped the whole mining industry along the Tuscan coastline. At Santa Fiora32 a very great change occurred after the siege by the Sienese army in the late 14th century with new and complex structures built to make the site more secure, while Selvena in the same period seems to be characterized by the dismantling of the seigniorial representative top area.33 The palace was provided with three floors, allowing entrances also from the former western tower, already in ruins; a peasant house facing the west corner of the hilltop was built on the defence wall. We do not know whether the two great ‘burgi’ where inhabited at that date. At Scarlino dramatic events occurred in the second half of the 13th century during which part of the village was damaged.34 Measures taken by Pisa to get a full control of the site resulted in both the destruction of some buildings and the arrival of town craftsmen. The marker of the town is a clear distinction between the hilltop – now representing the new power and characterized by strong military attributes – and the rest of the site.35

Other ways used to analyse social status – such as funeral rites – certainly are not discarded, but can be recorded only by archaeological diggings. At Rocca San Silvestro, for example, some privileged graves close to the façade of the church, testify to the fact that even in the late Middle Ages there is no measure of self-symbolization of the elite of the village society.44 Something similar seems to have occurred at Montemassi.45

Doubtlessly, the transformation of the former palace in peasant houses occurred at Montarrenti after the first decades of the 14th century and must be related to the abandonment of a great part of the site.36 The palace of Selvena had a similar destiny, although at a later date, according to the scarce chronological data we have.37 The Cassero of Castel di Pietra was divided in two different areas with separated accesses, and a great amount of rubbish (pottery, animal bones, coins, metals) was thrown

Finally a good marker seems to be meat consumption. Montarrenti, for example, shows that people living in the seigniorial area had more privileges.46

38

Citter (ed.) 2002a. See Farinelli & Francovich 1994. 40 Francovich & Hodges 1990, 34. 41 See for instance Francovich et al. 1985. 42 Boldrini et al. 1997, 118. 43 Francovich et al. 1999. 44 Francovich (ed.) 1991, 57. 45 Bruttini et al. 2002, 191. 46 Francovich & Hodges 1990, 34.

30

39

Nucciotti & Vannini 2002, 125-132. 31 Citter (ed.) 2002b. 32 Nucciotti & Vannini 2002, 132 and following. 33 Citter (ed.) 2002b. 34 Ceccarelli Lemut 1985, 61-62. 35 Francovich (ed.) 1994, 29-31. 36 Parenti 1985, 426 and following. 37 Citter (ed.) 2002b.

927

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI As stated earlier, a strong marker of seigniorial power from the 11th to the 14th century is the founding of castles to control mining activities, when towns reshaped the production cycle. This is now clear for the Monte Amiata area and the Colline Metallifere.47

Bianchi, G., 1996. Trasmissione dei saperi tecnici e analisi dei procedimenti costruttivi. Archeologia dell’Architettura 1, 53-64. Bianchi, G., 1999. Castel di Pietra. Le strutture murarie, in: Francovich et al., 154-157. Bianchi, G., 2000a. Le emergenze in elevato, in: S. Guideri & R. Parenti (eds), Archeologia a Montemassi. Un castello fra storia e storia dell’arte. 125-127. Bianchi, G., 2000b, Le emergenze in elevato, in: S. Guideri & R. Parenti (eds), Archeologia a Montemassi. Un castello fra storia e storia dell’arte. 133-136. Bianchi, G., 2001-2002. Archeologia dell'architettura e strutture di potere tra XI e XV secolo nella Toscana sud-occidentale. Ph.D. dissertation in medieval archaeology, University of Siena, unpublished. Bianchi, G. (ed.), forthcoming. Campiglia Marittima: un castello ed il suo territorio. I risultati delle indagini archeologiche e la ricerca storica. Firenze. Boldrini, E. et al., 1997. La circolazione ed il consumo di ceramiche fini rivestite nell’area tirrenica tra XII e XIII secolo: il caso di Rocca San Silvestro. Archeologia Medievale 24, 101-128. Boldrini, E. & D. De Luca, 2003. http://archeologiamedievale.unisi.it/newpages/scavi.ht ml/ Rocchette/ROC.html Ceccarelli Lemut, M.L., 1985. Scarlino: le vicende medievali fino al 1399, in: R. Francovich (ed.), 19-74. Citter, C., 1995. L’edilizia storica di tre castelli medievali. Batignano, Istia d'Ombrone, Montepescali. Grosseto. Citter, C., 1996. La viabilità in provincia di Grosseto fra l’età romana e il medioevo, in: C. Citter (ed.), Guida agli edifici sacri. Abbazie, monasteri, pievi e chiese medievali della provincia di Grosseto. Siena, 85-112. Citter, C. (ed.), 2002a. Castel di Pietra (Gavorrano – GR): relazione preliminare della campagna 2001 e revisione dei dati delle precedenti. Archeologia Medievale 24, 115-168. Citter, C. (ed.), 2002b. La Roccaccia di Selvena (Castell’Azzara – GR): relazione preliminare della campagna 2001. Archeologia Medievale 29, 169-188. Collavini, S.M., 1998. ‘Honorabilis domus et spetiosissimus comitatus’. Gli Aldobrandeschi da ‘conti’ a principi territoriali" (secoli IX-XIII) (= Studi Medievali, 6). Dallai, L. & F. Grassi, 2002. Area 2000, in: J. Bruttini et al., “La fortissima rocca”. Il castello di Montemassi nelle indagini 2000-2002. Archeologia Medievale 29, 195-200. Farinelli, R., 2000. I castelli nei territori diocesani di Populonia-Massa e Roselle-Grosseto, in: R. Francovich & M.A. Ginatempo (eds), 141-204. Farinelli, R., forthcoming. I castelli nella Toscana delle città ‘deboli’. Dinamiche insediative e potere rurale nella Toscana meridionale (secoli VII-XIV). Ph.D. dissertation in medieval archaeology, University of Siena.

Often incastellamento was activated by the will to firmly control strategic resources, the exploitation of which in the manorial system would hardly have been possible from the previous central places. The founding of castles close to resources would have lead both toward a more organic exploitation and a major development of seigniorial power in those strategic areas. But even where interest was not focussed firstly on mining resources, landlords suddenly understood their potential, and tried to control, directly or not, the whole mining process.48 Rocca San Silvestro is the most appropriate model that testifies to this, since the destiny of this medieval Tuscan community was strongly connected to mining activity. This is illustrated by the position of copper and silver smelting areas inside the village itself.49 In other cases, like Rocchette Pannocchieschi, however, this close relationship is not so clear, and we can assume a stronger fragmentation of exploitation rights that generated a different positioning of smelting areas.50 New data arise from a number of recent surveys in the former diocese of Roselle. It seems that these castles were not focussed on mining activities only, although they probably played a certain role, as is evident from traces of iron-smelting. The position of smelting areas just outside the village walls of Castel Maus and Castellaccio del Prile find a close match in Rocca San Silvestro. Although we can argue a low level production and a lack of involvement in long range exchanges, it seems that a close topographic relationship implies a clear seigniorial interest. The lack of water streams in the neighbourhood of the two sites suggests another close match with Rocca San Silvestro.51 What is more, at Castellaccio del Prile facing the Prile lagoon, the smelting area was located on a former quarry, and some post holes suggest the presence of one or more wooden features connected with the production process, like at Rocca San Silvestro.52 C.C. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bianchi, G., 1994. Analisi delle murature, in: G. Bianchi et al., Indagine archeologica a Rocchette Pannocchieschi (GR). Rapporto preliminare. Archeologia Medievale 21, 251-268. 47

Francovich & Wickham 1994; Farinelli & Francovich 1994. See Farinelli & Francovich 1994, 454. 49 See Francovich & Wickham 1994, 7-30. 50 Boldrini 1994, 252-254. 51 Francovich (ed.) 1991, 58-60. 52 Francovich (ed.) 1991, 82-86. 48

928

CARLO CITTER & EMANUELE VACCARO: MEDIEVAL CASTLES AND URBANISM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY della Pescaia, degree dissertation. University of Siena, unpublished.

Farinelli, R. & R. Francovich (eds), 2000. Guida alla Maremma medievale. Siena. Fentress, E., 2002. La costa e le terre di S. Anastasio, in: A. Carandini & F. Cambi (eds), Paesaggi d’Etruria. Valle dell’Albegna, Valle d’Oro, Valle del Chiarone, valle del Tafone. Roma, 265-268. Francovich, R. (ed.), 1985. Scarlino I, Storia e territorio (= Ricerche di Archeologia Altomedievale e Medievale, 9/10). Francovich, R. (ed.), 1991. Rocca San Silvestro. Roma. Francovich, R. (ed.), 1994. Centro di documentazione del territorio. Scarlino: l’indagine archeologica nella Rocca. Firenze. Francovich, R. & M.A. Ginatempo (eds), 2000. Castelli. Stora e archeologia del potere nella Toscana medievale, I (= Biblioteca del Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti – sezione archeologica – Università di Siena, 3). Francovich, R. & M. Milanese (eds), 1990. Lo scavo archeologico di Montarrenti e i problemi dell’incastellamento medievale. Esperienze a confronto (= Quaderni del Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti – Sezione Archeologica – dell’Università di Siena, 18). Francovich, R. & R. Hodges, 1990. Archeologia e storia del villaggio fortificato di Montarrenti (SI): un caso o un modello?, in: R. Francovich & M. Milanese (eds), 15-38. Francovich, R. & Ch. Wickham, 1994. Uno scavo archeologico ed il problema dello sviluppo della signoria territoriale: Rocca San Silvestro e i rapporti di produzione minerari. Archeologia Medievale 21, 730. Francovich, R. et al., 1985. Un villaggio di minatori e fonditori di metallo nella Toscana del medioevo: San Silvestro (Campiglia Marittima). Archeologia Medievale 12, 313-402. Francovich, R. et al., 1990. Dalla ‘villa’ al castello: dinamiche insediative e tecniche costruttive in Toscana fra tardoantico e bassomedioevo, in: R. Francovich & M. Milanese (eds), 47-78. Francovich, R. et al., 1999. Prime indagini a Castel di Pietra (Gavorrano – GR). Archeologia Medievale 26, 151-170. Hobart, M., 1995. Cosa – Ansedonia (Orbetello) in età medievale. Rapporto preliminare: da una città romana ad un insediamento medievale sparso. Archeologia Medievale 22, 569-584. Nucciotti, M. & G. Vannini, 2002. Santa Fiora: strutture materiali di una capitale rurale nella Toscana meridionale del Medioevo, in: M. Ascheri & L. Niccolai (eds), Gli Aldobrandeschi. Una famiglia feudale nel medioevo toscano. Proceedings of the congress, S. Fiora, 2001. Arcidosso, 111-149. Parenti, R., 1985. La torre A: una lettura stratigrafica, in Francovich, R. and others, Il progetto Montarrenti (Siena). Relazione preliminare 1984. Archeologia Medievale 12, 417-437. Vaccaro, E., 2001-2002. La formazione dei paesaggi medievali nell’area del Prile: il caso di Castiglione 929

TRANSFORMATIONS IN A SABINE LANDSCAPE, 200-1000AD1 John Moreland Abstract: Archaeologists and historians have tended to differ in their understandings of the end of Rome. Pierre Toubert argued that the classical pattern of settlement disappeared only in the 10th and 11th centuries (through incastellamento). By contrast, several archaeologists have argued that it met its end in the collapse of the Roman empire in the 5th and 6th centuries. This paper presents the results of recent analyses of field survey and excavation data from the Sabina that undermines these simplistic dichotomies and reveals a landscape and society in a fairly continuous process of change, with significant transformations in (at least) the 2nd, 6th, 8th, and 10th centuries.

THE ENDS OF ROME

of these images being a reflection of past reality, they might both be a product of the kinds of evidence we have chosen to focus on, and of the methodologies we have used to recover and interpret it. These are issues I sought to address in the course of the field survey project conducted in the lands around the monastery of Farfa.

Until recently, debates on the fate of the Italian countryside in the transition from the Roman empire to the early middle ages have been played out through the themes of ‘catastrophe’ and ‘continuity’. To some extent, this opposition can be mapped on to an archaeology/history polarity.2 While the textual evidence has contributed to arguments for ‘continuity’, that from archaeological field surveys has generally been used in the service of more pessimistic accounts that focus on decay and (especially) demographic collapse. For archaeologists like David Whitehouse and Richard Hodges, the patterns of ‘classical’ life came to an end in late antiquity.3

THE FARFA SURVEY The Farfa survey (Fig. 1) was carried out in the second part of the 1980’s over a territory that ran westwards from the monastery of Farfa to the river Tiber.6 The project was conducted in the firm belief that the intensive collection of data at the regional scale could result in the construction of detailed histories of transformations in patterns of power, social relationships, and settlement within a (multi-scalar) perspective linking the broader regional (Tiber valley and Sabina), national (Italy) and international (Mediterranean) scales. The survey was multi-period in scope, but with a very particular focus on late Antiquity and the early middle ages. The decision to conduct the survey on ‘the lands of Farfa’ was determined by our desire to utilise the monastery’s rich archive of early medieval texts in the construction of our histories. We were determined to demonstrate how the qualities of both texts and artefacts could be exploited in the production of detailed narratives about the past – thereby overcoming the archaeology/history polarity that has, till now, contributed to the obscurity of these ‘dark ages’.

The early medieval documents preserved in the archives of the monastery of Farfa in Sabina formed the basis for Pierre Toubert’s monumental work on landscape and settlement in Lazio in the 10th and 11th centuries.4 His conclusion – that the pattern of dispersed classical settlement persisted until broken, in the 10th and 11th centuries, by the process of incastellamento – differed dramatically from that produced by most archaeologists. For Toubert, the rupture which incastellamento created with the world of antiquity is epitomised by his belief that the castra were almost always built on new sites.5 For him, the year 1000 saw the transformation of the Italian countryside. However, it is eminently possible that, rather than either

Preliminary analysis of the survey evidence suggested that Roman settlement in this part of the Sabine Hills peaked in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD.7 The end of the 2nd century, however, saw the beginning of a decline in the number of datable sites, a decline that continued through to the 5th – the fall of c. 86% closely parallels that recorded across the Tiber in South Etruria.8 Few, if any, sites could be dated to the period between 500 and 800 and nothing really contradicted the catastrophists’

1

This report would not have been possible without the hard work, dedication and commitment both of those who took part in the survey all those years ago and (more recently) of the Tiber Valley Project team at the British School at Rome. Of the latter, I owe a particular debt to Helen Patterson and Paul Roberts (for their work on the pottery) and Rob Witcher (for his GIS wizardry). Finally, I would like to acknowledge the help and encouragement offered to me, over many years, on this and other subjects, by Professor Paul Buckland. Thanks, Paul. 2 Moreland 2001, 19-20. 3 For textual evidence and ‘continuity’, see Wickham 1979, 86 and Marazzi 1988, 291. For the archaeological picture see, classically, Potter 1979, 138-149 especially the tables on p. 140 and fig. 41, and p. 146 where he argues that “demographic decline is one of the principal keys to the interpretation of our data for this period”; also Hodges & Whitehouse 1983, 33-48, 53. Some archaeologists, of course, have dissented – see Blake 1978, 440. 4 Toubert 1973; also Moreland 1992, 123. 5 Toubert 1973, 326-327, 331. See also Wickham 1985, 53-66.

6

See Moreland 1986, 1987. For the following, see Moreland 1986; 1987; 1993. 8 Moreland 1993, 93; Hodges & Whitehouse 1983, 40. 7

930

JOHN MORELAND: TRANSFORMATIONS IN A SABINE LANDSCAPE, 200-1000AD

Fig. 1. Farfa survey. Location and sites mentioned in the text. reading of the rest of the ceramic evidence than was possible in the 1980’s, have dramatically changed our understanding of the Sabine landscape, and the historical processes operating within it, in the 1st millennium AD.

argument that the fundamental break with the ‘classical’ pattern of settlement had taken place in late Antiquity.9 And in many ways, this should not have been surprising since, at this stage, we were utilising the same categories of evidence (imported African fine wares), and we both lacked any diagnostic (and datable) pottery from the 7th and 8th centuries.10 Excavations at Casale San Donato changed all this. In the course of the survey, 10th and 11th century pottery was found at this site, and we later learned that 8th century references to it existed in the Farfa documents.11 None of this, however, prepared us for the discovery of a ceramic assemblage that was homogenous, distinctive and well-dated to between the late 6th and the end of the 7th century.12

Before discussing this, it is first necessary to say something about the nature of the archaeological evidence and the ways in which I have presented it here. For the most part, the datable material from the Farfa survey still comprises sherds of fine pottery and amphora each of which can be dated more or less precisely.14 Terra sigillata, for example, can be dated to within a few years in the period between the late 1st century BC and the 1st century AD. Other types of pottery, by contrast, can only be dated to between the 2nd century BC and the 2nd century AD (see points 3-10 on Fig. 2). However, when we place all the evidence from each site together in a ‘date range chart’ we get a good impression of the length of, and any possible breaks in, occupation. When we combine the results from all the sites (and associated scatters) found in the course of the survey we can produce a general picture that not only illustrates the number of settlements that may have existed at particular moments between the 3rd century BC and the 7th century

In terms of writing regional level histories of people and landscape, this was a find of immense significance since in it we had discovered a ‘type-fossil’ that fell squarely in Tim Potter’s ‘150 year typological gap’ and which could be used to re-date many of the sites found in the survey.13 Helen Patterson and Paul Roberts have carried out this work and their results, combined with a more refined 9 However, see Moreland 1992, 121-123 where I argued for the existence of a number of late 8th/early 9th century sites designed more effectively to administer the monastery’s patrimony. 10 Moreland 1992, 95-101; Blake 1978, 448; Potter 1979, 146-147; Hodges & Whitehouse 1983, 35. 11 For the excavations and details of the documentary references, see Moreland & Pluciennik 1991; Moreland et al. 1993. 12 Patterson & Roberts 1998; Moreland et al. 1993, 206-209. 13 Potter 1979, 147.

14

We are, however, working on a more refined dating of the Roman period coarse wares. In the absence of comparative material it is difficult to say whether the San Donato material should be consider as ‘fine’ or ‘coarse’ ware – though for our present purposes it hardly matters.

931

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI AD, but also reflects our confidence that they were in fact occupied (see Fig. 3).15

date it precisely when contrasted with other rather less recognisable and datable wares might have resulted in this peak being somewhat exaggerated. The re-working of the data also confirms that the 2nd century saw the beginnings of a decline in the number of recorded/datable sites in the survey area. The fall off continued through to a nadir in the 6th century when only 15 sites are recorded – a decline of 70% from the heights of the 1st century. Again, the overall pattern seems to support the catastrophists’ argument. However, before we cede the field too easily to their pessimism we should look at the figures a little more closely and attempt to place them in context. The evidence does seem to point to some dislocation in the central Italian countryside in the mid to late 2nd century. The fall in site numbers in figure 3 is paralleled by evidence in the date range charts for a break in occupation at several sites at this time (see Fig. 2). This phenomenon will be discussed in more detail in the final publication of the survey, but here we might note the recent arguments of Duncan-Jones and Scheidel that the so-called Antonine plague of the middle and late-2nd century had a significant impact on the population of Italy (and the Mediterranean more generally).16 However, that impact need not have been entirely negative. As Scheidel argues, any population reduction (while initially traumatic) might both have worked in the interests of the (remaining!) peasantry (the value of their labour power would have risen) and resulted in increased productivity (‘marginal land is abandoned [and] the concentration on fertile land raises productivity’).17

Fig. 2. Date range chart for site 7040, showing possible break in the 2nd/3rd century, and the occupation of only one part of the site (F21/1-2) in late antiquity.

Fig. 3. Farfa survey. Site numbers 3rd century BC-7th century AD.

The structural changes in social and productive relationships induced by this plague (if that is the explanation) did not mark the beginning of the end of the Roman empire; only those seeking teleologically to impose a catastrophist frame would see it in this way. In fact, if we read the evidence rather literally,18 we might argue that it had the effect of returning the system to something like ‘normal’ after the ‘aberration’ of an early Imperial boom. This ‘boom’ was intimately connected with the expansion of the city of Rome. As the largest city in the ancient world, Rome’s relationship with its hinterland was unusually intense. The failure of site numbers to return to something like their 1st century peak following the 2nd century dislocation may be a sign that this relationship had changed. In fact rather than representing the beginning of the end, as the catastrophists would have it, it may be that these comparatively low figures are yet another manifestation of the emergence of Rome as a true Imperial power –

THE SABINE LANDSCAPE, 200-1000 The recent re-analysis of the Farfa material, summarised in figure 3, at first sight confirms our earlier impression that the 1st century AD saw the height of settlement in this part of the Sabina. However, while it is likely that the pronounced 1st century peak in figure 3 does bear some relationship to historical reality, we should also bear in mind the possibility that it is (to some extent) a product of certain characteristics of the archaeological evidence. So, while on the one hand the ubiquity of terra sigillata should be seen as both a sign and product of sustained and focussed human activity on the Sabine landscape, on the other hand our familiarity with it and our ability to 15 A full explanation of the basis on which occupation is deemed ‘possible, ‘likely’, ‘probable’ or ‘certain’ at any particular moment in time will be provided in the final report. In an attempt to make the argument more robust, I have removed the ‘possible’ category from fig. 3 and, in the discussion that follows, will not normally consider sites in this category. We expect that ongoing work on the coarsewares and amphora will allow us to refine the date range for some types and so reduce the numbers of sites falling into this category. The discussion that follows is, therefore, provisional.

16

Duncan-Jones 1996; Scheidel 2002. Scheidel 2002, 100, 112. Many of his arguments derive from recent studies of the 14th century ‘Black Death’. 18 This is ignoring for the moment the influence of the characteristics of the archaeological evidence to which I have already referred. 17

932

JOHN MORELAND: TRANSFORMATIONS IN A SABINE LANDSCAPE, 200-1000AD drawing on the resources of its provinces (and Africa in particular) rather than its hinterland.19

landscape. It may be, therefore, that the distribution of these late Antique sites points, in yet another sense, to a re-structuring of settlement and (perhaps) its reorientation away from the Tiber valley (and Rome?).21 Again, the impression is one of dynamism and transformation rather than decay.

What I am trying to do here is to read the evidence from outside the framework imposed on it by the catastrophists – a framework fabricated on notions of demise, collapse and catastrophe. Ultimately it is a framework constructed on the exceptional – the Roman imperial system. Chris Wickham’s suggestions that the demise of long-distance trade and the emergence of regional economies in the 6th century “did not represent a defeat for a panMediterranean economic system … it is natural”, and that the collapse of the Roman empire may have been a ‘good thing’ for the peasantry (they no longer had to render their surplus to the state) are steps towards an acknowledgement of the how truly exceptional the Roman empire was.20 I would argue that we can continue that journey by reading figure 3 (rather polemically) not as a sad tale of demise from the Imperial heights, but as an interruption of, and return to ‘normality’!

The monastery of Farfa acquired Casale San Donato in 768. The excavations at San Donato reveal that the postbuilt structures of the first phase were later replaced by substantial stone buildings that may have reused elements from nearby Roman ruins. By 817 there was a church on the site – ‘aecclesia sancti donati’.22 In this shift from wood to stone, one might argue, the monastery constructed a physical manifestation of its power and (literally) cemented its position in the landscape. Farfa acquired numerous other properties in the region at this time and if these were also subject to the kind of transformations we have witnessed at San Donato, then this was another moment in which the Sabine landscape was re-created.23

In this rewriting of the landscape history of the lands of Farfa, it is also important to note that, in contrast to our preliminary findings, we do now have good evidence for settlements dating to the late Antique period. Helen Patterson and Paul Robert revealed the existence of these sites by applying the results of their analysis of the pottery from my excavations at Casale San Donato to the survey material. Several significant conclusions flow from their discovery and from detailed analyses of the sites on which ‘San Donato-type’ pottery was found.

We have archaeological and documentary evidence that Casale San Donato, and some of the other late Antique sites in the lands of Farfa, survived into the 10th and 11th century to be incorporated, as castelli, in the process of incastellamento.24 For Toubert, as we have seen, incastellamento fractured the settlement patterns of classical antiquity. He was wrong. No one doubts that incastellamento represented/effected the most profound restructuring of settlement and society since (at least) the 6th century, but even in this momentous transformation threads of continuity were woven into the new fabric.

Some of these late 6th-7th century sites seem to represent ‘continuity’ with the Roman past even if, as in the case of 7040 (Fig. 2), it sometimes looks as if occupation persisted only in part of the former Roman villa. Others (such as San Donato itself) appear to be new foundations, but even here there are hints that some were situated in locales that had been abandoned in the dislocations of the late 2nd/3rd century. This clearly has something to say about a ‘sense of place’ and of the past among the late Antique communities of the Sabina and I will explore these more fully in the final publication. Here I want to note that the variation in the time-depth of these sites contributes to our emerging sense of a dynamic Sabine landscape (one that was created and re-created several times in the course of the 1st millennium) – as opposed to one that collapsed (almost inevitably) from its fully developed 1st century form.

Work continues on some of the Farfa material, and the results offered here are necessarily provisional, but already we can argue that they present us with both the necessity and the opportunity to rethink the transition from Rome to the middle ages in the Sabina. Crucially, they highlight the rather crude and monolithic nature of arguments for continuity or collapse. They reveal a landscape that was peopled and worked throughout the 1st millennium; a landscape that was created and recreated as social, political and economic circumstances impacted on the lives of its inhabitants; a landscape in which the past was present throughout even the most radical transformations. It is, I am sure, only through this kind of detailed local and regional level analyses that we can avoid overwriting the past with our categories and instead come close to a true understanding both of the people in the past and of the historical processes in which they participated.

Equally significant is the fact that these late 6th-7th century sites are not evenly distributed throughout the region between Farfa and the Tiber. The vast majority of them are located in the hills in the vicinity of the (later) monastery. This pattern does not appear to be true of the 1st century, or even of the 5th when what sites we have are still (by and large) evenly distributed across the

21

See Patterson & Roberts 1998. Moreland 1991, 480; Moreland et al. 1993, 197-98. 23 See Moreland 1991, 480 and 1992, 122-123 for brief discussions of the sites at Cavallaria and Bezanum. 24 Moreland et al. 1993, 197. 22

19 20

For this, see Wickham 1994, 84-97. Wickham 1994, 107, 34 – emphasis added.

933

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI BIBLIOGRAPHY Blake, H., 1978. Medieval pottery: technical innovation or economic change, in: H. Blake, T. Potter & D. Whitehouse (eds), Papers in Italian archaeology, I: the Lancaster Seminar. Oxford, 435-473. Duncan-Jones, R., 1996. The impact of the Antonine plague. Journal of Roman Archaeology 9, 108-36. Hodges, R. & D. Whitehouse, 1983. Mohammed, Charlemagne and the origins of Europe. London. Marazzi, F., 1988, L’insediamento nel suburbia di Roma fra IV e VIII secolo. Bullettino dell’Instituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano 94, 251-313. Moreland, J., 1986. Ricognizione nei dintorni di Farfa, 1985. Resoconto preliminare. Archeologia Medievale 13, 333-43. Moreland, J., 1987. The Farfa survey: a second interim report. Archeologia Medievale 14, 409-18. Moreland, J. & M. Pluciennik, 1991. Excavations at Casale San Donato, Castelnuovo di Farfa (RI) 1990. Archeologia Medievale 18, 477-90. Moreland, J., 1992. Restoring the dialectic. Settlement patterns and documents in medieval central Italy, in: B. Knapp (ed.), Archaeology, annales, and ethnohistory. Cambridge, 112-29. Moreland, J., 1993. Wilderness, wasteland, depopulation and the end of the Roman empire? The Accordia Research Papers 4, 89-110. Moreland, J., M. Pluciennik, M. Richardson, A. Fleming, G. Stroud, H. Patterson & J. Dunkley, 1993. Excavations at Casale San Donato, Castelnuovo di Farfa (RI), Lazio 1992. Archeologia Medievale 20, 185-228. Moreland, J., 2001. Archaeology and text. London. Patterson, H. & P. Roberts, 1998. New light on Dark Age Sabina, in: L Saguì (ed.), Ceramica in Italia: VI-VII secolo. Firenze, 421-35. Potter, T., 1979. The changing landscape of South Etruria. London. Scheidel, W., 2002. A model of demographic and economic change in Roman Egypt after the Antonine plague. Journal of Roman Archaeology 15, 97-114. Toubert, P., 1973. Les structures du Latium médiéval. Rome. Wickham, C., 1979. Historical and topographical notes on early medieval South Etruria (part 2). Papers of the British School at Rome 47, 66-95. Wickham, C., 1985. Il problema dell’incastellamento nell’Italia Centrale: L’esempio di san Vincenzo al Volturno. Firenze. Wickham, C., 1994. Land and power. Studies in Italian and European Social History, 400-1200. London.

934

NEW EVIDENCE FOR OLD PROBLEMS M.C. Galestin Abstract: In this paper two subjects will be presented which are both related to Italian archaeology and the archaeology of the Netherlands. The first is the visit of the Italian archaeologists Luigi Pigorini to the Dutch terpen and his comparison of the Dutch terpen with the terramare in Italy. The second is the question whether Roman soldiers were present on the Dutch terpen. Luigi Pigorini visited the terp Aalsum in 1881 and his comparisons with the prehistoric terramare did not last, but his observations on the dikes surrounding the terpen seem to be confirmed by new evidence from excavations in Friesland. The presence of Roman soldiers and the identification of the terp Winsum with Castellum Flevum were suggested by the German archaeologist Karl Schuchhardt. These ideas were also criticized but new evidence from the excavation at Winsum demonstrates that the idea of the presence of Roman soldiers may have some validity.

Two subjects regarding Italian and Dutch archaeology that date back to the nineteenth and early twentieth century are still of interest today. Both deal with a problem regarding the archaeology of the northern part of The Netherlands and for both problems new evidence has come to light in recent excavations on terpen in the Dutch province of Friesland.

Pigorini had become interested in the Frisian terpen when his attention was drawn to these structures by the Dutch numismatist Jacob Dirks. They met in Bologna on the occasion of the Congrès International d’Anthropologie et d’Archéologie préhistorique in 1871, where Dirks explained to the congress that the Dutch terpen were the terramares of the historical period.4 This made Pigorini curious and he paid a visit to the Netherlands about which he wrote two articles. In one of these articles, ‘I terpen della Frisia’, published in 1881 in the Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, Pigorini compared the construction of the terp with the construction of the terramare with the words: “.. i terpen corrispondono alle terramare nella setensione, nella elevazione, nella composizione, nell’essere cinte da un argine, en nell’averen all’intorno un a fossa …”. He asked the owner of the terp, Watze Bierma, about the existence of wooden structures and he was told that veri pali confetti verticalmente had been found in previous diggings of the terpen. This convinced him that terpen also had palafitte.5 He also made careful observations of the dike surrounding the terp: “…verso il centro della stazione, la sponda della fossa si eleva considerevolmente, è formata di pura argilla, ha una base di alcunie metri, e constituisce una separazione assoluta fra i materiali, che colmano la fossa, e quelli dell’interno del terp. Abbiamo ivi insomma un vero argine”.6

TERPEN The two subjects of this paper deal with terpen, a Dutch term for raised settlements which were made by their inhabitants as protection against the seasonally rising water-level. Some were made for only one farmhouse, while others accommodated entire villages. Some of the terpen can be dated as early as the 4th century BC, while most others were raised in later periods, until the 8th century AD. Terpen were constructed up to about the year AD 1000, when the first larger dikes were built and the need for raised settlements no longer existed.1 Terpen are situated in the coastal areas of Friesland and Groningen, the marine clay district of the northern part of the Netherlands (Fig. 1). Often these terpen were made of sods and dung, and this created a very fertile soil which was quarried from the nineteenth century onwards. The soil was transported with large ships to less fertile areas. This quarrying took place in many Frisian terpen, among which the terpen of Aalsum and Winsum.

Notwithstanding his careful observations of the construction of the terp, his comparisons between the terramare and the terpen were not tenable. In the following years many archaeologists studied the terpen and both the idea of palafitte and of the presence of dikes were rejected. However, in spite of the wrong interpretations made by Pigorini, his careful observations and his description of the dikes were correct, and only recently the question of the presence of dikes in the terpen area has been re-examined. New evidence has shown that dikes existed in connection with terpen as early as the first century BC.7

LUIGI PIGORINI Luigi Pigorini came to the Netherlands and on the 14th of August 1881 he visited, on a beautiful day, the terp Aalsum near Dokkum.2 The situation at Aalsum at that time may be illustrated by a picture taken a few years later (Fig. 2). Pigorini described his impressions as follows: “Dovendosi in quell posto, come altrove in casi simili nella Frisia, valersi dei battelli, per trasportare qua e là sulle praterie la terra scavata, …”.3

4

Pigorini 1881a, 112; Halbertsma 1963, 34. Pigorini 1881a, 119. Pigorini 1881a, 115. 7 Bazelmans e.a. 1999, 54-55.

1

5

Van Es 1965/66, 39-40. 2 Halbertsma 1963, 34; Bazelmans et al. 1999, 7-14. 3 Pigorini 1881a, 114.

6

935

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Friesland and Groningen with places mentioned in the text. The terpen areas are indicated with a dotted line (drawing Groningen Institute of Archaeology, J.M. Smit).

Fig. 2. The quarry of the terp Aalsum north of Dokkum in 1884. fortunate che io abbia mai fatte. Provai in quell giorno una soddisfazione pari a quella avuta nel 1876 sulle sponde del Tisza, alorchè segnalai la esistenza di antiche stationi con palafitte nelle vallate ungheresi”. 9

Pigorini described his visit to the terpen in a detailed report of his journey to the Netherlands in the Nuova Antologia of 1881. This report was titled ‘Le Prime città della Frisia’.8 He also described his visit to the prehistoric monuments in Drenthe, which he compared with other famous megalithic monuments and which he did not find very impressive. What made a deep impression on him was his visit to Friesland, and he described the excursion to the terpen as one of the most fortunate excursions he had ever made: “Nelle mie note di viaggio invece registrai l’escursione ai terpen, come una delle più

When he returned home, he brought with him a number of native pottery sherds from Aalsum, which were put on display in the Museo Pigorini.10 The sherds from Aalsum are not the only objects from Dutch terpen in the Museo Pigorini. A number of sherds from the well-known 9

8

Pigorini 1881b, 225-226. Halbertsma 1963, 34.

10

Pigorini 1881b.

936

M.C. GALESTIN: NEW EVIDENCE FOR OLD PROBLEMS excavations at Ezinge by A.E. van Giffen are also in the Museo Pigorini, as Professor Renato Peroni informed me during our visit to Ezinge on the occasion of the 6th Conference of Italian Archaeology, in April 2003. More than seventy years earlier an archaeological excursion also visited Ezinge. On the occasion of the Congrès International d’Anthropologie et d’Archéologie préhistorique the participants went to Groningen and also to Ezinge, on 27 September 1927. The sherds from Ezinge may have been collected on that occasion and brought back home by one of the Italian participants. The papers delivered at this Congrès and a report of the excursion were published together with a list of all participants and it appears that three Italian archaeologists, Castrilli (Bari), A. Niceforo (Naples) and S. Sergi (Rome) attended the congress.11

appear to surround a terp. One of them had a length of more than fifty meter in a straight line. It could therefore not be established whether these dikes were ring-dikes protecting and enclosing an area of ground, or straight dikes that could only partially stop the rising water. The fieldwork has made clear that these dikes were not meant to protect the dwellings on the terpen, but were constructed to protect agricultural products against the (salt) water. However, their precise function could not be established because of the lack of evidence on the precise course of the structures. This problem could not be solved during the excavations which took place in north-western part of Friesland, at Wijnaldum, Peins and Dongjum.15 Recent fieldwork has also been carried out on the terp Winsum where the Groningen Institute of Archaeology excavated for several months in 1997. One of the aims of the excavation was to find out whether archaeological features could still be found in the remains of terpen which had been quarried away in the past. If this turned out to be true these remains could be recommended for protection by the government. The other aim was to find out whether remains of a Roman camp or any other Roman structure could be found, features that could explain the presence of the early Roman sherds.16

WINSUM The second subject dealing with terpen also arose in the 19th century when Winsum was quarried. The majority of objects found on the terp were not preserved and only a handful of potsherds were saved. Among the pottery fragments a small number could be identified as Roman.12 Among these were fragments of terra sigillata which were dated to the Tiberian period. According to the Dutch archaeologists P.C.J.A. Boeles these potsherds formed a typical group that pointed to military presence.13 He visited the terp together with the German archaeologist K. Schuchhardt, who had been excavating in the Roman legionary camp at Haltern, and they made speculations about Castellum Flevum and the presence of Roman soldiers. The Roman finds did not consist of just some potsherds or a lost oil lamps, but include fragments of different types of pottery like terra sigillata, amphorae, Roman flagons and mortars, all dating to the Tiberian period.14

The excavation was carried out in the western part of the former terp and it soon appeared to the excavators that many features and also a large number of small finds were still present. The features were difficult to identify, but a number of Roman objects could be dated to the early 1st century AD. Among these finds there are coins, potsherds, metal objects, stone and wooden objects; this assemblage is typical for military sites in the early 1st century AD. The coins are made of silver and copper and are often halved, and have a countermark AVG of TIB or CAES. They date from the early first century, and the countermarks and the cutting in halve is typical of military use of coins in this area.17 Among the potsherds there are fragments of Amphorae, like the handle of a Rhodian wine amphora, Pompeian platters and fragments of cork urns which were used for preserved food, as we known from an example found in Nijmegen. This piece contained breasts of song thrushes, a delicacy for Roman officers. Fragments of terra sigillata were also found, among which an early cup with narrow hanging lip and a small fragment of a stamp, probably of Thyrsus, dating from 10 BC to AD 10.18

The idea of a watch-tower could not be proved and Castellum Flevum was identified with Velsen, and so the interest in Winsum gradually disappeared. Some archaeologists however, still expected to discover some evidence that might support the earlier ideas about Winsum. NEW EVIDENCE FROM RECENT FIELDWORK Recent fieldwork has shown that the observations made by Pigorini on the dikes surrounding the terpen, which he published after his visit to Aalsum, seem to be correct. Excavations on several terpen in Friesland have brought to light the remains of four dikes. These dikes were made of sods and their width varies from 1.5 to 2.5 m in the earliest period. These early dikes date to the 1st century BC, vary in height from 1.05 to 1.25 m, and do not

The metal objects consist of Roman brooches, for instance an aucissa brooch and a Roman steelyard weight. Two wooden buckets were found, made of yew (taxus baccata) with iron hoops and handles which are

11

Institut International d’Anthropologie 1928, 56-57 and xiv, xxvii and xxxii. 12 Boeles 1951, 127, fig. 28. 13 Boeles 1927, 65. 14 Boeles 1951, 128-129.

15

Bazelmans et al. 1999, 54-60. Galestin 2000, 228. Galestin 2000, 230. 18 Galestin 2003a, 438. 16 17

937

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI heavily corroded. The radiocarbon date guarantees a date in the Roman period.19 This combination of finds of different categories and with different functions may be interpreted as a typical fortress assemblage.20 This particular assemblage does not seem to exist elsewhere in Europe in a native context. Therefore, even without the presence of excavated features pointing to a Roman military camp, the evidence from the artefacts alone is enough to assume that the Romans were present in the terp Winsum in the early 1st century AD, probably as early as the Augustan period. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bazelmans, Jos., Danny Gerrets, Jan de Koning & Peter Vos, 1999. Zoden aan de dijk. Kleinschalige dijkbouw in de late prehistorie en protohistorie van noordelijk Westergo. De Vrije Fries 79, 7-74. Boeles, P.C.J.A., 1927. Friesland tot de elfde eeuw. ’sGravenhage 1927. (second edition 1951) Es, W.A., van, 1965-1966. Friesland in Roman times. Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 15-16, 51-52. Galestin, M.C., 1992. Bewoningsgeschiedenis, in: M.C. Galestin & T.B. Volkers, Terpen en terpvondsten in Friesland. Groningen, 3-38. Galestin, M.C., 1997. Romans and Frisians: Analysis of the strategy of the Roman army in its connections across the frontier, in: W. Groenman-van Waateringe, B. L. van Beek, W.J.H. Wilems & S.L. Wynia (eds.), Roman Frontier Studies 1995. Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies (= Oxbow Monograph, 91). Oxford, 347-353. Galestin, M.C., 2000. Winsum-Bruggeburen, first report on the excavation. An early Roman outpost among the Frisians? Part one: the Roman Coins. Palaeohistoria 41/42 (1999/2000), 225-235. Galestin, M.C., 2003a. Winsum-Bruggeburen, second report on the excavation. The Roman pottery. Palaeohistoria 43/44 (2001-2002), 435-467. Galestin, M.C., 2003b. Winsum-Bruggeburen, third report on the excavation. The bronzes and other finds. Palaeohistoria 43/44 (2001/2002), 469-482. Halbertsma, H., 1963. Terpen tussen Vlie en Eems. Groningen. Institut International d’Anthropologie. IIIe session. Amsterdam 20-29 Septembre 1927. Librarie E. Nourry Paris 1928. Pigorini, L., 1881a. I terpen della Frisia. Bullettino di paletnologia Italiana 7, 110-122. Pigorini, L., 1881b. Le prime città della Frisia. Nuova Antologia (15 nov.), 225-235. Tyers, P., 1996. Roman pottery in Britain. London.

19 20

Galestin 2003b, 476. Tyers 1996, 51.

938

FALERII NOVI, PROSPEZIONI GEOFISICHE LUNGO LA VIA AMERINA Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli Abastract: The Gruppo Archeologico Romano is involved in the excavation of the Roman Via Amerina, of which the basalt pavement is the most beautiful and representative feature. During the summer of 2000 we did some geophysical prospection (using a voltmeter-amperometer) in the area where we hypotisised the presence of the road: the purpose was to verify the preservation of the Via and to identify possible monumental tombs, secondary streets and ‘piazzole’. This paper is concluded with a comparison of the interpretation of the geophysical prospection data and the results of the archeological excavation of a part of the area, which was conducted a year later.

A partire dal 1998, nell’ambito del programma di ricerca e valorizzazione portato avanti dal Gruppo Archeologico Romano nell’Agro Falisco, sono state effettuate delle interessanti sperimentazioni riguardanti l’applicazione delle prospezioni geofisiche all’indagine archeologica (Fig. 1).1 L’area prescelta, indicata dal toponimo Cava Foce (Castel S. Elia, Vt), insieme alle aree di Tre Ponti e Cavo degli Zucchi, fa parte del complesso monumentale della Via Amerina-Necropoli meridionale di Falerii Novi, ed è stata oggetto di indagini archeologiche sistematiche a partire dal 1995 dopo un primo intervento della SAEM a seguito di uno scasso agricolo.

Il lavoro dei volontari dei Gruppi Archeologici ha riportato alla luce negli anni circa 45 m di basolato perfettamente conservato relativo alla strada romana, che si suppone proseguire con analoghe caratteristiche per circa 350 m, tra la S.S. 311 e la tagliata di accesso al ponte sul Fosso Tre Ponti (Fig. 2).2 PREMESSE La prima considerazione da effettuare è la particolare situazione, senza dubbio piuttosto rara, in cui vengono realizzate le prospezioni. Molti sono i dati che confermerebbero a priori, come si è detto, il passaggio dell’antica strada lastricata nella zona soggetta ad indagine: un tratto di basolato è stato riportato alla luce poco più a sud durante operazioni di scavo nel 1997; un’altra porzione è stata esposta più a nord per la messa in posa di tubature; ancora più a nord è presente una tagliata nel banco tufaceo entro cui dovette passare la strada; il terreno presenta un evidente avvallamento, con orientamento nord-sud, per una lunghezza di alcune centinaia di metri in corrispondenza del percorso teorico della strada; nella zona in questione sono state segnalate schegge di basalto, probabilmente divelte negli anni passati a causa delle intense arature. L’insieme di questi dati ha motivato la formulazione di un progetto di indagine finalizzato alla verifica della prosecuzione e dell’integrità del lastricato stradale nell’area compresa tra lo scavo del 1997 e la tagliata nel banco tufaceo. Si è scelto di utilizzare un metodo non invasivo, le prospezioni geoelettriche, e a tal fine è stato progettato, secondo uno schema ampiamente collaudato, uno strumento per misurare la resistività del terreno, costituito da un voltmetro-amperometro a quattro sonde, robusto e di facile utilizzo (Fig. 3).

Fig. 1. Carta del territorio Falisco. 1

I dati qui presentati sono il risultato del lavoro di molte persone che hanno partecipato ad alcune fasi del progetto: in primo luogo tutti i partecipanti ai campi estivi di Falerii Novi degli anni 1999-2000 e particolarmente i responsabili dell’attività S. Bertea, L. Guadagni, C. Fasciolo che hanno partecipato alla raccolta e all’elaborazione dei dati.

2 Un inquadramento generale della necropoli e della via è in Caretta et alii 1996, cui si rimanda per la bibliografia precedente.

939

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Per evitare distorsioni nella lettura dei dati si è deciso di non seguire la conformazione del terreno nella disposizione degli allineamenti delle sonde; si temeva che in questo modo la visibilità della fascia centrale dell’area indagata, in corrispondenza della strada lastricata, venisse comunque esasperata a causa del minore interro rispetto alle fasce esterne. Si è pertanto deciso di disporre le sonde degli allineamenti in modo che le punte dei picchetti raggiungessero tutte lo stesso livello orizzontale: in pratica, senza scendere nel dettaglio, le sonde esterne sono state inserite nel terreno per una lunghezza maggiore rispetto a quelle centrali. Poiché i due tratti di basolato esposto mostrano una certa pendenza, si è ritenuto necessario considerare l’inclinazione della strada nella disposizione degli allineamenti delle sonde. In conclusione, l’insieme di tutti questi accorgimenti teorici ha avuto lo scopo di eliminare il più possibile le distorsioni nella raccolta dei dati dovute alla disomogeneità dell’interro e alla conformazione del terreno, nella speranza di avere una visione migliore delle eventuali anomalie lungo la strada e ai lati di essa (Fig. 4). Fig. 2. Posizionamento dell’area interessata dal progetto di prospezioni. Ben visibile il tracciato che, verso nord, conduce a Falerii Novi.

ELABORAZIONE DEI DATI

Per la rappresentazione grafica dei dati elaborati informaticamente si è scelto, come consueto, un grafico nel quale i valori di resistività, inseriti nel reticolo delle misurazioni, sono indicati mediante gradazioni di grigio (Fig. 5). In questo tipo di grafico è così possibile apprezzare non solo la collocazione spaziale piana delle singole misurazione, ma anche, tramite delle linee interpolate informaticamente dette isoohmiche che uniscono le misurazioni con i medesimi valori, la rapidità dei cambiamenti delle caratteristiche fisiche. Una trattazione a parte richiede una questione di tipo metodologico. Poiché le prospezioni sono state effettuate durante un periodo non breve e con condizioni climatiche e ambientali varie è bene tenere presente che in qualche misura i risultati sono stati interessati e modificati da questi fattori. Il grafico qui presentato non tiene conto di queste differenze che pertanto potrebbero ripercuotersi sulle stesse interpretazioni dei risultati. Per definire quindi la questione in termini chiari bisogna capire che le misurazioni effettuate in condizioni genericamente umide relazionate senza parametri di normalizzazione a misurazioni rilevate in condizioni più secche risulteranno maggiormente appiattite, ovvero il campo di variazione nelle prime sarà assai minore che nelle seconde. Per fare un esempio, nella parte settentrionale del grafico sembra probabile imputare a questo inconveniente la variazione

Fig. 3. Schema elettrico dello strumento.

940

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: FALERII NOVI, PROSPEZIONI GEOFISICHE LUNGO LA VIA AMERINA

Fig. 4. Sezione ipotetica dell’area indagata con lo schema di disposizione delle sonde e relativo grafico delle misurazioni di resistività (dis. S. Bertea).

Fig. 5. Grafico finale delle prospezioni: ben visibile la fascia centrale corrispondente al basolato della Via Amerina. Per chiarire e, in parte, legittimare le ipotesi che verranno proposte di seguito è necessario premettere una considerazione importante. Si deve tenere conto, ai fini delle interpretazioni, che ogni misura che compare sul grafico rappresenta l’entità di un corpo o di un insieme di corpi che si possono trovare in una parte qualsiasi di una zona attorno al valore assimilabile ad un quadrato di 1 m di lato.

del grado di definizione della rappresentazione che si verifica intorno alla strisciata numero 43. INTERPRETAZIONE ARCHEOLOGICA DELLE PROSPEZIONI Passando alle interpretazioni archeologiche dei risultati delle prospezioni non si può fare a meno di notare fin dall’inizio la presenza su tutto il grafico di una fascia centrale ben distinta ma variabile in intensità e di una diffusa area con valori elevati limitata alla zona sudovest. Per la verità, con una analisi un po’ più approfondita, si notano oltre alla grande anomalia sudovest varie fasce di valori differenti e, quindi, varie interfacce di discontinuità con orientamento nord-sud. La significatività archeologica di questi allineamenti è indubbia, cosa più difficoltosa è la comprensione e l’interpretazione di ciò che è stato rilevato.

Le fasce di valori differenti, particolarmente evidenti nella parte settentrionale dell’area indagata, sono una palese testimonianza dell’esistenza della strada lastricata al di sotto dello strato di terreno. La fascia compresa tra le misurazioni 8 e 11 dovrebbe rappresentare il basolato: qui i picchi sono maggiori che altrove a causa dell’alta resistività del materiale che lo costituisce. Nell’ambito di questa fascia è possibile individuare delle anomalie limitate, anche puntiformi, che si dispongono secondo 941

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI formato da scheggioni e scaglie di tufo; immediatamente al di sotto di questo è stato messo in luce il banco di tufo naturale, che in questa parte del pianoro – evidentemente – affiora sensibilmente. Sulla superficie del banco sono le tracce evidenti dei lavori di aratura, che hanno causato il distacco degli scheggioni sopra ricordati. Nella parte centrale del saggio lo scavo ha messo in luce il basolato integro (largo circa 2,50 m), con le crepidini ancora in massima parte in posizione, ed i marciapiedi con il loro battuto di terra ancora conservato (larghi all’incirca 2,80 m). Lungo la crepidine occidentale, a circa un metro di distanza dal margine sud dello scavo, si conserva un solo umbone. Al di sopra del basolato è stato individuato un sottile strato nerastro e friabile che si può identificare con il deposito accumulatosi lentamente sul piano stradale durante il suo utilizzo; superiormente era uno strato di argilla sabbiosa, di spessore variabile, che riempiva l’avvallamento in cui correva la strada e che si può dunque considerare successivo all’abbandono, se non del tracciato viario, perlomeno delle strutture romane. Già questo strato è stato in parte alterato dalle arature: al di sopra la stratificazione archeologica è stata completamente cancellata dai lavori agricoli. Nella parte est del saggio lo scavo ha raggiunto il terreno vergine ad una profondità media di 66cm al di sotto del piano di campagna.

due allineamenti paralleli non continui rispettivamente in corrispondenza delle misurazioni 8-9 e 10-11. Tali ritmiche evidenze, anche se pur troppo non continue, sembrerebbero poter essere interpretate come gli umboni delle due crepidini della strada. Secondo la lettura proposta il basolato avrebbe una larghezza compresa tra i 2 e i 3 m e gli umboni sarebbero tendenzialmente affrontati e distanti mediamente 2,5 m. È possibile interpretare come banchine le due fasce parallele esterne comprese tra le misurazioni 5 e 8 e tra 11 e 14, particolarmente ben evidenti a partire dalla strisciata 35. Secondo i dati dello scavo del 1997, le banchine dovrebbero essere costituite da una fascia di terra battuta - quindi con caratteristiche fisiche diverse dal terreno circostante; la loro larghezza si dovrebbe aggirare, da entrambi i lati, attorno ai 3,5 m. Per quanto riguarda lo stato di conservazione della via, si potrebbero ipotizzare notevoli danneggiamenti soltanto tra le strisciate 44 e 49. La parte meridionale dell’area indagata è caratterizzata dalla presenza di una grande anomalia che si estende genericamente tra le strisciate 6 e 28, con particolare intensità tra la 7 e la 18, dislocata in parte sul tracciato viario e in parte sulla banchina ovest.

In conclusione la strada correva, perlomeno per il breve tratto preso in esame, leggermente incassata rispetto al piano di campagna, avendo ad ovest il banco di tufo affiorante (una canaletta parallela al tracciato viario proteggeva la strada dallo scolo delle acque), mentre la bassa trincea della strada sembra essere stata scavata direttamente nel terreno vergine; il basolato mantiene una pendenza costante.

La sagoma e l’intensità dell’anomalia sono di difficile interpretazione; è possibile avanzare più di una ipotesi, nessuna definitiva. In primo luogo si potrebbe ipotizzare la presenza di un monumento funerario (abbondanti sono poi elementi architettonici frammentari recuperati nei vicini campi, con ogni probabilità da attribuire a tombe monumentali) costruito a lato della strada e del suo crollo; in secondo luogo si potrebbe riconoscere un esteso dosso (circa 20 m di lunghezza) non molto elevato; come ulteriore ipotesi, piuttosto improbabile ipotesi, si potrebbe supporre la presenza di una diramazione della strada verso ovest.

CONCLUSIONI La campagna di scavo dell’estate 2000 ha fornito dunque molti dati utili per verificare le ipotesi nate a seguito delle indagini geoelettriche: non si può nascondere come nessuna delle interpretazioni che erano state proposte trovi un completo riscontro nella situazione reale, cosa che sarebbe stato eccessivo sperare. Molte sono comunque, fortunatamente, le supposizioni che hanno trovato piena conferma nello scavo, principalmente quelle relative alla presenza o assenza di strutture (o comunque di evidenze particolari) ed al tipo di materiale di cui queste erano costituite: innanzi tutto si è constatata la perfetta conservazione del basolato e delle crepidini, poi è stata confermata la presenza dei marciapiedi e, con buona approssimazione, la loro larghezza, mentre la fascia più orientale è risultata composta, effettivamente, da terreno vergine caratterizzato da una scarsa resistività a causa della sua maggiore umidità relativa. Un discorso a parte merita infine la cosiddetta ‘anomalia nella zona sudovest’, per la quale si era addirittura affacciata l’interpretazione come monumento funerario; la realtà dei fatti ha evidenziato come l’ipotesi più vicina al vero sia la seconda formulata, ossia quella che prevedeva l’esistenza

LO SCAVO Fortunatamente nei mesi di luglio e agosto 2000 è stato possibile effettuare una verifica di scavo nella parte meridionale della zona interessata dalle prospezioni (strisciate 10-15). Lo scavo, oltre alla primaria finalità di portare in luce il basolato della strada romana ed indagare le zone ai lati di esso, è stato impostato come verifica dei dati emersi dalle indagini geoelettriche proprio nell’area dove queste segnalavano la grossa anomalia di resistività di cui si è parlato più sopra. Lo scavo ha evidenziato al di sotto dello humus superficiale (spesso 48 cm ad ovest, 23 al centro e 30 ad est) uno strato argilloso ricco di schegge di tufo, dallo spessore di circa 27 cm che tende a crescere ad est, esteso su tutta l’area dello scavo e derivato dal degrado della stratificazione originaria causato dall’azione ripetuta dei mezzi agricoli. Nella parte ovest del saggio, a breve profondità, si è riscontrata la presenza di uno strato 942

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: FALERII NOVI, PROSPEZIONI GEOFISICHE LUNGO LA VIA AMERINA di un dosso non molto elevato, limitatamente però all’affioramento del banco di tufo ad ovest della strada (un dato precedentemente ignoto): rimane tuttavia da spiegare la ragione dell’altezza dei picchi di resistività sull’area del basolato che, come abbiamo visto, non segue l’andamento del terreno ma mantiene costante la sua pendenza. Concludendo si potrebbe osservare come i tentativi di interpretazione complessa (mausoleo, deverticulum) sono risultati i meno fondati, in quanto – forse – non sufficientemente sostenuti dai risultati delle prospezioni, che sono in grado di dare solo informazioni generiche circa eventuali strutture interrate: si rimarrà maggiormente nel vero tenendo conto di questo limite e usando l’indagine geoelettrica per confermare ipotesi già formate o rimandando le interpretazioni ad una fase successiva alle verifiche di scavo. BIBLIOGRAFIA Caretta L., G. Innocenti, A. Prisco & P. Rossi, 1996. La necropoli della Via Amerina a Falerii Novi, in: Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 B.C. to A.D. 1500. Papers of the fifth conference of Italian Archaeology. Oxford, 423-425.

943

ROFALCO, UN EMPORIUM FORTIFICATO ALL’ALBA DEL III SECOLO A.C. Mauro Incitti, Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli Abstract: Rofalco is a fortified site in the Selva del Lamone territory, about 20 km north of Vulci. Its preserved wall is 330 m long and has at least threet impressive towers; it demarcates a settlement of two hectares. Archaeological data documents buildings dating to the middle of the 4th century BC. Rofalco seems to have been a distribution centre, collecting rural products. It possibly became fortified around 300 BC. The final phase of the settlement (linked to the numerous traces of fire and collapse) can be placed in the beginning of 3rd century BC, and is probably correlated with the Roman conquest of Vulci in 280 BC.

dell’Etruria. Il territorio di Vulci’ (Orbetello 1984);2 il proseguimento delle ricerche è stato oggetto di successivi contributi.3

Il sito di Rofalco si trova a 3 km dal paese di Farnese e si sviluppa sul margine meridionale dell’alto ripiano vulcanico del Lamone, in una posizione di controllo della valle del fiume Olpeta, affluente del Fiora; il territorio circostante è ricoperto da un fitto bosco che costituisce la Riserva naturale della Selva del Lamone (Fig. 1). Il Gruppo Archeologico Romano, a partire dal 1996, porta avanti in collaborazione con la SBAEM un intervento di ripulitura e documentazione del sito, associata ad un controllo dell’abbondante attività di scavo clandestino, finalizzato al recupero dei dati archeologici, al rilievo ed alla sistemazione delle strutture danneggiate.1

I DATI ARCHEOLOGICI (Fig. 2) L’elemento più appariscente e più noto del sito è costituito dagli imponenti resti della cinta muraria che, disegnando un arco di cerchio lungo quasi 330 m, recinge un’area di poco più di un ettaro e mezzo. La parte antistante le mura per buoni tratti sembra regolarizzata in maniera da far ipotizzare la presenza di un largo fossato. Le mura, costruite in grandi blocchi irregolari di pietra lavica locale privi di legante, sono spesse nei punti più larghi 6 m e si conservano per un’altezza massima di poco meno di 4 (Fig. 3); sul lato esterno, in parte sommerse dall’abbondante crollo, sono visibili almeno tre grandi torri a pianta quadrangolare disposte ad intervalli irregolari (Figg. 4-5); su quello interno nonostante la scarsa visibilità sembra possibile individuare alcune strutture addossate forse interpretabili come rampe che permettevano di raggiungere il camminamento delle mura. Un’indicazione sull’altezza originaria della struttura potrà essere ricavata dal calcolo del volume delle pietre del crollo. Su tutta la superficie del sito, a volte portati alla luce da scavi clandestini nonché, significativamente, tra le pietre delle mura sono presenti frammenti ceramici – anche di grandi dimensioni – di materiale edilizio, di doli e di pesi da telaio; sempre in superficie sono visibili alcuni allineamenti di grandi pietre basaltiche affioranti. La realizzazione di alcuni saggi di scavo ha chiarito che tali allineamenti in alcuni casi sono traccia della presenza di muri di ambienti.

Fig. 1. Particolare di una foto aerea della zona risalente agli anni ’60; è segnalato al centro il tracciato curvilineo della cinta muraria. Le prime ricerche condotte sul sito si devono a Ferrante Rittatore von Willer, che alla fine degli anni ’60 realizzò un limitato saggio di scavo per verificare l’entità e la cronologia dell’insediamento; in seguito le ricognizioni del Gruppo Archeologico Romano portarono nei primi anni ’80 ad una più sistematica conoscenza del sito e permisero di raccogliere i primi dati, che vennero presentati in occasione della mostra ‘La romanizzazione

Lo scavo di alcuni di questi contesti ha permesso di documentare, in presenza di un interro piuttosto limitato, una sequenza stratigrafica non particolarmente articolata che nelle sue linee generali si ritrova in quasi tutte le aree indagate. Al di sotto dei muri sono state individuate scarse tracce di precedenti stratificazioni inquadrabili nell’ambito della seconda metà del IV secolo a.C.4 Non molti sono gli strati di vita in associazione ai muri, mentre di maggiore entità sono le testimonianze relative

1 L’attività di tutela e ricerca è stata fino ad ora resa possibile dall’interessamento e dal supporto dell’Amministrazione comunale di Farnese e dall’Ente Riserva naturale della Selva del Lamone, diretto da A. Baragliu. Tutte le attività si svolgono in collaborazione e sotto il controllo della Sovrintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Etruria Meridionale. Gli interventi vengono portati avanti ogni anno volontariamente da numerosi soci del Gruppo Archeologico Romano e di gruppi archeologici di altre regioni. In particolare vogliamo ricordare L. Bracciotti, G. Granero, M. Morandi, A. Padovani, M. Regno, O. Riccardi, F. Rubat Borel, C. Tronci, G. Vendetti.

2

Rendeli 1985. Rendeli 1993, 212-220; Incitti 1999, con bibliografia precedente. 4 Incitti 1999, 13-14. 3

944

MAURO INCITTI, ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: ROFALCO, UN EMPORIUM FORTIFICATO.

Fig. 2. Planimetria del sito di Rofalco. Sono indicate a tratto semplice le ipotesi di integrazione, a tratteggio gli scavi clandestini e le aree di ritrovamento di doli in posizione originaria.

Fig. 3. I restri della cinta muraria. Sullo sfondo a destra la sagoma della prima torre.

Fig. 4. Sezione del muro e prospetto del lato nord della prima torre. 945

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. La prima torre vista da sud. Ben visibile la cortina esterna in opera poligonale.

Fig. 6. Saggio di scavo stratigrafico dove si può osservare il crollo del tetto di un ambiente. tufo. E’ notevole come in alcuni casi tecniche edilizie differenti si ritrovino impiegate negli stessi ambienti: non è ancora chiaro se ciò sia dovuto ad una diversa funzione statica oppure ad una differente cronologia. Gli allineamenti individuati, che sembrano potersi inserire all’interno di maglie regolari di diverso orientamento, si adattarono verosimilmente alla morfologia del sito. Questa dovette condizionare anche la viabilità interna, che certamente doveva esistere, e che sembra potersi percepire nell’area centrale dell’insediamento. L’ingresso all’abitato doveva essere garantito da alcuni accessi: il principale sicuramente all’estremità orientale delle mura in prossimità del margine del pianoro, uno verso sud che collegava direttamente con il fondovalle, un altro, probabilmente, a nord ovest in corrispondenza delle due torri. Questi accessi erano in relazione alla viabilità esterna e dovevano consentire direttamente il collegamento con la percorrenza che sfruttava la valle dell’Olpeta e con le zone agricole circostanti come la vicina Roccoia.6

Fig. 7. Un ambiente danneggiato da scavi clandestini dopo la ripulitura. Visibili le due pareti costruite con scheggioni di pietra lavica. alla distruzione ed al crollo delle strutture (Fig. 6) testimoniati a volte anche da strati di bruciato; in un caso peraltro si segnala la presenza di un proiettile da fionda. L’abbandono degli edifici si può collocare in base ai reperti nel primo quarto del III secolo a.C.5 All’interno degli ambienti in alcuni casi sono stati trovati frammenti di doli nella loro collocazione originaria.

I materiali raccolti nel corso delle indagini sono in parte esposti nel locale Museo Civico. Tra i reperti sono da segnalare un nucleo di frammenti dell’età del Bronzo provenienti tutti da contesti secondari di età posteriore: il loro numero elevato potrebbe far supporre la presenza di un piccolo insediamento sconvolto dall’impianto di epoca storica. La quasi totalità dei materiali si data invece tra la seconda metà del IV e il primo quarto del III secolo a.C. e pertanto testimonia la breve durata del sito. Nella grande varietà delle classi e delle forme ceramiche attestate è da segnalare l’anomala generale contrapposizione tra l’abbondante presenza di forme chiuse da conservazione in ceramica comune (doli ed olle) e le forme aperte di ceramica fine (vernice nera anche sovradipinta, bucchero

Gli ambienti, che nella maggior parte dei casi indagati presentano una larghezza costante di circa 6.5 m, sono delimitati da muri conservati per un’altezza massima che non supera il metro. Solo in un caso è stata rinvenuta la pavimentazione originaria in grandi blocchi di tufo, altrove è ipotizzabile la presenza di semplici battuti di terra. Come si è visto i muri non sono conservati per un’altezza significativa ed inoltre l’alzato non è sempre facilmente ricostruibile; tuttavia finora sono state identificate tre differenti tecniche edilizie: murature a secco di grandi massi basaltici appena sbozzati e pietre di dimensioni minori (Fig. 7), l’opera a telaio con blocchi di tufo e schegge di basalto e le mura in opera quadrata di 5

6 Dove le ricognizioni hanno individuato la presenza di materiali cronologicamente vicini a quelli di Rofalco (Incitti 1999, 8).

Incitti 1999, 16-17.

946

MAURO INCITTI, ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: ROFALCO, UN EMPORIUM FORTIFICATO. Ghiaccioforte11 e quanto noto degli strati preromani di Saturnia.12

grigio, ceramica etrusca a figure rosse). Da sottolineare la pressochè totale assenza di fornelli e di anfore da trasporto nonché degli strumenti da tessitura, come fuseruole e rocchetti, da contrapporre alla singolare abbondanza di pesi da telaio, molti dei quali segnati. Sono attestate alcune iscrizioni frammentarie in lingua etrusca su ceramica vascolare, su un orlo di glirarium e su una tegola. Notevole la presenza di frammenti di ben tre gliraria, che potrebbero costituire una delle più antiche attestazioni della forma.

In tutti questi siti, come a Rofalco, vengono utilizzati prevalentemente i materiali reperibili in loco, particolarmente frequente è l’uso della pietra nelle opere difensive, nelle parti basse dei muri e nelle pavimentazioni. Tutti i siti subirono una distruzione violenta probabilmente in seguito alla conquista del territorio da parte dei romani. I particolari di questa campagna militare ci rimangono piuttosto oscuri per la scarsità delle fonti: uno dei pochi dati sicuri è il trionfo sui vulcenti riportato nel 280 a.C. Certamente gli eventi dovettero danneggiare pesantemente tutti i centri del territorio, a partire dalla stessa Vulci.

La presenza di ceramica fine può essere collegata, in almeno due dei casi indagati, ad un uso evidentemente rituale: si tratta di tre piccoli depositi che per il loro interesse ci sembra opportuno descrivere più approfonditamente. Nel 1996 venne ritrovato, ai piedi di un muro forse di contenimento parallelo alla scarpata, nei pressi della porta sud, un gruppo di frammenti di ceramiche fini purtroppo sconvolto da scavi clandestini.7 Tra questi si riconosce un’anfora con decorazione geometrica a vernice nera (databile al IV secolo a.C.) con tracce del tappo e resti ossei animali combusti, un piattello in bucchero grigio (databile tra la fine del IV e gli inizi del III secolo a.C.) e una kylix in vernice nera sovradipinta attribuibile al gruppo Sokra (metà del IV secolo a.C.): i materiali, che comprendono anche altri frammenti di bucchero e vernice nera, presentano tracce di bruciatura e potrebbero provenire da una sorta di nicchia ricavata poco sopra all’interno del muro.

Il sito di Rofalco dal punto di vista interpretativo presenta caratteri particolari che lo differenziano dagli altri già ricordati. L’esistenza, per quanto finora percepibile, di edifici dalle dimensioni grossomodo standardizzate da un lato, l’abbondante e diffusa presenza di doli e di altri contenitori da conservazione in contrapposizione alla scarsità di altre forme tipiche di contesti insediativi dall’altro, sembrano marcare una spiccata funzione di immagazzinamento del sito. I prodotti conservati in questi magazzini dovevano con ogni probabilità essere relativi alla sfera agricola, tuttavia, come denota la quasi totale assenza di anfore da trasporto, questi prodotti dovevano restare al di fuori dei consueti canali di commercio. La presenza di grandi cisterne potrebbe non essere estranea alle logiche di immagazzinamento.

Nello stesso anno, nell’ampliamento di un vecchio scavo clandestino, è stato rinvenuto al di sotto di un muro in scheggioni di basalto un piccolo strato con abbondanti tracce di bruciatura:8 al suo interno, oltre ad alcuni frammenti di ceramica comune, erano presenti una oinochoe in vernice nera riconducibile ai tipi 2722-5724 del Morel (datati tra il 340 ed il 280 a.C.) ed un piattello su alto piede anch’esso in vernice nera, affine a tipi datati dal Morel tra il 330 ed il 270 a.C. Il contesto potrebbe trovare confronti con il ben più ampio pozzo sacrificale dell’abitato di Doganella (Grosseto), che presenta materiali analoghi e datati allo stesso periodo.9

Il modello insediativo del magazzino fortificato non è certo ignoto nell’antichità: un esempio non troppo distante nello spazio e nel tempo è quello che ci viene presentato da Livio nel racconto delle prime fasi della guerra annibalica.13 La nascita di un insediamento dalla funzione così specializzata può non essere casuale, ma al contrario inserirsi bene nel generale clima di incertezza che caratterizza l’Etruria meridionale nel IV secolo, in concomitanza con le guerre che portarono alla sottomissione di tutte le grandi città come Tarquinia. D’altra parte è da notare che l’apparente capacità di immagazzinamento del sito fa supporre che ad esso dovesse far capo buona parte del territorio circostante.

Un terzo nucleo di ceramiche fini, ancora in fase di studio, comprende un kyathos miniaturistico in vernice nera e tre piattelli su piede avvicinabili al noto gruppo ‘di Genucilia’.

Rimane ancora da valutare il significato da attribuire alla discreta presenza di materiali fini rinvenuti talvolta in stretta relazione con gli ambienti e i grandi contenitori di immagazzinamento. Un’ipotesi tutta da verificare potrebbe legarli allo svolgimento di cerimonie connesse con il calendario agricolo.

IPOTESI DI LAVORO Può essere utile confrontare il nostro sito con alcuni dei principali insediamenti coevi del territorio vulcente, come il grande abitato di Doganella,10 l’oppidum di 7

Incitti 1999, 10-11, con bibliografia di riferimento. Incitti 1999, 13-14, con bibliografia di riferimento. Michelucci 1985a, 112, fig. 122. 10 Michelucci 1985a, con bibliografia precedente. 8

11

9

12

Rendini 1985, con bibliografia precedente. Michelucci 1985b, con bibliografia precedente. 13 Liv. XXI, 57.

947

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

BIBLIOGRAFIA Incitti, M., 1999. L’abitato fortificato di Rofalco nell’entroterra vulcente (Viterbo). Ipotesi preliminari sulle fasi etrusche dell’insediamento. Archeologia Uomo Territorio 18, 5-21. Michelucci, M., 1985a. Doganella-Kalousuon. L’identificazione e lo scavo della città, in: La romanizzazione dell’Etruria: il territorio di Vulci (cat. mostra Orbetello 1985). Milano, 110-114. Michelucci, M., 1985b. Saturnia e il suo territorio. La città, in: La romanizzazione dell’Etruria: il territorio di Vulci (cat. mostra Orbetello 1985). Milano, 132136. Rendeli, M., 1985. L’oppidum di Rofalco nella Selva del Lamone, in: La romanizzazione dell’Etruria: il territorio di Vulci (cat. mostra Orbetello 1985). Milano, 60-61. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Rendini, P., 1985. Ghiaccioforte. L’oppidum, in: La romanizzazione dell’Etruria: il territorio di Vulci (cat. mostra Orbetello 1985). Milano, 131-132.

948

GROTTE PINZA, UN OPPIDUM AL CONFINE TRA CAERE E TARQUINIA Orlando Cerasuolo & Luca Pulcinelli Abstract: Grotte Pinza is a fortified settlement along the Mignone river, and probably was a boundary site between Caere and Tarquinia in the Monti della Tolfa. The settlement, partially protected by natural defences, is marked by walls and some other archaeological traces (tombs, cuniculi, basins and some pottery). Typological comparison of wall construction techniques suggests a date in the 4th century BC. The study of these fortified sites is important, as it sheds more light on the complex Roman expansion into southern Etruria.

La fortificazione della fascia di confine del territorio tarquiniese, fenomeno che pare estendersi oltre l’area dei Monti della Tolfa e della valle del Mignone verso est e verso nord fino al fondamentale caposaldo di Sutri e gli importanti centri di Blera e Norchia, trova la sua spiegazione ed inquadramento storico nella situazione di attrito tra la potente città etrusca e Roma che attraversa, alternando guerre a periodi di tregua e di relazioni quasi cordiali, tutto il IV sec.1 Un primo scontro tra le due città si ebbe ancora prima della caduta di Veio, con un intervento militare tarquiniese che si risolse in reciproche incursioni oltre confine,2 all’interno delle quali si dovrebbe situare anche il discusso episodio della conquista romana di Cortuosa e Contenebra riportato da Livio3; il dato più importante di questi scontri altrimenti del tutto secondari è che, almeno in parte, si svolgono in territorio di Caere, evidentemente già aperto all’azione degli eserciti romani.

intorno a Sutri, che proprio allora viene finalmente superata dai romani,6 quindi in Umbria, nel volsiniese e nel tarquiniese. Il conflitto termina nuovamente con la concessione di indutiae che paiono marcare, questa volta, una decisa vittoria romana.7 In questo contesto si inserisce anche la notizia problematica e suggestiva del ‘castello ceretano’ espugnato dai romani nel 308.8 L’ipotesi di un organico e capillare controllo del territorio e dei confini da parte di Tarquinia (e degli altri stati etruschi?) si accorderebbe meglio con l’ampiezza dell’area interessata dalle operazioni militari nella guerra del 312-308: inoltre, come abbiamo visto, la città alla metà del IV sec. era in una fase di espansione politica e di iniziativa militare che i trattati con Roma del 351 probabilmente solo rallentarono. Il sito9 occupa un’altura, localmente denominata Grotte Pinza, che domina la media valle del Mignone poco prima che il corso del fiume devii nettamente verso occidente, circa 5 Km a nord-est di Tolfa.10 Lo sperone tufaceo appare isolato (in una zona dove prevalgono terreni marnosi ed argillosi) di forma vagamente trapezoidale, con la sommità pianeggiante (circa 120 m slm) limitata su tre lati da alte pareti a strapiombo; il

Decisamente più importante la guerra del 358 (o 356)351 a.C. che vede Tarquinia, dopo un trentennio di buoni rapporti etrusco-romani, passare decisamente all’offensiva sotto la guida di capi militari come l’Aulo Spurinna degli elogia Tarquiniensia:4 l’azione si sviluppa nelle zone di Sutri e delle salinae, quindi coinvolgendo nuovamente il territorio di Caere, che infatti entra in guerra contro Roma nel 353, verosimilmente a seguito di fortissime pressioni da parte di Tarquinia. Il conflitto termina stancamente con la concessione di lunghe indutiae che maschererebbero in realtà, secondo diversi studiosi, una sostanziale sconfitta romana.

6 Significativo l’episodio, quasi fiabesco nella narrazione liviana (Liv. IX, 36), dell’attraversamento dell’impenetrabile silva Ciminia. 7 Liv. IX, 41: da notare come in questa occasione Tarquinia, che forse non ricopriva più una posizione di preminenza, ottenne un trattamento privilegiato. 8 Diod. XX, 44, 9; il passo è stato approfondito da Fraschetti 1980, con bibliografia precedente. 9 I dati qui presentati sono il risultato del lavoro di molte persone che hanno partecipato ad alcune fasi del progetto; è importante ricordare anche in questa sede il loro indispensabile e volontario lavoro: Cecilia Attanasio, Marco Fatucci, Marco Gattamorta, Francesco Leone, Elisabetta Onnis, Maurizio Stasi e Alessandra Zaccardi. 10 La prima segnalazione della presenza di un abitato etrusco sul sito (di cui non viene riportato il nome) risale al 1882 e si trova in una relazione del Gamurrini sull’avanzamento dei lavori della Carta Archeologica d’Italia rimasta a lungo inedita (Gamurrini et alii 1972, 151): la descrizione dei resti è, per l’epoca, molto precisa e vi si riconosce con sicurezza l’antico accesso al pianoro, fiancheggiato da arcosolii; un pagus viene poi ricordato da Bastianelli 1942, 246. In tempi più recenti una presenza etrusca viene segnalata sul sito in Bulgarelli, Maestri & Petrizzi 1977, 21 e tav. 17. Solo da pochi anni è stata pubblicata una descrizione completa, ancorchè sommaria, dei resti, corredata da fotografie e da una schematica planimetria (Hemphill 2000, 112-113). Il sito, a partire dagli anni ’80, è stato più volte indagato dai volontari del Gruppo Archeologico Romano nell’ambito di periodiche campagne di ricognizione territoriale.

L’ultima guerra che vede Tarquinia in prima linea contro Roma è quella del 312-308, più volte ridimensionata e messa in dubbio dalla critica storica anche recente:5 ancora una volta gli scontri avvengono principalmente 1

Il fenomeno è stato analizzato recentemente da Naso 1999 e da Lombardi & Santella 1994, che riportano la bibliografia precedente. Un inquadramento più generale, relativo al territorio tolfetano, si trova in Torelli 1970-71, 432-436. 2 Liv. V, 16, 2-7. 3 Liv. VI, 4, 7-11: il collegamento tra i due episodi è stato proposto da Sordi 1987, 162. L’azione contro Cortuosa e Contenebra è stata anche interpretata come anticipazione di episodi della guerra iniziata nel 358 a.C. (Torelli 1975, 67, con bibliografia precedente). 4 Sul conflitto, ed in particolare sulla controversa ricostruzione cronologica degli avvenimenti, vedere in particolare Sordi 1960, 56-74, 124-128, 137-138; Harris 1971, 45-48; Torelli 1975, 67-92; Sordi 1987, 163-167. 5 Sordi 1987, 167; del conflitto ha trattato diffusamente Harris 1971, 49-61.

949

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. Il sito visto da ovest, sullo sfondo la valle del Mignone. Mignone lambisce ad est la base della collina disegnando un’ampia ansa. Il lato occidentale invece è collegato attraverso una sella pianeggiante e non troppo larga ai pendii del Marano e, per mezzo di questi, alle pendici del massiccio di M. Piantangeli (Fig. 1). E’ su questo lato, l’unico non difeso naturalmente, che si sono concentrati gli interventi per la realizzazione di opere di fortificazione, che costituiscono oggi i resti certo più notevoli visibili in zona. LE FORTIFICAZIONI Sul lato ovest dell’insediamento, che come si è detto era il più debole, un primo basso dislivello del tufo, presente nella metà settentrionale della sella, venne ampiamente sfruttato come fronte di cava per l’estrazione di blocchi (sono riconoscibili diversi tagli regolari, Fig. 2:A); la linea di difesa vera e propria era però più arretrata, separata da quello da una fascia pianeggiante larga poco più di 25 m: qui un gradone del tufo, certamente naturale, venne ampiamente rimodellato e reso il più possibile verticale e regolare. Questa scarpata artificiale, la cui altezza varia da un minimo di 2.5 m ad un massimo di 5, inizia all’estremità nord del pianoro, dove la balza naturale comincia ad abbassarsi, formando un saliente ad angolo retto; descrive poi una larga curva verso ovest prima di incontrare, dopo circa 40 m, la sella già descritta e dirigersi quindi decisamente verso sud sbarrando l’accesso alla sommità per quasi 140 m, per ricongiungersi poi ad angolo retto all’altissima rupe che caratterizza tutto il versante sud dell’altura. In questo

Fig. 2. Planimetria generale del sito. punto (Fig. 3), nonostante i danni causati dai crolli e dal passaggio di un moderno sentiero, si può cogliere meglio

950

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: GROTTE PINZA, UN OPPIDUM AL CONFINE TRA CAERE E TARQUINIA

Fig. 3. Il costone sud del pianoro con in evidenza il profilo del banco di tufo lavorato. riempimento. Le cortine esterne sono realizzate in opera quadrata pseudoisodoma con blocchi di dimensioni variabili disposti irregolarmente per testa e per taglio: prevalgono tuttavia i primi, specialmente nella cortina esterna, maggiormente esposta a sollecitazioni. I piani di posa non sono perfettamente orizzontali, si notano anzi in alcuni punti dei veri e propri gradini; anche i giunti verticali non sempre sono ben alternati: in alcuni punti lo sfalsamento è minimo mentre in altri si notano addirittura delle pericolose sovrapposizioni.11

che altrove la regolarità del taglio e l’ampiezza delle opere di sistemazione, che comportarono anche un livellamento dell’area antistante.

Fig. 4. Alcune sezioni del muro di cinta. Al di sopra di questa prima difesa venne costruito un robusto muro di cinta che andava ad integrare e potenziare le difese naturali (Figg. 4-5): l’insieme, anche se conservato in maniera discontinua, mostra caratteristiche strutturali omogenee e sembra frutto di un unico intervento edilizio. La fortificazione si presenta come un muro in opera quadrata di tufo a due cortine apparentemente non collegate da segmenti trasversali, largo mediamente 1.70 m e riempito all’interno di un conglomerato di terra e grosse schegge di tufo; alcuni blocchi posti irregolarmente all’interno sembrano comunque compartimentare in qualche modo il

Fig. 5. Pianta e alzato di una porzione del muro di cinta.

11 I blocchi non hanno tutti le stesse dimensioni e la stessa forma; di seguito si danno le misure di tre esemplari rappresentativi della varietà riscontrata: m 0.75×0.45×0.45; 0.50×0.50×0.55; 0.30×0.50×0.

951

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 7. Particolare del muro a doppia cortina.

Fig. 6. Particolare del muro con la cortina esterna in parte franata.

palesemente successivo alla distruzione della cinta muraria, per quanto non si possa escludere che abbia ereditato le funzioni di una antica postierla.

LA PORTA L’accesso antico al pianoro, logicamente munito anch’esso di opere di difesa, doveva trovarsi sul lato ovest: qui in prossimità del centro della sella, alla destra di un moderno casaletto, si può notare come il gradone di tufo risulti interrotto da una sorta di ripiano largo circa 5 m digradante come una rampa dalla sommità in direzione sud (Fig. 2:B). In corrispondenza di questo apprestamento il muro di cinta superiore si divarica dividendosi in due segmenti pressochè paralleli, allineato l’uno con il margine esterno della rampa, l’altro con il filo del gradone principale. Il cattivo stato di conservazione delle strutture in questo punto rende assai difficile una ricostruzione della porta, anche se pare evidente l’utilizzo di quel noto dispositivo di difesa che consiste nel forzare gli assalitori a percorrere una via obbligata volgendo il fianco destro, indifeso, alle mura della fortificazione.

LE STRUTTURE INTERNE DELL’ABITATO All’interno della cinta si riconoscono le tracce di pochissimi manufatti: nella parte ovest, dove l’interro è maggiore, il terreno è oggi lasciato a pascolo, mentre la metà orientale è coperta da una fitta ed impenetrabile macchia che rende impossibile riconoscere eventuali tracce sulle parti esposte del banco di tufo.12 Verso l’estremità nord del pianoro un taglio artificiale alto al massimo 1.5 m e lungo circa 10 m interrompe la pendenza naturale creando una sorta di ripiano con una ‘piazzetta’ sottostante. Al di sopra di questo gradone si nota l’apertura a pozzo di una cavità (Fig. 2:D) di forma vagamente retangolare scavata nel tufo, profonda circa 1.4 m e con le pareti segnate da profonde solcature orizzontali, interpretabile come silos.

Dei due accessi al pianoro oggi praticabili uno, il sentiero che costeggia il margine sud della sella, è visibilmente moderno ed incompatibile con la struttura della fortificazione, l’altro, il principale (Fig. 1:C), che si apre verso la valle subito dietro al saliente nord, è anch’esso

12 Da notare come Hemphill 2000 segnali la presenza di ceramica preistorica e di materiali databili tra la tarda età repubblicana e l’impero.

952

ORLANDO CERASUOLO & LUCA PULCINELLI: GROTTE PINZA, UN OPPIDUM AL CONFINE TRA CAERE E TARQUINIA BIBLIOGRAFIA

Sul lato opposto della ‘piazzetta’, in prossimità del punto più basso, dove passa oggi una via di accesso, si riconosce un allineamento di blocchi di tufo (Fig. 2:E) appena affioranti dalla terra, disposti ad arco di cerchio su due filari paralleli: si potrebbe trattare di una canalizzazione o dei resti di un muro di contenimento; i resti non offrono purtroppo elementi di datazione.

Bastianelli, S., 1942. Il territorio tolfetano nell’antichità. StEtr 16, 229-260. Bulgarelli, F., D. Maestri & V. Petrizzi, 1977. Tolfa etrusca e la necropoli di Pian Conserva. Roma. Fraschetti, A., 1980. I Ceriti e il “castello ceretano”. Diodoro (XIV 117,7 e XX 44,9) AnnOrNapArchSt 2, 147-155. Gamurrini, G.F., A. Cozza, A. Pasqui & R. Mengarelli, 1972. Carta Archeologica d’Italia (1881-1897) (= Materiali per l’Etruria e la Sabina (Forma Italiae II,1)). Firenze. Harris, E.C., 1971. Rome in Etruria and Umbria. Oxford. Hemphill, P., 2000. Archaeological investigations in Southern Etruria, Vol. I, The Civitella Cesi survey (= Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom, 4°, XXVIII : I). Stockholm. Lombardi, L. & L. Santella, 1994. Il Castellaccio di Capo Ripa (Capranica, VT). Informazioni 3 (11), 13-19. Naso, A., 1999. Un oppidum etrusco sul sito di Cencelle, in: Leopoli-Cencelle I Le preesistenze (= Tardo Antico e Medio Evo, 1). Roma, 70-76. Sordi, M., 1960. I rapporti romano-ceriti e l’origine della civitas sine suffragio. Roma. Sordi, M., 1987. Tarquinia e Roma, in: Tarquinia: ricerche, scavi, prospettive, Atti del Convegno. Milano, 159-169. Torelli, M., 1970-1. Contributo dell’archeologia alla storia sociale: 1. L’Etruria e l’Apulia (Incontro di studi su Roma e l’Italia fra i Gracchi e Silla). DialA 45 (2-3), 431-442. Torelli, M., 1975. Elogia Tarquiniensia. Firenze.

Circa 15 m più a sud dei resti appena descritti, in alto sul costone di tufo occidentale sbocca uno stretto cunicolo a sezione ogivale (Fig. 2:F) che si addentra nel banco in linea retta per circa 10 m terminando apparentemente in corrispondenza di un pozzo molto rovinato aperto sul pianoro. La presenza di questa imboccatura sul lato più esposto della fortificazione potrebbe forse indicare una posteriorità dell’opera idraulica rispetto all’utilizzo del sito come fortificazione. LE TOMBE Il gradone di tufo che caratterizza il lato ovest del sito venne sfruttato anche, in vari periodi, per la realizzazione di alcune strutture funerarie: due ambienti ipogei piuttosto grandi ed articolati ma quasi completamente trasformati da interventi successivi (tuttora sono adibiti a ricovero di bestiame ed in parte interrati) e tre arcosoli a forma di nicchia absidata, piuttosto semplici. Seguendo il costone da nord a sud si incontra per prima, a circa 14 m dallo sbocco del cunicolo, una struttura formata da due ambienti ipogei (Fig. 2:G) di forma irregolare indipendenti, messi in comunicazione attraverso una sorta di alto vestibolo quadrangolare, largo 6 m e profondo più di 5, aperto sulla parete; il primo ambiente presenta una pianta sommariamente rettangolare (dim. 4.50×10 m) ed un’altezza, ove misurabile, di 2.10 m: esso comunica con il ‘vestibolo’ attraverso un’apertura asimmetrica larga circa 2 m. L’altro ambiente ha una pianta assolutamente irregolare (dim. massime 8×7 m), con pareti curvilinee: vi si accede direttamente dall’esterno tramite un vano largo 2.70 m, mentre una stretta apertura posta in un angolo della stanza assicura il collegamento con il contiguo vestibolo; sulle pareti di questo secondo ambiente sono visibili alcune nicchie di varie dimensioni. Dieci metri più a sud si riconoscono appena, piuttosto in alto sulla rupe, i resti di un arcosolio (Fig. 2:H) purtroppo coinvolto in un recente crollo che ha portato al distacco di diversi grossi massi dalla parete di tufo; segue, dopo circa 15 m, l’altro ambiente ipogeo (Fig. 2:I), dalla pianta irregolare e curvilinea apparentemente articolata in due stanze, profondo circa 10.50 m. Il secondo arcosolio (Fig. 2:L) si trova a fianco dell’ambiente, su un basso ripiano ai piedi del gradone vicino ad un casaletto abbandonato, e presenta sulla fronte le tracce dell’incasso per le lastre di chiusura del loculo. Il terzo arcosolio (Fig. 2:M) si trova invece in posizione più isolata, oltre la porta antica, a 60 m di distanza dal precedente.

953

CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA. IL CASO DELLE ANFORE RICHBOROUGH 527 T. Ravasi Abstract: This paper deals with the study of a group of amphorae named Richborough 527, found at the Roman site of Calvatone-Bedriacum, a small vicus in the Po plain near the colony of Cremona. The ancient name of the town is reported in literary sources in connection with the battles between Otho and Vitellius and between Vitellius and Vespasianus. The Universities of Milan and Pavia (under the direction of G. Sena Chiesa and M.P. Lavizzari Pedrazzini) have since 1988 studied the site of Bedriacum, through archaeological investigations, survey and geophysical analysis. The find at Calvatone of a substantial amount of amphorae Richborough 527, probably produced on Lipari and not frequent in Cisalpine Gaul, provides details on commerce, which was oriented on the Adriatic coast and the East Mediterranean Sea. The presence of these amphorae might be due to the demand for special products like alum, not available on the traditional markets.

Dal 1988 è in corso un progetto di ricerca condotto dalle Università degli Studi di Milano e di Pavia, sotto la direzione di G. Sena Chiesa e M. P. Lavizzari Pedrazzini presso il sito dell’antica Bedriacum, un piccolo centro della Cisalpina romana individuato a pochi chilometri dall’odierna Calvatone, nella Lombardia sud-orientale (Fig. 1). Il progetto, che prevede l’indagine dell’abitato attraverso annuali campagne di scavo, progetti di ricognizione e prospezioni geomagnetiche, ha come obiettivo lo studio sistematico ed approfondito del centro di età romana, collocato a pochi chilometri di distanza dalla colonia di Cremona e citato dalle fonti in relazione alle sanguinose battaglie che intercorsero tra i successori di Nerone nel 69 d.C.

Il vicus fu realizzato su un alto terrazzamento a brevissima distanza dal fiume Oglio (28-31 m s.l.m.), in prossimità di un punto di guado utilizzato probabilmente già in epoca preromana, in una posizione che doveva preservare l’insediamento dalle periodiche esondazioni del fiume e impedire il ristagno delle acque in un territorio per altro segnato fortemente dalla presenza dell’acqua.4 Accanto a ragioni di carattere ambientale, la scelta di ubicazione del vicus fu senza dubbio legata ad importanti fattori di carattere strategico-commerciale: la vicinanza alla colonia di Cremona, fondata nel 218 a.C. come avamposto contro i Galli, la presenza dell’importante via consolare Postumia, realizzata nel 148 a.C., che collegava Genova ad Aquileia, e di una strada che collegava forse il vicus a Brixellum, ed infine la presenza di un’importante rete di idrovie che collegava l’Adriatico alla Pianura Padana centrale ponevano il vicus al centro di un articolato reticolo di vie di comunicazione in direzione del Po, dell’Adriatico, dei valichi alpini, della Transpadana e dell’Emilia. L’insediamento doveva rappresentare pertanto un punto di transito e di scambio commerciale, e funzionava forse da collettore delle campagne circostanti, troppo lontane da Cremona. Sembra pertanto rientrare nella tipologia insediativa dei piccoli centri di carattere produttivo e commerciale con modeste fattorie che caratterizza l’assetto territoriale centropadano e che si differenzia in età imperiale dal sistema delle grandi ville schiavistiche tipico dell’area peninsulare e di quella veneta.5

Le campagne di scavo condotte dalle Università negli anni 1988-2000 (Fig. 2) hanno portato alla luce importanti resti di un quartiere residenziale caratterizzato dalla presenza di almeno due domus e di strutture a probabile destinazione commerciale, delimitato a nord da una via porticata e da un vasto spazio acciottolato a nord di questa, per un’estensione di circa un dodicesimo dell’area di 30 ettari che si può attribuire all’insediamento.1 Nel 1994-1995 è stato condotto inoltre uno scavo nell’area settentrionale di proprietà provinciale che ha interessato la cosiddetta via porticata e l’area immediatamente ad ovest di tale struttura.2 Le indagini più recenti (2001-2003) interessano invece la porzione settentrionale dell’abitato, dove fu rinvenuta nel corso degli anni ‘60 la cosiddetta domus del Labirinto. Al di fuori dell’area indagata dalle università sono stati realizzati alcuni saggi esplorativi per conto della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, a cura di L. Passi Pitcher, che hanno portato al rinvenimento di un probabile quartiere a destinazione artigianale e di una strada glareata, nell’area denominata Campo del Generale.3

Gli scavi dell’Università hanno permesso di individuare almeno cinque fasi abitative del sito, a partire dalla fine del II secolo a.C. fino al V secolo d.C., momento che segna l’abbandono del vicus.6 Il materiale rinvenuto ha costituito una fonte preziosa per una migliore conoscenza delle diverse fasi insediative dell’abitato e per la comprensione della fitta rete di attività economiche e commerciali che gli abitanti dovevano intrattenere con i centri vicini, in particolare con la colonia di Cremona.

1

Lo scavo è oggetto di pubblicazioni preliminari: Sena Chiesa 1991, 45-49; 1995-1997, 138-142; 1998a, 85-87; 1998b, 345-367; Sena Chiesa & Grassi 1999-2000, 152-155. 2 Sena Chiesa, Masseroli, Medici & Volontè 1997. 3 Passi Pitcher 1996.

4

Per l’assetto geologico del territorio: Angelucci 1996; 1997. Sena Chiesa 1998b, 345-346. 6 Per la divisione in fasi: Sena Chiesa 1998b, 351-362. 5

954

T. RAVASI: CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA

Fig. 1. Le principali reti viarie dell’Italia centrosettentrionale e la posizione di Bedriacum lungo la via Postumia (tratto da: Passi Pitcher 1996, fig. 26, p. 56).

Fig. 2. Calvatone (CR), loc. Costa di S. Andrea, scavi nell’area di proprietà provinciale e nell’area del cd. ‘Campo del Generale’.

955

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Lo studio dei recipienti anforari rinvenuti nei diversi contesti di scavo ha costituito un elemento di fondamentale importanza per la ricostruzione del ruolo rivestito dal piccolo centro nell’ambito delle principali direttrici di traffico commerciale di compravendita di derrate alimentari, in particolare vino, olio e prodotti a base di pesce.7

caratteristiche morfologiche dei recipienti, definendo almeno due varianti, a loro volta suddivise in due gruppi, riconducibili a momenti cronologici differenti, che abbracciano un arco di tempo molto ampio, compreso tra il secondo terzo del I secolo a.C. fino alla metà del III secolo d.C.11 Il corpo ceramico si presenta generalmente grossolano, duro e ruvido al tatto con caratteristici inclusi di grosse dimensioni, molti dei quali di origine vulcanica, di colore giallino chiaro, giallo verdognolo (Munsell 5Y 7/2). Sono però documentati anche impasti più fini di colore giallo chiaro o arancio mattone.

Dal punto di vista dei rinvenimenti anforari il vicus risulta proiettato essenzialmente verso l’ambito commerciale adriatico ed egeo-orientale, verso il quale mantiene un rapporto privilegiato fino alle ultime fasi di vita dell’insediamento. Non mancano comunque testimonianze dell’arrivo nel centro di prodotti provenienti dall’occidente mediterraneo, in particolare dal Tirreno (Dressel 1 e Dressel 2/4) e dalla Spagna (Dressel 7/11).

Se il rinvenimento di centinaia di frammenti, di marchi di fabbrica e di scarti di lavorazione di questi recipienti a Lipari, nelle Eolie ha contribuito a identificare in quest’isola almeno un ambito di provenienza,12 difficile risulta ancora oggi identificarne il contenuto. La manifattura grossolana dell’impasto sembra escludere la possibilità di un loro impiego per il trasporto di liquidi come vino o olio ma la somiglianza morfologica con le anfore di forma Dressel 21/22, adibite al trasporto della frutta conservata, ha fatto ipotizzare un analogo impiego. La presenza di un centro di produzione a Lipari ha indotto P. Borgard ad immaginare che le Richborough 527 fossero utilizzate per il trasporto di allume, impiegato nell’antichità soprattutto nella lavorazione di pelli e tessuti, la cui produzione è attestata nell’isola fin dall’antichità e il cui commercio, secondo le fonti, garantiva profitti favolosi ai suoi abitanti.13

Proprio nell’ambito delle relazioni commerciali con il Tirreno sembra possibile inquadrare il ritrovamento di un numero consistente di frammenti di una forma precedentemente non attestata nel vicus: l’anfora di forma Richborough 527.8 Da contesti di età flavio-traianea provengono grandi quantità di frammenti riconducibili a questa forma ben attestata nelle Gallie e nei castra britannici della prima età imperiale (Fig. 3).9 La classificazione tipologica e la descrizione della forma Richborough 527 risale al 1968 e si deve a W. Pearce, nell’ambito degli scavi del forte romano di Richborough, nel Kent.10 Nonostante alcune differenze morfologiche e di impasto, i contenitori di forma Richborough 527 sono riconducibili ad una medesima famiglia di anfore contraddistinte da un orlo a fascia con sezione a mandorla, collo leggermente troncoconico, anse ad orecchia, generalmente costolate, impostate sul collo, e corpo cilindrico, solcato da caratteristiche costolature a spirale. Il fondo presenta generalmente un puntale pieno a bottone. All’interno di questa forma P. Borgard ha operato una suddivisione in base alle diverse

Scarsa è fino ad oggi la documentazione epigrafica rinvenuta su questi contenitori: il dato più interessante è senza dubbio documentato dal rinvenimento di alcuni bolli PVBL., in cartiglio circolare, triangolare con la punta rivolta verso il basso o a forma di goccia d’acqua ribaltata, documentati anche su un’anfora di forma Dressel 2/4. Accanto a PVBL. sono documentati bolli P. (forse un’abbreviazione di PVBL.), AR., K (?), A.C.AR/C.FR.F e C.C.ATR (o AFR), impressi in cartiglio rettangolare sotto le anse e due lettere graffite, isolate, incise su numerosi frammenti di pancia: N e D.14 Le anfore di forma Richborough 527 rinvenute al Calvatone sembrano costituire nel loro complesso un gruppo omogeneo sia morfologicamente che per il tipo di impasti riscontrati (Fig. 3: 1, 2, 4). Sono contraddistinte da un orlo a fascia ingrossata ed esternamente arrotondata, con sezione a mandorla e labbro superiormente appuntito, generalmente verticale e talvolta leggermente inclinata verso l’interno (solo in un caso si presenta esoverso). Le anse sono ad orecchia, costolate, impostate sotto l’orlo (talvolta vi si

7 Le anfore rinvenute a Calvatone sono state oggetto di numerosi studi. Per i recipienti emersi nel corso degli scavi dell’Università: Facchini 1991; Masseroli 1997; Facchini 1997; Lavizzari Pedrazzini 1998; Facchini 1998a; 1998b; Bonini & Masseroli 1998. Le anfore rinvenute nel corso degli anni di scavo 1995-1997 sono state oggetto della tesi di laurea della scrivente e sono inedite. Le anfore delle campagne di scavo successive al 1997 sono oggetto di tesi di laurea presso l’Università degli Studi di Milano. Per le anfore rinvenute nel corso degli scavi nel ‘Campo del Generale’: R. Volontè 1996. Per le anfore di forma Richborough 527 rinvenute a Calvatone: Ravasi & Benedetti c.s. 8 In questa sede si preferisce mantenere la denominazione tradizionale di questa famiglia di contenitori, denominati anche come amphores romaines de Lipari (Borgard 1998). 9 Per gli anni di scavo 1995-1997 un totale di 395 frammenti, in maggioranza pareti ma anche orli, anse e puntali. Il totale degli esemplari documentati è pari al 23,7 % delle attestazioni complessive di anfore degli anni di scavo 1995-1997. L’alta percentuale di frammenti di Richborough 527 rinvenuti è legata in parte alla possibilità di riconoscere questa forma anche partendo da frammenti generalmente poco significativi (come le pareti), a causa delle caratteristiche peculiari dell’impasto. I frammenti sono attualmente conservati presso il laboratorio-magazzino dell’Università a Calvatone. 10 Pearce 1968, 119 e Tav. 71, n. 527.

11

Borgard & Gateau 1991, 322-324; Borgard 1994, 197. Cavalier 1994; 1995. Per l’analisi delle fonti e la discussione in merito a questa ipotesi: Borgard 1994, 199-202 e gli atti del Colloquio Internazionale L’alun de Méditerranée (Napoli-Lipari, 4-8 giugno 2003) in c.s. 14 Borgard & Gateau 1991, 315-317; Badie, Sablayrolles & Schenk, 1994, 58 e figg. 51-52, p. 60. 12 13

956

T. RAVASI: CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA

Fig. 3. Anfore di forma Richborough 527 rinvenute a Calvatone: nn. 1-2, scala 1:3; n. 2, scala 1:2; n. 4, scala 1:6 (disegno T. Ravasi). variabile tra il giallino chiaro o giallo-verdino (Munsell 2.5 Y 8/4) e il rosa chiaro (Munsell 5 YR 8/4), privo di rivestimento. Gli impasti del secondo gruppo presentano generalmente una composizione simile a quelli del primo ma tessitura più fine, un sottile rivestimento argilloso sulla superficie interna e ed esterna che gli conferiscono un aspetto di maggiore rifinitura. Da questi due gruppi principali è stato distinto un ulteriore insieme che sembra simile agli impasti del primo gruppo, ma presenta una colorazione molto più scura con tracce di possibile vetrificazione (colore verdastro e grigio verdastro e grigio chiaro, Munsell 5Y 6/2; 5Y 6/3; 5Y 7/2), privo di rivestimento, con frequenti vacuoli. Gli impasti

sovrappongono parzialmente) e sul collo, sempre corto e leggermente troncoconico, talvolta cilindrico, poco distinto dal corpo. Il corpo è cilindrico con costolature a spirale. La pancia termina senza soluzione di continuità in un fondo caratterizzato da un corto puntale pieno sagomato a bottone, con fondo generalmente arrotondato ma anche appiattito. Le argille delle Richborough 527 rinvenute a Calvatone presentano tre differenti gruppi di impasto, abbastanza simili tra loro ma distinti in base al grado di depurazione e di rifinitura: prevale un corpo ceramico molto grossolano e duro, ricco di vacuoli e di inclusi, di colore 957

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI individuati, ad eccezione di quelli riconducibili al terzo gruppo trovano generalmente confronti con i corpi ceramici riscontrati sulle anfore rinvenute nei castra britannici, in Gallia e in Italia.

Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, a Cavaillon e a Vannes.17 Numerosi frammenti del tipo provengono inoltre da relitti rinvenuti lungo le coste della provenza, come ad esempio il relitto Chrétienne M (a 10 km dal porto di Frejus).18

Dal punto di vista morfologico i frammenti rinvenuti a Calvatone sono confrontabili con gli esemplari provenienti dalla Gran Bretagna e sembrano riconducibili alla variante 2 individuata per le anfore di forma Richborough 527 rinvenute a Cavaillon, datata generalmente a partire dall’epoca flavia fino al II secolo d.C.

Notevole risulta anche la presenza del tipo in Inghilterra, generalmente, anche se non sempre, nei castra romani della Britannia meridionale: a Exeter, a Winchester, a Silchester, a Londra, a Richborough, a Verulamium, a Puckeridge, Canterbury, a Camulodunum, a Box, a Skeleton Green, a Sheepen, a Leicester e a Cirencester.19 Sporadiche fino ad oggi sono le attestazioni in Spagna a La Coma (Ampurias),20 in Svizzera21 e dalla Baia di Mellieha, a Malta.22

A Calvatone è stato rinvenuto un frammento di parete con attacco inferiore dell’ansa che presenta un marchio impresso a lettere maiuscole e rilevate dentro un cartiglio rettangolare, collocato sotto l’attacco superiore dell’ansa (Fig. 3: 3). La posizione sull’attacco inferiore dell’ansa, la forma del cartiglio e la disposizione delle lettere trovano un confronto molto stretto con il marchio rinvenuto sul frammento di Richborough 527 rinvenuto a Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges e interpretato come C.C. ATR (o AFR).15 È possibile però ipotizzare una seconda soluzione per il nesso ATR/AFR, e uno scioglimento in ATID, che porterebbe alla lettura del marchio come C.C.ATID. (C.C. Atidius/orum o Attidius/orum) e testimonierebbe l’esistenza del medesimo marchio su anfore rinvenute in contesti differenti. Dal momento che Atidius è nome gentilizio, la sigla C.C. potrebbe essere interpretata forse come indicazione dei nomi di due personaggi proprietari del medesimo impianto produttivo. La distribuzione delle anfore di forma Richborough 527 è contraddistinta da una maggiore concentrazione nelle province nord-occidentali dell’impero romano: le Gallie (dove i recipienti risultano distribuiti in maniera capillare da sud a nord e da est a ovest) e la Britannia meridionale (Fig. 4).16 La diffusione di questi contenitori nelle province settentrionali dell’impero costituisce una conferma dell’intensità e della ricchezza dei traffici che legarono la penisola italiana ai territori dell’Europa continentale fin dall’età repubblicana, secondo una direttrice di traffico che proprio nella prima età imperiale, epoca di massima diffusione di questi recipienti, assisterà ad un sostanziale cambio di direzione, dalle province verso la penisola italiana.

Alcuni esemplari provengono infine da tre relitti rinvenuti nel mare Adriatico, lungo le coste dalmate. Gli esemplari di Richborough 527, attestati sempre in quantità ridotte, viaggiavano insieme a prodotti di origine iberica e campana, su imbarcazioni che dopo aver toccato i porti tirrenici stavano navigando lungo le coste orientali dell’Adriatico centrale. Il primo relitto, il cui naufragio è databile alla seconda metà del I secolo d.C. è stato rinvenuto presso Pupak, nell’arcipelago di Palagruža (Dalmazia centrale).23 Il secondo relitto proviene dalla costa est dell’isola di Svetac, nella Dalmazia centrale ed è databile ad un periodo compreso tra il I secolo d.C. e la prima metà del II secolo d.C.24 Il terzo relitto, databile alla fine del I secolo d.C., proviene infine da Punta Glavat, sul lato nord-ovest dell’isola di Mljet, nella Dalmazia meridionale.25

17 Rennes, Rue des Dinan (Sanquer 1979, 373 e tav. 22 p. 373); Cassis, costa di Cassidagne (Arthur 1986, 252; Borgard & Gateau 1991, 318); Bordeaux (inedito, citato in Arthur 1989, Appendix, 8, p. 255); Angers, in almeno cinque siti (Andrè 1989, 588-589); Corseul (Andrè 1989, 588-589); Arles, Ile des Sables (Borgard & Gateau 1991, 319-320); Frejus, Porte d’Orée (Borgard & Gateau 1991, 320; Béraud, Gébara & Landuré 1991, 184 e fig. 25, 184); Nimes, Place Condè (Borgard & Gateau 1991, 320; Laubenheimer, Schwaller & Vidal 1992, nn. 1-5 p. 141); Saint-Marcel, Argentomagus (Borgard & Gateau 1991, 320), Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges (Badie, Sablayrolles & Schenk, 1994, 58-60); Cavaillon (Borgard & Gateau 1991) e Vannes, in diversi siti (Galliou 1984, nota 12, p. 35; Andrè 1989, 588 e figg. 1-5, p. 589). 18 Joncheray 1998; Borgard 1998, 113-119. 19 Per l’Inghilterra: Exeter (Bidwell 1979, Tav. 10, p. 187; Peacock, Keay & Bidwell 1991, n. 2, fig. 89, p. 216); Winchester (inedito, citato in Peacock 1977; Arthur 1986, 252); Silchester (Peacock 1977; Arthur 1986, 252; Williams 2000, 219, fig. 113, n. 221 e tav. 27, p. 221); Londra (Peacock 1977; Arthur 1986, 252; Green 1986, 101); Richborough (Pearce 1968, 119 e Tav. 71, n. 527); Verulamium (Wilson 1984, Fig. 1906, Tav. 80, p.200); Puckeridge (inedito, citato in Peacock 1977, 264); Canterbury, nel Kent (Arthur 1986, 250-252); Camulodunum (Arthur 1986, 252); Box, nello Wiltshire (inedito, citato in Arthur 1989, Appendix, 10, p. 255); Skeleton Green, nello Hertfordshire (Peacock 1981, 202 e Tab. VII, p. 201); a Sheepen, nel Colchester (Sealey 1985, 91-93); Licester (Sealey 1985, 93); Cirencester (inedito, citato in Arthur 1986, 252). 20 Inedito, citato in Albore Livadie 1985, 53. 21 Roth-Rubi 1975, n. 233. 22 Borgard 1998, 113. 23 Jurišić 2000, 71. Il relitto viene denominato Palagruža B in Parker 1992, n. 775. 24 Parker 1992, n. 1124; Jurišić 2000, 74. 25 Jurišić 2000, 17.

In Francia le Richborough 527 sono attestate nelle regioni meridionale e nord-occidentale: a Rennes, Cassis, Bordeaux, ad Angers, a Corseul, ad Arles, a Frejus (in contesto datato 80-100 d.C.), a Nimes (principalmente in due contesti databili rispettivamente tra la fine del I e gli inizi del II secolo e al II-III secolo), a Saint-Marcel, a

15 Badie, Sablayrolles & Schenk, 1994, 58 e figg. 51-52, p. 60. Almeno in un caso (fig. 51, p. 60, n. 884253196) il bollo sembrerebbe impresso su un recipiente riconducibile alla variante 2a di Borgard & Gateau 1991. 16 Per una carta di distribuzione aggiornata ma senza riferimenti bibliografici: Borgard 1998, fig. 1.

958

T. RAVASI: CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA

Fig. 4. Carta di distribuzione dei rinvenimenti di anfore di forma Richborough 527 (non distinti nelle varianti individuate da Ph. Borgard), elaborata sulla base dei riferimenti bibliografici citati alle note 17-27 nel testo e di Tyers 1996. La rarità delle attestazioni nell’ambito delle rotte adriatiche e in Cisalpina sembra dovuta essenzialmente a fattori di carattere commerciale e alla predilezione dei mercati cisalpini per le rotte adriatiche ed egeo-orientali a discapito di quelle tirreniche e del Mediterraneo occidentale.

In Italia le Richborough 527 sono state rinvenute normalmente in contesti di scavo, ma anche da recuperi sottomarini: a Lipari, a Pozzuoli, Napoli, Vibo Valentia, Sorrento.26 In Italia settentrionale sono attestate ad Alba, Asolo, Milano, Padova, Oderzo e Aquileia.27 A Padova e in altri siti dell’Italia Settentrionale è documentato il ritrovamento di numerosi esemplari di anfore a impasto grezzo, duro e ruvido al tatto, ricco di inclusi di grosse dimensioni e di colore marronerossastro, che sono state avvicinate alle anfore di forma Richborough 527 e per le quali si ipotizza una provenienza dall’isola di Milo, nelle Cicladi, e un possibile impiego per il trasporto dell’allume.28

Il ritrovamento di numerosi esemplari di Richborough 527 a Calvatone-Bedriacum si inserisce nel ricco panorama di attestazioni documentate nel vicus di prodotti provenienti dalle coste adriatiche, dall’Istria e dal Mediterraneo orientale (anfore di forma Lamboglia 2, Dressel 6B, anfore con orlo ad imbuto, presenti in grandi quantità insieme a modeste ma significative percentuali di recipienti rodii e tardorodii e, per l’età tardoantica, ad esemplari sporadici di anfore LRA 2). La predilezione dei mercati adriatici ed orientali trova una specifica ragione nella posizione geografica del vicus, aperto alle rotte adriatiche grazie alla favorevole posizione sull’Oglio e quindi sul Po, e difficilmente raggiungibile dai prodotti tirrenici e del Mediterraneo occidentale a causa della presenza della catena appenninica, che costituiva una barriera alla penetrazione commerciale dalle coste tirreniche.

26 Lipari, Punta di S. Francesco (Albore Livadie 1985, 53 e fig. 31; Arthur 1989, Appendix, 4 p. 255) e Baia di Portinenti (Cavalier 1994, 192; 1995, 87); Pozzuoli (Arhur 1989, 252, fig. 2 e Appendix, 1, p. 255), Napoli (Arthur 1989, Appendix, 2, p. 255), Vibo Valentia, Catanzaro (Arhur 1989, fig. 2, 252 e Appendix, 3, p. 255), Sorrento (Borgard 1998, 114). 27 Pesavento Mattioli 2003, nota 18 a p. 13. 28 Per le anfore a impasto grezzo di Padova: Cipriano 1997, 103-105; Cipriano, De Vecchi & Mazzocchin 2000, 195-196; Picon 2001; Pesavento Mattioli 2003.

959

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Borgard, P., 1994. L’origine liparote des amphores ‘Richborough 527’ et la détermination de lor contenu, S.F.E.G.A.G., in: Actes du Congrés de Millau (12-14 Mai 1994). Marseille, 197-203. Borgard, P., 1998. Les amphores romaines de Lipari du Gisement de la Chrétienne M, in: E. Rieth E. (a cura di), Méditerranée antique. Pêche, navigation, commerce. Congrès national des sociétes historiques et scientifiques, 120o Aix-en-Provence, 23-29 octobre 1995, 121o Nice, 26-31 octobre 1996. Parigi, 113-119. Borgard, P. & F. Gateau, 1991. Des amphores cannelées à Cavaillon (Vaucluse) à la fin du Ier siècle avant notre ère. Nouveaux élèments pour l’étude des ‘Richborough 527’, S.F.E.G.A.G., in: Actes du Congrés de Cognac (8-11 mai 1991). Marseille, 311328. Cavalier, M., 1994. Les amphores Richborough 527. Découverte d’un atelier à Portinenti (Lipari,Italie), S.F.E.C.A.G., in: Actes du Congrès de Millau (12-14 Mai 1994). Marseille, 189-196. Cavalier, M., 1995. New Greek and Roman discoveries from Lipari. MEDITARCH 8, 83-88. Cipriano, M.T., 1997. Anfora ad impasto grezzo, in: S. Cipriano, S. Mazzocchin & P. Pastore, Nuove considerazioni sui commerci del territorio patavino in età imperiale. Analisi di alcune tipologie di anfore da recenti scavi. QdAV 13, 103-105. Cipriano, S., G.P. De Vecchi & S. Mazzocchin, 2000. Anfore ad impasto grezzo con ossidiana a Padova: tipologia, impasti, provenienza, in: G. P. Brogiolo & G. Olcese (a cura di), Produzione ceramica in area padana tra il II secolo a.C. e il VII secolo d.C.: nuovi dati e prospettive di ricerca, in: Atti del convegno internazionale (Desenzano del Garda, 8-10 aprile 1999). Mantova, 191-197. Facchini, G.M., 1991. Appunti sulle anfore provenienti da ricerche di superficie nel territorio di Calvatone, in: G.M. Facchini (ed.), Calvatone romana. Studi e ricerche preliminari. Quaderni di ACME 13, 131-147. Facchini, G.M., 1997. Anfore di Calvatone romana: considerazione sulle vie commerciali in area mediopadana. ACME, 39-58. Facchini, G.M., 1998a. Il traffico commerciale, in: Tesori della Postumia. Archeologia e storia intorno ad una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa, catalogo della mostra (Cremona 1998). Milano, 497498. Facchini, G.M., 1998b. Il traffico delle derrate alimentari. Un esempio: il vino dell’Egeo, in: Tesori della Postumia. Archeologia e storia intorno ad una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa, catalogo della mostra (Cremona 1998). Milano, 498-499. Galliou, P., 1984. Days of wine and roses? Early Armorica and the Atlantic wine trade, in: S. Macready & F.H. Thompson, Cross-Channel trade between Gaul and Britain in the Pre Roman Iron Age (= The Society of Antiquaries of London, Occasional Paper, New Series, IV). London, 24-36. Green, C.M., 1986. The waterfront group: amphorae and analogous vessels, in: L. Miller, J. Schofield & M.

Prodotti specifici e pregiati, come i rinomati vini campani e laziali o le salse di pesce di produzione iberica, erano comunque richiesti nel vicus anche se in minore quantità rispetto ai prodotti adriatici, come documentano i rari esemplari di anfore Dressel 1, Dressel 7/11 e Beltràn 2B. Proprio in questo spazio commerciale sembrano inserirsi gli esemplari di Richborough 527 rinvenuti a Calvatone, che costituiscono un elemento di novità nel panorama delle importazioni di questo piccolo centro. La presenza di un consistente numero di recipienti di provenienza tirrenica e la loro concentrazione pressoché esclusiva in un unico settore dell’abitato, permettono di ipotizzare che queste anfore costituiscano una partita commerciale giunta a Bedriacum tra la fine del I e il II secolo d.C. dietro una richiesta ben precisa di prodotti (forse allume), non reperibili sul mercato locale e la cui qualità era forse garantita da uno dei pochi marchi di fabbrica rinvenuti. BIBLIOGRAFIA Albore Livadie, C., 1985. Punta di San Francesco, probabile relitto. Archeologia Subacquea 2 (= Boll. d’arte, Supp. al n.29), 52-53. Andrè, P., 1989. Les amphores cannellées du Ier siècle dans la France de l’Ouest, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherches, Atti del Colloquio Internazionale (Siena, 22-24 maggio 1986) (= Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 114). Roma, 588-589. Angelucci, D.E., 1996. Geomorfologia, stratigrafia e evoluzione paleografica del territorio bedriacense. Bedriacum, 25-43. Angelucci, D.E., 1997. Calvatone-Bedriacum nel suo contesto territoriale: il quadro geoarcheologico. Calvatone romana, 3-20. Arthur, P., 1986. Roman amphorae from Canterbury. Britannia 17, 237-256. Arthur, P., 1989. On the origins of Richborough form 527, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherches, Atti del Colloquio Internazionale (Siena, 22-24 maggio 1986) (= Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 114). Roma, 249-256. Badie, A., R. Sablayrolles & J.L. Schenk, 1994. SaintBertrand-de-Comminges, 1, Le temple du forum e le monument a enceinte circulaire. Toulouse. Béraud, I., Ch. Gébara & C. Landuré, 1991. La porte d’Orée: transformations et avatars d’un secteur portuaire à Frejus (Var). Gallia 48, 165-298. Bidwell, P.T., 1979. The legionary bath-house and basilica and forum at Exeter, with a summary account of the Legionary Fortress. (= Exeter Archaeological Reports, vol. I). Exeter. Bonini, A. & S. Masseroli, 1998. Lo stoccaggio e la distribuzione delle merci: il dato dei coperchi per anfora, in: Tesori della Postumia. Archeologia e storia intorno ad una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa, catalogo della mostra (Cremona 1998). Milano, 499-500.

960

T. RAVASI: CALVATONE-BEDRIACUM E I RAPPORTI COMMERCIALI CON L’ITALIA TIRRENICA Ravasi, T. & D. Benedetti, c.s. Prodotti di importazione a Calvatone-Bedriacum. Il caso delle anfore di forma Richborough 527 e di un frammento di vetro del gruppo di Linceo. Quaderni di ACME. Roth-Rubi, K., 1975. Die gebrauchs-Keramik von der Funstelle Solothurn Kreditanstals. Jahrb. Solothurnische Geschichte 48, 1-111. Sanquer, M., 1979. Circonscripiton de Bretagne. Gallia 37, 349-381. Schulze, W., 1904. Zur Geschichte lateinisher Eigennamen. Berlin. Sealey, P.R., 1985. Amphoras from the 1970 excavation at Colchester sheepen (= BAR, 142). Oxford. Sena Chiesa, G., 1991. Calvatone (CR). Località Costa di S. Andrea. Vicus di età romana: area di proprietà provinciale. Notiziario della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, 45-49. Sena Chiesa, G., 1995-1997. Calvatone (CR). Località Costa di S. Andrea. Vicus di età romana: area di proprietà provinciale. Notiziario della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, 138-142. Sena Chiesa, G., 1998a. Calvatone (CR). Località Costa di S. Andrea. Vicus di età romana: area di proprietà provinciale. Notiziario della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, 85-87. Sena Chiesa, G., 1998b. Calvatone-Bedriacum: un vicus commerciale lungo la via Postumia, in: G. Sena Chiesa & E.A. Arslan (eds.), Optima via, Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi “Postumia. Storia e archeologia di una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa”. Cremona, 345-367. Sena Chiesa, G., S. Masseroli, T. Medici & M. Volontè (eds), 1997. Calvatone romana. Un pozzo e il suo contesto. Quaderni di ACME 29. Sena Chiesa, G. & M.T.G. Grassi, 1999-2000. Calvatone (CR). Località Costa di S. Andrea. Vicus di età romana: area di proprietà provinciale. Notiziario della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, 152-155. Tyers, P., 1996. Roman amphoras in Britain (= Internet Archaeology 1). Volontè, R., 1996. Le anfore, in: L. Passi Pitcher L., Bedriacum. Ricerche archeologiche a Calvatone. Milano, 189-208. Williams, D.F., 2000. The amphorae, in: M. Fulford & J. Timby (a cura di), Late Iron Age and Roman Silchester. Excavations on the site of the ForumBasilica 1977, 1980-86 (= Britannia Monographs Series, 15). London, 219-224. Wilson, M.G., 1984. The other pottery, Amphorae, in: S.S. Frere, Verulamium excavations, vol. III (= Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Monograph n. 1). Oxford, 201-266.

Rhodes, The Roman quay at St Magnus house, London, Excavations at New Fresh Wharf, Lower Thames Street, London 1974-78 (= Special Paper n. 8 of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society). London, 100-106. Joncheray, J.-P., 1998. Le gisement Chrétienne M: deux ou trois épaves?, in: E. Rieth (a cura di), Méditerranée antique. Pêche, navigation, commerce. Congrès national des sociétes historiques et scientifiques, 120o Aix-en-Provence, 23-29 octobre 1995, 121o Nice, 26-31 octobre 1996. Parigi, 97-111. Jurišić, M., 2000. Ancient shipwrecks of the Adriatic. Maritime transport during the first and second centuries AD (= BAR). Oxford. Laubenheimer, F., M. Schawaller & L. Vidal, 1992. Les amphores de la rue de Condé, in: F. Laubenheimer (ed.), Les amphores en Gaule. Production et circulation, Table ronde internationale (Merz, 4-6 octobre 1990). Paris, 133-150. Lavizzari Pedrazzini, M.P., 1998. Drenaggio con anfore nella preparazione dell’acciottolato di uno spazio aperto nel vicus Calvatone (CR), in: S. Pesavento Mattioli (ed.), Bonifiche e drenaggi con anfore in epoca romana: aspetti tecnici e topografici, Atti del seminario di studi (Padova 19-20 ottobre 1995). Padova, 217-222. Masseroli, S., 1997. Anfore, in: G. Sena Chiesa, S. Masseroli, T. Medici & M. Volontè (eds.), Calvatone romana. Un pozzo e il suo contesto. Quaderni di ACME 29, 91-107. Parker, A.J., 1992. Ancient shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman provinces (= BAR, International Series, 580). Oxford, 185-190. Passi Pitcher, L. (ed.), 1996. Bedriacum. Ricerche archeologiche a Calvatone. Milano. Peacock, D.P.S., 1977. Roman amphorae: typology, fabric and origins, in: Méthodes classiques, 261-278. Peacock, D.P.S., 1981. The amphorae, in: C. Partridge, Skeleton Green. A Late Iron Age and Romano-British site (= Britannia Monograph Series, 2). London, 199204. Peacock, D.P.S., S.J. Keay & P.T. Bidwell, 1991. Amphorae, in: N. Holbrook & P.T. Bidwell, Roman finds from Exeter (= Exeter Archaeological Reports, 4). Exeter, 215-219. Pearce, B.W., 1968. Roman coarse ware, in: B.W. Cunliffe, Fifth Report on the excavations of the Roman fort at Richborough, Kent. London, 117-124. Pesavento Mattioli, S., 2003. Nuovi dati sull’economia di Padova in epoca romana: le importazioni di allume. Bollettino del Museo Civico di Padova 40, 7-18. Picon, M., 2001. Amphores Richborough 527 dórigine mélienne: amphores ‘a alun de l’île de Melos, Grèce, S.F.E.G.A.G., in: Actes du Congrès de Lille-Bavay (24-29 may 2001). Marseille, 393-397. Predieri, G., Sfrecola, S. 1996, Analisi mineropetrografiche, in: L. Passi Pitcher (ed.), Bedriacum. Ricerche archeologiche a Calvatone. Milano, 209213.

961

LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE). IN SEARCH OF LATE ANTIQUE OCCUPATION PATTERNS AND TRADE ROUTES IN THE ADRIATIC Hélène Verreyke & Patrick Monsieur Abstract: One of the research programs of the Potenza Valley Survey-project (Ghent University, Belgium) is focussed on the study of the late Roman and early medieval pottery in order to analyse the changing occupation patterns and the economic environment in this Adriatic region. A first step in this process is to update the knowledge of late Roman and early medieval ceramics in the central Adriatic area. A thorough knowledge of imported wares as well as local and regional ceramic products is essential for the recognition of late antique and early medieval sites and occupation patterns. First results concern the intra-site survey of the ancient town of Potentia. The analyses of the material from the excavations in Potentia provides substantial data for the identification and chronology of the survey material; this is crucial in view of the study of the final occupation of the town.

THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY

the object of systematic and extensive research. At that time N. Alfieri was able to identify with certainty this location as the Roman colony of Potentia.2 At different times the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologica delle Marche carried out excavations in three sectors, in or nearby the ancient city: a part of the northern necropolis, a part of the north-eastern quarter,3 and the monumental centre with the main temple.4 The inscriptions and the sculpture were studied, as well as part of the ceramic material, especially black gloss and lamps.5 Study of ancient aerial photographs yielded the first indications on the orthogonal street grid.6 The results of the aerial photography program of the Potenza Valley Surveyproject have given additional information on the lay-out of the city and its immediate surroundings (Fig. 2).

In 2000 the Department of Archaeology of Ghent University (Belgium) started the Potenza Valley Surveyproject in the Central Italian region of Le Marche, under the direction of Prof. Dr. Frank Vermeulen.1 This interdisciplinary project studies the urban and rural occupation patterns from prehistoric times to the middle ages in the Potenza Valley, stretching from the Apennines to the Adriatic Sea. Three main survey areas were selected, one in the upper valley near Pioraco (Prolaqeum), one central area near Treia (Trea) and one area in the coastal plane near Porto Recanati (Potentia) (Fig. 1). During the campaign of 2002, an intra-site survey was carried out on Potentia. Since this ancient Roman colony didn’t survive in medieval times, it was possible to investigate the final occupation of the town.

THE INTRA-SITE SURVEY OF POTENTIA The north-eastern and southern area of the ancient town of Potentia and its immediate surroundings on the southwest, as established through aerial photography and ongoing excavations, were subjected to an intense intrasite survey during the campaign of 2002. The site is only disturbed by a coastal road and a railway which runs through it, and is covered by a few houses. The ploughed area of the site of Potentia and the surroundings were divided into regular units of c. 40 by 40 m. These units were sampled by three to four persons during a time-span of 30 minutes. Some parts of the town were not comprised in the survey area. The monumental centre is presently being excavated and the western part consists of a protected area where ploughing is no longer allowed. The latter will be subjected to geophysical analyses during the field campaign 2004 of the Potenza Valley Survey project in collaboration with Southampton University and the British School at Rome.

Fig. 1. General map of Potentia and the three main survey areas.

The north-eastern corner of Potentia, where L. Mercando conducted excavations in the seventies, is adjacent to the surveyed area. The late Roman material recovered during

PREVIOUS AND CURRENT RESEARCH IN POTENTIA In the 16th century some ruins of the town were still visible and finds were then first reported. It was only in the second half of the 20th century that the site became 1

2

Alfieri 1947. Mercando 1974; 1979. 4 Percossi Serenelli 1995; 2001. 5 Paci 1999; Percossi Serenelli 2001. 6 Moscatelli 1987. 3

Vermeulen & Boullart 2001; Vermeulen, Monsieur & Boullart 2002.

962

HÉLÈNE VERREYKE & PATRICK MONSIEUR: LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE) was flourishing when it became an Episcopal see. Faustinus is the first known bishop (AD 418), legate of pope Zosimus, appointed at the 5th Carthaginian Council.8 There is no reference to Potentia in the work of Procopius, who discusses the devastations of the GothicByzantine war (AD 535-553) in Picenum. However, the presence of African Red Slip and African lamps dated in the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century suggest that Potentia survived this war.9 With the arrival of the Lombards (AD 580) Picenum was also divided. The north became part of the exarchate of Ravenna, the area South of the Musone river (Misco) was dominated by the Lombards, Potentia thus becoming a part of the Duchy of Spoleto. Under Lombard dominance the coastal cities knew a downfall due to the stagnation of the sea-borne commerce, their primary source of wealth. In AD 592 pope Gregorius the Great mentions in his correspondence the interruption of the Via Flaminia because of the interpositio hostium. This road embodied the main connection between Rome and the Adriatic exarchate. Archaeological evidence in Potentia attests that in the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century the material culture was lingering at a lower level. Most probably the northeastern area of the town was deserted in the 6th century and used as a necropolis.10 Potentia is still mentioned in the beginning of the 7th century in the Cosmographia of the Ravennatis Anonymi and in the Geographia of Guido.11 The city did not however, survive the early middle ages.12

Fig. 2. Detailed map of the Roman colony of Potentia (Porto Recanati) and the road system as indicated by aerial photography, the northern necropolis La Pineta and the intra-site survey area (grid).

THE FINDS this survey needs be to confronted with the finds of these excavations, since they provide substantial clues to the identification and chronology of the survey material. The finds from the excavations are meticulously published in the Notizie degli scavi together with excavations of the rural sites of Castelfidardo, Cone di Arcevia and San Benedetto del Tronto.7

The finds, building materials, pottery and glass, were evidently more abundant intra muros than in the western survey section outside the town. Building materials include hexagonal tiles and a tegula used for the erection of columns, and decorative elements like tesserae, stucco and fresco fragments. The pottery finds span the full chronological range of existence of the ancient town of Potentia. The Republican period is well represented by Campana ware and amphorae. The Early and High Imperial periods are represented by North Italian (including stamped examples) and Eastern terra sigillata, terra sigillata medio-adriatica, thin walled pottery, plain and coarse wares and numerous types of amphorae of Italic and Aegean origin. The Late Imperial period yielded imported table wares like African Red Slip and Late Roman C, African lamps and late Roman amphorae of North African, Aegean and eastern origin. Further research needs to be carried out on the coarse wares and regional productions.

LATE ROMAN AND EARLY MEDIEVAL TIMES The 3rd and the 4th centuries AD are ill-documented regarding Potentia. The lack of substantial epigraphy and public building activities in the course of the 3rd century points to a downfall of the city’s prosperity. The raids of the Iutungi AD 271 were stopped by the emperor Aurelianus who defeated them in a battle near Fano (Fanum Fortunae). Under the tetrarchy the area was incorporated in the region Flaminia et Picenum. Ravenna was its capital until AD 399. In the late 4th or the beginning of the 5th century the region Flaminia et Picenum was divided into Flaminia et Picenum annonarium and Picenum suburbicarium, the boundary was the Esino river (Aesis). Between AD 408 and 410 Picenum was affected two times by the raids of the Goths led by Alaric and Saro. Despite the presumed destructions of these raids, written records attest that at the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 5th century Potentia 7

8

Profumo 1995, 30. Percossi Serenelli 2001, 45; 1995, 54. Mercando 1979, 280. 11 Ravennatis Anonymi 31, 34 ; 36, 8 (Schnetz 1940, 68, 84); Guidonis Geographia, 21, 35; 68, 54 (Schnetz 1940, 117, 129). Cfr. Percossi Serenelli 2001, 45. 12 See Alfieri 1983, 9-34; 2000, 221-241; Binazzi 1995. 9

10

Mercando 1979.

963

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. African Red Slip casseroles (1-2); African Red Slip C (3-7); African Red Slip D (8-10), with decoration (11-17). Scale 1:2.

964

HÉLÈNE VERREYKE & PATRICK MONSIEUR: LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE) Different types of African Red Slip came to light within the boundaries of ancient Potentia, mostly in the northern, eastern and southern part. Two rims of a casserole type Hayes 23B/Lamboglia 10A (Fig. 3:1) with the characteristic blackened upper part on the outside and a slip on the inside came to light. This type was imported in Italy from the second half of the 2nd century until the late 4th-beginning of the 5th century.13 The ridged base of a casserole type Hayes 197 (Fig. 3:2) was also retrieved, a characteristic feature is the blackened exterior of the vessel. The rim of a plate or lid type Hayes 182 was also identified.14 African Red Slip C is present in form types Hayes 50A, 50B, 45B and 84. The large dish Hayes 50A is well represented, this type dates around AD 230/240-325, the later variety is dated around AD 300360. Hayes 50B is also well represented and dated in the second half of the 4th century (Fig. 3:3-5). Type Hayes 50A-B is very abundant in the excavations of Potentia.15 A rim of a large bowl type Hayes 45B has a chronology around AD 230/240-320 (Fig. 3:6). The dish type Hayes 84 with a grooved rim and an exterior wall decorated with feather rouletting dates from the 5th century (Fig. 3:7).16 Several pieces of African Red Slip D type Hayes 61B were collected. This type of flat-based dish was very common in the 5th century and was often imitated in regional productions from the late 4th century onwards (Fig. 3:8). This type was identified in the excavations of Potentia.17 Also present is Hayes 58 (Fig. 3:9), an early type produced in African Red Slip D. Originally it was dated by J.W. Hayes late 3rd century up to AD 375, under influence of excavated material the chronology was widened to the 5th century. At the site of Potentia this type was also identified.18 A witness of the latest occupation is the large plate type Hayes 105 (Fig. 3:10) which is dated around the end of the 6th, beginning of the 7th century19 and is also present in the Lombard necropolis of Castel Trosino (Marche) and Nocera Umbra (Umbria).20

of African stamp types is present: a palm type Hayes 3, concentric circles type Hayes 27, concentric circles type Hayes 36 combined with two crescents type Hayes 74, a grille-pattern type Hayes 69, a square decorated internally with concentric circles type Atlante 36, two converging leaf-sprays type Hayes 77A and a rosette type Hayes 44B combined with a palm (type unclear) (Fig. 3:11-17).21 All stamp types were dated from the second half of the 4th century to the 5th century. Amongst the tablewares the African Red Slip is clearly the most abundant. We also came across several rim fragments, which resemble Late Roman C ware type 3 (Fig. 4:1-2).22 This type was also found in the excavations of Potentia.23 Late Roman C ware was exported from the eastern Mediterranean to Italy mainly in the second half of the 5th to the first half of the 6th century.24 Of considerable importance are also two fragments of late Roman lamps Hayes type II or Atlante X, most probably of African origin. This type of lamp is dated from the late 4th to the 6th and even the 7th century, whether or not in regional imitations.25 The first fragment consists of a part of the handle and the rim of the disk. The rim is decorated with a triangle motif (Ennabli D8) alternated with a square combined with a circular motif (Ennabli A4).26 A similar type is present in the collection of the Museo Archeologico Oliveriano di Pesaro (Fig. 4:3).27 The second fragment consists of a part of the nozzle and a part of the disk. The rim of the disk is decorated with a ribbed motif for which no exact parallels have been found yet (Fig. 4:4).28

Some smaller fragments of African Red Slip bear stamps, if not useful for the typological identification they are fundamental for chronology. The full decorative program

Different types of amphorae of African, Aegean and eastern origin were distinguished (Fig. 5). Most of them can be assigned a general date in the 3rd to 5th century, although some Aegean or eastern types presumably are to be dated in the 6th or in the first half of the 7th century. It seems reasonable to identify several spikes and rims to the ‘late cylindrical’ amphorae types belonging to or clustering around the group Keay XXV, and to the related smaller fusiform amphorae, the so-called spatheia. Several of them already came to light in the excavations

13

21

Giuliodoro 2001, 87. Hayes type 23B/Lamboglia 10A: Hayes 1972, 45-48, Fig. 7; Atlante 1981, 217, Tav. CVI, 10-11. Hayes type 197: Hayes 1972, 209, Fig. 36; Atlante 1981, 218-219, Tav. CVII, 2-8. Hayes type 182: Hayes 1972, 201, Fig. 35; Atlante 1981, 213, Tav. CV3-5. 15 Mercando 1979, 197-199, n. 1-2, Fig. 116b, d; 204, n. 1, Fig. 120a, 241, n. 1-3, Fig. 153c,d,m, 253, n. 1, Fig. 162c, 256-258, n. 4-8, Fig. 167i,l,m,n,p. 16 Hayes type 50: Hayes 1972, 69-73, Fig. 12; Atlante 1981, 65-66, Tav. XXVIII.9-10, 12-14. Hayes type 45B: Hayes 1972, 62-65, Fig. 11; Atlante 1981, 63-64, Tav. XXVIII. Hayes type 84: Hayes 1972, 132, Fig. 23; Atlante 1981, 69, Tav. XXIX. 17 Mercando 1979, 204 n. 5, 9, Fig. 120g, f, 271 n. 2, Fig. 180l. 18 Mercando 1979, 199 n. 5-6, Fig. 116c, 204 n. 4, Fig. 120h, 241 n. 5-7, Fig. 153i, l, o, 284 n. 2, Fig. 157n, 258-259 n. 10-15, Fig. 167r, s, t, u, x, z, 271 n. 3, Fig. 180p. 19 Hayes type 61B: Hayes 1972, 100-107, Fig. 16 and 17; Atlante 1981, 83, 84, Tav. XXXIV, XXXV. Hayes type 58: Hayes 1972, 93-94, Fig. 14; Atlante 1981, 81-82, Tav. XXXII, 1-9. Hayes type 105: Hayes 1972, 166-169, Fig. 31-32; Atlante 1981, 96, Tav. XLIII, 3-7, XLIV, 1-2. 20 Paroli 1995; Arena & Paroli 1994.

Rosette Hayes type 44B: Hayes 1972, 239, Fig. 41; Atlante 1981, 129 n° 183, Tav. LVIII. Converging leaf-sprays Hayes type 77A: Hayes 1972, 243, Fig. 42s; Atlante 1981, 128, Tav. LVIII.21, CXXXV.2. Grille-pattern Hayes type 69: Hayes 1972, 241, Fig. 42, Atlante 1981, 125 n° 31, Tav. LVI. Crescent Hayes type 74: Hayes 1972, 243, Fig. 42m. Atlanta 1981, 128 n° 138, Tav. LVIII. Concentric circles Hayes type 36: Hayes 1972, 237, Fig. 40u-v; Atlante 1981, 125 n° 36, Tav. LVI. Concentric circles Hayes type 27: Hayes 1972, 235, Fig. 39y; Atlante 1981, 125 n° 11, Tav. LVI. Palm type 3: Hayes 1972, 229, Fig. 38 and 39; Atlante 1981, 127 n° 112, Tav. LVII. Palm stamp types: Hayes 1972, 229-233, Fig. 38 and 39; Atlante 1981, 127, 128, Tav. LVII(b) and LVIII(a). 22 Hayes 1972, 329-338, Fig. 67-69. 23 Mercando 1979, 254 n. 3, Fig. 162e. 24 Martin 1998. 25 Hayes 1972, 310-315; Atlante 1981, 184-207. 26 Ennabli 1976, 256. 27 Paleani & Liverani 1984, 59 n. 54. 28 The diameters of the vessels are the following: Fig. 3.1: 29 cm; Fig. 3.3: 20 cm; Fig. 3.3: 20 cm; Fig. 3.6: 29 cm; Fig. 3.7: 22 cm; Fig. 3.8: 36 cm; Fig. 3.9: 33 cm; Fig. 3.10: 33 cm; Fig. 4.2: 35 cm.

14

965

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Late Roman C (1-2); lamps (3-4). Scale 1:2.

combed wall sherds can be ascribed to the bag-shaped Late Roman 5/6 of North-Palestinian or Egyptian origin, or to Aegean Late Roman 2 amphorae. Most of them were likely to have transported wine. The fabric, a gritty, hard-fired, orange-red clay, the creamy white slip and the inclination of the shoulder fragment makes an attribution to the Late Roman 2 type more probable. The fragmentary state of these amphorae thus not allow more precise dating: they occur from the 4th to the first quarter of the 7th century.30 Finally, there seem to be some technical arguments to assume locally produced imitations of African as well as Aegean and eastern amphorae in Ravenna.31

of the rural site of Cone di Arcevia and in those of the north-eastern sector of Potentia. All originated from Africa Proconsularis and Byzacena. They most probably contained fish-products. The sequence of types as revealed by the wrecks of Drammont E and F prove that even for complete examples it is difficult to distinguish subtypes of African ‘late cylindrical’ amphorae from the so-called spatheia. The fragments of the survey, especially the spikes, resemble those of the Drammont wrecks and the wreck of Le Scole dated in the middle or second half of the 4th century, an example from Argos from the end of the 4th or beginning of 5th century, and another from a survey in Salakta (production site?). In fact the chronological range of these amphorae from the late 3rd – beginning of the 4th century to the middle – third quarter of the 5th century is well attested by different wreck cargoes and contexts in Ostia, Marseille or Ravenna, but their presence in later times remains unclear. They seem well diffused in the Adriatic region. Other types of African amphorae as the Africana II of the first half of 3rd century occurring in the northern necropolis have not yet been recognized during the survey.29 Late Roman 1 amphorae, most probably of Cilician or Cypriot origin, are represented by some typical handle fragments. A number of wheel-ridged or

PERSPECTIVES Our research of late Roman pottery started recently. The most distinctive dating agents are coins and imported wares, which were our first objects of investigation. But local and regional wares are equally essential for the detection and interpretation of late antique and early medieval sites and occupation patterns. A thorough knowledge of these productions remains fundamental. First there is the confrontation with phenomena of imitation of imported tableware from the late 4th century onwards. Imitation of African tableware in coarse or in plain ware, with or without slip, occurs frequently. Attention is also paid to the problem of the existence of local or regional amphora productions. In order to make substantial progress in the study of the material, a program of petrographic and chemical analysis has been

29 Discussion and chronology so-called spatheia and ‘cylindrical’ amphorae: Keay 1984; Panella 1982; Monsieur 1991; Panella 1973 (Ostia); Joncheray 1975a-b (wrecks Drammont E and F); Piérart & Thalmann 1980, 461, 473, A2 and Pl. I (Argos); Peacock, Bejaoui & Belazreg 1989, 192-194 and Fig. 17, 8 (Salakta); Rendini 1992 (wreck of Le Scole); Bonifay 1986 (Marseille). Diffusion of African amphorae: Volpe 1989 (Daunia); Mercando 1979, fig. 10c and g, fig. 14a and fig. 15 (Cone di Arcevia), fig 120q and fig. 182 (Potentia); Mercando 1974, 399 and fig. 322, 364 and fig. 284-286 (northern necropolis of Potentia; Cambi 1989, 326-331 (Split, Salona); Ricci 1914, 9 and fig. 38 (Ravenna, reuse in cupola of so-called mausoleum of Galla Placidia); Maioli & Stoppioni 1989a-c (Ravenna, Classe); Toniolo 1991, 37-38 and fig. 390 (Altino); Bezeczky 1987, 37-38 and fig. 312-313 (Aquilea and Poetovio).

30 Typology and discussion of Aegean and eastern late Roman amphorae generally: Riley 1981 and Pieri 1998. Late Roman 1: Empereur & Picon 1989, 236-243. Late Roman 5/6: Empereur & Picon 1989, 243; Robinson 1959, 68, n° K108, pl. 15: Athenian agora context middle 3rd century AD, probably the earliest dated Late Roman 5/6. 31 Maioli & Stoppioni 1989b.

966

HÉLÈNE VERREYKE & PATRICK MONSIEUR: LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE)

Fig. 5. Late Roman Amphorae: so-called spatheion from the excavations of the north-eastern quarter after L. Mercando 1979, 205, fig. 120q (1); rim and spikes of ‘late cylindrical’ amphorae and/or of so-called spatheia (2-4); combed shoulder fragment of LRA2 or LRA 4/5 amphora (5). Scale 1:3. initiated in collaboration with Prof. Paul De Paepe of the Department of Geology of Ghent University. The identification of these groups of pottery makes it possible to refine the date of sites where fine ware and imported amphorae are lacking.

the chronology of pottery sequences is made in the recent publication of the rural site of Monte Torto (Osimo).32 The publication of the material proceeding from the excavations of the monumental centre of Potentia is to be expected.

Pottery analysis of survey material needs to be based on datable pottery sequences. Well dated regional reference sites are thus crucial for the identification, typology and chronology of the survey material. The archaeological sites of the lower valley of the Potenza river and of the Marches in general are fundamental for the identification, typology and distribution of the pottery. The Late Roman material is well published, but due to the nature of the archaeological interventions of L. Mercando, mainly sites where the late antique occupation layers seem to be damaged or destroyed by agricultural activities, the chronology of the finds remained unclear. But progress in

L. Mercando concluded that late antique occupation in the north-eastern quarter lasted until the late 4th, beginning 5th century based on the coin evidence. When these living-quarters were abandoned, this area was reused as a cemetery. Because of the lack of burial gifts the tombs were undatable.33 At the contrary, E. Percossi Serenelli notes by coins dating from the reigns of Arcadius and Honorius that the monumental centre was still prosperous at the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries. 32

Pignocchi 2001. Mercando 1979, 280; for terminus post quem based on the coins of Valentinianus I, coined in Rome and Aquilea in AD 364-367: Mercando 1979, 193, 269. Tombs: Mercando 1979, 275-280. 33

967

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI This matches with the presence of Faustinus, the first know bishop of Potentia. E. Percossi Serenelli states also that the occupation of this part of the town lasted until the beginning of the 7th century. This is based on the presence of African Red Slip ware and an African lamp.34 The analyses of the material from the intra-site survey attests of a continuation of the town up to the 6th, beginning of the 7th century, the vast majority of the material is dated in the 4th and 5th century. The chronological evolution of occupation patterns, based on dated finds, will be visualized by means of GIS (Geographical Information System) carried out by G. Verhoeven. Finally, the position of Potentia in the trade routes is illustrated by the presence of specific late Roman pottery types which refer to the North African, Aegean and eastern markets.

de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114). Rome, 223-248. Giuliodori, M., 2001. Ceramica africana, in : G. Pignocchi (ed.), Monte Torto di Osimo: l'impianto produttivo. Falconara, 71-105. Hayes, J.W., 1972. Late Roman pottery. London. Hayes, J.W., 1980. Late Roman pottery: Supplement. London. Joncheray, J.-P., 1975. Une épave du Bas-Empire in Dramont F. Cahiers d’Archéologie subaquatique 4, 91-132. Joncheray, J.-P., 1975. L’épave ‘E’ du Cap Dramont, sigillée claire D et amphores rescapées du pillage. Cahiers d’Archéologie subaquatique 4, 141-146. Keay, S., 1984. Late Roman amphorae in the western Mediterranean. A typology and economic study: the Catalan evidence (= BAR Int. Series 136). London. Maioli, M.G. & M. Stoppioni, 1989a. Ravenna, loc. Classe. La fornace per ceramica nel podere Chiavichetta, in : Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114). Rome, 568-569. Maioli, M.G. & M. Stoppioni, 1989b. Classe, podere Chiavichetta: anfore di produzione locale, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114). Rome, 570-571. Maioli, M.G. & M. Stoppioni, 1989c. Classe, podere Chiavichetta: anfore di importazione, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114), Rome, 572-573. Martin, A., 1998. La sigillata focese (Phocaean RedSlip/Late Roman C Ware), in: L. Saguì (ed.), Ceramica in Italia: VI- VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes (Roma 11-13 maggio 1995). Firenze, 109-122. Mercando, L., 1974. Portorecanati (Macerata). La necropoli romana di Portorecanati. NSc 28, 142-430. Mercando, L., 1979. Marche. Rinvenimenti di insediamenti rurali. NSc 33, 89-296. Monsieur, P., 1991. Note sur les amphores ‘cylindriques tardives’ et les amphores du type dit spatheion. Gentse Bijdragen tot de Kunstgeschiedenis en Oudheidkunde 29 (1990-1991), 31-39. Moscatelli, U., 1987. Materiali per la topografia storica di Potentia, in: G. Paci, Miscellanea di studi marchegiani in onori di Febo Allevi. Agugliano, 429438. Paci, G., 1999. Indagini recenti e nuove conoscenze sulle città romane del territorio marchigiano. Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia. Università di Macerata 32, 201-244. Paleani, M.T. & A.R. Liverani (eds), 1984. Lucerne paleocristiane conservate nel Museo Oliveriano di Pesaro, Tomo 1 (= Raccolta di studi sui beni culturali ed ambientali delle Marche, 5). Roma.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Alfieri, N., 1947. Deviazione di fiumi piceni in epoca storica. Rivista di Geografia Italiana 54, 2-16. Alfieri, N., 1983. Le Marche e la fine del mondo antico, in: Istituzioni e società nell’alto medioevo marchigiano. Atti del Convegno (Ancona, Osimo, Jesi, 17-20 ottobre 1981). Ancona, 9-34. Alfieri, N., 2000. Le Marche e la fine del mondo antico, in: G. Paci (ed.), Scritti di topografia antica sulle Marche (= Picus, Supplementi VII). Tivoli, 221-241. Arena, M.S. & L. Paroli (eds), 1994. Arti del fuoco in età longobarda: il restauro delle necropoli di Nocera umbra e Castel Trosino (Roma, Museo dell’Alto Medioevo, maggio-ottobre 1994). Roma. Atlante I, 1981. Atlante delle forme ceramiche I. Ceramica fine romana nel bacino mediterraneo (medio e tardo impero) (= Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica). Rome. Benoit, F., 1962. Nouvelles épaves de Provence (III). Gallia 20, 147-176. Bezeczky, T., 1987. Roman amphorae from the amber route in western Pannonia (= BAR Int. Series 386). Oxford. Binazzi, G., 1995. Regio V Picenum (= Inscriptiones Christianae Italiae 10). Bari. Bonifay, M., 1986. Observartions sur les amphores tardives à Marseille d’après les fouilles de la Bourse, 1980-1984. Revue Archéologique de Narbonnaise 19, 269-304. Cambi, N., 1989. Anfore romane in Dalmazia, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114). Rome, 311-337. Ennabli, A., 1976. Lampes chrétiennes de Tunisie (Musées du Bardo et de Carthage). Paris. Empereur, J.-Y. & M. Picon, 1989. Les régions de production d’ amphores impériales en Méditerranée orientale, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque 34

Percossi Serenelli 2001, 44-45.

968

HÉLÈNE VERREYKE & PATRICK MONSIEUR: LATE ROMAN POTTERY IN THE POTENZA VALLEY (MARCHE) Vermeulen, F. & C. Boullart, 2001. The Potenza Valley survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2000. Babesch 76, 1-18. Vermeulen, F., P. Monsieur & C. Boullart, 2002. The Potenza Valley survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2001. Babesch 77, Leiden (forthcoming).

Panella, C., 1973. Appunti su un gruppo di anfore della prima, media e tarda età imperiale, in: A. Carandini et al. (eds), Ostia III. Le terme del Nuotatore: scavo dell’ambiente V et di un saggio nell’area (= Studi Miscellanei 21). Rome, 460-633. Panella, C., 1982. Le anfore africane della prima, media e tarda età imperiale: Tipologia e problemi, in: Actes du colloque sur la céramique antique (Carthage 23-24 juin 1980) (= CEDAC Dossier 1). Tunis, 171-196. Paroli, L. (ed.), 1995. La necropoli altomedievale di Castel Trosino. Bizantini e Longobardi nelle Marche. Milano. Peacock, D.P.S., F. Bejaoui & N. Belazreg, 1989. Roman amphora production in the Sahel region of Tunisia, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114). Rome, 179-222. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1995. Potentia: fonti letterarie e fonti archeologiche. Studi Maceratesi 29, 27-55. Percossi Serenelli, E., 2001. Potentia. Quando poi scese il silenzio… Rito e società in una colonia romana del piceno fra Repubblica e tardo Impero. Milano. Piérart, M. & J.-P. Thalmann, 1980. Céramique romaine et médiévale (fouilles de l’ agora), Etudes argiennes. Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique, Supplément VI, 459-482. Pieri, D., 1998. Les importations d’ amphores orientales en Gaule méridionale durant l’Antiquité tardive et le haut- moyen âge (IVe-VIIe siècles apr. J.-C.). Typologie, chronologie et contenu, SFECAG, Actes du Congrès d’ Istres. Marseille, 97-106. Pignocchi, G. (ed.), 2001. Monte Torto di Osimo: l’impianto produttivo. Falconara. Profumo, M.C., 1995. La tarda antichità e il Cristianismo, in: L. Paroli (ed.), La necropoli altomedievale di Castel Trosino. Bizantini e Longobardi nelle Marche. Milano, 29-46. Rendini, P., 1992. La tarda età romana: il relitto delle Scole (Isola del Giglio), in: M. Celuzza & P. Rendini (eds), Relitti di storia. Archeologia subacquea in Maremma. Siena, 106-108. Ricci, C., 1914. Il sepolcro di Galla Placidia a Ravenna. Bolletino d’ Arte 8, 1-60. Riley, J.A., 1981. The pottery from Cisterns 1977.1, 1977.2 and 1977.3, in: Excavations at Carthage 1977 (conducted by the University of Michigan VI). Ann Arbor, 85-122. Robinson, H.S., 1959. The Athenian Agora V. Pottery of the Roman period. Princeton. Schnetz, J., 1940. Itineraria romana. II. Ravennatis Anonymi cosmographia et guidonis geographica. Lipsiae. Toniolo, A., 1991. Le anfore di Altino (= Archeologia Veneta 14). Padova. Volpe, G., 1989. La circolazione delle anfore romane nella Daunia, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne, 1986 (= Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome 114). Rome, 629-632. 969

970

LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY AND SURVEYS

971

972

‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’. IL PROGETTO DI RICOGNIZIONE DEL MONTE ARGENTARIO E DELL’AREA LAGUNARE COSTIERA (GROSSETO-TOSCANA) Nuccia Negroni Catacchio & Massimo Cardosa Abstract: The University of Milan, in collaboration with the Archaeological Superintendency of Tuscany, has since 2000 been carrying out a project on the prehistoric and late prehistoric use of the coastal area on the Tyrrhenian Sea, between Orbetello and the mouth of the River Fiora (Orbetello, Monte Argentario, Capalbio-Grosseto). This area was up to the historical period characterized by the presence of several lagoons. The project started with the examination of a large amount of data previously collected and unfortunately never completely published. It also involves systematic surveys and excavations, which in the first stage have been carried out in the reserve of Feniglia (Orbetello) and on the Monte Argentario. So far the results are interesting since they allow us to correct the dating of some settlements known from previous research and to reconstruct the evolution of this landscape in the period between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. During this period the area is in fact characterized by particular features in comparison with the inner zone of the coast. Several deposits of jars characterized by their reddish paste (the so-called ‘olle ad impasto rossiccio’) document the presence of settlements that exploited the marine resources on a large scale. Such activities are well known in other areas of the Etrurcan coast further south, but not yet in the territory which belonged to the Etruscan city of Vulci.

IL PROGETTO ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’

I moderni supporti informatici e multimediali ci permettono inoltre di visualizzare in 3 dimensioni il paesaggio ricostruito e in qualche modo di ‘entrarci’.5

L’analisi che qui si presenta rientra in un articolato progetto che l’Università degli Studi di Milano conduce da molti anni sul popolamento pre- protostorico dei bacini dei fiumi Fiora e Albegna, dal Monte Amiata alla costa tirrenica, nell’area compresa tra Lazio settentrionale e Toscana meridionale, nel cuore di quello che sarà, dalla fine del X secolo a.C., il territorio della nazione etrusca e in particolare l’area dipendente dalla città di Vulci.1 Lo strumento metodologico applicato prevede la necessità di ricostruire i paesaggi antichi, intesi come correlato fisico delle comunità ora estinte e come insieme strutturato delle fonti archeologiche che le riguardano.2 La ricostruzione dei paesaggi antichi, ora sepolti e stratificati, che abbiamo definito ‘fossili’,3 si presenta come lo strumento metodologico per eccellenza per unificare in un sistema organico e unitario, il paesaggio appunto, l’insieme disparato dei dati archeologici a nostra disposizione: scavi, ricognizioni, rinvenimenti casuali, dati bibliografici ecc.4

Fig. 1. Il territorio costiero tra le valli del Fiora (in alto) e dell’Albegna (in basso) e il Monte Argentario. Sintesi additiva a falsi colori (in RGB) delle bande Thematic Map 4-5-3 della sottoscena Landsat, acquisita il 22 Gennaio 1983; rappresentazione prospettica.

1 Il progetto ‘Paesaggi d’acque’ è stato studiato e organizzato in collaborazione con la Soprintendenza Archeologica della Toscana, in particolare con Pamela Gambogi ed Enrico Pellegrini, che sentitamente ringrazio. Nel progetto rientrano anche alcuni saggi esplorativi, attualmente in corso, in uno degli insediamenti dell’inizio dell’età del Ferro, collocati all’estremità del tombolo della Feniglia, individuati con le ricognizioni (Fig. 4:17). Si tratta di strutture, probabilmente stagionali, finalizzate alla produzione del sale o alla conservazione del pesce in vari modi (Cardosa 2002). 2 La bibliografia sull’argomento è troppo numerosa per essere qui riportata: per il tema specifico, si può comunque vedere in PPE.Atti V, tutto dedicato ai paesaggi d’acque; i risultati positivi si devono anche ad una lunga e proficua collaborazione con il CNR - Istituto per gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici e Laboratorio di Astrofisica Spaziale di Frascati e alle analisi da loro condotte sul telerilevamento di questo territorio (Parmegiani & Poscolieri 2002, con la bibliografia precedente). 3 Negroni 2002. 4 Sui ‘paesaggi fossili’ e la ricerca teorica e metodologica che sta alla base del concetto cfr. Negroni 2002.

5 Una ricostruzione in 3D dell’abitato protoetrusco di Sovana (Grosseto) e del suo territorio è stata oggetto di un progetto europeo in collaborazione con il Politecnico di Milano (Negroni et alii 2002, Negroni & Cardosa 2002b): il risultato è molto interessante e soddisfacente, tuttavia si è dovuto constatare che, nonostante il database ricco di informazioni sulla geomorfologia, l’archeobotanica, la paleozoologia, i modelli abitativi ecc., è risultato difficile localizzare alcuni dati. Così, ad esempio, nella ricostruzione dell’immagine, sono rimasti alcuni dubbi: dove bisognava collocare i campi arati, gli orti, i pascoli, gli stalli per gli animali? Inoltre il paesaggio ricostruito, quando viene visualizzato, risulta più povero di quello reale: alcuni percorsi e i sentieri non sono più rintracciabili, non sono più recuperabili molti dati relativi alla vegetazione spontanea, e così via.

973

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI La porzione di territorio presa in esame è il tratto di costa compreso tra il promontorio di Talamone e la foce del fiume Fiora, con la fascia collinare che si affaccia immediatamente su di esso, caratterizzata dalla presenza di lagune costiere di cui si è cercato di ricostruire epoca ed estensione (Fig. 1).

Di quest’area, sono state osservate distribuzione e dinamica degli insediamenti, per un ampio arco cronologico che va dal Paleolitico all’età del ferro,7 e si è tentato un raffronto con quanto invece riscontrato per le aree più interne, corrispondenti alle medie valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna.

In questo progetto si cerca in particolare di ricostruire le antiche dimensioni e il significato storico di uno degli elementi più importanti che caratterizzano il paesaggio costiero qui analizzato: la presenza dell’acqua6 nei suoi diversi aspetti ambientali e culturali: in particolare si è sottolineata l’importanza delle linee di costa e delle lagune e dei grandi specchi d’acqua che collegavano il mare con le aree più interne, occupando le terre basse fino a lambire i primi rilievi collinari. Essi costituivano una grande risorsa economica: caccia, pesca, produzione di sale. Probabilmente in alcuni punti era possibile l’accesso dal mare, e in questo caso offrivano approdi e ripari sicuri per le imbarcazioni, e una navigazione interna che facilitava gli scambi e i commerci. Si tratta di una situazione tipica di alcune zone dell’Etruria, in particolare di quella qui in esame, compresa tra Fiora e Ombrone e di quella intorno a Pisa. Sarebbe assai interessante impostare uno studio comparato con aree dalle caratteristiche assai simili, per esempio: quelle a sud del Gargano, dove non a caso si colloca Coppa Nevigata. Un immediato riferimento è anche all’area del Delta Padano, dove è significativo che il centro di Frattesina presenti così numerosi rapporti con l’Etruria durante la fine dell’età del bronzo e dove in epoca romana è attestata una navigazione endolagunare che dall’area di Spina permetteva di giungere a nord fino ad Aquileia. In questo caso occorre anche chiedersi, come abbiamo cercato di fare, quale era la reale estensione delle aree lagunari durante i diversi momenti della pre e protostoria e su che basi è possibile una loro datazione.

I numerosi rinvenimenti finora noti sono stati effettuati in occasioni ed epoche diverse, da persone diverse e nell’ambito di progetti di ricerca con scopi non omogenei. E’ sembrato quindi necessario riprendere in esame con intento critico lo stato dei rinvenimenti e sulla base dei dati in tal modo rivisitati, impostare un nuovo progetto di ricognizione. N.N.C. LA RICOSTRUZIONE DEL PAESAGGIO GEOGRAFICO L’aspetto attuale della costa Maremmana è il risultato di una profonda opera di bonifica, che è stata completata solo con la prima metà del XX secolo. Si tratta quindi di un territorio i cui aspetti paesaggistici si sono andati profondamente modificando nel tempo: la laguna di Orbetello è l’unica superstite di una serie di bacini lagunari, poi trasformatisi in vaste paludi e acquitrini, oggi fertili campi coltivati. Il loro lento ma continuo interramento è attestato almeno da età imperiale romana, ma sulla precisa situazione nelle diverse epoche storiche, specie le più remote, talvolta si hanno solo vaghe notizie, spesso poco documentate scientificamente. Una delle prime problematiche da affrontare nello studiare questo territorio nell’antichità, è quindi quella di ricostruirne l’esatta topografia. L’esistenza di lagune lungo il tratto di costa compreso tra il promontorio di Talamone e la foce del Fiora è evidente in tutta la cartografia della zona fin dalle sue prime manifestazioni. La ricostruzione del loro esatto ingombro e della loro evoluzione nel tempo, non può che partire da un esame geologico e pedologico, incrociando poi i risultati di questo con i dati archeologici noti.8 La presenza di tre bacini lagunari scomparsi nell’area in esame, è chiaramente identificabile sulla base della collocazione dei terreni di origine palustre:9 il primo nell’entroterra del golfo di Talamone (laguna di Talamone), il secondo tra il basso corso dell’Osa e quello dell’Albegna (laguna di Campo Regio), la terza tra il promontorio di Ansedonia e la foce del fiume Chiarone (laguna Vulcente).

Accanto alle lagune e alle coste vere e proprie, di grande importanza per il paesaggio antico sono le foci dei fiumi: non sempre erano accoglienti punti di approdo e il loro corso era navigabile solo per brevi tratti, ma forse non è stata finora abbastanza sottolineata la loro importanza come indicatori territoriali in un mondo come quello pre e protostorico in cui non esistevano carte geografiche; l’orientamento doveva basarsi su caratteri territoriali forti e ben riconoscibili: i grandi promontori che interrompono coste piatte, come nel nostro caso l’Argentario, le cime di montagne ben visibili dal mare, le foci di fiumi e il loro tracciato. Anche se non navigabile, e in qualche caso difficilmente percorribile persino a piedi, il fiume segnava il territorio, indirizzava verso la meta, permetteva di riconoscere a che punto si era del proprio cammino, e, soprattutto, di ritrovare la via del ritorno.

7 Le ultime ricerche hanno portato al rinvenimento di numerose presenze paleolitiche sul Monte Argentario, mentre scarsi sono i nuovi dati sul Neolitico, limitati quasi esclusivamente alla presenza di ossidiana, non determinante per una attribuzione cronologica certa. 8 Si presenta qui una sintesi di quanto illustrato in maniera più articolata e puntuale in Negroni & Cardosa 2002a. 9 Si tratta dei ‘terreni limosi, talvolta torbosi, di ambiente lagunare o palustre’ nella carta geologica al 100.000 (F. 135 Orbetello); tuttavia un esame più preciso della loro effettiva estensione è più agevole sulla base dei dati pedologici, pubblicati su cartografia al 50.000 (Van Berghem et alii 1991).

6

Al tema è stato dedicato il V Incontro di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria, tenutosi nel 2000 (PPE.Atti V), in cui si sono presi in esame dal punto di vista geomorfologico, funzionale e cultuale i territori in cui l’elemento ‘acqua’ é predominante, sia nel territorio dell’‘Etruria’ protostorica, sia, per confronto, nell’intera penisola.

974

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’ Per quanto riguarda la laguna di Talamone,10 i depositi lagunari (Fig. 2), distinguibili in ‘recenti’ (A), ‘del terrazzo marino inferiore’ (B) e ‘del terrazzo marino superiore’ (C), individuano un bacino di forma triangolare molto allungata, sostanzialmente non diverso da quello registrato nella ‘Carta Topografica della Provincia Inferiore Senese’, redatta nel 1829 sulla base dei rilievi del nuovo catasto ordinato dai Lorena, conclusosi pochi anni prima, che possiamo considerare la prima pianta precisa dell’area, essendo realizzata secondo criteri cartografici moderni.11 I siti protostorici vanno a collocarsi su affioramenti di tipo B (Fig. 4:2) o ai margini del terreno di origine lacustre (Fig. 4:1, 4, 8), la laguna non doveva quindi avere un’estensione sostanzialmente diversa da quella di età storica. Più complessa la ricostruzione del bacino lagunare che si stendeva tra la foce dell’Albegna e quella dell’Osa, quello che nell’800 era denominato Padule di Campo Regio. Delle lagune esistenti in questa parte del territorio, deve essere stata la prima ad interrarsi, dal momento che, per esempio, nella Carta Topografica del Compartimento Grossetano, del 1835-40, non è già più indicata come bacino lacustre, al contrario della laguna vulcente, ma semplicemente come area paludosa. Infatti nella già citata ‘Carta Topografica della Provincia Inferiore Senese’del 1829, mentre sono chiaramente indicate la laguna di Talamone e quella vulcente, non sono indicati bacini lacustri nella zona di Camporegio.

Fig. 2. Laguna di Talamone e Laguna di Campo Regio. Carta dei suoli di origine lagunare tra i Monti dell’Uccellina e la laguna di Orbetello. A: Depositi lagunari recenti. B: Depositi lagunari del terrazzo marino inferiore. C: Depositi lagunari del terrazzo marino superiore. D: Sabbie eoliche sottili sui depositi lagunari del terrazzo marino superiore.

L’esame pedologico della zona ha identificato quattro tipi di suoli di origine lacustre (Fig. 2): ‘depositi lagunari recenti’ (A), ‘depositi lagunari del terrazzo marino inferiore’ (B) e ‘depositi lagunari del terrazzo marino superiore’ (C), in alcune zone coperti da ‘sabbie eoliche sottili’ (D). Per questa zona sono fondamentali i risultati della ricognizione della Valle dell’Albegna delle Università di Pisa e Siena,12 dai quali si può constatare come siti preistorici siano attestati in terreni di tipo B,13 mentre la presenza di siti di età etrusca su terreni di tipo A mostra un precoce interro della parte più interna e di quella settentrionale del bacino, soprattutto per gli apporti del fiume Osa.

racchiudono la laguna si fossero formati solo in epoca relativamente recente: già in epoca etrusca il tombolo di Feniglia, in epoca ancora successiva quello di Giannella.14 In realtà la segnalazione di rinvenimenti di età protostorica su entrambi i tomboli,15 ha rimesso in discussione l’intero problema, che attende tuttavia una revisione puntuale. Altra zona il cui aspetto attuale potrebbe essere differente da quello antico, è quella delle Piane, l’esigua pianura ai piedi del Monte Argentario, compresa tra l’altura di Terrarossa e quella di Punta degli Stretti, per la quale è stata ipotizzata una formazione recente.

La Laguna di Orbetello è l’unico bacino lacustre, dei numerosi presenti un tempo lungo la costa maremmana, conservatisi fino ad epoca moderna. In realtà la natura avrebbe portato al lento impaludamento anche di questo specchio d’acqua, se l’uomo non avesse provveduto con opere artificiali alla sua conservazione, tenendo aperti i canali di comunicazione con il mare. Non si hanno molti dati circa le trasformazioni che questo specchio d’acqua avrebbe potuto subire nel tempo, anche se la sua estensione non deve essere mutata significativamente; fino ad alcuni decenni fa si riteneva che i due tomboli che

14 Merciai 1929. A questa conclusione portava anche la cartografia storica, dove è possibile osservare un ampio varco all’innesto del tombolo di Giannella nel Monte Argentario, in corrispondenza dell’attuale canale di Santa Liberata, fattore che aveva portato ad ipotizzare una formazione progressiva del tombolo a partire dalla foce dell’Albegna, ed ancora non conclusosi in età rinascimentale. In realtà è probabile che si tratti di un semplice accorgimento cartografico atto ad evidenziare quello che ancora fino ad epoca moderna era l’unico accesso navigabile alle acque della laguna. 15 Bronson & Uggeri 1970, 201.

10

Allegato A in Van Berghem et alii 1991. Vedi una riproduzione della carta in Maioli Urbini1994, 32, fig. 4.1. Attolini et alii 1983, figg. 2 e 3. 13 Per i particolari Negroni & Cardosa 2002a. 11 12

975

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Laguna Vulcente. Carta dei suoli di origine lagunare tra il promontorio di Ansedonia e il basso corso del Fiora. A: Depositi di laguna recenti. B: Depositi di laguna meno antichi. C: Depositi di laguna più antichi. D: Piano lagunare antico. E: Depositi alluvionali. compaiono navigli di navigazione su di essa.19

Per quanto riguarda la laguna Vulcente, di cui il Lago di Burano costituisce oggi l’ultimo residuo (Fig. 3),16 i depositi di laguna e palustri, per quanto riguarda la parte occidentale dell’area rilevata, sono suddivisi in ‘recenti’ (A), ‘meno antichi’ (B) e ‘più antichi’ (C), delineando il processo di progressiva riduzione del bacino nel corso del tempo. Nella parte orientale, viene identificato un ‘piano lagunare antico’ (D), costituito da suoli diversi, senza alcuna articolazione interna di cronologia relativa, ma corrispondente al ‘suolo lagunare meno antico’. Con tutti e quattro interferiscono depositi alluvionali recenti (E).

una

certa

dimensione

in

M.C. L’AREA COSTIERA DELL’ETRURIA CENTRALE TIRRENICA: IL CONTRIBUTO DEL TELERILEVAMENTO ALL’ANALISI DELLE SCELTE INSEDIAMENTALI Grazie ad una collaborazione con il CNR,20 è in atto una ricerca che intende collegare i risultati delle ricognizioni e delle indagini bibliografiche con l’analisi del territorio effettuato attraverso la lettura di immagini da satellite, allo scopo non tanto di individuare nuovi siti, quanto di comprendere meglio le scelte insediamentali delle antiche comunità. In questo quadro generale, lo studio sui ‘paesaggi d’acque’ si propone di determinare, sulla base della localizzazione di siti pre-protostorici, le caratteristiche fisiche dei terreni una volta ricchi di lagune, paludi, stagni, oggi per lo più bonificati, giacenti lungo la costa tirrenica al confine tra Lazio e Toscana. Le informazioni relative sono state estratte elaborando le 6 bande spettrali TM (Thematic Map) che coprono le regioni dello spettro elettromagnetico del riflesso,

Al momento nessun rinvenimento relativo all’arco di tempo compreso tra il Neolitico e il Bronzo Finale è avvenuto sui suoli appena descritti. La necropoli della prima età del ferro di Serpentaro (Fig. 4:31) è invece posta su suoli di tipo B, mentre alcuni nuclei sepolcrali di età etrusca arcaica17 si collocano in D. Questi dati sembrerebbero confermare che, perlomeno all’inizio dell’età villanoviana, la laguna vulcente era già ridotta al solo ingombro costituito dai suoli denominati ‘depositi lacustri recenti’. Un lembo del tratto più interno della laguna è comunque possibile che dovesse ancora esistere, seppure molto ridotto, dal momento che ancora nella Carta Topografica del Compartimento Grossetano del 1835-40 è rappresentato un piccolo bacino lacuale di forma stretta e allungata in corrispondenza dell’odierno Canale della Bassa, bacino che, pur in forma più schematica, compare anche nella più antica pianta del Capitanato di Sovana e Contea di Pitigliano (1768).18 La batimetria della laguna vulcente doveva essere considerevole, tale da consentirne un uso come porto, dal momento che ancora nella cartografia settecentesca

19

Maffei Cardellini 1994, 317. Il progetto dello studio delle aree costiere mediante il telerilevamento è condotto da Neda Parmegiani e Maurizio Poscolieri, nell’ambito di un più vasto programma che riguarda le valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna, che vede la collaborazione tra CNR (Istituto per Studi Micenei ed EgeoAnatolici del CNR, Roma e Istituto di Astrofisica Spaziale del CNR, Roma) e Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione di Archeologia. Numerose sono le pubblicazioni sull’argomento (ad esempio Parmegiani & Poscolieri 1995; 1998; 2000); in particolare sul tema qui in esame, si veda Parmegiani & Poscolieri 2002. Da quest’ultimo sono state ricavate tutte le informazioni di seguito riportate in modo semplificato. Per un approfondimento e la bibliografia specifica si rimanda quindi all’articolo citato. Ringrazio infine gli amici Parmegiani e Poscolieri per avermi permesso di pubblicare l’immagine della fig. 1. 20

16

Allegato B in Van Berghem et alii 1991. Casi & Celuzza 2000, 61, fig. 1. 18 Per la cartografia storica di quest’area vedi Rombai 1993. 17

976

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’

Fig. 4. Siti archeologici dell’area costiera. In grigio più scuro è segnato l’ingombro delle lagune costiere nelle aree oggi occupate dai ‘depositi lagunari recenti’. 1. Valentina; 2. Ferrovia; 3. Tombolello; 4. S. Giuseppe; 5. Casa S. Giuseppe; 6. Talamonaccio; 7. Fonteblanda; 8. Puntata di Fonteblanda; 9. Casale Brancazzi; 10. Pianone; 11. Punta degli Stretti; 12. Punta degli Stretti – Canale Navigabile; 13. Terrarossa – La Tradita; 14. Orbetello; 15. Grotta di Cala de’Santi; 16. Feniglia – Pertuso; 17. Feniglia – Sede Forestale/Taglio di Ansedonia; 18. Grottino di Ansedonia; 19. Ansedonia – Spiaggia; 20. Grotta di Settefinestre; 21. La Torba – Abitato; 22. La Torba – Necropoli; 23. Poggio Capalbiaccio; 25. Garavicchio; 26. La Mandra di Pescia Fiorentina; 27. Matteaccio - Fosso della Marzola; 28. Strada dell’Abbadia al Fosso di Valle Felciosa; 29. Incolti; 30. Infernetto di sotto; 31. Serpentara; 32. Tombolo della Foce; 33. Montalto di Castro. Siti archeologici citati nel testo. A: Marsiliana; B: Sassi Neri; C: Pietrisco Rosso; D: Le Calle; E: Scarceta; F: Poggio Volpaino; G: Poggio sul Fosso Voltamarcia (Poggio delle Sorche). ricavando alcuni parametri che descrivono le proprietà superficiali dei terreni in corrispondenza di antiche lagune, ricostruite analizzando vecchie mappe e la carta geologica a scala 1:100.000 (Foglio Orbetello) in cui sono indicate litologie correlabili ad antiche aree umide.21 Inoltre la banda termica TM è stata elaborata per creare una carta tematica di distribuzione delle temperature.

L’uso di sensori per la registrazione, sotto forma di immagine digitale, della radiazione elettromagnetica (riflessa o emessa dalla superficie terrestre) permette di determinare alcune caratteristiche fisiche dei terreni. In particolare per questa ricerca si sono elaborati i valori delle sei bande del sensore Thematic Mapper (TM), che coprono le regioni dello spettro elettromagnetico, nell’ambito della radiazione riflessa, dal visibile all’infrarosso vicino e all’infrarosso medio: Brightness (Luminosità), Greenness (Densità di verde) e Wetness (Umidità).

La ricerca si basa sull’analisi di dati telerilevati ed è arricchita da un Modello Altimetrico Digitale (DEM) e da dati vettoriali, che descrivono l’assetto idro-idrogeologico dell’area di studio. In particolare si sono utilizzate le informazioni derivate dall’elaborazione dei valori delle bande multispettrali di una scena LANDSAT, allo scopo di ottenere una caratterizzazione quantitativa delle proprietà fisiche dei terreni giacenti lungo la fascia pericostiera al confine tra Lazio e Toscana (Fig. 1). 21

La ‘Luminosità’ esprime chiaramente le differenze nelle caratteristiche dei suoli; la ‘Densità di verde’ mette in risalto la tipica risposta spettrale della vegetazione, allo stato verde; l’’Umidità’ mette in evidenza le caratteristiche legate all’umidità dei terreni.

Cfr Cardosa supra e Negroni & Cardosa 2002a.

977

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Nel prossimo futuro è prevista un’approfondita analisi che confronti i parametri sopra citati con la cronologia e la tipologia dei siti, per cercare le eventuali costanti. N.N.C.

Infine si sono ricavate temperature di ‘brillanza apparente’, che forniscono una descrizione delle caratteristiche termiche del terreno. Sui prodotti tematici ottenuti e sul foglio n. 135 (Orbetello) della Carta Geologica d’Italia a scala 1:100.000 sono stati sovrapposti i limiti di paleo-lagune e di aree umide, i reticoli idrografici principali, ricavati da Massimo Cardosa a partire da Carte antiche nonché i siti. La georeferenziazione di questi ultimi ha permesso di ricavare informazioni sulle formazioni litologiche su cui essi giacciono.

LA RICOGNIZIONE A parte rinvenimenti occasionali avvenuti già a partire dall’800,22 le principali conoscenze sulla frequentazione pre- protostorica dell’area costiera sono dovute essenzialmente a due fonti: la ricognizione della Laguna di Orbetello, Monte Argentario, Isola del Giglio e Giannutri organizzata dalle Università di Firenze e di California (Santa Cruz) nel 1968, e quella delle Università di Pisa e Siena nell’ambito del progetto Ager Cosanus e Valle dell’Albegna.

La sovrapposizione ha permesso di fornire, per queste aree, una valutazione quantitativa dello stato di umidità e delle caratteristiche termiche dei terreni, in rapporto alla distribuzione spaziale dei siti.

I risultati della prima sono stati pubblicati nel 1970.23 Da tale articolo risulta una fitta frequentazione dell’area attraverso tutte le epoche, dal Paleolitico all’età del ferro, con un numero altissimo di siti che avrebbero restituito selce, ossidiana e/o ceramica ad impasto. Tuttavia in tale sede, ci si è limitati ad un elenco stringato dei siti identificati, corredato, solo in pochi casi, da una succinta descrizione dei materiali rinvenuti, senza alcuna documentazione grafica o fotografica degli stessi. Lo stesso collocamento topografico dei siti, con un ragionevole margine di precisione, è reso quasi impossibile dalla scala estremamente ridotta della planimetria presentata, priva inoltre di qualsiasi riferimento geografico, quali strade, fiumi, orografia, ecc.24 Tali siti sono pertanto spesso entrati nella letteratura archeologica senza che di fatto ci fossero dati sufficienti ad un loro inquadramento cronologico e culturale. D’altra parte il procedere degli studi ha portato ad un affinamento delle attribuzioni cronologiche.

I risultati ottenuti dalla carta di temperatura hanno mostrato come la laguna di Campo Regio è caratterizzata da valori medi di temperatura di circa 9,6°C, più bassi di circa 2°C rispetto a quelli della laguna Vulcente, nonostante la presenza, all’interno di quest’ultima, dell’attuale lago di Burano caratterizzato da valori medi di temperatura di 6,1°C. Inoltre la laguna settentrionale presenta una variabilità di temperature tra 6,8° e 12,3° assai più ristretta rispetto a quella meridionale, che si distribuisce fra 4,3° e 16,6°; i valori più bassi sono da attribuire alla presenza del lago di Burano. Si sono poi analizzati i territori circostanti i siti archeologici rinvenuti nell’area in esame in relazione alla carta di temperatura, già menzionata, ricavandone l’istogramma dei valori su aree centrate intorno ai siti, vaste 60x60, 100x100 e 300x300 m (corrispondenti rispettivamente a 3x3, cioé 9; 5x5, cioé 25; 15x15, cioé 225 pixels).

I risultati della ricognizione dell’Ager Cosanus e della Valle dell’Albegna, operata all’inizio degli anni ‘80 dalle Università di Pisa e Siena sotto la direzione di Andrea Carandini, sono invece tuttora edite solo parzialmente.25 Per quanto riguarda i dati relativi alla frequentazione protostorica della laguna di Orbetello, in tali sedi si fa riferimento al Tombolo della Feniglia, documentandone però la frequentazione protostorica solo con una planimetria26 nella quale risultano identificati almeno tre stanziamenti datati all’età del bronzo, ed altrettanti

L’esame delle aree di 300 x 300 m ha permesso di evidenziare che i siti collocati nella zona dell’antica laguna Vulcente, attualmente giacenti su terreni ‘limosi e talvolta torbosi’, presentano una distribuzione di temperatura, anche in questo caso, superiore di almeno 2°C rispetto a quella dei siti posti in vicinanza dell’antica laguna di Camporegio e dell’attuale laguna di Orbetello. Per quanto riguarda lo stato di umidità dei terreni intorno ai siti, sempre per aree di 300x300 m, si è potuto accertare che i siti posti su ‘terreni limoso/torbosi’ presentano una distribuzione dei valori di umidità analoga.

22

Per i particolari vedi Cardosa 2004. Bronson & Uggeri 1970. 24 Uno stralcio di questa pianta, comprendente il tombolo di Feniglia e la parte nordorientale del Monte Argentario, sempre muta, ma ad una scala molto maggiore, venne pubblicata successivamente dallo Schmiedt (Schmiedt 1972, fig. 15). 25 Alcuni accenni preliminari in Attolini et alii 1982 e 1983; da tempo edita una prima sintesi complessiva limitata al circondario di Cosa (Celuzza & Regoli 1982). La pubblicazione definitiva, la cui parte dedicata alla pre-protostoria è stata redatta da Carlo Casi, Monica Miari e da chi scrive, è spesso citata in bibliografia come in corso di stampa. 26 Attolini et alii 1982 e 1983, fig. 2; Celuzza & Regoli 1982, fig. 2. 23

Analizzando i risultati principali del lavoro svolto, si può desumere che le informazioni spettrali relative alla ‘Umidità’ sembrano essere correlate alle caratteristiche dei terreni su cui i siti sono collocati.

978

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’ rinvenimenti sporadici attribuiti al Neolitico.27 Per quanto riguarda il Monte Argentario, invece, non sono citati rinvenimenti di età protostorica, ma esclusivamente di età romana.28

ceramica incisa a fasci di linee bordati da grossi punti, che abbiamo rinvenuto in quelli della terraferma”.33 La ricognizione delle alture dove sorgono rispettivamente Torre Argentiera e Torre Capo d’Uomo ha permesso di identificare le due strutture segnalate in precedenza, molto più imponente la prima, più modesta la seconda. In entrambi i casi nell’area circostante si sono raccolti numerosi frammenti ceramici ad impasto, di colore bruno chiaro e ben cotti, ma pressoché tutti riportabili alla stessa forma: una teglia a pareti spesse definita ‘testo da pane’. Questa forma ad impasto, caratteristica dell’età medievale, è stata spesso in passato confusa con materiale di età protostorica, e deve essere alla base della errata datazione delle due strutture, evidentemente da collegare invece alla presenza delle torri di avvistamento ancora oggi visibili.

Il progetto di ricerca non poteva quindi prescindere da un lavoro di verifica delle notizie note in bibliografia, accompagnato da un’esplorazione sistematica e ricorrente delle aree ricognibili, a partire dal comprensorio per il quale le informazioni sembravano essere contemporaneamente più numerose ma più vaghe: la Laguna di Orbetello e il Monte Argentario.29 L’area in cui l’indagine è più avanzata è il tombolo di Feniglia, da cui la recerca ha preso l’avvio nel 2000. Dei vari affioramenti di ceramica ad impasto segnalati nelle ricognizioni precedenti, e in parte collocati nell’ambito della media età del bronzo, nessuno ha restituito ceramica di un periodo così antico. Al momento sono stati invece identificati due soli siti protostorici, posti alle estremità del tombolo, uno ai piedi di Poggio Pertuso, dal lato dell’Argentario30 (Fig. 4:16), l’altro tra la Sede del corpo Forestale e il Taglio di Ansedonia, ai piedi dell’altura omonima (Fig. 4:17), nella stessa area dove in età romana sorse il Portus Feniliae.31 Questi hanno restituito materiali perfettamente omogenei: grandi quantità di frammenti di vasi ovoidi ad orlo estroflesso, spesso decorati con cordoni o listelli, di un impasto di colore rossastro, accanto a pochi frammenti di ceramica più fine, in qualche caso decorata a pettine. Tali contesti, da datarsi nell’ambito della prima età del ferro, trovano confronti particolarmente stringenti, con una serie di siti noti su tutta la costa mediotirrenica toscolaziale, denominati nella letteratura archeologica ‘giacimenti di olle ad impasto rossiccio’, riconosciuti unanimemente come sede di una qualche produzione di tipo ‘industriale’, legata all’estrazione del sale o alla conservazione del pesce.

Diverse zone hanno dato esito negativo anche per le pessime condizioni di visibilità, soprattutto sul versante del promontorio che guarda il mare aperto. Tra queste la zona del Mare Morto, tra il Poggio delle Scorpacciate e la Torre delle Cannelle, dove in occasione della ricognizione di R.C. Bronson e G. Uggeri erano stati identificati tre siti vicini uno all’altro con selci ed impasti.34 Maggiori risultati, anche per le migliori condizioni di visibilità, ha dato l’esplorazione dell’area del Monte Argentario che guarda la laguna di Orbetello, tuttora in corso. Qui sono stati identificati nuovi siti di notevole rilievo. Nei campi arati che circondano la località detta Casetta dei Frati (Fig. 4:34), sono stati identificati diversi affioramenti di utensili e schegge di selce databili al Paleolitico Superiore. Altri due siti sono stati invece identificati ai piedi del poggio di Terrarossa (Fig. 4:13), lungo il percorso di un tratto di acquedotto, tra il serbatoio posto sul poggio e la strada costiera. Qui, oltre ad un affioramento di ceramica ad impasto non databile, si sono rinvenuti frammenti di un ossuario biconico di età villanoviana.35

Altri siti posti lungo il percorso del tombolo, sempre caratterizzati dalla presenza di ceramica ad impasto, ma frammista a pietrame, sono risultati invece da collocare in età etrusca arcaica.32

Sempre nell’area di Terrarossa è stato anche possibile localizzare con precisione il punto di rinvenimento di un’urna protovillanoviana conservata al Museo Civico di Orbetello, venuta alla luce casualmente durante lavori agricoli all’estremità della diga che unisce Orbetello al Monte Argentario, in località ‘la Tradita’,36 area dove altri elementi permettono di ipotizzare l’esistenza di una più vasta necropoli ad incinerazione37 il cui abitato potrebbe essere da identificare con l’insediamento perilacustre da localizzare in un punto imprecisato lungo

Per quanto riguarda il Monte Argentario, una particolare attenzione è stata prestata ai cosiddetti ‘castellieri’ (Torre Argentiera, Torre Capo d’Uomo, Mandrioli), cinte murarie a secco attribuite dagli scopritori all’età del ferro, seppure non avessero restituito “la caratteristica

27 Sicuramente distinti da quelli segnalati da Bronson & Uggeri; quattro di essi, per esempio, risultano collocati sulle rive della Laguna di Levante, dove dalla ricognizione precedente risultano solo siti romani. 28 Attolini et alii 1982, 381-382; 1983, 460-461. 29 Per brevità si riassumono qui sinteticamente i risultati principali delle ricerche, presentati più analiticamente in altra sede (Cardosa 2002 e 2004). 30 Pertuso, sito n. 86 in Bronson & Uggeri 1970, 213. 31 Calastri 2000. 32 Tra questi anche quello identificato da Bronson e Uggeri come insediamento di età appenninica con fondi di capanne (III Faro; Bronson & Uggeri 1970, 213, n. 99).

33

Bronson & Uggeri 1970, 201. Bronson & Uggeri 1970, 208-209, nn. 40, 41 e 42. 35 Non è da escludere che questo rinvenimento vada ricollegato ad una vaga notizia riferita da Bronson e Uggeri, che segnalavano in località ‘Le Piane, ad ovest di Terrarossa’ ‘sotto S. Domenico’ la presenza di ossuari villanoviani (Bronson & Uggeri 1970, 211, n. 63). 36 Graziani & Rittatore 1961. 37 Cardosa 2004. 34

979

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI il canale navigabile nei pressi di Punta degli Stretti38 (Fig. 4:12).

Eneolitico – Bronzo Antico iniziale In questo momento la facies culturale che domina il medio corso del Fiora e dell’Albegna è, come noto, quella di Rinaldone, e proprio in queste zone interne si colloca quella che abbiamo definito ‘area nucleare’. Questa sostanziale compattezza rinaldoniana, cui evidentemente corrisponde un controllo pieno sul territorio, si sfalda e sembra diluirsi procedendo verso la costa: i rinvenimenti restano di grande importanza, ma risultano meno numerosi, quasi degli ‘avamposti’ di controllo di aree ritenute strategiche, per la difesa delle aree interne o per il controllo degli approdi e per gli scambi commerciali.42

In altri siti, invece, si è avuta la conferma della presenza di materiale protostorico già segnalata da R.C. Bronson e G. Uggeri, seppure grazie ad elementi piuttosto labili. Nel sito da loro numerato 61 (Le Piane, ad est di Teva), interessato da una villa romana, si sono potuti raccogliere due frammenti di ceramica di impasto rossastro, uno dei quali con cordone a tacche. Nel sito 62 (Le Piane Alte, ad est della Casetta dei Frati), si è invece rinvenuta una lamella di ossidiana, il primo e al momento unico rinvenimento di questo tipo di materiale, frequentemente segnalato da R.C. Bronson e G. Uggeri in numerose località dell’Argentario, proprio in un sito in cui i due studiosi ne sottolineavano l’abbondanza. M.C.

Nessun rinvenimento rinaldoniano certo si colloca sulla fascia lagunare costiera, mentre nell’immediato entroterra troviamo la necropoli di Garavicchio (Fig. 4:25), il vaso a fiasco sporadico di Matteaccio-Fosso della Marzola (Fig. 4:27); più a sud i materiali di Montalto di Castro (Fig. 4:33) possono essere riferiti ad una necropoli.

LE FASI DEL POPOLAMENTO Integrando i dati noti dalla bibliografia con i primi risultati del progetto di ricerca, si può ricostruire un quadro del popolamento della fascia costiera sostanzialmente nuovo rispetto a quanto noto fino ad oggi.

Dunque non tutto il territorio viene occupato, ma sono alcuni punti strategici, immediatamente a ridosso delle aree costiere umide o lagunari. Un’area particolarmente importante doveva essere considerata quella intorno a Marsiliana (Fig. 4:A), posta poco più all’interno, nell’immediato entroterra delle foci dell’Albegna, che ha restituito i resti di almeno tre necropoli di facies tipica: Poggio delle Sorche (Fig. 4:G), Poggio Volpino (Fig. 4:F) e Podere Fontanile.43 Sempre nell’immediato entroterra si hanno anche altre presenze di comunità eneolitiche o del Bronzo Antico iniziale; quella dei Sassi Neri, nel territorio di Capalbio (Fig. 4:B) e il Campaniforme a Marsiliana (Fig. 4:A), che testimoniano l’interesse per questa zona da parte di genti diverse.

Paleolitico Le attuali conoscenze sul Paleolitico dell’area costiera sono piuttosto frammentarie. I rinvenimenti più significativi sembrano addensarsi nella piana del fiume Osa, da cui provengono manufatti del Paleolitico Inferiore, Medio e Superiore. Utensili del Paleolitico Medio sono stati restituiti dalla Grotta di Talamone e dalle grotte del Monte Argentario. Utensili sporadici di tipologia musteriana sono stati raccolti in diversi punti della pianura costiera, da Talamone a Capalbio.39 Il Paleolitico Superiore sembrerebbe invece essere meno attestato, presente comunque sia nell’area Osa – Talamone40 sia nell’area attorno a Casetta dei Frati a Monte Argentario (Fig. 4:34).

L’unico ritrovamento costiero di questo periodo è la grotta sepolcrale di Punta degli Stretti, sull’Argentario (Fig. 4:14), che sembra rientrare piuttosto nell’ambito delle facies eneolitiche in grotta della toscana. N.N.C.

Neolitico Bronzo Antico – Fase di Mezzano –Montemerano Scarsissimi i dati per il Neolitico nella fascia costiera, noto essenzialmente solo per pochi utensili sporadici e rinvenimenti di ossidiana, la cui datazione al Neolitico, non è comunque certa.41 A tutt’oggi non si è riuscita ad avere conferma dell’abbondanza dei rinvenimenti di ossidiana sul Monte Argentario, quale risulta dai dati presentati da R.C. Bronson e G. Uggeri. M.C.

Pertinente a questa fase è il ripostiglio noto come proveniente dal territorio di Capalbio, indice di come probabilmente questa zona fosse interessata da un ramo della cosiddetta ‘via dei ripostigli’ che, secondo l’ipotesi proposta,44 partendo dalle Colline Metallifere, aggirato il Monte Amiata e discesa la valle del Fiora si dirigeva poi verso la parte intermedia della laguna Vulcente, forse non a caso proprio laddove nell’età del ferro sorgerà quello che probabilmente fu uno dei più antichi approdi di Vulci (cfr. infra).

38

Arcangeli, Pellegini & Poggesi 2002. Bertolani & Tulli 1993. 40 Vedi nota precedente. 41 Diversi affioramenti sono stati individuati nella zona Talamone e della tenuta di San Donato in occasione del progetto di ricognizione Ager Cosanus (inedito). 39

42

Questa organizzazione territoriale è stata illustrata in Negroni 2002. Negroni 1992; Rendini et alii 2001; Negroni & Miari 2002. 44 Negroni 1981, 116. 43

980

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’ Nell’area della laguna di Talamone, i siti di Valentina (Fig. 4:1), Ferrovia (Fig. 4:2) e Talamonaccio (Fig. 4:6) confermano l’importanza di quest’area anche durante l’antica età del bronzo, probabile punto di arrivo di un secondo percorso che attraverso il guado di Marsiliana (Fig. 4:A) metteva in comunicazione l’area costiera con quella della media valle del Fiora. Al momento non sono noti insediamenti di questo periodo nell’area della Laguna di Orbetello.

che distingue le aree interne. Ulteriori osservazioni sono però possibili con un esame che scenda ad una scansione cronologica più minuta nell’ambito del periodo. Nell’area presa in esame sono attestati per il momento solo quattro insediamenti del Bronzo Finale: Puntata di Fonteblanda (Fig. 4:8), Talamonaccio (Fig. 4:6), Punta degli Stretti (Fig. 4:12) e Capalbiaccio (Fig. 4:23).47 Come già osservato,48 a Talamonaccio sembra essere attestata solo la fase iniziale del Bronzo Finale e nello stesso ambito si può collocare l’abitato di Capalbiaccio, stando alle scarne descrizioni dei motivi decorativi presenti su alcuni frammenti raccolti nel sito, anch’esso posto su un altura in posizione dominante. Ad un momento avanzato del periodo sono invece da attribuire i siti di Puntata di Fonteblanda e Punta degli Stretti; in quest’ultimo poi è attestata anche quella fase terminale del Bronzo Finale, momento di passaggio all’età del ferro, che nella valle del Fiora è presente in modo evidente solo a Sorgenti della Nova.

Bronzo Medio Anche per quanto riguarda il BM i dati non sono particolarmente abbondanti. Le attestazioni di Casale Brancazzi (Fig. 4:9), Infernetto di Sotto (Fig. 4:30) e Tombolo della Foce (Fig. 4:32) testimoniano la presenza di abitati, probabilmente di non grande estensione, collocati sulle dune che limitano le lagune costiere, mentre il sito di Talamonaccio (Fig. 4:6) sembrerebbe rappresentare anche nell’area costiera la comparsa di una tipologia insediamentale che diventerà canonica alla fine dell’età del bronzo. Anche in questo caso sarebbe quindi attestata la variabilità di scelte locazionali caratteristica del periodo, documentata nelle aree più interne.45 L’unico sito noto per quest’epoca nell’area della laguna di Orbetello è quello di Pianone (Fig. 4:10), sulle alture che dominano il canale di accesso della laguna al mare.

Sembrerebbe quindi che nell’ambito del BF, dopo un primo momento in cui sono riscontrabili fenomeni analoghi a quelli delle aree più interne, in una fase tarda del periodo, quando nell’area interna la popolazione comincia ad abbandonare i suoi insediamenti per dare origine al grande abitato di Vulci, nell’area costiera, in controtendenza, nascano insediamenti in posizione aperta, direttamente sulla riva delle lagune. Questo fenomeno può essere considerato una prova ulteriore che è in corso una profonda ristrutturazione del territorio, che, a causa delle sue caratteristiche specifiche e della potenzialità delle risorse, si manifesta nella fascia costiera con modalità peculiari.

Bronzo Recente Per il BR la situazione non appare chiara, dal momento che, nei siti in cui è ipotizzabile una frequentazione in questa fase cronologica, sembrano mancare i materiali più caratterizzanti del periodo. Solo ipotetica la continuità della frequentazione nel sito di Talamonaccio (Fig. 4:6) e Tombolo della Foce (Fig. 4:32); esclusa dagli studi più recenti quella di Casale Brancazzi (Fig. 4:9), precedentemente ipotizzata.46 Al momento i siti più prossimi all’area costiera in cui vi siano attestazioni certe del Bronzo Recente, sono però quelli di Marsiliana (Fig. 4:A) e Pietrisco Rosso (Fig. 4:C), entrambi su importanti vie di comunicazione tra la media valle del Fiora e la costa, il primo sul percorso che seguendo la valle dell’Elsa conduceva all’area di Talamone, il secondo sul percorso, già individuato per l’Eneolitico, che attraverso le colline di Capalbio conduceva alla laguna vulcente.

Età del ferro La fase iniziale della prima età del ferro è attestata in modo chiaro nell’insediamento di Infernetto (Fig. 4:30) con la necropoli di Serpentaro (Fig. 4:31), nucleo abitato in cui è attestata una continuità di frequentazione fino ad epoca etrusca. In ambito villanoviano sono anche da collocarsi i resti di una tomba ad incinerazione sconvolta identificati nella zona di Terrarossa (Fig. 4:13 - supra). Nello stesso ambito cronologico sono da inserire i siti di Pertuso (Fig. 4:16) e Sede Forestale (Fig. 4:17), sul tombolo della Feniglia,49 Tombolello (Fig. 4:3) e Casa S. Giuseppe (Fig. 4:5) nell’area di Talamone, che testimoniano anche per il territorio di Vulci quegli insediamenti denominati ‘giacimenti costieri a olle d’impasto rossiccio’, ormai identificati su tutta la costa tirrenica ‘etrusca’, testimonianza di uno sfruttamento quasi di tipo ‘industriale’ delle risorse marine, vuoi per la

Bronzo Finale Coerentemente con quanto osservabile non solo nella media valle del Fiora, ma in tutto il resto dell’Etruria, l’unico sito del Bronzo Medio-Recente in cui è attestata anche una frequentazione del Bronzo Finale, è quello di Talamonaccio (Fig. 4:6); da questo punto di vista sembrerebbe quindi che anche nell’area costiera si assista a quel fenomeno di abbandono definitivo delle sedi in posizione aperta a favore di quelli in posizione munita, 45 46

47

La frequentazione della fascia costiera nel BF è alquanto da ridimensionare rispetto a quanto prospettato in precedenza. Con l’esclusione dei due estremi del territorio vulcente, nell’area di Talamonaccio-Fonteblanda e Punta degli Stretti a nord e di Mandra Grande a sud, allo stato attuale delle ricerche, non risulta infatti una frequentazione nel BF della fascia costiera propriamente detta. 48 Cardosa 1998. 49 Cardosa 2002.

Cardosa 1991/92. Ciampoltrini & Pierfederici 2002.

981

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Studi, “Paesaggi d’acque”, Sorano - Farnese 2000. Milano 2002. PPE.Atti VI = Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del Sesto Incontro di Studi, “Miti, simboli, decorazioni”, Pitigliano - Valentano 2002. Milano 2004.

raccolta del sale, vuoi per la conservazione delle risorse ittiche. Nella seconda metà dell’VIII secolo l’emergenza dei centri di Talamonaccio (Fig. 4:6), Orbetello (Fig. 4:14) e Infernetto (Fig. 4:30) confermano l’importanza, alle soglie dell’Orientalizzante, del controllo dei tre principali bacini lagunari presenti nell’area. L’attestazione, inoltre, a Talamonaccio, di frammenti ceramici ad impasto con una decorazione tipica di Bisenzio, testimonia probabilmente come tale approdo continui ad essere il punto terminale di un percorso, già individuato nell’età del bronzo, che tramite la valle dell’Elsa e la media valle del Fiora, collega l’area del lago di Bolsena con la costa, aggirando lo scomodo ostacolo costituito dalla città di Vulci.

BIBLIOGRAFIA Arcangeli, L., E. Pellegrini & G. Poggesi, 2002. L’insediamento sommerso dell’età del bronzo finale di Punta degli Stretti nella Laguna di Orbetello (GR), in: PPEAtti V, 133-143. Attolini, I., F. Cambi, M.G. Celuzza, E. Fentress, M. Pasquinucci & E. Regoli, 1982. Ricognizione archeologica nell’Ager Cosanus e nella valle dell’Albegna. Rapporto preliminare 1981. Archeologia Medievale, 365-386. Attolini, I., F. Cambi, M.G. Celuzza, E. Fentress, M.L. Gualandi, M. Pasquinucci, E. Regoli, A. Ricci & L. Walker, 1983. Ricognizione archeologica nell’Ager Cosanus e nella valle dell’Albegna. Rapporto preliminare 1982/83. Archeologia Medievale, 439465. Bertolani, G.B. & R. Tulli, 1993. Rinvenimenti paleolitici nelle valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna, in: PPE.Atti I, 375-377. Bronson, R.C. & G. Uggeri, 1970. Isola del Giglio, Isola di Giannutri, Monte Argentario, Laguna di Orbetello. Studi Etruschi 38, 201-214. Calastri, C., 2000. L’insediamento di Portus Feniliae nell’Agro Cosano. Atlante Tematico di Topografia Antica 8, 127-136. Cardosa, M., 1991/92. Valli del Fiora e dell’Albegna. Gli abitati: fenomeni di persistenza. Rassegna di Archeologia 10, 684-685. Cardosa, M., 1998. Il paesaggio tra il Fiora e l’Albegna durante il bronzo tardo. Stabilità e trasformazioni dell’assetto territoriale, in: PPE.Atti III, 109-125. Cardosa, M., 2002. La frequentazione protostorica del Tombolo di Feniglia (Orbetello – GR), in: PPE.Atti V, 145-155. Cardosa, M., 2004. Paesaggi d’acque al Monte Argentario, in: PPE.Atti VI, 405-415. Casi, C. & M.G. Celuzza, 2000. Pescia Romana, in: M.G. Celuzza (ed.), Vulci e il suo territorio nelle collezioni del Museo Archeologico e d’Arte della Maremma. Milano, 60-64. Celuzza, M. & E. Regoli, 1982. La Valle d’Oro nel territorio di Cosa. Dialoghi di Archeologia 1, 31-62. Ciampoltrini, G. & P. Pierfederici, 2002. L’insediamento perilagunare da Talamone al Chiarone dall’età del bronzo alla prima età del ferro. Appunti per l’indagine, in: PPE.Atti V, 123-132. Graziani, E. & F. Rittatore Vonwiller, 1961. Tomba ad incinerazione “protovillanoviana” sull’Argentario. Studi Etruschi 29, 293-295. Maffei Cardellini, G. (ed.), 1994. Toscana da proteggere. Riferimenti per la formazione del sistema regionale delle aree protette. Venezia.

Concludendo, si può affermare che la fascia costiera non sembrerebbe essere caratterizzata per buona parte della protostoria da una densità di popolamento paragonabile e quella delle aree interne. Tuttavia l’interesse per quest’area da parte delle popolazioni dell’epoca è indirettamente testimoniato dalla distribuzione dei rinvenimenti nelle aree immediatamente più interne che mostrano la presenza di almeno due percorsi che mettono in comunicazione la fascia lagunare con la media valle del Fiora, l’area con la maggiore densità di popolamento. Il primo, discendendo la valle dell’Elsa, porta alla laguna di Talamone, il secondo attraverso le colline di Capalbio giunge alla laguna vulcente. Tale situazione sembra modificarsi profondamente, invece, nel Bronzo Finale tardo e nell’età del ferro, quando l’area costiera sembra assumere un ruolo di rilievo nell’ambito del più ampio comprensorio di quello che sarà il territorio di Vulci, con un’importanza pari, se non inizialmente anche superiore, a quello delle aree interne. M.C. ABBREVIAZIONI BIBLIOGRAFICHE PPE.Atti I = Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del Primo Incontro di Studi: “La cultura di Rinaldone”, Saturnia - Farnese 1991. Milano 1993. PPE.Atti II = Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del Secondo Incontro di Studi: “Tipologia delle necropoli e rituali di deposizione”, Farnese 1993. Milano 1995, 2 voll. PPE.Atti III = Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del Terzo Incontro di Studi: “Protovillanoviani e/o Protoetruschi”, Manciano - Farnese 1995. Firenze 1998. PPE.Atti IV = Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del Quarto Incontro di Studi: “L’Etruria tra Italia, Europa e Mondo Mediterraneo”, Manciano - Montalto di Castro Valentano 1997. Milano 2000. PPE.Atti V = Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Atti del Quinto Incontro di

982

NUCCIA NEGRONI CATACCHIO & MASSIMO CARDOSA: ‘PAESAGGI D’ACQUE’ Van Berghem, J.W., T. Meijvogel & P.N. Windmeijer, 1991. La valle dell’Albegna. Pedologia e valutazione del territorio. Venezia.

Maioli Urbini, N., 1994. I monumenti del parco naturale della Maremma. Siena. Merciai, G., 1929. Sulle condizioni fisiche del litorale etrusco tra Livorno e Civitavecchia. Studi Etruschi 1, 345-358. Negroni Catacchio, N. (ed.), 1981. Sorgenti della Nova. Roma. Negroni Catacchio, N., 1992. La facies eneolitica di Rinaldone, in: Papers of the Fourth Conference of Italian archaeology: New developments in Italian archaeology, Vol. 3, part 1. London, 181-199. Negroni Catacchio, N., 2002. Paesaggi d’acque dell’Etruria protostorica, in: PPE.Atti V, pp. 3-10. Negroni Catacchio, N., M. Boriani, S. Assini, M. Cardosa, L. Guidetti, I. Mambretti, M. Miari & M. Puppo, 2002. Imago Etruriae. La ricostruzione informatizzata in 3d dei paesaggi antichi in Etruria: il caso di Sovana, in: PPE.Atti V, 569-604. Negroni Catacchio, N. & M. Cardosa, 2002a. Dalle sorgenti al mare. Rapporti tra l’area interna e le lagune costiere nel territorio tra Fiora e Albegna, in: PPE.Atti V, 157-177. Negroni Catacchio, N. & M. Cardosa, 2002b. Imago Etruriae. Una ricostruzione in 3D del paesaggio antico in Etruria: il caso di Sovana, in: F. Niccolucci & S. Hermon (eds), Multimedia communication for Cultural Heritage. Proceedings of the workshop held in Prato, 1 October 2001. Budapest, 127-134. Negroni Catacchio, N. & M. Miari, 2002. Problemi di cronologia della facies di Rinaldone, in: PPE.Atti V, 487-508. Parmegiani, N. & M. Poscolieri, 1995. Integrazioni di immagini Landsat, dati topografici e informazioni archeologiche per una analisi delle relazioni tra siti pre- protostorici e territorio (Etruria Meridionale), in: PPE Atti II, 169-178. Parmegiani, N. & M. Poscolieri, 1998. Analisi dei rapporti tra risorse idrologiche e siti archeologici nel bacino del fiume Fiora, in: PPE Atti III, 47-52. Parmegiani, N. & M. Poscolieri, 2000. Dallo studio della carta di acclività: ipotesi ricostruttive dei percorsi fra gli abitati del Bronzo Finale nel bacino del fiume Fiora, in PPE Atti IV, 339-346. Parmegiani, N. & M. Poscolieri, 2002. L’area costiera dell’Etruria centrale tirrenica: il contributo del telerilevamento all’analisi delle scelte insediamentali, in: PPE.Atti V, 179-192. Rendini, P., S. Marianelli & A. Zanini, 2001. La prima età dei metalli nella bassa Valle dell’Albegna, in: Atti della XXXIV Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, in: Preistoria e Protostoria della Toscana, Firenze 1999. Firenze, 395-404. Rombai, L., 1993. Imago et descriptio Tusciae. La Toscana nella cartografia dal XV al XIX secolo. Venezia. Schmiedt, G., 1972. Il livello antico del mar Tirreno. Firenze.

983

THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT IN MARCHE Frank Vermeulen Abstract: The Potenza Valley Survey is conducted by a Belgian team from Ghent University in the central part of Marche. In this paper some of the aims and methods of this geo-archaeological project are presented. It also records some important results after three years of fieldwork and material studies. We focus on the protohistoric and Roman periods to emphasize major processes such as urbanization and changes in settlement patterns from the beginning of Piceni society to Late Antiquity.

A GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY

Marche Apennine mountains, and like many parallel valleys crosses the region of Marche from the west-southwest to the east-north-east, in the direction of the generally flat Adriatic coastline. The purpose of our work is not only to study the whole valley, over its ca. 80 km long course, but to focus in particular on three zones of intensive field study, evenly distributed over the upper-, middle- and lower parts of the valley (Fig. 1). These sample zones were not randomly chosen, but were located according to the existence of supposed and known major settlement centres along the Potenza corridor. It is clear that these centres could in protohistory (with a series of hilltop-sites) or in Roman times (with at least 4 real towns) have generated more complex settlement systems. These areas were most likely to demonstrate the evolution of social complexity and the effects of political and cultural change.

In 2000 a team from Ghent University started a geoarchaeological survey project in the central part of the region Marche.1 This long-term project, programmed for a period of seven years is financed by several Belgian institutions.2 The archaeological investigations are conducted in collaboration with the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici delle Marche3 and the University of Macerata.4 The main objectives of this project are to understand the occupation and landscape history of the Potenza valley during the period 1000 BC-1000 AD and to measure the evolution of social complexity and urbanization in the valley and to isolate and study phenomena of acculturation. Furthermore, there are important aims of a more methodological nature. They comprise the further development of interdisciplinary geo-archaeological survey methods (such as remote sensing and landscape analysis) and the refinement of integrated historical-archaeological GIS-work.

The choice of such dispersed sampling zones also gave us the opportunity to assess the differentiation of all landscape types in the area, with regards to systems of human settlement. They comprise, among others, from source to mouth: the narrow Apennine valleys, the woodlands and higher grasslands of the mountain areas, small intermediate basins, the undulating rich agricultural land of the middle valley and the lower hillslopes and widening coastal plain near the river mouth. Here the Potenza stream lies only some 15 km south of the dominating and attractive coastal promontory of the Monte Conero, near Ancona. This location partly explains why the Potenza valley was, during the whole period concerned, an important corridor for political, economic and cultural contacts between both sides of the peninsula.

In this paper we will succinctly review the methods applied in the PVS-project and focus on some of the most interesting archaeological results obtained so far.5 The regional scale of the project is limited to the Potenza valley. This river rises in the central part of the Umbria1 The project is directed by the author of this paper, the principal archaeological investigators include further Mr. Patrick Monsieur, Miss Catharina Boullart, Miss Hélène Verreyke and Mr. Geert Verhoeven (Department of Archaeology, Ghent University, Belgium). For the geomorphological aspects close collaboration exists with a team headed by Prof. Morgan De Dapper and including Dr. Beata De Vliegher and Miss Tanja Goethals (Department of Geography, Ghent University). Field members include a large group of graduate and post-graduate students and collaborators of Ghent University. 2 A substantial grant was obtained from the Belgian Federal Government (IUAP-PIA V/09). Other financial support comes from the Fund of Scientific Research–Flanders and from Ghent University. 3 This collaboration, with the inspectors of the areas concerned, dott.ssa Edvige Percossi and dott.ssa Mara Silvestrini, concerns mostly logistics and the study of the finds. We thank them and also Soprintendente Dott. Giuliano De Marinis for their considerable support. 4 The first fieldwork campaign, in 2000, was organized in close collaboration with Dr. Umberto Moscatelli, whom we are most thankful. 5 We refer to other contributions about this project in the current volume: see C. Boullart (The settlement question of the central-Italian Iron Age Piceni culture) and P. Monsieur/H. Verreyke (Late Roman pottery in the Potenza Valley-Marche. In search of late antique occupation patterns and trade routes in the Adriatic).

The methodology of this project makes use of a wide variety of techniques and approaches. These include: – The application of a whole range of remote sensing activities: especially satellite analysis for tackling the geo-archaeological problems, computer processing of available vertical aerial photographs and very intense oblique aerial survey of the whole valley from a low flying aircraft; – The core of the fieldwork by the archaeological team members consists of intensive line walking in the 3 sample zones of the upper-, middle- and lower valley. 984

FRANK VERMEULEN: THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT

Fig. 1. Topography of the Potenza river basin and surroundings, with indication of the 3 sample zones. – Very important is the contribution by a team of geomorphologists from our university, who participate in the fieldwork with corings and other field observations in order to produce new maps and to tackle specific geo-archaeological problems. Some of these include: the effects of erosion on the archaeological record and environmental explanations for site location; – Jointly geographers and archaeologists have elaborated an original GIS system of the whole Potenza valley. Geo-archaeological mapping of the

The strategy of these prospections comprises: the choice of existing fields as collection units, flexible numbers of team members and walker spacing, systematically applied strategies for artefact collection, recording on pro forma records and with computerized data entry and localization with the use of GPS and cadastral as well as topographic maps; – A fair amount of work is invested into systematic artefact analysis, not only on our own survey finds, but at least partly extending to material in public collections; 985

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Aerial photograph (September 2000) of the top of Monte Primo. Remains of protohistoric enclosures are well visible in the grass vegetation. As only few settlement structures have been discovered till now, most knowledge about the Final Bronze and Iron Age cultures in the Marche derives from funeral sites. The surveys of our team and a re-assessment of old finds start to procure some insight into the protohistoric settlement system of the area before the slow Romanization of the 3rd and 2nd century BC.

landscape, analysis of site and artefact distribution, mapping of features on aerial photographs and evaluation of field data are some of the actions being performed with this technology;6 – Furthermore, some other methods applied within the PVS-project are: geophysical survey (to start in 2004),7 special digital aerial photography (idem), soil mapping and ancient land evaluation (in collaboration with the Regione delle Marche), a study of historic cartography and toponyms (in collaboration with the University of Macerata), archive research (concerning older finds), the study of excavated material (in particular from the Roman town of Potentia) and an evaluation and partial study of some private collections.

It seems that the evolution of society towards social complexity and proto-urbanization has its roots in the later Bronze Age. Several hilltop sites dispersed along the valley become the focus of settlement concentration. In the course of the Iron Age these sites, now more and more dominated by elite groups within Piceni society, long remain crucial for the control over the valley. A certain topographic continuity of such hilltop sites until the later Iron Age can now no longer be excluded. From the 6th century onwards, the role of the Greek emporion at Numana and the progressive cultural contacts via the Adriatic sea, seem to speed up this process, which will ultimately transform Piceni society. This, however, did not lead to a fast development into an urbanized society, until the coming of the Romans.

PROTOHISTORIC SETTLEMENT PATTERNS Let us now have a look at some of the results obtained so far.8 As space for this contribution is very limited I will focus here on two aspects only of the occupation history of the Potenza valley. One of them concerns some new and still preliminary ideas about the, until recently almost unknown, protohistoric settlement patterns in the valley. This matter is essentially concerned with the location and characterization of Iron Age settlements, inhabited by the Piceni population (and in the mountains the Umbri) of Central Marche.

The fieldwork campaigns demonstrated not only the importance of these relatively small hilltop sites, but showed also that they are only part of the settlement picture. Our Upper valley transect is dominated by the site of Monte Primo. The Monte Primo dominates the crucial passage of the Potenza-river valley through the Apennines. It was probably the place of at least seasonal, concentrated settlement activity in the transition phases of the Bronze and Iron Ages. Not enough datable finds are available to establish how long it played this role.

6

Verhoeven/Vermeulen forthcoming In collaboration with the British School at Rome and the University of Southampton. 8 Only preliminary results of part of this work have been published. See: Vermeulen & Boullart 2001, Vermeulen, Monsieur & Boullart 2002, Vermeulen 2002 and Vermeulen et al. 2003. 7

986

FRANK VERMEULEN: THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT Aerial photography and field checks show us how intricate this hilltop site was, but excavations are needed to unravel its precise development and nature. The site covers about one hectare and artificial rampants and ditches divided it into four enclosures (Fig. 2). Apart from these earthworks, which will be carefully mapped in the near future, the site is also distinguished by the ancient discovery near its northern edge of a Late Bronze Age hoard, emphasizing the cultural and possibly religious role of this centre.9

inhabited and that this occupation lasted well into the Late Iron Age. Most of the surface finds here consist of Iron Age pottery associated with some wattle and daub and fragments of oven or hearth floors. Among the pottery we distinguish many typical ornamented ‘Piceni-bucchero’ sherds and some imported fragments, such as geometric and Greek wares. They seem to confirm the presence of elite groups, which were also identified in the Early Iron Age cemetery (circa 900-700 BC) excavated at the north-eastern foot of the hill in the 1960s.

Possibly this large defended hilltop site was only one part of a dual system, dominating a society based on pastoral activities and forestry. From this high hilltop plateau, where security and probably common religious activities were major factors, parts of the surrounding countryside were certainly cultivated. This resulted in a second part of the settlement scheme, with a range of very small valley and lower hillslope sites, intimately bound to water supplies, such as the Potenza river and ancient natural springs. The latter abound especially close to the 400 m contour.

The image in the Lower valley transect near the river mouth, on the territories of Porto Recanati and Potenza Picena, is still very unclear, as only a small part of it was surveyed so far. Interestingly, both finials of the hills, bordering the valley and almost touching the coastline, attracted settlement in protohistoric times. In the south, at Monte dei Priori, possibly only a smaller Bronze Age occupation occurred. In the north, on the high plateau of Montarice, our surveys revealed an important Late Bronze and Iron Age centre, just north of the actual Potenza river mouth.10 Smaller settlement sites of protohistoric date are still very scarce, except from two locations on former beach ridges. It must still be established with the help of corings, whether the absence from the plain of pre-Roman settlements means that they are now buried too deep to be found by superficial prospection.

Fieldwalking in the transect east of Monte Primo (on the territory of the municipalities of Pioraco, Camerino and Castelraimondo), recovered a total of nine small concentrations of protohistoric pottery, probably representing simple settlements. Some of these places were also distinguishable from the air, with settlement features seen as crop marks or soil marks. Interestingly they are often located near the edge of almost theatreshaped depressions, which the geomorphologists identified as former natural springs. The protohistoric pottery and occasionally associated bone fragments of pigs, cows and sheep found here, lead to the conclusion that most of them are small sized pastoral settlements of Late Bronze/Early Iron Age date.

The site of Montarice, situated on a plateau of some 4 ha, was first studied from the air. This revealed spectacularly well the soil marks of the extension of the archaeological layer all over the plateau. Crop marks indicate several settlement structures, especially the traces of enclosure walls and ditches and the individual locations of houses/huts and pits. The enclosure, accentuating the natural defence of the site, and the disposition of some areas of habitation, suggests an organized aspect of this imposing site.

The dispersion of protohistoric sites in the transect of the Middle valley, east of Passo di Treia, shows a similar picture. Here the dominating site is the small Monte Franco hill, controlling a narrowing of the Potenza plain. A series of small settlements of the ‘casale’ type seem to cluster around this low hill, especially on the actual territory of Pollenza and to a lesser degree east of modern Treia. Others are again conditioned by the availability of water from natural springs, but also by the presence of fertile slopes towards the river and a good view over the valley. The location of these sites seems to favour farming activities. As pottery is often scarce on such small sites, precise dates still need to be established.

During the 2002 field campaign we did a detailed intrasite surface survey of Montarice (Fig. 3). This revealed the presence in the ploughed field of great numbers of protohistoric coarse wares, Piceni-bucchero wares and even Greek pottery. This material is still being processed in view of fine dating and intra-site dispersion analysis. Although ceramic and other material were present all over the plateau, denser concentration zones occurred especially near the northern and southern edges of the hilltop. The very summit of the hill seems to have suffered much from ploughing activity, which could explain the decrease in artefacts towards the centre of the plateau. The high density of the pottery finds and a first evaluation of the chronology supports the idea of a long

Our surveys demonstrated well that human occupation of the Monte Franco was certainly not confined to the Late Bronze Age and to the top of the hill, as suggested by earlier work. We discovered that at least the eastern and northern footslopes of the hill were once densely

9

10 For some earlier work see: an unpublished small-scale excavation by Lollini (Soprintendenza delle Marche) in 1976 and also Percossi Serenelli 1985 and Luni 1992, 336-337.

Bonomi Ponzi 1992.

987

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Sherd density plan of the September 2002 fieldwalking on the protohistoric site of Montarice, near the Potenza river mouth. In the transect in the Upper valley, where no settlement sites were formerly known, fieldwalking revealed a quite dense dispersion of mostly small habitation sites (circa 20 in total) in the first agriculturally valuable zone east of the small town of Prolaqueum (Pioraco). As they are essentially rather poor, their dates and evolution needs further examination. Most, if not all sites, should probably be interpreted as more or less isolated, fairly simple farmsteads, widely scattered over the landscape. Their position seems influenced by topographical features, such as the presence of plateaux or easy slopes with excellent views towards the river, good possibilities for agricultural land use, the nearness of water sources and the relation to the main valley roads.

and almost continued occupation of the hill from the Middle Bronze Age into the Late Iron Age and even the Roman period.11 The good quality of the wares and especially of the Greek and southern Adriatic imports points again to the presence of Piceni elite. The pre-urban site possibly had a role to play in the control of the river mouth and of the Adriatic shore. It can also be connected with the maritime commercial routes of the Greek merchants and a direct link can be sought for with the Greek coastal settlement at nearby Numana. ROMAN TOWNS AND THEIR HINTERLAND In the last part of this contribution I will present some preliminary results concerning the Roman period. I will again review the most important evidence from the upper to the lower Potenza areas and remind that all three field survey transects are located near to Roman town centres: respectively the small town of Prolaqueum and the urban centres of Trea and Potentia. The systematic aerial photography effectuated at low altitude over the whole valley also offered new information about the topography of the other valley towns: Septempeda and Ricina. It is clear that from late Republican times onwards real urbanization, with population centres developing near the valley bottom, dominated the settlement pattern. It is also evident that these new centres were positioned in or very near former occupation areas of the Piceni elite.

In most cases the surface concentration of artefacts and organic matter was observable from the air as an irregular soil mark, but in a few examples our aerial photography spotted also clear crop marks of building structures. Such is the case of a complete plan of a Roman farmstead discovered in Pioraco. It concerns a 30 by 20 m rectangular farm building, with a symmetrical plan of several rooms organized around a central courtyard. This small settlement lies directly on the left bank of the river Potenza and probably dates in the late Hellenistic/early Imperial period. The aerial view perfectly confirmed the location and interpretation of the Roman surface scatter discovered by way of linewalking in this area. The Roman rural sites in the Middle valley transect are slightly less densely distributed (Fig. 4), but are generally larger than in the Upper valley. The presence at the

11

We thank Dr. F. Di Gennaro for help with the identification of Bronze Age materials from this site.

988

FRANK VERMEULEN: THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT

Fig. 4. Preliminary distribution map of the Roman sites discovered by fieldwalking in zone II (Middle Valley), east of the Roman municipium Trea. crops and are now being studied and rectified for accurate mapping. They will much improve the current knowledge concerning this municipium, which was founded in the 1st century BC and completely abandoned in Late Antiquity. Compared to the limited data available from earlier topographic and archaeological research on Trea,12 our first and still very rough map of these crop marks, indicates the location of among others: a decumanus maximus, a whole pattern of secondary streets forming quite regular insulae, the possible forum with porticoes and several major public buildings, such as probably a main temple and the city basilica. Parts of the town wall were now also revealed with the new photographs.

surface of more imperishable building materials (such as floor tiles, stamped roof tiles, bricks, hypocaustum-tiles, limestone building blocks, etc. …), much more imported pottery and whole categories of specific finds (such as coins, glass, lead artefacts, …) indicates greater comfort, wealth and organization. Further pottery studies are awaited before evaluating the finer chronology, but first reports suggest an earlier Romanization and much more late Republican finds than in the Upper valley. The site distribution in this period displays a fuller use of the middle valley landscape, compared to the Iron Age situation in this area. Interesting concentrations of rural sites and villas are to be found on the lower terraces near the Potenza, chosen for their easy to work arable land, possibly the presence of meadows and water. Some of these sites seem also connected with the main road arteries, such as the branch of the Roman road in the valley bottom connecting the main Potenza towns. Some sites can be easily distinguished from the air: clear soil marks indicate the road as well as the build up areas.

The results from similar aerial research on the town site of Septempeda, located just east of modern San Severino Marche, were less spectacular. Nevertheless, the most recent flights provided also here some information about the internal street network, some as yet undiscovered town buildings and possibly about the town wall. No field checks have been done on these traces so far.

Several of our aerial photography flights in 2002 over the town-site of Trea, located just west of our middle valley fieldwalking transect, near actual Treia, delivered spectacular results concerning the urban topography. Many traces of buildings and streets were visible in the

In the Lower valley work in the field is still in progress. At the moment only the coastal strip, the surroundings of 12 See especially: Bejor 1977, Moscatelli 1985 and 1988 and Fabrini 1990.

989

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 5. Aerial photograph (May 2003) showing crop marks of Roman buildings in the centre of the city of Ricina. topography and evolution of this Roman coastal town and its immediate surroundings.

Potentia and the southern flanks of the valley are well surveyed in the field. But intense flying over this area has met with much success.

Soil marks on oblique photographs made September 2002 clearly locate much of its street network, elements of the gates and of the geomorphologic situation, such as the location on an ancient beach ridge and the effects of postRoman river floods. Also very distinct are crop marks photographed in late Spring of the streets, parts of the town walls and of several as yet unknown buildings, such as a possible thermal building.

Very recent flying (April-May 2003) in the lower valley, especially around the Roman town site of Ricina (modern Villa Potenza), is providing us with more important data about the Roman urbanized landscape. Although we did not yet execute field checks in this area at some 15 km inland from the river mouth, many new elements regarding the town’s topography have now become available. Crop marks seen from the air give us a fair idea about the urban street network and especially about several major buildings of public and private signature. Some clearly belong to the rich domus type (Fig. 5), others suggest the presence of horrea. Field checks during the September 2003 campaign should confirm and enrich these data.

Recently our team started the computer rectification of these obliquely photographed traces, with the help of special software and GIS analysis (Fig. 6). This ensured very precise mapping of the street grid, the three gates for entrance into the city (N, S, and E), and the original town wall. For the further identification of housing and public buildings a campaign of geophysical survey is planned in September 2004.

The results of remote sensing operations are no doubt a firm contribution to the knowledge of the late Republican colony of Potentia, situated near the river mouth. This town was founded in 184 BC and was, like Trea, completely abandoned in Late Antiquity.13 Recent excavations in its heart by the Soprintendenza delle Marche, have brought proof about the existence of an important public centre, containing among others an early Roman sanctuary (probably of Jupiter). Our survey program aims at revealing much of the general

We also started recently with intensive fieldwalking in and around the town site of Potentia. The evaluation of sherd densities and especially the dating of all recovered pottery are still in progress. When ready this will greatly enhance our information about: the extent of town habitation, the occurrence of specific activity zones, the topographic evolution of human settlement within the city compound and the spread of suburban activities. The combination of these fieldwalking results with our aerial photographs is especially rewarding concerning the suburban zones. From the air we recently detected: 2

13 See most recently: Paci 1999, Percossi Serenelli 2001. See also the paper by Monsieur & Verreyke in this volume.

990

FRANK VERMEULEN: THE POTENZA VALLEY SURVEY: FIRST RESULTS OF A LONG-TERM GEO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT

Fig. 6. The topography of Roman Potentia and its suburban area, combining old discoveries, new aerial photography data and additional information from systematic fieldwalking. hitherto unknown funerary areas with monuments, several suburban buildings and occupation zones, at least 3 roads leading out of the city gates and the location of several ancient river beds. Geomorphologic augering has started to locate the Roman river and a possible port of Potentia. Again GIS techniques are at work to map this suburban landscape, but we are aware that more field surveys are needed to complete the picture.

should be interpreted as major villas with a long-life. Finally some smaller, often more short-lived farms lie in the plain, which was from late Republican times onwards probably well-drained and better organized with a system of centuriation established here during the second triumvirate. The exact relationship between some sites in this area and the new system of land division still has to be established during our work in progress.

When we finally look at the broader but only very partial field survey results on the Roman coastal area, combining them with results from a literature search for old discoveries, we can already distinguish a first pattern of hinterland occupation. Firstly, there is a clear concentration of sites in the immediate vicinity of the city, especially on the beach ridges. This occupation of the former beach ridges could be well analysed during the intensive field survey, combined with our geomorphologic work. In one occasion we located here remains of oven structures and a layer of oven debris in situ, related to the production of amphorae. According to the finds it concerns an early imperial production, but many indications point to a whole series of amphora production sites on the coast. Secondly, many farms are situated on the lower slopes of the hills bordering the Potenza-plain. Some of them, such as a site near Monte dei Priori (Potenza Picena) are quite large and rich and

Again it is still too early to break down this general settlement pattern into shorter chronological units, as most of the pottery studies are still unfinished. It seems that the evolution of rural settlement is much linked to the history of the colonial city. The Late Republican period is well established in town as well as on some of the larger settlements, displaying well-datable early amphorae, such as many Lamboglia 2 wine vessels and several eastern imports, such as 2nd century BC amphorae from Knidos. High Imperial goods are abundant and seem to confirm that the town area and its surroundings flourished especially during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian. The fairly frequent survival of rural settlements into Late Antiquity seems to go hand in hand with reasonably satisfactory occupation of Potentia until the 6th century, as some of the imported African Red Slip wares demonstrate. This seems related to the relative stability of the coastal zone under Byzantine dominance.

991

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI and different survey techniques, in: Proceedings CAA-congress. Vienna, 2003. Vermeulen, F. & C. Boullart, 2001. The Potenza Valley Survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2000. Babesch 76, 1-18. Vermeulen, F., P. Monsieur & C. Boullart, 2002. The Potenza Valley Survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2001. Babesch 77, 49-71. Vermeulen, F., 2002. Uit de lucht gegrepen: de bijdrage van archeologische luchtfotografie in het ‘Potenza Survey’ project. Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie 26, 33-42. Vermeulen, F. et al., 2003. The Potenza Valley Survey: preliminary report on field campaign 2002. Babesch 78, 85-120.

FUTURE WORK Before more conclusive statements and results can be made public, much further research is needed the coming three or four years. After finalising systematic field walking in the lower valley, during our next September campaign, and further study of the surface finds, we intend to do: more detailed intra-site surveys (also with the help of geophysical and pedologic field methods), petrographic pottery analysis of especially Iron Age and late antique regional wares. Particular fieldwork will be necessary in order to focus more on the still difficult to detect early medieval sites in hills and valleys and to obtain a further integration of off-site phenomena in our GIS. The latter will be necessarily combined with a series of on-going geomorphologic studies, in order to obtain a more integrated landscape reconstruction in the valley and adjoining hills. Only then will we be able to better understand the long term occupation history in this Adriatic part of Italy. It is already clear however that intensive geo-archaeological survey work can provide us with many new elements in the reconstruction of the processes of urbanization, as well as of city disintegration in Picenum. They much supplement the still very scarce data available from excavation work in the area. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bejor, G., 1977. Trea. Un municipium piceno minore (= Biblioteca degli studi classici e orientali). Pisa. Bonomi Ponzi, L., 1992. Occupazione del territorio e modelli insediativi nel territorio Plestino e Camerte in età protostorica, in: La civiltà picena. 204-241. Boullart, C., 2003. Piceni settlements: untraceable or neglected. Picus 23 (forthcoming). Fabrini, G.M., 1990. Dal culto pagano al culto cristiano : testimonianze archeologiche e documentarie per l’area del SS. Crocifisso a Treia. Picus 10, 107-175. Moscatelli, U., 1985. Municipi romani della V regione augustea. Picus 5, 76-82. Moscatelli, U., 1988. Trea, in: Forma Italiae. Firenze. Luni M., 1992. Montedoro di Senigallia, in: Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche X, 336-337. Paci, G., 1999. Indagini recenti e nuove conoscenze sulle città romane del territorio marchigiano. Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia. Università di Macerata 32, 201-244. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1985. Frequentazione ed insediamento nel territorio di Recanati dalla preistoria all’Età Romana. Picus 5, 99-135. Percossi Serenelli, E., 2001. La colonia romana di Potentia, in: E. Percossi Serenelli (ed.), Potentia. Quando poi scese il silenzio… Rito e società in una colonia romana del Piceno fra Repubblica et tardo Impero. Porto Recanati, 26-49. Verhoeven, G. & F. Vermeulen, (forthcoming). The Potenza Valley Survey: towards an explanation of the settlement patterns through the combined use of GIS

992

IL PROGETTO GALANTINA Luisa Agneni, Claudio Barchesi, Federica Candelato, Helga Di Giuseppe, Alessandro Guidi, Helen Patterson & Paola Santoro Abstract: The principal aim of this project is to analyse the Galantina area through a systematic survey. The territory includes the modern commune of Poggio Mirteto and Montopoli Sabina and in part that of Torrita Tiberina, Nazzano, Poggio Catino and Cantalupo in Sabina, on the boundary of the provinces of Rome and Rieti. This area is interesting both for historical reasons and for geographical characteristics, as it includes different morphological features. The study of the landscape was done with the main methods for topographical research and with the aim to understand peoples’ perception of their surrounding environment. The project will also focus on the transformations that occurred. From a historical point of view this integrated analysis allows us to reconstruct models of settlement and social organization. As our research is not yet concluded we present preliminary maps from the protohistoric to the medieval period with observations and work hypotheses on the organization of settlement and production for each phase.

IL CONTESTO DELLA RICERCA

compresa nelle tavolette IGM Poggio Mirteto SE e Montopoli NE) allo stato delle indagini topografiche, presentava ancora un’ampia zona poco indagata nell’area che fiancheggia l’ansa che il Tevere compie di fronte ai centri di Nazzano e Torrita Tiberina soprattutto per quanto riguarda la fase ‘sabina’ di occupazione del territorio. Per quanto riguarda questa fase protostorica l’unico insediamento noto era quello di Campo del Pozzo, individuato negli anni in seguito allo smottamento di un costone del promontorio, che sorge alla foce del Farfa nel Tevere, sul quale l’insediamento insisteva.3 Il territorio appariva decisamente più conosciuto per quanto riguarda l’epoca romana; si ricordano le ricognizioni eseguite tra la fine dell’ottocento e ed il novecento a partire dai lavori mirati alla realizzazione della carta archeologica d’Italia,4 alle schede di Lugli ed Asbhy nei territori di Poggio Mirteto e Montopoli,5 sino al volume della Forma Italiae, dedicato a Cures della Muzzioli.6 Per quanto riguarda l’epoca medievale importante fonte d’informazione sul territorio è costituita dalle notizie ricavabili da un’attenta disamina del Regesto farfense.

Nel corso degli anni nella Sabina tiberina sono state condotte una serie di ricognizioni nell’area di Magliano Sabina, di Poggio Sommavilla, di Cures, di Eretum, e di Farfa,1 svolte in tempi diversi, da istituzioni, che pur operando nello stesso territorio non erano tra loro coordinate, che hanno comunque permesso di delineare un quadro del popolamento di questa regione nel suo sviluppo diacronico dall’età del bronzo all’epoca romana ed alto medievale. Per quanto riguarda l’orizzonte cronologico tra la fine dell’età del ferro ed il periodo orientalizzante lo studio relativo alla geografia del popolamento della Sabina tiberina ha messo in evidenza un sistema insediativo già delineato nella fase recente dell’età del ferro che prevede l’occupazione delle alture che fiancheggiano il Tevere, di solito situate in posizioni strategicamente significative in quanto collegate a vie di penetrazione verso l’interno oppure a punti di attraversamento del Tevere verso il territorio etrusco.2 Questi insediamenti nel corso dell’orientalizzante si sviluppano e si organizzano sul modello etrusco laziale con ben definite aree di necropoli di tombe a fossa e poi a camera ipogea. In epoca arcaica, mentre perdurano i grandi insediamenti si assiste ad un incremento notevole di piccoli nuclei nelle campagne per uno sfruttamento più intensivo del territorio.

Ritenendo fondamentale per la definizione della cultura dei Sabini del Tevere una ricognizione mirata di questo territorio, nell’ambito della linea di ricerca ‘Poleografia della Sabina tiberina’dell’Istituto di studi delle civiltà italiche e del Mediterraneo antico del CNR, si è deciso di riunire le Istituzioni interessate allo studio della storia del popolamento in Sabina – l’Università di Verona, la British School at Rome, l’Istituto stesso con il supporto scientifico e tecnico dell’Istituto tecnologie applicate ai beni culturali del CNR ed i Musei civici di Magliano e Fara in Sabina, dando l’avvio al Progetto Galantina. Il progetto, svolto in accordo con la Soprintendenza competente ha come obbiettivo la ricognizione di quest’area delimitata dal Tevere, dalle prime pendici dei

La conquista romana della Sabina tiberina comporta come risultato più evidente la decadenza degli insediamenti arcaici, dovuta anche alla diversa organizzazione amministrativa con la creazione di nuovi centri mirati alla gestione del territorio. In questo periodo si assiste al delinearsi di una organizzazione territoriale, basata sull’ istituzionalizzazione del sistema delle villae, inizialmente fattorie rustiche, finalizzate allo sfruttamento agricolo del territorio sabino.

3

Filippi & Pacciarelli 1991. Gamurrini et alii 1972; a latere dei lavori della carta archeologica d’Italia operava sul territorio di Poggio Mirteto Ercole Nardi del quale si ricordano i manoscritti dedicati alle ville romane della zona. Nell’ambito dell’attività dell’ISCIMA è stato realizzata in formato digitale il manoscritto Barchesi et alii, 2003, 295-325. 5 Muzzioli 1981, 105-110. 6 Muzzioli 1980.

La conoscenza di questa fascia della Sabina tiberina,

4

1 Magliano: Santoro 1997a; Poggio Sommavilla: Verga 2002, 79-98; Cures: Muzzioli 1980; Di Giuseppe et alii 2002, 99-150; Eretum: Gigli & Santoro 1995, 641-663; Farfa: Moreland 1987; 2003. 2 Santoro 1997a, 550-565; Guidi & Santoro 2004, 179-187.

993

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI monti Sabini e dai torrenti Galantina a nord e Farfa a sud (Fig. 1) al fine di definirne la storia dell’occupazione nelle diverse fasi cronologiche dal periodo protostorico alla romanizzazione e all’alto medioevo. P.S.

METODOLOGIE DI RICERCA Nell’affrontare il lavoro si è elaborata una metodologia di indagine che, tenendo conto delle nuove tecnologie applicate alla ricerca archeologica, rimanesse saldamente ancorata ai criteri di una ricostruzione storica del territorio. Le prime fasi del lavoro sono state caratterizzate dall’organizzazione del Sistema Informativo e dalla raccolta delle evidenze archeologiche (percorsi antichi, strade, aree di frammenti e siti strutturati) individuate attraverso ricognizioni precedenti, in particolare dai lavori di Nardi, Pasqui-Cozza, Lugli, e Muzzioli. Per quanto riguarda il periodo dell’alto medioevo è iniziata un attenta lettura del Regesto Farfense. Alla vettorializzazione e all’esatto posizionamento in carta delle evidenze note, caratterizzate per tipologia e cronologia, si sono aggiunte le informazioni derivate da tre campagne di ricognizione già eseguite. Nei primi due anni ci si è occupati della fascia di bassi rilievi che fiancheggiano il fiume partendo dalla confluenza del Galantina scendendo verso quella del Farfa, Nell’ultimo anno sono state oggetto di ricognizione le colline che si stendono più lontane dal fiume, tra Poggio Mirteto e Montopoli. La perlustrazione è avvenuta in maniera sistematica ed integrale. Si sono percorsi a maglia fitta pianori e terrazzi e perlustrato a maglia ampia superfici impervie od erose oppure interessate da movimenti di terra, dovuti principalmente a lavori agricoli eseguiti con una certa intensità negli ultimi anni.

Fig. 1. Limiti territoriali del Progetto Galantina.

Fig. 2. Scheda del Database elaborato per il Progetto Galantina.

994

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA

Fig. 3. Carta di fase del periodo Neolitico-età del Bronzo. Obiettivo futuro della ricerca è la messa a punto di una procedura di analisi del territorio basata sullo studio delle immagini telerilevate a diversa scala.7

Nel caso particolare in cui il materiale si presentasse sul terreno in modo evidente e diffuso, si è effettuata una raccolta sistematica per fasce o mediante quadrettatura dell’area (confronta Fig. 9). Ogni tipo di emergenza è stata posizionata con GPS, sia in maniera puntuale, sia, ove possibile, rilevando la dispersione del materiale archeologico o l’ingombro, in caso di strutture.

E’ stata realizzata, inoltre, una carta della visibilità che descrive le condizioni della superficie dei campi al momento della ricognizione; in questo modo è possibile stabilire quale sia l’incidenza del tipo di terreno e del suo utilizzo ai fini agricoli, rispetto al numero e alla qualità dei reperti o delle strutture riconoscibili sul campo. F.C.-C.B.

Durante le ricognizioni di superficie, è stata utilizzata una scheda cartacea che in parte, con specifiche ed aggiunte successive, è ora riportata all’interno del database appositamente studiato per questa ricerca. La scheda, elaborata sulla base di un modello già usato nelle ricognizioni della British School, contiene informazioni specifiche per ogni sito e ne evidenzi le caratteristiche geografiche, topografiche, archeologiche e geologiche, fornendo anche dati sulla metodologia di ricognizione adottata (Fig. 2).

IL POPOLAMENTO ANTICO Sulla base dei dati delle ricognizioni, abbiamo tentato di ricostruire, in modo ancora provvisorio, il quadro del popolamento nelle diverse epoche, notando che per alcuni periodi lo studio dei materiali non è esaustivo; la presente relazione si limiterà ad un commento delle carte di fase che, si precisa, riportano i dati relativi ad aree significative di frammenti, non ancora caratterizzate in termini funzionali. Per questo ed altre analisi di tipo statistico-distributivo si attende il completo inserimento dei dati nel database.8

La base cartografica principale (utilizzata anche durante la ricognizione) è rappresentata dalla Carta Tecnica Regionale a scala 1:10.000. Per alcune specifiche esigenze, sono state utilizzate anche le tavolette IGM a scala 1:25.000 di Poggio Mirteto e Montopoli di Sabina, quest’ultima in particolare, perché è la base dell’edizione dei dati della Forma Italiae. Infine, sono stati utilizzati diversi tipi di fotografie aeree (fotogrammi per l’osservazione stereoscopica e ortofotografie a colori), sia a fini archeologici (Fig. 12), sia per integrare i dati del rilevamento geolitologico.

7

Lo studio verrà svolto nell’ambito della linea di ricerca ‘gestione informatizzata del territorio’ diretta da R. Gabrielli, Istituto tecnologie applicate ai Beni Culturali. 8 I materiali delle campagne di ricognizione sono in deposito presso il Museo civico archeologico di Fara in Sabina. Lo studio in vista della pubblicazione definitiva sarà affrontato dagli stessi autori di questo contributo con collaborazioni per singoli settori di laureandi che hanno partecipato alle ricognizioni sul terreno.

995

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Volpignano: siti 130 e 131. Materiali del Bronzo medio e recente.

Paleolitico

Romagna, databile ad una fase avanzata dell’antica età del Bronzo.9

L’esame del materiale raccolto ha confermato l’idea che i siti preistorici si dispongono principalmente sui terrazzi fluviali del Tevere; abbondante, infatti, è la presenza di industria litica sulle alture di Colli della Città, come già documentato da precedenti ricerche. La maggior parte dell’industria litica si riferisce al Paleolitico Medio, con un significativo calo delle attestazioni nel Paleolitico Superiore.

La ricognizione dell’anno 2002 ha permesso di ottenere dati significativi sul tipo di occupazione dell’area nella media e tarda età del Bronzo.

Neolitico-Età del Bronzo (Fig. 3)

Su una piccola altura, posta ad est del Fosso di Volpignano, è stato identificato un abitato della media età del Bronzo – sito 130 (Fig. 3). Il materiale proviene da due concentrazioni, separate tra loro da poche decine di metri.

Nel sito 5 di pianura (S. Lucia) è stata raccolta una cuspide di freccia, riferibile al Neolitico finale o all’Eneolitico, unica testimonianza della frequentazione umana in queste fasi assai poco documentate nella Sabina Tiberina settentrionale.

Dalla prima provengono un’ansa a maniglia a contorno trapezoidale e apici sporgenti all’esterno10 (Fig. 4:1), un manico con apici revoluti11 (Fig. 4:2) ed un frammento di ciotola carenata con decorazioni a file oblique di punti12 (Fig. 4:5) databili nell’ambito della fase 2 del Bronzo

Il Bronzo antico è rappresentato dall’ansa a gomito raccolta, assieme a pochissimi frammenti nel sito 68, inseribile nel tipo 73 B della Cocchi Genik, presente a Mezzano, ma anche in area medio-adriatica ed in

9

Per confronti cfr. Gabrielli, Guidi & Santoro 2003, 110, fig. 3,1. Cocchi Genik et alii 1996, tipo 523 A, variante a (da Grotta Manacore, strato III). 11 Cocchi Genik et alii 1996, u 2 (da Marangone). 12 Cocchi Genik et alii 1996, tipo 202 A (Protoappanninico 1-2A). 10

996

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA

Fig. 5. Carta di fase del periodo primo Ferro-Orientalizzante.

di reperti in giacitura primaria, va segnalata, inoltre, la presenza di ceramiche d’impasto all’interno di una più ampia dispersione di materiale di età arcaica e romana, a nord del sito 131. A.G.

medio, mentre sono databili ad un orizzonte iniziale della fase 3 due ciotole carenate con decorazione ‘appenninica’ a incisione e punteggio (Fig. 4:3-4).13 Tra i materiali della concentrazione 2 si segnalano un’olla con cordone plastico angolare,14 un tarallo ed una fuseruola (Fig. 4:57) di un tipo, documentato e nel Reatino15 e a Toffia. I dati raccolti fanno ipotizzare un piccolo insediamento databile ad una fase avanzata del Bronzo medio 2 ed inizi del Bronzo medio 3.

Primo Ferro / orientalizzante (Fig. 5) Le ricerche di quest’anno hanno permesso, con l’identificazione dell’insediamento di Colle Ballone, situato nel comparto territoriale tra il Galantina e il Fosso delle Pratelle, a meno di sette chilometri dal noto abitato di Campo del Pozzo, la conferma del ‘modello’ di occupazione costituito da nuclei di abitati di estensione tra uno e cinque ettari, ubicati più o meno vicino al Tevere e distanti tra loro tra i sei e otto chilometri.18

La continuità di vita in queste fasi è documentata anche negli altri abitati della Sabina tiberina, mentre sembrano mancare materiali assegnabili alla tarda età del Bronzo.16 Assume quindi una particolare importanza il rinvenimento, a circa 400 metri di distanza in un’area di fondo valle, lungo la riva del Volpignano - sito 131, di materiali di impasto non tornito tra i quali si segnala un tipo di ansa a bastoncello sopraelevato sull’orlo con cornetti alla sommità (Fig. 4:9), databile alla fase avanzata del Bronzo recente, confrontabile con esemplari dai Colli Albani ed Anagni.17 La posizione dei materiali e il loro stato di conservazione fa ritenere che non si tratti

L’insediamento, collocato su un’ampia altura posta alla confluenza tra il Fosso Volpignano e il Fosso del Pantanello si data alla fase finale della prima età del Ferro (vedi sito 120). Centri minori (Fig. 8) nel territorio controllato da Colle Ballone, possono essere considerati il sito 26 (pendio a nord del Castellaccio)e il sito 78 (Colle Marrone).

13

Macchiarola 1987, tipo 177 B. Presente in contesti del Bronzo Medio 2; confronto da Pian Sultano Fugazzola Delpino 1976, fig. 10/13. 15 Carancini 1990, tav. XXV/10 (Casa Fonte Giovandone A); Filippi & Pacciarelli 1991, tipo 3 del Bronzo Medio. 16 Pacciarelli 2000, 87-93. 17 Cfr. esemplari da Colle della Mola: Chiarucci 1978, tav. 1/8; AnagniRocca di Sant’Antonio: Biddittu 1987, fig. 2/2. 14

Al territorio di pertinenza di Campo del Pozzo si può attribuire il nucleo identificato in località S. Pietro (sito 61) da cui proviene un frammento di scodella, 18

997

Bistolfi 1996.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 6. Organizzazione territoriale dell’area Galantina / Farfa nell’età del Ferro.

Fig. 7. Carta di fase dell’età arcaica.

998

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA confrontabile con tipi veienti e databili alla metà dell’VIII secolo (Fig. 6).19

l’interpretazione è esatta, all’abitato sotto colle Pachini dovrebbero dipendere gli stanziamenti del Cerro e Monte San Vittore che cronologicamente s’inquadrano nella stessa fase. La quantità esigua di tegole raccolte, farebbe interpretare questi stanziamenti come piccole fattorie, nate per uno sfruttamento agricolo del territorio.

In questa stessa località spicca la presenza di un tumulo dell’altezza di circa 25 m e del diametro di circa 40 metri. Si tramanda la notizia del rinvenimento, al suo interno, di armi in ferro; nella prima campagna di ricognizione abbiamo potuto raccogliere, attorno alla base, materiali di età orientalizzante, che si aggiungono a quelli individuati nel già citato sito 61 ed altri frammenti di questo periodo, raccolti nel pendio sottostante un’altura posta immediatamente a nord del tumulo (sito 80).

In questo periodo si pone lo sviluppo dell’insediamento di Colle Ballone (Fig. 9) che si estende su tutto il versante del colle – come si vede dai siti individuati –; sul pianoro di sommità dove insistono abitazioni e case coloniche non è stato possibile effettuare alcuna indagine al fine di definire il limite orientale dell’insediamento. I materiali raccolti, frammenti di tegole, frammenti di ceramica comune e di ceramica da mensa si confrontano con le classi tipologiche (olle ed ollette globulari ed ovoidi, brocche, bacili e ciotole) di aree contermini che si datano nell’ambito del periodo arcaico. Di particolare importanza le lettere che compaiono su un frammento di parete di ciotola, che la presenza del segno a finestrella qualifica come ‘sabine’ (Fig. 10).22 La continuità di vita dell’insediamento nella seconda metà del IV-fine III secolo a.C. è testimoniato dai materiali, raccolti nella concentrazione 2, (Fig. 9) con ceramica a vernice nera, ciotole Morel 2585 e 2581 e forme tipiche della ceramica comune quali olle cilindro-ovoidi, scodelle e coperchi.23 Sul sito è stato eseguito anche un rilevamento geolitologico (cfr. metodologie di ricerca).

Ai tre abitati sopracitati, sorti nel corso della fase recente dell’età del ferro, si aggiunge nel periodo orientalizzante quello di Colli della Città, sistema di alture sovrastanti il Tevere. Le ricognizioni condotte hanno permesso di verificare la notizia relativa a strutture riconoscibili con materiali di età arcaica. Si tratta di cinque concentrazioni (siti 58 a-e) di forma diversa ben individuabili sul terreno: in almeno tre di queste (a, b, e) sono presenti materiali d’impasto di età orientalizzante.20 A.G. Età arcaica (Fig. 7) Una sorta di ‘esplosione demografica’, evidente dalla quantità di siti attribuibili a questo periodo, caratterizza l’epoca compresa tra la fine del VII secolo e la fine del V secolo a.C., in analogia con quanto sappiamo per altre aree contigue, come il territorio di Magliano e quello di Poggio Sommavilla.

Nel comparto delimitato dal fosso delle Pratelle e dal torrente Farfa i risultati della ricognizione permettono di tracciare un quadro più articolato del popolamento (Fig. 11). In quest’epoca si sviluppano i due abitati di Colli della Città e S. Pietro, collegati alla viabilità principale; il primo sulla strada che correva lungo il crinale delle colline che fiancheggiano il Tevere, il secondo più all’interno, su una via che collegava le alture di Poggio Mirteto (forse proprio l’abitato di Colle Ballone) alla via precedente dalla quale poco più a sud un altro percorso arrivava alla foce del Farfa dove insisteva l’insediamento di Campo del Pozzo.24 Per quanto riguarda l’organizzazione degli insediamenti la ricognizione ha evidenziato che in questa fase Colli della Città e Campo del Pozzo raggiungono un estensione di circa 15 h e sfruttano come area di necropoli i costoni che delimitano l’ area dell’abitato (Fig. 11). La tipologia tombale, documentata prevede tombe a camera con loculi sulle pareti laterali e pilastro centrale:25 la datazione ne colloca la fase costruttiva nella prima metà del VI secolo a.C. Mentre dimensioni minori sembra avere l’insediamento di Colle San Pietro.

Nell’area delimitata dal torrente Galantina ed il fosso delle Pratelle il popolamento appare di tipo ‘diffuso’: sono stati individuati una serie di piccoli insediamenti in località Castellaccio (siti 23-24), il Cerro (siti 1.1, 1.2 e 2.1), Monte S.Vittore (siti 7 e 44-45), S. Lucia (sito 33), Colle Marrone (sito 13). I materiali indiziano un orizzonte cronologico di pieno VI secolo a.C. mentre l’evidenza archeologica sembra far ipotizzare la presenza di gruppi di piccoli insediamenti probabilmente a carattere agricolo (Fig. 8).21 L’individuazione di un’area di necropoli con tombe a camera, ricavate in parte nel costone tufaceo che delimita l’altura di Colle Pachini sotto il pianoro di sommità ed in parte nella piccola altura alle spalle di Monte San Vittore indizia come sito dell’abitato di riferimento le basse alture in contrada S. Lucia delimitate dal fosso della Bufala (Fig. 8). La tipologia delle tombe a camera con banchine di deposizione sulle pareti induce ad inquadrarle in epoca arcaica; si nota comunque che i materiali più antichi recuperati dall’area del probabile insediamento s’inquadrano nella prima metà del VI secolo. Se

22 La lettura proposta per i due grafemi, identificabili sulla superficie del vaso è …ih…. Per il valore del segno a finestrella: Cristofani 1996, 215226. 23 Phol & Torelli 1973, 135-136. 24 Filippi & Pacciarelli 1991, 58-66, fgg. 22-28. 25 La tomba con camera ipogea con pilastro centrale e parziale bipartizione della camera, testimoniata a Poggio Sommavilla in epoca arcaica è presente nella necropoli di Colli della Città (Muzzioli 1980, 122, sito 142, fig. 99) e a Campo del Pozzo (Reggiani 1980, 82-92).

19

Gabrielli, Guidi & Santoro 2003, 111, fig. 3.2. Gabrielli, Guidi & Santoro 2003, 111, fig. 3.3,4. 21 Tale organizzazione territoriale è stata riscontrata nel territorio in seguito alle ricognizioni nel territorio di Magliano ed in quello di Poggio Sommavilla. 20

999

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 8. La zona del Galantina: insediamenti del periodo arcaico.

Fig. 9. L’area di Colle Ballone in epoca arcaica.

1000

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA

Fig. 10. Colle Ballone, frammento con grafemi.

Fig. 11. La zona del Farfa: insediamenti del periodo arcaico.

Fig. 12. Occupazione territoriale in epoca arcaica dell’area del Farfa. 1001

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Allo stato attuale delle ricerche la situazione storico topografica dell’area sembra potersi delineare nel modo seguente: Colle Ballone costituisce in questo periodo l’insediamento principe del territorio, cui sono collegati da direttrici viarie,26 frequentate in epoca romana, gli insediamenti minori, situati lungo la fascia paratiberina quali Campo del Pozzo, Colli della Città, Colle S. Pietro e S. Lucia. L’organizzazione territoriale, probabilmente proprio per le caratteristiche geografiche – area di basse colline che dalla catena dei Monti Sabini si apre verso il Tevere – sembra invertire la tendenza nota nelle aree contermini che prevedano gli insediamenti maggiori sulle colline che prospettano il fiume (Fig. 12). P.S. Il periodo romano (Figg. 13-15) Riguardo al paesaggio romano, l’analisi e l’interpretazione delle concentrazioni dei manufatti è ancora ad uno stadio preliminare. Lo studio del materiale ceramico è stato completato solo in un’area campione situata nella fascia settentrionale del progetto Galantina,27 il che ha comunque consentito di elaborare le prime piante di fase e di formulare alcune riflessioni di carattere metodologico e topografico che costituiranno la base per una lettura storica più ampia di quanto rinvenuto.

Alcune osservazioni scaturiscono dal confronto tra i dati raccolti nell’ambito della ricognizione Galantina e quelli crescita generale delle presenze nell’ambito di tutti gli altri periodi. In relazione alle cronologie, una migliore conoscenza dei manufatti, consentita dal progresso degli studi ceramologici e soprattutto dalla presenza di specialisti nel team di lavoro, permette di datare con maggiore precisione i reperti. Ne risulta che nel progetto Galantina le aree di materiali databili genericamente sono di gran lunga inferiori rispetto a quelle databili con maggiore precisione.28 Per quanto riguarda più propriamente il periodo romano possiamo osservare che alla massima occupazione del territorio in epoca arcaica/classica (580-350 a.C.), segue un pesante calo in epoca medio-repubblicana, che continua tra la seconda metà del III e la prima metà del II secolo a.C. Tale tendenza si inverte bruscamente solo a partire dall’epoca tardo-repubblicana per rimanere stabile fino al primo- e medio-impero e crollare di nuovo nel tardo impero, con una piccola ripresa tra il V e il VI secolo d.C.

Fig. 13 26 La direttrice che dal Galantina arrivava al Farfa, proseguendo poi verso è stata individuata dal Pasqui nei lavori della Carta Archeologica d’Italia, Gamurrini et alii 1972, tav. 00; per i percorsi da campo del Pozzo verso Colle Ballone: Muzzioli 1980, tav. Passo Corese. 27 Il materiale ceramico romano è stato studiato da Alessandra Bousquet, Sabrina Zampini e chi scrive.

28

Quando lo studio dei reperti di ogni periodo sarà terminato si potranno meglio articolare anche le cronologie delle aree dei materiali relativi al paesaggio pre-romano, al momento individuato solo da scansioni generiche come periodo Preistorico, primo Ferro/Orientalizzante (1000-580 a.C.), Arcaico/Classico (580-350 a.C.).

1002

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA

Fig. 14

Fig. 13-15. Carte di fase del periodo romano repubblicano e imperiale. della Forma Italiae, condotta in quest’area da Maria Pia Muzzioli.29 Il grafico (Fig. 16)30 mostra al momento semplici tendenze che potranno essere rielaborate nella fase di interpretazione delle aree di raccolta e nel momento in cui lo studio del materiale raccolto sarà 29

Muzzioli 1980. Al fine di rendere confrontabili questi dati con quelli emersi dal riesame della South Etruria survey, condotto a cura della British School di Roma nell’ambito del progetto Valle del Tevere, è stata utilizzata la stessa scansione cronologica, soprattutto per quelle fasi di cui si è stato possibile completare lo studio dei materiali ceramici.

30

completato. Si può in via preliminare osservare che acquistano visibilità periodi non documentati in precedenza, in particolare il periodo preistorico, il IV-VII secolo e l’VIII-IX secolo d.C.; si registra inoltre una Prima di tentare di dare un senso a questi dati va innanzitutto ricordato che la formazione degli studiosi presenti sul campo influenza inevitabilmente la raccolta delle informazioni. Non è un caso infatti che l’interesse dei coordinatori del progetto Galantina per i periodi preromano ha determinato una consistente attestazione di

1003

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI presenze proprio in queste fasi. Il panorama che emerge comunque risulta tendenzialmente simile a quello ricostruito nell’ambito del progetto Valle del Tevere, in seguito alla reinterpretazione della South Etruria survey, soprattutto nella fase di passaggio tra l’epoca arcaica e quella repubblicana/primo-imperiale (Fig. 17). Osserviamo che in entrambe le aree all’esplosione insediativa dell’età arcaica segue una diminuzione delle presenze in epoca medio-repubblicana, anche se i rapporti quantitativi risultano diversi sulle due sponde:31 nell’area del Galantina si registrano in epoca medio-repubblicana ca. 1/5 delle presenze rispetto all’epoca arcaica/classica, mentre nell’area della South Etruria survey il numero di insediamenti medio-repubblicani risulta pari a più della metà di quelli del periodo arcaico/classico.

comportamenti analoghi ma da meglio precisare nella fase di passaggio tra l’epoca arcaica e quella repubblicana. In entrambi i casi la conquista romana sembra determinare una profonda trasformazione delle campagne – più profonda in area sabina –, con cenni di ripresa solo a partire dal periodo tardo-repubblicano/ primo imperiale. Vanno comunque anche in questo caso evitate le facili generalizzazioni. Quanto osservato fino ad ora infatti non vale in un’altra area della Sabina. I risultati della ricognizione effettuata a sud di Cures Sabini mostrano un quadro parzialmente diverso (Fig. 18).32

Fig. 18. Siti individuati nell’area della Corese survey (rielaborazione da Di Giuseppe et al. 2002, fig. 4). A sud di Cures Sabini si registra un aumento insediativo, dall’età arcaica a quella medio-repubblicana, periodo quest’ultimo a cui eravamo particolarmente interessati al momento della ricognizione, cosa che potrebbe aver influenzato l’esito della ricerca. Occorre comunque osservare che tale paesaggio mostra le stesse caratteristiche di quello ricostruito da John Moreland lungo il Farfa, a nord di Cures Sabini stessa.33

Fig. 16. Confronto tra i ritrovamenti del Progetto Galantina e della Forma Italiae.

Fino a che punto pertanto possiamo usare tali dati per elaborare un’interpretazione storica del territorio sabino sulla base delle somiglianze e differenze messe in luce? E qual’è il contesto storico in cui tali emergenze vanno inserite?

Fig. 17. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Rapporto quantitativo tra i siti della South Etruria survey (per siti si intendono aree di occupazione stabile). Se tali dati venissero confermati in seguito all’interpretazione di tutti i rinvenimenti secondo gli stessi criteri usati per la South Etruria survey e al completamento dello studio del materiale, avremmo un paesaggio etrusco e uno sabino, rispettivamente sulla sponda occidentale e orientale del Tevere, con

In seguito alla conquista sabina del 290 a.C. da parte di M’ Curio Dentato, parte dell’agro sabino diviene ager quaestorius, ovvero un’area in cui si procede ad una vendita parziale di lotti di terreno di 50 iugera a quanti sono in possesso di capitali.34 Il resto del territorio viene assegnato in parte ai veterani e per buona parte diventa ager publicus. Se ne deduce che anche in area sabina i Romani crearono una varietà dei paesaggi, verosimilmente legata ai precedenti assetti agrari e alle diverse geografie della zona. I terreni a sud di Cures Sabini, in cui Maria Pia Muzzioli ha ipotizzato la collocazione dell’ager queastorius, dovevano essere i più 32

Di Giuseppe et alii 2002. Moreland 1987; 2003. Muzzioli 1975; 1980, 38-39; 1985; Di Giuseppe et alii 2002, 114118. 33 34

31

Per l’interpretazione di queste tendenze si veda Patterson 2004.

1004

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA

Fig. 19. Carta di fase di età alto medievale e medievale.

ricchi e appetibili come testimonierebbe la loro occupazione capillare in epoca medio-repubblicana. L’area del Galatina, al contrario, geograficamente più impervia, meglio si adattava ad una concentrazione umana su altura. In quest’ultima zona il popolamento delle campagne potrebbe aver subito dei ritardi e essersi affermato, come sembrerebbe dai risultati del nostro campione, solo in epoca tardo-repubblicana, in concomitanza con l’affermazione dello sfruttamento del territorio attraverso il sistema delle ville. Non stupirebbe quindi, risolti i problemi di metodo, ricostruire storie insediative diverse in aree geograficamente incoerenti, seppur tanto vicine tra loro. Non va inoltre sottovalutato in questo sviluppo il ruolo del fiume Farfa, che rappresentava una vera e propria barriera naturale all’interno della realtà culturale sabina. H.D.G. Il periodo alto-medievale e medievale (Fig. 19) Anche ai periodi alto-medievale e medievale, seguenti alla metà circa del VI secolo d.C., verranno dedicate solo alcune considerazioni. Fino a poco tempo fa il tardo VI-VII secolo costituiva un vero e proprio problema per le ricognizioni italiane. L’impossibilità di riconoscere il materiale di questo periodo infatti rendeva altrettanto invisibili gli

insediamenti, da cui ne derivava un drammatico spopolamento delle campagne. In anni recenti tale crollo è stato ridimensionato. Si è compreso che la lacuna individuata dipendeva prevalentemente dal fatto che si datavano i siti solo sulla base della ceramica fine e che, al contrario, usando anche la ceramica comune, nota grazie ad una serie di scavi condotti in Sabina, era possibile dare maggiore visibilità agli insediamenti di questo periodo. Proprio sulla base della ceramica comune, nell’ambito del progetto Galantina, sono state identificate almeno sei aree occupate tra il VI e il VII secolo. La ceramica sembra identica a quella documentata in altri scavi e ricognizioni della Sabina tiberina e reatina. In questo periodo emerge in Sabina una nuova tradizione ceramica caratterizzata da prodotti che suggeriscono una rottura del sistema produttivo e distributivo romano di ambito rurale.35 I risultati dello studio del materiale romano e altomedievale devono essere ancora integrati per cui è impossibile al momento commentare la natura del quadro insediativo. Per esempio dobbiamo verificare se i siti con materiale alto-medievale continuano ad essere occupati dall’epoca romana o se risultano di nuova fondazione, come è stato notato nell’ambito della Farfa survey, diretta da John Moreland.36 35

Patterson et alii 2004. Moreland 2003; c.s. (nel periodo trascorso dopo la consegna del testo sono apparsi nuovi elementi per 11 paessagio altomedievale, in 36

1005

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Per l’VIII e IX emergono poche evidenze dall’area del Galatina, come accade anche in molte altre aree d’Italia, a dispetto della ricchezza della documentazione letteraria, rappresentata in Sabina dal Regesto Farfense. La ricognizione ha identificato solo due siti con probabile occupazione nel IX secolo. Tale lacuna può ancora una volta essere legata alla nostra incapacità di riconoscere il materiale di questo periodo. I due siti del Galantina sono stati identificati grazie alla presenza di Forum ware o ceramica a vetrina pesante, il solo fossile guida sicura in nostro possesso non documentato in questa area prima del X-XI secolo. E’ necessario dunque identificare nuove sequenze stratigrafiche e depositi che possano gettare luce su questo periodo. Fino ad allora possiamo solo continuare ad usare gli argomenti validi anche per il VII secolo, ovvero impoverimento della cultura materiale, uso di vasellame ligneo, popolamento disperso, occupazione precoce dei siti di altura i castelli, documentato dal X e XI secolo. Infatti dal X e in particolare dall’XI secolo, invece, coerentemente con quanto avviene nel resto dell’Italia centro-meridionale, le evidenze archeologiche tornano ad essere di nuovo ricche. Non a caso è questo il momento in cui vengono fondati i castelli che hanno sia archeologicamente che storicamente una maggiore visibilità. L.A.-H.P. BIBLIOGRAFIA Barchesi, C., P. Moscate, P. Santoro & D. Scarpati, 2003. Ruderi delle ville romane in territorio sabino. Archeologia e Calcolatori 11, 295-325. Biddittu, I., 1987. Ceramica dell’età del bronzo finale a Tufano-Anagni. Archeologia Laziale 8I (= QuadAEI 14), 244-249. Biddittu, I. & A. Segre Naldini, 1985. Ceramica dell’età del bronzo dal costone di Battifratta (Rieti). Archeologia Laziale VII (= QuadAEI 11), 244-249. Bistolfi, F., O. Colazingari, M.T. Fulgenzi, A. Guidi & A. Zifferero, 1996. Cultura materiale e sistemi insediamentali nella Sabina tiberina, in: A.M.Bietti Sestieri, The Iron Age in the Mediterranean area: archaeological materials as indicator of social structure and organization (with particular reference to the Early Iron Age), Colloquium XXIII, in: A.M. Bietti Sestieri (ed.), The Iron Age in Europe (XIII U.I.S.P.P. Congress). Forlì, 91-106. Carancini, G.L., S. Massetti, F. Posi, P. Curci & P. Dionis, 1990. Seconda relazione sulle nuove ricerche di superficie eseguite nell’alveo dell’antico Lacus velinus, in: G.L. Carancini (ed.), Miscellanea protostorica. Roma, 3-188. Chiarucci, P., 1978. Colli Albani. Preistoria e Protostoria, DocAlbana 5. particolare per quanto riguarda la Toscana, die modificano sensibilmente le conclusioni qui proposte: cfr. Francovich 2002; Patterson et alii 2004; Patterson forthcoming).

Cocchi Genik, D., I. Damiani, I. Macchiarola, R. Peroni & R. Poggiani Keller, 1995. Aspetti culturali della media età del bronzo nell'Italia centro-meridionale. Firenze. Cristofani, M., 1996. Nuove evidenze epigrafiche da Colli del Giglio, in: Identità e Civiltà dei Sabini. Atti del XVIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici. 215226. Di Giuseppe, H., M. Sansoni, J. Williams & R. Witcher, 2002. The Sabinensis ager revisited: a field survey in the Sabina Tiberina. Papers of the British School at Rome 70, 99-149. Filippi G. & M. Pacciarelli, 1991. Materiali protostorici della Sabina Tiberina (= Quaderni del Museo Archeologico di Magliano Sabina, 1). Roma. Francovich, R., 2002. Changing structures of settlement, in: C. La Rocca (ed.), Italy in the early middle ages. Oxford, 144-167. Fugazzola Delpino M.A., 1976. Testimonianze di cultura appenninica nel Lazio. Firenze. Gabrielli, R., A. Guidi & P. Santoro, 2003. Il progetto Galantina, in: J. Rasmus Brandt et alii. (eds), Lazio & Sabina 1. Roma, 109-114. Gamurrini, G.F., A. Cozza, A. Pasqui, R. Mengarelli, 1922. Carta archeologica d’Italia (1881-1897). Firenze. Gigli, S. & P. Santoro, 1995. Eretum ricerca topografica sull’abitato arcaico. QuadAEI 12(2), 641-663. Guidi A. & P. Santoro, 2004. Strategie insediamentali nella Sabina tiberina in epoca protostorica ed arcaica, in: H. Patterson (ed.), Bridging the Tiber. Approaches to regional archaeology in the Middle Tiber Valley (= Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome). Rome, 179-187. Macchiarola, I., 1987. La ceramica appenninica decorata. Roma. Moreland, J., 1987. The Farfa survey: a second interim rapport. Archeologia Medievale 14, 409-418. Moreland, J., 2003. The Farfa survey. Tiber Valley workshop 203 (http://www.bsr.ac.uk - Archaeology webpages/Tiber Valley project/Publications/) Moreland, J., c.s. Excavations at Casale San Donato (Ri), 1990-1994. Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, Attività di Scavo Archeologico di Istituzioni Stranieri in Italia (1975-2000). Moreland, J., M. Pluciennik, M. Richardson, A. Fleming, G. Stroud, H. Patterson & J. Dunkley, 1993. Excavations at Casale San Donato, castra nuovo di Farfa (Ri) Lazio. Archeologia Medievale 20, 185-228. Muzzioli, M.P., 1975. Note sull’ager quaestorius nel territorio di Cures Sabini. Rendiconti dell'Academia dei Lincei 30, 223-230. Muzzioli, M.P., 1980. Cures Sabini (= Forma Italiae Regio, IV 2). Firenze. Muzzioli, M.P., 1981. Ricerche di topografia archeologica nella Sabina tiberina negli ultimi anni dell’ottocento e nei primi del novecento. Quaderni dell’Istituto di Topografia Antica dell’Università di Roma 9, 105-116.

1006

LUISA AGNENI ET AL: IL PROGETTO GALANTINA Muzzioli, M.P., 1985. Cures Sabini, in: Misurare la terra: centuriazione e coloni nel mondo romano. Città, agricoltura, commercio: materiali da Roma e dal suburbio. Modena, 48-53. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Patterson, H., 2000. The Tiber Valley project: archaeology comparative survey and history, in: J. Holdon (ed.), Medieval military logistic. Patterson, H., A. Bousquet, H. Di Giuseppe, F. Felici, S. Fontana, R. Witcher & S. Zampini, 2003. Le produzioni ceramiche nella media Valle del Tevere tra l’età repubblicana e tardo-antica. Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores 38, 61-120. Patterson, H., H. Di Giuseppe & R. Witcher, 2004. Three South Etrurian ‘Crises’: An interim report on the Tiber Valley Project. Papers of the British School at Rome 74, 1-36. Phol, I. & M. Torelli, 1973. Veio. Scoperta di un piccolo santuario etrusco in località Campetti. NSc, 40-158. Preistoria e Protostoria nel territorio di Roma (A.M. Bietti Sestieri, ed.). Roma, 1984. Reggiani, A.M., 1980. Le necropoli di Campo del Pozzo e Madonna del Rano. Quad.AE 1 (4), 82-87. Santoro, P., 1997a. Magliano: origine e sviluppo dell’insediamento. Roma-Pisa. Santoro, P., 1997b. Civiltà arcaica dei Sabini nella valle del Tevere, in: Etrusca Italica, Scritti in onore di Massimo Pallottino. Roma, 550- 565. Verga, F., 2000. Il territorio di Poggio Sommavilla dall’epoca arcaica a quella romana. Papers of the British School at Rome 70, 79-98. Zarattini, A., 1986. Strategie insediamentali nelle valli del Tevere e dell’Aniene dal Paleolitico al Neolitico, in: Il Tevere e altre vie d'acqua del Lazio antico (= QuadAEI 12), 18-22.

1007

MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN) Giacomo Biondi

Abstract: Archaeological evidence on ancient Centuripe, except for the Hellenistic period, is rare. A survey was therefore carried out in the surrounding territory in order to collect more data on the relationship between the ancient city and its chora. Monte Ficarazza, a hill not very far from Centuripe, is one of the most meaningful sites identified by the survey. Eneolithic evidence is scarce but the Ancient Bronze Age (22nd-15th century BC) is the well-documented by ceramics and stone tools, after which Monte Ficarazza seems to have been abandoned for a long period. During the Iron Age, an indigenous community occupied the east top of the hill on a position that was easy to defend. Other groups of Sikels settled on the highest and best defensible hills of the area as well. This resulted in a good defence system that dominated the surrounding agricultural landscape and the road connecting eastern to central Sicily. From the Archaic to the Hellenistic period, except for the 5th century BC, the archaeological evidence becomes denser. During the Hellenistic period the number of sites in the agricultural hinterland and the urban necropoleis still increased. This documents the favourable economy of the ancient city that was probably due to a specific cause: the so called ‘Timoleontean recolonization’, the effects of the pax romana and the privileged relations of Centuripe with Rome. The evidence for the Imperial Age is less clear and differs from that of other parts of the same territory. This indicates extensive exploitation of the agricultural land preferring cattle-breeding to farming and plateaus to hills.

Centuripe occupa la parte orientale di una catena di alture di formazione pliocenica (Fig. 1), che si estende per circa 4 km lungo il margine NO della Piana di Catania. Tali alture – poste a cavallo dei fertili altipiani dell’Ennese e delle vallate fluviali del Salso, del Simeto e del Dittaino – sono i rilievi più elevati e meglio difendibili lungo la via di collegamento tra la costa catanese e la Sicilia centrale: nel primo tratto, cioè, di quello che in età romana sarà l’itinerario A Thermis Catina. La città moderna si trova sullo stesso sito dell’antica, della quale si conoscono, di fatto, solo alcune delle necropoli arcaiche ed ellenistiche, abbondantemente saccheggiate dai clandestini, e alcuni monumenti di età imperiale. Del territorio1 si conoscevano solo pochi insediamenti preistorici.2 Le ricognizioni sono state pertanto avviate con l’intento di documentare nuove fasi e di chiarire il rapporto della Centuripe di età storica con la chora circostante, formata da altipiani che cingono la catena collinare centrale e digradano progressivamente verso le vallate fluviali circostanti. In via preliminare, sono stati rivisitati i siti già conosciuti. Altri ne sono stati individuati grazie alle indicazioni degli abitanti del luogo. Le risorse disponibili ci hanno consentito di esplorare, in una seconda fase, con ripetizioni delle coperture, due settori rappresentativi dell’assetto morfologico e paesaggistico dell’intero territorio: la fascia di colline ad ovest dell’abitato (Fig. 1) e parte dell’altipiano meridionale.3 1

Confinante con quello degli altri centri siculi della riva sinistra del Simeto (Mendolito, Civita, Paternò), del corso del Dittaino (Castel di Iudica e Poira) e delle colline dell’Ennese (Agira e M. S. Giorgio). 2 Biondi 2002, 41-44. 3 A farci orientare su questa piuttosto che sulle vallate di nord e di oriente è stata la presenza, in queste ultime, di humus trasportato da altri posti per l’impianto di agrumeti, che avrebbe falsato i dati di un’eventuale ricognizione, e di reti metalliche che cingono ogni singolo appezzamento rendendo inaccessibile la maggior parte dei terreni. Dell’area occidentale, tra Agira e Centuripe, si sta occupando la cattedra di Archeologia della Magna Grecia dell’Università di Catania.

M. Ficarazza e il vicino M. Affucamuli4 (Figg. 1:1-2; 2) sono i baluardi occidentali della catena di colline anzidetta. Entrambi, risparmiati dall’attività edilizia moderna, sono stati indagati in maniera intensiva per tutta la loro estensione. Il massiccio di M. Ficarazza (Figg. 1:1; 2) si apre verso sud con un’ampia cavea naturale sormontata da un picco culminante a punta sul lato O e da un ampio pianoro, di difficile accesso, sul lato orientale. M. Affucamuli (Figg. 1:2; 2), separato da Ficarazza da una sella, svetta con uno stretto pianoro sommitale allungato in senso NO-SE. Sebbene i terreni siano incolti e, di conseguenza, coperti per buona parte dell’anno da un manto erboso, il lavoro di ricognizione ha restituito una gran quantità di materiale di varie epoche. Una tale ricchezza di documentazione è dovuta, oltre che ad un’intensa frequentazione, anche alla sistemazione a terrazze delle pendici e a fenomeni di erosione, che hanno portato e portano continuamente in luce materiale di interesse archeologico, meglio visibile lungo i margini dei terrazzamenti, sempre liberi da vegetazione. Una certa influenza ha avuto, nostro malgrado, anche l’attività degli scavatori di frodo, che hanno saccheggiato la zona fino a poco tempo prima dell’inizio delle nostre visite e hanno abbandonato sul posto il materiale di scarso valore commerciale. In questa sede, prima di portare a termine la ricerca con saggi di scavo, intendiamo presentare i primi risultati dell’esplorazione. Dopo una sporadica presenza nell’area della cima orientale di Ficarazza durante l’Eneolitico tardo,5 periodo a cui appartiene probabilmente il frammento di una testa

4 Per una prima presentazione dei risultati dell’esplorazione, vedi Biondi 2002, 46-49 e Biondi 2002a. 5 Un solo frammento vascolare è attribuibile con certezza alla facies di Malpasso.

1008

GIACOMO BIONDI: MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN)

Fig. 1. Centuripe e il territorio circostante. 1. Monte Ficarazza; 2. Monte Affucamuli; 3. Policara; 4. Grotta dell’Acqua; 5. Piano Capitano; 6. Casino.

Fig. 2. I monti Ficarazza e Affucamuli. 1 e 2. Necropoli ellenistiche; 3. Deposito del Bronzo antico; 4. Insediamento ellenistico; 5. Santuario; 6. Necropoli ellenistica; 7. Tomba del Bronzo antico. di mazza di pietra bianca non finita di lavorare6 (Fig. 3), le prime tracce di una massiccia presenza umana risalgono al Bronzo antico. Fase, quest’ultima, documentata con ceramiche inquadrabili nell’ambito dello stile castellucciano etneo (Fig. 4), che sembrano coprire tutta la durata del periodo. I materiali ceramici e 6

È l’unica a bulbo finora rinvenuta in Sicilia ed è accostabile a quelle della seconda fase della cultura del Rinaldone (seconda metà del III millennio a.C.): cfr. Peroni 1971, 186, fig. 41,25. Le altre rinvenute nell’isola, tutte globulari, sono più antiche: Tusa 1997, cat. n. II,118; Bernabò Brea 1988, 470; Leighton 1989, 149, tav. 23d.

gli oggetti litici (Fig. 5) sono sparsi in quasi tutta la superficie di M. Ficarazza, di M. Affucamuli e, come documentato da uno scavo degli inizi del secolo, anche nel limitrofo colle di Policara7 (Fig. 1:3). A Ficarazza, in base alla distribuzione dei materiali e alle caratteristiche orografiche del luogo, è possibile ipotizzare la presenza di insediamenti del Bronzo antico in tre zone, esposte a sud e riparate dai freddi venti di tramontana. La composizione dei colli, sabbie gialle, friabilissime, alternate a strati di calcareniti, non ha permesso, però, 7

1009

Orsi 1909, 91.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Frammento di testa di mazza in pietra bianca.

una sicura identificazione di tombe a grotticella artificiale, caratteristiche della cultura di Castelluccio. È possibile ipotizzare, tuttavia, la presenza di sepolture lungo il margine meridionale del costone roccioso che forma la cima di Affucamuli (Fig. 2:7), dove le acque piovane hanno messo in luce un bicchiere troncoconico quasi integro (Fig. 6) ed un pestello, con ogni probabilità deposti in origine in una tomba. Un massiccio deposito di ceramiche (circa 120 frammenti, raramente appartenenti agli stessi vasi),8 comprendente anche due asce basaltiche, messo parzialmente in luce dai tombaroli sulla punta della cima occidentale di Ficarazza (Fig. 2:3) e da questi lasciato sul posto, non è detto invece che appartenesse ad un tomba.

Fig. 4. Frammenti fittili della facies di Castelluccio (Bronzo antico).

Fig. 6. Bicchiere troncoconico della facies di Castelluccio (Bronzo antico).

Fig. 5. Scheggia e frammenti di lame in selce, pendaglio in pietra bianca, frammento di accettina biconvessa in gneiss.

Fig. 7. Frammenti di scodelloni della facies del Finocchito (età del Ferro). 8 Da questo stesso contesto proviene anche il bacino su piede frammentario Biondi 2002, 46, figg. 7 e 11 (cat. n. 2.3).

1010

GIACOMO BIONDI: MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN)

Fig. 8. Frammento di anfora corinzia di tipo A e di anfora attica.

Dubbie sono finora le tracce di frequentazione durante il Bronzo medio. Niente è stato rinvenuto dei periodi immediatamente successivi. Frammenti ceramici della facies del Finocchito (Fig. 7), rinvenuti sulla cima orientale di M. Ficarazza o attorno ad essa, indicano una ripresa della frequentazione dell’area solo nella seconda Età del Ferro, limitatamente alla parte di più difficile accesso della zona. Riprende anche la frequentazione del vicino colle di Policara (Fig. 1:3), dove in passato furono segnalati ‘vasi e sepolcri’ della stessa fase.9 Altre tombe compaiono a metà costa nelle rimanenti colline attorno a Centuripe (Grotta dell’Acqua,10 Piano Capitano,11 contrada Casino:12 Fig. 1:4-6). Tutti tali siti sono però troppo distanti l’un l’altro per poter pensare che facessero capo ad un unico insediamento (Fig. 1:1-6). È verosimile, pertanto, che in un periodo corrispondente all’arrivo dei coloni calcidesi sulla costa orientale dell’isola, gruppi di Siculi abbiano occupato con piccoli nuclei tutta la catena di alture che va da Ficarazza ad un colle ad est dell’attuale Centuripe con funzione di difesa e di controllo tanto del territorio agricolo circostante quanto del percorso che collegava, e collega ancora, con qualche variante, la costa catanese alla Sicilia centrale. L’ipotesi è avvalorata dal fatto che tali alture, di composizione sabbiosa, non sono particolarmente fertili, ma sono le più alte e meglio difendibili dell’area. Con sorpresa abbiamo potuto appurare che il valore strategico di tale sistema difensivo13 è stato sfruttato anche in età moderna. Dall’esame del resoconto della presa di Centuripe durante l’ultima guerra mondiale,14 risulta che alcuni dei punti da conquistare, difesi dai soldati tedeschi, coincidono con alcune delle alture occupate durante l’Età del Ferro. A queste, tra le quali c’era Monte Ficarazza, fu dato un ruolo chiave: erano, infatti, nei piani britannici, i primi obiettivi da prendere perché designate come teste di ponte per l’attacco decisivo al centro abitato.15 La battaglia ha 9

Orsi 1913, 93. Orsi 1909, 93-98; 1913, 93. 11 Orsi 1912, 419-429; 1913, 97-98; La Rosa 1978. 12 Orsi 1913, 93-97; 1912, 419-420; Libertini 1947, 282-284. 13 A cui le fonti antiche fanno riferimento, ma citando solo quello che ne era il fulcro, Centuripe: cfr. Bejor 1973, in particolare 762. 14 Pubblicato nel giornale dei Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, un battaglione della 38a brigata irlandese, appartenente alla 78a divisione di fanteria britannica: The Sprig of Shillelagh. The Journal of the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers 26, 1944. 15 The Sprig of Shillelagh. The Journal of the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers 26, 1944, 119, mappa di p. 123. Per l’importanza strategica di Centuripe, vedi anche Shepperd 1970, 82. 10

lasciato eloquenti tracce ‘archeologiche’16 che, avendo dissuaso i clandestini dall’uso del metal detector, paradossalmente, hanno influito sui risultati della ricerca permettendo il rinvenimento di due monete e di un peso di piombo iscritto. In età arcaica, M. Ficarazza, pur mantenendo il suo ruolo strategico, assunse una nuova fisionomia. Aumentò innanzitutto l’intensità di frequentazione: numerose sono le tombe a camera riferibili alla facies di Licodia Eubea, sparse in prevalenza sul versante meridionale del colle, ma tutte saccheggiate (molte già nell’antichità). I reperti ceramici, sparsi un po’ dappertutto, compreso M. Affucamuli, sono meno radi rispetto alla precedente fase e comprendono, oltre alla ceramica locale dello stile di Licodia Eubea, anche prodotti di imitazione17 e di importazione greca, soprattutto anfore (Fig. 8), che permettono di integrare una lacuna nella carta di distribuzione della Sicilia.18 A Centuripe, nel frattempo, come sembra desumersi dalla dislocazione e dalle dimensioni delle necropoli,19 si dovette formare un unico aggregato urbano, che era in stretto contatto con le colonie greche della costa orientale dell’isola.20 Monte Ficarazza, che non ha subito le modifiche e i danni cui è stato sottoposto il centro urbano da secoli di attività edilizie, ha conservato indizio dell’esistenza di edifici di tipo greco, di carattere verosimilmente sacro. Si tratta di un frammento di antefissa con tracce di colore (Fig. 9) proveniente dal pianoro sommitale di Ficarazza, di un frammento di kalyptèr hegemòn (Fig. 10),21 forse con gorgoneion a rilievo, e di uno iscritto di tegola piana,22 rinvenuti nella sella tra M. Affucamuli e M. Ficarazza.

16

Il terreno è disseminato di moltissime schegge di bombe. Sono state rinvenute anche munizioni di armi leggere e pesanti, a volte inesplose. Un proiettile da mortaio di fabbricazione britannica, lanciato sulla cima occidentale di Ficarazza e lì rimasto inesploso per mezzo secolo e, dopo la nostra segnalazione, è stato fatto brillare l’11 giugno 1992. 17 Numerosi frammenti imitanti coppe ioniche B1. 18 Albanese Procelli 1997, figg. 1-2. 19 Cfr. Biondi 2002, 77. 20 La testimonianza più significativa di tali contatti è il noto askòs di Karlsruhe con una lunga iscrizione sicula in caratteri calcidesi: Schmoll 1958, 25-30. 21 Uno dello stesso tipo fu rinvenuto nella prospiciente acropoli di Agira, dove si doveva trovare un edificio di culto: Bernabò Brea 1947, 250, fig. 1. 22 Biondi 2002a.

1011

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 11. Frammento di figurina a placchetta, con fiaccola sul lato sinistro.

Fig. 9. Frammento di antefissa dipinta.

Fig. 12. Statere corinzio.

Fig. 10. Frammento di kalyptèr hegemòn (sezione verticale e prospetto). A favore dell’ipotesi della presenza di costruzioni di carattere sacro sulla sommità orientale di M. Ficarazza (Fig. 2:5) depone anche un frammento di figurina a placchetta, attribuibile ad età classica, del noto tipo della ‘offerente’ con fiaccola e porcellino (Fig. 11), connesso con il culto di Demetra e Kore.23 L’assenza, finora, di sicuri indizi del V secolo a. C. corrisponde al vuoto nella documentazione archeologica nel centro urbano e nel resto del territorio. Vuoto che, però, potrebbe essere solo apparente, perché determinato dalla nostra scarsa conoscenza dello sviluppo delle ceramiche locali. 23 Per il tipo e per la connessione con il culto delle due dee, vedi Hinz 1998, 42-46, fig. 38.

In età ellenistica, invece, come indicano le zone finora esplorate, il paesaggio agrario è fittamente popolato. Tale situazione sembra che abbia inizio in età timoleontea, alla quale è da riferire uno statere corinzio (Fig. 12),24 e che si sia mantenuta nei secoli successivi per effetto della pax romana25 e dei privilegi accordati da Roma all’antico centro siculo,26 non a caso definito da Cicerone come uno dei più grandi e facoltosi della Sicilia.27 La cittadina, tra l’altro, qualche decennio prima della conquista romana dell’isola, aveva avuto modo di ampliare il proprio territorio a spese del centro di Ameselon,28 il cui sito è

24 Appartiene alla serie X del V periodo della classificazione Ravel: Ravel 1979, 124-125, cat. n. 1077. Le varie ipotesi per spiegare la massiccia presenza di ‘Pegasi’ corinzi in Occidente sono sintetizzate in Taliercio Mensitieri 1993, 109-111, nota 5. I ripostigli siciliani coevi alla nostra moneta, contenenti nominali corinzi, uno dei quali documentato a Centuripe, sono elencati in Taliercio Mensitieri 1993, 95-98. Anche la nostra moneta è verosimile che appartenesse ad un ripostiglio più che ad una tomba: cfr., per la presenza eccezionale di nominali d’argento nelle tombe, Cutroni Tusa 1995, 24. 25 Cfr. Wilson 1990, 23, 232. 26 Cfr. Libertini 1926 e Patanè 2002. 27 Anzi, con enfasi oratoria, la città è definita come la più grande e facoltosa della Sicilia: “Totius Siciliae multo maxima et locupletissima” (Verr. II, 5, 50). 28 Nel 270 a.C., Gerone, conquistata Ameselon, ne assegnò il territorio a due città limitrofe: Centuripe ed Agira (Diod. XXII,13,1).

1012

GIACOMO BIONDI: MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN) identificabile con l’attuale Monte San Giorgio,29 ad ovest di M. Ficarazza, lungo la strada per Agira. A M. Ficarazza le testimonianze si susseguono per tutta la durata dell’età ellenistica. È stato possibile individuare almeno tre necropoli (Fig. 2:1-2, 6) ed altre tombe sparse, saccheggiate dai tombaroli. Il ritrovamento di nuclei di tegole, a volte riutilizzate nei muri di terrazzamento moderni, di macine in pietra lavica porosa,30 di frammenti di dolia e di un trapetum31 (Fig. 13), indica l’esistenza di diverse fattorie. L’insediamento principale, di cui sono visibili alcuni muri scavati dai clandestini e numerose tegole, era situato nella cavea tra le due cime di M. Ficarazza (Fig. 2:4): si doveva trattare di un grosso borgo rurale e non di una semplice fattoria come le altre attestate nel resto del territorio. La contiguità con la presunta area sacra della cima orientale fa sospettare che le sue funzioni andavano al di là di quelle di un semplice centro agricolo.32 Così sembra testimoniare anche un peso di piombo iscritto (Fig. 14) lì rinvenuto. Questo, di un tipo usato per il commercio al dettaglio, di peso corrispondente al valore medio della libbra romana, con pochi grammi in eccesso (gr. 337±2),33 attesta una certa vivacità nelle attività commerciali che si svolgevano nel sito. Vi fu incisa, infatti, l’indicazione del sistema ponderale di appartenenza (‘romana’) mentre, di solito, ad essere indicata era l’unità di misura (libbra, oncia, …) sottintendendo, al contrario, perché superfluo, il sistema di riferimento.34 Poco probabile è, d’altro canto, che il testo iscritto, essendo inciso e non ricavato a stampo o a punzone, avesse la funzione di garantire l’ufficialità del peso.35 È evidente, quindi, che l’iscrizione fu tracciata con l’intenzione di rendere distinguibile il peso da altri simili, ma appartenenti a sistemi ponderali diversi, usati contemporaneamente alla libbra romana.

Fig. 13. Trapetum in pietra lavica.

Per la prima età imperiale, pochi frammenti di ceramica sigillata italica indicano l’ubicazione di due nuclei, uno a Ficarazza e uno nella sella tra i due colli. Sembrerebbe 29 Cfr. Scibona 1996. Nel 1997, ebbi modo di vedere, nei locali della Scuola Media di Regalbuto, alcuni frammenti ceramici raccolti dagli alunni su Monte San Giorgio e dispersi in occasione del trasferimento della Scuola. Essi, databili non oltre la data di distruzione del centro indigeno, il 270 a.C., permettono di avvalorare l’ipotesi dell’ubicazione dell’antica Ameselon nel suddetto colle. Fra i pezzi più significativi: frr. di scodelloni nello stile di Licodia Eubea, uno di coppa ‘ionica’ B2, uno di skyphos a bande di tipo ionico, uno di ceramica attica a v. nera e uno a figure rosse, altri locali a v. nera e nello stile di Gnathia, uno di ‘anfora con orlo ad echino’, uno di bottiglia decorata con reticolo romboidale, uno di lekythos Pagenstecker, uno di statuetta raffigurante una maschera della commedia antica o di mezzo del tipo B 163 Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1965, 307, tav. 161,2 (figura femminile stante, in himation, in atteggiamento altero). 30 Sia del tipo circolare che rettangolare: vedi Biondi 2002a, 108, con bibliografia di confronto alla nota 8. 31 Biondi 2002a, 108, con bibliografia di confronto alla nota 9. 32 Cfr. Thompson 2002, 77. 33 Il valore medio della libbra romana generalmente riconosciuto è di gr. 327,45 (Hitzl 1998, con bibliografia), con oscillazioni di peso a volte notevoli nel riscontro con i monumenti (Lang & Crosby 1964, 23-24). 34 Cfr., ad esempio, Guarducci 1969, 474. 35 Come, ad esempio, nel caso di alcuni pesi rinvenuti a Camarina: Di Stefano 1998, 214, fig. 11.

1013

Fig. 14. Libbra romana in piombo.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI quindi verificarsi, in questa fase, un drastico diradarsi della presenza umana, che non corrisponde alla visione offerta dai siti nel resto del territorio esplorato e della Sicilia in generale.36 Il cambiamento è possibile che sia avvenuto per effetto di un mutato sistema di sfruttamento agricolo dei terreni,37 che doveva prediligere le pianure a discapito delle aree collinari, quando, “dopo la conquista dell’Egitto da parte di Roma, e dopo la fine del primato annonario dell’isola, l’allevamento del bestiame […] acquista un ruolo di maggiore importanza”.38 A questo proposito, il dedicatario di un’ode di Orazio, quasi certamente di Centuripe, è ricordato come proprietario “in Sicilia di enormi greggi di ovini ed armenti di bovini ed equini”.39 La città, nel frattempo, continuava a prosperare, come testimoniano i monumenti urbani e il privilegio, condiviso solo con altre due città della Sicilia (Netum e Segesta), di essere esclusa dal numero delle città stipendiariae.40 Sporadica si fa la presenza umana nel medio e tardo impero, limitata alla zona sommitale della cavea di M. Ficarazza (due frammenti di ceramica sigillata africana e un fondo di spatheion),41 fino ad annullarsi nei secoli successivi. Nel resto del territorio esplorato si assiste, invece, ad un progressivo concentrarsi delle testimonianze in un numero ristretto di insediamenti rurali, probabile indizio, assieme a toponimi fondiari come Pompeianus,42 dell’esistenza di ampi possedimenti terrieri sfruttati in maniera estensiva. Una classe ceramica solo da poco correttamente attribuita ad età altomedievale43 indica l’esistenza di insediamenti nella vallata meridionale, ma non a M. Ficarazza, dove sporadiche tracce di frequentazione compaiono solo tra l’XI e il XII secolo, prima che Centuripe venisse distrutta da Federico II di Svevia. BIBLIOGRAFIA Albanese Procelli, R.M., 1997. Échanges dans la Sicile archaïque: amphores commerciales, intermédiaires et redistribution en milieu indigène. RA, 3-25. Arcifa, L., c.d.s. Nuovi dati riguardanti la ceramica d’età islamica nella Sicilia orientale, comunicazione presentata al convegno ‘La Sicile à l’époque islamique. Questions de méthodes et renouvellement récent des problématiques’, Roma 25 e 26 ottobre 2002. 36

Bejor 1986, 470 Wilson 1990, 189-194. 38 Salmeri 1984, 21-22. 39 Salmeri 1984, 22. 40 Wilson 1990, 35-38; Manganaro 1988, 37 ss. 41 Biondi 2002, 49, fig. 7, cat. n. 2.4. 42 Sopravvissuto nella forma dialettale ‘Pumpianu’: sull’argomento e su altri toponimi a volte erroneamente considerati di origine romana, vedi Biondi 2002, 78, nota 144. 43 Alcuni frammenti ceramici da me considerati genericamente medievali (Biondi 2002, 65-66, fig. 22, cat. n. 21.46; 72, fig. 26, cat. n. 25.8) sono stati da poco datati, grazie al confronto con materiali provenienti da contesto stratigrafico, ad età islamica: Arcifa in c.d.s. 37

Bejor, G., 1973. Tucidide e le vie ΔΙΑ ΣΙΚΕΛΩΝ nel settentrione della Sicilia. AnnPisa (serie III) 3(3), 741-765. Bejor, G., 1986. Gli insediamenti della Sicilia romana: distribuzione, tipologie e sviluppo da un primo inventario dei dati archeologici, in: Società romana e impero tardoantico, III. Bari 463-519. Bernabò Brea, L., 1947. Agira. Terracotte architettoniche rinvenute entro il castello svevo. NSc 72, 250. Bernabò Brea, L., 1988. L’Età del Rame nell’Italia insulare: la Sicilia e le isole Eolie. RassAPiomb 7, 469-506. Bernabò Brea, L. & M. Cavalier, 1965. Meligunìs Lipára II. La necropoli greca e romana nella contrada Diana. Palermo. Biondi, G., 2002. Per una carta archeologica del territorio di Centuripe. Studi e materiali di archeologia mediterranea 1, 41-81. Biondi, G., 2002a. Iscrizione arcaica su laterizio dalla chora di Centuripe. Studi e materiali di archeologia mediterranea 1, 101-103. Cutroni Tusa, A., 1995. La Sicilia, in: ‘Caronte – un obolo per l’Aldilà’. PP 50, 189-215. Di Stefano, G., 1998. Il Museo di Camarina. SicA (XXXI), 96, 209-231. Guarducci, M., 1969. Epigrafia greca, vol. II. Roma. Hinz, V., 1998. Der Kult von Demetra und Kore auf Sizilien und in der Magna Graecia. Wiesbaden. Hitzl, K., 1998. Der Neue Pauly. Enzyclopedie der Antike, s.v. ‘Gewichte, Rom’, 1054-1055, Stuttgart. Lang, M. & M. Crosby, 1964. The Athenian Agora, X: Weights, measures and tokens. Princeton. La Rosa, V., 1978. Per il problema della ceramica di produzione siceliota. CronA 17, 64-67. Leighton, R., 1989. Ground stone tools from Serra Orlando (Morgantina) and stone axe studies in Sicily and Southern Italy. ProcPrehistSoc 55, 135-159. Libertini, G., 1926. Centuripe. Una città ellenisticoromana di Sicilia. Catania. Libertini, G., 1947. Centuripe. Scavi nella necropoli in contrada Casino. NSc 72, 258-311. Manganaro, G., 1988. La Sicilia da Sesto Pompeo a Diocleziano, in: H. Temporini (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Teil II, Band 11.1. Berlin/New York, 3-89. Orsi, P., 1909. Reliquie di Centuripe sicula. RM 24, 9099. Orsi, P., 1912. Centuripe. Nuove indagini nella necropoli. NSc 9, 419-420. Orsi, P., 1913. Sepolcri siculi di Centuripe (Catania). BPI 29, 92-98. Patané, R., 2002. Centuripe in età ellenistica: i rapporti con Roma. Studi e materiali di archeologia mediterranea 1, 127-167. Peroni, R., 1971. L’Età del bronzo nella penisola italiana. L’antica età del bronzo, vol. I. Firenze. Ravel, O.E., 1979. Les «Poulains» de Corinthe. Chicago. Salmeri, G., 1984. Un magister ovium di Domizia Longina in Sicilia. AnnPisa (serie III) 14, 13-23. Schmoll, U., 1958. Die vorgriechischen Sprachen

1014

GIACOMO BIONDI: MONTE FICARAZZA IN TERRITORIO DI CENTURIPE (EN) Siziliens. Wiesbaden. Shepperd, G.A., 1970. La Campagna d’Italia. 19431945. Milano. Scibona, G., 1996. Regalbuto, in: Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche, vol. XIV. Pisa/Roma/Napoli. Taliercio Mensitieri, M., 1993. Presenza monetale di Corinto e colonie in Sicilia e in Magna Grecia nel IV e III secolo a. C., in: La monetazione corinzia in Occidente. Atti del IX Convegno del Centro di Studi Numismatici (Napoli, 27 e 28 ottobre 1986). Roma. Thompson, S., 2002. The Metapontino and Morgantina archaeological Survey Projects (Basilicata and Sicily), in: P. Attema, G.-J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology (= BAR Intern. Series, 1091). Oxford, 76-82. Tusa, S. (ed.), 1997. Prima Sicilia. Alle origini della società siciliana, catalogo della mostra. Palermo. Wilson, R.J.A., 1990. Sicily under the Roman Empire. Warminster.

1015

THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY: METHODS AND INTERPRETATION IN A TRANSITIONAL LANDSCAPE

John Pearce, Maria Pretzler & Corinna Riva Abstract: This paper focuses on aspects of survey methodology and interpretation, based on a pilot season for a field survey in the Upper Esino Valley (comune di Fabriano, regione Marche), conducted by the authors in collaboration with the Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche. Our fieldwork was carried out in August 2002, during which we tested fieldwork methods in a sample block representative of local topographic variation. We present the methodology developed during the field season and a preliminary report of results: the survey documented surface material of Neolithic to medieval date, which provides some insight in the settlement history of the area.

The Upper Esino Valley Survey is a five-year, multiperiod field survey of the upper Esino valley in the Marche region of Central Italy. The project is carried out in collaboration with the Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche.

between steep hillsides. Nevertheless, the area is under intensive cultivation, and the clay soils on even relatively steep slopes are ploughed to grow mainly maize, grain and sunflowers.

The upper Esino valley is characterized by two recurring, although not continuous traits: firstly, a nodal position on important transapennine communication routes along which neighbouring cultures and ethnic groups interacted from early prehistory;1 secondly, a location on the cultural and political boundaries of those groups. In particular, during the fourth century BC, the course of the Esino River marked the boundary between the Italic territories and Cisalpine Gaul,2 and later, during the Augustan era, the boundary between Picenum and Umbria. Earlier, in the period between the eighth and sixth centuries BC, further down the valley, the Esino separated an area to the south characterized by intense human occupation and an area to the north where archaeological finds are very scarce.3 The valley lies in the centre of the so-called ‘Sinclinale Camertina’ in the Apennines of Central Italy (Marche/Umbria) (Fig. 1). This syncline extends approximately forty-five kilometres from Arcevia in the north-west to Camerino in the south-east and is drained by the rivers Sentino, Esino, Potenza and Chienti which pass eastwards in gorges through the Apennines towards the Adriatic. Therefore this area offers an opportunity for north-south communication between four upper river valleys, unique in a region which is otherwise characterized by communication lines running west-east along the rivers. Movement between parallel valleys is otherwise easy only close to the sea. The base of the syncline mostly lies between three hundred and fifty and four hundred and fifty metres above sea level while the mountains rise to over one thousand four hundred and one thousand two hundred metres on its eastern and western sides, respectively.4 The landscape is dissected by many small watercourses, forming narrow valleys 1

Percossi Serenelli 1981; Bonomi Ponzi 1982; Persi 1987; Cardarelli 2000. 2 Vitali 1991. 3 Baldelli 1999; Naso 2000, 22, and 83, and 155. 4 Dean 1987.

Fig. 1. Location map (1. Fabriano; 2. Attidium; 3. Tuficum; 4. Camerinum; 5. Sentinum; 6. Matelica; 7. Ancona). Shaded areas indicate land more than 500m above sea level). Our survey area lies within the boundaries of the comune of Fabriano extending to about two hundred and seventy square kilometres, and includes most of the upper Esino valley, providing a cross-section through the syncline at its centre. The modern town of Fabriano, at the centre of the survey area, is on a long-standing route which runs east towards Ancona on the coast, via the Gola Rossa, and to the west to the Via Flaminia and the Gubbio basin, via the pass of Fossato di Vico, the ancient Helvillum of the Peutinger Table. In the first millennium BC, the valley is culturally Picene, but close contacts with Etruria are attested in the

1016

JOHN PEARCE, MARIA PRETZLER & CORINNA RIVA: THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY

Fig. 2. The survey area of 2002: looking east across Attiggio and the valley of the Fosso d’Argignano.

Orientalizing necropolis at Fabriano.5 Imports of Attic pottery from the fifth and fourth centuries represent connections with the Adriatic coastal emporia.6 The upper valley lies on the southern margin of the area settled by the Senonian Gauls: an important ‘Celtic’ burial, dated to the third quarter of the fourth century BC, was excavated at Moscano di Fabriano.7 The building of the Via Flaminia and its branches through the valleys of the Esino, Potenza and Chienti rivers serve to further integrate our survey area into wider communication routes.8 In the Roman imperial period, the Esino River divided two regions: Umbria et ager Gallicus and Picenum. Within the survey area, two sites of this period, Attidium and Tuficum, are attested as municipia.9 In late antiquity, the Esino marked the boundary between the regions Flaminia et Picenum Annonarium and Picenum Suburbicarium which were established during the fifth century AD, breaking Diocletian’s Regio V, Flaminia et Picenum.10 In the early medieval period, the area lay within the dukedom of Spoleto, near the southern limits of Byzantine-controlled territory,11 and in the thirteenth century, Fabriano, now the principal urban centre, became the home of one of medieval Europe’s earliest and most important paper industries and a centre of innovation in that industry.12 In contrast to Tuscany and Umbria, systematic surface survey has until now seen little application in the Marche. The twin archaeological biases towards pre-Roman funerary archaeology and Roman imperial period public 5 Marconi 1933, 274-347; Lollini 1976, 160-161; Naso 2000, 100-108; Sabbatini in press. 6 Baldelli et al., 1991, 116-119 and 131. 7 Mercando 1978; Baldelli et al. 1991, 116-119; Landolfi 1991. 8 Felicioli 1987; Fiecconi 1987; Luni 1987. 9 Paci 1990; Virzì 1991. 10 Alfieri 1983. 11 Alfieri 1983; Bernacchia 1995. 12 Castagnari & Lipparoni 1987.

buildings typify the Marche as a whole, and our area in particular: here, the bulk of the evidence comes from limited investigation of Attidium and Tuficum and the excavation of Iron Age tombs. Little information exists on the general history of settlements in the landscape: pre-Roman settlements are hardly known, the archaeology of Roman rural settlement is poorly documented, and understanding of late antiquity and the early medieval period depends on written sources. The survey’s aim is to establish more broadly the history of human settlement in the landscape of the Upper Esino, and to explore the development of social complexity and urbanization. Our particular interest lies in the relationship between these processes and the location of the study area in a ‘zone of transition’, both in its relation to cultural and political boundaries and to communication routes. Our principal emphasis lies on the first millennia BC and AD, but, thanks to our collaboration with Robin Skeates, we also wish to integrate earlier prehistoric evidence within a broader study of the Neolithic and Bronze Age in the Marche,13 and we hope to explore the medieval development of the landscape in the context of the growth of the paper industry at Fabriano. We are currently focusing on intensive surface collection, but we are planning to apply other (e.g. geophysical) prospection techniques in order to complement our surface collection results, for example where additional evidence is necessary to interpret surface scatters. The 2002 pilot season concentrated on the valley of the Fosso d’Argignano just south of Fabriano, a small valley which contains the site of ancient Attidium (modern Attiggio) (Fig. 2). The main aim of this first four-week fieldwork period was to establish and test a method of field walking and a sampling strategy that would combine detailed 13

1017

Skeates 1997.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. The density of pre-modern ceramics (sherds/ha) in the Attiggio valley. recording of data with comparatively fast coverage of ground per person and day. It was clear from the beginning that both methodology and procedures would have to be adapted to the particular circumstances of the Upper Esino Valley. Nevertheless, we are indebted to the experience of a long line of earlier survey projects, most crucially the Tegea survey (and ultimately the Boeotia survey) in Greece and the Sangro Valley Project which provided an invaluable example for data recording and find processing strategies.14 Fieldwork during the 2002 season was characterized by experimentation and discussion of circumstances and practicalities of our fieldwork strategy. All our specialists (prehistory, pottery, GIS) participated in the fieldwalking, which allowed us to integrate sampling and data processing in more effective ways. We used property boundaries and cultivation units to define our basic sampling units, ‘fields’, in the landscape. Every field was investigated by a survey team linewalking at ten metre intervals. All pre-modern artefacts were counted (divided in three categories of ‘pottery’, ‘tile’, ‘worked flint/chert’ and ‘other’), and all artefacts 14 Oedegaard in press; Bintliff 1985, 201-2; Lloyd, Lock & Christie 1997.

except tile were sampled and bagged by field. Tile fragments were inspected and sampled if they were judged to be potentially diagnostic. Artefact counts were recorded every twenty metres for every surveyor’s line to achieve some data about intra-field distributions. These grids of data were partly integrated into our GIS database to provide detailed distribution maps. Additional information about individual fields is recorded on special field forms which are designed to add topographical data such as gradient and location on the slope, vegetation and cultivation, and soil conditions. The collected data is then integrated with GIS (Fig. 3), a task that has been greatly facilitated by the excellent and recent digitized geographical data made available by the Regione delle Marche. We also needed to establish what find densities we would have to expect, in order to calculate what volume of material we would have to process and store in future years. Find concentrations considered significantly different, in terms of quality or quantity, from background levels were classified as ‘surface scatters’ needing further attention. We developed an intensive surveying procedure to deal with such areas which will need further consideration. To our surprise, with the exception of two ‘hotspots’, densities in the putative area

1018

JOHN PEARCE, MARIA PRETZLER & CORINNA RIVA: THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY of the municipium of Attidium were no greater than in the survey area as a whole. Given the topography of the area with its very steep cultivated hillsides, we expect geomorphological processes, especially downslope transportation of pre-modern material, to have a significant influence on surface find distribution.15 As was to be expected in an area of comparatively high rainfall, the ‘background noise’ is generally very low,16 and we found it possible to process all finds during the field season. The most important conclusion from our fieldwork so far is that intensive sampling to record the continuous distribution of material across the landscape provides data relevant to the aims of our project. Since we intend to trace shifts in the occupation and use of the landscape, and to understand cultural influences, we consider it crucial to achieve as full a coverage of our intensive sample areas as possible. In contrast to recent discussions,17 we argue that identification of the continuous distribution of artefacts across the landscape is valuable for three main reasons. Firstly, this provides a more reliable basis for identifying sites. In an area with relatively low densities of pre-modern surface material, especially for the pre-Roman and medieval periods, the identification of a site is not intuitive. Secondly, the continuous distribution of both on- and off-site material across a landscape provides valuable information in its own right about the use of that landscape, even if the processes responsible for that distribution remain uncertain and controversial. Finally, given the low density of surface material in our survey area, we do not face the practical objection to the collection of off-site material that it overwhelms local museum storage space. Our method will need some further refining to become more efficient. In 2002, our small team covered sixty hectares, yet in future years we will need to cover five to seven square kilometres per season in order to achieve a good coverage of the area. We are planning to operate with larger survey teams (c. 250 person days per season) but nevertheless, we will have to adjust our sampling strategy to cover more ground without compromising our aim to achieve an intensive documentation of continuous find distribution. Last year, our method was unnecessarily intensive for off -site areas, producing minute records of the absence of finds in every 10x20 m grid unit while slowing down the collection process. Our challenge is to combine a more rapid coverage of the off-site data with extracting more information concerning the scatters we identify as sites. This year (2003), therefore, we intend to modify our procedure as follows: fields will still be gridded ten by twenty metres as was done in 2002, but sampling and data collection will be by field. Finds will be counted and sampled by individual grid unit only if they differ either in quantity or quality from the

‘background noise norm’ based on results of the 2002 season. The grid serves to identify such changes in the surface record, and it allows us to locate surface scatters and particular categories of finds. If a surface scatter requires a more thorough investigation a finer grid can be superimposed over the system that has already been defined, to allow easier processing by GIS. Intensive surveying in the field will be accompanied by a more extensive exploration of the surrounding landscape. In 2003 we intend to start an investigation of hilltops, ridges and passes. Finds in the region18 suggest that some Iron Age hilltops were favoured for defensive structures, sanctuaries and, perhaps, temporary settlements. Most of the hilltops in our area are not suitable for intensive field survey strategies, but we are considering using geophysical prospection techniques if we discover any hilltop sites that need further investigation. We also plan to carry out an investigation of possible ancient communication lines in the area. We are further in the process of recording other kinds of ancient traces in the widest sense, such as crop marks, field patterns, spolia and so forth. The 2003 season will see a co-operation with Guiseppe Cilla and a team of geologists of Roma III University who are intending to produce detailed geomorphological maps of the area. Archaeologists rarely have access to such recent, high-quality geological data produced in concert with a field survey. We hope to use this information for a closer investigation of the relationship between recent geological processes and the density of surface finds in different parts of our survey area. The survey so far has identified and documented material of Mesolithic/Neolithic through to post-medieval date. Apart from occasional small finds and stone building materials, the majority of finds were ceramics and ceramic building materials of the Roman period. Our distribution maps (Figs 4, 5, 6) identify collection units (fields) in which material of a particular date range occurred. Significant surface scatters, provisionally identified as ‘sites’ during fieldwork or through retrospective examination of the data are specially indicated. Our definition of a ‘site’ will be re-evaluated as we collect more comparative data. The chronological categories used to present the distribution of material over time are also very coarse. They are based on a rough evaluation made possible by the form- and fabric series established by our ceramics expert, Alison MacDonald. This system relies on categories internal to our project which need to be identified and dated by comparison with stratified material, preferably from the region. We have been given access to the unpublished finds of the excavation of the Roman bathhouse at Attiggio which will provide us with local stratified material at least for the Roman imperial period.

15

Kirkby & Kirkby 1976; Rick 1976; Allen 1991; Davidson 1985. Bintliff & Snodgrass 1988. 17 Fentress 2000. 16

18

1019

Bradley 2000, 53-62; Stoddart & Malone 1994; Bonomi Ponzi 1982.

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 4. Distribution of pre-Iron Age finds (shaded areas: presence of material of this period in collection unit; dots: clusters of material).

Fig. 5. Distribution of Iron Age finds (shaded areas: presence of material of this period in collection unit; dots: clusters of material). 1020

JOHN PEARCE, MARIA PRETZLER & CORINNA RIVA: THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY

Fig. 6. Distribution of Roman finds (shaded areas: presence of material of this period in collection unit; dots: clusters of material). Discussion of our current results can only be highly provisional and it is biased towards the Iron Age and Roman periods. It does, however, offer some hypotheses for examination in future seasons’ fieldwork. The survey data provides further evidence for the Iron Age settlement at Attiggio, complementing the results of an excavation carried out by Delia Lollini in 1959 which brought to light evidence for occupation on the site of Attidium during the late sixth and fifth centuries BC. A figurine has also been found nearby, and, as possible evidence for cult activity at Attigio, it adds a potential further dimension to the complexity of the Iron Age settlement on this site.19 Our survey data shows that there is a wide distribution of Iron Age material in and around Attiggio which could suggest the existence of a settlement of several hectares. Attigio’s ‘surface signature’ cannot, however, be distinguished, qualitatively or quantitatively, from other Iron Age sites in the 2002 survey area. The discovery of three such sites is striking in comparison to the small area surveyed although they need not be contemporary (Fig. 5). We suspect that a better knowledge of the valley’s geomorphology may yet allow a better evaluation of the significance of such surface scatters in relation to their location.

19

Frappiccini Alfieri 1987.

As far as we can tell from our survey results, the Roman period municipium of Attidium with its surface area of four or five hectares was small in comparison to its neighbours or other towns in Picenum.20 The very crude measure of urban monumentality afforded by numbers of inscriptions also places this particular municipium among the smaller cities in the Appennines of central Italy. The latest securely dated Roman-period sherd identified in 2002 was found in Castiglione as part of one of the two find concentrations on the site of Roman Attidium. It is a fragment of a Hayes 61A dish which belongs to c. AD 325-380+.21 A small number of probably early medieval sherds were also found on the same site, while later medieval and early modern material is generally scarce. Thus it is possible that early medieval Attidium underwent a similar development as its neighbours, namely Matelica, where archaeological evidence for the fifth to ninth centuries AD indicates only the robbing of structures rather than continued occupation.22 Unlike its 20 Matelica occupies c.18 ha (Biocco 2000), Sentinum occupies 16 ha (Moscatelli 1988, 23), Tuficum perhaps c. 20 ha according to our calculations. Among the other towns in the Marche, even the small colonies dated to the Republican period (e.g. Sena Gallica, Potentia and Auximum) and other municipia (e.g. Pausulae and Trea) are over double this size. The largest, for example, Urbs Salvia (c. 40 ha), Asculum (c. 50 ha) and Ancona (30 ha +) are many times larger. 21 Hayes 1972; 1980; Soricelli 1994. 22 Biocco 2000.

1021

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI neighbour to the South, however, Attidium never developed into a medieval city: the early medieval material found on the site probably antedates a shift in settlement focus from Attidium and the valley of the Fosso d’Argignano to Fabriano in the Giano valley north of the Roman Municipium and its modern successor, the village conglomerate of Attiggio, Castiglione and Cesi. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We are very grateful to Dott. Giuliano de Marinis, Soprintendente Archeologico per le Marche, and Dott.ssa Mara Silvestrini, Inspector of Antiquities at the Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche and Giuseppe Chiodi, assistant to the Soprintendenza, for their support. The 2002 team comprised the authors, Alison MacDonald (ceramics), Sarah Poppy (GIS), Roman Roth (ceramics), Robin Skeates (lithics), Sally Worrell (small finds) and Cristiana Pandolfi, whose fieldwork for a University of Bologna BA dissertation on Attidium coincided with our season. This article draws on discussion among the team in the field and in particular on Alison Macdonald’s report on the ceramics and Sarah Poppy’s GIS based distribution plots. Our fieldwork was funded by the British Academy, the Craven Committee of Oxford University and the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, to all of which we express our thanks. We are grateful also to the British School at Rome for making equipment available to us. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alfieri, N., 1983. Le Marche alla fine del mondo antico, in: Istituzioni e societa’ nell’alto medioevo marchigiano, Atti del Convegno, Ancona-Osimo-Jesi 17-20 ottobre 1981 (= Atti e Memorie Dep. Storia Patr. Marche, 86, 1981). Ancona, 9-34. Allen, M.J., 1991. Analysing the landscape: a geographical approach to archaeological problems, in: A.J. Schofield (ed.), Interpreting artefact scatters: contributions to ploughzone archaeology. Oxford, 3958. Baldelli, G., 1999. Novilara e il territorio a nord dell’Esino, in: L. Franchi dell’Orto (ed.), Piceni. Popolo d’Europa, Catalogo della Mostra. Rome, 6566. Baldelli, G., M. Landolfi & D.G. Lollini (eds), 1991. La ceramica attica figurata nelle Marche, Mostra didattica. Museo archaeologico nazionale delle Marche Ancona-Palazzo Ferretti Primavera 1982, Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche, Ancona. Bernacchia, R., 1995. I Longobardi nelle Marche, in: L. Paroli (ed.), La necropoli altomedievale di Castel Trosino. Bizantini e Longobardi nelle Marche. Milano, 79-91. Bintliff, J., 1985. The Boeotia survey, in: S. Macready & F.H. Thompson (eds), Archaeological field survey in Britain and abroad. London, 196-216.

Bintliff, J. & A. Snodgrass, 1988. Off-site pottery distributions: A regional and interregional perspective. Current Anthropology 29, 506-513. Biocco, E., 2000. Matelica. L’ “Erma” di Bretschneider, Rome. Bonomi Ponzi, L., 1982. Alcune considerazioni sulla situazione della dorsale appenninica umbromarchigiana tra il IX e il V secolo a.C. DialA 1 (n. s. anno 4), 137-142. Bradley, G., 2000. Ancient Umbria. State, culture, and identity in central Italy from the Iron Age to the Augustan era. Oxford. Cardarelli, A., 2000. I passi appenninici, in: M. Harari & M. Pearce (eds), Il Protovillanoviano al di qua e al di la’ dell’Appennino, Atti della giornata di studio, Pavia, Collegio Ghislieri, 17 giugno 1995. Como, 8597. Castagnari, G. & N. Lipparoni, 1987. La rete viaria nell’area fabrianese dal Medioevo al XV secolo, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno, Fano, Fabriano, Pesaro, Ancona, 1114 ottobre 1984. Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, Ancona, 637-667. Davidson, D.A., 1985. Geomorphology and archaeology, in: G. Rapp & J.A. Gifford (eds), Archaeological geology. New Haven/London, 25-55. Dean, M., 1987. Il quadro geografico-ambientale, in: S. Anselmi (ed.), Storia d’Italia. Le regioni dall’unità a oggi. Le Marche. Turin, 3-32. Felicioli, D., 1987. Il problema della Flaminia originaria in territorio marchigiano, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno, Fano, Fabriano, Pesaro, Ancona, 11-14 ottobre 1984, Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, Ancona, 81-138. Fentress, E., 2000. What are we counting for?, in: R. Francovich, H. Patterson & G. Barker (eds), Extracting meaning from ploughsoil assemblages. Oxford, 44-52. Fiecconi, A., 1987. Percorsi viari tra storia e protostoria nell’area del Sentino. Valutazioni e ipotesi, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno, Fano, Fabriano, Pesaro, Ancona, 11-14 ottobre 1984. Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, Ancona, 597-632. Frappiccini Alfieri, N., 1987. Un bronzetto italico dal Fabrianese. Picus 7, 139-142. Hayes, J.W., 1972. Late Roman pottery. British School at Rome, London Hayes, J.W., 1980. A supplement to late Roman pottery. British School at Rome, London. Kirkby, A. & M.J. Kirkby, 1976. Geomorphic processes and the surface survey of archaeological sites in semiarid areas, in: D.A. Davidson & M.L. Shackley (eds), Geoarchaeology. Earth science and the past. London, 229-253. Landolfi, M., 1991. La Tomba di Moscano Fabriano, in: S. Moscati (ed.), I Celti, Palazzo Grassi, Venezia. Milan, 287.

1022

JOHN PEARCE, MARIA PRETZLER & CORINNA RIVA: THE UPPER ESINO VALLEY SURVEY Lloyd, J.A., G. Lock & N. Christie, 1997. From the mountain to the plain: landscape evolution in the Abruzzo. An interim on the Sangro Valley Project (1994-5). PBSR 65, 1-57. Lollini, D.G., 1976. La civiltà picena, in: V. Cianfarani, D.G. Lollini & M. Zuffa (eds), Popoli e civiltà dell’Italia antica, 5. Rome, 109-181. Luni, M., 1987. Nuovi documenti sulla Flaminia dall’appennino alla costa adriatica, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno, Fano, Fabriano, Pesaro, Ancona, 11-14 ottobre 1984. Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, Ancona, 139-180. Marconi, P., 1933. La cultura orientalizzante del Piceno. Monumenti antichi Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 35, 264-554. Mercando, L., 1978. Problemi della civiltà gallica nelle Marche, in: P. Santoro (ed.), I Galli e l’Italia. Rome, 163-167. Moscatelli, U., 1988. Aspetti delle divisioni agrarie romane nelle Marche. Arcevia, Sassoferrato. Naso, A., 2000. I Piceni. Storia e archeologia delle Marche in epoca preromana. Milan. Oedegaard, K., in press. The historical topography of ancient Tegea: new finds, old problems, in: E. Oestby (ed.), Proceedings of the Ancient Arcadia Research Seminar, Norwegian Institute at Athens, 7-10th May 2002. Paci, G., 1990. Da Colfiorito al Catria. Per la storia di alcune comunità dell’ appennino marchigiano in età romana con particolare riguardo alla documentazione epigrafica, in: U. Moscatelli (ed.), Le Marche. Archeologica, storia, territorio. Istituto regionale per la pre-protostoria nelle Marche, Arcevia-Sassoferrato, 15-27. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1981. Le vie di penetrazione commerciale nel Piceno in età protostorica. Nota preliminare. Picus 1, 135-144. Persi, P., 1987. Dall’ambiente naturale allo spazio organizzato: la viabilità delle Marche nel tempo, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno, Fano, Fabriano, Pesaro, Ancona, 1114 ottobre 1984. Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, Ancona, 9-47. Rick, J.W., 1976. Downslope movement and archaeological intersite spatial analysis. American Antiquity 41, 133-44. Sabbatini, T., in press. Le necropoli orientalizzanti di Fabriano: nuovi contributi, in: I Piceni e l’Italia Medio-Adriatica, Atti del XXII Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici. Skeates, R., 1997. Copper Age settlement and economy in Marche, central Italy. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 10(1), 49-72. Soricelli, G., 1994. “Terra Sigillata” della prima, media e tarda età imperiale, in: P. Arthur (ed.), Il complesso archeologico di Carminiello ai Mannesi, Napoli (Scavi 1983-1984). Università degli Studi, Lecce, and British School at Rome, London, 109-168.

Stoddart, S. & C. Malone (eds), 1994. Territory, time and state: the archaeological development of the Gubbio Basin. Cambridge. Virzì, R., 1991. Fabriano (AN), località Attiggio: impianto termale, in: M. Luni (ed.), Scavi e ricerche nelle Marche, Introduzione alla mostra. Soprintendenza Archeologica delle Marche, Urbino, 47-48. Vitali, D., 1991. I Celti in Italia, in: S. Moscati (ed.), I Celti, Palazzo Grassi, Venezia. Milan, 220-235.

1023

THE IUVANUM SURVEY PROJECT: AN ANCIENT COMMUNITY IN SAMNIUM Guy Bradley Abstract: Iuvanum in the southern Abruzzo region of Italy is one of the best known examples of a Roman city in the central Appennines. The Iuvanum Survey Project was set up in 1999 to match the detailed investigation of the urban centre with a systematic analysis of the city’s territory. In three seasons of field survey the project has identified a dense network of rural sites dating to between the Iron Age and the medieval period, most of which were previously unknown, and has mapped and analysed the wide range of fortification structures in the local area.

INTRODUCTION Iuvanum, in the southern part of the Abruzzo region of Italy, is one of the best known examples of a Roman city in the central Appennines. It is one of the highest municipia in central Italy (c. 1000 m a.s.l.), situated on a plateau between the Aventino and Sangro valleys, an area overshadowed by the Maiella massif. Since the 1940s impressive features of the urban centre have been uncovered, including an acropolis with two temples and a theatre (late 3rd/early 2nd to late 2nd century BC), and a monumental forum complex with a basilica, tabernae, and baths (early imperial era). Ongoing excavations by the University of Chieti are now clarifying the frequentation of the site in the Republican period, prior to the paving of the forum. The Iuvanum Survey Project was set up in 1999 to complement this detailed knowledge of the urban centre with systematic analysis of the territory and its related hillfort structures. Although this is not the first project to investigate an upland Apennine landscape, it covers a higher area than comparable surveys such as the middle Sangro valley or the Reate survey, and has provided evidence of a much denser settlement pattern than that of the upper Sangro valley. The Project has been run by Guy Bradley (Cardiff) and Oliva Menozzi (Chieti), working in collaboration with Dott.ssa Sandra Lapenna (Ispettrice of this area for the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l’Abruzzo), Prof. E. Fabbricotti (Chieti), who has organized excavations at Iuvanum since 1980, and Dr Edward Bispham and Prof. Susan Kane (directors of the excavation of Monte Pallano). This paper presents some of the results, which are necessarily provisional given that study of the material is still ongoing. AIMS AND METHODS The main component of our methodology is systematic field walking, which has proved effective in identifying sites in a landscape consisting of a substantial proportion of ploughed fields, ideally suited to survey. We have undertaken three field seasons of one month each (20002002). In this time the Project has covered 453 fields, initially in a rectangular transect of about 27 sqkm around Iuvanum. This first transect was set up to provide full coverage around the city site. The survey has since been

extended to include transects in areas away from the immediate city plateau, drawn on a predictive rather than a random basis, as the experience of the Sangro Valley Survey in the very similar landscape of the middle valley suggested that intensive survey of large tracts of forested land would be a waste of resources. Within the surveyed zones we have undertaken a 20% sample of artefacts on the surface (with walkers 10 m apart collecting all material 1 m either side with the exception of tile (of which 10% was retained)). On scatter sites, we undertook a more intensive total collection, in some cases adopting a gridded system to enable the mapping of the density of artefacts on the surface in 10 m squares. The entry of this material onto a unified project database allows us to modify site definition, if necessary. A more extensive methodology has had to be employed for hillforts and sites outside the survey zones. These have been identified on the basis of targeted reconnaissance of likely situations (particularly hill tops), local reports, previously published indications, and information held by the Soprintendenza. Our survey area is not on the scale of projects such as the Biferno Valley survey, so our focus is much tighter, involving a detailed look at the emergence and fluctuating fortunes of a single community through a wide variety of different approaches. An essential premise of our approach is that the reasons for the changes detected by survey are immensely complicated, and often underestimated. In explaining long term changes in the pattern of settlement and human occupation of the landscape it is important that many possible causes are considered, encompassing the identities and perceptions of the local population as well as the more traditional survey concerns of social and economic issues. The changing focus of the population from hillforts to the city site at Iuvanum, for example, is unlikely to be a simple response to economic pressures and Roman wishes, but must involve a change in collective mentality. This is particularly pertinent in understanding Italian regional history, where the local populations are frequently seen simply in terms of Romanization, passively receiving outside influence. An important element of our research in these terms has been a landscape assessment undertaken by a landscape architect attached to the project. Her sketches have aimed to analyse the visual relationships between landscape

1024

GUY BRADLEY: THE IUVANUM SURVEY PROJECT: AN ANCIENT COMMUNITY IN SAMNIUM

Fig. 1. Landscape assessment sketch of Iuvanum plateau by Janet Swailes.

features missed by photography, and to give an impression of subjective human reactions to the environment (Fig. 1). This is intended to complement GIS computer analysis of the survey data, and provide us with a more flexible way of conveying information about site intervisibility and other aspects of human perception of the settlement pattern.

Romans is correct, then the fortifications will have already existed in the early 3rd century BC.

RESULTS One of the most important features of the survey has been the study of hillforts. Pre-Roman Samnium is well known for its fortifications, and they are found in profusion around Iuvanum. The greatest concentration of defensive walls in Iuvanum’s territory is to be found a few kilometres south of the site at Montenerodomo and along the nearby ridge leading to Monte di Maio. Montenerodomo may have been the centre of an antiRoman rebellion amongst the Carricini in 269 BC (D.H. 20.17.1-2; Dio frag. 42; Zonaras 8.7). This was apparently started as a result of the brigandage of a certain Lollius, who had escaped from Rome where he had been held as a hostage. Two Roman consular armies were required to suppress the Carricini, whose main stronghold is likely to have been Montenerodomo.1 After the Roman success, the leaders of the revolt were punished and the rest of the population sold as slaves. If this identification of the strongpoint captured by the 1

For this identification, see Tagliamonte 1996, 149.

Fig. 2. Polygonal walls at ‘La Pineta’, Montenerodomo. Today at least five stretches of polygonal walling are visible around Montenerodomo. Most are short segments. The largest section measures 50 m long and is one of the most impressive surviving examples of Samnite defensive engineering (Fig. 2). In their entirety, these walls do not form an obvious defensive circuit. The survival in comparatively good condition of the longest stretch of walling, and its position between rocky cliffs,

1025

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI suggests that the fortifications supplemented the naturally defensive position of the settlement. There is a similar situation at Monte Pallano at the other side of the Sangro valley where the walls may not have encompassed the whole massive mountain top, at least on the scale of the most impressive surviving stretch, the so-called ‘Mura Paladine’.2 The construction of such fortifications will often have been a long term process; some will not have been constructed to a unitary plan; we should also consider the possibility that some circuits may have remained unfinished, given the huge investment of manpower that they required.

Two of the peaks along the ridge running north west from Montenerodomo were fortified in the Samnite period (Colle della Guardia and Monte di Maio), and halfway between them there is a right angled stretch of walling which may be a guardpost (Figs 3 and 4). Test trenches showed how the wall was constructed, with steeply built up packing that went underneath the large facing blocks (Fig. 5). The ground outside the wall had been artificially levelled. Further along the ridge, pottery in the clearing behind the walls of Monte di Maio shows that it must have been occupied, at least sporadically, in the Samnite period. At present the most reasonable hypothesis is that most segments of walling in the area relate to the 5th or 4th century BC, and were a response to increasing Samnite tension with Rome. The somewhat disjointed nature of the walls invites us to consider other motives alongside defence in their creation. For example, the walls must have symbolized the power of local leaders to organize the populations under their control. One way that this power could be expressed was visually, and it is unlikely to be by chance that these fortifications are clearly apparent when viewed from the agricultural territories below Montenerodomo. It is possible that the fortifications had a role in defining emerging senses of community by offering refuge to the whole population living in this zone, their constant visual presence providing reassurance. There may also have

Fig. 3. Eastern face of ‘guardpost’ on Monte di Maio.

Fig. 4. ‘Guardpost’ on Monte di Maio. Overall plan (drawing William Mitchell).

2 Note, however, that the circuit is considered complete by Colonna 1966; Oakley 1995, 84.

1026

GUY BRADLEY: THE IUVANUM SURVEY PROJECT: AN ANCIENT COMMUNITY IN SAMNIUM been emulation of and rivalry with the community organized around Monte Pallano, whose walls are visible from Montenerodomo itself.

some of the same functions as urban centres in the lowland and better connected zones of Tyrrhenian Italy. This period also sees an increase in sporadic archaeological finds from the area, which include a tomb excavated at Torricella Peligna from the early 6th century, with a bronze helmet and other equipment,3 and a complete cup of the 4th or 3rd century BC found in our survey about 400 m north of Iuvanum, which probably also relates to a burial. In both cases, the finds may be part of larger cemeteries, and if so would indicate the establishment of Torricella and Iuvanum as early settlements. Much of the population was already living in the countryside surrounding these places, in a dispersed form of settlement that is often thought to be characteristic only of the Roman era. In fact, the early development of this fairly dense network of farms in the areas between small centres like Montenerodomo and Torricella ties in with the literary evidence for large armies, probably consisting, as the Roman army did, of self-equipped heavy infantry, raised by the Samnites during the Roman conquest and as allies of Rome. ROMAN ERA The first monumental building took place at Iuvanum after the Roman conquest. The earliest construction on the site seems to have been an open air sanctuary on the small hill overlooking the site, to which the first temple was added in the late 3rd or first half of the 2nd century BC.4 A second temple followed in the mid 2nd century, and between 150 and 100 BC a theatre, typical of other Samnite sanctuaries such as Pietrabbondante, was built into the eastern slope of the acropolis.5 The site had become an important meeting place, at least in the context of religious festivals, and this suggests that the community which took part in such festivals regarded itself as permanently constituted.

Fig. 5. ‘Guardpost’ on Monte di Maio. Section of test pit 1 inside polygonal wall (drawing William Mitchell). Alongside the hillforts, the period of the 5th and 4th centuries BC seems to mark the emergence of the dense network of farms that characterized the whole ancient period. 39 rural sites have been provisionally dated as beginning in this period. A similar pattern of evidence was found in the Biferno Valley survey, and there are signs that this was also a crucial phase around Iuvanum. These include the building of the hillforts and the first evidence for cult on the acropolis of the Roman city site (small votive statuettes of Hercules). The interlinkeage of these settlement features is a good example of Samnite settlement depending on spatially separated hillforts, sanctuaries and villages, which were probably performing

The abandonment of the sanctuary at Pietrabbondante immediately after the Social War in 91 BC is emblematic of the fate suffered by many religious sites in the region. The Samnites were also harshly treated by Sulla in the late 80s, and like other peoples of central Italy will have experienced great upheavals with further civil wars and population resettlement until the political stability of the Augustan empire was established. Iuvanum is unusual in that the sanctuary became incorporated into a new city in the 1st century BC, a process which also occurred at Lucus Feroniae in the Tiber valley to the north of Rome. As befitted a self-governing Roman municipium it was embellished at the expense of local notables with a monumental plan incorporating a massive paved forum and buildings such as a basilica. The whole complex created as a unitary plan in the Claudian period must have

3

d’Ercole et al. 2000. Fabbricotti 1990; Lapenna 1997. 5 Fabbricotti 1990; 1996; Lapenna 1997. 4

1027

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI overlain a pre-existing public space with associated buildings.6 The results of the survey help us set this dramatic urban structure into its rural context, and show that it was not simply an artificial creation constructed under Roman encouragement in the middle of a pastoral area. Rural settlement surrounding the town is more dense and longlasting than would be expected if this was the case. Virtually all sites contained Roman finewares. The majority of sites also have fragments of amphora, a sign of imported produce. Other indicative finds include several pieces of Roman oil lamps, the remains of dolia (large storage vessels, present in 8 sites), loom weights (7 sites) and spindle whorls for wool working (9 sites), and millstone fragments, discovered at 3 sites. 32 sites have black glaze pottery. This represents a slight decline in the number of sites from before the conquest, but this may simply be because there was less black glaze circulating in the area than there had been impasto.7 A few pieces of black glaze imported from south Etruria, Campania and Sicily crop up, amongst a mass of poorer quality locally produced black gloss. A similar range of this material has been noted from the Biferno Valley Survey and, if apparently with a higher proportion of imports, in the excavations of Iuvanum.8 From the Augustan period onwards the fine tablewares are largely imported from outside the region. The solitude of its position may have insulated Iuvanum against the fluctuations that rural settlement underwent in more accessible coastal districts, such as the lower Biferno Valley, but the town was certainly not divorced from Mediterranean wide consumption patterns in the Roman Empire. The majority of pre-conquest rural sites seem to have continued in occupation, a pattern common to many areas of the Appennines, judging by comparisons with the surveys of the Sangro and Biferno valleys and the Reate basin in Sabinum.9 But there is a big contrast with the territory of Cosa on the Tyrrhenian side of Italy, where earlier rural settlement seems to have been systematically annihilated to make way for the incoming Roman colonists.10 Iuvanum is far from any Latin colony, and like much of Samnium, does not seem to have had a settlement pattern convulsed by the Roman conquest. The number of sites also seems to remain stable into the early imperial period. The settlement of army veterans in the Augustan and Neronian periods is a possibility, but the ancient source that records this, the Liber Coloniarum (260L), is unreliable,11 and there are no evident traces of a sudden increase in site numbers at this particular point. 6

Fabbricotti 1990; 1997; Paci 1990. The limitations of dating sites from the finewares present are considerable – further work on the coarsewares should help to clarify the situation. 8 Barker 1995, 183; Mancini 1996. 9 Lloyd et al. 1997; Barker 1995; Coccia & Mattingly 1992; 1996. 10 Fentress 2000, 12-13; Carandini et al. 2002, 108-110. 11 Firpo 1990, 39-40, retaining that viritane distribution of land is possible. 7

Instead, new Roman sites seem predominantly to be earlier, given that most have Republican black glaze pottery. For both Republican and early imperial sites, there are very few signs of luxurious building materials, such as mosaic tesserae or marble – one site has a cocciopesto pavement of the late Republican period. Yet these materials cropped up quite frequently on the Reate survey, which covered a comparable area in the Appennines further to the north, albeit much closer to Rome. It is difficult to argue from an absence of evidence, but it does seem as if the Roman farms in our area were relatively numerous and solidly built, but not the grand residences likely to be favoured by aristocrats. This is striking given the substantial levels of investment in the urban centre during the early imperial period. Transhumance is likely to have been an important element of the economy in this area, given that Iuvanum was probably on a route from the upland area near Sulmona to the coast.12 The spring on the site of Iuvanum must have encouraged halts at this spot, and the forum space probably acted as an early market place. Herding was certainly important to the area in the early modern period, and wool-working implements have turned up in nine of our Roman sites. But it is difficult to quantify the level of activity that this might represent. What is clear is that pastoralism did not preclude other important aspects of the agricultural economy, evident from the finds of dolia and millstones. Cereal cropping is prevalent in the district today, and must have played an important role in the ancient period. Some industrial production is indicated by tile wasters and possible kiln material at one site. In addition, the epigraphic evidence of the regular functioning of magistracies and collegia throughout the Roman period makes it unlikely that Iuvanum was some sort of part time Roman city, surrounded by herds in the summer but deserted in the winter.13 CONCLUSION An important theme of the project has been that in order to understand the development of the archaeological record at Iuvanum it is useful to think about community identities, which must be central to the way that ancient societies operated. Tagliamonte has observed, for example, that inhabitants of Samnium defining their origin in contexts outside the region before the conquest referred to themselves as members of individual communities such as Saepinum rather than their wider ethnic group.14 As a result, a full understanding of the archaeological record uncovered by survey should consider identities at this low level as well as wider ethnic allegiances such as the broader Samnite military alliance. The community at Iuvanum, like many others in central Italy, is likely to have roots going back to the Iron

12

Fabbricotti 1990; Pasquinucci 1990. Paci 1990. 14 Tagliamonte 1996, 135. 13

1028

GUY BRADLEY: THE IUVANUM SURVEY PROJECT: AN ANCIENT COMMUNITY IN SAMNIUM Age, and the trajectory of the area also needs to be considered over the long term. One of our primary concerns has been to ask what brings this community together in this area. Several key factors suggest themselves. War and the creation of fortified refuges must have stimulated a sense of belonging together. Religious festivals at the sanctuary on the Iuvanum acropolis are likely to have involved the local population as a unit, which will have helped engender the notion of a local community. The sanctuary probably acted as a focus for economic activities, with markets and probably also political gatherings taking place.15 The final urban form of Iuvanum is certainly the result of interaction between these local trends and outside, predominantly Roman, influence. The eventual urbanization of the site, in the sense of the construction of the forum and associated buildings, does seem to be a late and somewhat extraneous idea. It is clearly connected to the establishment of the municipium here by Roman authorities after the Social War (c. 91-89 BC). It never reaches major proportions, and the forum doesn’t seem to become the centre of a truly residential city. There are plenty of other parallels for this late and partial adoption of Greco-Roman urban dress in Samnium and Sabinum, such as Peltuinum and Amiternum, both cities in plains which are not urban before the late 1st century BC.16 The monumental forum of the urban centre at Iuvanum, like those elsewhere, was probably created to answer Roman demands for administering the territory, although a distinct community already existed in the area. The effect of the building of the Roman city is presumably to give this sense of community a new, more monumental focus, even if most of the population probably continues to live in the territory. A major shift then seems to come with the decay of the urban centre from late antiquity, and the growth of new hill towns in the surrounding area. This does seem to mark the splitting of a unified community into significant new groups, and the greatest break in this territory’s past. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker, G., 1995. A Mediterranean valley. Landscape archaeology and annales history in the Biferno Valley. London/New York. Carandini, A., F. Cambi, M. Celuzzi & E. Fentress (eds), 2002. Paesaggi d’Etruria. Valle dell’Albegna, Valle d’Oro, Valle del Chiarone, Valle del Tafone. Rome. Coccia, S. & D. Mattingly, 1992. Settlement history, environment and human exploitation of an intermontane basin in the central Appennines: the Rieti survey, 1988-1991, part 1. PBSR 58, 213-289. Coccia, S. & D. Mattingly, 1996. Settlement history, environment and human exploitation of an intermontane basin in the central Appennines: the 15 16

Rieti survey, 1988-1991, part 2. Land use patterns and gazetteer. PBSR 63, 105-158. Colonna, G., 1966. Pallanum. Una città dei Frentani. ArchCl 7, 164-178. d’Ercole, V., S. Cosentino & G. Mieli, 2000. Corredo arcaico da Torricella Peligna, in: Piceni. Popoli d’Europa. Guida alla mostra di Teramo. Rome, 4144. Fabbricotti, E., 1990. Il sito di Iuvanum, in: E. Fabbricotti (ed.), Iuvanum. Atti del convegno di studi, Chieti maggio 1983. Chieti, 9-18. Fabbricotti, E., 1996. Dieci anni di scavi a Iuvanum, in: E. Fabbricotti (ed.), Iuvanum. Atti del II convegno di studi (Chieti 31 marzo – 1 aprile 1992). Pescara, 2136. Fabbricotti, E., 1997. Iuvanum. Sottostrutture della città di Iuvanum, in: A. Campanelli & A. Faustoferri (eds), I luoghi degli dei. Chieti, 66-67. Fentress, E., 2000. Frank Brown, Cosa, and the idea of a Roman city, in: E. Fentress (ed.), Romanization and the City (= JRA suppl. 38). Portsmouth, RI, 11-24. Firpo, G., 1990. Linee di storia Iuvanense tra IV e I sec. a.C, in: E. Fabbricotti (ed.), Iuvanum. Atti del convegno di studi, Chieti maggio 1983. Chieti, 3549. Gabba, E., 1994. Urbanizzazione e rinnovamenti urbanistici nell’Italia centro-meridionale del 1 c. a.C., in: Italia Romana. Como, 63-103. Lapenna, S., 1997. Iuvanum. Il santuario italico, in: A. Campanelli & A. Faustoferri (eds), I luoghi degli dei. Chieti, 64-65. Lloyd, J.A., N. Christie & G. Lock, 1997. From the mountain to the plain: landscape evolution in the Abruzzo. An interim report on the Sangro Valley Project (1994-95). PBSR 65, 1-57. Mancini, M.C., 1996. La ceramica a vernice nera, in: E. Fabbricotti (ed.), Iuvanum. Atti del II convegno di studi (Chieti 31 marzo – 1 aprile 1992). Pescara, 7580. Oakley, S.P., 1995. The hill-forts of the Samnites. Rome. Paci, G., 1990. Il materiale epigrafico iuvanense e il suo contributo alla storia del municipio, in: E. Fabbricotti (ed.), Iuvanum. Atti del convegno di studi, Chieti maggio 1983. Chieti, 51-75. Pasquinucci, M., 1990. L’economia pastorale nell’Appennino centro-meridionale, in: E. Fabbricotti (ed.), Iuvanum. Atti del convegno di studi, Chieti maggio 1983. Chieti, 31-34. Tagliamonte, G., 1996. I Sanniti. Caudini, Irpini, Pentri, Carricini, Frentani. Milan.

Fabbricotti 1990, 12. Gabba 1994.

1029

RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT. FIELD SURVEYS AND THE EARLY HELLENISTIC LANDSCAPE OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN ITALY Gert-Jan Burgers Abstract: Modern field survey in Italy is experimenting with a range of new methods and techniques.1 The aim of this paper is to draw attention to new interpretative approaches. It concentrates on the early Hellenistic phenomenon of rural infill, attested by many Italian surveys. A cognitive approach is first explored, focusing on the role of ritual in the reorganization of the early Hellenistic landscape. Secondly, a cross-regional, comparative approach is recommended in order to contextualize and compare survey data not only at the local level of analysis, but also at a supraregional level. The starting point for the paper is the research project that has been conducted since the 1980s by the Vrije Universiteit of Amsterdam (VU) on the Salento Isthmus, in the heel of Italy. In 2003, this project was extended to include the Murge Upland Survey, a joint undertaking of the VU and the Universities of Lecce and Rome (La Sapienza).

INTRODUCTION Since the pioneering work of Sir John Ward Perkins in south Etruria, the technique of intensive field survey has gradually come of age in Italy. Whilst only a few decades ago surveys required a considerable amount of justification even among archaeological field workers, they are now generally recognized as a basic tool for the study of regional landscapes. In Italy, this acknowledgement is being accompanied by a wave of recent survey projects, covering plains, plateaus, valleys and mountains alike. At the same time, continuous and fervent debate is ongoing on issues ranging from methodological details to problems of data analysis and interpretation; this is a critical attitude which proves the healthiness of the discipline.2 In this paper I wish to contribute to this debate by exploring explanatory frameworks relevant to the interpretation of field survey data. The first issue I will discuss touches on theoretical approaches. In most survey projects, the landscape is perceived as a physical and measurable geographical entity; survey data are used as yardsticks serving to measure continuities and discontinuities in the human organization of that landscape. This approach produces valuable insights into socio-economic processes. However, it ignores the symbolic, ritual dimension of ancient landscapes. Indeed, in modern survey projects landscapes are only rarely approached as cosmological maps. In this paper, I wish to put forward suggestions as to how both approaches could be integrated. The second issue I will explore is that of cross-regional comparative research. Traditional approaches towards social transformations in ancient Italy strongly support cross-regional explanatory models, generally identifying Greek or Roman colonization and conquest as the major triggers of Italian and even Mediterranean-wide 1

The organizers of the session on field survey and landscape archaeology, my colleague Martijn van Leusen and myself, sincerely thank the participants to the session for their contributions. 2 See in particular Barker & Lloyd 1991; Barker & Mattingly 19992000; Attema, Burgers et al. 2002.

processes. With the advent of regional field surveys, such models can be successfully challenged. However, the regionalization inherent in recent fieldwork programmes has tended to lead to an overemphasis on internallydriven regional stimuli for change, from environmental constraints to elite social strategies, at the cost of factors related to the integration of local societies into interregional networks of exchange, power or mentalities. Indeed, although by ‘breaking up’ the Italian landscape, regional surveys have contributed much to the breakdown of traditional generalizations, few attempts have been made to formulate new historical questions and supraregional syntheses.3 And yet, so many regional data have become available for this. Cross-regional comparisons of these data are a necessary step on the road to explore new syntheses. THE SALENTO ISTHMUS AND MURGE UPLAND PROJECTS As an example of a long term regional survey project I wish to start by going in some detail into the Salento Isthmus district, in the heel of Italy (Fig. 1). I have been co-directing a field survey project in this region on behalf of the Archaeological Centre of the Vrije Universiteit of Amsterdam (ACVU) since 1990.4 This project will lead me to discuss the two approaches mentioned above. Like most regional survey projects, at the basic level, the Salento Isthmus Project starts with a focus on specific landscape units, and investigates the surface debris encountered in its local environmental context. The aim is to study formation processes and to endorse locational analysis and land use patterns. The most recent of these 3 Most notable exceptions relate to Greece; see especially Alcock 1993 (cf. Alcock 1994) and Bintliff 1997. For Italy see above all Barker & Lloyd 1991and Morley 1996. 4 In 2003 the Archaeological Institute of the Vrije Universiteit (AIVU) was renamed into Archaeological Centre of the Vrije Universiteit (ACVU). On this project see in particular Boersma 1990; Boersma et al. 1991; Boersma & Yntema 1987; Burgers 1998; Yntema 1993a/b. Preliminary reports have been published annually in Bulletin Antieke Beschaving and Taras, Notiziario delle attività di tutela. The project is carried out in close collaboration with the Scuola in Archeologia Classica e Medievale of the University of Lecce and the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Puglia, to both of which we wish to express our warmest thanks.

1030

GERT-JAN BURGERS: RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT

Fig. 1. Geomorphological map of the Salento isthmus, with locations of the sample areas of the ACVU surveys and of major sites mentioned in the text. surveys on the Salento Isthmus involves the Murge plateau in the north of the isthmus (Fig. 1). As part of the Apulian karst, the Murge landscape is marked by rolling hills and ridges, alternating with dolines and other forms of enclosed depressions. To the east, it descends rather abruptly to the coastal Adriatic plain (Fig. 2). Both in 1999 and 2000, intensive, artefact-oriented grid surveys were carried out in three landscape units typical of the eastern part of the Murge, located in the territory of the modern town of Ostuni, province of Brindisi (Fig. 1; Burgers et al. 2003). For each of these units, the suitability for specific protohistoric land utilisation types was determined on the basis of an evaluation of a range of land properties, determined by means of physicalgeographic fieldwork (see notably Van Joolen 2003). Relating this land evaluation to the survey results, hypotheses could be made on differentiation in ancient land use and settlement patterns (Burgers et al. 2003). In the Salento Isthmus Project, field surveys are not only employed to study specific landscape units, but also to investigate intra-site dynamics and structures of the larger population centres (Yntema 1993b; Burgers 1998). The latter are quite often neglected in survey research. Therefore, in Salento we also carried out highly intensive surveys on a range of major sites, the intention being to highlight within and around these sites the fluctuations in density of every single artefact category within the framework of a predetermined grid. Relating these

Fig. 2. The steep slopes separating the Apulian, Adriatic coastal area from the plateau of the Murge. ‘urban’ surveys with the rural ones, we can start to measure discontinuities and continuities in overall land use, and in regional settlement and social organization. These are also the major aims of a new, related project that focuses in particular on the Murge plateau, which the Vrije Universiteit started in 2003 with the Universities of Lecce and Rome-La Sapienza and which is referred to as the Murge Upland Project.5 5 The project was started in the summer of 2003. Participating institutions are the Scuola in Archeologia Classica e Medievale of the University of Lecce, the Dipartimento di scienze storiche, archeologiche e

1031

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI RURAL INFILL AND SALENTO ISTHMUS

HELLENISTIC

Such expressions are to be found within sites, as well as in the wider environment.

One of the most significant transformations that we wish to explore in the new project involves the early Hellenistic period. Both excavations and surveys on the Salento isthmus point to a process of urbanisation in this phase. Contemporaneously, from the late 4th century BC onwards, large numbers of isolated farm sites started to cover the entire regional landscape. These sites can be recognized by discrete surface concentrations of ceramics and other materials, typical of rural households in this region. Moreover, these concentrations are accompanied by off-site scatters indicative of a range of activities, from burial to agriculture. All this indicates a large scale process of settling of the landscape. It suggests agricultural expansion and the introduction of new and more intensive agricultural production strategies. In various ways, we are able to link this rural infill to the urbanisation process, to transformations in demography, landholding patterns and in social constellations (Yntema 1993a; Burgers 1998; Burgers & Yntema 1999).

From the above cognitive perspective, evident sites to search for are cult places, which are pre-eminent spaces where an imaginary geography is materialised. Accordingly, I have studied the role of a series of larger cave sanctuaries on the early Hellenistic Salento isthmus. They are generally located in dominant positions in rural territory or at the coast, at various distances from the major settlements. A good example in our Murge survey area is provided by the cave sanctuary of the Grotta di S. Maria d’Agnano, just a short distance uphill from one of our survey sample areas (Fig. 1). The cave is located some four kilometres north of Ostuni. It opens out onto a natural terrace overlooking the coastal plain, just below a cliff top which harbours a major fortified Bronze Age site (figure 2 shows the coastal plain from a similar, adjacent cliff top). Investigations carried out under the direction of Coppola have demonstrated that the cave became the scene of a formal cult dedicated to a female divinity from the 6th century onwards, to be reorganized in a more formal way in the early Hellenistic period (Coppola 1983, 249-252).

RITUAL ON THE EARLY

There is, of course, more to this reorganization of the local universe. Here I come to discuss the role of landscape perception and ritual. As emphasized by the latest, theoretically informed studies on these themes, landscape is not only a physical entity but also a mental construction (e.g. Ingold 1993; Hirsch 1995; Derks 1997); the concept of landscape is ambiguous, and involves both a phenomenal and an imaginary side. The first refers to the landscape as it is experienced, to the occupational space in which people dwell and carry out the social practices of their day to day lives, and in which they interfere physically. Intimately related to this is the imaginary landscape, which is an ideational construct; it refers to an idealized world, which in pre-modern societies is inspired by a cosmology that encompasses the supernatural and the afterlife. This cosmological map is embedded in the observable landscape. Both notions of landscape are central to the way local communities define themselves; it is notably by continuous interaction with landscape, whether through daily activities or through myths, monuments or ritualized contact with the sacred, that people establish, transform or reshape community relations (Derks 1997; Thomas 2001; Gerritsen 2003; Bernard Knapp 2003). If the above line of reasoning is accepted, the functionalist perspective on landscape common to most field survey projects must be questioned; indeed, surveyors should become aware that their field work potentially finds distinctive and patterned expressions of the way ancient landscapes were perceived, and correspondingly, of how communities were constructed. antropologiche dell’ antichità of Rome-la Sapienza, and the Archaeological Institute of the Vrije Universiteit of Amsterdam. The project is authorized by the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Puglia.

The best known indigenous cult place in this region is that at Oria, the major pre-Roman urban site on the isthmus (Fig. 1). Here, in the course of the 6th century BC, a sanctuary was founded on a small natural terrace on the western slope of Monte Papalucio. The terrace is backed by a cave dug into the hill and opening up to the west to face Oria’s central hill, which lies some 300 m away. It has been excavated with great care by the Archaeological Institute of the University of Lecce (see especially D’Andria 1979, 27-28; 1990, 239-306). These excavations have demonstrated that the sanctuary reached its most prominent physical appearance in the second half of the 4th century BC, when a complex structure was erected on the terrace. Inscriptions, terracottas and other votives suggest that the main cult here was dedicated to Damatra/Demeter. These sanctuaries, as most of the others known of in the Salento peninsula, were in use at least from the Archaic period and must be considered part of the longue durée of the regional landscape. In the early Hellenistic period one witnesses a monumentalization and an intensification of cult activities, still at these very same places. My argument is that these phenomena are closely related to the physical and socio-economic rearrangement of the landscape that I have just discussed. Central to this argument is the concept of community construction, as introduced recently into archaeology through anthropology (see in particular Canuto & Yaeger 2000; Cohen 2003; Gerritsen 2003; Bernard Knapp 2003); contrary to (structural-) functionalist perspectives on communities as ‘natural’, closed and homogeneous social entities, recent approaches rather problematize the genesis and the forces of integration of a community. In

1032

GERT-JAN BURGERS: RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT the latter view, communities are socially constituted, being created and redefined through the construction of symbolic boundaries that stress differences with outsiders. As Cohen vividly underlines, it is in particular in phases of major social and spatial transformation that groups tend to create new symbolic community borders or to emphasize and enhance old ones (Cohen 2003). They do so in order to articulate group identity. Moreover, they often do so in a ritual context and by reinterpreting the past. It is in this light that one must point to the apparent emphasis on traditional cult places in the early Hellenistic Salento region. These sanctuaries are likely to have been considered central elements in the cosmological ordering of the landscape. By reviving cult activities at these sacred places, it can be argued that the local communities either strengthened traditional group identities, or otherwise constructed new ones. What is also relevant is the location of the sanctuaries; they are often to be found at the interface between the expanding urban sites and the newly filled in rural territories. This suggests that cults at these sanctuaries were revitalised in order to bind the urban and rural communities living in the area. In this argument, both urban and rural folk experienced these ritual places as identity anchors in a landscape that was continuously becoming more complex. BEYOND THE SALENTO ISTHMUS; CROSS-REGIONAL COMPARISONS Apart from the above cognitive approach, in the context of the Salento isthmus project we also wish to develop a cross-regional approach more fully. To that end, the research area is compared with other Italian regions, in particular with two others that have a rich tradition of Dutch fieldwork, i.e. the Pontine region in central Italy and the Sybaris region in the south (Fig. 3). This comparison is carried out in the context of the so-called Regional Pathways to Complexity (RPC) project. This is an overarching project involving archaeologists from Groningen and Amsterdam which I have co-directed together with Professor Peter Attema over the past 5 years. We are currently writing a final synthesis on the project.6 I wish to argue here that a supraregional approach is particularly relevant when it comes to the rural transformations we have just discussed. As a matter of fact, contemporary rural sites in the Pontine Region can also be found in abundance, from the Lepine foothills to the alluvial wetlands (Attema 1993). Likewise, in the Sybaritide the surveys indicate intensive rural occupation in the hinterland of Thurii (Van Leusen 2003, ch. 12). Here, Hellenistic scatters have recently been detected at high altitudes in the Pollino mountains. Most significantly, similar results are attested for many parts of southern and central Italy (Fig. 3). 6

Major publications so far include Attema et al.1998a/b and Attema, Burgers et al. 2002.

One of the largest-scale survey projects in the south is the survey that the University of Texas has been carrying out since 1975 in the territory of Metapontion/Metapontum. In the undulating landscape of hills, valleys and marine terraces, in which the major survey transect of this project is laid out, rural occupation is attested from the Archaic period. Whereas, subsequently, in the later 5th/mid 4th centuries BC, the number of sites diminishes considerably, the number increases significantly again in the later 4th/early 3rd centuries BC. This increase is accompanied by a parallel growth in site dimensions (Carter 2001, 786; Thompson 2002, 79). The new sites are distributed throughout the areas investigated, including the upland marine terraces. These results are echoed by the smaller scale surveys of the University of Texas in the chora of Croton and of the University of Lecce and the ACVU in the territory of Taras-Taranto, where a similar rural infill is attested for the early Hellenistic phase.7 An example of the more inland regions of ancient Lucania, is the case of the University of Alberta surveys accompanying the excavations at the fortified site of Roccagloriosa, in western Lucania (Fracchia et al. 1983; Gualtieri & Fracchia 2000). Here, a contemporary boom of rural sites is attested for both the hill slopes of the catchment area of Roccagloriosa and the land slide terraces of the upper Mingardo valley, up to 20 km from Roccagloriosa. Most of these sites are also interpreted as having been permanently occupied small farmsteads. However, other types of rural site also include clusters of farms, tombs, votive deposits and watchtowers. Comparable conclusions have been reached for the nearby Sinni valley. Here, recent intensive Italian surveys of large sample areas in the middle and upper valley have delineated many more find spots dating back to the second half of the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, as opposed to sites from the preceding phase (Quilici & Quilici-Gigli 2001). Though part of the latter scatters are classified as off-site, most of them are interpreted as small farm sites measuring between 400 and 900 m2. They are located notably on terraces, slopes and hilltops. However, even marginal upland areas (up to 800 m above sea level) were not avoided. This unprecedented diffusion of rural settlement is stated to be consistent with the overall picture observed for the early Hellenistic Sinni valley. A fair number of these small Sinni farms still show traces of upstanding structures, either of foundation walls or of polygonal terrace walls. Moreover, remains of tile and coarse-ware kilns were frequently observed in the vicinity of these sites. In addition to small farms, necropolises also abound, just as rural cult places, hamlets and villages.

7 For the Texas surveys see D’Annibale 1990, for the Lecce surveys Guaitoli 2000. A preliminary publication of the 2003 ACVU surveys is in preparation. For the Tarantino see also Cocchiaro 1981; Alessio & Guzzo 1989/90.

1033

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 3. Major sites and field survey areas mentioned in the text. The three regions central to the RPC project are outlined. The Sinni surveys were exceptional in their documentation of upstanding rural structures, thanks to the inclusion of site oriented judgemental topographic investigations so characteristic of the Forma Italiae tradition. In contrast, such ruins, being relatively rare, are much harder to find with the probabilistic sampling procedures of most intensive survey projects. Notwithstanding that, a whole series of intensive southern Italian surveys attests to the same phenomenon of late 4th/3rd century BC rural infill, albeit largely on the basis of the identification of surface scatters. Therefore, densely scattered landscapes have been recorded around Tempa Cortaglia, in south-eastern Basilicata (Fracchia 1985), in the heart of the Lucanian highlands, just

northwest of Potenza (Roberto & Small 1994) and along the Basentello valley in the Basilicata/Apulia border area (Small et al. 1998). The same applies to central Italian regions such as the Molise Biferno valley. In both the upper and lower valley the surveyors have noted a remarkable intensification of rural settlement for the Republican period, a process that probably took off in the late 4th/3rd centuries BC (Barker 1995). Similar observations have been recorded for the Abruzzese Sangro valley (Lloyd et al. 1997) and the Rieti basin in the Sabine Apennines (Coccia & Mattingly 1992; 1995).

1034

GERT-JAN BURGERS: RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT On the basis of the above, we can safely conclude that the late 4th/3rd century BC boom of rural sites in the three regions studied by the RPC team is not an isolated phenomenon; systematic surveys and topographical investigations in other areas in central and southern Italy are increasingly showing similar trends. As we have already discussed, these transformations are indicative of a variety of innovative agricultural strategies. They facilitated the intensive exploitation of pre-existing landholdings (e.g. through manured animal cropping) or the reclamation of previously untilled, formerly marginal areas (e.g. the application of drainage systems). Although regional variation is apparent, the overall similarity in trends cannot be ignored. Clearly we cannot restrict our explanations solely to local contexts. ROMAN COLONIZATION First, one might turn to a traditional supraregional approach, identifying Roman conquest and contemporary colonizations as major triggers for urbanisation and related landscape transformations in Italy. Rome, indeed, founded Latin colonies all over the Italian peninsula, including the three regions central to the RPC project. Examples range from Cora, Setia and Norba on the edges of the Lepine mountains in the Pontine region, to Copia, built on the ruins of ancient Sybaris/Thurii, and to coastal Brundisium on the Salento isthmus (Fig. 3). These Latin colonies proved to be a powerful instrument not only for military power, but also for the social integration of the conquered communities. Both the urban and rural components of the colonies brought about fundamental changes in local social and economic frameworks. This common scenario can be challenged, thanks above all to the recent advent of field surveys in Italy. Of particular interest in this respect is the application of a long term, regional perspective as is also favoured by the RPC project. Instead of mainly emphasizing sudden changes, and focusing on war events and Roman intervention as the principle causes, we also wish to study the interaction of these phenomena with longer term historical cycles, whether regionally specific or of a supraregional nature. Let us begin such a challenge with a brief analysis of the Pontine region, which can be regarded as an early laboratory for Roman landscape reorganization. This reorganization in the 4th century BC is generally regarded as a planned process, in which the institution of the colonies played a crucial role (Attema 1993, 230236). Major colonies are Cora, Norba and Setia. These new urban settlements became central places in the wider landscape. According to the Groningen surveys, this landscape was marked by considerable rural infill, i.e. an infill of the countryside with isolated farms. Moreover, canals, dikes and roads were built to improve the rural infrastructure. One good example is the building of the Via Appia whereby communications with and transport to and from the city of Rome were also improved.

One may conclude that the Roman influence in the Pontine region would, at first sight, seems paramount. However, the Groningen surveys also make it clear that just like in the pre-Roman phases no uniform system of settlement and land use can be projected onto the Pontine region in the early Roman phase. This may serve as an argument for downplaying the alleged universal impact of Roman expansion. In fact, new surveys in the RPC project indicate that various landscape units, notably in the coastal plain, remained largely unaffected by settlement transformations, either by urban development or by rural infill (Attema et al. 2001; Van Leusen 2002, ch. 10). Moreover, what remains to be established is the extent to which this also applies to the colonial core areas, where indigenous groups are likely to have integrated more fully into the Roman orbit. Even in these areas differences can be assumed between, for instance, the ager of Cora, with ample evidence of pre-Roman rural occupation on the fertile Lepine hill slopes, and that of Setia, the wetlands of which seem to have been colonized ex novo. We conclude that in specific landscape units, landholding systems and land use patterns seem either not to have evolved at all or not only in response to Roman intervention. Just as important, or in some cases even more important, is the local environment and related traditional socio-economic patterns following long term growth cycles characteristic of these particular landscape units. Moreover, following the arguments set out above, indigenous landscape and community perceptions must also be taken into account. All this may serve as an argument to downplay the alleged universal Roman impact. Another such argument is the very fact that contemporaneously in other parts of Italy similar rural transformations occurred that can be shown to have been internally arranged to a significant extent. This is the case, for instance, on the Salento isthmus. Here, the local communities were autonomous until the Roman conquest wars in the 260s BC. Moreover, there is no indication of more than incidental contact with the Romans prior to that time. I have argued elsewhere that internal factors, such as local social strategies, also play a significant role here in the rural infill (Burgers 1998, 225-263; forthcoming). Similar arguments can be made for other south Italian regions. Indeed, there is good reason to question a cross-regional Romano-centric approach in this case. Local factors must also be taken into account, ranging from geohistory to demography and from landholding patterns to social dynamics and cosmologies. INTERREGIONAL CONTACT Notwithstanding the emphasis on local factors, if one stays at the macro-regional level of analysis, one must still acknowledge a significant degree of structural similarity in regional trends; as we have discussed above, in the early Hellenistic period parallel rural transformations occurred in the classic coastal Tyrrhenian and Ionic ‘growth’ areas, as well as in the lowlands,

1035

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI highlands, intermontane basins and valleys in between them. Even in mountainous inland regions the survey results confirm a strong commitment to the production of the countryside. Indeed, the very fact that even here innovative agricultural strategies were adopted, is an additional argument for investigating the impact of macro-regional phenomena.

following the argument of Emma Dench, that such concepts were appropriated exactly because of the wish to exploit shared civilized values (Dench 1997, 48). In my view, it is one of the tasks of landscape archaeology in Italy to test and refine such hypotheses by contextualizing our survey data. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Wishing to explore macro-regional explanations other than those of Roman colonization, we are studying the role of interregional exchange networks in particular; it is through participation in such networks that local communities throughout Italy could readily have appropriated the concepts needed to bring about the rural infill. Of course, one may object that such innovative concepts could have developed independently in individual regions. However, the case for interregional contact seems much stronger. In fact, archaeological contexts provide clear indications of an increase in exchange systems on an unprecedented scale in the early Hellenistic period. This can be deduced amongst other things from the wide circulation of manufactured and luxury items, such as red figured and other ceramics. However, it was not only goods, but also technological concepts that can be shown to have circulated on an equally wide scale. This is illustrated, for instance, by the wide diffusion of monumental stone fortification walls, which are abundantly attested even in mountainous inland regions, notably from the late 4th century BC onwards. One may conclude that building techniques could be readily appropriated even by small local communities. Indeed, innovative agricultural techniques are likely to have been similarly appropriated through the mechanisms of interregional contact. Significant to my previous point on cult places in Salento, is that this interregional contact can be contended to have also been crucial to the conceptualisation of the ritual landscape. This has been argued by Emma Dench, amongst others, with regard to mythologies current in central and south Italy (1997). In this phase these myths demonstrate a considerable degree of cultural interaction on a macro-regional scale. Archaeology provides us with an abundance of parallel contexts of ‘hybridisation’ in the ritual sphere, ranging from burial rites to votive practices. And here again, we may return to the Salento isthmus and to the central role of sanctuaries in the early Hellenistic rural transformations. I have argued that these ritual places are to be seen as identity anchors in an increasingly complex landscape. At the same time, one must stress that with regard to these very same ritual contexts, Salento is part of the Italian-wide tendency towards cultural amalgamation. This cultural koine is such that it can be approached as an indication of the intensity of interregional networks throughout the Italian peninsula. I would like to suggest that by exploiting these networks, local communities came to share spatial, and more generally, cosmological concepts; indeed, also those who guided the rural transformations highlighted by the many Italian surveys. One may even hypothesize,

Alcock, S., 1993. Graecia Capta. The landscapes of Roman Greece. Cambridge, University Press. Alcock, S., 1994. Breaking up the Hellenistic world: survey and society, in: I. Morris (ed.), Classical Greece. Ancient histories and modern archaeologies. 171-190. Alessio, A. & P.G. Guzzo, 1989/90. Santuari e fattorie ad est di Taranto. Elementi archeologici per un modello di interpretazione. Scienze dell’Antichità 3-4, 363-396. Attema, P.A.J., 1993. An archaeological survey in the Pontine Region. A contribution to the early settlement history of south Lazio (900-100 BC). PhD thesis Groningen Institute of Archaeology. Attema, P.A.J., G.-J. Burgers, M. Kleibrink & D. Yntema, 1998a. Centralisation, early urbanisation and colonisation in a regional context, Dutch excavations and landscape archaeology in central and southern Italy. Saguntum 31, 125-132. Attema, P.A.J., G.-J. Burgers, M. Kleibrink & D. Yntema, 1998b. Case studies in indigenous developments in early Italian centralization and urbanization, a Dutch perspective. Journal of European Archaeology 1(3), 326-381. Attema, P., G.-J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, P.M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), 2002. New developments in Italian landscape archaeology. Theory and methodology of field survey, landscape evaluation and landscape perception, pottery production and distribution (= BAR Int. Series, 1091). Oxford. Attema, P.A.J., E. van Joolen & P.M van Leusen, 2001. A marginal landscape: Field work on the beach ridge complex near Fogliano (south Lazio). Palaeohistoria 41/42, 149-162. Barker, G., 1995. A Mediterranean valley. Landscape archaeology and annales history in the Biferno Valley. London/New York, Leicester University Press. Barker, G & J. Lloyd (eds), 1991. Roman landscapes. Archaeological survey in the Mediterranean region. London. Barker, G. & D. Mattingly (eds), 1999-2000. The archaeology of Mediterranean landscapes. Oxford, Oxbow Books. Bernard Knapp, A., 2003. The archaeology of community on Bronze Age Cyprus: Politiko Phorades in context. AJA 107, 559-580 Bintliff, J., 1997. Regional survey, demography and the rise of complex societies in the ancient Aegean: coreperiphery, neo-Malthusian, and other interpretive models. Journal of Field Archaeology 24(1), 1-38.

1036

GERT-JAN BURGERS: RURAL LANDSCAPES IN A RITUAL CONTEXT Boersma, J.S., 1990. Oria and Valesio. Dutch archaeological investigations in the Brindisi region of Southern Italy (= Mededelingen KNAW, afd. Letterkunde, (new series), 53, no. 3). Amsterdam. Boersma, J.S., G.-J. Burgers & D. Yntema, 1991. The Valesio Project: final interim report. BABesch 66, 115-131. Boersma, J.S. & D.G. Yntema, 1987. Valesio. History of an Apulian settlement from the Iron Age to the Late-Roman period. Fasano di Puglia. Burgers, G.-J., 1998. Constructing Messapian landscapes: Settlement dynamics, social organization and culture contact in the margins of Graeco-Roman Italy. Amsterdam, Gieben. Burgers, G.-J., forthcoming. Urbanization in Magna Graecia: Settlement, landscape and social dynamics in a regional Italic context, in: P.A.J. Attema & J. Bintliff (eds), Centralization, early urbanization and colonization in first millennium BC Italy and Greece. Part I: Italy (= Babesch Supplement). Burgers, G.-J., P.A.J. Attema & P.M. van Leusen, 2003. Walking the Murge. Interim report of the Ostuni Field survey. Studi di Antichità 11. Burgers, G.-J. & D.G. Yntema, 1999. Town and countryside in pre-Roman southern Italy: A regional perspective, in: F. Krinzinger (ed.), Die Ägäis und das westliche Mittelmeer. Beziehungen und Wechselwirkungen 8. bis 5. Jh. v.Chr. Akten des Symposions. Wien, 95-104. Canuto, M.A. & J. Yaeger, 2000. The archaeology of communities. A new world perspective. London/New York, Routledge. Carter, J.C., 2001. La chora di Metaponto. Risultati degli ultimi 25 anni di ricerca archeologica, in: Problemi della chora coloniale dall’Occidente al Mar Nero. Atti del quarantesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia. Taranto, 771-792. Cocchiaro, A., 1981. Contributo per la carta archeologica del territorio a sud-est di Taranto. Taras 1, 53-75. Coccia, S. & D. Mattingly (eds), 1992. Settlement history, environment and human exploitation of an intermontane basin in the central Apennines: the Rieti survey, 1988-1991, part I. PBSR 60, 213-290. Coccia, S. & D. Mattingly (eds), 1995. Settlement history, environment and human exploitation of an intermontane basin in the central Apennines: the Rieti survey, 1988-1991, part II. Land-use patterns and gazetteer. PBSR 63, 105-158. Cohen, A.P., 2003. The symbolic construction of community. London/New York, Routledge. Coppola, D., 1983. Le origini di Ostuni. Testimonianze archeologiche degli avvicendamenti culturali. Martina Franca. D’Andria, F., 1979. Salento arcaico: la nuova documentazione archeologica, in: Salento Arcaico, 15-28. D’Andria, F. (ed.), 1990. Archeologia dei messapi. Exhibition catalogue Museo Provinciale Lecce. Bari.

D’Annibale, C., 1990. Survey in the territory of Croton, in: J.C. Carter et al., The Chora of Croton 1983-1989. University of Texas at Austin. Dench, E., 1997. Sacred springs to the social war, in: T. Cornell & K. Lomas (eds), Gender and ethnicity in ancient Italy. London, 43-51. Derks, T., 1997. The transformation of landscape and religious representations in Roman Gaul. Archaeological Dialogues 4(2), 126-147. Fracchia, H., 1985. The Tempa Cortaglia survey project. Echos du Monde Classique/Classical Views 29, 243256. Fracchia, H., M. Gualtieri & F. de Polignac, 1983. Il territorio di Roccagloriosa in Lucania. Melanges de l’École Française de Rome-Antiquités 95, 345-380. Gerritsen, F., 2003. Local identities: landscape and community in the late prehistoric Meuse-DemerScheldt region (= Amsterdam Archaeological series 9). Amsterdam, University of Amsterdam Press. Guaitoli, M., 2000. I sistemi informativi territoriali in rapporto al patrimonio archeologico, in: Problemi della chora coloniale dall’Occidente al Mar Nero. Atti del quarantesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia. Taranto, 385-402. Gualtieri, M. & H. Fracchia, 2000. Roccagloriosa II. L’abitato extra-murano e la regione Mingardo/Bussento. Naples/Rome, Centre Jean Berard/École Française de Rome. Hirsch, E., 1995. Introduction. Landscape between place and space, in: E. Hirsch & M. O’Hanlon (eds), The anthropology of landscape. Perspectives on place and space. Oxford, 1-30. Ingold, T., 1993. The temporality of the landscape. World Archaeology 25, 152-174. Joolen, E. van, 2003. Archaeological land evaluation. A reconstruction of the suitability of ancient landscapes for various land uses in Italy, focused on the first millennium BC. PhD thesis Groningen Institute of Archaeology. Leusen, P.M. van, 2002. Pattern to process. Methodological investigations into the formation and interpretation of spatial patterns in archaeological landscapes. PhD thesis Groningen Institute of Archaeology. Lloyd, J., N. Christie & G. Lock, 1997. From the mountain to the plain: landscape evolution in the Abbruzzo. An interim report on the Sangro Valley Project (1994-5). PBSR 65, 1-58. Morley, N., 1996. Metropolis and hinterland. The city of Rome and the Italian economy 200 B.C.-A.D. 200. Cambridge University Press. Quilici, L. & S. Quilici Gigli, 2001. Ricerche nella valle del Sinni, in: Problemi della chora coloniale dall’Occidente al Mar Nero. Atti del quarantesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia. Taranto, 793806. Roberto, C. & A.M. Small, 1994. The field survey, in: A.M. Small & R.J. Buck, The excavations of San Giovanni di Ruoti. Volume I: The villas and their

1037

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI environment. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 19-22. Small, A. & C. Small et al., 1998. Field survey in the Basentello Valley on the Basilicata-Puglia border. Echos du Monde Classique/Classical Views 42 (n.s. 17), 337-371. Thomas, J., 2001. Archaeologies of place and landscape, in: I. Hodder (ed.), Archaeological theory today. Cambridge, 165-186. Thompson, S., 2002. The Metapontino and Morgantina archaeological survey projects (Basilicata and Sicily), in: P.A.J. Attema, G.-J. Burgers et al. (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology (= BAR Int. Series 1091). Oxford, 76-82. Yntema, D.G., 1993a. In search of an ancient countryside. The Free University field survey at Oria, Province of Brindisi, South Italy (1981-1983). Amsterdam. Yntema, D.G., 1993b. The settlement of Valesio, Southern Italy. Final report on the field survey. BABesch 68, 49-70.

1038

THE PISA SOUTH PICENUM SURVEY PROJECT Marinella Pasquinucci, Maria Raffaella Ciuccarelli & Simonetta Menchelli Abstract: This project is located in the Tenna, Ete and Aso River Valleys in South Picenum (Marche, Italy). Following Romanization (starting in the 3rd century BC) these valleys belonged to the Firmum Picenum – today Fermo – territory. In this area we run a multidisciplinary research programme. A ‘total archaeology’ approach has been applied by using all available sources (geomorphology, palaeoecology; archaeological research; archaeometric and archaeological studies of artefacts; remote sensing; bioarchaeology; study of literary and archive documents and place names). We present the data processed in a diachronical perspective from prehistory up to the Medieval period.

This project concerns the Tenna, Ete and Aso River Valleys in South Picenum (Marche, Italy). After the process of Romanization (starting in the 3rd century BC) the valleys belonged to the territory of Firmum Picenum,1 today Fermo (Fig. 1). The orography of this territory is characterized in the West by a mountain range (Monti Sibillini), which is a ramification of the Appennines (650 m above sea level average) and is constituted by Mesozoic calcareous rocks.2 Between these mountains and the Adriatic Sea there is a Plio-Pleistocenic hilly sector (400-200 m above sea level average), followed in the East by a very narrow coastal plain, mostly gravelly and sandy, of Late Quaternary formation.

Flints and outcrop areas of raw materials provide evidence for human activity during the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic. This kind of prehistoric assemblage has a widespread presence throughout this landscape, particularly among the terraces along the river valleys. During protohistory the settlement located on the hilltop of Fermo began to develop5 and sporadic finds are reported by several scholars for the Final Bronze Age in Belmonte Piceno and other sites as well.6 The settlement of Fermo is also attested during the following cultural phases, together with other important sites, as indicated by the rich Villanovan necropoleis of Mossa and Misericordia.7

The Tenna (Fig. 2), Ete Vivo and Aso rivers flow South Southwest-North Northeast, forming with their valleys an ‘a pettine’ geomorphological structure (a series of parallel valleys descending to the sea). In this area we run an interdisciplinary research programme. A ‘total archaeology’ approach3 has been applied to the project by using all available sources (geomorphology, palaeoecology; archaeological research; archaeometric and archaeological studies of artefacts; remote sensing; bioarchaeology; study of literary and archives documents and place names).

During the Iron Age (Picene cultural phases), between the 7th and the 5th century BC,8 the sites Grottazzolina9 and Belmonte developed. According to the survey results many ceramic finds of Picene culture-phase IV10 are spread in the area near Fermo, mainly between there and Grottazzolina. The latter has provided ceramic types that can be compared with those found in the Picene tombs of Grottazzolina.

In particular, we started recently an aerial photography research programme in collaboration with F. Vermeulen (University of Ghent). Evidence of ancient variation concerning the Tenna river-course was identified through remote sensing. The anomalies noted in the aerial photographs correspond to the remains of paleo-channels formed by white pebbles stripes along the terraces near the modern river. Intensive surveys are carried out in the ploughed fields (about 5 m sweeps) and focus on different geo-morphological and environmental units (inland hill areas; river valleys; coastal strip) in order to document all the ancient landscapes, as carefully as possible.4 Data are processed in a diachronic perspective, from prehistory up to the Medieval period. M.P. 1 A first draft of this research was presented at the 16th International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Boston 2004. On the roman Firmum see Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987. 2 Regione Marche 1991, 87. 3 Darvill 2001, 36. 4 For the methodological aspects see in general Francovich & Patterson 2000.

The presence of these fragments concerns several sites in the valley bottom and especially on hilltops. Therefore this widespread settlement pattern consists of many sites located on hilltops or hillsides, particularly in the inland area between the Tenna and Aso rivers, and along hillyridges (natural routes between different districts).11 The 5 On the hilltop of Fermo (Girfalco) and its Bronze Age material see Profumo 1996; Baldelli 1996, 16, note 9; Drago Troccoli 1999, 62; Baldelli 2000. 6 On Belmonte finds see Naso 2000, 39. 7 On the Villanovan phase of Fermo see especially Peroni 1992 and recently Drago Troccoli 1999; Naso 2000, 62-72. On the Mossa and Misericordia necropolis see specially Peroni 1992 and Baldelli 1996 with references. 8 On rich Belmonte necropoleis, the materials part of which were lost during the bombardments of Ancona Museum in 1943/1944, see the references collected in Corretti 1985 and Baldelli 1989. For a panoramic view of the funerary material before the bombardments see specially Dall’Osso 1915, 35-110; Marconi 1933, 389-406 and 416-424. 9 On the Grottazzolina picene site, only known by the necropolis, see Gentili 1949; Annibaldi 1960 and recently Naso 2000, 183-185 with rich references for particular studies. 10 For the periodization of the Picene culture, Lollini 1976 and on phase IV in particular 137-155. 11 Particular studies concerning the Picene settlement have been carried out by Moscatelli 1977; Baldelli 1982; Landolfi 1997 and for the ‘facies ascolana’ Lucentini 1987; Percossi 1987.

1039

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. The studied area and the sites mentioned in the text.

Fig. 2. The Tenna valley.

1040

MARINELLA PASQUINUCCI ET AL: THE PISA SOUTH PICENUM SURVEY PROJECT evidence both in the valley bottoms and on the fluvial terraces is scanty. Many sites have been identified: these small rural settlement are different in typology and size (Fig. 3). This settlement pattern corresponds to data provided by literary sources concerning the distribution of Picene villages.12

possibly related to the abandonment of the necropolis of Grottazzolina. In these cases as well as other hilltop/hillslope sites we have found a large quantity of roof-tiles and curved tiles. These tiles show constant dimensions, a smaller size than the Roman specimens, but very similar to those from the Picene settlement of Moscosi di Cingoli and Pesaro.17 They also appear similar in measure to Etruscan specimens from Marzabotto:18 therefore we could imagine a technological connection between these groups of tiles. Given these comparisons these materials are probably to be dated to the 6th-5th century BC or later. Finally, some farmsteads have been surveyed in the valley bottoms along the river terraces and in the lower hillslopes. Lacking literary and epigraphic sources and stratigraphical excavations, we do not know whether intense rural settlement was directly connected with the Roman colonization or whether these farmsteads were ruled by Piceni who where undergoing a process of Romanization.

Fig. 3. A Picene site near Grottazzolina. Moreover, the comparison of pottery typologies shows that, during the 7th-6th century BC and especially in the 6th century, the same materials are spread between these small sites and Grottazzolina, the hegemonic centre of the research area, well known for the evidence provided by a big necropolis.13 Obviously, the funerary record derives from a selection and it is very different from coarse pottery belonging to small rural sites. But this typological comparison shows a possible relationship between Grottazzolina and these small sites that were its ‘satellites’.14 Regarding the late Picene phases (Piceno V and VI),15 when the process of Romanization began to be evident,16 data are scanty due to the lack of dated finds from small rural settlements. Anyway, according to the survey results, some sites continued to be active, in particular those located in the hilly sectors, later occupied by rural Republican settlements. Between the 5th and the 4th century BC more sporadic settlement evidence is provided by the ploughsoil assemblage, particularly concerning hilltop sites, previously occupied in the Picene phase. The small number of ceramic finds, even in the Grottazzolina area, may be due to a widely dispersed settlement pattern, 12 E.g. Strabo, V, 4, 2; V, 4, 13. On the problem see especially Landolfi 1997, 32-33; 35. 13 For the materials of the tombs see e.g. Gentili 1949; Annibaldi 1960 and Franchi Dell’Orto (a cura di) 1999, 223, nn. 312-313. 14 On this settlement pattern in South Etruria see Rendeli 1993, 349, with references to previous bibliography. 15 On the late Picene phases see Lollini 1976, 156-159; 1979, 149-152 and the recent synthesis of Naso 2000, 250-274 16 On the Romanization process in this region see in general Delplace 1993 and particulary Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987 for Roman Fermo.

Among these sites, the Roman Republican presence is evident. Given this fact, we are now looking for the evidence of coarse pottery and tiles produced by a Picene technological tradition until the first phases of Romanization.19 In particular some specimens of tile and curved tile is clearly produced in the same dimensions both in Picene impasto and in the Roman Republican fabrics (yellow clay with chamotte), typical of this area and used for tiles and architectural decorations. M.R.C. The rural settlement changed clearly in the early 1st century BC, after the Italic and Civil Wars, when the landscape began to be characterized by large estates (villae). These settlements were identified by surveys mostly in the surroundings of Firmum Picenum, along the coast and in the hilly strips overlooking the rivers. These villae (Fig. 4) were connected with the economic interests of the Roman ruling class (in particular Pompeius and his followers)20 that started to invest in the Picenum territory as it was very productive and not yet exploited in a ‘mercantilistic’ system. The villae were made up of a luxurious pars urbana (with private baths, mosaic floors and frescos) and a large pars fructuaria (with millstones, dolia, wine and olive oil presses). As shown by the sites sweep (almost 1,5 km), these land properties were very large. Small dwellings, surveyed within the villae estates, appear to be connected with the latter’s productive

17 On these materials see in particular Franchi Dell’Orto (ed.) 1999, 271, nn. 577-580 (Pignocchi G.) for Moscosi; ibidem, 273, nn. 586-589 (Luni M.). 18 See Massa-Pairault (ed.) 1997, 98 and 100 (Briquel D.). 19 This problem is also drawn by Baldelli 1995, 62, note 49 for Acquaviva materials. 20 Shatzman 1975; Sirago 1982.

1041

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI activities (huts/houses for slave e/or wage-earning workers?; sheds for tools?).

Firmum and of the rural landscape. After the battle of Philippi (42 BC) Firmum Picenum underwent confiscation by Caesar’s supporters and a colony was founded in its territory. According to the Liber coloniarum (I, 226, 9-10 L) the ager Firmanus was divided into ‘centuriae 200 iugera’.27 The traces of centuriatio have survived until now in orthogonal roads (Fig. 5), ditches and canals, especially in the Tenna and Ete valleys.28

Fig. 4. The remains of a villa near Grottazzolina. The villae landscape appears to be linked with specialized viticulture. From the early 1st century BC wine amphoras type Lamboglia 221 began to be manufactured in order to hold and trade the local product.22 In the territory of Firmum, Lamboglia 2 amphora workshops have been identified along the coast, in the area South of the mouth of the Ete Vivo river.23 In general the Picene Lamboglia 2 amphora workshops appear to be ruled not only by the Roman élite, but also by members of the local aristocracies who kept (or even enlarged) their land proprieties after the Italic War (91-89 BC). In the Later Republican period cereal growing will have been very widespread in the Picene countryside as we can read in Varro who mentions ‘modum ut in Piceno’ among the three most common reaping methods.24

Fig. 5. Limes of the centuriatio survived in the Tenna valley.

Regarding the Firmanus landscape interesting data are provided also by the poet Catullus. He affirmed that the Firmanus saltus belonged to Mentula,25 generally identified as Mamurra, Caesar’s praefectus fabrum in Gallia.26 Mentula’s estate was made up by ‘prata (pastureland: 30 iugera), arva (arable fields: 40 iugera) and silvas, saltusque padulesque (wooded, untilled and swampy areas, exploitable for many economic activities, such as wood and wicker picking)’. These estates appear to be situated in the well arable hilly areas sloping to the terraces, where river migration could have produced marshlands. In the last decades of the 1st century BC other remarkable changes took place in the social-economic system both of 21

Bruno 1995. Pasquinucci & Menchelli 2002. Brecciaroli Taborelli 1984. 24 Varro, De re rustica, I, 50, 2. 25 Catullus, 114-115; Harvey 1979. 26 Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987, 36, note 46 and 6668.

Fig. 6. A centurial farmstead in the Tenna valley. Many colonists’ farmsteads have been surveyed in the centuriated areas (Fig. 6), documented by concentration zones spanning from 1000 to 2000 m2, made up by pebbles, opus signinum sherds, opus spicatum bricks and tiles, terra sigillata, amphoras, dolia and coarse pottery fragments. According to the literary sources and to the distribution of farmsteads in the centuriae, the relative land property should have been not larger than 60/66 iugera.29 Anyway we have evidence that their economic system was highly productive. Centuriatio really improved the agricultural production: both the large villae

22 23

27

Liber Coloniarum (I, 226, 9-10 Lachmann); Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987, 38-39. 28 Bonora Mazzoli 1987; Delplace 1993; Pasquinucci, Menchelli & Scotucci 2000. 29 Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987, 39.

1042

MARINELLA PASQUINUCCI ET AL: THE PISA SOUTH PICENUM SURVEY PROJECT (which in general continued to work) and the farmsteads of the colony appear to be specialized in growing vineyards, olive-and fruit-trees (apples and pears), plentifully produced in Picenum according to many Latin writers (Horatius; Plinius, Iuvenalis).30 Evidence of local wine production and trade is provided by the Dressel 6A amphora workshops identified along the coast.31 Most probably the mountain and hilly inland areas were devoted mainly both to sheep and pig breeding (see Martialis, XIII, 35)32 and to extensive cereals growing. Wine amphoras from the ager Firmanus were exported to the Po valley, central and Eastern Europe and North Africa.33 Pliny gives evidence that Picene grapes were traded beyond the Alps.34 Many imported wares have been found in the territory of Firmum Picenum, including the inland sites.35 The import-export activities were supported by an efficient road system formed by sidestreets of the Via Salaria,36 running along the river valleys and coastal strips. The coastal road is identified with the Salaria Picena,37 linking the coastal harbours, the most important of which, Castellum Firmanorum, was most probably located in the Ete mouth area.38 We find in the territory and/or in medieval and modern documents many place names relating to Roman landowners (e.g. Barbolano, Ortezzano, Monterubbiano, Pappiano) that document how the rural settlement was very widespread.39 This landscape so intensively exploited kept steady in the middle and late Imperial period. On the ground of local and imported ware found in the surveyed sites, during the 2nd-3rd century AD the villae and farmsteads of ager Firmanus do not appear to have been affected by great economic crises or long periods of abandonment.40 Moreover, as observed by V.A. Sirago, we have no evidence of large Imperial proprieties in the Picenum territory.41 Vineyards and olive trees continued to be the prevailing crops in the agricultural landscape as shown by literary, archaeological and epigraphic sources. Wine amphoras of the Forlimpopoli type were produced in the local workshops and ‘vina picena’ was quoted by the Edictum de pretiis42 and was still very celebrated in the late 4th century AD.43

30

See Pasquinucci & Menchelli 2002 with literary quotations. Brecciaroli Taborelli 1984; Tchernia 1986. 32 Martial, XIII, 35. 33 Cipriano & Carre 1989, fig. 17. 34 Pliny, Historia Naturalis, XIV, 4, 40 35 Pasquinucci, Menchelli & Scotucci 2000. 36 Pasquinucci, Menchelli & Scotucci 2000. 37 Alfieri, Gasperini & Paci 1985. 38 Alfieri 1982; Lilli 1994-1995; Catani 2004; Pasquinucci & Menchelli 2004 (in print). 39 Pellegrini 1981; Moscatelli 1995. 40 Pasquinucci, Menchelli & Scotucci 2000. 41 Sirago 1982. 42 Edictum de pretiis, II, 1. 43 Ambrose, De Tobia, 50; Expositio totius mundi et gentium, LV, 5. 31

In the Mid Imperial age, oliva picena were exported to Northern Gallia as documented by the inscribed pots found at Bliesbruck (Moselle) in layers dating back to the middle of the 3rd century AD.44 Late Roman finds (in particular terra sigillata and North African amphoras) provide evidence that the ager Firmanus was populated till the end of the 5th century AD. Afterwards, the Byzantine-Gothic wars strongly affected Firmum Picenum and its territory.45 However, in spite of the devastating famine which struck Central Italy in this period,46 the town and the countryside were still so prosperous that they could nourish soldiers of Aratus for a winter.47 In the following years war and destruction continued to pester the Firman district: in 545 AD. Firmum Picenum was besieged and conquered by the Gothic army ruled by Totilas. In 575-580 AD Faroaldus, first Lombard duke of Spoleto, conquered Firmum: the late Roman society, economy and landscape definitively shifted to the Medieval one.48 S.M. BIBLIOGRAPHY Albrecht, P.-A., 1998. Note sur un lot de pots à provision du IIIe siècle après J.C. contenant des olives du Picenum découvert à Bliesbruck (Moselle), in: L. Rivet (ed.), Actes du Congrès d’Istres. Sociètè Française d’étudé de la céramique antique en Gaule, Istres, 321-329. Alfieri, N., L. Gasperini & G. Paci, 1985. M. Octavii lapis Aesinensis. Picus 5, 1-50. Alfieri, N., 1982. La regio V dell’Italia Augustea nella Naturalis Historia, in: Plinio il Vecchio sotto il profilo storico e letterario, Atti del Convegno, Como, 1979. Como, 199-219. Annibaldi, G., 1960. Regione V (Picenum). Grottazzolina. Rinvenimento di tombe picene. NSc, 366-392. Baldelli, G., 1982. Insediamento e territorio nel basso ascolano durante l’età del Ferro. DialA 4 (2), 143-145. Baldelli, G., 1989. Belmonte Piceno. Picus 9, 252-262. Baldelli, G., 1995. L’età del Ferro nel retroterra sambenedettese: Acquaviva Picena, in: G. Paci (ed.), Archeologia nell’area del Basso Tronto (= Picus, suppl 4). Tivoli, 49-78. Baldelli, G., 1996. Fermo preromana: regesto e bibliografia dei rinvenimenti, in: E. Catani (ed.), I beni culturali di Fermo e del territorio, Atti del convegno di studio. Fermo, 15-38. 44

Albrecht 1998. Procopy, Bellum Gothicum, II, 16, 1; Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987, 48. 46 Procopy, Bellum Gothicum, II, 20, 15-33. 47 Procopy, Bellum Gothicum, II, 20, 3. 48 Polverini, Parise, Agostini & Pasquinucci 1987, 48 with literary references. 45

1043

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Baldelli, G., 2000. Fermo, in: G. De Marinis & G. Paci (eds), Atlante dei Beni culturali della provincia di Ascoli Piceno. Beni archeologici, Milano, 57-60. Bonora Mazzoli, G., 1987. Rapporti fra centuriazione e viabilità nella valle del Tenna, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno. AttiMemMarche 89-91 (1984-1986), 417-430. Brecciaroli Taborelli, L., 1984. Una produzione di anfore picene ed il vino palmense. Picus 4, 55-93. Bruno, B., 1995. Aspetti di storia economica della Cisalpina romana. Le anfore Lamboglia 2 rinvenute in Lombardia. Roma. Catani, E., 2004. Studi e ricerche sul Castellum Firmanorum. Tivoli. Cipriano, M.T. & M.B. Carre, 1989. Production et typologie des amphores sur la côte adriatique de l’Italie, in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique. Roma, 67-104. Corretti, A., 1985. Belmonte Piceno, in: Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia 4, 2229. Dall’Osso, I., 1915. Guida illustrata del Museo Nazionale di Ancona con estesi ragguagli sugli scavi dell’ultimo decennio preceduta da uno studio sintetico sull’origine dei Piceni. Ancona. Darvill, T., 2001. Traditions of landscape archaeology in Britain: issues of time and scale, in: T. Darvill & M. Gojda (eds), One land, many landscapes (= BAR, Intern. Series, 987). Oxford, 33-45 Delplace, C., 1993. La Romanization du Picenum. L’exemple d’Urbs Salvia (= BEFAR, 177). Roma. Drago Troccoli, L., 1999. Il villanoviano di Fermo, in: Franchi Dell’Orto (ed.), 1999, 62-65. Franchi Dell’Orto, L. (ed.), 1999. Piceni Popolo d’Europa, catalogo della mostra. Roma. Francovich, R. & H. Patterson (eds), 2000. Extracting meaning from ploughsoil assemblages. Oxford. Gentili, G.V., 1949. Grottazzolina. Tombe della seconda età del ferro scoperte nel territorio del comune. NSc, 37-47. Harvey, P., 1979. Catullus 114-115: Mentula, Bonus Agricola. Historia 28(3), 329-345. Landolfi, M., 1997. Forme di insediamento nelle Marche dalla protostoria alla romanizzazione, in: La città marchigiana. Architettura e urbanistica per una identità regionale, Atti del convegno di Corinaldo, 29-30 giugno 1991. Urbino, 29-43. Lilli M., 1994-1995. Sui tappi d’anfora del Museo Archeologico di Fermo (AP). Spunti per una riconsiderazione delle possibilità di approdo del litorale fermano in età romana. Picus 14-15, 233-258. Lollini, D.G., 1976. La civiltà picena, in: Popoli e civiltà dell’Italia antica, 5. Roma, 109-195. Lollini, D.G., 1979. Sintesi della civiltà picena, in: Jadranska obala u protohistoriji. Kulturni i etnici problemi, Dubrovnik, 1792. Zagreb, 117-155. Lucentini, N., 1987. Note per la viabilità nell’Ascolano meridionale in età preistorica, in: Le strade nelle Marche. Il problema nel tempo, Atti del convegno. AttiMemMarche 89-91 (1984-1986), 437-494.

Marconi, P., 1933. La cultura orientalizzante del Piceno. MonAnt 35, 265-454. Massa-Pairault, F.H. (ed.), 1997. Marzabotto (= Recherches sur l’insula V, 3). Roma. Moscatelli, U., 1977. Il problema dell’urbanizzazione nell’area della civiltà del ferro picena: proposta per una diversa valutazione di elementi già noti. ArchCl 29, 191-196. Moscatelli, U., 1995. The evolution of rural settlement in regiones V and VI from the Roman to the early medieval period, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500. Oxford, 303309. Naso, A., 2000. I Piceni. Storia e archeologia delle Marche in epoca preromana. Milano. Pasquinucci, M. & S. Menchelli, 2002. Anfore picene e paesaggio agrario: alcune considerazioni a proposito dell’ager Firmanus, in: L. Rivet & M. Sciallano (eds), Vivre, produire et échanger : reflets méditerranéens. Mélanges offerts à Bernard Liou. Montagnac, 457463. Pasquinucci, M. & S. Menchelli, 2004 (in print). Viabilità, populamento rurale e sistemaziomi agrarie nell’ager Firmanus. Atlante Tematico di Topografia Antica 13. Pasquinucci, M., S. Menchelli & W. Scotucci, 2000. Viabilità e popolamento tra Asculum e Firmum Picenum, in: Atti del Convegno di Studi, La Salaria in età antica. Roma, 353-370. Pellegrini, G.B., 1981. Appunti di toponomastica marchigiana. AttiMemMarche 86, 217-300. Percossi Serenelli, E., 1987. La ‘facies’ ascolana: contributo alla conoscenza della civiltà picena. Picus 7, 67-136. Peroni, R., 1992. Villanoviano a Fermo?, in: La civiltà picena nelle Marche. Studi in onore di Giovanni Annibaldi, Ancona, 10-13 luglio 1988. Ripatransone, 13-38. Polverini, L., N.F. Parise, S. Agostini & M. Pasquinucci, 1987. Firmum Picenum I. Pisa. Profumo, M.C., 1996. Fermo – Girifalco – Ricerche archeologiche, in: Memoria e cultura: alla riscoperta del patrimonio fermano, VI Settimana della cultura scientifica, Fermo, 25-31 marzo 1996. Fermo, 65-66. Regione Marche, 1991. L’ambiente fisico delle Marche. Geologia, Geomorfologia, Idrogeologia, Regione Marche, Giunta Regionale. Bologna. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Shatzman, I, 1975. Senatorial wealth and Roman politics. Bruxelles. Sirago, V.A., 1982. I catilinari piceni. Picus 2, 69-85. Tchernia, A., 1986. Le vin de l’Italie romaine. Roma.

1044

THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE OF REGIO VII ETRURIA Rob Witcher Abstract: Regional survey is revealing ever more diversity of rural settlement across Italy. This paper compares the early imperial period results from thirty surveys across the area of regio VII Etruria in order to identify similarities and differences. Three distinct sub-regional patterns are defined – the suburbium, coastal Etruria and inland Etruria. A range of interpretative models is discussed with particular reference to the role of the city of Rome on economic and social developments. Finally, some of the structural connections between these three regions are emphasized – particularly demography, transport and agricultural strategies.

INTRODUCTION 1. In an influential article, John Patterson (1987) set out to question the agrarian ‘crisis’ of early imperial Italy. As well as reviewing the historical and documentary sources, he compared the results of regional archaeological surveys – this identified great diversity of rural settlement and dispensed with any notion of a uniform Italian trend. As a contribution to the development of a series of regional models, he presented an interpretative framework for Samnium. The present article aims to identify other such regional models and to account for their distinctiveness and development. The study area extends broadly from the Tiber to the Arno – the Augustan regio VII Etruria. Three sub-regions are distinguished – the suburbium, coastal Etruria and inland Etruria. Models are discussed for each of these areas and connections sought between them. The overarching historical framework around which interpretation is structured is the relationship between early imperial Rome and its hinterland.

2.

3. 4.

Settlement trend. Are site numbers up, down, stable or variable? Is there a peak in numbers? Is this peak restricted to a single period or maintained across two or more? Settlement dynamics. How do site numbers break down into continuing, new and abandoned? Do stable numbers disguise a cycle of abandonment and foundation or relocation? Settlement density. What is the overall site density? Does it vary substantially across the survey area? Settlement hierarchy. What is the shape of the hierarchy (farms, villas, villages)? How did it change?

These measures are used to assess demographic and agricultural trends. Several surveys are only partially published and many omit even basic methodological details and summaries of results. As such, Table 1 is not as comprehensive as it could and should be. However, sufficient data is available to characterize general trends and to facilitate preliminary comparison.

CHARACTERIZING DIVERSITY Comparisons of Italian regional archaeological studies can be traced back more than two decades (e.g. Greene 1986; Potter 1980; Wightman 1981), with important recent work by Cifani (2002), Morley (1996), Rendeli (1993) and Terrenato (2001). But overall there has been surprisingly limited progress in generating models and comparing regions. Most research has concentrated on the Republican period (e.g. Burgers 1998; Ikeguchi 2000; Witcher 1999). In contrast, this paper focuses on the early imperial period. The aim is to assess the impact of Rome across Etruria. Frequently, this is gauged from an economic/productive perspective – the dense distribution of villas and farms indicating intensive market production (Lo Cascio 2000; Morley 1996; Quilici Gigli 1994). This paper assesses the predominance of such models and the area to which they can be applied and explores alternatives for more distant areas. Table 1 details information for 30 surveys, and specifically developments relating to the late republican/early imperial transition. The survey locations are shown in Figure 1. Four measures of early imperial settlement variation are used:

‘Suburbium’ has a range of ancient and modern usages (see Volpe 2000); used here it refers to the area in which the distinctive pattern of settlement described below pertains. This extends about 60 km from Rome (Fig. 2:A). Some local diversity can be observed, but a series of dominant trends are apparent. During the late republican period, the area is characterized by strong growth in settlement numbers; villas occur in significant numbers. The transition to the early imperial period demonstrates strong continuity and the majority of pre-existing sites remain in occupation; abandoned sites are outnumbered by new foundations. Overall, the transformation was rapid and comprehensive. In most areas, this growth peaked during the first century AD; in others, it was delayed until the second century, but in all cases the first two centuries AD represent a period of extremely high and sustained numbers. The majority of sites are best characterized as farms, though villas constitute a third or more of the hierarchy across large areas. The distinction between farm and villa is not always clear, and their distributions fully overlap. Overall site density is very high, frequently averaging three sites

1045

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Region

Survey

Site numbers

Suburbium

South Etruria

Farfa

Up sharply; c. 30% sites are new; peak; ager Veientanus 2.5 sites per km sq; limited 2nd-cent. decline Up sharply; peak; c. 4.5 sites per km sq; limited 2nd-cent. decline Up sharply; peak; c. 3 sites per km sq; limited 2nd-c decline Up slightly; peak c.5 sites per km sq; limited 2ndcent. decline Up; peak

Torrimpietra

Up slightly; peak

Cerveteri

Up sharply; peak; c. 2 sites per km sq Up sharply (high abandonment; many new sites); peak; modest 2ndcent. decline Up; peak; modest 2ndcent. decline

Fidenae Crustumerium Corese

Sutri

Vicus Matrini

Coastal

Agricultural intensification

Popul ation

Principal publications

Villas (average) c. 30%

Up

Up

Potter 1979

Villas c. 20%

Up

Up

Quilici & Quilici Gigli 1986

Significant % villas

Up

Up

Quilici & Quilici Gigli 1980

Villas c. 30%

Stable

Stable

Di Giuseppe et al. 2002

Villas 33% +

Up

Up

Villas upto c. 20% Villas c. 0%

Up

Up?

Leggio & Moreland 1986; Moreland 1987 Tartara 1999

Up

Up

Enei 2001

Villas c. 20%

Up

Up

Morselli 1980, Potter 1979

Farms underrepresented?; c. 1 villa per 5 km2 Villas c. 15% Villas present

Up

Up

Andreussi 1977

Up Up

Up Stable

Settlement hierarchy

Civitella Cesi Tolfa Hills

Up sharply; peak Up slightly; peak

TarquiniaVulci Albegna valley (coast) / ager Cosanus Roselle

Up sharply; peak; modest 2nd-cent. decline Down (c. 50% of farms abandoned)

Villas c. 50%

Up

Up

Hemphill 2000 Maffei & Nastasi 1990 Corsi 1998

Villas upto 60%

Up

Stable ?

Carandini et al. 2002

Stable; sharp 2nd-cent. decline Up sharply; peak

Villas c. 10%

Stable

Stable

Citter 1996

Villas c. 20%

Up

Up

Cecina valley (coast) Pisa

Down

Villas c. 30%

Stable ?

Up

Up

Luni

Up

Principal period of villa development (Modest) villas upto c. 30%; overall density low

Stable ? Up?

Francovich 1985; van Dommelen 1992 Terrenato 1998b

Up

Stable

Scarlino / Lower Pecora

1046

Pasquinucci & Menchelli 1995; 1999 Delano Smith et al. 1986; Mills 1981

ROB WITCHER: THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE Inland

Blera

Stable

Modest villas

Up

Stable

Cicolano

Up?

No

Up?

?

Rieti

Down slightly; c. 2 sites per km sq

Villas c. 10%

Stable

Stable

Tuscania

Stable

Up

Stable

Vulci – Bolsena Albegna valley (upper valley) Chianti senese Monte Amiata

Up sharply, peak end of 1st-cent. AD Stable

Larger sites, few/modest villas Significant % villas Villas c. 15%

Up

Up

Stable

Stable

Villas c. 7.5% No villas; predominantly villages Villas c. 5%

Down? Stable?

Down Stable

Fontana et al. 2002 Carandini et al. 2002 Valenti 1995 Cambi 1996

Down

Down

Valenti 1999

Extremely limited Villas present but rare No villas; villages continue

Down

Down

Stable

Stable

Barker et al. 1986; Nardini 2001 Campana 2001

Stable

Stable

Val d’Elsa Chiusdino (& Montarrenti) Murlo Cecina valley (upper valley)

Down Down slightly, with increasing nucleation into villages Down slightly, with significant relocation Down in 1st-cent. BC; no early imperial recovery Overall figures stable, but extensive relocation Stable

Table 1. Surveys discussed in text.

Fig. 1. Location of surveys discussed.

1047

Quilici Gigli 1976 Barker & Grant 1991 Coccia & Mattingly 1992; 1995 Quilici Gigli 1970 Rasmussen 1991

Terrenato 1998b

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 2. Settlement trends and cost distance. per square kilometre. Sites consist of dense scatters of pottery and building material. The former includes imported and local terra sigillata and thin walled wares. Coarsewares are abundant and local typologies are relatively well developed. Building materials include stone, tile, opus signinum, opus caementicium and opus reticulatum bricks. Plaster is common and often painted; marble veneers and mosaics/tesserae are also widely diffused. The fate of towns was varied. Some benefited from Augustan sponsorship though remained pale imitations of their former selves. Others declined or disappeared and still others demonstrate prosperity. Nonetheless, the area remains one of the most densely urbanized in Italy. New elements in the landscape included colonies, fora and road stations. Villages are unattested. The second area, the Etruscan coast, is here defined as the area extending from Civitavecchia to La Spezia and upto c. 20 km in land (Fig. 2:B). Compared with the suburbium, there is more diversity, but again trends are apparent. In most areas, late republican settlement was expanding and villas emerging in significant numbers. The early imperial transition ranges from a decline of settlement numbers, through stability, to the doubling of site numbers, but the overall trend is for modest growth. The majority of late republican sites continue in

occupation, with new sites creating peaks in site numbers. Settlement density is rarely more than three sites per square kilometre and often one or less. The peak of settlement was not maintained beyond the first century AD when significant numbers, especially farms, were abandoned. The composition of the settlement hierarchy is based on different ratios of farms, villas and villages. Villas comprise up to a third of sites in some areas, though display considerable variation as a group. Villages overlap in size with large villas, but are distinguished by their lack of structural evidence or indicators of ‘luxury’. The majority of sites are farms identified through scatters of pottery and building material, predominantly stone and tile. Ceramic evidence comprises a wide range of imported finewares including terra sigillata, local and imported amphorae and local coarsewares. Urban centres demonstrate some diversity. Old Etruscan towns declined in relative importance, as did some Roman colonies. In contrast, other colonies flourished. As well as villages, road stations emerged along the Via Aurelia. Finally, inland Etruria (Fig. 2:C) this is the least comprehensively surveyed of the three areas; the lack of systematic survey for eastern Tuscany and western Umbria biases discussion to west of the Valdichiana. The area demonstrates some diversity in particular between the coastal and inland hills. But again there are common

1048

ROB WITCHER: THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE trends. Usually, the peak of site numbers was reached during the second century BC. In some cases, numbers were maintained into the early imperial period, but in others they declined, sometimes dramatically. There were few new sites. The thinning of settlement often involved the emergence of new distributions, shifting into valley bottoms, along rivers and roads. The settlement hierarchy comprised varying ratios of farms, villas and villages. The early imperial decline in numbers primarily concerned small farms; those that continued were characterized by low levels of (diagnostic) material culture including regionally produced terra sigillata. Villas were generally modest and formed a small percentage of the hierarchy with a few more affluent examples. Villas were most frequent in proximity to towns. Urban centres (both Etruscan and Roman) were themselves rare, thinning significantly to the north and west. Villages were widespread, broadly becoming more significant in the less urbanized areas. There were comparatively few (consular) roads and road stations were corresponding rare. A PRELIMINARY COMPARISON On the basis of these brief characterizations, some contrasts can be drawn out. The most marked concern differences of settlement trend, density and hierarchy. In the suburbium and along most of the coast, settlement numbers do not peak until the early imperial period with a considerable rise on republican figures; in strong contrast, inland areas demonstrate at best stability and in some areas significant decline. The peak of settlement figures is only maintained beyond the early imperial period in the suburbium, with substantial declines along the coast from the mid/late first century AD. There are marked differences in terms of overall settlement density; the shape of settlement hierarchies is also distinct. Villages are absent from the suburbium, becoming increasingly significant along the coast and most important in inland Etruria. In contrast, road stations concentrate closer to Rome and the coast. Villas are extremely common in the suburbium and along the coast and around towns of the interior, though their form varies enormously both within and between the regions. In the suburbium, there is a spectrum along which wellappointed farms develop seamlessly into villas; along the coast and in the interior there is a clearer distinction between farms and villas. Isolated rural farms are found in all areas, but are most frequent by far in the suburbium. The early imperial period was therefore a time of dramatic change; the most significant developments were restricted to a distance of c.60 km from Rome. This area extended further up the principal river valleys (e.g. Manconi et al. 1981). There were similarly dramatic developments along the coast though restricted to a thin and discontinuous strip. Such diversity is to be expected in a landscape as varied as Italy’s and in the context of the massive disruption caused by Rome. However, the identification of diversity

should not paralyse the ability to synthesize – there are wider structural links to be teased out (see Horden & Purcell 2000). The following sections consider the significance of the patterns identified and then seek to articulate the links between them. INTERPRETING SETTLEMENT AND AGRICULTURAL STRATEGIES

Perhaps the most debated model of Roman settlement and agricultural development concerns the Marxist slave mode of production (hereafter SMP) and its subsequent ‘crisis’ (Carandini et al. 2002; Hopkins 1978). The basics of the argument are well known. During the second century BC, imperial expansion, generated vast wealth which the senatorial class invested in Italian land. Imperialism also opened up markets such as Gaul and provided labour in the form of slaves. Peasants were forced from the land and large estates organized along capitalist lines began large-scale production for export. By the end of the first century BC, provincial competition was eroding the economic supremacy of Italy; this required diversification from vines to more extensive arable and pastoral strategies. The main archaeological correlates of this model are settlement expansion through to the late first century BC, followed by rapid decline from the early imperial period. The aim here is not to critique the model per se (see Purcell 1985), but to examine its geographical scope and how it might connect with those proposed for other areas. The model draws heavily on the evidence from the ager Cosanus, where late republican growth was followed by marked imperial period decline. Its relevance along other parts of the coast is varied. To the south there are pronounced early imperial settlement peaks, though rarely are these maintained into the second century. To the north, there was more modest growth, whilst at Luni, settlement flourished for the first time. The close proximity in which such diverse areas lie is noticeable – for example, immediately south of the ager Cosanus, the area between the Chiarone and Tafone rivers had very few villas and was focused around villages throughout (Carandini et al. 2002). But if the model is localized in its relevance along the coast, it becomes even less pertinent elsewhere. In the suburbium, the continuity of high site density into the mid imperial period negates its usefulness, as do the lack of villas and absence of a first century AD peak in inland Etruria. In the suburbium, the dominant models concern wealthy villas, widely argued to represent elite investment in the intensification of agriculture with the aim of profit (Carandini 1989; Morley 1996). But in contrast to the coast, arguments for slave estates do not convince (e.g. the selective use of the ager Veientanus data, Celluza and Regoli 1982; or its exclusion altogether, Carandini, 1989). Counter arguments are more persuasive, including the unsuitable landscape, the availability of urban labour and prohibitive land prices (Ikeguchi 2000; Potter 1979;

1049

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI generally, Quilici Gigli 1994; Volpe 2000). But most significant is the high density and even distribution of rural settlement and the wide social distribution of material culture. All of this raises questions about landownership and exploitation. Alongside villas, Potter (1979; 1980) refers to ‘smallholders’ comprising colonists, veterans and peasants of various origins. Such farms controlled limited areas of marginal land; a combination of luck and hard graft offered the potential for the accumulation and expenditure of wealth. One argument against such a free peasantry is its rapid early imperial growth and successful competition with large landowners at a time of high land prices. It seems unlikely that the peasantry should have competed so effectively in this environment. An alternative emphasizes dependency between villas and farms. The density of sites argues for the continuity of fragmented landholding, but sources point to elite ownership of multiple farms within a single estate (e.g. Cic. Rosc. Am. 7.20). The letters of Pliny the Younger focus on coloni and suggest an early emphasis on small units within larger estates (Lo Cascio 2000). The organization of labour has been argued to be tenancy (de Neeve 1984). Tenancy offered both landowner and tenant economic and social advantages (Foxhall 1990); the landowner could intensify production and build a client base, whilst tenants gained patronage and some economic security. The relative density and prosperity of towns also suggest tenants rather than slaves (Nagle 1979). Tenancy concentrates landownership into a smaller number of hands – these can be grouped as ‘internal’ and ‘external’. The former comprise Etruscan and colonial families deriving their wealth from local land and spending their wealth in local towns. In contrast, the latter comprises ‘outsiders’ (Romans, Italians, provincials) for whom the acquisition of suburban land was necessary, desirable or both. For both groups of villa owners, the interpretative emphasis has been on production, marginalizing ‘noneconomic’ considerations – more utilitas than voluptas (Varro 1.4.1). Early imperial society demanded a particular mode of elite living. The transformation of existing villas through new materials and the building of new villas illustrate the area’s role in competitive display. Some villas may have developed from republican farms and represent the successful advancement of local smallholders, but the substantial and coherent plans of some new foundations are suggestive of existing capital, rather than accrued wealth. The origins of such wealth are impossible to determine, but the great concentration of senatorial landowners makes it possible that wealth derived from other properties around the empire was lavished on these suburban estates. Whilst all the usual requirements for self-sufficiency and the possibilities of producing for Rome existed, the economic viability of many of these

estates may have been underwritten by the productivity of distant lands. Another issue is the interpretive dominance of production at the expense of consumption. The suburbium was distinctive for both the range and scale of its consumption – for example, marble, opus reticulatum and ceramics. This is not to argue against substantial production, but rather to emphasize that this existed alongside a substantial and extraordinary mode of consumption. There were also other exceptional pressures on the way in which the landscape was used – burial, rubbish dumping, extraction and manufacturing (Patterson 2000). There is no dominant interpretive model for inland Etruria. The area is relatively remote from both Rome and the coast and such isolation from the powerhouses of the new imperial economy must form a component of any argument. But as the export ceramic industry at Arezzo demonstrates, such a location is not always insurmountable. Apart from the more limited demand from Rome, a strong contrast with the other areas concerns urbanism. There were few urban centres – either Etruscan or Roman – and this may be critical. Towns were the foci of the political economy; they were places of production, exchange and consumption; more importantly, they were the focus of urbanitas and elite competition. In turn, these towns shaped rural economies and agricultural organization. Low urbanization limited internal demand to intensify production. Similarly, low or declining populations curtailed demand and limited participation in the wider Italian economy. Towns and dispersed settlement were therefore marginal; villages were of greater significance. This situation suggests distinct patterns of landholding and social relations. In particular, village-based settlement may indicate less intensive agricultural exploitation, tighter control over social relations and economic resources and/or insecurity. Despite geographical distance, it would be wrong to assume the area was isolated from the influence of Rome. The second century BC ‘emancipation’ of the serfs has been related to Roman involvement (Valenti 1995) and large parts of the area suffered as a result of the decision to side with Marius against Sulla. Thus the area was not spared the dramatic developments of the early imperial coast and suburbium and it seems unlikely that preexisting social and economic structures survived more strongly here than in other parts of Etruria. LINKING THE REGIONS – DEMOGRAPHY Reconstructing population trends on the basis of survey data has been the focus of much recent research (Bintliff & Sbonias 1999). Such work is far from an exact science; variables such as the number of people per farm are at best rough estimates. Nonetheless, the three regional patterns outlined above demonstrate significant demographic contrasts. The early imperial population of the suburbium rose significantly; the population of the coast rose modestly; the population of inland Etruria

1050

ROB WITCHER: THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE remained stable or fell. These results contrast with the conclusions reached in a recent contribution. Sbonias (1999) proposes two models of demographic trend and agricultural production for the area under discussion. In the first model, he observes that those areas with links to the Rome market experienced a decline in population between the first century BC and second century AD. This he argues represents estate agglomeration leading to depopulation via emigration; urban centres were often depressed. The second model concerns areas which were unaffected by market pressures. Here, local elites vigorously competed in towns, leading to widespread rural poverty. In turn, peasants brought marginal areas into production. The latter model draws directly on Patterson (1987). In one of the earlier attempts to explore Italian demographic trends through survey data, Patterson argued that the Trajanic alimentary schemes were instigated to relieve rural poverty and to boost population, in particular with regard to military recruitment (for a range of alternatives, Duncan-Jones 1982; Lo Cascio 2000; Métraux 1998). Alimentary schemes were spread across peninsular Italy, but concentrated in southern Etruria, Latium and northern Campania. The presence of such schemes at, for example, Ligures Baebiani and Capena was taken to indicate rural impoverishment (Patterson 1987). The conclusions of Patterson and Sbonias therefore contradict the current results. How can this be explained? First, Patterson’s correlation of alimentary schemes with rural poverty. The distribution of these schemes near Rome coincides with the area which survey suggests to have been the most economically dynamic and populous of early imperial Italy. If the alimenta were connected to such economic and demographic problems, few schemes would be expected here. This may add weight to arguments linking the alimenta with boosting food production for Rome (Lo Cascio 2000). Second, Sbonias’ models. The first argues that areas linked to Rome’s market experienced estate agglomeration, rural-urban migration and depopulation; this is not the suburbium pattern recognized above. On the contrary, survey identifies a peak in site numbers and rising population. Migration to local towns is also ruled out by their small size or even abandonment (see Patterson 1994). In effect, Sbonias has omitted the evidence of the suburbium and over-generalized the results of the ager Cosanus; although both areas were involved with the Rome market, their participation was quite distinct. Sbonias’ second model argues that inland areas isolated from the demands of Rome’s market demonstrate demographic and economic crises leading to the expansion of agricultural land. Following Patterson (1987), the ager Capenas is offered as an area with minimal involvement in supplying Rome; instead there was as ‘internalized’ economy focused around local elite competition. Again Sbonias generalizes these results to represent other areas. However, this interpretation of the ager Capenas is problematic. The area lies between the via Flaminia and the Tiber, between 25 and 45 km north of Rome. All the evidence places the area firmly within

the suburbium. Its overall settlement trends fit comfortably with those outlined above and recent surveys have identified very high settlement density (Camili & Vitali Rosati 1995; Capena 1995). The Villa of the Volusii is the epitome of a wealthy senatorial family’s country retreat/working estate (Bodel 1997; Métraux 1998; Moretti & Sgubini Moretti 1977). Access to Rome was facilitated by both roads and the Tiber, and the horrea Volusiana in Rome emphasizes the villa’s exportation of produce. Pace Patterson and Sbonias, it is difficult to interpret this area as isolated from the Roman market. There are also alternative readings of changing settlement patterns. Patterson sees the occupation of new, marginal areas as a result of rural poverty, with peasants pushed from the best land to new areas. In contrast, others argue this indicates market pressure encouraging the use of marginal land for profit (Kahane et al. 1968; Morley 1996). The inflated price of land around Rome makes it unlikely that peasants would possess the economic power to acquire it; on the other hand, wealthy landowners would have both the motive and the capital. Therefore a generalized link between rural poverty and alimenta appears unlikely; those areas most closely linked to the Roman market demonstrate high and sustained rural population, densely dispersed across the countryside, whilst areas most distant from these pressures demonstrate stability, if not contraction. The contrast between the rapidly expanding population of the suburbium and the stable or falling population of inland areas is marked. Through their proximity, it is tempting to see them as related. Not least, the early imperial period was a time of unprecedented social mobility; wars, colonization and the pax romana led to enormous population movement. The city of Rome reached its peak of c. 1 million, a figure which on analogy required massive immigration to achieve and maintain (Morley 1996). Some of this population may have come from the suburbium, but the latter’s own population was expanding and it may be that it was itself a net recipient of immigrants. In contrast, Italy as a whole was characterized by falling birthrates and a lack of citizens for recruitment (Brunt 1971). This emphasizes the demographic growth in the suburbium as particularly remarkable. Tentatively it might be suggested that these divergent demographic trends included an element of inter-regional migration. LINKING THE REGIONS – CORE-PERIPHERY Core-periphery models have long been popular in archaeological interpretation. Such ideas underlie the SMP model (Cunliffe 1988); Roman involvement in Gaul served to open up distant markets, before provincial developments rose to satisfy demand locally. All exporting economies are vulnerable to change in demand and whilst the coastal economies struggled to restructure

1051

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI in the face of provincial competition, the suburbium was benefiting from the expanding Rome market. Despite the city’s provincial imports, the suburbium was geographically and socially well connected. Core-periphery ideas may also link the three regions under discussion. Classic economic theory suggests Rome’s demands should instigate intensification of activity in the immediate suburbium. Further afield, demand was perceived and responded to differently. Transport costs make bulky low value goods such as grain uneconomic; other strategies therefore develop on the periphery, in particular pastoralism and woodland exploitation. Animal products are relatively high value, these can be preserved or walked to market and the extensive areas required are facilitated through lower land costs (Morley 1996). As such, far beyond the suburbium, Roman demand might instigate a deintensification of agricultural activity. Such a shift to more extensive agriculture on the periphery of Rome’s hinterland fits well with the evidence from inland Etruria. There is dispute as to whether pre-modern systems were powerful enough to create the economic pressures characteristic of the contemporary world (Bintliff 1997), nonetheless, if any area of the empire were to demonstrate such a situation of under-development, it could well be that under discussion. LINKING THE REGIONS – COST DISTANCES Traditional economic theories suggest the areas most affected by demand from the Roman market would be the immediate territory, the coastal strip and the principal river valleys. Cost ratios of sea : river : land transport equivalent to 1:5:25-40 have been widely proposed (Morley 1996). The three regions defined here conform to the resulting pattern (Fig. 2), but require additional comment.

navigable rivers, forests or mountains. Resources such as agricultural land, timber, metals or stone may only have been exploited under certain conditions (e.g. imperial demand for marble). Alternatively, supplies from other parts of the empire might curtail economic activity (e.g. the lack of early imperial iron extraction at Tolfa, Zifferero 1995). Social and political factors are also important. Along the coast, the distribution of the SMP was highly localized; a common characteristic of these areas was earlier colonization and centuriation. This is no coincidence; such reorganization effected the break up of social and economic structures and replacement with new concepts of ownership and exploitation necessary for external landowners to build up extensive estates. Correspondingly, it is possible to see “pockets of hyperactive economic activity” (Terrenato 1998a) located side-by-side with less developed landscapes (cf. the lower Chiarone valley with the ager Cosanus or the lower Cecina valley with the ager Pisanus). Not all areas of the coast therefore responded to similar economic possibilities in the same way. A few kilometres were enough to insulate inland economies from such ‘commercialization’. But such areas were not conservative. Where towns existed, urban life still reshaped rural settlement. One important mechanism connecting the interior with the coast and with Rome was transhumance (Morley 1996). Such practices are difficult to detect, but there is indirect evidence for the power of the Roman economy to integrate even isolated upland areas. At over 1200m, the altipiano of Cicolano is 65 km from Rome ‘as the crow flies’ but substantially further in reality. Survey has recovered imperial finewares indicating new/intensified involvement with lowland economies; the basis of this exchange is argued to be pastoralism and possibly charcoal burning (Barker & Grant 1991). CONCLUSIONS

Despite the high cost of land transport, roads remained the primary means of moving goods (Laurence 1999). The extensive dendritic network of well-paved roads and road stations around Rome emphasize the particular importance of land transport for the city. High demand, both locally and at Rome led to intensive production which could command high prices (Duncan-Jones 1982); this must have distorted the cost ratios and extended the viability of land transport. The pattern of thickly dispersed villas and farms extending for c. 60 km from Rome fits with a generous land transport distance for low value goods. Further afield, the entire west coast of Italy falls within the same cost distance band – that is, had similar cost access to Rome. But Figure 2 shows there still was great diversity within this area. Beyond the suburbium, settlement becomes much more locally diverse, sensitive to a range of additional non-‘cost’ issues. These might include environmental constraints or affordances, such as

It is impossible to generalize meaningfully at a high level about Italian agriculture. The proliferation of regional survey – and in particular in the areas beyond Etruria, Latium and Campania – increasingly emphasizes the diversity of Italian agriculture. This demands the definition of a range of interpretative models. Just as important, is to seek out the threads which connect them. The early imperial transformation of the suburbium was rapid and profound – a sharp rise of settlement and spread of new goods and symbols. Villas demonstrate variety of form and ownership; they were funded by a mix of local production and externally generated wealth. Alongside were small properties intensively farmed by dependent tenants, some of who may have originated from beyond the area. The production of specialized goods continued into the mid imperial period, with leisure and display assuming even greater significance. Overall, this was a distinctive landscape of patronage, production and consumption.

1052

ROB WITCHER: THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE The coast demonstrates greater diversity. Some areas had undergone precocious development, including slave estates, back in the second century BC exploiting the opportunities of empire. In time, the pax romana left such areas disadvantaged. But although of great importance, these economies were geographically restricted. The divergent histories and environments of this coast guaranteed a range of other developmental trajectories, despite the similar cost access to Rome. Finally, inland Etruria demonstrates great variety, but the predominant organization of labour was the peasantry. In most areas, this population was stable, though in some it declined. In the absence of a dense network of urban centres, peasants were increasingly concentrated into villages, possibly indicating attempts to tighten control of the means of production. Consumption of locally produced and imported diagnostic wares was limited. The trajectory of this region may be distinct, but it was still closely integrated into the social and economic framework of Roman Italy. At a macro-regional scale, these three models conform to an economic rationale (Fig. 2). But within this framework there are highly localized patterns dependent on environment, pre-Roman characteristics and forms of conquest and control. As such it is difficult to define regionally distinct models; within each region a range were in operation – slaves and peasants, leisure villas and productive tenant farms. It might even be appropriate to replace a regional with a thematic approach and direct effort towards assessing the balance between the different models effective in each area. The pressures created by Rome are heavily implicated in the shaping of Italian settlement. But contrary to some models of tota Italia, these pressures did not lead to uniformity. The diverse landscapes of Italy were not shaped simply by Roman decisions, economic principles or geographical location. Each was the product of dialogue and specific circumstances; for example, the suburbium benefited from its proximity to Rome, but equally important were the social relations of local and Roman elites and the flexible nature of tenancy. In this sense, Roman colonialism created greater diversity. The analysis of the regional settlement patterns of Italy is one approach to the study of the many economies and cultural identities of Roman Italy. This paper has concentrated on a restricted geographical area and chronological arc. Future research should expand to identify other regional patterns and explore both the earlier impact of Roman imperialism and the transformation to late antiquity. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Prof. David Mattingly and Prof. Martin Millett for reading drafts and offering helpful comments and the organizers and participants of the Groningen conference for their questions and suggestions. All errors remain my own.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Andreussi, M., 1977. Vicus Matrini. 4. Roma. Barker, G., S. Coccia, D. Jones & J. Sitizia, 1986. The Montarrenti Survey, 1985: Integrating archaeological, environmental and historical data. Arch.Med.13, 291-320. Barker, G. & A. Grant, 1991. Ancient and modern pastoralism in Central Italy: an interdisciplinary study in the Cicolano Mountains. PBSR 59, 15-88. Bintliff, J., 1997. Regional survey, demography and the rise of complex societies in the ancient Aegean: coreperiphery, Neo-Malthusian and other interpretive models. JFA 24, 1-38. Bintliff, J. & K. Sbonias (eds), 1999. Reconstructing the past populations trends in Mediterranean Europe (3000 BC-AD 1800). Oxford. Bodel, J., 1997. Monumental villas and villa monuments. JRA 10, 5-35. Brunt, P.A., 1971. Italian manpower 225 BC-AD 14. Oxford. Burgers, G.-J., 1998. Constructing Messapian landscapes: Settlement dynamics, social organization and culture contact in the margins of Graeco-Roman Italy. Amsterdam. Cambi, F. (ed.), 1996. Carta archeologica della provincia di Siena, II. Il Monte Amiata (Abbadia San Salvatore). Siena. Camilli, A. & B. Vitali Rosati, 1995. Nuove ricerche nell’agro capenate, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500. Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology. Oxford, 403-412. Campana, S., 2001. Carta archeologica della provincia di Siena V. Murlo. Siena. Capena, 1995. Capena e il suo territorio. Bari. Carandini, A., 1989. La villa romana e la piantagione schiavistica, in: E. Gabba & A. Schiavone (eds), Storia di Roma (= Carattero e morfologie 4). Torino, 101-200. Carandini, A., 1994. I paesaggi agrari dell’Italia romana visti a partire dall’Etruria, in: L’Italie d’Auguste à Dioclétien. Roma, 167-174. Carandini, A., F. Cambi, M.G. Celluzza & E. Fentress (eds), 2002. Paesaggi d’Etruria. Valle dell’Albegna, Valle d’Oro, Valle del Chiarone, Valle del Tafone. Roma. Celluza, M.G. & E. Regoli, 1982. La Valle d’Oro del territorio di Cosa. Ager Cosanus e ager Veientanus a confronto. DdA 4, 31-62. Cifani, G., 2002. Notes on the rural landscape of Central Tyrrhenian Italy in the 6th-5th century BC and its social significance. JRA 15(1), 247-260. Citter, C. (ed.), 1996. Roselle, Grosseto e il Prile. Siena. Coccia, S. & D. Mattingly, 1992. Settlement history, environment and human exploitation of an intermontane basin in the Central Apennines: The Rieti survey 1988-1991, Part I. PBSR 60, 213-289. Coccia, S. & D. Mattingly, 1995. Settlement history, environment and human exploitation of an

1053

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI intermontane basin in the Central Apennines: The Rieti survey 1988-1991, Part II. Land-use patterns and gazetteer. PBSR 63, 105-158. Corsi, C., 1998. Atlante Fondario Romano. L’insediamento rurale di età romana e tardoantica nel territorio tra Tarquinia e Vulci. JAT 8, 223-255. Cunliffe, B., 1988. Greeks, Romans and Barbarians. Spheres of interaction. London. Delano Smith, C., D. Gadd, N. Mills & B. Ward-Perkins, 1986. Luni and the Ager Lunensis: the rise and fall of a Roman town and its territory. PBSR 54, 81-146. de Neeve, P.W., 1984. Peasants in Peril. Location and economy in Italy in the second century BC. Amsterdam. Di Giuseppe, H., M. Sansoni, J. Williams & R. Witcher, 2002. The Sabinensis Ager revisited: A field survey in the Sabina Tiberina. PBSR 70, 99-150. Duncan-Jones, R., 1982. The economy of the Roman Empire. Cambridge. Enei, F., 2001. Progetto Ager Caeretanus. Il litorale di Alsium. Santa Marinella. Fontana, S., G. Gazzetti, G. Ghini, M. Incitti, L. Pontacolone & P. Toiati, 2002. La ricognizione del territorio vulcente meridionale, in: A. Carandini et al., 346-374. Foxhall, L., 1990. The dependent tenant. Land leasing and labour in Italy and Greece. JRS 80, 97-114. Francovich, R. (ed.), 1985. Scarlino I. Storia e territorio. Firenze. Greene, K., 1986. The archaeology of the Roman economy. Berkeley & Los Angeles. Hemphill, P., 2000. Archaeological investigations in Southern Etruria. Volume 1. The Civitella Cesi Survey. Stockholm. Hopkins, K., 1978. Conquerors and slaves. Cambridge. Horden, P. & N. Purcell, 2000. The corrupting sea. A study of Mediterranean history. Oxford. Ikeguchi, M., 2000. A comparative study of settlement patterns and agricultural structures in ancient Italy: A methodology for interpreting field survey evidence. Kodai Journal of Ancient History 10, 1-59. Kahane, A., L. Murray Threipland & J. Ward-Perkins, 1968. The Ager Veientanus, North and East of Veii. PBSR 36, 1-218. Laurence, R., 1999. The roads of Roman Italy. Mobility and cultural change. London & New York. Leggio, T. & J. Moreland, 1986. Ricognizione nei dintorni di Farfa, 1985. Resconto preliminare. ArchMed 13, 333-343. Lo Cascio, E., 2000. Il princeps e il suo impero. Studi di storia amministrativa e finanziaria romana. Bari. Maffei, A. & F. Nastasi (eds), 1990. Caere e il suo territorio da Agylla a Centumcellae. Roma. Manconi, D., M.A. Tomei & M. Verzar, 1981. La situazione in Umbria dal III a.C. alla tarda antichità, in: A. Giardina & A. Schiavone (eds), Società romana e produzione schiavistica. L’Italia: insediamenti e forme economiche. Roma & Bari, 371-406.

Métraux, G.P.R., 1998. Villa rustica alimentaria et annonaria, in: A. Frazer (ed.), The Roman villa. Villa urbana. Philadelphia, 1-19. Mills, N., 1981. Luni: Settlement and landscape in the Ager Lunensis, in: G. Barker & R. Hodges (eds), Papers in Italian archaeology 2. Oxford, 261-268. Moreland, J., 1987. The Farfa survey: a second interim report. ArchMed 14, 409-418. Moretti, M. & A.M. Sgubini Moretti, 1977. La villa dei Volusi a Lucus Feroniae. Rome. Morley, N., 1996. Metropolis and hinterland. The city of Rome and the Italian economy 200 BC-AD 200. Cambridge. Morselli, C., 1980. Sutrium. Forma Italiae, Regio VII. Firenze. Nagle, D.B., 1979. Toward a sociology of southeastern Etruria. Athenaeum 57, 411-441. Nardini, A., 2001. Carta archeologica della provincia di Siena IV. Chiusdino. Siena. Papi, E., 2000. L’Etruria dei romani. Opere pubbliche e donazioni private in età imperiale. Rome. Pasquinucci, M. & S. Menchelli, 1995. Paesaggio agrario e produzioni artiginali nell’Etruria settentrionale costiera (Ager Pisanus e Volaterranus), in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500. Papers of the fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology. Oxford, 209-217. Pasquinucci, M. & S. Menchelli, 1999. The landscape and economy of the territories of Pisae and Volaterrae (Coastal North Etruria). JRA 12(1), 123141. Patterson, J.R., 1987. Crisis: what crisis? Rural change and urban development in imperial Appennine Italy. PBSR 55, 115-146. Patterson, J.R., 1994. Discussion, in: L’Italie d’Auguste à Dioclétien, Rome. Roma, 250-251. Patterson, J.R., 2000. On the margins of the city of Rome, in: V.M. Hope & E. Marshall (eds), Death and disease in the ancient city. London & New York, 85103. Potter, T.W., 1979. The changing landscape of South Etruria. London. Potter, T.W., 1980. Villas in South Etruria: some comments and contexts, in: K. Painter (ed.), Roman villas in Italy. Recent excavations and research. London, 73-81. Purcell, N., 1985. Wine and wealth in ancient Italy. JRS 75, 1-19. Quilici, L. & S. Quilici Gigli, 1980. Crustumerium. Roma. Quilici, L. & S. Quilici Gigli, 1986. Fidenae, Roma. Quilici Gigli, S., 1970. Tuscana. Forma Italiae. Roma. Quilici Gigli, S., 1976. Blera. Topografia antica della città e del territorio. Mainz am Rhein. Quilici Gigli, S., 1994. The changing landscape of the Roman campagna. Lo sfruttamento del territorio in età imperiale, in: J. Carlsen (ed.), Landuse in the Roman empire. Rome, 135-143. Rasmussen, T., 1991. Tuscania and its territory, in: G. Barker & J. Lloyd (eds), Roman landscapes:

1054

ROB WITCHER: THE HINTERLANDS OF ROME: SETTLEMENT DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY IMPERIAL LANDSCAPE archaeological survey in the Mediterranean region. London, 106-114. Rendeli, M., 1993. Città aperte. Ambiente e paesaggio rurale organizzato nell’Etruria meridionale costiera durante l’età orientalizzante e arcaica. Roma. Sbonias, K., 1999. Introduction of issues in demography and survey, in: J. Bintliff & K. Sbonias, 1-20. Tartara, P., 1999. Torrimpietra (= Forma Italiae 39). Firenze. Terrenato, N., 1998a. The romanization of Italy: global acculturation or cultural bricolage?, in: C. Forcey, J. Hawthorne & R. Witcher (eds), TRAC97. Proceedings of the seventh annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference. Oxford, 20-27. Terrenato, N., 1998b. Tam firmum municipium: the romanization of Volaterrae and its cultural implications. JRS 88, 94-114. Terrenato, N., 2001. A tale of three cities: the romanization of Northern Coastal Etruria, in: S. Keay & N. Terrenato (eds), Italy and the West. Comparative issues in romanization. Oxford, 54-67. Valenti, M., 1995. Carta archeologica della provincia di Siena I. Chianti senese (Castellina in Chianti, Castelnuovo Berardenga, Gaiole in Chianti, Radda in Chianti). Siena. Valenti, M., 1999. Carta archeologica della provincia di Siena III. La Valdelsa (Comuni di Colle Val d’Elsa e Poggibonsi). Siena. van Dommelen, P., 1992. Una riconsiderazione di ricognizioni estensive: il caso dello Scarlino Survey, in: M. Bernardi (ed.), Archeologia del paesaggio. Firenze, 859-876. Volpe, R., 2000. Il suburbio, in: A. Giardina (ed.), Roma antica: storia di Roma dall antichità a oggi, Roma, 183-210. Wightman, E.M., 1981. The lower Liri Valley: problems, trends and peculiarities, in: G. Barker & R. Hodges (eds), Papers in Italian archaeology 2. Oxford, 275287. Witcher, R., 1999. Modelling Roman imperialism. Landscape and settlement in Italy. University of Leicester, unpublished PhD. Zifferero, A., 1995. Archeologia delle miniere: note sul rapporto tra insediamenti e mineralizzazioni in Italia centrale, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500. Papers of the fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology. Oxford, 541-554.

1055

REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE TRA L’ETÀ ARCAICA E REPUBBLICANA Helga Di Giuseppe Il sottosviluppo ha da noi una storia più lunga che le fasi di “miracolo economico”, anche se lascia meno tracce nel sottosuolo. (I. Calvino, Il maiale e l’archeologo)*

Abstract: More than twenty years after the publication of ‘The changing landscape of South Etruria’ of T. Potter, it is now possible to write a new history of the middle Tiber Valley. The research context is represented by the Tiber Valley Project. The principal aim of the project, developed at the British School at Rome, is to understand the past landscapes of this vast territory from 1000 BC to AD 1300, examining the effects of the emergence, growth and decline of the city of Rome on its hinterland. One of the most interesting new findings of the project concerns the transition between the archaic and republican periods, on which my contribution is focused. The new study has identified many signs of discontinuity in the settlement history from the 6th century BC into the Augustan period. The explosion of settlements in the 6th century BC is followed by a series of declines and growths in settlement, throughout the republican period until the early Empire, when the territory is once again densely populated.

PREMESSA Oggetto di questo intervento è la presentazione di alcuni risultati preliminari emersi nell’ambito del progetto Valle del Tevere, diretto dalla British School di Roma e coordinato da Helen Patterson.1 Particolare attenzione verrà riservata ai momenti di continuità e discontinuità dell’occupazione dei paesaggi veiente, falisco, capenate e sabino, principali realtà culturali della media Valle del Tevere, e alle loro tipologie insediative, nella fase di passaggio tra l’epoca arcaica e quella repubblicana.2 Nonostante la struttura del progetto sia stata presentata in diverse occasioni,3 occorre ricordare che lo scopo di questa ricerca è quello di riscrivere la storia della media Valle del Tevere dopo circa trent’anni dalla pubblicazione del The changing landscape of South Etruria di Tim Potter,4 l’ultima grande sintesi di carattere storico-topografico scritta su questa area. Gli elementi di novità del progetto Valle del Tevere risiedono nella scelta di un’ampia prospettiva cronologica, compresa tra l’epoca protostorica e quella medievale, nell’ambito della quale sono stati analizzati i rapporti tra le due sponde del Tevere in relazione alla nascita, sviluppo e decadenza della città di Roma. Un simile approccio ha richiesto diversi livelli di ricerca e * Da Collezione Di Sabbia, Milano 1994. 1 Il progetto si è avvalso di due ricercatori, Robert Witcher e chi scrive, ed è stato finanziato dalla Leverhulme Foundation. 2 Questi e altri temi vengono sviluppati nell’ambito dell’edizione finale del progetto Valle del Tevere a cura di Helen Patterson, Robert Witcher e chi scrive. 3 Patterson & Millett 1998; Patterson et al. 2000; c.s.; Patterson & Witcher 2002. Si veda anche il sito http://www.bsr.ac.uk/ consultato il 4/11/2003. 4 Potter 1979. Per un primo confronto tra il quadro delineato da Tim Potter e i risultati emersi dal progetto Valle del Tevere, con particolare attenzione alle ‘crisi’ del V, del II secolo a.C. e dell’epoca tardoantica si veda Patterson et al. c.s.

soprattutto la collaborazione di specialisti, impegnati nel riesame completo del materiale della South Etruria survey, attualmente conservato alla British School di Roma.5 Questo rilevante corpo di dati è stato ampliato e integrato con altri lavori di ricerca topografica e di scavo svolti nella stessa area in tempi più recenti.6 La gestione e l’analisi dei dati è stata effettuata con un GIS (Geographical Information System) integrato e un sistema di database, sviluppato da Robert Witcher. Uno dei problemi principali che abbiamo dovuto affrontare nella sistematizzazione e integrazione delle informazioni, rappresentate dagli insediamenti della media Valle del Tevere, è stato quello di reinterpretare, dal punto di vista cronologico, funzionale e qualitativo le 5

Sono stati riesaminati i materiali dell’area veiente (Kahane et al. 1968; Kahane & Ward Perkins 1972; Kahane 1977; Hemphill 1975; Potter 1979), falisca (Potter 1979), sutrina (Duncan 1958), capenate (Jones 1962; 1963), eretana (Ogilvie 1965), ad opera di 16 specialisti di materiale ceramico: Franceso di Gennario, Andrea Schippelli (materiale protostorico), Roberta Cascino, Maria Teresa Di Sarcina, Marco Rendeli, Marta Sansoni, Marta Solinas (materiale etrusco), Alessandra Bousquet, Franca Del Vecchio, Helga Di Giuseppe, Fabrizio Felici, Sergio Fontana, Massimo Pentiricci, Sabrina Zampini (materiale romano), Enrico Cirelli, Helen Patterson (materiale medievale). 6 Sono stati analizzati e inseriti nel database i lavori per la Carta Archeologica d’Italia (Gamurrini et al. 1972); le ricognizioni della Forma Italiae relative alle tavolette dell’IGM di Sutri (Morselli 1980), di Vicus Matrini (Andreussi 1977), di Nomentum (Pala 1976), di Montopoli di Sabina (Muzzioli 1980), di Torrimpietra (Tartara 1999); i lavori della regione Lazio a Capena e suo territorio (AA.VV 1995a), a Filacciano (AA.VV. 1995b), a Monterotondo (Turchetti 1995), a Nazzano (AA.VV. 2002); i lavori di ricognizione del GAR (Gruppo Archeologico Romano) (Camilli 1993; Camilli et al. 1994; 1995; Camilli & Vitali Rosati 1995; Fontana 1989) e le varie raccolte di carattere topografico relative al periodo protostorico (Filippi 1979; di Gennaro 1982; di Gennaro & Stoddart 1982; Filippi & Pacciarelli 1991; Belardelli & Pascucci 1996; Pacciarelli 2000; Guidi & Santoro 2004). Per tutti gli altri lavori utilizzati si rimanda all’edizione finale del progetto.

1056

HELGA DI GIUSEPPE: REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE concentrazioni dei manufatti alla luce di una migliore conoscenza del materiale ceramico e delle nuove acquisizioni raggiunte con la reiterazione delle ricerche. Più ricognizioni effettuate in una stessa area, infatti, a volte arricchite da indagini in profondità, come scavi e prospezioni geofisiche, hanno guidato la nostra nuova definizione tipologica e cronologica delle concentrazioni documentate. Migliori condizioni di visibilità, tecniche di ricognizione più intensive, una maggiore conoscenza del materiale ceramico e nuove domande storiche hanno permesso di ampliare il quadro conoscitivo sulle singole realtà locali. Le lacune riscontrate nel corso dell’analisi sono state in parte colmate con l’ausilio di innovativi progetti di ricerca.7 Più difficile, al contrario, è risultata la reinterpretazione delle concentrazioni di manufatti laddove si avevano a disposizione solo le informazioni della South Etruria survey. Questa ricerca manca di alcune informazioni, come la dimensione delle aree di raccolta e la densità dei manufatti per metro quadrato, considerate oggi imprescindibili in lavori di carattere topografico. Potendo contare solo sulla quantità e qualità del materiale conservato alla British School e sulle poche notizie contenute nelle schede di ricognizione, redatte tra gli anni Cinquanta e Settanta del secolo scorso dai partecipanti alla South Etruria survey, sono stati pertanto elaborati criteri tipologici convenzionali, con lo scopo di ordinare il materiale entro categorie confrontabili. Il termine sito è stato utilizzato, non per definire ogni concentrazione di manufatti, ma solo per quei punti in cui è sembrato riconoscere gli indizi di un’occupazione stabile: natura del luogo di rinvenimento, presenza di corsi d’acqua e soprattutto continuità di frequentazione dell’area nel tempo.8 In questi casi la quantità di materiali, legata alle condizioni di visibilità e ai metodi di raccolta, ha avuto un peso irrilevante, mentre ha contato molto il destino dell’area. Laddove è stata individuata una villa, ad esempio, si è ipotizzata la presenza di un insediamento stabile di epoca precedente, anche quando questo era indiziato solo da pochi frammenti. In questa sede l’attenzione è focalizzata solo sulle concentrazioni di materiale che abbiamo interpretato come siti, poiché queste forniscono un campione del panorama insediativo sufficientemente valido, che non cambia se consideriamo

7 Un progetto di analisi delle città antiche nella media Valle del Tevere, effettuato con l’ausilio di prospezioni geofisiche, è attualmente coordinato da Simon Keay e Martin Millett (Keay et al. 2000). Indagini di scavo e prospezioni geofisiche sono in corso da parte di Helen Patterson nel centro antico di Forum Novum Vescovio, con lo scopo di seguire la nascita e l’evoluzione di un tipico centro della Valle del Tevere (Gaffney et al. 2000; 2001; 2003). Un progetto di ricognizione, a cura dell’Università di Verona, del CNR e della British School, è in corso in una zona ancora poco nota della Sabina, corrispondente all’area attraversata dal Galantina (Candelato et al. c.s.; Guidi et al. in questo volume), mentre un’altra ricognizione si è conclusa di recente in un’area campione a sud di Cures Sabini, precedentemente indagata da Maria Pia Muzzioli (1980; Di Giuseppe et al. 2002). L’area del Farfa è stata di nuovo ricognita, intorno alla metà degli anni Ottanta, da John Moreland, attualmente coinvolto nel progetto Valle del Tevere per l’edizione dei risultati (Patterson & Witcher 2002, 88-89). 8 Per la definizione di sito Cambi & Terrenato 1994, 168-174.

anche tutte le altre aree di raccolta, che pure verranno trattate nel volume finale. Prima di procedere occorre dedicare una nota anche alle partizioni cronologiche scelte. Si è preferito organizzare la distribuzione quantitativa dei dati non per secoli, quanto per periodi che rispecchino gli andamenti di produzione del materiale ceramico. E’ una scelta, chiaramente soggettiva, che vuole esaltare al massimo le principali fonti archeologiche in nostro possesso e vuole soprattutto evitare un inconveniente sovente riscontrato nelle indagini quantitative di carattere topografico. Si nota infatti che, quando si ragiona per uno o più secoli, si perdono di vista alcune tendenze e si attribuiscono fenomeni che riguardano specifici periodi ad archi cronologici molto più ampi. Nel corso della relazione si chiariranno meglio le motivazioni di un simile approccio. L’EPOCA ARCAICA Non è possibile affrontare i caratteri del paesaggio repubblicano nella media valle del Tevere senza cercare le premesse delle trasformazioni che lo caratterizzano negli assetti insediativi della precedente epoca arcaica (580-480 a.C.). In questo periodo l’occupazione del territorio risulta estesa e capillare, raggiungendo un numero di presenze che verrà superato solo in età augustea, quando lo sfruttamento dell’area si farà ancora più intenso. Il paesaggio, ben articolato, risulta popolato da insediamenti di elevato stato sociale9, definiti per comodità high status settlement, defattorie10, 11 12 tombe/necropoli e abitati . Tra questi ultimi si possono distinguere, per sommi capi, le città più importanti, che hanno lasciato una traccia oltre che archeologica anche nelle fonti letterarie ed epigrafiche, come Veio, Falerii, Capena, Cures Sabini ecc., i centri fortificati (oppida,

9 Con questa definizione si indicano aree in cui sono stati rinvenuti materiali di pregio, quali ceramica attica, geometrica, bucchero ecc. In esse è possibile immaginare una tomba/necropoli, un’area di culto o un edificio di carattere aristocratico, forse dotato di un piccolo luogo di culto domestico. Si pensi ad esempio alle dimore aristocratiche, urbane e rurali, dotate di stipi domestiche e tempietti, come Murlo e Acquarossa (Torelli 1985; Menichetti 1994, 35-38, 94) in Toscana, Rocca Gloriosa (Fracchia & Gualtieri 1989; Gualtieri 1996) e TolveValle di Chirico (Russo 1996, 82; Russo Tagliente 1992, 172; 1999, 115) in Basilicata, la villa dell’Auditorium sulla Flaminia a Roma (Carandini et. al. 1997; c.s.; Terrenato 2001). 10 Anche in questo caso è stata usata una definizione convenzionale per indicare aree con presenza di ceramica, per lo più d’uso comune – tra cui anche bacini, pithoi e fornelli – e di materiale edilizio, come tegole e coppi. La presenza di una villa di epoca successiva è stata quasi sempre dirimente per l’individuazione di un insediamento etrusco, fattoria o high status settlement, a seconda della tipologia dei reperti, anche nel caso in cui le quantità dei materiali non erano significative. 11 Le tombe sono state definite tali sulla base della bibliografia e di quanto riportato sulle schede di ricognizione redatte dall’équipe di J.B. Ward Perkins. 12 Per l’identificazione degli abitati si è seguita la bibliografia. Quando questa mancava o era parziale i criteri guida dell’interpretazione sono stati le caratteristiche morfologiche dell’area. Colline e pianori isolati, delimitati da uno o due corsi d’acqua, dotate a volte di mura di difesa, con pareti di tufo fortemente a picco tagliate da cavità interpretabili come tombe sono stati considerati abitati.

1057

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. The changing landscape of South Etruria. Numero dei siti (rielaborazione da Potter 1979, 74, 90, 96, 132, tavole 2-5).

Fig. 2. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Andamento dei siti tra l’epoca arcaica e primo-imperiale, distinto in siti che continuano certamente e dubitativamente dal periodo precedente e siti nuovi. In basso i siti che contengono materiale databile solo genericamente. castella), con carattere satellitare o di frontiera rispetto ai centri più grandi e, infine, i villaggi.13

repubblicana, in questa zona avesse un carattere conservativo e per questo difficilmente databile (Fig. 1).15

Come si trasforma questo paesaggio in seguito alla conquista romana?

Il conservatorismo delle forme locali di ceramica a vernice nera forniva una spiegazione sufficiente per affermare una crescita insediativa che non aveva soluzione di continuità tra l’età arcaica e quella repubblicana e, nello stesso tempo, permetteva di negare il collasso degli insediamenti rurali e urbani, emerso in relazione agli ultimi due secoli della Repubblica e ritenuto poco credibile.16 In seguito, le indagini topografiche di Paolo Liverani nell’ager veientanus e un primo riesame della ceramica a vernice nera su un campione di siti della South Etruria survey hanno permesso di mettere in discussione il modello precedentemente proposto17 e lo stesso Tim Potter, in tempi recenti, ha rivisto la sua interpretazione della ceramica a vernice nera locale.18

E’ necessario innanzitutto accennare all’interpretazione dei dati della South Etruria survey precedentemente proposta da Tim Potter. Secondo lo studioso risultava un’altissima percentuale di sopravvivenza dei siti – due su tre – dall’età arcaica alla fase seguente la conquista romana, continuità che diventava anche maggiore (71%) nell’area a sud del lago di Bracciano.14 Tim Potter aveva basato i suoi calcoli sul confronto tra i secoli V e IV, considerati insieme, e una generica epoca repubblicana (III-I secolo a.C.), essendo convinto che la ceramica a vernice nera, principale fossile guida dell’epoca 13 Sono stati considerati tali i raggruppamenti di tre-sei fattorie con un edificio di elevato stato sociale, individuato dalla tipologia del materiale, situati in posizione d’altura e caratterizzati da una lunga continuità di vita. Per l’organizzazione degli insediamenti in questa area e in Umbria si veda anche Cifani 2002a e 2002b. 14 Potter 1979, 94.

15

Potter 1979, 95-96. Già J.B. Ward Perkins (1961, 56) aveva espresso questa opinione. 16 Potter 1979, 95. 17 Liverani 1984, 44. 18 Potter 1991, 199-200.

1058

HELGA DI GIUSEPPE: REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE L’attuale riesame dell’intero corpo ceramico della South Etruria survey permette di visualizzare, in seguito al boom insediativo del VI secolo a.C., due grandi momenti di ‘crisi’ della storia del paesaggio repubblicano: quello del IV secolo a.C., iniziato già a partire dalla seconda metà del V secolo a.C. e quello della seconda metà del III-prima metà del II secolo a.C. Questi periodi, apparentemente depressi, si alternano alle riprese occupazionali della prima metà del III secolo e della seconda metà del II-I secolo a.C. (Fig. 2). IL IV SECOLO Dal punto di vista storico il IV secolo, come la prima metà del III, risulta un periodo ricco di fermenti. Da una parte si registra la crescita del potere politico della nuova classe emergente (nobilitas),19 dall’altra assistiamo a situazioni militari ed economiche estremamente incerte. Quasi tutte le città tiberine si dotano di nuove cinte murarie o ristrutturano quelle preesistenti; Roma si espande verso l’Etruria con lo scopo di guadagnare dei caposaldi militari e nuove terre necessarie a soddisfare il malcontento plebeo (Liv. 6.4.4), conquistando progressivamente Veio (396 a.C.), Capena (395 a.C.), Nepi e Sutri (390/389 a.C.) e Falerii Veteres (241 a.C.). Gli effetti della conquista, tuttavia, e soprattutto il riassetto della proprietà, che dovette seguire alle nuove assegnazioni di terra, non sono immediatamente leggibili dai dati a nostra disposizione. Il grafico (Fig. 2) mostra un forte calo degli insediamenti nel periodo compreso tra gli inizi del V e la prima metà del IV secolo a.C. Solo un terzo delle presenze di periodo arcaico continua a vivere nella fase successiva, mentre le altre sono definitivamente o parzialmente abbandonate. Fatta eccezione per l’ager faliscus, quasi non si registrano nuove occupazioni nelle diverse realtà geografiche della media valle tiberina (Fig. 3).20 Occorre comunque sottolineare che tale collasso risulta meno drastico se immaginiamo che gli insediamenti di epoca medio-repubblicana con materiale arcaico, non abbiano mai smesso di essere occupati anche in epoca classica/alto-repubblicana (Fig. 2) e che il vuoto che registriamo sia solo un problema di visibilità del materiale.21 A differenza del periodo precedente e di quello seguente la fase compresa tra il 480 e il 350, di cui stiamo parlando, è infatti meno riconoscibile dal punto di vista dei materiali diagnostici. I servizi vascolari sono costituiti per lo più da classi ceramiche e forme che 19

Gabba 1990a, 7; Coarelli 1998, 29-33. Con le denominazioni territoriali usate si intendono campioni di aree antiche indagate attraverso i seguenti progetti di ricerca: ager curensis: Muzzioli 1980; ager eretanus: Ogilvie 1965; ager faliscus: Frederiksen & Ward Perkins 1957; Potter (inedito); ager capenas: Jones 1962; ID. 1963; ager veientanus: Kahane et al. 1968; Hemphill 1975; Potter (1979). Per i grafici che seguono si prendono in considerazione solo quelle aree, di cui è stato possibile ristudiare il materiale ceramico. 21 Si tratta di un vuoto che viene spesso sottolineato nelle indagini topografiche recenti e giustificato come un problema di visibilità: ad esempio Enei 2001, 59-62. 20

iniziano ad essere prodotte in epoca arcaica e spesso perdurano almeno fino al III secolo a.C. Le classi fini in questo periodo sono poco attestate e si concentrano su un numero di siti ridotto, come centri abitati, necropoli, aree santuariali o insediamenti di stato sociale elevato. Quello che sembra emergere nel vuoto che si documenta è quindi, non tanto, o non direttamente, un calo demografico, quanto un restringimento della diffusione del vasellame fittile. E’ possibile che in una fase di scarsa stabilità politica, sociale ed economica anche il materiale ceramico diventi un bene di lusso, accessibile solo ad alcune fasce sociali. Sul piano delle indagini topografiche l’effetto più immediato di una simile situazione è l’invisibilità dei siti, che potrebbero essere ancora occupati, ma con minore intensità e ad un livello economico più basso rispetto a quanto accadeva nei periodi precedenti e seguenti.

Fig. 3. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Rapporto tra continuità e novità dei siti di epoca classica/alto-repubblicana (480350 a.C.) rispetto a quelli di periodo arcaico (580-450 a.C.).22 Un’altra ragione per la rarefazione degli insediamenti rurali potrebbe essere legata alla massiccia concentrazione della popolazione nelle città, giustificata dai continui passaggi di truppe, che rendevano poco sicura la campagna della media valle del Tevere. Tuttavia, almeno per quanto riguarda il caso di Veio, a noi meglio noto,23 questo non sembra potersi affermare. Il centro, infatti, dopo la conquista romana presenta la stessa rarefazione occupazionale riscontrata nel territorio. La popolazione veiente doveva essere effettivamente diminuita dopo la conquista romana, sia per il massacro perpetuato dagli invasori che per la vendita degli Etruschi come schiavi (Liv. 6.4.5-6). Inoltre sappiamo che molti Romani dopo l’incendio gallico (390/387 a.C.) avevano preferito fuggire a Veio per occupare le case rimaste vuote, piuttosto che rimanere a Roma a ricostruire le 22 Con le denominazioni territoriali usate si intendono campioni di aree antiche indagate attraverso i seguenti progetti di ricerca: ager curensis: Muzzioli 1980; ager eretanus: Ogilvie 1965; ager faliscus: Frederiksen & Ward Perkins 1957; Potter (inedito); ager capenas: Jones 1962; ID. 1963; ager veientanus: Kahane et al. 1968; Hemphill 1975; Potter (1979). Per i grafici che seguono si prendono in considerazione solo quelle aree, di cui è stato possibile ristudiare il materiale ceramico. 23 La topografia del centro è stata riesaminata alla luce del nuovo studio del materiale, mai pubblicato, raccolto dall’equipe di Ward Perkins tra gli anni Cinquanta e Settanta: Patterson & Di Giuseppe in preparazione.

1059

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI rovine (Liv. 6.4.5-6), notizia in cui può ravvisarsi lo stato desolato della città. IL III SECOLO Il III secolo è il momento in cui Roma completa la sottomissione delle città dell’Etruria meridionale e della Sabina, operando una riorganizzazione territoriale diversa, almeno in apparenza, sulle due sponde del Tevere. Dal punto di vista delle tipologie insediative il paesaggio tiberino medio-repubblicano sembra essere simile a quello arcaico anche se meno densamente abitato. Il panorama ricostruito continua ad essere caratterizzato per lo più da fattorie,24 edifici di elevato stato sociale/high status settlement,25 villaggi rurali,26 abitati d’altura di tradizione arcaica, a volte fortificati, situati lungo i corsi dei tributari del Tevere. Ovunque si registrano segnali di ripresa occupazionale. In generale emerge che ca. il 31% degli insediamenti continua dall’epoca classica, che il 34,5% dei siti arcaici è ancora occupato o viene rioccupato tra la seconda metà del IV e la prima metà del III e che il 35,3% è di nuova fondazione (Fig. 4). Se analizziamo le aree nel dettaglio risulta che gli agri veienti, capenati e falisci sono quelli che registrano il maggior numero di insediamenti con una fase in epoca arcaica (indicati in Fig. 4 con possibile continuità) – dal 30 al 40% ca. –, al contrario, in queste zone, con l’eccezione dell’agro falisco (vd. oltre), risultano minoritari i siti nuovi, che rappresentando il 34,8% e il 27,5 % rispettivamente degli insediamenti capenati e veienti. Va inoltre notato che a sud di Veio, dove documentiamo, invece, una minore continuità dei siti arcaici, si arriva ad indici di siti nuovi del 35 e 46%. Andrebbe verificato con ulteriori indagini, se tali dati possano riflettere situazioni storiche. Si potrebbe pensare che le distruzioni dei Romani siano state più pesanti nelle aree prossime a Roma e che qui siano state concentrate le nuove assegnazioni di terreno, seguite al 383 a.C., a cittadini romani e a quanti tra Capenati, Fidenati e Veienti erano passati dalla parte dei Romani (Liv. 6.4.4). Al contrario le zone a nord e ad est di Veio potrebbero essere state quelle maggiormente rispettate per varie ragioni. Non è forse un caso che in queste ultime aree si concentra il maggior numero di insediamenti da noi definiti high status settlements, che dall’epoca etrusca continua fino all’età medio-repubblicana e oltre.27 Che si 24

Aree con materiale d’uso comune e tegole. Aree con materiali forse potrebbero pregiati perché poco diffusi, come le ceramiche a vernice nera sovradipinta, a vernice rossa ellenistica, depurata, a vernice rossa interna. In questi punti essere cercati santuari, necropoli o ville aristocratiche con piccoli luoghi di culto, sul genere della villa dell’Auditorium scavata a Roma, sulla via Flaminia: Carandini et al. 1997; c.s.; Terrenato 2001. 26 Raggruppamenti di insediamenti, che continuano per lo più ad essere occupati dall’epoca arcaica. 27 Per la concentrazione dei tumuli orientalizzanti e forse dei possedimenti aristocratici in quest’area si veda Zifferero 1991. 25

tratti di santuari, di necropoli o di edifici di carattere aristocratico, queste aree meritavano di essere preservate per il loro carattere sacrale, per l’impegno costruttivo che richiedevano e forse anche in virtù di alleanze tra famiglie aristocratiche locali e potere romano, precedentemente istituite. Uno scavo permetterebbe di verificare la natura di questi insediamenti e le modalità della loro occupazione prima e dopo la conquista romana. Gli indici di continuità e novità, rispetto alla fase precedente, si invertono nell’ager faliscus, curensis e eretanus. Anche se in questi tre ultimi casi ragioniamo su una base statistica meno consistente, sembra interessante notare che il numero dei siti nuovi supera quelli che continuano dai periodi precedenti: il 49,5, il 68,1 e il 54% dei siti rispettivamente dell’ager faliscus, eretanus e curensis sembrano non avere materiale precedente al III secolo a.C. (Fig. 4) Tali aree, anche per via della difficoltà geografica, offerta dalle profonde vallate, alti pianori tufacei individuati da più corsi d’acqua e abbondante presenza di boschi si prestavano meglio alla concentrazione umana su luoghi d’altura piuttosto che all’occupazione sparsa del territorio. Attraverso l’allocazione di nuovi proprietari terrieri, con la conquista romana si promuove evidentemente l’occupazione di zone nuove, probabilmente mai sfruttate fino ad allora.28

Fig. 4. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Rapporto tra continuità, possibile continuità e novità dei siti di epoca medio-repubblicana (350-250 a.C.) rispetto a quelli di epoca classica (480-350 a.C.). Anche le città mostrano una ripresa riflessa nella continuità di frequentazione delle aree di culto e nell’impianto di nuove manifatture ceramiche, specializzate nella produzione di vasellame fine da mensa e comune (ceramica a vernice nera, a vernice nera sovradipinta, Internal Slip Ware).29 Il ruolo dei centri abitati, in questo periodo, doveva continuare ad essere preminente, non tanto dal punto di vista politico, quanto da quello religioso ed economico. In area veiente i santuari continuano a concentrarsi in città e lo stesso vale per le manifatture ceramiche, a fronte di una quasi totale mancanza di evidenze di indicatori di culto e di 28

L’agro sutrino cominciò ad essere sfruttato solo dopo la metà del III secolo a.C., quando iniziò il disboscamento delle foreste che coprivano i monti Cimini e Sabatini, al fine di conquistare nuove terre all’agricoltura: Morselli 1980, 13-14. 29 Di Giuseppe 2002; 2003.

1060

HELGA DI GIUSEPPE: REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE produzione nel territorio. Dietro questo fenomeno potrebbero esserci forme di organizzazione della produzione e della distribuzione ancora in mano agli abitanti della città. La diversità geografica tra l’area veiente da una parte, e l’area falisca e sabina (curense e eretana) dall’altra non ci sembrava comunque sufficiente a giustificare l’enorme differenza insediativa emersa. Abbiamo pertanto voluto fare delle verifiche attraverso una nuova ricognizione nell’area di Monopoli di Sabina, già indagata da Maria Pia Muzzioli.30 I risultati raggiunti sono stati molteplici. Innanzitutto il rinvenimento di presenze di epoca preistorica, orientalizzante e arcaica, prima non registrate probabilmente per via delle diverse condizioni di visibilità, e, in secondo luogo, un’inversione di tendenza nel rapporto tra gli insediamenti di epoca medio e tardorepubblicana. Nella Forma Italiae si registrava una crescita degli insediamenti tra la media e tardaRepubblica, mentre nella Corese survey i siti di epoca medio-repubblicana, più del doppio rispetto a quelli noti, tendono a diminuire nel successivo periodo. In tali risultati vanno ovviamente tenuti in considerazione le domande che hanno stimolato la ricerca. La necessità di capire meglio il popolamento nelle fase seguente la conquista romana può aver influenzato, anche se inconsapevolmente, una maggiore raccolta di materiale di epoca medio-repubblicana, dando l’impressione che questo sia il momento di massima occupazione del territorio curense. E’ stato inoltre possibile verificare la validità della divisione agraria nota dalle fonti e ricostruita, da Maria Pia Muzzioli nell’ager curensis.31 Nel complesso l’insieme dei dati raccolti ha permesso di attenuare le differenze notate tra l’ager veientanus e l’ager curensis, almeno per l’epoca medio-repubblicana. La densità abitativa in area sabina, pari a 0,3 insediamenti per km2, sale a 4,6 nell’area della Corese survey, densità abitativa che risulta superiore a quella registrata, nella stessa fase, nell’ager veientanus, dove si documentano 1,3 insediamenti per km2.32 Tali dati non vanno però generalizzati, né presi acriticamente. In altre aree, anche molto vicine a quella in esame, i risultati sono stati molto diversi. Nei limiti del progetto Galantina, ad esempio, svolto nell’area a nord di Farfa, nella valle attraversata dal fiume Galantina, è stata registrata una crescita delle concentrazioni di materiale fino ad epoca arcaica, seguita da un brusco calo di epoca medio-repubblicana, che si invertirà solo in età tardorepubblicana.33 30

L’indagine è stata diretta da Robert Witcher e chi scrive, con la collaborazione di Marta Sansoni, Stephen Kay e John Williams: Di Giuseppe et al. 2002. 31 I termini della questione sono ripresi in Di Giuseppe et al. 2002. 32 Per un confronto veramente valido andrebbe fatta una nuova ricognizione anche nell’ager veientanus. 33 Per la discussione di questi dati si veda Guidi et al. in questo volume. Per arrivare ad una maggiore confrontabilità dei dati si sta lavorando in

Fig. 5. Rapporto tra siti della Corese survey e della Forma Italiae (rielaborato da Di Giuseppe et al. 2002, 109, fig. 4). IL II E I SECOLO A.C. Tra la seconda metà del III e la prima metà del II secolo Roma è impegnata nel difficile compito di arrestare l’avanzata annibalica e in una serie di campagne di conquista dell’Italia settentrionale e dell’oriente, che comportarono un forte reclutamento militare nelle aree intorno a Roma. Reclutamento militare che sottraeva piccoli proprietari alle loro terre (Liv. 25.5.5-9) per lunghi periodi di tempo, riducendone drasticamente le potenzialità produttive. La crisi del ceto contadino nell’Italia tardo-repubblicana è forse tra gli effetti più evidenti che gli studiosi imputano alla seconda guerra punica.34 Il citatissimo senatusconsultum del 210 a.C., che ordinava la deportazione di capuani passati dalla parte di Annibale nel territorio di Veio, Sutri e Nepi (Liv. 26.34.6-7), lascia, inoltre, immaginare, già alla fine del III secolo a.C., ampie aree rimaste prive di occupazione. In questa fase registriamo un nuovo calo di presenze (Fig. 2); i siti risultano ovunque dimezzati rispetto alla fase precedente e solo pochissimi sono di nuova fondazione nell’agro veiente e capenate. Al contrario le aree falisca e sabina sembrano interessate da un certo numero di siti nuovi, da cui però non bisogna lasciarsi impressionare, vista l’entità numerica su cui si ragiona (10 siti per l’area falisca, 4 per quella sabina) (Fig. 6). Anche in questo caso il calo degli insediamenti corrisponde ad una diminuzione della disponibilità del materiale ceramico. Le officine laziali di ceramica a vernice nera denominate atelier des petites estampilles, diffuse a Roma e in molti centri urbani del Lazio35 e i cui prodotti erano stati esportati in tutto il Mediterraneo, tra la fine del IV e la prima metà del III secolo a.C., tendono ora a scomparire senza essere sostituite da fabbriche collaborazione con il progetto Galantina, in modo da usare gli stessi criteri interpretativi e gli stessi tagli cronologici del progetto Valle del Tevere. Si veda anche Patterson et al. 2004b. 34 Gabba 1990b; 1990c; Lo Cascio 2001. 35 Morel 1969; 1985; Olcese 1998; Di Giuseppe 2003.

1061

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI altrettanto importanti. Sia gli studiosi inglesi che quelli che si sono occupati di queste aree in seguito hanno riconosciuto che la maggior parte del materiale raccolto si datava al IV-III secolo a.C. e che scarsa era l’incidenza del materiale di II, ma le interpretazioni di tale dato sono risultate differenti nei singoli casi. Per Tim Potter, come già accennato, è impensabile parlare di uno spopolamento dell’area nel II secolo a.C., per cui ha preferito immaginare il conservatorismo delle ceramiche a vernice nera36, per Liverani, al contrario, bisogna accettare un impoverimento generale degli insediamenti urbani e rurali del Lazio,37 tra l’altro riconosciuto anche da altri studiosi.38

7.050 frammenti studiati il 31,8% ca. è precisamente databile e di questi ultimi solo l’8,1% è attribuibile al II secolo a.C. Anche gli indicatori di produzione in nostro possesso, rappresentati da distanziatori per fornaci e scarti di cottura, rinvenuti per lo più in ambito urbano, si concentrano tutti nella prima metà del III secolo a.C.39 Quasi nulla sappiamo delle officine locali di II secolo a.C. Il crollo della produzione di questa ceramica, a differenza di quanto si registra in altre aree come la Campania o l’Etruria settentrionale, sembra comunque apportare un elemento di ulteriore conferma al quadro di generale depressione riscontrato lungo tutta la valle del Tevere fino alla sua foce.40 Il panorama offerto dalle campagne trova conforto in una paritaria contrazione delle città di antica tradizione come Veio, che mostra una progressiva concentrazione delle aree di occupazione verso il centro del pianoro, dove sorgerà il municipium augustum veiens.41 Il programma di restaurazione augustea viene non a caso attuato per dare nuovo lustro a città di antica memoria, diventate negli ultimi secoli della Repubblica niente più che piccoli villaggi.

Fig. 6. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Rapporto tra continuità, possibile continuità e novità dei siti di epoca tardo-repubblicana (1) (250-150 a.C.) rispetto a quelli d’età medio-repubblicana (350-250 a.C.). Alle cause storiche citate, che ben giustificherebbero i nostri dati, occorre aggiungere ulteriori considerazioni. Lo sviluppo insediativo registrato a partire dalla seconda metà del II secolo a.C. e incrementatosi in epoca augustea, con i suoi pesanti interventi edilizi può aver distrutto le tracce di un’occupazione immediatamente precedente. Tuttavia tali interventi non possono aver cancellato del tutto anche gli immondezzai, che certamente si sono formati nel corso della vita degli insediamenti se questi erano effettivamente frequentati. Se anche immaginiamo che i siti di quella che abbiamo chiamato epoca tardo-repubblicana 2 (150-30 a.C.), con una fase in età medio-repubblicana e un vuoto nel successivo periodo tardo-repubblicano 1, abbiano continuato a vivere senza soluzione di continuità, registriamo un calo meno drastico, ma comunque un calo (Fig. 2). Tale quadro potrebbe in teoria cambiare aggiungendo al gruppo di dati presi in considerazione una serie di aree di incerta datazione (Fig. 2). Ma, se distribuiamo questi ultimi in quantità direttamente proporzionali alle quantità dei siti con materiale ben datato, la situazioni illustrata non cambia molto. Il quadro che emerge è strettamente legato ad un crollo drastico della presenza di ceramica a vernice nera. Dei

Fig. 7. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Rapporto tra continuità, possibile continuità e novità dei siti di epoca tardo-repubblicana (2) (150-30 a.C.) rispetto a quelli d’età tardo-repubblicana (1) (250-150 a.C.). Tale disastrosa tendenza si inverte solo a partire dalla seconda metà del II secolo a.C., quando inizia un incremento del numero degli insediamenti di nuova fondazione che avrà un vero e proprio boom senza precedenti in epoca augustea. Man mano che ci si avvicina all’epoca imperiale si nota un aumento degli indici di novità: il 37,8, 48,7 54,9, 38 e 80,5% dei siti rispettivamente dell’ager veientanus, capenas, faliscus, eretanus e curensis risulta apparire ora per la prima volta (Fig. 7), sintomo, forse, del progressivo investimento in dimore di una certa importanza dal punto di vista architettonico, in grado di resistere all’usura del tempo. Se si tratti delle ville di tipo schiavistico o di insediamenti rurali a diversa conduzione non siamo in grado di dirlo sulla base delle evidenze di ricognizione. Se per il III secolo a.C., infatti, possiamo avvalerci almeno di

36

Vedi nota 15 Liverani 1984. Pellegrino 1983, 76-83; Pellegrino et al. 1993, 141-148; Petriaggi et al. 1995, 372-373; Fenelli 2003, 190. 37

39

38

40

Di Giuseppe 2003. Si veda nota 37. 41 Ward Perkins 1961, 57-71; Liverani 1987.

1062

HELGA DI GIUSEPPE: REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE materiali ceramici di pregio, nel II la situazione è meno rosea non essendo marmi, vetri o materiale edilizio particolarmente significativo ancora ampiamente in uso. In Sabina, al contrario, la conservazione di parecchie strutture murarie, databili per tecnica edilizia al II secolo a.C. ha permesso a Maria Pia Muzzioli di inquadrare la nascita della villa proprio nell’ambito del II secolo a.C., ma questa datazione andrebbe meglio precisata con scavi stratigrafici. I pochi casi di ville scavate in Etruria meridionale, come ad esempio, quella dei Volusii,42 della Standa,43 di Casale di Meana44 e Prato la Corte,45 rivelano una prima fase di occupazione alla fine del II secolo a.C., ma non è sempre chiara l’entità di tale fondazione. Mi sembra comunque stimolante immaginare che nei casi di siti a lunga continuità di vita dall’età arcaica a quella repubblicana – se ne contano ca. 83 nell’area veiente, 21 nel capenate, 2 nell’area falisca, 11 in quella eretana – e nei casi di ville con fasi di occupazione in epoca medio e tardo-repubblicana46 si possano immaginare insediamenti rurali di una certa importanza gestiti, se non da schiavi, almeno da un bracciantato libero. A questo proposito sarebbe fondamentale organizzare progetti di prospezioni geofisiche e scavi volti ad indagare le tipologie insediative ancora troppo poco note in quest’area, soprattutto per le fasi più antiche. CONCLUSIONI L’integrazione e il confronto dei dati raccolti negli ultimi cinquant’anni nella media Valle del Tevere offrono un potenziale informativo enorme per la comprensione del popolamento di questo comparto geografico. Anche semplicemente un confronto su base quantitativa, come quello che in questa sede si è proposto, mostra alcune linee di tendenza che possono offrire lo spunto per future ricerche. Abbiamo visto come le differenze emerse tra le singole aree non sono sempre il frutto di differenze reali, ma sono per lo più legate ai metodi di raccolta e soprattutto al grado di visibilità del terreno al momento della ricognizione. Risulta pertanto utile avere a disposizione più ricognizioni, svolte in tempi diversi, anche con metodologie diverse su una stessa area, al fine di costruire un quadro insediativo che sia il più dettagliato e completo possibile. Vanno evitate le generalizzazioni, in quanto anche ricognizioni organizzate in aree vicine e in tempi recenti possono rivelare risultati molto diversi tra loro; solo un confronto tra le parti e l’utilizzo di un linguaggio comune possono attenuare la soggettività delle interpretazioni. Occorre, inoltre, tener presente che i dati numerici possono cambiare a seconda di come vengono usati e di quali tagli cronologici vengono scelti, per cui è importante esplicitare, di volta in volta, i procedimenti seguiti.

Detto questo, dall’insieme dei dati analizzati sembra iniziare ad emergere una nuova storia. E’ una storia di continuità e discontinuità, che forse riflette, almeno per grandi linee, gli avvenimenti storici che hanno attraversato la valle. In linea generale lo sviluppo tra le due sponde del Tevere, nella fase compresa tra l’età arcaica (580-480 a.C.) e quella repubblicana/primo-imperiale (480 a.C.-100 d.C.), appare abbastanza simile, anche se cambia notevolmente la densità degli insediamenti nelle due aree (Fig. 8). L’Etruria meridionale dà l’impressione di essere molto più densamente popolata rispetto alla Sabina, ma si tratta, appunto, almeno in alcuni casi, solo di un’impressione, legata all’intensità degli studi che si sono diversamente concentrati nelle due aree. Abbiamo visto come in aree campione della Sabina la densità non solo cambia con la reiterazione delle ricerche, ma può essere anche superiore a quella dell’Etruria meridionale, da sempre favorita da un numero di indagini topografiche di gran lunga maggiore. In conclusione la storia della media valle del Tevere emersa nel periodo campione scelto appare non priva di ‘traumi’. Se nella precedente ricostruzione storica di Tim Potter il paesaggio mostrava segnali di crescita senza soluzione di continuità tra l’epoca pre-romana e quella seguente la conquista, per le ragioni su esposte, oggi sembra potersi sottolineare una profonda discontinuità nell’occupazione del territorio tiberino. Molto intensa risulta l’occupazione in epoca arcaica. Tale fenomeno potrebbe essere in stretta relazione con l’affermazione della piccola proprietà promossa da forme di colonizzazione interna47 e, forse anche dalle riforme di Servio Tullio nell’agro romano, che potrebbero aver avuto un riflesso anche nelle aree limitrofe.48 A questa fase di ‘floridezza’ segue una forte diminuzione del numero degli insediamenti. Difficile stabilire se un simile quadro vada imputato alla scarsa visibilità del materiale di questo periodo o ad un effettivo crollo demografico. Si assiste quindi alla ripresa della fine del IV e della prima metà del III secolo a.C., che non raggiungerà però i livelli precedenti. Un nuovo forte calo si osserva tra la seconda metà del III e la prima metà del II, forse legato alla seconda guerra punica, alla crisi della piccola proprietà, al reclutamento delle forze militari in campagna o al concorso di tutte queste cause. Gli investimenti in quest’area sembrano riprendere solo a partire dalla seconda metà del II secolo a.C. Gli insediamenti risultano in progressiva crescita fino alla prima e media età imperiale, quando tutta l’area diventerà la base di importanti personaggi con forti interessi politici ed economici nella città di Roma.49

42

Gazzetti 1997a. Stanco 1997. 44 Gazzetti 1997b. 45 Gazzetti 1997c. 46 Celuzza Regoli 1980. 43

47

Colonna 1990, 16. Cornell 1995, 173-181; Fraschetti 1994-1995. 49 Papi 2000. 48

1063

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 8. Progetto Valle del Tevere. Confronto tra numero di aree di manufatti in Etruria meridionale e in Sabina sulla base della South Etruria survey e della bibliografia.

BIBLIOGRAFIA AA.VV., 1995a. Capena e il suo territorio. Bari. AA.VV., 1995b. Filacciano e il suo territorio. Bari. AA.VV., 2002. Nazzano e il suo territorio. Catanzaro. Andreussi, M., 1977. Vicus Matrini. Roma. Belardelli, C. & P. Pascucci, 1996. Repertorio dei siti protostorici del Lazio. Province di Rieti e Latina. Roma. Boenzi, G., A. Ciccarese, P. Di Giammatteo, F. Fei, G. Gazzetti & E.A. Stanco, 1997. Terra di Fiano. Ricerche di storia, arte, archeologia. Roma. Cambi, F. & N. Terrenato, 1994. Introduzione all’archeologia dei paesaggi. Roma. Camilli, A., 1993. Progetto Narce. Ricognizioni intensive in Etruria meridionale tiberina. Archeologia, Uomo, Territorio 12, 7-30. Camilli, A., F. Felici, G. Gazzetti, V. Iorio & B. Vitali, 1994. Attività di scavo e ricognizione di superficie sul colle della Civitucola-Capena (Roma). Relazione preliminare. Archeologia, Uomo e Territorio 13, 4851. Camilli, A., L. Carta, T. Conti & A. De Laurenzi, 1995. Ricognizioni nell’Ager Faliscus meridionale, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500 (Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology) (= Oxbow Monographs, 41). Oxford, 395-412. Camilli, A. & B. Vitali Rosati, 1995. Nuove ricerche nell’agro capenate, in: N. Christie (ed.), Settlement and economy in Italy 1500 BC to AD 1500 (Papers of the Fifth Conference of Italian Archaeology) (= Oxbow Monographs, 41). Oxford, 403-412. Candelato, F., A. Guidi & P. Santoro, c.s. Progetto Galantina, Nuovi dati sull’occupazione territoriale in epoca protostorica e arcaica, in: G. Ghini (ed.), Lazio & Sabina, 2 (Atti del II incontro di studi so Lazio e

Sabina, Roma 7-8 maggio 2003). Roma, 133-140. Carandini, A., G. Ricci, M.T. D’Alessio, C. De Davide & N. Terrenato, 1997. La villa dell’Auditorium dall’età arcaica all’età imperiale. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Römische Abteilung 104, 117-148. Carandini, A., M.T. D’Alessio & H. Di Giuseppe (eds), c.s. La fattoria e la villa dell’Auditorium nel quartiere Flaminio di Roma. Celuzza, M.G. & E. Regoli, 1982. La valle d’oro nel territorio di Cosa-Ager cosanus e ager veientanus a confronto. Dialoghi di Archeologia 1, 31-62. Cifani, G., 2002a. Notes on the rural landscape of Central Tyrrhenian Italy in the 6th-5th century BC and its social significance. Journal of Roman Archaeology 15(1), 247-260. Cifani, G., 2002b. Aspects of urbanization and etnic identity in the Middle Tiber Valley, in: P. Attema, GJ. Burgers, E. van Joolen, M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology. Theory and methodology of field survey. Land evaluation and landscape perception. Pottery production (Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen, April 13-15, 2000) (= BAR International Series 1091). 220-228. Coarelli, F., 1998. La storia e lo scavo, in: F. Coarelli & P.G. Monti, Fregellae 1. Le fonti, la storia, il territorio. Perugia, 29-69. Colonna, G., 1990. Città e territorio nell’Etruria meridionale del V secolo, in: Crise et transformation des sociétés archaïques de l’Italie antique au Ve siècle av. J.-C. (Actes de la table ronde organisée par l’École française de Rome et l’Unité de recherches étrusco-italiques associée au CRNS (UA 1132), Rome 19-21 novembre, 1987). Roma, 7-21. Cornell, T.J., 1995. The beginnings of Rome. Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000-264 BC). London-New York. di Gennaro, F., 1982. Organizzazione del territorio

1064

HELGA DI GIUSEPPE: REALTÀ MICRO-REGIONALI A CONFRONTO SULLE DUE SPONDE DEL TEVERE nell’Etruria meridionale protostorica: applicazione di un modello grafico. Dialoghi di Archeologia 4(2), 102-112. di Gennaro, F. & S. Stoddart, S. 1982. A review of the evidence for prehistoric activity in part of South Etruria. Papers of the British School at Rome 50, 121. Di Giuseppe, H., 2002. Urban pottery production in the middle Tiber Valley from the 7th to the 3rd BC: some suggestions on the case of Veii, in: P. Attema, G-J. Burgers, E. Van Joolen, M. Van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology. Theory and methodology of field survey. Land evaluation and landscape perception. Pottery production (Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen, April 13-15, 2000) (= BAR International Series, 1091). 169-171. Di Giuseppe, H., 2003. La ceramica a vernice nera, in: H. Patterson, A. Bousquet, H. Di Giuseppe, F. Felici, S. Fontana, R. Witcher & S. Zampini, Le produzioni ceramiche nella media Valle del Tevere tra l’età repubblicana e tardoantica. Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores 38, 161-164. Di Giuseppe, H., M. Sansoni, J. Williams & R. Witcher, 2002. The Sabinensis ager revisited: a field survey in the Sabina Tiberina. Papers of the British School at Rome 70, 99-149. Duncan, C.G., 1958. Sutri (Sutrium): notes on Southern Etruria, 3. Papers of the British School at Rome 26, 63-134. Enei, F., 2001. Progetto Ager Caeretanus. Il litorale di Alsium. Roma. Fenelli, M., 2003. Scavi e ricerche topografiche nella fascia costiera tra Lavinium e Anzio, in: J. Rasmus Brandt, X. Dupré Raventós & G. Ghini (eds), Lazio & Sabina, 1 (Atti del Convegno 28-30 gennaio 2002, Roma). Roma, 189-196. Filippi, G., 1979. Primo contributo alla conoscenza del territorio sabino nell’età preistorica e protostorica. Archeologia Laziale 2, 111-115. Filippi, G. & M. Pacciarelli, 1991. Materiali protostorici dalla Sabina Tiberina. L’età del bronzo e la prima età del ferro tra il Farfa e il Nera (= Quaderni del Museo Civico Archeologico di Magliano Sabina, 1). Magliano Sabina. Fontana, S., 1989. Villae Rusticae Romanae tra il XVII e il XXIV miglio della Via Cassia. Ricognizioni Archeologiche 4, 43-57. Fracchia, H.M. & M. Gualtieri, 1989. The social context of cult practices in pre-Roman Lucania. American Journal of Archaeology 93, 217-232. Fraschetti, A., 1994-‘95. Servio Tullio e la partizione del corpo civico. Metis 9-10, 129-141. Frederiksen, M.W. & J.B. Ward Perkins, 1957. The ancient road system of the central and northern Ager Faliscus (= Notes on Southern Etruria, 2). Papers of the British School at Rome 25, 67-204. Gabba, E., 1990a. La società romana tra IV e III secolo, in: Storia di Roma. II. L’impero mediterraneo. I. La repubblica imperiale. Torino, 7-17.

Gabba, E., 1990b. Il declino della milizia cittadina e l’arruolamento dei proletari, in: Storia di Roma. II. L’impero mediterraneo. I. La repubblica imperiale. Torino, 691-695. Gabba, E., 1990c. Il tentativo dei Gracchi, in: Storia di Roma. II. L’impero mediterraneo. I. La repubblica imperiale. Torino, 671-689. Gaffney, V., H. Patterson, S. Piro & P. Roberts, 2000. L’anfiteatro di Forum Novum. Archeo 188, 18. Gaffney, V., H. Patterson & P. Roberts, 2001. Forum Novum-Vescovio: studying urbanism in the Tiber valley. Journal of Roman Archaeology 14(1), 59-79. Gaffney, V., H. Patterson, P. Roberts & S. Piro, 2003. Forum Novum-Vescovio: from Roman town to bishop’s seat, in: J. Rasmus Brandt, X. Dupré Raventós & G. Ghini (eds), Lazio & Sabina, 1 (Atti del Convegno 28-30 gennaio 2002, Roma). Roma, 119-126. Gamurrini, G.F., A. Cozza, A. Pasqui & R. Mengarelli, 1972. Carta archeologica d’Italia (1881-1897) (= Materiali per l’Etruria e la Sabina, I). Firenze. Gazzetti, G., 1997a. La villa della gens Volusia, in: G. Boenzi et al. 1997, 30-37. Gazzetti, G., 1997b. La villa del Casale di Meana, in: G. Boenzi et al. 1997, 45. Gazzetti, G., 1997c. La villa in località Prato La Corte fondo Bigatti, in: G. Boenzi et al. 1997, 47-48. Gualtieri, M., 1996. Residenze gentilizie di IV sec. a.C. a Roccagloriosa, in: F. D’Andria & K. Mannino (eds), Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia (Atti del colloquio Lecce 23-24 giugno, 1992). Galatina, 301-320. Guidi, A. & P. Santoro, 2004. Centri della Sabina tiberina in epoca pre-romana, in: H. Patterson (ed.), Bridging the Tiber, approaches to regional archaeology in the Middle Tiber Valley (= Archaeological Monograph of the BSR). London, 179-187. Hemphill, P., 1975. The Cassia-Clodia Survey. Papers of the British School at Rome 30, 118-175. Jones, J.D.B., 1962. Capena and the Ager Capenas: part. I. Papers of the British School at Rome 30, 116-212. Jones, J.D.B., 1963. Capena and the Ager Capenas: part. II. Papers of the British School at Rome 31, 100-158. Kahane, A.M., 1977. Field survey of an area South and West of La Storta. Papers of the British School at Rome 45, 138-190. Kahane, A., L. Murray Threipland & J.B. Ward-Perkins, 1968. The Ager Veientanus, North and East of Veii. Papers of the British School at Rome 36, 1-218. Kahane, A. & J.B. Ward Perkins, 1972. The via Gabina. Papers of the British School at Rome 40, 91-126. Keay, S., M. Millett, S. Poppy, J. Robinson, J. Taylor & N. Terrenato, 2000. Falerii Novi: a new survey of the walled area. Papers of the British School at Rome 68, 1-93. Liverani, P., 1984. L’ager veientanus in età repubblicana. Papers of the British School at Rome 52, 36-48. Liverani, P., 1987. Municipium Augustum Veiens, Veio in età imperiale attraverso gli scavi Giorgi (1811-1813).

1065

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Roma. Lo Cascio, E., 2001. Popolazione e risorse agricole nell’Italia del II secolo a.C., in: D. Vera (ed.), Demografia, sistemi agrari, regimi alimentari nel mondo antico (Atti del convegno internazionale di studi Parma, 17-19 ottobre, 1997). Bari, 217-245. Menichetti, M., 1994. Archeologia del potere. Re, immagini e miti a Roma e in Etruria in età arcaica. Milano. Morel, J.-P., 1969. Études de céramique campanienne. L’atelier des petites estampilles. Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire 81, 59-117. Morel, J.-P., 1985. La ceramica e le altre merci d’accompagno nel commercio da e per Roma in età repubblicana, in: Misurare la Terra: materiali da Roma e dal suburbio (cat.). Modena, 172-179. Morselli, C., 1980. Sutrium (Forma Italiae, Regio VII). Firenze. Muzzioli, M.P., 1980. Cures Sabini (Forma Italiae Regio IV). Firenze. Ogilvie, R.M., 1965. Eretum. Papers of the British School at Rome 20, 70-112. Olcese, G., 1998. Ceramiche a vernice nera di Roma e area romana: i risultati delle analisi di laboratorio, in: P. Frontini & M.T. Grassi (eds), Indagini archeometriche relative alla ceramica a vernice nera: nuovi dati sulla provenienza e la diffusione (Atti del Seminario internazionale di Studio, Milano 22-23 novembre, 1996). Como, 141-152. Pacciarelli, M., 2000. Dal villaggio alla città. La svolta protourbana del 1000 a.C. nell’Italia tirrenica. Firenze. Pala, C., 1976. Nomentum (Forma Italiae, Regio I). Firenze. Papi, E., 2000. L’Etruria dei Romani. Roma. Patterson, H. & M. Millett, 1998. The Tiber Valley Project. Papers of the British School at Rome 53, 120. Patterson, H., F. di Gennaro, H. Di Giuseppe, S. Fontana, V. Gaffney, A. Harrison, S.J. Keay, M. Millett, M. Rendeli, P. Roberts, S. Stoddart & R. Witcher, 2000. The Tiber Valley Project: the Tiber and Rome through two millennia. Antiquity 74(284), 395-403. Patterson, H. & R. Witcher, 2002. The Tiber and Rome through two millennia, in: P. Attema, G.-J. Burgers, E. van Joolen, M. van Leusen & B. Mater (eds), New developments in Italian landscape archaeology. Theory and methodology of field survey. Land evaluation and landscape perception. Pottery production. Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen, April 13-15, 2000 (= BAR International Series 1091). Oxford, 8790. Patterson H. & H. Di Giuseppe (eds), (in preparazione). Veii. The historical topography of the ancient city. A re-study of John Ward Perkins’ survey (= Archaeological Monograph of the BSR). London. Patterson, H., H. Di Giuseppe & R. Witcher, 2004a Three South Etrurian “crises”. First results of the Tiber Valley Project. Papers of the British School at Rome

74, 1-36. Patterson, H., H. Di Giuseppe & R. Witcher, 2004b. Progretto Tiber Valley – La Sabina e le due rive a confronto, in: S. Ponchia & A. Guidi (eds), Ricerche archeologiche in Italia e in Siria (Atti delle giornate di studio, Verona 6-7 maggio 2002). Padova, 67-88. Pellegrino, A., A. Carbonara, M.C. Vittori & M.L. Vivarelli, 1983. Ville rustiche a Dragoncello (Acilia). Archeologia Laziale 5, 76-83. Pellegrino, A., A. Carbonara, M.C. Vittori & M.L. Vivarelli, 1993. Scavo di un edificio rustico e di un sepolcreto di età repubblicana ad Acilia. Archeologia Laziale 11, 141-148. Petriaggi, R., G. Bonnacci, A. Carbonara, M.C. Vittori, M.L. Vivarelli & P. Vori, 1995. Scavi a Ponte Galeria: Nuove acquisizioni sull’acquedotto di Porto e sulla topografia del territorio portuense. Archeologia Laziale 12(2), 361-374. Potter, T.W., 1979. The changing landscape of South Etruria. London. Potter, T.W., 1991. Towns and territories in Southern Etruria, in: J. Rich & A. Wallace-Hadrill (eds), City and country in the ancient world. London/New York, 191-209. Russo, A., 1996. Le abitazioni degli indigeni: problematiche generali, in: F. D’Andria & K. Mannino (eds), Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia (Atti del colloquio Lecce 23-24 giugno, 1992). Galatina, 67-87. Russo Tagliente, A., 1992. Edilizia domestica in Apulia e Lucania. Ellenizzazione e società nella tipologia abitativa indigena tra VIII e III secolo a.C. Galatina. Russo Tagliente, A., 1999. Processi di trasformazione nell’edilizia domestica della Basilicata centrosettentrionale tra V e III sec. a.C., in: M. Barra Bagnasco, E. De Miro & A. Pinzone (eds), Magna Grecia e Sicilia. Stato degli studi e prospettive di ricerca (Atti dell’Incontro di Studi Messina, 1996). Messina, 108-116. Stanco, E.A., 1997. La villa “della Standa”, in: G. Boenzi et al. 1997, 40-44. Tartara, P., 1999. Torrinpietra (IGM 149 I NO). Firenze. Terrenato, N., 2001. The Auditorium site in Rome and the origins of the villa. Journal of Roman Archaeology 14, 5-32. Torelli, M., 1985. Introduzione, in: S. Stopponi (ed.), Case e Palazzi d’Etruria. Milano, 21-32. Turchetti, R., 1995. Monterotondo e il suo territorio. Bari. Ward-Perkins, J.B., 1961. Veii. The historical topography of the ancient city. Papers of the British School at Rome 29, 1-122. Zifferero, A., 1991. Forme di possesso e tumuli orientalizzanti nell’Italia centrale tirrenica, in: E. Herring, R. Whitehouse & J. Wilkins (eds), Papers of the Fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology of Power, 1. London, 107-134.

1066

FROM OPPIDA TO CASTELLA. SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE IN THE LIRI-BASIN (SOUTHERN LATIUM – ROMAN TO MEDIEVAL) Cristina Corsi, Eugenio Polito & Sara Persichini* Abstract: The University of Cassino has initiated a project to map the archaeological heritage of inland southern Latium. The period studied ranges from the 4th-3rd century BC (the period of Romanization) to the 10th-11th century AD (the ‘incastellamento’ phase) in order to measure long-term evolutions. The project, partly consisting of bibliographical and archive research, partly carried out with a survey, aims to detect the Roman Age settlement pattern and the transition to the typical Late Antique and EarlyMiddle Age landscapes, by examining the development of new settlements.

The chairs of Classical and Medieval Archaeology of the University of Cassino have undertaken a project to map the archaeological heritage of inland southern Latium (4th century BC-11th century AD). Because of their geohistorical coherence, the Middle and Lower Liri valley, the slopes of the Meta Mountains and the Rapido and Gari river basins have been chosen as boundaries of the investigated area. In this paper we present Sheet 160, Cassino, of the Istituto Geografico Militare Italiano, scale 1:100.000 (excluding the lower part). The project consists partly of a bibliographical and archive research, partly of proper field survey. The survey is intended to verify the scattered and often dubious information given in the current literature and to locate more precisely the archaeological evidence through GPS technology. Up till now, we have been processing the data known from literature and archive documents, and inserting them systematically in a GIS, using the MapInfo software, scanning the cartographic types and applying the geometrization and georeferentiation in plane coordinates in different scales (from cadastral maps 1: 2000, to Carta Tecnica Regionale 1:10.000, to the IGMI 1:25.000, 1:100.000). In order to measure long-term evolution and changes, the chronological extension has been established from the ‘Romanization’ period to the beginning of the ‘incastellamento’ phase (before the Norman Invasion, 1040 AD): during this long chronological span this area was frontier-land. It witnessed the war between the Romans, the Volscans and the Samnites (4th-early 3rd century BC), the Second Punic War until the struggles of the 1st century BC, and then again – after the long period of the pax romana – the Gothic war (535-553 AD), the Lombard conquest (late 6th century AD), the Carolingian power, the attacks of Arab raiders, and the squabbles over territory among local chiefdoms, which opposed the raising power of the Abbey of Montecassino. Former research has been much conditioned by the literary common place concerning the ‘solitudo Italiae’ in the Imperial age: apparently, inner Southern Latium experienced a serious economical recession in Imperial times. This appears to be partly confirmed by recent

surveys in the area, which point out the poverty of the region in terms of number and wealth of settlements compared to other Italian regions, such as the coastal strip of southern Etruria.1 In fact, the relative scarcity of archaeological remains even in Republican times, which historically was the most prosperous period for Latium through the presence of ‘negotiatores’, could be a consequence of the poor durability of building material in this period. Among others, the Fregellae excavations show only too well that the poor knowledge of the area depends largely on the state of research.2 With regard to Imperial times, we intend to verify the consistence of villa development and the eventual continuity of the bigger settlements: it would be particularly important to improve the chronology of villas and settlements, which, until now, has been extremely vague. As a first hypothesis, we suggest that the traditional settlement development pattern (Italic-Roman oppidum – Roman plain town – villa) should be seen not as a precise chronological sequence, in which one step follows and excludes the former, but as an open pattern. The hilltop sites, the colonies and the municipia in the valleys, the vici and pagi and finally the villas probably existed at the same time, contributing all together to define the settlement system in terms of periodical, but not exclusive prevalence of either settlement type.3 This appears to be confirmed by the local road network, in which the creation of new Roman roads does not seem to cancel the older paths, and these periodically regain their former importance.4 There were obviously also important phenomena of discontinuity. Here too, the new Roman foundations did suffer the competition of the Italic non-urban pattern, whose substantial victory is so evident in other parts of Italy (e.g. in Samnium). But the long-lasting settlement of Aquinum demonstrates that the supposed abandonment of settlements of the plain in favour of the old hilltop sites at * Dipartimento di Filologia e Storia, Facoltà di Lettere. We kindly thank our colleague prof. France Mc Donald for helping us with the translation. 1 Hayes & Martini 1994. See also Cancellieri 1976-77, with a different approach. 2 Coarelli 1986; Coarelli & Monti 1998. 3 For similar approaches compare e.g. Arthur 1991. 4 Valenti 1993.

1067

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI

Fig. 1. F.160-Cassino. Archaeological Map: Roman times (4th BC-4th AD). the close of the antique period was not always the only option, and probably did not occur as early as is commonly believed.5 In this respect it could be interesting to verify the situation in other ‘dead towns’, such as Fabrateria Nova and Interamna Lirenas, whose Imperial and Late Antique history is not well known. Concerning the Roman period, we expect to be able to draw a new and more detailed mosaic of the settlements in this region, possibly covering the less known areas, which are almost empty in our map (Fig. 1), and to improve chronological accuracy through new surveys and comparison of data. The study will hopefully fill the existing knowledge gap in an area situated between the better known regions of Latium Vetus and Campania, and constitute a link between the late Prehistory (dramatically expanding as a subject in recent years in southern Latium) and the celebrated age of monasticism. E.P.

In Roman times, Southern Latium served as a natural path for Roman expansion towards South Italy: this area was brought under control by founding new colonies and carrying out land-division systems in their territories. The settlements considered in this research are: Fregellae, Fabrateria Nova, Aquinum, Interamna Lirenas and Casinum. Fregellae, placed in the territory of the modern town of Ceprano, in the Liri valley, was first an oppidum belonging to the Volsci (Liv., 8, 23, 6), later (around 354 BC) to the Samnites and finally, after 313 BC, it was conquered by Rome, who transformed it into a colony.6 Fregellae was rebuilt on the plateau of Opri and its new position, close to the Via Latina and the Via Sorana (which, coming from Sora in the Roveto valley, and running along the Liri river, led to the Tyrrhenian coast), was due to its function of preventing the Samnites from entering the Liri valley.7 The colony covered an area of 100 hectares, and had a regular urban plan, oriented some 6

5

Hayes & Martini 1994.

7

1068

Coarelli & Monti 1998, 32, 47. Coarelli 1979, 200; Coarelli & Monti 1998, 109.

CRISTINA CORSI, EUGENIO POLITO & SARA PERSICHINI: FROM OPPIDA TO CASTELLA 20° W. The most important N-S axis of this urban plan was possibly the Via Latina.8 The archaeological excavations have brought to light many remains: the forum with its buildings, dating back to the 3rd century BC, the arx with two temples, the thermae, a residential neighbourhood with seven domus of the 2nd century BC, an aqueduct and a temple extra muros.9 In spite of its great prestige, confirmed by many historical events, Fregellae fell into a deep economical crisis during the 2nd century BC.10 In 125 BC it was besieged and destroyed by the praetor Lucius Opimius because of its rebellion against Rome’s refuse to grant the right of citizenship to the Italics.11 Fabrateria Nova, situated between the modern villages of Isoletta and S. Giovanni Incarico, on a plateau called La Civita, founded a year after the destruction of Fregellae (124 BC), inherited most of the territory of the latter.12 It covered a quadrangular area of about 25 hectares, on the right of the Liri river, with a regular urban plan. Although several ruins are still visible above ground, a cryptoporticus and a small amphitheatre excepted, the function of many structures cannot be identified. Fabrateria Nova was probably reached by the Via Latina, which entered the colony above a northern bridge and then crossed the built-up area from W to E. After the destruction of Fregellae this road changed its route and passed through the urban area of the new colony.13 After Fabrateria Nova, the Via Latina crossed the Liri river over a bridge situated E of the colony, in a site today called ‘Limata dello Spedale’. Another important road was the one that, coming from Sora and passing over a bridge placed next to La Civita, led to the colonies of Fundi and Tarracina. The history of Fabrateria Nova is ill-known, we can only attest that it became a municipium during Imperial times. We do not know anything about the foundation of Aquinum, but the numerous remains of its public buildings permit us to place the Roman colony E of the modern town of Aquino. The peculiarity of this city was its urban plan: it consisted of insulae in the shape of parallelograms, with sides measuring 6x4 actus (212x140 m). This particular plan was due to the topographical features of the area.14 Some public buildings, such as the ruins of the Capitolium, the theatre and the amphitheatre, are still visible. In addition to the boundary walls, Aquinum was also surrounded on three sides by a moat and by three lakes (forming the stream called Le Forme) on the eastern side.15 As far as the infrastructures are concerned, there are remains of two bridges over the Melfi river, that were crossed by the Via Latina before

entering Aquinum, and remains of the aqueduct of the colony, possibly datable to the end of the 1st century BC. A. Di Murro has recently located its traces, as was pointed out in the 1940s by M. Cagiano De Azevedo. The aqueduct starts from the spring, in the place called ‘La Forma’ on Monte Cairo and it consists of three cuniculi constructed in opus incertum.16 The Via Latina entered the colony through the Porta Romana, on the W side of the boundary walls, crossing the city from W to E with a rectilinear route, and leaving it through the Porta Capuana, on the E side.17 Interamna Lirenas was set up in 312 BC at the E end of the wide middle valley of the Liri river, in a locality today called Termine, situated in the countryside of the present municipality of Pignataro Interamna. T. Livius (9, 28) tells that the colony was founded by 4000 colonists in a hot, damp and not very healthy place, but close to a very important road junction.18 One of the streets controlled by this colony was the Via Latina, which after passing Aquinum split into two different trajectories. One route, maybe during the Republican period (since the 3rd century BC according to Liv. 10, 36, 16), passed next to Interamna Lirenas.19 The other route, shorter than the first one and perhaps datable to the Imperial age, went directly from Aquinum to Casinum and can probably be identified as the later branch of the Via Latina called Nova.20 Another important road controlled by Interamna Lirenas was the one that, coming from the northern valleys of Sora and Atina, led to the S and reached the Via Appia and the colony of Minturnae on the Tyrrhenian coast.21 Only a few remains of this colony have been discovered: few public buildings and some infrastructures, such as the aqueduct and a bridge outside the urban area.22 The latter is placed over the brook of Spalla Bassa, on the N side of Interamna Lirenas. This bridge ‘of Evil’, as it is called today could be dated to the 2nd century BC. It was crossed by an extension of the most important N-S axis of the urban plan of Interamna Lirenas, a road that led to Casinum.23 We know almost nothing about the foundation of Casinum, but the Roman town is considered to be set up at the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 3rd century BC. It was a civitas sine suffragio, maybe transformed in a municipium in the first half of the 1st century BC.24 Casinum was placed higher than the modern city of Cassino, and its urban area stood on the southern lower slope of Montecassino. It was organized with terraces and streets, both of them parallel with the slope. Within the area where most archaeologists locate the colony, there 16

Cagiano de Azevedo 1949, 46-48. Giuliani 1964, 47; De Rossi 1980, 243, 245. Cagiano de Azevedo 1947, 5, 8. 19 It can probably be identified as the branch of the Via Latina called Vetus. 20 Valenti 1999, 128-130. 21 Cagiano de Azevedo 1947, 43-44. 22 Cagiano de Azevedo 1947, 21, 24, 29-32. 23 Cagiano de Azevedo 1947, 29-32. 24 Ghini & Valenti 1995, 17. 17

8

Coarelli & Monti 1998, 53-54, 58, 110. Coarelli & Monti 1998, 43-44, 56-65. 10 Colasanti 1906, 145, 151-152; Coarelli & Monti 1998, 34, 40. 11 Colasanti 1906, 171; Coarelli & Monti 1998, 41-42, 53, 67. 12 Coarelli & Monti 1998, 42, 100. 13 Coarelli & Monti 1998, 100-101. 14 Giuliani 1964, 47-48; Ceraudo 1999, 166. 15 De Rossi 1980, 246-247; Coarelli 1982, 212. 9

18

1069

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI are the remains of some monumental buildings. The arx with the temples was located on top of Montecassino and ancient structures have been seen inside the Abbey. On the terraces below there are other important buildings, such as the theatre, dating back to the second half of the 1st century BC, and the monumental tomb of Ummidia Quadratilla, a rich Roman matron who lived in the 1st century AD.25 Outside the boundary walls (4,5 km long), there are the remains of a paved road, the amphitheatre, built in the second half of the 1st century AD, and some necropolises. Other interesting ruins that have been found in the territory of Casinum are above all infrastructures, such as the aqueduct (22 km long), that provided the colony with water, some roads, such as the Via Pedemontana, and also bridges. A still open question is to locate the route of the Via Latina in the territory of Casinum. Some archaeologists hypothesize that it crossed the urban area entering through the Porta Romana and going out through the Porta Campana,26 others think that a branch of the Via Latina by-passed the town. In the latter case, the route could be identified with the paved road that runs on the terrace above the amphitheatre.27 What seems to be sure, is that the branch of the Via Latina that reached Casinum belonged to the Via Latina Nova. Regarding the towns considered – Fregellae, Aquinum and Casinum – we can underline the unclear connection between the pre-Roman city and the Roman settlement. As stated above, the better studied instrument to analyse the Romanization process in Southern Latium is the Roman land-division system. Its traces in the modern landscape can be considered as the major archaeological evidence of Roman civilization in the area. In southern Latium the Romans probably carried out many landdivision systems, but only some of them are still visible on the ground today. One of these has probably been discovered in the wide valley where Fabrateria Nova, Aquinum, Interamna Lirenas and Casinum were located. The Centre de Recherches d’Histoire Ancienne of the University of Besançon has hypothesized the presence of a land-division system in this area since the 1980s. It was a classic centuriation, with squares measuring 20 actus side (709 m) and oriented 28° E.28 Ongoing studies by Italian archaeologists have confirmed the existence of such land-division systems. Collecting and processing all the data concerning these four towns, including aerial photography, and superimposing the grid reconstructed by French archaeologists on the sheets of IGMI, it has appeared clearly that some lines of the present landscape coincide with some limits of the Roman land-division system. S.P.

25

Ghini & Valenti 1995, 92-95, 99-105. Carettoni 1940, 71. Valenti 1993, 42-43. 28 Chouquer et al. 1987, 128-130. 26 27

We can underline the continuity in the local road network since pre-Roman times to the early Middle Age, mostly along the natural paths connecting Rome with Campania and Samnium. They ran through the Liri valley and the ‘Via Pedemontana’ (foothill road along the slopes of Monte Cairo), and the transappenninic itinerary connecting the Adriatic and Thyrrenian areas through the Val di Comino and the Liri-Garigliano valley, having Cassino as the most important network junction. On close examination of the immense documentary patrimony we can also affirm the continued use of the Via Latina in the Middle Ages, parallel with the ‘Via Pedemontana’, though the latter remains the main communication path on the NW-SE axis. It is also remarkable that the most recent documentary evidence suggests that the settlement pattern and the system of exploiting the land in the 7th and 8th century had not radically changed from those of Roman times, but represented a continuity. Likewise the situation in other areas of central Italy, the Roman settlements – where investigated – last until the first part of the 7th century, and seem, therefore, to have survived the trauma of the Gothic wars and the Lombard invasion. We could therefore list many cases where villages and monastic foundations re-occupied and re-used ancient settlements (S. Scolastica,29 S. Angelo in Theodice,30 S. Vito alla Melfa,31 S. Pietro a Campea,32 Cervaro,33 Villa Parito34 and Villa Eucheria35), even if our scarce knowledge of early medieval pottery in general, and specifically of local coarse wares of this period, which cannot at present be recognized, given the absence of dated stratigraphic contexts, doesn’t allow us to describe how the gap between Late Antiquity and Middle Age was filled. Recent research confirms continuity beyond the 7th century in the towns, even on reduced surfaces, as in the cases of Cassino, Aquino, Interamna and Atina. It is possible, then, that vicissitudes similar to those of Priverno must be assumed also in this area, where the supposed date of the abandonment of the Roman town in the plain in favour of the defended village on the hilltop has been radically postponed.36 Furthermore, the earliest bishoprics are settled into ancient municipia. This phenomenon can be clearly interpreted as an expression of continuity in the 29

Carettoni 1940, 106; Pani Ermini 1985. NSc 1878, 169-170, CIL, X1, 5176, 5196, 5209. 31 Cagiano de Azevedo 1949, 60. 32 Cagiano de Azevedo 1949, 60-61; Rizzello 1990, 48-50, n. 6. 33 Carettoni 1940, 47. 34 Hayes & Martini 1994, 50-51. 35 Villa Eucheria presents continued occupation until the building of the Benedictine nunnery of S. Maria di Palazzolo (before 1134): Cagiano de Azevedo 1949, 61-63. 36 Results of recent excavations have been presented at several congresses, conferences and seminars, see, for instance, De Rossi, Cancellieri & Amici, in press. 30

1070

CRISTINA CORSI, EUGENIO POLITO & SARA PERSICHINI: FROM OPPIDA TO CASTELLA

Fig. 2. F.160-Cassino. Archaeological Map: Late Antiquity - Middle Age (4th-11th centuries AD). settlement patterns as well as in the social order, at least before the deep transformation in the land-use system that would be carried out with the monastic colonization, headed here by the Abbey of Montecassino, at the end of 7th century. Most of our towns are recorded as having been stormed mainly by the Lombards, but it is difficult to determine the real events and effects from the archaeological point of view because the description in ancient sources might be more rhetorical than factual. Through the map (Fig. 2), we can estimate to what extent the earliest religious foundations have privileged the plain, dedicating particular attention to the roads to Montecassino, in view of the fact that nearly all these cells appear dependencies of the Abbey: along the ‘Via Pedemontana’ are dislocated the monasteries of Roccasecca, Castrocielo, Piedimonte S. Germano, etc.

During the 1040s, only the castra of Pontecorvo, Aquinum and Casinum – Sancti Petri were already fortified.37 Soon after the mid 11th century, internal struggles more than the external threats gave rise to the process of ‘incastellamento’. Thirty years after the work of Toubert,38 the ‘incastellamento’ model, designed for Southern Latium, seems to be more varied and complex, mostly in three aspects: some of the castles seem to be preceded by settlements (it’s not clear whether fortified or not); the population appears to be still spread in the countryside; castella are built rather for defensive reasons, than for agricultural expansion, mostly during the phase headed by abbot Aligernus (949-985). Later typology and distribution of foundations clearly aimed at repopulation and agricultural expansion.39 Hence, the dynamics of the ‘incastellamento’ phenomenon in inner

37

Hayes & Martini 1994, 54; Castelli del Lazio meridionale 1998, 39. Toubert 1973. 39 Toubert 1979, n. 2; Wickham 1985, 42-43. 38

1071

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Southern Latium could be closer to those detected by Guiraud in the Gaeta district.40 Finally, we can again remark the peculiarities of this region, in respect of its ‘frontier’ role, but we can also underline how radically the rise of the power of the Abbey built up for the first time a ‘territorial unity’, developing into the centre of the authoritative political entity of the Terra Sancti Benedicti. C.C. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arthur, P., 1991. Romans in northern Campania. Settlement and land-use around the Massico and the Garigliano Basin. London. Cagiano de Azevedo, M., 1947. Interamna Lirenas vel Sucasina presso Pignataro Interamna, Regio I – Latium et Campania (= Italia Romana: Municipi e Colonia, Serie II, 2). Roma. Cagiano de Azevedo, M., 1949. Aquinum (Aquino), Regio I – Latium et Campania (= Italia Romana: Municipi e Colonia, Serie I, 9). Roma. Cancellieri, M., 1976-77. Contributo per una carta archeologica della media valle del Liri. BLazioMerid 9, 55-89. Carettoni, G.F., 1940. Casinum (presso Cassino), Regio I – Latium e Campania (= Italia Romana: Municipi e Colonie, Serie I, 2). Roma. Carettoni, G.F., 1952. Le fortificazioni medievali di Cassino. Palladio n.s. 2, 135-141. Ceraudo, G., 1999. Il contributo dell’aerofotogrammetria per la ricostruzione dell’impianto urbano di Aquinum. Terra dei Volsci 2, 161-168. Chouquer, G. et al., 1987. Structures agraires en Italie centro-meridionale. Cadastres et paysages ruraux (= Collection de l’Ecole Française de Rome, 100). Roma. Coarelli, F., 1979. Fregellae e la colonizzazione latina nella valle del Liri, in: Archeologia Laziale, 2: Secondo incontro di studio del Comitato per l’archeologia laziale (Roma 1979) IX. Quaderni del Centro di studio per l’archeologia etrusco-italica 3, 197-204. Coarelli, F., 1982. Lazio. Roma/Bari. Coarelli, F., 1986. Fregellae, 2. Il santuario di Esculapio. Roma. Coarelli, F. & P.G. Monti (eds), 1998. Fregellae, 1. Le fonti, la storia, il territorio. Roma. Castelli del Lazio meridionale, 1998. Roma/Bari. Colasanti, G., 1906. Fregellae. Storia e topografia. Roma. De Rossi, G.M., 1980. Lazio meridionale. Roma. De Rossi, G.M., M. Cancellieri & C. Amici, in press. Trasformazioni territoriali e urbane tra tardo antico e alto Medioevo nel territoria privernate, in: La Carta

40

Archeologica d’Italia, Atti Convegno di Studi Nazionale (Roma 2003). Ghini, G. & M. Valenti, 1995. Museo e area archeologica Cassino. Roma. Giuliani, F.C., 1964. Aquino. Quaderni dell’Istituto di topografia antica dell’Università di Roma 1, 11-49. Hayes, J.W. & I.P. Martini (eds), 1994. Archaeological survey in the Lower Liri valley, Central Italy (= BAR Intern. Series, 595). Oxford. Guiraud, J.F., 1982. Le réseau de peuplement dans le duché de Gaète du Xe au XIIIe siècle. MEFRA 94, 485-511. Pani Ermini, L., 1985. Note sull’architettura monastica del Lazio meridionale nell’alto Medioevo, in: Antichità paleocristiane e altomedievali del Sorano (Atti del Convegno Sora 1984). Sora, 19-40. Rizzello, M., 1990. Le ville romane della media valle del Liri, in: Scritti in memoria di Giuseppe Marchetti Longhi, I (= Biblioteca di Latium, 10). Anagni, 37-74. Toubert, P., 1973. Les structures du Latium médiéval. Roma. Toubert, P., 1979. La terre et les hommes dans l’Italie normande aux temps de Roger II: l’exemple campanien, in: Società, potere e popolo nell’età di Ruggero II. Bari, 51-71. Valenti, M., 1993. Infrastrutture stradali nel Cassinate, in: Strade romane. Percorsi ed infrastrutture (= Atlante Tematico Topografia Antica, 2). 35-44. Valenti, M., 1999. Osservazioni sul percorso della via Latina tra Aquinum e Ad Flexum. Terra dei Volsci 2, 127-144. Wickham, C., 1985. Il problema dell’incastellamento nell’Italia centrale. L’esempio di S. Vincenzo al Volturno. Firenze. Wightman, E.M., 1981. The Lower Liri valley: Problems, trends, and peculiarities, in: G. Barker & H. Hodges (eds), Archaeology and Italian society. Prehistoric, Roman and medieval studies (= BAR, Intern. Series, 102). Oxford, 275-287.

Guiraud 1982.

1072

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

1073

1074

PARTICIPANTS OF THE 6TH CONFERENCE OF ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER OF SURNAME Leonardo Abelli, Dipartimento di Archeologia, Università di Bologna, via San Vitale, 48100 Ravenna ([email protected]) Dr. Rosa Maria Albanese, Dip. St. Arch. Fil. Sto., Università di Catania, Via A. di Sangiuliano, 262, I-95125 Catania (Sicilia) ([email protected]) Fransescaromana Alberghina, Università di Catania, Dipt.di St. Archeologici, Filologici e Storici, via A. di Sangiuliano, 262, I-95125 Catania Dr. Claude Albore Livadie, Direttrice di Ricerche CNRS, Via G. Iannelli 574, 80131 Napoli, Italia ([email protected]) Dott. Luca Alessandri, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, Via M. de Moriondo, 45, 00121 Roma ([email protected]) + ([email protected]) Giovanna Alvino, Soprintendenza Archeologica per il Lazio, Via Pompeo, 00192 Roma () Valeria Acconcia, Str. Grossetawa 36, 53100 S. Andrea a Montecchio (Si) Franco Arietti, Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma Prof. Dr. Peter Attema, Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Angela Atzori, Università di Padova, Scienze dell’Antichità, Piazza Capitaniato, 7, 35139 Padova ([email protected]) Prof. Dr. Andrea Augenti, Università di Bologna, Dip. di Archeologia, Via S. Vitale, 30, 48100 Ravenna ([email protected]) Gianna Ayala, Centre for Archaeology, English Heritage, Fort Cumberland Road, Eastney, PO4 9LD Porthmouth ([email protected]) Andrea Babbi, Scienze Storiche Archeologiche, Università «La Sapienza», c/o David Erminio, Via Val d’Aosta, 3, 00045 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Stefania B. Bagella, Università di Sassari, Scienze Umanistiche Antichità, Piazza Conte di Moriana, 8, 07100 Sassari ([email protected]) Dott. Marco Baioni, Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia, Piazzetta San Bernardino, 2, 2 Gavardo (BS) ([email protected]) Roberta Baldassari, Dipartimento di Archeologia, Università di Bologna, via San Vitale, 48100 Ravenna ([email protected]) Barbara Barbaro, Università «La Sapienza» di Roma, Preistoria e Protostoria, P.le Prenestino, 35, 00176 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Bryon Bass, Inst. of Slavic, E. Euro and Eurasian Studies, University of California, URS Corporation, 130 Robin Hill Road, Ste. 100, 93117 Santa Barbara, CA ([email protected]) Mr Jeffrey A. Becker, Department of Classics, University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill, CB#3145, Murphey Hall 212, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3145 ([email protected]) Drs. Arnold Beijer, Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) † Folco Biagi, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Etruscologia, Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5, 00195 Roma ([email protected]) Mrs. Mette Bierma, RUG/GIA, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen, Paesi Bassi ([email protected]) Dorota J. Biesiekirska, Vrije Universiteit Archeologie, Weth. Wierdelsstraat 38, 1107 DK Amsterdam ([email protected]) Dr. Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici, Via Monterone 4, 00186 Roma ([email protected]) G. Bigazzi, Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche, Università di Pisa, Via S. Maria 53, 56126 Pisa ([email protected]) Prof.dr. John L. Bintliff, Leiden University, Faculty of Archaeology, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden ([email protected]) Dr. Giacomo Biondi, C.N.R., Instituto per i Beni Archeologici e Monumemtali, Sezione di Catania, Via A. di Sangiuliano, 262, 95124 Catania ([email protected]) Tjark Blokzijl, Ancient History, Adelheidstraat 4-3, 9717 AS Groningen ([email protected]) Dott. Stefano Boaro, Università di Padova, Scienze dell’Antichità, Via Ceramiche, 28, 35139 Padova ([email protected]) Catharina Boullart, University of Ghent, Classical Archaeology, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent ([email protected]) Dr. Guy J. Bradley, School of History and Archaeology, Cardiff University , PO Box 909, CF10 3XU Cardiff ([email protected]) Prof. Rasmus Brandt, IAKK, University of Oslo, Box 1019, N-0315 Olso, Norway ([email protected]) Mrs. Keri A. Brown, Dept. of Biomolecular Sciences, PO Box 88, M60 1QD Manchester ([email protected]) Natasja de Bruijn, University of Glasgow Archaeology, 6, Lillybank Gardens, G12 8QQ Glasgow ([email protected]) Silvia Bruni, Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione Archeologia, Via Festa del Perdono, 7, 20122 Milano Dr. Nicolò Bruno, Università di Catania, Via Molise, 13, 90144 Palermo ([email protected]) Dr. Gert-Jan Burgers, Archeologisch Instituut, VU, De Boelelaan 1105, 1081 HV Amsterdam ([email protected]) Berta Buurman, Universiteit van Amsterdam, Archeologie, Loosduinseweg 559, 2571 AH Den Haag ([email protected]) Dr. Alessandro Canci, Università di Pisa, Dipt. di Etologia, Ecologia ed Evoluzione, Unità di Antropologia, Via S. Maria, 55, 56126 Pisa ([email protected]) Dr. Massimo Cardoso, Piazza Cattaneo 17, 10137 Torwo ([email protected]) Margherita Carucci, University of Nottingham, Archaeology, University Park, NG7 2RD Nottingham ([email protected]) Dr.ssa Ida Caruso, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Etruria Meridionale, Piazzale Villa Giulia 9, 000197 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Roberta Cascino, British School at Rome, Via A. Gramsci, 61, 00197 Roma ([email protected]) D.ssa Marina Castoldi, Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione Archeologia, Via Festa del Perdono, 7, 20122 Milano ([email protected]) Maria Grazia Granino Cecere, Università degli Studi di Siena Alessandra Celant, University of Rome ″La Sapienza”, Laboratorio di Paleobotanica e Palinologia, Dipartimento di Biologia Vegetale, Roma

1075

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Orlando Cerasuolo, Gruppo Archeologico Romano, Via Baldo degli Ubaldi 168, 00167 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Francesca Cesari, Gruppo Archeologico Romano, Via Baldo degli Ubaldi 168, 00167 Roma ([email protected]) Maria Grazia Granino Cecera, Università degli Studi di Siena Ph.D. Carlo C. Citter, Università di Siena, Dipt. Archeologia, Via Spinello, 16, 58100 Grosseto ([email protected]) Dott. Maria Raffaella Ciuccarelli, Università di Pisa, Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche del Mondo Antico, Via Galvani, 1, 56126 Pisa ([email protected]) D.ssa Anna Maria Colavitti, Università di Cagliari, Dipartimento di Ingegneria del Territorio, Sezione Urbanistica, Piazza d’Armi, 16, 09123 Cagliari ([email protected]) Marta Colombo, Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche, Via Galvani 1, 56100 Pisa [Via Chiantigiana 105, 50126 Firenze] Dr. Maria Rita Copersino, Via Poggio S. Maria, 38, 67018 Colle Sasse (AQ) Dott. Valeria Corazza, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Dipt. Scienze dell’Antichità, Via le XXI aprile, 29, 00162 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Cristina Corsi, Università di Cassino, Dipt. di Filologia e Storia, Via Zamosch, 43, 03043 Cassino (Fr) ([email protected]) Dott. Massimo Cultraro, CNS Instituto per i Beni Archeologici, Via A. di Sangiuliano, 262, 95124 Catania ([email protected]) Mariassunta Cuozzo, Ist. Universitario Orientale, Mondo Classico e Mediterraneo Antico, Rampe S.Antonio a Posillipo, 104, 80122 Napoli ([email protected]) Dott. Michele Cupitò, Università di Padova, Dipartimento Scienze dell’Antichità, Piazza Capitaniato, 7, 35139 Padova ([email protected]) Prof. Francesco d’ Andria, Scuola di Specializzazione di Archeologia Classica e Medioevale, Via d. Birago 64, 73100 Lecce () Dott. Vincenzo d’ Ercole, Min. per i Beni e le Attivita Culturali, Sopr. Archeologica per l’Abruzzo, Museo di Preistoria, 67043 Celano – Paludi (Aq) ([email protected]) D.ssa Anna Maria de Francesco, Dipartimento di Scienze della Terra, Università della Calabria, 87036 Rende (CS), Italy ([email protected]) Jacopo De Grossi Mazzorin, University of Lecce, Departimento di Beni Culturali, Sopirintendenza Archeologica di Roma, Laboratorio di Archeozoologia, Roma Dr. Anna De Santis, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici de Roma, Palazzo Altemps, Via S. Apollinare 8, 00186 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Paolo De Vingo, Dipartimento SAAST, Università di Torino, Via G.Giolitti 21e, 10123 Torino ([email protected]) Anna Depalmas, Università degli Studi di Sassari, Dipt. di Scienze Umanistiche e dell’Antichità, Piazza Conte di Moriana, 8, 07100 Sassari F. Di Gennaro Helga Di Guiseppe, (British School at Rome), Via del Trifoglio, 15, 00172 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Andrea Di Renzoni, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Dipt. Scienze dell’Antichità, Via Flavia, 11, 00042 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Maria Teresa Di Sarcina, British School at Rome, Via Gramsci, 61, 00197 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Giovanni D. Di Stefano, Soprintendenza di Ragusa, Università della Calabria, Dipartimento di Archeologia, Via B. Croce, 6, 97100 Ragusa, Sicilia () Dr. Andrea Dolfini, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione di Archeologia, Università degli Studi di Milano, Via Festa del Perdono, 7, 20132 Milano ([email protected]) Dr. Peter van Dommelen, Univ. of Glasgow, Dept. of Archaeology, Gregory Building, Lilybank Gardens, G12 8QQ Glasgow ([email protected]) Drs. Sophie A. Dralans, Dept. of Archaeology, University of Ghent, Gerststraat 4, 9000 Gent ([email protected]) Drs. Stefan C. Elevelt, GIA, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen (stefanelevelt.hotmail.com) Dr. Flavio E. Enei, Museo Civico Archeologico di Santa Marinella, Castello di Santa Severa, 00050 Santa Severa (Rm) ([email protected]) Dott. Emeri Farinetti, Faculty of Archaeology, University of Leiden, Sevastopoulon 10A, 11524 Athens () Viviana Fausti, Università di Padova [Scienze dell’Antichità], Villlaggio Ferrari, 6, 25124 Brescia ([email protected]) Dr. Amalia F. Faustoferri, Soprintendenza Arch(eologica) – Abruzzo, Via dei Tintori, 1, 66100 Chieti ([email protected]) Dott. Stefania Favorito, Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, Via Palestro, 78, 00185 Roma ([email protected]) Francesca Ferranti, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Dipt. Scienze dell’Antichità, Via Luciano Manara, 81, 00153 Roma ([email protected]) Matthew Fitzjohn, The University of Liverpool, Sacos, Hartley Building, Brownlow Street, L69 3GS Liverpool ([email protected]) Maria Follieri, University of Rome ″La Sapienza”, Laboratorio di Paleobotanica e Palinologia, Dipartimento di Biologia Vegetale, Roma Maria Fortunati, Via Bacchiglione, 121, 20139 Milano ([email protected]) [ufficio: Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, Via de Amicis, 11, 20123 Milano] Dr. Marjan Galestin, Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Prof. Giuliana Gardelli, Archeologa – Storica dell’Arte – Ceramologa, Viale Simonini, 9, 47900 Rimini (FO) ([email protected]) Dr. Dora Gatti, Università «La Sapienza», Istituto di Paletnologia, Via Palestro 63, 00185 Roma ([email protected]) Gianfranco Gazzetti, Gruppo Archeologico Romano, Via Baldo degli Ubaldi, 168, 00167 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Fokke A. Gerritsen, Institute of Archaeology, VU Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1105, 1081 HV Amsterdam ([email protected])

1076

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Giusseppina Ghini, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio, Via Pompeo Magno, 2, 00192 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Enrico Giannichedda, Instituto di Storia della Cultur Materiale di Genova, Via Ceriato, 8, 15074 Molare (AL) ([email protected]) G. Giannotti, Università di Bologna, Dipt. Di Archeologia, P.zza S. Giovanni in Monte, 2, 40124 Bologna Dr. Claudio Giardino, Via Francesco Dall’Ongaro 95, 00152 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Fay N. Glinister, Dept. of History, University College London, Gower Street, WC1E 6BT London ([email protected]) Dr. M. Gnade, UvA, AAC, Nieuwe Prinsengracht 130, 1018 VZ Amsterdam ([email protected]) Mariachiara G. Goracci, Università di Siena, Dipt. Archeologia, Via Spinello, 16, 58100 Grosseto ([email protected]) Vittoria Guglielmi, Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione Archeologia, Via Festa del Perdono, 7, 20122 Milano Alessandro Guidi, Via Bolzano, 32, 00198 Roma ([email protected]) Marjolein Haars, Vrije Universiteit, Archeologie, Uilenstede 94-627, 1183 AL Amstelveen ([email protected]) Dr. Inge Lyse Hansen, The British School at Rome, Via Cesare Baroni 187 (B11), 00179 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Edward Herring, NUI, Classics, 6a, Glenard Crescent, Galway ([email protected]) Dr. Tamar Hodos, Dept. of Archaeology, University of Bristol, 43, Woodland Road, BS8 1UU Bristol ([email protected]) Dr. Helle W. Horsnaes, National Museum, Royal Coll. of Coins & Medals, Frederiksholms Kanal 12, DK-1220 Copenhagen K ([email protected]) Cristiano Iaia, Soprintendenza Archeologica Roma, Via Francesco d’Ovidio 103, 00137 Roma ([email protected]) Nicola Ialongo, Via Capodistria, 22, 00198 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Janne P. Ikäheimo, University of Oulu, Dept. of Art Studies and Anthropology, Box 1000, 90014 Oulu ([email protected]) D.ssa Maria Rosa Iovino, University of Leiden, The Netherlands ([email protected]) Dr. Vedia Izzet, Cambridge University, Christ’s College, CB2 3BU Cambridge ([email protected]) Dr. Eero Jarva, University of Oulu, Dept. of Art Studies & Anthropology, Viale Tirreno, 288, int. 12, 00141 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Wim Jongman, University of Groningen, History Department, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen, Paesi Bassi ([email protected]) Dr. Iefke J. van Kampen, University of Rome ″La Sapienza”, Museo dell’Agro Veientano, Piazza S. Lorenzo, 7, 00060 Formello (RM) ([email protected]) Prof. Marianne Kleibrink, Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Prof. A. Bernard Knapp, University of Glasgow, Department of Archaeology, , G12 8QQ Glasgow ([email protected]) Dr. Silvia ten Kortenaar, Università, Etruscologia e Archeologia Italica, Via Constantino, 87, 00145 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Claudia Lambrugo, Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipt. di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione di Archeologia, Via Festa del Perdono, 7, 202122 Milano ([email protected]) Dr. Anne Lehöerff, Université de Lille 3, Halma, Pont de Bois, BP 149, F-59653 Villeneuve d’Ascq Cedex ([email protected]) Prof. Giovanni Leonardi, Università di Padova, Scienze dell’Antichità, Piazza Capitaniato, 7, 35139 Padova ([email protected]) Dr. M.P. van Leusen, GIA/RUG, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Drs. Elisabeth van’t Lindenhout, Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Dr. Fulvia Lo Schiavo, ISCEVO-CNR, Via Giano della Bella 18, 00162 Roma ([email protected]) D.ssa Francesca Lugli Dr. Patricia Lulof, Archaeological Centre, University of Amsterdam, Nieuwe Prinsengracht 130, 1018 VZ Amsterdam ([email protected]) D.ssa Antonella Magagnini, Direzione Musei Capitolini, Via delle Tre Pile 1, Cap 000186 Roma ([email protected]) Tommaso Magliaro, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Etruscologia, Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5, 00195 Roma ([email protected]) D.ssa Laura Maniscalco, Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA., Via Luigi Sturzo, 80, 95100 Catania ([email protected]) Dott. Marina Marcelli, Comune di Roma, Sovraintendenza a’ Beni Culturali, Via del Teatro di Marcello, 5, 00186 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Nicoletta Martinelli, Dendrodata S.A.S., Via Cesiolo, 18, 1-37126 Verona ([email protected]) Drs. Benoit Mater, Drents Museum, Brink 1, 9400 AC Assen, Paesi Bassi, ([email protected]) Prof. David Mattingly, School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Leicester, LE1 7RH Leicester ([email protected]) Prof.ssa Luisa Mazzeo Saracino, Università di Bologna, Dipt. Di Archeologia, P.zza S. Giovanni in Monte, 2, 40124 Bologna ([email protected]) Dr. Brian E. McConnell, Viale A. De Gasperi, 241, 95127 Catania, Italy ([email protected]) Dr. Maria G. Melis, Università degli Studi di Sassari, Piazza Conte di Moriana, 8, 07100 Sassari ([email protected]) Simonetta Menchelli, Università di Pisa, Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche del Mondo Antico, Via Galvani, 1, 56126 Pisa Dr.ssa Elena Maria Menotti, Soprintendenza Archeologica Lombardia, Via De Amicis, 11, 20123 Milano ([email protected])

1077

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Dott. Manuela Merlo, Università «La Sapienza» di Roma, Via del Panfili, 122, 00121 Ostia – Roma ([email protected]) Antoon C. Mientjes, Wijcker-Pastoorstraat 13, 6221 EM Maastricht ([email protected]) Dott. Matteo M. Milletti, Università «La Sapienza» di Roma, Inst. di Etruscologia, Via P. Togliatti, 11, 0048 Nettuno – Roma ([email protected]) Claudia Minniti, University of Lecce, Departimento di Beni Culturali, Sopirintendenza Archeologica di Roma, Laboratorio di Archeozoologia, Roma Dr. Marco Minoja, Università degli Studi di Milano, Via Garian, 33, 20146 Milano ([email protected]) Dr. Claudio Moffa [Università «La Sapienza», Istituto di Paletnologia], Via Placido Zurla, 21, 00176 Roma ([email protected]) Mr. Pieter W. Mommersteeg, Church House, Chelveston, Wellingborough, NN9 6AT Northants (mommers.careerd.freeserve.co.uk) Patrick Monsieur, University of Ghent, Classical Archaeology, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent ([email protected]) Prof. Eric M. Moormann, Katholieke Universiteit, Erasmusplein 1, 6525 HT Nijmegen ([email protected]) Alessandro Morandini, Università di Padova, Scienze dell’Antichità, P.zza Capitaniato, 7, 35139 Padova ([email protected]) Dr. J. Moreland, University of Sheffield, Dept. of Archaeology, Northgate House, West Street, S1 4ET Sheffield ([email protected]) Eva Mori, Università di Pisa, Albertine Agnesplein 2, room AA2 222, 9717 EV Groningen ([email protected]) Fabio Mosca, Firence () Carrie Roth-Murray, University of Cambridge, Faculty of Classics, Sidgwick Avenue, CB3 9DA Cambridge ([email protected]) Prof. Maria Maddalena Negro Ponzi, Dipartimento SAAST, Università di Torino, Via G. Giolitti 21e, 10123 Torino ([email protected]) Dr. Nuccia Negroni Catacchio, Università degli Studi di Milano, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sezione di Archeologia, Via Festa del Perdono, 7, 20122 Milan ([email protected]) Sara Neri, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Etruscologia, Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5, 00195 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Albert Nijboer, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Dr. Veliana Olivieri, Università «La Sapienza», Scienze Storiche, Archeologiche, Piazzale A Moro, 5, 00185 Roma ([email protected]) Drs. G.J.M. van Oortmerssen, GIA, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Dr. Marco Pacciarelli, Museo Archeologico Naturalistico, Giuseppe Scarabelli, Via Verdi, 7, 40026 Imola (Bo) ([email protected]) Dr. Alessandro Palmieri, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Dipt. di Sc.Stor.Arch. e Antr. dell’Antichità, Via B. Ferretti, 8, 00052 Cerveteri (RM) ([email protected]) Silvia Paltineri, Università di Pavia, Dipt. di Scienze dell’Antichità – Archeologia, Palazzo San Tommaso, Piazza del Lino, 2, 27100 Pavia Dr. Marina Papa Sokal, City College of New York, Art History, 380 West 12th St. # 8B, 10014 New York ([email protected]) Giacomo Pardini, Università di Roma «La Sapienza» , Dipt. Sc.St.Arch. Antrop. Antichità, Via B. Orero, 54, Int. 28A, 00159 Roma ([email protected]) Prof. C.F.E. Pare, Institut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, University of Mainz, Schönborner Hof-Südflügel, Schillerstr. 11, D-55116 Mainz ([email protected]) Marinella Pasquinucci, Università di Pisa, Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche del Mondo Antico, Via Galvani, 1, 56126 Pisa John Pearce, CSAD, 67 St. Giles, OX1 3LU Oxford ([email protected]) Jeremia Pelgrom, H. Cleyndertweg 203, 1025 DL Amsterdam ([email protected]) Gianluca Pellacani, Museo Civico Archeologico Etnologico di Modena, Via Bramante, 19, 41041 Casinalbo (Modena) ([email protected]) Sara Persichini, Università di Cassino, Dipt. di Filologia e Storia, Via Zamosch, 43, 03043 Cassino (Fr) Dr. Phil Perkins, Dept. of Classical Studies, The Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes MK7 6 AA ([email protected]) Prof. Renato Peroni, Roma Catt. Protostoria Europea , Scienze dell’Antichità, Via T. Pateras, 21 , 00153 Roma ([email protected]) Federica Pitzalis Dr. Raffaella Poggiani Keller, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, Via Moratelli, 37, 24129 Bergamo ([email protected]) Eugenio Polito, Università di Cassino, Dipt. di Filologia e Storia, Via Zamosch, 43, 03043 Cassino (Fr) Maria Pretzler, Somerville College, OX2 6HD Oxford ([email protected]) Dr. Enrico Procelli, Università di Catania, Dipt.di St. Archeologici, Filologici e Storici, via A. di Sangiuliano, 262, I-95125 Catania ([email protected]) Luca Pulcinelli, Gruppo Archeologico Romano, Via Baldo degli Ubaldi, 168, 00167 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Paola Puppo, Università Studi di Genova, Via Don V. Minetti, 10/1, 16126 Genova ([email protected]) Francesco Quondam, Gruppo Archeologico Romano, Via Baldo degli Ubaldi, 168, 00167 Roma (sheryldreams&hotmail.com) Prof.ssa Giovanna Radi, Università di Pisa, Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche, Via S. Maria 53, 56126 Pisa, Italia ([email protected]) Ulla Rajala, University of Cambridge, Dept. of Archaeology, Downing Street, CB2 3DZ Cambridge ([email protected]) Prof. Annette Rathje, Dept. of Archaeology and Ethnology, School of Classical Archaeology, University of Copenhagen, Vandkunsten 5, 1467 Copenhagen ([email protected])

1078

LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Dott. Thea R. Ravasi, Università degli Studi di Milano, Scuola di Spec. in Archeologia, Piazza Udine, 1, 20132 Milano ([email protected]) Luigi Rella, Università «La Sapienza» di Roma, Inst. di Etruscologia, P.le A. Moro, 5, 00185 Roma ([email protected]) Doriana Righini, Università «La Sapienza» di Roma, Via della Mendola, 198, 00135 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Corinna Riva, St. John’s College, Faculty of Classics, St. John’s College, OX1 3JP Oxford ([email protected]) Lidia Riva Dr. John Robb, Dept. of Archaeology, Cambridge University, Downing Street, CB2 3DZ Cambridge ([email protected]) Dott. Mirella T.A. Robino, Università di Pavia, Dipt. Scienze dell’Antichità, Piazza del Lino 2, 27100 Pavia ([email protected]) Dr. Mario F. Rolfo, Università di Roma ‘Tor Vergata’, Dip. di Storia-Paletnologia , Via Appia Nuova, 96, 00183 Roma ([email protected]) Ms. Patricia Roncoroni, Seminar für Klassische Archäologie, Freie Universität Berlin, Otto-von-Simson, Str. 11, D-14195 Berlin ([email protected]) Prof. Dr. R. Ross Holloway, Dept. of Classics, Brown University, Providence, 02912 Rhode Island ([email protected]) Erik A. van Rossenberg, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, P.O. Box 9515, 2300 RA Leiden ([email protected]) Silvia Rossi, Università di Padova, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Piazza Capitaniato, 7, 35139 Padova ([email protected]) Roman E. Roth, University of Cambridge, Faculty of Classics, Peterhouse, CB2 1RD Cambridge ([email protected]) Mauro Rubini, Servizio di Antropologia Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio, Via Pompeo Magno, 2, 00192 Roma ([email protected]) Maria Giuseppina Ruggiero, Società Cooperativa Archeologica, Via Moscova, 22, 20121 Milano ([email protected]) Prof.dr. Leonard Rutgers, Utrecht University, NT Studies, POB 80105, 3508 TC Utrecht ([email protected]) Serena Sabatini, Göteborgs Universitet, Institutionen för Arkeologi, Box 200, 405 30 Göteborg ([email protected]) Leonardi Salari, Gruppo Archeologico Romano, Via Baldo degli Ubaldi, 168, 00167 Roma ([email protected]) Dott. Denis S. Sami, Università di Bologna, Archeologia – Ravenna , Via Roma, 9, 47042 Cesenatico (FC) ([email protected]) Dr. Maria Sangineto, Università Cattolica-Milano, Dept. di Archeologia, Via Principe Umberto, 114, 87070 Albidona ([email protected]) D.ssa Paola Santoro, CNR, Instituto di Studi sulle Civiltà Italiche e del Mediterraneo Antico, Viale di Villa Massimo, 29, 00161 Roma ([email protected]) Drs. Olaf Satijn, Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Chiara S. Schiavetti, Università di Firenze, Via della Leccia, 20, 57180 Livorno ([email protected]) Dr. Ferdinando Sciacca, [Università di Roma «La Sapienza»], Via della Paranzella 57c, 00121 Roma ([email protected]) Dr. Renato Sebastiani, Soprintendenza per I Beni Archeologici di Roma, Via S. Apollinare 8, 00186 Rome, Italy ([email protected]) Dr. Francesco Sirano, Ufficio per i Beni Archeologici delle Province di Teano, Museo di Teanum Sidicinum, Piazza Umberto 1, Teano (CE), Italy ([email protected]) Dr. Robin G. Skeates, Dept. of Archaeology, University of Durham, South Road, DH1 3LE Durham ([email protected]) Prof. em. Alastair M. and Mrs. Carola M. Small, School of History and Classics, University of Edinburgh, David Hume Tower, George Square, EH8 9JX Edinburgh ([email protected]) Prof. Christopher J. Smith, Department of Ancient History, University of St. Andrews, KY16 9AL St. Andrews ([email protected]) Dott Elena Smoquina, Università di Pavia, Dipt. Scienze dell’Antichità, Piazza del Lino 2, 27100 Pavia ([email protected]) Janien Sonneveld, Vrije Universiteit, Faculteit der Letteren, Vlaggemast 26, 1034 PR Amsterdam ([email protected]) Anna Spalla, DIET – Dipartmento Ingegneria Edile e del Territorio, Università di Pavia, Via Fezzata, 1, 27100 Pavia ([email protected]) Dott. Francesca Spatafora, Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA, Servizio per i Beni Archeologici, Via Calvi, 13, 90100 Palermo ([email protected]) Enrico Angelo Stanco, Ministero BB e Attività Culturali, Sopr. Arch. Etruria Meridionale, Via Tevlada, 55, 00195 Roma ([email protected]) Tesse D. Stek, University of Amsterdam, Nieuwe Prinsengracht 130, 1018 VZ Amsterdam ([email protected]) Dr. S. Stoddart, Dept. of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, CB3 3DZ Cambridge ([email protected]) Nicola Terrenato, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Department of Classics, 212 Murphey Hall, Campus Box 3145, NC 27599-3145 Chapel Hill, North Carolina ([email protected]) Hanne Thomasen, National Museum of Denmark, Collection of Classical and Near Eastern Antiquities, Frederiksholms Kanal 12, 1220 Copenhagen K ([email protected]) Mr. Luuk Tol, Groningen Institute of Archaeology, Poststraat 6, 9712 ER Groningen ([email protected]) Dr. Carlo Tozzi, Università di Pisa, Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche, Pisa, Italy ([email protected]) Dott. Anna Maria Tunzi Sisto, Soprintendenza beni Archeologici Puglia, Corso Vittorio Emanuele, 136, 70122 Bari ([email protected]) Dr. Sebastiano Tusa, Soprintendenza del Mare, Lungomare Cristoforo Colombo 4521, 90151 Palermo ([email protected]) Prof. Robert Tykot, Department of Anthropology, University of South Florida, 4202 E Fowler Ave. SOC. 107, 33620-8100 Tampa (Florida) ([email protected]) Dr.

Emanuele Vaccaro, Università di Siena, Dipt. Archeologia, Via Panoramica, 1, 58040 Tirli ([email protected]) Fabrizio Vallelonga, Museo Civico di Tolfa, L.go Caduti XV Marzo 1799, S.N.C., 00059 Tolfa (Rm) ([email protected])

1079

(Gr.)

PAPERS IN ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGY VI Dr. Allessandro Vanzetti, Via Roberto de Nobili, 13/A9, 00154 Roma (RM) ([email protected]) Barbara Vargo, University of South Florida, Anthropology, 4202 E. Fowler Avenue, 33620-8100 Tampa, Florida ([email protected]) Dott. Stefano Vassallo, Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA, Servizio per i Beni Archeologici, Via Calvi, 13, 90100 Palermo ([email protected]) Christel W.A. Veen, Universiteit v. Amsterdam, Mediterrane Archeologie, Pieter Aertszstraat 81-3, 1073 SL Amsterdam ([email protected]) Geert Verhoeven, University of Ghent, Classical Archaeology, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent ([email protected]) Prof. Dr. Frank Vermeulen, Vakgroep Archeologie, Universiteit van Gent, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent ([email protected]) Helene Verreyke, Universiteit Gent, Vakgroep Archeologie en Oude Geschiedenis van Europa, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent ([email protected]) Dr. M. Vidale, Università degli Studi di Bologna, Facoltà di Conservazione dei Beni Culturali, sede di Ravenna. Dr. Eeva-Maria Viitanen, University of Helsinki, Department of Archaeology, PL59, FIN-00014 Helsingin yliopisto ([email protected]) Mariagrazia Vitali, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia, P. Angelini 8, 24100 Bergamo. Jitte Waagen, Vrije Universiteit, Archeologie, Soesterberghof 126, 1107 GT Amsterdam ([email protected]) Prof. John Wilkins, Institute of Archaeology, 31-34, Gordon Square, WC1H 0PY London ([email protected]) Prof. Ruth Whitehouse, Institute of Archaeology, 31-34, Gordon Square, WC1H 0PY London ([email protected]) Dr. Rob E. Witcher, Department of Archaeology, Univesity of Durham, South Road, Durham DH1 3LE Prof.dr. Douwe G. Yntema, Vrije Universiteit, Institute of Archaeology, De Boelelaan 1105, 1081 HV Amsterdam ([email protected]) B. Zamagni Dott. Sabina Zeggio, Università degli Studi di Roma «La Sapienza», Via don L. Milani, 3, 00063 Campagnano di Roma (RM) ([email protected]) Dr. Andrea Zifferero, Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti, Facoltà di Lettere, Università di Siena, Via Roma 56, 53100 SIENA ([email protected])

1080