Out of Etruria: Etruscan Influence North and South [1 ed.] 0860541215, 9780860541219, 9781407324258

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B.A.R. B.A.R.,

122

Banbury Road, Oxford

GENERAL

OX2

7BP, England

EDITORS

A. R. Hands, B.Sc., :\1. A., D. Phil. D. R. Walker, ::\I. A.

B.A.R. ©

Larissa

S103,

1981:

Bonfante,

"Out of Etruria" 1981

The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9780860541219 paperback ISBN 9781407324258 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860541219 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com

CONTENTS page PREFACE INTRODUCTION PART I.

ETRUSCANINFLUENCEIN THE NORTH: THE SITULA PEOPLE l.

PART II.

Etruscan Dress and Civilization in Northern Italy and Beyond

l4

15

2. The World of the Situla People: A Proto-Urban Civilization

33

3. Situla People and Etruscan Art and the Aftermath in the North

66

4. Situla Art in Rome: The Corsini Throne

79

LANGUAGE AND ALPHABET

92

5. Etruscan Influence in Early The Latin Word Triumphus

Rome:

6. The Languages of the Situla Rhaetic, Venetic, Illyrian, by Giuliano Bonfante

People: Gallic

7. The Spread of the Alphabet Arezzo, Erz, and Runes by Giuliano Bonfante BIBLIOGRAPHY MAPS I LLUSTRAT T n ~

1'

93

lll in Europe: 124 135

PREFACE When I was a graduate student at Columbia University twenty years ago Professor Otto Brendel suggested two topics for my dissertation: Etruscan situlae. I chose the first, dress, or the Bologna and eventually expanded it into a book. In the course of studying Archaic Etruscan fashions I became curious about the obvious influence they had beyond the borders of Etruria. In Rome, where the Etruscans brought the outward signs of culture, magistrates, emperors and generals celebrating the triumph dressed in garments like those once worn by the Etruscan kings. In the area of situla art, in northeast Italy and beyond, men and women were represented wearing seventh-century styles of Etruscan dress. I found myself, in due time, turning my attention to the second topic Otto Brendel had once suggested. 11

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Much had changed in twenty years. I could not have written this book then. Most importantly, the chronology of situla art is now firmly established, so that its originality as well as its debts can be more easily studied. Otto-Herman Frey s Entstehung der Situlenkunst (1969) has shown the production to have started in the seventh century B.C., at Este, not Bologna. Then, too, the distinctive character of North Etruscan art in the Orientalizing and Archaic periods has been illustrated and focused by the spectacular material from Murlo (Poggio Civitate), near Siena, excavated and promptly published by Kyle Phillips, his colleagues and students in the Bryn Mawr excavation, working in close collaboration with Guglielmo Maetzke and the Soprintendenza of Tuscany. This site, in the artistic sphere of Chiusi, shows the importance of this Chiusi region for contacts farther north. 1

Often, in working on the representations of . situla art, I thought I.had made a discovery, only to find that Paul Jacobsthal, G. Mansuelli and Otto-Herman Frey had reached a similar conclusion long before me. I continued because the material fascinated me, and because new discoveries in Italy and in the north are almost daily refining our picture of a world which existed long ago on the frontier of civilization. I have stepped on thin ice. Clearly ancient travellers crossed the Alps more easily than modern archaeologists; fortunately, I have been able to consult with Peter Wells, who often stretched out a helping hand from his post north of the Alps.

Linguists, on the other hand, find the Alps much less of a barrier. The second part of this book, Language and Alphabet, contains two articles written by my father, Giuliano Bonfante, on the languages of the situla peoples, and on the spread of the Etruscan alphabet northward into Europe, including the Germanic and Scandinavian runes, derived from an Etruscan script. I have learned much from him about the historical reconstruction of the past from archaeological as well as l .in g u i s tic evidence; and about the in f l u enc e of a culture, and its limits. 11

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My debts are many. Some are acknowledged in the notes to the individual chapters. I must mention two friends and colleagues, however: David Ridgway, who suggested the present volume for B.A.R.; and Nancy de Grummond, my editor, who encouraged my first article on Etruscan influence in the north at a symposium in Tallahassee in 1976, and gave it a home in Archaeological News. The generosity of the Institute for Advanced Study made it possible for me to work on this and other projects in Princeton during Spring 1980. I am grateful to the directors of museums and authors of books whose photographs, drawings, maps and material I have used. Renate von Viebahn typed the manuscript into a book, Anna Farkas made maps and drawings. Both also contributed good counsel and taste. To Lucilla Marino of the Library of the American Academy in Rome and the staff go my special thanks. The individual chapters of this book have appeared previously in various journals. They have almost all been revised, and I have attempted to correlate the resulting studies by appropriate crossreferences. In some cases, similar material appeared in two or more articles; rather than eliminate portions to avoid repetition, I have kept the material in each chapter, so that the context and argument may remain clear. I am also grateful to the editors who permitted me to print revised and translated versions of articles which originally appeared in the following journals: Etruscan Influence in Northern News 5 (1976) 93-106. 110

I popoli delle situle: Dialoghi di Archeologia 11

I popoli 17 (1979)

11

delle situle 31-37.

11

Archaeological

una civilta proto-urbana, n.s. 2 (1979) 73-94. e l 1 arte

Essays "The Corsini Throne, Hill. Journal of the Walters 11

nu-12

Italy,

..

i i

etrusca,

11

11

Prospettiva

in Honor of Dorothy Kent Art Gallery 36 (1977)

INTRODUCTION The subject of this book is the influence of the historical people of the Etruscan cities, whose civilization came close to uniting Italy for the first time, and played an important role in the history of our own Western civilization. l Such a study has been made possible, as well as desirable, by the extraordinary rate at which excavation and publication have been carried on in both Italy and central Europe in the last ten years. All this new material, and especially the more certain dates, are allowing scholars to sort out the identity of the various peoples in Italy, their relationships to each other, to the Greeks in Italy and across the sea, and to the prehistoric peoples of Europe. I have tried to bring some of this information and bibliography together for an English-speaking public, for whom the specialized publications in which much of this dialogue occurs are not always easily available.2 The various chapters of this book all deal with specific contributions Etruscan civilization brought to Europe in the early period. The influence of Etruscan art in Italy and Europe in later Roman times and in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance is a fascinating subject which is attracting the attention of scholars, and we can look forward to the publication of a number of studies showing how Michelangelo, Poussin, Piranesi, and other artists reacted to the inspiration of Etruscan art.3 But the reader will find none of that material in this volume, which limits itself strictly to the period of Etruscan history, from ea. 700 B.C. to the age of Augustus. Geographically, the area covered extends from Rome all the way to Scandinavia and the farthest limits of the northern runes. Thus the influence of Etruscan culture on Etruria's neighbors went well beyond the boundaries of Etruscan power, defined by Livy as extending from the Alps to the Straits of Messina (map 2) .4 The first section deals with Etruscan influence on situla art and the situla people in the north, where Etruscan culture early found its way. The area of situla art includes northeast Italy--the Veneto and the Po Valley--and the Alps and territory beyond, in modern Austria and Yugoslavia (map 4).

l

The Alps were much travel led in antiquity, and served as a bridge rather than a wall, funneling Mediterranean influences, techniques and luxuries northward (map 3a).These areas,however, remained independent, still speaking their own Indoeuropean l~nguages--from 2000 B.C. or even earlier--and celebrating their own way of life on the bronze buckets or situlae they used for wine at heroic banquets, and buried with valiant warriors and lords in their graves. The birth of situla art has now been firmly set in the seventh century B.C., a time when Eiruscan imports were finding their way north.5 Here the chronologies patiently set up by scholars working on both sides of the Alps allow us to place this world--on the 11 brink of urbanization and 11 civilization, but never quite making it--in a historical context, and to trace various features of their art and their culture. I only deal with the Etruscan elements of this art and culture, in the hope that identifying one thread in this complex creation will make it easier to identify others. There is little doubt now that Chiusi was the route of most Etruscan influence northward. The work of Colonna, Cristofani, and Cristofani Martelli in epigraphy and iconography has made this clear.6 But it is the material from Murlo (Poggio Civitate), in the artistic sphere of Chiusi, which has provided the "missing link. 117 Chiusi's role can now be better understood. So, too, can some of the persistent legends about the importance of its kings. Lars Porsenna came as far as Rome--and took it, though the Romans tried to cover up this shameful story.8 Another king of Chiusi had the unfortunate idea of calling in the Gauls--whom he evidently dealt with on a regular basis--as mercenaries. Once these northerners had come to know the delights of Italian sunshine, fruit, and especially wine, there was no getting them out of Italy again. As Livy tells the story, "Disaster approached the ill-fated city (Rome) with the arrival of envoys from the men of Clusium seeking help against the Gauls. The story runs that this race (the Gauls), allured by the delicious fruits and especially the wine--then a novel luxury--had crossed the Alps and possessed themselves of lands that had before been tilled by the Etruscans; and that wine had been imported into Gaul .expressly to entice them, by Atruns of Clusium, in his anger at the seduction of his wife by Lucumo .... 11 9 The custom of drinking wine, and, eventually, the technique of producing it, were indeed important Etruscan contributions to civilization in the north: it was from the Etruscans, who had learned it from the Greeks, that the ancestors of the French and the people who lived by the Rhine learned to grow the vine and to make wine.10 Long before the Gauls and Germans, other northerners had become acquainted with wine on the 2

shores of the Mediterranean. The Greek-speaking Myceneans, when they came into Greece from the north, themselves had learned how to cultivate the vine and how to make and drink wine from the people whom they found living in the Aegean region. We know this, for the word wine, which comes to us from the Greek language, is not Indoeuropean. 11 Nor did the vine grow in the region where we suppose the Indoeuropeans came from, modern Germany and Poland. It was originally from the Greeks, of course, that the people of Italy had learned to drink wine. In the Iron Age the Greeks introduced wine to the inhabitants of central Italy, along with wheel-made pottery. Etruscan vinum is a loan word from Greek oinon: the word and the object both came into the culture together. The fertile valleys of Etruria, among them the great valleys of the northeast (the Val di Chiana, the Val d'Arno, the upper Tiber Valley), became at that time the great wineproducing centers they still are today. We owe to the Etruscans the wines of 0rvieto, the Chianti Classico, and many others.12 At that time too there was introduced the idea of an elaborate drinking ritual, part of the banquet which marked the center of aristocratic social life. In the cities of southern Etruria-Tarquinia and Cerveteri--Etruscan women participated in these symposia, and even took part in the toasting, as did ladies in certain other aristocratic communities. 13 But in Chiusi and elsewhere in the north, as in Athens in the Archaic and Classical periods, only men took part in these symposia and banquets which marked their status in society. And in the region of the situla people, bronze situlae and matching sets of drinking ware are almost always found in the graves of men (fig. 48); not surprisingly, since only men, evidently noble lords, are shown seated at these feasts. 14 Nor was the trade all one way. In fact, before the 0rientalizing period, when Italy was overwhelmed by influences from the eastern Mediterranean, contacts were mostly with the north. Even such a typically Etruscan fashion as the rounded mantle, the ancestor of the later Roman toga, which the Etruscans called the tebenna, may have come from the north, where we find preserved a ·woolen, checkered oval cloak from Sweden, dating to around 1200 B.C. 15 The amber coming down from the north in such great quantities bears witness to the contact between these two regions, northern Europe and Italy below the Alps (map 7). Commerce between Italy and central the north took place by land and sea, along routes. It involved the exchange of goods, ideas and techniques. From the north came amber, from very early times: others have trade in detail, and more is being learned

3

Europe to many diverse of men, of salt, and studied such each day as

scholars' interests are focused on these important areas. The trade in amber (map 7) is especially interesting. Its use clearly defines the status of women in whose graves it is found, often in staggering quantities. (It identifies women's graves, along with loom weights, just as armor and situlae characterize male burials.) Another aspect of the demand for amber which is of particular interest for us is its magical character. The enormous distances separating Italy from the farthest northern shores of Europe were spanned by the magic lure of amber originating in the Baltic area and avidly imported in Etruria and the area of the situla people and by the Scandinavian runes, based on Etruscan writing. The magic power of amber and of runes provided a powerful impetus for trade. And in the middle of all this lively exchange b et wee n n or t h an d s o u t h , at t h e c e n t er of t h e Adr i at i c koine, 11 flourished the situla people. As remnants of earlier contacts were picked up and developed, they grew wealthy, clustered around their princes in town-like settlements, and began to adopt the external features of c i t y 1 i f e , or c i v i 1 i z at i on . 11

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Besides wine-making, the Etruscan aristocracy had adopted from the Greeks a number.of other features of the gentlemanly way of life--music, athletics, the alphabet--and all of these were passed on to other nobles in the regions beyond the Etruscan cities (in the Veneto and elsewhere) as signs of civilization and status in a cultured, rich, aristocratically religious context. In Chapter I of this book, I have attempted to clarify this context further, by concentrating on particular aspects of the luxurious citified life affected by the lords of the small settlements in the north, with special emphasis on their dress. In the examination, it becomes evident that Chiusi played a key role in transmitting such elements from Etruria to the north. 11

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As someone whose field is Etruscan culture, I have been interested in the question of Etruscan influence in the region, when it came and where it came from. But once the influence has been traced, many fmportant questions are still left unanswered. In the second chapter, I inquire: what was their life like? How much does the art of these people reflect their own reality? So much of their world, seemingly their daily life, is represented for us. Yet is it really daily life? Why do they choose certain scenes above others, and what do these scenes mean? How were these patres shown on the situlae able to support the military organizations depicted with them? We are tempted to compare the military organization of Rome under Etruscan influence, apparently coinciding with its transformation into a city. But such changes do not 4

take place according to a set schedule, and there is a great deal we still do not know about what is implied in the adoption of heavily armed troops like the Greek hoplites. Here again, recent excavations and publications have added enormously to our knowledge, making it possible to attempt a reconstruction of this "protou r ban" way of l if e . Exc a vat ions i n museums have been particularly successful. Collections from important archaeological sites, long unpublished and practically unknown, have, since the war, been made available to scholars. Most recently, for example, the results of the Duchess of Mecklenburg s excavations before the First World War (figs. 1-2)--at Magdalenska Gora, Vinica, and Sticna, in Slovenia (modern Yugoslavia)-are being published at the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. 16 The cleaning of a bronze tintinnabulum, or axe-shaped pendant, in the Bologna Museum has brought to light the picture of ladies working their wool, assisted by the most ambitious technical machinery known from this period, a two-story loom (figs. 5-6) .17 Otto-Herman Frey 1 s and Stane Gabrovec 1 s publication of material from this region in connection with the tomb finds distinguishes local products and fashions from the imports. 18 Their interpretation of the scenes illuminates the mentality of the people involved as well as the historical context of the real life they reflect. Stephanie Boucher, Mario Zuffa, Peter Wells, and others have studied the trade routes (maps 3, 5, 7). 19 Much work is being done on the amber trade.20 Then there are the lucky finds, which must be set in a historical context. In Germany, the discovery in 1962 of the Hirschlanden warrior, a kouros-stele originally set on a burial mound in southern Germany (fig. 69),21 showing clear traces of Etruscan influence, was topped in the fall of 1978 by that of the tomb of a warrior in Heuneburg, near Stuttgart, complete with bronze kline, leather and gold boots, and other splendid appurtenances.22 The publication in the last few years of the Villanovan tombs from the San Vitale necropolis of ·Bologna, of 723 eighth-century B.C. tombs from Ischia in Pithekoussai I, of the Cronologia di Estee Golasecca and of other valuable corpora and studies have made available for study precious material, allowing us to see more clearly what was happening in the various areas of Italy during the Villanovan and Orientalizing phases of its history, and their relation to each other and to the north.23 11

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We see, for example, that while the life of the Etruscan cities developed, changed, and moved into the lively stream of Mediterranean history, the Iron Age civilization in the north continued with very little change. The people spoke different languages--Venetic, Rhaetic, Illyrian, Gallic (map 9). They learned to 5

write--all but the Illyrians--from the Etruscans of Chiusi and its territory; and they wrote down, in a north Etruscan alphabet, some inscriptions, uniquely precious, which have allowed linguists to study their languages, as archaeologists have examined the decoration of their bronze ware. But because they had no cities, life and art developed no further. The glorious days of the aristocracy ended, but much of their art and culture stayed thus, unchanging and fossilized, until the coming of the Romans.24 Imported Orientalizing motifs of Etruscan art and culture remained imprisoned as in amber, and were available for later European groups to use in their own art. The third chapter, "Situla People and Etruscan Art and the Aftermath in the North," attempts to sketch the curious history of such motifs as the monster with a limb in its mouth, and the double-bodied animal. Both of these became favorites in Etruscan art, from which they entered the world of situla art, particularly in Este. From there such designs found their way into Celtic and Scythian art, into the art of the Romanesque period, where sculptured capitals offer them sanctuary, and into the later art of the Middle Ages, where they frolic on the pages of illuminated manuscripts (figs. 80-92). The fourth chapter deals in some detail with a particular and peculiar monument showing the influence of situla art in a surprising context, that of the last generation of the Roman Republic in Rome.25 "Situla Art in Rome: The Corsini Throne" is set at the moment when Julius Caesar opened up the north, which had gone on for so long on its own, for the second time to the culture of the Mediterranean cities. When Caesar, the first anthropologist,26 came to Gaul, he observed the world around him and told us all we know--except for Tacitus' account--about this northern land of the Celts and the Germans, with their forests and Druids and runes. With Caesar came his soldiers, who taught 'the natives to say Kaiser; their general's name remained among the Germans as a title until modern times. Some of his soldiers brought back with them to ~ome as souvenirs a number of those bronze buckets, the situlae which were still being made in the northern regions (figs. 4, 93). These mementoes set off a fashion, albeit short-lived, for the exotic world of the north in first-century B.C. Rome. At a time when Athenian artists were working to supply sophisticated Romans with much-appreciated Nee-Attic or archaistic reliefs, in the style of "primitive" or Classical Greek art, and an architect was satisfying the craving of the wealthy Roman, Cestius, for exotic Egyptian monuments--a taste encouraged by Cleopatra's success and fame--by building him his own private pyramid, a Roman sculptor carved the marble Corsini Throne with 6

relief decoration taken from the art of the situlae (figs. 102-103). Chapter Four deals with this puzzling example of the presence of situla art in Rome, and exJmines some of the problems it presents, as well as considering some of the aspects of the art of the situlae which would be sympathetic to Roman taste. In the climate of Augustan antiquarianism the archaistic Corsini chair can be understood as an example of imitation, rather than of Hellenistic "quotation" of · earlier subjects and models. While Cicero's ideal world was that of the Scipionic circle of the second century B.C., Livy's was the primitive world of Romulus and other great native heroes. These were heroes imagined something like the lords of the situla people at their banquets. Until fairly recently, the Corsini Chair had been thought to be a work of the fourth century B.C.-with some justification, considering the antiquarian mood prevalent at that time, when a seventh-century tomb was promoted into the heroon of an ancestor, to whom offerings were made,27 and Roman and Etruscan noble families represented their families' early triumphs in their tombs and recorded them in inscriptions as elogia.28 But we can now be certain of the Corsini 's Chair's later date. Its Pentelic marble could not be earlier than the first century B.C., and we can only wonder what proud Roman family commissioned this throne for ritual use in sacrifice or funeral. The second part of this book deals with language and writing, and Etruscan influence, as well as its limits, to the north and south. Two words, one from Rome and one from the north, remain in our languages today to mark the extent of Etruscan influence in early Europe. The history of these two words, English triumph (Latin triumehus) and the German word Erz, is taken up in this section. The first, triumph, stands for the proudest of Roman honors. The rite preserves features of Etruscan influence in Rome. In this chapter I trace this word's passage into Latin by way of the Etruscan language as a synonym for the native word for dance, tripudium. I have also tried to reconstruct the historical and cultural context within which both the word triumphus and the Etruscan form of the triumph came to Rome. The primitive, Indoeuropean purification rite received a new name when it was transformed into an organized military procession under an Etruscan king, who brought to it the pageantry of the monarchy and the arts and luxuries of a city--costumes, music and parade, cult statue and temple. A new religious center, the Capitoline Hill, became the goal of the splendid ritual procession of the victorious army.29 The Campidoglio, still the center of Rome today, witnesses the continuity of the early Etruscan legacy in Rome.30 deal

The last two chapters, with the languages of the

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by Giuliano Bonfante, situla people, and with

the alphabet, the chief benefit Etruscan civilization brought to Europe. An account of each of the four languages used in the area of the northern situla art-Rhaetic, Venetic, Illyrian, and Gallic--is followed by the description of the spread of the alphabet in Europe. The Etruscans taught writing not only to the Latins but also to the Gauls, Ligurians, Lepontians, Veneti, Rhaetians, 0scans, and Umbrians (maps 9-10). As the first writing to come into the north, in the sixth century B.C., the Etruscan alphabet allowed the recording of these languages of Italy--Venetic, Rhaetic, Gallic, and others--before Rome brought unity and the victory of Latin as the universal language. The Germanic runes (figs. 120-122), also based on the Etruscan alphabet, found their way much farther north. J. Werner was right to connect the coming of writing to northern Europe with the introduction of the human figure in art.31 But it was the Etruscans, not the Romans, who brought both. Giuliano Bonfante accounts for the early development of these Germanic and Scandinavian runes. In the nineteenth century, Scandinavian runes were still being used in the northernmost areas of Europe, bearing witness to the earliest civilizing of Europe, long before that of the Greeks or Romans. The book closes with the etymology of the Ge r man wo r d Er z , 11 met a l 11 : i t d e r i v e s f r o m t h e Et r u s c an city of Arezzo, famous for its bronze Chimaera and other important bronze statues. Just as we still use the word "Bible," deriving from Byblos, the source of the papyrus for making books, the northern people who imported Etruscan bronze used the proper name of this city as a common noun, to describe the sophisticated bronze works of art and table services which came to them from the cities of north Etruria. Thus the name of Arezzo came to stand for "bronze, 11 or "metal" in general.

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NOTES 1o. and F .R. Ridgway, Italy Before the Romans 239; Pallottino, The Etruscans 101; A. Pf1ffig, "Die Etrusker und die europ~ische Kultur," Einft!hrung in die Etruskologie (Darmstadt 1972) 85-87. 2Bibliography to be found in the various chapters of Italy Before the Romans (1979), and Popoli e Civilta dell 'Italia Antica (1974-1978). For a summary and interpretation of new finds and new chronologies, see for example H. MOller-Karpe, ed., Beitr~ e zu italienischen und riechischen Bronzefunden, Pr~historisc e Bronzefun e , l Munich 197 ; reviewed by F.-W. van Hase, Pr~historische Zeitschrift 53 (1978) 284-289. 3stil l basic are the studies by A. Chastel, "L' •Etruscan Revival' du XVesiecle," Revue archeologique (1959) 165-180; "Le musee etrusque et l' 'Etruscan Revival 1 , 11 in Art et humanisme Florence (Paris 1959) 63-71. See also J. Wilton-Ely, The Mind and Art of G.B. Piranesi (London 1978) 77-80; L. Bonfante, N. de Grummond,"Poussin e gl i specchi etruschi," Prospettiva 20 ( 1980) 72-80.

a

4Livy 1 .2; 5.33. Pallottino, The Etruscans 91. A. AlfBldi, Early Romeand the Latins 283: "The Atestine civilization, at the gateway of Italy and strongly influenced by the Etruscan culture, transmitted Etruscan influences toward the north." Elements of this influence "did not migrate as simple ornaments, but presumably along with their spiritual background." 5Recent research has pushed up the date of Etruscan contact with the north, as well as the rise of situla art: Frey, Entstehung; F. Stare, Etruscani in jugovzhodni predalpski prostor (Die Etrusker und der sOdBstliche Voralpenraum (Ljubljana 1975); P. Wells, Journal of Field Archaeology 5 (1978) 226: · "Slovenian groups were in direct or indirect contact with the Etruscans from the 8th century B.C. on." The Venetic alphabet had developed by the sixth century B.C., as a recent inscription shows: G. Colonna, Estee la civilta paleoveneta. Atti dell'XI congresso di studi etruschi e italici (Florence 1980) 189. For Etruscan imports into Gaul in the seventh century B.C., see S. Boucher, "Une aire de culture italo-celtique aux VII-VI siecles av. J.Ch.," MEFRA 83 (1969) 37-57; "Importations etrusques en Gaule la fin du Vile siecle av. J.Ch.," Gallia 28 (1970) 193-206; and Recherches sur les bronzes figures de Gaule preromaine et romarne (Rome 1976) 13ff. (But see review of Recherches, by R. Fleischer, Germania 56 [1978] 636-643.) On the

a

9

routes from south to north (from Massalia, the Po Valley, or Golasecca), see L. Pauli, "L'Eta del Ferro nell'Europa centrale," Eta del Ferro a Como(Como1978) 27. See also, for the importance of the Alpine routes, F. Mezzena, in L'arte preistorica nell'Italia settentrionale dalle origini alla civilta paleoveneta (Verona 1978) 59. 6see chapter 2, n. 36.

7see chapter 1, passim. 8Tacitus, Hist. 3.72. l; Pliny, HN34.139; Ogilvie, A Commentaryto Livy-:rooks 1-5 (Oxford 1%5) 255. E. Gjerstad, Porsenna and Rome," Opuscula Romana7 (1969) 159. 11

9Livy 5.33. Translation by A. de Selincourt, History of Rome(Har~ondsworth 1970).

The Early

10on the wine from the Rhaetic Alps above Verona, still one of the finest wine-growing districts in Italy, see H. Warner Allen, A History of Wine (London 1961) 127-128. It was the favorite wine of Augustus, according to Suetonius (~. 77). Rhaetic wine is mentioned by Vergil, Georgics 2, 96, as a good wine, though not as good as Falernian. The Soave so popular today comes from that region of the Veneto. 11G. Bonfante, "Das Problem des Weines und die linguistische PalM.ontologie, Antiquitates Indogermanicae, Gedenkschrift fUr H. GUnter (Innsbruck 1974) 85-90. The word came from Latin into Etruscan, Umbrian, Faliscan, Volscian and northern languages: Ir. f1n, bret. gwin, Germ. Wein, Engl. wine. Cf. Pfiffig, Etruskische Sprache (310), on vinum as a loan-word in Etruscan (Latin vinum). Linguistic proof of the non-Indoeuropean origin of the word is the fact that the various words for "wine" in the several Indoeuropean languages exhibit none of the phonetic equivalents we expect from words of Indoeuropean origin. Supposing--as we must--that the Greek word woinos preserves the oldest form, we would expect, for the diphthong oi, a a in Classical Latin (oi in Archaic Latin: Archaic LaTin oinos, Classical Latin anus, Greek woinos). In English, for an Indo. european *oi, we would expect 5: *wone. The English word wine, comes, instead~ke b.orrowed from the Latin word vTnum~ine, all the others, from a non-Indoeuropean root (G. Bonfante, loc. cit.). An interesting archaeological document in connection with this theme is a late Bronze Age ewer from Akrotiri, on Thera (1600-1500 B.C.), with representation of bunches of grapes. These "seem to mark the first appearance of grapes in Aege-anart, although the fruit had already been cultivated for over a thousand years": Greek Art of the Aegean Islands (NewYork 1979) Cat. No. 29. 11

11

12Richardson, The Etruscans 13, 38, 75.

10

13on women's status in the southern Etruscan cities, see L. Bonfante Warren, "The Womenof Etruria, 11 Arethusa 6 (1973) 91ff.; Archaeology 26 (1973) 242ff.; L. Bonfante, "Etruscan Couples," Women's Studies (forthcoming). 14Men recline together on couches in tomb paintings and reliefs of the Archaic period from Chiusi (Bianchi Bandinelli, Clusium [1939] 18-19, pl. Va, fig. 19), as on Greek vase paintings and the paintings of the Greek Tomba del Tuffatore from Paestum · (M. Napoli, La tomba del tuffatore, Bari 1970). Though two decorated situlae were found in a rich woman's grave in Novo Mesto, situlae are generally typical of men's graves: T. Knez, "Neue Werke der Situlenkunst aus Novo Mesto," Archaeologia Iugoslavica 15 (1974) 18. On the use of the situlae, and the drinking-sets which accompanied them, for serving wine, see Ghirardini, "La situla italica primitiva studiata specialmente in Este," MonAntII (1893) cols. 195-198. ThE inscription in the Rhaetic language on one situla specifically designates it as a container used for wine: phelna vinutalina, that is, "situla for wine" (Pisani 323, No. 137; see infra chapter 6, p. 112). 15On the rounded Etruscan mantle, see Bonfante, Etruscan Dress 48, 106. The shape may have come in much earlier than the sixth century B.C. See E. Peruzzi, Myceneans in Early Latium (forthcoming); "Tebenna, 11 Euphrosyne 7 (1976) 137-143, who connects the Italic name of the rounded mantle with a Mycenean root and suggests an early, northern origin for both the name and the garment. 16H. Mencken, Mecklenburg Collection, Part I (Cambridge 1968); Mecklenburg Collection, Part II (Cambridge 1978). P. Wells, "The Excavations of Sticna in Slovenia by the Duchess of Mecklenburg, 1905-1914," Journal of Field Archaeolo 5 (1978) 215-226; and "A Statuette from Sti na Slovenia , 11 ArchNews7 (1978) 73-82. 17c. Morigi Govi, 1111 tintinnabulo Archeologia Classica 23 (1971) 211-235.

della Tombadegli Ori,"

18see chapter 2, n. 4. 19P. Wells, "West-Central Europe and the Mediterranean, The Decline in Trade in the Fifth Century B.C., 11 Expedition 21 (1979) 18-24; Boucher, supra n. 5. Zuffa, Bibliography Section A. 2°For bibliography on amber trade,

see chapter 2, n. 100.

21Die Hallstattkultur, Catalog of an exhibit held at Schloss Lamberg, 1980, gives an excellent summary. For the Hirschlanden kouros, see chapter 3, n. 10. 11

22J. Biel, "Das frUhkeltische FUrstengrab von EberdingenHochdorf, Landkreis Ludwigsburg, 11 Denkmalspflege in BadenWUrttemberg, Nachrichtenblatt des Landesdenkmalamtes 7 (0ct.-Dec. 1978) 168-175. 23Popoli e Civilta dell'Italia Antica furnishes up-to-date guide. For all these, see the Bibliography.

an

24sut the group scenes showing aristocratic . activities on the earlier monumentsof situla art during the "proto-urban" phase of their culture are no longer present on the later sheet bronze votive plaques from sanctuaries at Este. The latter show single individuals, or processions of men and women, probably the people dedicating these gifts (Frey, Entstehung 60-61). H. Roth, "Venetische Exvoto-n.felchen aus Vicenza, Corso Palladio," Germania 56 (1978) 172-189 with bibl.; G. Fogolari, "Dischi bronzei figurati di Treviso," Boll.d'Arte 41 (1956) 1-10; Paleoveneti di Vicenza (Vicenza 1963). J. Werner describes the culture of the Germanic tribes in the time of Tacitus as purely prehistoric, comparable to the culture of the middle European. Hallstatt period, seven hundred years earlier: J. Werner, Das Aufkommenvon Bild und Schrift in Nordeuropa (Munich 1966) 25E.S. Gruen, The Last Generation of the RomanRepublic (Berkeley 1974). Cf. L.A. Holland, Lucretius the Transpadane (Princeton 1979). 26E.J. Bickerman, "0rigines Gentium," CP 47 {1952) 65-87. 27P. Sommella, Rendiconti Pont. Acc. 44 (1971-72) 47-74. 28M. Torelli, Elogia Tarquiniensia (Florence 1975). Cf. T. Cornell's review, JRS 68 (1978) 167-173. L. Bonfante, "Historical Art: Etruscanand Early Roman," American Journal of Ancient History 3 (1978) 136-162. 29L. Bonfante Warren, "RomanTriumphs and Etruscan Kings: ~The Changing Face of the Triumph," JRS 60 (1970) 49-66; and · review of H.S. Versnel, Triumphus (Leiden 1970), in Gnomon46 (1974) 574-583. The triumph, originally a ritual intended to purify the army from the blood guilt it had incurred in the war, soon was seen as a sacrifice for victory rather than a purification ritual. 30The wealth of archaeological material now available from Romeand Latium as a result of incredibly successful salvage excavations has allowed us to see more clearly the relations of Rome, other settlements in Latium, and the southern Etruscan cities in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., and to assist at the birth of this city the Etruscans were soon to beautify. Civilta del Lazio Primitivo (Rome 1976); La Naissance de Rome

12

(Paris 1976). E. Peruzzi, Aspetti Culturali del Lazio Primitivo (Florence 1978); A. Alf~ldi, R~mische FrUhgeschichte (Heidelberg 1976); L. Quilici, RomaPrimitiva e le origini della civilta laziale (Rome 1979). 31J. Werner, Das Aufkommenvon Bild und Schrift Nordeuropa (Munich 1966 .

13

in

PART I ETRUSCANINFLUENCEIN THE NORTH: THE SITULA PEOPLE

Chapter

1

ETRUSCANDRESS AND CIVILIZATION IN NORTHERNITALY AND BEYOND The Etruscans brought writing and civilization to all of Europe. In this study, I shall deal briefly with early Etruscan influence in a specific area, immediately to the north of Etruria proper. I shall

focus

on three

points:

1. The study of the details of everyday life, and especially dress, reflected in the art of the area north of Etruria allows us to trace Etruscan influence, and its date. Especially important are contacts with North Etruria. 2. These outlying areas were conservative in their art and customs, such as their way of dressing, and certain styles, customs, and motifs, once adopted, lasted much longer here than in Etruria itself, where they originated. 3. Perhaps some parallels can be drawn as to the way early Rome also received Etruscan influence, and preserved archaic forms. Northern Italy and Rome, at the northern and southern borders of Etruria, adopted Etruscan art, Etruscan fashions, and the art of writing from Etruria. But the North Italian peoples, and the Romans too, turned what they learned from the Etruscans to their own use. There was a great , deal they borrowed from the Etruscans. But certain things, notably Greek mythology, which the Etruscans adopted, were rejected by the northern peoples, as well as by those successful southern peoples we call the Romans. Now let us take a look at what was happening on the northern fringes of the Etruscan world in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. This was when an art developed in these northern regions, at a special moment in history, which has earned a special name: "situla art." It was a specialty of bronze smiths who worked on "situlae, or bronze handled buckets, other bronze tableware for drinking, and ornaments such as belt buckles; and it flourished in North Italy--in the Po Valley as well as farther north, in the region around 11

15

Venice--and, and as far

beyond, to the north, in the Alpine regio9s away as Austria and Yugoslavia (maps l, 4).

Bronze situlae and other bronze objects were often decorated with figured scenes of men and women, and processions of Orientalizing animals. These monuments of "situla art" were made in pre-Roman times by peoples who spoke different languages, but who shared a skill in bronze working, and developed a certain ~rtistic style. Since a common culture embraced these different peoples, I will refer to them all as "situla people," using an archaeological rather than a linguistic name. Their art shows that they shared a type of life--a life that we know quite a bit about, since the wealthy and important men among them commissioned and used decorated bronze objects on which the important occasions of their lives were depicted. The peoples of North Italy, and others of the area of situla art, participated in the culture to the north of them, the Hallstatt Iron Age in Europe; they were also influenced by the Etruscans, their neighbors to the south.2 When I first began to study the clothes represented on the situlae, I was puzzled by the fact that these were very like the clothes typical of the seventh century in Etruria. At that time situlae tended to be dated in the mid-sixth century at the earliest.3 I wondered how one could account for this difference in date. Now, the dating of the Benvenuti situla (figs. 34)4 and of another monument of situla art (figs. 5-6) to around 600 B.C. by their tomb contexts removes any difficulty in this dating. This other early example of situla art dating to around 600 B.C. is a bronze object from Bologna (figs. 5-6), a so-called "tintinnabulum," a large pendant in the shape of an axe, made of two sheets of bronze fastened together.5 Found in the tomb of a wealthy matron, thirty to forty years old, it had been in the Bologna Museum for a long time, but it was only recently cleaned, revealing a design representing women spinning and weaving wool. Side B (fig. 6) shows the most elaborate loom known from antiquity, a two-storied affair with a lady working in it from above, seated in an arm chair. This representation of wool working agrees with the importance of the manufacture of heavy woolen fabrics in the north, examples of which we shall see later. The importance of such manufacture of home-spun, plaidpatterned wool is still attested by Pliny for Roman times.6 On this bronze are a number of features of dress and furnishings typical of situla art: the chairs (the bosses are meant to indicate the decorated bronze relief plates covering the original models); the situla-

16

shaped containers (here apparently made of wicker, and used as baskets); the fan hanging on the wall (fig. 5, lower register); the dress of the women, with the long textured woolen mantles pulled over their heads, in a late-seventh-century North Etruscan style. All these elements we shall see on other monuments of situla art. Situla art in general betrays various influences. First, the type and shape of bronze bucket (figs. 3, 48) was common in northern Europe, in the Hallstatt region.? Second, the craft of bronze working was probably also learned from the north, although it may have come from the south--from Etruria, for the Etruscans were always skillful metal workers, and in fact Etruscan wealth in the seventh century was based on the mineral mines of North Etruria (Populonia, for example).8 It has recently been suggested that the German word Erz may derive from "Arezzo," the name of an Etruscan~ty famous for its bronze working.9 Next, the organization of the decoration in registers, with processions of figures and animals, was borrowed from the East--from Phoenician art, by way of Etruria. The situla peoples evidently had as models so-called Phoenician bowls and other metalwork imported into Etruria from the East in the seventh century and found in wealthy Etruscan tombs of this period, such as the gilt silver bowl from the Barberini tomb in Praeneste. 10 The "Plicasnas" vase, a similarly engraved Phoenician-style bowl probably made in Cerveteri, and found in Chiusi, is important for the beginning of the 0rientalizing style in northern Etruria (fig. 50). (Interestingly enough, it has handles, and is shaped something like a situla.)11 In fact, relief friezes with tiny figures were also characteristic of Chiusi, where they decorated the black metallic bucchero ware of the region (fig. 54). We shall see that Chiusi seems to be the crossroads of commerce between northern and southern Etruria, and the center from which Etruscan influence radiated northward (maps 2, 10).12 Finally, the primary Etruscan contribution to situla art is in the figures that populate the registers. And in fact the most interesting thing about this situla art is the picture of the daily life of this region it gives us, in scenes of banquets, games, parades, and lovemaking. We must look at these

figures

from two points

of view: l. What reflected the actual life of these peoples, as against what was borrowed as a convention from another art? In other words, what was "real" on the scenes shown on these situlae? 2. P1Cture of time trace f~shio.ns, t, on."

What was Etruscan? We can, I think, get a daily life in North Italy, and at the same the northward influence of Etruscan customs and skills--that complex we call "civiliza-' l7

The civilization, the art and motifs are Greek. And the routes of influence are varied. But one of them was clearly Etruscan. A number of motifs in the animal friezes were borrowed from Etruscan art in the seventh century, when Etruria exercised its greatest influence in the north. The rows of Orientalizing animals which decorate the lower register of many of these situlae are certainly not "real." They are artistic conventions, ultimately derived from Oriental art, which the Greeks had taken over, and passed on, transformed, to the whole Mediterranean. But some special features show that these artistic motifs came through Etruscan art to the north, not from Greece directly. One is the leg dangling from the lion's mouth, a characteristic, and gory, Etruscan motif. 13 It appears on the Vace situla from Yugoslavia (figs. 7, 75), the Boldu-Dolfin situla (fig. 15), and other monuments, including the later belt hook from Este (figs. 74, 78-79). The quaint motif of plants growing out of animals' mouths is likewise a feature of Etruscan Orientalizing art (figs. 4, 7, 13-15). 14 Also Etruscan is the dressed centaur, seen on the Benvenuti situla (fig. 4) and the Oppeano helmet (fig. 72). Centaurs wearing clothes are occasionally seen in early Greek art (fig. 20), but they remain popular in Etruria, 15 where they wear either short trunks, like the centaur on the situla and on a bronze statuette in Hanover (fig. 21), or else a belted robe or chiton, as on the Pania situla, an ivory box from Chiusi done in a belated Orientalizing style in the early sixth century B.C. (fig. 23; cf. fig. 19).16 In contrast to the animal friezes, the human figures seem to be real. They are observed from life, and, although "primitive," they are very much alive. The clothes they wear also seem to be portrayed from life. They are typical of the seventh century B.C. in Etruria. The wide, plaid-patterned mantles of the men resemble the plaid mantles of male mourners, realistically portrayed on terracotta urns from Chiusi, in North Etruria (fig. 24). 17 Plaid patterns were particularly popular in the north. The plaid mantles of the women, always worn over the head, not in mourning but as a regular fashion, were also taken over from Etruria, where this was the style around 600 B.C. They are like those of women on another ivory box from Chiusi, also dating from the sixth century (though its style is typical of the later seventh century) and like those of seve 1~1 bronze statuettes from North Etruria (figs. 22, 2 6).

a full, fig. 8, tight, on the

The women wide chiton the folds elaborately frovidence

on the situlae wear this mantle over or robe (on the Providence situla, appear as a scalloped hem). The decorated metal belt of the women situla is an Orientalizing fashion 18

also found on seventh-century Etruscan figures. Perhaps their earrings (if that is what they are) are also an Etruscan fashion, again of the seventh century. 19 Male servants wear three-quarter-length robes or chi tons which reach below the knees (fig. 4). These are rare in Greece, but they are common in North Etruria, where they are found on a number of monuments of the sixth century. (They were probably also worn earlier, but covered over by a mantle.)20 We see such a garment worn by a warrior on a stele from Volterra,21 and by male attendants--as on the situlae--on one of the terracotta friezes from Murlo, near Siena, whose art is related to the style of Chiusi (fig. 31). Both the stele and the frieze show figures holding a knife; the figure second from the right in the frieze from Murlo, an attendant, holds it for his master, shown seated in front of him. Male attendants before a carriage, on another frieze from Murlo, are also dressed this way (fig. 32) .22 In contrast to these Etruscan borrowings, some of the hats seem to be local creations. They come in many styles, as we see for instance on the Providence situla. Like the women, men regularly have their heads covered. Only a few men are bare-headed: servants, and naked boxers. Emeline Richardson's interesting observation that hats on Etruscan male figures always signify divinities or at least priests23 does not apply in the world of the situlae; by that token, there would be only gods and priests represented! At least one kind of hat, a flat beret something like a Greek pilleus, is worn by servants, judges, and all sorts of people in between; it is evidently not a sign of status.24 One kind of hat, which is covered with a pattern of incised thing like a knit Tam 0 Shanter. men on the Providence situla (fig. put theirs conspicuously on top of on one or two other monuments.25 1

surely local, is lines and looks someIt is worn by gentle8; two boxers have their clothes), and

Other hats, once thought to be of a local style, can now be connected with fashions represented at Murlo, near Siena, in North Etruria. This is true of the most peculiar hat found on the situlae, a wide-brimmed hat, definitely a sign of status, worn by important gentlemen. Like many fashions represented on provincial monuments, its size and salient features are emphasized in order to make it readily recognizable, and impressive. This hat is very similar to the 11 cowboy 11 hat worn by the seated figure of a gentleman from Murlo (or perhaps, in this case, a god?), dating, like the relief we saw before, from the first half of the sixth century (fig. 28) .26 It is true that the hats on the situlae do not have the high point of the Etruscan example from Murlo; 19

but this difference may be due to a local adaptation of the same basic style. This figure was placed on the ridgepole of the roof in a frieze-like composition which --like the art of the situlae--included Orientalizing animals. Obviously meant to represent an important personage, he wears pointed shoes, in the Etruscan manner, like a very similar figure on the Benvenuti situla (fig. 27; cf. 29), and a number of figures from Hallstatt.dating from the La T~ne period (fig. 30).27 The enormous brim of these hats on the situlae used to be compared with the headdress worn by the almost life-size statue of the Capestrano warrior from Chieti, east of Rome, in a provincial area (fig. 70).28 But it is a helmet the Capestrano warrior is wearing, as part of his armor, whereas the head coverings worn by the seated figures from the situlae and from Murlo are hats, probably made of leather, or felt. They evidently remained in use for a long time; for much later, around 200 B.C., Plautus ridicules (Trinummus 851-852) a man who comes in looking like a mushroom, because he wears the broad-brimmed Illyrian hat. Plautus is probably referring to this costume which, as the situlae indicate, was prevalent in northern Italy, and especially in regions traditionally identified with the Illyrians.29 In fact, we know costumes were long lasting in this peripheral area. -Another type of hat found on the situlae also finds its counterpart in the artistic area of Chiusi: the pointed stocking cap of jockeys and charioteers in horse races and chariot races (fiqs. 52-53). The depiction of the ones on the situlae is, again, extreme. There are some lovely examples, floating in the wind behind madly careening charioteers and riders, on the Arnoaldi and the Kuffarn situlae (figs. 12, 14) .30 They also occur on the Etruscan horseback riders from Murlo {fig. 34).31 A horseman from Adria (fig. 51) wears a similar hat, characteristic of riders (cf. fig. 53).32 Two other articles of clothing can be connected with early Etruscan or Villanovan monuments. The centaur and some soldiers on the Benvenuti situla (fig. 4) wear a rounded, or oval-shaped belt of a type actually found in tombs of the region (figs. 42-44) related to a kind frequently found in Villanovan tombs in Etruria from the ninth to the seventh centuries. The belt type is also represented on seventh-century Etruscan figures, for example, some bronze statuettes of soldiers and acrobats in the Museum at Siena (figs. 39-40) .33 The helmets with points worn by soldiers on the Certosa situla are of a local type, reinforced with round plaques around the sides and on top ( fig. 9).34 One is tempted to compare the points of these helmets with those of a type found in tombs of the

20

Villanovan period, some of the seated

which may also be represented on akroterion figures from Murlo.

The repeated comparisons with figures from Murlo, and in general with the region of Chiusi, are interesting; for conservative tendencies caused Chiusi, too, to preserve underlying Villanovan traditions, that is, traditions of an earlier, Iron Age period in this part of Italy.36 In the Este region, traditions and costumes of an earlier period lasted right into the fourth and third centuries B.C., and even later;37 the local people went on wearing the same clothes, including earlier Etruscan fashions, for a long, long time. Other details of scenes represented on the situlae, mostly military parades, banquets, and games, also show specifically North Etruscan influence. The axe which identifies the officers in the military parade on the upper register of the Certosa situla, for example, as well as in other situla art--on the Vace situla it is held by a judge (fig. 7); on the Benvenuti situla it appears on the ground below the situlae (fig. 4)--occurs in northern Etruria on funerary stelai showing warriors in full dress uniform: on a stele from Fiesole, for example, or a very primitive one from Liguria, farther north (fig. 68). The Capestrano Warrior also holds one (fig. 70). These were evidently symbols of rank, for men as well as for women; we have seen that the Bologna pendant, a women's ornament or badge (figs. 5-6), was axe-shaped. The symbol continued to be important in Etruscan art, and was taken over in Rome, where it kept its basic meaning for the power of the commanding general .38 As for the banquet and procession scenes, admittedly these show a good deal of local color: furnishings like situlae and tableware, and armor like that buried with these people in their tombs. But many furnishings were either imported from Etruria, across the border, or imitated from Etruscan models. The fans, for example, are similar to those represented in Etruscan art, and found in Etruscan tombs like the Tomba dei Flabelli at Populonia (fig. 36). We see them in the carriage scene, and on another of the reliefs from Murlo, as attributes of a lady (figs. 31-32), or hanging on the wall, in the Bologna pendant (fig. 5).39 Carriages, carts and other wheeled conveyances represented in situla art (figs. 37-38) remind us of the importance of horses in these regions, as well as of the artistic funerary motif of the journey to the underworld in a carriage, typical of northern Italy.40 The chairs the banqueters sit in are typically seventh-century Etruscan models (figs. 94, 96, 98-101).41 Originally made of wicker, or of wood, they were covered 21

with embossed metal plates. They were not peculiar to North Etruria in the seventh century; but the type lasted longer in the north, especially at Chiusi, where such chairs were used for terracotta funerary urns of the deceased, or for stone statues. In the relief frieze of the seated figures from Murlo and in the Bologna pendant these chairs are used by women (figs. 31, 5-6); on most situlae it is men who sit in them, especially at banquets (figs. 4, 7-8, 12-13, 99-100). Early Etruscan banquets were like the banquets or symposia represented on these situlae in that Etruscan banqueters sat before a table, and were so represented in their tombs (fig. 49). Two recently published monuments illustrate the custom: a seventhcentury terracotta urn from Montescudaio (near Volterra~ in the north), recently cleaned and studied (fig. 45);4~ and a tomb of the seventh century at Cerveteri, where terracotta figures were seated in chairs before tables.43 The Montescudaio urn shows a man seated before a full table, waited on by a servant girl. Beside her, as on the situlae, is a huge wine crater. She also originally held a fan, with which she fanned the seated gentleman (fig. 45). This early Etruscan example of the popular theme of the banquet, appropriately for our purpose, comes from North Etruria. In the seventh century in Etruria, then, men sit at the banquet, as they do in situla art. But during the sixth century, fashionable Etruscans began to banquet in the Greek style, reclining on couches. This occurs for the first time on the frieze plaques from Murlo, in the style of Chiusi (fig. 33) .44 Somewhat later we see the husband and wife couple on the Villa Giulia ash urn reclining together on a handsome couch. In contrast to Etruria, in the situla art it is only very late--well into the fifth century--that we finally get a picture of a banqueter reclining on a couch, instead of sitting. On a belt hook from Este is a scene of a banqueter reclining (fig. 46) .45 He now uses later, Etruscan-style tableware: a Schnabelkanne (a kind of Etruscan pitcher widely exported in the sixth and fifth centuries; map 5) and a handled cup or kylix, either a Greek import or an Etruscan bucchero model .46 Yet he is still dining alone, in the northern style. And both he and the woman who serves him are still dressed in the seventh-century plaid costumes, now long out of fashion in Etruria proper. Although Etruria exercised its main influence in North Italy in the seventh century B.C., there was a new wave of influence in the sixth century and later, when Etruscan luxury goods and fashions--bronze pitchers and pointed shoes, for example--were imported in great quantiti~s and widely imitated.47 In the sixth century,

22

the Etruscans started to decorate the backs of mirrors with engraved scenes, and soon the North Italians borrowed this characteristic Etruscan technique. Etruscan artists decorate the backs of their mirrors with mythological scenes and figures taken from Greek art (fig. 55), as well as scenes from their own daily life; the two mirrors we have from North Italy are both decorated with figures like those of the situlae. On the mirror from Castelvetro, near Modena, are their usual scenes of daily life, including this time a scene of a couple making love (fig. 56). These love scenes in situla art all show interesting local features, which we shall examine later. On the Arnoaldi mirror we see the heroized figure of a trumpeter (fig. 57) .48 Other scenes on the situlae show a strong debt to Etruscan custom, for example the chariot and horse races, in which, as Bronson has shown, jockeys and charioteers practice the daredevil trick of tying their reins about their waists, to give them extra power at the turns--a dangerous trick North Italians and Romans both learned from the Etruscans (fig. 52) .49 The scene of boxers fighting (with local equipment, to be sure: something that looks like a set of dumbbells, but must be made of a lighter material, not metal) with the trophy between them, while judges stand by watching, has its counterpart in GrRek as well as Etruscan art, though the scenes on the situlae again show a specific local rec1lism (figs. 4, 7-8, 12, 14). There is the "boxer's stance, the judge, and the prize--shown between the two contestants, as in the Etruscan scenes. But only the situlae show the barbell-like objects--something like modern boxing gloves, perhaps--held by the contestants, evidently a local style of fighting (fig. 97).50 More familiar, of course, are examples from Etruscan painting of the sixth century B.C., such as the Tomba degli Auguri (fig. 109). At Chiusi, several tombs show the contestants, as on the situlae, with their clothes on the ground, ready to put them back on as soon as they have finished fighting.51 (Perhaps this detail indicates their status, and shows that these are games or contests, and not professional entertainment.) 11

11

11

What can we finally conclude from this survey of the figured scenes of the situlae and other bronzes from North Italy and the Alpine regions? Three points have, I hope, been brought out: l. The study of the dress and other details of everyday life on these objects has allowed us to trace the influence of Etruscan art and culture, and its date --mostly in the seventh century, and then in the sixth century B.C. Particularly evident are contacts of situla art peoples with Chiusi and this area of North Etruria, with its special style, which the discoveries at Murlo are revealing. The route of Etruscan contacts

23

to the north seems to go by way of Chiusi. There must have been Etruscans living and travelling in the regions of the situla peoples; and in turn the situla peoples, whose life revolved around large families, not cities, must have gone down to the Etruscan cities to do their shopping and sightseeing, bringing back the latest fashions in clothing and tableware. Such thoroughgoing adoption of dress styles implies close contact, not just commercial relations. Recent studies on the Etruscan alphabet adopted in northern Italy show ihat this alphabet, too, is typical of North Etruria, and specifically of Chiusi .52 2. The second point concerns change of the northern areas, which almost as fossils, certain features (e.g., manner of dressing), so that lasting in the north than in Etruria. we see illustrated, in fact, is close Etruria around 600 B.C.

the slow pace of tend to preserve, of Etruscan life they are much longer The way of life to that of North

3. The third point deals with the isolation and consequent originality of situla art, which allows us to see these real people in scenes of real life, showing off their status and rank. As I noted in the beginning, there is here something strangely close to the situation in Roman ~rt; an especially good parallel is found in Roman imperial historical reliefs, with their cult scenes and sacrifices celebrating important occasions.53 In contrast, the Etruscans, the Romans' sophisticated, citified neighbors, although they also continued to represent local processions, games, and banquets in their tomb paintings, had by the seventh century accepted Greek culture and Greek mythology.

24

NOTES "Etruscan Influence in North Italy," a paper presented at a symposiumon the Etruscans, held in Tallahassee, Florida, May · 1976, was published in Archaeological News 5 (1976) 93-106. I am deeply indebted to Nancy de Grummond,Ingrid Edlund, and John Reich. I am also grateful for the generous help, criticism, and suggestions of Ernst Badian, Glen Bowersock, Mark Davies, George Hanfmann, David Mitten, and Penny Small, who heard a longer version of this paper at a Colloquium of the Department of Classics at Harvard in April, 1976. Myhusband, Leo Raditsa, helped me understand the historical context of the situla people. On the occasion of the hundredth anniversary of the first discoveries made at Este in 1876, the XI Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici met at Este and Padua, June 27 to July 1, 1976. Papers on the culture of the area, including situla art, appeared in the Atti of these meetings. Two important exhibits held in connection with the meetings were accompanied by catalogs whose introductions are important for our subject: Padova Preromana (Padua 1976) and Tremila Anni Fa a Verona (Verona 1976). 1situla art bibliography is extensive. David Mitten, Museumof Art, Rhode Island School of Desi n, Classical Bronzes Prov, ence 9 - 0 , no. , 1sts t e atest literature. See also J. Kastelic, "Conservatismo e nuove correnti nell'arte degli Illiri e dei Veneti ," Atti del rimo sim osio di rotostoria d'Italia (Orvieto 1967 19-27; and G. Mansuelli, "L'arte delle situle fra Mediterraneo ed Europa," op. cit. 105-127. For convenience, I have referred to the illustrations in Arte delle situle dal Po al Danubio (Florence 1961), and in W. Lucke and 0.-H. Frey, Die Situla in Providence (Berlin 1962). For comparative Etruscan material I refer the reader to my Etruscan Dress (Baltimore 1975) with full bibliography. For the context of situla art, see L. Barfield, Northern Italy Before Rome (London 1971) Ch. 8; N.K. Sandars, Prehistoric Art in Europe (Harmondsworth 1968) 223-225; G. Mansuelli, Les civilisations de l'Europe ancienne (Paris 1967); and J. V. S. Megaw,Art of the European Iron Age (NewYork 1970). 2M. Pallottino, "Gli etruschi nell'Italia del Nord: nuovi dati e nuove idee," HommagesGrenier, Collection Latomus 58 (1962) 1207-1216. 3G. Colonna, review of Lucke-Frey, Die Situla in Providence, in Gnomon36 (1964) 194. 4

0.-H. Frey, Die Entstehung der Situlenkunst 25

(Berlin 1969).

5c. Morigi Govi, "Il tintinnabulo dell a Tombadegli Ori," Archeologia Classica 23 (1971) 211-235; Etruscan Dress 106, fig. 2. It was found in a woman's tomb, with rich gold jewels. 6Pliny, Natural History, 8, 191; cf. Juvenal 9, 30. L. Bonfante Warren, RomanCostumes: A Glossary, and SomeEtruscan Derivations," ANRW I 4, 611; Etruscan Dress, 106. 11

7sandars, Prehistoric Art in Europe 223. S. Piggott, review of Arte delle situle, in Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 30 (1964) 439. 8M. Torelli, "Tre studi di storia etrusca," Archeologia 8 (1974-1975) 19.

Dialoghi di

9see chapter 7. lOMostra dell 'Arte e dell a Civilta Etrusca (Milan 1955) no. 94, pl. 20. Pallottino, Etruscans pl. 6. W. Helbig, FUhrer durch die ~ffentlichen Sammlungenklassischer AltertUmer in Rom 4th ed. (TUbingen 1969) III, 752-755, 796, no. 2920. F. Canciani, Coppe fenicie in Italia," Arch~ologischer Anzeiger (1979) 1-6. Canciani (6) suggests that two figures flanking a lebes on one of these bowls might be boxers, like those so frequently seen in situla art. A. Rathje, "Oriental Imports in Etruria in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.: Their Origins and Implications," Italy Before the Romans 145-183, esp. 152-156. 11

1

1

11Marina Cristofani

Martelli, "Documenti di arte oriental izzante da Chiusi, Studi Etruschi 41 (1973) 97-120. SprengerBartoloni No. 26, fig. 25. 11

12see Chapter 2, n. 36. 13G. de'Fogolari, "La componente orientalizzante nell 'arte delle situle, 11 Arte delle situle 16. J. Kastelic, "Lo sviluppo dell'arte delle situle dal Po al Danubio," Arte delle situle 38. This Etruscan motif appears in Faliscan art, on a vase from Capena, Kastelic, "Lo sviluppo ... , 11 and I. Edlund, "Faliscans and Etruscans," Archaeological News 5 (1976) 107-114; and the Capestrano warrior, V. Cianfarani, Antiche civilta d'Abruzzo (Rome 1969) 19. See P. Bocci, "Motivi etruschi su bronzi atestini e alpini, 11 Studi Luisa Banti (Rome 1965) 71-78. Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art 35ff. Frey, Entstehung 64, n. 310; 108, n. 35, pl. 77. S. Reinach, "Les carnassiers androphages dans l'art galloromain, 11 in Cultes, Mythes et Religions I (Paris 1908, second ed.) 279. According to M. Bonamici, I buccheri con figurazioni graffite (Florence 1974), this motif originates in incised bucchero vases from Veii, along with the motif of the deer with tendrils growing out of its mouth (140; cf. 122, n. 155); see also review by M. Del Chiaro, AJA 80

26

(1976) 97-98. P. Lambrechts, L'exaltation de la ttte dans la pensee et dans l 'art des celtes (Brugge 1954) 59-67. B. Goldman, IPEK 22 (1966-69) 75. For examples in stone relief stelai, see ~el Chiaro, Getty MuseumJournal 5 (1977) 51-53; Frey, Entste~ text pl. D 3 (opp. p. 81), from Vulci. 14Frey, "0stalpenraum," 54.

Bocci, "Motivi etruschi,"

71-78. 1\. Banti, "Eracle e Pholos in Etruria," StEtr 34 (1966) 371-379: Etruscan centaurs are more civilized than Greek centaurs. D. Canocchi. "Il centauro, dall '0riente in Etruria, da cacciatore a motivo decorativo," MondoArcheologico MA39 (1979) 14-19. Bocci, "Motivi etruschi," 78; cf. a dressed centaur from Narce (79). Bronze statuette from Citta del Castello, NSc 1902, 481-482, fig. l; statuette of a centaur from Fabrecce: F.-W. von Hase, Marburger Winckelmann-Programm1974, 3, pl. 9, fig. 3; F. Prayon R~mMitt82 (1975) 177, pl. 49.2. L. Banti, Atti I convegno di studi umbri Gubbio 1963 (1964) 171, figs. 11-12. Fig. 19: an incised bucchero amphora in Barcelona (no acquisition number) shows a very well-dressed centaur wearing something like an enormous stylized lotus flower: I thank Helle Salskov Roberts for giving me this reference, as well as the photograph. H. Salskov Roberts, "Etruscan Bucchero with Incised Decoration," summaryof paper, Acta of the XI International Congress of Classical Archaeology, 3-5 September 1978 (London 1979) 192; J.M.J. Gran Aymerich, "Un conjunto de vasos de bucchero inciso. Ensayo de formalizacion," Trabajos de Prehistoria 30 (1973) 279, 291, figs. 21, 30 (incised bucchero kantharos in the Louvre, C562; also shows winged lion with human leg in his mouth, being stabbed from behind by a hunter). 16Etruscan Dress 28, 115, 133, 139, fig. 70. Centaur in Hanover: G.Q. Giglioli, StEtr 4 (1930) 360. Situla from Pania: M. Cristofani, Nuove letture di monumenti etruschi (Florence 1971) 69-70; Bocci, "Motivi etruschi" 75. 17Etruscan Dress 13, figs.

6, 8, 9.

18J. Balty, "Un centre de production de bronzes figures de l 'Etrurie septentrionale, Note additionelle," Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome37 (1965) 8-12 of the offprint, pls. 2-6, 8, "Porteuses d'offrande"; Etruscan Dress 12-13, 46, figs. 13, 95, 96. S. Boucher, "Une aire de culture italo-celtique aux VIIe-vie siecles avant J.-C.," MEFRA 81 (1969) 41, fig. 2; "Importations etrusques en Gaule a la fin du VII siecle avant J.-Ch.," Gallia 28 (1970) 196, fig. 8 (bronze statuettes). Fig. 25: M. Martelli Cristofani, "Un gruppo di placchette eburnee etrusche nei musei di Bologna, Parma et Rouen," Revue Archeologique 1979, 73-86 (Etruscan ivories from the area of Chiusi, dating from the late seventh and early sixth century B.C., exported farther north). Pelagio Palagi, Catalogo della Mostra (Bologna 1976) 310, No. 267. 19Mitten, Classical

Bronzes 96, n. 21 27

20Etruscan Dress 34-35. 21Etruscan Dress 34, fig.

68.

22T. Gantz, "Divine Triads on an Archaic Etruscan Frieze Plaque from Poggio Civitate (Murlo), Studi Etruschi 39 (1971) 3-24, and "The Procession Frieze from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Poggio Civitate, Rtimische Mitteilungen 81 (1974) 1-14. Etruscan Dress 35, fi.g. 72. U. H~ckmann, "Zur Darstellung auf einer 'tyrrhenischen' Amphora in Leipzig," Festschrift Frank Brommer(Mainz 1977) 181-185. Though new drawings are presently being made, as Kyle Phillips kindly informs me, the present drawings are accurate enough for our purpose. 11

11

23Etruscan Dress 69.

---

Letter of September 23, 1976.

24 Etruscan Dress 68, 134. 25Mitten, Classical

Bronzes 90.

261. Edlund Gantz, "The Seated Statue Akroteria from Poggio Civitate (Murlo), Dialoghi di Archeologia 6 (1972) 167-235. There are two fragments of figures with "cowboy hats." Etruscan Dress 69, 135, fig. 121. Kyle Phillips informs me that the statue is reconstructed from two pieces which do not actually join. 11

27Fig. 29: Etruscan black impasto ware, boot-shaped vase, from Circolo della Sagrona. Florence, Museo Archeologico. H. 11 cm. 0. Montelius, Civilisation Primitive, pl. 178, No. 17. M.Cristofani, Citta e campagna nell'Etruria settentrionale (Banca Toscana, Arezzo 1976) No. 48. Fig. 30: Detail from incised decoration on sword scabbard from Hallstatt, Grave 994. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum,L. 68 cm. Man being trampled by a horseman. Megaw,Art of the European Iron Age No. 30; Alba Regia 14 (1975) fig. l. F. Schwappach, "Schnabelschuhe im ~stlichen FrUhlat'enebereich, Pamatky arch. 58 (1967) 320-324. Etruscan Dress 132. What is the origin of these pointed shoes? In Etruscan art pointed Ionian shoes appear only shortly before 550 B.C. or so. The Murlo figure dates from around 575 B.C., the Benvenuti situla around 600 B.C. They may well belong to a different, earlier tradition which comes from the north. On shoe models in North Italy, see G. Camporeale, "Nuovi date sull'attivita produttiva e suqli scambi a Vetulonia dal Villanoviano recente al primo arcaismo, 11 Atti XII congresso di studi etruschi e italici, Florence, June 1979 (forthcoming). On shoe-shaped rhjta from Chiusi, see G. Camporeale, "Vasi plastici di bucchero pesante," ArchClass 25-26 (1973-74) 103-122, esp. 103-109; S. Underhill Wisseman, ArchNews7 (1978) 56, figs. 26-27. Camporeale has shown (ArchClass 25-26 [1973-74] 103-122, esp. 103-109), the importance of Ionian influence: Rhodian terracotta balsamaria in the shape of a human leg wearing painted, laced high-topped shoes were imitated (in bucchero pesante ware) in Chiusi in the second half of the sixth 11

28

century, for these rhyta, which were vases to be used for drinking rather than for perfumes (E. Rohde, "Kleinkunstwerke aus altem und neuem Besitz der Berliner Antiken-Sammlung," Festschrift Frank Brommer[Mainz 1977] 244-245, pl. 67). 28c,an · f aran,,· Ant 1c · he c1v1 · · 1t' a d 'Abruzzo, no. 182, p1s. B, 89-93; Etruscan Dress, fig. 27 29Etruscan Dress 135, 152-153. 30Arte delle situle 110, no. 52, pl. 38, fig. G (Arnoaldi situla); p. 112, no. 54, pls. 40-41, fig. H (Kuffarn situla). Bronson, "Chariot Racing in Etruria," 96. 31M. Cool Root, "An Etruscan Horse Race from Poggio Civitate," American Journal of Archaeology 77 (1973) 121-137. 32Bronze statuette of a horseman, from Contarino (Rovigo): Adria Museum,N. inv. 15846. H. 14.6 cm. Mostra dell'Etruria Padana N.1261 (not ill.). I thank Emeline Richardson who told me about it, and Elisabetta Mangani who sent me photographs and information. For Etruscan horsemen, see the TombaGolini II in Orvieto: G.C. Conestabile della Staffa, Pitture murali a fresco e suppellettile ... scoperte presso Orvieto nel 1863 da D. Golini (Firenze 1865) 16-17, tav. 2; P. Ducati, Pittura etrusca, italogreca e romana (Novara 1942) pl. 20 (here fig. 53). Chiusi, Tomba del Colle, Brendel, Etruscan Art 277, fig. 194. In Rome, riders and chariot drivers wore a felt or leather cap shaped like a pileus, as protection: B.M. Felletti Maj, La tradizione italica nell'arte romana (Roma 1977) 187-188. Greek Geometric bronze charioteer from Olympia: B. Schweitzer, Greek Geometric Art (London 1969) 148 and figs. 182-184. This is different from the pointed cap of the seated figures on the Magdalenska Gora and Vace situlae (Arte delle situle 102-104, nos. 41-42, pls. 30-32, fig. E), and the "Tam o'Shanters" of the Providence situla (Mitten, Classical Bronzes 90-91). Claireve Grandjouan has suggested that the Celts invented knitting, as well as chain mail; for such "knitted" Celtic pointed caps, see K. Willvonseder, "A Sculpture from Salzburg," Archaeology 13 (1960) 251-252. 33Figs. 39-40: Etruscan Dress 22-23, figs. 35-38. Fig. 12lf: a bronze statuette from Denmark (K~ng) of a nude male figure, wearing such a belt (the fact that it is not represented in back is not surprising, since the characteristic broad part of the belt is that worn in front). This little bronze is particularly interesting: it is one of the very rare human figures in Germanic art, and one of two which bear runes on their bodies. (The other statuette wears a knee-length chiton.) The statuette was originally dated as late as the fifth or sixth century A.O. because of the runic signs. But similar statuettes (the type comprises both Celtic and Germanic examples) have recently been dated earlier, within the period of the Romanempire. H.J. Eggers, E. Will, 29

" R. Joffroy, W. Holmqvist, Les Celtes et les Germains 'a l'epoque paienne (Paris 1964) 70, 77-78 (with bibl.) 34s. Gabrovec, Situla I (1960) 44-45, 60-61, fig. 15, 4; Arheoloski Vestnik 13-14 (1962-63) 293-305, 317-321, distribution map (p. 294), pls. 1-6, 20, 22. The type, found in tomb groups dating around 700 B.C., seems to represent an archaic costume depicted on the situla. For a discussion of armor depicted on the s itu 1ae, see Frey, "Bemerkungenzur Ha11 st!l.tt i schen Bewaffnung im SUdostalpenraum," Arheolo~ki Vestnik 24 (1973) [1975] 621-635. See infra, Chapter 2, no. 22. Another local type is the Oppeano helmet (infra fig. 72). 35Edlund Gantz, "Akroteria from Poggio Civitate," 171, 176, 226-229, figs. 12-15. 36R. Bianchi Bandinelli, "Osservazioni sulle statue acroteriali di Poggio Civitate (Murlo)," Dialoghi di Archeologia 6 (1972) 240-247. 37Etruscan Dress 135, 152-153. H. Kriss, "Sopravvivenze dello stile delle situle," Arte delle situle 63-68. Cf. supra n. 33. 38Arte delle situle nos. 11, 17, 41, 47. Stele from Fiesole, Etruscan Dress fig. 33; stele from Liguria, infra fig. 68. Bologna tintinnabulum: see above n. 5. On the axe or hatchet see Stary, "Foreign Elements," 184; 203, n. 49; 192. For its significance as symbol of power in Etruria and Rome, see infra chapter 4, n. 27, with cross-references, and related text. 39F. Magi, "L'ossuario di Montescudaio," Atti del primo simposio di protostoria d'Italia (Orvieto 1967) pp. 121-133. For Murlo reliefs and Bologna pendant, see notes 5, 22, 41. 40T. Gantz, "The Procession Frieze from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Poggio Civitate," RBmMitt81 (1974) 1-14. G. Bonfante, Latini e Germani in Italia (Bologna 1977), and infra chapter 6, n.43, on the Gauls' ability as carriage mechanics; from the Gauls ultimately comes our word carpenter, derived from the name of a Gallic cart, the carpentum, which was adopted by the Romansalong with the word. 41J. Macintosh, "Representations of Furniture on the Frieze Plaques from Poggio Civitate (Murlo)," RBmMitt81 {1974) 21-241. L. Vlad Borelli, "Il canopo di Dolciano: evidenze e perplessita dopa un restauro, Studi Etruschi 41 (1973) 211-212. Steingr!iber 22-27, 149-151, with bibliography. For the significance of such chairs or "thrones," see F. Prayon, FrUhetruskische Haus- und Grabarchitektur (Heidelberg 1975) 108ff.; F.-W. van Hase, "Eine unbekannte etrusk i sche Sitzstatuette in Massa Maritt ima," Marburger WinckelmannProgramm 1974, 5-7; T. Klauser, Die Cathedra im Totenkult der heidnischen und christlichen Antike (MUnster 1927; reprint 1971) 7, 25-28, 72, 74-75, etc. See chapter 2, n. 46; and chapter 4, on The Corsini Throne. 42N. 39, above. 11

30

43F. Prayon, "Zumursprllnglichen Aussehen und zur Deutung des Kultraumes in der Tomba delle Cinque Sedie bei Cerveteri," Marburger Winckelmann-Programm1974, 12. 44J.P. Small, "The Banquet Frieze from Poggio Civitate,'' Studi Etruschi 39 (1971) 25-61. See also S. De Marinis, La tipologia del banchetto nell 'arte etrusca arcaica (Rome 1961) 391. 45Arte delle situle 89, no. 18, pl. 14. Frey, "Der Ostalpenraum," 46, fig. 2, and Entstehung no. 15, pl. 67. 46For an Attic kylix of 450 B.C. from a barrow grave at Klein Aspergle (Stuttgart Museum), see Megaw, Art of the European Iron Age, No. 41. The man holds a kylix rather than a patera: Mansuelli, in Situla 14/15 (1974) lll n. 9. For Greek kylikes at Este in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., see I. Favaretto, "Aspetti e problemi della cerar1ica greca di Este," StEtr 44 (1976) 49-50. 47schwappach, "Schnabelschuhe," 324, compares the distribution of representations of pointed shoes, in the late sixth and fifth centuries, to that of the imported Schnabelkanne; cf. Frey, Entstehung 115-117, fig. 49. Supra n. 27, and map 3b. 48castelvetro mirr0r: Arte delle situle 91, No. 21, pl. 16; Arnoaldi mirror, Arte delle Situle 91, No. 22, pl. 17. L. Bonfante, AJA 82 (1978) 235-240; AJA 83 (1979) 106. See eh. 2, n. 61, for erotic scenes. 49Bronson, "Chariot Racing in Etruria," 98-99, 106. On the prize-winning horses of the Veneti, Aleman, fragment of a partheneion: Denys L. Page, The Partheneion (Oxford 1951) 5, v. 11. 5°F .-W. van Hase, "Zwei etruskische Gllrtelschliessen, Neue Ausgrabungen und Forschungen in Niedersachsen 6 (Hildesheim 1970) 41-45. Etruscan examples, 44, n. 11; examples from situla art, 44, nn. 13-14. The earliest Etruscan examples of the motif of the boxing match (575-550 B.C.), on decorated bronze relief belt clasps, come from North Etruscan sites, such as Murlo and Siena. 11

51M. Pallottino, Etruscan Painting 37f. Banti, Etruscan Cities, pl. 78. G. Colonna, review of Lucke-Frey, Gnomon36 (1964) 193, also identifies the "headless man" on the Benvenuti situla (fig. 4) as a pile of clothes on a chair. 52M. Cristofani, "Sull 'origine e la diffusione dell 'alfabeto etrusco, ANRW I 2, 466-489, esp. 484. See chapter 7. 11

530.J. Brendel, review of I.S. Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in RomanArt, Memoirs of the American Academyat Rome 22 (1955), in American Journal of Philology 78 (1957) 302. 31

53 (continued) On relations between Romeand northern Etruria in the Archaic period, see G. Colonna, StEtr 41 (1973) 69-72. For the archaistic, Roman 11Sedia Corsinf~e infra chapter 4.

32

Chapter

2

THE WORLDOF THE SITULA PEOPLE: A PROTO-URBANCIVILIZATION The following account is intended as a contribution to a discussion of the problems of the ancient city in Italy.l Limited in scope, both in its Etruscan-eye view of the coming of civilization to the situla people of northern Italy, the Alps and beyond, and in the antiquarian nature of the evidence, it brings up a few facts and asks some questions. The situla people borrowed certain techniques, fashions, and ideas from the Etruscans. What does this borrowing allow us to conclude about commercial and cultural relationships between these two groups? Does the adoption of a certain style of dress, of art, and of 2 writing amount to the ~doption of a type of civilization or only of some of its external, superficial aspects? Can we assume that the people who adopted aspects of such a culture as "status symbols" actually changed their way of life? And if so, how much? How close did the situla people come to developing the cities implied by the type of culture from which they borrowed?3 The work of Otto-Herman Frey and Stane Gabrovec, 4 which I read while I was struggling with this material and its interpretation, has been of great help. In his attempt to draw conclusions as to when an organized army developed in the region from representations of armed soldiers on the situlae, Frey's skillful distinction between artistic convention and depiction of contemporary reality serves as an example, for the problem he faces is, in fact, whether you can have an organized army without an organized city. I.

The Problem

My focus is the representation of human beings on monuments of situla art. This type of "narrative" art, showing people in action, is one of the principal features of Etruscan influence, which introduced Europe to the alphabet and figures in art, thus allowing these people to write down their languages and present pictures of their lives. We naturally assume that one can learn about people from the way they represent themselves, or from 33

the way a sense used as meant. II.

they represent others, since every portrait is in a self-portrait. Before these pictures can be evidence, however, we must try to see what they There are obviously problems of identification.

The Evidence

In recent Etruscan studies, the interpretation of many Archaic monuments of the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. has been a controversial issue. The figures of the Etruscan terracotta ridge-pole decorations and terracotta relief plaques from Murlo (Poggio Civitate),5 for example (figs. 28, 31-34), have been variously explained. Some have been perceived as divine, others as human. The excavators, Kyle Phillips and Timothy Gantz, have identified the group of seated figures with standing attendants on some of the plaques (fig. 31) as separate groups of three gods each, or sets of divine triads, on the basis of the objects held by the figures. This interpretation, grounded on the assumption that the context in which these figures appeared was a sanctuary, has recently been challenged.6 Was the building complex which they decorated a sanctuary, or was it a palace decorated with images of the aristocratic activities of the lord and lady of the manor?? The question was long debated, as we shall see later. On the other hand, a long-standing question about the identity of five Etruscan terracotta figurines from the Tomba delle Cinque Sedie at Cerveteri (two well-known examples are in the British Museum in London, one in the Conservatori Museum in Rome) has now been resolved by Friedhelm Prayon's discovery of their original context, and his demonstration that they represented images of ancestors.8 Gods, heroes, heroized ancestors, lords of the manor: these possibilities have all at one time or another been considered for a number of Archaic Etruscan figures, as well as for the human figures represented on the situlae. At least it seems safe to eliminate, on the basis of Frey's studies, the possibility that the figures on the situlae are gods or famous mythological heroes of a distant past. The situla people are shown, as we have seen (figs. 4-17), engaged in various activities, a "real" people, observed from life, and very much alive. Unlike Greek art, this art is evidently never mythological .9 The situlae show us people busily engaged in processions, games, and competitions, those social rituals which make up the "daily life" of the aristocracy.10 Etruscan art also showed armed warriors and real people at banquets and games. But by the seventh century, it already added scenes and characters from Greek mythology to its repertoire--scenes which never appeared in the art of the situlae, where there was preserved instead, practically unchanged, 11 a picture of a special world: lords and chieftains at home, at games and contests, with their armies and their attendants. 34

The scenes pictured on these monuments capture a moment in time, like snapshots allowing us to look directly into the past, at the world of this region in the seventh and sixth century B.C. We can distinquish its local features, as well as aspects it shared with the Mediterranean culture of the Orientalizing period. A primitively realistic style, awkward, lively, and expressive, seems to bring us close to the reality of these peoples everyday life and of their festival-day celebrations; it is a reality which this style is ·admirably equipped to illustrate. 1

The banquets on the situlae take place in a Homeric type of society, with heads of clans gathered together. No single king or ruler towers above the rest, nor are there couples enthroned, either royal or divine. Groups of men sit at their ease while women attendants serve them wine from handsome situla-shaped craters. (Women appear only in this role, or else in scenes of love-making [figs. 56, 63-64]12 or working wool [figs. 5-6].13) The feast is enlivened by music: musicians play the lyre or syrinx, a bard sings a song (figs. 7-8, 11, 13) .14 As we look and listen, we wonder what song this bard was singing. Probably not a song of Greek gods or Trojan heroes, though these had by now been adopted all about the Mediterranean.15 Perhaps he sang a song of differe~t heroes, of the aristocratic ancestors of his patrons, of the lords and chieftains who ~ived similar lives in earlier times. Like the song of the bard, these scenes had a special meaning for the people who commissioned them. They looked at the present, but they also conjured up the past.16 Banquets and symposia, aristocratic exercises, military parades-all have a timeless quality. These heroes fight in hand-to-hand combat; but they also lead armies. The scenes represented on the situlae, and the arms found in tombs, examined by Gabrovec and Frey, can tell us much about the military organization of the situla people. 17 Most important is the fact that the art of the situlae seems to illustrate a moment of change, when the fighting of individual warriors gives way to the discipline of organized troops. Once more, the evidence must be carefully interpreted. The type of armor shown on situlae around 600 B.C. seems to have been in current use, and seems to give a picture of the change-over from single warfare to fighting in closed formation--a change confirmed by the archaeological record--when the people of Este and the southern Alps adopted a Greek type of military organization from the neighboring Etruscans. Aspects of these changes are reminiscent of the situation in Rome, which also adopted military equipment and the organization of the army from the Etruscans. For hoplite weapon$ and the phalanx reached Rome and Latium under 35

the rule of the Etruscan kings along with certain modifications into the Greek form of warfare, flexible. 18 military

in Rome, around 600 B.C., the Etruscans introduced in order to make it more

Let us look more closely at the evidence scenes represented on the situlae.

of the

On the Certosa situla (figs. 9-11) there marches an. orderly procession composed of four different troops or regiments, distinguished by armor, shields, and helmets. The earlier Benvenuti situla, ea. 600 B.C. (fig. 4), and the Arnoaldi situla (fig. 14) already seem to illustrate the beginning of a disciplined army, fighting in close formation with heavy armor. 19 Bologna and Este were city-like settlements (Frey s definition) and could already have borrowed this newest system of fighting. Unlike central Italy and the central Po Valley, however, where ful I-fledged cities allowed phalanxtactics to be introduced as part of the new Mediterranean world, other groups of the situla people,as Stary and Frey have shown, did not really adopt the new systems of warfare, though Greek-Etruscan equipment was adopted as symbolic of rank and status for officers and chieftains. 1

Many changes, among them of armament and fighting techniques, did take place in these regions as well as all over Europe in the world of the late Hallstatt period. These changes were to some extent related to the development of a new society. The evidence of settlement organization in Slovenia and elsewhere in the areas which concern us shows that at the beginning of the Early Iron Age (in the second half of the eighth century B.C.) there were established large, fortified hilltop settlements. They were not cities according to the Greek definition of a city. There were no temples, no places for assembly, no public buildings. But the new concentration of population--evidenced in the huge cemeteries--and of industrial and commercial activities, apparent in the fine local craftsmanship and in the many imported goods in the graves, represents a new centralization of cultural life, and a new aristocracy, with powerful, wealthy lords. On the situlae soldiers carry two lances, one for thrusting, another for throwing; and the armor found in warriors 1 tombs in the region regularly includes two spears and an axe.20 Two officers on horseback, however, carry only battle axes (fig. 11).21 Here and elsewhere in situla art these evidently served not only as weapons, but also as symbols of rank. On the Vace situla an axe is held by a judge (fig. 7); on a belt plaque from Vace, a battle axe is used by warriors in single combat. situlae

A closer look at some of the scenes on the 11 heroic 11 reveals examples of an earlier, world 36

of noble knights in hand-to-hand combat. It has also been noticed that a type of helmet apparently no longer in general use after the early Hallstatt period, ea. 700 B.c.,22 appears in the sixth century B.C. on both the Certosa situla (fig. 11) and on a statuette from Vace. This archaizing representation suggests, according to Frey, that the figures are regarded as heroized,23 thus affording a striking comparison with the Homeric boar's tusk helmet,24 as a type of armor no longer in use, but remembered in art. If the single combat on the Vace belt 'is a heroic rather than a real, contemporary or genre scene,25 this explains the use of the axe, which the squire, on foot, is handing to the knight on horseback. The axe, a heroic symbol, like the sword in later times (figs. 4, 7, 11), appears on the Certosa situla and on the situla and belt plaque from Vace. On the Benvenuti situla (fig. 4) it is proudly exhibited under the rack holding the banquet situlae.26 Such axes often appear on seventh-century monuments of northern Italy,27 on gravestones portraying warriors from Vetulonia and Fiesole in northern Etruria,28 and on primitive stelae from Liguria (figs. 68, 115-116) .29 In situla art, they also served as symbols of rank for women: a woman's ornament or badge, the bronze pendant from Bologna (figs. 5-6), is axe-shaped.30 So are the "palette rituali" found in many tombs, and decorative pendants on jewelry from the north.31 The symbol continued to be important in Etruscan and Italic tradition and art, for example on the warrior from Capestrano (fig. 70);32 and was inherited by Rome, its significance still intact, as a sign of the commanding general's individual power or imperium.33 Among the situla people, the axe evidently marked the rank of an aristocrat.34 The care with which the armer, clothes, furniture, and tableware of this elite are depicted in art shows the importance of these elements as symbols of status, signs of a way of life, of luxury, and taste. It also allows us to reconstruct aspects of their life, and to trace their cultural contacts. This new aristocracy was from early times in contact with the urban civilization of the neighboring Etruscans, from whom it imported sophisticated techniques, luxury items, artistic motifs, type of warfare, and fashions of dress.35 The area of Chiusi was evidently the principal route for these influences.36 Group activities represented were meant to show the superior status of these men, a status emphasized by their armer and the splendor of their dress and furniture. Aside from military processions, the most popular activity is the banquet or symposium, complete with music and drinking, glorifying the host's wealth, generosity, hospitality and influence. We are indeed in a Homeric though not a mythological world: the world behind the Odyssey. Though these parties are similar in

37

many ways to those shown in South Etruscan tomb paintings,37 one feature is in sharp contrast to those. As in Greek art, it is strictly a man's world: women are only present as attendants, or in erotic scenes (figs. 63-64), at least some of which, as in Greek art, take place in the context of food and luxury.38 The luxurious furnishings of these princely drinking feasts, shown in great detail, are often, in proper provincial style, far more elaborate than anything found in the capital: two-story loom, swan bed, and custom-made situla rack are found nowhere else. The couch of the Certosa situla (fig. 11), where two musicians seem to be engaging in a musical competition, is represented in all its glory.39 Topped with bronze statues of athletes who stand over animal-head finials in the form of lions devouring men or animals,40 as in Etruscan bronzes and ivories, it had six legs, probably of wood covered with carved ivory. The body must have been covered with embossed bronze plates like the bed in the Regolini-Galassi tomb. These luxuries typify the aristocratic way of life, civilization par excellence. One musician is playing the pipes, the other the lyre. Both instruments, like others depicted on the situlae, are of a local type.41 Much of the tableware and drinking utensils also consists of local shapes. Situlae, used as wine containers, are prominently displayed, sometimes on the richly decorated racks (figs. 4, 12) .42 Attendants are shown busily carrying them around, bringing back the empties, dispensing wine with cups shaped like dippers, and serving the assembled guests. Processions show women carrying these implements, as well as situlae a cordone (fig. 11). Such "matching sets" of tableware or drinking ware--featuring figured and ribbed situlae, sometimes decorated with pendant ornaments, and similar cups and dippers--are found buried in northern graves of this period,43 precious possessions which the dead took with them when they died (fig. 48). Noblemen took with them their armor or war equipment, and also the precious heirlooms with which they could continue to have the drinking parties represented on the situlae, and enjoy their superior status after death, just as they saw it celebrated on the situlae during their lifetimes. These realistic scenes therefore showed not only elaborate local furnishings, but also expensive foreign imports from Etruria and objects imitated from Etruscan models. The fans used to make the men comfortable on the Providence situla (fig. 8) are similar to a type represented in Etruscan art and found in such Etruscan tombs as the Tomba dei Flabelli at Populonia44 (fig. 36). They were often attributes of women. Such fans are represented hanging on the wall on the Bologna pendant (fig. 5),

38

and accompanying the ladies of the Etruscan friezes from Murlo (figs. 31-32) .45

relief

The chairs used by the banqueters are, as we saw in chapter 1, typically seventh-century Etruscan models, like the bronze Barberini chair found in a tomb at Praeneste (fig. 94) .46 Made of wicker or wood, they were covered with embossed metal plates; when polished, their bronze surfaces probably shone so that they looked like "golden chairs." Numerous models of this round-backed ·type of chair were imitated in stone in the tombs of Cerveteri47 (fig. 96). In the north, particularly around Chiusi, such chairs or "thrones" long served as supports for terracotta funerary urns of the deceased, or stone statues.48 In bronze, stone and terracotta models, the exterior decoration of embossed bronze was frequently imitated by means of convex bosses. Everywhere the chairs were used by both men and women. A woman sits in one in an erotic scene represented on the belt from Brezje (fig. 63). Women use them in the Bologna pendant (figs. 5-6), and wo~en use them in the relief frieze from Murlo (fig. 31) .49 Gentlemen use them at the banquets portrayed on the situlae. For at these banquets or symposia, men did not yet recline in the Ionian style. They regularly sat, as people did at Etruscan banquets throughout the seventh and the first half of the sixth century. In South Etruria, in the Tomba delle Cinque Sedie at Cerveteri, around 600 B.C., a "cult room" contained five terracotta figures seated in armchairs, representing the family's ancestors, both men and women, partaking of a banquet which resembles in many respects the banquet scenes on the situlae.50 From North Etruria we have the evidence of the mid-seventh century urn from Montescudaio (fig. 45), where a seated gentleman is waited on by a female'attendant.51 By the middle of the sixth century fashionable Etruscan banquets took place in the contemporary Greek style--reclining on couches, as on a frieze from Murlo (fig. 33) and later the Villa Giulia ash urn.52 An important difference between South and North Etruscan custom concerns the place of women at these banquets. Whereas in South Etruscan cities--Tarquinia and Cerveteri--women recline together with the men,53 representations in the north--Chiusi and Fiesole--show them, if they are present at all, sitting beside the men, who recline comfortably on couches.54 In the situla art it is only in the fifth century that we get a picture of a banqueter reclining on a couch, on a belt hook from Este (fig. 46).55 This is not the only change we notice on this monument. Instead of situla and dipper cup, the banqueter now uses more modern tableware in the Etruscan fashion: a Schnabelkanne, and a Greek or Etruscan handled cup or kylix.56 But he_still dines alone, rather than with his wife; and 11

11

39

his attendant is female, as customary in the north, rather than male as more frequently found in the south. 57 The continuity of earlier fashions is shown most strikingly by the plaid wool costumes represented, long out of fash;on in Etruria but always a specialty of the northern regions.58 Thus, there seems to have been a new wave of influence from Etruria after the sixth century. Not only did it bring a new etiquette and tableware, but also a new craft. The characteristic Etruscan technique of decorating the tacks of bronze mirrors was also borrowed by North Italian artists. There was, however, an important difference. Etruscan artists sometimes decorated the backs of their mirrors with mythological scenes or figures taken from Greek art (fig. 55). But mythology was evidently not accepted in the north. Several bronze mirrors and mirror-shaped discs in North Italy, in imitation of Etruscan mirrors, were instead decorated with figures like those of the situlae (figs. 56-59). The Arnoaldi mirror (fig. 57), found in a woman's grave, pictures a warrior with a horn, perhaps a heroized figure, but not a mythological one.59 On the mirror from Castelvetro, near Modena (fig. 56), are scenes of daily life, including the scene of a couple making love on an elaborately decorated swan bed.60 A number of such scenes of love-making are depicted in situla art. Opinions differ as to the interpretation of such symplegrnata, or 11 embraces, 11 as archaeologists call them (figs. 56, 63-64).61 They have been explained as reflecting notions of fecundity and fertility, akin to those alluded to by scenes of ploughing, also shown on situlae and on late Villanovan or early Etruscan monuments.62 Sandars suggests that scenes of love-making on situlae simply indicate marriage, something like the theme expressed perhaps more politely, to our modern eyes, by Etruscan scenes showing husband and wife together on the sixth-century Villa Giulia ash urn or the fourth-century sarcophagi from Vulci in Boston.63 The explicit erotic scenes on a seventhcentury Etruscan vase, the oinochoe from Tragliatella (near Cerveteri) (fig. 66), whose lively, primitive figures have often been compared to those of the situlae, was recently explained as a mythological rendering of the marriage of Theseus and Ariadne.64 Such a mythological explanation will not fit the loving couples of the situlae. In contrast, Boardman thinks the situlae illustrate genre scenes like those of contemporary black-figure Greek vases;65 it is true that on the situlae such love-making does usually take place in the context of banquets or symposia, like the erotic scenes represented on Archaic Greek vases, which depict the life of a wealthy aristocracy for whom love-making forms a normal part of a group feast.66

40

But in the light of the social, symbolic context of situla art, those love scenes would seem to refer to married sex rather than a chance encounter at a party. On the situlae we do no~ see the Greek picture of aristocratic youths with naked hetairae, but something more akin to the Etruscan picture of a married couple, with the wife publicly reclining by her husband at symposium or banquet. There are important differences, however, from both the Greek and Etruscan scenes; clearly these northern scenes illustrate local sexual customs. 'Boardman has pointed to several special, non-Greek features: (l) the use of beds with comfortable mattresses (the one on the Sanzeno situla [fig. 64] seems to be vibrating from the action);67 (2) the use of the "missionary position," rare in Greek and Etruscan art, with the man on the bed on top rather than on the side, on the Sanzeno situla and Castelvetro mirror (figs. 64, 56);68 (3) the woman seated on the chair, rather than the man as is regularly the case in Greece (fig. 19);69 (4) the woman completely dressed in mantle, chiton, and earrings (fig. 19). These customs, here shown realistically, as practiced locally, differed in form from those practiced in Greece and in Etruria. Women seem to play a lesser role in the aristocratic world represented on the situlae than in the world of the Etruscan cities; but it is perhaps only a different role. Upperclass women were honored as much as the men in their tombs; mirrors and jewelry were decorated with scenes celebrating their place in society. The tomb of the wealthy owner of the bronze pendant or "tintinnabulum" from Bologna was full of precious objects. A representation of women at work on wool was depicted on this bronze decoration, perhaps originally used as a medal or badge (figs. 5-6) .70 At t r i but e s such as chairs and fans ( f i g . 3 6 ), 1 i k e those of the men's banquet scenes, point to the importance of these women, who were definitely ladies. We see here, 11 too, a kind of "heroization. On a vase from Hallstatt, the women's weaving is accompanied by a musician on his lyre (fig. 65),71 just as musicians accompany the male banqueters on the friezes of the situlae. Scenes illustrating women's activities and rank72 tend to appear, not surprisingly, on objects made specifically for women. It is interesting to compare vases, traditionally made by women, also decorated with women's themes: such "household tasks" were obviously of great importance.73 The size of the loom (fig. 5) on the Bologna pendant, and the organized work implied by these ambitious scenes--reminiscent of the picture of Lucretia surrounded by her women weaving late into the night--remind us how important textiles were not only in the home, but--in the north in particular-in ancient commerce and trade.

41

In Chiusi, the wall paintings of the Tomb of the Monkey showed a seated lady in black, evidently assisting at her own funeral and enjoying the funeral games performed in her honor (fig. 71),74 something unheard of in contemporary Greece, as well as in the world of the situla people. Whether for men or women, though, games and competitions, like those so often shown in Etruscan tombs of the Archaic period, were a popular theme of situla art. The North Italians, like the Romans, b9rrowed contests and games from the Etruscans.75 Chariot and horse races (figs. 12, 14, 34) were frequent subjects for friezes at all times in ancient Greece and Italy (cf. figs. 52-53), popular especially because of the rhythm and movement of their continuous composition.76 But they are depicted, on these northern situlae, with that interest in the details of real life which informs so much of situla art, and which makes of it something independent of Greek and Etruscan influence. We can connect such scenes with certain ancient references to the Veneti as famous horse-breeders--see, for example, the Greek poet Alcman s praises, in the sixth century B.C., of the prize-winning horses of the Veneti77--as well as with the many bronze votive statuettes of horses offered to the Venetic goddess Rehtia, and we may note the representation of carriages as a sign of status (figs. 37-38) .78 The aristocrats of this region must have held such races in the plains of Este and the Po Valley. North Italian charioteers, practicing a daredevil trick learned in the sixth century from the Etruscans,79 tied their reins about their waists to give them more control in turning. This technique, which helped them win, is clearly illustrated on the monuments, as an important, well-known feature of the race, observed first hand. On the Kuffarn situla in Vienna we see a line of four charioteers, each with his reins tied about his waist (fig. 12). In Etruria, where the technique originated, charioteers are shown with the reins tied about their waists, forming a big knot in back (Tomba delle Olimpiadi at Tarquinia, Tomba del Colle at Chiusi, fig. 52). The trick was dangerous and risky. In the tomb of the Olympiads, the charioteer is depicted in the act of being hurtled out of his chariot head first, his short chiton flying over his head; with the reins still attached, he will soon be dragged along in the dust (fig. 52) .80 Another popular spectator sport was boxing. Boxers on the situlae used a peculiar object which looks like a set of dumbbells, but which must be of some light material like leather or cloth (fig. 97). Such a manner of fighting is strictly a local custom, found neither in Greece nor elsewhere in Europe.81 Yet here too Etruscan influence is clear. Two standard features of scenes of boxing, the prize or trophy shown near the two contenders (usually a large helmet, figs. 7, 12, 14; once, on the Providence situla, a lebes, fig. 8) and the judges 1

42

standing by ready to award the prize have their counterpart in such Etruscan paintings of the sixth century B.C. as the Tomba degli Auguri in Tarquinia (fig. 109). At Chiusi, as on the Benvenuti situla (figs. 71, 4), several tombs show the contestants' clothes on the ground, ready to be put back on as soon as the fight is over;82 their presence implies that the contestants are not professionals, but gentlemen who will later resume their dignified dress. Prizes and clothing thus emphasize the honor connected with such contests. The animal hunt, another typically aristocratic motif, appears in the art of the situlae, for example on the Certosa situla (fig. 11),83 as well as in Archaic Etruscan art. At the end of the eighth century B.C. it appears on the bronze "cart" from Bisenzio,84 in a context very similar to that of our situlae, with armed soldiers; ritual scenes, women bearing water jars and a man ploughing, emphasize the importance of land and its fertility. This picture of the farmer tilling the field with the plough, which also appears on several situlae (Benvenuti, Certosa, Sanzeno, Treviso, figs. 4, 9-11, 64),85 might at first sight look like a simple genre scene. But it can be compared with the later Etruscan statuette of the ploughman from Arezzo, who wears a hat and is agparently a priest performing a ritual, symbolic action.86 In mythology we think of Romulus marking with a furrow the sacred boundaries of Rome. In addition the symbolism of the plough as a sign of fertility is attested by its use as a votive offering, as at Gravisca.8 7 Perhaps not coincidentally the scene of ploughing is, in several instances, represented near the symplegmata or love scenes on the situlae (fig. 64) .88 Clearly, this scene, too, could have a wide range of implications in the context of an aristocratic world based on agriculture.89 III.

Questions

and Conclusions

Archaic Etruscan art presents many problems of interpretation similar to those of the situlae. In an earlier restoration, the ploughman of Arezzo was shown accompanied by a figure of Minerva, an association which expressed the religious connotations the scene was believed to have. We no longer automatically think every such figure or scene had a purely religious significance. In fact, there is a tendency in the other direction. In a recent article about Murlo, Mauro Cristofani explained the complex at Murlo as a secular building, a princely residence whose decoration was designed to show off the wealth of the specific owner and mistress of the house (figs. 28, 31-34). According to this interpretation, the buildings, far from belonging to a sanctuary, constituted a princely dwelling or palace. Their decoration is to be considered as purely 43

°

lay 11 art. 9 Cristofani has since modified and expanded his interpretation of these buildings and of the figures which decorated them.91 He does not deny that some kind of cult took place in these luxuriously ornamented rooms with central courtyard (fig. 35), though he insists that it must have been closely connected with the aristocratic owner of the palace, the lord who was both the political and religious leader of the community. 11

Beyond the archaeological evidence which supports his notion of the non-religious nature of the building, Cristofani bases his interpretation on his reading of the figures on its terracotta decoration, which deal with the same themes found in situla art. Games, banquets, and processions celebrate the wealth and prestige of the lords of those northern areas, the owners of the situla--whose art was in fact in many ways dependent on that of this very region of Chiusi. Cristofani denies that any figures en the decoration had any mythological significance. Rather than triads of divinities, he sees, on the plaque with the seated figures, the lord and lady of the manor. He is right, in my opinion, in stressing the importance of the couple and the aristocratic family unit, which gives a different picture of the society from that of the situlae, with their male gatherings of chieftains. He also admits religious connotations: for the first seated figure on the plaques, holding a lituus (fig. 31), and for the seated statues once surmounting the ridge of the gable roof (fig. 28). Their position and size showed they must have represented heroic, regal or even divine personages, with a 11 significato legato a 11 1 amb i to de 11 a v en er a z i one o de l l a regal i ta . 11 The figures on the terracotta friezes from Murlo (figs. 31-34) have been compared with those of situla art ever since their excavation and earliest publication. The terracotta acroteria (fig. 28) are another matter. There is nothing exactly like them in situla art, but they belonged to this same aristocratic world; and in11 deed they have been called portrayals of 11 ancestors, like the funerary figures from Chiusi, a number of other Archaic Etruscan seated figures--and the seated banqueters of situla art. In Etruria, by the sixth century, it is possible that such figures might even have had a mythological significance, which the early figures of situla art surely never had. In any case it is clearly impossible to draw a hard and fast line, in the art of this period, between religious, symbolic, and 11 secular 11 art. The Archaic period, even in Etruria, saw little or no distinction between sacred and non-sacred, divine and profane, genre and symbolic. In this sense, the ideas of Fustel de Coulanges concerning ancestor worship in antiquity are still valid today.92

44

We are used to accepting a ritual or "symbolic" meaning for funerary art. The art of Murlo is definitely not funerary. Nor were the situlae originally funerary, although they were found in tombs. The situlae represent as a hi s tor i c al real i t y scenes of d a i l y l if e . Yet even this historical reality, this daily life, is raised to a higher level; these genre scenes are also somehow symbolic.93 An interpretation of the art of the situlae and of the reliefs from Murlo must take into account the historical context in which they were executed. These ·1ords were, of course, proudly showing the signs of their status and rank; but what looks like a genre scene to us was seen from a different perspective by the people who commissioned these Archaic monuments and by the artists who executed them. The question of the significance of scenes depicted on situla art is closely connected with their style.94 A striking feature of this art is the observation and depiction of real life. The figures are awkward and provincial, yet strangely graceful, too. Artists combined, often successfully, the conventional motifs they had borrowed--processions of animals, the frieze composition of the registers, and a variety of decorative elements--with the realism of their own favorite themes. When the artist was successful, he managed to create a sophisticated type of art, in which one feels little or no strain between borrowed conventions and scenes taken from real life. At their best the situla peoples developed an artistic style which could accommodate different elements into a coherent whole, and which allowed them to translate standard themes, like the banquet or the chariot race, into their own iconography. Their artists could show the dignity of the men portrayed at the banquets and the importance of all their implements of daily life. Luxurious couches and fine bronzes glowed with a special meaning of their own, like the objects carefully labelled on the Fran~ois vase, or the golden tables of the gods described by Homer.95 One point remains certain about the actual significance of these scenes. They are never mythological. The situlae depict local customs, fashions, furnishings, all the signs of a rich, aristocratic style of life. Such a life did not change rapidly. In fact, these scenes seem to constitute a still picture of a world that never ends: the slow pace of change in the northern areas preserved, as fossils, certain features of art and customs, both local and imported. The manner of dressing, for example, is much more long-lasting here than in Etruria, where much of it originated. In language and fashions peripheral regions, away from the main center of civilization, tend to continue to use archaic forms lost elsewhere 96 preserving local customs and beliefs, eventually ' turning ancient forms into specialized symbols. 11

11

11

45

11

We have seen that the significance of many of the scenes shown on situla art goes far beyond the "daily life" they might appear to represent. They document the realien of contemporary life and show us special moments, actions, and objects; but they also look back to a heroic past, as Frey and Gabrovec have shown. We can compare the life-style depicted in these scenes to that reflected in the late phases of Iron Age culture in Etruscan art. How are we to imagine such a c~lture? We see a picture of a tribal, patriarchal society, not yet a city in the Greek sense,97 a world which is still Homeric. Yet even the Homeric world was not static. It was on the verge of change. The Homeric poems are full of anachronisms and contradictions, archaisms and later additions.98 As in Homer, on the situlae there is the problem of deciding what is real, or realistically portrayed, what is earlier or later. This problem is especially important in the case of the seemingly contradictory representations of soldiers in single combat and heavily armed troops, and of the continuity of dress and customs. Is the warrior with battle axe heroized, as Frey suggests? What is the significance of the unchanging style of clothes worn by the banqueters on the situlae, and later by the pilgrims on the bronze votive plaques? A comparison with our own customs might explain sJme apparent anachronisms as continuations of the dress and armor of former times; we, too, in our military uniforms, religious habits, and even personal attire, continue to use and represent styles of the past. More difficult to answer are questions bearing on the substance rather than the form of these representations. Scenes of armed troops depicted on the situlae might have been adopted simply as external artistic conventions. Yet Frey has argued that it is more probable that they are realistic, that some areas of situla art in the late seventh and early sixth century did, in fact, see the development of a wellordered military establishment, with specialized troops, drilled to fight as a group. Important changes had taken place in these regions just before the time these lords were shown on our situlae; a pre-urban type of civilization had come into being. Recent studies have shown that relationships between the eastern Hallstatt region and the area of Este became especially close in the eighth century B.C. One can actually see the emergence of an "Adriatic koine, 99 an area and a cultural context, consisting of various centers, within which the art of the situla people developed, evolved and expanded during the course of the later seventh and sixth centuries B.C. The amber trade to Etruria which went 11

46

through the Veneto and the Adriatic was no doubt in part responsible for the thriving economy and culture of the situla people. 100 . But these centers never became real cities. 101 Reflected in the art is a situation which remained ambiguous, changes which never came to fruition; for it was only in Roman times that civilization picked up again and cities grew up in this region. Situla art developed in the seventh century, and in general reflects the influence of Etruscan art and fashions of around 600 B.C. The local level of civilization illustrated, however, is comparable to a much earlier period of Etruscan development. The art depicts a social situation which bears striking resemblances to that of Etruscan art a century before, at the moment of transition from the world of the late Villanovan period to the 0rientalizing age. 102 In Etruria and Latium there is a moment when the archaeological picture of the Villanovan period shifts to that of the wealthy orientalizing tombs, with their imported luxury items, the conspicuous consumption of their aristocratic families, clearly emphasized class distinctions, and the existence, approaching or actual, of newly-founded cities implied by this way of life. In the art of the situla people we see parallels to this proto-urban phase of the early seventh century in Etruria. The Greek emigration of the eighth century B.C. (Pithekoussai was founded ea. 775 o.C.)103 accelerated this historical development, already under way in Etruria and Latium, and in the course of the seventh century we see signs of the first cities. Caere was a city by about 650 8.C.; Rome less than a century later. The traditional date of the military organization of Servius Tullius, around 550 B.C., may not be coincidental. 104 An evolution which had occurred around 750 B.C. in Greecel05 now took place in Italy in waves--and formal, superficial aspects of this evolution reached the area north of Etruria before such changes actually took place. We have seen that the representations of the way of life of the situla people reflect a pre-urban, or at least proto-urban society, with chiefs, or princes, and their ladies, horsemen or knights. The society also included bronze workers, craftsmen, farmers, hunters, and servants. 106 The absence of Greek mythology, of gods or temples or religion other than that of the family, of monumental architecture, implies that there was no city as yet. This impression is confirmed by the study of the languages of these regions. In the Venetic language, as in Gallic and Lepontic, the hereditary family 11 name, 11 gentilizio, does not exist. 107 This situation is in marked contrast to that of the languages of 47

central Italy. Etruscan, Osco-Umbrian, Latin, Faliscan, and Messapic all develop this type of hereditary name between the seventh and fifth centuries B.C. The fact that it is only in Roman times that this naming system begins to be used in the Venetic area108 agrees with the stage of development reflected in the art of the situlae.109 Questions and conclusions suggest certain similarities between Rome and the situla people in the h~storical circumstances of their civilization and their reactions. Rome, too, learned art and the alphabet from the Etruscans. While she did adopt Greek mythology in art and literature, she did not allow it to touch her religion. Rome's history was her mythology; her ancestors were her heroes. Her early huts stood for the house of the head of the family, for the sacred hearth, and for the god's house.110 In Roman ritual we see the survival of elements of daily life as something important and symbolic. Some parallels between Roman symbols and objects depicted in situla art can in fact be explained by Rome's preservation, in her religious customs, of archaic forms going back to the seventh century in Italy, to that moment just before the change from an Iron Age, Villanovan world, when the Etruscans brought civilization.111 In Rome, as in the Archaic perioj in northern Etruria and in the situla art, the axe was still carried as symbolic of the general's power, and the lituus as an attribute of authority. A remarkable number of these Roman symbols were, in fact, of North Etruscan origin. 112 Most importantly, both in the native northern situla art and in Roman historical reliefs, real people were represented involved in ritual acts, processions, games, and banquets, in contrast to the mythological tendency of Greek art, which emphasized gods and heroes.113 Both the northern peoples and Rome went on representing native scenes, as distinguished from the Greek mythology which was much more deeply absorbed by the more advanced, sophisticated Etruscans. In both these regions Etruscan influence was important. But in Rome it left language and religion unchanged. And north of the Etruscan world, the domestic, local tradition reflected in the situla art remained untouched by Greek mythology, free to pass on to us a realistic, detailed, yet tantalizing picture of the world of these peoples, whose past resembled Rome's own past, in the long period before the Roman conquest. Here in the north, that world lasted until the coming of the Romans broke the spell.

48

NOTES "I populi delle situle: una civilta proto-urbana," Dialoghi di Archeologia n.s.2 (1979) 73-94, is an earlier version · of this study translated into Italian. I am grateful to Otto-Herman Frey and Stane Gabrovec for guidance in unfamiliar territory. Peter Wells gave me useful references, and I learned much from his work, starting with his Harvard dissertation (1976), West-Central Europe and the Mediterranean World 600-400 B.C.: Models of Culture Contact and Culture Change (Cambridge University Press, forthcoming). I also thank Mario Torelli for llis encouragement, and the editors of Dialoghi di Archeologia (DdA)for helpful criticism. 111 Lavori preparatori per un incontro di studi sulla formazione della citta nell Italia protostorica," DdA7 (1973) 122ff.; DdA8 (1974-75) 162-164; 524-526; and a Semario held in Rome,Tune 1977, sponsored by Dialoghi di Archeolog1a. For an excellent account of the development of the city in Latium, see G. Colonna, in Civilt~ del Lazio Primitive (Rome1976) 25-36; and the various contributions in Laz10 arcaico e mondogreco, 11 Paroia del Passato 32 (1977) 172-177. See also La citta etrusca e italica preromana, Studi sulla citta antica, Atti del Convegno di Studi sulla Citta Etrusca e Italica (Bologna 1970). 1

11

2The term civilization" is here used to mean "the kind of culture found in cities (Cahnmann542). On the definition of cities: C. Kluckhohn, Culture and Behavior (NewYork 1962); W.J. Cahnmann, 11 The Rise of Civilization as a Paradigm of Social Change,11in W.J. Cahnmann,Alvin Boskoff, Sociolosy and History (NewYork 1964) 537-559; Mason Hamnond,The City 1n the Ancient World (Cambridge 1972) Chapter 2, and bibl. cited on pp. 393-94. 11

11

3The most comprehensive account is 0.-H. Frey, Die Entstehung der Situlenkunst (Berlin 1969). For a comparison of the figured representations of the situlae to Etruscan works, particularly terracotta relief frieze plaques from Murlo and Velletri and bucchero vases from Chiusi with relief decoration, and discussion of origins and interpretations, see George Kossack, Gr~berfelder der Hallstattzeit an Main und Fr~nkischer Saale, Materialhefte zur bayerischen Vorgeschichte, vol. 24 (KallmUnz 1970) 160-168. Cf. also P. Petru, Archeoloski Vestnik 24 (1973) 874-882. For recent literature, see D. Mitten, Museumof Art, Rhode Island School of Desi~n, Classical Bronzes (Providence Ancora su, problemi del1 'Arte 1975) 90-101; G.A. Mansuell1, 11 delle situle' , 110 uscula lose ho Kastelic Sexa enario Dicata, Situla 14/15 (197 -11 . For 1 ustrat,ons, see rte elle 1

49

Situle (Florence 1961); W. Lucke and 0.-H. Frey, Die Situla in Providence (Berlin 1962); J. Kastelic, Situlenkunst (Vienna and Munich 1964); and G. Fogolari, "La protostoria delle Venezie," Popoli e Civilta dell'Italia Antica 4 (Rome1975) 61-222, especially 124-132. For the role of Etruria in civilizing Europe, see A.Pfiffig, EinfUhrung in die Etruskologie (Darmstadt 1972) 85-87. For a "westward bias," and the importance of Etruscan influence northward beginning in the seventh century, see J.V.S. i''11':ga~v, "The Orientalizing Theme in Early Celtic Art: East or West?" .C\lbaRegia 14 (1975) 15-33. 4o. -H. Frey, "Bemerkungenzur Hall statt i schen Bewaffnung im SUdostalpenraum," Archeoloski Vestnik 24 (1973) [1975] 621-637; "Werke der Situlenkunst," Die Hallstattkultur (Schloss Lamberg, Steyr 1980) 138-149. S. Gabrovec, "La componente della civilta delle necropoli delle urne nell'arte delle situle," Arte delle Situle 3-8; Situla l (1960) 44-45, 60-61, fig. 15, 4; Arheolo'ski Vestnik 13-14 (1962-63) 293-305, 317-321, pls. 1-6, 20, 22. P .F. Stary, "Foreign Elements in Etruscan Arms and Armour: 8th to 3rd centuries B.C.," Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 45 supervised (1979) 179-206. I have not seen Stary 1 s dissertation, by Otto-Herman Frey, on arms, armor and ~varfare in Central Italy during the Iron Age, ninth to sixth century B.C.: P.F. Stary, Zur eisenzeitlichen Bewaffnun und Kampfesweise in Mittelitalien ea. . bis 6. h. v. Chr. , Hamburg iss. 1978 forthcoming publication). Also useful vere the papers presented by G. Colonna, 0.-H. Frey, S. Gabrovec, and G. Kossack at the XI Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici held at Este and Padova, June 1976, published in the Atti of the Convegno. 5For an account and bibliography of the excavation and finds from Murlo, see Erik Nielsen, Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., "Poggio Civitate (Siena), Gl i scavi del Bryn MawrCollege dal 1966 al 1974," NSc 39 (1976) 113-147. 6for the relief plaques with seated figures see K.M. Phillips, AJA 72 (1968) 121-124; ibid., Archaeology 21 (1968) 254-257; and T.N. Gantz, StEtr 39 (1971) 3-24. Against their interpretation as divine triads or divinities, Dumezil, Religion romaine archaYque2 (1974) 670-671; Kossack, Gr~berfelder 164; L. Bonfante Warren, JRS 60 (1970) 60, n. 69; Bonfante, Etruscan Dress 35, 118, n. 16--;--rig. 72; Pfiffig, Religio Etrusca 36; M. Cristofani, "Considerazioni su Poggio Civitate (Murlo)," Prospettiva l (1975) 9-17; cf. 0.-W. von Vacano, ANRW 14, 537. 7cristofani,

Prospettiva

l (1975) 9-17.

8F. Prayon, "Zurnursprtlnglichen Aussehen und zur Deutung des Kultraumes in der Tombadelle Cinque Sedie bei Cerveteri, Marburger Hinckelmann-Programm1974, fig. 2; "Zur Datierung der drei frllhetruskischen Sitzstatuetten aus Cerveteri ," RBmMitt82 (1975) 165ff., especially 175, pl. 49, l; Frtlhetruskische Grab11

50

und Hausarchitektur (Heidelberg 1975) lllf. The interpretation of this group by Mengarelli, accepted by Prayon, agrees with Frey's concept of the "heroization" of the lords represented on the s itu 1ae, though the 1atter are not funerary: "Si vol le certo con que~le sedie e con quelle statuette costituire una specie di sacrario di famiglia, ove gli spiriti degli avi e dei genitori erano venerati dai loro discendenti per avere sempre la loro protezione e benevolenza." The problem of the sex of these statuettes has recently been solved with the discovery that all three bodies are male, though female heads were erroneously attached to ·two of them by the nineteenth-century restorers: see Prayon, RBrrMitt82 (1975) 165-179, and Bonfante, Etruscan Dress 95-97, 150, nn. 2-11, with bibl. Cf. T. Dohrn, "Totenklage im frUheren Etrurien," R~mMitt 83 (1976) 205. 9s. Gabrovec, "La componente della civilta delle necropoli delle urne nell'arte delle situle," Arte delle Situle 7. "L'arte delle situle ... non ha conosciuto ... un mondo del m1to: 11 G. Mansuelli, "L'arte delle situle fra Mediterraneo e Europa,'' Atti del I simposio di protostoria d'Italia (Orvieto 1967) 106. In early Etruria, too, before the arrival of imported Greek mythology, representations of mourners, banquets, games, and warriors were "realistic." 10we shall examine here principally the early stages of a type of art which lived on for a long time. 11rn the region of Este in particular there were preserved earlier forms both in art and in real life. The classic form of bronze bucket or situla continued to be made into Romantimes, and seventh-century forms of fashions continued to be represented, as fossilized features of an earlier culture. Fig. 93 illustrates the funerary ara from Este of the Roman, L. Minucius Optatus, making metal containers like the earlier situlae of the region: Arte delle Situle 120, pl. 52. For continuity of situla art in Este, see H. Kriss, in Arte delle Situle 63-68. Objects were made from re-used fragments of situlae (Kriss 67). The people of Este continued to make use of the same style of art and dress for centuries, as we see on fourth- and third-century bronze statuettes and votive plates found in sactuaries of the goddess Reitia and other healing divinities, in a context radically different from that of the aristocratic society of the earlier situla art: L. Bonfante, Atti del XI convegno di studi etruschi e italici (Florence 1980) 199-200. Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 168-176. Supra, Introduction n. 24. 12Infra n. 61. 13c. Morigi Govi, "Il tintinnabulo

ArchCl 23 (1971) 211-235. Mansuelli 95ff. 14situla

della 'Tomba degli Ori, Bonfante, Etruscan Dress 11, fig. 2.

in Providence, Mitten 90-101, no. 28.

51

111

15on Homer: D. Ridgway and F.S. Ridgway,"From Ischia to Scotland," 147. For early Romanbanquet songs, see A. Momigliano, JRS 57 (1967) 212: "To the best of our evidence, Romanbanquet songs did not celebrate women." 16Frey, "Bemerkungen"626. 17Frey, "Ostalpenraum" No. 42; "Bemerkungen" 634. Supra, n. 4. On the victory frieze of the Benvenuti situla, the theme of soldiers pictured leading prisoners behind them (fig. 4), unknown in Greek art (which shows the fight in progress), agrees with the Oriental way of showing the victorious army. In the Romanvictory parade or triumph, too, the general entered the city like a king, bringing with him army, prisoners, and booty: L. Bonfante Warren, JRS 60 (1970) 49-66. For the comparison with Homeric scenes, Kastelic, in Arte delle Situle 55; infra n. 98. For prisoners in Near Eastern art, see G. Loud, The Megiddo Ivories (Chicago 1931) pl. 4. 18stary, "Foreign Elements," 195-196. A close formation of warriors was developed in Greece together with the panoply about 700 B.C. About 650 B.C. Etruscan defensive arms changed, following the Greek example; so did offensive weapons, though traditional arms like axes (an independent Etruscan invention) remained in use as second we~pons. According to the author, this introduction of phalanx-tactics was connected with a reorganization of the Etruscan military hierarchy, but not of the whole social system, as has often been stated. A war-trumpet found in a tomb of the late seventh century at Populonia may be connected with a tradition that the war-trumpet or horn was invented by the Etruscans to give acoustic signals to the fighting troops in battle, thereby implying a more flexible organization than the rigid Greek phalanx; the Romans took over this type of horn and used it in the later manipular tactics (Stary 193-195). On the adoption of phalanx-tactics among the situla people see also Frey, Die Hallstattkultur 145-149. For Italy see M. Torelli and R. Peroni, Dialoghi di Archeologia 4-5 (1970-71), 69ff. Stary (193) disagrees with their early date (700 B.C.), based on their interpretation of the equipment of the warrior-graves of this period as a modified version of hoplite equipment. For the Romanadoption of hoplite warfare, see Ogilvie, Early Romeand the Etruscans 43-48: "The new hoplite army need not ... have adopted at once hop1ite tactics. 11 Cf. Frey, 11Bemerkungen11 621-623. See also A.M. Snodgrass, 11The Hoplite Reform and History," JHS 85 (1965) 110-22; and G.V. Sumner, JRS 60 (1970) 67-78. 19Frey, in Die Hallstattkultur 148. Cf. Frey, "Bemerkungen11621-623; Stary, Foreign Elements 11 196. 11

20Gabrovec, in Arte delle Situle 7. For change in fighting techniques with reference to graves containing weapons from Sti~na in Slovenia, P. Wells, Journal of Field Archaeology 5 52

(1978)221-226. For Baden-WUrttemberg, Kimmigmentions the same change: W. Kimmig, H. Hell, Sch!tze der Vorzeit (Stuttgart 1965) 76. See also G. Kossack, SUdbayern w!hrend der Hallstattzeit (Berlin 1959) vol. 1 (text) 93-99. For settlement patterns in in Slowenien," Slovenia, S. Gabrovec, Der Beginn der Hallstattzeit Archeoloski Vestnik 24 (1973) 372. For Latium, C. Ampolo, "Su alcuni mutamenti sociali nel Lazio tra l VIII e il V secolo," DdA4-5 (1970-71) 37-68; discussion 69ff. Ampoloconnects the rise of the aristocracy in Latium with the changes noticed in the tombs of the eighth century B.C. 11

1

21Frey, Bemerkungen 623, suggests they might represent a contingent of cavalry, but cf. the Arnoaldi situla (Frey, fig. 2:2) led by a single man on horseback. That these axes were also functional is shown by the last regiment on the Certosa situla, armed with axes but no shields. 11

11

22s. Gabrovec, Situla 1 (1960) 44-45, 60-61, fig. 15, 4; Archeoloski Vestnik 73-14 (7962-63) 293-305, 377-321, pls. l-6, ,o, 22. An example is illustrated in V. Stare, Prazgodovina Smarjete (Ljubljana 7973) No. 723, pl. 71, 1. (I thank Stane Gabrovec for references and offprints.) Supra Chapter l, n. 34. 23Frey,

Bemerkungen" 621-623.

11

24For the Homeric boar's tusk helmet, see A. Snodgrass, Early Greek Armour and Weapons (Edinburgh 1964) 4, 35, 205; J. Borchhardt, in H.G. Buchholz, Kriegswesen. Archaeologia Homerica I E (G~ttingen 1977) 57-64, with bibl. Cf. infra n. 98. 25Arte delle Situle 53; "Bemerkungen" 626-627. 26Arte delle Situle Nos. 11, 17, 41, 47; pls. 13, 35, A, B, E. Other monumentsfrom Este: Frey Bemerkungen" fig. 5; Arte delle Situle 119, pl. 48; Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. pl. 50. 11

27on the importance of the hatchet or axe in the north, see Megaw,Art of the European Iron Age 23, 48-49, No. 17; Mansuelli, Les civilisations de l Europe ancienne 128, No. 50. Banti, Etruscan Cities 159, calls it non-Etruscan. For a Thracian ritual axe of the eighth or seventh century B.C. imitating an Oriental prototype, see I. Venedikov, L'art thrace en Bulgarie (Sofia 1962) 31, No. l. 1

28stele from Vetulonia, M. Pallottino, Etruscologia (6th ed. Milan 1973) pl. 22; cf. pl. 23. Stele of Larth Ninie, from Fiesole, Etruscan Dress, fig. 33. 29stele from Filetto (Massa Carrara), Liguria. Private Collection. Bianchi Bandinelli-Giuliano, Etruschi e Italici 55, fig. 5S; Orlandini, Popoli e Civilta 7 (1978) 250, pl. 32. 53

For similar axes see A. Ambrosi, Corpus delle statue-stele lunigianesi (Bordighera 1972), Nos. 14-15, 39: stelai with similar axes are later in date than the others, and show Etruscan influence (pp. 144-149). Three have inscriptions in Etruscan letters (Nos. l, 14-15). Cf. C. Hugues, J. Jeantet, "Les statues-menhirs du Musee d'Histoire Naturelle de Nimes, Omaggio a Fernand Benoit (Bordighera 1972) 131-149. J. Landau, Les representations anthropomorphes megalithiques de la region mediterranee (Paris 1977) Groupes 9-10, pls. 22-25. 11

30supra n. 13. For the status of womenin a similar social situation, see Colonna, in Civilta del Lazio Primitivo: "Si delinea una elite, in cui la donna e privileg1ata quanta l'uomo e riceve nella tomba uguale profusione di beni" (28). Cf. also his remarks on the social significance of armor and the rise of specialized craftsmen, especially metalsmiths. 31E.g. Frey, Entstehun pls. 19, 28; Padova Preromana 22; Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. pl. 117 {"palette rituali"). Axe-shaped pendants or "jangles" hang from the handles of situlae, both those preserved and those represented, for example, on the Benvenuti situla (Arte delle Situle No. 11, pl. A). Similar pendants on a handsome fibula which continue a type popular in earlier urn field contexts surely have a "kultisch-symbolische Bedeutung": KimmigHell, Sch~tze der Vorzeit (1965) pl. 97. 32v. Cianfarani, Antiche civilta d'Abruzzo (Rome 1969) 7880, no. 182, pls. 89-94, figs. 1-2. Bianchi Bandinelli, Etruschi e Italici, 104-105, figs. 117-118. 33on the axe or hatchet as symbol of power in Etruria and Rome, see Pallottino, Etruscans 130; E. Peruzzi, Origini di Roma (Bologna 1973) 72. Livy I, 40, 7. See also the hunting scene in the CampanaTomb, Veii. Banti, Etruscan Cities, pl. 20; M. Cristofani, F. Zevi, ArchCl 17 (1965) lff. On the relief from Murlo the double axe held by the male seated figure is, in a North Etruscan context, more likely to be a human symbol of power than the divine attribute suggested by T. Gantz, "Divine Triads," StEtr 39 (1971) 3-24. Several scholars have argued against T. Gantz' interpretation of these figures as divine (supra n. 6). See especially M. Cristofani, "Considerazioni su Poggio Civitate (Murlo), Prospettiva l (1975) 13 (with references for hatchet). 11

34In Italy, in Etruria and Latium, too, the rise of a new aristocracy has been connected with the changes noticed in the tombs of the eighth century B.C. For the rise of the aristocracy in the ancient world, see M. Torelli in Hellenische Poleis 825, 836; and E. Lepore, in Recherches sur les structures sociales dans l 'antiquite classique, Colloques de Caen 25-26 avril 1969 (Paris 1970) 43-46. C. Starr, The Economic and Social Growth of Early Greece, 800-500 B.C. (New York 1977).

54

35P. Wells, West-Central Europe and the Mediterranean World 600-400 B.C. 69-70: " ... contact across the Alps is well documented long before 600 B.C.... WhenEtruscan bronze vessels appear in central European graves they represent only a change in the kind of materials carried across the mountains, not the beginning of contact." For Etruscan bronzes, see 205-207; and passim for luxury objects. For amber, infra n. 100. For Etruscan bronze imports northward as early as the seventh century B.C., see S. Boucher, "Importations etrusques en Gaule a la fin du VIIe siecle avant J.C., 11 Gallia 28 (1970) 193-206; and MEFR81 (1969) 37-57. For a seventh-century date for objects of situla art from Este, see P. Coretti Irdi, "Da Este IIIB ad Este IIID, 11 in R. Peroni and others, Studi sulla cronologia delle civilta di Este e Golasecca (Firenze 1975) [1976] 157-168. F. Stare, Die Etrusker und der s~d~stliche Voralpenraum. Razprave Dissertationes IX/3 (Ljubljana 1975). Lucke-Frey (13): Etruria is the "fashion center, 11 for clothes and other luxury items. Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 168-176. 36The importanceof the art of the Chiusi region, and its individuality, can be better appreciated as a result of the finds from Murlo: R. Bianchi Bandinelli, "Osservazioni sulle statue acroteri al i di Poggio Civitate (Murlo), DdA6 ( 1972) 242-246. His definition of "primitivismo," "in sensotemporale per indicare uno spazio che sta fra le ultime manifestazioni Villanoviane e le prime recezioni orientalizzanti, can be applied to the style of situla art a~ well. For the important part played. by Chiusi as the principal center in the North, see M. Cristofani Martelli, "Documenti di arte orientalizzante da Chiusi, StEtr 41 (1973) 97-120. M. Cristofani, Prospettiva l (1975) 17, n. 55. Kossack, GrM.berfelder 163; P. Bocci Pacini, "Un ritrovamento arcaico presso Castelnuovo Berardenga, 11 StEtr 41 (1973) 122-141; G.A. Mansuelli, StEtr 36 (1968) 19; G. Camporeale, "Irradiazione della cultura ch,usina arcaica, 11 Aspetti e Problemi dell'Etruria Interna, VIII convegno naz. di studi etruschi e italici, Orvieto 1972 (Florence 1974) 124; J. Heurgon, Capoue pr~romaine {Paris 1942) 69. A. Seeberg, "TombaCampana, Corinth, Veii, Hamburger BeitrM.ge zur ArchM.ologie3 ( 1973) 103: ... [the] flow of civilization ... north through the Tiber and Chiana Valleys on Etruria's eastern fringe, headed for the Po and Central Europe." Roman history (Livy 5.33.2-9) preserved the tradition that the Etruscans of Chiusi taught the northerners to drink wine. On the derivation from Chiusi of the Venetic script, see M. Cristofani, "Sull'origine e la diffusione dell'alfabeto etrusco, ANRW I 2 (1972) 466-489, especially 484; Italy Before the Romans~-382. See also P. Defosse, "De Etruskische Taal: Alfabet-Schrift-Verklaring, Hermeneus 45 (1973-74) 350-351, fig. 3 (map). 11

11

11

11

11

11

37oe Marinis, La tipologia etrusca arcaica (Rome1961).

del banchetto nell 'arte

38Infra n. 61. For a discussion of these scenes, see Boardman, "A Southern View," 136-137; 0.-H. Frey, "Eine figtlrlich verzierte Ziste in Treviso, 11 Germania 44 (1966) 66-73. For the historical and sociological context of erotic scenes which took 55

place as part of the symposium in early fifth century Greek art, in contrast to private scenes of the later fifth century, see Brendel, 11 Erotic Art, 113-107, especially 32-42. 39steingr~ber, Cat. Nos. 427, 434, 436, 428. The decorative statues of athletes are similar to the ones illustrated by E. Richardson, 11 The Etruscan Origins of Early RomanSculpture!' MAAR 21 (1953) 103, fig. 14. Cf. Lucretius, De Rerum Natura 2. 24~11si non aurea sunt iuvenum simulacra per aedes lampadas igniferas manibus retinentia dextra, lumina nocturnis epulis ut suppeditentur, nee domus argento fulget auroque renidet nee citharae reboant 1aqueata aurataque temp1a ... , 11reca 11ing Homer, Odyssey 7.100-102. 4°For bronze furniture decorations, cf. the tubes from the Bernardini tomb: C. Densmore Curtis, The Bernardini Tomb, MAAR 3 (1919) 82-84, Nos. 90, 91, pls. 65-66; E.A. Steinberg, Broi,zes of the Bernardini Tomb (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania 1966) 129-140, figs. 111-113. 41According to S. Gabrovec, this is a musical competition in the Greek style rather than a duet; there are no parallels in Etruscan art (Arte delle Situle 7). G. Fleischhauer, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, ed. H. Besseler and M. Schneider, vol. 2, part 5 (Leipzig, n.d. [1965]) 22-23, fig. 1. For Etruscan music, G. Wille, Musica Romana (Amsterdam 1967) 562-572, No. 166; M. Cristofani, DdA1 (1967) 293-294, nn. 43-44. For the syrinx, a favorite instrument shown on various situlae, see the Pan pipes of sheep bone from Przeczye, Poland, dating from 700 B.C.: J.M. Coles, 11 Music of Bronze Age Europe, 11Archaeology 31,2 (1978) 12. See also two bronze statuettes of syrinx-players from the Veneto, of the fifth century B.C.: L1 arte preistorica nell 1 Italia settentrionale dalle origini alla civilta paleoveneta (Mus. Civ. Verona 1978) 132-133, fig. 44; 3000 Anni fa a Verona (Verona 1976) 47, 171, fig. 31. 42Benvenuti and Kuffarn situlae: Steingr~ber 276-277, Nos. 429, 436. Arte delle Situle Nos. 11, 54, pls. G, H. These situlae on a rack are not, as often assumed, the wares of a situla-vendor (Arte delle Situle 82; Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 190); they are the host's proud possessions. See Wells, West-Central Europe (diss.) 142ff. on the role of the elite in circulating goods, their liaison with outside groups, their privileges and display of wealth. The popularity of the situla shape in the Chiusi region is interesting. It appears in two of the friezes from Murlo, and on one of the Pania situlae (Etruscan Dress figs. 13, 72; supra nn. 5, 33), Cf. R. DePuma, StEtr (1974) pl. 60. 43s. Gabrovec, in Arte delle Situle 7. For ribbed situlae, see Berta Stjernquist, Ciste a cordoni, Produktion, Funktion, Diffusion (Bonn and Lund 1967); L. Folle, StEtr 40 (1972) 521-526. 56

44F. Magi, "L'ossuario di Montescudaio,"Atti del primo sim osio di rotostoria d'Italia (Orvieto 1967) 121-133; F. Nicosia, StEtr 37 1969) 369-401. For similar Etruscan fans, see list and drawings in Magi, fig. 2a. Cf. Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. pl. 112. Fans are also typical of Near Eastern (North Syrian, Iranian) scenes of banquets. 45Etruscan Dress fig.

72.

46supra, eh. 1, n. 41. Steingr~ber 23-26, with bibl. W. Helbig, FUhrer4 (1969) No. 2857; Pareti, TombaRegolini Galassi 244, nn. 19, 20; J. Macintosh, "Representations of Furniture on the Frieze Plaques from Poggio Civitate (Murlo)," R~mMitt 81 (1974) 21-24. These chairs, often called "thrones", do not in fact imply either divinization or kingship: F. Prayon, MarbWProgramm 1974 10-11; M. Torelli, DdA4-5 (1970-71) 74. 47steingr~ber

Cat. Nos. 638, 657, etc.

48L. Vlad Borelli, "Il Canopo di Dolciano: evidenze e perplessita dopa un restauro," StEtr 41 (1973) 211-212. M. Zuffa "Trono miniaturistico di Verucchio," Studi Banti (Rome 1965) 351355. R.D. Gempeler, Die etruskische~ Kanopen (Einsiedeln 1974) pls. 2-3, 7-9, 11-12, 17-20, 37-39. 49Belt from Brezje: Steingr~ber 278, No. 438, with bibl.; Arte delle Situle No. 49, pl. 37; Lucke-Frey No. 17. On the relief frieze from Murlo a fe~ale figure is the only one using such a rounded chair. Cf. Bologna stele, infra fig. 101. 50Prayon, supra n. 8. Steingr~ber 332, No. 682, with bibl. Though the terracotta statuettes were placed on square chairs, the room also contained two rounded chairs like those of the situlae. These may or may not have held other figures: Prayon, MarbWProgramm 1974, 9. These seated figures have been compared to the two earlier (ea. 650 B.C.) seated statues from Ceri, also in the region of Cerveteri, carved out of the rock on either side of the antechamber of a tomb, the Tombadelle Statue: G. Colonna, StEtr (1973) 540f. pl. 115a: Prayon, MarbWPrograrnm 1974, 7. Steingr~ber Cat. No. 601. 51Magi, "Ossuario di Montescudaio," 121-133, suggests that the round base still to be seen on the Montescudaio urn was originally for such a round chair, rather than for a second wine crater, as is regularly supposed. The suggestion is tempting. Would the second seated figure have been a man, as on the situlae, or a woman, as on the Murlo relief and the Bologna tintinnabulum? 52J.P. Small, "The Banquet Frieze from Poggio Civitate," StEtr 39 (1971) 25-61; Bonfante, Etruscan Dress, fig. 144, with bibl.; Brendel, Etruscan Art 230-232." That the famous Villa Giulia terracotta is an ash urn and not a sarcophagus, as supposed by 57

many: M. Torelli, R. Bianchi Bandinelli, classica: Etruria, Romano. 78. 53L. Bonfante, "Etruscan 242-2t,9; "The Womenof Etruria, authors remarked on this custom, Theopompus, quoted in Athenaeus, Diodorus V, 40, 3.

11

54steingr~ber

L'arte dell'antichita

Women,"Archaeology 26 (1973) Arethusa 6 (1973) 91-101. Greek so d1fferert from Greek etiquette: Deipnosophistae I, 23d, IV, 153c;

181. Supra, Introduction

n. 14.

55Arte delle Situ le No. 18, pl. 14. Frey, Entstehung No. 15, pl. 76; "Ostalpenraum" 50-51, fig. 2. E. Di Filippo, "Rapporti iconografici, 139-142, fig. 56; Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 129, 210, N. 21, pl. 62. 11

56supra, chap~er l, n. 46. 57Cf. supra nn. 8, 50. For Tarquinia and Caere, see J. Heurgon, La vie quotidienne des etrusques 118-122. On the frieze from Murlo, in the north, it is hard to know whether the beardless figures reclining with the bearded men are men or women: Small, "Banquet Frieze." In the Tombadel Colle at Chiusi (ea. 480-470 B.C.) the couples reclining are all male (Arte e Civilta Etrusca No. 277). We have a 7 ready discussed the possibility of a female companion in a northern banquet scene in the seventh century, on the Montescudaio urn, inn. 51. 58Etruscan Dress 11-14, fig. 2. On wool-working and weaving at Este, see Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 193, 221: the author reports on the recent discovery near Trento (L~go di Ledro) of a well-preserved textile, a long, narrow strip of linen (7 cm wide, over 2 m long), woven with a textured plaid pattern, "a rombi concentrici ottenuti da fili dell'ordito emergenti" (R. Perini, Rend. Soc. di Cultura Preistorica Tridentina 1967-69, 224-229). Spindles, spools, and loom-weights found in women's graves confirm the impression that this industry, like that of making vases, was the responsibility of women. In Romantimes (Bonfante Warren, "RomanCostumes," s.v. scutulatus, 611) heavy woolen cloth, especially woven in plaid patterns, became a specialty of Gaul; it continued to be produced in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, in Flanders and elsewhere: H. Pirenne, Medieval Cities (NewYork 1956; original ed. Princeton 1925) 70-71, 111, 155. 59G. Camporeale, "Lo specchio Arnoaldi, Parola del Passato 22 (1967) 451-461. Arte delle Situle No. 22, pl. 17; Bianchi Bandinelli-Giuliano,-Etruschi e Italici 217-218, fig. 249; L. Bonfante, "The Arnoaldi Mirror, The Treviso Discs, and Etruscan Mirrors in North Italy, AJA 82 ( 1978) 235-40, and "The Arnoaldi Mirror: An Addendum," AJA 83 (1979) 106. 11

11

58

60Arte delle Situle No. 21, pl. 16; Steingr~ber 277, No. 434; Bonfante, AJA 82 (1978) 236-237. 61The following symplegmata have been noted in situla art: l. Situla from Sanzeno, Arte delle Situle pl. C; Lucke-Frey No. 15; Boardman, "A Southern View," 736, fig. 27; Steingr~ber 276, No. 431; 2. Fragment from Treviso, 0.-H. Frey, Germania 44 (1966) 66-73; 3. Mirror from Castelvetro, Arte delle Situle No. 21, pl. 16; Lucke-Frey No. 6, pls. 21-22; 4. Belt plaque from Brezje, Arte delle Situle No. 49, pl. 37; 5. Fragmentary situla, Lucke-Frey No. 30d. Perhaps also Lucke-Frey No. 44, a "foot washing": Frey, Germania 44 (1966) 68, n. 5. For the symbolic significance of these erotic scenes, see Boardman, "A Southern View," 736-137; Frey, "Der Ostalpenraum," 66-73; Sandars, Prehistoric Art 223-225; ~ansuelli, Civilisations de l'Europe ancienne 125. 62E.g. the explanations given for the scenes on the oinochoe from Tragliatella (near Cerveteri): G.Q. Giglioli, StEtr 3 (1929) lllff.; H. Sichtermann, in Helbig, FLlhrer4 (TLlbingen 1966) No. 1528; AlfBldi, Early Romeand the Latins 282, pls. 20-22; Bianchi Bandinelli-Torelli, Etruria No. 61; Rykwert 146-148, fig. 123. For "the eros as practiced for instance by the agricultural centres of some ancient tribes," see G. Tucci, review of M. Bussagli, Eros Indiana (Rome1972) in East and West 26, 7-2 (1976) 291. 63sandars, Prehistoric 231-2J2, 388-390.

Art 223-225.

Brendel, Etruscan Art

64E. La Rocca, in J. Boardman, E. La Rocca, Eros in Greece (NewYork [1979]) 73-75. 65soardman, "A Southern View," 736. 66In the later part of the fifth century, the rise of a private, individualistic ethic in Athens brought with it the idea of "romantic" love on the one hand and Euripides' ethical questioning on the other: Brendel, "Erotic Art" 736. 67Arte delle Situle pl. C; Lucke-Frey No. 15; Boardman, "A Southern View," 136, fig. 27. 68As recommendedby Ovid in the Ars Amatoria, 3. 787-8: mille ioci Veneris; simplex minimique laboris, cum iacet in dextrum semisupina latus. See D.W.T. Vessey, "A note on latus," Liverpool Classical Monthly (LCM)l, 4 (1976) 39-40. 69supra nn. 49, 61. Brendel, "Erotic Art" 39; P. von Blanckenhagen, "Puerilia," In MemoriamOtto J. Brendel, Essays in Archaeolog and the Humanities (Mainz 1976) 37-41. Cf. also a gilt silver pha era from the Thracian treasure of Letnica, of the fourth

1

59

century B.C.: the man, fanned by a woman, sits in a chair making love to another woman(who is dressed) seated on his lap. The large wine crater beside them shows the context is a banquet or symposium (cf. the vase from Montescudaio, supra n. 51). Other objects from this group represent scenes of hunting or heroes fighting monsters. Arch. Mus. Lovec. I. Venedikov, T. Gerassimov, Thrakische Kunst (Vienna and Munich 1973) 354, No. 290; I. Venedikov, Thracian Treasures from Bulgaria (London 1976) 63, No. 275: "sacred marriage between two deities." 70sologna pendant, supra n. 13. 71Hoernes, Urgeschichte, pls. 28-29 (cf. 31, womenwatching games?); Mansuelli, Civilisations de l'Europe ancienne 131, fig. 27; Megaw,Art of the European Iron Age 46, fig. 10. 72Fogolari,

Pop. e Civ. 190-192, n. 5.

73on the change in women's role in Greece during the period of the Dark Ages, and weaving as a prestigious occupation, see M. Arthur and D. Wender on Hesiod's Works and Days, in Helios 5 (1977) 41-43: Womenare depicted at work driving a plow, looking after the stores, and spinning. There is a difference between slave women, whose tasks included flour-making, dairying, grapepicking, wine-making, butchering, and making felt and leather goods, and ladies, who only worked indoors, spinning, weaving, and caring for the children. 74Bianchi Bandinelli, "Clusium," 13, pl. IV; Heurgon, La vie quotidienne 261-262, fig. 64. 75sronson, "Chariot Racing in Etruri a" 98-99. 76B.S. Ridgway, Hesperia 35 (1966) 193, on banquet and hunting scenes, as well as chariot and horse races, as "impersonal representations of a certain standard of life, [which] can be considered neither historical nor mythological": cf. Root, "Etruscan Horse Race" 133. 77

Aleman, ed. Diehl, Anth. Lyr.

Frag. l (Partheneion)

50-51. 78sronze statuettes of horses, Padova Preromana (Padua 1976) 20-21, with references. The wicker carriages which appear so impressively and insistently on the situlae (Benvenuti, Moritzing, Vace, Kuffarn, Nesactium) are said to derive from an Etruscan type antedating that of the Monteleone chariot, and to have been borrowed by the northern people, including the Gauls, from Felsina (Bologna): P. Ducati, MonAnt39 (1943) 418. Cf. T. Gantz, "The Procession Frieze from the Etruscan Sanctuary at Poggio Civitate," RtlmMitt 81 (1974) 1-14.

60

79Bronson, "Chariot Racing in Etruria, 11 98-99, 105, 106: North Italians and Romansboth learned to tie their reins about the waist; they also learned of a trace horse to give extra power at the turns. On late Romanmosaics, charioteers are still shown with the reins tied around their waists: Bronson 99 (Piazza Armerina). 80sronson 99, pl. 25b, c. Tombadel Colle: Bianchi Bandinelli, "Clusium" 20-21, fig. 18, pls. D, VII A. Tomba delle Olimpiadi: Bartoloni-Sprenger pl. 90. 81G. van Merhart, "Venetoillyrische Relieffigl!rchen aus Tirol," Mannus 24 (1932) 56ff.; L. Franz, "Ein verkanntes antikes Boxger~t, 11 Der Schlern 36 (1962) 268-272; Gabrovec, in Arte delle Situle 7; Lucke-Frey 26-27. Such objects appear on numerous situlae (Benvenuti, Sanzeno, Providence, Va~e, Arnoaldi, Kuffarn), a belt plaque from Magdalenska Gora, and a vase fragment from Este (Arte delle Situle. pls. A, C-E, G-H, 41, 36B, 49). They also appear, much later, on the RomanCorsini chair: G.Q. Giglioli, StEtr 3 ( 1929) 146; infra Chapter 4. 82Pallottino, Cities pl. 78.

Etruscan Painting 37f.; Banti, The Etruscan

83Brendel, Etruscan Art 182, fig. 119. Kastelic, in Arte delle Situle 59; see also 53. For a hunting scene on a Bologna stele, see M. Zuffa, Cisalpina l (1950) 258; cf. in the Campana Tombin Veii, supra n. 33. 84Torelli, Bandinelli-Torelli,

in Hellenische Poleis 836, n. 8 and in Bianchi Etruria, No. 7; Helbig, FUhrer4 No. 2541.

85Arte delle Situle Nos. 11, 17, pls. A-C; Rykwert fig. ritual cities

38.

36Helbig, Fl!hrer4 No. 2668; Etruscan Dress 134-135. For ploughing connected to the foundation and planning of early in Italy (and elsewhere), see Rykwert 65-71, 132-135.

87~. Torelli, "Gravisca," NSc 1971, 242; PdP 26 (1971) 5lff. On ancient Mediterranean ploughs, see A.S.f"-:-Gow,JHS 34 et (1914) 249-275; on Greek ploughs, L. Deroy, "Gree 1 IETOBOEYS l 1 evolution primitive de l 1 araire egeen, 11 Les Etudes Classiques 45 (1977) 367-69. 880.-H. Frey, "Eine figllrlich verzierte Ziste in Treviso, 11 Germania 44 (1966) 66-73. See also Kastelic, in Arte delle Situle 59. For the symbolism, see Sophocles, Antigone 569; and coins with the goddess of Fertility, or Fortuna (W. Deonna, Latomus 13 [1954] 364, 367-269), and the figure of a plough, or a ploughman {Hermeneus 45 [1973-74J 336, fig. 16; Rykwert figs. 33-37).

61

89M. Torelli, Poleis 825, 836.

DdA4-5 (1970-71) 84; and in Hellenische

90supra n. 6.

M. Cristofani,

Prospettiva

l (1975) 9-17.

91For Cristofani 1 s later views see L1 arte degli etruschi (Turin 1978) 131-138. For a summaryof the excavations at Murlo, with previous bibliography, see E.0. Nielsen, K.M. Phillips, StEtr 45 ( 1977) 464-465: The owner or owners could have been the rulers, clan chieftains, or priests of the area. In my article in Dialoghi di Archeologia (1979) I argued that the Etruscan figures from Murlo (unlike those of the situlae) could have had a mythological significance, since themes from Greek mythology had come into Etruscan art by the end of the seventh century B.C., as Cristofani himself has shown: M. Cristofani, Nuove letture di monumenti etruschi (Florence 1971) 69-70, in reference to the ivory boxes from the Pania burial. Cf. I. Krauskopf, Der thebanische Saoenkreis ... (Mainz 1974) 22-25; A. Camporeale, Bellerofonte o un cacciatore? Prospettiva 9 (1977) 56. Attributes of mythological figures, even divinities, are different in Etruscan art from what we have come to expect in Greek art: Brenrlel, Etruscan Art, e.g. 174-175; Richardson, The Gods Arrive, ArchNews5 (1976) 125-133. 11

11

11

11

11

11

92NumaDenis Fustel de Coulanges, The Ancient City (Paris 1864; English translation, with new foreword by A. Mo~igliano and S.C. Humphreys, Baltimore 1980). Arnaldo Momigliano has contributed important discussions on Fustel de Coulanges• influence on modern views of ancient history. La citta antica di Fustel de Coulanges, Rivista Storica Italiana 82 (1970) 95: Finora la critica, sopratutto quella tedesca, ha visto in Fustel il teorico della religione degli antenati e della precedenza della gens allo stato ... chi ripercorre la storia degli studi di storia antica dell'ultimo secolo dovra invece sottolineare il collegamento della storia della proprieta privata con la storia della religione antica. Cf. A. Momigliano and S.C. Humphreys, in C. Ampolo, ed., La citta antica. Guida storica e critica (Rome, Bari 1980) 151. See also R. Staccioli, Modelli di edifici etrusco-italici, I modelli votivi (Florence 1968) 70-81; F. Brown, 0f Huts and Houses, In MemoriamOtto J. Brendel, Essays in Archaeology and the HumaniTies (Mainz 1975) 5-12; S. Mazzarino, Il pensiero storico classico (Bari 1966) I. 90. 11

11

11

11

11

italici,

11

930.-H. Frey, in Atti del XI convegno di studi etruschi forthcoming.

e

9411 Allo stesso livello dell esecuzione e il contenuto simbolico e, nello stesso tempo, reale delle scene" (Kastelic, in Arte delle Situle 55). 95E.g. Iliad 18, 373-377, 389-390, 422. 1

96 Giuliano Bonfante, "Matteo Bartoli nel centenario della nascita," Atti dell 1Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 108 (197374) 694-696.

62

9711 11 sistema patriarcale e tribale era ancora completamente intatto, rendendo impossibile l esistenza delle citta di tipo antico classico. Non si affermano, percio, le tendenze alla democratizzazione dell a vita che dovranno poi, come acutamente constata Ranuccio Biancni Bandinelli, esprimersi anche ne,l arte greca come tendenze all umanizzazione, segnando il passaggio da un arcaicita ancora legata ad una libera classicita, J. Kastelic, in Arte delle Situle 38. Cf. Pallottino on the contrast between Romeand Alba Longa, sulla via di una urbanizzazione che none mai avvenuta, 11Civilta del Lazio Primitivo (Rome 1976) 49. See now 0.-H. Frey s description: Sowohl Bologna wie Este waren stadtartige Siedlungen Die Hallstattkultur (1980) 148. 1

1

1

1

11

11

1

11 :

11

980.L. Page, History and the Homeric Iliad (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1959), especially 218-264: ' The Iliad and Odyssey describe in accurate detail places and objects which never existed in the world after the Mycenean era, the best example being the boar s tusk helmet (218). A similar problem of relating artistic representation and historical reality comes up in connection with the hero cult, and the chariot and hoplite frieze of Attic Geometric vases: ' Chariot and warrior together would have immediately brought to mind the Bronze Age fighting team of warrior and charioteer long since superseded by armies of heavily armed infantry and cavalry. This may be all that was intended, with no thought of a race course flanked by soldiers, but simple rows of chariots or horsemen on other geometric vases certainly portray general games R. Ross Holloway, A View of Greek Art (NewYork 1974) 15. Cf. J.V. Luce, Homer and the Heroic Age (London 1975) 101-120; D. Stanislawski, CornrnonsenseGeography: The Case of the Greek War Chariot,t Landscape 20 (1976) 33-36; P.A.L. Greenhalgh, Early Greek Warfare, Horsemen and Chariots in the Homeric and Archaic Ages (Cambridge 1973). 11 Some chariot groups may be no more than a procession of mourners to the grave--a child appears on one chariot ... J. Boardman - D.C. Kurtz, Greek Burial Customs (Ithaca 1971) 60. 1

11

1

1

11 :

11

1

11 •

99A. Guidi, Precedenti della koine adriatica nei rapporti tra l area atestina e la Slovenia nel1 VIII e nel VII secolo a.C., Abruzzo, Rivista dell 1 Istituto di Studi Abruzzesi 15 (1977) 51-57, on the variety of contacts and exchanges leading to the common language of ~itula art. 11

1

1

11

11

11

l00, Duri ng the Iron Age, dating about 800-400 B. C., the evidence suggests a sharp increase in the quantities of amber being transported southward ... trade activity increased greatly throughout Europe, and commerce in amber grew along with that in other materials. Amber beads and other ornaments are found all over central Europe .... Especially large quantities of amber have been recovered at the trading towns of northwest Alpine Europe ... and of the southeast Alpine region, including the two great centers of salt extraction and trade, Hallstatt and the Dllrrenburg at Hullein 11 (P. Wells, 11 Amber Trade and the Situla People, 11paper presented at the Seventh Conference on Baltic Studies, Washington, D.C., June 6, 1980. The panel on 11 Amber11at this Seventh Conference on Baltic 1

63

Studies was organized by Joan Todd; papers were also presented by Marija Gimbutas, Curt Beck, and Larissa Bonfante.) On the amber trade see also Tacitus, Germania 45. T. Malino\'1ski, "An Amber Trading-Post in Early Iron Age Poland," Archaeology 27 (1974) 195-200, and Praehist. Zeitschrift 46 (1971) 102-110. W. Negroni Catacchio, "La problematica dell 'ambra nella protostoria italiana, 11 Studi Lucani (Galatina 1976) 15-18, and "Le vie dell 'ambra, i passi alpini orientali e l 'Alto Adriatico, 11 Aquileia (1976) 21-59 (ample bibl. 57-59); 11L'ambra nella protostoria italiana, 11 in Ambra oro del Nord. Catalogo della Mostra (Venice 1978) 83-87. M.L. Nave, 11Ambre protostoriche del Veneto, 11 in Ambra oro del Nord 88-91. Cf. G. Ghirardini, "Il Mus. Civ. di Adria, 11 Nuovo Archivio Veneto (Venice 1905) 132, n. 2. Related to the commerce of this area was the salt trade: see Salt, The Study of an Ancient Industry, ed. K.W. de Brisay, K.A. Evans (Colchester 1975); N. Heger, Salzburg in R~mischer Zeit (Salzburg 1974) ll-15. lOlCf. OgilviP., Early Rome and the Etruscans 160, of the Celts, who were never city builders but preferred small villages or oppida. M. Frederiksen, "Changes in the Patterns of Settlement," Abh. Akad. Wiss. G~ttingen 97 (1976) 341-355: "The municipal and urban development of Italy was a slow process" (354). l0 2Torelli, in Bianchi Bandinelli-Torelli, Etruria Nos. 7 19, 61; Le citta etrusche 17. For the development of cities in Latium, see Ampolo, DdA4-5 (1970-71) 37-38. G. Colonna, "Le fasi culturali della protostoria Laziale: Le fasi dell 'eta del ferro da IX a1 VII secolo a.C. (periodi IIB, III, IV), 11 Civilta del Lazio Primitivo (Rome 1976) 25-36. 103J. Close-Brooks and D. Ridgway, in Italy Before the Romans 120-121; 11Pithekoussai had evidently attained a fair degree of stability at some time in the second quarter of the eighth century B.C. 11 Pithekoussai and Cumae "represent not only the earliest (and so the least documented, and unblessed by Delphi) but also the most northerly advance of Greek colonization." Cf. G. Buchner, in Italy Before the Romans, 129-144. 104c. Ampolo, PdP 29 (1974) 382-388. M. Pallottino, Servius Tullius la lumiere des nouvelles decouvertes archeo1ogi ques et epi graphi ques, 11 CRAI1977, 216-235. 11

a

105C. Starr, 1961) 185, 337.

The Origins of Greek Civilization

106G. Fogolari,

(NewYork

Padova Preromana (Padova 1976) 23.

107c. de Simone, in Parola del Passato 33 (1978) 370-395, identifies two family names attested in Orvieto in the Archaic period, Katacina and Verceva, as Celtic, connecting them with a Gallic inmigrat,on at an early date, at the time of Tarquinius Priscus and the foundation of Massalia. 64

5lff. 1977.

l0 8Lejeune, Manuel de la langue venete 4lff.; Lepontica C. de Simone, paper read at a Seminario, DdA, Rome, June

109on the difference between Este (which never knew a Villanovan phase) and Bologna, see 0.-H. Frey, Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde vol. 3 (Berlin, NewYork, n.d. [1975?]) 213-215,s.v. ''Bologna," with bibl. Ibid., "Ostalpenraum" n. 41; "Bemerkungen" 625. G.A. Mansuelli, "Formazione delle .civilta storiche nella pianura padana orientale," StEtr 33 (1965) 39, 41, 42: "di fronte allo articolarsi dell 'Etruria padana su di un sistema di stati-citta, il mondo veneto remase vincolato alla sua antica struttura tribal e." On the art of Bologna, see Brendel, Etruscan Art 282. 110Brown, "Of Huts and Houses." und Hausarchitektur 70-81.

See al so Prayon, Grab-

111villanovan costumes persist, imbedded in an unchanging religious context; the apex and fibulae of important priests, for example: Bonfante Warren, "RomanCostumes" 587, 589. 112G. Colonna, StEtr 41 (1973) 69-72. 113otto J. Brendel, rev. of I.S. Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in RomanArt, MAAR 22 (1955), in AJP 78 (1958) 302. Cf. G.A. Mansuelli, "Individuazione e rappresentazione nell 'arte etrusca," StEtr 36 (1968) 19.

65

Chapter

3

SITULA PEOPLE AND ETRUSCANART AND THE AFTERMATHIN THE NORTH Otto-Herman Frey's dating of the Benvenuti situla from Este by its tomb context to 600 B.C. or even earlierl set the development of situla art firmly in the seventh century B.C. in Este, making possible a closer definition of the chronology of situla art, its origins and development, and the relations of the situla people with their neighbors, the Hallstatt world to the north and the Etruscan cities to the south. Chronological problems have been set and solved by this and other studies,2 so that now, as Frey himself noted in 1976-at the XI Congresso di Studi Etruschi e Italici, devoted to a discussion of the civilization of Este--scholars can turn their attention to an interpretation of the rapidly increasing body of evidence for this important aspect of the beginning of history in Europe. In the complex Orientalizing world which saw the rise of cities, the influence of the new urban civilization of the Etruscans, so important for the origin of situla art, brought with it many features of city life. But in the area of situla art, in northeastern Italy and in the Alps and yet farther north (map 4), no real cities arose.3 In fact the kind of life reflected in situla art and in the graves associated with it parallels an earlier, pre-urban phase of Etruscan culture--a phase which had long since ceased to exist in Etruria proper. Much of the new, Orientalizing type of civilization had, indeed, reached these regions by way of Etruria. From Etruria the local nobles had adopted not only the custom of holding sumptuous banquets, but also new fashions in clothing, the alphabet and the art of writing, the representation of the human figure, artistic motifs, armor and military organization, games and sports, horse- and chariot-races, and other symbols and luxuries showing their superior status.4 Though various languages were spoken, there developed a single type of art and culture, archaeologically defined by the presence of bronze situlae used as wine containers--for drinking wine was a new sign of civilization--during the banquets and symposia which were now held, in the fashion of the Greeks and 66

Etruscans. When Polybius wrote that the Veneti and the Celts practiced the same customs, but spoke a different language,5 he described a situation which had existed in the region before the coming of the Gauls, and which continued there for a long time. His statement also reflects the point of view of the ancients, according to which a group, or a people, can be distinguished by the external signs of language and customs (including costumes).6 We can follow their example, examining, as has been done elsewhere in this book, the languages and ·dress of the situla people, and trying thereby to understand their relations with various neighbors throughout their history. In this chapter our chief concern will be to trace the Etruscan route of certain artistic motifs taken over in the north from the Mediterranean art and culture. I shall

try

to illustrate

the

following

points:

l. The role of the North Etruscan cities, Chiusi in particular, in transmitting aspects of the Orientalizing civilization northwards.? 2. The role of Este and other centers of situla art in transmitting such Orientalizing--and later-techniques and motifs, farther north in Europe. 3. The conservative tendencies of these regions without cities, as well as the originality of their culture; and the persistence of many artistic motifs-cut loose from their original context--in the art of the later Celts, Scythians and others. Linguistic and epigraphic evidence confirm our view of a culture without cities, and the crucial importance of Chiusi for the transmission of the alphabet to the north. Recent studies by Colonna and Cristofani have shown that Chiusi was the center from which there radiated, in the seventh or sixth century B.C., the North Etruscan type of alphabet which was eventually used to write the Venetic and Rhaetic languages, and which formed the basis of the later Germanic and Scandinavian runes .. Chiusi 's role is clearly indicated by Cristofani's map (map 10).8 The representation of human figures in art, another debt the north owed Etruscan civilization, allowed these people to depict their own customs. Etruscan influence even brought the art of monumental sculpture to the region. For it seems to account for the unexpected appearance, much farther north, in Germany, of a life-size stone statue of a naked, armed, apparently masked warrior, originally crowning a funeral mound (fig. 69) .9 Discovered in 1962 at Hirschlanden, the statue, now in the Stuttgart museum, combines Greek and native elements. It is, in fact, half statue and 67

half stele. The fully modelled legs and back reflect the Greek image of the kouros, and the Greek technique of sculpture, experienced by way of Etruria. 10 But the most important part of the body is the flat, squared trunk, carved in relief, like the traditional stelai of this region and northern Italy. Neck-ring and belt are local types; double belts like this are found in the tombs, made up of one iron and one bronze ring. 11 The conical helmet is like those of situla art--for example the Oppeano helmet (fig. 72).12 The figure's nudity presents an interesting problem: does it reflect a native tradition, 13 or the influence of the Greek kouros type? Both elements might well coexist, in this local translation of a Greek type. On the situlae are depicted such large-scale statues that we can believe monumental sculpture was k n own t h e r e t o o . 14 Th e s t a t u e f r o m Hi r s c h 1 an d e n ( fig . 6 9 ) has been compared to the Italic warrior from Capestrano, similar in size and pose (fig. 70). 15 It is much closer to a Ligurian stele from Massa Carrara, in northern Italy, which shows the same attitude, nakedness, type of belt, and Etruscan influence (fig. 68). 16 All these life-size statues belong to approximately the same period, in the sixth century. Life-size statues from elsewhere in Italy are also beginning to be studied more closely, and we car begin to make out the existence of different native traditions and foreign influences. 17 Even the Capestrano Warrior, though strange, is no longer unique. A number of smaller figures, recently "excavated" in museums, show the peculiar, lively features of situla art. Across the Atlantic, at the Peabody Museum at Harvard, where the Duchess of Mecklenburg's huge collection of antiquities is being published, 18 a fifthcentury tomb group from Sticna, in Slovenia, yielded a bronze statuette of a female figure, recently studied by Peter Wells (fig. 41). 19 She wears a belted threequarter length chiton, a diadem on her head, and something that could have been a large necklace. Here again one is struck by the contrast between the rounded modelling of the back and the flatness of the rest of the body. The figure belongs to a type not uncommon in the region; examples are provided by a bronze figurine from Slovenia, from Parzin Spitze20 and a statuette from Caldevigo, in the Este Museum, also wearing a short belted chiton and large necklace (fig. 67) .21 Like the alphabet, the manner of dressing of people represented in situla art is close to North Etruscan models. As we have seen, plaid fabric, mantles and three-quarter length chitons are common features of seventh-century fashion in northern Etruria.22 Close resemblances with the art of Chiusi are evident, in particular with sculpture from Murlo (Poggio Civitate), 68

in the artistic sphere of Chiusi (figs. 28, 31-34). The broad hat typical of the situlae, a symbol of rank or status, and pointed shoes like those of an aristocratic gentleman on the Benvenuti situla are worn by the socalled Cowboy (figs. 4, 27-28) .23 In situla art local styles, for example wide-topped boots for women (figs. 46, 60, 67)24 find their place next to typically North Etruscan fashions. We have already mentioned some of the many artistic motifs of situla art which were derived from Etruscan art, as Frey and others have shown.25 Several can be localized in the north, and especially Chiusi. The figure of the dressed centaur is a type which appears in northern Etruscan art. We see it in bronze statuettes (fig. 21),26 and on the late Orientalizing ivory Pania situla from Chiusi (fig. 23),27 for example. Centaurs are often hunters. On the Benevenuti situla, a centaur with a loin cloth pokes a Big Bird, much like the hunter on a vase from Orvieto, published by Camporeale, pushing a spear at a monster's back (figs. 17-18, 72) .28 A number of other fully dressed centaurs grace the sides of seventh-century incised bucchero vases (fig. 19) .29 Another Orientalizing Etruscan motif we have seen adopted in situla art is that of the lion or other animal with limb in mouth. Originally a literary topos in the East, it appears in the Bible (Amos 3.12): "As the shepherd rescues from the mouth ofthe lion two legs, or a piece of an ear ... " In art, its eastern connection is confirmed by its appearance on two tablets or magic amulets from Arslan Tash on which a monster and a wolf are each swallowing a man, whose legs are still visible (figs. 76-77) .30 But it is in Etruria, perhaps in Veii, that this motif, unknown in Greece, becomes a favorite. A bronze amphora from Orvieto with a procession of animals very close to that of the nothern situlae--winged lions with human legs dangling from their jaws, animals with plants issuing from their mouths, deer, etc.--is particularly interesting for us in view of the importance of this central Etruscan city, along with Chiusi, as a source of models for the northern craftsmen (fig. 74) .31 It is worth noting how many motifs are found together, in combination, in both Etruscan Orientalizing art and situla art. Seventh-century Etruscan art-bronzes and incised bucchero vases,32 for example-illustrate, combined in the same decorative groups, centaurs with clothes, sphinxes with hands and arms, lions with legs dangling from their mouths, hunters with spears, deer with tendrils emerging from their mouths, double-bodied animals. All of these motifs are found, in ever varying combinations, in situla art. The Etruscan motifs, "masks" and bearded faces, dating to the seventh and sixth century, also find their way northward, becoming particularly popular in Celtic art.33 69

Recent discoveries and publications are allowing us to see more clearly the various routes which brought so many Orientalizing elements into the art of Europe.34 As Kastelic has noted, the situla-makers models were often taken from the Eastern, Ionian world, filtered through the Etruscan temperament.35 A principal route to the north led through Chiusi, northern Italy and Este. Beyond, Celtic art proved to be fertile ground for many seventhand sixth-century Etruscan artistic motifs, which make often surprising reappearances in later Celtic art. Many of these motifs, transformed and inserted in a new decorative context, were "prepared" for their northern voyage in the eclectic art of Este and the other regions of situla art. For the art of the Orientalizing period, a new whole made out of varied, disparate elements, took on an individual character on Italian soil, in that ebulliently creative moment of Etruscan culture. And it was this Etruscan version of Orientalizing art, with its taste for the unusual, uncanny, and grotesque, its sub-human sphere of imagery and its peculiar style-its suggestive, delicate, mellow, fluent line creating a unified shape, like a pattern36--that often caught the imagination and fed the art of the barbarians beyond the borders of Etruria, who eagerly adopted the new motifs and styles from the East and from the Mediterranean, ready to weave such elements into the intricate tapestry of their own taste and tradition.37 1

The receptivity to Etruscan influence shown by northern barbarian art is remarkable. Here we can only give a few examples of Orientalizing features evident in Celtic art, in Scythian art, and the later art of medieval Europe. The two-bodied animal or monster became particularly popular, probably because of the decorative patterns made possible by its symmetrical design. Originally an Oriental motif (fig. 80)38 taken into Orientalizing art, for example in Early Corinthian pottery (fig. 81, cf. fig. 83),39 it often occupied a subordinate place, as a decorative element. A doublebodied panther lurks below the foliage on a Greek bronze helmet from the Schimmel collection.40 In Etruscan art, it decorates the neck of a number of Pontic amphuras, including one by the Paris painter in the Metropolitan Museum in New York (fig. 82) .41 Passing by way of situla art--where it makes a handsome appearance on the situla Boldu-Dolfin (fig. 15)42--it flourishes as a favorite monster on the pages of medieval manuscripts (figs. 84-87),43 and on Romanesque capitals.44 Most strikingly Etruscan is the limb-in-mouth motif. Originally at home in the East, as we have seen (figs. 76-77), the motif developed independently in Etrus~an ~rt (figs. 74, 78)45 and survived in Europe, not only 1n s1tula art, but also in variants in Scythian and Celtic art and finally in Romanesque and later medieval

70

art (fig. 87). Examples are innumerable. Etruscan incised buccheros of the seventh century, as noted,46 and the situla from Vace show lions ~ith human legs dangling from their jaws (figs. 75, 78).4 1 A silver beaker from the Danube, of Dacian, Thracian, or Scythian art (fig. 88),48 sports a sharp-toothed monster biting an animal thigh. A set of gold ornaments in the Walters Art Gallery (perhaps Scythian?) consists of pairs of birds, one of which appears to have a human arm with a hand hanging from its beak (fig. 89, cf. 90).49 The specific .detail of a human head emerging from the jaws of a lion or monster appears in a remarkably similar context on two monuments two thousand years apart: on an Etruscan bronze oinochoe (fig. 91 ),50 and on a brass aquamanile from Germany in the shape of a monster swallowing a monk, whose cowled head and bust alone remain outside (fig. 92).51 As these suggestions indicate, the new chronology for the beginning of situla art now makes it possible for us to see more clearly the dates and historical circumstances of Etruscan 0rientalizing influence in the north, and its aftermath. We can start to fill in the details of a picture whose larger outlines, thanks to new finds and the efforts of many scholars, have become more sharply defined; of the importance of Chiusi in the 0rientalizing period, and of the part played first by the Etruscan cities, and then by Este and the situla people, in passing on to the µeople of Europe, in the north, features of city life, including the skills which allowed them to express the individual character of their own arts and languages.

71

NOTES An earlier version of this paper appeared as "I popoli delle situle e l'arte etrusca," Prospettiva 17 (1979) 31-38. See also summary, "The Situla People and Etruria," Acta of the XI International Con ress of Classical Archaeolo y, London, 3-9 September 1978 London 1979 19 1o.-H. Frey, Die Entstehung

der Situlenkunst

(Berlin

1969).

2R. Peroni, G.L. Carancini, P.C. Irdi, L.P. Bonomi, A. Rallo, P.S. Masolo, F. Serra Ridgway, Studi sulla cronolo ia di Estee Golasecca (Florence 1975 [1976] ; "Northern Italy and Europe North of the Alps," Italy Before the Romans 415-511, with rich bibliography. 3J. Kastelic, Arte delle situle 31, 38, G.A. Mansuelli, "Ancora sui problemi dell' 'Arte delle situle' ," Opuscula Iosepho Kastelic Sexagenaris Dicata, Situla 14/15 (1974) 95-112. Cf. supra, p. 65, n. 109. 4Lucke-Frey; 0.-H. Frey, "Der Ostalpenraum und die Germania 44 (1966) 48-66. Antike vJelt in der frUheren Eisenzeit," J.V.S. Megaw, "The Orientalizing Theme in Early Celtic Art: East or West?" Alba Regia 14 (1975) 14-35. C.F.C. Hawkes, "The Celts: Report on the Study of their Culture and their Mediterranean Relations, 1942-1962," Le rayonnement 61-79 (wine and banquets, 65). M. Pallottino, "La mediazione etrusca fra il mediterraneo e l'occidente europeo," Le raycnnement 81-82. 5Polybius

2, 17.

6Bonf ante, Etruscan Dress l; 105, n. 6. "The Language of Dress," Archaeology 31 (1978) 14-26. C.F.C. Hawkes, "I Celti e la loro cultura nell' epoca pre-romana e romana nella Britannia," Accademia dei Lincei, Problemi Attuali di Scienza e di Cultura, Quaderno N. 237 (1978) 19. 7For the role of Chiusi, see Chapter 2, n. 36. Etruscan influence in the north preceded Arruns of Chiusi and the Celts: Livy 5.33; Dion. Halicarnassus 17.10; Plut. Camillus 135. G. Colonna, "Basi conoscitive per una storia economica dell' Italiano di Etruria," su plemento, Annali 22 dell'Istituto NumismaticaNaples 1975) 11-12. Wells, West-Central Europe and the Mediterranean World 600-400 B.C. (Harvard diss. 1976) 69-70, 205-207.

1

72

8M. Cristofani,

Popoli e Civilta

6 (1978) 415, fig. 6.

9H. ZUrn, ~allstattforschungen in NordwUrttemberg: Die GrabhUgel von Asperg, Hirschlanden und MUhlacker (Stuttgart 1970) 67-72. Megaw,Art of the European Iron Age 47. 10w. Kimmig, "Der Krieger von Hirschlanden," Le rayonnement, 94-101, especially 95. See also H. ZUrn, "Die Hallstattzeitl1che . steinerne Kriegerstele von Hirschlanden, vJOrttemberg," IPEK 22 (1966-1969) 63: the author compares this example of influence from the south to that of the walls of Heuneburg. These, according to Peter wells and others, must have been planned by Etruscan builders. 11zurn,

"Kriegerstele"

63.

12Kimmig, "Krieger" 96-97. 13zUrn, "Kriegerstele"

64.

14w. Angeli, "Die Hallstattkultur, eine EinfUhrung," Krieger und Salzherren (Mainz 1970) 10, fig. 64, 2, remarking on the life-size heads which decorate the situla rack on the situla from Kuffarn (Arte delle Situle No. 54). See also the decorations on the kline on the Certosa situla (Arte delle Situle No. ,7). For decorative statues of athletes, see E.H. Richardson, "The Etruscan Origins of Early RomanSculpture," MAAR 21 (1953) 103, fig. 14. 15rnrn, "Kri egerste le" 64; Angeli, "Ha11stattku ltur" tav. 68.2.

l 0,

16For the Ligurian stele from Massa Carrara, see Chapter 2, n. 29. On the possibility of artistic contacts between Gaul and Liguria, see Bianchi Bandinelli~Giuliano, Etruschi e Italici 55-56, pl. 58. P. Orlandini, "L'arte dell' Italia preromana, 11 Popoli e Civilt'a 7 (1978) 250, pl. 32. 17A. Hus, Recherches sur la statuaire en pierre archa1yue (Paris 1961); see especially, for Chiusi, 395, 571-572. Since 1961, several large Etruscan statues have been discovered. From Marciano, in the Val di Chiana, comes an example of the sculpture of Chiusi which influenced the north, a fragmentary figure of a stone kouros: Arte e civilta degli etruschi, No. 313; SprengerBartoloni, No. 141. Seated figures from the Tomba delle Statue, in Ceri: G. Colonna, StEtr 41 (1973) 540, pl. 115a. F. Prayon, RtlmMitt82 (1975) 177, 48.l. Seated terracotta statues from Murlo, see Chapter 1, n. 26. See also J.M.J. Aymerich, MEFR88 (1976) 397-454.

73

18H. Hencken, Mecklenburg Collection, Part II: The Iron Age Cemetery of Magdalenska Gora in Slovenia, Bulletin 32 of the American School of Prehistoric Research, Peabody Museum, Harvard University, 1978. P. Wells, "The World of Magdalenska Gora," Harvard Magazine 80 (July-Aug. 1978) 36-41. 19P. Wells, "A Bronze Figurine ArchNews 5 (1978) 215-226. 20G. van Merhart, Tirol," Mannus Zeitschrift European Art 144-145.

Giuliano,

from Sticna

in Slovenia,"

"Venetoillyrische Relieffigt.lrchen aus 24 (1932) 56-63. Torbrt.lgge, Prehistoric

21Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 4, pl. 81. Etruschi e Italici 53, tav. 57.

Bianchi Bandinelli-

22chapter

l, nn. 17-25, and related

text.

23Chapter l, nn. 26-27, and related

text.

24chapter l, n. 27. For local boots see Montelius, Civilisation Primitive 1, pl. 52; Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. 4, 219, n. 7; D.G. Lollini, "La civilta picena," Popoli e Civilta 5 (1976) 107-195, esp. 173-174, fig. 23 ("boots" from Novilara, seventh century B.C.); M. de Min, "Il vaso in forma di stivale nella cultura atestina," L'arte preistorica nell'Italia settentrionale (Verona 1978) 61-65. delle

2\ucke-Frey 13. Bocci, "Motivi etruschi"; Kastelic, Situle 37-38; R. Bronson, "Chariot Racing" 106. 26chapter

1, nn. 15-16.

27chapter

1, n. 16.

Arte

28cf. the winged, belted centaur pushing a horse (fig. 72) on the bronze helmet from 0ppeano, near Verona, Florence, Mus. Arch. Fogolari, Pop. e Civ. pl. 63. G. Camporeale, "Bellerofonte o un cacciatore? 11 Prospettiva 9 (1977) 56. For the Eastern and Etruscan motif at the hunter with spear, see M. Bonamici, I buccheri con figurazioni graffite (Florence 1974) 117, with bibliography. 29Chapter 1, n. 15. 30A. Caquot and R. du Mesnil du Buisson, "La seconde tablette au 'petite amulette' d'Arslan Tash," Syria 48 (1971) 391-406. See also another tablet with Phoenic,an inscriptions and representation of a lion with (probably) a semi-devoured animal hanging from its jaws: S. Horn, "A Seal from Amman,"

74

BASOR205 (1972) 43-45. The date of this tablet from Amman(on palaeographical evidence) is the eighth century B.C.; the date of those from Arslan Tash, the seventh (or sixth) century B.C. I am grateful to Theodore Gaster for these references. See also an Egyptian protome, a lion with head of a Nubian, probably of the XVIII Dynasty: J.D. Cooney, in Ancient Art, The Norbert Schimmel Collection, 0. Muscarella, ed. (Mainz 1974) No. 202. 31 G.Q. Giglioli,

StEtr 4 (7930) pls.

72-73.

32 chapter l, n. 15. See also F. Hiller, "BeitrM.ge zur figOrlich geritzten Buccherokeramik," Marburger Winckelmannprogramm (1965) 16-29, pls. 4-11: double-bodied animal, 22, n. 22; deer with plants in their mouths, fig. l; horizontal registers like those of Phoenician bowls, 26; symmetrical "Tree of life" motifs, 28, n. 22.

3311 Masks" or heads: f~. Hadaczek, "Zur Geschichte des etruskischen Einflusses in Mitteleuropa," RBmMitt21 (1906) 383Lambrechts, L'exaltation de la tete (supra Chapter l, n. 13). 393. J.V.S. Megaw, "Two La T~ne Finger Rings in the Victoria and Albert Museu~, London: An Essay on the HumanFace and Early Celtic Art," Praehistorische Zeitschrift 43/44 (1965-1966) 96-766, especially 102-110. F.-,✓• von Hase, "Unbekannte frOhetruskische Edelmetallfunde mit MaskenkBpfen: mbgliche Vorbilder keltischer Maskendarstellungen," Hamcurger BeitrM.ge 3.1 (1973) 51-64. Bearded face: Mega1tJ,"Finger Rings" 102. A. Charles Picard, "L'homme la fraise: Histoire d'un theme decoratif etrusque," Melanges Heurgon (Paris 197€) 811-815. R. Ghirshman, Arts of Ancient Iran (NewYork 1964) 364, pl. 473. From the Lands of the Scythians (NewYork, Los Angeles 1976) 121, fig. 133. Bearded head, together with animal (or monster) with head in its jaws: Ghirshman 365, pl. 474. Sphinxes with arms: L. Donati, "Sfingi con braccia nell'arte etrusca orientalizzante ed arcaica," Studi per Enrico Fiumi (1979) 47-60, pls. 13-16. For Greek sphinxes with arms, see J.D. Beazley, "A Marble Lamp," JHS 60 (1940) 42, pl. 7. For Etruscan influences of the fourth to second centuries B.C. in the Provence, see M. Renard, "Risonanze etrusche nell'arte Celto-Romana," Tyrrhenica, Sa i di Studi Etruschi, Istituto Lombardo, Accademia i Scienze e Lettere Milan 195 30. F. Benoit, L'art primitif mediterraneen de la Vallee du Rh8ne (Paris 1955) pl. XIV, fig. p. 34. S. Boucher, Gallia 28(1970) 206.

a

34supra, Introduction. 35Kastelic,

Arte delle Situle 37-38. On the transmission of the oriental contribution by way of Este, in Early La Tene Celtic art, and the "extreme rarity of true oriental objects in Celtic contexts," see Megaw, Art of the European Iron Age 25. 36 Brendel, Etruscan Art 86, 51.

75

37Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art 33, 35ff. Sandars, "Orient and Orientalizing: Recent Thoughts Reviewed" (1976) 41-55. Deer with tendril in mouth: Situla Capodaglio, Lucke-Frey No. 31. Cf. the sinuous lion with plant-like element growing from its mouth, on a detail from the eighth-century Book of Kelts, text .page, F 66 R: Treasures of Early Irish Art (1977). On the aristocratic character of Celtic art, see S. Piggott, "Summingup of the Colloquy," in Celtic Art in Ancient Europe (1976) 283-289: "aristocratic art can be discontinuous, peasant era fts more often continuous.'' On Celts and Etruscans, R. Bloch, Le rayonnement, 82-84: "Les unset les autres avaient, commeil est frequent chez les peuples encore un peu barbares, un gout tres vif pour le luxe et l 'eel at des bijous, pour l 'exc'es dans le decor et les dimensions des oeuvres d'art ... l 'aspect non classique de certaines formes de l 'art etrusque devait le rendre plus accessible une civilisation plus primitive que l'art grec lui-meme... The author sees "certaines conformites entre la vie religieuse des deux peuples ... Celtes et Etrusques, selon un rite profondement ancre chez eux, pratiquaient un sacrifice que les Romains reprouvaient, le sacrifice humain... " A shared taste for the macabre may explain such surprising similarities as the image of Minerva striking the giant Akratos with his own profusely bleeding severed arm, on an Etruscan mirror (E. Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel [Berlin 1843-97] pl. LXVIII), and the medieval image of a man eating his own severed leg (L. Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts [BerkPley, Los Angeles 1966] pl. 93, No. 449).

a

11

38Manyexamples can be found in V. Slomann, Bicorporates. Studies in Revivals and Migrations of Art Motifs (Copenhagen 1967). On this subject I am grateful for help given me by Lucy Sandler, Carla Lord, Michael Evans, and Nancy de Grummond. For Oriental and Orientalizing examples, see 0. Muscarella, "The Archaeological Evidence for Relations Between Greece and Iran in the First Millennium B.C., JANES9 (1977) nn. 53-55. Fig. 80: Gold plaques in the form of two lions with a single high-relief head, in 7000 Years of Iranian Art (1964-65) 148, No. 456 (Tehran, Archaeological Museum). 11

39Double-bodied sphinx from Early Corinthian vase from Syracuse, R. Ghirshman, Arts of Ancient Iran (New York 1964) pl. 582; H. Payne, Necrocorinthia (Oxford 1931) 52, fig. 12. Cf. a vase from Arkades (Crete), R.D. Barnett, "Ancient Oriental Influences on Archaic Greece," The Aegean and the Near East, Studies Presented to Hetty Goldman (NewYork 1956) pl. 21, fig. 3; Ghirshman, Ancient Iran pl. 581. Double-bodied sphinx on Protocorinthian Chigi vase, Rome, Villa Giulia Museum; Barnett pl. 21, l. On the motif, Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art 48; Frey, Entstehung 64, n. 315; I. Scheibler, Dies metrische Bildform in der frOhgriechischen FlMchenkunst Kallmunz, Lassleben 1960) 27. 40Bronze helmet from Afrati on Crete, late seventh century B.. C. , Metropolitan Museum1979. 49. 2. H. Hoffmann, 76

A.E. Raubitschek, Early Cretan Armorers (Mainz 1972) Hl, pls. 1-5, 7; Greek Art of the Aegean Islands (New York 1979) Cat. No. 89. 41For Etruscan examples, Scheibler 99, n. 120; Hiller, Marburger Winckelmannprogramm(1965) 28, n. 22. Pontic amphoras: Etruscan Dress fig. 147; T. Dohrn, in Helbig, FUhrer4 1 (1963) 647, No. 888. Payne, Necrocorinthia pl. 51. etruschi

42Arte delle Situle No. 25, pl. 20; Bocci, 70. Kastelic, Arte delle Situle 37-38.

11

Elementi

11

43L. Sandler, "Reflections on the Construction of Hybrids in English Gothic Marginal Illustration/' Studies in Honor of H.W. Janson (forthcoming) 6, figs. 11, 13. G.L. Micheli, L'enleminure du Haut Mayen Age et les influences irlandaises (Brussels 1939) fig. 275. Saint Bernard, in the twelfth century, condemns the representation of such monsters: E. Holt, A Documentary History of Art I (Garden City 1957) 21. 44M. Schapiro, "On Geometrical Schematism in Romanesque Art, RomanesqueArt, Selected Papers I (New York 1977; orig. in German, 1932) 284, n. 10; G.T. Rivoira, Le origini dell 'architettura lombarda (Roma 1901) 331-2, and passim. 11

45chapter 1 , n. 13. "The Phrygi ans seem to have hung whole animals, not limbs, from the mouths of their predators. It was the Etruscans who had a peculiar predilection for severed limbs" (Sandars, ''Orient and Orientalizing: Recent Thoughts Reviewed" [1976] 51). 46supra nn. 31-32. 47Arte delle Situle Cat. No. 41, pl. E; cf. belt hook from Este, Arte delle Situle Cat. No. 32, pl. 25. 48Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art pls. 226-224. D. Berciu, Arto traco-getica (Bucarest 1969) 33-76; "Das thrako-getische FUrstengrab van Agighiol in Rum/inien, Deutsch. arch. Inst. Berichte r~m.-germ. Kommission 50 (1969) 209-225, esp. pl. 119. Sandars, "Orient and Orientalizing: Recent Thoughts Reviewed" (1976) 51, fig. 7; Megaw, Art of the European Iron Age, No. 219; B. Goldman, "Late Scythian Art in the West: The Detroit Helmet,n IPEK 22 (1966-69) 68, tav. 47, fig. 4c. I am grateful to Bernard Goldman for references and photograph. 11

49Jewelry, Ancient to Modern (Baltimore 1979) 102, No. 293: The provenance is unknown. "Dress ornaments, Greek or Ponti c, first century B.C.... repousse relief showing facing birds of prey, one devouring a fish" (Andrew Oliver). The long object protruding from the bird's mouth looks to me less like a fish than an arm with a hand at the end. For gold appliques in the form of animals, 77

"found in contexts implying that they once adorned inter alia men1s trouser legs, women1s hoods or ... women1s dresses," see M. Vickers, Scythian Treasures in Oxford (Ashmolean Museum,Oxford 1979) 36, 42, pls. 4, 12. Exactly this motif is illustrated by a man-eating monster from pre-Roman Gaul, the Tarasque de Noves (near Avignon), from whose jaws dangles a human arm ornamented by a bracelet: P.A. van Dorp, R.A. von Royen, "The Tarasque de Noves," Talanta 8-9 (1977) 33ff., with full bibliography. The statue 1s date is somewhere between the mid-sixth century B.C. and the beginning of our era; Celtic and Mediterranean influences have been suggested. 5°From Perugia. Munich, Antikensammlung (Wittelsbach). Second half of sixth century B.C.: Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art, pl. 223; L. Goldscheider, Etruscan Sculpture (London 1941) pl. 91; K. Pfister, Die Etrusker (Munich 1940) 120; M. Pallottino, Art of the Etruscans (London 1955) pl. 71; W.L. Brown, The Etruscan Lion TOxford) 1960) pl. 42. Arte e Civilta Etrusca 55, No. 234: "Il motivo della belva antropofaga deriva dal repertorio orientalizzante ... e trovera larghi sviluppi nel simbolismo religioso e funerario dell 1arte dell 1Europa occidentale. 11 Cf. a bronze revetment from the TombaBernardini of Praeneste of the seventh century B.C.: Arte e Civilta Etrusca 11, No. 29; D. Curtis, MAAR 3 (1919) 82ff. I am grateful to Stuart Piggott, Ursula Hclckma~and Brian Shefton for their assistance. 51Metropolitan Museumof Art, Rogers Fund 1947, Inv. 47. 101.51. German, twelfth or thirteenth century, Art Treasures of the Metropolitan Museum(New York 1952) 45, 221, No. 44; K. Hoffmann, The Year 1200 (New York 1970) No. 121.

78

Chapter

4

SITULA ART IN ROME: THE CORSINI THRONE The rounded marble chair known as the Corsini Throne (figs. 102-103), which has long puzzled scholars, can now begin to receive the attention it deserves as an important archaizing monument of Roman art.1 Since its discovery under the Lateran in Rome in 1732, 2 it has been in the Palazzo Corsini, in the Galleria Nazionale (formerly the Galleria Corsini), strangely out of place in the midst of eighteenthand nineteenth-century paintings, in surroundings which have helped to prolong its isolation and neglect. It used to be assigned a date somewhere around the fourth century B.C., and an Etruscan origin;3 Giglioli even planned to move it to the Etruscan museum of Villa Giulia.4 Though often mentioned, it had not been studied for its own sake since Ducati 's article sixty years ago.5 Now at last, in the recent catalogue of the collection of antiquities of Palazzo Corsini, it is recognized as a monument of Roman art of the late Republic.6 The use of marble strengthens a first-century B.C. date.7 The decoration allows us to fix more precisely the place of the Corsini Throne within the art of this consciously archaizing period of Roman culture, for the non-figurative motifs of the marble relief decoration are close to those of certain Neo-Attic reliefs of this period.8 Instead of copying Greek models of earlier times, however, like the artists of most of these Neo-Attic reliefs, the sculptor of the throne found the inspiration for its figured friezes in a different and surprising context. It has long been recognized that the figured friezes decorating the back and base of this chair derive from those of the situlae of northern Italy and the Alpine regions (figs. 4-14),9 formerly dated no earlier than the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. Recent studies have pushed the origin of this "situla art" back to the seventh century B.C., in the Early Iron Age of Europe. How can we account for an inspiration so far removed in time and space from Rome of the first century B.C.? In the area in which situla art is found, as in the north generally, craft traditions of the Iron Age persisted into the first century B.C. At Este in

79

particular craftsmen continued to imitate the technique and decoration of the early situlae;lO a funerary stele of Roman times, for example, shows the deceased bronzesmith busily hammering out a situla like those made six hundred years before (fig. 93).11 Earlier types of art, dress and furniture also continued in use practically unchanged.12 When Caesar opened up the north, Rome for the first time came face to face with this world,13 and northern styles and artifacts became fashionable: Iron Age shapes and patterns were imitated in the pottery of Co~a, for example.14 This fashion for northern styles was an ephemeral fad, soon supplanted by the rage for Egyptian antiquities which inspired Caius Cestius to build his own private pyramid.15 Both these luxurious fashions reflected Rome's closer experience of Gaul and Egypt once they had come under Roman sway. In contrast to the Egyptian fashion, however, the crafts of Este and Iron Age Gaul did not appear entirely exotic to the Romans, who had preserved elements of their own Iron Age past. A number of powerful Roman symbols like the lituus of the priest or the commander's axe still resembled those of northern Etruria and the situla art (fig. 31). 16 Most important, no doubt, was the preference of both Roman art and the art of the situlae for historical reliefs showing real people involved in ritual acts,17 processions, and games and banquets. In contrast, Etruscan art accepted Greek mythology and gave much attention to the gods and canonical heroes of Greek legend. There was therefore something familiar about the decoration that must have appealed to the Roman who commissioned this chair. Yet its form and ornament were also exotic -- like the Gallic and Etruscan languages, which seemed strange, even ridiculous in the Rome of the late Republic and early Empire. Aulus Gellius(N.A. 11, 7, 3f.) tells of a lawyer who used words so archaic that they made his hearers laugh, as if he had been speaking Etruscan or Gallic. In the late Republic, the artist who carved the Corsini Throne used, as we shall see, Etruscan models for its shape, and 11 Gallic 11 models -for so the situla art brought back from the Gallic campaign must have seemed to the Romans -- for its decoration, to produce a pleasingly archaizing monument for his Roman patron. Now let us take a closer look at the chair and its decoration. The three short legs under the base are the only contemporary, or 11 modern 11 touch that the Roman craftsman has added to the traditional Etruscan form of the chair. Otherwise the shape of the chair is that of Archaic Etruscan "thrones" of the seventh century and later, found both in South Etruscan tombs, at Cerveteri (fig. 96)18 and Praeneste, and in North Etruria as well. The relief decoration of the Corsini Throne is especially reminiscent of the embossed bronze model of the 80

"Barberini Throne" (fig. 94) .19 Elsewhere, in North Italy too, this type of chair was found and remained in use much longer than in the south (figs. 98, 101). At Chiusi it served as the typical support for "canopic" vases; and similar chairs furnished a tomb of Roman date, much farther north, at Weiden near Cologne (fig. 95) .20 But it was nowhere exclusively, or even primarily used for funerary purposes, as we see from its representation on a frieze from Murlo (fig. 31),21 and its regular appearance in the banquet scenes of situla art (figs. 99·100).22 The original models were probably often wicker chairs; the grander ones seem rather to have been wooden chairs decorated with bronze plates like the Barberini Throne: the bosses, on representations of such chairs, for example at Murlo, suggest the relief decoration of the bronze originals. The throne which Pausanias saw in the temple of Zeus at Olympia, which, he tells us, was dedicated by the Etruscan king Arimnestos, the first barbarian who presented an offering to Zeus at Olympia, was apparently this kind of chair.23 The Corsini Throne, too, is decorated (fig. 102) with designs executed in relief. The vine leaf and berry design around the base is a typical Neo-Attic motif, a contemporary accent which belongs to the period when the chair was actually made. The wave pattern, on the other hand, a standard Etru,can design, appears around 500 B.C. and later, in tomb and vase paintings, on fabrics and mirrors (figs. 55-56). Particularly close to the relief borders of the Corsini (hair are those on the stone relief stelai from Bologna (fig. 73). 24 The figurative designs, which constitute the most interesting aspect of the monument, are inspired by bronze reliefs--not, however, those of southern models like the Barberini Throne, but those of the northern situlae. The decoration runs in a continuous frieze around the cylindrical base, and in two registers on the inner side of the chair back. The chair was evidently meant to be seen from the front, for centered on the base, below, is the principal scene. This represents a sacrifice (fig. 106). The animal led to sacrifice and the altar and tree make up a typically Hellenistic and Roman scene.25 Yet the two side figures of the men, the rider and the man leading the an i mal to the sac r if i c e ( f i g . l 06) can al so be par al leled on the situlae (figs. 9-11),26 as can the axe, here carried as an instrument to be used for the sacrifice, rather than, as on the situlae, a weapon and symbol of military authority.27 The remaining scenes represent military parades, hunts, games, processions and preparations for banquets, all similar to those which, on the situlae, characterize the aristocratic activities of the patres of the northern regions.

81

On the base of the throne, to the side, following the man with the axe and the bull for the sacrifice, is a procession: an attendant with a goad, two others, bringing a large situla hanging on a pole by its handle --one of them also carries a ladle or simpulum, a woman balancing a tray on her head and carrying a large twohandled cup or kantharos, and two youths wrapped tn cloaks whose hoods fall in folds below the chin (figs. 104-105) .28 All of the figures and many of their attributes can be matched on the situlae. The Certosa situla s~ows a similar procession, with situla carriers and women balancing containers on their heads (figs. 9-11), as well as men muffled in wide mantles. The shape of situla and simpulum is typical of situla art, as is the costume of the women, with its short mantle covering the head.29 The dress of the men on the Corsini Throne has been modernized, however. The wide mantles of the gentlemen have been transformed into the contemporary paenula;30 and the attendants wear short chitons, 1nstead of longer garments, as on the situlae.31 On the base in back are represented two seated youths, wearing paenulae, watching a boxing match (figs. 107, 110). Spectators or judges often appear on the situlae, as do seated figures of men attending banquets (fig. 8). Especially frequent on situlae are scenes of judges standing by, ready to award the prizes, flanking two boxers who are shown, as here, fighting with peculiar dumbbell-shaped objects. They must have been made of some light material like leather or cloth (fig. 97). Such scenes of box i n g matches us i n g these "dumb be l l s , 11 with helmets as prizes, are a specialty of the art of the situlae, and occur nowhere else. They therefore provide us with proof of the direct descent of the decoration of the Roman Corsini chair from these northern models (figs. 4, 7-8, 12, 14).32 Between the boxers(fig. 110) is a large helmet--Roman style, rather than Greek· as on the situlae--which is to be awarded as a prize. The helmet on the Corsini Throne has been "modernized," and the athletes wear short chitons, rather than appearing nude, Greek style. But otherwise this scene is close to the one which so often appears on the situlae. On the other side of the base appears a strange scene, not yet satisfactorily explained (fig. 111 ).33 A naked man, almost twice the size of the other figures, bends over a square base or well-head. While his muscular legs and belly are clearly visible, the top of his torso, awkwardly rendered in a contorted pose, can be interpreted in various ways. There could be a second figure, an animal or a man, over which he is bending. Or this might be a single figure of a man about to stand on his head, supporting himself on his arms before lifting his legs into the air (entertainers engaged in such Per f o r man c e s a pp ea r i n pa i n t i ng s and re 1 i e f s from Ch i u s i ). Perhaps he is a supernatural figure, distinguished by his 82

enormous size. If he was indeed meant to represent a supernatural being, the strong man Hercules is a likely candidate,34 because of his size as well as because of the presence of a large skyphos--carried by a woman in a prucession nearby--of a type commonly used for sacrifices in honor of Hercules in Rome. This supernaturally huge, heroically nude figure might then represent the Etruscan and Roman Hercules in a legend so far unknown to us, perhaps plunging into a liquid of immortaility or divinization. The figure standing nearby, spear in hand, ·could be holding out his other hand in amazement at a prodigium; and the throne itself could well be connected with a ritual or sacrifice in honor of Hercules, a divinity very important in Italy. Yet there are serious difficulties involved in accepting a divine, mythological image of Hercules among all these real people. It is quite possible that the original from which the relief was copied, perhaps a painting, represented instead an athletic scene typical of situla art, which was misunderstood by the Roman craftsman who copied it as best he could, perhaps having in mind a completely different interpretation. On the back and "wings" of the chair are two registers (figs. 102, 112). The upper one shows a parade of nine soldiers, foot soldiers and riders alternating. (This scene is roughly executed, with more figures crowded in at the right than on the left.) Military parades are found on many situlae (e.g. figs. 8-11), and so is the shape of the oval shields the soldiers carry on the Corsini chair.35 Also paralleled on the situlae is the cap helmet with point or button, a kind of pilleus also shown on the hunters of the scene on the lower register. The theme of the hunt, a typically aristocratic occupation, is well attested on the situlae: it appears on the Certosa situla and elsewhere (figs. 911) .36 Many features of the representations on the situlae are originally of Etruscan inspiration. The North Italians, like the Romans, borrowed games and athletic contests from the Etruscans, and sometimes also adopted the Etruscan manner of representing them. Artistic motifs, as well as styles of objects, such as the rounded chairs and fashions in clothes, were· also borrowed from North Etruria, especially, it seems, from Chiusi .37 This influence in the north parallels to a great extent the kind of Etruscan influence at work in Rome at the same time. Perhaps, then, this surprising link with the world of northern situlae of the Iron Age shows that some people in Rome knew this earlier tradition in the north, and accepted it as akin to their own native Roman traditions. 11

11

83

The Roman artist, or rather the Roman family who commissioned the chair apparently interpreted the content of the scenes as Roman, going back to aristocratic concepts of an earlier period. Figures in realistic action illustrating the aristocratic mores maiorum are combined with the specifically religious motif of the sacrifice. Indeed in size and subject matter the figured frieze is somewhat reminiscent of the small reliefs of the Ara Pacis with the procession of Vestal Virgins and sacrificial animals and attendants; but these Augustan fi.gures are considerably more slender and aristocratic.38 The scenes of the Corsini chair, with their pudgy creatures, like their models, the stocky, lively little figures of the situlae, vividly portrayed in the midst of their busy lives and ritual actions, resemble more closely the relief frieze of another monument of the time of Augustus, the arch of Susa in the Piedmont (fig. 113) .39 On this monument the huge pig being led to the sacrifice, which looks remarkably like the boar in the hunting scene on the Corsini Throne (fig. 112), was singled out by Bianchi Bandinelli as an example of a representation whose goal is not naturalistic, but symbolic.4O Just as the significance of the sacrifice is emphasized in the relief at Susa, the figures of the situlae and of the Corsini chair bring to mind the traditions and social status of their owners: ancient aristocratic traditions, depicted in a native, Roman manner, consciously different from that of the Greek Hellenistic style used for contemporary public monuments. The closest Roman comparisons to the figures of the Corsini Throne are with provincial reliefs showing people at work, making situlae (fig. 93),41 for example, or, on a shop sign from Ostia, doing their shopping.42 On the latter monument the costume of the men, a hooded paenula,43 is similar to that of several figures on the Corsini chair. Such reliefs are given by Bianchi Bandinelli as examples of plebeian art. Yet this chair must have been made for a noble family: the representation of the aristocratic life depicted on the chair must have had the same purpose it had on the situlae, to glorify the noble traditions of the owner. The style which results on the Corsini chair and 11 plebeian 11 reliefs is similar to the extent that it represents a lack of style;44 the intent--to show reality, to tell the story as clearly as possible--is similar. This is, therefore, one of those cases when, as Bianchi Bandinelli remarks, patrician and plebeian traditions overlap. In the Corsini chair such 11 a 11 provincial style is, I believe, due to an intentional archaism which imitates the 11 rude 11 art of an earlier Italic style just as, on Neo-Attic monuments, archaizing artists were imitating Greek figures of the Archaic or Classical style. historical

The parallel between the reliefs and of situla 84

subjects of Roman art is due to the

Italic preference for the representation of ritual acts. These northern situlae in fact illustrate the grammar and syntax-structure" of later Roman historical reliefs.45 Both these northern peoples and the Romans went on representing native scenes in contrast to the more advanced, sophisticated Etruscans who borrowed Greek mythology; Etruscan influence, prestigious and· far-reaching though it was, had definite limits. In Rome it left language and religion untouched. On the northern fringes of the Etruscan world, it left the domestic Italic tradition, as reflected in the situla art, quite untouched by Greek mythology. In a period when Rome was consciously looking for its non-Greek past, the native Italic tradition of earlier times, which had remained available in the northern regions, was recognized as Rome's own and was transferred to the Corsini Throne, this strange, but not quite so isolated, honorary monument. 11

It remains to discuss the use of this marble throne. It was made, I believe, for a noble Roman family, perhaps in connection with a cult which was in their charge, as in the case of the Potitii and Pinarii mentioned by Livy.46 The family may have had connections with northern Italy, indeed with some of those "Gauls" Caesar was accused of bringing into the Roman Senate. The chair may also have been used for one of those funerals described by Polybius,47 in which ancestors were impersonated in the procession, with the insignia of office they had held during their lifetime. In this case there would be no real difference between the chair's honorary significance48 and its funerary use. The symbolism of the throne as representing an invisible presence is also ·one which made headway in the Hellenistic and Roman world.49 Perhaps the fact that the decoration of the back would be hidden by someone sitting in the throne is in favor of such an interpretation. Another marble throne, meant to be used outdoors in a sacred ceremony, is the Elgin chair, now in the J. Paul Getty Museum.SO It is instructive to compare the two monuments, both decorated with motifs which, in a classical period, are reminiscent of the heroic past: Harmodius and Aristogeiton in one case, the aristocratic tradition of the Italic situlae in the other. And just as the Elgin Throne may have been used in the Agora of Athens by a priest, so the Corsini chair may well have been used in a ceremony in Rome, at the time of Caesar, by a member of an \~portant family officiating as priest or magistrate? 11

11

85

NOTES This article first appeared in Essays in Honor of Dorothy Kent Hill, Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 36 (1977) 110-122. I am grateful for help and advice to Gabriella Battaglia, Russell Scott, and Jeanny Voorhys Canby. 1H. 0.825 m. Diam. of seat 0.495 m. Restoration: part of back on the left side, and small piece on front of seat. W. Helbig, Annali dell'Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeolo~ica 51 (Rome1879) d, Corrispondenza 312-17; idem, MbnumentiInediti dell'Instituto Archeologlca 11 (Rome1879-1883) pl. 9. A. Grenier, Bologne villanovienne et etrusque (Paris 1912) 399. P. Ducati, 11Sedia Corsini," MonAnt24 (1971) cols. 401-458, pls. 1-8; idem, Storia dell'arte etrusca (Florence 1927) 485, fig. 567. S.Refnach, R~pertoire de reliefs frees et romains (Paris 1909-1912) 3, 224. G.Q. Giglioli, StEtr 3 1920) 144-48; idem, L'arte etrusca (Milan 1935) pl. 315, 1. I.S. Ryberg, Rites of fhe-S-tate Reli~ion in RomanArt, MAAR 22 (1955) 9-10, pl. 3, fig. 5. G.M.A.ichter, The Furnit~of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans(London 1966) 86~ figs. 428-429. See bibliography in G. de Luca, I MonumentiAntichi di Palazzo Corsini in Roma(Rome1976) No. 54, 93-100, pls. 81-85. Felletti __Maj, Tradizione italica (1977) 174, 192-194; Steingr~ber, Etruskische Mtlbel 198, No. 27. Galleria Corsini, inv. no. 666. 2According to one account, 1734 (de Luca, Palazzo Corsini

93, n. l).

The Sedia Corsini supplies an important link Ryberg, Rites of the State between Etruscan and Romanritual, Religion 10. Richter, Furniture 86, still lists it as an Etruscan ·monument. 311

11

4Giglioli, StEtr 3 (1929) 144, n. 2. Ryberg (Rites of the State Religion xiii) repeats this information, but there are no plans to move the Corsini Throne from its present home. 5

Supra n. 1. The Corsini Throne is mentioned, for example, in Arte delle situle (1961) 17. 6De Luca, Palazzo Corsini 93-100. The author still echoes, however, the puzzlement scholars have long felt about the monument's decoration, remarking that one might easily think it a forgery, if we did not have such reliable and consistent evidence of its discovery underneath the Cappella Corsini at S.Giovanni in Laterano (95). 86

7John Ward-Perkins reports (quoting AmandaClaridge and Demitri Michaelides), that the marble throughout (repairs included) is fine Pentelic, which would be "highly likely for a late Republican or early imperial archaizing piece ... Pentelic was... the standard material for eclectic sculpture mad2 for the Italian market, whether in Attica or in workshops established in Italy (as presumably one would have to imagine in this case) from the mid-second century onwards." (Letter of March 8, 1977). 8For similar Neo-Attic decorations see W. Fuchs, Die Vorbilder der neuattischen Reliefs (Berlin 1959) pls. 6a, 6b, 9b, 20a-b, etc. For the element of nostalgia and the variety of sources (including exotic Egyptian motifs) used by Neo-Attic artists, see Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, The Center of Power 203. -9on the comparison between situla art and the Corsini Throne see bibliography in Giglioli, StEtr 3 (1929) 145, and de Luca, Palazzo Corsini 93-100. l0For continuity of the situla art, see H. Kriss, in Arte delle situle 63-68. There are even objects made from reused fragments of situlae (Kriss 67). llchapter 2, n. 11. Arte delle situle pl. 52; Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, Center of Power pl. 65. Cf. Felletti Maj, Tradiz""f'cirie italica 239-253; 350. 12chapter 2, n. ll. l3For the Romanimitation in clay of bronze situlae from Este and the Po Valley in the late Republican period, see Maria Teresa Marabini Moevs, The RomanThin-Walled Pottery from Cosa (1948-1954), MAAR 32 (Rome1973) 35-45, nos. 1-24, pls. 1-3, 55, and 56. l!The conquest of Gaul can easily be identified as the historical element chiefly responsible for this late revival ... 11 ( 45). 14Moevs, MAAR 32 (1973). 15E. Nash, A Pictorial Dictionar of Ancient Rome (NewYork 1961, 2nd ed. revised 2, 321-323, figs. 10871089. 16Pallottino, Etruscans 182-83. For the lituus, T. Gantz, StEtr 39 (1971) 8-9; Cristofani, Prospettiva (1975) 13.

see

17Brendel, rev. of Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in RomanArt, MAAR 22 (1955), in American Journal of Philology 78 (1958) 302.-

87

18F. Prayon, FrOhetruskische Grab- und Hausarchitektur pl. 59. l. J. Macintosh, "Representations of Furniture on the Frieze Plaques from Poggio Civitate (Murlo)," RtlmMitt81 (1974) 21-2Ll.

19Helbig, FOhrer 4, vol. 3, 2857; Richter, fig. 427. Cf. supra n. 18.

Furniture 86

20M. Zuffa, in Studi Banti (Rome 1965) 351-55. L. Vlad Borelli, StEtr 41 (1973) 211-12. For the stele see Steingdiber, Etruskische Mtlbel 257, Cat. 315. F. Fremersdorf, Das Rtlmergrab in Weiden bei Kelln (Cologne 1957) 28ff.; P. La Baume, Colonia Agrippinensis (Cologne 1967) 53, pl. 57. Gravestones show the man reclining on the couch, while his wife sits in the chair. Such woven wicker chairs are also used in the school scene represented in relief on a monumentfrom Neumagen(Landesmuseum, Trier). For examples see Steingr!J.ber 95. 21T. Gantz, StEtr 39 (1971) 5-24, fig. l; Bonfante, Etruscan Dress fig. 72. Supra n. 18. 22Lucke-Frey ?.1-22. 23Pausanias 5.12.5. G. Karo, "Etruskisches in Griechenland," Archaiologike Ephemeris 101 (1937) 316. 24For Neo-Attic decorations, see supra n. 8. For Bologna stelae, Le citta etrusche (1973) 300; Ducati, MonAnt20 (1920) 357-727; MonAnt39 (1943J373-446; Montelius, Civilisation primitive 1, pl. 100; Bianchi Bandinelli-Torelli, Etruria pl. 114. Bronze mirror: Villa Giulia, Inv. 12997. 2511The laureate worshippers, the pail and dipper, the victimarious with an axe over his shoulder, the victim adorned with the dorsuale, and the large altar occupying the center of the relief, might all appear in a Romansacrificial procession" (Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion 10). 26certosa situla, Lucke-Frey pl. 64. The horseman has been interpreted within either context, as an "abbreviated" representation of the horse races which appear on the situlae, or as the figure which appears, often in a similar scene with altar and tree, on the many relief stelae with heroized riders, which are most frequent in the Hellenistic period, but continue well into the Romanempire (G. de Luca, Palazzo Corsini 97). The animal being led to slaughter on the situlae is interpreted as part of the procession and preparation for the banquet--a banquet which is, of course, not without ritual and religious implications. The womancarrying a kantharos and the simpulum make it clear that the situla contains wine for a banquet, as on the situlae (Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion 10), though of course a Romanwould see a reference to a sacrifice.

88

27chapter l, n. 38; chapter 2, notes 26-29; 31-33. 28r do not think that they are wearing laurel crowns, as Ryberg says (Rites of the State Religion 10; supra n. 25). 29Gabrovec, in Arte delle situle 7. Bonfante, ArchNews 5 (1976) 95, 97. A.Lang, Ger~ania 56 (1979) 93-94. 300n the paenul a, see Bonfante Warren, "RomanCostumes" 595, '610. 31This short tunic appears, as Gioia de Luca points out (Palazzo Corsini 96), on figures involved in a variety of activities: "Questa variante apportata nella iconografia primitiva none peraltro cosa superficiale, ma serve quasi a sottolineare le trasformazioni piu profonde intercorse." On the three-quarterlength chiton of the attendants on the situlae, and the nudity of the contestants (both of which costumes are here substituted by this short chiton), see Bonfante, Etruscan Dress 34-35, n. 17 on p. 118. 32For the seated spectators, cf. the Providence situla; "on either side of the boxers stand two men watching the action, for which they form visual parentheses. Their knee-length cloaks muffle their bodies; their arms are not represented": D. Mitten, Classical Bronzes (Providerce 1975) no. 28, p. 91, fig. c. Seated figures of men at banquets appear frequently, e.g. Mitten, figs. ab, d-h. For comparisons with the boxers, see Gabrovec, in Arte delle situle 7; Giglioli, StEtr 3 (1929) 146. See also Lucke-Frey 26-27; Mitten, Classical Bronzes fig. i. 33oe Luca, Palazzo Corsini 94, pl. 85. For the interpretation of the group as wrestlers, see P. Ducati, MonAnt24 (1916) 443444. This interpretation is accepted by Ryberg, Rites of the State Reliaion 9: "One group apparently represents an official, with a sharp staff like a conmetaculum, who is about to interfere between a pair of wrestlers, one of whomhas his opponent pinned down on a bench with his head away from the spectator and his feet kicking out in both directions. (In fact the figure approaching holds a spear rather than a staff.) W. Helbig, Anninst 1879, 312ff., sees a man about to execute a handstand. 11

34For mythological and iconographic parallels and a possible identification with Hercules (suggested by Erika Simon), see L. Bonfante, "The Cars i ni Throne and the Man in the Pot, Essays in Honor of Bluma L. Trell (forthcoming). Hercules is associated with fountains in Italian and West Greek art; in Etruri a, he often behaves in a manner not readi 1y matched in Greek art": J. Boardman, Intaglios and Rings (London 1975) 42. For the skyphos, used for sacrifices in honor o Hercules (Servius, ad Aen. 8, 278) see E. Simon,. in Helbig, FUhrer (1966) 231-232, No. 1425; cf. B. Candida, Altari e cippi nel Museo Nazionale Romano(Rome1979) 116-118, No. 49, especially 117, notes 5-9; Ryberg 8-9. 11

11

4

89

35on the use of similar oval shields on the Romanaltar of Domitius Ahenobarbus (a monumentwhich shows other similarities to the decoration of this marble throne), see G. de Luca, Palazzo Corsini 98, with refs. Certain details of armament can also be compared to those of the monumentof Aemilius Paullus. Similarities have been noted between the organization of the soldiers in Romeand on northern monuments: on the Certosa situla in particular the three different groups of infantry have been compared to the three Romanorders of velites, principes and triarii (Pallottino, Etruscans 183). Supra chapter 2, notes 17-22. 36For the hunt, see the Certosa situla, fig. 11; and chapter 2, notes 83-84. For bows and arrows see Frey, 11 Bemerkungen11 633, n. 49. Points on hats occurred on the situlae: Brendel, Etruscan Art 182, fig. 119 (worn by a hunter). This shape with button is Etruscan, however: see the fourth-century Etruscan mirror in Paris, J.D. Beazley, JHS 69 (1949) 8, pl. 4b; and M.-F. Briguet in Aspects de l 'art des?trusgues dans les collections du Louvre (Paris [n.d. 1976])30-31, no. 64. 37chapter 1, n. 12; chapter 3, n. 36. 38Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, Center of Power 92; E. Simon, Ara Pacis Augustae (1967) pl. 9. For the difference between the style of this small relief and the large procession of the altar, see R. Bianchi Bandinelli, i~ Bianchi Bandinelli-Torelli, Roma no. 75. H. von Heintze·, RomanArt (London and NewYork 19~70. Relevant in this context is her observation: "It was not laws of artistic composition, but the demands of subject matter that were determinative" (von Heintze 7). 39Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, Center of Power fig. Ryberg 104-106, pl. 34, fig. 52-.-

56;

40Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, Center of Power 57. Bonfante, Parola del Passato 99--r,§"64) 401-27.

Cf. L.

41Supra n. 11 . 42Bianchi Bandinelli,

Rome, Center of Power fig.

69.

43Bonfante Warren, "RomanCostumes" 595, 610. 44Bianchi Bandinelli,

Rome, Center of Power 57-60.

45Brendel, rev. of Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion, in American Journal of Philology 78 (1958) 302. 46Livy l .7. 12, and Ogilvie, A Commentaryon Livy Books 1-5, 60-61. 47Polybius 6.53.

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48on the motifs of war and the hunt, to be interpreted as alluding to the virtus of the person being honored, see de Luca, Palazzo Corsini 97. 49see de Luca, Palazzo Corsini 99, with references. 50Inv. no. 74 AA12; J. Frel, "Some Notes on the Elgin Throne," AthMitt 91 (1976) 185-89. H. Thompson, "The Elgin Throne: Its Date and Purpose," Summaries of the Papers Presented, SeventyEighth General Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, NewYork, Dec. 28-39, 1976, 47-48. 51Dumezil, Archaic RomanReligion (1974) 600-610, les cultes prives. 11

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Notes sur

PART II LANG~AGE ANDALPHABET

Chapter

5

ETRUSCANINFLUENCE IN EARLYROME: THE LATIN ~ORD TRIUMPHUS The triumph was a particular and unique Roman ceremony. Yet the Romans themselves knew that its form was Etruscan.l It is now possible, I believe, to identify the moment when the word triumphus entered the Lat i n l a n g u a g e , a n d t o a t t e cip t t o v i s u a l i z e t h e c o n t e x t within which both word and ritual became a part of Roman c i v i l i z at i on . 2 Briefly, my conclusions are the following: The word triumphus came into Latin from the Etruscan language at the moment of closest contact between Romans and Etruscans, under the Etruscan monarchy of the late sixth century. It was originally a musical term, connected with the martial music which accompanied Etruscan military organization and religious ritual. The Romans adopted it for the newly transformed version of an ancient rite, which was now called the triumph. The older, Etruscan form of the word, triump(h)e, was still preserved, however, in the shout used both in the victory procession and the ancient hymn of the Arval Brotherhood. For the word triumphus was a shout long before it became a word. The cry, triumpe, triumpe ... was 3 repeated six times as the climax of the Carmen Aruale. 1 It was repeated again and again as the soldiers cheer accompanying the victorious general as he ascended the Capitol to sacrifice before the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Poets echoed this cheer, still r i n g in g in the i r ears : 11 mi le s i o mag n a u o c e t r i ump he cane t 11 ( T i b u l l u s I I . 5 . l l 8 ) ; 11 i o t r i ump he , non s eme l dicemus io triumphe 11 (Horace Odes IV.2.49).4 Triump(h)e is the earliest form found in Roman history. This shout then gave its name to ritual and procession, called triump(h)us (recorded in Ennius and Plautus); from the noun was formed the verb, triump(h)are.5 Varro tells us the verb developed from the shout 11 sic ~the soldiers in the triumph: triumphare appellatum, quod cum imperatore milites redeuntes 1 10 clamitant per urbem in Capitolium eunti triumphe! 111 6

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The archaic form preserved in the text of the Arval Brothers' hymn, in an inscription of 218 A.O., as well as Cicero's remark that he could still remember the time when triumphus was pronounced triumpus, show that 7 the aspirate did not come into Latin before ea. 100 B.C. The etymology of French tramper "to triumph by cheating," preserves this early form without aspirate in the popular language, which actually never adopted the cultured pronunciation.8 As I hope to show in a moment, the words triumpus (triumpe) and tripudium are both early forms, contemporary, and, in fact, closely related. In the text of the Carmen Aruale, tripudium appears as tripodatio, and in the verb form tripodare, just before and after the transcription of the hymn, and refers to the dance executed by the ~rval Brothers as they sang this sacred, archaic song: "Ibi sacerdotes clusi succincti libellis acceptis carmen descindentes tripodauerunt in verba haec: Enos Lases iuuate ... (etc.). Post tripodationem deinde signo dato publici introier(e) et libellos receperunt." The early form of the word, with pod- (alternating form of ped-) which had not yet develop~by the action of the intensive accent, into the later pud- or tripudium, seems to confirm the extreme antiquity--before 500 B.C.--of the Carmen Aruale.9 It is surely no coincidence that tripudium is the word used to describe the ritual dance of another ancient priesthood, the war-like Salii: Salii "per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis solemnique saltatu" (Livy I.20.4). Tripudium is translated in this context as "war dance. 10 11

According to Varro the Latin word triumphus was probably derived from the Greek word thriambos: "id a thriamb6i ac Graeco Liberi cognomento potest dictum." Varro's somewhat dubious tone--"potest dictum"--seems due to the fact that there was no obvious connection between the original meaning of the Greek thriambos, a hymn in honor of Dionysos, later an epithet of the god, and the Roman triumphus, which had nothing to do with Dionysos. It was only in Roman times that Greek historians used the word thriambos to translate the Latin triumphus; then the triumph itself was called, if necessary, megas thriambos, to distinguish it from the elatton thriambos or ouatio.11 The traditional derivation of triurnphus suggested by Varro and accepted by many modern linguists does not account for the phonetic changes from thriambos to triump(h)us, which could not have taken place in the passage from Greek to LatTn:"" Since Greek fidoes not change to Latin£., while Greek /3 does change top in Etruscan, Etruscan mediation is prov~above all~ by this change from,8 top. 12 If the word

n11

thriambos had entered Latin directly from the Greek, it would have been *triambos in archaic times, *thriambus from Cicero on, when cultured speakers pronounced the Greek aspirate. 13 The vowel change, from a to u, can be accounted for in either one of two ways. It ciiuld have been caused by the Latin vowel weakening, due to the effects of the initial stress. This would give us a loose kind of date for the word, between the sixth century and ea. 300 B.C.14 (If the word thriambos had entered into Latin after 300 B.C., it v/Ould have given us *triampus. 15) An alternative explanation, even more attractive for our theory, is that since this passage from Greek a to u already occurs in Etruscanl6 the word was taken ove~ without change into Latin. A third clue which could also point in this direction is the ending of the word triumpe. lhe -e has been explained either as an 17 or as the sign of a vocative. According imperative, to Norden, humenaie and iakche are examples of exclamations which precede in time the declined names derived from this form. 18 A simple and more logical explanation is to consider the form an Etruscan masculine nominative. 19 The climax of the Carmen Aruale and the triumph would then originally have been not an acclamation (vocative) or an exho~tation (imperative), but an exclamation in Etruscan; something like our "Hurray!" Of course, triump(h)e may have been misunderstood by the Romans themselves, and ~uite early, as a vocative or an imperative. Yet, though the noun triumphus and the verb triumphare developed soon after this, the word triumpe in Latin long remained an exclamation, without syntactical connections. Plautus uses it this way in Pseudolus 1051: "Ite hac, triumphe! ad cantharum recta uia!" It is hard to translate triump(h)e as other than an exclamation, a parody of the shout all Romans heard in the triumph. The context, one of those farcical battle scenes so frequent in Greek New Comedy, is taken over by Plautus and given a typically Roman touch of "local color. 11 We have already seen the frequent use of triumphe by the poets, who were interested in recreating the sound of the cheers of the triumph.20 Where did the Etruscans get the word? There are two possibilities. Triumpe was either adopted directly from the Greek thriambos--with the phonological changes we have seen--or it came, not from Greek, but from a third languageA the same language from which the word came into Greek.cl The word thriambos is, indeed, not native Greek, though it apparently came from an IE language. Thriambos belongs to a series of words--iambos, thriambos, dithyrambos--the first element of which 1 n a number consists which is IE in form: i- = Fi (=Latin 95

uTgintT) = 2, thri = tri = 3, dithyra= tettara = 4.22 The last elements, which they all have in common, -ambos, may perhaps be re l ate d to S an s k r i t a rig a , " l i mb , an g an a-, st ep, a c t o f wa l k i n g . " 2 3 Th e v1o r d s s e e m t o be mu s i cal, or dance "measures," something like a two-step, three-step, a four-step rhythm. 11

11

11

11

From this IE, non-Greek, language, the word came into Greek, where it originally meant simply a religious procession with song and dance, though thriambos is already connected with Dionysos in the earliest appearances of the word, in the sixth or the fifth century (e.g. Pratinas, l, 15, thriambodithyrambe).24 The word *triump(h)e came into Etruscan from this language either directly, as it came into Greek, or it came by way of Greek; while triump(h)e almost certainly came into Latin by way of Etruscan. So much, then, for a brief genealogy of the word. Etruscan kings and tyrants were no doubt accustomed as the Greeks were to hearing acclamations at their athletic competitions, and at related processions and victory celebrations.25 Unfortunately we have no record of these shouts, calls and cheers, though tomb paintings and reliefs give us a good idea of what their festivals, games and dances looked like in the late sixth and fifth centuries, and we can imagine the impact they must have had on the Romans of that time. For the Greeks, of course, we have the evidence of Pindar concerning the shout or omphe which greeted the victors of the games at the religious competitions: dis Athanaion nin omphai komasan (Nern. X.34); and at Olympia the traditional acclamatior,-:-tenella kallinike, was repeated three times, as the kallin1kos ho triploos of Ol.IX.2.26 When Rome became a city--became, literally, civilized --at the time of the Etruscan monarchy, the word triumphus entered the language as just such an acclamation, in the context of both music and the organization of the army, elements of civilization which the Etruscan brought to the Rome of the Tarquins. 11

11

We have seen that the series of words to which thriambos--and also triump(h)us--belong, etymologically speaking, are all musical. They each refer to poetry, song, and dance, something like "two-step," "threest ep, four - step , the s er i e s be i n g mus i c al l y comp let e : there is no "five-step." Iambos, thriambos, dithyrambos indicate, respectively, an iambic meter, a hymn to Dionysos, an epithet of Dionysos. All these are later meanings of the words, but still related to poetry, singing and dancing--three phases of music which were not separate in antiquity, as they are for us today. Meter, step, and rhythm were all interrelated. 11

11

11

96

The Romans learned about music from the Etruscans: not only were musical instruments adopted from Etruscan models--trumpets, as well as other instruments--but Etruscan musicians and dancers were brought into Rome at all times.27 The musicians in the triumphal procession were Etruscar.s, as they were in the pompae in general. Who else would have taught the Romans to cheer, triumpe? At the high point of Italian music in Europe, too, the musicians in any orchestra were Italian; today, musical terminology is still all Italian. At concerts and the opera the conductor gives directions in Italian. At the end of the performance, the audience may shout "Bravo!" in Italian, even if they do not know what it means. What is more natural than that the Romans should have continued to cry out in Etruscan triumpe! at the victory processions of their generals, and that the word should have been used, in a more technical sense, by the Arval Brothers in their ancient ritual hymn? In fact, the text of the Arval Brothers' ritual seems to contain a translation of the foreign technical word triumpe: it is its Latin equivalent, tripudium. The word is used in the verbal form tripodare: "tripodauerunt in uerba haec ... " (then follows the text of the hymn, ending with the repetition of the climactic triumpe). Recently the tripudium has been tentatively --and temptingly--identified with a trisyllabic foot with initial stress in the older Italic tradition. Accordingly R.G. Tanner, who attempts to reconstruct the meter of this song as it was sung and danced in the Arval Hymn, says, "if such a trisyllabic foot existed, tripudium would be its obvious and natural name. 11 28 Proceeding on this assumption, he works out some neat choreography for the hymn, with alternating jumping and turning movements. "Limen sali, sta berber," for example, is alternately a uersus and a tripudium, the sense of the uersus being an injunction to leap; while the injunction to stand is "naturally fulfi~ on the third step of the tr,pudium occurring at the end of the movement. The dancers are calling on the god to share in their dance, invoking him to join in each action as they do i t . If t r i ump e meant t r i p u di um, then i n the final verse, triumpe was, it seems, repeated six times, in which the dancers were indeed calling out the steps to be danced. 11

Silvio Ferri rightly pointed out the relationship between tripudium (tripodare) and triumpe in this text. Though his etymology, tripudium) triumpe, is impossible, a definite connection can nevertheless be found with the help of the middle term thriambos. Tripudium and thriambos are exact equivalents in their formation: cf. the elements tri-pudium, "three-foot" (Latin~, pedis; Greek pous, podos) or step," and 11

97

thri--ambos (Sanskrit ariga-) "three-limb" (-"step"). Trlumpe, from thriambos, would contain the same elements and would therefore also be the equivalent of tripudium, both meaning a three-step dance; or, in the context of the Arval hymn, martial dance. We would therefore have, practically, a bilingual rendering of the term: triumpe = _!:ripudium.29 I also believe that the word triumpe was conn·ec t e d wi t h mart i al mus i c , wi t hi n the context of the sweeping change in military organization which the Etruscans introduced into Rome.30 In favor of this theory is the war-like connotation of both the triumph and of the Carmen Aruale. The text of the Carmen Aruale, though unfortunately only partially understandable, apparently consists of a prayer addressed to fere Mars, "wild Mars," the war-god.31 The climactic tr,umpe-;s,x times repeated, agrees with its interpretation as a tripudium, or war-dance, like the tripudium which the Salii danced with the shields or ancilia of Mars.32 The name of the Fratres Aruales, the brotherhood who sang and danced this hymn at their annual rites, comes from aruom, showing that this very ancient priesthood, antedating the Etruscan rule, had originally been connected with agricultural rites. The Ambarualia, a magic procession around the territory of Rome, was also intended to protect the fields of the early, pre-Etruscan city. For this reason this rite also propitiated Mars, the war god.33 Scholars today agree that there was no strict separation between an agricultural and a warlike function of these priesthoods and rites; we do not, therefore, have to suppose a change from a peaceful agricultural to a warlike focus, or vice versa.34 At the end of the sixth century, under Etruscan influence, it was the outer trappings, rather than the function of the priesthood which changed. The rites of the Arval Brothers were apparent l y reformed , more II modern 11 mus i c added, and a martial hymn to Mars adopted, ending with the Etruscan word triumpe. The triumph, too, was changed at the same time, under Etruscan influence. Originally it was a procession like the Ambarualia, or amburbium, or lustrum conditum, when the sacrificial animals are led around the borders to be protected. The procession marched from the Campus Martius, through the area of the Circus Maximus and, circling the Palatine, entered the Forum and went through the Via Sacra. The procession had as its goal not only the lustratio of the army and of the city at war, but also the dedication of the spolia by the commander as the fulfillment of his vow. The Etruscan kings at the end of the sixth century changed the form of this rite, though they never changed its basic elements: the temple of Jupiter Capitoline, built at this time, became the goal of the procession; the dress of the victorious commander was the king's own 98

robe and insignia; and the whole procession was orga~ized as a military parade.35 Both the Carmen Aruale and the triumph preserve the memory of their reorganization in the original Etruscan form of the word triumpe. The Romans, who always seem to have been warriors, had to learn to be soldiers, and that military organization which was the cause of their success they owed to Etruscan order and method.36 Roman tradition never admitted this debt outright, but it gives strong proofs of it. One of the strongest is the Servian constitution: Plinio Fraccaro shows that this has a military basis, and dates from the time of the monarchy, before the consuls.37 According to Roman tradition (Livy I .43), Servi us Tullius organized Rome into centuries,38 originally fighting units, later used to assemble the citizens for voting. Now every army marches to music. See Plautus, Amphitryon 127, and Appian, Pun. 8,66, on the use of Etruscan musicians in the triumphal procession. Various words and names confirm the actuality of the Etruscan military contribution. The Mamurrus who made the ancilia for the Salii has an Etruscan name. An Etruscan "Lucumo," under a Hellenized name, Lygmon, is said to have brought military organization to Rome (Propertius IV. l .291 .39 Linguistic evidence shows that several Etruscan words dealing with military matters were taken over into Latin. Indeed, the only two words Varro gives as specifically of Etruscan origin are musical and military: subulo, a flute player ("subulo Tusce tibicen dicitur"--Festus 309M) and balteus, a sword-belt. Other military, technical terms seem to be plentiful--Ernout lists clupeus (clipeus), pluteus, balteus, culleus. malleus, caduceus (Etruscan mediation, from the Greek karykeion), antemna (nautical). The names of the three types of Roman knights listed by Varro, celeres, flexuntes, trossuli, seem to be of Etruscan derivation. The Romans apparently learned the use of a metal helmet and its name from the Etruscans: "cassidam autem, a Tuscis nominatam (dicunt): illi enim galeam cassim nominant" (Isid. 9-.!::.._j_g_. 18.14) .40 The words seruos, uerna, as well as the institution of slavery have also been shown to have been taken into Rome from Etruria as a mark of civilization, selling prisoners of war being a more civilized custom than killing them. Archaeological evidence brings further confirmation. A brief look, in this context, is due an attra~ tive theory concerning the military origin of the Roman toga. As Emeline Richardson has shown, the garment derives directly from the Etruscan rounded mantle, the tebenna (Polybios, 10.4.8), which first appears on Etruscan monuments soon after 550 B.C., and becomes the most common Etruscan garment by the end of the sixth century B.C.41 The Etruscans may have developed the 99

rounded tebenna for convenience: as a military garment, it was the equivalent of the short, pinned r~ctangular Greek chlamys, which is not found in Italy. 4 In Rome, the toga was adopted from the Etruscans at the end of the sixth century, at first as a military garment; later as evidence of citizenship and rank, since only soldiers could have citizens' rights (cf. populus). 4 3 Let us try to visualize the moment in history when the word triumphus, or rather triumpe, came into Latin. The archaeological evidence I deal with elsewhere,44 but I can briefly summarize my conclusions here. The form in which the triumphal ritual was preserved, in nearly all its details and topography, shows that it was crystallized at the end of the sixth century B.C. The scene is therefore Rome under the Tarquins; the triumph is that of the Etruscan king, or tyrant,45 of Rome. Surrounded by his cheering soldiers, the victorious king rides in a chariot around the Palatine and up the Sacred Way--the ancient boundaries of the city--and ascends the Capitol to the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, whose dedication date of 509 B.C. constitutes the keystone for any chronological reconstruction of early Rome: " ... cum imperatore milites. redeuntes clamitant per ~rbem in Capitolium eunti 'Io triumphe! '" The connection between the Etruscan temple which was the goal of the procession, and the Etruscan marching or dancing cheer, which henceforth gave its name to the celebration, is thus clearly stated. The more obvious, outer forms of the triumph from then on were Etruscan; but the religious bases of the triumph, the meaning of the ritual, the itinerary of the procession, and the purificatory sacrifice at the end were all much older. 4 6 Like the ritual of the Arval Brothers, the triumph was given a new form by the Etruscans at the end of the sixth century. The history of the word triump(h)us points to the same moment in time. The Roman priests who performed and explained the ritual of the Carmen Aruale in the sixth century understood the Etruscan word triumpe, apparently referring to a musical beat, and translated it as tripudium in the introduction to the hymn. The term was probably also understood by a well-educated minority as long as Etruscan remained in use in certain circles, down into the fourth century B.c.47 I doubt that its original meaning had ever been understood by all the cheering Roman throngs who shouted out Triumpe! in the victory celebration. Then, when Greek became the language of culture, the Etruscan word fell into disuse as a technical term for a dance, and was used only as the name of a specific festival, the most spectacular of Roman rituals, the triumph.

100

NOTES From Studies in Honor of J. Alexander Kerns, edited by R.C. Lugton, M.G. Saltzer, Janua Linguarum 44 (The Hague-Paris 1970) 108-120. See now, for all the ancient references, 11.S. Versnel, Triumphus (Leiden 1970) (cf. the review by L. Bonfante Warren, Gnomon46 [1974] 574-583); and S. Weinstock, Divus Iulius (Oxford 1971). 1w. Ehlers, s.v. triumphus, Bf, ser. 2, VII, 1, cols. 504505. E. Norden, Aus altr~mischen PriesterbUchern (Lund 1939-1940) 228. I.S. Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in RomanArt, MAAR 22 (1955) 20f. Contra, E. \✓ allisch, "Nameund Herkunft des r~mischen Triumphes," Philologus 99 (1955) 245-258, who argues that the triumph as a whole--name, ritual, and insignia--entered Rome only in the Hellenistic period, this being the earliest possible date for the concept of divinization. That there is no proof for the alleged "divinization" of the triumphator in the early triumphs is quite true; but because some of the elements of the triumph can be shown to belong to the Hellenistic period does ~ot mean that all the triumph must be dated that late. On this see R.M. Ogilvie, A Commentaryto Livy, Books 1-5 (Oxford 1965) 273, 679. I try to sort out pre-Etruscan, Etruscan, and Hellenistic elements in the Romantriumph in my article in JRS 60 (1970) 49-66. On the controversy over the alleged divinizationof the triumphator there is a copious bibliography: see especially W. Warde Fowler, "Jupiter and the Triumphator," Classical Review 30 (1916) 153f.; J.S. Reid, JRS 6 (1916) 117f.; L. Deubner, Hermes 69 (1934) 316324, all of whomrightly, in my opinion, deny the temporary deification of the triumphator. S. Mazzarino, Dalla monarchia allo stato repubblicano (Catania 1945) 29, and G. Dumez1l, La religion romaine archaique (Paris 1966) 286, accept this theory. See also Dumezil, Archaic RomanReli ion (Chicago 1970) 288; La religion romaine archa,gue second ed. 1974) 296. 2A. Ernout, Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistigue 30 (1930) 82ff., has set the example and laid the bases for such studies in his work on Etruscan elements in Latin; for assistance with linguistic references, I thank my father, Giuliano Bonfante. Romanadoption of Etruscan language and dress tells us a good deal about the relationship between the two cultures. While the Romans took over the dress of the Etruscans, they did not adopt their language, but only certain cultured words (including litterae, the very word for literacy). Roman literacy begins with the Etruscans. Various scholars--see Leumann-Hofmann, Lateinische Grammatik (Munich 1928) 44, with refs.; Hammarstrtlm, Sommer--believe the Latins adopted the Greek alphabet by way of Etruscan. Contra, M. Guarducci, Epigrafia Greca (Rome 1967) 219: according to the author the Latin alphabet comes directly from 101

Cumae, but shows Etruscan influence. The use of the third letter-Latin C for Greek r --as a voiceless stop, when the Greek is voiced, is certainly Etruscan. Yet even Ernout, who believes the alphabet came by way of Etruscan and in general holds Etruscan influence on the vocabulary to have been considerable, points out the absence of any influence of Etruscan literature, with the exception of a few words like camenae, histrio, persona, and words connected with popular farce. Evidently the Romanswere just beginning to learn how to read under the Etruscans; by the time they learned, it was all Greek. 3R.E.A. Palmer, RomanReligion and RomanEmpire (Philadelphia 1974). E. Norden, Aus Altr~mischen Priesterbllchern l07f., esp. 236ff., text. M. Nacinovich, Carmen Arvale (Rome1933). The text is preserved in an inscription of 218 A.O. (CIL, 12, 2, 2) found in Rome; included, e.g., in V. Pisani, Testi laTini arcaici e volgari (Turin 19602) 2. For the three-fold repetition in relation to the three-step tripudium, see A. Rostagni, Storia della letteratura latina (Turin 1964) I, 30. 4cf. Horace, Epodes 9.21 ,23. For the magical repetition of the word, in the triumph as well as in the Carmen Fratrum Arualium, see the discussion by L. Bernardini, Studi classici ed orientali, Pisa 5 (1955-1956) 84, who quotes Appel, De Romanorumprecat,onibus (Giessen 1909) 212. Cf. Varro, RR, instructions preceding a magic song: 11Haec ter nouiens cantare iubet"; Ovid, Fasti, 4.778: 11Haec tu conuersus ad ortus/di c quater," etc. Norden, Aus Altdjmi schen Priesterbllchern 233, on the ;:ihout repeated twice, "uerba geminata"; cf. Aristophanes, Acharnians 271: Phales, Phales etc. 5Triumphare, Varro, Cicero, Vergil, etc. Triumphator (post-class.), Apuleius, inscriptions, Minucius Felix. Triumphalis (also with the meaning of the later triumphator, one who has had the honors of a trium~h), Suetonius, Cicero, Horace, Livy. A. Ernout, A. Meillet, Dictionnaire etymologigue de la langue latine (fourth ed. Paris 1967) s.v. triumpe. A Walde, J.B. Hofmann, Lateinisches etymologisches W~rterbuch (Heidelberg 193859) s.v. triumphus, with bibliography. 6varro, LL 6. 68. 7The aspirate came perhaps from the Greek by 11 hyperhellenization." M. Niedermann, Historische Lautlehre des Lateinischen (Heidelberg 19533) 94-95. On the contrary, P. Kretschmer, Sprache, in Gercke-Norden, Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft (Leipzig 19273) 112, gives both the change from ,.e top and the aspirate as proofs of the Etruscan derivation of triumphus; though the aspirate could be a sign of Etruscan influence, it probably belongs to a later period, and concerns a different phase of Etruscan influence from the one we are deali-ng with in this paper. 8cf. Quintilian, Inst. 1.5.20. Walde-Hofmann, s.v. triumpe: "rom. *trumpare. 11 Ernout-Meillet. Tramper comes from the popular pronunciation, which never adopted the Greek aspirate: cf. Gr. kolaphos, .It. colpo, Fr. coup, Sp. golpe. F. Sommer, Griechische l 02

Lautstudien (Strassburg 1905) 154, n. 2. G. Bonfante, "La lingua delle atellane e dei mirni," Maia, N.S., fasc. 1, 19 (Jan.-Mar. 1967) 16 (page of the offprint). See V. Vl:11:l.nanen, Le Latin vulgaire des inscriptions pompeiennes, Abhandlungen der deutschen Akademie der -,.Jissenschaften zu Berlin (19663) 55: "Le latin n'avait pas d'cccl_usives aspirees du type fl, r:j,x [.!.b_, 12.b_,.fb_Jdu grec; les aspir~es grecques ftaient rendues sommairement par!,£,£ dans le latin archa1que et populaire." Cf. 1✓• Meyer-LUbke, Rmanische Grammatik I, 61.289; and I .32. a

-

Jlf the intensive accent operated, as now seems certain, from ea. 500-300 B.C., the Carren Aruale is to be dated earlier than 500 B.C. G. Bonfarte, ~.L. Porzio Gernia, Cenni di fonetica e di fonematica (Torino 1964) 38, The new inscription of Lavinium (sixth-fifth century B.C.), which has Podlouquei from Greek Poludeukei with syncope, seems to show that the intensive Latin accent is older (end of the sixth century?) than was usually believed ("frUhestens gegen ~nde des 5. Jahrh." Altheim, Geschichte der lateinischen Sprache 1951, 302); cf. G. Bonfante, Arch.glott.it. 50 (1965) 185; 51 (1966) 24, n. 44. Pisani, Testi ... 11, A6 ter. The lapis niger of the ~o~an Forum still has iouestod, iouesat without syncope (sixth century B.C.). lOLivy, 1.20. A. de Selincourt, in his translation (Books 1-5, The Early History of Rome, Penguin Classics, 1960) renders the word as "the triple be.;.t of their ritual dance," thus preserving the technical musical significance. Cf. Catullus, 63.26; Cicero, De div. 2.72. Ernout-f~eillet, Walde-Hofmann, s.v. tripudium. Text for the Carmen Saliare, and bibliography, Pisani, Testi ... 36. The same action of tripodare is frequently mentioned in the Iguvinian Tables (the word is ahtrepuratu, atrepuratu, ahatripursatu, atripursatu, atropusatu). This proves both the antiquity and the great extension of this custom in ancient Italy. See e.g. C.D. Buck, Elementarbuch der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte (Germ.tr., Heidelberg 1905), index s.v. ahatripursatu, 208. G. Devoto, Le Tavole di Gubbio (Italian translation of the Tables, Florence 1948) x, 36, 40, 50, 62, 84, etc., and his great edition of the Tabulae Iguvinae (Rome 19623) index s.v. ahatripursatu. 11Liddell-Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. thriambos. Cf. infra, note 24, and text. S. Ferri, "Metodo archeologico e Carmen Fratrum Arvalium," Studi Classici e Orientali (Pisa) 5 (1955-6) 87f., 102; and "Cl Carmen Fratrum Arvalium e il metodo archeologico," Latomus 13 (1954) 390f., rejects the derivation of triumphus from thriambos. Ouo, ouare (Eng. ovation) from Greek euoi, exclamation used in the cult of Dionysos (e.g. Aristophanes, Ach. 1294). Here, too, the word derived from the shout either by way of Etruscan--like triumphus--or directly from the Greek; in any case at a very early period, in the sixth century B.C., before eu became~ in Latin (cf. Podlouquei, supra, note 9). Leumann- Hoffmann, Lat.Gr. 38; Walde-Hofmannand Ernout-Meillet, s.v. ouo. Festus 213.7: "ouantes, laetantes ab eo clamore quern faciunt redeuntes ex pugna uictores milites, geminata O littera." Cf. the important discussion in Plutarch, Marcellus 22.

103

12Etruscan mediation, Kretschmer, Sprache 112. Norden, Aus Altr~mischen PriesterbUchern 228 (Ca~panian Etruscans). G. Devoto, Storia della lingua di Ror:1a(Bologna 1944) 90, 91. P. De Francisci, "Intorno all 'origine etrusca del concetto di imperium," St Etr 24 (19S5-6) 34f. 13supra, notes 7, 8. 14The terminus post quern non would be ca.300 B.C., after which the initial stress was no longer in effect. Supra, note 9. 15This fact, among others, E. Wallisch (supra, n. 1).

speaks against the theory of

16Eva Fiesel, Namendes griechischen Mythos im Etruskischen (G~ttingen 1928) 63f.; 85, quoted in Walde-Hofmann, s.v. triumphus. She gives as examples Priumne from Greek Priamos, Artumes from Greek Artamis. M. Pallottino, Testimonia Linguae Etruscae (Florence 1954) no. 783, Priumne. Of course it is theoretically possible to attribute the change of a to u to the Latin rather than to the Etruscan stress accent (cf. Lat. taberna; contubernium: see Pisani, Gramm.Lat.3 (Turin 1962) 27f. No. 42; and cf. ex-1mo, ad-imo, from -emo); but the change ,8) p, the ending -e of triumpe and the semantic and historical arguments presented in the text definitely point to Etruscan for the change a) u. This change appears in the "long" Etruscan inscription from PyrgT, where we read veliiunas (velianas in the "short" inscription); the date of both is about the end of the sixth century B.C., so that thriambos should have entered into Etruscan before that date. See M. Pallottino, Scavi nel santuario etrusco di Pyrgi (Rome 1964) 81. 17Ferri, Studi classici ed orientali 103 (of the Arval hymn): "con un imperat,vo, non un vocat,vo come in Orazio Carmen 4.2.49" (supra, text). 18Norden, PriesterbUcher 228. K. Mar6t, Kultus und Mythos (Budapest 1937) 250f., gives a psychological explanation of such a development. L. Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin 1932) 73, actually says that the gods Iakchos and Hymenaios developed from the shouts "Iakche" and "Hymenaie." The god Iakchos, whose image was taken during the Eleusinian procession from the temple in Athens, was nothing but a personification of the Iakche-shout. In the case of triumphus, we have an example of a shout developing into a word; with Iakchos and Hymenaios, the shouts develop into gods! 19As a glance at inscriptions shows,-~ is a normal e·nding for Etruscan of proper names in the masculine singular nominative. On Etruscan mirrors, for example, we see many a Hercule from Greek Herakles and Patrucle from Greek Patroklos; elsewhere, Maree from Marcus and many other names. C. de Simone, Die Griechische Entlehnun en im Etruskischen 1 (Wiesbaden 1968) s.v. Pisani, Storia dell a lingua latina Turin 1962) 155f. Cf. Pisani, Le lingue dell 'Italia antica oltre il latino (Turin 1953) 295. 104

See M. Pallottino, Elementi di lingua etrusca (Florence 1936) 34f., for nominative endings; index for proper names. For this ending in -e see Eva Fiesel, 94ff.; Alessio (unpublished letter) thinks these forms are fossil Latin (perhaps, rather Umbrian) vocatives; cf. Fr. un monsieur. 20The form of the word has the appearance of an imperative, "march!" and was perhaps interpreted as such; but there is no word *triumphere, to give such an imperative form. No wonder the lectio facilior, triumphi, found in two manuscripts, was adopted by Leo: one can then translate cantharurr triumphi quite easily "the tankard of victory." Mss. C, 0 omit the line entirely. Leo accepts the reading of BT and takes it to r:iodify uia "quasi triumphali ." Ernout (Belles Lettres 19623): "triumphi ex voce cantharum pendere rectius censeas"; but he accepts the reading triumphe of the Ambrosianus, the best ms., and translates "Triomphe'. En avant, par ici, droit aux cruches. P. \Jixon (Loeb ed., London 1951) accepts triumphi: "Forward march! Straight for the tankard of victory." Norden instead (Priesterb~cher 228) recognizes, with Goetz and Lindsay, the correctness of triumphe, which echoes the shout of the triumphal procession, not yet fitted into Latin grammar with a normal declension. The technical, military context is echoed from 1.1049, "quin hinc ~etimur gradibus militaris?" translated by Nixon, "Whydon't we step it out of here, double time?" 11

21A.J. Van windeke1s, "Gree thriambos et Latin triumphus," Orbis 1953, 489f., calls this non-Greek language "Pelasgian. 11

22cf. Doric Wikati, with Wi; but various other languages, e.g. Sanskrit, vimsati-h with i llke iambos. '..J. Brandenstein, "iambos, thriambos, dithyrambos," Indogermanische Forschungen 53 (1936) 34-38. Bibliography in Walde-Hofmann, s.v. 23for dithyra tettara cf. Sanskrit catur-, Gr. Tyrtaios. Sommer, Griechische Lautstudien 59f. H. Peterson, "Die altindischen Wlkter auf amba," Indogermanische Forschungen 34 (1914-1915) 236-37. The connection of the element -ambos in i-ambos; thri-ambos etc. with Sanskrit ariga- "limb," "member," which is semantically attractive, could be accepted without any difficulty earlier in this century, when the words were considered to be Greek (the th of thriambos is, however, impossible to explain from Greek, and dithor- from tessar- even worse). If we admit these words to be IE, but not Greek, we have to admit for this IE pre-Greek language the same change *gw to /3 (~riga- ambos) as in Greek, which is not quite obvious, and certainly not proven. 24J.B. Hofmann, Etymologisches W~rterbuch des Griechischen (Munich 1966; orig. ed. 1950) s.v. thriambos; cf. H. Frisk, Griechisches Etymologisches W~rterbuch (Heidelberg 1960); for references, Stephanus-Hase-Dindorf (1895). D. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford 1962) 367, reads Pratinas 15 as thriambe d1thyrambe. See now J. Puhvel, Glotta 34 (1955) 37-42; D. A. Hester, Lingua 13 (1965) 335-384. Supra, n. 21.

105

25ThE Etruscans were in contact with Delphi and Olympia. Caeretan treasury at Delphi, H.H. Scullard, The Etruscan Cities and Rome (Cornell University Press 1967) l84f. Pausanias 5.12.5 names theEtruscan kin] Arimnestus, who dedicated a throne at Olympia, as the first non-Greek to bring a gift to Olympian Zeus. 261-1. Sonny, "Zu Triumphus," .A.rchiv ftlr Lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik 8 (1893) 132, supposed the existence of a hypothetical shout, *triomphos, corresponding to our own "Three cheers!" This, he suggests, was taken over by the Romansfrom Sicily, whose nobles competed at Olympia and other sanctuaries, and whose victors were celebrated by Simonides, Pindar, and Bacchylides. The author offers this as an explanation for the etymology triumphus- *triomphos (sc. pomp~or k6mos) suggested by J.M. Stowasser, Dunkle ~~rter (Vienna 1890) I.xii. A weakness of the theory is that it takes only the processional, victory triumph into account. Of course. the triumpe of the Carmen ~ruale could derive frorr the "lo triu,1pe" of the triumph; but the dates seem to be contemporary. M further linguistic argument against Sonny's etymology is that no *tri-omphos ts attested in any Greek text. For the cheer, cf. the victory cry, tenella kallinike, invented by Archilochus (fr. 119; the first word imitates the sound of an instrument, and has no meaning, as "Hurrah" has no meaning for us today, or as triumpe had no meaning in Rome) and adopted for athletic victors, greeted with this cheer ever after, e.g., Aristophanes, Ach. 1227. 27strabo, 5.200. Refs. in K.O. MOller, ~- Deecke, Die Etrusker II, 196f.; R.A.L. Fell, Etruria and Rome (Cambridge1924) 76; Pallottino, Etruscologia 275f.; G. Fleischhauer, Etrurien und Rom. Musikgeschichte in Bi ldern, Vol. 5, fasc. 5 (Leipzig 1964). It is perhaps useful to recall that the Latin word hister (from which derives histrio) came from Etruscan, as attested by Livy, Valerius Maximus, Plutarch (Walde-Hofmann, s.v. histrio). This was probably true of persona, too, as well as other words having to do with music and the stage (Ernout, BSL 30 (1930) 82ff.). Cf. supra, note 2. 28c1assical

Quarterly 55 (1961) 214f.

29Ferri, Studi classici ed orientali 5 (1955-56) 103; he assumes, however, that the tripudium was the original term, even though no trace of this word can be found at such an early date: "evidentemente in origine il trionfo si chiamava tripudium, mail termine era gia in disuse, o, per lo meno, non compare gia piu nei Fasti Trionfali. For tripudium-thriambos, see supra, nn. 11, 22, 23; Sommer, Griechische Lautstudien 58-59; Brandenstein, Indogermanische Forschungen 53 (1936) 34. 11

30oe Francisci, StEtr 24 (1955-56) 27, n. 37: "che sotto gli Etruschi sono stati perfezionati gli ordinamenti militari ... e un punto che mi sembra sicuro, anche se si puo discutere su taluni particolari. Gli ordinamenti etrusco-romani stanno infatti in relazione con la tattica oplitica e questa, attinta a modelli 106

e

greci, stata certamenta introdotta in Romadagli Etruschi ai fini dell espansione nel Lazio e nella Campania.11 1

31For the interpretation of the Carmen Aruale as a war-song to accompany a war-dance or tripudium, R. Meringer, Enos Lases Contra, review by Iuvate, weirter und Sachen 7 (1921) 33-49. A. Nehring, Glotta 13 (1924) 302-304. Much of the weight of such an interpretation rests on the meaning of fere Mars. In spite of the generally accepted warlike character of Mars (emphasized by ·G. Dumezil, Jupiter Mars Quirinus IV [Paris 1948] 169), there have been attempts to explain Mars as an agricultural divinity; e.g., Nehring, ferus=fruchtbar ! F. Mentz, ZumCarmen Arvale, 11Zeitschrift fUr vergleichende Sprachforschung 70 (1952) 22lf. Nacinovich, Carmen Arvale, summarizes the discussion down to his time, showing in conclusion (29) how the original protective spirit, formerly called upon to help in the fields, was later called upon by the Romancitizens to protect their army. See now R.E.A. Palmer, RomanReligion and RomanEmpire (Philadelphia 1974) 92-93, 115, 183-184; and personal letter, Feb. 1980. The author believes that the threefold repetitions signal the loss of a sixth triumpe: cf. Norden,PriesterbUcher 228, 232-233. 11

11

11

11

11

32s.v. Salii, RE, ser. 2, I, 2 cols. 1874-1899. Ogilvie, 11 Commentaryto Livy l.20.3: Wemay infer that the original Salian ritual was apotropaic and of very great antiquity, but that it was converted to a military purpose, presumably under Etruscan systematization.11 Cf. supra, n. 10. 33Ernout-Meillet, Walde-Hofmann, s.v. Arvales, Ambarvalia. J. Marouzeau, 11 Le latin, langue des paysans, 11Melanges Vendrfes (Paris 1925) 251-264; and notes by G. Bonfante, REL 12 (1934 157f; 13 (1935) 44f. For the Ambarualia, recent discussfon and previous bibliography in Alfe,ldi, Early Romeand the Latins 296f.; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Reimer(Munich 19122) 142f., 56lf .; K. Latte, Re,mischeReligionsgeschichte (Munich 1960) 4lf. Cf. Amburbium. 34cf. supra, nn. 30, 31. Bibliography for the Romanarmy, De Francisci, StEtr 24 (1955-56) 30, 57. A change of functions is suggested by Meringer, Wtlrter und Sachen 7 (1921) 33-49, who thinks the warlike character of the priesthood preceded its later peaceful functions, when Romeno longer neededto make war on its neighbors every spring. His theory, it seems to me, reverses the situation. The name, Aruales, is very ancient and clearly fits the earliest habits of the Romanpeople, so well attested by their language. 35In effect, the church and the army. Dumezil, Religion romaine archa1gue (Paris 1966) 229f. (a war-like Mars as protector of the fields: Ambarualia), 241 ( 11 unite fondamentale de la fonction du Mars remain est etablie"), 285 (route of the triumph). G. Charles-Picard, Les trophees remains (Paris 1957) 117, 125 (Mars receives spolia opima and trophies), 427 (relationship of rite of carrying trophies on fercula and dedication of spolia opima).

l 07

36As Vegetius says at the beginning of his Military Institutions," ... Nulla enim alia re uidemus populum Romanumorbem subegisse terrarum nisi armorumexercitio, disciplina castrorum, usuque militiae." What he calls the ius armorum, organization of troops, they learned from the Etruscans; the first real army of Romewas the creation of later kings. Flavius Vegetius, De re militari I.1. Fell, Etruria and Rome73f. E. McCartney, "The military indebtedness of early Rometo Etruria," MAAR 1 (1971) 12lf. 37Fraccaro, Opuscula (Pavia 1956) 66; infra, note 46. A. Momigliano, "Interim Report on the Origins of Rome," JRS 53 ( 1963) 95f. 38servius Tullius was Etruscan: for his name see E. Benveniste, "Le nom de 1 'esclave en latin, REL 10 (1932) 429f ., and esp. 436; also Walde-Hofmann, s.v. The Etruscans, then a more advanced civilization, apparently brought in the word and the concept of slavery. The Inda-Europeans (and therefore probably the early Latins) did not have slaves, as it seems, being in what can be called a barbaric and perhaps half-nomadic stage of culture: certainly no IE word for slave can be reconstructed; every IE language has a different word (Lat. seruos; Gr. doulos; Old Church Slavic, rabu; Sanskrit, dasa-, etc.). For the Emperor Claudius' indentification of Servius Tullius with the Etruscan Mastarna, see J. Heurgon, "L'etat etrusque," Historia 2 (1957) 68f. M. Pallottino, review of S. Mazzarino, Dalla monarchia allo state republicano (Catania 1945), StEtr 20 {1947) 322; A. Momigliano, L'opera dell 'imperatore Claudio (Florence 1932; transl. new ed. NY 1961) 32f. 11

39Mamurrius (Mamurra) is an Etruscan name. Nehring, Glotta 13 (1924) 304. Livy 1.20.3 and 4, and commentary in Ogilvie, Commentaryto Livy, s.v. Prop. 4.2.61, et al., W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Eiqennamen (Abh. a. Ges. d. Wiss., GBttingen, N.F. v. 2, 1904) 228, 360. Propertius 4.2.49f.: " ... et tu, Roma, meis tribuisti praemia Tuscis, (unde hodie Vicus nomina Tuscus habet) tempore quo sociis uenit Lycomedius armis atque Sabina feri contudit arma Tati." Cf. Festus, l07L, "Lucomedi a duce suo Lucomodicti qui postea Lucereses sunt appellati." Cf. Prop. 4. 1.29, Lycmon(Lygmon). Dumezil, Jupiter Mars Quirinus IV, 116: Lucumo= LygmonLycomedius, with earlier refs.; and cf. Fell, Etruria and Rome 43f. Cf. infra, note 45. 40Military terms, Ernout, BSL30 (1930) 82f., esp. l04f., 113, 117; he lists also galea, galerus (leather helmet), not accepted by Walde-Hofmann. For the metal helmet, Fell, Etruria and Rome24. Tebenna: Polybios is the first to use the word, which he probably learned during his long stay in Italy. Polybios and Dionysios of Halicarnassus, 2.70; 3.61, etc., use the word as a translation of toga.

108

41E.H. Richardson, "The Etruscan Origin of Early Roman Sculpture," MAAR 21 (1953) llOf. Heurgon, Vie quotidienne 219. 42Eric Baade, letter of June 21, 1967: 11The Athenians solved the problem by cutting off all this extra cloth; but since without the weight of cloth crossing on the shoulder the garment wouldn't stay on, a brooch had to be used. This gives us the chlamys [ ... ], the toga appears among the Etruscans in the same sort of context as the chlamys among the Athenians; so we can perhaps assume that it ·represents the Etruscan solution of the same problem. They preserve the length of the himation, so that it will stay on, but narrow the width to a point at each end to relieve the left arm of all those hampering folds." Bonfante Warren, "RomanCostumes," 590-591; Etruscan Dress 48-50, 55. See introduction n. 15. 43A. Alf~ldi, Der frUhr~mische Reiteradel und seine Ehrenabzeichen (Baden-Baden 1952; second ed. 1979) 36f. Alf~ldi compares the garment to the later general's paludamentum, which he says is a longer version (37). But the paludamentum is not rounded like the trabea or toga; and it is shorter than the toga. The (short) paludaffi~ntumwas perhaps adopted when the toga grew too long to be practical-for the army. The knights went into battle wearing nothing but the short rounded toga called the trabea, and the perizoma (Polybios 6.25.3.-11). Populus, obviously connected with popular, meant originally "the people under arms," "the army" ("Kriegsvolk," Walde-Hofmann, s.v. popular); it is also an Etruscan word according to various scholars (Kretschmer, Devoto, Krahe, Altheim, Terracini, Ernout, Walde-Hofmanns.v.); cf. Etr. puplu = Populonia; publicus comes from poplicus (attested in archaic inscriptions) by crossing with Latin pubes. 44JRS 60 (1970) 49-66.

45Recent studies have emphasized the difficulty of classifying Etruscan titles. Heurgon, "L1 etat etrusque, 11 Historia 2 (1957) 68f., 74f. Bibliography in Pallottino, Etruscans 133-134. Lucumo, an Etruscan title (Servius ad Aen. 2.178: "lucumones qui sunt reges lingua Tuscorum"; cf. PaTTottino 423) is preserved in Romantradition as a proper name for Tarquin. Latin rex: E. Benveniste, Le vocabulaire des institutions Indo-europeennes (Paris 1969) II, Pouvoir, droit, religion 9-15. 46Pre-Etruscan basis for the triumph, cf. supra, notes 31, 33. De Francisci, StEtr 24 (1955-56) 3lf. Expiation of blood guilt, H. Wagenvoort--:--Toman Dynamism(Oxford 1947) 163f., and E. Kornemann, 11Heilige St~dte," Die Antike 7 (1932) l90f. Ogilvie, Commentaryto Livy s.v. for the uotum. Alf~ldi, Early Romeand the Latins, deals with other early, pre-Etruscan rites in his chapter, "Topographical and Archaeological Realities," 296f. Temple of Jupiter Capitoline: Momigliano, JRS (1963) 95f; and review of H. MUller-Karpe, Zur StadtwerdungRoms (Heidelberg 1963)

109

and other books on early Rome, in Rivista Storica Italiana 75 (1963) 882f. P. Fraccaro, "Arcana Imperii, 11 speech read at the Circolo Filologico, Milan, 1931, published in Opuscula (Pavia 1956) 65; and "La storia romana arcaica," Rend. Ist. Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere 85 (1952) 98, also in Opuscula, 9. 47Livy 9.36. The language was still studied by the ruling aristocracy in Rome in the fourth century (308 B.C!). J. Bayet, "Etrusques et Italiques; position de quelques problemes," StEtr 24 (1955-6) 14. A. Momigliano, "L'ascesa della plebe nella stona arcaica di Roma," Rivista Storica Italiana 79 (1967) 297-312. G. Bonfante, "Le origini della Repubblica a Roma," Studii in onore di G. Grosso 4 (Turin 1971) 467-484.

110

Chapter

6

THE LANGUAGES OF THE SITULA PEOPLE The area of so-called "situla art" is one in which a variety of languages were spoken in antiquity. These languages disappeared when Latin became the universal language; following is a brief survey of what is known about them today. Rhaetic This was the language spoken in the Italian Alps, in a wedge-shaped area between the Veneticspeaking area (to the east and south) and Lepontic (to the south and west, including the Val Camonica). Inscriptions have been found from the northern Tyrol to the valleys of the Dolomite Mountains, in Verona, even in Padua. The evidence is consistent with Pliny's observation that the ~haeti had come as far as Verona: 130). Verona (oppidum) Raetorum et Euganeorum (!i...:..!:L._ Some thirty inscriptions, all quite difficult to interpret, have come down to us. Noticeable are the absence of the vowel o and the relatively frequent appearance of a, which suggests a relation with Germanic. l Yet, as the alphabet shows clearly, the Rhaetic language belongs to the Etruscan cultural area. This is what ancient references2 connecting the two must mean; for the Rhaetians were certainly not Etruscans, as we see from the archaeological record. Etruscan influence is shown by verb forms such as tinache, trinache, -rinake, and especially muluainice, "dedicated," from Etruscan muluanice, 3 all of which have endings similar to those of Etruscan preterites in -ce (as well as, perhaps, Greek leluke, etc.). There are also genitives in -ale, such as ritale, estuale, lasanuale, perhaps a double genitive ( enitiuus enitiui) in lauiseseli; and -c as a conjunction though the last is also found in Latin: nee, etc.). Other features instead remind us of Indoeuropean. Various words are sur~ly (or at least very probably) of Indoeuropean origin : *branca, *lanca, *karma,*~, *karua,· anuiza, malga (Greek amolg!:!), ~ (German bergen, cf. Bergalei, Bergamo), Plauis (= Piave River),5 *karma, *mandium (Italian manzo), pal ta, *paita, talpa, ghere we find l for a, as in Germanic and Illyrian. We can perhaps add *caranto-, 111

and *splengia,

an Indoeuropean

word. 7

In conclusion, then, Rhaetic is an Indoeuropean language, related to the Germanic and Illyrian languages, and strongly influenced by Etruscan. The Indoeuropean nature of Rhaetic, as well as its close contact in the Germanic, is confirmed by the name of Silvretta Horn, on the border between the Grisons and Austria: compare t.h e Engl i s h word , s i l v er , German S i l be r . Two situlae have particularly interesting inscriptions in the Rhaetic language. The situla in 117),8 has two--the Providence, Rhode Island (fig. shorter one apparently an indication of weight or capacity,9 the longer one, as often, a dedication: irchie {iati kaiianin muluainice. This may be translated either as "Irchie Siati gave this situla"; or, "Irchie Siati gave (this object) to Kaiianin. 11 Muluainice is an Etruscan word. Some scholars have therefore considered the whol~ inscription to be Etruscan. But it is Rhaetic: Irchie Siati and kaiianin are certainly not Etruscan words. Irchie Siati is the subject, that is the person (perhaps a woman, because of the ending in i), who dedicated the situla. :(aiianin may refer to the object dedicated. 10 Or it may be--as is the word in this position in many other inscriptions--the name of the person to whom the situla was given, probably as a funerary gift. 11 The date of this situla is probably 530-525 B.C. The second situla, the situla Giovanelli (fig. 118), was found in 1828 in the Italian Alps, Colle ~aslyr, in the Val di Cembra, about fifteen kilometers northeast of Trento. There are some sixty letters engraved on the lip and handle of this undecorated bronze bucket. On the handle:

lauiseseli

On the

uelchanu trinache

border:

/ lup.nu / phelna

pitiaue / kusenkus uinutalina

The inscription on the handle seems to be separate from the.rest; it may have been added by a later owner, who wrote "(property) of Lavis," or "of the son (or daughter) of Lavis." The rest of the inscription may be translated as follows: "Velchanu, the d.eceased, gave (him) a situla for

112

was buried. Kusenkus (serving) wine. 11 12

Venetic Our ideas on the Venetic language, spoken in the north-east of Italy, have changed in recent times, thanks particularly to the works of Sommer, Beeler, Prosdocimi, Pellegrini and Lejeune. 13 Venetic, formerly considered to be a branch of Illyrian, the language of their neighbors to the east, has now re-acquired a complete linguistic independence. It keeps the letter o, whereas Illyrian, Rhaetic and Etruscan do not have either the letter or the sound. Although they adopted the Etruscan alphabet, the Veneti restored the letter o from the Etruscan model alphabet (fig. 119). Linguis-tically, Venetic shows some affinity with Teutonic (which however has no o), and close ties with Latin (as well as with Celtic), so much so that we must think of an ancient (2000 B.C.?) prehistoric connection between Venetic and Latin. This connection was interrupted around the twelfth century B.C. by the 11 Italic 11 (OscoUmbrian) inv~sion, which, according to Pisani's brilliant theory, came by sea from the Balkans.14 We have about 255 Venetic inscriptions; though most of them are very short, they provide on the whole a rather good knowledge of the language. The later development of situla art is restricted to the Veneto. Though none of the situlae or other monuments of situla art of the early period bear inscriptions, many of the bronze votive plaques of the fourth to the first centuries B.C. are as interesting for their inscriptions in this Venetic language as for their figured decoration. 15 The early writinq is developed from the North Etruscan alphabet (map 10, and figs. 114, 116); in the sixth century B.~. the Veneti also adopted, from the South Etruscan alphabet, a very strange system of dots, used to separate certain syllables (including all initial vowels: see, for example, .e.kupetari .s .. e.go). alphabet. in these libertos.

Many of the later inscriptions are in the Latin From Latin, too, came many of the words used later inscriptions: pater, filia, miles, 16

With the Romanization of the area came changes in proper names. An interesting note concerns the s~ower adaptation of women's names, which preserved the Venetic forms longer than the men's. Was this because women were more conservative, and therefore reluctant to give up their individual names, in order to take on a system which was somewhat humiliating for them, since it deprived them of their own special names? Or did the public role of men make it more urgent for them to adapt to the official name system than for women, who could continue to be private and 11 ethnic 11 for a longer time?l7 113

The following inscriptions: 18

are examples

of Venetic

l. Enoni Ontei Appioi sselboisselboi andeticobos ecupetaris (in Latin writing), Grave of Enonius for Onts (and) Appius (and) himself (that is) for the sons of Andetios (all three are sons of Andetios). 11

11

2. mego Lemetorei me for Lemetor

vhraterei donasto (his) brother."

3. vhremaistna doto Reitiai, goddess] Reitia." 4. mego doto Verkondarna to Nerka. ,, 5. ego Moltonei Supiioi, (the son) of Supis.

Boios,

"Fremaistna

11

Boios

gave

gave to [the

Nerkai,

"Verkondarna

"I (the

pillar)

gave me

11

am for Molton

11

Illyrian The Illyrians occupied approximately the area of modern Yugoslavia (including Dalmatia), with the addition of Albania, Epirus and Macedonia to the south, Noricum (= modern Austria) and Pannonia (modern Hungary) to the north. They never achieved complete unity, although in the third century B.C. a great kingdom was formed in the south between the area inhabited by the Atintanes and the river Narenta, with Skodra (Italian Scutari) as its capital. With this kingdom theRomans fought in 229-228 B.C., then again in 219 B.C., until they destroyed it in 168 B.C. The Dalmatians initiated a war with Rome in 156 8.C., then again in 119 and 117 B.C.; they revolted once more in 78-77 B.C. In 55 B.C. the Liburnians destroyed a Roman army, and in 48-47 B.C. they defeated the consul Gabinius. Octavian conquered them in the Illyrian war of 35-33 B.C., but even after that defeat they revolted in 16 B.C., and again in 12-10 B.C. Only after the last insurrection of 6-9 A.O. were they reduced to submission at last. Illyrian is an Indoeuropean language, known to us mostly--but not only--through personal and geographical names. There are no Illyrian inscriptions. Apparently Illyrian was never a written language. The name of their valiant queen Teutana, usually shortened to Teuta, is obviously Indoeuropean. 19 A preposition epi-, also obviously lndoeuropean, is found IPJ._in Epi-damnoS:-Epi-dotio, Epi-karia, Epi-lentio, licus, probably also in Epi-dauros in Greece (seebelow).20 It corresponds to Greek epi, Vedic api-. 114

In Tergeste (today Trieste) we find the Slavic word .!.!:_g_, market (Trieste was , and s t i 11 i s , an important ha rbo r). The most important Illyrian suffixes are -tl- (Bigesta, Lad e s ta ) a nd - 6 n or - 6 na f o r c i t i e s : Sa l on a , Narona , AenOna, Aluona-,-Blandona; and several others.21 They show that a strong Illyrian expansion once took place in Italy, since we have, for example, Verona, Cremona, modern Ascona, Ateste in northern Italy (Venetia), Praeneste in Latium. All these names are of Illyrian origin. Moreover , s i n c e Krahe , i n several of hi s works, 2 2 has shown that the toponymy and in part the anthroponymy of Macedonia as well as of Epirus is Illyrian, we can safely use Macedonian material for the study of Illyrian. There may have been a few dialectal differences; but they were certainly not many, nor important. We are so fortunate as to possess, for Macedonian, fragments of a work on the Macedonian language (Glossai), by a native Macedonian, the lexicographer Amerias, who l i ve d before Ar i starch o s ( approx . 21 6 - l 4 4 B . C . ).23 Wh i l e the personal names are for the most part Greek or at least Hellenized, there is some precious material among the glosses concerning objects.24 We may mention, for example, Ade from Greek aither, the sky, adapted to the Macedori"Tan language. Here we find various Macedonian characteristics: not only the loss of the i, but also the disappearance of the final -r (Greek ·-erT, with compensatory lengthening of the~ (two morae) toe (three morae).25 We also observe, in this word as in the others, the voiced stop instead of the corresponding Greek aspirate (eh, £.b., 1..bJ, which appears in all Illyrian words, even sometimes in personal names; thus Berenike: Greek Pherenikos; Kebalivos: Greek Kephalinos (also Kebale: Greek kephale);Balakros: Greek Phalakros; hyperbereta,os: Greek hyperpheretes. All these features, as well as the well-known change of o to a (e.g., abroutes: Greek ophryes) lead us to the-north, and show a close connection of Illyrian with Baltic and Slavic (as well as with Germanic): *gh).9., *~)E,, *~) ~. Q> ~. the ending -er becoming -e-:-Z6 11

11

11

11

The Illyrians invaded Greece in Mycenean or pre-Mycenean times, as can be seen by the names of Greek mythological heroes.27 These were the people known in the tradition as the Pelasgians. The Dorian invasion (around 1200 B.C.) brought new Illyrian elements. Of the names of the three Dorian tribes (Doriees Trichaikes, says Homer), two were certainly Illyrian (Dumanes, Hylleis, cf. Latin Hill-uri1); the third indicates a mixture of different tribes (Pam-phyloi, from pan and phyle). The name of the Dorians themselves~ Illyr,an, for it comes from *daru (ved. diru), whereas Greek has doru with a short Q.--:-The h i s tor i c a 1 n ame of the Greek s 7""Rel l en e s ) i s also Illyrian, due to the Doric invasion, and never appear~ in Homer except in the second book of the Iliad, 115

a very late book. (The name of the Greeks in Homeric times is Achaioi.) According to Kretschmer the recessive accent of Hellenes is due to Panellenes (also in the second book of the Iliad); ,t was originally *Hellanes. Now -anes is certainly a non-Greek, Illyrian suffix, as canbe seen clearly from the names of the Agrianes, Athamanes, Akarnanes, Atint~nes, Arktanes, Enchelanes (or better, Engelanes),28 none of which is really Greek. The suffix is limited to ~outhern Illyria.29 The Trojans also spoke a kind of Illyrian dialect, and through them several Illyrian words came into Greek.30 The Macedonian aristocracy was, by the fourth century B.C., very strongly Hellenized. Just as in Tzarist Russia the aristocracy spoke almost exclusively French, Polybius (28, 8, 9) tells us that distinguished Macedonians did not know Illyrian. Some names of Macedonian kings are purely Greek.31 But the idea that Macedonian is a Greek dialect3 2 must be definitely abandoned. Thus, in the course of two successive invasions, the Illyrians played a large part in the shaping of Greek civilization.33 In Latin, too, there are many Illyrian words (e.g. gentiana, liburna). Traces of the Illyrian language have also been preserved in 'the Semitic Near Eastern world. The Philistines of the Old Testament were, in fact, an Illyrian people. A group of Illyrians, the Palaistinoi, apparently pushed southward and reached the country which took from them the name of Palestine.34 Keltic A large group of situla people spoke Celtic, or_ Keltic, sometimes called Gaulish on the continent. Since they have left no inscriptions behind on any of the objects of situla art, for a reconstruction of their language we must rely on inscriptions of later date, or, as in the case of the Illyrian language, on a study of place-names and of the vocabulary preserved in the region. The original Kelts are today usually identified with the Early Iron Age Hallstatt culture of Europe (ea. 1000-600 B.C.), named after Hallstatt, a small village in Austria, ang with the later culture of La T~ne (475-50 B.C.). 5 Their primitive home was southern Germany (including Austria, Bavaria, and Baden-WUrttemberg) and Switzerland. Southern Germany is still full of Keltic names like Bohemia, 11 home of a Keltic tribe. the Boij, 11

116

All these people were called Galli, that is Gauls, by the Romans, but according to Caesar they called themselves Celtae.36 The Greeks called them Galatians (Galatai). The modern usage, a purely conventional one, 1s to use the term Gaulish or Gallic (from Latin Galli) for the continental Kelts, and Celtic or better Keltic for the whole family of languages, including the British islands and Ireland. From their primitive home in southern Germany the Kelts spread into Gaul (Latin Gallia), which however did not become entirely Keltic: Basque, and perhaps some other language (Iberian?), were spoken in Aquitania (now known as Gascogne, that is a Germanized form of Vasconia, land of the Vascones, the modern Basques), L1gurian in southern France and parts of Italy (Liguria and Piedmont). Long before Caesar's time, the Kelts had come into Great Britain, though exactly when their arrival took place is still not clear. From Gaul they soon entered Spain. Anacreon, who lived in the sixth century B.C., speaks of a king Arganthonios who had once reigned in southern Spain. The name Arganthonios comes from Keltic arganton, "silver" (Latin argentum), and indicates the king's great wealth. In Spain they mixed with th~ Iberians and gave rise to the Celtiberians. · Around 400 B.C. the continental Kelts (Gauls, or Galli) were involved in a tremendous movement: they invaded Italy, sacking Rome in 387 B.C.; but after this raid they retreated and settled in northern Italy, in the Piedmont, Lombardy, Emilia, some pushing east into the region of the Veneto. Others invaded Noricum and Pannonia (where they mixed with the Illyrians), and the regions that are now called Yugoslavia and Romania. In the third century they tried to invade Greece, but were defeated at Delphi in 279 B.C., because of the intervention of Apollo, according to the Greeks. Turning to Anatolia, a large group of them were subdued by Attalus, the king of Pergamum in 230 B.C., and were finally settled in central Anatolia. The famous group of the dying Gaul, a masterpiece of the school of Pergamum, recorded their defeat.37 Having made their home in the Anatolian land, which was called after them Galatia, they soon learned Greek, the language in which St. Paul addressed them when he wrote the famous Epistle to the Galatians. But they also preserved their native language: St. Jerome (347-420) says they spoke the same language as the inhabitants of Trier (ancient Treueri) in the Rhineland: that is, Gaulish. The various Keltic languages are divided into two different groups: the so-called quis-languages (which preserve Indoeuropean *kW, frequently ask) and the pis-languages (which changelndoeuropean *kW-to£).

The continental Kelts or Gauls, or at least the great majority of them, belong to the pis-Kelts (e.g. Eporedia, in Piedmont, now Ivrea fromepos = Latin equos). To the same group belong the BritonS:Which include the speakers of Welsh, or Cornish (now extinct), and of Breton in France (where many migrated in the fifth century from Great Br i ta i n , f l e e i n g the Eng l i s h i nvas i on). To the quis-group belong the Irish (Gaelic) and Scotch (Erse) languages, and the (now dead) language of the island of Man. We have very little written material of continental Keltic (perhaps because of the Druids' prohibition against writing). However, at La Graufesenque (Department of Aveyron, in southern central France), in 1922, the accounts of an extensive vase industry of the first century A.O. were found, written largely in Gaulish.38 We now have the ordinal numerals, from first to tenth, and can see that they largely coincide with the forms previously reconstructed from the "insular" Keltic languages (including Breton): e.g., sextametos, oxtumetos, naumetos. This is a splendid confirmation that our method of linguistic reconstruction is sound. There are only three short Gaulish inscriptions from northern Italy:39 one from Novara (150-100 B.C .), one from near Vercelli (first century B.C.), discovered in 1977, and one from Todi (150-100 B.C.) They are written in a North Etruscan alphabet.40 This shows that when the Gauls invaded Italy they did not use writing, perhaps because of the prohibition of the Druids.41 (As a comparison, let us remember that we have about 11,000 Etruscan inscriptions.) Many place-names in northern Italy, however, are of Gaulish origin. Besides Ivrea, already mentioned, there is the name of the city of Milan (Medio-lanum, Bononia "the city in the middle of the plain"),42 (now Bologna; bona, "town"), Seni-gallia (from the Gaulish tribe of the Senones), Taruisium (now Treviso, "the city of the bull," from Gaulish taruos). Generally speaking, all names in -~ (from Keltic -aeon), as in Asiago, are of Keltic origin. Several Keltic words still remain in the dialects of northern Italy. There also remained (as in Iberia and Gaul), the change of -et and -pt to -xt (as in oxtumetos, sextametos) which later became -it(French fait from Latin factus) and later on, through (Piedmontese lait, Lombard lac, palatalization, also cf. French lait [now pronounced le], Spanish leche -[pronounced leceJ). -

-c

carts Latin

The Gauls were particularly skillful makers of and chariots, or carpenters (car enter, relatedto carpentum, is a word of Keltic origin . Many 118

words for chariot in Latin came from Keltic: carrus (cf. Latin currus), carpentum, raeda, esseda (from root -sed-: a chariot on which you could sit, Latin sed-et). In fact the word carpenter in French did not come necessarily from the Keltic substratum in France and northern Italy: it may have come by way of Latin, which had already absorbed it earlier.43 From French, of course, it came into English, to give us the familiar word carpenter, "someone who works on carts," or on wooden furnishings in general.

119

NOTES In contrast to Rhaetic, lsee Rhaetic ualti- = ualto-. both Venetic and Oscan have introduced the letter o, even though they adopted the Etruscan alphabet, which had no such letter. The most recent and complete work on the subject is M.G. Tibiletti Bruno, "Camunoretico e pararetico," Popoli e Civilt'a 6 (1978) 211214, 220-255. For this, as for the other languages studied in this section, see G. Bonfante, "Il retico, il leponzio, il ligure, il gallico, il sardo, il corso," Le iscrizioni re-Latine in Italia, Colloguio, Atti dei convegni Lincei 39 Rome1979 ; for Rhaetic, see pages 205, 219 ff. 2Livy 5.33: "Alpinis quoque ea gentibus haud dubie origo est, maxime Raetis, quos loca ipsa efferarunt ne quid ex antique praeter sonum linguae nee eum incorruptum retinerent." Pliny 3.24 (133): "Raetos Tuscorum prolem arbitrantur a Gallis pulses duce Raeto." Cf. Justin 20, 5-8. R.M. Ogilvie, A Commentaryon Livy Books 1-5 (Oxford 1965) 706: " ... general affinities with Illyrian ... suggest their language was Indoeuropean but was contaminated by local contact with more advanced neighboring civilizations, and that the Etruscan veneer misled antiquarians into detecting in it a decadent form of Etruscan." 3v. Pisani, Lingue dell 'Italia 1964) 316.

antica (second ed. Turin

4G. Bonfante, "Quelques aspects du probleme de la langue retique, 11 Bulletin de la Societe Linguistique 36 (1935) 141-154. etc.,

5Plauis comes from *plouis, Greek plee), Lithuanian Plavys (Jokl, personal letter. 6Bonfante, Bulletin

Vedic plavate,

de la Societe Linguistique 36 (1935)

141-154. 7cf. Greek splen, Latin lien,

Vedic pllhan, etc.

8w. Lucke and O.H. Frey, Die Situla in Providence (Rhode Island) (Berlin 1962). Complete bibliography in D. Mitten, Classical Bronzes (Providence 1975) 90-101, No. 28. Inscription: 98-99, nn. 42-45. Tibiletti Bruno, Popoli e Civilta 6 (1978) 241, n. 28. 9J. Bulletin of K. Olzscha, n. 43. Cf.

Whatmough, "The Inscription on the Bolognese Situla, the Rhode Island Museumof Art 28 (1940) 32-33; 1n Lucke-Frey, 85. Mitten, Classical Bronzes 99, Tibiletti Bruno, Popoli e Civilta 6 (1978) 227, for 120

11

"signs" or numbers ( cifre from St. Moritzing. 11

earlier

11 )

on the handle of a situla

10with the Indoeuropean accusative ending in-~. -m.

(PIO 195) from

11with the Etruscan genitive ending in-~: Thesan, Thesanin. A. Pfiffig, Die Etruskische Sprache (Graz 1969) 197, No. 208. We do not know, in other words, whether kaiianin is a proper or a commonnoun. 12*lup.nu may be related to the Etruscan lupu, "died" or "dead" (Pfiffig, Etruskische Sprache 293). This translation seems more plausible than that of Pisani (Lingue dell 'Italia antica 323, no. 137), who takes the word as the second name of Velchanu; in a primitive culture, such as that of the Rhaetic people, one would expect only one name. Tibiletti Bruno, Popoli e Civilta 6 (1978) 233 reads lupinu, and sees the names of two persons, a man, lupinu pitiaue, and a woman, phelna uinutalina, who have added their names to the situla. 13For biblio9raphy, see Lejeune, Manuel de la langue venete (1974), the latest - and best - work on Venetic. See reviews, by G. Bonfante, Archivio Glottologico Italiano 52 (1977) 162-166; A. Mancini and A.L. Prosdocimi, Archivio Veneto 105 ( 1975) 5-68. 14v. Pisani, Saggi di linguistica storica (1959) 137-159. l5R.S. Conway, S.E. Johnson, The Prae-Italic Italy (Cambridge, Mass. 1933) I, pls. V-VII. 16Bonfante, Arch. Glatt.

Ital.

Dialects of

52 (1977) 163.

17M. Lejeune, Ateste al 'heure de la romanisation (etude ue) (Florence 1978) 107-119. The family name ~--,-,,,~-----.-L-comes with Rome: 85-106; 123-142. 18Lejeune, Manuel 294, 202, 204, 221. The earliest Venetic inscriptions, of the fifth century B.C., occur on stone stelai, decorated in relief, from Padua: R.S. Conway, S.E. Johnson, The Prae-Italic Dialects of Italy (Oxford 1933) I, pl. 13. A.L. Prosdoc1mi, "11 venetico," Popol1 e Civilta 6 (1978) 259-380. 19Florus I, 21. Cf. Gothic thiudans, of the Celtic god, Teutates.

"king." Cf. the name

20Damnosand hippos are wrongly attributed Tyrrhenians by Hesychius, s.v.

121

to the

21H. Krahe, Die alten balkanillyrischen Namen (Heidelberg 1925) IXff. 22Krahe, Balkanillyrische

geographischen

Namen ll3ff.

23rhese fragments have come down to us through Athenaeus and Hesychius, as well as other writers. 24Pauly Wissowa, RE, s.v. "Makedonia(Volkstum und Sprache),'' 14 {1928) 693ff. All thematerial can be found in 0. Hoffmann, Die Makedonen, ihre Sprache und ihr Volkstum (1906). 25Lithuanian dukte, Slavic dtlsti: dell'Accademia dei Lincei 3 (1930) 209ff. 26Illyrian

G. Bonfante, Memorie

is a centum language (*.9..b_>_g_).

27G. Bonfante, "Gli elementi illirici nella mitologia greca," Archivio Glottologico Italiano 53 (1968) 72-103. 28Krahe, Balkanillyrische Stephanos, s.v.

Namen94.

For Engelanes, see

29cf. also the Dumanes mentioned above.

3oK01ranos, . h"1ppos, wast u. 31As can be seen from the Greek voiceless instead of Macedonian 1, d, b. 32This idea is still (1928) cols. 68lff.

defended in RE,

s.v.

stops eh, th, ph "Makedonia" 14

33some information and references about the Illyrian language can be gathered from A. Stipcevic, The Illyrians (Park Ridge, N.J. 1977). 34G. Bonfante, "WhoWere the Philistines?" 251-262.

AJA 50 (1946) -

35There is a large bibliography on the Kelts. Dechelette, Manuel d'archeolo ie pr~historique celtique et allo-romaine II-IV l l - 9 is sti l basic. Mansue ,, ivilisations e 'Europe ancienne, and Megaw, Art of the European Iron Age (1970) provide good summaries and bibliography. Recent exhibits and their respective catalogs are I Galli e l 'Italia (Rome 1978), Die Hallstattkultur (1980), and Die Kelten in Mitteleuropa (1980). L. Pauli (Die Kelten, p. 23) points out that one should not speak of Kelts before the sixth century B.C. 122

36oe bello gallico

1. 1.

37For recent reconstruction 1 :talia (1978) 231-258.

see F. Coarelli,

I Galli e

1

38J. Whatmough,Dialects of Ancient Gaul (Cambridge, Mass. 1970) 277. The taste for a type of pottery with decoration inspired from metallic models, Arretine ware, made in Arezzo, had swept northward from Etruria in the time of Augustus, to be adopted in local workshops in Gaul, which produced quantities of this terra sigillata. See chapter 7. 11

11

39G. Bonfante, Atti convegno Lincei 39 (1978) 211 with bibliography. C. de Simone, I Galli in Italia: Testimonianze linguistiche, I Galli in Italia (1978) 261-269, No. 606 (Novara), No. 607 (Todi). De Simone (269) identifies the family name, Katacina, on an Etruscan inscription from 0rvieto, of the sixth century 8.C., as a Gallic gentilicium, and takes it as evidence that some Gauls had already settled in Etruria by the sixth century B.C. 11

11

40M. Lejeune, CRAI1977, 582. 41Druids 1 prohibition gallico 6, 14.

against writing:

Caesar, Debello

42Lanum (-la.non) is for pl'a.nom, Latin planum "the plain"; £. is lost 1n all Keltic languages. In the pis-languages the vacant case was filled in by *kWthat became p; in the quislanguages it was not filled, except by foreign words. -11

11

43c. de Simone, in I Galli e l'Italia (1978) 263-264. Cf. G. Bonfante, Latini e Germani in Italia (fourth ed. Bologna 1977).

123

Chapter

7

THE SPREADOF THE ALPHABETIN EUROPE: AREZZO, ERZ, ANDRUNES The invention of writing introduces history. In particular the invention of the alphabet, one of the greatest debts we owe the Phoenicia~s_a~d t~e Greeks, introduces the history of Western c1v1l1zat1on. Even today, we recite the alphabet in the order in which the Greeks first received it, for no reason other than historical conservatism. One could illustrate the various phases of the alphabet, from the alphabetic Canaanite script of the Phoenicians, without any vowels, to the Greek alphabet, whose innovation it_was to adopt certain signs to signify vowels (A, E, H [E], I, 0, Y; [DJ [omega] was added later). Within less than fifty years of its introduction by the Greeks the alphabet was used throughout the Mediterranean. From the Western Greeks who had come to Italy from Euboea the Etruscans took over this invention (fig. 114). l At first they copied the alphabet just as they had learned it, to decorate their bucchero vases and other objects. Very soon, however, they adapted it to their own needs. Letters that did not correspond to sounds in the Etruscan language were dropped, or converted to different uses. For example, Etruscan had none of the sounds represented by the letters B, D, and O; these, therefore, were not used. On the other hand the third letter of the Greek alphabet, r (gamma), was used; b u t i n s tea d o f be i n g p r o n o u n c e d II G11 a s i n Gre e k , i t wa s given the voiceless sound 11 K. 11 Archaic Etruscan (and Latin) thus had three signs for this hard 11 K11 sound: 1 , which they wrote 11 C, 11 and used before E or I; 11 K, 11 usually used before A, for example in the Latin word Kalendae, from which we get the word "calendar"; and 11 Q, 11 usually, as today, used before U, but also before 0. They also had at least three signs for S: one looking like an "M" (sade), one like an 11 X11 (sin), and the Greek sigma (S). Theletter H was not used--:ror a long E, as in Greek, but with its earlier value of the aspirate H, as in English. F, as in the Greek dialects, represented the digamma, pronounced like the English letter 11 W.11 For the "F" sound, which the Greeks did not have, the Etruscans first used FH, and later introduced a new 11 letter, 8 11 (as in Fufluns, Bacchus). The Romans learned the art of writing (map 10) from 124

their neighbors the Etruscans, rather than directly from the Greeks. This explains why in Latin the letter C was not pronounced like the Greek r(gamma), but with a voiceless K sound, as in Etruscan. Latin, unlike Etruscan, g, and needed a letter to express however, had a sound it; and so eventually--around 250 B.C.--the letter G (obviously a modification of the C) was put back into the alphabet and occupied the place of Z, which was not needed in Latin. When the letter Z was later put back, it was placed at the end of the alphabet. (In the same way the letter 0," which was missing from the Etruscan alphabet, was reintroduced at the end of the Venetic alphabet.) Thus the original order was preserved. 11

11

11

The Etruscans brought civilization, including literacy, to Italy. All the Indoeuropean languages of ancient Italy (with the obvious exception of Greek, and Messapic) were written in alphabets derived from the Etruscan alphabet; Latin, Faliscan, Venetic, Lepontic, Oscan, Umbrian, Sabellian, Picenian and even the language of Cisalpine Gaul , 2 brought into Italy during the invasions of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. Through Venetic the Etruscan alphabet crossed the Alps and gave birth to the Germanic runes, which were long used by all the Germanic peoples (Anglo-Saxon, German, Scandinaivan, Gothic). The word runes, meaning originally "mystery," or "magic," is the name of an ancient type of writing once widely used throughout most of the area of the Teutonic people. Inscriptions written in runic characters have been found in Germany, in England, in the Scandinavian countries, in the Balkans, in Venice. In Sweden they were used until the last century. Most scholars now agree that the runic characters or letters derive from the North Etruscan alphabet, by way of the Venetic script.(Maps 10, 8. Cf. fig. 116.) Runes, originally used as magic signs, were eventually transformed into a formal script. But they never re~lly lost their magic character, especially in the country. Women were particularly skilled in the use of such magic, a specialty confirmed by the frequency of northern women's names ending in run: Gudrun, or Siegrun, for exa~nle. Kriemhild carved runes into the drinking horn from which she served Siegfried the magic potion. The last person who could write runes was a woman, who died in Sweden around 1895. Certain runes could be carved in order to make people sick, others to make them well. If you wanted to speak with the dead, you carved some runes. Runes carved on arms made them especially powerful, and so many of the runes that have come down to us are carved into spearheads (fig. 121 ). Others appear on coin-shaQed amulets, and as dedications on figurines or brooches.3

125

The order of the runes, futhark, 4 is mysterious (fig. 121). It does not correspond to the order of letters in the Etruscan, Latin and Greek alphabets; some kind of magic unknown to us may be the reason. The runic script included originally twenty-four signs, divided into three groups of eight (the name futhark is derived from the first six letters). Later the _Old English system had, in succession, twenty-eight, thirtyone and thirty-three signs. The Scandinavian system in its more recent development (ninth to eleventh centuries) r~duced, for reasons unknown to us, these signs to sixteen. Since the restricted number was not sufficient the signs were multiplied by adding ambiguous runes, in the form of points or dashes, the so-called pointed or punctuated runes. It is true that the first runes we possess, carved on stone, are perhaps of the first or second century A.O. There were also many inscriptions on bronze armer, and on silver jewelry (fig. 121). The use of runes among the Teutons must be much older, as we shall see. Originally runes were carved on wood, for magical purposes. It was obviously in imitation of the Romans, in the years after Christ, that the Teutons began to carve runes on stone, and to use the runes not for magic purposes, but for tombs, or even for historical records (for example in memory of the conversion of the Danes to Christianity in 940). An early date for the Etruscan or1g1n of the runes is suggested by the Germanic inscription of the 11 Negau B helmet," found in 1811 with a group of twenty-six helmets, probably war booty, at Negau, in Austria. This inscription, recently dated by some scholars as early as the f i f t h o r f o u rt h c e n t u r y B. C. , wa s wr i t t e n i n a No r t h Italic script identified as Venetic. This Venetic script, from which the runic alphabet developed, itself derived from Etruscan. The votive inscription, Harigasti teiua hil(ms), was presumably a dedication: 11 to the god Har i gas t i , ( t hi s ) helmet . 11 5

separately.

But the origin

of the

126

runes

is a story

best

told

Arezzo,

Erz,

and the Runes

Arezzo, famous in the time of Augustus as the homeland of Maecenas--atauis edite regibus, "born of ancestral kings," in the words of his friend Horace6--, was, even before the flourishing of its industry in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., an important Etruscan metal-working center.7 The splendid Chimaera of Arezzo --once part of a statuary group--would be enough by itself to prove Arezzo's mastery of the art of bronzecasting. This specialty is further illustrated by the discovery of rich votive deposits with bronze objects (most of which were presumably made in Arezzo), as well as by the well-known statue of the Arringatore, which 8 may have come from Lake Trasimeno, not far from Arezzo. Furthermore, Livy records,9 under the year 205 B.C., the contributions made by the Etruscan cities for Scipio Africanus' African campaign during the Second Punic War, thus providing us with a list of each city's natural resources. Arezzo--and only Arezzo!--furnished metal arms and tools; Volterra provided grain and pitch, Tarquinia cloth for the ships' sails, Roselle grain and lumber, and so on. At this point we must bring up an important linguistic question: the origin of the German word Erz, "metal" (the word also means "bronze"). According~ the eminent German scholar 0. Schraderl0 Erz derives from the Latin name of Arezzo, Arretium, "'6'y°"wayof ancient German, where it was pronounced *erizzi. For in ancient--as in modern--German a very strong intensive initial accent caused the first syllable to be stressed, while all the others were weakened, or disappeared altogether. In English, for example, the Greco-Latin word eleemosynas, "charity," became alms. The GrecoGallo-Latin word paraueredus (pronounced with a Gallic accent) became Pferd, "horse," in German. Benedictus in Swedish became Bengt. (These words all came into the Germanic languages from Latin in the historical period.) So, with the weakening of e into i (as in Latin obsideo from *ob-sedeo) and the metaphony of a into~ due tg the following j_, we get *Arreftium - *Arretji - *Arritji - *arizi - erizi - erz (t changes into voiceless z in Southern German around 500 A.O.). We also find an-alternate form aruzi. Every other etymological explanation for the derivation of the word Erz has been attacked, for one reason or another. 11 This one seems to me to be foolproof. But how did Arezzo come to be so well-known among _the Germans, since the Romans never used the 127

word Arretium to mean "metal"? How are we to explain a direct contact between Etruscans and Germanicspeaking peoples? This is a difficult problem, for which I shall attempt an explanation. It is now generally agreed that the Germanic runes (figs. 121-122) are of Etruscan origin.12 These runes, a kind of writing widely used before the Latin alphabet was adopted, and afterwards, too, in Germany, England, Scandinavia, and Iceland, were brought by the Goths as far as the Ukraine, Romania, and Bosnia. Particularly interesting are the helmet from Negau, Austria, the "Franks Casket," an ivory box now in the British Museum (fig. 122), and inscribed objects, including statuettes, from Germany and Switzerland ( fig. 121 ) .13 The runic signs derive, as we would expect, from a North Etruscan alphabet with elongated archaic signs of the same kind used also by the Veneti and the Rhaeti. 14 How and when did these runes reach Germany, from where their use then spread so widely? They could not have come after the Roman conquest of northern Italy around 200 B.C., for by this date the Germans would have lost any direct rontact with the Etruscans. They would have borrowed the Latin alphabet, not the Etruscan; and in fact they did adopt the Latin alphabet, several centuries after Christ. But in the sixth, fifth, and fourth centuries B.C. Etruscan political, commercial, and cultural expansion into northern Italy, especially after the loss of Etruscan supremacy at sea in 474 B.C., was very active. As Pallottino says," From the end of the sixth century B.C., and especially during the fifth and fourth centuries, Etruscan influence became very marked in northern Italy~ both in the inscriptions and in its material culture.":, There are quite a few Etruscan inscriptions in northern Italy dating from this period. 16 Many Etruscan cities were settled in the area: Felsina (later Bologna), Spina, Rimini, Modena, Mantova (Mantua), probably Melpum (Milan?), and othE.rs whose names are unknown, though their archaeological remains have been found (for example, Marzabotto). An Etruscan inscription has been found as far north as Busca, in Piedmont. 17 But it is highly unlikely that the Etruscans transmitted their a1phabef"to the Germanic peoples after the third century 8.C. at the latest~ that is, after the Romans had conquered northern Italy. ,8 Even though the earliest preserved Germanic runes, which were written on stone, date from the second, or, at the earliest, the first century after Christ, we know that runes were used in the area of Germany long before this .. For the end of the first century A.O. we have Tacitus as a trustworthy witness: " Th e y c u t u p i n t o s'llla l 1 p i e c e s ( s u r c u 1o s ) a b r a n c h (virgaw which has been cut down from a fruitbearing We also have the evidence of the German Buch, tree. 11 128

English book, clearly related to the German Buche, English beech, etc., "beech tree"; as well as German Buchstabe, letter, a word compounded with Stab, stick TThe Latin uirga or branch described by Tacitus). All this suggests that the Germans originally inscribed their runes by incising them on little pieces of beechwood in order to draw sortes (as Tacitus says),20 as people used to do in the Middle Ages with the text of the Aeneid, or later with the Bible. 11

11

11

Here we begin to see a possible answer to a difficult question: if Etruscan writing was adopted by the Germanic people--even by way of the Rhaetians, or the Veneti, who used the Etruscan alphabet, as we.know from their inscriptions; or the Illyrians or the Gauls-by the third century B.C. at the latest, probably earlier, how do we explain the fact that we have no such inscriptions from the Germanic people until the first century A.O. at the earliest? There are at least three hundred years between these dates which have to be accounted for. In fact I believe they can be accounted for quite easily. The pieces of beech-wood we spoke of earlier would rot away and disappear in the damp and rainy northern climate. It is not at all surprising that they have not left a trace, those surculi of Tacitus, for which we have such reliable literary evidence. The earliest runes which have come down to us were, as we saw, carved on stone, in the second or (perhaps) the first century A.O. It is not hard to imagine where the Germans got the idea both of inscribing their runic inscriptions on stone, and of using them for funerary or historical, rather than magic purposes as they did earlier. They learned to do so when they came in contact with the Romans, who used to carve inscriptions on stone--many have been found in the Rhine region of Germany--bearing the names, relationships, offices and titles of the dead. There is no doubt, therefore, in my opinion, that the Germanic people were already writi~g by the third century B.C. at least, and that they had learned the use of the alphabet from the Etruscans. It was thus the Etruscans who spread throughout northern Europe their writing and their bronze objects, as well ~s other goods. The archaeological record confirms these contacts. Long before the Roman traders or caupones, Etruscan merchants crossed the Alps, bringing wares from the Mediterranean, reaching all the way to the north and the Baltic Seas.21 Arezzo was at that time well known as the chief metal-working and exporting center for Etruscan bronzes, which is why its name, Erz, came to be used to mean metal in the north.~ 11

129

11

11

Even greater was the result of Etruscan civilization in Italy. This is shown by the spread of the Etruscan alphabet--itself of very ancient origin, dating from the eighth century B.C. This alphabet was adopted by the Umbrians, the Oscans, the Veneti, the Rhaeti, the "Lepontians," and the Gauls; not to mention the Romans. Over eleven thousand Etruscan inscriptions have come down to us, and more are being discovered daily. In contrast, we have only three inscriptions in the Gallic language, two hundred fifty-five Venetic, thirty or so Rhaetic, a hundred Lepontic, about two hundred Oscan, eleven Umbrian, a few dozen "Sabellian," three hundred Messapic, fifty altogether of Sicel, Sicanian, and Elymian, one hundred and ten Faliscan. (Falerii, from where the Faliscan inscriptions come, however, belongs in the cultural area of Etruscan; so does Praeneste, which yielded only a few dozen inscriptions in the local Praenestine dialect.) There are no Ligurian, Sardinian, or Corsican inscriptions.23 There are only four inscriptions from Rome and Latium dating from before the third century B.C.--the Forum inscription, the Duenos vase, the Castor and Pollux dedication, the new inscription from Satricum.24 In Etruria by the third century we already have several thousand Etruscan inscriptions. Clearly in Italy, aside from the Greek colonies, Etruria is the great source of light from which civilization beams forth. We have abundant archaeological and epigraphical evidence that Rome in the sixth century B.C. was politically and culturally an Etruscan city (even though like Falerii she kept, by and large, her own Latin language). Aristocratic Romans in the Archaic period used to send their sons to study in Caere, according to Livy:25 Etruscan was evidently, for the Roman elite, the technical language of culture. From the Etruscans the Romans adopted a new way of organizing their army, and that urban culture which we call 11 "civilization, with its temples, trade, crafts, stone buildings, walls, canals, and monumental tombs. The temple of Jupiter Capitoline was built by the two Tarquins shortly before 509 B.C., and adorned by an Etruscan artist, whose name--Vulca--has come down to us.26 The Etruscans were the first to transmit to the Romans the splendors of the Oriental and Greek cultures. Nor was this a merely passive transmission, for the Etruscans gave to Greek art and Greek culture--much of which, though not all, they absorbed--a peculiar flavor of the i r own , add i n g to i t the i r own s p e c i a l preferences. When we ignore or underestimate Etruscan mediation, as has been done until recently, we are not only committing an injustice, but we run the risk of not understanding completely, and at times even of misunderstanding Roman civilization, and therefore our own. 130

NOTES 1For all these questions, see M. Cristofani, L alfabeto etrusco, Popoli e Civilta 6 (1978) 403-428; for the transmission ·of the Etruscan alphabet from the Euboean colonies, 404-406, and Sull origine e diffusione dell 1 fig. 3. See alsc, M. Cristofani, alfabeto etrusco, ANRW I 2 (Berl in 1972) 466-489; and Recent Advances in Etruscan Epigraphy and Language, in Italy Before The Romans373-412. 11

I

11

11

I

11

11

11

2J. Heurgon, Romeet la Mediterranee occidentale (Paris 1969) 119. G. Giacomelli, Il Falisco, Popoli e Civilta 6 (1978) 511; cf. 523-524. M. Lejeune, Sur l 1enseignement de 11ecriture et de l 1orthographe venetes a Este, Bulletin de la Societede Linguistique 66 (1971) 267-298. G. Bonfante, Le ,scrizioni Atti convegni Lincei 39 (1979) 206-208, pre-latine in Italia, with bibliography. 11

11

11

11

11

11

3For women,magic and runes, see Arntz, Runenschrift 34, 111; Todd, The Northern Barbarians 205, n. 64; and Holmqvist, in Eggers, Will, Jaffray, Holmqvist, Celtes et Germains 77. J. Werner,

Aufkommenvon Bild und Schrift in Nordeuropa, Bayr. Akad. der Wiss. Sitzungsber. 1956, Heft 4, 1-47, is surely right in seeing a connection between the beginning of writing and of figured decoration. But the two were not adopted in the region in the Romanperiod, as he supposed: the change occurred much earlier, when Etruscan culture was still at its height. Werner's remark, that the Europe in which these changes took place is a world remarkably similar to the one existing seven hundred years before Tacitus comes very close to the mark. For objects with runes, Arntz pls. 1-31; Holmqvist 70-80; S.B.F. Jansson, The Runes of Sweden (N.Y. 1962). 4see Bibliography, pt. C, for the runes. R. Gendre, Il futhark e l 1alfabeto gotico, Scritti in onore di Giuliano Bonfante (Brescia 1979) II 309-324. 11

11

5For the inscription on the Negau helmet, cf. Latin deiuos, Venetic deiuos, Vedic devaQ, English Tues(day). A. Prosdocimi, L1 iscrizione 'germanica' sull 1elmo di Negau B, Popoli e Civilt~ 6 (1978) 381-392; A.L. Prosdocimi, P. Scardigli, Negau, Italia linguistica nuova ed antica, Studi Lin~uistici in onore di 0. Parlangeli I (Galatina 1976) 179-22 . Stary, Foreign Elements, 196, notes 17,143. 11

11

11

11

11

11

6Horace, Odes I. 1,1-2. Cf. Satires 1, 6, 3, where some have thought that---uie verse, nee quad auus.tibi maternus atque paternus, in which the mother's side of the family is mentioned

131

before the father's, referred to the Etruscans' so-called matriarchy, which the ancients believed had once really existed. For Maecenas' Etruscan ancestry, see Heurgon, Daily Life of the Etruscans, 259-268. 7For Arezzo and its art, see Banti, Etruscan Cities 173; Pallottino, Etruscans 181-182; Brendel, Etruscan Art 327, fig. 248. 8T. Dohrn, Der Arringatore (Berlin 1968). According to some accounts, the provenance was Perugia rather than Lake Trasimeno. 9Livy 28.45.

Pallottino,

Etruscans 180-181.

100. Schrader, Sprachver leichun und Ur eschichte rr 3 (Jena 1906) 71. The fact that unstressed vowels as 1n Eng 1sh) are very uncertain in their quality accounts for the alternate German form aruzi. But Erz cannot derive from aruzi. 11see e.g. F. Kluge, Etymologisches W~rterbuch der deutschen Sprache (Berlin and Leipzig 1924) s.v. Erz (not in the twentieth For a different etymology, ed. 1967 [Kluge-Mitzka] s.v. Erz see G.B. Pellegrini, Toponimi ed etnici nelle lingue dell'Italia antica, Popoli e Civilta 6 (1978) 115. 11

11

11

11 ).

11

11

12see especially C.J. Marstrander, Ornrunene o runenavnenes oprindelse, in Norssk tidskrift for sprogvidenskap l 1928 85-188; cf. also H. Hammarstr~min Studier nordisk filologi 20 (1930) 1-67. See Bibliography, pt. C, infra. 13Negau helmet, supra n. 5. Franks casket, Arntz, Runenschrift (1938) pl. 24. The statuettes have been dated according to the (presumed) date of the runes, that is in the third or fourth century A.D. (they may well be earlier): Holmqvist, in Eggers, Will, Joffroy, Holmqvist, Les Celtes et les Germains 77-80. 14cristofani, in ANRW I 2 (1972) 482; Italy Before the Romans374-412; 385, fig~ Lejeune, Manuel 21. G. Buti, G. Devoto, Preistoria e storia delle regioni d'Italia (Florence 1974) 43. 15Pallottino, Etruscans 97. Buti-Devoto, Preistoria 43, see three forms of Etruscan influence in the Veneto from the point of view of language and writing. One is the survival of local names, such as Feltre, adopted from Volterra, Etruscan Velathri; colle delle Capre, that is of the Tombs"; Miesna; and Rosna, from Rasenna, Etruria, names of hills. The other two examples of Etruscan influence are the Venetic and Rhaetic alphabets used in the region in antiquity. 11

11

11

11

11

16TLE91-94 Nos. 698-723.

-

'

132

17TLENo. 721, from Busca, province of Cuneo. In Turin, MuseoArcheologico. 18Pallottino,

Etruscans 98-101.

19Tacitus, Germania 10.2. For the full text, seen. 20, infra. Cf. F. Kluge, Et molo isches W~rterbuch der deutschen Sprache (tenth ed. Berlin 1924 s.v. Buch, where the quotation from Tacitus is, however, inaccurate.-20Tacitus, Germania 10. 1-2: sortium consuetudo simplex: uirgam frugiferae arbori decisam in surculos amputant eosgue notis quibusdam discretos super candidam uestem temere ac fortuito spargunt. The notae were the letters of the runic alphabet, which must have looked strange to Tacitus. The use of such perishable writing material as wooden chips explains why so few runes were found in southern Germany, the area closest to Italy (as noted by M. Todd, Northern Barbarians [London 1975] 203-205). See P.V. Glob, The Bog People (Ithaca, NY, 1969) 152, for "four inch long white slivers, completely stripped of bark, which lay under the [corpse of a] womanfound in Borre Fen." For the use of oracles inscribed on wooden chips, cf. the story of the early sortes at the sanctuary of Fortuna at Praeneste: in robore insculptas priscarum litterarum notis (Cicero, De div. 2.41). 21G. Bonfante, "Il problema dei Taurisci e dei Carni e l 'entrata dei Galli in Italia,'' Revue des Etudes Indoeuropeennes 2 (1939) 16-23. Pfiffig, EinfUhrung in die Etruskologie 85ff. with bibl. 22cf. Greek byblos, "book," from Byblos, where papyrus came from; the English word "Bible" comes from the Greek. In English the turkey gets its name from Turkey, the country it was thought to come from. The peach--Pfirsich in German, French peche, Piedmontese persica, Provencal persega--is the fruit that comes from Persia. "Copper," GermanKupfer, came from Cyprus. And so on. See B. Migliorini, Dal nome proprio al nome comune (Florence 1927). 23Bonfante, "Il retico, il leponzio, il gallico, il sardo, il corso," Atti convegni Lincei 39 (1979) 205-212; ConwayJohnson-Whatmough,Prae-Italic Dialects; R. Von Planta, Grarrmatik der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte, 2 vols., I (1892, reprinted 1973); II (1897, reprinted 1973); M. Lejeune, Manuel de la lan~ue venete (Heidelberg 1974); V. Pisani, Le lingue dell 'Italia ant1ca oltre il latino (second ed., Turin 1964); G. Giacomelli, La ling.Ja falisca (Florence 1962); A. Bottiglioni, Manuale dei dialetti italici (Bologna 1954). 24Pisani, Testi l, 6, 11. For the new inscription from Satricum, dated ea. 509 B.C., see G. Bonfante, Rendiconti dei Lincei 1978, pp. 269ff. E. Peruzzi, PdP 182 (1978) 346-350. The inscription was discovered by C.M. Stibbe, who (with others) has published it in Lapis Satricanum, The Hague, 1980. 133

25As late as 308 B. C. : Li vy l . 9. 36. 26Pliny N.H. 33.1~9; Plutarch, Publicola 13. According to some scholars the who.le temple was built by Etruscan artists: Gjerstad, Early RomeIV, with refs. Supra, chapter 5.

134

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List of Abbreviations The following abbreviations and short titles have been used in the footnotes to the text and in the bibliography. All abbreviations are based on those listed in American Journal of Archaeology 82 (1978) 5-10 and 84 (1980) 3-4. ANRW

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9,

1

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BASOR

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Pop. e Civ.

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IPEK

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Italy Before the Romans

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JANES

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Jdl

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JHS

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JRS

Journal of RomanStudies

Lucke-Frey

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MAAR

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MEFR(A)

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MonAnt

MonumentiAntichi dell 1Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei

NSc

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PdP

La Parola del Passato

p ID

Popoli e Civilta

und

Prae-Italic Dialects of Italy. · Ed. by R.S. Conway, J. Whatmough, and S.E. Johnson. London 1933. Popoli e Civilta dell 'Italia B1blioteca di Storia Patria, vols. 1-7. Rome1974-1978. 136

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RBmMitt

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Bruno, M.G. "Camunoretico e pararetico." Civilta 6 (1978) 209-256.

Popoli e

Todd, M. The Northern Barbarians 100 BC - AD300. London 1975, 140, 187, 203-205. Untermann, J. ~ie venetischen Personennamen. Wiesbaden 1961. Werner, J. Das Aufkommenvon Bild und Schrift in Nordeuropa. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munich. Sitzungsberichte 1966, part 4. Whatmough,J. The Dialects of Ancient Gaul. Prolegomena and Records of the Dialects. Harvard 1972. ----.

. "Tusca 0rigo Raetis." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 48 (1937) 181-202.

160

ILLUSTRATIONS

161

Illustrations 1.-2. Excavations by the Duchess of Mecklenburg at Magdalenska Gora, 1913. l. Tumulus VI, Grave 3. Duchess of Mecklenburg by a cist grave. 2. Tumultis V. Excavation team. (Courtesy of the Peabody Museum,Harvard University.) 3. Contents of the Benvenuti tomb (Tomb126) from Este. Ca. 600 B.C. Este, MuseoArcheologico. (Randall-Maciver, Iron Age in Italy pl. 7.) 4. Benvenuti situla. H. 31 cm. Ca. 600 B.C. Este, MuseoArcheologico. (Lucke-Frey pl. 65.) 5. Bronze "tintinnabulum" from Bologna, Tombadegli Ori. H. 11.5 cm. Ca. 600 B.C. Bologna, Huseo Civico. (C. Morigi Govi, ArchClass 23, 1971, pls. 52, 54.) 6. Bronze "tintinnabulum 11 from Bologna. (Cf. fig. 5.) 7. Situla from Vace. H. 23.8 cm. Ca. 500 B.C. Ljubljana, Narodni Muzej. (Lucke-Frey pl. 73.) 8. Situla in Providence, H. 26.6 ~m. Ca. 550 B.C. Providence, R.I. Museumof the Rhode Island School of Design. (Lucke-Frey, Beilage l.) 9. Situla from the Certosa necropolis, Bologna. H. 32.7 cm. Ca. 500 B.C. Bologna, Museo Civico. Side l. (Bologna Mus. photo.) 10. Certosa situla.

Side 2. (Bologna Mus. photo.)

11. Certosa situla.

(Lucke-Frey pl. 64.)

12. Situla from Kuffarn. H. 25 cm. Ca. 400 B.C. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum. (Hoernes, Urgeschichte pl. 33.)

163

13. Situla from Magdalenska Gora. H. 19.5 cm. Ca. 500 B.C. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum.(Lucke-Frey pl. 68.) 14. Arnoaldi situla. Ca. 400 B.C. H. 23 cm. Bologna, MuseoCivico. (Lucke-Frey pl. 63.) I

15. Boldu-Dolfin situla from Este, details. Fourth century B.C. Este, MuseoArcheologico. (Randall-Maciver, Iron Age in Italy 53, pl. 9, fig. 3.) 16. Bronze belt plate from Krajina (Slovenia). Hunting scene. H. 3.6 cm. Late Hallstatt, 450-350 B.C. East Berlin, Staatliche Museen. (F. Gempel, Staatl. Mus. Berlin, Forschungen und Berichte 14, Arch. Beitr~ge 1972, Akad. Verlag, East Berlin, fig. 1.) 17. Benvenuti situla,

detail,

centaur. (Cf. fig. 4.)

18. Incised bucchero vase from Orvieto. Seventh century B.C. Hunter and Chimaera. Florence, MuseoArcheologico. (Sopr. Ant. Etr. Courtesy G. Camporeale.) · 19. Incised bucchero amphora, detail of dressed centaur. Seventh century B.C. Barcelona Museum. (Photo Helle Salskov Roberts.) 20. Boeotian pithos, detail. Perseus and Medusa. Seventh century B.C. Paris, Musee du Louvre. (Photo Franceschi, Louvre.) 21. Bronze statuette of a dressed centaur, Etruscan. 600-550 B.C. Hanover, Kestner Museum.(Museumphoto.) 22. Ivory situla from second tumulus of Pania, Chiusi. H. of frieze ea. 3 cm. Ca. 575 B.C. Florence, MuseoArcheologico. (Sopr. Ant. Etr.) 23. Ivory situla from first tumulus of Pania, Chiusi. H. of frieze ea. 3 cm. Ca. 575 B.C. Florence, MuseoArcheologico (Sopr. Ant. Etr.) 24. Terracotta statuette, male crowning figure from ziro funerary urn from Chiusi. H. 31 cm. Ca. 650 B.C. Berlin, Staatliches Museum.(Museumphoto.) 11

164

11

25. Ivory relief plaques with female figures. H. 7 cm. Ca. 575 B.C. Bologna, Museo Civico, Palagi Collection. (P . Ducati , StEt r 2, 1928, pl . 3 . ) 26. Bronze statuette of Etruscan female figure wearing mantle and pointed shoes. H. 24 cm. Ca. 540 B.C. Florence, MuseoArcheologico. (Drawing by K. Mills Liotta.) 27. Benvenuti situla,

detail,

seated gentleman. (Cf. fig. 4.)

28. Terracotta acroterion from Murlo, life-size figure of seated gentleman with large hat and pointed shoes. 575-550 B.C. Siena, Palazzo Comunale. (Sopr. Ant. Etr.) 29. Terracotta model, laced shoes from Circolo della Sagrona, Etruscan. H. 11 cm. Late Iron Age. Florence, Museo Archeologico. (Drawing by Anna Farkas after Montelius, Civilisation Primitive, "Ital"ie Centrale," pl. 178.)

30. Detail of incised decoration on sword scabbard showing dead hero with pointed shoes. H. 68 cm. Hallstatt cemetery, Grave 954. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum. (J.V.S. Megaw,Alba Regia 14, 1975, fig. 1.) 31.-32. Terracotta frieze decorations from Murlo. H. 24 cm. 575-550 B.C. Siena, Palazzo Comunale. 31. Seated figures.

(T. Gantz, StEtr 39, 1971, fig.

32. Carriage procession.

1.)

(T. Gantz, R~rrMitt 81, 1974, fig.

1.)

33.-34. Terracotta frieze decorations from Murlo. H. 24 cm. 575-550 B.C. Siena, Palazzo Comunale. 33. Banquet. (J.P. Small, StEtr 39, 1971, fig.

l.)

34. Horse Race. (M.C. Root, AJA 77, 1973, fig.

1.)

35. Ground plan of architectural complex at Murlo. 600-525 B.C. (Cristofani, Arte degli Etruschi, fig. 8.)

165

36. Types of fans, Villanovan and Etruscan. Seventh to second centuries B.C. a. Bronze fan from Tombadei Flabelli, Populonia. b. TombaCardarelli, Tarquinia, detail. c.-d. Providence situla, details. e. Funerary urn, Volterra, detail. f. Bronze fan from Tombadei Flabelli, Populonia. g. Funerary urn from Montescudaio, detail. h. Tombof the Shields, Tarquinia, detail. i. Funerary urn, Perugia, detail. j, Sarcophagus from Vulci, detail. k. Tombof Reliefs, Cerveteri, detail. (F. Magi, Atti I Simposio Protostoria d'ltalia, 1967, fig. 2a.) 37.-38. Carriages in situla 37. Vace situla.

art.

(Cf. fig. 7.)

38. Situla from Moritzing (San Maurizio). 39. Bronze statuette of acrobat, Etruscan. H. 2.7 cm. Ca. 600 B.C. Siena, MuseoArcbeologico. (Drawing by K. Mills Liotta.) 40. Bronze statuette of warrior, Etruscan. H. 7. 7 cm·. Ca. 600 B.C. Siena, MuseoArcheologico. (Drawing by K. Mills Liotta.) 41. Bronze statuette of female figure from Sticna (Yugoslavia). H. 9.4 cm. Fifth century B.C. (P. Wells, ArchNews7, 1978, 73-82, fig. 2.) 42. Bronze belts, Italic and Hallstatt. a. Jagerndorf, Schlesien (Poland). Hallstatt period. (Hoernes, Urgeschichte 582, fig. 175.) b. "Cinturone Nazari" from Este. Ca. 450 B.C. (Randall-Maciver, Iron Age in Italy 45, fig. 14.) c. Villanovan "willow-leaf" belt. Ca. 750 B.C. Providence. R.I .• Museumof the Rhode Island School of Design. (Mitten, Classical Bronzes 80, No. 22.) 43. Villanovan belt plaque made from deer horn. From Bologna, San Vitale cemetery. Eighth century B.C. Bologna, Museo Civico. (Museumphoto.) 44. Villanovan bronze belt plaque. Provenance unknown. Eighth century B.C. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery. (Museumphoto.)

166

45. Ban~ueter with female attendant. Lid of terracotta funerary urn from Montescudiao (Volterra). Seventh century B.C. Florence, MuseoArcheologico. (Drawing by Anna Farkas, from Magi, Atti I Simposio Protostoria d'ltalia, fig. 1.) 46. Banqueter with female attendant. Bronze belt plaque from Este. L. 7.5 cm. Fifth century B.C. Este, Museo Nazionale

Atestino.

(Frey, Entstehung pl. 67.)

47. Bronze drinking set from Este. 1.-2. Buckets or cistae. 3.-6. Cups. 7.-8. Strainers. 9. Dipper. 10.-11. Footed cup, basin or stand. (Peroni and others, Estee Golasecca 70, fig. 13.)

48. Warrior's grave with equipment, including situla. Hallstatt cemetery, Grave 912. Seventh-sixth century B.C. (Kromer, Hallstatt 174, fig. 130.) 49. Conjectural restoration of ziro burial, Chiusi. Seventh century B.C. (Dohan, AJA41, 1935, 202, fig.

10.)

situla from 50. a.-b. Gilded silver rhoenician-Cypriot Chiusi, inscribed Plicasnas. H. 14 cm. Ca. 650 B.C. Florence, MuseoArcheologico. c. Gilded silver phiale or patera from Chiusi. Ca. 650 B.C. Lost. (M. · Cristofani Martelli, StEtr 41, 1973, pl. 31, after Inghi rami.) 11

11

11

11

51. Bronze statuette of horseman from Contarino (Rovigo). H. 14.6 cm. Fifth century B.C. (?) Adria Museum. (Museumphoto.)

52. Etruscan representations of chariot races, sixth and fifth centuries B.C. a. Black-figure amphora, Munich. b. Tombof the Olympiads, Tarquinia. c. Tombadel Colle, Chiusi. d. Terracotta plaques from Velletri. e. Stone relief from Chiusi. (Bronson, in Studi Banti pl. 25.) 53. Chariot with charioteer. TombaGolini II, Orvieto. Fourth century B.C. Copy in Florence, MuseoArcheologico. (P. Oucati, Pfttura etrusca italo-greca e romana, Novara, 1942, 20.) 54. Bucchero cup with stamped decoration. Sixth century B.C. NewYork, Metropolitan Museumof Art. (Museumphoto.)

167

55. Etruscan bronze mirror from Praeneste with engraved decoration. Ca. 500 B.C. London, British Museum. (Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.) 56. Bronze mirror from Castelvetro. Daily life and erotic scene. Diam. 17 cm. Fifth century B.C. Modena, Galleria Nazionale Estense. (Montelius, Civilisation Primitive, 1895, cols. 449-450, a.) 57. "Arnoaldi mirror" from Bologna. Warrior with horn, flanked by decorative monsters. Diam. 15 cm. Fifth century B.C. Bologna, MuseoCivico. (Gr~nier, Bologne fig. 118.) 58. "Arnoaldi Mirror." Cf. fig. 57. (Museumphoto.) 59. Bronze disc from Montebelluna. Goddess Reitia with key, flanked by animals. Diam. 27.6 cm. Fourth or third century B.C. Treviso, Museo Civico Arc~eologico. (Museumphoto.) 60. Bronze votive plaque from Caldevigo (Este). Female figure with mantle, boots and rounded belt. Fourth or third century B:C. Este, MuseuNazionale Atestino. (Roth, Germania 56, 1978, fig. 7:2.) 61. Bronze votive plaque from Este (Fonda Baratela) with female figure wearing a mantle over her head. H. 8.8. cm. Fourth or third century B.C. (G. Ghirardini, NotSc 1888, 133, pl. 9 fig. 4.) 1

62. Bronze votive plaque from Vicenza. Group of thr~e worshippers, two womenwith shoulder-mantles and a man with pointed helmet or hat. Fourth century B.C. (Roth, Germania 56, 1978, Beilage 3.) 63. Bronze belt from Brezje, detail, erotic scene. L. 7.5 cm. Fifth century B.C. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum. (Lucke-Frey, pl. 32, Cat. 17.) 64. Situla from Sanzeno, detail: erotic scene and man ploughing. H. of frieze ea. 7 cm. Fifth century B.C. Innsbruck, MuseumFerdinandeum. (Lucke-Frey pl. 67.) 65. Vase from Oedenburg (Hallstatt). Womenspinning and weaving accompanied by a male musician. H. ea. 50 cm. Seventh ' century B.C. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum. (Hoernes, Urgeschichte pl. 29.) 168

66. Terracotta jug from Tragliatella (near Cerveteri), with erotic, military, and other scenes, probably mythological (Theseus and Ariadne?). H. 24 cm. Ca. 600 B.C. Rome, Capitoline Museum,Palazzo dei Conservatori. (G.Q. Giglioli, StEtr 3, 1929, pl. 26.) 67. Bronze statuette from Caldevigo, Este. Female figure with pointed hat, necklace, belt, and boots. Fifth century B.C. Este. Museo Nazionale Atestino. (Drawing by K. Mills Liotta.) 68. Stone funerary stele, Ligurian, from Filetto (near Massa Carrara) with life-size figure of warrior. H. 1.28 m. Seventh or sixth century B.C. Pontremoli, Private Collection. (Drawing by Anna Farkas from Orlandini, Popoli e Civilta 7, 1979, pl. 32.) 69. Stone statue, "Hirschlanden Warrior." Life-size. Sixth century B.C. Stuttgart, WUrttembergisches Landesmuseum. (Museumphoto.) 70. Stone statue, "Capestrano Warrior." H. 2.09 m. Sixth century B.C. Chieti Museum. (Museumphoto.) 71. Tombof the Monkey, Chiusi, wall paintings. a. Woman attending funeral games. b. Boxing match. c. Wrestling and horse riding. Fifth century B.C. (Copies in Florence, Museo Archeologico.) 72. Bronze helmet from Oppeano (Verona), engraved with animal frieze, including winged centaur with belt. Ca. 500 B.C. Florence, Museo Archeologico. 3000 Anni Fa a Verona, Verona, 1976, fig. 22.) 73. Funerary, horseshoP.-shaped stone relief stele from Bologna (Felsina), with naked armed warrior confronting a snake-legged monster. 510-480 B.C. Bologna, Museo Civico. (Drawing by Anna Farkas from Museumphoto.) 74. Bronze amphora from Orvieto,_ detail, lion with leg in mouth. Seventh century B.C. Orvieto, Museo Archeologico. (Giglioli, StEtr 4, 1930, pls. 12-13.) 75.

Vace situla, detail, lion with leg in mouth. (Drqwing by Elizabeth Woodsmall.)

169

Cf. fig.

7.

76. Stone amulet from Arslan Tash with wolf devouring a man. H. 8.2 cm. Seventh or sixth century B~C. (A. Caquot and R. du Mesnil du Buisson~ Syria 48, 1971, 393, fig. 2.) 77. Stone amulet from Arslan Tash with monster devouring a man. H. 4.5 cm. Seventh or sixth century B.C. (A. Caquot and R. du Mesnil du Buisson, Syria 48, 1971, 392, fig. 1.) 78. Incised bucchero pitcher, detail, lion with leg in mouth. Seventh century B.C. Brussels, Musee du Cinquantenaire. (Museumphoto.) 79. Belt buckle from Este with deer and lion with leg in mouth. L. t9.5 cm. Fifth century B.C. Este, Museo Nazionale Atestino. (Frey, Entstehung, pl. 71, fig. 27.) 80. Gpld applique in the form of a double-bodied lion. Achaemenid. Tehran, Archaeological Museum. (7,000 Years of Iranian Art 1964-1965, No. 456.) 81. Early Corinthian double-bodied sphinx, on a vase from Syracuse. Seventh century. (R. Ghirshman, Arts of Ancient Iran, New York 1964, 582.) 82. Pontic amphora by the Paris Painter, detail, double-headed panther. Ca. 540 B.C. NewYork, Metropolitan Museumof Art. (Museumphoto.) 83. Attic black figure kylix with double-bodied Gorgon. Sixth century B.C. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, I.N. 3383. (Museumphoto.) 84.-86. Luttrell Psalter, details, double-bodied creatures. Fourteenth century A.O. (F. Millar, The Luttrell Psalter, London 1932, pl. 103, f. 175v, f. l94v.) 87. Bible, detail, double~bodied monsters devouring humans. Eleventh century. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale. Codex Paris, Latin 8.1, f.170v. (G.L. Micheli, L enleminure du Haut Moen-A e et les influences russe s, , fig. 1

88. Base of silver Scythian beaker from the Danube region. Animal with haunch in mouth. Fourth century B.C. New·York, Metropolitan Museumof Art, Rogers Fund 1947. (Museumphoto.)

170

89. Gold decorative plaques, birds in pairs; in each, one holds a humanarm in its beak. From Olbia. Fourth to first century B.C. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery. (Museumphoto.) 90. Celtic sculpture, Tarasque de Naves. Monster with human arm in its jaws, holding its paws over severed humanheads. Fourth century B.C. to second century A.O. (P.A. van Dorp, R.A. van Royen, Talanta 8-9, 1977, 33ff.) 91. Bronze oinochoe from Perugia: handle in the form of a panther with humanhead in its mouth. 550-500 B.C. Munich, Antikensammlung(Wittelsbach). (MuseumPhoto, C.H. KrUger-Moessner.) 92. Brass aquamanile. German, twelfth or thirteenth century. NewYork, Metropolitan Museumof Art, The Cloisters Collection, 1947. (Museumphoto.) 93. Grave relief of L. Minucius Optatus. Roman. Este, MuseoNazionale Atestino. (Photo Sopr. Arch. Padova.) 94. Bronze-covered throne from the Barberini tomb, Praeneste, decorated with reliefs. Seventh century B.C. Rome, Villa Giulia Museum.(Museumphoto.) 95. Limestone chair representing original wicker model, in Romangrave chamber at Weiden, near Cologne. (Museumphoto.) 96. Chair and stool in the Tombadegli Scudi e delle Sedie, Cerveteri. Seventh century B.C. (Deutsches Arch. Inst. RomeNeg. 73.1490.) 97.

Boxers on a belt buckle from Magdalenska Gora. Germania, 56, 1978, fig. 5.)

(Roth,

98. Miniature Villanovan terracotta throne from Verucchio, with relief decoration. H. 6.3 cm. Seventh century B.C. Verucchio, Collezione Giuseppe Pecci. (M. Zuffa, Studi Banti, Rome, 1965, 352, fig. 1, drawing by P.G. Pas1n1.) 99. Seated banqueter with attendant, (Cf. fig. 7.)

detail from Vace situla.

100. Seated banqueter with attendant, detail from Providence situla. Cf. fig. 8. (Drawing by E. Woodsmall.) 171

101. Relief stele from Bologna (Certosa). Early fourth century B.C. (Drawing by Anna Farkas, from Museumphoto.) 102. Corsini Chair, marble with relief decoration. H. 0.825 m. Roman, first century B.C. Ro~e, Galleria Corsini. (Gab. Fot. Naz.) 1.03. Corsini Chair. Back. (Gab. Fat. Naz.) 104. Corsini Chair, detail, (Gab. Fot. Naz.)

procession with equipment.

105. Corsini Chair, detail, (Gab. Fot. Naz.)

procession with equipment.

106. Corsini Chair, detail,

sacrifice.

107. Corsini Chair, detail, (Gab. Fat. Naz.)

seated youths watching games.

108. Corsini Chair, detail,

wrestlers.

(Gab. Fat. Naz.)

(Gab. Fat. Naz.)

109. Tombadegli Auguri, Tarquinia, detail, with judge. Ca. 530 B.C.

wrestler

110. Corsini Chair, detail,

boxers. (Gab. Fat. Naz.)

111. Corsini Chair, detail, (Gab. Fat. Naz.)

man bending over a well (?).

112. Corsini Chair, detail, (Gab. Fat. Naz.)

soldiers

and boar hunt.

113. Arch of Augustus at Susa (Piedmont), detail, sacrifice. (Photo Chomon-Perino, Turin.)

pig for

114. Etruscan alphabets, 650-600 B.C. 1. Marsi1iana d'Albegna. 2. Cerveteri. 3. Viterbo. 4. Formella. (A. Staccioli, La lingua degli etruschi, 1971, 53.)

172

115. Stone stele of Larth Ninie, from Fiesole. H. l .38 m. Ca. 525 B.C. Florence, Casa Buonarroti, Sala delle Antichita. (Drawing by E. Woodsmall, after Montelius, Civilisation Primitive, 1895, pl. 168, fig. 2.) 116. Stele of Larth Ninie, detail, (Sopr. Ant. Etr. Florence.)

inscription.

Cf. fig. 115

117. Inscription on situla in Providence. Rhaetic. Fifth century B.C. (K. Olzscha in Lucke-Frey, pl. 4.)

118. Situla from Colle Caslyr, Val di Cembra. "Situla Giovanelli." Rhaetic. Trento, MuseoCivico. (Ghirardini, MonAnt3, 250, fig. 31.) 119. Bronze ex-voto from Este (Fondo Baratela) in the shape of a writing tablet, dedicated to the goddess Reitia by Voltiiomnos. Ca. third century B.C. Contains the Venetic alphabet, the signs ALCEO repeated the length of the tablet (A and Oare the first and last letters of the Venetic alphabet), and syllable practice. (G. Ghirardini, NotSc 1888, pl. 2.) 120. Runic inscription on clasp of brooch from Vaerl6se, Seeland. Romanimperial period (continues La Tene type): Alugod, a magic word. (Holmqvist, in Eggers, etc. Celtes et Germains, 1964, 36, fig. 8.) 121. Runes. a. Runic alphabet, futhark. b. Gold "bracteate" (medal) from Vadstena, Sweden. c. Spear, inlaid with silver, with runic inscription, from MUncheberg(Brandenburg), Germany. d. Spear with runes from Kowel, southern Russia. e. Javelin with runes from Rozwadow,Poland. f. Bronze statuette from Fr6jhof, Norway. (Holmqvist, in Eggers, etc. Celtes et Germains, 1964, 70, fig. 14.) 122. "Franks Casket," ivory casket with runic inscription. Seventh century A.O. London, British Museum. (B.M. photo AS.8.29.)

173

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