Orderici Vitalis Historia aecclesiastica / The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, Vol. 6: Books 11-13 0198222424

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OXFORD

MEDIEVAL

TEXTS

General Editors C. N.

L. BROOKE

D. E. GREENWAY

M. WINTERBOTTOM

ORDERICI

VITALIS

HISTORIA JECCLESIASTICA

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THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF ORDERIC VITALIS | VOLUME VI BOOKS XI, XII, AND XIII EDITED

AND

TRANSLATED BY

MARJORIE

CHIBNALL

Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge

OXFORD AT THE

CLARENDON

PRESS

Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford New York Toronto Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi Kuala Lumpur Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland and associated companies in Beirut Berlin Ibadan Nicosia Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press Published in the United States by Oxford University Press, New York

© Oxford University Press 1978 First published 1978 Reprinted 1986 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Ordericus Vitalis The ecclesiastical history of Orderic Vitalis Vol. 6: Books 11, 12, and 13. — (Oxford medieval texts). 1. Europe — History — 476—1492 — Sources 2. Crusades — History — Sources I. Title II. Chibnall, Marjorie III. Series 940.1'4 D113 ISBN 0—19—822242—4

Theology |_ibrary

SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY

AT CLAREMONT California Printed in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham

EDITORIAL

NOTE

IN 1975 the senior General Editors, V. H. Galbraith and Sir Roger Mynors, resigned, leaving all of us who care for the Series, and for medieval Latin, deeply in their debt. In their place I have been so fortunate as to be able to welcome as colleagues Dr. Diana E.

Greenway and Dr. Michael Winterbottom. Vivian Galbraith was the academic founder of the Series: it was

his vision and drive, combining with the generous sympathy of H. P. Morrison

of Nelson's, which created Nelson's Medieval

Classics, later Texts, in the 1940s; his determination to see it grow and flourish—and the generosity of the Delegates and their Secretary, Dr. Colin Roberts—which brought us to Oxford in the 1960s. A whole generation of medievalists owes him homage; he has inspired the whole enterprise and many of its contributors; and to me he has been over many years a guide and friend, to whom, like them, I owe more debts than can ever be counted. He lived to know that this edition of Orderic was nearing completion, but died, to our great sorrow and loss, in November, 1976. C. N. L. B.

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CONTENTS ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

INTRODUCTION (1) Date and value of Books XI-XIII (ii) Military history (iii) ‘The succession ORDERIC

INDEX

AND

CORRIGENDA to Volumes II-V

OF QUOTATIONS

GENERAL

xxi XXV

VITALIS

Contents of Books XI, XII, and XIII Book XI Book XII Book XIII ADDENDA

xvii

INDEX

AND

ALLUSIONS

184

394 , 558 559 561

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DN

b E

ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

AA.SS.

Acta Sanctorum, ed. J. Bollandus (Antwerp, Brussels, 1643 ff.).

Act. pont. cen.

Actus pontificum cenomannis in urbe degentium, ed. Busson and Ledru 1902).

Alexiad

Anna

Comnena,

and

others

(Archives hist. du Maine, 2, Alexiad,

ed.

B.

Leib

(Paris,

1937-45). Annales angevines

Recueil d'annales angevines et vendómoises, ed. L. Halphen (Paris, 1906).

Ann. mon.

Annales monastici, ed. H. R. Luard (RS 1864-9).

Anselm, Opera

S. Anselmi Opera Omnia, ed. F. S. Schmitt, 6 vols. (Edinburgh, 1946-61).

ASC AT

Baldwin, Crusades

BEC Bede, HE

Bernhardi, Lothar

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Alexander of Telese, De rebus gestis Rogerü Siciliae regis, ed. G. del Re, Cronisti e scrittori sincroni napoletani, i (Naples, 1845). A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton; Vol. i, ed. Marshall W. Baldwin, 2nd edn. (Madison, 1969). Bibliothéque de l'École des Chartes. Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford Medieval 'Texts, 1969). W. Bernhardi, Lothar von Supplinburg (Jahrbücher der deutschen Geschichte, Leipzig, 1879).

Brut y Tywysogyon

Brut y Tywysogyon (Red Book of Hergest Version), ed. Thomas Jones (2nd edn., Cardiff, 1973).

BSAN Bullaire

Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie. U. Robert, Bullaire du Pape Calixte II x119-1124 (Paris, 1891).

Cahen, Syrie du Nord

C. Cahen, La Syrie du Nord à l'époque des croisades (Paris, 1940).

Cart. Glouc.

Historia et cartularium monasterii sancti Gloucestriae, ed. W. H. Hart (RS 1863-7).

CCM

Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, ed. K. Hallinger. Calendar of Documents preserved in France, i, ed. J. H. Round (London, 1899).

CDF

Petri

x

ABBREVIATED

Chalandon, Alexis Comnéne

I

REFERENCES

F.Chalandon, Essai sur le régne d' Alexis (Paris, 1900).

I Comnéne

Chalandon, Domination normande

F. Chalandon, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. (Paris, 1907).

Chalandon, Jean Comnéne

F. Chalandon, Jean II Comnéne (1118-1143) Manuel I Comnéne (1143-80) (Paris, 1912).

Chartrou, L' Anjou

J. Chartrou, 1928).

Chron. de Hida

Chronica de Hida in Liber monasterii de Hyda, ed. E. Edwards (RS 1886).

Chronica Adefonsi

Chronica Adefonsi (Madrid, 1950).

Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable

The Letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. Giles Constable, 2 vols. (Harvard Historical Studies, 78, 1967).

L'Anjou

de rro9

imperatoris,

à rr5r

ed.

L.

et

(Paris,

S. Belda

Corp. Christ.

Corpus Christianorum (Turnhout, 1954 ff.).

Cottineau

L. H. Cottineau, Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés, 3 vols. (Macon, 1935-70).

D'Arbois de Jubainville

Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire des ducs et des comtes de Champagne (Paris, Troyes, 1859-69).

- David, Robert Curthose

C. W. David, Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy (Cambridge, Mass., 1920).

Davis, Stephen

R. H. C. Davis, King Stephen 1135-1154 don, 1967).

DB

Domesday Book, 1783-1816).

Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise

J. Depoin, Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Martin de Pontoise (Pontoise, 1895).

DHGE

Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. A. Baudrillart, A. de Meyer et alii (Paris, 1909 ff.).

Dict. Med. Lat.

4 vols.

(Record

ff.).

Ducange Dugdale, Mon.

Eadmer, HN

Commission,

R. E. Latham, Dictionary of Medieval Latin from

British Sources (British Academy, Douglas, Domesday Monachorum

(Lon-

London,

1975

D. C. Douglas,’ The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church Canterbury (London, 1944). Ducange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, 10 vols. (rev. edn., Niort, London, 1883-7). William Dugdale, Monasticon anglicanum, ed. iB Caley, H. Ellis, and B. Bandinel (London, 181730).

Eadmeri historia novorum in Anglia, ed. M. Rule

(RS 1884).

ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

xi

Eadmer, Vita Anselmi

The Life of St. Anselm by Eadmer, ed. R. W. Southern (Nelson’s Medieval Texts, 1962; repr.

EEMCA EHR EYC

Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón. English Historical Review.

Eyton, Shropshire

R. W. Eyton, Antiquities of Shropshire, (London, 1854-60).

Farrer, Itinerary

William Farrer, An Outline Itinerary of King Henry the First (Oxford, no date).

Fauroux

Recueil

des actes

1066),

ed.

Oxford Medieval Texts, 1972).

FB

Early Yorkshire Charters, i-iii, ed. W. Farrer (Edinburgh), and iv-xii, ed. C. T. Clay (Yorkshire Archaeological Society, 1914-65).

Marie

des ducs

Fauroux

12 vols.

de Normandie

(Mém.

(911—

Soc.

Ant.

Norm. 36, Caen, 1961). Falco of Benevento, Chronicon, ed. G. del Re, Cronisti e scrittori sincroni napoletani, i (Naples,

1845). FC (Hagenmeyer)

Fulcheri carnotensis historia hierosolymitana, H. Hagenmeyer (Heidelberg, 1913).

Fliche, Philippe I

A. Fliche, Le régne de Philippe I*", (Paris, 1912). Guillaume de Poitiers, Histoire de Conquérant, ed. Raymonde Foreville E. A. Freeman, The Reign of William (Oxford, 1882).

Foreville Freeman, William Rufus FW Galbert (Ross)

ed.

roi de France : Guillaume le (Paris, 1952). Rufus, 2 vols.

Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex chronicis, ed. B. Thorpe (Eng. Hist. Soc., London, 1848-9). Galbert of Bruges, The Murder of Charles the Good, trans. James Bruce Ross (New York, 1967).

GC

Gallia Christiana (rev. edn., Paris, 1715-1865).

GEC

The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, by G. E. C., rev. edn., 13 vols. in 14

GM

Geoffrey of Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogeri Calabriae et Siciliae comitis, ed. E. Pontieri (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, v, pt. r, Bologna, 1928).

GP

William of Malmesbury, De gestis pontificum Anglorum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton (RS 1870).

GR

William of Malmesbury, De gestis regum Anglorum,

GS

ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols. (RS 1887-9). Gesta Stephani, ed. K. R. Potter (Nelson's Medi-

(1910-59).

eval Texts, 1955).

ABBREVIATED

xii

REFERENCES

Guillot, Comte d'Anjou

O. Guillot, Le comte d'Anjou et son entourage au XI? siecle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1972).

Halphen, Anjou

L. Halphen, Le comté d' Anjou au XI* siécle (Paris,

Halphen et Poupardin

Chroniques des d'Amboise, ed. (Paris, 1913).

Haskins, Norman Institutions

C. H. Haskins, Norman Mass., 1925).

HBC

Handbook of British Chronology, 2nd edn., ed. F. M. Powicke and E. B. Fryde (Royal Historical Society, London, 1961).

HCY

Hugh the Chantor, History of the Church of York, ed. C. Johnson (Nelson's Medieval Texts, 1961).

Hefele-Leclercq

C. J. Hefele, Histoire des conciles, ed. H. Leclercq (Paris, 1907 ff.).

H. Hunt.

Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, Thomas Arnold (RS 1965 reprint).

Hist. Gauf.

John of Marmoutier, Historia Gaufredi ducis Normannorum et comitis Andegavorum, in Halphen et Poupardin.

HRH

The Heads of Religious Houses England and Wales 940-1216, ed. David Knowles, C. N. L. Brooke,

1906). comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs L. Halphen et R. Poupardin Institutions (Cambridge,

ed.

Vera London (Cambridge, 1972). Janssen, Legaten

JEH JH

W. Janssen, Die Pápstlichen Legaten in Frankreich (Kólner historische Abhandlungen, 6, 1961). Journal of Ecclesiastical History. John of Hexham’s continuation to the Historia Regum attributed to Symeon of Durham (in SD).

JL

Philip Jaffé, Regesta pontificum Romanorum, ed. S. Léwenfeld, F. Kaltenbrunner, P. Ewald (Leipzig,

JW

The Chronicle of John of Worcester 1118-1140, ed. J. R. H. Weaver (Oxford, 1908).

Kealey, Roger of

Edward J. Kealey, Roger of Salisbury England (Berkeley, 1972).

1885-88).

Salisbury Klewitz, Reformpapsttum

H. W. Klewitz, Reformpapsttum kolleg (Darmstadt, 1957).

und Kardinal-

Knowles and Hadcock

David Knowles and R. N. Hadcock, Religious Houses England and Wales 1971).

Lacarra, Alfonso

J. M. Lacarra, Vida (Saragossa, 1971).

de Alfonso

Viceroy of

Medieval (London,

el Batallador

ABBREVIATED Lemarignier,

L'hommage en

REFERENCES

xiii

J. F. Lemarignier, Recherches sur l'hommage marche et les frontiéres féodales (Lille, 1945).

en

marche Le Neve: Greenway

John Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066—

1300, compiled by D. E. Greenway, vols. i, ii (London, 1968-71).

Le Prévost

Orderici Vitalis ecclesiasticae historiae libri tredecim, ed. A. Le Prévost (Société de l'Histoire de France, 5 vols., Paris, 1838-55).

Le Prévost, Eure

A. Le Prévost, Mémoires et notes pour servir à l'histoire du département de l'Eure, ed. L. Delisle et L. Passy, 3 vols. (Évreux, 1862-9).

Liber Eliensis

Liber Eliensis, ed. E. O. Blake Series, 92, London, 1962).

Lloyd, Wales

J. E. Lloyd, A History of Wales, 2 vols. (3rd edn., London, 1939).

Loyd

L. C. Loyd, The Origins of some Anglo-Norman Families (Harleian Society, 103, 1951).

(Camden

'Third

Luchaire, Louis VI

A. Luchaire, Louis VI le Gros (Paris, 1890).

Mansi

Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. J. D. Mansi (Florence, Venice, and Paris,

Marx

Guillaume de Jumiéges, Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. J. Marx (Société de l'histoire de Normandie, 1914).

Mathieu

Guillaume de Pouille, La geste de Robert Guiscard, ed. M. Mathieu (Istituto siciliano di studi bizantini e neoellenici; Testi, 4, Palermo, 1961).

Mém.

Mémoires de la société des antiquaires de Normandie.

1759 ff.).

Soc. Ant.

Norm.

Meyer von Knonau

G. Meyer von Knonau, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Heinrich IV. und Heinrich V., 7 vols. (Leipzig, 1890-1909).

MGH AA SS

Monumenta Germaniae historica

Migne, PL

Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, ed. J. P. Migne.

MLWL

Revised Medieval Latin Word-List, compiled R. E. Latham (O.U.P. London, 1965).

Monodiae, trans. Benson

"Auctores antiquissimi Scriptores

by

Self and Society in Medieval France; the Memoirs of Abbot Guibert of Nogent, ed. J. F. Benson (New York, 1970).

xiv

ABBREVIATED

REFERENCES

Mowbray charters

Charters of the Honour of Mowbray, ed. D. E. Greenway (British Academy, Records of Social and Economic History, new ser. 1, 1972).

Musset, Abbayes caennaises

L. Musset, Les actes de Guillaume le Conquérant et de la reine Mathilde pour les abbayes caennaises (Mém. Soc. Ant. Norm., 37, Caen, 1967).

Porée

A. A. Porée, Histoire de l'Abbaye du Bec, 2 vols.

(Évreux, 1901). PR 31 H.I

Pipe Roll, 31 Henry I, ed. J. Hunter (Record Commission, 1833); other Pipe Rolls (Pipe Roll Society) cited by regnal year.

Prou, Actes de Philippe I

M. Prou, Recueil des actes de Philippe I*" roi de France (1059-1108) (Chartes et diplómes relatifs à l'histoire de France, Paris, 1908).

PUF

J. Ramackers, Papsturkunden in Frankreich, N.F. ii, Normandie (Gottingen, 1937).

Regesta

Regesta regum Anglo-Normannorum, vol. i, ed. H. W. C. Davis (Oxford, 1913); vol. ii, ed. C. Johnson and H. A. Cronne (Oxford, 1956); vols. iii and iv, ed. H. A. Cronne and R. H. C. Davis (Oxford, 1968-9).

RHC

Recueil des historiens des croisades, 16 vols. (Paris, 1841-1906). Documents arméniens. Historiens grecs. Historiens orientaux. Historiens occidentaux.

Doc. arm. Grecs Or. Occ.

RHF

Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. Bouquet et alii, nouv. édn., ed. L. Delisle, 24 vols. (Paris, 1869-1904).

Robert, Calixte II

U. Robert, Histoire Besancon, 1891).

ROL

Revue de l'Orient latin.

Roman de Rou (Holden)

Le Roman de Rou de Wace, ed. A. J. Holden (Soc. des anciens textes francais, Paris, 1970-2).

Round, Feudal England

J. H. Round, Feudal England (London, 1895).

du pape

Calixte

II (Paris,

RS

Rolls Series.

RSB

Regula sancti Benedicti.

R. Tor. (RS)

Robert of Torigny, Chronicle, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, iv (RS 1889).

ABBREVIATED Runciman, Crusades

REFERENCES

xv

S. Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1951-4).

Sanders

I. J. Sanders, English Baronies (Oxford, 1960).

Schieffer, Legaten

Th. Schieffer, Die pápstlichen Legaten in Frankreich vom Vertrag von Meersen (870) bis zum Schisma von 1130 (Eberings Hist. Stud. 263, Berlin, 1935).

Schmale, Schisma

F. J. Schmale, Studien zum Schisma des Jahres II30 (Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht, 5; Cologne, Graz, 1961).

SD

(Symeon of Durham) Symeonis monachi omnia, ed. T. Arnold, ii (RS 1885).

Shrewsbury Cartulary

The Cartulary of Shrewsbury Abbey, ed. Una Rees (Aberystwyth, 1975).

Smail, Crusading Warfare

R.

Southern, Medieval Humanism

R. W. Southern, Medieval Humanism Studies (Oxford, 1970).

Southern, St. Anselm

R. W. Southern, Saint Anselm and his Biographer (Cambridge, 1963).

Suger, Vita Ludovici

Suger, Vita Ludovici grossi regis, ed. H. Waquet (Paris, 1929).

Tellenbach, ‘Pontius’

Gerd Tellenbach, ‘Der Sturz des Abtes Pontius von Cluny und seine geschichtliche Bedeutung',

C.

Smail,

Crusading

Warfare

opera

(Cambridge,

1956). and Other

Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, xlii-xliii (1963).

TRHS TSAS

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. Transactions Society.

of

the

Shropshire

Archaeological

VCH

Victoria History of the Counties of England.

Vercauteren, Actes

F. Vercauteren, Actes des comtes de Flandres 1071-

Walther, Sprichwérter

Hans Walther, Proverbia sententiaeque latinitatis

Wightman, Lacy Family

W. E. Wightman, The Lacy Family in England and Normandy 1066—1194 (Oxford, 1966).

White, ‘Waleran’

G. H. White, "The career of Waleran', in TRHS, 4th ser. xvii (1934).

WM HN

William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, ed. K. R. Potter (Nelson's Medieval 'T'exts, 1955). R. B. Yewdale, Bohemond the First (New York,

rr28 (Brussels, 1938).

Yewdale, Bohemond

medii aevi, 6 vols. (Géttingen, 1963-9).

1917).

xvi

ABBREVIATED

Yver, ‘Chateaux forts’

REFERENCES

J. Yver, ‘Les chateaux forts en Normandie jusqu'au milieu du XII* siécle', BSAN liii (1955-

6). Note. The new edition of the Gesta Stephani, ed. K. R. Potter, with a new introduction and notes by R. H. C. Davis (Oxford Medieval Texts, 1976), appeared too late to be used in this volume. Sigla Manuscripts of the Historia Ecclesiastica A Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS. lat. 10913. B Bern, Stadtbibliothek, MS. Bongars 555. D Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS. Dupuys 875. L Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS. lat. 5122. Copies of the canons of the Council of Rheims H S

Hesso scholasticus (MGH Libelli de Lite, iii. 277). Symeon of Durham, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, MS. ff. 70v-71.

139,

INTRODUCTION (1) Date and value of Books XI-XIII By the time Orderic wrote Books XI-XIII of the Ecclesiastical History his general plan had taken final shape. His outline was very roughly chronological, carrying the narrative from 1101 to 1141, with frequent digressions and recapitulations of earlier events. The division into books was purely arbitrary, indicated by the rubrics only and not in the text. After a long verse passage on the evils of the time between Book X and Book XI, which served as a prologue either to Book XI or to the whole subsequent history, there were no further prologues; nor were there any epilogues to individual books apart from the final long epilogue, which brought the whole work to a close with an account of his own life and a deeply felt

declaration of faith. These three books, copied by the author or under his direction, make up the second part of MS. lat. 10913 in the Bibliothéque nationale (A), and occupy pp. 221-500 (Book XI, pp. 221-310; Book XII, pp. 311-426; Book XIII, pp. 427-500). But some pages have been lost, and the last folios after p. 480 were bound up in the wrong order after the modern pagination had been added. Between pp. 496 and 497 two folios are missing, and the whole epilogue is lost. Fortunately three independent copies had been made before the manuscript was damaged. 'They are: 1. MS. Bongars 555 (B), now in the Stadtbibliothek of Bern, written in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century. This is the best and most faithful copy. 2. MS. Dupuys 875 (D) in the Bibliothéque nationale, copied by Dom William Vallin in a beautiful humanistic hand between 1503 and 1536. Dom Vallin was not an entirely faithful copyist; he frequently transposed words and sometimes even changed them. 3. A slightly later copy, MS. lat. 5122 (L) in the Bibliothéque nationale; this shows less attempt to ‘improve’ the original than D, but is a little more liable to error than B. With the aid of these three copies it has been possible to restore

xviii

INTRODUCTION

almost all the original text of the passages missing from the holograph, but not the original punctuation.! As Orderic approached his own time, he left gaps in the text for completion when the relevant information became available. Numbers indicating the length of life or term of office of men active at the time of writing were left half written; some were completed later. Several times he corrected false rumours that he had received and recorded.? Such alterations are clearly visible in the manuscript. They give some indication of the dates when different sections were written; they must not, however, be too

rigidly interpreted, since news sometimes took months or even years to reach Saint- Évroul ; and in any case Orderic's calculations are not wholly reliable. It is at least clear that almost the whole of these three books was written in the reign of Stephen; one passage on the prophecies of Merlin, taken from Geoffrey of Monmouth and inserted towards the end of Book XII, appears, however, to

have been drafted before the death of Henry I and incorporated without change in a section of the history written not earlier than 1136.3 The most active period of composition seems to have been in 1136 and 1137, when Orderic was also completing Books I and II and bringing them into the general framework of his history. He continued to write the last chapters of the work year by year as the events took place until the late summer or autumn of 1141. Some time between July and early November he wrote the epilogue, completed the corrections, and finally laid down his pen. The make-up of the manuscript of Book XIII, with some pages left half blank, suggests that at the time of writing he anticipated possibly wishing to add further items of interest if they came to hand. He continued to receive some detailed and authentic information as late as 1134 from Spain and Apulia, 1137 from Jerusalem, and 1139 from Rome, where his abbot attended the Lateran council;* and events of major importance in France and England con-

tinued to be known almost immediately at Saint-Évroul up to the 1 The text printed is based in these passages on B, with variant readings from

D and L; the periods preserved in D, which is the most consistent, are indicated

in the punctuation by the use of commas and full-stops only, since the punctus elevatus is used indiscriminately in D and hardly at all in B and L. ? See below, pp. 510, 514.

* See below, Bk. XII, c. 47; this is probably the earliest use of any part of the work of Geoffrey of Monmouth in Normandy. * See below, Bk. XIII, c. 39.

INTRODUCTION

xix

time he ceased to write. Occasionally age and weariness left their

mark; in a few places he failed to notice that a necessary word had been omitted, or that a sentence was ungrammatical. One much corrected passage was abandoned in despair and never com-

pleted.! But for the most part his attention did not flag even in his sixty-seventh year. He stopped writing before the end of 1141; the date of his death is unknown. The value and importance of his work steadily increase as he approaches his own time; the final chapters are exactly contemporaneous. Even though his chronology is often shaky, he provides by far the fullest and most reliable account of events in Normandy during the reign of Henry I and the early years of Stephen. On a few occasions he was himself an eyewitness; on others he had the opportunity of talking to eyewitnesses while events were fresh in their minds. King Henry visited Saint-Evroul in person in 1113;? some of his captains came from the region and were friends and patrons of the monks. Orderic himself travelled to England, to Cambrai,* perhaps to Rheims,’ certainly to Cluny ;° he talked to monks and lay lords who had visited every part of the Norman world from Scotland to Sicily, from Spain to Jerusalem. While he imposed his own moral interpretation on the motives of

individuals, the quality and reliability of his information varies so greatly from region to region that there are good grounds for believing him to be a faithful and receptive reporter of events, dependent on the quality of the information that came to him. He was, however, never wholly at home outside the Norman world; he never understood the politics of Rome, his account of Irish affairs is mostly legendary,? and his misrepresentation of German history is so grotesque that it frequently parts company even with legend and becomes pure fantasy. Indeed for German history this lack of knowledge and failure of imagination appear even in the account of the interview of the papal envoys and Henry V at Mouzon in the course of the council of Rheims which he himself

may have heard described by John of Crema at the time. Apart from the Mouzon episode, Orderic's account of the 1119 council of Rheims? is exceptionally valuable both for its content ! See below, p. 514.

? See below, Bk. XI, c. 43.

3 See above, ii. 188.

4 See above, ii. 188.

5 Cf. H. Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis (Wiesbaden, 1955), pp. 64-5. 6 See below, Bk. XIII, c. 13. 7 Cf. below, Bk. XI, c. 8. 8 See below, Bk. XII, c. 21.

xx

INTRODUCTION

and for its manner. Indeed if we could be certain that he himself had been present his reporting of that busy and momentous assembly would tell us more about him personally than any other single event he records. His full and often vivid account of some of the proceedings is unquestionably based on the report of an eyewitness. The details of the seating and the description of the personal appearance of several participants leave no doubt of this. Cardinal Chrisogonus, standing beside the Pope wearing a dalmatic; King Louis VI, tall, pale, and corpulent; the countess of

Poitou, making her plea in a high, clear, voice; and the abbot of Cluny, handsome and distinguished, calmly and quietly refuting his attackers, are only a few of the details that make this plain. The witness was not in the small party that attended the Pope to Mouzon, and can give nothing more than a garbled account based professedly on the report of John of Crema but much more probably on credulous, second-hand exaggerations. During those four days he remained at Rheims, listening to the grumbles of the delegates about the expense and inconvenience caused to their monasteries by their prolonged absence. The interests of the witness reveal him as a Norman monk: investiture meant little to him, and his concern with peace as a leading issue in the papal sermon and in the negotiations with the Emperor may have sprung from the troubled state of Normandy in the preceding years. The privileges of Cluny and the right of monks to receive tithes were of particular importance to him. Certain interests seem to bring him very close to Orderic. The report of the reply attributed to Audoin, bishop of Évreux, by a chaplain of Amaury of Montfort, with its emphasis on rights of inheritance and its refusal to attach any blame to Henry I for the burning of Évreux, the sympathy for the wronged countess of Poitou, the admiration for the work of Abbot Pontius of Cluny, with no hint of the troubles that were to darken his last years: all these are so typical of the handling of many episodes in the Ecclesiastical History as to suggest that Orderic himself may have been the eyewitness. But he never explicitly says so, and the account may have come to him from another monk, possibly even from his master, John of Rheims. Though John, who died c. 1125, was in bad health for the last seven years of his life, he had been active at the priory of Maule in December 1118.! Orderic was capable of vividly recreating another man’s ™ See above, iii. 166-70, 192.

INTRODUCTION

xxi

experience, as his account of the disturbance in the of Rouen shows; and he does very occasionally personal presence at a particular event, such as the chapter at Cluny.? Whether or not he was present

1119! council testify to his 1132 general at Rheims is

something that can probably never be known with absolute certainty. (ii) Military history The numerous military engagements described in these books make them a valuable source both for military tactics and for the composition of the royal armies. Orderic’s technical language, like that of most twelfth-century chroniclers, is unfortunately imprecise. ‘Acies’ may mean either a line or a column; ‘pedites’ is

applied both to dismounted knights and to foot-soldiers. Occasionally literary traditions determine the description; the frequency with which armies were said to be divided into three parts, even when the subsequent account, as at Tinchebray, makes it plain that four or more units were involved, suggests that the tripartite division was a traditional piece of military theory into which any

formation might be pressed. But Orderic’s account can usually be reconciled with the brief, general accounts of other contemporaries, such as the priest of Fécamp who saw the battle of Tinchebray,?

or the Hyde chronicler who gave a detailed account of the English forces at Brémule, probably reported by someone in the household of William of Warenne.* A convincing general strategy is apparent in all the chief battles: a central squadron of dismounted knights, supported by archers whose task was to shoot down the enemy’s horses and throw any attack into confusion, with columns of cavalry held in reserve to encircle and capture the enemy after battle was engaged. Both at Brémule and at Bourgthéroulde’ the discomfiture of the French was achieved by shooting their horses; the reasons were tactical, not humanitarian as Orderic wished to

think,® for the unarmoured horse was a surer target for archers than the armoured knight. At both Tinchebray and Brémule the coup de gráce was delivered by a charge of the cavalry held in I See below, Bk. XII, c. 25. 3 See below, Bk. XI, c. 20.

2 See below, Bk. XIII, c. 13. * See below, Bk. XII, c. 18.

5 See below, Bk. XII, c. 39. 6 Cf. above, v. 218, where Orderic describes the repulse of the Norman forces at Chaumont in 1098.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

reserve; mounted

the tactics failed at Lincoln!

because

Stephen's dis-

forces did not hold the attackers and, whether from

prudence or treachery, the reserve force fled as Robert of Belléme had fled at Tinchebray when he saw that Curthose had lost the day. Orderic's battle narratives are frequently enlivened and sometimes thrown out of balance by personal anecdotes, probably told him by the men who supplied the information. His account of Brémule is unique in that he had information from both sides: King Henry spent the night after the battle at Noyon-sur-Andelle, where Saint- Évroul had a priory; and the knights of Maule, who escaped from the field by throwing away their cognizances and shouting the English battle cry, were in the French army. Brémule, with its absence of infantry and exceptionally small casualty list, has many of the characteristics of a mass tournament, and ended with a general ransoming of all but the most hardened enemies of King Henry among the prisoners. For this reason, however, Orderic's narrative becomes subject to distortion by epic convention. The same tendency appears in his accounts of the individual joustings that took place frequently in the course of sieges and before many general engagements: trials of strength and chivalry in which young knights proved themselves and seasoned champions fought for the spoils of war, and which are always related in a way wholly creditable to the performance of the central figure? In distant engagements with the infidel, whether in Spain or in the Holy Land, heroic tradition rapidly obscured fact, and events became more and more distorted with the passage of every year. Recent battles retained some verisimilitude. Of these the battle of Fraga? fought in 1134 and described by Orderic only four or five years later, is the most interesting. Some of the detail—the king of Aragon's oath on the relics in the field chapel, the general engagement in the open some distance from the camp, the escape of the king and only a handful of followers from the general holocaust, and the late arrival of the relief forces—can be verified by independent accounts in Spanish and Arab chronicles. The motives attributed to the combatants vary according to the bias of each narrator, and the details about the role of Robert Bordet of Tarragona in Orderic's account suggest that he or one of his knights was the source of it. But even in four years epic had been at work; and 1 See below, Bk. XIII, c. 43. 3 See below, Bk. XIII, c. 1o.

2 Cf. below, pp. 204, 230, 246.

INTRODUCTION

xxiii

the story of King Alfonso's vengeance, providing the compensation necessary in epic narrative for any disaster as indisputable as the defeat at Fraga, is pure fiction. Parallels to this and some other details have been found in the ‘Guillaume’ cycle of chansons;! and though close comparisons have sometimes been pressed too far it would be reckless to deny that historical narratives and epic songs were being produced at least in the same oral traditions, and almost in the same workshop. But it is impossible to determine whether Orderic, who had heard some jongleurs' songs about St. William and rejected them as unreliable for the life of the saint,? was nevertheless responsible for taking episodes from them to soften the horror of the slaughter at Fraga, or whether he took the story as he heard it, complete with embellishments, from Norman knights

when they returned from Spain. 'The second explanation seems on the whole more likely if Spanish battles are compared with stories from the East, where historical events tended to become increasingly distorted by legend as they receded in time; yet sometimes, when the probable source of Orderic's account can be discerned, the quality of the story seems to depend on the character of the narrator. The prowess of Robert of Vieux-Pont, who escaped from a preliminary skirmish to tell the story of the disaster at Darb Sarmada in 1119, emerges in simple and convincing outline both from the pages of Orderic and from the Bella antiochena of Walter the Chancellor, who had first-

hand knowledge on the spot.3 On the other hand, the episode of Baldwin’s and Joscelin’s captivity at Kharput belongs, in spite of a few authentic details, to the world of epic; and in particular the

adventures of the young knight Gervase and his Breton and Norman companions, who may have brought the story home, seem to have come straight out of an early chanson des chétifs. Perhaps most interesting in the partly garbled narratives from the East are those relating to the Emperor of Constantinople, for in spite of the gross distortion of episode they show an appreciation of the case against Bohemond and the justice of the Emperor’s claim to suzerainty

over Antioch which was rare in the West.5 This viewpoint may have been carried back to Normandy by Norman 1 C£, F. M. Warren, ‘The battle of

xi (1913-14), 339-46.

2 See above, iii. 218. 4 See below, Bk. XI, c. 26.

knights like

Fragaand Larchamp’, in Modern Philology, 3 See below, Bk. XI, c. 25. 5 See below, Bk. XIII, c. 34.

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

Ralph the Red of Pont-Echanfray, who had passed from Bohemond’s service to that of Alexius, and by others who had gone out later to serve as mercenaries in the armies of Constantinople. In dealing with events nearer home, particularly in skirmishes round Saint-Evroul or its priories, Orderic is a unique source of information about the character and social standing of the men involved, and about the composition of the king’s household troops. Some of the captains in these troops were personally known to him. Ralph the Red of Pont-Echanfray came of a family of neighbours and benefactors, vassals of the lords of Breteuil;! he

may have been a younger son, serving in the royal household in the hope of winning a patrimony for himself, though the only permanent reward he is known to have received before he went down with the White Ship was the grant of a money-fief from Ralph of Gael. Henry of La Pommeraye, another household

captain, came of a distinguished Devon family of tenants-in-chief; in time he inherited the family estates and married one of the king’s illegitimate daughters,? but he may have begun his service in the king's household troops while his father was still alive. A favourite saying of St. Anselm, when comparing earthly to heavenly service, was that there were three motives for giving temporal service to one's king.? Some men served ror the fiefs they held, others for wages, others out of hope of recovering a lost inheritance. Representatives of all three types appear in Orderic's pages; the first were the feudal knights, whose service was limited; the second and third

groups were stipendiaries, constant in service both as garrisons of royal castles and in the field during long campaigns. Among them certainly were men who served to recover a lost inheritance or win a new one: men such as the two younger brothers of Richer of Laigle* and the young sons of Walter of Auffay.5 There were also men of whose origins little is known, designated by nicknames such as Bertrand Rumex or Odo Borleng,$ who made a profession in arms, though not without hope of ultimately winning a more permanent reward for conspicuous service. To the chroniclers these trained and mounted men were all ‘milites’; but the royal ! See below, p. 41 n. 9. 2 See below, p. 346 n. 1. 3 See Eadmer, Vita Anselmi, p. 94; Dicta Anselmi, x, in Memorials of St. Anselm, ed. R. W. Southern and F. S. Schmitt (Auctores Britannici medii aevi, i, 1969), pp. 150-1. * See below, p. 196. 5 See above, iii. 258. $ See below, pp. 192, 346-50.

INTRODUCTION

XXV

household troops included, in addition to the fully equipped

knights, archers and more lightly armed auxiliaries, who would possibly have been classified as 'servientes' or ‘vavassores’! in charters and official records. Orderic's account of the battle of Bourgthéroulde is particularly interesting because the king's forces were undoubtedly all household troops. Men such as these formed a corps d'élite and whether they served the king or another lord they had a code of honour. They were a vital element in the maintenance of Henry I's authority in Normandy; he sometimes employed stipendiaries recruited from Brittany or other lands for particular campaigns, but not on the scale that made such men generally hated in Stephen's reign. (ii) The succession Unlike most of the historians writing in England, Orderic studiously avoided expressing any views on the rights of succession to England and Normandy after the death of Henry I. Before Henry died he appears to have thought of his grandson, the future

Henry II, as the likely successor. But the king's death came unexpectedly, when young Henry was not yet three years old, and in less than a month Stephen of Blois had been crowned king of

England. Orderic accepted the fact of the coronation: Stephen to him was king of England and he never questioned his right even

in captivity. His account of Henry I's death is devoted exclusively to showing that he made a pious end, without reference to any wishes he may have expressed about the succession. The vexed questions of the oaths sworn to Matilda by the leading magnates, 1 These ‘servientes’ are not to be equated with later sergeants; cf. C. Warren Hollister, The Military Organization of Norman England (Oxford, 1965), p. 130; E. G. Kimball, Serjeanty Tenure in Medieval England (Yale Historical Publications, Miscellany, xxx, 1936), pp. 7-8, 13, and passim. It is just possible that

Odo Borleng is the ‘Odo, serviens meus’ who was the recipient of a grant from Henry I (Regesta, ii. 1956; Calendar of Charter Rolls, i. 408); if so the term may

have been used even of fully equipped knights of the familia regis. Cf. also the payments to ‘servientes’ guarding English castles in PR 31 H.I, pp. 76, 143. Many vavassors owed services of castle-guard in Normandy

(see H. Navel in

BSAN xlii (1934), 52-3), and the semi-permanent household troops which were based on castles probably included some vavassors. Orderic does not use the term in his narrative; it occurs only when he is copying a charter (cf. above, iii.

156), and the men in this group must therefore be covered by some other collective term. 2 Cf. above, v, pp. xii, 201 n. 5, 228 n. 2.

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

whether they felt themselves absolved from the first oath after her marriage to Count Geoffrey, and whether the king changed his mind on his death-bed are simply not mentioned. There is only one vague reference to an oath, as a possible explanation of King David of Scotland's invasion of the north in 1137;! and from Orderic's account the reader might reasonably deduce that King David alone had taken it. Matilda is never given any title but countess of Anjou after her marriage with Count Geoffrey. That she had some kind of claim to Normandy is admitted,

though not justified, by the statement that her husband, Geoffrey, invaded Normandy as his wife's mercenary.? Orderic seems to have

taken the claims of Count Theobald of Blois far more seriously: indeed he even hints that Theobald had in principle a better claim than Stephen to the kingdom of England because he was the elder brother. In one place he writes as though Theobald actually held the duchy of Normandy, using the same word, ‘suscepit’, as

he was later to use for Stephen’s acquisition of the kingdom;3 but in view of what he tells us of the decision of the Norman barons at Neubourg not to serve two lords* his meaning must be taken to be that Theobald was keeping order in Normandy, a statement that might reasonably have been made by one writing in the summer of 1136. Later Orderic describes how in the dark days after the capture of King Stephen at Lincoln in February 1141, the archbishop of Rouen and magnates of Normandy invited Theobald to receive England and Normandy and he renounced his right to the kingdom in favour of Geoffrey of Anjou, on certain conditions.5 Whether by accident or design he never says that Theobald renounced his right to Normandy; and though describing how at that time many Normans made peace with Geoffrey and accepted the lordship of Geoffrey and Matilda his implication is that they were bowing to necessity. Perhaps, had he been able to continue his history for nine more years, his attitude would have been that of the Annals of Saint-Évroul, which mention no duke of Nor-

mandy until young Henry was given the title in 1150, although Geoffrey of Anjou described himself as *dux Normannorum! in his

charters.”

! See below, p. 518. * See below, p. 454.

6 Le Prévost, v. 162.

? See below, p. 482. 3 See below, p. 42. 5 See below, Bk. XIII, c. 44.

7 Regesta, iii, passim; Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 130.

INTRODUCTION

xxvii

This attitude may have been due to caution. Saint-Evroul was in a vulnerable position, very near to the frontier between Normandy and Anjou. The inhabitants of the region had every reason to hate the Angevins; and the abbey itself had lost the most powerful of its earlier protectors with the decline of the Grandmesnil

family, apart from the branch at Saint-Céneri. Robert, earl of Leicester, who had succeeded to a large part of their English interest, was a resolute partisan of King Stephen; and from 1137

to 1139 the abbot of Saint-Évroul was a man educated and trained in the Leicester entourage. Rotrou, count of Perche, the nearest

great lord outside Normandy, withheld support from the Angevins until the summer of 1141. And the hated lords of Belléme were closely allied to Count Geoffrey. Ties of friendship and patronage, therefore, would have inclined the monks of Saint-Évroul to favour the house of Blois against the house of Anjou, however great their reverence for Henry I, the father of Countess Matilda. And the close contacts of the abbey with Chartres must not be forgotten;! the claims advanced by Orderic for Count Theobald were probably openly made in court circles there. But whether he faithfully recorded the opinions of friends among the Norman barons and bishops, omitting certain facts and claims through ignorance, or whether he deliberately suppressed information unfavourable to the party of his friends and patrons, is a question to which no firm and final answer can be given. It is difficult to believe that he was not a little selective in the interest of King Stephen in England and against Count Geoffrey, and even Countess Matilda, in Normandy; but at the worst he never went beyond omission or favourable interpretation. Deliberate falsification would have been contrary to his whole outlook, and to his belief,

evident throughout the whole of his Ecclesiastical History, that the

purpose of writing it was to show the works of God through man, but that since the ways of God were often inscrutable the duty of the historian was to describe events as they happened, even those that seemed harsh and strange, in the hope that future generations might have the knowledge to interpret them.? 1 Cf. above, v, p. xvii. ? More detailed discussion of Orderic's language and method, and of his value as a source, is reserved for the General Introduction, to appear, with an

Index verborum, in Volume i, which is now in preparation.

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CONTENTS

OF BOOKS BOOK

XI, XII, XIII

XI

Prologue

. Pacification of England, 1101 . Pacification (continued); rewards and punishments, 1102 3. Rebellion of Robert of Belléme, 1102; his defeat in England and success in Normandy

. Deaths of great persons; the Breteuil inheritance . Adela of Blois and her family . The struggle for Breteuil, 1103 . Persecution of the bishop and abbot of Séez by Robert of d OU Belléme

. Irish expedition and death of King Magnus III of Norway

oo

12 I2

20 36

42

46

48

. Visit of Prince Louis to England; alleged intrigues of Queen: IO.

II.

I2.

Bertrade against him

50

Visit of Henry I to Normandy, 1104; incompetence of Robert Curthose and disorder in Normandy

54

Henry I returns to Normandy and launches a campaign against Robert Curthose at Carentan, 1105

60

Bohemond in France; his marriage at Chartres and appeal for a crusade

68

z3. Misfortune of a knight

72

14. Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive fortified by its abbot (?1106)

a2

Ir. Exceptionally hot summer, 1106

74

16. Siege of Candé; events in Anjou, 1106-9

74 78

Pu. Norman campaign of Henry I, 1105; fall of Bayeux and Caen 18. Succession and marriage of Emperor Henry V

80

I9. Capture of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive by Henry I, 1106

80

20. Battle of Tinchebray, 1106

82

21. Council of Lisieux, 1106

92

23. Submission of Robert of Belléme

94 98

i29: Good government of Henry I

CONTENTS

OF BOOKS

XI, XII, XIII

24. Bohemond's unsuccessful attack on Durazzo, 1107 25. Events in Antioch after 1111; battle of Darb Samada, 1119 26. Capture and imprisonment of King Baldwin II of Jerusalem

and Joscelin of Edessa 27. Fall of Tyre, 1124; establishment of a bishopric 28. Relations between Constantinople and Antioch 29. Bohemond II at Antioch, 1126-30 30. Ecclesiastical changes; new abbots 31. Ecclesiastical changes; new bishops aoe Deaths of magnates 33- Foundation

of a priory at Noyon-sur-Andelle;

abbots of

Thorney

34.

146

Death of King Philip I and succession of Louis VI, 1108; revolts in France, 1101-2

35- Revolts in France, 1107 36. Siege of Le Puiset, 1111; death of Robert, count of Flanders

154 156 158

37- William Clito takes refuge in Flanders with Count Baldwin 38. Bad harvests, 1109; Princess Matilda sent to Germany

162

39- Deaths of great churchmen, 1109

168

40. Deaths of great persons, 1110; famine in France 4I. Annals of 1111

170

42. Death of Gilbert, bishop of Evreux, 1112

192

43. Visit of Henry I to Saint-Evroul, 1113 . Hostilities between France and Normandy, 1112; condemna-

174

tion of Robert of Belléme

45.

166

172

176

Peace made between Henry I and Fulk of Anjou, and between

Louis VI and Henry I, 1113

BOOK

180

XII

. Renewed hostilities on the Norman-French frontier, 1116-18;

portents and deaths of great men, 1118

2. Death of Count Baldwin VII of Flanders, 1118

190

3. Eastern frontier of Normandy; disturbances in the region of Bray . Southern frontier of Normandy; renewal of hostilities with

190

Fulk of Anjou; the French at Laigle, 1118

194

CONTENTS

OF BOOKS

XI, XII, XIII

5. Disturbances in Bray (continued) 6. Council of Rouen, 1118

7. 8. 9. IO. II. 12. 13. 14.

5.

200 202

Évreux seized by partisans of Amaury of Montfort, 1118 Rebellion at Alengon, 1118 Election of Pope Calixtus II, 1119 Capture of Breteuil by Henry I, 1119 Abortive insurrection of men of Exmes The French occupy Andely, 1119 Various disturbances; prowess of Ralph the Red Henry I’s control of Norman castles

204 204 208 210 214 216 218 222

15. Better relations between Henry I and Anjou; marriage of

Prince William, 1119 Storms and portents, 1119 War against Amaury of Montfort; Henry I burns Evreux, 1119 Battle of Brémule, 1119 Renewed expedition of Louis VI against Normandy Disturbances in the region of Ouche Council of Rheims, 1119

224 226 228 234 242 248 252

22. Amaury of Montfort and other rebels reconciled to Henry I

276

23. Legendary history of Old Rouen

280

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

24. 25. 26. 27.

Meeting between Henry I and Calixtus II at Gisors, 1119 Synod of Rouen, 1119 Wreck of the White Ship, 1120 Return of Calixtus II to Rome

282 290 294 306

28. Henry I’s second marriage, 1120

308

29. Fulk of Anjou’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 1120

308

30. Troubles at Cluny under Abbot Pontius 31. Deaths of church dignitaries, c. 1119-22 32. Election of Warin as abbot of Saint-Evroul, 1122-3; death of Roger of Le Sap, 1126 33. Renewed rebellions in support of William Clito, 1122 34. Rebellion of Count Amaury, Waleran of Meulan and others, 1123 35. Death of Serlo, bishop of Séez, 1123 36. Siege and capture of Pont-Audemer, 1123

310 316

822242

B

320 328 330 336 340

CONTENTS

OF BOOKS

XI, XII, XIII

37. Failure of plot to murder Robert of Candos 38. Defensive measures of Henry I, 1124 39. Battle of Bourgthéroulde (Rougemontier), 1124; suppression

of the rebellion and punishment of captured rebels 40. Submission of remaining rebels, 1124 41. Wanderings of William Clito 42. Deaths of great churchmen, 1124-5; election of Pope Honorius II 43- Death of Emperor Henry V; election of Lothair, 1125

. Church consecrations in Normandy; disputed succession in Apulia, 1126

342 346 346 356 358

358 360 366

45. Events in Flanders, 1127-8; death of William Clito

368

46. Last rebels reconciled with Henry I, 1128; death of Robert Curthose, 1134

378

47- Extract from the prophecies of Merlin

380

48. Deaths of ecclesiastics; council of Rouen, 1128; marriage of Matilda to Geoffrey of Anjou, 1128; events at Jerusalem to 1130; papal schism of 1131

388

BOOK

XIII

. Succession in Mortagne

. Early wars of Alfonso I of Aragon against the Moors, 1104-8 between Robert of Belléme and Rotrou of Mortagne C3. Feud before 1112

394 394

396 398

. Wars against the Moors in Spain up to 1125 . Reconquest of Tarragona, 1118-28

402

. Expedition of Alfonso I into Andalusia, 1125-6

404

. Internal wars in Spain

. Capture of Mequinenza, 1133; siege of Fraga, 1133-4 . Death of Robert Curthose, 1134 wo fF AN OD

IO. II. 12. 13. 14.

Battle of Fraga, 1134

406 408 412 412

Papal schism of 1131 Events in France, 1121-2

420

Chapter-general at Cluny, 1132

424

Various annals, 1133

426

CONTENTS

OF BOOKS

XI, XII, XIII

x5. Events in Apulia after 1101; rebellions against Roger II, 16. P. 18. I9. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. n 28. 29. 30. 31. 42.

1131-3 Storms and floods, 1134 Council of Pisa, 1135 Henry I in Normandy, 1135

Death of Henry I, 1135 Coronation of Stephen, 1135 First Angevin raids into Normandy Disorders in Normandy, 1136 Town of Saint-Evroul burnt, 1136 Events in Normandy, 1136 Rouen burnt, 1136 Angevin invasion of Normandy, September 1136 Disturbances round Evreux, 1136 Disturbances of 1136 (continued); deaths of prelates Drought in 1137 King Stephen in Normandy, 1137

Death of Abbot Warin; election at Saint-Evroul, 1137 Death of Louis VI; marriage of Louis VII, 1137; disorders in’ the Avranchin, 1137

333435. .

37: 38.

Events in the East; siege of Ba’rin, 1137 Relations of Emperor John Comnenus with Antioch Various annals, 1138 Siege of Bedford, 1137-8; disturbances in the Cotentin and southern Normandy Third Angevin invasion of Normandy, 1138; various rebellions in England, 1138; siege of Shrewsbury; battle of the Standard Progress of the war in Normandy, 1138 Lateran Council, 1139; deaths of bishops

428

434 442 444 448

454 454

456 458 462

464 466

474

476 480 480 486

490 494 502 508

510

514 524

528 39. 40. Disgrace of the bishops of Salisbury and Ely, 1139; siege of Salisbury 530 41. Arrival of Matilda in England, 1139 534 42. Deaths of prelates and elections, 1140 536 Capture of Lincoln castle; battle of Lincoln and capture of 43King Stephen 538 . Geoffrey of Anjou gains control of Normandy 546 550 45. Epilogue; life of Orderic Vitalis

BOOK

XI

Incipit liber undecimus! iv. 159

ALME Deus sabaoth Rex fortis cuncta gubernans? Plasma tuum salua numen per secula regnans. Contere uim Sathanz qui seuit iugiter in te? Dum famulos uexare tuos molitur ubique. Ad mea uota precor mundi pie respice factor, Te colo, te quero, tibi iure placere laboro. Pontificum regumque senex nunc scriptito gesta, Sexagenus ego pueris ea do manifesta. [N]*on ab eis precium pro tali posco labore? Sed refero gratis fratrum contentus amore. Si fierent istis liquido noua signa diebus? Niterer illa meis ueraciter indere rebus. Credo quod arta magis presentibus atque futuris Grata forent, michi proficerent, aliisque placerent/ Quam de terrenis excursibus, atque caducis

Stemmatibus frustra rimari uel dare lata. Inclita dum spiro mirandaque scribere uellem? Prodigiis implens in Christi nomine pellem. Eius amo laudes cui totus subiacet orbis? Qui potis est cunctis leuiter nos demere morbis.

iv. 160

Cogimur atra loqui qua cernimus aut toleramus, Instabiles actus mutabilium memoramus, Nam mundanus amor hominum trahit agmen ad ima? Iusticiz nec eos polit a rubigine lima. Ad mala procliui quz terrea sunt meditantur, Celica contempnunt, ea curui non speculantur. En peccatores letalia pondera gestant, Lucida sanctorum iuste magnalia cessant. Preuaricatores qui legem transgrediuntur: Irz celestis penas non signa merentur. De placitis bellisque queunt perplura referri? 4 Space left for rubric. Duchesne’s reading is correct, and Le Prévost’s criticism

unjustified. This and the next five and a half lines are written over an erasure. ! This isthe second part of the original rubric at the bottom of p. 220 in MS. A, There is no contemporary heading to the prologue on p. 221, but a fifteenthcentury hand has written, Prologus huius libri ac delectabile carmen sequitur.

BOOK

XI

Here begins the eleventh book! MERCIFUL Lord of hosts, mighty King who governs all things, Divine will, eternally reigning, spare your creation. Tread down the power of Satan, who for ever rages against you, As he strives to harass your servants in all places. Lend an ear to my prayer, I beg you good Father, creator of the world;

I worship and seek you, I toil to please you rightly; Now an old man, I write the deeds of kings and bishops; I, a sexagenarian, make them plain to the novices. From them I ask nothing as recompense for my labour But offer it freely, content with the love of the brethren. If new miracles were openly performed in these days I would endeavour to include them faithfully in my chapters; I believe that a brief account of them would be more Acceptable to present and future generations, more Profitable to me, more pleasing to others,

Than vainly to explore and then recount long stories Of earthly happenings and transient generations. While I long for great deeds, and yearn to write of marvels,

Filling my parchment in Christ's name with miracles; while I Love to sing the praise of him who rules creation, Who with a nod can free us from all afflictions,

I am compelled to speak of dark deeds seen and suffered, I relate the transient doings of men who are fickle, For love of the world drags down human beings to perdition And the file of justice does not smooth away the rust from them. Prone to every evil, they brood on earthly matters And scorn the things celestial, so bent they cannot see them. Behold, while sinners carry great burdens that destroy them The marvellous works of saints now cease, and that most justly; Transgressors who defy the law deserve only Punishment from the wrath of heaven, not miracles

Much might be written about wars and law-suits,

BOOK

IO

XI

Quz male seuus eis nimis ingerit ardor habendi. Cedes, incestus et crimina mille notari

Possunt si docti dignantur turpia fari. Insipiens frustra uexatur et ocia perdit, At sapiens nullus sua tempora perdere gestit. Tempus enim perdit qui carmen inutile pandit, Et labor ipse perit, qui commoda nulla rependit. Ad bona feruentes electi sedulo currunt,

Ad studium uigiles auide laudabile tendunt. Cogendi non sunt? qui sponte ferenda capessunt, Qui segetum captant fasces et in horrea portant. Vltro satis gradiens sonipes non est stimulandus, Sed ne labatur moderato iure regendus, Durum sessor equum calcaribus urguet acutis? Percutit et crebris ut cogat currere flagris. ZEcclesize similis lex est doctoribus almis,

Nam lentos stimulant monitis celeresque refrenant. Cornua dena gerens mala bestia! iam dominatur, Effera plebs passim scelerum lepra maculatur. Iob Dominus tipice Behemoth? monstrauit amico Dzmon in hoc mundo furit insidiosus iniquo. Terrigenas furibunda super grassatur Erinis, Cotidieque suos Erebi contrudit in imis. Ludit et illudit mortalibus amphisilena?3 Decipiendo quibus paradisi tollit amena. Heu male uirus eis infundit letifer anguis" Quos facit amentes et mutuo se perimentes. Morbos et pestes stulti subeunt et iniqui? Insuper adiciunt sibi pessima nequiter ipsi. Cernimus humanos casus miserasque ruinas? Vnde sagax pelles implere quit auctor ouinas. S1 uult diuersis de rebus inania uerba Fundere? thema frequens satis inuenit inter acerba.

iv. 161

Nominibus multis in scriptis celitus actis Humani generis uocitatur liuidus hostis. Nam leo necne lupus, draco, perdix^ et basiliscus, Miluus, aper, uulpes, canis, ursus, irudo, cerastes ! Cf. Rev. xii. 3. 2 Cf. Job xl. 10—19 (15-24).

3 A variant of amphisbaena, amphisebaena, a two-headed snake, also used for Satan (cf. Dict. Med. Lat., p. 79; Archaeological Journal, xvii (1910), 285-316). + C£. Le Prévost, v. 528-30. The bad reputation of the partridge in medieval

animal lore may have originated in a misunderstanding

of Jeremiah xvii. 11,

BOOK

XI

II

Which the fierce greed of gain breeds in men to damn them; Murders and incest and a thousand crimes might be Recorded, if learned men would speak of things so shameful. The fool gives himself useless trouble and wastes his leisure, But no wise man allows his time to be squandered. He wastes his time who fashions useless verses, His toil is lost if no advantage comes from it. The chosen spirits strive earnestly and unremittingly For good; their sleepless toil is eagerly given to worthy learning; No need to press those who of their own free will lift their burdens, Who take the corn sheaves, and bear them gladly to the granaries. No need for a spur to the horse that goes willingly, Only a guiding rein, to hold him back from stumbling. The rider uses sharp spurs on the stubborn steed only And with many strokes of the whip urges him on to gallop. Such is the law of the Church in the hands of loving teachers, For they upbraid the idle, and restrain the most eager. Now is the time when the evil beast with ten horns! triumphs, Leprous sin stains the mad rabble all the world over. God pointed out Behemoth to his friend Job? figuratively; The cunning demon rages abroad in this world of sinfulness. Frenzied Erinys is let loose among earth dwellers And daily drags down her captives to the abyss of Hades. Amphisilena? misleads and makes sport of mortals, Cheating them by his wiles of the delights of heaven. Alas! the deadly serpent infects them with a venom That turns them into madmen, and makes them slay each other. The foolish endure disease and pestilence; the wicked Heap sin on grievous sin to their own undoing. We look on human misfortunes and dire disasters,

With which a zealous writer might cover his parchment; If he wishes to pour out empty words on various subjects He will find abundant materials in these calamities. The envious foe of the whole human race is called By many names in the Scriptures given from heaven. He becomes lion, or wolf, dragon, partridge,* and basilisk,

Hawk, boar, fox, dog, bear, leech, or horned serpent, *Perdix fouit quae non peperit'. In the Bestiaries it was compared to the devil stealing souls (M. R. James, The Bestiary (Roxburghe Club, 1928), plate 39).

I2

BOOK

XI

Et coluber fit atrox, dum nobis insidiatur:

Exitiumque dolo seu ui stolidis meditatur. Czetera mille patent lectoribus ingeniosis Nomina pro uariis quibus utitur artibus hostis. Innumeros fcdat uiciis et sepe trucidat, Proh dolor ingentes pereunt plerunque phalanges. Rex sacer erue nos, bone Iesu, summe

Sacerdos,

Ne cum damnandis nos inficiat uetus anguis, Sed uiciis mundos trahe mundi de pelago nos? Et socia sanctis supera clementer in aula. Amen. Incipit liber undecimus I Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°I°! indictione ix?? Henricus rex Anglorum pace cum Rodberto fratre suo facta in regno confirmatus est’ et super proditores qui tempore necessitatis suze nequiter ab illo desciuerant paulatim ulcisci conatus est. Nam Rodbertum cognomento Maletum et Iuonem de Grentemaisnilio, Rodbertum de Pontefracto filium Ilberti de Laceio,? et potentiorem omnibus illis Rodbertum de Bellismo aliosque quamplures ad iudicium summonuit, nec simul sed separatim uariisque temporibus de multimodis uiolatz fidei reatibus implacitauit. Quosdam eorum

qui se de obiecto crimine purgare non poterant ingenti pecunia condemnauit, alios uero quos magis suspectos habebat irrecuperabiliter exheredatos exulare compulit. 2 iv. 162

Sequenti anno? Guillelmus de Guarenna Rodbertum Neustrize ducem mestus adiit, et ingens damnum sibi per illum euenisse recensuit, quia Suthregize comitatum mille libras argenti singulis annis sibi reddentem perdiderit, ideoque dignum esse asseruit, ut se fratri suo regi pacificaret, et pristinum honorem eius optentu recuperaret. Porro dux dictis huiusmodi facile adquieuit, et in Angliam transfretauit. Quod audiens rex iratus est? et sic ad suos ! r102 changed to 110r. The ninth indiction is correct for r1or. ? 'The inclusion by Orderic of Robert, son of Ilbert of Lacy, among the rebels at this date is probably a mistake; see above, v. 308 n. 1. 3 In 1102. ASC (1103) places Robert's visit in 1103; if this is correct it

occurred after the rebellion and expulsion of Robert of Belléme. William of Warenne appears in Normandy

in 1102 (Regesta, ii. 621).

as a witness to a charter of Robert Curthose

BOOK

XI

13

Or deadly snake, when he lays snares for us And plans to destroy the foolish by force or deceit.

A thousand other names will occur to clever readers According to the cunning tricks the enemy practises. He corrupts thousands with vices and often destroys them. Alas, many great legions of men eternally perish! Holy King, blessed Jesus, Chief Priest, save us;

Let not the old serpent sting us with the reprobate; But lift us, cleansed of sin, from the ocean of the world,

Join us by mercy with the saints, in the courts of heaven. Amen. Here begins the eleventh book I In the year of our Lord r1o1,! the ninth indiction, Henry king of England was confirmed in his authority in the kingdom after making peace with his brother Robert. Little by little he took steps to punish the traitors who had infamously deserted him in his hour of need. He summoned to judgement Robert Malet, Ivo of Grandmesnil, Robert of Pontefract the son of Ilbert of Lacy,? Robert of Belléme, who was mightier than all these, and various others, and charged them, not all together but individually at different times, with the offence of violating their pledged faith in many ways. He imposed large fines on some of them who were unable to clear themselves of the crime laid to their charge, and disinherited and drove into perpetual exile others whom he considered still more suspect. 2

Next year? William of Warenne approached Robert, duke of Normandy, in great distress, and pointed out that he had suffered

heavy loss on his account, since he had forfeited the earldom of Surrey which produced an annual revenue of a thousand pounds of silver for him; therefore, he asserted, it would be proper for Robert

to become fully reconciled with his brother the king and intercede to secure the restoration of William’s former honor. The duke readily fell in with these proposals and crossed to England. On hearing of this the king became very angry and asked his attendants

14

BOOK XI

asseclas et consecretales! locutus est, ‘Quid de inimicis meis debet

iv. 163

facere, qui sine meo commeatu super me ausi sunt irruere, et regni mei fines irrumpere?' Qui diuersi diuersa regi responderunt. Ille autem priuatos satellites obuiam germano destinauit, per quos ei uelle suum euidenter ostendit. Tunc infrunitus dux clandestinis legationibus comperiit, quod Anglie metas inconsulte introierit? et nisi prouidum prudenter consilium acciperet, in septis insulanis clausus pro suo libitu ad sua non remearet. Iussu tamen callidi regis cum suis commilitonibus honorifice adductus est" et callens eorum consilium ne ab externis aliquid rancoris inter germanos deprehenderetur occultatum est. Territus itaque dux ficta metum hilaritate operuit, et rex nichilominus alacri uultu intimum furorem dissimulauit. Inter cetera rex ducem de uiolato federe redarguit, quod de publicis proditoribus nullam adhuc ultionem exegerit, nec ullam super discolas principali rigore disciplinam exercuerit, et quod eodem anno Rodbertum de Bellismo amicabiliter in Normannia receperit, eique patris sui dominia donauerit, id est Argentomum castrum, Sagiense episcopium, et Golfernum saltum.? Tunc nimirum prefatus lanio in Neustriam transfretauerat, et Pontiui comitatum ad opus Guillelmi Talauacii optinuerat, quia Guido comes Abbatisuillz socer eius obierat Denique dux increpationibus huiuscemodi meticulosus emendationem omnium humiliter spopondit, constitutum quoque sibi uectigal trium milium librarum supplicanti ex industria reginz indulsit.* Placatus itaque rex cum illo amiciciam confirmauit, pristinum feedus renouauit, et Guillelmo de Guarenna Suthregiz consulatum restituit. Guillelmus autem postquam paternum ius quod insipienter amiserat recuperauit’ per xxxiii annos* quibus simul uixerunt utiliter castigatus regi fideliter adhesit, et inter precipuos ac familiares amicos habitus effloruit. ! Orderic appears to be groping chancery officials and servants of fassecla' twice only, of servants never; ‘a secretis! had occurred

for a new vocabulary to describe household or a new kind. He had previously used the word (above, ii. 358; iii. 96), and ‘consecretalis’ (above, iii. 76) for service in the Lombard

chancery, and for his father's position as a confidential adviser of monks (above, lii. 144).

2 "These rights, previously held by his father, Roger of Montgomery, probably derived from his position as vicomte of the Hiémois (see Yver, ‘Chateaux

forts’, pp. 73-4). 3 Robert of Belléme's wife, Agnes, was the daughter of Guy, count of Ponthieu (see above, iv. 300). Robert himself was occasionally called ‘count of Ponthieu' (cf. Ivo of Chartres, Epistolae, in Migne, PL clxii. 134; R. N. Sauvage, L' Abbaye de Saint-Martin de Troarn (Mém. soc. ant. Norm. 1911), p. 22 n. 8).

BOOK

XI

I5

and close counsellors,! ‘What should be done to my enemies, when they presume to descend on me and invade my kingdom without my permission?' Everyone offered the king different advice. He, however,

sent

some

of his household

attendants

to meet

his

brother, and through them made his wishes plain to him. The feckless duke then learnt from secret envoys that he had been rash to cross the frontiers of England, and that unless he prudently accepted sound advice he would be held within the confines of the island and not allowed to return freely to his own domains. However, by the command of the politic king, he and his companions were given honourable escort, and their cunning plan was concealed for fear that outsiders should catch the brothers out in bitterness. So the duke, thoroughly alarmed, dissembled his fear with forced cheerfulness, and the king likewise concealed his smouldering wrath under a smiling face. Amongst other charges, the king accused the duke of breaking faith, by not having taken any measures so far against known traitors nor having imposed any control on malcontents by ducal authority, and with welcoming Robert of Belléme in Normandy that very year and granting him his father's lordships, namely the castle of Argentan, the bishopric of Séez, and the forest of Gouffern.? For that butcher, Robert of Belléme, had then crossed

into Normandy and secured the county of Ponthieu for [his son] William Talvas, because his father-in-law, Guy count of Abbeville,

had died. At length the duke, alarmed by such charges, humbly promised to redress all wrongs, and also renounced, on the queen’s

deliberate intercession, the pension of three thousand pounds that had been settled on him.* Thereupon the king, appeased, assured him of his friendship, renewed the earlier treaty, and restored the earldom of Surrey to William of Warenne. After William had

recovered the patrimony he had forfeited for his folly he was duly chastened, served the king faithfully for the remaining thirty-three

years’ that they both lived, and throve as one of his closest friends and counsellors. 4 William of Malmesbury (GR ii. 472), who, like the Anglo-Saxon chronicler assessed the pension at 3,000 marks, also said that Robert renounced it the following year at the queen’s request.

5 The thirty-three years is counted from 1102 until the death of Henry I in 1135; it should not be taken as an indication of the length oflife of William, who died a little later, on 11 May 1138, according to the Lewes cartulary (cited Clay, EYC viii. 8 n. 7, who misinterprets the passage in Orderic).

16

iv. 164

iv. 165 iv. 166

iv. 167

BOOK

XI

Deinde Rodbertus dux in Normanniam regressus est? et despicabilior quam antea fuerat suis effectus est. In hac enim profectione nichil nisi metum et laborem atque dedecus sibi lucratus est. Rex autem in omnibus prosperitate uigens admodum sullimatus est? et longe lateque de illo fama uolitante per quattuor climata! mundi inter maximos reges nominatus est. Nullus eo fuit rex in Albionis regno potentior, nec amplitudine terrarum infra insulam locupletior, nec abundantia omnium rerum que mortalibus suppetunt felicior. Hoc in subsequentibus si uita comes fuerit, auxiliante Deo narratio nostra manifeste comprobabit. Omnes inimicos suos sapientia uel fortitudine sibi subiugauit? sibique seruientes diuitiis et honoribus remunerauit. Vnde plerosque illustres pro temeritate sua de sullimi potestatis culmine precipitauit, et haereditario iure irrecuperabiliter spoliatos condempnauit. Alios e contra fauorabiliter illi obsequentes de ignobili stirpe illustrauit, de puluere ut ita dicam extulit" dataque multiplici facultate super consules et illustres oppidanos exaltauit. Inde Goisfredus de Clintona,? Radulfus Basset? et Hugo de Bocalanda,* Guillegrip5 et Rainerius de Bada,$ Guillelmus Trossebot7 et Haimon de Falesia,? Guigan Algaso? et Rodbertus de Bostare!? aliique plures michi testes sunt’ opibus aggregatis et edibus constructis super omnia que patres eorum habuerunt, ipsi quoque qui ab eisdem sepe falsis uel iniustis occasionibus oppressi sunt. Illos nimirum aliosque plures quos singillatim nominare tedio est? rex cum de infimo genere essent nobilitauit, regali auctoritate de imo erexit, in fastigio potestatum constituit, ipsis etiam spectabilibus regni principibus formidabiles effecit. ! See below, p. 70 n. 3.

? Geoffrey of Clinton was prominent in the judicial and financial administration of Henry I. His career is outlined by Southern, Medieval Humanism, pp. 214-18; cf. also Loyd, p. 30; J. Le Patourel, Normandy and England 1066— II44 (Stenton Lecture, Reading, 1971), pp. 30-1. 3 Both Ralph Basset and Richard Basset his son were important justices in England (J. Le Patourel, Normandy and England, p. 33); cf. also Southern, Medieval Humanism, pp. 218-19; above, iii. 350; F. M. Stenton, Preparatory to

Anglo-Saxon England, ed. D. M. Stenton (Oxford, 1970), p. 205. Ralph Basset came from Montreuil-au-Houlme, and his association with Henry I may have been formed when Henry was lord of Domfront in the reign of William II (Loyd, p. 12). * Hugh of Buckland's rise began in the reign of William II, when he was sheriff of Berkshire, Bedfordshire, and Hertfordshire; under Henry I he was also sheriff or justice of Buckinghamshire, Essex, London, and Middlesex (W. A.

Morris, The Medieval English Sheriff to 1300 (Manchester, 1968), pp. 77, 79; Regesta, ii, passim; EHR xxvii (1912), 103; Christopher N. L. Brooke Gillian Keir, London 800-1216 (London, 1975), pp. 204-6, 372).

and

BOOK

XI

17

Afterwards Duke Robert returned to Normandy, to be held in even lower esteem than before by his men. Indeed he had gained nothing from that expedition but fear and toil and shame. The king on the other hand, going on from strength to strength, rose in every way to greater eminence; as his reputation spread abroad through the four parts! of the earth he was acclaimed as one of the greatest of kings. No monarch had been mightier than he in the realm of Albion, nor more richly provided with lands within that island, nor more blessed with abundance of human riches. This with God's help, if I live to tell the tale, I will make amply clear in the following pages. He brought all his enemies to heel by his wisdom and courage, and rewarded his loyal supporters with riches and honors. So he pulled down many great men from positions of eminence for their presumption, and sentenced them to be disinherited for ever. On the other hand, he ennobled others of base stock who had served him

well, raised them, so to say, from the dust, and heaping all kinds of favours on them, stationed them above earls and famous castellans.

Witnesses of the truth of my words are Geoffrey of Clinton,? Ralph Basset, Hugh of Buckland,* Guillegrip,5 Rainer of Bath,$ William Trussebut,? Haimo of Falaise,? Guigan Algason,? Robert of Bostare,'? and many others, who have heaped up riches and built lavishly, on a scale far beyond the means of their fathers; witnesses too are the men who, on trumped-up and unjust pretexts, have been

oppressed by them. The king raised to high rank all these and many others of low birth whom it would be tedious to name individually, lifted them out of insignificance by his royal authority, set them on the summit of power, and made them formidable even to the greatest magnates of the kingdom. 5 'The identity of Guillegrip is uncertain. 6 Rainer of Bath appears in the king's service early in the reign (Regesta, ii. 1133); he was sheriff of Lincolnshire 1128-30 (Regesta, ii. 1640, 1652).

7 For William Trussebut and his family, who rose to prominence in Yorkshire, see EYC x. 5-22; Early Yorkshire Families, ed. Sir Charles Clay (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Record series, cxxxv (1973)), 94. He was not a son of Geoffrey fitz Pain.

8 Haimo of Falaise occurs as a witness to a number of charters in the later part of Henry I’s reign Institutions, p. 304).

(Regesta,

ii. 1338,

1441,

1442,

1764;

Haskins,

Norman

9 Guigan Algason later acted as vicomte of Exmes at the beginning of Stephen's reign (see below, p. 454). 19 T cannot identify Robert of Bostare, unless this is a corruption of ‘Bosco Rohardi' (Boisrohard). Robert de Bosco Rohardi occurs CDF, no. 183; see also Loyd, pp. 18-19.

18

iv. 168

iv. 169

BOOK

XI

At sicut fidelibus retributor erat magnificus, sic infidis erat impacabilis inimicus, et uix sine uindicta in corpore uel honore uel pecunia indulgebat certos reatus. Hoc miserabiliter rei senserunt, qui eius in uinculis mortui sunt? nec pro consanguinitate seu nobilitate generis siue recompensatione pecuniarum redimi potuerunt. Rodbertum de Pontefracto! et Rodbertum Maletum? placitis impetiuit, et honoribus exspoliatos extorres expulit. Iuonem quoque quia guerram in Anglia ceperat, et uicinorum rura suorum incendio combusserat/ quod in illa regione crimen est inusitatum, nec sine graui ultione sit expiatum, rigidus censor accusatum nec purgatum ingentis pecuniz redditione onerauit, et plurimo angore tribulatum mestificauit. Vnde prefatus eques a Rodberto comite de Mellento qui precipuus erat inter consiliarios regis auxilium quaesiuit/ et coactus plurimis anxietatibus tutela illus se commisit. In primis erubescebat improperia, quz sibi fiebant derisoria, quod funambulus per murum exierat de Antiochia. Deinde meticulosus cum multo cogitatu secum uoluebat, quod uix aut nunquam recuperaret amiciciam regis quam perdiderat. Quapropter iterare peregrinationem decreuit. Pactum igitur initum est ut consul eundem cum rege pacificaret, eique quingentos argenti marcos ad ineundum iter erogaret, totamque terram eius usque ad xv annos in uadimonio possideret, quibus exactis Tuoni puero filiam Henrici comitis de Guareuico fratris sui coniugem daret, et paternam haereditatem restitueret. Hoc pactum cum sacramento confirmatum est, et regali concessione premunitum est. uo cum uxore sua peregre profectus est, et in ipso itinere defunctus est, et haereditas eius alienis subdita est. Vrbs Legrecestra quattuor dominos habuerat, regem et episcopum Lincoliz, Simonemque comitem et Iuonem Hugonis filium.4 Praefatus autem consul de Mellento per partem Iuonis? qui municeps erat et uicecomes et firmarius regis, callide intrauit, et auxilio * Robert of Pontefract, son of Ilbert of Lacy, was deprived of his English

honors and banished c. 1114; he kept his Norman

lands (Wightman,

Lacy

Family, pp. 66, 73).

? Robert Malet remained in the royal favour until his death c. 1105. Orderic appears to have confused him with his son William, who suffered forfeiture and exile about the same time as Robert of Pontefract (C. Warren Hollister, ‘Henry I

and Robert Malet’, in Viator, iv (1973), 115-22). 3 See above, v. 98.

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19

Just as he was munificent in his rewards to his loyal servants, so he was implacable in his enmity to those who broke faith, and scarcely ever pardoned any of known guilt without taking vengeance on their persons or depriving them of their honors and wealth. Guilty men experienced this most wretchedly when they died in his fetters, and could neither gain release through kinship or noble birth, nor ransom themselves with money. He brought charges against Robert of Pontefract! and Robert Malet,? stripped them of their honors, and drove them into exile. An unbending judge, he accused Ivo [of Grandmesnil], who was unable to clear himself of waging war in England and burning the crops of his neighbours, which is an unheard-of crime in that country and can be atoned only by a very heavy penalty. The king imposed a huge fine on him and brought all kinds of tribulations on his sorrowing head, so that he applied for help to Robert, count of Meulan, who was the king's chief counsellor, and, made desperate by all his troubles, placed himself under his protection. To begin with he was ashamed of the disgrace which had made him a laughing-stock, because he had been one of the ‘rope-dancers’ who had slid down the walls of Antioch.? Then he was full of fears, as he turned his

predicament over and over in his mind, that it would be very difficult if not impossible for him ever to regain the king's friendship which he had forfeited. Consequently he resolved to set out on another pilgrimage. It was settled that the count should mitigate the king's wrath towards him, lend him five hundred marks of silver to make provision for his journey, and receive all his lands as

a pledge for fifteen years, at the end of which time he would give the daughter of his brother Henry, earl of Warwick, in marriage to young Ivo, and restore his paternal inheritance to him. This contract was confirmed with an oath and received the royal assent. Ivo set out on pilgrimage with his wife; he died on the journey and his inheritance passed into other hands.

The town of Leicester had four lords: the king, the bishop of Lincoln, Earl Simon, and Ivo, son of Hugh.* The count of Meu-

lan, however, cunningly got a foothold there through the share of Ivo, who was castellan and sheriff and farmed it for the king, and 4 Hugh of Grandmesnil's share of Leicester was much the largest of the four in 1086 (VCH Leics. iv. 1-2; DB i. 230a). Earl Simon was Simon of Senlis, earl of Huntingdon, who held the share formerly belonging to Countess Judith (GEC vii. 524 note f).

20

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XI

regis suaque calliditate totam sibi ciuitatem mancipauit, et inde consul in Anglia factus! omnes regni proceres diuitiis et potestate precessit, et pene omnes parentes suos transcendit. Pulchram quoque Isabel neptem regis Francia uxorem habuit, que geminam ei prolem Gualerannum et Rodbertum peperit, ac Hugonem cognomento Pauperem, et filias quinque. Inter tot diuitias mente czcatus filio Iuonis iusiurandum non seruauit? quia idem adolescens statuto tempore iuratam feminam hereditariamque tellurem non habuit. 3

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°II° indictione x^" Henricus rex Rodbertum de Bellismo potentissimum comitem ad curiam suam asciuit, et xlv reatus in factis seu dictis contra se uel fratrem

iv. 170

suum Normanniz ducem commissos obiecit, et de singulis eum palam respondere precepit. Diligenter enim eum fecerat per unum annum explorari, et uituperabiles actus per priuatos exploratores caute inuestigari, summopereque litteris annotari. Cumque Rodbertus licentiam ut moris est eundi ad consilium cum suis postulasset, eademque accepta egressus purgari se de obiectis criminibus non posse agnouisset: equis celeriter ascensis ad castella sua pauidus et anhelus confugit, et rege cum baronibus suis responsum expectante regius satelles Rodbertum extimplo recessisse retulit. Tunc delusum se rex doluit, sed tempus ultionis non dubius expectauit. Rodbertum itaque publicis questibus impetitum nec legaliter expiatum palam blasphemauit? et nisi ad iudicium rectitudinem facturus remearet publicum hostem iudicauit. Iterum

rebellem

ad concionem

inuitauit, sed ille uenire

prorsus refutauit/ immo castella sua uallis muniuit, et a cognatis Normannis extraneisque affinibus suis adminicula petiuit. Rex autem conuocauit,^ et Arundellum castellum quod

et muris undique Gualis et a cunctis exercitum Angliz prope littus maris

! Robert of Meulan never used the title of earl of Leicester, perhaps preferring that of count of Meulan, but the cartulary of St. Mary's, Leicester, says of him *consulatum Leicestriae adeptus’, and his son Robert used the title immediately

after his father's death. For a discussion of the evidence see G. W. Watson, "The ancient earls of Leicester’, in The Genealogist, N.s. x (1894), 1-16; L. Fox, "The honor and earldom of Leicester’, in EHR lvi (1941), 385-8. Robert consoli-

dated his power by marrying his daughter to the son of Simon of Senlis; he did not, however, acquire the bishop of Lincoln’s share (Records of the Borough of Leicester 1103-1327, ed. M. Bateson (London, 1899), p. xiv).

? [sabel or Elizabeth was a daughter of Hugh the Great, count of Vermandois (GEC vii. 526). 3 According to Brut y Tywysogyon (1102) both Arnulf and Robert were summoned to answer charges, and one of Robert's offences was to have established Bridgnorth castle against the command of the king.

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with the king's aid and his own cunning brought the whole town under his control. By this means he became an earl in England,! outstripped all the magnates of the realm in wealth and power, and rose above almost all his kinsmen. He had taken to wife Isabel, a beautiful niece of the king of France,? and she bore him twin sons,

Waleran and Robert, also Hugh Le Poer and five daughters. Morally blinded by so much prosperity, he did not keep his oath to Ivo's son, for at the due term the youth received neither the wife he had been promised nor his hereditary lands. 3 In the year of our Lord 1102, the tenth indiction, King Henry summoned the mighty earl, Robert of Belléme, to his court and, after charging him with forty-five offences in deed or word committed against him and his brother the duke of Normandy, commanded him to answer publicly to each one.3 For a whole year he had had Robert watched assiduously and all his evil deeds thoroughly investigated by private spies and noted down fully in writing. When Robert had asked for permission to go and consult with his men, as is customary, and on receiving it had left the court, he recognized that he could not possibly clear himself of the crimes laid to his charge. Quickly springing to horse he fled, panic-stricken and breathless, to his castles. The king waited with his barons for an answer until a royal servant brought back the news that Robert had fled without ceremony. The king was vexed at the deception, but knew for certain that the day of vengeance would come. He therefore publicly condemned Robert as a man who had been openly accused and had failed to clear himself by process of law, and pronounced him a public enemy unless he returned to do right and submit to justice. Once more he summoned the rebel to court, but Robert flatly refused to come. Instead he strengthened the ramparts and walls of his castles everywhere, and called on his fellow Normans, the alien Welsh, and all his neighbours to assist him. The king, however, summoned the army of England,‘ laid siege to Arundel castle, which stands near the sea-coast, built 4 Cf. FW ii. 50, ‘cum exercitu pene totius Angliae’. The account of the campaign indicates that this included the feudal host, the fyrd, and the king’s household troops; Orderic uses the term in contrast to the ‘army of Normandy’, called out by Robert Curthose to besiege Vignats in the Norman part of the campaign against Belléme (below, p. 22).

22

iv. 171

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XI

situm est obsedit, ibique castris constructis stratores cum familiis suis tribus mensibus dimisit.! Interea inducias humiliter a rege petierunt custodes munitionis? ut a domino suo exigerent uel auxilium defensionis uel permissum reconciliationis. Annuente rege ueredarii Rodbertum in regione Merciorum quesierunt, eique reperto intolerabilem regis oppressionem imminere sibi anxie denudauerunt. Ibi nempe Brugiam munitissimum castrum super Sabrinam fluuium construebat, et totis ad resistendum uiribus auxiliarios frustra querebat. Audiens itaque defectionem suorum ingemuit, eosque a promissa fide quia impos erat adiutorii absoluit, multumque merens licentiam concordandi cum rege concessit. Redeuntibus legatis leti muniones castrum regi reddiderunt, et benigniter ab eo suscepti multis muneribus honorati sunt. [I]¢nde rex ad Blidam castrum quod Rogerii de Buthleio quondam fuerat exercitum promouit. Cui mox gaudentes oppidani obuiam processerunt, ipsumque naturalem dominum fatentes cum gaudio susceperunt.? His ita peractis rex populos parumper quiescere permisit, eiusque prudentiam et animositatem congeries magnatorum pertimuit. Interea rex legatos in Neustriam direxit, ducique ueridicis apicibus insinuauit, qualiter Rodbertus utrisque forisfecerit, et de curia sua furtim aufugerit. Deinde commonuit ut sicut pepigerant in Anglia? utrique traditorem suum plecterent generali uindicta. Dux itaque exercitum Normannie congregauit, et Vinacium castrum quod Girardus de Sancto Hilario conseruabat obsedit. Oppidani autem militares assultus optabant? quia si ualidus fieret

impetus reddere munitionem parati erant. Non enim sese sine iv. 172

uiolentia dedere dignabantur, ne malefidi desertores merito iudicarentur. Sed quia dux deses et mollis erat, ac principali

seueritate carebat, Rodbertus de Monteforti3 aliique seditionis 4 Space left in MS. for rubric. ! Cf. FW ii. 50, ASC

1102.

2 The contrast between the sieges of Arundel and Bridgnorth, where the garrisons asked Robert of Belléme's permission before surrendering, and Tickhill (Blyth), where they immediately welcomed the royal troops, suggests

that, whatever the right by which Robert had acquired Tickhill castle after the death of Roger I of Bully, he held it as the king's castellan and not in fee. See above, v. 226 n. 1; M. Chibnall, *Robert of Belléme and the castle of Tickhill’, Etudes . . . offertes a fean Yver, ed. R. Carabie, A. Guillot, L. Musset (Paris, 1976), pp. 151-6. Florence says the force sent to Tickhill was led by Robert

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23

siege-castles, and left officers there with his household troops for three months.! During this time the defenders in charge of the castle humbly petitioned the king for a truce so that they might apply to their lord either for reinforcements or for permission to surrender. The king assented; messengers sought out Robert in the land of the Mercians and, when they found him, anxiously explained how formidable was the royal power which threatened them. He was in the process of building a very strong castle at Bridgnorth on the river Severn, and was vainly seeking allied troops so as to throw all his forces into its defence. His heart sank when he heard of the collapse of his men; he absolved them from their allegiance since he was powerless to help them, and in bitter grief authorized them to make peace with the king. When the envoys returned the castellans thankfully surrendered the castle to the king, who received them kindly and loaded them with gifts. The king then led his army to the castle of Blyth, which had formerly belonged to Roger of Bully. Almost immediately the garrison came out thankfully to meet him, acclaiming him as their natural lord, and received him jubilantly.? After these events the king allowed the people a short breathing-space, and the bulk of the magnates stood in awe of his foresight and courage. Meanwhile the king sent envoys to Normandy, and informed the duke in forthright letters how Robert had incurred forfeiture to them both and had fled secretly from his court. He then reminded him that according to the treaty they had made in England they should join forces to punish the man who had turned traitor to either of them. The duke therefore summoned the army of Normandy and laid siege to the castle of Vignats, which was defended by Girard of Saint-Hilaire. The garrison in fact were hoping to be stormed in battle, for they were ready to surrender the castle in the face of a strong assault; they could not honourably surrender without a fight, for fear of earning condemnation as faithless deserters. But because the duke was indolent and soft, and had none of the firmness proper to a prince, Robert of Montfort? and Bloet, bishop of Lincoln, not by the king in person; both he and William of Malmesbury (GR ii. 472) imply that Arundel was still holding out when the king marched against Bridgnorth, but that the whole campaign was quickly over. 3 He had commanded the armies of William Rufus (see above, v. 246, 258).

His allegiance remained uncertain; after serving Henry I for a few years he was exiled for breach of faith in 1106 (cf. below, p. 100).

24

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XI

complices qui uicissim dissidebant mappalia sua sponte immisso igne incenderunt, totum exercitum turbauerunt, et ipsi ex industria nemine persequente fugerunt, aliosque qui odibilem Rodbertum grauare affectabant turpiter fugere compulerunt. Castrenses uero

iv. 173

ut tantum

dedecus

Normannici

exercitus

uiderunt,

cum

ululatu magno post eos deridentes uociferati sunt? minusque postmodum timentes crudelem guerram per Oximensem pagum ceperunt. Rodbertus autem de Grentemaisnilio et Hugo de Montepincionis atque Rodbertus de Curceio! et homines eorum quantum poterant, seuis predonibus resistebant, patriamque suam defendere satagebant. Verum publici hostes pradis illecti atrociores insurrexerunt’ et Castellum Gunteri atque Furcas Argentomumque turgide possidentes nimis irati sunt? quod aliqui uicinorum sine duce contra eos uel latrare ausi fuerunt. Per totam ergo prouinciam pagensium praedas rapiebant, et direptis omnibus domos flammis tradebant. Porro rex Anglorum non ocio ut frater eius torpuit, sed totius Angliz legiones in autumno adunauit, et in regionem Merciorum minauit, ibique Brugiam tribus septimanis obsedit. Rodbertus autem Scrobesburiam secesserat, et prefatum oppidum Rogerio Corbati filio? et Rodberto de Nouauilla Vlgerioque uenatori? commiserat, quibus Ixxx stipendiarios milites coniunxerat. Pacem quoque cum Gualis tunc ipse fecerat, et reges eorum Caducan et Geruatum filios Resi^ sibi asciuerat, quos cum suis copiis exercitum regis exturbare frequenter dirigebat. Guillelmum uero Pantoliums militarem probumque uirum exhereditauerat, et multa sibi pollicentem seruitia in instanti necessitate penitus a se propulsauerat. Ille autem a Rodberto contemptus ad regem conuersus est: quem rex quia uiuacem animum eius iamdudum expertus fuerat gratanter amplexatus est. Protinus illi ducentos milites commendauit, et custodiam Stephordi castri quod in uicino erat deputauit. Hic super omnes Rodberto nocuit, et usque ad deiectionem consiliis et armis pertinaciter obstitit. ! Hugh of Montpincon and Robert of Courcy were both brothers-in-law of Robert of Grandmesnil (see above, iv. 230). The Courcy family provided a number P royal justices and stewards (T. Le Patourel, England and Normandy,

pP- 33-4).

? Roger, son of Corbet, was one of the leading vassals of the earl of Shrewsbury, and an important landholder in the county (cf. above, ii. 262; Shrewsbury Cartulary, pp. xiv, xix, 39). 3 Ulger the huntsman was probably related to Earl Roger of Montgomery’s huntsmen,

Norman

and Roger; he survived Robert of Belléme's fall and was

still a forester in Shropshire c. 1105; he gave property to Shrewsbury abbey (Regesta, ii. 698; Eyton, Shropshire, i. 355 n.; vi. 190, 268, 287; J. F. A. Mason,

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XI

25

other fellow conspirators, who were divided among themselves, deliberately set fire to their own tents, created turmoil in the army, and fled from the scene though no one pursued them. In this way they forced others who hated Robert and wished to harm him to shameful flight. The garrison, witnessing the utter discredit of the Norman army, howled derisive abuse after them. From that time, having little to fear, they waged cruel war all over the Hiémois. Robert of Grandmesnil, Hugh of Montpincon, and Robert of Courcy! and their men resisted the fierce brigands as well as they could, and struggled to defend their country. But the outlaws, drawn by desire for booty, grew more and more terrible and, as proud possessors of Cháteau-Gontier,

Fourches, and Argentan,

resented the fact that any of their neighbours should even dare to bark at them without support from the duke. So they plundered the goods of the peasants all over the province and, when they had taken everything, burnt down their homes. The king of England, however, was not sunk in sloth like his brother, but mustered all the troops of England in the autumn, and led them into the province of Mercia, where he besieged Bridgnorth for three weeks. Robert himself had withdrawn to Shrewsbury and put Bridgnorth castle in the charge of Roger, son of Corbet,? Robert of Neuville, and Ulger the huntsman,? with eighty mercenary knights under their command. He himself had then made a treaty with the Welsh, and formed an alliance with their kings, Cadwgan and Iorwerth, the sons of Rhys,* whom he sent on frequent forays to harass the king's army with their forces. He had disinherited William Pantulf,5 a loyal and seasoned knight, and had driven him from his presence even when he offered all kinds of services at a time of pressing need. So William, spurned by Robert, went over to the king and Henry, who knew his brave spirit from experience, welcomed him gladly. He put him at once in command of two hundred knights, and made him custodian of Stafford castle, which was in the neighbourhood. He did more harm to Robert than everyone else, and resolutely gave both his counsel and his arms to bring him down. “The officers and clerks of the Norman earls of Shropshire’, in T'SAS lvi (1960), 251; Shrewsbury Cartulary, pp. 36, 54, 154). 4 Cadwgan, Iorwerth, and Maredudd, the Welsh princes called to Robert's aid, were the sons of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, not of Rhys (Lloyd, Wales, ii. 412). 5 William Pantulf had been accused of complicity in the murder of Mabel of

Belléme, but had cleared himself at the ordeal (above, iii. 160-2).

26 iv. 174

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XI

Consules autem et primores regni una conuenerunt, et de pacificando discorde cum domino suo admodum tractauerunt. Dicebant enim, ‘Si rex magnificum comitem uiolenter subegerit,

iv. 175

nimiaque pertinacia ut conatur eum exhzereditauerit" omnes nos ut imbelles ancillas amodo conculcabit. Pacem igitur inter eos obnixe seramus, ut ero comparique nostro legitime proficiamus, et sic utrumque perturbationes sedando debitorem nobis faciamus." Quadam ergo die regem omnes simul adierunt, et in medio campo colloquium de pace medullitus fecerunt ac pluribus argumentis regiam austeritatem emollire conati sunt. Tunc in quodam proximo colle tria milia pagensium militum? stabant, et optimatum molimina satis intelligentes ad regem uociferando clamabant, ‘Domine rex Henrice, noli proditoribus istis credere. Summopere moliuntur decipere te? et regalis iusticie rigorem tibi tollere. Cur audis illos qui suadent tibi traditori parcere, tuzeque mortis coniurationem impune dimittere? Ecce nos omnes tibi fideliter assistimus, tibique in omnibus obsecundare parati sumus. Oppidum acriter expugna, traditorem ex omni parte coarta’ nec pacem cum illo facias, donec ipsum aut uiuum aut mortuum in manibus tuis teneas.' His auditis rex animatus esi’ eoque mox recedente conatus factiosorum adnichilatus est. Deinde prefatos Gualorum reges per Guillelmum Pantolium rex accersiit, eosque datis muneribus et promissis demulcens hosti caute surripuit, suzeque parti cum uiribus suis associauit.3 Tres quoque precipuos municipes* mandauit, et coram cunctis iurauit, quod nisi oppidum in triduo sibi redderent, omnes quoscumque de illis capere posset suspendio perirent. Territi uero tanta obstinatione regis salutis suze consilium indagare ceperunt, et Guillelmum Pantolium qui affinis eorum erat persuasionem eius audituri accersierunt. Ille autem inter eos et regem mediator accessit, et facete composita oratione ad redden1 There is a reference to a debate on what course to follow in Brut y Tywysogyon (1102), p. 43, ‘And thereupon

[King Henry]

. . . went

to the castle of

Bridgnorth. And he encamped at a distance from it. And he took counsel how he might subdue the earls or capture them or drive them out from all his kingdom.’ 2 'The expression pagenses milites has been interpreted in different ways. C. Warren Hollister's suggestion (The Military Organization of Norman England,

Oxford, 1965, p. 228) that they were Englishmen of the fyrd has been justly criticized by J. O. Prestwich (EHR lxxxi (1966), 106—7), who suggests that they may have been mercenaries. But although gregarii milites sometimes means

BOOK XI

27

The earls and magnates of the kingdom met together and discussed fully how to reconcile the rebel with his lord. For, as they said, 'If the king defeats a mighty earl by force and carries his enmity to the point of disinheriting him, as he is now striving to do, he will from that moment trample on us like helpless slave-girls. Let us make every effort to reconcile them, so securing the advantage of our lord and our peer alike within the law, and at the same time, by quelling the disturbance, we will put both parties in our debt.' So on a chosen day they all attended on the king and, in an open field, seriously discussed the question of peace, using many arguments in an attempt to soften the stern king.! At that time three thousand country knights? were standing by on a near-by hill and, having a shrewd idea of the magnates’ intentions, they shouted out loudly to the king, ‘Henry, lord king, don’t trust these traitors. They are out to deceive you and undermine your royal justice. Why do you listen to men who urge you to spare a traitor and let a conspiracy against your life go unpunished? See now, we all stand loyally by you and are ready to obey your least command. Storm the fortress, press the traitor relentlessly from all sides, and make

no peace with him until you have him in your hands, alive or dead.’ These words put heart into the king, and he withdrew soon afterwards, confounding the schemes of the seditious lords. Then he sent for the Welsh kings through William Pantulf and, by disarming them with gifts and promises, cautiously won them and their forces from the enemy’s side to his own. He also sent for the three chief castellans^ and swore an oath that all could hear that,

unless they surrendered the fortress to him within three days, he would have all whom he could capture put to death by hanging. Terrified by the king’s stern resolution, they began to make plans for their safety and sent for William Pantulf, who was a neighbour of theirs, to hear his advice. He came to act as mediator between them and the king and, in well-chosen words, urged them to mercenaries, Orderic usually uses the noun pagensis in the sense of countryman,

and combined with milites the adjective might imply enfeoffed knights rather than members of the household troops, where stipendiaries were mostly to be found. If the figure 3,000 is anywhere near the truth this is a likely interpretation.

However, Orderic may merely have wished to indicate the lesser folk, in contrast with the great men. 3 According to Brut y Tywysogyon

(1 102), pp. 43-4, King Henry won

Ior-

werth, who was the most powerful, over to his side, but made no approaches to the other two brothers, who remained with Robert. ^ Ulger the huntsman, Roger, son of Corbet, and Robert of Neuville.

28

iv. 176

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XI

dam legitimo regi munitionem commonuit, cuius ex parte terra centum librarum fundos eorum augendos iureiurando promisit.! Oppidani? considerata communi commoditate adquieuerunt, et regiz maiestatis uoluntati ne resistendo periclitarentur obcedierunt. Denique permissu regis domino suo legatum Rodberto destinauerunt, per quem se non posse ulterius tolerare uiolentiam inuicti principis mandauerunt. Stipendiarii autem milites pacem nescierunt quam oppidani omnes et burgenses? perire nolentes illis inconsultis fecerunt. Cumque insperatam rem comperissent indignati sunt’ et armis assumptis incohatum opus impedire nisi sunt. Oppidanorum ergo uiolentia in quadam parte munitionis inclusi sunt? et regii satellites cum regali uexillo multis gaudentibus suscepti sunt. Deinde rex quia stipendiari fidem principi suo seruabant ut decuit, eis liberum cum equis et armis exitum annuit. Qui egredientes inter cateruas obsidentium plorabant, seseque fraudulentia castrensium et magistrorum male supplantatos palam plangebant, et coram omni exercitu ne talis eorum casus aliis opprobrio esset stipendiariis complicum dolos detegebant. Rodbertus ut munitissimum Brugiz castrum in quo maxime confidebat regi subactum audiuit, anxius ingemuit? et pene in amentiam uersus quid ageret ignorauit. Rex autem phalanges suas iussit Huuel hegen^ pertransire, et Scrobesburiam urbem in monte sitam obsidere? qua in ternis lateribus circumluitur Sabrina flumine. Angli quippe quendam transitum per siluam ‘Huuel hegen'

dicunt, quem Latini *malum callem vel ‘uicum’ nuncupare possunt. Via enim per mille passus erat caua, grandibus saxis aspera, stricta quoque quz uix duos pariter equitantes capere ualebat, cui opacum nemus ex utraque parte obumbrabat in quo sagittarii delitescebant, et stridulis missilibus uel sagittis pretereuntes subito multabant. T'unc plus quam lx milia peditums erant in expeditione, quibus rex iussit siluam securibus precidere, et amplissimam stratam sibi et cunctis transeuntibus usque in zeternum preparare. ! Eyton (Shropshire, vi. 287) has produced evidence to show that Ulger did in

fact obtain some lands from the crown. ? 'The term oppidani is used throughout this account of the siege to describe

the non-stipendiary portion of the garrison (cf. J. F. A. Mason in TSAS lvi

(1960), 41).

3 These must be the burgesses moved by Robert from Quatford (cf. Mason, TSAS lvi (1960), 43), which had been called a burgus in Domesday Book.

BOOK XI

2i

surrender the castle to their lawful king, promising on the king's behalf that he would augment their estates with a hundred pounds’ worth of land.! The [feudal] garrison,? considering the interests of all, agreed to this and bowed to the royal will to avoid the perils of disobedience. ‘Then, with the king's consent, they sent an envoy to their lord Robert, to inform him that it was impossible for them to

put up further resistance to the might of the unconquered king. The mercenary knights, however, knew nothing about the peace, which all the feudal garrison and burgesses? had made without consulting them, to save their skins. When they heard the unwelcome news they were outraged and, snatching up their arms, tried to put a stop to the peace-making. Therefore the feudal garrison shut them up by force in a part of the castle, and welcomed the king’s troops with the royal standard, amid general rejoicing. The king allowed the mercenary knights to leave freely with their horses and arms, because they had served their master as was right. As they rode out through the besieging forces they bewailed their

fate, loudly complaining that they had been unfairly let down by the deceit of the garrison and their masters, and called the whole

army to witness the tricks of these plotters, so that their downfall might not bring contempt on other mercenaries. When Robert heard that the strong fortress of Bridgnorth in which he had placed his trust had surrendered to the king he was in despair; almost insane with grief he did not know what course to take. The king commanded his troops to go by way of Huvel hegen* and lay siege to the town of Shrewsbury, which stands on a hill encircled on

three sides by the river Severn. The English call this way through the wood by the name of Huvel hegen, which may be translated as ‘evil path’ or ‘road’. For a whole mile the road passed through a deep cutting, strewn with huge boulders; it was so narrow that two horsemen could barely ride abreast, and was overshadowed on both

sides by a thick wood, in which archers used to lie hidden and without warning send javelins or arrows whistling to take their toll

of passers-by. At that time there were more than sixty thousand foot-soldiers’ in the army; these the king ordered to cut down the wood with axes and make a much wider road, both for his use and

for all travellers ever afterwards. The royal command was soon 4 Literally ‘evil hedge or undergrowth’ (ME. uvel hege). 5 The numbers are exaggerated, but the foot-soldiers were probably part of the fyrd.

3o

iv. 177

BOOK XI

Regia iussio uelociter completa est’ saltuque complanato latissimus trames a multitudine adequatus est.! His auditis Rodbertus admodum territus est? et undique infortunio circumuentum se uidens humiliatus est’ inuictique regis clementiam supplicare coactus est. Seuerus econtra rex memor iniuriarum cum pugnaci multitudine decreuit illum impetere, nec ei ullatenus nisi uictum se redderet parcere. Ille tandem tristis casus sui angore contabuit, et consultu amicorum regi iam prope urbem uenienti obuiam processit, et crimen proditionis confessus claues urbis uictori exhibuit. Rex itaque totum honorem Rodberti et hominum eius qui cum illo in rebellione perstiterant possedit, ipsumque cum equis et armis incolumem abire permisit, saluumque per Angliam usque ad mare conductum porrexit. Omnis Anglia exulante crudeli tiranno exultauit, multorumque congratulatio regi Henrico tunc adulando dixit, ‘Gaude rex Henrice, Dominoque Deo gratias age, quia tu libere cepisti regnare, ex quo Rodbertum de Belismo uicisti, et de finibus regni tui expulisti.’ Fugato itaque Rodberto regnum Albionis in pace siluit, et rex Henricus xxxiii annis prospere regnauit? quibus in Anglia nullus postea rebellare contra eum ausus fuit nec munitionem aliquam contra illum tenuit. Rodbertus autem ira et dolore plenus in Neustriam transfretauit, et compatriotas suos qui mollem dominum

iv. 178

adiuuare

suum

nisi fuerant crudeliter inuasit, cadibus

et

incendiis uehementer aggrauauit. Nam sicut draco ille de quo simnista Iohannes in Apocalipsi scribit/ de colo proiectus in terrigenas rabiem suam feraliter exercuit/? sic seuus lanista de Britannia fugatus in Normannos furibundus irruit. Rura eorum predis direptis ignibus conflagrauit, et milites uel alios quos capere ualebat usque ad mortem seu debilitationem membrorum cruciatibus afflixit. Tanta enim in illo erat seuitia, ut mallet captis inferre tormenta, quam pro redemptione illorum multa ditari pecunia. Rogerius Pictauinus et Arnulfus? fratres Rodberti in Anglia comites opulenti erant, comitisque Rogerii patris sui procuratione magnis honoribus locupletes pollebant. Arnulfus enim filiam regis Hiberniz nomine Lafracoth uxorem habuit,* per quam soceri sui * The account of the building of a road across Wenlock Edge by Henry I is one of the very few pieces of precise evidence about road-making in the Norman period (F. M. Stenton, Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England, ed. D. M. Stenton (Oxford, 1970), p. 238). This may have been the road through Harley to Cressage (VCH Shropshire, viii. 86). 2 Cf. Revelation xii. 7-18. 3 See above, iv. 302; J. F. A. Mason in TRHS, sth ser. xiii (1963), 1-28.

^ Alternatively, ‘[Lafracoth], daughter of an Irish king’. Brut y Tywysogyon

BOOK

XI

31

obeyed; the wood was cleared and many hands levelled out a very wide road.! When the news reached Robert he was greatly alarmed; seeing disasters all around him, he was brought to his knees and forced to beg for mercy from the unconquered king. The stern king, however, remembered all his wrongs and resolved to hunt him down with a huge army, and grant no quarter until he surrendered unconditionally. Robert, gnawed by anguish at his wretched fate, took the advice of friends and went out to meet the king as he approached

the town, confessed his treachery, and handed over the keys of the town to the conqueror. 'T'he king confiscated Robert's whole honor and the estates of the vassals who had stood by him in his rebellion, allowed him to leave unharmed with his horses and arms, and granted him a safe-conduct through England to the sea-coast. All England rejoiced as the cruel tyrant went into exile, and many flatteringly congratulated King Henry, saying, ‘Rejoice, King Henry, give thanks to the Lord God, for you have begun to rule freely now that you have conquered Robert of Belléme and driven him out of your kingdom.’ After Robert was exiled the realm of Albion remained in peace, and King Henry reigned prosperously for thirty-three years, during which time no one again dared to rebel against him in England or hold any castle against him. Robert crossed to Normandy, bursting with rage and grief, and

savagely attacked those of his compatriots who had attempted to help their weak lord, leaving a trail of fire and slaughter behind him. Like the dragon of whom John the apostle writes in the Apocalypse, who was cast out of heaven and vented his bestial fury by

warring on the dwellers on earth,? the fierce disturber of the peace, driven from Britain, fell in wrath upon the Normans. He pillaged their estates, burning all behind him, and tortured to death or mutilated the knights and other persons whom he was able to capture. He was so cruel that he preferred tormenting his prisoners to growing rich on fat ransoms offered for their release. Robert’s brothers, Roger the Poitevin and Arnulf,3 were wealthy

earls in England, and had been richly endowed with great honors

through the efforts of their father, Earl Roger. Arnulf had taken to wife a daughter of an Irish king named Murchertach,* and hoped (1102), p. 43, states that Arnulf obtained the hand of Murchertach's daughter while he and his brother were preparing their rebellion. Gerald the steward,

whom he had put in charge of Pembroke castle, was sent to fetch her.

32

iv. 179

BOOK

XI

regnum optinere concupiuit. Immoderata cupiditas plus quam debet querit? inde plerisque quod iuste adipiscuntur subito tollit. Fortis rex Anglorum pro malignitate Rodberti totam progeniem et parentelam eius odio habuit, suoque de regno radicitus omnes extirpare decreuit. Occasiones ergo contra prefatos fratres exquisiuit, qualescumque inuenit, pertinaciter uentilauit, et exheredatos de finibus Britanniz propulsauit.' Terram quoque quam Rogerius senior comes dederat sanctimonialibus Almaniscarum, quoniam Emma abbatissa erat predictorum soror comitum" impatiens uindex zcclesi& uirginum immisericorditer abstulit, et Sauarico Chamz filio pro militari seruitio concessit.? His itaque fugatis de Anglia, uehemens acerbitas nequitiz creuit in Neustria, et per triennium innumera perpetrauit facinora. Villa siquidem plures depopulate sunt? et basilicae cum hominibus qui ad illam ut filii ad matris sinum confugerant concrematz sunt. Tota pene Normannia in Rodbertum surrexerat, parique coniuratione illi resistere conspirauerat, sed frustra quoniam capite sano contra tantum predonem carebat. Nam ipse uiribus et ingenio pollebat, et congeriem diuitiarum quas iamdudum congesserat? in xxxiii fortissimis munitionibus ad rebellionem olim constructis

habebat. Solus paternam hereditatem penitus possidebat, unde nullam prefatis fratribus pro illo exheredatis partem permittebat. Rogerius itaque ad Carrofense castrum quod de patrimonio suz coniugis erat? secessit, ibique usque ad senectutem permansit, et

uitz finem sortitus filios sibi probos successores reliquit. Arnulfus autem post multos labores quos pro fratre suo incassum tolerauit, indignatus ad ducem sese contulit, et castrum Almaniscarum surreptione capiens illi tradidit, et plures de auxiliatoribus fratris sui secum contraxit. Tunc in Sagiensi territorio nimia turbatio facta est. Multi prouincialium cum Arnulfo Rodbertum reliquerunt, et municipia sua fautoribus ducis reddiderunt. Rodbertus * Both were

later temporarily

reconciled

to Henry

I; a letter from

King

Murchertach to Anselm shows that Arnulf's reconciliation had been effected by Anselm (Anselm, Opera Omnia, v. 372, ep. 426). Both revisited the king's court,

Arnulf shortly after the death of Anselm (Eadmer, Vita Anselmi, pp. 146—7),

Roger in 1109 (Regesta, ii. 919); but they never recovered their English lands.

Arnulf later became attached to the Angevin court and fought against Henry (see below, p. 206).

2 'The abbey of Almenéches

received property in Sussex from Roger of

Montgomery, most of which was retained; a bull of Alexander III in 1178 confirmed manors in Climping, Rustington, Ford, Preston, and Poling as well as five churches (VCH Sussex, ii. 121). But the Bohuns of Midhurst, who were the descendants of Savaric son of Cana (Loyd, p. 16), later held knights’ fees in

BOOK XI

Pe

in her right to secure his father-in-law’s kingdom. Excessive greed by which many men reach out for superfluous things often leads to the sudden loss of their just acquisitions. Because of Robert’s evildoing the mighty king of England withdrew his favour from all his progeny and kinsfolk, and determined to root them all out from the kingdom. He therefore looked for grounds of complaint against the two brothers, exploited to the full whatever grievances he found, disinherited them, and drove them out of Britain.! So ruthless was

he in his vengeance that he pitilessly deprived the nuns of Almenéches of the land which the first Earl Roger had given them, because the abbess, Emma, was a sister of the earls Robert, Arnulf, and Roger, and granted it to Savaric, son of Cana, in return for military service.”

When these men had been expelled from England evil grew apace in Normandy, and for three years countless atrocities were perpetrated. Many villages were depopulated and churches were burnt to the ground with the people who had fled to take refuge in them, as children fly to their mother’s breast. Almost all Normandy had risen against Robert and united in one sworn bond to

resist him, but resistance against such a bandit without a capable leader achieved nothing. Robert was clever and powerful, and had already amassed great wealth in the thirty-four powerful castles that he had built to further his rebellion. He alone enjoyed the inheritance of his ancestors, allowing no share to the brothers who had been disinherited on his account. So Roger withdrew to the castle of Charroux, which was in his wife's patrimony,3 and remained there until he grew old and died, leaving honourable sons to succeed him. As for Arnulf, outraged at all the struggles he had

endured to no purpose on his brother’s behalf, he went over to the duke, seized the castle of Almenéches by surprise, and surrendered it to him, and took with him a number of his brother’s supporters. At that time the region of Séez was greatly disturbed. Many men

of the province took Arnulf’s part and deserted Robert, handing over their castles to the duke’s supporters. Robert, who had been Climping and Rustington (Fitzalan Surveys, ed. Marie Clough, Sussex Record Society, Ixvii (1969), 91), and the family may have acquired some property in

these two manors to which the nuns had a claim in the reign of Henry I. Cana was the second wife of Ralph of Beaumont, vicomte of Maine.

3 Roger married the sister of the count of La Marche in Poitou and succeeded to the county when her brother died in 1091 (Mason in TRHS, sth ser. xiii

(1963), 14, 17).

34

v. 180

BOOK XI

autem qui desertus a proprio germano erat, ubique meticulosus uix in aliquo confidebat, et quia pene cunctis terribilis erat, de illis etiam qui sibi adhuc adherebant ambigebat. Mense Iunio satellites ducis in abbatiam sanctimonialium aggregati sunt/ et ad depredandam regionem ardentes in sacris edibus stabula equorum constituerunt. Quo cognito Rodbertus illuc aduolauit, et iniecto igne cenobium combussit. Oliuarum autem de Fraxineio aliosque plures comprehendit? quorum quosdam longo grauique ergastulo miserabiliter afflixit, reliquos uero morte seu membrorum priuatione condempnauit. Rodbertus dux cum exercitu Normanniz Oximis uenit, fautoribusque suis suffragari debuit. Tunc Rogerius de Laceio! magister militum erat? cuius precepto Malgerius cognomento Malaherba? predictam munitionem seruabat. Ob infortunium imminens odibili tiranno plures letati sunt’ ac ut super illum irruerent auide conuenerunt. Guillelmus comes Ebroicensis et Rotro comes

iv. 181

iv. 182

Moritoniz,

et Gislebertus de Aquila, et Oximenses cuncti simul in illum conspirauerant, sed congruentem malis que idem illis multoties intulerat talionem exoluere ad libitum non poterant. Verum Rodbertus de Sancto Serenico? et Burcardus dapifer eius et Hugo de Nonanto?^ diutius illi restiterunt, et plus omnibus aliis Normannis eundem damnis et iniuriis contristauerunt. Adueniente cum exercitu duce Rodbertus acies suas prestruxit, desidemque dominum pluribus modis temptauit, et super calcetam’ audacter aggressus tandem fugauit, atque Guillelmum de Conuersana fratrem Sibillz comitisse aliosque plures comprehendit. Animosiores Normanni uehementer erubuerunt, quod illi qui exterarum uictores gentium in barbaris regionibus floruerunt, nunc in suz telluris sinu ab uno filiorum uicti et fugati sunt. Rodbertus itaque secundis euentibus admodum inflatus ferocior surrexit, et ducem exinde floccipendens totam undique Normanniam sibi subdere sategit. Prouinciales autem rectore carentes, nec bellicosi comitis asperam tirannidem ferre ualentes, sub iugo eius sua colla licet inuiti flexerunt, eique non tam amore quam timore t Roger of Lacy had forfeited his English estates and been banished from England for his part in the rebellion of 1095 (see above, iv. 284; Wightman, Lacy Family, pp. 170-2). 2 Several Norman families had the name which of them Mauger belonged.

of Malherbe;

it is not certain to

3 For Robert Giroie of Saint-Céneri see above, iv. 154-8, 292-4. 4 Hugh was described by Orderic as a poor castellan who was a resolute opponent of Robert of Belléme (see above, iv. 300; Yver, ‘Chateaux forts’,

p. 72).

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XI

35

abandoned by his own brother, was full of fears and scarcely dared trust anyone; since he himself was a figure of terror to almost everyone he doubted the loyalty even of those who still stood by him. In the month of June the duke's retainers gathered together in the nunnery and rapaciously preparing to plunder the region, turned the consecrated buildings into stables for their horses. Getting word of this, Robert rushed to the spot and, setting fire to the buildings, burnt the nunnery to the ground. He took prisoner Oliver of Fresnay and many others; some he subjected to the misery of a long and wretched captivity, the remainder he condemned to death or mutilation. Duke Robert came to Exmes with the army of Normandy and ought to have helped his supporters. At that time Roger of Lacy! was captain of the knights, and at his command Mauger Malherbe? was in charge of the castle of Exmes. Many who were glad that disaster threatened the hateful tyrant eagerly assembled to attack him. William, count of Évreux, and Rotrou, count of Mortagne, Gilbert of Laigle, and all the men of Exmes had plotted together against him, but they could devise no fitting way of taking vengeance for the harm he had so often inflicted on them.

However,

Robert of Saint-Céneri?

and Burchard

his

steward and Hugh of Nonant* stood up to him for a long time, and more than all the other Normans inflicted losses and injuries on him. When the duke arrived with his army Robert drew up his battle lines, tested his indolent lord's strength in many ways, then boldly attacked him on the causeway’ and put him to flight, capturing William of Conversano, the brother of Countess Sibyl, and many others. The more spirited Normans were overcome with shame because, after triumphantly conquering foreign peoples in barbarous regions, they were now themselves conquered and put to flight in the heart of their own land by one of the sons of Normandy. Robert, much elated by favourable events, grew fiercer than

ever; from that day he held the duke in contempt and attempted to bring the whole of Normandy under his sway. The dwellers in that region, who were without any protector and could not endure the harsh tyranny of the warlike count, bowed their necks unwillingly to his yoke, gave him full support out of fear not love, 5 The exact site of this battle, in the vicinity of Exmes, is uncertain. See Le

Prévost, iv. 182 n. 1; GEC xi. 693 note e.

36

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XI

penitus adheserunt, eiusque patrociniis fulti contra emulos cohabitantes atrocem guerram exercuerunt. Sic nimirum uiribus ducis deficientibus Rodbertus infestior ascendit, et collimitaneis

quiritibus! ad eum deficientibus Oximorum munitionem optinuit, Castellum quoque Gunterii et alia quamplura in giro sibi municipia mancipauit. Concremato apud Almaniscas sanctimonialium monasterio ut dictum est’ tener uirginum conuentus misere dispersus est.

Vnaquzeque prout facultas sibi fortuitu collata est? ad lares pareniv. 183

tum uel amicorum regressa est. Emma uero abbatissa cum ternis sanctimonialibus Vticum confugit, ibique in capella ubi sanctus pater Ebrulfus celesti theoria intentus solitarie degebat sex mensibus habitauit.? Porro sequenti anno ad ecclesiam suam reuersa est? auxilioque Dei et fidelium eius diruta restaurare conata est. Hac postmodum fere x annis uixit, quibus basilicam uirginis et matris cum regularibus officinis diligenter erexit, et dispersas ad septa monastica monachas summopere reuocauit. Qua defuncta Mathildis filia Philippi fratris eius successit, iterumque repentino igne incensum cum edibus monasterium laboriose reparauit.3 4 Eodem tempore precipui proceres Normanniz Gualterius Gifardus, Guillelmus Britoliensis et Radulfus de Conchis defuncti sunt’ eisque iuuenes successerunt. Gualterius quippe Gifardus comes Bucchingeham in Anglia mortuus est? et inde in Normanniam ut ipse iusserat translatus est. In introitu uero basilica beatz uirginis Mariz apud Longamuillam* sepultus est? super quem huiusmodi epitaphium in maceria picturis decorata scriptum

est,

iv. 184

Stemma Gifardorum Gualterius ingenuorum Quze meruit uiuens busta’ sepultus habet. Templi fundator presentis et zdificator Hoc uelut in proprio conditus est tumulo. Qui se magnificum patrizeque probauit amicum? Dux uirtute potens, et pietate nitens, Religiosorum sed precipue monachorum? Cultor multimodz profuit zcclesiz. * Orderic sometimes uses quirites in the sense of ‘Romans’; here, however, it

has its more usual medieval sense of ‘knights’. Cf. The Carmen de Hastingae

Proelio of Guy Bishop of Amiens, ed. Catherine Morton and Hope Muntz (Oxford Medieval Texts, 1972), pp. 20, 21 n. 6. ? See above, ii. 76-8; iii. 288. * Emma died on 4 March 1113; her successor Matilda was the daughter of the most obscure of Roger of Montgomery's sons, Philip ‘the clerk’ or ‘the gram-

BOOK XI

37

and with the help of his retainers waged merciless war against rivals dwelling near by. So as the duke's forces melted away Robert grew more and more deadly; and as neighbouring knights! came over to his side he took the castle of Exmes, and also captured Cháteau-Gontier and a number of other castles round about. After the nunnery of Almenéches had been burnt as I have described, the defenceless community of nuns was scattered in great distress. Each one retired to the home of kinsfolk or friends as chance and opportunity allowed. Emma, the abbess, fled with three nuns to Saint-Évroul and lived there for six months in the chapel where the blessed father Évroul had devoted himself in solitude to heavenly meditation.? The following year she returned to her own church and, with the help of God and good Christians, toiled to restore the ruins. She lived for about ten years afterwards and in that time patiently rebuilt both the church of the Virgin and Mother and the conventual buildings, and brought back to the monastic enclosure all the nuns who had been dispersed. After her death Matilda, the daughter of her brother Philip, succeeded her, and laboriously restored the monastery with all its buildings after it had been unexpectedly burnt a second time.3 4 At that time some of the great magnates of Normandy, Walter Giffard, William of Breteuil, and Ralph of Conches died; and young men succeeded them. Walter Giffard, earl of Buckingham, died in England and his body was brought back to Normandy according to his instructions. He was buried by the entrance to the church of the blessed Virgin Mary at Longueville;^the following epitaph was written on the wall above, which was decorated with paintings: Walter, a scion of the Giffard stock, Earned in his life the tomb wherein he lies. Founder and builder of this place of worship, He rests here in the vault that is his own. He who gave splendid service to his country,

A mighty leader, filial in his duty, Was patron to the clergy of all orders, But most to monks, in the many-mansioned Church. marian’, who died at Antioch on the first crusade. See L. Musset, L' Abbaye d' Almenéches Argentan et Sainte Opportune, pp. 30-1, and above, iv. 302. 4 Longueville-sur-Scie was the caput of the Giffard honor in Normandy (Loyd, p. 45). For the family see GEC ii. 386-7.

822242

C

38

iv. 185

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XI

Strenuum itaque baronem Cluniacenses monachi honorifice uenerati sunt? et assiduis precibus animam eius Domino Deo commendauerunt, memores beneficiorum quz apud Longamuillam in eius elemosina ubertim adepti sunt. Agnes uero uxor eius Anselmi de Ribothmonte! soror fuit, Gualteriumque puerum? post xv annos desponsionis suz marito peperit, quem post mortem patris usque ad uirile robur diligenter educauit, et paternum ei honorem per multos annos prudenter gubernauit. Hzc feminea cupiditate nimis accensa Rodbertum ducem adamauit, ipsumque insidiosis retibus amoris illicite sibimet illexit. Multa ei per se et per potentes cognatos suos contra omnes inimicos adiumenta promisit, quibus cito socordem ad consensum pertraxit, ut dum sua coniunx obiret prefatam mulierem sibi copularet, totamque Normanniam ad regendum ei committeret. Non multo post Sibilla comitissa ueneno infecta in lectum decidit, et quadragesimali tempore multis eam plangentibus obiit. Guillelmus autem Rotomagensis archipresul eius exequias celebrauit, et in metropolitana sancte Dei genitricis Mariz basilica cum clero et populo decenter tumulauit. In naui ecclesi: polita de albo lapide lamina tumulum operit, in qua sculptum hoc modo epitaphium sollerter intuentibus patescit, Nobilitas, species, laus, gloria, magna potestas Viuere perpetuo non faciunt hominem, Nam generosa, potens, diues comitissa Sibilla Hoc 1acet in tumulo condita, facta cinis, Cuius larga manus, mens prouida, uita pudica Prodesset patrie si diuturna foret. Normanni dominam, gens Apula deflet alumnam/ Cuius in occasu gloria magna ruit. Velleris aurati cum Titan sidus* inibat? Mortem passa ruit, sit sibi uita Deus.

Post hzc tumultus bellorum quz iamdudum incepta sunt? subito causis quibusdam orientibus pene per totam Neustriam admodum creuerunt. Quibus feraliter furentibus dux prohibitus est uxorem ducere, et Agnes uidua permanens frustra concupiuit * Anselm of Ribemont 150).

was killed on the first crusade in 1099 (see above, v.

? Walter Giffard III. 3 William of Malmesbury Countess

Sibyl's

death,

gives a more

‘deceptam,

probable account of the cause of

ut dicunt,

obstetricis

consilio

quae

pro

affluentis lactis copia puerperae mammas stricta praeceperat illigari fascia! (GR ii. 461). This suggests that she died of a puerperal infection not long after the birth of her son, William Clito. William was born on 25 October 1102; in 1103

BOOK XI

39

So the Cluniac monks honourably revered this brave and active magnate, and with their constant prayers commended his soul to the Lord God, remembering the endowments generously bestowed on them in his pious foundation at Longueville. Agnes, his wife, was the sister of Anselm of Ribemont,! and after fifteen years of marriage she bore her husband a son, Walter,? whom she

brought up carefully after his father's death until he attained manhood, and successfully administered his father's honor on his behalf for many years. This lady, burning with a woman's lust, fell

in love with Duke Robert and bound him to herself in the artful snares of illicit passion. She promised that both she and her powerful kinsfolk would give him strong support against all his enemies, and in this way soon persuaded the poor fool to agree that when his wife died he would marry her and hand over the whole of Normandy to her control. Not long afterwards poison was administered to the countess Sibyl, who took to her bed and died in Lent amidst general mourning.? William, archbishop of Rouen, conducted her funeral service and buried her honourably in the cathedral church of St. Mary, the Mother of God, in the presence of clergy and people. Her tomb in the nave of the church is covered by a polished slab of white stone, on which this epitaph is beautifully engraved

for all to see: Beauty and birth and honour, power and praise, Are powerless to give eternal life;

The noble countess Sibyl, great and wealthy, Lies buried here, to ashes now returned.

Her foresight, largess, life of chastity, Would have enriched her country, had she lived. Normandy mourns its lady, and Apulia Its child, by whose death great glory is overthrown. As the sun moved into the sign of Aries* The shadows claimed her; God be now her life. After this the wars, which were already smouldering, flared up

for various reasons almost everywhere in Normandy. While they were raging the duke was unable to think of marriage and Agnes Lent began on 11 February; the epitaph implies that she died on 18 March. The dark hint in Robert of Torigny’s interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx,

p. 285) that she died 'invidia et factione quarundam nobilium feminarum decepta! may be derived from Orderic's story. 4 Literally ‘the constellation of the golden fleece’. The sun entered Aries on 18 March.

40

iv. 186

BOOK XI

principalem thorum ascendere. Tunc inter Britolienses et Ebroicenses aliosque uicinos eorum ingens guerra exorta est. Guillelmus quippe de Britolio Adelinam! Hugonis de Monteforti filiam uxorem duxerat, sed prolem de legali conubio non habuerat. Ipso itaque ii? idus Ianuarii apud Beccum mortuo, sed Lirz in cenobio quod pater suus in proprio fundo construxerat? sepulto? nepotes eius Guillelmus de Guader? et Rainaldus de Craceio* succedere illi contenderunt, sed Normanni Eustachium de concubina filium

iv. 187

eius susceperunt, quia compatriotam nothum quam Britonem seu Burgundionem liberum przesse sibi maluerunt. Igitur inter partes inimicas grauis guerra exorta est’ et desolatio patrie nimis augmentata est. Guillelmo de Guader celeriter obeunte Rainaldus inualuit, eique Guillelmus comes Ebroicensis ad subsidiandum cum multis aliis adhesit. Nam Radulfus de Conchis filius Isabel5 et Ascelinus Goel® atque Amalricus de Monteforti? cum uiribus suis conglomerati sunt? et Rainaldo fauentes ingentia uicinis detrimenta nequiter intulerunt, patriamque suam hostiliter depopulati sunt: et illi quem iuuare conabantur parum profecerunt. Eustachius enim Guillelmum Alis$ et Radulfum Rufum? ac Tedbaldum aliosque barones suos secum habens fortiter restitit, quorum consilio contra tot aduersarios auxilium regis Anglorum quesiuit. Rex autem Iulianam filiam suam!? ei coniugem dedit, et insuperabile contra Goellum et omnes alios hostes adminiculum spopondit. Tunc etiam Rotroni Mauritaniz comiti aliam sobolem coniunxit,!! qua marito suo filiam nomine Philippam peperit. * Adeline was the daughter of Hugh II of Montfort-sur-Risle, probably by his second wife.

See Douglas, Domesday Monachorum,

p. 67 and n. 6.

? William of Breteuil was the son of William fitz Osbern, founder of Lire (see above, ii. 282; iii. 130).

He died on 12 January 1103 (David, Robert Curthose,

p. 144 n. 25). 3 William of Gael was the son of William of Breteuil's brother-in-law, Ralph of Gael (see above, ii. 319). ^ Reginald came of the great Burgundian family of Grancey and was a kins-

man, but not a nephew, of William of Breteuil. 5 Ralph was the second, but eldest surviving, son of Ralph of Tosny and Isabel (GEC xii (i), 760-1). $ Ascelin Goel had married Isabel, the illegitimate daughter of William of Breteuil, and had secured the grant of the castle of Ivry (see above, iv. 198-202, 288-92; GEC viii. 209-10).

7 Amaury of Montfort-l'Amaury was the brother of Richard and Simon, who

BOOK

XI

41

remained a widow, longing in vain to climb into the ducal bed. At that time a great conflict broke out between the men of Breteuil and Évreux and their other neighbours. William of Breteuil had married Hugh of Montfort’s daughter Adeline,! but he had no children by his lawful wife. So when he died on 12 January at Bec and was buried in the monastery that his father had built on his own property at Lire,? his nephews William of Gael? and Reginald of Grancey* contended for his inheritance. The Normans, however, accepted Eustace, his son by a concubine, because they chose to be ruled by a fellow countryman who was a bastard rather than by a legitimate Breton or Burgundian. So a major war broke out between the hostile factions, and the wretchedness of the country increased beyond measure. As William of Gael soon died, Reginald rose to

the fore and William, count of Evreux, came to his help with many others. Ralph of Conches, the son of Isabel, and Ascelin Goel$ and Amaury of Montfort? mustered their forces and, taking Reginald’s part, brutally inflicted great damage on their neighbours, devastated their own region as if they had been enemies, and did little to further the cause of the man they wished to help. For Eustace, who had on his side William Alis? and Ralph the Red? and Theobald and his other barons, resisted stoutly and, by their advice, sought the help of the king of England against his numerous adversaries. The king gave him his daughter Juliana’ in marriage, and promised effective help against Goel and all his other enemies. At that time too the king married another of his daughters to Rotrou, count of Mortagne," and she bore her husband a daughter

called Philippa. had inherited before him but died without heirs; he was also the half-brother of Isabel of Tosny (GEC vii. 709).

8 William Alis was a vassal of the honor of Breteuil (cf. above, iii. 130). 9 Ralph

the

Red

of Pont-Échanfray

(Notre-Dame-du-Hamel)

came

of a

family of neighbours and benefactors of Saint-Evroul, and was probably a grandson of Walchelin of Pont-Échanfray and Heremburge, daughter of Giroie. One

of the abbey's charters records that when he had been newly knighted he confirmed the gifts of his predecessors, was received into the fraternity of the monks, and was given a palfrey by Abbot Roger (Le Prévost, v. 194). He became one of the captains in Henry I's household troops; and Orderic, who must have known

him personally, gives a full account of his career up to the time he perished in the wreck of the White Ship. 10 For Juliana, who became the wife of Eustace of Breteuil, see GEC xi, App.

D, p. 187. They had two sons, William and Roger, and two daughters. 11 'The wife of Rotrou was Henry I's daughter Matilda (Maud); of her mother Edith nothing is known (PR 31 Hen. I, p. 155; GEC xi, App. D, p. 187).

Matilda was drowned in the White Ship, leaving two daughters.

42

BOOK XI 5

iv. 188

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?c?r11?* Paschalis papa in Gallias uenit,! et a Gallis honorifice susceptus diuinam seruitutem fideliter exercuit. Tunc uenerabilis Iuo Carnotenz urbis episcopus inter precipuos Franciz doctores eruditione litterarum tam diuinarum quam secularium floruit, a quo inuitatus papa solennitatem Pasche apud Carnotum celebrauit. Adela quoque comitissa largas ad ministerium papz impensas contulit" et benedictionem sibi domuique sue in eternum a sede apostolica promeruit. Laudabilis era post peregrinationem mariti consulatum illius honorifice gubernauit, tenerosque pueros ad tutamen ecclesiz sancte sollerter educauit. ?Guillelmus enim qui maior natu erat filiam Gilonis de Soleio uxorem duxit, et soceri sui hareditatem possidens diu pacifice uixit, laudabilemque sobolem Odonem et Raherium? genuit. Tedbaldus autem palatinus comes militia claruit, pacis amator iusticia uiguit, et inter precipuos Francie principes diuitiis et uirtute maximus enituit. Mathildem uero Ingelberti ducis filiam uxorem duxit, atque post mortem Henrici regis auunculi sui ducatum Normanniz suscepit, et furentes discolas necessari; uirga discipline feriens cohercuit.4 Porro Stephanus Stephani Blesensis tercia proles ab auunculo rege arma militie accepit, et capto apud Tenerchebraicum Guillelmo comite Moritolii comitatum eius dono regis optinuit. Eustachii quoque Boloniensis consulis filiam de matre Maria5 Mathildem uxorem duxit, et totum honorem eius

hereditario iure possedit. Denique Henrico rege in castro Leonis quarto nonas Decembris defuncto® Stephanus mare transfretauit, et incipiente anno dominice incarnationis M°c°xxx°vi° Anglie sceptra suscepit. Deinde Henricus ztate minimus, a puericia Cluniacensis monachus, in adolescentia uero Glestoniensis abbas 4 A space is left in the MS., possibly for the indiction the MSS. probably for the name of the third son, Henry

b A space is left in

* Paschal II's visit to France was in 1107, not 1103; in 1107 Easter Sunday fell on 14 April. 2 The account of the family of the count of Blois repeats and amplifies information already given by Orderic; see above, iii. 116. * Matilda was the daughter of Engelbert, Jubainville, ii. 263).

duke of Carinthia (D'Arbois

de

^ Later Orderic was to describe how the Normans thought of offering Normandy to Theobald, but, on hearing that Stephen had been accepted as king

BOOK XI

43

5 In the year of our Lord 1103 Pope Paschal came into France;! he was received with honour by the inhabitants and faithfully carried out his spiritual duties. At that time Ivo, bishop of the town of Chartres, outshone all other distinguished teachers in

France by his learning, both spiritual and secular; at his invitation the Pope celebrated the feast of Easter at Chartres. T'he countess Adela too gave generous sums for the Pope's needs and earned the eternal blessing of the apostolic see for herself and her house. This noble lady governed her husband's county well after his departure on crusade and carefully brought up her young sons to defend the Church. ?William, who was the eldest, married a daughter of Gilo of Sully; he lived long and peacefully in the enjoyment of his fatherin-law's inheritance and had worthy offspring, Odo and Raher. Theobald, the count palatine, was a famous knight, a notable lover of peace and justice, distinguished among the greatest nobles of France

for his wealth

and character.

He married

Matilda, the

daughter of Duke Engelbert;? after the death of his uncle, King Henry, he accepted the duchy of Normandy and forced its unruly rebels to bend to the rod of strict discipline.* Next Stephen, the third son of Stephen of Blois, received the arms of knighthood from his uncle the king, and after William, count of Mortain, was captured at Tinchebray, was given the county by the king. He married

Matilda, the daughter of Eustace,

count of Boulogne,

and Mary, and acquired his whole honor by hereditary right. Later, when King Henry died at the castle of Lyons-la-Forét on 2 December, Stephen crossed the Channel and, early in the year 1136, received the sceptre of England. Henry, the youngest of all, an oblate monk of Cluny, was as a young man made abbot of of England, agreed not to separate the duchy from the kingdom (see below, p- 454). For a time, however, T'heobald fought against the Angevins; and Orderic may have been unwilling up to 1141 to recognize any better right than his to Normandy.

5 Count Eustace married Mary, the sister of Henry I's queen, Matilda, and second daughter of Malcolm Canmore. 6 In two other places Orderic gives the date of Henry I’s death as 1 Deceniber, as do William of Malmesbury

and Henry of Huntingdon;

but many monastic

sources give 2 December (see Giles Constable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 104—5). The discrepancy has been explained by the fact that according to liturgical usage the day began at sunset. Henry died at nightfall on 1 December.

BOOK

44

iv. 190

XI

in Anglia sullimatus est’ et inde post Guillelmum Gifardum ad Guentoniensem presulatum promotus est.! Denique genitrix tante prolis ut pallida tenebrosa mortis tempora medullitus meditari cepit, post multas diuitias atque delicias in quibus peccatorum copia fedat animas et perimit" lubrica seculi blandimenta turgidosque fastus sponte deseruit, ac sanctimonialis apud Marcilleium effecta sub Cluniacensium rigido regimine Regi sabaoth militauit.? Hc per anticipationem de generosa matre et fortunata sobole dicta sunt? quorum dubii exitus michi adhuc incerti sunt. Nunc autem ad narrationis seriem unde paulisper digressus sum" libet reducere calamum. 6 3Rex Anglorum Rodbertum comitem de Mellento ad sedandas lites intestinas in Normanniam destinauit, et Rodberto duci aliis-

que proceribus mandauit? ut genero suo parcerent, et contra hostes illius dimicarent, alioquin regiz uirtutis inimiciciam sentirent. Beniuolentiam itaque regis erga Eustachium aduertentes multi siluerunt, et qui antea nocebant illi summopere suffragari studuerunt. Rainaldus tamen et Goellus aliique temerarii pertinaciter nequitiis institerunt, nec pro regalis reuerentiz precatu ab infestatione generi eius cessauerunt, sed nefaria temeritate cedes et incendia perpetrarunt. Nam inter cetera quz prefatus Rainaldus crudeliter peregit, quoddam municipium hostile pertinaciter inuasit? et omnes qui intus erant dum exirent excepit, et proprio

ense in uisceribus infixo ueluti bruta animalia immisericorditer

iv. I9I

peremit. Omnibus hac maxime pro causa odibilis factus est? et Eustachio insigniter inualescente totumque patris honorem nanciscente de Neustria expulsus est. Reuersus autem ad natale solum Guillelmo fratri suo maiori se? insidiari cepit, sed iusto Dei iudicio inter tumultus quos machinabatur in manus fratris incidit, et in eius carcere debitas pro nefariis actibus penas luit. 4 Sic in MS. 1 Henry became abbot of Glastonbury

in 1126, and continued to hold the

abbey by papal licence after he was made bishop of Winchester in 1129. ? 'The date of Adela's entry into Marcigny 15992) or after 1122 (d'Arbois de Jubainville, Torigny said she entered Marcigny when Cluny (Marx, p. 331). However, Hugh the

has been given as 1122 (Regesta, ii. ii. 254), probably because Robert of Peter the Venerable was abbot of Chantor, in a most circumstantial

account of Archbishop Thurstan of York's visit to the countess, states that

BOOK

XI

45

Glastonbury in England, and from there was promoted to the bishopric of Winchester after William Giffard.! As the mother of these distinguished sons began to meditate in her heart on the dread hour of dark death, after enjoying great riches and many luxuries amongst which multitudes of sins arise to stain and destroy the soul, she resolved to renounce the deceitful allurements and vain pomps of the world and, after becoming a nun

at Marcigny, served the Lord of hosts under the strict Cluniac rule. I have looked ahead to say something about this noble mother and her children, who have been favoured by fortune, but whose ultimate fate is at present hidden from me. Now, however, I will return to the main course of my narrative, from which I have digressed a little. 6 3The king of England sent Robert, count of Meulan, to put down

the civil disturbances in Normandy, and commanded Duke Robert and the other magnates to spare his son-in-law and take up arms against his enemies, unless they wished to feel the weight of the royal anger. Many therefore, on learning of the king's favour to Eustace, lay low, and those who had previously done him harm now took the utmost pains to help him. However, Reginald and Goel and other rash spirits persisted in their wickedness and would not refrain from molesting the king's son-in-law for all his pleas for respect to the royal dignity, but spread fire and slaughter with reckless cruelty. Among his other terrible acts of cruelty,

Reginald resolutely stormed an enemy castle and, as the defenders emerged, he seized every one, plunged his own sword into their entrails, and slaughtered them without mercy like brute beasts. This was the chief act that made him an object of general hatred, and when Eustace grew powerful and secured the whole of his father's honor he was expelled from Normandy. Returning to his native land, he began to plot against his elder brother, William, but

by the just judgement of God he fell into his brother's hands in the course of the strife he was fomenting, and suffered in his dungeon the punishment he deserved for his evil deeds. Thurstan accompanied her from Blois to Marcigny when she took the veil just after Easter (18 April), 1120; and there is no reason to doubt this (HCY,

pP- 91-3).

dines

3 Orderic now reverts to the struggle for the Breteuil inheritance in 1103.

46

iv. 192

BOOK XI

Tunc etiam Goellus Iohannem filium Stephani de Mellento explorauit, et uenientem de colloquio comitis domini sui qui apud Bellum montem in Normannia consistebat comprehendit, et fere quattuor mensibus auarum fceneratorem in carcerem cohercuit. Vnde prefatus comes obnixe laborauit, ut burgensem suum qui ditissimus erat erueret, nec eum de ore lupi liberare potuit nisi plures placaret. Ingeniosus ergo comes Rodbertus cum Guillelmo Ebroicensi comite pacem fecit, et Amalrico nepoti eius filiam suam! quz tunc unius anni erat pepigit, et in illa concordia Radulfum de Conchis et Eustachium atque Goellum aliosque belligerantes marchisos collegit. Hac itaque pace facta Iohannes redditus est? aliisque pluribus securitas et serenitas pacis exhibita est. Sequenti anno? geminam prolem Gualerannum et Rodbertum Isabel uxor Mellentici comitis enixa est’ et causis quibusdam interuenientibus Amalricus promissam sibi puellam desponsare prohibitus est.

vj Somnolentus dux ut nimiam desolationem patriz uidit, nec contra Rodbertum de Bellismo ducatus sui regionem defendere potuit" transgressor pacti quod cum rege fecerat sine consilio eius concordiam cum predicto Rodberto fecit, eique dominia patris sui episcopatum scilicet Sagiensem et cetera quz superius memorata sunt? annuit. Venerandus igitur Serlo Sagiensis episcopus? tirannidem Rodberti ferre indignum duxit, ideoque potius ab episcopatu recedere quam sub eo degere maluit. Propria sede relicta per extera uagatus est’ et Rodbertum cum adiutoribus suis anathemate feriens execratus est. Sepedictus quoque uir Radulfum Sagiensium abbatems iocundum et facetum amabilemque uirum pluribus modis contristauit, hominesque sancti presulis Martini indebitis exactionibus oppressit, ipsumque per immeritam subiectorum afflictionem fugauit. Sic presul et abbas tiranni iugo fatigati in Angliam fugerunt et a rege Henrico refrigerandi benigniter suscepti sunt. * The identity of this daughter is uncertain; she may have been either Adelina,

who later married Hugh of Montfort-sur-Risle, or another daughter of unknown name who died young. See White, ‘Waleran’, p. 20 n. 5. 2 IIO4.

3 The ‘other things’ were the castle of Argentan and forest of Gouffern; see

above, iv. 296 and n. 4; v. 308. The ASC

1104, records that after Whitsuntide

(5 June) ‘an agreement was reached between Count Robert of Normandy and Robert of Belléme . . . and through this agreement the king of England and the count of Normandy were set at enmity’.

* Serlo of Orgéres, formerly abbot of Saint-Evroul; see above, iv. 252, 296-8; v. 260-2, 264-6. William of Malmesbury's account (GP, p. 127) also implies that

BOOK XI

47

Then Goel set spies on John, son of Stephen of Meulan, captured him as he was coming from a meeting with his lord the count, who was then at Beaumont in Normandy, and forced the miserly usurer to endure harsh confinement for four months in his prison. ‘The count of Meulan made repeated attempts to rescue his burgess, who was exceedingly rich, but could not snatch him from the wolf's jaws without first appeasing many others. So the count, being a cunning man, made peace with William, count of Évreux, betrothed his daughter,! who was then only a year old, to William's nephew Amaury, and brought into this settlement Ralph of Conches and Eustace and Goel and other feuding border lords. When the treaty had been concluded John was released, and many men

once again enjoyed the security and blessing of peace. The following year? the count of Meulan's wife, Isabel, gave birth to twin sons, Waleran and Robert; and various circumstances arose which prevented Amaury from marrying the girl betrothed to him.

4 When the idle duke saw that his country was being utterly wasted and that he was powerless to defend the territory of his duchy against Robert of Belléme, he broke the treaty he had made with the king and without consulting him made peace with Robert and granted him his father's lordships which consisted of the bishopric of Séez and other things already mentioned. So Serlo, the venerable bishop of Séez,* refused to endure Robert's tyranny any longer, choosing rather to leave his bishopric altogether than to live under Robert's power. He abandoned his own see and went into exile, after denouncing both Robert and his adherents and excommunicating them.

Robert of Belléme inflicted all kinds of tribulations on Ralph, abbot of Séez,5 a cheerful, witty, and lovable man, persecuted the

men of St. Martin's abbey with undue extortions, and finally, by oppressing Ralph's innocent subjects, forced him into exile. So bishop and abbot together, exhausted by the tyrant's yoke, fled to England, where they were kindly received by King Henry and allowed to recuperate. Robert of Belléme's exactions began at this time, after his expulsion from England. 5 Ralph d'Escures. He was a close friend of Orderic's master, John of Rheims, and John wrote his metrical Vita sancti Ebrulfi for him (see above, v. 382).

48

BOOK

XI

His temporibus uenerabilis Gundulfus Rofensis episcopus defunctus est’ cuius in loco Radulfus abbas zcclesiastica electione subrogatus est.! A reuerendo Cantuariorum archipresule Anselmo presul Rofensis consecratus est’ cuius etiam post aliquot annos in sede Dorobernensi successor factus est. 8 iv. 193

Ea tempestate? Magnus Nortuigenarum potentissimus rex insulas Britanniz circumiuit, et desertas cum ingenti classe insulas usque in Hiberniam introiuit, ibique colonis callide constitutis oppida et uillas aliarum more gentium construi precepit. Irenses ergo ei nimis inuiderunt, et totis nisibus infestare conati sunt? doloque seu ui pessundare hostes machinati sunt. Magnanimus autem rex contra Irenses surrexit, et cum sua classe littoribus Hiberniz applicuit. Illi uero tanti regis terrore perterriti Normannos accersierunt/ quibus Arnulfus? et auxiliarii eius suppetias aduolarunt. Porro congregati omnes formidabilem Magnum ueriti sunt’ nec preliari comminus cum illo presumpserunt, sed de proditione nefaria in ipsum machinari studuerunt. Denique quidam faceti et eloquentes ad eum in dolo uenerunt, et friuolis sponsionibus eundem deceperunt, et de nauibus egredi

ut prouinciam uiseret atque ad subiectionem sui reciperet cum paucis persuaserunt. Ille uero perfidis male credulus ferratos in littore cuneos reliquit, et usque ad duo miliaria seductores secutus

perniciem suam quzesiuit. Ibi enim ingentes inimicorum cateruas

iv. 194

latitantes inuenit? quibus de latebris prosilientibus audax Nordguigena fugere dedignatus przliari fortiter cepit. Pauci contra innumeros resistere nequiuerunt. Magnus rex dorsum ad arborem stans conuertit, et clipeo protectus missilibus plures sauciauit, sed multitudine oppressus proh dolor interiit. Quidam

locuples Lincoliz

ciuis thesaurum

Magni

seruabat,*

eique ornamenta et uasa uel arma uel utensilia uel alia regalibus ! Gundulf died on 7 March 1108. Ralph was nominated to succeed him on 29 June and consecrated on 9 August 1108; he was translated to Canterbury

on 26 April 1114. ? There is considerable discrepancy in the accounts of the second expedition

of King Magnus III (Bareleg) to Ireland, and the year in which he met his death. The most likely date is August 1103 (Freeman, William Rufus, ii. 622—4;

Lloyd, Wales, ii. 414). Orderic repeats his earlier mistake (above, v. 222) about

the *uninhabited islands'. According to the Brut Magnus was killed by Britons

when he was raiding their shores (Brut y Tywysogyon, pp. 47-8). 3 Arnulf of Montgomery, who married a daughter of King Murchertach of Ireland (see above, p. 30).

* The trade between Lincoln and Norway is attested by coins in Norwegian

BOOK XI

49

At about this time Gundulf, the venerable bishop of Rochester, died and Abbot Ralph was canonically elected to succeed him.! He was blessed as bishop of Rochester by Anselm, the revered archbishop of Canterbury, whom some years later he was to succeed in the archbishopric.

8 About that time? Magnus, the mighty king of Norway, sailed round the islands of Britain and with a vast fleet occupied the uninhabited islands as far as Ireland. He prudently established settlers there and ordered the building of towns and villages after the fashion of other people. The Irish conceived a great distrust for him and tried to harm him by every means in their power, plotting to destroy their enemies by force or guile. So the nobleminded king prepared an expedition against the Irish and approached the Irish coast with his fleet. Greatly alarmed by the king's might, the Irish sent for the Normans and Arnulf? hurried to their aid with his retainers. But when they had all assembled they still feared the might of Magnus; they dared not engage in close battle with him, but instead applied themselves to plotting

foul treachery against him. Finally some plausible and ready-tongued envoys went to him deceitfully, misled him with specious promises, and persuaded him to disembark with only a few men in order to inspect the province and receive its subjection. He, foolishly trusting the traitors, left his mailed squadrons on the shore and followed the scoundrels for two miles, inviting his own destruction. There he found huge troops of his enemies lying in ambush; they sprang from their hiding-places and the bold Norwegian, who scorned flight, put up a valiant resistance. A few men could not fight off thousands. King Magnus turned to stand with his back against a tree and, protected by his shield, wounded many with the darts he hurled; but he perished, alas! overwhelmed by numbers. A wealthy citizen of Lincoln had Magnus's treasures in his

keeping,* and provided him with ornaments and vessels, arms and hoards, bearing on the reverse the names of Lincoln and of Lincoln moneyers from the mid eleventh century. The rich citizen is possibly to be identified as Arcil, the moneyer. Evidence for the trade connection and comments on the significance of Orderic's story will be found in J. W. F. Hill, Medieval Lincoln

(Cambridge, 1948), pp. 31-2, 173-4; see also H. R. Mossop, The Lincoln Mint, c. 890—1279 (Newcastle,

1970).

50

iv. 195

BOOK

XI

ministeriis necessaria suppeditabat. Qui mortem regis comperiens ad domum suam festinauit, et de regali thesauro negociatus diuitiis admodum exuberauit. Anglorum autem rex ut sepefati regis occasum audiuit, quasi onere ingenti alleuiatus exultauit, et post aliquot tempus a Lincoliensi ciue predicti principis aerarium exquisiuit. Denique ciuis ueritatem commissi primo celauit, unde illum repente conuictum rex comprehendit, et plus quam uiginti milia ut fertur libras" argenti abstulit. Irenses sanguine Magni regis sociorumque eius gustato truculentiores effecti sunt, et ex improuiso ad interimendos Normannos conuersi sunt. Rex siquidem eorum filiam suam Arnulfo abstulit, ipsamque petulantem cuidam consobrino suo illicite coniunxit. Arnulfum uero ipsum interficere pro affinitatis remuneratione decreuit, sed ille barbare gentis execrandas fraudes comperiens ad suos aufugit, et fere xx annis sine certa sede postmodum uixit. Tandem iam senex specie tenus regi reconciliatus uxorem duxit" et nuptiis factis in crastinum post comestionem obdormiuit, extremumque diem sortitus paranimphis pro fescenninis lugubres trenos dereliquit! Hostibus undique uariabili fortuna illudente pessundatis Henricus rex inualuit, et maxime Magni regis occasu tutior extitit, ingentique censu ditatus intumuit. 9 Eodem tempore? Ludouicus iuuenis permissu patris sui cum paucis sed sapientibus uiris in Angliam transfretauit, et regi Henrico spectabilis tiro seruiturus ad curiam eius accessit. A quo ut filius regis honorifice susceptus est, et in omnibus apud illum benigniter habitus est. Porro nuncius Bertrade nouercz illius pedetentim illum secutus est’ et apices sigillo Philippi regis Francorum signatos Henrico regi largitus est. Litteratus uero rex epistolam legit, qua perlecta suos consiliarios aduocauit, et cum eis diutius satis alacriter tractare cepit. In epistola quippe legerat, quod 4 Sic in MS.; recte librarum * Orderic's story belongs to the world of epic poetry not history, as the flowery

language suggests.

Far from attempting to murder Arnulf, King Murchertach

wrote to thank Anselm for helping him (Anselm, Opera omnia, v. 372, ep. 426).

? Simeon of Durham (SD ii. 232) dates the visit of Louis to King Henry's

court as Christmas,

1100. There is no corroboration for Orderic's improbable

story of the intrigues of Bertrade against him there; and in spite of its acceptance

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XI

51

furnishings and other things necessary for the royal household. When he heard of the king’s death he hurried home and, making use of the royal treasure for trading, secured a great store of wealth. The king of England, on hearing of King Magnus’s death, welcomed the news, which took a great weight off his mind; some time later he demanded the royal treasure from the citizen of Lincoln. At first the citizen concealed what he had done, but he was soon found guilty; the king arrested him and took, it is said, more than twenty thousand pounds of silver from him. When the Irish had tasted blood by killing King Magnus and his companions they grew more unruly and suddenly turned to kill the Normans. Their king took his daughter away from Arnulf and gave the wanton girl in an unlawful marriage to one of his cousins. He resolved to murder Arnulf himself as a reward for his alliance,

but the latter, learning of the execrable plots of this barbarous race, fled to his own people and lived for twenty years afterwards with no fixed abode. At last in his old age he was outwardly reconciled to the king and married a wife; on the morrow of the wedding he fell asleep after the banquet and breathed his last, leaving the bridesmaids to sing funeral dirges instead of festive songs.!

King Henry grew stronger as his enemies on all sides were struck down by fickle fortune; in particular his throne was more secure after the death of King Magnus and his pomp was increased by his acquisition of great wealth. 9 At this time? young Louis crossed to England with his father’s permission, accompanied by attendants who were few in number but mature in judgement, and came to King Henry’s court to attend him as a distinguished young knight. Henry received him honourably as the son of a king, and showed him great favour in every way. An envoy of his stepmother, Bertrade, followed him

stealthily and delivered a letter to King of Philip, king of France. The king, letter; when he had finished reading sellors and held a long and animated

Henry closed with the seal who was literate, read the he summoned his coundiscussion with them. For

by Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 13, p. 8, and Prou, Actes de Philippe I, no. clxxvii, Pp. 431—2, it cannot be regarded as historical fact; it reads like epic invention.

52

iv. 196

iv. 197

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Philippus rex Franciz sibi mandabat, ut Ludouicum filium suum qui ad curiam eius accesserat comprehenderet, et in carcere omnibus diebus uitz suz coherceret. Sapiens sceptriger quam absurdum et inconueniens preceptum per femineam procacitatem Gallorum rex sibi mandauerit, cum legitimis baronibus sollerter discussit, et tam scelestam regique omnimodis incongruam factionem a se et suis omnibus reppulit. Guillelmus autem de Buscheleio sapiens miles qui cum Ludouico erat rem adhuc latentem animaduertit, unde quasi iocaturus ad concionem magnatorum non uocatus accessit. Protinus per illum rex Ludouico ut pacifice recederet benigniter mandauit, et tam ipsum quam socios eius multis honoratos muneribus in Gallias remisit. Ludouicus itaque nouerce suz comperta fraude patrem iratus adiit, et quod tam dira per apices suos in extera regione sibi procurasset conuenit. Ignarus nefariz proditionis rex omnia denegauit, iuuenisque in ira feruens nouercam interimere optauit. Porro illa morte ipsum preoccupare pluribus modis sategit, et accersitis tribus de numero clericorum maleficis pro perniciei eius procuratione ingens precium pepigit. Malefici quadam nefaria secreta per aliquot dies agere ceperunt? et usque ad ix dies si cepta peragerent Ludouici letum crudeli adulterz spoponderunt. Interea unus ex illis prestigia sociorum detexit, et duobus captis machinatio imperfecta uolente Deo deperiit. Deinde procax nouerca ueneficos adhibuit, magnorumque pollicitationibus premiorum sollicitauit, et regiam sobolem ueneno infecit. Preeclarus itaque iuuenis in lectum decidit, et per aliquot dies nec manducare nec dormire potuit. Pene omnes Galli contristabantur? quod regis genuinus heres periclitaretur. Tandem cunctis Francorum archiatris fatiscentibus quidam hirsutus de Barbarie uenit, et apodixen medicinalis periti super desperatum iuuenem exercere cepit, Deoque uolente indigenis medicis inuidentibus profecit. Hic nimirum inter ethnicos diu conuersatus fuerat, et profunda physicz secreta subtiliter a didascalis indagauerat, quos diuturna inuestigatio phylosophyze super omnes barbaros sophistas notitia rerum sullimauerat. Denique

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what he had read in the letter was that Philip, king of France, commanded him to arrest his son Louis, who had come to join his court, and guard him closely in prison until the end of his life. 'T'he prudent monarch carefully considered in discussion with his liege barons how absurd and unseemly was the commission which the king of the Gauls, dominated by his shameless wife, required him to perform, and firmly declined any part for himself or his men in a scheme so evil and altogether repugnant to a king. William of Buchelay, a wise knight who had accompanied Louis, had become aware of the plot before it was revealed and, though not invited to the assembly of magnates, he went as though for amusement. Through him the king immediately sent a message to Louis, advising him out of kindness to withdraw peacefully, and sent him and his companions back to France loaded with many gifts. Louis, having learnt in this way of his stepmother's perfidy, went angrily to his father and charged him with seeking to destroy him through his letters while he was in a foreign land. The king, who was ignorant of the treacherous plot, denied everything, and the young man in his righteous anger attempted to kill his stepmother. She, however, tried in many ways to strike the first blow and, sending for three sorcerers among her clerks, promised them a rich reward to procure the prince's death. The sorcerers set about certain evil occult practices, which were to continue for several days, and promised the cruel adulteress that if they persisted with these until the ninth day Louis would meet his death. During this time one of them revealed the deceits of his companions; the other two were arrested and by God's will the plot was nipped in the bud. Next the depraved stepmother applied to poisoners and won them over with promises of great rewards to poison the king's son. As a result the noble youth took to his bed and could neither eat nor sleep for several days. Almost all the French were in deep distress because the king's true heir was in danger of death. At length, when all the chief French physicians had failed, a shaggy doctor came from Barbary, demonstrated his medical skill on the youth who had been given up for lost, and cured him by God's will, to the envy of the native doctors. This man had lived for many years among the heathen and had learned the deep secrets of medicine in their complexity from those who, by daily study of natural philosophy, had become the most famous of all the barbarian masters for their knowledge of the meaning of things. The royal

54.

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regia soboles conualuit, sed omni postmodum uita sua pallidus

extitit.!

iv. 198

Conualescente priuigno nouerca ingemuit. Metus enim pro malis quz olim illi procurauerat odium pariebat, et cotidie multipliciter augebat. Quapropter exitium illi magnopere peroptauerat, et multis conatibus per plurimos iniquitatis complices procurauerat, ut et ipsa de timore eius quem nimis offenderat liberata in principatu gloriaretur, et filios suos Philippum et Florum si ille moreretur, in regni solio securior intronizare moliretur.? Supplex tandem pro uenefica pater accessit, a filio culpabili nouercz reatuum remissionem poposcit, emendationem promisit, et Pontisariam totumque Vilcassimum pagum pro reconciliatione concessit. Ludouicus consultu presulum et baronum quos sibi fauentes satis agnouit/ et pro reuerentia paternz sullimitatis facinus indulsit. Illa uero ad nutum eius pro detecto scelere contremuit, et rubore perfusa eius ancilla facta indulgentiam optinuit, atque ab illius infestatione quem tot molestiis temptauerat inuita cessauit. Ludouicus autem post quinque annos patre defuncto regnum Galliz optinuit, et xxvii annis regnauit. Henricum uero regem Anglorum in quo magnam fidem ut dictum est inuenerat semper dilexit, nec unquam nisi inuitus et per maledicos proditores contra eundem litigauit.5 IO

iv. 199

Radulphus de Conchis post obitum patris mare transfretauit, et a rege benigniter susceptus paternos fundos recepit, atque Adelizam Gualleui comitis et Iudith consobrinz regis filiam coniugem accepit, que Rogerium et Hugonem et plures filias peperit. Sic alii proceres cordati socordem dominum dereliquerunt, et * A number of elements in Orderic's story will also be found in his allegations about Sichelgaita's designs on the life of her stepson Bohemond (see above, iv. 28-30). 2 Although the allegations about poisoning and sorcery are not corroborated in the French sources, she was accused of intrigues against the life of another

stepson, Geoffrey Martel (see below, p. 76 n. 2); and there appears to have

been a party that wished to replace Louis in the succession by Philip, Bertrade's son (Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 57, 76, pp. 30-1, 41). Certainly Louis

treated her with some severity after his accession; she had to repurchase her

dower lands in order to give them away to a religious house; and she had retired to the nunnery of Haute Bruyére by 1112 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 154, pp. 79-80; Fliche, Philippe I, pp. 74-5). 3 Louis was invested by his father with the Vexin, Mantes, and Pontoise some years before this, and issued charters in the Vexin in 1093-4 (Luchaire, Louis VI,

no. 4, p. 4; see also above, iv. 264 n. r). * See below, pp. 158, 490.

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ss

prince recovered at last, but he remained pale for the rest of his

life.' His stepmother was alarmed by his recovery. Her fear of the consequences of her evil designs bred hatred, and increased it daily. She longed passionately for his destruction, and tried many times with the help of various accomplices in evil to ensure that, released from fear of the man she had so deeply wronged, she might control the government and find it easier to install her sons, Philip and Florus, on the throne if Louis were to die.? Finally Louis's father interceded on behalf of the sorceress, asked his son to pardon his guilty stepmother's crimes, promised to make amends, and granted him as the price of reconciliation Pontoise and the whole of the Vexin.? On the advice of bishops and barons whom he knew to be devoted to him, and out of respect for his father's dignity, Louis pardoned the offence. Bertrade trembled at his nod because her wickedness was known and, covered with shame, submitted herself as his slave to secure pardon. She reluctantly desisted from her molestations, after making so many attempts against his life. Louis succeeded to the kingdom of France five years later when his father died,+ and reigned for twenty-seven years. He always esteemed Henry, king of England, whom he had found completely trustworthy in the way I have described, and never quarrelled with him except against his will and through the interference of

traitors who slandered him.5 IO

After his father's death Ralph of Conches crossed the Channel, to be welcomed by the king and granted his father's estates. He married Adeliza, the daughter of Waltheof and the king's kinswoman, Judith, and she bore him Roger and Hugh and several daughters.ó Other prudent magnates abandoned their foolish lord 5 Henry I and Louis VI were so frequently involved in hostile coalitions that Orderic's statement invites scepticism; nevertheless Louis may have shared the admiration of his biographer Suger, who never spoke without respect of Henry

and called him ‘uir prudentissimus Henricus, cuius tam admiranda quam predicanda animi et corporis strenuitas et scientia gratam offerrent materiam" (Suger, Vita Ludovici, i, p. 14). 6 Ralph III of Tosny succeeded his father probably in 1102. His wife Adeliza

(Alice) was the younger daughter and coheir of Earl Waltheof and Judith, daughter of Lambert count of Lens (see above, ii. 262; GEC xii (i), 760-2). They appear to have had at least one other son, Simon (Dugdale, Mon. vi. 152).

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sensatum regem utiliter expetierunt, ac ut languenti zcclesiz Dei miserzque regioni suffragaretur lacrimabiliter postulauerunt. Multorum itaque Normannorum petitione benigniter pulsatus est? et a pluribus tam clericalis quam laicalis ordinis honorabilibus personis obnixe rogatus est, ut paternam hereditatem que miserabiliter deuastabatur uisitaret, suaque presentia prouinciam qua rectore carebat letificaret, atque ad defensandum contra prophanos praedones uirga? iusticie reciperet. Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?corv9? Henricus Anglorum rex cum magna classe in Normanniam transfretauit,! et Damfrontem aliaque oppida quz ditioni eius subdita erant cum ingenti apparatu uisitauit. A proceribus suis honorifice susceptus est’ et copiosis muneribus regio ritu honoratus est. Rodbertus enim comes de Mellento et Ricardus Cestrensis, Stephanus comes Albemarle et Henricus Aucensis, Rotro Moritoniensis et Eustachius Britoliensis, Radulfus de Conchis et Rodbertus filius Haimonis, Rodbertus

iv. 200

de Monteforti et Radulfus de Mortuomari, aliique plures magnos in Anglia de illo fundos tenebant, et in Neustria iam cum suis optimatibus ad illum conuersi fuerant, et cum eodem contra omnes terrigenas dimicare parati feruebant. Deinde rex post aliquot dies fratrem suum ad colloquium accersiit, presentem cum coessentibus parasitis conuenit" redarguens quod pactum inter eos in Anglia foedus irritum fecerit, dum pacem cum Rodberto de Belismo utriusque proditore sine regis consilio compaginauerit, eique dominia patris sui contra ius et statutum dederit, quod latrunculis et raptoribus aliisque malefactoribus segnicie torpens deseruierit," quod impudicis nebulonibus parens totam illis Normanniam impune dimiserit, quod pastoris seu principis locum frustra occupauerit, dum rectoris officium ad commoditatem ecclesiz Dei et inermis populi non exercuerit, quos indisciplinate persequentibus uelut oues lupinis in dentibus ultro reliquerit. Rationabiliter et multum sapienter concio regis causam suam deprompsit, et multis grauibusque reatibus ducem fraternum fedus uiolasse asseruit, quos ille per uituperabiles collegas suos sese purgando denegare non potuit. Sensu quippe et amicis destitutus 4 Sic in MS.; recte uirgam

^ MS.

deseruerit

* Orderic is the only writer to mention a visit to Normandy by Henry in 1104, and his dates are not wholly reliable at this point (cf. David, Robert Curthose, p. 158); but one of Henry's charters given at Lyons-la-Forét possibly

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in the same way, and sought out the politic king to good purpose, imploring him with tears to succour the suffering church of God and the unhappy land. He was amicably bombarded with the pleas of many Normans, and was importuned by many distinguished men from both clergy and laity to visit his paternal inheritance, which was being tragically laid waste, gladden by his presence the province which was without a governor, and take up the rod of justice to defend the land against sacrilegious brigands. In the year of our Lord 1104 Henry, king of England, crossed to Normandy with a large fleet! and visited Domfront and other fortresses under his control in great state. He was honourably received by his magnates and entertained in royal fashion with lavish gifts. Robert, count of Meulan, and Richard, earl of Chester, Stephen, count of Aumale, and Henry of Eu, Rotrou of Mortagne and Eustace of Breteuil, Ralph of Conches and Robert fitz Hamon, Robert of Montfort and Ralph of Mortemer, and many others, who held great estates from him in England, had already gone over to his side in Normandy with their vassals, and were ready and eager to fight with him against all the world. Shortly afterwards the king summoned his brother to a conference, met him when he arrived

in the company of his resident sycophants, and accused him of breaking the treaty they had made in England by failing to consult the king and making peace with Robert of Belléme, a traitor to both of them, and giving him his father's dominions contrary to right

and ordinance. He also laid to his charge that, sunk in lethargy, he had abandoned all Normandy to thieves and robbers and other evil-doers, and had fecklessly left it to the mercy of the shameless

scoundrels by whom he was dominated; that he was a mere figurehead in the seat of prince and pastor, for he did not use the office of

governor to provide for the Church of God and the helpless people, but abandoned them to their unprincipled persecutors like sheep left behind to be devoured by wolves. The king's tribunal examined his case reasonably and very judiciously, alleging that the duke had violated the treaty with his brother by many serious offences, which he could not deny by purgation on the oath of his culpable

companions. He was both foolish and friendless, because he did belongs to the autumn

of 1104 (Regesta, ii. 676; cf. Farrer, Itinerary, p. 26).

Since Henry now had the allegiance of Ralph of Tosny and was anxious to settle the war over the Breteuil inheritance in favour of his son-in-law, Eustace of Breteuil, this is a moment when he might have manceuvred to secure the transfer of Count William's homage from Robert Curthose to himself.

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erat, quia bonorum consortia et sapientum consilia paruipendebat, sed quz contraria erant ad sui multorumque detrimenta miserabiliter appetebat. Variis itaque dux perplexitatibus causarum irretitus cum suis consilium iniit, ac ut debiliorem decebat amiciciam

iv. 20I

iv. 202

potentioris petiit, eique Guillelmum consulem Ebroarum cum comitatu suo et omnibus sibi subiectis concessit. Metuebant enim tam ipse quam fautores sui ne manifesto examine deprehenderetur, atque ducatu quem nomine non actione gestabat merito spoliaretur, aut formidabilem guerram per arma sceptrigeri fratris ad irreparabilem usque deiectionem pateretur. Preclarus comes ut se quasi equum uel bouem dandum audiuit" frugalitatem suam uel fidem seruare uolens palam omnibus dixit, 'Omni uita mea patri uestro fideliter seruiui, nec unquam ei promissam^ in aliquo contaminaui, quam nichilominus heredi eius usque hodie seruaui, et semper omni conatu seruare decreui. Sed quia impossibile est ut ipse Deus in euangelio dicit prout sepe a sophistis audiui, duobus dominis a se discrepantibus placide famulari?! unius dicioni peropto mancipari, ne geminis occupatus obsequiis neutro possim gratus haberi. Regem et ducem diligo. Ambo enim sunt filii regis domini mei, et ambos appeto uenerari? sed uni hominium faciam, eique ut domino legaliter seruiam.' Hoc dictum liberalis uiri omnibus placuit. Tunc Rodbertus dux ipsum regi per manum porrexit, et facta pace inter fratres ante hiemem rex in Angliam remeauit. Mox uesani predones guerram iterarunt, et quicquid rex ac patricii pro regionis communi salute constituerant temere preuaricati sunt. Rodbertus enim de Bellismo regis quem hostiliter oderat profectui nimis inuidens contristatus est’ et cum Guillelmo nepote suo Moritoliensi comite et omnibus aliis quos seducere poterat regios fautores bello urguere conatus est. ''unc pestilentes indigenz plus quam dici potest efferati sunt. Mox cedibus et rapinis prouinciam maculauerunt, raptisque przdis et hominibus occisis domos

passim concremauerunt. Coloni uero cum uxoribus et liberis in

Gallias fugerunt, et ingentes erumnas in exilio perpessi sunt. Sic nimirum Normanni qui se Anglos et Apulos uicisse in suis sedibus @ Sic in MS.;

the sense requires fidem

1 Cf. Matthew vi. 24; Luke xvi. 13.

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not value the company of good men or the counsel of wise ones, but unhappily chose companions of the opposite sort, thereby harming both himself and many others. The duke, entangled in the various technicalities of the charges, took counsel with his men and, as befitted the weaker party, sought the friendship of the stronger and offered to hand over to Henry William, count of Évreux, with his county and all his dependants. For both he and all his adherents feared that he might be exposed in a public trial and justly made to forfeit the duchy that he held ineffectually in name only, or forced into a fearful war against his own brother the king until he was utterly ruined. The famous count, hearing that he was to be given away like a horse or ox, and wishing to preserve his honour and his fealty, openly declared in the assembly, ‘I served your father faithfully all my life, never once compromising my oath to him in any way; likewise I have kept faith with his heir up to now and am resolved to do so always with all the power I have. But since, as God himself says in the Gospel and I have often heard from men of learning, it is impossible to serve in tranquillity two masters! who disagree with each other, I elect to place myself under the rule of one, for fear of being unable to satisfy either if I am involved in double loyalty. I love the king and the duke; both are sons of the king, my lord, and I desire to revere both; but I shall do homage to one of them and him I will serve as my lawful lord.’ This declaration by the noble count was applauded by everyone. Then Duke Robert gave the count's hand into the king's hand; peace was made between the brothers and the king returned to England before winter. Soon fierce bandits began the war once more, and recklessly overrode everything that the king and the nobility had settled for the common safety of the province. For Robert of Belléme, who hated the king as his enemy and envied his success, was bitter at heart and, together with his kinsman William, count of Mortain, and everyone else he could win to his side, endeavoured to put pressure on the royal supporters by making war. It is impossible to describe the destruction wrought by vicious men of the region; they scarred the whole province with

slaughter and rapine and, after carrying off booty and butchering men, they burnt down houses everywhere. Peasants fled to France with their wives and children, and suffered great hardships in

exile. So Normans,

who used to pride themselves

on having

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gloriabantur, nunc lugubres et miseri Gallicis in aruis laborabant et lamentabantur, in ortis uero suis qui cultore carentes in solitudine? redigebantur? cardui et urtice cum aliis inutilibus herbis omnia replebant nimiumque multiplicabantur. II

iv. 203

iv. 204

Inter hzc sancta ecclesia uehementer opprimebatur, et dum funera innocuz prolis irreparabilesque ruinas animarum frequenter contemplaretur? leuatis cum corde puris manibus sponsum suum qui ccelis presidet ad auxilium suimet deprecabatur. Lacrimabilis planctus lugubris Normanniz trans fretum diffusus est" et querimoniis desolatorum rex Anglorum accitus est. Gunherius de Alneio qui Baiocas seruabat, et Rainaldus de Guarenna! qui partibus ducis fauebat, aliique satellites ducis foedera pacis ruperunt, et Rodbertum Haimonis filium? aliosque nonnullos de familia regis ceperunt, et in carcere diutius tam pro cupiditate redemptionis quam pro contemptu et odio domini eorum coartauerunt. Vnde impiger rex ut hzc audiuit, classem parari precepit, in Neustriam uere transfretauit,? et in ultima quadragesime septimana portum qui Barbaflot dicitur applicuit, et sabbato Pascha super uada Virz in uico qui Carentomus uocatur hospi-

tatus quieuit.

iv. 205

Tunc uenerabilis Serlo Sagiensis episcopus illuc aduenit, primus Normannorum suum regi seruitium exhibens occurrit, ibique Regi regum initiata Paschz solennia celebrauit.* Cumque sacris indutus uestibus in zcclesia cum rege consisteret, et sacrum officium iam inchoare uellet, sed conuentum plebis et familiae regis patienter expectaret? basilicam archis pagensium cum uariis utensilibus et multimoda suppellectili occupatam perspexit, et longa trahens cum merore suspiria regi qui satis humiliter inter cistas rusticorum in imo loco sedebat cum quibusdam magnatis dixit, ‘Omnium corda fidelium merito lugere debent, qui sancte matris zcclesiz conculcationem mesteque plebis deiectionem uident. Ecce satis apparet in hac domo? quod miserabiliter 4 Sic in MS.;

recte solitudinem

* Gunter of Aunay was a nephew of Hugh of Nonant; Reginald of Warenne was the brother of William of Warenne, earl of Surrey.

^ Robert fitz Hamon had married Roger of Montgomery's daughter, Sibyl, but always remained a close supporter of Henry I; his daughter and heir was married to the king's son, Robert (see above, iv. 182 and n. r).

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conquered the English and Apulians in their own lands, now, sad and wretched, suffered and bewailed their fate in the fields of France; meanwhile in their orchards, which had reverted to the wild for lack of cultivators, thistles and nettles and other weeds sprang up everywhere and smothered the ground. II

Holy Church suffered severe persecutions during these troubles, and as she was often forced to look on at the funerals of her innocent children and the utter destruction of souls, she prayed, lifting

up her heart and her pure hands to her bridegroom, who rules the heavens, to come to her rescue. The tearful laments of unhappy Normandy were carried across the sea, and the king of England was summoned by the pleas of the afflicted. Gunter of Aunay, who was guarding Bayeux, Reginald of Warenne,! who favoured the duke's side, and other retainers of the duke, breaking the treaty of peace, captured Robert fitz Hamon? and several other members of the king's household troops and kept them in close imprisonment for a long time, both to extort ransoms and to show their con-

tempt and hatred of their lord. When the vigilant king heard of this he ordered a fleet to be fitted out, crossed to Normandy in the spring,? and landed in the last week of Lent in the port of Barfleur; on Holy Saturday he crossed the ford of the Vire and found

lodgings in the village of Carentan, where he rested. Serlo, the venerable bishop of Séez, arrived there, the first Norman to rush to offer his service to the king; and there he celebrated the Easter offices of the King of kings, which had already begun.* After putting on his holy vestments he was sitting in the church with the king, anxious to begin the holy office, but patiently waiting for the people and the king's household

troops to assemble. He saw that the church was full of peasants’ chests and various tools and gear of all kinds and, sighing long and sadly, he said to the king, who had humbly taken his seat with some

of his magnates at the end of the church among the boxes of the peasants, ‘All Christians should mourn in their hearts to see the Church trodden underfoot and the wretched people destroyed. It is all too obvious in this church that the population of the Cotentin 3 For this campaign see also ASC 1105; H. Hunt., p. 235; FW ii. 53-4; Eadmer, HN, p. 165. 4 In 1105 Easter Sunday fell on 9 April.

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depopulatur Constantini regio, immo tota Normannia prophanis subdita predonibus rectore caret idoneo. Domus orationis! olim dicta est basilica Dei, quam nunc potestis cernere turpiter impletam immunda suppellectili? et aedes in qua solummodo diuina sacramenta debent peragi pro penuria iusti defensoris facta est apotheca populi. Conuenientes nequeunt ante aram genua reuerenter flectere, nec delectabiliter et deuote ut deceret ante diuinam

maiestatem astare, pro multimodis speciebus quas inerme uulgus huc in domum Domini contulit pro sceleratorum timore. Prasidium itaque uulgi facta est ecclesia’ quamuis nec in ipsa sit ei securitas perfecta. Hoc enim in anno Rodbertus de Belismo ecclesiam de 'l'ornaco in mea scilicet diocesi concremauit, et in

iv. 206

eadem xlv promiscui sexus homines extinxit. Haec gemens in conspectu Dei recolo, hzec etiam domine rex ideo in auribus tuis enarro’ ut animus tuus zelo Dei accendatur, et Phinees? atque Matathiam? eiusque filios imitari conetur. Haud segnis in nomine Domini exurge, paternam hzreditatem iusticiz gladio tibi nanciscere, et de manu pessimorum auitam possessionem populumque Dei erue. Frater quippe tuus Normanniam non possidet, nec ut dux principatur populo suo quem per rectitudinis callem ducere deberet, sed segnicie torpet? atque Guillelmo de Conuersana et Hugoni de Nonanto qui Rotomago presidet, et Gunherio nepoti eius* aliisque indignis subiacet. Proh dolor quia magni ducatus diuitias in nugis et uanitatibus dissipat/ ipse pro penuria panis ad nonam usque multoties ieiunat. Plerumque de lecto surgere non audet, nec pro nuditate sui ad zcclesiam procedere ualet, quia femoralibus caligisque et subtolaribus caret. Scurre nimirum et meretrices quz illum frequenter comitantur, uestes eius dum ebrietate madens stertit noctu furantur, et cum cachinnis

sese ducem spoliasse gloriantur. Sic languente capite totum corpus infirmatur: et principe desipiente tota regio periclitatur, et misera plebs omnimodis desolatur. A temporibus Rollonis qui Normannorum primus Neustriz prefuit, et de quo uestra propago prodiit? usque ad hunc defectiuum strenuis ducibus Normannia subiacuit. Pro tanta natalis soli erumna probe rex utiliter irascere, et sicut ! Matthew xxi. 13; Mark xi. 17. 3 Cf. Maccabees ii. 24.

? Cf. Numbers

xxv. 7, 8.

^ Gunter of Aunay. By this date Hugh of Nonant (cf. above, iv. 158, 300) had probably lost his lands to Robert of Belléme (see below, p. 92). *Indignis' probably applies to men like Gunter only; it could hardly be applied to William of

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has been miserably uprooted; indeed, that all Normandy, dominated by godless bandits, is without a true ruler. The church of God was once called a house of prayer; now you may see it

shamefully crammed with worldly goods, and the building which should be devoted exclusively to the holy sacraments has been turned into a communal storehouse for lack of a just protector. The congregation have no room to kneel reverently before the altar, nor to stand comfortably and devoutly as they ought in the presence of God, because of the gear of all kinds which the helpless populace has brought into the house of God for fear of evil men. The church has become the refuge of the masses, although not even a church is wholly safe. This very year Robert of Belléme burnt the church of Tournay in my own diocese, and destroyed forty-five men and women inside it. I recall these things with sorrow in the sight of God; I address them too, my lord king, to your ears, so that your spirit may be kindled by the zeal of God to imitate Phineas? and Mattathias? and his sons. Rise up boldly in the name of God, win the heritage of your fathers with the sword of justice, and rescue your ancestral land and the people of God from the hands of reprobates. Your brother does not truly hold Normandy, nor does he govern the people as a duke should, leading them along the path of righteousness; instead, sunk in lethargy, he is dominated by William of Conversano and Hugh of Nonant, who is in command at Rouen, and Gunter his nephew‘ and other men of little worth. Sad to relate, he squanders the wealth of a great duchy on trifles and follies, while he himself often fasts until noon for lack of bread. Often he dares not rise from his bed, and cannot attend church, because he is naked and has no breeches, socks, or shoes. Indeed the jesters and harlots who constantly keep company with him steal his clothes at night while he lies snoring in drunken sleep, and guffaw as they boast that they have robbed the duke. So, when the head is sick the whole body is afflicted; when the ruler is foolish the whole province is in danger and the wretched

people suffer utter deprivation. From the time of Rollo who was the first Norman to rule in Normandy, from whom your line is

descended, up to the time of this weakling, Normandy has always been governed by active dukes. Just king, in this dire distress of your native land, “‘be angry" to some purpose and, as David, Conversano, the brother of Countess Sibyl; and, although it may have been used in a moral sense, Orderic elsewhere speaks highly of Hugh of Nonant.

64

iv. 207

BOOK XI

Dauid propheta et rex commonet noli peccare,! arma sumens pro defensione patriz non pro terrenz potestatis augendae cupiditate." His episcopi dictis rex animatus est? et audita optimatum qui aderant sententia sic locutus est. ‘In nomine Domini pro pace ad laborem exurgam, et quietem ecclesia Dei uobis adiuuantibus summopere perquiram.' Ad hoc consilium corroborandum Mellenticus comes? affuit, nec inde aliorum qui aderant nobilium consensus abhorruit, quin immo communem patricium pro generali tutela Neustriz in deuoratores populi bellum inire uiuaciter hortatus incitauit. Rursus eloquens presul predicationi sacre institit, et sui salubriter memor

officii adiunxit, 'Indesinenter cotidie debemus

uitz uiam inuestigare, et in omnibus diuinz legi quz irreprehensibilis est obsecundare. Et quamuis omnia quz culpabiliter in occulto aguntur non possimus ad purum emendare, ea saltem qua in propatulo contra Deum fiunt gladio spiritus decet resecare, et a nobis secundum mandata Dei et sanctorum instituta patrum omnimodis amputare. Omnes femineo more criniti estis, quod non decet uos qui ad similitudinem Dei facti estis, et uirili robore perfrui debetis. Viros quippe cirritos esse quam incongruum et detestabile sit" Paulus apostolus uas electionis et doctor gentium Chorinthiis sic ait,? “Vir quidem non debet uelare caput suum,

iv. 208

quoniam imago et gloria est Dei, mulier autem gloria est uiri.'3 Et paulo post, 'Vir quidem si comam nutriat, ignominia est illi. Mulier uero si comam nutriat, gloria est illi, quoniam capilli pro uelamine ei dati sunt.'*^ Penitentibus non pro decore seu delectamine iniungitur, ut non radantur nec tondeantur, [sed]? ut sicut criminibus hirsuti et interius incompti ante Deum apparent" sic exterius hispidi et intonsi coram hominibus ambulent, et deformitatem interioris hominis per exteriorem ignominiam demonstrent. In barba prolixa hircis assimilantur? quorum petulantia sordibus fornicarii et catamitze turpiter maculantur, et impudiciciz detestabili fetore honestis abominabiles iure iudicantur. In nutrimento autem comarum mulierum sequaces estimantur, quarum mollicie 4 The construction of this sentence changes in the middle

b sed om. MSS.

! Cf. Psalm iv. 5 (4), ‘Irascimini, et nolite peccare.' ? Robert, count of Meulan,

cannot at this time have received the letter of

Paschal II publishing his excommunication, which was written on 26 March

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65

prophet and king, teaches, *'sin not"! by taking up arms not for lust of earthly power but for the defence of your country.' The king was encouraged by the bishop's words; after hearing the views of the magnates who were with him he said, ‘I will rise up to work for peace in the name of the Lord, and will devote my utmost endeavours to procure, with your help, the tranquillity of the Church of God.’ The count of Meulan? was present to approve this course, and the other nobles who were there, far from rejecting it, eagerly urged their common leader to take up arms against

the despoilers of the people for the preservation of Normandy. The eloquent bishop resumed his holy discourse and, mindful

of his office, continued to the profit of his listeners, ‘We ought ceaselessly each day to seek the way of true life and, in all we do, obey the divine law, which is above reproach. And since we cannot wash away all the sins which are committed in secret, we ought at least to cut out with the sword of the spirit those which are committed in public against God, and sever them from us according to the commands of God and the precepts of the holy Fathers. All of

you wear your hair in woman's fashion, which is not seemly for you who are made in the image of God and ought to use.your strength like men. Paul the apostle, who was a chosen vessel and the teacher of the Gentiles, showed how unseemly and detestable it is for men to have curly locks when he said to the Corinthians, “‘For a man indeed ought not to cover his head, forasmuch as he is the image and glory of God: but the woman is the glory of the man’’,3 and a little later, ''If a man have long hair, it is a shame unto him. But if a woman have long hair, it is a glory to her: for her hair is given her for a covering."'* It is not for beauty or pleasure that penitents are instructed not to shave or cut their hair, but so that those who, in the sight of God, are bristling with sins and unkempt within may walk outwardly bristling and unshorn before men, and proclaim by their outward disgrace the baseness of the inner man. Long beards give them the look of he-goats, whose filthy viciousness is shamefully imitated by the degradations of fornicators and sodomites, and they are rightly abominated by decent men for the foulness of their vile lusts. By growing their

hair long they make themselves seem like imitators of women, and 1105 (Migne, church.

PL

3 1 Cor. xi. 7.

clxiii, epp. cxliv, cxlv); and he was

still free to enter the

* 1 Cor. xi. 14-15.

66

iv. 209

iv. 210

BOOK

XI

a uirili fortitudine ad nefas pertrahuntur, et plerunque in detestabilem apostasiam misere deuoluuntur. Proh dolor ecce felix medicamentum quod doctores zcclesiz qui spirituales archiatri sunt’ pro salute animarum instinctu diuino iam dudum prouide constituerunt, filii perditionis ad cumulum suze damnationis instigante Sathana usurpauerunt, iamque longo usu uiolenter in consuetudinem permutauerunt. Romani pontifices aliique antistites temerariam usurpationem prohibuerunt, et in sinodis suis ex auctoritate diuina condemnauerunt,! sed transgressores indurati prauitatibus male desipiunt et scutum malitize stimulo sanctz predicationis obnixe obiciunt. Barbas suas radere deuitant, ne pili suas in osculis amicas precisi pungant, et setosi Sarracenos magis se quam Christianos simulant. Ecce squalorem pcenitentiz conuerterunt in exercicium luxuriz. Peruicaces nempe filii Belial capita sua comis mulierum comunt, et in summitate pedum suorum caudas scorpionum gerunt,? quibus se per molliciem femineos et per aculeos nepz serpentinos ostendunt. Hoc genus hominum in specie locustarum simnista Iohannes ante mille annos prospexit, et in Apocalipsi sua quam in Pathmoth insula edidit euidenter nobis enucleauit Multi nimirum tante prauitatis usum sequuntur, nescientes tantum esse nefas in capillatura qua gloriantur. Vnde gloriose rex obsecro te? ut exemplum subiectis przbeas laudabile, et in primis uideant in te? qualiter debeant preparare se.' His itaque dictis rex cum optimatibus cunctis exultans adquieuit, et alacer episcopus continuo de mantica forpices extraxit, et prius regem* ac postmodum comitem proceresque plurimos propriis manibus totondit. Omnis familia regis et conuenientes undecumque certatim attonsi sunt’ et edictum principale formidantes preciosos olim capillos presecuerunt, et amicam dudum cesariem ut uiles quisquilias pedibus conculcauerunt. Celebrata paschali ! Cf. the canons of the 1096 council of Rouen

(above, v. 22) and the 1102

council of London, 'Ut criniti sic tondeantur ut pars aurium appareat, et oculi non

tegantur'

(Eadmer, HN, p. 143). Anselm

later explained

this canon

by

saying that men who refused to cut their hair should not be debarred from entering a church to hear Mass, but the priest should warn them that they did so

at the peril of their souls (Anselm, Opera omnia, iv. 169—70, ep. 257).

? This refers to the fashionable ‘pulley-shoes’; cf. above, iv. 186-8, where Orderic denounces long hair and frivolous fashions in similar terms. 3 Cf. Revelation ix. 7-10.

4 'The king must have known that he was condemned by Anselm's friends for setting a bad example, and his action here may be regarded as a first practical step towards reconciliation with the archbishop. One of Anselm’s correspondents,

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by womanly softness they lose their manly strength and are led to sin, and often fall wretchedly into hateful apostasy. Sad to tell, alas! these sons of perdition at the prompting of Satan have usurped to their own damnation the blessed remedy that the doctors of the Church, who are our spiritual physicians, by God's teaching foresightedly established long ago for the salvation of souls, and have by long usage violently turned it into a custom. The Roman pontiffs and other bishops have prohibited this reckless usurpation and have condemned it in their synods! by divine authority, but the sinners hardened in their wickedness persist in their folly and stubbornly turn aside the spear of holy preaching with the shield of evil. They refrain from shaving their beards for fear that the short bristles should prick their mistresses when they kiss them, and in their hairiness make themselves more like Saracens

than Christians. So they turn what should be the unkemptness of penitence into a means of pursuing their debauchery. The perverse sons of Belial grow the tresses of women on their heads, and deck their toes with the tails of scorpions,? revealing themselves to be effeminates by their softness and serpent-like by their scorpion stings. This type of man was foreseen a thousand years ago by John the apostle in the figure of the locusts, and clearly described in his book of the Apocalypse which he wrote for us in the island of Patmos.3 Many imitate these utterly depraved fashions, not realizing how much evil is in the long tresses of which they boast. So, glorious king, I beg you to set a praiseworthy example to your subjects; let them see first in you how they ought to prepare

themselves.’ When he had finished speaking the king consented in a mood of elation, as did all his magnates, and the bishop, ready for action, immediately drew scissors from his cloak-bag and proceeded to

cut the hair, first of the king,* and then of the count [of Meulan] and most of the magnates with his own hands. The king’s whole household and all who flocked to follow their example were closeshorn; dreading a royal decree they anticipated it by cutting off the tresses they had hitherto treasured, and trod their once-cherished

locks under foot as contemptible refuse. After celebrating the complaining of the prevalence of long hair at this time, wrote ‘Fateor . . . ut ipse etiam rex iam testetur numquam tantae fortitudinis nequitiam in patria ista fuisse, sicut modo est’ (Anselm,

Opera omnia, v. 308-9, ep. 365). Cf. Galbert

(Ross), c. 114, p. 297, for another example of cutting hair and receiving the sacraments before going into battle.

68

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XI

festiuitate rex Anglorum legatos Philippo regi Francorum destinauit, et Goisfredum Martellum! comitem Andegauorum accersiit’

ultionemque super inimicos ecclesiz Dei uiriliter exercuit. I2

iv. 211

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°vi° mutationes principum in orbe factz sunt’ et plures passim memorandz res contigerunt. Nam in ultima Februarii ebdomada mirabilis cometes in Hesperize partibus apparuit,? longissimosque crines in eoas partes emittens multorum corda terruit, et per tres septimanas sero rutilans multa de secretis hominum uerba elicuit. Mense Martio Buamundus dux sicut in carcere Dalimanni Domino uouerat in Gallias uenit, et in pago Lemouicensi uotum ad sancti Leonardi confessoris tumulum celebre compleuit.^ Qui ante-

quam Gallias attingeret legatos suos in Angliam direxerat,5 et de aduentus sui causa in Ausoniam regi mandauerat, et quod ad curiam eius transfretare uellet insinuauerat. At contra prouidus rex metuens ne sibi electos milites de dicione sua subtraheret, mandauit

ei ne discrimen hiberna nauigationis subiret, presertim cum ipse rex in Neustriam ante azimorum® celebria transfretaret, ibique satis secum colloqui ualeret. Quod et ita factum est. iv. 212

Buamundus itaque postquam Nobiliacum ubi confessoris almi mausoleum est peractis orationibus deseruit, quadragesimali tempore Galliarum urbes et oppida peragrauit/ et ubique tam a clero quam a plebe uenerabiliter susceptus referebat uarios euentus quibus ipse interfuit. Reliquias uero et pallas olosericas et alia concupiscibilia sanctis altaribus reuerenter exhibuit, et ipse in monasteriis ac episcopatibus fauorabiliter exceptus tripudiauit, ac pro benignitate occidentalium Deo gratias retulit. Filium ! Geoffrey Martel the younger, son of Fulk le Rechin, was associated loosely with his father in the government of the county of Anjou from 1103 until his

death in 1106 (Guillot, Comte d' Anjou, i. 117 and n. 528). Cf. H. Hunt., p. 235, for a reference to help received from the count of Anjou in this campaign. 2 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (1106) also records the appearance of this comet

from 16 February, adding, ‘the ray that shone from it . . . seemed to be like an immense beam shining north east’. Florence of Worcester said it was visible for

25 days (FW ii. 54). The author of the Annales dites de Renaud (Annales angevines et vendómoises, ed. L. Halphen, p. 89) said, ‘durans plus quam xv noctibus'. 3 Bohemond's arrival in France has been dated somewhat earlier by Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 30, pp. 18-19. He left the East in September 1105, and spent some time in Italy; he may have reached France early in 1106. See also Suger, Vita Ludovici, ix, pp. 44-50; Yewdale, Bohemond, pp. 107-9. ^ Cf. above, v. 378; GR ii. 454, ‘Nec multo post Gallias venit, offerens catenas sancti Leonardi honori, quae sibi fuerant oneri’, Saint-Léonard-le-Noblac, near

Limoges, was an important centre of pilgrimage; see J. Becquet, ‘Les chanoines

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Easter feast, the king of England sent envoys to Philip, king of France, summoned Geoffrey Martel,! count of Anjou, and wreaked vengeance manfully on the enemies of the Church of God. I2

In the year of our Lord 1106 there were changes of rulers in different parts of the world, and many memorable events occurred in various places. During the last week of February a marvellous comet appeared in the west;? trailing its long tail towards the east it struck fear into the hearts of many people during the three weeks that it glowed at night and inspired many pronouncements on the hidden plans of men. In March? Duke Bohemond came to Gaul, in accordance with the vow he had made to God in the Danishmend's prison, and

solemnly fulfilled his vow at the tomb of St. Leonard the confessor in Limousin.* Before reaching Gaul he had sent his envoys to Englands to inform the king of why he had come to southern Italy, and indicate that he wished to cross the sea to visit his court. But the prudent king, fearing that he might tempt away his best knights, advised him instead not to risk a winter voyage, particularly as he himself would be crossing to Normandy before Easter and could confer with him there. 'T'his therefore is what was done. So after Bohemond had offered his prayers and left SaintLéonard-le-Noblac, where the tomb of the beloved confessor is, he travelled through the cities and castles of Gaul during Lent. Everywhere he was honourably received by both clergy and people, and related the various adventures in which he had played a part. He reverently laid relics and silken palls and other desirable objects on the holy altars, delighted in the warm welcome given him in monasteries and bishoprics, and thanked God for the kindness of the western peoples. He was accompanied by the son of the réguliers en Limousin aux XI? et xiI* siécles’ in Analecta praemonstratensia, xxxvi (1960), 193-235, especialiy pp. 197, 200, 203, 217-18, 226-7. 5 His appeal found some support; cf. the letter of Gerard, archbishop of York, in Quadripartitus, ed. F. Liebermann, Halle, 1892, pp. 161-2. One of his envoys was evidently his chaplain, Hugh, mentioned in Gerard's letter.

$ Henry did not cross to Normandy until the summer: he was at Salisbury c. 13 May (Regesta, ii. 754) and probably made the crossing in July (Regesta, ii. 757; ASC 1106, ‘before August the king went overseas’). It is possible that Anselm, who met Bohemond at Rouen in late April, acted on behalf of the king

(Yewdale, Bohemond, p. 110). 822242

D

70

lv. 213

BOOK XI

Diogenis augusti! aliosque de Grecis seu Tracibus illustres secum habebat? quorum querela de Alexio imperatore qui per proditionem illis antecessorum stemmata suorum abstulerat, magis ad iram contra eum feroces Francos incitabat. Multi nobiles ad eum ueniebant, eique suos infantes offerebant: quos ipse de sacro fonte libenter suscipiebat, quibus etiam cognomen suum imponebat. Marcus quippe in baptismate nominatus est? sed a patre suo audita in conuiuio ioculari fabula de Buamundo gigante puero 10cunde impositum est.? Quod nimirum postea per totum mundum personuit? et innumeris in tripartito climate? orbis alacriter innotuit. Hoc exinde nomen celebre diuulgatum est in Galliis? quod antea inusitatum erat pene omnibus occiduis. Sepefatus heros cum Philippo rege colloquium habuit, et Constantiam eius filiam sibi coniugem requisiuit. Tandem post Pascha Carnoti eam desponsauit, quibus Adela comitissa conuiuium abundans omnibus preparauit.4 Ibi rex Francorum cum magna multitudine suorum affuit, et filiam suam quam Hugoni Trecasino comiti nescio quam ob rem abstulerat Buamundo porrexit. Tunc idem dux inter illustres spectabilis? ad zecclesiam processit, ibique ante aram uirginis et matris in orcistram conscendit, et ingenti cateruz qua conuenerat casus suos et res gestas enarrauit, omnes

armatos secum in imperatorem ascendere commonuit, ac approbatis optionibus urbes et oppida ditissima promisit. Vnde multi uehementer accensi sunt’ et accepta cruce Domini omnia sua reliquerunt, et quasi ad epulas festinantes iter in Ierusalem arripuerunt. Radulfus enim de Ponte Erchenfredi qui cognominatus est Rufus, et Guascelinus? frater eius? Simon de Aneto? et Rod-

bertus de Manlia? cum Hugone Sine habere!? consobrino suo, et * A number of sons or pretended sons of Romanus IV Diogenes appeared in connection with attacks on Alexius Comnenus from 1093 to 1116. Orderic is the

only historian to mention this pretender (M. Mathieu, ‘Les faux Diogénes’, in Byzantion, xxii (1952), 133-48; Mathieu, p. 296). ? Cf. GM 1. xxx, p. 22; Geoffrey of Malaterra, however, does not explain the

nickname. Guibert of Nogent records that in the east also children were given Bohemond's name (RHC Occ. iv. 212).

3 The meaning must be ‘continents’; Greek writers usually referred to four or

seven ‘climates’, but Strabo (Geography, 11. iii. 7) discusses the division of the world into three continents, and this was the traditional threefold division. 4 'The date of the marriage may be fixed between Bohemond's visits to St. Omer and Rouen in late March and early April (Yewdale, Bohemond, pp. r1o011) and the synod of Poitiers, attended by Suger and the legate Bruno after the

marriage, on 26 May 1106 (Suger, Vita Ludovici, ix, pp. 46-50; Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 36, p. 22).

5 The marriage of Constance and Hugh was annulled on grounds of consanguinity at the synod of Soissons, 25 December 1104 (Ivo of Chartres, Episto-

lae, in Migne, PL clxii. 163-4, ep. 158; Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 30, pp. 18-19).

BOOK XI

pt

Emperor Diogenes! and other eminent Greeks and Thracians, whose suit against the Emperor Alexius for treacherously depriving them of the dignities of their ancestors further stirred up the warlike Franks to fury against him. Many nobles came to him and offered him their children, to whom he willingly stood godfather,

even bestowing his own name on them. His baptismal name was Mark; but his father, who had heard the legend of the giant Bohemond at a convivial feast, had given him the nickname in jest.2 Afterwards the name became famous in the furthest corners of the world, and was acclaimed by thousands in the three continents? of the globe. Henceforth his name was popularized in Gaul, although previously it had been virtually unknown to most persons in the west. Prince Bohemond had an interview with King Philip and asked for the hand of his daughter Constance in marriage. He finally married her at Chartres after Easter, and the Countess Adela provided a splendid wedding-feast for everyone.* The king of France attended with a great retinue and gave away his daughter to Bohemond. He had caused her marriage with Hugh, count of Troyes, to be annulled for some reason unknown to me.5 Then the duke, who made a fine figure even among the greatest, proceeded to the church, mounted the pulpit before the altar of the blessed Virgin and Mother, and there related to the huge throng that had assembled all his deeds and adventures, urged all who bore arms to attack the Emperor with him, and promised his chosen adjutants wealthy towns and castles. Many were kindled by his words and, taking the Lord's cross, left all their belongings and set out on the road for Jerusalem like men hastening to a feast. Ralph of Pont Échanfray, called the Red, and his brother Walchelin;? Simon of

Anet? and Robert of Maule? with his cousin, Hugh Sans-Avoir,! 6 Anna Comnena (Alexiad, x11. x. 4, 5, pp. 122-4) has left a vivid description of Bohemond’s striking appearance and charm; she adds, however, that even his laugh was terrifying. 7 For the family of Ralph the Red see above, pp. 41-9. In Le Prévost's

edition the generations of this family are confused; Ralph the Red, who was knighted after 1091, cannot be the same man as Ralph, son of Walchelin and Heremburge Giroie, who fought for Robert Guiscard; he may be his son.

3 Simon of Anet, probably the son of this Simon, occurs in 1155 or 1165 as a vassal of Waleran II, count of Meulan (Porée, i. 375).

9 Probably Robert, son of Hubeline, nephew of Ansold of Maule (see above, iii. 184, 185 n. 4). 10 Probably a kinsman of Walter Sans-Avoir (see above, v. 28, 29 n. 5).

72

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multi alii profecti sunt’ quorum nomina nequeo singillatim litteris assignare.

13 iv. 214

iv. 215

Eodem anno res in Normannia contigit huiusmodi. Rodbertus de Stoteuilla! uir fortis et potens duci admodum fauebat, et familias eius ac munitiones in Caletensi regione prouidebat. In die siquidem Pasche dum capellanus ipsum et familiam eius communicaret, et quidam miles Eucharistiam percepturus ad aram rite accederet/ presbiter panem coelestem accepit, in os hominis apertum mittere uoluit, sed nullatenus manum desuper ara mouere potuit. In huiusmodi difficultate uehementer uterque perterritus est. Tandem sacerdos dixit ei, ‘Si potes accipe. Ego enim nullatenus ualeo manum mouere, nec dominicum corpus tibi porrigere." At ille super aram collum extendit, obnixe ad calicem appropinquauit, et hianti ore oblatam de manu presbiteri assumpsit. Pro insolito euentu eques erubuit, futurorum nescius infortunia pertimuit, unde plura de uestibus aliisque rebus suis clericis et pauperibus distribuit. Deinde in prima congressione quz post Pascha facta est" idem Marronz in uicinio Rotomagi occisus est. Hoc idem capellanus nomine Rodbertus michi retulit, quod in uiuificis ut dictum est misteriis sibi et infortunato militi contigit.

I Tunc Fulco Diuensium abbas iii? nonas Aprilis apud Guentam

in Anglia defunctus est? et Rodbertus quidam miserabilis homuncio datis duci centum xl marcis argenti eius in loco intrusus est.? Hic autem professione monachus sancti martyris Dyonisii, non ! This Robert of Stuteville (Estouteville) has been identified by C. T. Clay as the father of Emma, who married Robert III of Grandmesnil, and of Robert II of Stuteville (E YO ix. 1 ff.; and cf. above, iv. 230). 2 There are difficulties in establishing the date of Fulk's death; Le Prévost first suggested 1106 (Le Prévost, iv. 19 n. 2), but subsequently decided in favour of 1105 (ibid. iv. 215 n. 2, 222 n. 2) on the grounds that Fulk's successor, Robert,

would have needed at least fifteen months to build a fortress in the monastery, and that he was expelled by Henry I in 1106; this reasoning was accepted by David, Robert Curthose, pp. 170-1. The first assumption is not wholly warranted

and 1106 is probably the correct date for Robert's election. A cartulary of SaintPierre-sur-Dive contained a narrative of the early history of the abbey (GC xi. Instr. 155-6), which describes the simoniac Robert as ‘non abbatem, sed furem et latronem'

and states that Henry

I expelled him after only three months

in

office. Since William of Breteuil turned the abbey of Ivry into a fortress between

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73

and many others whose names I cannot record individually, set out at that time.

15 The same year the following strange occurrence took place in Normandy. Robert of Stuteville, a brave and powerful man, was a strong supporter of the duke, and was in charge of his household knights and castles in the region of Caux. On Easter Sunday, while a chaplain was giving communion to him and his household knights, one of the knights went reverently up to the altar to receive the Eucharist, and the priest took the host, intending to place it in the man's open mouth, but he was totally unable to lift his hand from above the altar. Both were thoroughly terrified by this predicament; at length the priest said to the man, "Take it if you can; for I am incapable of moving my hand or giving you the Lord's body.' So he stretched out his neck over the altar, with a struggle came near to the chalice, and sucked the host into his mouth from the priest's hand. This strange occurrence embarrassed the knight and, fearing some future disaster that he could not foresee, he gave away most of his clothes and other possessions to the clergy and the poor. Afterwards he was killed in the first skirmish that took place after Easter, at Maromme, near

Rouen. The chaplain, Robert by name, personally gave me this account of what had happened to himself and the unlucky knight during the celebration of the holy mysteries described above.

14 About that time Fulk, abbot of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive, died in England, at Winchester, on 3 April, and a contemptible little man called Robert was intruded in his place after paying the duke a hundred and forty marks of silver.? This man, a monk who had taken his vows

at Saint-Denis, became

a scatterer rather than

Easter and Whitsuntide in 1091 (see above, iv. 286-8), and siege-castles could be run up in a very few weeks, three months cannot be regarded as too short a time

to establish a ‘castle’ that is nowhere described as very strongly fortified. If the evidence of the abbey's own tradition is accepted, Fulk died in the same year

that Robert was expelled. That this expulsion occurred in 1106 has never been challenged, and all the best evidence points that way; cf. below, pp. 80-2, 88; Annales

Winton.

(Ann. Mon.

ii. 42); and Quadripartitus,

ed. F. Liebermann,

p. 87, which places ‘Divensium cruciatus' after ‘incendia Baiocarum, Cadumi nequitiam, Falesii constantiam’ and immediately before 'Rothomagi concordiam"

74

BOOK XI

pastor sed dispersor factus est gregis dominici" et multis noxius utpote sectator Simonis Magi. Cenobitz siquidem a facie lupi deuoratoris fugerunt, et in aliis monasteriis animas suas saluare cupientes dispersi sunt. Ipse uero supra Diuam in cenobio castellum construxit, familiamque militum aggregauit, et sic Dei templum speluncam latronum effecit.! /Ecclesiastica quoque ornamenta quz fideles sollicite procurauerant uendidit, et simonialis munio ad subsidium satellitum suorum distraxit.

I5

iv. 216

Mense Maio flegmatica pestis per totum occidentem discurrit, et catarro grauiter molestante omnis oculus plorauit, et per omnem Galliam ubi tunc eram? omnium maxilla lacrimis maduit. Estas calore asperrima messes ad maturitatem perduxit, cui similis autumnus pedetemptim successit. Causon et febres alizeque infirmitates terrigenas ualde afflixerunt, et multos languentes in lectum prostrauerunt. 16

Eodem mense Goisfredus Martellus Andegauorum comes Condatum oppidum super Normannum de Monte Reuelli? obsedit, et uiriliter expugnauit. Erat enim idem strenuus et fortis iusticiarius, et cum uirga discipline acriter imminebat furum atque predonum ceruicibus, quibus pater eius parcere iamdudum erat solitus, quia in predis eorum et latrociniis cum eisdem letabatur crebrius, acceptis inde sibi portionibus. Deinde postquam adolescens creuit, et ingentem nequitiam per patris sui detestabilem incuriam in Andegauensi prouincia ebullire prospexit zelo Dei compunctus miserz regioni quz omnibus bonis abundaret si pace potiretur condoluit. Tandem ipse iussu Goisfredi patrui sui qui legitimus heres erat, sed periurus ei Fulco dignitatem consulatus abstulerat, ipsumque apud Chinonem castrum fere xxx annis in carcere reclusum tenuerat, unde uenerabili Vrbano

papa pre-

sente et imperante uix absolutus exierat,* annuente nichilominus ! Cf. Matthew xxi. 13; Mark xi. 17.

? Orderic may have been at Saint- Évroul's priory of Maule. 3 Norman of Montrevault’s rights in the castle of Candé came from his wife,

Denise of Candé (Halphen, Anjou, p. 168 n. 6).

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a shepherd of the Lord's flock, and was generally loathed as a simoniac. The monks fled from his sight as from a ravening wolf and scattered to other monasteries in the hope of saving their souls. He converted the abbey of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive into a fortress,

assembled a troop of knights, and so turned the temple of God into a den of thieves.' He sold the church ornaments which the faithful had dutifully provided and, simoniacal castellan that he was, used the proceeds to pay his troops.

15 In the month of May an infection of a phlegmatic kind spread all over the west, afflicting everyone with catarrh and streaming eyes, so that throughout France, where I was at the time,? all cheeks

were wet with tears. The fierce summer heat ripened the crops prematurely, and similar autumn weather followed hard on its heels. Burning fevers of different kinds and other infections caused great human suffering, and stretched many people on beds of sickness. 16

In the same month Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou, besieged Norman of Montrevault's castle of Candé? and stormed it. He was brave and active in enforcing justice, and brandished the rod of

discipline over the necks of thieves and robbers. His father had made a practice of sparing such men, because he usually shared

their pleasure in robberies and plundering raids and took his share of the booty. When the young man grew up and saw the widespread evil that was flourishing all over Anjou because of his father's reprehensible negligence, he was moved by righteous indignation to pity the unhappy province, which was capable of every prosperity if peace could be restored. At length he received the rights in the province of Anjou transmitted to him by the grant of his uncle Geoffrey with his father's consent. Geoffrey his uncle had been the lawful heir, but Fulk had treacherously robbed him of the county and kept him imprisoned in a dungeon in the castle of Chinon for about thirty years, until Pope Urban visited the place. and insisted against all opposition on his release.* Young Geoffrey, 4 See above, ii. 104 and n. 3; v. 28. The author of the Chron. de gestis consul.

andegav. (Halphen et Poupardin, p. 65) also alleges that Geoffrey le Barbu transmitted his rights to his nephew.

76

iv. 217

iv. 218

BOOK

XI

patre Andegauensem comitatum accepit, summoque conatu rectitudinem simplicibus et egenis exercuit, zecclesizque Dei sinceram pacem laudabiliter seruauit. Auxiliante Deo totam in breui prouinciam pacauit, et pene omnes antecessores suos uirtute et iusticia gloriose precessit, sed consummatus in breui tempore^ multa expleuit. Post triennium! principatus sui Condatum ut supra dixi obsedit, et rebelles inclusos militari probitate insigniter cohercuit. Cumque primores castelli ad eum egressi fuissent, et de pace cum eo facienda et de crastina oppidi deditione tractarent, subito balistarius instinctu diaboli de munitione pilum direxit, et strenuissimum iuuenem ad colloquium inter magnatos discernen-. tem percussit, bonumque iusticiarium in brachio letaliter sauciauit.? In crastinum uero patriz legitimus defensor defunctus est? et cum luctu multorum in cenobiali basilica beati Nicholai presulis? sepultus est. Quo defuncto: Philippus rex Francorum Fulconi priuigno suo* Andegauorum comitatum concessit, ipsumque imberbem Guillelmo Pictauensium duci qui tunc forte ad curiam erat commisit, ut eum in itinere tutaret, saluumque ad patrem suum perduceret. At ille commendatum sibi usque ad terre suz limitem deduxit, ibique legalitatis et futurze derogationis immemor comprehendit, et plus quam unius anni spacio in carcere tenuit.5 Corpulentus autem rex Francia hoc audito ualde contristatus est’ puerumque de ergastulo precibus et minis eripere conatus est. Bertrada quippe mater prefati adolescentis uxor regis erat, que ipsum iugiter stimulabat, et plurimos ad subuentionem uincti frustra inquietabat. Porro rex crebris aculeatus punctionibus tantum nefas terrore minarum punire uoluit, sed turgidus dux ponderosum regem paruipendens adolescentem diutius retinuit? donec oppida que in confinio utriusque comitatus erant a patre pro ereptione filii optinuit. Deinde non multo post senex genitor obiit, iuuenisque @ MS. tempora

! This implies that his association with the government of the county began in IIO3 Or IIO4.

? 'This is very close to the account in the Annales dites de Renaud (Annales angevines, pp. 89-90). Some chronicles accused Bertrade of fomenting trouble and being responsible for the death of her stepson; cf. the Chronicle of Tours (RHF xii. 468) and Chronica de gestis consulum Andegavorum (Halphen et Poupardin, p. 66). Geoffrey was killed on 19 May 1106 (Halphen, Anjou, p. 174). 3 At Angers.

* Fulk was the son of Bertrade and Fulk le Rechin. Some charters of the closing years of Fulk le Rechin's life indicate that young Fulk was associated with

him in the exercise of comital functions (Guillot, Comte d' Anjou, i. 123 n. 563); but Helias of Maine certainly exercised some authority in Anjou between r106 and 1109 (ibid. ii. 273-4, C442).

BOOK XI

7

to his credit, exerted himself to do justice to the poor and humble and bring true peace to the Church of God. With God's help he

rapidly subdued the whole province, outshining almost all his ancestors by his valour and justice, and had succeeded in accomplishing much in a short time when death struck him down. After

ruling for three years! he besieged Candé, as I said above, and pressed the rebels defending it relentlessly with his valorous knights. When the leaders of the castle garrison had gone out to parley with him about making peace and surrendering the stronghold next day, a crossbowman, inspired by the devil, shot a bolt from the walls, struck down the distinguished youth, who had gone apart to confer with the magnates, and mortally wounded the just ruler in the arm.? Next day the rightful defender of the province died and was buried amidst general mourning in the abbey church of St. Nicholas the bishop.3 After his death Philip, king of France, granted the county of Anjou to his stepson, Fulk,* and gave the youth into the charge of William, duke of Poitou, who happened to be at the court, to protect him on his journey and escort him safely to his father. William, however, took his charge to the frontiers of his territory

and there, regardless of law and the dishonour he would bring on himself, arrested him and kept him in prison for more than a year.5

When the corpulent king of France heard of this he was much distressed, and tried by pleas and threats to rescue the boy from prison. Bertrade, the mother of the youth, was the king's wife, and

she pressed Philip hard and importuned many men to help the captive, but in vain. The king, nettled by continual pricks, wished

to punish this shocking crime and made terrible threats, but the proud duke, scorning the portly king, kept for a long time, until he had obtained some of Poitou and Anjou from Fulk le Rechin Not long afterwards the aged father died

the youth in captivity castles on the frontiers for his son's release. and the young count

5 William of Tyre (xiv. 1) gives a slightly different account of Fulk's capture, saying that he was at William of Poitou's court when Geoffrey was killed; he confirms that the bone of contention was the possession of certain castles (RHF xii. 518; RHC Occ. i. 606—7). Though considerably later, this tradition may have been derived from Fulk himself after he became king of Jerusalem. 6 Jt is not certain which castles changed hands. Mirebeau may have been one, but it was

well inside the frontier;

or they may

have been

castles recently

captured by Geoffrey Martel the younger. The evidence is discussed in Guillot, Comte d' Anjou, i. 118 n. 532.

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BOOK XI

comes Eremburgem filiam Heliz Cenomannorum comitis uxorem duxit,! quze generosam ei utriusque sexus sobolem peperit.

S5 iv. 219

iv. 220

Eodem anno? Henricus rex ut supradictum est uere in Neustriam nauigauit, et paternam hereditatem quam periuri et raptores ac nebulones conculcabant uendicare sategit. Heliam Cenomannensem cum uiribus suis conduxit, urbemque Baiocasinam quam Gunherius de Alneio conseruabat obsedit. Gunherius uero ad regem exiuit, eique Rodbertum Haimonis filium qui captus olim ab eodem fuerat pro gratia eius liberum reddidit, sed urbem imperiose poscenti reddere contempsit. Protinus igitur rex urbem expugnauit, et iniecto igne penitus combussit, et prefatum municipem cum pedissequis et commilitonibus suis cepit.? Audita itaque tantz ciuitatis destructione reliqui municipes ualde contremuerunt, et properantem cum tanta obstinatione regem proterue prestolari timuerunt. Cadomenses ergo comperta clade Baiocensium, metuentes simile perpeti excidium, ad regem qui iam ad illos cum magna feritate festinabat miserunt, et pacem cum illo ad uoluntatem eius fecerunt. Mox enim Enguerrannum municipem Ilberti filium* cum suis expulerunt, et munitionem regi reddiderunt. Rex autem quattuor primoribus Cadomi5 Dalintonam in Anglia$ dedit, qua Ixxx libras per singulos annos reddit, et *uilla traditorum' usque hodie nominatur licet illis nunc subiecta non sit. Deinde rex Falesiam perrexit, sed eam non expugnauit/ quia comes Helias a Normannis rogatus recessit. Illic ! Fulk's

marriage

with

Eremburge

took

place

before

his

father's

death

(Halphen, Anjou, p. 190 and n. 5; Guillot, Comte d' Anjou, i. 123, ii. 273-4). 2 This is wrong. Orderic now takes up his account of the campaign which had begun at Easter, 1105, with the dramatic scene in the church at Carentan. 3 For the campaign of 1105 cf. GR ii. 475; H. Hunt., p. 235; ASC 1105; FW

il. 53-4; Quadripartitus, ed. Liebermann,

p. 87. The fullest account of the

burning of Bayeux is given by Serlo, canon of Bayeux, in De capta Bajocensium

civitate (The Anglo-Latin Century, ed. Thomas

Satirical Poets and Epigrammatists

Wright, RS ii (1892), 241-51;

RHF

of the Twelfth

xix, pp. xci-xcvii).

Serlo, a protégé of Odo of Bayeux, favoured Robert Curthose and the defeated Normans (H. Bohmer, ‘Der sogenannte Serlo von Bayeux und die ihm zugeschriebenen Gedichte’, in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fiir altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, xxii (1897), 701-38). He mentions Henry’s Manceaux, Angevin, Breton, and English, as well as his Norman, troops (ed. Wright, p. 212).

4 Enguerrand was a tenant of the bishop of Bayeux and a frequent witness of

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79

married Eremburge, daughter of Helias count of Maine,! and had by her noble children of both sexes.

17 In the spring of the same year? King Henry crossed to Normandy, as has been told above, and laid claim to the heritage of his fathers, which was being trodden underfoot by traitors and brigands and rascals. He took with him Helias of Maine with his forces, and

laid siege to the town of Bayeux, which was guarded by Gunter of Aunay. Gunter went out to the king and, hoping to win his favour, handed over to him Robert fitz Hamon, whom he had captured;

but he rejected Henry's imperious command to surrender the town. The king immediately stormed the town, set fire to it, and burnt it to the ground, capturing Gunter the castellan with his attendants and fellow knights.? When the other castellans heard of the destruction of this great city they were thoroughly alarmed and dared not put up much resistance to the king, since he was advancing with such determination. The men of Caen, hearing of the massacre of those of Bayeux and fearing they might suffer a similar fate, sent to the king, who was already hurrying against them in fierce array, and made peace with him on his own terms. They immediately expelled the castellan, Enguerrand, son of Ilbert,* with his men, and surrendered the castle to the king. He then handed over to the four chief townsmen of Caen 'Dallington' in England, which is worth

eighty pounds annually and has been called *Traitors' manor’ ever since, even though it is no longer in their possession. Then the king went on to Falaise, but he did not storm it because Count Helias

withdrew at the request of the Normans. However, there was some Robert

Curthose's

charters

(Haskins, Norman

Institutions, p. 76). He had no

connection with the Lacy family (Wightman, Lacy Family, p. 58 n. 4). 5 Wace, who preserved many traditions of this region, names the four chief townsmen as 'Thierry son of Ralph son of Ogier, Ralph, Nicholas, and Aiulph (Roman de Rou (Holden), ll. 11163-11280). He says that the king promised

them various lands and the release of friends they were unable to ransom (ibid. ll. 11289-96). Ralph son of Ogier occurs in several Caen charters of the period (Musset, Abbayes caennaises, pp. 75, 121, 135, 140). $ 'T'he identity of Dalintona is uncertain. Dallington (Northants.), a Peterborough manor and Dallington (Sussex), a manor of the count of Eu, were neither valuable enough nor Henry's to give. Deddington (Oxon.) is more

possible; it had been a manor of Odo, bishop of Bayeux, and was said to be worth £60 in 1086 (DB i. 155b).

8o

iv. 221

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XI

tamen exercitium militare peractum est’ in quo Rogerius de Gloucestra! strenuus miles occisus est. Germani principes rex et dux in septimana Pentecostes Sanctellis conuenerunt, et biduo de pace facienda locuti sunt? sed quia seditiosi dissidentes perturbabant cunctis federibus ruptis discesserunt.? Totis postmodum uiribus ceperunt guerram passim agere, et proceres probique tirones quibus inhererent partes eligere, et incendiis atque rapinis a Pentecoste usque ad festiuitatem sancti Michahelis insistere. 18

Tunc Henricus imperator Alemannorum vii? idus Augusti exspirauit,3 sed quia pro multis reatibus suis ecclesia teste Deo non satisfecerat terra caruit, nec per multos annos humano ritu sepeliri meruit. Karolus Henricus quintus filius eius post eum imperauit, qui post iii annos Mathildem filiam Henrici regis Anglorum uxorem duxit, sed legitimum sibi de ea successorem non habuit. iv. 222

I9 Rodbertus inuasor Diuensis abbatie inter reliqua mala que gessit Simonis nequitiz nefariam Iudz facinus adiunxit.4 Cum Rodberto duce et optimatibus eius placitum fecit Falesiz:’ quod eis regem cum paucis adduceret repente, et ipsi parati essent eundem suscipere. Disposita itaque proditione Rodbertus Cadomum perrexit, et inuento regi familiariter dixit, 'Municipium quod

supra Diuam habeo? si mecum uenire placet tibi reddo." Cumque regi hoc placuisset, ‘Magnum’ inquit ille 'exercitum ducere modo necesse non est? ne strepitus multitudinis audiatur, et conatus

noster impediatur. Intus pauci clientuli sunt, et michi penitus

iv. 223

obediunt. Rex igitur noctu surrexit, et tota nocte cum dcctis militibus equitauit, et apparente aurora loco proximus constitit. Interea Rainaldus de Guarennas et Rodbertus iuuenis de Stoteuilla® ! Roger, son of Durand de Pistres, sheriff of Gloucester (see Round, Feudal England, p. 313). William of Malmesbury also mentions his death at the siege of Falaise (GR ii. 474—5, 521 n.). ? Orderic omits explicit mention of the earlier meeting of Robert and Henry in England at Northampton (ASC 1106; GR ii. 474: ‘Itaque fratrem ad se accitum in Angliam semel blande verbis, post vero in Normanniam veniens non semel dure bellis, admonuit ut comitem, non monachum, ageret"). There is no reason

to doubt that they also met at Cinteaux. 3 On 7 August 1106. Orderic repeats information already given (see above

BOOK

XI

81

knightly jousting there, in which the brave knight, Roger of Gloucester,! was killed. The two brother princes, the king and the duke, met at Cinteaux

in the week of Pentecost, and tried in two days of discussions to make peace; but because seditious trouble-makers interfered all the treaties were broken and they finally separated.? Afterwards they set about waging war with all their forces; magnates and knights of prowess chose sides and occupied themselves with burning and plundering from Pentecost until Michaelmas. 18

At that time Henry, Emperor of the Germans, died on 7 August, but because he had not made amends to God for his many crimes as the Church is witness, the earth did not receive him, and he was denied the rites of burial for many years. Charles Henry V, his son, ruled after him; three years later he married Matilda, the daughter of King Henry of England, but he had no legitimate successor by her.

19 Robert, the intruder into the abbey of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive, added the appalling crime of Judas to the sin of simony among his other evil deeds.* He entered into an undertaking with Duke Robert and his magnates at Falaise that he would shortly bring the king to them with only a few men, while they would be ready to capture him. After laying this treacherous trap Robert went to Caen and, seeking out the king, accosted him as a friend, saying, ‘If you care to accompany me, I will hand over my fortress on the Dive to you.' When the king had shown his agreement, he said, 'It is not necessary to bring a large army now, for the noise of a great

multitude might be heard and our plan thwarted. There are only a few insignificant dependants inside, and they obey me implicitly.’ The king therefore rose at nightfall and rode all night with seven hundred knights, arriving just outside the place at dawn. Meanwhile Reginald of Warenne5 and young Robert of Stuteville® with v. 196). Matilda was betrothed to Henry V in 1109 when she was seven years

old; the marriage took place in 1114 (see above, v. 200 n. 2). * Orderic now begins an account of the campaign of 1106, to which these events belong (see above, p. 72 n. 2).

5 Reginald was the second son of William I of Warenne, earl of Surrey; cf. above, iv. 180-2, 222.

6 See EYC ix. 2 for the Stuteville family.

82

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XI

cum alis cxl militibus Diuense municipium preoccupauerunt? et aurora surgente cum cachinnis et exprobrationibus dum rex appropinquaret uociferati sunt. Multi quoque alii milites secuti sunt de Falesia et de aliis in giro municipiis? ut comminus dimicarent cum rege et eius asseclis. Ille autem ut dolos aduertit? iratus assultum in castrenses suis mox facere precepit. Ferocem igitur assultum regii milites protinus fecerunt, et iniecto igne castrum et cenobium combusserunt.! Tunc Rainaldus et Rodbertus probi tirones aliique plures capti sunt multi quoque qui in turrim ecclesiz confugerant concremati sunt. Porro sequaces qui subuenire illis festinabant ut ingentem piram prospexerunt^ confestim fugientes Falesiam remeauerunt. Victor autem rex pedetemptim eos persecutus est’ sed nullus contra eum egredi ausus est. Merito ilis male contigit, iuxta illud quod apostolicus dicit, ‘Si quis templum Dei uiolauerit? disperdet illum Deus.'? Ecce isti domum Dei speluncam latronum? temere fecerunt, et turpibus immundiciis hominum et equorum irreuerenter polluerunt, meritoque ferro uel edacibus flammis interierunt. Tunc Rodbertus traditor captus est? et transuersus super equum Sicut saccus

iv. 224

coram

rege adductus

est. Cui rex ait, ‘Perfide, de

terra mea fuge. Nisi pro reuerentia sacri ordinis cuius habitum exterius fers miserrime? facerern te continuo membratim discerpere.' Dimissus itaque apostata protinus ad Francos unde erat cum dedecore aufugit" et preposituram Argentolii+ quia monachatus quietem cum paupertate in claustro ferre neglegebat optinuit. Cumque in eodem anno quendam Iohannem placitis constringeret, et nescio quas consuetudines ab eo uiolenter exigeret/ ira furente a prefato pagense percussus est: et ita exigentibus culpis sine poenitentia miser trucidatus est. 20

Autumnus tunc in Normannia tonitruis et imbribus atque bellis tempestuosus fuit, et preliorum fomes multiplicibus causis fotus ! The Narratio fundacionis in the cartulary of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive (GC xi. Instr. 155) corroborates Orderic's account: 'Verum Henricus rex eum [Robertum] cum suis captum, incenso prius monasterio cum aedificiis suis et universo oppido, plurimis quoque vi flammarum adustis, post tertium fere mensem quo

advenerat deturbavit, qui et ipse postmodum culpis exigentibus interemptus dignum factis exitum invenit." 201 Gor iin 17. 3 Mark xi. 17. 4 There

is much

obscurity

about the rights of Saint-Denis

in Argenteuil

BOOK

XI

83

.a hundred and forty other knights had taken possession of the fortress of Dive, and as dawn broke they shouted out with guffaws and abuse as the king approached. A great many other knights were on their way from Falaise and the other castles round about, intending to join close battle with the king and his followers. But he, becoming aware of the treachery, in a great rage commanded his men to attack the garrison. 'l'he king's knights therefore immediately made a fierce assault and, setting fire to castle and abbey, burnt them down.' The gallant knights, Reginald and Robert, were captured there with many others, and many who had fled

into the tower of the church were burnt with it. When the reinforcements which were hurrying to their assistance saw the huge pyre they immediately fled back to Falaise. The victorious king followed hard on their heels, but no one dared to venture out against him. That disaster was well deserved, for as the apostle says, ‘If any man defile the temple of God, him shall God destroy.’ These men, who made the temple of God into a den of thieves? and sacrilegiously defiled it with the filth of men and horses, justly perished by the sword or the devouring flames. The traitor Robert was captured then and taken to the king, flung like a sack over a horse's back. 'To him the king said, “Traitor,

fly my realm. Only respect for the holy order whose habit you outwardly wear, vile wretch, prevents me from having you torn limb from limb on the spot.' Banished thus, the apostate fled at once in shame to France, for he was a Frenchman, and obtained the provostship of Argenteuil, because he did not care to continue to put up with a monk's life of tranquillity and poverty in the cloister. When in the course of the same year he was harrying a man called John with accusations, and was violently demanding some customary due from him, the enraged peasant struck him down, and so the wretch perished unshriven as he deserved for his sins. 20

'That autumn was a stormy one in Normandy, with thunder and

torrents of rain and wars; and the flames of battle, fanned by many before 1129, when the monks turned out the nuns and established a priory; but it is certain that both the nuns’ convent and the abbey of Saint-Denis possessed property there (A. Lesort, ‘Argenteuil’, in DHGE iv. 22-5; Luchaire, Louis VJ,

no. 97, p. 53). The provost must have been in charge of the monks' share of the property.

84

iv. 225

BOOK XI

palam prorupit. Rodberto siquidem duci Rodbertus de Bellismo et Guillelmus comes Moritoliit aliique plures obnixe adherebant, quia regem formidantes illius iugo subici omnino recusabant, eique totis nisibus resistebant. Vnde rex congregata suorum multitudine castrum contra Tenerchebraicum construxit, ibique Thomam de sancto Iohanne? cum multis equitibus et peditibus ad arcendos castrenses constituit. Porro Guillelmus Moritolii comes cuius oppidum obsidebatur ut hoc audiuit" militum nobilem cetum aggregauit, et ingentem ciborum aliarumque rerum quibus obsessos indigere nouerat apparatum conduxit, regiisque satellitibus id cum merore contemplantibus introduxit. Virides etiam per agros messes secari fecit, et oppidanis suis ad pabulum equorum sumministrauit. Tanta nimirum strenuitatis prefatus iuuenis erat, et militarem tam magnz uirtutis copiam habebat" ut regii excubitores de munitione nullatenus progredi, seu calumniando introitum cum illis auderent congredi. Hoc audito rex nimis iratus est? et acrius in hostes insurgere conatus est. Congregato enim exercitu Tenerchebraicum uenit, et aliquandiu obsidione cohercuit. Interea Guillelmus comes ducem et Rodbertum de Belismo et alios amicos suos requisiuit, auxiliumque contra regem summopere procurauit. Dux ergo exercitum adunauit, fratrique suo in terra sua obsidionem dissoluere precepit, alioquin proelium indixit. At ille obstinato corde in obsidione perdurauit, et bellum plus quam ciuile? futura pro pace suscepit. Quattuor siquidem comites habuit secum, Heliam Cenomannorum, Guillelmum Ebroicensium, Rod-

iv. 226

bertum de Mellento et Guillelmum de Guarenna, aliosque precipuos barones, Rannulfum scilicet Baiocensem,* et Radulfum de Conchis, Rodbertum de Monteforti® et Rodbertum de Grente-

maisnilio? aliosque plures cum suis clientibus. Econtra Rodbertus dux secum habebat Rodbertum Belesmensem et nepotem eius Guillelmum Moritoliensem, Rodbertum de Stoteuilla? et Guillel-

mum de Ferrariis,? aliosque plures cum suis uiribus. Milites quidem non tantos ut frater eius habuit, sed peditum numerosiorem 1 William of Mortain was the son and heir of Robert, count of Mortain, halfbrother of William the Conqueror. ? Thomas

of Saint-Jean-le-Thomas

(Loyd,

pp.

89-90).

He

was

the elder

brother of John and Roger of St. John (cf. below, p. 194), and was sheriff of Oxford from c. 1110 to 1117 (Regesta, ii. 973, 1000, 1128, 1459); see also Regesta, ii. 1422; Études . . . offertes à Jean Yver, ed. R. Carabie, pp. 87-96. 3 Lucan, Pharsalia, i. 1. 4 Ralph of Briquessart; see above, iv. 230 n. 3.

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85

forces, broke out openly. Robert of Belléme and William, count of Mortain,! and many others adhered staunchly to Duke Robert, because they feared the king and were utterly unwilling to submit to his rule, resisting him with all their might. So the king gathered his men, built a siege-castle by Tinchebray, and stationed Thomas of St. John? with many knights and foot-soldiers to invest the garrison. But when William of Mortain, whose castle was being besieged, heard of it, he gathered a noble force of knights and escorted a large convoy of food and other supplies that he knew to be necessary for the besieged garrison into the castle, while the king’s

troops looked ruefully on. He even had the green corn cut down in the fields and supplied to his garrison as fodder for their horses. The young man was so enterprising, and had such a powerful force of knights, that the royal guards ventured neither to leave their castle for any reason nor to fight to prevent them from coming and going freely. On hearing of this the king was very angry and prepared to launch an even fiercer attack on the enemy. Assembling his army he came to Tinchebray and for a time invested it closely. Meanwhile Count William sought out the duke and Robert of Belléme and others of his friends, and readily secured help against the king. The duke assembled his army and commanded his brother to raise the siege he was conducting in his lands, under threat of declaring war. But the king hardened his heart, persisted in the siege, and embarked on a more than civil war? for the sake of

future peace. He had four counts with him: Helias of Maine, William of Evreux, Robert of Meulan, and William of Warenne;

and other eminent barons, namely Ralph of Bayeux‘ and Ralph of Conches,5 Robert of Montfort® and Robert of Grandmesnil,? and many others with their troops. On the other side Duke Robert was

accompanied by Robert of Belléme and his own cousin, William of Mortain, Robert of Stuteville,’ William of Ferriéres,? and many

others, with their forces. He had fewer mounted knights than his brother, but he led amore numerous body of foot-soldiers. Brothers 5 See above, p. 40. Ralph of Conches remained loyal to Henry after going over to his side, and witnessed a number of his charters (Regesta ii. 956, 1207, 1447). 6 Robert

of Montfort’s loyalty was more

fluctuating;

see above, p. 22, and

below, p. 10o. 7 See above, iv. 230, 338.

8 Robert of Stuteville the elder; his son had already been captured. 9 William was the son of Henry of Ferrers (Ferriéres-Sainte-Hilaire), castellan of Tutbury; see above, iv. 232, 233 n. 5; Loyd, p. 42.

86

iv. 227

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XI

cateruam produxit. In armis ex utraque parte fratres et cognati consistebant, et nonnulli eorum mutua sibimet uulnera parabant. Fraudulenti quoque desertores spicula gestabant, sed non firmo corde suo principi adherebant, fugaeque magis quam conflictui pro maliuolentia inhiabant. Plures equidem religiosi uiri tantum nefas impedire conati sunt? fraternique sanguinis effusionem uidere nimis timuerunt. Vitalis autem heremita! qui tunc inter uenerabiles personas erat precipuus, ceteris feruentior sequester inter germanos dissidentes factus, audacter interdixit ne certarent comminus, ne uiderentur imitari

detestabile omnibus seculis CEdipodarum facinus, meritoque subirent Ethioclis et Polinicis nefarios et horribiles euentus.?

Denique rex multiplices casus sollerter inspexit? uerbis sophista-

iv. 228

rum animo perceptis diuersos consultus subtiliter reuoluit, unde huiuscemodi legationem fratri suo mandauit, 'Ego' inquit 'frater mi non pro cupiditate terreni honoris huc accessi, nec tibi iura ducatus tui adimere decreui, sed lacrimosis questibus pauperum inuitatus zcclesiz Dei opto suffragari? que uelut nauis sine gubernatore periclitatur inter procellas pelagi. Tu enim terram ut arbor infructuosa occupas, nullumque iusticiz fructum Creatori nostro sacrificas.? Dux quidem nomine tenus uocaris, sed a clientibus tuis palam subsannaris, nec tui contemptus iniurias ulcisceris. Crudeles ergo iniquitatis filii sub umbra tui nequiter opprimunt plebes Christianas, iamque plures pene hominibus uacuas in Normannia fecerunt parrochias. Hzc uidens zelo Dei qui nos regit inardesco, animamque meam pro salute fratrum et dilectz gentis patriaeque ponere efflagito. His itaque perspectis queso meis consiliis utere, et me ista moliri non pro cupiditate, sed pro bona uoluntate palam poteris comprobare. Omnes munitiones totamque iusticiam et procurationem totius Normanniz et medietatem ducatus michi dimitte, aliamque medietatem sine labore et cura tibi posside, et zequipollentiam alterius medietatis de meo singulis annis in Anglia zrario recipe. Dapibus et ludis et cunctis postea securus oblectamentis

frui

poteris. Ego

autem

imminentes

pro

pace

labores

tolerabo, tibique promissa quiescenti sine defectione procurabo, rabiemque malignantium ne populum Dei suggillent auxilio eius

iuste coartabo.'

1 St. Vitalis, founder of Savigny, who had been a chaplain of Robert, count of

Mortain (cf. above, iv. 330-2). ? For Eteocles and Polynices, the sons of Oedipus, and the stories based on the Thebais of Statius see above, iii. 100 n. 2; iv. 122.

3 Cf. Mark xi. 13-14.

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and kinsfolk were in arms on different sides; many of them made ready to wound each other. Some deceitful deserters brandished javelins, but had no heart in the fight for their prince; their disaffection made them more ready for flight than for battle. Several men of religion tried to prevent this terrible disaster, horrified at the prospect of brother shedding the blood of brother. Vitalis the hermit,! the most venerable of all, was the most fervent

mediator between the warring brothers and boldly forbade them to fight hand to hand, for fear that they might imitate the crime of the sons of Oedipus, hateful to all ages, and might through

their own fault suffer the dire and dreadful fate of Eteocles and Polynices.? At length the king, after carefully examining all aspects of the situation, bearing in mind the advice of wise men and reflecting deeply on the different counsels, sent this message to his brother: 'I have not come here, my brother, out of greed for any worldly lordship, nor do I aim at depriving you of the rights of your duchy; but in response to the tearful petitions of the poor I wish to help the Church of God, which, like a pilotless ship in a stormy sea, is in peril. The truth is that you occupy the land like a barren tree, and offer no fruit of justice to our Creator.? You are a duke in name alone, openly mocked by your own servants, incapable of avenging the insult implicit in their scorn. Therefore cruel sons of iniquity oppress the Christian people living under your shadow, and have almost wholly depopulated many parishes in Normandy. Seeing these things, I am fired by the zeal of God, who governs us, and ask only to lay down my life for the safety of my brothers and the people of my beloved country. Consider all this, I ask you; be advised by me, and you will be able to prove for all to see that Iam motivated not by covetousness, but by goodwill. Hand over to me all the castles, all judicial and administrative business throughout Normandy, and half of the duchy, and keep the second half for yourself without toil or responsibility, receiving the equivalent value of the first half annually from my treasure-store in England. You can then enjoy feasts and games and all kinds of amusement in

comfort. I for my part will undertake all the labours necessary to preserve peace, and will faithfully keep my promises while you rest, and with God’s help will lawfully hold in check the brutality of would-be oppressors, so that they cannot trample his people

underfoot.’

88

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Hzc audiens dux consiliarios suos accersiit, eisque mandata regis retulit. Protinus illi mandata regis abhorruerunt, et contumacibus dictis ducem ne sermonibus pacis obsequeretur auerterunt. Renunciantibus legatis quod dux suique fautores non pacem sed bellum omnimodis optarent/ rex Deo sese commendans ait, *Nouit omnipotens Deus in quem credo, quod pro desolata plebis subuentione hoc certamen ineo. Ipsum factorem nostrum intimo corde deposco, ut illi det uictoriam in conflictu hodierno, per

quem suo tutelam et quietem decreuit dare populo.'! iv. 229

His dictis magistratus familize suze conuocauit, ad prelium omnes instruxit, breuiterque commonuit, prout opportunitas loci et temporis exegit. Rainaldum uero de Guarenna? et omnes alios qui in Diuensi basilica capti fuerant absoluit, et aecclesiam quz combusta fuerat sese restauraturum Deo deuouit.? Deinde ferratz acies ordinate sunt? et disciplinabiliter stipata? processerunt.* Primam aciem rexit Rannulfus Baiocensis, secundam Rodbertus comes Mellentensis, terciam uero Guillelmus de Guarenna. Hic

iv. 230

nimirum pro absolutione fratris sui ualde laetatus est" cunctosque sodales ut inuincibiliter dimicarent audacter exhortatus est. Rex autem Anglos et Normannos secum pedites detinuit" Cenomannos autem et Britones longe in campo cum Helia consule constituit. Ex aduersa uero parte? Guillelmus comes Moritoliensis aciem duxit primam? et Rodbertus Belesmensis extremam. Cumque simul exercitus conuenissent, et turmze Guillelmi comitis cetus Rannulfi

ferire satagerent? tanta densitate constipati erant, et in armis indissolubiliter stabant, ut nichil eis obesse possent, sed alterni

conatus impenetrabiles obstare studerent. Vlulantibus utrinque et ! The words attributed to Henry by Orderic are in the spirit of the letter Henry wrote to Anselm after the battle: “Quocirca, pater venerande, supplex et devotus genibus tuae sanctitatis advolutus te deprecor, ut supernum Judicem, cujus arbitrio et voluntate triumphus iste tam gloriosus et utilis mihi contigit, depreceris, ut non sit mihi ad damnum et detrimentum, sed ad initium bonorum operum et servitii Dei, et ad sanctae Dei ecclesiae statum tranquilla pace tenendum et corroborandum, ut amodo libera vivat et nulla concutiatur tempestate bellorum" (Eadmer, HN, p. 184). The tenor of this letter may have been

known to Orderic through his contacts with Bec; or Henry may have written others to the same effect. ? The Hyde Chronicle (Chron. de Hida, p. 307) also says that Reginald of Warenne was pardoned, but in a condensed account implies that he was captured during the battle of Tinchebray. 3 'This vow was kept: Henry’s charter of 1108 ends, ‘Hoc autem feci pro... restauratione et satisfactione dampni, quod monachis intulerit combustio ejus-

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89

After hearing this the duke summoned his counsellors and reported the king’s ultimatum to them. They rejected it at once with scorn, and in seditious speeches warned the duke not to heed the words of peace. When the envoys reported that the duke and his adherents were altogether resolved on war and not on peace, the king commended himself to God, saying, ‘God almighty in whom I trust knows that I go into this battle to help his afflicted people. I beg him who is our maker, from the depths of my heart, to give the victory in this day's conflict to him through whom he wishes to give protection and tranquillity to his people.’! After speaking these words he summoned the officers of his household troops, disposed them for battle, and gave them brief

orders appropriate to the time and place. He released Reginald of Warenne? and all the others who had been captured in the church of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive, and vowed to God that he would restore

the church which had been burnt.? Then the mail-clad battle lines were drawn up and advanced in close order.* Ralph of Bayeux commanded the first column, Robert, count of Meulan, the second, and William of Warenne the third. He was particularly delighted at his brother's release and boldly urged all his comrades on to victory. The king himself kept the English and Normans with him, dismounted, and posted the Manceaux and Bretons some distance away in the field under Count Helias. In the opposing force William, count of Mortain, commanded the foremost troops, and Robert of Belléme the rear. When the two armies clashed, and

the troops of Count William were trying to cut down Ralph's force, they were so closely crowded together and were brought to

a halt with their weapons so closely locked that it was impossible for them to strike one another, and all in turn struggled to break the solid lines. As shouts and cries sounded from both sides dem abbatiae et totius villae suae per me facta' (GC xi. Instr. 156—7; Regesta, as :T AR is some uncertainty about the exact date of the battle. The AngloSaxon Chronicle gives 28 September 1106 (ASC 1106), as do Florence of

Worcester (FW ii. 55) and the Chronicon breve fontanellense (RHF xii. 771). The letter of a priest of Fécamp (EHR xxv (1910), 296) alone gives 29 September (iii kal’ Octobris); but iii could be a copyist's error for iiii. The Annales beccenses give 27 September very circumstantially: the Thursday of the last week in

September, namely 27 September, on the feast of SS. Cosmas and Damianus (Chronique du Bec, ed. A. A. Porée, Rouen, 1883, p. 5); and this date is copied by Robert of Torigny in his interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 284). For other accounts of the battle of Tinchebray see EHR xxv (1910), 296; H. Hunt., p. 235; Chron. de Hida, p. 307; Marx, pp. 283-4.

90

iv. 231

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XI

uociferantibus Helias cum suis subito irruit, et e latere inermes ducis pedites percussit, et ducentos xxv mox interfecit. Quod uidens Rodbertus Belesmensis fugam iniit, et dissolutum ducis agmen uictoribus cessit. Tunc Gualdricus! ducem comprehendit, et regali custodie mancipauit. Is nimirum capellanus regis qui militibus sociatus in certamine constitit, non multo post Laudunensis pontifex factus parrochianos nimis aggrauauit, unde a ciuibus suis in quodam uiridiario feria sexta Parasceue cum septem maioribus zcclesiz ministris percussus occubuit.? Britones autem Guillelmum comitem ceperunt, quibus rex et amici eius uix abstulerunt. Rodbertus de Stoteuilla et Guillelmus de Ferrariis aliique plures capti sunt’3 quorum quidam gratia regis absoluti pro impetrata libertate tripudiauerunt, alii uero promerentibus culpis usque ad mortem uinclis irretiti sunt. Rex itaque uictoria gaudens cetus suos conuocauit, res suas prudenter disposuit, et captos hostes sollerter custodiri precepit. Cui dux ait, ‘Proditores Normanni fraudulentiis suis me seduxe-

runt, et a consiliis tuis frater mi quze uere michi salubria fuissent si sectatus ea fuissem me subtraxerunt. Falesienses coniuraui dum ab eis recessissem? ne ulli redderent

Falesiza munitionem,

nisi

michi siue Guillelmo de Ferrariis quem in omnibus comprobaui fidelem. Nunc igitur frater mi festina, et Guillelmum ad recipiendam firmitatem destina, ne Rodbertus de Belismo te surreptione preueniat aliqua, et firmissimam munitionem preoccupans per nonnulla tibi resistat tempora. Rex autem amicabiliter et caute iv. 232

fratrem secum

adduxit, et prefatum

militem

ad nanciscendum

* Waldric (Gaudry) had been Henry's chancellor since c. Christmas, r102 (HBC, p. 81); atthe time of the battle he was only in minor orders, and he had to be hastily ordained sub-deacon and given a canonry in the cathedral of Rouen to

make his election to the bishopric of Laon acceptable. His character and election have been fully described by Guibert of Nogent, who knew him personally and had attended the Council of Langres where the legality of his election was up-

held by Pope Paschal II (Monodiae, iii. 4; trans. Benson, pp. 151—7). His career is sketched by H. W. C. Davis, *Waldric the Chancellor of Henry I', in EHR

xxvi (1911), 84-9. For connections between England and Laon at this time see

Herman, De miraculis B. Mariae laudunensis (Migne, PL clvi. 961-88); E. Lesne, Histoire de la: propriété ecclésiastique en France, v (Les écoles de la fin du viité siécle à la fin du xii®), Lille, 1940, pp. 299-308. ? He was murdered on Thursday (not Friday), 25 April 1112, during a riot of the townsmen of Laon, who had formed a sworn commune in defiance of his

opposition. According to Guibert of Nogent he was found hiding in a cask in a

BOOK XI

ds

Helias suddenly charged with his men, attacked the duke's helpless foot-soldiers on the flanks, and cut down two hundred and twentyfive of them in the first onslaught. Seeing this, Robert of Belléme took to flight and abandoned the duke's shattered army to the

victors,

Then Waldric! took the duke prisoner and handed him over to the king's custody. He himself was one of the king's chaplains, who had joined the knights and accompanied them into battle; shortly afterwards he was made bishop of Laon and greatly oppressed his subjects, with the result that he was attacked by his own citizens in a pleasure-garden on the Friday of Easter week, and murdered together with seven high officials of the church.? The Bretons captured Count William; the king and his friends had the greatest difficulty in getting him out of their hands. Robert of Stuteville, William of Ferriéres, and many others were taken prisoner;? some of them were pardoned by the king's grace to enjoy the freedom for which they begged, but others were kept in fetters to the day of their death, as their crimes deserved. The king, elated by his victory, called his forces round him, made prudent arrangements of his affairs, and commanded that the captured enemies should be closely guarded. The duke said to him, "Treacherous Normans deceived me by their lies and persuaded me to reject your counsels, my brother, which would have been my salvation if only I had followed them. l bound the defenders of Falaise by an oath, when I left them, that they would never surrender the castle of Falaise to anyone except me or William of Ferriéres, whom I have found faithful in all things. So now, my brother, make haste and send William to receive the fortress, for

fear that Robert of Belléme may outwit you by some trick and, by occupying this almost impregnable castle before you do, hold out against you for a considerable time.' The king therefore, in a friendly and prudent fashion, took his brother with him and sent William of Ferriéres ahead post-haste to take possession of the warehouse near the church and was murdered in the lane outside. Among the other victims of the riot Guibert names Guimar the castellan, a noble called Renier, Adon the vidame, and Ralph, the bishop's seneschal (Monodiae, iii. 7, 8, 9; trans. Benson, pp. 165-82).

3 In his letter to Anselm Henry stated that he had captured the duke of Normandy and count of Mortain, William Crispin, William of Ferriéres, the elder Robert of Stuteville, and up to 400 knights and 10,000 foot-soldiers, and

that the number of the slain was not known (Eadmer, HN, p. 184).

92

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oppidum celeriter transmisit. Quem ipse protinus secutus Falesiam properauit, iussuque ducis munitionem et fidelitatem burgensium recepit. Tunc regi Guillelmus puer! qui nutriebatur ibidem

allatus est? quem pre timore trementem rex contemplatus est,

iv. 233

uariisque in tenera zetate infortuniis impetitum dulcibus promissis consolatus est. Deinde ne aliqua sibi occasio derogationis oriretur, si puer in manu eius quolibet infesto casu lederetur, peculiari sub tutela eum retinere noluit, sed Heliz de Sancto Sidonio? ad educandum commendauit. Eidem quippe militi iam pridem dux filiam de pelice sibi natam dederat, et Aracensem comitatum concedens inter precipuos Normanniz barones illum promouerat. Auditis rumoribus de uictoria regis religiosi quique letati sunt? exleges autem et malignitatis amatores contristati luxerunt, quia iugum indomite ceruici sue diuinitus impositum pro certo nouerunt. Nam seditiosi predones ex quo sceptrigerum quem fortem iusticiarium olim comprobauerunt, adminiculante Deo superiorem hostibus in bello comperierunt? agnita uiri uirtute per diuersa statim loca diffugerunt, et solo timore illius a solitis infestationibus cessauerunt. Nefariis ergo collegiis hac et illac dispersis scemata mutauerunt, quia reperiri seu cognosci ab his quos protriuerant admodum timuerunt. Rex siquidem cum duce Rotomagum adiit, et a ciuibus fauorabiliter exceptus paternas leges renouauit, pristinasque urbis dignitates restituit. Hugo autem de Nonanto duce iubente regi arcem Rotomagi reddidit, propriumque honorem quem Belesmensis erus ei abstulerat regia ui recuperauit, et omni uita sua postmodum in pace possedit. Alii quoque municipes per totam Normanniam a duce absoluti sunt? eoque annuente omnia reddentes municipia triumphatori reconciliati sunt. 2I

In medio Octobri rex Luxouium uenit, cunctos optimates Neustriz conuocauit, et utillimum ecclesie Dei concilium tenuit.4 Ibi statuit regali sanctione, ut firma pax per omnes teneatur fines

Normanniz, ut latrociniis omnino compressis cum rapacitate, I William Clito, the son of Robert Curthose. 2 Robert's son-in-law and most loyal supporter; see above, iv. 182.

3 See A. Giry, Les établissements de Rouen (2 vols., Paris, 1883-5), i. 24-5. 4 The council of Lisieux is discussed by Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 86; cf. below, pp. 98-100, for similar measures promulgated in England in 1108.

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castle. He himself, following at once, hurried to Falaise and received the castle and the fealty of the burgesses at the duke's command. The boy William,! who was being brought up there, was then taken to the king. The king looked at the child, who was trembling with fright, and comforted him with kind promises, for he had suffered too many disasters at a tender age. Then, for fear that it might be held against him if the boy came to any harm while in his hands, he decided not to keep him under his own tutelage, but

instead entrusted his upbringing to Helias of Saint-Saens.? The duke had already given his daughter by a concubine in marriage to that knight, and had raised him to the highest rank in Normandy by granting him the county of Arques. All pious men were overjoyed when they heard the news of the king's victory; outlaws and evil-doers, on the other hand, were filled with grief and sorrow because they had no doubt that a yoke had been laid on their hitherto unconquered necks by God's will. When these seditious predators discovered that the monarch whose effective justice they had already experienced had conquered his enemies in battle by God's help, they acknowledged his greatness and fled at once in all directions, abandoning their habitual oppressions solely out of fear of him. When these evil companions had been scattered far and wide they disguised themselves, for they were terrified of being discovered or recognized by those whom they had oppressed. The king himself went on with the duke to Rouen, where he was welcomed by the citizens, confirmed his father's laws, and restored the ancient privileges of the city. Hugh of Nonant surrendered the citadel of Rouen to the king at the duke’s command; thanks to the king's power he recovered his own honor, of which the lord of Belléme had deprived him, and held it in peace to the end of his life. The other castellans too all over

Normandy were released by the duke from their fealty and, by surrendering all their castles with his consent, were reconciled to the conqueror. 2I

In the middle of October the king came to Lisieux, summoned all the magnates of Normandy, and held a council of great benefit to the Church of God.* He there decreed by royal authority that

peace should be firmly established throughout Normandy, that all robbery and plundering should be wholly suppressed, that all

94. iv. 234

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XI

omnes zcclesize possessiones sicut eas die qua pater eius defunctus est tenebant, aliique nichilominus legitimi haeredes possideant. Omnia quoque dominia patris sui sue proprietati mancipauit iudicioque sapientum irrita esse censuit, quz frater suus ingratis per imprudentiam dederat, uel inuitus per imbecillitatem permiserat. Hostes autem quos in bello ceperat in Angliam destinauit, et perenni ergastulo Guillelmum Moritoliensem ac Rodbertum de Stoteuilla aliosque nonnullos condempnauit. Inflexibilis erga eos perdurauit, et quamuis multorum precibus ac promissis muneribusque pulsatus fuisset nunquam emolliri potuit.

22

Rodbertus autem Belesmensis frustrata spe aliter quam putauerat nimis ingemuit, et contra regem Henricum adhuc bellare nitens Heliam comitem expetiit. ‘Domine’ inquit ‘comes succurre michi queso, quia tuus homo sum et ingentem in te fiduciam habeo. Ecce nunc ope tua indigeo? quia in mundo nimia rerum preualet confusio. Ecce iunior frater in maiorem surrexit, seruus in bello

dominum suum superauit, et uinclis iniecit. Auitam quoque illi hereditatem abstulit, sicque periurus domini sui iura sibimet subiecit. Porro naturali domino meo fidem seruaui, et sicut patri fideliter parui? sic omni uita mea eius obsequar soboli. Quamdiu uixero nunquam sustinebo, ut in pace dominetur Normanniz, qui dominum meum immo suum nexuit in carcere. Adhuc xxxiiii firmissimas

iv. 235

munitiones

habeo, unde

molestissimas

infestationes

inuasori profecto inferre potero. Auxilium dumtaxat tuum imploro, ut per te possim uincto suffragari domino, ipsumque uel heredem illius ducatui restituere Normannico.' His ita dictis Helias respondit, ‘Prudens quisque ab inicio debet prouidere, ne incipiat quod non possit uel non debeat explere. Rursus debet satagere, ne uelit indignum quemquam plus quam decet erigere, uel aliis in fascibus preferre, qui seipsum nesciat regere. Nam sicut prouerbium asserit uulgare, qui stultum contendit in sullimi sustentare? contra Deum presumit litigare. Henrico regi confoederatus sum, nec ullam in eo diuortii causam reperire

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churches should hold their possessions as they had held them on the day his father died, and that all lawful heirs should likewise hold their inheritances. He took into his own hand all his father's demesnes, and by judgement of wise counsellors decreed that all the gifts his brother had foolishly made to ungrateful men, and all the concessions he had made through weakness, should be null and void. He sent into England the enemies captured in the battle, and condemned William of Mortain, Robert of Stuteville, and several others to perpetual imprisonment. Towards these men he remained implacable, and although many persons tried to temper his severity with petitions and promises and gifts he never could be persuaded to relent. 22

Robert of Belléme, whose hopes had been dashed by the unex-

pected outcome of events, bewailed his fate and sought out Count Helias in an effort to continue the war against the king. ‘My lord count,' he said, 'I beg you to help me, because I am your vassal and have great faith in you. Look, I need your aid now, because the world is upside down. A younger brother has rebelled against ai. elder, a servant has conquered his master in war and thrown him into chains. Moreover he has robbed him of his ancestral inheritance and, as a perjured vassal, has taken his lord's rights into his own hand. But I have preserved my fealty to my natural lord, and as I obeyed the father faithfully, so I will obey the son to the end of my life. As long as I live I will never allow the man who has bound and imprisoned my lord and, what 1s more, his own, to rule Normandy in peace. I still hold thirty-four very strong castles, from which I shall surely be able to launch very harmful attacks on the invader. I ask for your help simply in order to use your power to aid my captive lord and restore him or his heir to the Norman duchy.' When he had said this Helias replied, ‘A man should be careful from the outset not to embark on any enterprise that he cannot or should not carry through. He ought also to make it his business not to raise anyone higher than he deserves or allow any man who does not know how to rule himself to have authority over others. As a common proverb runs, he who seeks to elevate a fool presumes to defy God. I am bound by a treaty to King Henry, and I cannot find in his conduct any grounds for breaking it. I have no wish to

96

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possum. Tantum principem insipienter offendere nolo? nec te nec alium quemlibet in tali negocio auscultare debeo. Nam sensu et potentia diuitiisque preditus est’ nec aliquis ut reor in occidente specialibus ei prerogatiuis equiperari potest. Si contra fratrem suum ut asseris maiorem et dominum pugnauit? ad hoc ipsum maxima necessitas compulit, et supplicatio religiosorum qui miserabiliter a biothanatis! conculcabantur inuitauit. Porro sicut uulgus in cotidiana locutione perhibet? malum debet fieri ut peius cesset.? Hoc nimirum uulgari more dico? diuina tamen auctoritate non asseuero. Ad hoc semel a duobus pugnatum est fratribus, ut amodo cessent annui conflictus? qui cotidie tellurem inebriabant filiorum sanguinibus. Nam ex quo dux de Ierusalem rediit, et ducatum Normanniz recepit" torpori et ignauiz nimis subiacuit. Cuius segnicie prouocati preuaricatores legis ad cuncta nefaria, clam et palam intolerabiliter hactenus furuerunt in Normannia, eorumque incendiis et rapinis per sex annos sancta mater uexata est ecclesia. Hinc turba pauperum pulse sunt in exilium regna per extera? et rebus ac prediis que pii barones antea dederant spoliata sunt monachorum cenobia. Nulli parcebat iniquorum uiolentia. Timor et luctus implebant omnia. Cotidie multipliciter crescente malorum nequitia? pene omnis deperibat diuini cultus reuerentia. Longas exinde ambages protelare superfluum est. Ecce uidemus basilicas in pluribus Normanniz locis concrematas, dioceses parrochianis euacuatas, et urbes uillasque maliciis et erumpnis ubique repletas. Nobilem itaque prouinciam tu complicesque tui coinquinastis, et iram Dei contra uosmetipsos irritastis. lusto iudicio Dei actum est’ quod amatori pacis et iusticie uictoria celitus collata est, atque contraria pars penitus obruta est. Contra illum nullatenus assurgere nitar ne Deum qui protector eius est offendens in me prouocare uidear. Verum si malignitatis conatus

et maliuolos astus deposueris, et de amicicia potentis sceptrigeri expetenda tractaueris’ in hoc me tui promptum

adiutorem erga

illum habere poteris.'

Cumque Rodbertus Heliam inflexibilem ad incongruas factiones inuenisset, et consilium eius utilitatis legitimique sensus plenum ! For the meaning of biothanatus cf. above, v. 293 n. s. ? Neither this nor the other proverb cited by Helias is included in Walther, Sprichworter.

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offend such a great prince lightly, and I must not listen to you or any other man on such a subject. For he is wise, powerful, and wealthy, and I do not think any man in the west can equal him in his outstanding prerogatives. If indeed he has fought against his elder brother and lord, as you assert, he was driven to it by the most urgent necessity, in response to the invitation and prayers of churchmen who were wretchedly oppressed by reprobates.! Indeed, as the popular saying goes, ‘wrong must be done to put an end to a worse wrong'.? This indeed I repeat as a common proverb, I do not claim divine authority for it. One battle has been fought between two brothers for the purpose of putting an end to perpetual wars, which drenched the earth daily with the blood of its sons. Ever since the duke returned from Jerusalem and took back the duchy of Normandy he has succumbed to sloth and idleness. Encouraged by his sluggishness, lawless men have up to now given themselves up intolerably to every kind of evil-doing in Normandy, both privately and publicly; for six years our holy mother the Church has been ravaged by their arson and plunder. As a result crowds of poor people have been driven into exile in foreign lands, and monasteries have been robbed of the possessions and endowments given to them in former times by dutiful lords. The violence of these evil men spared no one. ‘Terror and mourning abounded everywhere. As the crimes of these reprobates daily increased and multiplied, almost all reverence for the divine service had ceased. 'T'here is no need for me to expatiate at length on this. If we look around we see churches in many parts of Normandy burnt to ashes, parishes almost depopulated, and towns and villages everywhere full of disorders and tribulations. You and your confederates have ruined this noble province and have aroused the wrath of God against yourselves. It is by the just judgement of God that victory has been bestowed by heaven on the friend of peace and justice, and the opposing party utterly destroyed. In no circumstances will I attempt to rise against him, for fear of offending God, who is his protector, and bringing God's wrath on my own head. But if you will abandon your evil designs and malicious crafti-

ness, and will seek a way of recovering the friendship of the mighty king, you will find me ready to help by negotiating with him.’

When Robert found that Helias was not to be won over to factious quarrels unworthy of him, and recognized that his advice was advantageous and full of sound sense, being a dissembler, he

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comprobasset? sagaci consiliario uersipellis quasi ex toto immutatus gratias egit, concordiamque per eundem a rege requisiuit, et quia inter regem et comitem maxima familiaritas erat optinuit.! Argentomum et quaque' de dominio principali preoccupauerat reddidit, Falesiz uero uicecomitatum et reliqua quae patris eius fuerant impetrauit.

25 iv. 237

iv. 238

Henricus siquidem rex omnes inimicos suos opitulante Deo humiliauit, ac adulterina castella qua Rodbertus uel seditiosi condiderant prostrauit. Fratrem uero suum ne inquieti sub auxilii eius uelamine simplices et quietos inquietarent in Angliam misit, et xxvii annis in carcere seruauit/ et omnibus deliciis abundanter pauit.2 Ipse interea ducatum Normanniz? cum regno Angliz fortiter gubernauit/ et usque ad uite suz finem semper paci studuit, atque iugi felicitate potitus ut uoluit, nunquam a pristino robore iusticizeque seueritate decidit. Egregios comites et oppidanos et audaces tirannos ne rebellarent callide oppressit, placidos uero et religiosos humilemque populum omni tempore clementer fouit atque protexit. Confirmatus in fastigio citra mare et ultra viii? anno ex quo regnare cepit? pacem subiectis plebibus semper quesiuit, et austeris legibus legum transgressores rigide multauit.4 Diuitiis deliciisque affluens libidini nimis deditus fuit, et a puericia usque ad senectutem huic uitio culpabiliter subiacuit? et filios ac filias ex pelicibus plures genuit.5 Vehementi pollens industria 1 There is no doubt that a full stop follows optinuit in the manuscript, as the rhythm of the sentence demands. Le Prévost's repunctuation ('optinuit Argentomum, et quaeque de dominio principali preoccupaverat reddidit") changed the sense of the passage, and implied that Robert kept Argentan, whereas in fact Orderic states that he gave it up. Though he appears to have held it later it is referred to as a charge rather than a fee, and he was summoned to account ‘ut regis vicecomes' for the revenues (see below, p. 178).

? 'The early evidence indicates that Robert was kept in honourable captivity, first briefly at Wareham, from 1106 to 1126 at Devizes, and finally at Cardiff (see Kealey, Roger of Salisbury, p. 90, and the evidence there cited). John of Salisbury stated in the Policraticus that many men then alive had seen Robert in honour-

able captivity (Policraticus, vi. 18); and there is some concrete evidence in the Pipe Roll of 1130 (PR 31 Henry I, pp. 144, 148), which recorded £23 ros. paid partly for the clothes of the Count of Normandy, and a further £12 for furnishings (‘estructura’) for the Count of Normandy. The sums disbursed, and the fact that Robert was officially given his honourable title, support Orderic's statement that he was allowed everything except his liberty. The stories of ill treatment which appear in Wendover

(Matthaei Parisiensis Historia Anglorum,

ed. F. Madden, RS i (1866), 212-13) and others all belong to a later period (David, Robert Curthose, pp. 200-1).

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feigned conversion, thanked his wise counsellor, and asked him to make peace with the king on his behalf. Because there was close friendship between the king and Helias, he obtained this.! He surrendered Argentan and all that he had acquired from the ducal demesne, but secured the vicomté of Falaise and everything else that had belonged to his father. 23 So King Henry with God's aid brought all his enemies low, and demolished the unlicensed castles that Robert and the factious lords had built. For fear that dissidents might molest simple and peaceful folk under the pretext of helping his brother, he sent him to England and kept him for twenty-seven years in prison, providing him liberally with every comfort.? During this time he himself governed the duchy of Normandy? firmly together with the kingdom of England; up to the end of his life he always devoted himself to preserving peace, and after he had secured the lasting prosperity he desired he never declined from his early power and strict justice. He shrewdly kept down illustrious counts and castellans and bold tyrants to prevent seditious uprisings, but always cared for and protected men of peace and monks and the humble people. After becoming firmly established in his government on both sides of the Channel in the eighth year of his reign, he always attempted to give peace to his subject peoples, and strictly punished law-breakers according to severe laws.* Possessing an abundance of wealth and luxuries, he gave way too easily to the sin of lust; from boyhood until old age he was sinfully enslaved by this vice, and had many sons and daughters by his mistresses.5 3 Henry did not immediately use the title of duke of Normandy, which might have implied the obligation to perform homage to King Philip, and would have been resented by many Normans, who regarded Robert Curthose as the lawful duke. Henry preferred to govern directly, as William Rufus had done, treating

his domains

as a single unit; the Hyde chronicler regularly calls him ‘rex

Normanglorum'. The extreme rarity of Henry's use of the title “dux Normannorum' has been emphasized by C. N. L. Brooke, G. Keir, and S. Reynolds, ‘Henry I’s charter for the City of London’, Journal of the Society of Archivists, iv

(1970-3), 561-4. Orderic never gave the title to Henry until after Robert’s death. ^ For references to these measures in other sources see FW ii. 57, 79; GR ii. 476; Eadmer, HN, p. 193; H. Hunt., p. 246; SD ii. 281; Marx, p. 297 (Robert of Torigny); Suger, Vita Ludovici, xvi, pp. 100-2; see also Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 86.

5 See the list of his illegitimate children in GEC xi, App. D, pp. 105-21.

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seculares questus multipliciter auxit, et ingentes thesauros concupiscibilium sibi rerum coaceruauit. Omnem ferarum uenationem tocius Anglie sibi peculiarem uendicauit, pedes etiam canum qui in uicinio siluarum morabantur ex parte precidi fecit, et uix paucis nobilioribus ac familiaribus priuilegium in propriis saltibus uenandi permisit. Curiosus perscrutator omnia inuestigabat, et audita tenaci memoriz commendabat. Omnia ministrorum et dignitatum negocia scire uolebat, et euentus uarios Albionis seu Neustriz sollers arbiter discutiebat. Abdita quaque et que latenter agebantur pernoscebat? attonitis eorum auctoribus quomodo rex indaginem archanorum nouerat. Diligenter reuolutis antiquorum historiis audacter assero, quod nullus regum in regno Anglico, quantum pertinet ad secularem fastum fuit ditior seu potentior Henrico.

24

iv. 240

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M*c?vir? Henricus rex proceres suos conuocauit, et Rodbertum de Monteforti! placitis de uiolata fide propulsauit. Vnde idem quia reum se sensit" licentiam eundi Ierusalem accepit, totamque terram suam regi reliquit. Deinde cum quibusdam commilitonibus suis profectus est. Porro Buamundum in Apulia inuenit, ibique conpatriotas suos gaudens recognouit. Hugo enim de Pusacio? et Simon de Aneto, Radulfus quoque de Ponte Erchenfredi? et Guascelinus frater eius aliique plures de cisalpinis erant cum Buamundo. Plerique de aliis nationibus transitum maris expectabant, qui omnes cum prefato duce contra imperatorem dimicare optabant, et illius liberalitate tam sibi quam equis suis pabulum in illa prestolatione sumebant. Ille nimirum tot phalanges per biennium pauit, zrariumque suum paene totum exhausit, et naues omnibus sine naulo hilariter exhibuit. Rodbertum autem de Monteforti honorifice suscepit, et nesciens qua de causa natale solum dimiserit, quia strator Normannici exercitus hereditario iure* fuerat inter precipuos sullimauit. Per portus maris naues et peregrinos iamdudum detinuerat, ! Cf. above, v. 246 and n. 2.

? Hugh II of Le Puiset, whose brother Evrard went on the first crusade. He was married to Mabel, daughter of Ebles of Roucy, and became the first count of

Jaffa. See J. La Monte, ‘The lords of Le Puiset on the Crusades’, in Speculum , xvii (1942), 102-6.

3 Ralph the Red; cf. above, p. 41 n. 9.

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IOI

A man of tremendous energy, he greatly increased his worldly possessions, and collected a huge treasure-store of precious objects. He claimed for himself alone the hunting rights all over England, and even had the feet of dogs living in the neighbourhood of forests mutilated, only grudgingly allowing a few of his greatest nobles and closest friends the privilege of hunting in their own woods. A diligent investigator, he inquired into everything, and retained all he heard in his tenacious memory. He wished to know all the business of officials and dignitaries; and, since he was an

assiduous ruler, kept an eye on the many happenings in England and Normandy. He was thoroughly familiar with all secrets and things done surreptitiously, so that their perpetrators could not imagine how the king could be aware of their most secret plots. After thorough study of past histories, I confidently assert that no king in the English realm was ever more richly or powerfully equipped than Henry in everything that contributes to worldly glory.

24 In the year of our Lord 1107 King Henry called his magnates together and charged Robert of Montfort! with breach of fealty. Since he knew himself to be guilty, he obtained leave to go to Jerusalem and, giving up his lands to the king, set out with a

number of companions. He went to Bohemond in Apulia, and there to his joy discovered some of his own fellow countrymen. Hugh of Le Puiset? and Simon of Anet, Ralph of Pont- Échanfray? and Walchelin his brother, and many others from north of the Alps were with Bohemond. Many men from other countries were waiting for a sea-passage, all of whom had elected to fight against the Emperor with Duke Bohemond; thanks to his liberality they

were receiving provisions for themselves and their horses while they waited. Indeed he supported so many troops for two years that he almost drained his treasury, and cheerfully provided ships for all, without passage-money. He welcomed Robert of Montfort honourably and, not knowing the reason for his departure from his native land, promoted him among the men of rank because he had been constable of the Norman army by hereditary right.* For some time he had been assembling ships and pilgrims in the sea-ports, 4 The hereditary constables are discussed by G. H. White in, TRHS 4th ser.

xxx (1948), 149-50. 822242

E

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et uictum omnibus

iv. 241

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de redditibus suis constituerat,

acerrimamque uiris classem in augustum summopere instruxerat. Tandem exercitus Christi prospero flatu in Thessaliam nauigauit? et Duracium longo tempore obsedit. Magnanimus dux multis modis conabatur oppidum expugnare: sed impediebant qui maxime debuissent illum adiuuare. Guido enim frater eius et Rodbertus de Monteforti in quibus confidebat pre ceteris fraudulenter conuersi erant ad partes imperatoris? et excecati ab eo missis ingentis pecunie exeniis, callide frustrabantur molimina sui principis.! Nam dum ille machinas preparasset, dieque statuto assultum facere decreuisset? illi nimirum aliquas occasiones subdole pretendentes inducias petebant, uel hostibus qua tergiuersatione periculum instans precauerent clanculo intimabant. Sic Buamundus proditione suorum cum cateruis suis diu delusus est" et deficiente alimento in externa regione Christi exercitus exinanitus est.? Denique grauem inediam non ferentes paulatim se subtraxerunt? et per Macedoniam sparsi pacem imperatoris amplexati sunt’ a quo recepti liberam facultatem remanendi sub illo uel eundi quo uellent acceperunt. Quin etiam plerique multa ab eodem donaria sumpserunt, eiusque largitate potiti et post ingentem penuriam recreati gratias egerunt. Videns Buamundus quod nimios ausus perpetrare non posset doluit, cotidieque a sociis stimulatus ut gratiam augusti procuraret diutius restitit. Dicebant enim, *Nostrz temeritatis poenas luimus,

qui ultra natales nostros et uires superbos nisus suscepimus, et contra sanctum imperium manus leuare presumpsimus. Ad tantos ausus nec hereditarium ius nos illexit, nec prophetarum aliquis a Deo destinatus ccelesti nos oraculo exciuit, sed cupiditas in alterius dicione dominandi ardua te incipere persuasit, et nos nichilominus appetitus lucrandi ad intolerabilem sarcinam laborum et discriminum sustinendam pertraxit. Verum quia Deus non irridetur, nec supplantat iudicium, nec subuertit quod iustum * Anna Comnena, Zlexiad, xitt. iv. 5-9, relates with pride a trick whereby Alexius sowed dissension among the Normans; he sent letters to Bohemond's

brother, Guy, and other leaders, implying that they had already received pre-

sents as a reward for their friendship to him, and arranged for the letters to be intercepted by Bohemond so that he would believe his closest companions guilty

of treachery. Orderic's comments show that some at least of the Normans were

taken in. ? For Bohemond's

disastrous campaign

against Durazzo,

in which he was

outmancuvred by Alexius and suffered from his inability to keep open his sea

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had provided all with abundant supplies out of his own revenues, and had carefully prepared a well-manned fleet to attack the Emperor. At last the army of Christ sailed to Thessaly with a favourable wind, and subjected Durazzo to along siege. The proud-

spirited duke tried in many ways to storm the town, but those who should have been of the greatest help merely hindered him. His brother Guy and Robert of Montfort whom he particularly trusted went over dishonourably to the Emperor's side and, dazzled by the huge gifts of money sent by the Emperor, cunningly thwarted the plans of their prince.! When he had prepared siege-engines, and had determined to storm the city on a fixed day, they asked for a truce, deceitfully offering pretexts of some kind, and privately informed the enemy of what measures to take to counter the danger that was imminent. In this way Bohemond and his army were deluded by the treachery of their own men for a long time, and as supplies became exhausted in the surrounding country the army of Christ grew weaker.? Finally, unable to endure the severe famine, they withdrew gradually, scattered through Macedonia, and made peace with the Emperor, who received them and gave them the free choice of remaining to serve under him or going wherever they liked. Many of them accepted large gifts at his hand, and when they had enjoyed his bounty and rested after their great hardships they thanked him heartily. When Bohemond saw that he could not carry out his overambitious designs he was sick at heart, but for a long time he resisted the daily demands of his companions to throw himself on the Emperor's mercy. They said to him, ‘We are paying the penalty of our presumption, for we have embarked on a proud undertaking which is more than our birthright and beyond our strength, and have dared to raise a hand against the holy Empire. No hereditary right drew us to this bold enterprise; no prophet sent from God roused us with a message from heaven; only lust to rule in the dominions of another induced you to undertake the difficult task and, on our side, greed of gain lured us on to suffer an intolerable burden of toil and peril. But because God is not mocked? and does not overturn justice or destroy what is just, he has lent communications, see Chalandon, Alexius I Comnéne, pp. 237-50; Anna Comnena, Alexiad, x11. iv. 1-3, viii. I-ix. 7; XIII. ii. 1—xii. 28 (vol. ii1, pp. 64—5, 77-85,

91-139); Yewdale, Bohemond, pp. 115-30. There is a very brief notice in GR ii. 454-5. A 3 Galatians vi. 7.

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est’ preces iustorum qui contra nos ad eum in Grecia clamant benigniter exaudiuit, et agmina nostra non bello sed fame attenuata dispersit, uiresque nostras sine sanguinis effusione aboleuit. Fac igitur quesumus pacem cum imperatore antequam comprehendaris, seu morte condempneris, et omnes tui te cadente protinus deputentur inextricabilibus erumnis.’ His auditis probus dux manifestam suorum defectionem intellexit, et postremo ne insanabile dedecus cum damno incurreret inuitus cessit, pacem cum augusto pepigit! indeque mestus in Apuliam remeauit. Erga Gallos quibus maxima regna pollicitus fuerat erubuit, eisque licentiam peragendi peregrinationem suam cum rubore permisit. Tunc Hugo de Pusacio et Radulfus de Ponte Erchenfredi cum Guascelino fratre suo aliique plures Constantinopolim abierunt, et ab Alexio imperatore multis muneribus honorati sunt: etinde Ierusalem profecti sunt. In urbe regia uxor Radulfi filia Goisleni de Leugis mortua est’ et ibidem honorifice tumulata est. Quidam peractis orationibus natale solum repetierunt, uiteque suz finem diuersis casibus sortiti sunt. Guido non multo post egrotauit, et proditionem quam fecerat palam cognouit, sed absolutionem a fratre nunquam impetrare potuit. Tunc etiam Rodbertus eiusdem proditionis particeps mortuus est? nec ullius ore pro meritis laudatus est.

25 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?c?xr? indictione iiiit* Marcus Buamundus post multos agones et triumphos in nomine Iesu? obiit,? cui laudabilis miles ad confutandos ethnicos Tancredus per aliquot annos successit. Quo defuncto Rogerius Ricardi filius? prefatorum principum consobrinus Antiochiz principatum suscepit, sed infortunio prepeditus paruo tempore tenuit. Inuictorum siquidem principum mors per totum mundum audita est’ unde luctus Christianis et letitia paganis ingens exorta est. Igitur amir 4? Antiochie erased in MS.

* Orderic gives no details of the humiliating treaty of Deabolis; Bohemond

was forced to become the liege vassal of Alexius, and agreed to restore some of his conquests around Antioch and replace the Latin patriarch with a Greek patriarch. See Yewdale, Bohemond, pp. 127-31.

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a favourable ear to the prayers of just men who cry out to him

against us in Greece and has scattered our armies, weakening them not by war but by famine, and has undermined our strength without bloodshed. So we beg you to make peace with the Emperor, before you are captured or sentenced to death and all your followers irreparably involved in the disaster of your fall.’ When he had heard these harangues the upright duke realized

that his men were openly disaffected. In the end he gave way reluctantly to avoid bringing lasting shame and destruction on himself, sued for peace with the Emperor,' and returned sadly to Apulia. He was ashamed to face the men from Gaul whom he had promised great kingdoms, and with embarrassment gave them permission to continue on their pilgrimage. Then Hugh of Le Puiset and Ralph of Pont-Échanfray, with Walchelin his brother and many others, left for Constantinople, where they were honourably received and given many gifts by the Emperor Alexius; from there they went on to Jerusalem. Ralph's wife, who was a daughter of Joscelin of Léves, died in the imperial city and was honourably buried there. After they had completed their devotions some set out towards their native lands, and met their

deaths in different ways. Guy fell sick shortly afterwards and openly confessed the treason he had committed, but could never win for-

giveness from his brother. Then Robert, his partner in treachery, died too, and got his deserts, for no one said a word in his praise. 25 In the year of our Lord 1111, the fourth indiction, Mark Bohemond died? after many struggles and triumphs in the name of Jesus. Tancred, a knight greatly to be praised, succeeded him in the work of resisting the infidel for a number of years. After his death Roger, the son of Richard,? a kinsman of the princes Bohemond and Tancred, obtained the principality of Antioch, but he was dogged by misfortune and held it only for a short time. News of the death of these unconquered princes spread all over the world, causing Christians to mourn and pagans to rejoice. As a result the 2 Bohemond died in Apulia on 7 March 1111 (Yewdale, Bohemond, p. 133); he never returned to Antioch. Tancred died probably on 12 December 1112 (R. L. Nicholson, Tancred (Chicago, 1940), p. 224 n. 3). 3 Roger of Salerno, son of Richard of the Principality; see above, v. 378.

106

iv. 244

iv. 245

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Gazis! nepos Soldani Persie principis bellum in Christianos suscepit? et Sardanas castrum Christianorum quod ab Antiochia x leugis distat cum ingenti multitudine obsedit. Rogerius autem Ricardi filius princeps Antiochiz Bernardo patriarcha? prohibente ad bellum processit, nec expectare Balduinum regem Ierusalem quem asciuerant uoluit. Miles quidem erat audax et promptus, sed impar prioribus quia nequam et obstinatus ac temerarius. Pontifex paterno more pro populo sollicitus duci nimis properanti dixit, ‘Probitatem tuam strenue dux prudenter moderare, ac Balduinum regem et Ioscelinum aliosque fideles patricios iam ad nostri subsidium summopere manicantes prestolare. Temeraria festinatio plerisque nimis nocuit? summisque principibus uitam et uictoriam abstulit. Historias antiquas et modernas rimare, et mirificorum euentus regum subtiliter intuere. Saulem et Iosiam Iudamque Machabeum recole, Romanos quoque apud Cannas deuictos ab Annibale? et ne parili ruina cum tibi subiectis precipiteris? diligenti cura precaue. "Venerabiles socios qui fide multimodaque uirtute precellunt exspecta? et cum ipsis in uirtute omnipotentis Del contra paganos dimica, et iuuante Deo frueris optata uictoria.' Hzec et multa his similia prouidus presul locutus est’ sed princeps superbus omnia spernens profectus est, et in planicie Sarmatan cum vii milibus castra metatus est.4 Tunc amir Gazis et ingentes cunei ethnicorum obsidionem repente deseruerunt, subitoque de proximis montanis in campestria descenderunt, et superficiem terre sua multitudine ueluti locustze cooperuerunt. Deinde ad tentoria Christianorum conuolantes atrociter in imparatos irruerunt, et Rogerium principem cum vii milibus in campo Sarmatan interemerunt. Rodbertus autem de Veteri ponte5 aliique milites uel armigeri qui mane 4 MS. precipiteris * [I-Ghazi, son of Artuk, Artukid ruler of Mardin. His invasion took place in 1119, and was not due to the death of ''ancred some years previously. For the historical background see Baldwin, Crusades, pp. 403-13; Runciman, Crusades,

ii. 143-55; Cahen, Syrie du Nord, pp. 283—7. Orderic’s chronology is wrong; the siege of Zerdana came later in the campaign, after the battle of Darb Sarmada. ? Bernard of Valence, patriarch of Antioch. 3 The best contemporary Latin account of the events leading up to the disastrous battle of Darb Sarmada (ager sanguinis) on 28 June 1119 is given by Walter the Chancellor, Bella antiochena, ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Innsbruck, 1896),

ii. 1-5, pp. 79-89. Both he and William of Tyre, xii. 9 (RHC Occ. i. 523-6) say

that Roger sent for help to Pons of Tripoli, Joscelin of Edessa, and King Baldwin II of Jerusalem, but set out without waiting for their arrival against the advice of the patriarch of Antioch. For other accounts see Matthew of Edessa (RHC Doc. arm. i. 122-4), Fulcher of Chartres, ed. Hagenmeyer, iii. 3, pp. 620-2.

* Walter the Chancellor gave the numbers as 700 knights and about 3,000

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XI

107

emir, Il-Ghazi,! a nephew of the sultan, prince of Persia, launched a war against the Christians and took a huge army to besiege Zardana, a fortress ten leagues from Antioch which is held by Christians. In spite of the contrary advice of the patriarch Bernard,? Roger son of Richard, prince of Antioch, set out to war,

refusing to wait for the coming of Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, whom they had summoned.* He was a daring and courageous knight, but not the equal of his predecessors, for he was unreliable, obstinate, and rash.

The patriarch, who felt a fatherly solicitude for the people, said to the duke as he set out prematurely, "Temper your zeal with prudence, valiant duke, and wait for King Baldwin and Joscelin and the other loyal lords who are coming early to our assistance. Rash haste has brought many men to ruin and deprived great princes of life and victory. Study ancient and modern histories, and ponder seriously over the fates of some remarkable kings. Call to mind Saul and Josiah and Judas Maccabaeus, and the Romans who were defeated by Hannibal at Cannae, and take great care not to drag your subjects with yourself into a disaster of the same kind. Wait for your worthy allies, who are conspicuously loyal and strong in many ways; fight with them against the pagans in the power of almighty God, and with God's help you will enjoy the victory you desire.’ The foresighted patriarch said this and much more to the same purpose, but the proud prince set out heeding nothing, and pitched his tents in the plain of Sarmada with seven thousand men.* Then Il-Ghazi and huge squadrons of pagans suddenly raised the siege, swept down unexpectedly from the mountains near by into the plain, and covered the face of the earth like locusts with their swarms. Charging the Christians’ camp, they attacked them unexpectedly with the utmost ferocity and slew Prince Roger with seven thousand men on the field of Darb Sarmada. However, Robert of Vieux-Pont> and some other knights and squires, who foot-soldiers.

For a reconstruction of the battle see R. C. Smail, Crusading

Warfare (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 179-80. 5 Walter the Chancellor, Bella antiochena, pp. 82, 215 n., describes the prowess

of Robert of Vieux-Pont in a preliminary skirmish from which he escaped alive. Robert had taken part in Bohemond’s expedition against Durazzo (Yewdale, Bohemond, p. 117; Narratio floriacensis (RHC Occ. v), p. 361), and had then gone on to Antioch to join Tancred’s knights. Albert of Aix, xi. 40 (RHC Occ. iv. 683), says of him ‘miles egregius et indefessus, saepius terras gentilium militari manu

depraedatus

est’.

108

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pabulatum perrexerant, siue aucupatum uel alias ob causas de

tentoriis exierant, repentinam impugnationem uidentes per vii leugas ad urbem confugerunt, dirisque rumoribus excitos ciues ad defensionem patriz concitauerunt. Fere cxl extra tentoria euaserunt’ qui saluante Deo ad protectionem fidelium reseruati sunt. His ita compertis Bernardus patriarcha cum omnibus clericis et laicis quos inuenire potuit ad tutandam urbem uiriliter insurrexit. Sicilia quoque Philippi regis Francorum filia quz Tancredi uxor fuit Geruasium

iv. 246

Britonem Haimonis

Dolensis uicecomitis

filium? militem fecit? aliosque plures armigeros militaribus armis contra paganos instruxit. Gentiles autem tanta strage Christianorum elati conglobatim ad urbem conuolarunt, Antiochiam ex insperato defensoribus occisis ingredi machinati sunt’ sed preueniente Deo per manus paucorum fidelium a repagulis Antiochenis penitus repulsi sunt. Post xv dies rex Ierusalem et Poncius Tripolitanus comes cum copiis suis ad castrum Harenc conuenerunt, initaque in nomine benigni lesu pugna uincentes cornua paganorum confregerunt. Ibi Geruasius

tiro amir

Gazis

interfecit?

et Christiana

uirtus

ethnicas uires confudit. Christiani itaque spoliis gentium ditati sunt? Deoque gratias alacriter egerunt. Tunc Balduinus rex pro defectu 'lancredinz stirpis Antiochiam possedit? et per aliquot annos contra ethnicos tenuit. Denique Buamundus iuuenis de Apulia in Siriam uenit, et cum ingenti tripudio ab omnibus susceptus filiam regis desponsauit,

totamque patris possessionem recuperauit, qui fere iiii annis uestigia patris secutus insigniter floruit" sed ueluti pulcherrimus flos cito emarcuit.* 26 iv. 247

Interea Balad sahanas id est uicecomes Baldac qui filiam Roduani regis Aleph uxorem habuit, et cum ea regnum eius optinuit/5 * Orderic has probably confused Cecilia, daughter of Philip I and Bertrade,

who was married first to Tancred and then to Pons, count of Tripoli, with Roger's widow, Cecilia, sister of King Baldwin II. ? Gervase occurs several times in Orderic's narrative in circumstances sometimes legendary and always suggestive of a chanson, and is not otherwise known. See Cahen, Syrie du Nord, p. 574 n. 23, and above, Introduction, p. xxiii.

3 The battle of Hab, fought on Crusading

Warfare, p. 181);

but

11 August Walter

the

1119, was indecisive (Smail, Chancellor

(Bella

Antiochena,

Pp. 103-4), in common with other Latin writers who needed to restore the morale of the Franks, treated it as a victory. Il-Ghazi was not killed in battle; he died three years later, on 3 December

1122.

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109

had gone out in the morning to forage, or had left the camp to go hawking or for some other reason, saw the sudden attack and fled seven leagues to the city, where they roused the citizens with the terrible news and urged them to defend their country. About a

hundred and forty who were outside the camp escaped and by God's mercy were preserved to protect the faithful.

When he heard the news the patriarch Bernard, helped by all the clergy and laity he could find, took active measures for the defence of the city. Cecilia, the daughter of King Philip of France, who was Tancred's widow,'! knighted Gervase the Breton, son of Haimo vicomte of Dol,? and invested several other squires with the arms of knighthood to fight the pagans. The pagans themselves, elated by the massacre of Christians, hurried en masse to the city and plotted to kill the defenders and enter it by surprise; but by God's providence and the strength of a few Christians they were thrown back from the battlements of Antioch. Fifteen days later the king of Jerusalem and Pons, count of Tripoli, converged on the fortress of Hab. Invoking the name of merciful Jesus as they joined battle, they conquered, breaking the wings of the pagan army. There the young knight Gervase slew Il-Ghazi and Christian courage brought down pagan might.3 The Christians were enriched with the spoils of the pagans and gladly gave thanks to God. Since Tancred had left no descendants, King Baldwin took charge of Antioch and defended it against the pagans for a number of years. In time young Bohemond came to Syria from Apulia; he was received with great jubilation by everyone, married the king's daughter, and recovered all the possessions of his father. He ruled with distinction, following in his father's footsteps for about four

years; but like the fairest flowers he soon withered away.* 26

During this period Belek, ‘sahanas’, that is, vicomte, of Baghdad, who had married the daughter of Ridvan, king of Aleppo, and obtained his kingdom with her,’ waged fierce war against the 4 See below, pp. 134-6. In fact Tancred, like Roger, had governed as regent for young Bohemond. 5 Belek was a nephew of Il-Ghazi, who had established himself in Kharput and occupied Aleppo in June 1123. Il-Ghazi, not Belek, married a daughter of Ridvan of Aleppo in 1121 (Baldwin, Crusades, pp. 171, 452).

IIO

iv. 248

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XI

multo tempore contra Christianos acriter certauit. Hic nimirum antiquus bellator dum Monbec urbem obsideret, et nichilominus damnis Christianorum inhiaret" comperit quod Balduinus rex et Ioscelinus aliique quamplures adire Rages uellent, ibique solennia Paschz celebrare decreuissent.! In ultima igitur ebdomada quadragesimze clam de obsidione cum xl milibus discessit? et Ioscelinum de Toruessel? ac Gualerannum de Pusacio? qui precesserant feria quinta Cenz Domini comprehendit. Deinde in condensa oliuarum silua ueluti lupus cum suis delituit, ac ad pontem Toreis* super Euphraten Balduinum regem sabbato Paschz in insidiis expectauit, ignorantem quid sodalibus quos premiserat contigerit. Capellanos siquidem et inerme uulgus uersipellis explorator uidit, sed pinguiorem predam auide captans impune pretergredi permisit. Denique regem cum xxxv militibus secure suos sequentem comprehendit" ac demum omnes turmas suas ceu rabidas tigrides post inermes destinauit, et omnes protinus occidi precepit. Quod ita factum est. Omnes enim capellani regis et inermes qui precesserant? sabbato Pascha ut bidentes necati sunt. Porro Balad tanta prosperitate elatus exultauit, regem militesque uinctos in Charran duxit/ et inde Carpetrams ubi diutius eos custodiuit. Est ibi turris maxima opulenta et munitissima, et de precipuis quz in orbe tirannos extollunt una. 6Ibi Balduinus rex et Ioscelinus atque Gualerannus, Poncius quoque de Gauarred uicecomes et Geruasius tiro, atque Guiumar Brito filius Alanni comitis et xxxii milites simul uno anno uincti sunt’ cum xl Christianis de Armeniis et Surianis quos iamdudum captiuatos illic inuenerunt. Balad autem turrim et uinctos cccl ! Orderic's chronology is very confused. The siege of Manbij took place in 1124. Joscelin was captured on 13 September 1122, and Baldwin on 18th April

1123 (the Wednesday after Easter). See FC (Hagenmeyer), pp. 651 n. 1, 652 n. 6.

2 Now Tell-Bashir. 3 Waleran of Villepreux, lord of Bira, was the fifth son of Hugh ‘Blavons’ of Le Puiset and Alice of Montlhéri. He and Joscelin were first cousins. Monte in Speculum, xvii (1942), 100, 106-8.

See J. La

* Baldwin was captured at the bridge of Shenchrig or Sandjah over a tributary of the Euphrates, north-west of Samosata. Kemal-ed-Din (RHC Or. iii. 635) calls the place Ouresch or Awrach. ‘Toreis’ may be derived from this. Orderic’s story of the ambush is otherwise pure legend. 5 Baldwin was taken straight to Kharput, where Joscelin and Waleran were already imprisoned; he was later imprisoned at Harran (RHC Or. i. 353; iii.

636; RHC Doc. arm. i. 132-3; RHC Occ. i. 536-8).

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XI

III

Christians for a long time. As this old warrior was laying siege to the town of Manbij and taking pride in the losses of the Christians,

he learnt that King Baldwin and Joscelin and several others proposed to come to Edessa, and had decided to celebrate the Easter festival there. So in the last week of Lent he withdrew quietly from the siege with forty thousand men, and on Maundy Thursday captured Joscelin of Turbessel? and Waleran of Le Puiset,3 who were in the advance guard. Then, like a wolf, he lay hidden with his men in a thick wood of olive-trees, and at the bridge of [Shenchrig|* over the Euphrates waited on Holy Saturday for King Baldwin, who was ignorant of the fate of the companions he had sent on ahead. ‘The cunning spy saw some chaplains and unarmed common people, whom he allowed to pass unmolested since he was anxious to seize richer booty. At length he captured the king, who was quietly following his men with thirty-five knights, and then dispatched all his troops like raging tigers after the noncombatants, with instructions to slaughter them all on the spot. 'This command was carried out. All the king's chaplains and the unarmed men who had been in front were butchered like Madii on Holy Saturday. Belek, overjoyed at his great good fortune, took the king bad his knights in fetters to Harran, and from there to Kharput,5 where he kept them under guard for a long time. There is a fine tower there, which is very well fortified and is one of the most famous citadels anywhere of those that make the glory of tyrants. 6King Baldwin, Joscelin, and Waleran, also Pons, vicomte of

Gavarret, the young knight Gervase, Guy the Breton, son of Count Alan, and thirty-two knights were together there in fetters for a year. They also found there forty Armenian and Syrian prisoners, who had been captured previously. Belek entrusted the 6 There is a substratum of truth in Orderic's story, but it is heavily overlaid with epic invention.

Cahen,

Syrie du Nord, pp. 573-4,

pointed out that the

episodes involving Gervase, Guy the Breton, and other knights from Brittany or Normandy

are strikingly like episodes in the chanson des chétifs; they were

probably transmitted to the west in the elaborations of jongleurs. Orderic himself may have spoken to some of them. More historical accounts of the capture of the tower by Baldwin and Joscelin in the summer of 1123, with the help of local Armenians,

of Joscelin's escape to raise a relief force, of the recapture of the

tower by Belek on 16 September 1123, and of the execution of almost all the captives

are

given

by FC

(Hagenmeyer),

iii. 23-6,

pp.

676-93;

William

of

Tyre (RHC Occ. i. 538-41); Kemal ed-Din (RHC Or. iii. 637-45), Matthew of Edessa

(RHC

Doc.

Crusades, ii. 165 n. 1.

arm.

i. 133-5). For further references

see Runciman,

II2

iv. 249

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XI

militibus ad seruandum commendauit, regemque pro reddendis munitionibus quas precipue cupiebat ieiuniis coherceri iussit, reliquos uero diuersis officiis et cotidianis operibus sub custodia mancipauit. Deinde ingentem exercitum aggregauit, et contra Christianitatem quam sine rectore putabat festinauit, Sardanasque castrum quod prope Antiochiam est diutina obsidione coartauit, sed fortissimo Rege sabaoth suos castrenses corroborante optinere nequiuit.

Interea captiui satellitibus ethnicis seruiebant, unum pedem cippo constricti imperantibus obsecundabant, aquam de Euphrate! per unum miliarium cotidie deferebant, et alia opera quz illis iniungebantur hilariter faciebant. Gentiles ergo eos uelut bona iumenta diligebant, et affabiliter tractabant, ac ut bonos officiales et operarios ne deficerent ubertim pascebant. Solus autem rex Balduinus et Ioscelinus ociabantur? sed sollicite seruabantur. Rex quoque iussu Balad dominico et feria quinta tantummodo in ebdomada manducabat, et tunc trecentos quinquaginta milites custodientes se pascebat. Cunctis etiam consodalibus suis et captiuis xl quos incarceratos inuenerat/ abunde uictum tam pro regali munificentia quam pro fauore custodum comparando erogabat. Dapsilitas huiusmodi multum illis contulit, ethnici enim milites eos honorifice seruabant, et contra preceptum Balad occulte regem copiosis dapibus frequenter satiabant. Admiralius de Caloiambar? patruus uxoris eius eum iuuabat? qui singulis septimanis centum bizanteos ei mittebat. iv. 250

Gentilium uersutia multoties Christianis fauorabiliter applaudebat, sed canina fides eorum in atternum pereat. Nam bis in suorum solenniis sacrorum de Christianis militibus sorte rapuerunt, ad stipitem ligatum sagittauerunt, et cum ingenti ludibrio peremerunt. Hoc itaque uiso uincti uehementer contristati sunt’ et magis nobiliter mori quam miserabiliter uiuere peroptarunt. Vnde post unum annum Christiani uiriliter animati sunt’ et quodam dominico die custodes suos regiis dapibus copiose refectos inebriauerunt. Stertentibus autem paganis Franci arma eorum sumpserunt" et xl Christianis de Armeniis et Surianis qui iamdudum captiuati fuerant sibi adiunctis omnes Turcos occiderunt, et ianitoribus necatis totam munitionem adepti sunt. ! Kharput is on a tributary of the Euphrates, about eight miles from the main river. 2 Le Prévost, iv. 249 n. 1, suggests Calaat-Gieber.

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XI

113

guarding of the tower and the prisoners to three hundred and fifty knights, and gave orders that the king should be starved into surrendering the castles he coveted. The others were assigned to perform various duties and daily tasks under guard. Then he assembled a great army and hurried to attack the Christians, believing them to be leaderless. He subjected the castle of Zardana, which is near Antioch, to a long siege but was unable to capture it, for the mighty Lord of hosts strengthened his Christian

garrisons. Meanwhile the captives were toiling for their pagan guards, and obeyed their commands with one foot shackled. Every day they carried water a distance of one mile from the Euphrates,! and cheerfully carried out the other labours which were imposed upon them. The gentiles valued them as good beasts of burden and treated them kindly, feeding them well so as not to lose their good servants and labourers. Only King Baldwin and Joscelin performed no tasks, but they were carefully watched. By Belek’s command the king was allowed food only on Sundays and Thursdays, and then he gave a meal to the three hundred and fifty soldiers guarding him. He also provided generous provisions for his companions and the forty captives whom he had found in prison, motivated both by royal munificence and by a wish to purchase the goodwill of the guards. This generosity was of great advantage to them, for the pagan knights guarded them with respect and disobeyed Belek’s orders by often providing the king in secret with lavish feasts. The

emir of Calaat-Gieber,?

who

was

his wife's

uncle, assisted him by sending him a hundred besants every week. The heathen in their cunning often regarded the Christians with favour, but may their dog’s faith perish eternally! For twice during the celebration of their festivals they took one of the Christian knights by lot, bound him to a stake, and shot arrows at him, making

sport as they put him to death. After seeing this the captives were stricken with grief and resolved that it was far nobler to die than to live wretchedly. So after one year the Christians renewed their

courage and one Sunday made their guards drunk when they were replete after a royal banquet. While the pagans snored the Franks took their arms and, joining forces with the forty Armenian and

Syrian Christians who had been captives for a long time, slaughtered all the Turks and, after killing the janitors, took possession of the whole castle.

114

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In crastinum in urbem uiriliter irruerunt, et multa milia paganorum ceciderunt, et sullata secum preda fere mensibus viii munitissimam arcem tenuerunt. Tunc Ioscelinum et Goisfredum Gracilem foras miserunt, et per eos auxilium ab omni Christianitate

poposcerunt. lv. 251

Circa hac tempora

lerosolimorum

regina que de Armeniis

orta erat, centum fidissimos Armenios Turcorum arma et habitum

gestantes ad uiri sui subuentionem direxit.! Qui Carpetram uenientes turrim intrauerunt, et Turcanz locutionis uersutizque periti Francis insigniter auxiliati sunt. Ioscelinus et Goisfredus dum ignotum iter carperent, et in barbara regione omnes pariter ut hostes metuerent’ cuidam rustico qui de Mesopotamia cum uxore asello insidente in Siriam ibat associati sunt.? Illis una euntibus et confabulantibus a rustico statim agnitus est Ioscelinus. Fortissimus heros ad uocem barbari contremuit, et Ioscelinum se esse denegauit. At ille *Noli' inquit 'negare quod es strenue miles. Optime te ut dominum cognosco Iosceline. In domo tua tibi multoties seruiui, et letatus sum dum

iv. 252

licuit michi uilioribus clientulis tuis famulari. Aquam detuli, ignem accendi, et inter tuos uernulas de largitate tua uictum et uestitum promerul. Post aliquot annos parentes meos repetii Turcos, quos iterum relinquo ut prophanos, et reposco Christianos, inter quos sat beatus degui quam inter cognatos et compatriotas meos. Infortunia tua probe uir audiui, et pro deiectione tua tuorumque satis olim dolui. Nunc autem uinculis absoluto, propriosque penates repetenti fidam tibi comitatem seruabo" et itineris uestri dux usque in Antiochiam ero.' Hzc et multa his similia paganus locutus est’ et Ioscelinus cum socio suo ualde letatus est. Protinus pannos commutauerunt. Barbarus procedebat ut dominus/ et confabulabatur cum obuiantibus. Christiani uero proceres ut uilia mancipia subsequebantur? et Regem sabaoth pro communi salute taciti deprecabantur. Sarraceni quoque sexennem filiam alternatis uicibus in ulnis suis gaudentes baiulabant? et per oppida uel urbes incogniti pertransibant. ! Baldwin's wife, Morphia, was a daughter of the Armenian, Gabriel of Melitene. According to Fulcher (FC (Hagenmeyer), pp. 678-9) and William of

Tyre (RHC Occ. i. 538-9) fifty Armenians had assisted the prisoners to overpower the guards and capture the castle in the first instance.

? Cf. the variant version in Fulcher (FC (Hagenmeyer), iii. 24, pp. 683-6) of

BOOK XI

"T

Next day they burst out boldly into the city, slaughtered many thousands of pagans and, taking their booty with them, held the

strong tower for about eight months. Then they sent out Joscelin and Geoffrey le Gréle to ask for help from all Christendom. About this time the queen of Jerusalem, who was an Armenian by birth, sent a hundred trustworthy Armenians in Turkish clothes with Turkish weapons to help her husband.! When they reached Kharput they entered the tower and were of great help to the Franks because of their knowledge of the language and cunning ways of the Turks. As Joscelin and Geoffrey followed an unknown road, fearing all men equally as enemies in this barbarian country, they joined company with a peasant who was travelling from Mesopotamia to Syria, with his wife sitting on a little ass.2 As they were journeying together and talking Joscelin was suddenly recognized by the peasant. At the stranger’s words the brave lord trembled and denied that he was Joscelin. But the other said, ‘Brave knight, do not deny who you are. I recognize you unmistakably, Joscelin, as my lord. I have often served in your house, and was delighted when I was allowed to wait on the humblest of your dependants. I fetched water, kindled the fire, and earned my food and clothing

among your household servants years I went back to my kinsfolk, them once more because they are Christians among whom I lived

from your bounty. After some who are Turks, but I am leaving infidels, and am returning to the more happily than among my

kinsfolk and fellow countrymen. I have heard of your misfortunes, brave sir, and for long have been distressed by the plight of you and your men. Now that you have escaped from your fetters and are on your way home I will be your faithful companion and will act as your guide on the journey as far as Antioch.’ The peasant said this and much more to the same purpose, so that Joscelin and

his companion were overjoyed. Immediately they changed clothes. The barbarian led the way as the lord and spoke to all they met on the journey. The noble Christians followed him like humble slaves and prayed silently to the Lord of hosts for the safety of the whole party. They cheerfully carried the Saracen’s six-year-old daughter in their arms, turn and turn about, and travelled through fortresses and cities without being recognized. Joscelin’s escape with the help of an Armenian peasant, who escorted him to his court at Tell-Bashir (not Antioch).

116

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XI

Nunc quod illis qui Carpetrz agonizabant contigerit? audite. In arce tres uxores Balad! latebant? quas Christiani per xv dies ibidem esse non agnouerant. Fatumia regis Medorum Halis filia? pulchritudine precellebat ac potentia. Alia uero Roduani de Aleph filia? et tercia erat admiralii de Caloiambar filia. Porro filia Roduani litteras scripsit, et columbam ferentem epistolam collo alligatam marito cum centum milibus Sardanas? obsidenti de turre direxit? ubi omnia de captione arcis et occisione custodum et depopu- latione regionis liquido enarrauit. Mox Balad territus obsidionem dissoluit, et Carpetram repetere festinauit’ quam collectis undique uiribus octo mensibus obsedit. Tunc Ioscelinus cum sociis suis per medias acies Balad incognitus pertransiit, atque ad proprios lares perueniens ducem suum optime remunerauit. Omnes enim sacro fonte regenerari fecit, et maritum cum coniuge magnis possessionibus ditauit" puellulam quoque quam ignotus baiulans ethnicas tribus deluserat Christiano militi in coniugem cum magno honore donauit.

Balad Carpetram cum ingenti multitudine diu circumuallauit, et

iv. 253

Balduinus cum suis insigniter repugnauit. In arce quamplures erant aule spaciose ac speciosa: et precipuis camere muris intercluse, ubi erant ingentes thesauri, copia scilicet auri et argenti, lapides preciosi, purpura et sericum, et omnium copia diuitiarum. Riuus etiam abundans de Euphrate illic oriebatur?

qui subterraneo canali mirabili arte conducebatur, et omnibus inclusis ad usus necessarios ubertim famulabatur. Subsidium uero panis et uini carniumque recentium seu rancidarum mille militibus usque ad x annos sufficiebat, unde animositas Francorum reditum lIoscelini cum auxilio Christianorum prestolari fiducialiter

poterat. Anxius igitur Balad Balduinum regem per excellentes legatos sepe rogauit, multa spopondit, nonnunquam uero cum exprobratione seuera redarguit. “Turpe’ inquit ‘facinus O rex perpetras? unde nunc et in futuris generationibus tua despicabilior erit

probitas. Proh pudor nobiles matronas crudeliter affligis, et indecenter opprimis? quod nec regiz magnificentiz nec Christianze ! Cf. Fulcher (FC (Hagenmeyer), iii. 24, p. 679), ‘in eadem vero arce uxor erat Balac, ceteris quas habebat sibi carior.

? Belek had first captured Aleppo and then gone south to take the Christian fortress of Albara; he was besieging Kafartab when he received news from Kharput on 7 August 1123. William of Tyre’s story was that he sent a messenger to Kharput because of a terrible dream (RHC Occ. i. 540).

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Now let me tell what happened to the men suffering in Kharput. Three of Belek’s wives! were hidden in the tower, and for a fortnight the Christians had not known of their presence. Fatima, the daughter of Ali king of the Medes, was the most beautiful and

influential. A second was the daughter of Ridvan of Aleppo; and the third was the daughter of the emir of Calaat-Gieber. The daughter of Ridvan wrote a message, and sent out from the tower a dove, carrying the letter tied to its neck, to her husband who was besieging Zardana? with a hundred thousand men. In it she described in full the capture of the tower, the slaughter of the guards and the plundering of the province. Alarmed, Belek immediately raised the siege and hurried back to Kharput, which he invested for eight months after summoning forces from far and wide. At that point Joscelin, with his companions, passed undetected right through Belek's forces and, reaching his own home, rewarded his guide generously. He had the whole family baptized and enriched husband and wife with great possessions; as for the little girl whom he had carried in his arms when disguised to outwit the heathen tribes, he betrothed her with great honour to a Christian knight. For a long time Belek and his huge army invested Kharput, and Baldwin put up a notable defence with his men. Inside the tower there were several large and elegant halls, and chambers built into the main walls where immense treasures were kept: heaps of gold and silver and precious stones, purple and silk, and an abundance of all riches. A full-flowing stream carried from the Euphrates in an ingeniously designed underground canal came up there and

provided abundantly for all the needs of the besieged. The store of bread and wine and both fresh and dried meat was enough to feed a thousand knights for ten years, so that the courageous Franks were able to look forward confidently to Joscelin’s return with

a relief force of Christians. Belek, therefore, was much concerned and made repeated appeals to king Baldwin through reliable envoys, gave many promises, and sometimes even rebuked him sternly. ‘Lord king,’ he said, ‘you are

committing a disgraceful crime which will cause your honour to be smirched now and in future generations. What a disgrace to treat noble ladies with cruelty and oppress them shamefully! Such a

thing does little honour either to your royal state or to the Christian

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religioni congruit. Uxores meas inermes, nec te unquam in aliquo ledentes, quare ueluti captiuas in carcere uinctas retines? Reginas de regio sanguine ortas, cur quasi fures seu proditores uinclis coartas? Maximum dedecus est genti tuz quod perpetras, et religioni tuz per cuncta secula execrabile nefas. Obsecro ferreum pectus tuum emolli, mezque compatere senectuti, feminezque parce fragilitati. Coniuges meas michi redde queso, et securitatem sub iureiurando tibi tuisque dabo, ut nullas usque ad unum

iv. 254

annum

molestias

inferam

uobis,

donec

Goscelinus

redeat legatus uester quem emisistis, et auxilium adducat quo indigetis. Interea si dulce michi quod opto coniugium restitueritis’ hinc digressurus exercebo mez negocia regionis, et uos pacem meam ad statutum usque terminum habebitis. Liberum per totam prouinciam meam mercatum habetote, et de ingenti thesauro meo quem forte nacti estis quicquid uultis libere passim emitote.' Hac Gazis et Bursethinus! aliique illustres mandata detulerunt, et facundis persuasionibus regem regi adquiescere cohortati sunt. Balduinus rex omnes qui in arce tenebantur conuocauit? et mandata Balad enucleauit, consiliumque commune inuestigauit. Cumque diuersi diuersa sentirent, et in re dubia diffinitam sententiam proferre dubitarent’ Fatumia regina 'Hesitantes' inquit fuos uideo strenuissimi uiri, quid respondeatis allegationibus domini mei. Nunc queso ne dedignemini audire me. Omnia mandata domini mei floccipendite? quia nichil ueri habent. Falsa sunt omnia que promittit, et ita uos seducere satagit. Quamdiu arcem istam quz inexpugnabilis est tenueritis, et me comparesque meas uobiscum seruaueritis? procul dubio uos ipse timebit, nec assultum uobis inferre aliquatenus audebit. Callide enim secum considerat, et in sinagogis suis cum familiaribus asseclis sepe retractat? quod si per occasionem molestiz uobis illata nos occideritis, nunquam ulterius uacabit a bellis. Omnis nimirum parentela nostra que maximam partem orientis possidet? contra eum usque ad mortem insurget. Auxilium ergo de colis et a fidelibus amicis fiducialiter expectate, et letiferas tergiuersationes uersipellis inimici prudenter precauete. Superiores estis? et insurgentes iaculis et lapidibus repellere potestis. Quid deest uobis, si magnanimitatem habetis? Abundant uobis arma cum uictu copioso, habetis panem et aquam et uinum et carnem in inexpugnabili munimento. I These are common names, which occur in Orderic's more

legendary pas-

sages; it is doubtful if they can be applied to any particular individuals.

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religion. Why do you keep my helpless wives like prisoners, fettered in a dungeon, though they are doing you no harm whatsoever? Why do you shackle queens of royal blood as if they were thieves or traitors? Your acts are a disgrace to your race and will be a shameful blot on your religion to the end of time. I pray you, soften your iron heart, have compassion on my old age, spare the frailty of women. Restore my wives to me, I beg you, and I will give you and your men surety on oath that I will not harm you in any way for a year, until Joscelin, the envoy you have sent out, returns with the help you need. Until that time if, as I hope, you restore my dear wives to me, I shall withdraw and go about the business of my province, and you may enjoy my peace until the stated term. Accept the freedom of the markets everywhere in my province, and purchase whatever you desire anywhere with the huge treasure of mine that chance has put into your hands.' Ghazi and Bursuk' and other men of rank carried the messages, and eloquently urged the one king to comply with the proposals of the other. King Baldwin summoned all the men who were besieged in the tower and, telling them of Belek's proposals, asked them all for their counsel. As opinions differed and they hesitated to give positive advice in such a predicament, Queen Fatima spoke up: ‘I see, valiant knights, that you are uncertain what answer to give to my lord's suggestions. Now I ask you not to refuse to hear me. Put no trust in my lord's proposals, for there is not a word of truth in them. All his promises are false, and he hopes to mislead you with them. As long as you hold this tower, which is impregnable, and keep me and my companions with you, he will certainly continue to fear you, and will never venture to launch an attack on you. For he is cunningly reckoning, and often repeats in gatherings of his closest associates, that if you kill us on account of any injury done to you he will never be free from wars. All our kinsfolk, who possess the greater part of the lands of the east, will fight him to the death. Wait confidently, therefore, for help from heaven and from your loyal friends, and have the wisdom to guard against the deadly intrigues of your deceitful enemy. You hold a dominating position and can beat off attackers with missiles and stones. What else do you need, if you have valiant hearts? You have a plentiful supply of arms and an abundance of food, you have bread and water and wine and flesh, and are in an impregnable castle.

ioe

BOOK XI

Decennem Troiz obsidionem! recolite, et miros heroum euentus iv. 255

quos histriones uestri cotidie concrepant recensete, et inde uires resumite, animosque corroborate. More Gallorum fortiter certate,

iv. 256

et usque ad uictoriam perseuerate/ ne turpis cantilena de uobis cantetur in orbe.? Hactenus per totum orbem occidentalium personuit probitatis laus gloriosa, famaque Francorum penetrauit Persica regna. Vobiscum claudi non piget nobis? quod rex Balad ad improperium reputat uobis. Libentius hanc patimur clausuram, quam damonicam cum ydolatris obseruare culturam. Benignos enim mores uestros amplectimur, fideique uestre et religioni congratulamur? optantes si diuinitate fauente hinc sospites uobiscum euadere poterimus, profecto sacramentis Christianorum imbui ceelestibus.’ Aliz nimirum reginz dicta Fatumiz alacriter contestate sunt? et Christianis alienigenarum huiuscemodi hortamenta mulierum ualde placuerunt, quibus animati turrim multis diebus tenentes restiterunt. Tandem Balduinus rex poscenti Balad et multa pollicenti fatiscens adquieuit, tres uxores suas licet ipsa aliud uellent reddidit, et per quinque strenuos milites remisit. Qui ut Balad coniuges suas decenter adornatas exhibuerunt, sociosque adire in turrim uoluerunt? mox a tiranno non sine magno merore multorum retenti sunt. Sic Guiumar Brito et Geruasius Dolensis? Rodbertus de Cadomo et Muschedus Cenomannensis, atque Riuallo de Dinam a mendace Balad capti sunt? et Hali Medorum regi dono dati sunt. Ille autem potentissimus extitit, et Francos postquam ix mensibus honorifice seruauit? caliphze de Baldac dono dedit. In crastinum Soldanus eosdem a calipha recepit? et mox libertate multisque diuitiis donauit. Ibi quattuor athlete Guiumarum Alanni comitis filium sibi dominum prefecerunt? et sub Soldano tribus semis annis cum ingenti honore permanserunt, quarto autem anno Antiochiam redierunt. In exilio benignus Deus suis auxilium non subtraxit. Nam prefati quinque milites qui tam longe in captiuitatem abducti sunt? magnam inter barbaros gratiam habuerunt. Rex quippe Medorum prefecto urbis eos commendauit: et Gallico more indutos cotidie Sibi assistere precepit. Sericis et auratis uestibus ornati erant, * Legends of Troy and Thebes provided themes for the songs of jongleurs at

least a quarter of a century before the earliest versions of the roman de Troie and the roman de Thebes. See above, iv, p. xxiv; vi, p. 86 n. 2. ? F. M. Warren in Modern Language Notes, xxviii (1913), p. 205 n. 6, com-

pares this passage with a similar reference to a 'shameful song' in the chanson de Roland (Oxford version), ll. 1464-6, 3 See above, p. 108 n. 2.

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I21

Remember the ten-year siege of T'roy,! call to mind the marvellous deeds of the heroic lords which your jongleurs chant every day, and restore your strength and renew your courage from these. Fight bravely in Frankish fashion, and persevere until victory is yours, for fear that a shameful song should be sung about you in

every land.? Up to now the glorious praise of the valour of western knights has echoed all over the world, and the fame of the Franks is known throughout the Persian kingdom. We are not vexed to be imprisoned with you, although King Belek counts it to your dishonour. We are more willing to endure this imprisonment than to take part with idolaters in the worship of demons. We welcome your kind customs, we wish well to your faith and religion, hoping that if by divine grace we are able to escape safely from here with you we may indeed receive the heavenly sacraments of the Christians.’ The other queens eagerly confirmed Fatima’s words; the encouragement provided by these alien women delighted the Christians and encouraged them to continue to hold the tower for many days. But in time King Baldwin was worn down and yielded to Belek's requests and many promises, restored his three wives to him although they wished otherwise, and sent them back under the escort of five brave knights. When these men had handed over Belek's wives in comely attire to him and wished to return to their companions in the tower, they were held by the tyrant to the great sorrow of many men. In this way Guy the Breton and Gervase of Dol,; Robert of Caen and Musched of Le Mans and Rualon of Dinan were taken prisoner by the false Belek and handed over to Ali, king of the Medes. He was a very mighty ruler, and after he had kept the Franks in honourable captivity for nine months he gave them to the caliph of Baghdad. The following day the Sultan received them from the caliph, and soon he gave them their freedom and many rich gifts. There four of the champions chose Guy, the son of Count Alan, as their lord; they remained under

the Sultan for three and a half years and were greatly honoured; in the fourth year they returned to Antioch. Our merciful God did not withdraw his help from his followers

in exile. These five knights, who were carried off so far away into captivity, found great favour among the barbarians. The king of the Medes gave them into the charge of the governor of the city and commanded them to attend him daily dressed after the Frank-

ish fashion. They were decked in silks embroidered with gold, and

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iv. 257

iv. 258

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equos et arma uariamque suppellectilem habebant: et quicquid a rege uel a prefecto postulabant. Spectabiles coram Persis procedebant? et Medi cultum Francorum admirantes collaudabant. Filie regum decorem eorum affectabant, facetiisque arridebant, ipsi quoque reges atque duces de semine Francorum nepotes habere concupiscebant. Nemo tamen a cultu Christi eos aliquatenus recedere, uel a suo ritu compulit deuiare. De diuitiis Soldani mira referunt, de incognitis speciebus quas in oriente uiderunt. Soldanus dicitur quasi solus dominus? quia cunctis preest orientis principibus. Quarto anno remeandi licentiam illis concessit, aureamque sagittam quz principalis specimen premonstrabat absolutionis contulit. Potentissimorumque filias optimatum illis si remanere uoluissent, et ingentes gazas ac possessiones optulit, abire tandem uolentibus ingentes thesauros uariasque diuitias suas ostendit. Denique pluribus exeniis remunerati notos et benefactores salutauerunt: et per conductum Dauid Georgiensis regis et Turoldi de Montanis! Antiochiam redierunt, letique amicis retulerunt, qualiter in Nineue et Baldac et Babilonia commorati fuissent, et multa nobis ignota qua in eois partibus uidissent. Tunc ibi audierunt quod Balad Monbec? obsideret, et Balduinum regem occisis sodalibus adhuc in arto carcere constrictum retineret. loscelinus enim qui de Carpetra egressus fuerat, et legatos fideles augusto Iohanni et Grecis et Armeniis direxerat? post octo menses cum ingenti exercitu ad subsidium obsessi regis properat, quem in turri Carpetrz ut dictum est reliquerat. Interea Balad arcem obsedit, et Gazin nepotem suum et Bursechinum iuuenem magistrum militum regi frequenter direxit, et cum iureiurando

mandauit, ut si sibi pacifice arcem redderet, liberta-

tem abeundi quocumque uellet cum omnibus suis et cuncta quz peteret ab eo reciperet. Rex autem longa inclusione fatigatus, et fallaci pagano prepropere credulus? arcem reddidit? ad scandalum * Both these men are historical characters: David II, king of Georgia, occurs between 1121 and 1125, and Thoros I, prince of Armenia (d. 1129), was the

brother of Joscelin's wife. 'They may have been involved in arrangements for ransoming or exchanging prisoners.

? Belek besieged Manbij in the spring of 1124. 3 The hill on which the citadel stood was easily mined (cretaceus in the account of William of Tyre) and Belek forced Baldwin to surrender by mining and bring-

ing down a tower in the wall. 'T'he citadel fell on 16 September 1123, after a short siege. All the prisoners except Baldwin, his nephew, and Waleran, who were sent to Harran, were barbarously put to death. Joscelin had just reached Tell-

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fi;

were provided with horses, weapons, equipment of all kinds, and everything they asked of the king and governor. They cut a fine figure in Persian eyes and the Medes, who marvelled at the bearing of the Franks, joined in the eulogies. Daughters of kings admired their comeliness and smiled at their pleasantries; even kings and dukes wished to have grandsons of Frankish stock. No one made any attempt to convert them from the worship of Christ, or compelled them to abandon their own religion. They bring back marvellous stories of the Sultan's riches and of the unfamiliar sights they have seen in the east. The Sultan is so called because he is the sole lord who rules over all the princes of the east. In the fourth year he gave them licence to return home, and presented them with a golden arrow, which was a token indicating royal pardon. He offered them the daughters of the greatest magnates and immense riches and possessions if they would consent to stay, but as they wished to leave he showed them his huge treasures and wealth of all kinds. At length the knights, rewarded with many gifts, took farewell of their acquaintances and benefactors and returned to Antioch with the safe-conduct of David, the Georgian king, and Thoros of the Mountains.! 'l'here they joyfully related to their friends how they had lived in Nineveh and Baghdad and Babylon, and described many things, strange to us, that they had seen in the countries of the east. They learned then that Belek was besieging Manbij,? and that King Baldwin was still being kept in close captivity after his companions had been butchered. Joscelin, who had slipped out of Kharput and sent trustworthy messengers to the Emperor John and to the Greeks and Armenians, returned eight months later with a great army to help the king, whom he had left besieged in the tower of Kharput as I have related. During this time Belek invested the citadel and sent Ghazi his nephew and Bursuk, a young captain of the knights, on frequent missions to the king, proposing to him on oath that if he would surrender the citadel peacefully he would be granted freedom to go with all his men wherever he chose and to take whatever he asked for. The king, exhausted by the long imprisonment and too ready to trust the treacherous infidel, surrendered the tower,? to the scandal of the Bashir with a relief force from Jerusalem when he heard of the disaster. Waleran was executed later, because Baldwin broke the terms agreed for his own ransom (RHC Occ. i. 540-1; RHC Or. iii. 637-8; RHC Doc. arm. i. 135).

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Christianorum,

et tripudium

XI

paganorum.

Egresso itaque regi

iussit Balad quattuor dentes extrahi, et Gualeranno de Pusacio sinistrum oculum erui, et uenas dextri brachii ne lanceam ulterius

ferret precidi, omnesque

socios eorum

decollari. Quod et ita

factum est. Gualerannus post debilitationem membrorum mortuus est: iterumque rex in carcere reclusus iv annis peiora prioribus perpessus est. Porro xxiiii milites et cxl Siri uel Armenii capitibus amputatis perempti sunt, sed cum Christo uiuant quem confessi sunt, et cui uiuentes seruierunt! Ioscelinus autem ut regis defectionem et suorum cladem obiter audiuit? nimis eiulans cum omni exercitu Christiano substitit, uentilatoque ibidem consilio sua negocia quisque repetiit. Infortunium huiusmodi per totum

mundum iv. 259

auditum

est: et Christicolis lamentantibus ethnicis

ingens letitia orta est. Balad igitur postquam sibi ad uotum omnia in his quz iam pretaxauimus prouenerunt, et Christiani iam per totam Siriam et Palestinam quasi neglecto rege uiriliter restiterunt? ueredarios per orbem gentium ad reges ac admiralios destinauit, quibus conuocatis cum legionibus suis rursus urbem Monbec obsedit. Ioscelinus autem et omnes Christicolz audientes hoc gauisi sunt? et alacriter ad preeliandum contra illos conuenerunt. Tunc etiam uolente pio Saluatore nostro quinque preclari milites affuerunt; qui eadem septimana ut iam diximus de barbarica captiuitate remeauerunt. Inter Monbec et castellum Trehaled in ingenti planicie prelium ingens factum est. Cum Balad Musci et Heron! frater eius aliique plures admiralii pugnare, totisque uiribus conati sunt Christianos pessundare. Ibi tunc Balad Goisfredo monacho comiti de Mareis mandauit, ut duos asinos auro onustos reciperet, et de bello solus

ipse recederet, ne in bello uterque eodem die periret. Soror enim eius quz sortilega peritissima erat, in constellationibus quod Goisfredus et Balad mutuis ictibus occumberent ipso die inspexerat/ fratrique suo ut sibi precaueret plorans indicauerat. Religiosus uero comes munera tiranni ut stercus contempsit,

seseque in confessione Dei ad sacrificium lzetus optulit" multorum

iv. 260

sanguinem sanctorum ulciscens Balad interfecit, et ipse pro Christo I Musci and Heron may be legendary characters. Belek's chief ally, Timurtash

of Mardin, Il-Ghazi's son, is elsewhere called Ghazi by Orderic. The loyalty of the Turkish governor of Manbij, Hassan, was suspect and he was imprisoned by Timurtash.

Hassan’s brother, ‘Isa, then appealed to Joscelin for help and was

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Christians and delight of the pagans. When the king emerged Belek commanded that four of his teeth should be drawn, and had

Waleran of Le Puiset’s left eye put out and the veins of his right arm cut so that he could never again hold a lance. All their com-

panions were to be beheaded. His orders were all carried out; Waleran died after being mutilated and the king, thrown once again into a dungeon, endured worse hardships than ever for four years. The twenty-four knights and hundred and forty Syrians and Armenians were put to death by beheading. May they live with Christ whose faith they confessed, and whom they served as long as they lived! When Joscelin, who was on his way, heard of the king’s surrender and the massacre of his men he halted and broke into loud lamentations with the whole Christian army; after

a council had been held there each one went about his own business. The news of the calamity spread all over the world, causing Christians to mourn and pagans to rejoice. Belek, after everything that I have described had fallen out according to his wishes, and the Christians, seeming to forget their king, continued to resist him bravely in every part of Syria and Palestine, sent messengers to kings and emirs all over the pagan world, brought them together with their troops, and once again

laid siege to Manbij. Joscelin and all the Christians welcomed news of this and assembled eagerly to join battle with them. At that moment, by the will of our fatherly Saviour, the five knights arrived, having returned that week from captivity among the barbarians as I have related. A great battle was fought in a wide plain between Manbij and Tall-Khalid. Musct and Heron" his brother and many other emirs fought with Belek and struggled with all their forces to destroy the Christians. It was there that Belek asked Geoffrey the Monk, lord of Marash, to accept two asses laden with gold and withdraw alone from the battle, for fear that both of them would die that day on the battlefield. His sister, who was a very experienced sorceress, had seen in the stars that

Geoffrey and Belek would slay each other on the same day, and had begged her brother with tears to take precautions. The pious count scorned the tyrant’s gifts as so much dirt, and professed his willingness to sacrifice himself gladly in the faith of God. Aven-

ging the blood of many saints, he killed Belek; he himself perished besieged in Manbij by Belek (Baldwin, Crusades, pp. 422-3; Cahen, Syrie du Nord, p. 298).

126

iv. 261

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deuote dimicans gloriose occubuit. Vexillum eius in corpore Balad repertum est" quo cadente dirum et graue onus de ceruicibus Christianorum abiectum est. Ibi tunc nongenti milites Christiani contra trecenta milia paganorum pugnauerunt: fortissimoque Deo Israel suos potenter iuuante uicerunt. De Christianis sex milites et xi pedites ceciderunt, de paganis autem xiii milia casa sunt? quorum nomina in matricula Balad scripta et inuenta sunt.! Omnipotens Emmanuhel intactz uirginis filius feliciter suos Israhelitas confortauit, superatis hostibus per quos ueluti malleo seu uirga furoris sui reos conquassauerat exhilarauit, et post tribulationum tempestates prosperitatis tranquillitatem suppeditauit. lam cornua gentium intonante Deo confracta sunt? inuictumque regem sabaoth collaudantes Christiani caput erexerunt. Gazis admiralius nepos et haeres Balad? regis Aleph ei successit, sed nouitate permutationum et diminutione gazarum ardua temptare et difficilia sustinere nequiuit, qua antecessor eius longo usu exercitatus iniuit, ingenioque multiplici callens fortia ferre et agere potuit. Vnde Gazis Balduinum regem pro redemptione centum quinquaginta milia bizanteorum de carcere dimisit, et xl obsides electos de precipuis Ierosolimorum et circumiacentis prouinciz pueris accepit, securitatemque reddendi omnes paganos quos in carcere fideles habebant requisiuit.3 His itaque concessis regem dimisit, et apud Gis* castrum in regione Caesarez Philippi constituto tempore expectauit. Tunc Christiani cum auro quod pro redemptione regia pactum erat perrexerunt" et assultu in nomine Christi fortiter facto admiralium et castrum et obsides suos ceperunt, alacresque Deo gratias canentes Ierusalem regressi sunt. Gazis autem centum milibus bizanteis aureis? sese redemit; firmamque pacem Christianis pepigit, sed in principatu parum durauit.5 4^ Sic in MS.; the case should be genitive

* According to Arab sources, the battle of Manbij, fought on 5 May 1124, was a defeat for Joscelin, but Belek was killed by a stray arrow the next day; with his

death his power collapsed (RHC Or. iii. 642). It was generally believed in the Latin kingdom that he had been defeated and killed in the battle; cf. William of

Tyre (RHC Occ. i. 570-2), FC (Hagenmeyer) iii. 31, pp. 722-7. Fulcher gives the number of Christians slain as 30 knights and about 60 foot-soldiers, and of the enemy as 3,000 knights and countless foot-soldiers. 2 ‘Timurtash, son of Il-Ghazi, Belek’s cousin. 3 Kemal ed-Din gives the sum of Baldwin's ransom as 80,000 dinars, William

of Tyre as 100,000 michaels (i.e. bezants). Matthew of Edessa says that Bald-

win's daughter, Joscelin's son, and fifteen others were given as hostages. The exchange of hostages was completed in the last days of August 1124, and Baldwin was released. He did not fulfil all the terms, and Waleran was executed (RHC Or. iii. 643-5; RHC Occ. i. 576; RHC Doc. arm. i. 139).

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Yao

gloriously fighting resolutely for Christ. His standard was found on Belek’s body; and by Belek’s death a heavy and dreaded yoke

was lifted from the necks of the Christians. On that field nine hundred Christian knights fought against three hundred thousand

pagans and defeated them, thanks to the powerful help to his own from the mighty God of Israel. On the Christian side six knights and eleven foot-soldiers

fell, whereas

thirteen thousand

of the

pagans were slain; their names were found written in Belek’s record.! The almighty Emmanuel, son of a pure virgin, blessed his Israelites with strength, and caused them to rejoice by overcoming the enemy whom he had used as a hammer or as a rod of his anger to punish the guilty, and allowed them a period of calm and prosperity after the storms of tribulation. So the horns of the Gentiles were broken as God thundered and the Christians lifted up their heads and rendered praise to the unconquered Lord of hosts.

The emir Ghazi, nephew and heir of Belek? king of Aleppo, succeeded him, but because of recent changes and the dwindling of his treasures he was unwilling to undertake the great tasks or carry on the difficult enterprises which his predecessor, a man of great experience, had begun and which he had been shrewd and resourceful enough to support and maintain by force. So Ghazi released King Baldwin from prison for a ransom of a hundred and fifty thousand bezants, received forty hostages chosen from the most noble boys of Jerusalem and the province round it, and demanded security for the release of all the pagans whom the faithful held in captivity. When the conditions had been settled he released the king, and at the appointed time waited at the castle of Gis+ in the neighbourhood of Caesarea Philippi. The Christians arrived with the gold which they had promised for the king’s ransom and, launching an attack boldly in the name of Christ, captured the castle with the emir and his hostages and returned to Jerusalem, singing and giving joyful thanks to God. Ghazi secured his own release with a ransom of a hundred thousand gold bezants and pledged himself to a lasting peace with the Christians; but his rule lasted only for a little while.’ 4 The negotiations were conducted through the emir of Shaizar, and Baldwin waited at Caesarea Philippi, now Banyas (Cahen, Syrie du Nord, p. 299). Gis may

have been an unidentified castle in the vicinity. 5 Orderic's story of the capture of Timurtash is pure legend; he did, however, retire from Aleppo to Mesopotamia shortly afterwards (Baldwin, Crusades,

P- 452).

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27 Interea dum Balduinus rex ut dictum est in carcere teneretur,

et egressionis eius omnis spes Christianis pene omnino negaretur? Ierosolimorum episcopus clerum et populum commonuit ne in tribulationibus deficerent, sed in Christo confidentes fortiter ethnicis resisterent, et bellicis armis fines suos ad laudem conditoris

iv. 262

dilatarent. Missis itaque legatis in Italiam ducem Venetiarum cum ingenti classe accersierunt, et Tirum tam diuinis quam secularibus in libris famosam urbem obsederunt, et per mare ac per terram usque ad deditionem coartauerunt.! Denique subactaurbe quendam clericum natione Anglicum presulem ordinauerunt,? et zecclesiam in honore sancti Saluatoris extra urbem zedificauerunt, in loco ubi

Dominus Iesus populis uerbum eterne salutis predicauit,3 et altare fecerunt de ingenti saxo supra quod ipse docens sedit. In urbem quippe incircumcisorum noluit ingredi, ne uideretur Iudeis dare occasionem scandali? si ipse cum Hebreus esset, in ciuitatem gentium introisset, et communitatem cum illis habuisset. De fragmentis uero qua latomi de informi lapide marculis euulserant fideles collegerunt, et per orbis climata pro dominice sessionis reuerentia detulerunt, quz in sacratis inter sacra pignora locis collocata sunt. 28 iv. 263

Rauendinos+ quidam potens Grecus Antiochiam uenit? et legationem imperatoris Alexii Rogerio principi de quo supradictum est intimauit, filiam scilicet ipsius Iohanni filio augusti coniugem petiuit5 Diuturnus enim rancor eius paulatim conquieuerat, quia idem sapientia pollens manifeste uiderat, quod * King Baldwin had himself appealed to the Doge of Venice in III9, with

an offer of privileges. A fleet appeared off Ascalon in 1123, and the patriarch and leading clergy and nobles of Jerusalem succeeded in making a treaty and

securing Venetian help for the siege of Tyre in mid February 1124. Tyre finally

capitulated on 7 July 1124. Accounts of the city and of the siege are given by

Fulcher (FC (Hagenmeyer), iii. 29-30, pp. 698—720; 32-4, pp. 728-35) and ete of Tyre (xiii. 1-14, RHC Occ. i. 555-76); see also Runciman, Crusades, ii. 166-71.

2 William, prior of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, an Englishman by birth, was appointed archbishop of Tyre in 1127 (William of Tyre, xiii. 23, RHC Occ. i. 591-3).

* Cf. Matthew xv. 21; Mark vii. 24. The story of the rock is not in the Gospels.

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27 During the time that King Baldwin was kept in captivity, as I have described, and Christians had almost given up hope of his release, the bishop of Jerusalem exhorted the clergy and people not to sink under their tribulations but, trusting in Christ, to fight

boldly against the infidel and enlarge their frontiers by force of arms, to the glory of their Creator. So they sent envoys to Italy to summon the Doge of Venice with a great fleet and laid siege to Tyre, a city famous both in Scripture and in secular books, which they invested by sea and land until it was brought to surrender.! After conquering the city they appointed an English-born priest as bishop,? and built a church with the dedication of St. Saviour outside the city, in the place where the Lord Jesus preached the word of eternal salvation to the people,? and they made an altar out of the massive stone on which he had sat while teaching. He did not wish to enter the city of the uncircumcised, for fear of seeming to give a cause of scandal to the Jews if he, being a Hebrew, entered a city of the Gentiles and associated with them. The faithful collected some of the fragments which the stonemasons chipped with hammers out of the rough stone, and carried them away to every part of the world out of reverence for the Lord’s seat; and they have been deposited in consecrated places

among the holy relics. 28

Ravendinos,* an influential Greek, came to Antioch and conveyed a message from the Emperor Alexius to Prince Roger, of whom I have written above, namely a request for his daughter as the wife of the Emperor’s son, John.5 His long-standing rancour had gradually subsided, for he was a wise man and recognized

clearly that the common

condition of mortals had carried off

4 His identity is uncertain; cf. above, v. 272. 5 Although the details of Orderic’s account cannot be correct, since Alexius Comnenus died in 1118, there is evidence that Greek envoys visited Roger of Antioch in 1119, and there may have been talk of a marriage alliance of some kind at that date (Kemal ed-Din, RHC Or. iii. 622; Cahen, Syrie du Nord,

pp. 281-2). Certainly the possibility of a marriage of Manuel Comnenus with Constance, Bohemond

II’s daughter, was discussed at a later date (Chalandon,

jean Comnéne, pp. 119-22).

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mortalis conditio Buamundum et Tancredum aliosque rebelles absorbuerat, eandemque in proximo imminere sibi admodum metuebat. Quapropter decreuit progeniem suam semini coniungere bellicosz gentis, ut sic saltem Antiochenum principatum heres eius adipisceretur affinitate generis? quod nullatenus armis optenturum se confidebat bellicis. Prafatum ergo Pelasgum Normannis destinauit, qui in prestolatione communis responsi graue infortunium incurrit. Nam dum prefatus heros Antiochiz maneret, et ex generali consultu honorabile responsum expectaret’ et amir Gazis Perses ut supra retuli fines Christianorum impetuose irrumperet, Rauendinos cum Rogerio in hostem pergens captus est? et xv milibus bizanteis redemptus est. Ipsum nempe quia Grecus erat Turci non leserunt, eique tam pro noticia uicinze iv. 264

gentis quam pro fauore augusti pepercerunt, et accepta redempti-

one ut dictum est sospitem dimiserunt. Ille uero uidens Rogerium cum tota uirtute interisse, et Balduinum regem regnum Ierusalem et principatum Antiochiz adeptum fuisse, ipsum quoque ex parte imperatoris adiit, et ab eo filiam suam in coniugium lohannis requisiuit. Balduinus rex inde gauisus legationem suscepit, petitionem annuit, procum in Ierusalem ut filiam suam uideret direxit, et per eum secreta reginz soli nota mandauit. Rauendinos itaque Ierusalem uenit, quem regina cum prole sua satis alacriter recepit, et mariti mandatis optemperauit. Elegans puella procedens in publicum intuentibus multum placuit, et optabiles ipsa rumores audiens frustra exultauit. Nichil enim stabile fit? nisi quod solus omnium factor disponit. Legatus augusti cum satellitibus suis sociisque peregrinis in Ciprum insulam nauigauit, et dux Cipri cum illo post xv dies Constantinopolim ire decreuit, et omnes usque ad Pentecosten ibi honorifice hospitari precepit. Igitur longe a palacio eius in aula satis honorabili hospitati sunt? et statutum tempus egre prestolantes copiosum a duce uictum susceperunt. Interea dux communi factione a suis in domo sua occisus est?! et una de singulis nauibus quz fixis in maritimo littore anchoris consistebant tabula subtracta est. Mors etiam legatis et peregrinis a feralibus homicidis palam prefinita est? sed per quendam * I know of no other evidence of events in Cyprus at this date, and the identity of the duke is uncertain. In 1112 Philocales, hated for his cruel administration, had been duke; the Cypriotes were certainly hostile to the Byzantine officials

during the first decade of the twelfth century, and Orderic's story may be founded on fact. For conditions see George Hill, A History of Cyprus, i (Cam-

bridge, 1940), 297-304.

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Bohemond and Tancred and other rebels and feared that before long it would threaten him too. Therefore he resolved to ally his descendants with the stock of this warlike race, so that his heir

might at least acquire the principality of Antioch by means of a marriage connection, seeing that he had no hope of winning it by force of arms. He therefore sent the Greek, Ravendinos, to the

Normans; but a serious misfortune befell him while waiting for them to agree on an answer. While he was staying at Antioch and expecting an honourable reply from the general debates, the Persian emir Il-Ghazi, as I related above, violently invaded the Christians’ territory and Ravendinos, who set out with Roger against the enemy, was captured and only ransomed after payment of fifteen thousand bezants. The Turks did him no harm because he was a Greek, and spared him both out of respect for their neighbour and to secure the Emperor’s goodwill; on payment of the ransom they let him go in safety, as I have related. When he found that Roger had perished with his whole army, and that King Baldwin had acquired the kingdom of Jerusalem and principality of Antioch, he approached him on the Emperor’s behalf and asked for his daughter as John’s wife. King Baldwin gladly received the message, agreed to the request, sent the suitor to Jerusalem to see his daughter and directed a secret message to the queen by his hand. So Ravendinos came to Jerusalem, and the queen with her children welcomed him warmly and obeyed her husband’s instructions. The cultivated girl greatly pleased those who saw her when she appeared in public, and was herself delighted by the good news she heard, but all in vain. For nothing is lasting, except what the maker of all things alone disposes. The Emperor’s envoy sailed to the island of Cyprus with his servants and pilgrims who had joined company with them; the duke of Cyprus resolved to go with him to Constantinople after a fortnight, and commanded that all should be honourably entertained there until Pentecost.

They were lodged in a commodious hall some distance from the palace, and were amply provided for by the duke as they waited impatiently for the appointed time. In the meanwhile the duke was assassinated in his own house by his own men during a general insurrection,’ and one plank was removed from each of the ships which were lying at anchor by the sea-shore. The bloodthirsty murderers had openly resolved to put even the envoys and pilgrims to death, but the plan was cunningly

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sapientem qui consiliis eorum intererat callide prepedita et multoties induciata est. Dicebat enim, ‘Obsecro uos o fratres et amici ut his hominibus pro salute uestra parcatis, et ab eorum qui nichil aliquando nocuerunt uobis/\ sanguinis effusione manus uestras iv. 265

contineatis.

Actus

uestros

freno

moderamini

discretionis,

et

statera rectitudinis" ne scelerum enormitate uestrorum Deum et homines in uos irritetis, et furorem maximorum principum utrinque incurratis. Ecce abominabilem offensam in augustum iam perpetrastis, qui eius consanguineum et ducem imperii Constantinopoleos nocturna cede necastis. Adhuc tamen contra eius animaduersionem ad Ierosolimitas refugere potestis, quibus nondum nocuistis. Verum si magnanimum Francigenam offenderitis regem Ierosolimorum, et ex utraque parte uobis incubuerit prelium? quid facietis, quo fugietis?’ His aliisque sapiens heros dictis ferales homicidas compescuit, cruentasque manus a iugulis innocentium uix retinuit, et circa festum sancti Iohannis licentiam abeundi uix

illis optinuit. Denique uix in duas ingredi uetustas naues permissi sunt, et cum ingenti difficultate post plurimos dies in Illiricum applicuerunt, et securiores inde per urbes poetarum carminibus celebres Bizancium petierunt, per Athenas scilicet eloquentize matrem, artium-

que liberalium inuentricem, et per Thebas tirannorum ciuilibus

iv. 266

bellis inhiantium nutricem.! Rauendinos uero duros rumores de suz legationis euentibus dominis suis a quibus destinatus fuerat retulit, et multas econtra in sua regione mutationes contigisse edidicit. In his enim percunctationibus Balduinus rex ut superius affatim retuli a Balad captus est, imperatore autem Alexio post breue tempus defuncto Iohannes imperator factus est, unde in tot permutationibus prefata copulationis preparatio penitus frustrata

est. 29 Generosa Philippi Francorum regis soboles Constantia Buamundo filium peperit, quem apud Tarentum in Italia diligenter educauit, et usque ad pubertatis euum materno more competenter custodiuit. Buamundus autem puer bonz indolis feliciter creuit, et 1 This is a reference to Eteocles and Polynices, the sons of Oedipus (cf. above,

p. 86 n. 2).

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T"

thwarted and repeatedly postponed by a certain wise man who shared their counsels. He said to them, ‘My brothers and friends, I implore you for your own safety to spare these men and restrain your hands from shedding the blood of men who have never done you any harm. Restrain your actions by using the curb of discretion and the balance of justice, for fear of provoking God and men against you by your terrible crimes and bringing down the anger of great princes from both sides. See here, you have already committed a shocking offence against the Emperor by murdering a duke of the Empire of Constantinople, who is his kinsman, in a general massacre at night. Up to this moment you could take refuge from his displeasure among the men of Jerusalem, whom as yet you have not injured. But if you offend the proud-spirited Frank who is king of Jerusalem and provoke war against yourselves on both flanks, what will you do? where will you fly ?' With these and other speeches the wise lord restrained the brutal assassins, contrived with difficulty to keep their bloody hands from the throats of innocent men, and just succeeded in obtaining permission for their departure, about the time of the feast of St. John. At last they were grudgingly given leave to embark in two old ships and many days later they landed, with great difficulty, on the shores of Illyria. Proceeding more safely they made for Byzantium through cities made famous in the songs of poets, through Athens, the mother of eloquence and inventor of the liberal arts, and through Thebes, which nursed tyrants who thirsted for civil wars.! Ravendinos gave the harsh news of the events during his embassy to his lords, who had sent him out, and learned that many changes had occurred in his own country also. For during these negotiations King Baldwin had been captured by Belek, as I have already related at length, and, the Emperor Alexius dying shortly afterwards, John had become emperor. Consequently preparations for the intended marriage became quite impossible in such changed circumstances.

29 Constance, the highly born daughter of King Philip of France, bore a son to Bohemond and brought him up carefully at Taranto in Italy, looking after him as a mother should until he reached the age of puberty. Fortune attended Bohemond, a boy of good character, as he grew up; and when he reached the age of adolescence 822242

F

134

iv. 267

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XI

ut annos adolescentiz attigit, militaria multis gaudentibus arma sumpsit. Patris uero sui audaciam et mores emulatus imitari studuit, et multimodz probitatis ac honestatis specimine sullimia de se intuentes sperare permisit. Hac ut Antiocheni dum Balduinus rex apud Carpetram fere sex annis in carcere Balad detineretur audierunt, nunciis sepe missis genuinum heredem accersierunt/ ut securus in Siriam transfretaret, et ius paterni principatus cum fauore subiectorum reciperet. Porro sollicita mater eum retinuit, donec rex ut supradictum est de uinculis prodiit. Tandem ipse uoluntatem Antiochenorum ut sensit, populis quoque pro genitoris eius auctoritate illud commodum fore estimauit’ optimatum consultu suorum Buamundo adolescenti filiam suam optulit, ac ut paterni ducatus fastigium prospere subiret mandauit. Amabilis igitur adolescens uotis omnium pro illo Deum postulantibus nauem intrauit, Antiochiam transfretauit, principatum patris cum tripudio multorum recepit, fliamque regis uxorem duxit? qua femineam prolem ei peperit.! Princeps constitutus mitis omnibus subiectis extitit, sed contra zthnicos bella iniit, breuique temporis intercapedine proh dolor durauit. Fere tribus annis dominatus est? et repentina sorte cum lamentis pluribus ac damnis prolapsus est. Ortis enim quibusdam simultatibus inter Christianos principes Buamundum et Leonem Armenicum? damnabilis temeritas de strage fidelium peperit gentilibus uictoriz gaudium. Prefatus Leo Turoldi de Montanis erat filius, et uxoris Buamundi auunculus,?

contra quem idem iuuenis exercitum aggregauit, et in hostilem terram ducere cepit. Qui cum ad fluuium Euphraten peruenisset, ibique castra metatus fuisset/ a quodam Armenio audiuit, quod amir Sanguin? cum ingenti phalange Turcorum appropinquauerit, et fines Christianorum irrumpere disposuerit. Ille autem in inicio incredulus certitudinem rei perquisiuit, aliisque relatoribus non credens cetus suos reliquit, et cum cc iuuenibus ut exploraret super excelsum montem ascendit, unde vii milia pabulatorum qui * Bohemond came to Antioch in October 1126 and married Alice, the second daughter of King Baldwin II (FC (Hagenmeyer) iii. 57, pp. 805-9; iii. 61, pp. 819-22; William of Tyre, xiii. 21 (RHC Occ. i. 588-9); Runciman, Crusades,

ii. 175-6). Suger, Vita Ludovici, ix, p. 50, calls him *decorus iuvenis, militie aptus’. 2 Leo was the brother of the Armenian prince, Thoros II, who died in 1129,

and a kinsman of Gabriel of Melitene, grandfather of Bohemond's wife. 'T'he dispute was over the possession of Anazarbus and, when Bohemond attacked, Leo called in the Danishmend emir. See Runciman, Crusades, ii. 182-3.

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he received the arms of knighthood amid general rejoicing. He modelled himself on his father, striving to imitate his courage and way of life; and by setting an example of every kind of goodness and worth he encouraged those who watched to expect great things of him. When the men of Antioch heard this, during the time that King Baldwin was held captive at Kharput in Belek's prison for about six years, they sent messengers on many occasions to invite the true heir to cross in safety to Syria and receive the government of his father's principality with the approval of his subjects. However, the anxious mother held him back until the

king escaped from his fetters, as was related above. At length, as the king was aware of the wish of the men of Antioch and judged that it would be advantageous to the people because of the respect with which Bohemond's father was remembered, he took counsel

with his magnates, offered his daughter to young Bohemond and summoned him to come and take over the government of his father's principality while the time was ripe. So the amiable young man went on board ship, while everyone offered prayers to God on his behalf, crossed to Antioch, received the principality of his father amid general rejoicing, and took to wife the king's daughter, who bore him a daughter.! Once established as prince he proved gentle to all his subjects, but he waged wars against the infidel and survived, alas! only for a short space of time. He governed for about three years, and was then cut down by sudden death, to the

sorrow and loss of many people. For disputes arose between the two Christian princes, Bohemond and Leo the Armenian, and the terrible folly of Christian slaying Christian sowed the seeds of joyful victory for the infidel. Leo the Armenian was a son of Thoros of the Mountains and an uncle of Bohemond's wife;? it was against him that the young man summoned his army and began to lead it into enemy territory. When he had reached the river Euphrates and pitched his tents there, he learned from a certain Armenian that the emir Sangur? was approaching with a huge squadron of Turks and was preparing to invade the Christian

lands.

Incredulous

at first, Bohemond

attempted to discover the truth; not trusting the reports of others he left his own forces and climbed a high. hill with two hundred young men to spy out the land. From there he saw seven thousand 3 The Danishmend Sangur.

emir was Ghazi; he is here confused with his brother,

136

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precedebant turmas prospexit. Quos paruipendens inuasit, acerrime conflixit, pene omnes occidit, omnesque suos nisi xx milites perdidit. Interea innumerabilis exercitus appropiauit. Cumque iv. 268

residui enormes

turmas

adesse uidissent, et immoderatum

tiro-

nem stupore mentis prz dolore attonitum obsecrarent? dicentes, *Festinanter ad tuas cohortes uade, agminibusque ordinatis hostes aggredere, patriamque tuam insigniter defende", ille non adquieuit, sed mori magis quam fugere commilitonibus amissis elegit. Sic imberbis adolescens contra innumeros manus leuauit, et in nomine

Christi dimicans extremam sortem suscepit. Pauci uero qui euadere poterant transuadato Euphrate collegas repetierunt, diros rumores de interfecto duce mesti retulerunt, et protinus omnes ad oppida conglobati secesserunt, totamque prouinciam contra zthnicos strenue munierunt. Balduinus autem rex lerosolimorum ut mortem generi sui audiuit? in Siriam cum copiis suis contra paganos festinauit. Porro a fidelibus ibidem susceptus regionem totam in hostes defensauit, et principatum Antiochiz diu possedit? donec Fulconi Andegauino successori suo quem heredem fecerat dimisit.? Hac de casibus Christianorum qui pro Christo Iesu in oriente exulant edidici, et simpliciter ut ab his qui interfuerunt audiui, ad noticiam posterorum ueraci stilo litteris assignaui. Nunc autem ad nostra regrediar referenda, quz contigerunt in Italia, Gallia, Hispania uel

Anglia seu Flandria.

30 iv. 269

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?cevrr? indictione xv?? Henricus rex Anglorum postquam bello Normanniam subegit, sepe ad curiam suam magistratus populi? accersiit, eosque quia iamdiu tumultibus et guerris assueti fuerant prudenter mitigauit, et omnes ut recte graderentur precibus minisque commonuit. Mense Ianuario Falesi& consessio procerum coram rege fuit, ibique Rodbertus Cadomensis abbas subita egritudine percussus hominem 1 Bohemond was killed in February 1130. ? Bohemond left a two-year-old daughter, Constance, and Baldwin II acted as regent on her behalf. His regency in Antioch lasted only a short time, as he died in August 1131 (Cahen, Syrie du Nord, p. 350). 3 [n discussing Henry's peace measures in 1107 Haskins, Norman Institutions,

p. 87, avoids translating the expression magistratus populi. One dispute before the curia at Rouen on 7 November was settled by the counsel and judgement of

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foragers, who were going ahead of the troops; judging them weak, he attacked, fought fiercely and killed almost all of them, but lost all but twenty of his own men. Meanwhile the enormous army was approaching. When the survivors saw the huge columns bearing down on them they pleaded with the reckless young knight, who was dazed and stupefied with grief, saying, ‘Go as fast as you can to your own forces, attack the enemy with ordered columns and put up a worthy defence of your country.' He refused to comply, choosing rather to die than to turn his back after losing his comrades. So the beardless youth raised his hand against a multitude and, fighting in the name of Christ, paid the supreme penalty.! The few who were able to escape forded the Euphrates and rejoined their companions, sadly bringing the terrible news of the duke's death. At once all withdrew in a body to their strongholds and energetically fortified the whole province against the infidel. When

Baldwin, king of Jerusalem,

heard of his son-in-law’s

death he hurried to Syria with his forces to confront the infidel.

The Christians welcomed him there and he defended the whole region against the enemy and held the principality of Antioch for a long time, finally transmitting it to his successor, Fulk of Anjou, whom he had made his heir.? These are the things that I have learned about the fortunes of the Christians who live in exile in the east for the sake of Christ Jesus, and I have written them down

truthfully for the information of future generations just as I heard them from those who were present. But now I will return to my narrative of the events that took place in our part of the world—in Italy, Gaul, Spain, England, and Flanders.

30 In the year of our Lord 1107, the fifteenth indiction, after Henry king of England had conquered Normandy in battle, he summoned those who had jurisdiction over the people? on many occasions to his court, wisely placated them because for so long they had been accustomed to troubles and wars, and impressed upon them by requests and threats that they must walk in the way of justice. In January, while an assembly of great nobles was with the king at Falaise, Robert, abbot of Caen, was suddenly taken ill the bishops, abbots, and barons; but probably Orderic also included vicomtes and other officials in the term.

138

lv. 270

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exiuit,! cuius uices Eudo eiusdem monasterii monachus per plura postmodum lustra suppleuit.? Mense Martio item rex concilium apud Luxouium tenuit? et necessaria subiectis plebibus edicta ex consultu magnatorum prouide sanxit, et regali potestate sedatis bellorum tempestatibus Neustriam utiliter edomuit. Inde remeans Guillelmus de Ros Fiscannensis tercius abbas zegrotauit, et ante finem eiusdem mensis feliciter migrauit. Hic uenerabilis uir bonis moribus pollens laudabiliter uixit? et multarum nectare uirtutum imbutus a puericia uiguit, et in clericatu ac monachatu speculum bonorum operum mundo resplenduit.* Prafatum uero cenobium adhuc in monachico scemate neophitus suscepit, fere xxvii annis gubernauit, et in multis intus et extra emendauit. Nam cancellum ueteris ecclesie quam Ricardus dux construxerat deiecit, et eximize pulchritudinis opere in melius renouauit, atque in longitudine ac latitudine decenter augmentauit. Nauem quoque basilice ubi oratorium sancti Frodmundi habetur eleganter auxit, opusque tandem consummatum a Guillelmo archiepiscopo aliisque quattuor presulibus xvii kalendas Iulii consecrari fecit. Defunctus autem in nouo opere quod ab ipso constructum est’ ante aram gloriosz uirginis Marize competenter sepultus est. Multi sapientes et illustres uiri mitis archimandritz illecti amore Fiscannum confluxerunt, et in scola diuini cultus sub eodem sum-

mez et indiuidue Trinitati reuerenter famulati sunt. Fideles ergo et amici discipuli multa super illo prosa seu metro conscripserunt, speciale tamen epitaphium quod Hildebertus Cenomannensis episcopus edidit elegerunt, aureisque litteris caraxatum sic super illum imposuerunt, Pauperibus locuples et sacri nominis abbas

Willelmus solo corpore cultor humi? iv. 271

Liber ab Agipto rediens deserta reliquit, Iamque Ierosolimam uictor ouansque tenet. Cum uiciis odium, cum moribus ille perennem

Pactus amiciciam, firmus utroque fuit. Luce graui nimium quz sexta preibat Aprilem? Redditus est patrize spiritus, ossa solo. * Robert succeeded Gilbert as abbot of Caen in 1101 and died in 1107 (Annals of Caen, RHF xii. 779). ^ Eudo was abbot of Caen 1107-40; he must still have been alive after nearly thirty years when Orderic wrote this passage. A lustre is a period of five years. 3 Cf. Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 86.

^ Equally warm praise is given to William of Rots by Baudry of Bourgueil, who visited Fécamp shortly after his death (Itinerarium, sive epistola ad Fiscannenses, in Migne, PL clxvi. 1176—7).

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and breathed his last.! Eudo, a monk of the same house, replaced him, and held office for several lustres afterwards.?

In March the king held a council at Lisieux,? wisely confirmed the decrees necessary for his subjects with the consent of the magnates and, having calmed the tempests of war by his royal might, mastered Normandy for its own good. As William of Rots, the third abbot of Fécamp, was returning from Lisieux, he fell

sick; before the month had ended he died happily. This venerable man, who was of exemplary character, lived a life beyond praise; from boyhood he was filled with the sweet nectar of many virtues, and as secular clerk and monk he held up a shining mirror of good works to the world.* He was made abbot of Fécamp when he was still a newcomer to the monastic way of life, ruled it for about twenty-seven years, and brought about many improvements both internally and externally. He pulled down the chancel of the old

church which Duke Richard had built and rebuilt a better one of exquisite beauty, increasing its length and width to more suitable dimensions. He also enlarged in a handsome style the nave of the church where the oratory of St. Fromund stands; and when the work was finally completed he had it consecrated on 15 June by Archbishop William and four other prelates. When he died he was buried, as was fitting, in the new part of the church he had built,

before the altar of the matchless Virgin Mary. Many learned and famous men flocked to Fécamp, drawn there by affection for the gentle abbot, and piously served the supreme and undivided Trinity under his guidance in the school of divine worship. His faithful and affectionate pupils wrote many memorials of him in prose and verse; but they chose the particular epitaph which Hildebert, bishop of Le Mans, composed,’ to be set above his tomb, engraved in letters of gold. It ran thus: The body alone is dust of Abbot William Of blessed memory, who enriched the poor; - Free now, he comes in triumph to Jerusalem, From Egypt home, the wilderness behind.

Hatred he swore to vice; perpetual friendship To virtue; and in both his faith was firm. One heavy day, six days before March ended, His spirit went to its home, his bones to the earth. 5 'The epitaph is known only from this reference; see Hildeberti cenomannensis episcopi carmina minora, ed. A. B. Scott (Leipzig, 1969), p. 54.

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Adelmus Flauiacensis monachus! qui multo tempore Fiscanni uenerabiliter conuersatus est’ geminaque scientia tam in diuinis quam humanis dogmatibus affatim imbutus est’ ardenti amore ut subtilibus scriptis ab eo editis approbari potest, prefato patri usque ad exitum uitz conglutinatus est. Hic in rotulo eius memo-

riale sat eloquenter dictauit, et uenerabili uitz illius luculentos flores ex diuina pagina coaptauit, quibus uisis mellifluz pietatis affectus ex oculis legentium plures lacrimas elicuit. Ibi non humanum ut reor ingenium tantummodo tam beate personuit, sed colestis gratia beniuolis lectoribus sua karismata demonstrauit, quibus fidelem sponsz suz tutorem pro utilitate multorum gloriose decorauit, et super candelabrum fulgentem lucernam in hoc mundo choruscare? donauit. Multi legentes rotuli titulum pie fleuerunt, et superni roris donum admirantes pro fideli anima lacrimosas preces Deo fuderunt. Prefatus editor tres elegiacos uersus composuit quos hic ob memoriam serui Omnipotentis inserere non me pigebit, Vtilitas et honor Guillelmus in ordine cleri Baiocas triplici clarus honore? fuit,

iv. 272

Premissis opibus Cadomum subit, inde retractum Fiscanni celebrat hunc locus, ipse locum. Principio dum sexta dies superesset Aprilis? Lis habuit finem, praemia principium.

Denique post obitum sepedicti patris Rogerius Baiocensis+ electus est" et a Guillelmo grandeuo metropolita xii kalendas Ianuarii consecratus est, sicque regimen Fiscannensis zcclesiz quartus abbas adeptus est. Primus enim Guillelmus Diuionensis idem cenobium sub Ricardo duce sollerter et religiose instruxit, cui Iohannes Italicus per annos | et unum successit, tercio autem in loco Guillelmus Baiocensis® pro decore cognominatus Puella prafuit, a quo in monachili scemate susceptus successor quod docturus erat didicit. T'unc in festiuitate sancti Thome apostoli? silicernius presul prefatum Rogerium aliosque cxx sacerdotes ! Cf. above, iv. 306. He acted as guide and companion to Baudry of Bour-

gueil during his visit; Baudry calls him ‘Adelelmus, litteris liberalibus apprime eruditus' and repeats his eloquent and moving tribute to William of Rots. It was

William's reputation that brought Athelelm, with his abbot's permission, from Saint-Germer-de-Fly to Fécamp (Itinerarium, Migne, PL clxvi. 1175-6). ? Cf. Matthew v. 15. * He held office as cantor, dean, and archdeacon of Rouen before becoming a monk of Caen; see above, ii. 150, 292-4. 4 Athelelm spoke to Baudry of Roger as a friend of Abbot William and ‘vir

satis industrius’; but he added, ‘Mutati sunt principes, mutati sunt et mores:

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Athelelm, a monk of Fly,’ who for a long time lived piously in the community of Fécamp and was very well read in the two sciences of divine and human learning, was bound by great love to Abbot William until his death, as can be seen in the subtly argued works he wrote. He composed a very eloquent memorial in his obituary roll, and chose brilliant passages of scripture to fit William’s venerable life. Tender filial affection, roused at the sight of his words, brought many tears to the eyes of his readers. I think it was not merely human wit that spoke in so blessed a way; rather, heavenly grace revealed to sympathetic readers the spiri-

tual gifts with which God had splendidly endowed the faithful teacher of his spouse [the Church] for the good of thousands, and had placed a glowing candle on a candlestick to shed light in this world.? Many wept from filial love as they read the entry on the roll and, as they marvelled at the gift of heavenly grace, offered up to God prayers mixed with tears for this Christian soul. Athelelm composed three elegiac couplets, which I have pleasure in inserting here in memory of the servant of God: A triple honour, honourably discharged,

William held as a secular at Bayeux; Giving his wealth, he came to Caen; withdrawing

To bring renown to Fécamp, which exalts him. With six days still to run before March ended, His battle ceased; his recompense began.

At length after the death of the abbot of whom I have often spoken, Roger of Bayeux* was elected. He was ordained by the aged archbishop, William, on 21 December, and so became the fourth abbot to rule the church of Fécamp. First of all William of Dijon had carefully established monastic life in the abbey under Duke Richard; after him John the Italian’ governed for fifty-one years; the third to preside there was William of Bayeux, called the Maiden because of his great beauty, and it was from him that his successor, when he was initiated into the monastic way of life,

learnt what he was later to teach. Then on the feast of St. Thomas the apostle? the aged archbishop ordained Roger and a hundred humanum est plangere quod amisimus, diffidimus' (Migne, PL clxvi. 1177). 5 John of Ravenna; see above, ii. 292.

quoniam

6 William of Rots, who had been a clerk of Bayeux. 7 21 December 1107.

de

melioratione

omnino

142

iv. 273

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ordinauit, et in crastinum benedictionem abbatis super illum Rotomagi peregit. Nouus itaque presbiter et abbas Fiscannum ad natale Domini celebrandum rediit, iamque receptum regimen fere xxxii! annis tenuit. De hac siquidem ordinatione indubitanter locutus sum quia interfui, et sacerdotale pondus iubente domno Rogerio abbate meo indignus suscepi. Tunc magna cleri multitudo Rotomagum conuenerat, et familia Christi fere septingentis ibi clericis illa die per diuersos gradus ordinatis prospere creuerat. Tunc ego iuuenili ardore feruens intendebam dactilico carmini? in quo numerum presbiterorum et diaconorum paucis uersibus ita comprehendi, Centum uiginti socios ad suscipiendum

Stemma sacerdotii Dominus me fecit habere? Ornauitque stolis Leuiticus ordo ducentos Et quater undenos ad Christi sacra ministros.

31 Inter procellas tribulationum quas Normannia idoneo rectore carens pertulit, Luxouiensis episcopatus post mortem Gisleberti Maminoti? antistitis in desolatione diu permansit, magisque lupis quam pastoribus patuit, misereque predonibus non defensoribus lugubris subiacuit. Henrico autem rege apud Tenerchebraicum triumphante, Rannulfus Flambardus regis inimicus qui Luxouiensi residebat ut princeps in urbe, secundum opportunitatem temporis perspecta qua euaderet calliditate, celeres nuncios ad regem recenti tropheo letum direxit, pacem ab eo humiliter quesiuit, et ciuitatem quam tenebat si pacificaretur optulit. Porro sapiens rex qui pacem bello quod detrimenta gignere solet semper preposuit,

presuli concordiam poscenti transactos reatus indulsit, Luxouium festinanter recepit, et antistiti reconciliato Dunelmensem episcopalv. 274

tum restituit. Luxouiense uero episcopium Iohanni archidiacono Sagiensi commisit, et Normannia prudenter ordinata in Angliam ad regni negocia tractanda transfretauit.

Supradictus autem archidiaconus Normanni decani filius fuit, in ecclesia Salariensi a puericia educatus creuit, cum presulibus ™ The figure has been changed from xxvii to bring it up to date after Roger died in 1138 or 1139. ? See above, v. 320-2.

3 See H. H. E. Craster in Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th ser. vii (1930), 33-56, for some evidence that Ranulf’s reconciliation with Henry I may have begun in 1102.

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and twenty others as priests; the next day he blessed Roger as abbot at Rouen. The new priest and abbot returned to Fécamp to celebrate Christmas, and presided over the abbey for about thirtytwo! years afterwards. I have given an authentic account of this ordination, for I myself was present and, though unworthy, took up the responsibilities of the priesthood at the command of Dom Roger, my abbot. On that occasion a great multitude of clergy gathered at Rouen and the service of Christ was favourably augmented by some seven hundred clerics who were ordained to different orders on that day. Then I, filled with youthful enthusiasm, composed a dactylic poem in which I summed up the number of priests and deacons in a few lines: When I received the crown of priesthood, the Lord Gave me a hundred and twenty companions;

The stole of the Levite order was laid on two hundred And forty-four deacons, to assist in Christ’s mysteries.

31 During the storms of tribulation that Normandy endured while without a capable ruler, the bishopric of Lisieux remained vacant for a long time after the death of Bishop Gilbert Maminot.? Given over to wolves instead of shepherds, it lay pitifully at the mercy of bandits, not protectors. But when King Henry triumphed at Tinchebray, Ranulf Flambard, the king's enemy, who was residing at Lisieux like a prince in the city, astutely saw an opportunity of getting out of his difficulties. He sent messengers hurrying to the king when he was elated by his recent victory, to sue humbly for peace, in return for which he offered to hand over the city he was holding. The wise king, who always preferred peace to war from which loss and damage are usually bred, pardoned the past crimes of the prelate now that he wished to be reconciled. He immediately received Lisieux and, taking the bishop back into his favour, restored the see of Durham to him.? He gave the bishopric of Lisieux to John, archdeacon of Séez, and after wisely disposing of business in Normandy crossed to England to deal with the affairs of the kingdom. John the archdeacon was the son of a Norman dean; educated as a boy in the church of Séez he grew up and prospered in the society

144.

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eiusdem sedis Rodberto et Girardo ac Serlone conuersatus floruit,

iv. 275

iv. 276

multiplicique doctrina tam in secularibus quam in zcclesiasticis institutus uiguit. A prefatis itaque magistris quia ratione et eloquentia satis enituit, ad archidiaconatus officium promotus ad examen rectitudinis iure proferendum inter primos resedit: et zcclesiastica negocia rationabiliter diu disseruit. Tandem furia Rodberti Belesmensis contra Serlonem episcopum efferbuit, et prefatum archidiaconem quia suum pontificem precipue adiuuabat exosum habuit, et feralibus minis ac infestationibus persequi cepit. Quem quia ille in ipso tempore potentissimus erat, et uix ullus in Normannia eius guerram ferre poterat nimis metuens inermis clericus in Angliam confugit, et a rege cui iamdudum notus fuerat susceptus honorifice satis exulauit. Nam inter precipuos regis capellanos computatus est’ atque ad regalia inter familiares consilia sepe accitus est. Denique ut predictum est pro insertis uirtutibus illum rex dilexit, et predicte urbis sedem ei concessit. Mense Septembri Serlo Salariensis pontifex Iohannem leuitam presbiterum! ordinauit, quem paulo post Guillelmus archiepiscopus episcopum consecrauit. Ille uero susceptum regimen fere xxxiiii? annis potenter rexit, multisque modis zcclesiam et clerum Deique populum emendauit. Eodem tempore Mauricius Lundoniensis episcopus uir bonus et religiosus mortuus est:? cuius tempore basilica sancti Pauli apostoli cum magna parte urbis concremata est. Ricardus autem de Belmesio uicecomes Scrobesburiz^4 in episcopatu illi successit? et in constructione prefate basilica quam antecessor eius inchoauerat summopere laborauit, et inceptum opus magna ex parte

consummauit.

32

Tunc optimates Angliz Ricardus de Raduariis et Rogerius cognomento Bigotus mortui sunt, et in monasteriis monachorum ! This indicates that the king’s chaplains did not necessarily serve in the chapel, since John was only a deacon; they might equally well be employed in

the king’s writing-office (see H. E. Salter in EHR xxvi (1911), 491). After becoming bishop of Lisieux he frequently occurs as witness or justice in the charters of Henry I (Regesta, ii, passim).

? Orderic wrote xx and left a space in the first draft, presumably before the summer

of 1137, since he did not know

thirtieth year. He * Maurice died was elected on 24 * Henry never

if John would

live to complete

his

added xiiii when John died in 1141. on 26 September 1107. His successor, Richard of Belmeis (I), May r108. established an earl in Shropshire after the fall of Robert of

Belléme. Richard of Belmeis was put in charge of the administration of Shropshire and is given various titles; the Brut calls him ‘steward’ or ‘the man who was

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of the bishops of that see, Robert, Gerard, and Serlo, and was

well taught in various disciplines, both secular and ecclesiastical.

Because he showed great aptitude for reasoning and oratory, he was promoted to the office of archdeacon by his bishops, took his seat among the chief judges examining legal cases, and for many years conducted ecclesiastical business with intelligence and skill. But finally Robert of Belléme's wrath erupted against Bishop Serlo; he loathed John the archdeacon because he was giving notable support to his bishop, and began to persecute him with brutal threats and oppressions. In great fear, because at that time Robert of Belléme's power was at its height, and hardly anyone in Normandy could resist his attacks, the helpless cleric fled to England and, being received by the king to whom he was already known, he remained there honourably in exile. He was reckoned one of the king's chief chaplains, and was often summoned to the king's counsels among his close advisers. As I have already said, the king came to value him for his innate qualities and gave him the bishopric of Lisieux. In September Serlo, bishop of Séez, ordained John the deacon as priest, and shortly afterwards Archbishop William blessed him as bishop. He exercised the charge he had taken up very ably for about thirty-four? years, and improved the condition of the church and clergy and God's people in many ways. At about the same time Maurice, bishop of London, a good and pious man, died ;? it was in his time that the church of St. Paul the

apostle and a great part of the city was burnt. Richard of Belmeis, viceroy of Shropshire,* succeeded him as bishop; he devoted great labours towards the rebuilding of St. Paul's, which his predecessor had begun, and completed the greater part of the work. 32

At that time Richard of Reviers and Roger Bigod, both magnates

of England, died and were buried in the monasteries they had holding the king's place at Shrewsbury! (Brut y Tywysogyon, 1109, 1111, pp. 57, 75); see also Shrewsbury Cartulary, pp. 1, 3, for equivalent Latin terms. He

held a considerable number of ecclesiastical properties and provided liberally for his family. See W. A. Morris, The Medieval English Sheriff, p. 77; Eyton, Shropshire, ii. 193-4; VCH Shropshire, ii. 18-19, 70-1; Le Neve: Greenway, i. 1; C. N. L. Brooke, ‘The composition of the chapter of St. Paul's, 1086-1163’, Cambridge Historical Journal, x (1951), 111-32; Loyd, pp. 13-14.

146

iv. 277

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XI

sepulti sunt" que in propriis possessionibus ipsi condiderunt. Rogerius enim apud Tetfordum! in Anglia? Ricardus uero tumulatus est apud Montisburgum? in Normannia. Super Rogerium Cluniacenses alonaxdi? tale scripserunt epitaphium: Clauderis exiguo Rogere Bigote sepulchro: Et rerum cedit portio parua tibi. Diuitize, sanguis, facundia, gratia regum

Intereunt, mortem fallere nemo potest. Diuitiz mentes subuertunt, erigat ergo Te pietas, uirtus consiliumque Dei. Soli nubebat uirgo ter noctibus octo?

Cum soluis morti debita morte tua.*

33 Guillelmus Ebroicensium comes iam senio maturus, iure metuens ineuitabilis exitii casus? instinctu Heluisz coniugis suz Deo decreuit in proprio fundo domum edificare, in qua electi alonazontes cum uera religione Regi regum congrue possent militare. Vnde ambo maritus uidelicet et uxor eius consilium et

auxilium super hac re a Rogerio abbate sancti Ebrulfi petierunt, et iv. 278

duodecim monachos ad construendum apud Nogionems cenobium nominatim postulauerunt. Illuc itaque totidem fratres cum prefato abbate iii? idus Octobris conuenerunt, ibique in deserto loco quem Buscheronem incole nuncupauerunt, ad sancti capellam Martini archipresulis regulariter uiuere ceperunt. Plures autem diuersz etatis ad conuersionem uenientes ibidem benigniter susceperunt, eisque uiam uitz secundum sancti regulam Benedicti gratanter ostenderunt. Ceterum sicut segetes a satione usque ad messionem plures iniurias perferunt, nec omnia grana pari fortuna proficiunt, siue consimili infortunio pereunt, sed uariis per hibernos imbres et estiuos ardores iniuriis afflicta difficulter crescunt, sic homines ! The Cluniac priory of Thetford was founded in 1103 or 1104 by Roger Bigod at the former cathedral of St. Mary after the see was moved to Norwich. The monks moved to a new site in 1114. Roger was buried at Norwich, not Thetford; the monks of Thetford claimed the body, but the bishop of Norwich

won his case (GEC xi. 578 note c; M. Brett, The English Church under Henry 1 (Oxford, 1975), p. 99; Dugdale, Mon. v. 151-3).

2 William I, not Richard of Reviers, was the founder of Montebourg (GC xi, instr. 229, 232; Regesta, ii. 825). But Robert of Torigny confirms what is implied

in Richard's charter, that Henry gave the monastery into his patronage: ‘Hanc

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founded on their own estates. Roger was interred at Thetford! in England, and Richard at Montebourg? in Normandy. The Cluniac monks? wrote this epitaph on Roger: Closed, Roger Bigod, in this narrow tomb, You keep but a small share of earthly goods. Wealth, lineage, eloquence, the smile of kings,

All perish; no man lives who can cheat death. Riches corrupt the mind; may pious duty Uplift you, with the power and grace of God.

Three times eight nights had darkly wed the sun In Virgo, when you paid your debts to death.^ 22 When William, count of Évreux, was advanced in years and had reason to fear that his inevitable end was not far off, he followed the advice of his countess, Helwise, and resolved to build a monas-

tery in his own patrimony, where chosen monks might, with true devotion, give worthy service to the King of kings. So the two of them, husband and wife together, applied to Roger, abbot of Saint-Évroul, for his advice and help in this undertaking, and specifically asked for twelve monks to found a cell at Noyon.5 Consequently the abbot and twelve monks came to Noyon on I3 October, and there established monastic life in the chapel of St. Martin, archbishop, in an uninhabited place which the people round about called ‘Buscheron’. There they welcomed a number of men of different ages who abandoned the world, and gladly taught them the way of life laid down in the Rule of St. Benedict. But just as corn crops suffer many misfortunes between seed-time and harvest, and not all the fruits thrive in the same good conditions or perish in a common disaster, but grow with difficulty as they bear the varying trials of winter storms and summer heat, so men abbatiam dedit Henricus rex Anglorum Ricardo de Reviers, ut eam custodiret, et augmentaret sicut propriam, quod et idem facere curavit’ (De immutatione ordinis monachorum, xxxii, in Migne, PL ccii. 1319). 3 See Dict. Med. Lat. i. 69.

4 According to a Thetford chronicle, Roger died on 8 September; the epitaph implies ro September, since the sun entered Virgo on 18 August according to the table used in western Europe at this date (H. Grotefend, Zeitrechnung deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Hanover, 1891-2), i. 127).

5 Now

494-5.

Charleval.

des

For an account of the priory see Le Prévost, Eure, i.

148

iv. 279

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in singulis ordinibus seu congregationibus diuersis turbinibus agitantur, nec parili prosperitate communiter beatificantur, nec simili rursus infortunio conquassantur. Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°viI° indictione prima: prefatus consul cum coniuge sua ingentem basilicam in honore sancte Dei genitricis Marie cepit, et de sua pecunia magnam quantitatem ad explendum opus erogauit, sed mundanis infestationibus grauiter impedientibus perficere nequiuit. Nam idem natura senioque aliquantum hebescebat, et uxor eius totum consulatum regebat, quz in sua sagacitate plus quam oporteret confidebat. Pulchra quidem et facunda erat, et magnitudine corporis pene omnes feminas in comitatu Ebroarum consistentes excellebat, et

iv. 280

eximia nobilitate utpote illustris Guillelmi Niuernensis comitis! filia satis pollebat. Hzc nimirum consilio baronum mariti sui relicto estimationem suam preferebat, et ardua nimis secularibus in rebus plerumque arripiebat, atque immoderata temptare properabat. Vnde pro feminea procacitate Rodberto comiti de Mellento aliisque Normannis inuidiosa erat, quorum maliuolentia in presentia regis ei detrahebat, ipsumque corrosoriis derogationibus in odium eius concitabat. Tandem quia predictus comes et Heluisa comitissa dangionem regis apud Ebroas funditus deiecerunt, et in aliis quibusdam causis in quibus erilis fidelitas non bene seruata titubauerat regem offenderunt? exheredati de Normannia bis in Andegauorum regionem exulauerunt.? Quz perturbationes construendo ccenobio ingens detrimentum contulerunt, et non multo post exitus amborum ad desolationem multorum secuti sunt. Comitissa nempe defuncta prius apud Nogionem quiescit, comes uero postmodum apoplexia percussus sine uiatico decessit, et cadauer eius cum patre suo Fontinellz computrescit.? Porro quia prefatus heros sine liberis obiit, et Amalricus nepos eius pro temeritate sua gratiam regis non habuit? Ebroicensem comitatum rex proprietati suze mancipauit. Vnde maxima ut in sequentibus manifeste referam malicia creuit, et ciuitas cum tota circumiacenti regione depopulationibus et incendiis patuit. Monasterium autem quod predictus comes ut dictum est apud Nogionem cepit? sub prioribus Rodberto et Rogerio atque Ranulfo usque hodie imperfectum consistit. Quorum primus Rodbertus 1 William I, count of Nevers, was a grandson of Robert the Pious and a first cousin of King Philip I.

? On one occasion in late 1111 or early 1112; they were allowed to return in late February 1113 (see below, p. 180).

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in individual orders or communities are tossed about by storms of different kinds, and are neither all equally blessed by the same prosperity nor destroyed by a like misfortune. In the year of our Lord 1108, the first indiction, Count William,

assisted by his wife, began to build a great church in honour of Mary, the holy Mother of God, and provided a large sum from his own resources to carry out the work; but because worldly affairs hindered the undertaking he was unable to complete it. He was partially incapacitated by both age and character, and his wife administered the whole county and placed more reliance than she should have done on her own judgement. She was certainly beautiful and eloquent, so tall in stature that she towered above almost all the other women in the Évrecin, and was distinguished by her illustrious birth, since she was a daughter of William, the famous count of Nevers.! But, ignoring the counsel of her husband's barons, she relied on her own judgement, often rushed into difficulties in secular affairs, and was too ready to plunge into rash enterprises. So she was heartily disliked for her woman's presumption by Robert, count of Meulan, and other Normans, who venomously abused her in the king's presence and incited him to hate her by their bitter recriminations. At length, because the count and Countess Helwise destroyed the royal castle at Évreux and gave offence to the king in several other matters in which fealty to their lord was anything but well observed, they were twice deprived of their lands in Normandy and forced into exile in Anjou.? These disturbances greatly interfered with the building of the cell, and when both died not long afterwards many were left desolate. The countess, who died first, lies buried at Noyon; shortly afterwards the count was struck down by apoplexy and died without the viaticum; his body rots at Saint- Wandrille with

that of his father.? Since the count died without children, and his nephew Amaury had forfeited the king's favour by his effrontery, the king took the county of Evreux into his own hand. This was the root of great trouble, as will appear in the following pages, and the city with all the surrounding province was given over to fire and slaughter. So the monastery which the count had begun to build at Noyon, as I have related, has remained unfinished up to the present day,

under the priors Robert and Roger and Ralph. The first of these, 3 William, count of Évreux, died on 18 April 1118.

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Pruneriensis Haimonis de Prunereto legitimi equitis filius fuit, et magna eruditione litterarum inter dicaces phylosophos in scolis gramaticorum et dialecticorum enituit. Hic a rege de prioratu accitus in Angliam transfretauit, et post Gunterium! abbatem Torneiensis cenobii regimen suscepit" et annis xx[ |]? strenue gubernauit. Torneia quippe spinarum insula nuncupatur Anglice, quia diuersarum saltus arborum copiosis aquarum gurgitibus circumluitur undique. Ibi monachile habetur monasterium in honore sanctz Dei genitricis Mariz, quod in cultu summz deitatis grata pollet religione, et ab omni semotum est secularium

cohabitatione. Illud uenerabilis Adelwoldus Guentoniensis presul iv. 281

Edelredi regis tempore construxit:3 et illuc corpus sancti Botulfi abbatis Icanoensis* cum aliis sanctorum multis pigneribus transtulit, post Danicam cladem in qua beatus Estanglorum rex Edmundus in confessione Christi martir occubuit.5 Soli monachi cum famulis suis in opaco Torneiz gremio habitant, Deoque

tuti fideliter militant. Nulla mulier insulam nisi causa orationis

iv. 282

ingreditur, nec aliqua ibidem commorari pro qualibet occasione permittitur, sed muliebris habitatio prorsus usque ad nouem miliaria religiosorum studio elongatur.6 Postquam Normannica uirtus Angliam edomuit/ eamque Guillelmus rex suis legibus commode subegit, Fulcardum sancti Bertini Sithiensis monachum multa eruditione ualidum Torneiz preposuit, qui fere xvi annis absque benedictione abbatis uices suppleuit.? Hic affabilis et iocundus fuit atque karitatiuus gramaticz artis ac musicze peritissimus, unde preciosa peritia suze monimenta reliquit in Anglia futuris generationibus. Nam plures dictatus memoria dignos edidit? et sancti Oswaldi Guigornensis episcopi aliorumque sanctorum quorum propago de Albione processit, delectabiles ad canendum historias suauiter composuit. Ortis postmodum quibusdam simultatibus inter ipsum et Lincoliensem episcopum recessit, et Cenomannensis 1 Gunter of Le Mans died in

Gunterius

de Bello

monachus

qui

1112 (H RH, p. 74). Robert succeeded him about

Christmas 1113 (ibid., p. 75). ? Orderic wrote xx and left a space for the completion of the number; Robert outlived him, dying in 1151, and it was never completed.

3 In 972-3 (Knowles and Hadcock, p. 78). * St. Botolph began to build Icanho (possibly Iken, Suffolk) in 653/4 (A4,SC 654 (653E); F. S. Stevenson in Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology, xviii (1924), 29-52).

5 The invasion occurred in 870 (ASC 870 (871C)).

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XI

ISI

Robert of Prunelai, was a son of Haimo of Prunelai, a knight of rank, and enjoyed a reputation for his scholarship among learned philosophers in the schools of grammar and dialectic. Summoned by the king, he left the priory and crossed to England to become abbot of Thorney after Abbot Gunter,! and governed capably for2[ ]? years. Thorney is the English name for ‘island of thorns’, because a thicket of different kinds of trees is completely surrounded by numerous broad streams. In this island stands a monastery in honour of Mary, the holy Mother of God, which is renowned for its faithful performance of the divine offices and utterly removed from daily intercourse with secular persons. /Ethelwold, the venerable bishop of Winchester, built it in the time of King Ethelred,? and translated there the body of St. Botolph, abbot of Icanho,* together with the relics of many other saints, after the Danish massacre in which St. Edmund, king of the East Angles,

fell a martyr in the faith of Christ.5 Only the monks and their servants live in the dark recesses of Thorney and serve God faithfully in security. No woman sets foot on the island unless she comes to pray, and none is permitted to remain there on any pretext; by the foresight of the monks women are utterly forbidden to live within nine miles. After the Normans conquered England by their valour, and King William brought the country under his laws for its advantage, he put Folcard, a very learned monk of SaintBertin, in charge of the administration of Thorney; and he acted as abbot for about sixteen years without being blessed." He was genial and cheerful and loving and very learned in literature and music, of which he left choice examples in England to prove his skill to future generations. He produced a number of memorable literary works,’ and melodiously composed delightful legends to be sung about St. Oswald, bishop of Worcester, and other saints who are of the race of Albion. Afterwards, as a result of various dis-

agreements with the bishop of Lincoln, he retired and Gunter of Le Mans, a monk of Battle who had been archdeacon of Salisbury, 6 Cf. William of Malmesbury's description, ‘Femina ibi, si visitur, monstro habetur’

(GP,

pp. 326-7).

Orderic

wrote

at first hand; he had once

visited

'Thorney (cf. above, ii, p. xxxix). 7 He acted as administrator from c. 1068, and was deposed in a council at Gloucester in 1084 or 1085 (see above, ii. 344 n. 3). 8 His literary works included Lives of St. Bertin, St. Botolph, and St. John of Beverley; see the account by F. Barlow, Vita ZEdwardi regis (Nelson's Medieval Texts, 1962), pp. lii-lvi.

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Salesburiensis fuerat archidiaconus successit. Hic monachilem Torneiz conuentum

ordine Maioris Monasterii regulariter in-

stituit, et pulcherrimam a fundamentis basilicam cum officinis

monachorum diligenter construxit, in qua idem post obitum a fidelibus discipulis tumulatus quiescit. Epitaphium uero paucis uersibus super illo editum" eius esse breuiter intimat sic noticize legentium: ZEcclesize clarus Tornensis conditor huius Hac iacet in tumba Gunterius inclitus abba. Sex et uiginti fuit annis rector, et isti Ceenobio multis profuit usque modis. Omnes quos potuit uirtutibus ipse subegit? Per quas stelligerum sperabat scandere regnum. Tandem quindenis Augusti rite kalendis Occidit, in requie Christe benigne foue. iv. 283

Rodbertus autem successor eius illo eruditione litterarum sullimior extitit, et ingenti constantia necne facundia inter precipuos totius Anglie prelatos emicuit. Porro Rogerius qui in prioratu Nogionis ei successit fere xxilii annis in constructione noui operis et prouectu subditorum laborauit. Denique in lectum decidit, et bene munitus xii? kalendas Ianuarii obiit, de quo quidam amicus illius breue carmen cecinit: Rogerius quartus? Nogionensis prior almus Nuper uicena luce Decembris obit. Grammaticam didicit puer? et bona dogmata legit,

Imberbis mundum deseruit fluidum. Paene quater denis monachus laudabilis annis? Ardenter superi gessit onus Domini. Commodus ipse fuit prior annis bis duodenis. Fratribus exemplo profuit usque bono. Pacis amator erat, multis prodesse studebat,

Vt prodesset eis? omnibus aptus erat. Virginis eximiz templum speciale Mariae Summopere studuit zedificare Deo. Summe Deus precor ipsius dimitte reatus, Confer ei uitam Rex pie perpetuam. Amen. * According to the MS. Annals of Thorney (St. John’s College, Oxford, MS. 17, f. 29) he was appointed at Christmas, 1085, blessed at Easter, 1086, and died in 1112. See the favourable comments on him in Chronicon monasterii de Bello, ed. J. S. Brewer (Anglia Christiana Soc. London, 1846), pp. 31-2; a new edition by Eleanor Searle is forthcoming in Oxford Medieval Texts.

BOOK XI

-

succeeded him.! Gunter established the customs of Marmoutier in the Benedictine house of Thorney, and devoted much care to completely rebuilding a most beautiful church, along with conventual buildings; he rests in the church where his faithful followers buried him after his death. The epitaph composed on him was only a few couplets long; it briefly informs readers of what

manner of man he was: Here in this tomb lies Gunter, famous abbot And noble builder of this church of Thorney. For six and twenty years he ruled and guided

His abbey, and in many ways he helped it. All who would hear he instructed in the virtues By which he hoped to climb to the starry kingdom. Then fifteen days before the August kalends He died in faith; Christ, grant him peace and blessing.

Robert his successor surpassed him in learning and because of his steadfastness and eloquence he was one of the most eminent of all the prelates of England. Roger, who succeeded him in the priory of Noyon, worked hard for about twenty-four years to continue work on the new buildings, and to promote the advantage of his monks. At length he took to his bed and, duly fortified with the sacraments, died on 21 December.?

One of his friends commemo-

rated him in this short poem: Roger, fourth? prior of Noyon, of holy life,

Died lately, on December's twentieth day. As a boy he learned grammar and studied sound doctrine,

As a youth he abandoned the world and its fickleness. For almost forty years he lived in piety, A monk, gladly bearing the yoke of the most high Lord.

For twice twelve years he carried himself worthily As prior, setting his brethren a precious example. He was a lover of peace, devoting himself to the service Of many, turning his hand to whatever would help them.

- His dearest wish was to build a worthy temple For God, in honour of the matchless Virgin Mary. Almighty God, forgive him his sins, I beg you. O heavenly Father, grant him the life that is eternal. j Amen. 2 Probably 1136; Orderic’s calculations are often imprecise, and the inclusion of the epitaph shows that Roger was dead when Orderic wrote his first draft, 3 If he was the fourth prior Orderic has omitted the names of two.

154

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His itaque dictis de amicis et notis sodalibus, regrediar ad annalis hystoriz seriem unde sum aliquantulum digressus.

Anno

ab incarnatione

Philippus rex Francorum iv. 284 infirmitates ut sibi mortem

34 Domini

Mec?vin?

indictione

prima?

in lectum decidit, et post diutinas imminere uidit, data fideliter confes-

sione proceres Francorum suosque amicos conuocauit. 'Francorum' inquit ‘regum sepulturam apud sanctum Dionisium esse scio, sed quia me

iv. 285

nimium

esse peccatorem

sentio, secus

tanti

martiris corpus sepeliri non audeo. Admodum uereor ne peccatis meis exigentibus tradar diabolo et michi contingat sicuti scriptura refert olim contigisse Martello Karolo.! Sanctum Benedictum diligo, pium patrem monachorum suppliciter exposco, et in zecclesia eius super Ligerim tumulari desidero.? Ipse enim clemens est et benignus, omnesque suscipit peccatores propicius’ qui emendatiorem uitam appetunt, et secundum disciplinam regulz ipsius Deo conciliari satagunt.' His aliisque pluribus rationabiliter finitis, Philippus rex anno regni sui xl?vii? quarto kalendas Augusti mortuus est:? et in cenobio sancti Benedicti apud Floriacum sicut ipse optauerat inter chorum et altare sepultus est. Sequenti autem dominico Ludouicus Tedbaldus filius eius Aurelianis intronizatus est?4 sceptroque Gallorum xxviiii annis5 inter prospera et aduersa potitus est. Hic Adelaidem filiam Humberti principis Intermontium$ duxit uxorem, quz peperit ei quatuor filios Philippum et Ludouicum Florum, Henricum et Hugonem.? Varios autem casus ut se res humanz habent plerumque expertus est? et in bellicis conflictibus a fortuna que instar uergibilis rote agitatur sepe delusus est. Sepius in illum optimates regni rebellauerunt, ipsumque et fautores eius damnis et frequentibus iniuriis infestauerunt, uiuente etiam patre qui militia * Cf. the Visio S. Eucherii, AASS Ord. S.B. 1. i. 595; MGH

Capit. ii. 432-

3; J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-haired Kings (London, 1962), p. 100. ? Suger, Vita Ludovici, xii, p. 84, reports Philip's wish to be buried Fleury (Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire) in similar terms.

at

3 Prou, Actes de Philippe I, pp. xxxvi-xxxviii, and Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 56, p. 30, accept 29 July 1108 as the correct date. * According to Suger he was crowned on Monday, 3 August, at Orleans, on the advice of Ivo of Chartres (Vita Ludovici, xiv, pp. 84-6; cf. Ivo's letter in

Migne, PL clxii. 193-6, ep. 189; Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 57, pp. 30-1).

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XI

155

After completing these notes about our friends and companions, I will return to the chronological sequence of my narrative, from which I have somewhat digressed. 34 In the year of our Lord 1108, the first indiction, Philip, king of France, took to his bed and when, after a long illness, he realized

that the hour of his death had come, he made a pious confession and summoned the great French nobles and his friends. ‘I know’, he said, ‘that the burial place of the kings of France is at SaintDenis, but because I am aware that I am a miserable sinner, I cannot presume to be buried beside the body of the great martyr. I am overwhelmed with fear that on account of my sins I shall be delivered over to the devil, to suffer the fate that records tell us

formerly befell Charles Martel. I love St. Benedict, I humbly invoke the compassionate father of monks, and I wish to be buried in his church on the Loire.? He is merciful and kind and ready to receive all sinners who truly desire to reform their lives and strive to be reconciled to God under the discipline of his Rule. When he had said this and various other things with a clear mind, King Philip died on 29 July? in the forty-seventh year of his reign, and was buried according to his wish in the monastery of St. Benedict at Fleury, between the choir and the altar. The following Sunday his son, Louis Theobald, was crowned at Orleans* and held the sceptre of all Gaul through prosperity and adversity for twenty-nine years.5 He married Adela, the daughter of Humbert, prince of Maurienne,$ and she bore him four sons,

Philip and Louis Florus, Henry and Hugh.? He experienced various vicissitudes, as is the way in human affairs, and in battle was often disappointed by fortune, which is unstable like a turning wheel. The great nobles of the kingdom often rebelled against him, attacking and injuring him and his supporters again and again; even in the lifetime of his father, who had long been lethargic 5 Le Prévost copied the figure inaccurately as xxviii, and accused Orderic of error. The figure was probably altered after the first draft. Louis died on 1 August 1137, and the calculation is correct. : 6 See Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 187, 192 (pp. 94-5, 97). 7 According to a charter of Louis VI's son Henry (Luchaire, Louis VI,

p. xxxiv) he had six sons and a daughter, besides two children who died in infancy.

156

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iusticiaque diu frigidus fuerat in utrosque turgidi seuierunt, et precepta genitoris filiique contempserunt. Igitur quia senio et infirmitate rex Philippus a regali fastigio deciderat, et principalis erga tirannos iusticiz rigor nimis elanguerat" Ludouicus in primis ad comprimendam tirannidem predonum et seditiosorum, auxilium totam per Galliam deposcere coactus est episcoporum. Tunc ergo communitas in Francia popularis! statuta est a presulibus, ut presbiteri comitarentur regi ad obsidionem uel pugnam cum uexillis et parrochianis omnibus.

iv. 286

2 In iuuentute sua Ludouicus filiam Guidonis Rubei comitis de Rupeforti desponsauit/? et hereditario iure competentem comitatum subiugare sibi sategit. Capreosam et Montem Leherici et Betholcortem aliaque oppida obsedit, sed multis nobilibus illi fortiter obstantibus non optinuit, presertim quia Lucianam uirginem quam desponsauerat, Guiscardo de Bello Loco? donauerat. Tunc Matheus comes de Bellomonte* et Burchardus de Monte Morentii terras sancti Dionisii martiris deuastabant, nec pro regali

prohibitione ab incendiis et rapinis seu cedibus abstinebant.5 Ludouicus igitur cui pater regni tuitionem commiserat, auditis questibus quos Adam abbas ei flebiliter effuderat? Montem Moren-

tii obsedit, et tres portas eius acriter simul impugnauit. Simon

iuuenis de Monteforti qui Ricardo fratri suo in honore successerat: exercitum Francorum probitate sua et alacritate corroborabat. Hadala uero comitissa centum milites optime instructos regi miserat, quia Stephanus comes maritus eius peregre perrexerat:é ! Cf. Suger’s account of the siege of Le Puiset in 1111

(Vita Ludovici, xix,

p. 138), ‘cum communitates patrie parrochiarum adessent’. Albert

Vermeesch

Essai sur les origines et la signification de la commune dans le Nord de la ees

(Heule, 1966), p. 76, stresses that these peace-keeping organizations were totally different from sworn communes. Orderic had not previously used the word 'communitas'; he may have found it in some written record. ? Louis was betrothed to Luciana, daughter of Guy the Red, seneschal of France, in 1104, when she was below the age for marriage, to secure the friendship of the Rochefort family (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 32, pp. 19-20). * The betrothal was annulled by Paschal II at the Council of Troyes, 1107, on

grounds of consanguinity, before the marriage was consummated. Luciana xd given to Guichard, lord of Beaujeu, not Beaulieu, as Orderic wrote (Luchaire ’ Louis VI, no. 50, p. 27; Suger, Vita Ludovici, viii, p. 40).

* Matthew, count of Beaumont-sur-Oise; he had married Agnes, the sister of

Burchard of Montmorency. 5 Orderic’s chronology is wrong;

the campaign

against Burchard

of Mont-

morency and Matthew of Beaumont (also against Drogo of Mouchy-le-Chátel)

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157

on the field and in the seat of justice, they had been proud and turbulent towards both and had contemptuously ignored the com-

mands of father and son alike, So, because King Philip, worn out by age and sickness, had allowed his princely power to decline and the royal justice had become too lax to punish tyrants, Louis was at first obliged to ask for help from the bishops all over his kingdom to put an end to the oppressions of bandits and rebels. As a result the bishops set up the communities of the people! in France, so that the priests might accompany the king to battle or siege, carrying banners and leading all their parishioners. 95 Louis was betrothed to the daughter of Guy the Red, count of Rochefort, in his adolescence, and endeavoured to bring the county that was Guy's by hereditary right under his rule. He laid siege to Chevreuse, Montlhéry, and Brethencourt and other fortresses, but failed to take them because of the determined

opposition put up by many magnates, particularly because he had given the hand of Luciana, the maid to whom he had been betrothed, to Guichard of [Beaujeu].? At that time Matthew, count of Beaumont,* and Burchard of Montmorency pillaged the lands of St. Denis the martyr, and ignored the royal command to desist from fire and rapine and slaughter.5 So Louis, to whom his father had entrusted the government of the kingdom, after listening to the appeals which Abbot Adam tearfully addressed to him, laid siege to Montmorency and simultaneously stormed three of its gates. Young Simon of Montfort, who had succeeded his brother Richard in his honor, gave vigorous and courageous support to the French army. Countess

Adela had also sent the king a hundred well-equipped knights, because Count Stephen, her husband, had gone on crusade® and took place in 11or. See Suger, Vita Ludovici, ii, pp. 14-16, who gives an account of the campaign more favourable to Louis VI; cf. J.-F. Lemarignier, Le Gouvernement royal aux premiers temps capétiens (Paris, 1965), pp. 165-6. 6 Stephen of Blois returned to the Holy Land in the spring of 1101 (see above,

v. 324). The exact ages of his sons are not known; William was old enough to conspire against the bishop in 1103 (cf. above, iii. 116 n. 3), and was passed over

in the succession. Theobald was not invested with the county of Chartres until 1107, but the delay may have been due to lack of proof that his father was dead rather than to his age.

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et filios eius primogenitos Guillelmum iv. 287 adhuc teneritudo

ac Tedbaldum

puerilis

detinebat, nec eos militaribus turmis dominari

permittebat. Tandem fraudulenti commilitones qui rebellibus fauebant, et impunitatem rapacitatis cediumque affectabant, mili-

tarem disciplinam subsannantes fugerunt, sociosque non hostili

iv. 288

timore sed dolosa tergiuersatione terruerunt, ac ad inimicorum cachinnos excitandos fugere compulerunt. Ibi tunc Raimboldus Creton qui primus in expugnatione lerusalem ingressus est? strenuissimus miles subito proh dolor occisus est.! Ricardus etiam centurio? de Laquis Ierosolimita concidit. Iterum sequenti anno Ludouicus cuneos Francorum aggregauit, et Cambleium super comitem Bellimontis obsedit, sed simili dolo delusus de suis pluribus amissis cum dedecore aufugit. Plenam pro tot nequitiis ultionem exercere nequibat, quia pater eius adhuc dum talia gererentur uiuebat’ et nouerca eius occultis machinationibus multa ei mala prestruebat, et plurimos hostes in illum nequiter armabat. 36

Defuncto rege Philippo Ludouicus regnauit, et securior iam regni uirgam baiulans caput extulit, et dexteram in seditiosos leuauit. In primis itaque Pusacium obsedit,* et Hugonem bellum sed iniquum militari robore cohercuit. Ibi latrones et exleges specialem speluncam habebant, inaudita scelera faciebant, nec ob irati regis iram et minas uel anathema pontificis a facinoribus se continebant. Quadam die dum regalis manus Hugonem per artum

tramitem persequeretur, et ipse fugiens munitionem ingredi niteretur? Ansello de Guarlanda principi militia Francorum forte obuiauit, quem lancea mox percutiens subito peremit.5 T'edbaldus 1 Cf. above, v. 168. It is impossible that Raimbold Croton was killed in 1101. A letter of Ivo of Chartres (Migne, PL clxii. 144—5, ep. 135), undated but among

the letters of 1103-4, informs Pope Paschal that after his return from the capture

of Jerusalem in 1099 he had been guilty of a brutal attack on a monk, and had

been forbidden to bear arms for fourteen years. Some time had then elapsed, and Ivo was sending him to the Pope to ask for a lifting of the ban at an earlier date.

He must have lost his life in a later engagement.

2 "Centurio" isprobably used in its military sense, but it may be a nickname of uncertain meaning. no.

3 Probably in 1102; the sources and dating are discussed by Luchaire, Louis VI, I9, pp. 11-12. Suger, Vita Ludovici, iv, pp. 20-2, attributes the retreat

to an unusually severe thunderstorm, and to traitors in the army who gave the signal for retreat.

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159

her eldest sons, William and Theobald, who were not yet of age, were unable to command troops of knights: However, treacherous

companions of theirs, who favoured the rebels and wished only to plunder and slaughter undisturbed, fled, making a mock of military discipline, spread a panic among their fellow soldiers that resulted not from fear of the enemy but from cunning treachery, and compelled them to turn tail, pursued by the ribald laughter of their enemies. On that occasion, sad to relate, a most valiant knight, Raimbold Croton, who had been the first to enter Jerusalem when the city was stormed, was killed instantaneously.! Richard of Lewes, one of the captains? and a crusader, also fell in the battle.

Once again, the following year, Louis assembled troops of Frenchmen and besieged Chambly in an attack on the count of Beaumont. But he was betrayed by a similar trick and fled with dishonour, losing a number of his men.3 He was unable to take full vengeance for all these crimes, as his father was still alive when these events occurred and his stepmother secretly hatched all kinds of evil plots for his undoing, and iniquitously armed many enemies against him. 36

After King Philip’s death Louis reigned, and, immediately grasping the rod of power more confidently, took the initiative and prepared to strike the dissidents. First of all he laid siege to Le Puiset* and attacked Hugh, who was handsome but evil, with a

strong force of knights. In his castle bandits and outlaws had their favourite lair, committed unspeakable crimes, and refused to be

deterred from their evil deeds by the wrath of the angry king or the threats and excommunications of the bishop. One day while a royal force was pursuing Hugh along a narrow path and he, flying before them, was making for the castle, he found himself face to face with Anselm of Garlande, the commander of the French army,

whom ‘he struck down with his lance and killed on the spot.5 * Orderic here returns, after a digression on Louis's difficulties during the last years of his father's life, to continue the account of the siege of Le Puiset, which he touched on at the end of chapter 34. He confuses the events of the first siege in

1111 and the third in 1118. 5 Anselm of Garlande was seneschal of France and commander of the French army; his death, for which various dates are given in chronicle sources, can be

dated on charter evidence in 1118 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 236, pp. 114-15; Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxii, p. 170).

160

iv. 289

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XI

autem Blesensium comes obsessis suppetias uenit, et regem cum suis bellica manu recedere coegit.! Denique recuperato exercitu rex Pusacium rediit, et rebelles supereminentium uirtute copiarum ad deditionem compulit. Tandem auxiliatorum precibus obsessis pepercit. Vitze quidem indignis impunitatem dedit, sed munitionem omnino destruxit, unde uicinis pagensibus et uiatoribus ingens exultatio fuit. Gornacum etiam super Maternam obsedit, et obsessos penuria panis ualde coartauit. Illud quippe Hugo de Creceio filius Guidonis Rubri tenebat, nec pro iussione regis Guarlandinis heredibus qui calumniabantur illud reddere uolebat.? Quadam die Tedbaldus comes cum militibus multis ad riuum

iv. 290

Torceii uenit? et contra regios cetus confligere cepit. Sed preualentibus illis consul et commanipulares eius terga uertere coacti sunt, et usque ad introitum Latiniaci fugati sunt, multique in uineis et sepibus latitantes capti sunt. Municipes igitur nimis territi sunt? et mox pace facta sese dediderunt.? Prefatus consul regum et comitum sanguine propagatus inter precipuos Galliarum optimates florebat, diuitiis ac potentia et spectabili nobilitate pollebat, hominesque multos potentes et seuos habebat, qui contribulibus suis atque uicinis admodum aduersabantur, quorum quidam prout operum suorum specimine publicabatur, nec Deum nec homines competenter reuerebantur. Quapropter rex de malicia eorum crebris rumoribus auditis irascebatur, eosque regia uirtute ab inferiorum insectatione refrenare moliebatur. Illi autem metuentes a rege opprimi, et a prauarum expletionibus uoluntatum cohiberi’ refugiebant ad presidium sui potentis patroni, in quo confidentes plerumque presumebant res nefarias in Deum et zecclesiam moliri. Hac de causa inter regem et comitem crebra simultas exorta est’ et perdurante malignitate multorum hominum cedes ex utraque parte facta est. Quondam in pagum Meldensem rex super Tedbaldum irruit,4 et Rodbertum Flandrensem satrapam cum aliis nobilibus secum ! This refers to the siege of

1111, when young Theobald IV of Blois, who had

fought with Louis VI, changed sides, went over to his uncle, Henry I, and waged war on Louis (Suger, Vita Ludovici, xix, pp. 128-42; Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 114,

p. 61). 2 The chronological confusion continues; the siege of Gournay-sur-Marne took place in 1107 (Suger, Vita Ludovici, xi, p. 7o). Anselm of Garlande appears as seneschal from 1107 and his family certainly laid claim to Gournay (Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 51, 52, pp. 27-8). Luchaire, misled by Orderic, places the engagement at Lagny in the same campaign; but Theobald of Blois was fighting with

the king of France in 1107 and did not change sides until 1111.

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161

However, Theobald, count of Blois, came to the help of the besieged and by force of arms compelled the king to retire with his army.! At length the king again mustered an army, returned to Le Puiset, and forced the rebels to surrender by the strength of his superior numbers. At the petition of his allies, however, he spared the besieged. He pardoned their lives, unworthy though they were, but levelled the castle to the ground, to the great joy both of country people living near and of travellers. He also invested Gournaysur-Marne and wore down the besieged by starvation. This was because Hugh of Crécy, the son of Guy the Red, was holding it, and would not obey the king’s command to surrender it to the heirs of Garlande, who claimed it.? One day Count Theobald arrived with many knights at the river Torcy, and engaged in battle with the royal forces. They got the upper hand and the count and his companions were chased to the gates of Lagny; many who hid in vineyards and behind hedges were captured. The garrison, terrified by this setback, soon made peace and surrendered.3 Count Theobald, who was descended from the stock of kings and counts, was one of the greatest magnates in Gaul; he was

endowed with wealth and power and conspicuously high rank, and had many powerful and warlike vassals, who were violently hostile to their fellow countrymen and neighbours; some of them, as the record of their deeds openly proclaims, revered neither God nor men as they should have done. So the king, outraged by the constant reports he heard of their evil deeds, set about restraining them by his royal might from persecuting the weak. They, fearing that they would be crushed by the king and forced to refrain from satisfying their wicked desires, fled for protection to their mighty lord and, trusting in his aid, ventured to commit many outrages against God and the Church. This led to frequent clashes between the king and the count, and as the evil persisted many men were slaughtered on both sides. On one occasion the king made an attack on Theobald in the region of Meaux,‘ having with him Robert, count of Flanders, and 3 Suger also describes a defeat of Count Theobald’s men near Lagny, in the open country around Pomponne (Suger, Vita Ludovici, xix, p. 144). The fighting in this region took place in 1111. * 'The accounts of this campaign in the early autumn of 1111 given by Orderic and Suger complement each other; they appear to describe different engagements (Suger, Vita Ludovici, xix, pp. 142-6).

162

iV. 291

iv. 292

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habuit. Tunc ibidem a consulari familia forte impetitus est’ et maiori uirorum copia preualente in fugam uersus est. Rege nimirum cum suis fugiente, Flandrensis marchisus in arto tramite cecidit, et ferratis equorum ungulis conculcatus resurgere nequiuit, sed membris male confractis difficulter sublatus post paucos dies expirauit.! Pro cuius obitu reges et principes et multi homines plorauerunt, et usque in Arabiam Christiani atque gentiles casum bellicosi Ierosolimite planxerunt. In Atrebatensem uero urbem quam ipse paulo ante contra Henricum imperatorem muniuerat, et insigni ex albo lapide muro undique cinxerat, corpus eius a Morinis cum magno luctu delatum est’ et in ecclesia Sancti Vedasti presulis quam "Theodericus rex pro iniusta interfectione sancti Leodegarii Eduorum pontificis peenitens fundauerat? sepultum est. 24 Balduinus autem puer filius eius ei successit, et cum Clementia matre sua per aliquot annos paternum principatum gubernauit,? indiciisque uirtutum precedentibus magnam future probitatis spem amicis prestitit, sed quasi flos gratissimus leui lesura tactus in momento emarcuit. Henricus enim rex postquam uictor in Angliam remeauit, et Rodbertum ducem et quosdam alios qui cum ipso capti fuerant perenni ergastulo mancipauit/ Guillelmum infantem^ quem Heliz de Sancto Sidonio ad educandum commendauerat consultu familiarium suorum comprehendi precepit, et ad hoc peragendum Rodbertum de Bellocampo uicecomitem Archarums ad Sancti Sidonii castrum repente destinauit. Prazefatus proconsul dominico mane cum illuc aduenisset, ipsumque populus in ecclesia subito uidens obstupuisset, quamuis Helias pedagogus infantis absens fuisset, per necessarios tamen amicos puer ! Robert's death probably took place during an attack on Dammartin;

the

most acceptable date for his burial at Saint-Vaast is 6 October (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 212, p. 64).

? [t was St. Aubert who established a few monks in the chapel of Saint-Vaast c. 666. King 'l'heodoric III made lavish donations to the cell as reparation for the murder of St. Leger, for which he was held responsible (Arras! in DHGE iv. 689).

3 Baldwin VII was invested with the county of Flanders on 6 October 1111, at the age of eighteen. His mother, Clementia, was a daughter of William, count of Burgundy, and a sister of the later Pope Calixtus II (Vercauteren, Actes,

pp. xvii-xvii). Orderic goes on to describe how William Clito’s fate became linked with his. * No source reliably indicates the precise date of Henry's attempt to imprison

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other nobles. He met with strong resistance there from the count's

household troops and, as their superior numbers won the day, was

forced to take flight. As the king fled with his men, the count of Flanders fell in the narrow path and was trampled under the horses' iron hooves so that he could not get up. He was lifted with difficulty, his limbs terribly shattered, and died a few days later.! Kings and princes and many men mourned his death, and as far away as Arabia Christian and heathen alike lamented the fate of the warlike crusader. His body was borne with great mourning by the Flemings to the town of Arras, which he had recently fortified against the Emperor Henry and had completely surrounded with an impressive wall of white stone. He was buried in the church of St. Vaast the bishop, which King Theodoric had founded? as a penance for unjustly putting St. Leger, bishop of Autun, to

death. 3 His son Baldwin, who was still a boy, succeeded him, and for a

number of years governed his father's principality with his mother Clementia; he showed qualities that seemed to his friends to promise great things in the future; but like a fair flower he perished in a moment from a trivial injury. After King Henry returned victorious to England and condemned Duke Robert and some of the others captured with him to perpetual imprisonment, he commanded, on the advice of his closest counsellors, that the child William whose upbringing he had entrusted to Helias of SaintSaens should be arrested,* and for this purpose he sent Robert of Beauchamp, vicomte of Arques,5 without warning to the castle of Saint-Saens. When the vicomte appeared there one Sunday morning and horrified the crowds in church by his sudden arrival, the boy's guardian, Helias, was not present, but friendly kinsfolk William: Clito and his escape. Dates from 1108 (A. Deville, Histoire du cháteau d' Arques, Rouen, 1839, p. 113, probably based on a misinterpretation of Orderic) to c. 1111 (EYC viii. 7) have been suggested; but nothing is certain except that

it was some time later than the battle of Tinchebray in 1106 and before 1112, when Robert of Belléme was imprisoned. 1110-11

is probable; Henry felt him-

self threatened by the rising power of the king of. France and feared rebellion at home; it was then that he banished some vassals of doubtful loyalty (cf. above, v. 308 n. 1; ASC 1110).

5 Robert of Beauchamp may be the Robert, vicomte of Arques, who also occurs €. 1131; cf. Regesta, ii. 1696, 1706, 1963.

164

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dormiens de lecto repente sublatus est? et manibus quzrentium ne cum patre suo uinculis innecteretur subtractus est. Helias autem hzc audiens amabilem albeolum festinanter quzsiuit’ inuentumque diligenter in exilio inter exteros enutriuit. Vicecomes igitur castrum Heliz dominio regis subegit, quod postmodum rex Guillelmo de Guarenna consobrino eius! donauit, ut sibi fideliter i v. 293

iv. 294

cohereret, et inimicis pertinaciter resisteret. Helias uero per diuersa fugitans puerum seruauit, et usque ad pubertatis annos ut propriam sobolem educauit. Per plurimas illum regiones circumduxit, optimatibus multis et nobilibus oppidanis elegantiam eius ostendit. Ad amorem iuuenis quoscumque potuit, precibus et promissis uiuaciter attraxit, et querimoniam desolationis eius manifeste promulgauit,? sicque corda multorum ad compassionem deiectionis illius inclinauit. Normannorum plures ei nimis fauebant, et eundem sibi preferre uehementer optabant. Vnde nonnulli potentem sceptrigerum qui tunc dominabatur eis offendebant, seseque suspectos pluribus modis faciebant. Praecipue Rodbertus Belesmensis recolens amiciciam et familiaritatem quam erga ducem habuerat, et ingenti potentia? qua super maximos Normannorum sub eo floruerat’ inclitum exulem ducis filium adiuuare totis nisibus satagebat. Inter eos ueredarii frequenter discurrebant, et impigri cursores utrorumque archana sibi uicissim reserabant. Sic alternis cohortationibus mutuo sese Rodbertus et Helias confortabant, et de prouehenda sobole ducis obnixe tractantes laborabant. Ludouicum regem Francorum, et Guillelmum ducem Pictauorum, Henricum quoque ducem Burgundionum, et Alannum principem Britonum, aliosque potentes regionum rectores frequentabant, legatis et epistolis crebro pulsabant, et omnimodis ad auxilium Guillelmi Clitonis inuitabant. Tandem Fulco Andegauensis Sibillam filiam suam ei pepigit,? comitatumque Cenomannorum concessit? et per aliquod tempus sepefatum tironem admodum adiuuit. Verum nimia Henrici regis industria preualente? prescripta copulatio penitus interrupta est @ MS. permulgauit

P Sic in MS. for ingentem potentiam

! "The exact relationship of William of Warenne and Helias of Saint-Saens is not clear. For discussion of the origins of the family of Warenne and its early connection with Arques see L. C. Loyd, ‘The origin of the family of Warenne’, in Yorkshire

Archaeological Journal,

xxxi

(1932-3),

97-113;

EYC

viii. 1-8.

Orderic may, however, refer to William’s kinship with Henry I; cf. Le Prévost, iv. 292 n. 3. ? The family of Warenne held the castle only briefly; it was back in the hands

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snatched young William from bed as he slept and saved him from the clutches of his pursuers and from the danger of sharing his father's imprisonment. When Helias heard of this he quickly sought out and found the amiable young prince and loyally brought him up in exile among foreigners. The vicomte therefore took Helias's castle into the king's hand, and afterwards the king gave it to his kinsman,' William of Warenne, to secure his loyal support and resolute defence against enemy attacks.? Helias, seeking refuge in one place after another, protected the boy and brought him up like his own child until he reached adolescence. He escorted him through various provinces, and let many magnates and highly born chátelains see his noble bearing. Always active, he won over those he could influence by prayers and promises to the side of the youth, and made public complaint about his deprivation, thereby persuading many to pity his misfortunes in their hearts. Many Normans were strongly inclined to his side and their dearest wish was to have him as their lord. As a result many lost the favour of the mighty monarch who then ruled over them, and in various ways gave him grounds for mistrusting them. Above all Robert of Belléme, remembering the friendship and affection he had always felt for the duke and the great authority he had enjoyed over the mightiest Normans in his day, did everything in his power to help the distinguished exile who was the duke's son. Messengers frequently went to and fro between them, and busy envoys disclosed each one's secret plans to the other. So Robert and Helias urged each other on by their mutual support and worked assiduously at plans for advancing the duke's son. They applied to Louis, king of France, William, duke of Poitou, Henry, duke of

Burgundy, Alan, duke of Brittany, and other powerful rulers of provinces, bombarded them with envoys and letters, and in every way they could solicited help for William Clito. At length Fulk of Anjou betrothed his daughter Sibyl to him,3 granted him the county of Maine, and for some time gave considerable help to the young knight. But King Henry with great pertinacity defeated the plan and broke off the intended marriage, of the descendants of Helias by 1150 (cf. F. Lot, Etudes critiques sur l'abbaye de Saint-Wandrille, Paris, 1913, pp. 146-50, where the first Helias is confused with

his son or grandson; Thomas Stapleton, Magni Rotuli Scaccarii Normanniae sub Regibus Angliae, 2 vols. (London, 1840-4), i, pp. ciii-civ). 3 The betrothal took place considerably later, after Henry’s son William, who

married Fulk's other daughter, Matilda, was drowned in 1120 (cf. GR ii. 498). 822242

G

166

iv. 295

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minis precibusque, et auri argentique aliarumque. specierum ponderosa enormitate. Missis etiam argutis dissertoribus disputatum est de consanguinitate? pro qua diffinitum est, eos secundum Christianam legem coniungi non debere.! Nam Ricardus Gunnorides dux Normanniz genuit Rodbertum, et Rodbertus Guillelmum nothum, qui genuit Rodbertum patrem Guillelmi Clitonis. Rodbertus autem archiepiscopus et comes frater Ricardi ducis genuit Ricardum comitem Ebroicensium, et Ricardus Agnetem Simonis uxorem? quz peperit Bertradam Fulconis genitricem, et Fulco genuit Sibillam. Sic nimirum Guillelmi et Sibilla parentela inuestigata est: diuque cupita clare iuuentutis connexio frustrata est. Praclarus iterum iuuenis ab Andegauensibus expulsus est" et ab extraneis cum metu et labore suffragium poscere coactus est. Denique post multos circumitus ad Balduinum Flandrensem cognatum suum diuertit? illiusque fidem et audaciam ac adminiculum temptauit.? Quem ille alacriter suscepit, et omne subsidium ei spopondit, et certamen pro illo ut in sequentibus memorabo usque ad mortem pertinaciter pertulit. 38

iv. 296

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?c?rx? indictione secunda, ultio

diuina hominum scelera pluribus flagellis puniit, et mortales solito terrore cum pietate terruit, ut peccatores ad penitentiam inuitaret, et penitentibus ueniam et salutem clementer exhiberet. In Gallia maxime in Aurelianensi et Carnotensi prouincia clades ignifera multos inuasit, debilitauit, et quosdam occidit. Nimietas pluuiarum

fructus terre suffocauit, terrzque sterilitas inhorruit, et uindemia pene tota deperiit. Deficientibus itaque Cerere et Bacho" ualida fames terrigenas passim macerauit in mundo. Hic tam grauis annus fuit tercius regni Ludouici filii Philippi regis Francorum, et nonus Henrici filii Guillelmi Nothi ducis Normannorum et regis Anglorum. Eodem anno Henricus rex Mathildem filiam suam dedit in coniugium Karolo Henrici filio imperatori Alemannorum,? quam 1 The (Robert, bringing pp. 2-3. Henry's

marriage was annulled by Calixtus II in a bull dated 26 August 1124 Bullaire, ii, no. 507). Henry undoubtedly played an important part in this about; see Chartrou, L'Anjou, pp. 17 n. 4, 174-5; WM HN, Exactly the same objection could have been made to the marriage of own son William and Sibyl's sister Matilda, which Henry had pre-

viously arranged. ? Orderic's chronology is wrong; according to Herman

of "Tournai, Liber de

restauratione monasterii S. Martini Tornacensis (MGH SS xiv. 284-9) Baldwin received William as a boy of about ten (i.e. in

1112-1 3) and knighted him when

he was fourteen (in 1116). Baldwin died in 1119, before the betrothal took place.

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making use of threats and pleas and an enormous quantity of gold and silver and other valuables. He sent cunning advocates to allege consanguinity between the parties, as a result of which it was ruled that they ought not to be married by canon law.! For Richard, duke of Normandy, who was Gunnor's son, begat Robert, and Robert,

William

the Bastard, who

begat Robert

the father of

William Clito. On the other side Robert, archbishop and count, the brother of Duke Richard, begat Richard, count of Évreux, and Richard begat Agnes, Simon's wife, who bore Bertrade the mother of Fulk, and Fulk begat Sibyl. In this way the kinship of William and Sibyl was traced out, and the alliance which the distinguished youth had long hoped for was invalidated. So once more the noble young man was driven out by the Angevins and forced to plead for help from foreigners with fear and difficulty. Finally after many wanderings he made his way to his kinsman, Baldwin of Flanders, and appealed to his honour and courage for aid.? Baldwin welcomed him at once, promised him full support, and fought resolutely on his behalf until he died, as I will relate in the following pages. 38 In the year of our Lord 1109, the second indiction, divine ven-

geance caused a number of scourges to punish the sins of men and, as always, made

use of terror with fatherly solicitude, thereby

calling sinners to repentance and showing forgiveness and salvation to the penitent. In France, particularly in Orleans and the province of Chartres, a feverish sickness attacked and weakened many people, causing some deaths. Excessive rainfall drowned the crops, the barrenness of the earth cried aloud, and the grapeharvest was an almost total failure. Where both Ceres and Bacchus failed, terrible famine decimated human beings everywhere. This disastrous year was the third of the reign of Louis, who was the son of Philip, king of France, and the ninth of Henry, who was the son of William the Bastard, duke of Normandy and king of England. In that year King Henry gave his daughter Matilda in marriage to Charles, son of Henry, emperor of the Germans.?

Burchard,

3 Matilda had been betrothed in 1109 and was sent to Germany in 1110 (see above, v. 200). The circumstances of the marriage alliance are examined by

K. Leyser, ‘England and the Empire in the early twelfth century’, in TRHS 5th ser. x (1960), 63-4. Cf. also H. Hunt., p. 237.

168

iv. 297

iv. 298

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suscepit a patre et conduxit marito Burchardus presul Camaracensium.! Rogerius quoque filius Ricardi aliique plures ex Normannis comitati sunt’ et per hanc copulam Romanum apicem conscendere putauerunt, atque dignitates optimatum audacia seu feritate sua sibi aliquando adipisci cupierunt. Sic nimirum antecessores eorum in Anglia per Emmam Ricardi ducis filiam dominati sunt, et in Apulia per Sichelgaudam Guaimalchi ducis Psalernitani filiam super genuinos haredes furuerunt. Hzc siquidem uafer imperator qui plura perscrutatus est agnouit, et alienigenas indebiti fastus ceruici suz imponere precauit? unde consultu Germanorum omnes datis muneribus ad propria remisit.3 39 In illo tempore migrauerunt plures sanctitate et sapientia precipui doctores zcclesiarum, Anselmus scilicet archiepiscopus Cantuariorum,* et Guillelmus archiepiscopus Rotomagensium,* uenerabilesque cenobiorum rectores Hugo abbas Cluniacensis,$ Geruasius Redonensis? et Guillelmus Cormeliensis,’ aliique plures de hac luce subtracti* sunt, quorum felices animz ut sine dubio credimus in manu Dei sunt.? Pro tantorum itaque transitu baronum uidetur ipse mundus lugere? agrorum et uinearum negata ubertate. Impii etiam qui pro tantorum discessu patrum non doluerunt ex pietate, saltem multimoda coacti sunt gemere calamitate, quam cogente Dei iustitia subierunt pro sua impietate. Anselmus Cantuariensem zcclesiam xvi annis canonice rexit» et flos bonorum temporibus nostris specialiter emicuit, de cuius uita utilem et elegantem libellum domnus Edmarus edidit,!° qui beati uiri monachus et in peregrinatione socius extitit. Denique sacer 42 subtracte MS.

* Burchard was a household clerk of Henry I, who became bishop of Cambrai in 1116; Orderic may have seen him or heard of him when he himself visited Cambrai (cf. above, ii. 188). For his career see F. Hausman, Reichskanzlei und Hofkapelle unter Heinrich V. und Konrad III. (Schrifter der MGH, xiv, Stuttgart,

1956), pp. 87 ff. 2 Emma, sister of Duke Richard II of Normandy, married first King Ethelred and secondly King Cnut, and brought the first Norman settlers to England in

her following; Sichelgaita was the second wife of Robert Guiscard. The cases are not exactly parallel; Sichelgaita represented the older Lombard rights in Apulia, which she transmitted to her son, Roger Borsa, and which were chal-

lenged by the new Norman conquerors in the person of Bohemond (see above, iv. 32, 168). * Roger, son of Richard of Clare, and most of the Norman following returned to England; but one at least, Henry, archdeacon of Winchester, who became

bishop of Verdun, remained behind (cf. Leyser, in TRH.S sth ser. x (1960), 65; Meyer von Knonau, vii. 44).

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bishop of Cambrai,! received her from her father and escorted her to her husband. Roger, son of Richard, and many other Normans also accompanied her, expecting through this marriage to climb to an influential position in the empire, and hoping eventually to win the highest rank for themselves by their daring or ruthlessness. This was the way their ancestors had won power in England through Emma, Duke Richard's daughter, and in Apulia had violently oppressed the true heirs through Sichelgaita, daughter of Gaimar, duke of Salerno.? The cunning emperor, who was a man of great experience, realized this and had no intention of bowing his neck to foreigners of undue pretensions; he took advice from the Germans and, after distributing presents, sent everyone back home.? 39 At that time several religious teachers, remarkable for their holiness and learning, passed away; Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury,* and William, archbishop of Rouen,5 and the vener-

able superiors of monasteries, Hugh, abbot of Cluny,$ Gervase of Rennes,’ and William of Cormeilless and several more were taken from this world; we firmly believe that their blessed souls are in the hand of God.? 'T'he very world seemed to mourn the passing of such great lords, for the corn and grape harvests failed. Even the irreligious, who felt no filial grief at the death of these fathers, were none the less compelled to groan by the disasters of all kinds which God in his justice forced them to endure for their lack of respect and obedience. Anselm governed the church of Canterbury for sixteen years in accordance with canon law, and shone out above all as the flower of

good men in our times. Dom Eadmer, who was one of the blessed man's monks and the companion of his exile, published a valuable and distinguished book on his life.!? Finally the good archbishop, * Anselm died on 21 April 1109. 5 William Bonne-Ame died on 9 February 1110; see below, p. 170. 6 St. Hugh died on the Thursday after Easter, 29 April 1109. 7 Gervase, abbot of Sainte-Melaine, Rennes, died in 1109.

8 According to the necrology of his abbey William died on 27 July (Histoire littéraire de la France, ix (Paris, 1750), 492); the year 1109 sometimes given for his death (GC xi. 847) depends on the statement of Orderic that it occurred at the same time as that of St. Anselm. 9 Cf. Deuteronomy xxxiii. 3. 10 For Eadmer’s Vita Anselmi cf. above, v. 206, 252.

170

iv. 299

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heros a Domino mercedem laborum suorum percepturus xi? kalendas Maii defunctus est? et in basilica sancte et indiuidue "Trinitatis ante crucifixum sepultus est. Tunc uenerandus Hugo Cluniacensis abbas postquam passionem Christi et resurrectionem celebrauit’ feria secunda zgritudine tactus in lectum decidit, et per tres dies iter ad Dominum confessione et oratione preparauit. Ipse conuentui ut successorem eligerent imperauit, electumque iuuenem nomine Poncium testimonio auctoritatis suze corroborauit. Deinde in domum infirmorum inter manus fratrum portari se fecit, ibique feria quarta grandeuus heros ad Christum cui a puericia militauerat migrauit. Hic ut fertur Ixiiii annis Cluniacense cenobium gubernauit, et plus quam decem milia monachorum ad militiam Domini sabaoth suscepit, et post obitum in basilica sepultus est, quam ipse a fundamentis inchoauit. Sic duz simul zcclesiarum columnz de terrestri Ierusalem quz adhuc inter allophilos peregrinatur translatee sunt? ac ut credimus pro diuturna sanctitate in superna Syon immobiliter plantatze sunt. Gloriosus archipresul Doroberniz Anselmus ante Pascha obiit, et curiam omnipotentis Adonai feria quarta infulatus adiuit, et in ipsis Paschze solenniis karus amicus eius Hugo abbas feria quarta similiter e mundo transiit. Stemma Dorobernensis kathedra Radulfus Rofensis episcopus suscepit, et nouem annis graui zgritudine aliquandiu detentus tenuit.! Cluniacense uero regimen Poncius Merguliensis comitis filius suscepit, et post aliquod tempus pro diuersis occasionibus ut in sequentibus enarrabitur reliquit, lerusalem peregre perrexit, et inde reuersus Rome in carcere Calixti papz obiit? ad cuius sepulchrum sanctitas eius miraculis euidentibus honorifice splendescit. 40

iv. 300

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°x? indictione iii?? Guillelmus archiepiscopus postquam Rotomagensem metropolim xxxii annis laudabiliter rexit in bona senectute quinto idus Februarii obiit. In capitulo autem canonicorum quod ipse construxerat tumulatus * Ralph d'Escures was elected archbishop on 26 April 1114, after the see had been vacant for five years: he died on 20 October 1122, in his ninth year of office, William of Malmesbury's biographical note (GP, pp. 127-32) refers to an

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dying on 21 April, went to receive the reward of his labours from the Lord, and was buried before the Rood in the church of the holy and undivided Trinity. Then the venerable Hugh, abbot of Cluny, after celebrating the passion and resurrection of Christ, fell ill and took to his bed on Easter Monday, and for three days prepared the way to the Lord

with confession and prayer. He ordered the convent to elect a successor and, by his authority, confirmed the young man elected, Pontius by name. Then he had himself carried by the brethren to the infirmary, and there on the Wednesday the aged abbot passed to Christ, whom he had served from boyhood. He, it is said, ruled

the abbey of Cluny for sixty-four years and received more than ten thousand monks for the service of the Lord of hosts; after his

death he was buried in the church which he had built from its foundations. So at the same time two pillars of the Church were taken from the earthly Jerusalem, which is even now in exile among the heathen, and, we believe, because of their long-enduring

holiness, have been placed in the heavenly Syon, never to depart. The renowned

archbishop of Canterbury,

Anselm,

died before

Easter and, on the Wednesday of Holy Week, vested as a bishop, approached the court of the omnipotent Lord; and in the week after the Easter celebrations his dear friend, Abbot Hugh, likewise

departed from this world on a Wednesday. Ralph, bishop of Rochester, was set over the cathedral church of Canterbury and held the see for nine years, at times impeded by serious illness.! Pontius, son of the count of Melgueil, succeeded to the abbacy of Cluny; after some time he resigned it for several reasons, as will be told later, set out on pilgrimage for Jerusalem, and on the way back died at Rome in the prison of Pope Calixtus.? His holiness is gloriously revealed by well-attested miracles at his tomb.

40 In the year of our Lord 1110, the third indiction, Archbishop William, after governing the province of Rouen admirably for thirty-two years, died in his good old age on 9 February. He was

buried in the chapter-house of the canons which he himself had illness, which he attributes to a carbuncle, and to paralysis, from which suffered at the end of his life. Cf. also HCY, p. 107.

he

2 For the troubles that led to the departure of Pontius from Cluny see below, pP. 310-14.

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est? et epitaphium eius ad ipsum qualis fuerit in orientali maceria sic exaratum est, Relligio tua, larga manus, meditatio sancta Nos Guillelme tuum flere monent obitum.

Quod pius antistes fueris cleroque benignus?

Interiora docent, exteriora probant. ZEcclesize lumen, decus et defensio cleri? Circumspectus eras, promptus ad omne bonum. Fratribus hanc zedem cum claustro composuisti’ Nec tua pauperibus ianua clausa fuit.

Contulit ad uictum tua munificentia fratrum? ZEcclesias, decimas, rura, tributa, domos,

Exemploque tuo subiectos dedocuisti’ Verba pudenda loqui, turpia facta sequi. Fine bono felix biduo ter solueris ante? Quam Pisces! solis consequeretur iter.

In ipso anno cometes a iiii? idus Tunii usque pridie kalendas Iulii in supremo coeli climate uisa est.2 Paulo post Helias Cenomannorum comes obiit.3 Tribus continuis annis ab indictione uidelicet secunda usque ad quartam* asperrima fames in Gallia facta est" qua hominum multitudo nimis attenuata est. 4I

iv. 301

Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mec?xr? indictione |quarta? Goisfredus Brito Cenomannorum decanus a rege Henrico in Angliam accitus est" et Rotomagensibus pontifex constitutus est. Hic eloquentia et eruditione pollens clerum et populum katholice docuit, zecclesieque Dei xvii annis utiliter prefuit.5 Eodem anno Karolus imperator Paschalem papam cepit? et zcclesiam Dei sicut lam alias dictum est uehementer turbauit. 42 Anno ab incarnatione Domini mec°xi° Gislebertus senex Ebroicensis episcopus postquam in episcopatu xxxiiii annis uixit:7 in senectute bona iiii? kalendas Septembris obiit, et in basilica * According to the calculation usual in the twelfth century, the sun entered the sign of Pisces on 16 February. See the Zodiac tables in H. Grotefend, Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Hanover, 1891—2), i. 127.

2 Cf. ASC (1110); FW ii. 60: ‘Stella cometa vi idus Junii apparuit, et per tres hebdomadas visa est lucere." 3 Count Helias died on 3 July rr10o.

4 I IOQ-IIII.

5 ‘This conventional note reads like an extract from a list of archbishops. For other references to Geoffrey see above, iii. 94, v. 234-6, 237 n. 3.

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built, and his epitaph, describing his character, was inscribed on the east wall: Your liberality, your pious way of life, and Holiness, William, make us mourn your death;

Your being teaches us, your deeds proclaim How well you did a bishop's duty; to your clergy Kind, their defence and glory, the Church's light. Provident, ready for all good deeds you were, Who planned this church and cloister for the brethren;

Your door was always open to the poor, And your munificence provided for your Chapter Churches, estates, tithes, revenues, and houses. You cured your people, by your good example, Of shameful speech and all ignoble actions. Six days before the sun had turned to enter The Fishes’ sign! you died in hope and gladness.

That year a comet was seen high in the sky from 10 to 30 June? A little later Helias, count of Maine, died.3

For three consecutive years, from the second to the fourth indiction,* there was a terrible famine in France, and great num-

bers of folk were seriously weakened.

41 In the year of our Lord 1111, the fourth indiction, Geoffrey Brito, dean of Le Mans, was summoned to England by King Henry and appointed archbishop of Rouen. A man distinguished for his eloquence and learning, he taught the clergy and people sound doctrine, and governed the Church of God for its good for seventeen years.5 In the same year the Emperor Charles® took Pope Paschal prisoner and seriously disturbed the peace of the Church of God, as has been told elsewhere.

42 In the year of our Lord 1112

Gilbert, the aged bishop of Évreux,

died on 29 August in a good old age after thirty-four years as bishop,? and was buried in the church of Mary, the holy Mother 6 Henry V; his second name was Conrad, but Orderic repeatedly calls him Charles. See above, v. 196-8.

7 Gilbert was bishop of Évreux from 1070 to 1112, a period of forty-two

years.

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sancte Dei genitricis Marize sepultus est quam ipse perfecit, dedicari fecit, possessionibus et ornamentis ditauit, clerum amplia-

uit, et zecclesiastico cultui nocte dieque mancipauit. Sequenti autem anno Audinus Baiocensis capellanus regis successit,! qui eruditione litterarum imbutus sibi commissis uiam Dei regulariter monstrauit.

iv. 302

iv. 303

43 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M*coxirr indictione vi^" Henricus rex Anglorum procerum multitudine suorum stipatus Vticum uenit, ibique purificationem sanctae Dei genitricis Mariz? cum magna hilaritate celebrauit. In claustro? monachorum diu sedit, esse eorum diligenter considerauit, et perspecta religionis moderatione illos laudauit. Sequenti uero die in capitulum uenit, societatem eorum humiliter requisiuit et recepit. Ibi fuerunt nepotes eius Tedbaldus et Stephanus, Conanus Brito* et Guillelmus Exoniensis episcopus, et alii plures consules et optimates cum suis proceribus. Tunc consilio Rodberti comitis de Mellento rex iussit cartam fieri, ibique omnia quaecumque Vticensis abbatia ipso die possidebat breuiter colligi. Quod et factum est. Deinde Ernaldus prior et Gislebertus Sartensis Rotomagum regi cartam detulerunt. Ipse uero libenter eam cruce facta firmauit, et optimatibus suis qui aderant crucis signo similiter corroborandam tradidit. Subscripserunt itaque Rodbertus comes de Mellento et Ricardus comes de Cestra, Nigellus de Albinneio et Goellus de Ibreio, Guillelmus Peberellus et Rogerius de Tedboldiuilla, Guillelmus de Lalunda, et Rodbertus regis filius et alii plures.7 Haec nimirum carta consilio sapientum facta est contra cupidos hzeredes, qui singulis annis elemosinas parentum suorum diripiebant, et cum magno rerum zcclesiasticarum detrimento monachos crebro placitare cogebant. Vnde rex prescriptum testamentum ! He was a brother of Thurstan, later archbishop of York, Henry I's charters as chaplain (Regesta, ii, p. x, no. 684).

and

witnesses

? 2 February 1113. 3 Claustrum can mean either the monastic enclosure in general or the particular part of the monks' quarters called the cloister. Since Orderic refers to a particular building, the chapter-house, in the next sentence it seems likely that he

uses the word in its more limited sense here. * Conan III, duke of Brittany, son of Alan Fergant. He married Henry's natural daughter, Matilda (Maud). See above, ii. 353 n. 5; GEC xi, App. D,

paris:

5 William Warelwast, bishop of Exeter 1107-37.

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175

of God. He himself had completed the church, had it dedicated, enriched it with properties and ornaments, increased the number of its clergy, and secured the regular performance of the divine offices there, day and night. Next year the king's chaplain, Audoin of Bayeux, succeeded him;! he was a thoroughly learned man who taught his subjects the way of God, according to the rules of the Church. 43 In the year of our Lord 1113, the sixth indiction, Henry king of England came to Saint-Évroul accompanied by a great number of his magnates, and there celebrated the feast of Candlemas? with great affability. He held a long session in the cloister? of the monks, made a thorough examination of their establishment, and, after noting the regularity of their monastic life, praised them warmly. The next day he came into the chapter-house and humbly asked to be admitted to their fraternity; this was granted. With him were his nephews Theobald and Stephen, Conan the Breton* and William,

bishop of Exeter,5 and several other earls and magnates with their noble vassals. Then the king, at the suggestion of Robert, count of Meulan, commanded a charter to be made, and everything that the abbey of Saint- Évroul possessed on that day to be briefly listed in it. This was done. Then Arnold the prior and Gilbert of Les Essarts took the charter to the king at Rouen. He willingly confirmed it, making a cross, and handed it to his magnates who were

present to be similarly ratified with the sign of the cross.6 The following subscribed in this way: Robert, count of Meulan, and Richard, earl of Chester; Nigel of Aubigny and Goel of Ivry; William Peverel and Roger of T hibouville; William of La Lande and Robert the king’s son and many others.” This charter was made on the advice of provident men as a protection against greedy heirs, who every year used to take back the alms given by their relatives, and constantly dragged monks into lawsuits to the great diminution of the goods of churches. Therefore the king had this 6 Orderic's account torium and confirmed 196-9, and calendared date depends on when

shows that the charter was written in the monks' scripby the king a little later. It is printed in Le Prévost, v. Regesta, ii. 1019, where it is dated March—June 1113: the the king might have been at Rouen. It does not list all the

monastic properties; it is confined to Normandy and omits some properties confirmed in the foundation charter of William I. 7 All the men named by Orderic are named in the witness-list of the charter, as well as several others.

176

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sigillo suo signauit, et ne quis ad placitum monachos de his rebus quas edicto principali sancit/\ nisi in curia regali prouocaret generali auctoritate prohibuit.! Tunc etiam Ix bacones et decem modios tritici Vticensibus monachis dedit,? et Iohanni Luxouiensi

episcopo ut triticum monachis apud Argentomums erogaret precepit, quod ille libenter et sine mora adimpleuit. Celebrata uero ut dictum est apud Vticum festiuitate" fines regionis suz rex perrexit uisere, et infirmiora terrz contra hostes et latrunculos munire.

44

iv. 304

His temporibus^ dum filii lucis gauderent pace et tranquillitate? et filii nichilominus tenebrarum stimularentur nequitia et inquietate, orta est dissensio magna in regno Francorum" per quam crudeliter effusus est sanguis multorum. Nam Fulco iunior comes Andegauensis, qui gener et hares erat Helie Cenomannorum comitis" instinctu Amalrici* auunculi sui Henrico regi damna inferre satagebat, et Ludouicum regem ad sui adiutorium totis nisibus implorabat. Verum Henricus sensu diuitiisque preditus, et bellico apparatu copiose fretus? hostium suorum molimina uelut aranez telas iuuante Deo frustrabatur, ipsisque sine suorum sanguine proculcatis gratulabatur. Contra Geruasium de Nouo Castello, qui pertinaciter ei resistere nitebatur, duo firmauit municipia unum quod Nonencort aliud quod Ilias dicitur,® et tercium super illum optinuit quod Sorellum uocatur. Cenomannensium quoque procerum plurimi Henrico regi sese contulerunt, factaque fidelitate munitiones suas illi reddiderunt. Eodem anno Tedbaldus comes Blesensis regi Ludouico uiriliter restitit, eique plurima detrimenta acerrime intulit, quin etiam ipsum regem dum

Pusacium castrum obsideret armorum uiribus fugere compulit.7 ! Cf. the clause in the charter, ‘et precipio quatinus ex istis subscriptis quibus nunc saisita est nullus aliquid surripiat nec inde sit placitum nisi in mea curia'

(Le Prévost, v. 197). ? 'This was probably a non-recurring grant, perhaps to recompense the monks for the expenses of the king's entertainment; it is not mentioned in the charter and Orderic does not suggest that it was an annual rent.

3 Robert of Belléme had been in charge of the vicomté of Argentan before his imprisonment late in 1112; cf. below, p. 178; Bishop John of Lisieux appears to have been accounting for the king's stores, at least temporarily. * This might be taken to mean

1113, the last date mentioned;

but in fact

Orderic has gone back in time without committing himself to any year. Fulk's opposition seems to date from 1111 (cf. H. Hunt., pp. 237-8) and began some

time after August (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 120, p. 64; Farrer, Itinerary, p. 62).

BOOK

XI

177

charter sealed with his seal, and by his authority forbade anyone to implead the monks for any of the properties he had confirmed by his royal charter anywhere except by an action in the king's court.! He also gave sixty salted hogs and ten measures of wheat to the monks of Saint-Evroul,? and commanded John, bishop of Lisieux, to supply the wheat to the monks at Argentan,? which John did willingly, at once. So after celebrating Candlemas at Saint-Évroul as I have described, the king went on to survey the territories of his duchy and strengthen the vulnerable points against enemies and predators.

44 In those days,* when the sons of light were enjoying peace and tranquility and the sons of darkness on the other hand were goaded by sin and wickedness, a great turmoil arose in the French kingdom, which led to severe and cruel bloodshed. Fulk the younger, count of Anjou, who was the son-in-law and heir of Helias, count of Maine, was incited by his uncle Amaury$ to make raids against King Henry and appeal to King Louis to come to his aid with all the force he could muster. Henry, however, who was both prudent and wealthy and could rely on a very powerful army, swept away the designs of his enemies with God's help as if they had been spiders' webs, and had the pleasure of crushing them without shedding the blood of his own men. In opposition to Gervase of Cháteauneuf, who made determined attempts to fight back, he fortified two castles, one called Nonancourt and the other Illiers-l'Évéque,$ and got possession of a third that overlooked Gervase's lands, called Sorel. Many of the nobles of Maine went over to Henry's side, and after doing fealty surrendered their castles to him. In the same year Theobald, count of Blois, fought resolutely against King Louis, caused him severe losses on several occasions, and even compelled the king himself by force of arms to retreat from the castle of Le Puiset, which he was blockading.’ So, 5 Amaury of Montfort. 6 The fortification of these castles has been dated February-March (Farrer, Itinerary, p. 63; cf. Lemarignier, L'hommage en marche, p. 60).

1112

7 These events occurred in 1112 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 134, pp. 70-1). Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxi, pp. 152-68, describes the temporary discomfiture of Louis at the hands of Count Theobald and other rebels; but shows how he

returned to the attack, forced Theobald to sue for peace, and destroyed the castle of Le Puiset.

178

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His itaque studiis iuuentutem suam exercens occupabat regem Francorum, ne posset Normanniam impugnando inquietare auun-

culum suum regem Anglorum.

iv. 305

Tunc Rodbertus Belesmensis ingentem maliciam quam diutina curiositate fouerat extulit, et contra regem cui hactenus uenenosis simulationibus blandiebatur ceruicem palam erexit. Erat idem potens et uersutus nimizeque auariciz et crudelitatis, zecclesize Dei pauperumque oppressor impacabilis, et si dici fas est temporibus Christianis in omni malicia incomparabilis. Hic siquidem rupto fidelitatis uinculo periurium palam incurrit, dum naturalem dominum suum Henricum qui tunc a multis undique infestabatur dereliquit, et Fulconem Andegauensem aliosque domini sui publicos hostes consilio et uiribus adiuuit. Vnde a prefato rege pridie nonas Nouembris! apud Bonamuillam cur inique in dominum suum operatus fuerit, cur ad curiam eius ter accersitus non uenerit cur de regiis redditibus ad uicecomitatum Argentomi et Oximorum Falesizque pertinentibus ut regis uicecomes et officialis rationem

iv. 306

non

reddiderit,? et de aliis reatibus

rationa-

biliter impetitus est’ iustoque iudicio regalis curiz pro immensis innumerisque facinoribus quz negare nequiuit/A tam in Deum quam in regem commissis artissimis uinculis traditus est.? Capto itaque tiranno qui terram turbabat, et multiplicibus rapinis ac incendiis adhuc addere peiora parabat? erepta de iugo predonis plebs Dei gaudebat, Deoque liberatori suo gratias agebat, et Henrico regi longam bonamque uitam optabat. Deinde rex Alencionem obsedit* et post aliquot dies munitionem recepit, et Godefredo Adzque Soros aliisque militibus qui custodiebant arcem exeundi liberam facultatem concessit, et Hugonem de Mesdauid aliosque duos milites qui cum Rodberto capti fuerant a uinclis absoluit. * 4 November 1112. Orderic does not here explain why Robert, who had failed to answer three previous summonses, appeared on this occasion; later he sug-

gested that he came as an envoy from Louis VI to demand the release of Robert

Curthose (see below, p. 256). ? Yver, ‘Chateaux forts’, p. 82 n. 80, suggests that Robert's failure to render account as the king's vicomte points to the emergence of a practice of regular accounting at the exchequer by the vicomtes. Orderic's language implies that the king regarded Robert as his agent in all three vicomtés; for his position in Argentan see above, p. 98 n. r.

BOOK XI

179

testing his youthful prowess in such undertakings, he kept the king of France too much occupied to disturb the king of England, Theobald's uncle, by invading Normandy. At that time Robert of Belléme gave vent to the fierce hatred he had fostered by long brooding, and openly came out against the king whom he had previously placated, hiding his venom. He was a powerful and versatile man, extremely grasping and cruel, an implacable persecutor of the Church of God and the poor, and, if the truth were told, unequalled for his iniquity in the whole Christian era. Breaking his oath of fealty, he openly committed perjury, for he deserted his natural lord Henry at a time when foes beset him on all sides, and gave both counsel and military support to help Fulk of Anjou and other public enemies of his lord. So, on 4 November! at Bonneville, King Henry with good cause summoned him to answer the following charges: why he had acted against his lord's interests, why he had failed to come to his court after being summoned three times, why he had not rendered account as the king's vicomte and officer for the royal revenues pertaining to the vicomtés of Argentan and Exmes and Falaise,? and also for other misdeeds. By a just judgement of the royal court he was sentenced to close imprisonment in fetters for the many shocking crimes which he was unable to deny he had committed both against God and against the king.? After the imprisonment of the tyrant who had disturbed the land and was preparing to add still worse crimes to his many offences of plundering and burning, the people of God, freed from the bandit's yoke, rejoiced and

thanked God their liberator, and wished long and prosperous life to King Henry. The king then besieged Alengon* and after some days received the surrender of the stronghold; he allowed Godfrey and Adam le Sor5 and other knights who were defending the citadel to go out freely, and released from captivity Hugh of Médavy and two knights who were captured at the same time as Robert. 3 Robert

was

first imprisoned

at Cherbourg

(FW ii. 66); next year, when

the king returned to England, he was moved to the castle of Wareham (ibid., H. Hunt., p. 238, ASC 1112 (1113 E); GR ii. 475). He was never released; he was

still alive in prison in 1130-1, when his maintenance cost a total of £20. 5s. (PR 31 Henry I, p. 12); but the date of his death is unknown. 4 The exact date is uncertain;

Farrer places the siege in late 1112 (Farrer,

Itinerary, p. 64). 5 'These men probably belonged to the family of Walter le Sor, a vassal of Roger of Montgomery (cf. above, iii. 140). Hugh of Médavy also occurs in the same charter as one of Earl Roger's vassals.

180

iv. 307

iv. 308

BOOK

XI

45 Galli autem et Normanni eorumque confines paulatim ab armis quieuerunt, et non multo post pacificis intercurrentibus nunciis integram pacem mutuo confirmauerunt. Fulco siquidem Andegauensis in prima septimana quadragesimz! Alencionensem pagum adiit, ibique ad Petram Peculatam? cum rege Henrico locutus ei fidelitatem iurauit, eiusque homo factus Cenomannensem comitatum ab eo recepit, filiamque suam Guillelmo adelino regis filio dedit. Tunc rex Henricus Guillelmo comiti qui apud Andegauenses xiiii mensibus exulauerat Ebroicensem comitatum reddidit, Amalrico quoque de Monteforti et Guillelmo Crispino quz in ipsum commiserant benigniter indulsit. Exules etiam quos impius Rodbertus expulerat reuocauit, et paterna rura clementer eis restituit. /Ecclesias uero Dei Vticensem uidelicet ac Sagiensem et Troarnensem quz sub graui oppressione ferocis eri diu gemuerant serena releuatione exhilarauit, et zcclesiis decimisque cum aliis possessionibus quas iniuste amiserant resaisiuit. Sancto enim Ebrulfo reddidit xxx solidos Cenomannensium de redditibus Alencionis ad luminaria zcclesim, quos Rogerius comes concedente Rodberto filio suo singulis annis dederat in capite quadragesimee, et czetera omnia que idem comes in carta firmauerat,? sed iniquus heres nequiter abstulerat. Denique rex Ludouicus multis modis expertus Henrici regis sullimitatem, et ingentem industriam ac probitatem? spretis proditoribus qui seditiones paci preponebant, colloqui cum eo expetit, stabilemque ad sancte profectum zcclesie pacem firmare decreuit. Ambo itaque reges indictione sexta in ultima Martii ebdomada Gisortis conuenerunt,* et ex utraque parte iurata pace cum magno multorum gaudio amoris uinculo complexati sunt. Tunc Ludouicus Henrico Bellismum et Cenomannensium comitatum totamque concessit Britanniam. Fergannus etenim Britonum princeps homo regis Anglorum iam factus fuerat, rex autem Conano filio eius filiam suam spoponderat.5 * In 1113 Lent began on 19 February. The meeting probably took place some time between 19 and 26 February; Henry went on to meet Fulk after spending Candlemas at Saint-Evroul. ? The identity of this place is uncertain; Farrer, Itinerary, p. 64, accepts the

identification with Pierre Pecoulée, which

Le Prévost rejected. Le Prévost

suggested that it might be a dolmen, now lost. 3 For Earl Roger's charter see above, iii. 138-42. It was subscribed sons, Robert, Hugh, and Philip.

by his

BOOK

XI

181

45 The French and Normans and the peoples on their frontiers

laid down their arms for a little while, and soon afterwards envoys of peace went to and fro and secured the acceptance by all parties of a firm peace. Fulk of Anjou came to the region of Alengon in the first week of Lent,! and after parleying with King Henry at Petra Peculata? swore fealty to him, received the county of Maine from him as his vassal, and gave his daughter in marriage to the king's

son, Prince William. Then King Henry restored the county of Évreux to Count William, who had been in exile in Anjou for fourteen months, and generously pardoned all the wrongs that

Amaury of Montfort and William Crispin had done him. He also recalled the exiles, whom the lawless Robert had driven out, and graciously restored their hereditary lands to them. He brought joy and relief to the churches of God,

Saint-Évroul

and Séez and

Troarn, which for a long time had suffered under the heavy yoke of the tyrant, and reseised them with their churches and tithes and other possessions that had been unjustly taken from them. He restored to Saint-Évroul the thirty Mancel shillings from the revenues of Alencon for the lights of the church, which Earl Roger had granted with the consent of his son Robert, to be paid annually at the beginning of Lent, and all the other things which Earl Roger had ratified in his charter,? but his iniquitous heir had unjustly confiscated. In the end, when King Louis had had experience in many ways of King Henry's majesty and of his great industry and valour, he shut his ears to the traitors who preferred rebellions to peace, asked for a parley, and resolved to make a firm peace for the advantage of the holy Church. So the two kings met at Gisors during the last week of March in the sixth indiction,* and when both sides had sworn to keep the peace they were bound in an alliance of friendship amid general rejoicing. Louis then granted Bellémé and the county of Maine and the whole of Brittany to Henry. Alan Fergant, duke of Brittany, had already become the vassal of the king of England, and the king had betrothed his own daughter to Conan, the son of Fergant.5 4 In the last week of March 1113, at Ormeteau-Ferré, near Gisors. See Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 158, p. 81; Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxiii, pp. 170-2; Lemarignier, L'hommage en marche, p. 91.

5 See above, p. 174 n. 4.

182

iv. 309

BOOK

Xl

Porro Haimericus de Vilereio! aliique Belesmensium proceres quibus Guillelmus Talauacius Rodberti filius oppidum commiserat, dum ipse ad tutandum Pontiuum comitatum suum abierat confidentes in ingenti munitionis fortitudine, et armatorum multitudine, ad resistendum impugnanti cuilibet acriter parauerunt se. Rex autem Henricus exercitum totius Normanniz congregauit, Bellismum kalendis Maii obsedit, eique tunc spe melius accidit. Tedbaldus uero comes Blesensis, et Fulco Andegauensis, atque Rotro Moritoniensis, aliique preclari optimates Normannis suppetias uenerunt, et cum suis agminibus oppidum circumdederunt, ac tertia die uictores ingressi sunt. Inuentio quippe sanctae Crucis erat,? et rex omnem exercitum ab assultu oppidi et exercitio belli quiescere iusserat. Sed milites comitum 'Tedbaldi et Rotronis qui regis edictum non audierant arma sumpserunt, oppidani quoque milites singulari certamine dimicaturi de castro egressi sunt. Porro dum obsidentes in illos fortiter irruerent, et ipsi regiratis equis ad portam orientalem uelociter fugerent, in ipso introitu porte ab insequentibus percussi et deiecti sunt’ et ualuz

hostilium multitudine lancearum ne clauderentur sustentatz et penitus reseratz sunt. Protinus regalis exercitus nimia cum uociferatione ingressus est? et magnam partem munitionis uiriliter nactus est. Deinde persistentibus his qui arcem seruabant ignis iniectus est’ et nobile oppidum quod Rodbertus iam dudum summopere muniuerat et ditauerat funditus concrematum est. Victor itaque Henricus firmata pace cum omnibus uicinis suis in Angliam remeauit,? et quinque annis in magna tranquillitate* regnum ultra mare et ducatum citra gubernauit, amicis fideliter deuote laudantibus Dominum Deum sabaoth qui omnia fortiter suauiterque disponit. Amen. Explicit liber undecimus ecclesiastice hystoria. *- A son or grandson of Aymer of Villeray, whose death was described by

Orderic above, ii. 360. 2 3 May 1113.

3 Henry returned to England in July 1113 (ASC 1113; FW ii. 66). 4 The five years of peace must not be taken too literally; hostilities began again on the Vexin frontier in 1116. Orderic may have had in mind the internal peace of the period up to 1118, or the contrast with the open outbreak of war

after two years of smouldering hostilities. To some extent it may be a rhetorical

device to excuse a departure from the bare apology for a chronological sequence

that he had adopted throughout Book XI; the first date he gives in Book XII is 1118.

BOOK

XI

183

However, Aymer of Villeray! and the other lords of Belléme to whom

Robert’s son, William Talvas, had committed the strong-

hold while he was absent defending the county of Ponthieu, putting their trust in the tremendous strength of the castle and the great number of their men, prepared themselves to put up a stalwart resistance to any attacks. King Henry for his part mustered the army of all Normandy, besieged Belléme on 1 May, and succeeded beyond his hopes. Theobald, count of Blois, and Fulk of Anjou,

Rotrou of Mortagne, and other great magnates came to the help of the Normans, surrounded the fortress with their troops, and on the

third day entered it as conquerors. It was the feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross,? and the king had ordered the whole army to desist from attacking the fortress or fighting in any way. But the knights of Counts Theobald and Rotrou, who had not heard the king's edict, armed themselves, and some of the knights of the garrison came out of the fortress to fight in single combat. As the besiegers charged them in force and they, wheeling round their horses, fled back to the east gate, they were struck down by their pursuers right in the gateway; the doors were prevented from closing by the mass of enemy lances and were forced wide open. Immediately the royal army entered with loud shouts, and boldly took possession of a great part of the fortified town. As the defenders of the citadel continued to resist the place was set on fire, and the noble stronghold, which Robert had long ago fortified and enriched, was burnt to the ground. So Henry, victorious, returned to England? after making peace with all his neighbours, and for five years he governed the kingdom and the duchy on opposite sides of the Channel in great tranquillity,* and his friends devoutly offered faithful praise to the Lord God of hosts who orders all things mightily and well. Amen. Here ends the eleventh book of the Ecclesiastical History

BOOK

XII

Incipit liber duodecimus I

iv. 310 ANNO ab incarnatione Domini M°C°xvIII° indictione xi^" uigilia Natalis Domini! uehemens uentus zdificia et nemora in partibus occiduis plurima prostrauit. Defuncto Paschali papa Iohannes Caietanus Romanorum pontificum antiquus cancellarius et magister in Gelasium papam electus est’ et contradicente imperatore a Romano clero canonice consecratus est. Tunc etiam Burdinus Bragarum archiepiscopus qui suis a fautoribus Gregorius VIII uocitatus est" imperatore coniuente in zcclesia Dei intrusus est.? Tunc grauis inde dissensio inoleuit, seua persecutio inhorruit, et katholicam plebem uehementer perturbauit. Tunc? inter Ludouicum regem Francorum et Henricum regem Anglorum grauis inimicicia erat, et tantorum principum hostilitas frequentibus dampnis sua mutuo rura destruebat. Ludouicus

rex Guillelmum iv. 311

exulem ad nanciscendam

hzreditatem

suam

iuuabat, eique magna pars Normannorum adminiculari toto nisu satagebat. Henricus autem castrum Sancti Clari surripuit,* diuque contra Odmundums aliosque collimitaneos predones tenuit, et Gallos multum grauauit. Porro Ludouicus uadum Nigasii quod Vani uulgo uocatur fraudulenter adiit, ac ueluti monachus cum sociis militibus qui nigris capis amicti erant ex insperato intrauit: ibique in cella monachorum sancti Audoeni castrum muniuit, et in domo Domini ubi solummodo preces offerri Deo debent speluncam latronum" turpiter effecit. Hoc uero rex Anglorum ut * Probably 24 December 1117; Orderic began the year at Christmas, and great feasts were dated from the vigil.

? John of Gaeta, papal chancellor or bibliothecarius, was elected pope as Gelasius II on 24 January 1118. The antipope, Maurice Bourdin, archbishop of Braga, was elected on 8 March. 3 Here Orderic recapitulates; hostilities recommenced on the Vexin frontier in 1116 (ASC 1116; H. Hunt., p. 239; cf. Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 207, p. 103). * All modern authorities date this event in 1118 (cf. Luchaire, Louis VI, no.

233, pP. 113-14). But in fact this dating depends on the assumption that all events described by Orderic in this paragraph refer to the year 1118; he is less chronologically precise at this point than Luchaire believed, and is in fact re-

capitulating the events of the past two years. Either 1116 or 1117 would be as

BOOK

XII

Here begins the twelfth book

I IN the year of our Lord 1118, the eleventh indiction, there was a

violent gale on Christmas Eve,! which levelled many buildings and woods to the ground in western countries. After the death of Pope Paschal, John of Gaeta, formerly papal chancellor and Master,

was elected Pope as Gelasius, and was canonically consecrated by the Roman clergy in defiance of the Emperor's opposition. Thereupon Bourdin, archbishop of Braga, who was called Gregory VIII by his supporters, was intruded with the Emperor's backing into the Church of God.? This was the origin of a perilous schism; fierce persecution broke out and caused great turmoil in the

catholic world. At that time? there was bitter hostility between Louis, king of France, and Henry, king of England, and the rivalry of these great princes led to continual attacks that devastated the lands of both. For King Louis was assisting the exiled William to recover his heritage, and most of the Normans were whole-heartedly on his side. However, Henry by stealth captured the fortress of SaintClair-sur-Epte* and held it for a long time against Otmund5 and other pillagers on the frontiers, inflicting great losses onthe French. So Louis came by stealth to the ford of Nicaise, which is called Gasny in common speech,® and unexpectedly entered it, disguised as a monk with his attendant knights dressed in black cowls; there he fortified a castle in the cell of the monks of Saint-

Ouen and, to his shame, established a den of thieves? in the house of the Lord, which should be used only for offering prayers to God. possible as 1118 for Henry's capture of Saint-Clair-sur-Epte; therefore all dates depending on it, including my dates for the priors of Maule (above, iii. 188, 365), should be modified to 1116 x 1118. 5 Cf. above, ii. 154, iv. 50 n. 4, v. 216. 6 Cf. above, iii. 36-8. The monks of St. Ouen, Rouen, had a cell at Gasny,

where the relics of St. Ouen were taken for safety during the ninth-century Norman invasions (Le Prévost, Eure, ii. 162-8; Cottineau, i. 1258; Fauroux, no.

53)-

7 Cf. Matthew xxi. 13; Mark xi. 17.

186

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audiuit, illuc cum

iv. 312

XII

exercitu uelociter accessit, ibique duo castra

firmauit? quz hostilis derisio turpibus uocabulis infamauit. Vnus enim Malassis’ et aliud nuncupatur Trulla Leporis. Bellica igitur rabies fere iiii annis! male furuit, incendiis et rapinis seuisque cedibus utranque regionem afflixit. Gelasius papa eruditione litterarum apprime instructus fuit, et longa exercitatione utpote qui presulum apocrisiarius fere xl annis enituerat calluit, sed non plene ii annis Romane zcclesiz prefuit. Hic auaricia nimis estuans Gallias uenit,? et acclesias ills in partibus immoderata superfluitate Quiritum opprimere cepit, sed cito instar gelu matutini flante Deo pertransiit. "[|unc in Britannia? cuidam mulieri post partum decubanti diabolus apparuit, et in specie uiri sui a quo petierat escas detulit. Illa uero specie mariti sui uisa decepta est, et comedit" et ille post prandium euanuit. Paulo post uir eius uenit, quod contigerat audiuit, nimis expauit, ac presbitero retulit. Presbiter autem inuocato nomine Domini feminam tetigit, aqua benedicta aspersit? et si rursus delusor accederet, docuit quid diceret. Iterum Sathan uenit, et illa quod edocta fuerat inquisiuit, ‘Nimius’ inquit 'uentus qui nuper ante Natale Domini terribiliter personuit, et nos grauiter perterruit, quid portendit? Templa domosque detexit, et fastigia turrium deiecit, et innumera siluarum robora prostrauit.’ At ille ait, «Decretum fuit a Domino ut magna periret hominum

portio,

sed efficax superorum optinuit supplicatio? ut parceretur hominibus et lapsus ingens immineret arboribus. Formidanda tamen ante tres erit annos in terra tribulatio, et quamplurimze sullimes personz succumbent excidio.' His dictis mulier aquam benedictam sparsit, et mox demon euanuit. Eodem tempore monstrum" in Anglia uisum est.* Apud Eli a quodam rustico empta est pregnans uacca, et iussu Heruei Britonis eiusdem diocesis episcopi mactata a-a

'Tunc ..

1 From

. Eodem tempore monstrum written over an erasure

1116 to 1119 (inclusive), if the calculation is made from the date of

Henry’s expedition to Normandy recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle to his victory at Brémule.

? Gelasius was expelled from Rome first by the Emperor Henry V and then by pro-imperial factions led by the Frangipani (Robert, Calixte IT, p. 42); necessity drove him to France, though Orderic's comment shows that the French churches

found the entertainment of the papal retinue oppressive. 3 Orderic does not make a clear distinction in spelling between Britain and Brittany; as the next example comes from England, Brittany here seems more likely than the vaguer Britain.

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187

When the king of England heard of this he hurried to the spot with his army and threw up two siege-castles there, which the enemy

derisively maligned with vulgar names. One they called ‘Ill-placed’ and the other *Hare's form’. The flames of war raged there for about four years,' and both sides of the frontier were ravaged by

fire, plunder, and cruel slaughter. Pope Gelasius was particularly well versed in letters, and as he had been an outstanding papal apocrisiary for almost forty years he had gained practical skill by long experience, but he governed the Roman church for less than two years. His avarice brought him to France,? where he began to oppress the churches by the exces-

sive number of his Roman attendants, but he passed away as swiftly as morning frost at a breath from God. At that time the devil appeared in Brittany? to a certain woman who was lying in bed after childbirth and, appearing in the likeness of her husband, brought her food for which she had asked him. Seeing what seemed to be her husband she was deceived and ate; and after she had dined the devil vanished. A little later her husband came, heard what had happened, and, horrified, informed the

priest. T'he priest touched the woman, calling on the Lord's name, sprinkled her with holy water, and taught her what to say if the tempter returned. Once more Satan came, and she asked as she had been instructed to do, "What was the meaning of that dreadful gale which caused such havoc just before last Christmas, and frightened us to death? It tore the roofs off the churches and

houses, swept away the tops of towers, and flattened many mighty oak trees in the woods.’ He replied, “The Lord had decreed that the greater part of the human race should perish, but the prayers of the heavenly host succeeded in persuading him to spare the men and sweep away many of the trees. However, you must fear a great tribulation on earth within three years, and several exalted persons will be destroyed.’ When he had said this the woman sprinkled

holy water, and the demon instantly vanished. At the same time a prodigy was seen in England.‘ At Ely a cow in calf was bought by a certain peasant; at the command of Hervey the Breton, bishop of that diocese, it was slaughtered and cut open and, strange to relate, * Orderic may have heard this story himself, if his visit to the Fenland monasteries was later than 1118 (cf. above, ii, p. xxvi); alternatively, it may have been told to Warin, abbot of Saint-Evroul, who visited Thorney and knew the

bishop of Ely (cf. above, iii. 346).

188

The Sie)

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XII

est et aperta, sed mirum dictu tres porcelli pro uitulo reperti sunt in ea. Hoc nimirum quidam Ierosolimitanus qui forte de mercato animal deducenti obuiarat intimauit, et episcopo aliisque astantibus addidit? quod tres eodem anno sullimes personz de potestate Henrici regis morerentur, plurimzque postmodum tribulationes

acerbe sequerentur. Hzec eo tempore qu peregrinus uates pre-

iv. 314

dixit" rerum exitus comprobauit. Guillelmus enim Ebroicensis comes xiiii? kalendas Maii mortuus est’ et Fontinelle in cenobio sancti Guandregisili cum Ricardo patre suo! sepultus est. Deinde Mathildis regina quz in baptismate Edit dicta fuit, kalendis Maii obiit" et in basilica sancti Petri Westmonasterio tumulata quiescit. Rodbertus autem comes Mellenti nonis Iunii obiit? et Pratellis in capitulo monachorum cum patre suo et fratre requiescit.* His itaque decedentibus ingens tribulatio Normannis orta est. Amalricus enim de Monteforti Simonis et Agnetis filius ex

sorores nepos Guillelmi comitis Ebroicensem comitatum expetiit?

lv. 315

quem prorsus ei rex Henricus consilio Audini eiusdem urbis episcopi denegauit. Ille igitur totis nisibus insurrexit, et pene totam Galliam in regem Henricum exciuit. Militaris enim et potens erat, utpote qui castella munitissima et potentes oppidanos habebat? parentibus quoque diuitiis et potentia uigentibus inter summos Francorum proceres sullimis florebat. Eodem anno Guillelmus Punctellus® in Octobri arcem ei Ebroicensem tradidit, et tota ciuitas predonibus patuit. Episcopium quoque totum depredatum est? et Audinus presul cum clericis et clientibus suis fugere compulsus est. Tunc? etiam Hugo de Gornaco et Stephanus comes de Albamarla,? Eustachius de Britolio et Richerius de

Aquila, Rodbertus quoque de Nouoburgo aliique plures contra Henricum regem rebellauerunt, et Guillelmum exulem Rodberti ducis filium in paternum honorem restituere conati sunt. * Richard, count of Evreux, died 13 December 1067, and his son William, 18 April 1118 (F. Lot, Études critiques sur l'abbaye de Saint-Wandrille (Paris, 1913), p. 82 n. 2).

2 Cf. GR ii. 494-5; Eadmer, HN, p. 248; FW ii. 71; ASC 1118. 3 Cf. ASC 1118; H. Hunt., pp. 240, 307. * See above, iv. 302. 5 Agnes, the sister of William, count of Evreux, was the third wife of Simon of Montfort (cf. above, iv. 113 n. 5). Amaury was already lord of Montfort-enIveline in France, and the succession of a French lord in the adjacent county of

Evreux was bound to appear a threat to Henry I, even if the right of collateral

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189

instead of a calf three piglets were found inside it. This was divined by a certain Jerusalem pilgrim, who happened to meet the man as he was leading the animal from the market, and he also said to the bishop and other bystanders that in that very year three great persons who were subjects of King Henry would die, and that a number of terrible tribulations would follow. The outcome of events proved the truth of the pilgrim's prophecy at the very time he had foretold. William, count of Évreux, died on 18 April, and was buried at Fontenelle in the monastery of Saint-Wandrille with his father Richard.! Then Queen Matilda, who had been christened Edith, died on 1 May, and was laid to rest in the church of St. Peter at Westminster.” Finally Robert, count of Meulan, died on 5 June;

and rests at Préaux in the chapter house of the monks with his father and brother.* After these persons had died great trials began for the Normans. Amaury of Montfort, the son of Simon and Agnes and a nephew of William,

count

of Evreux, through

his sister,’ claimed

the

county which King Henry, on the advice of Audoin, bishop of Évreux, bluntly refused to give him; and he raised a major rebellion, stirring up almost the whole of Gaul against Henry. He was a knightly and powerful man; he had very well-fortified castles and powerful castellans under him, and his kinsfolk abounded in wealth and resources so that he was one of the greatest among the great nobles of France. In October in the same year William

Pointelé surrendered the citadel of Evreux to him, and

the whole city was given over to plunder. The bishop’s palace was sacked and Bishop Audoin was forced to make his escape with his clergy and servants. At that time? too Hugh of Gournay and Stephen, count of Aumale,? Eustace of Breteuil and Richer of Laigle, Robert of Neubourg, and many others rebelled against King Henry, and attempted to restore the exiled William, Duke Robert’s son, to his father’s duchy. descendants

to inherit counties was established,

which is doubtful

(cf. Yver,

*Cháteaux forts’, p. 84). 6 One of Amaury's barons; cf. Le Prévost, Eure, i. 138-9. He was a kinsman

of Ralph of Guitot (ibid. iii. 386—7). Orderic (below, p. 204) gives the date of the surrender as 7 October 1118.

7 This vague expression covers some earlier events; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 240, implies that many lords rebelled in 1117. 8 Suger, Vita Ludovici, p. 190, names the counts of Eu and Aumale among the

rebels, as does Chron. de Hida, p. 313.

190

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XII

2

iv. 316

Me BAO

Balduinus acer iuuenis Flandrensis satrapa totis uiribus insurrexit in regem Henricum? ut cognatum suum in paternam hereditatem reuocaret Guillelmum. Henricus Aucensis comes in primis consensu rebelles adiuuit, sed prouidus rex hoc comperiens ipsum cum Hugone de Gornaco Rotomagi comprehendit, ac ad reddendas munitiones suas uinclis coartauit.! Tunc Balduinus cum multitudine Morinorum in Normanniam usque ad Archas uenit, et uillas in Talogio rege cum Normannis flammas spectante combussit. Moderatus igitur rex Buras muniuit, ibique quia plerosque Normannorum suspectos habuit? stipendiarios Britones et Anglos cum apparatu copioso constituit. Illuc nimia feritate frendens Balduinus sepe ueniebat, et Britones ad exercitium militare lacessebat. ‘Tandem a quodam Hugone Boterello uulneratus est" et inde Albamarlam quia Stephanus comes et Haduisa comitissa ei summopere fauebant regressus est. Ibi ut dicunt sequenti nocte teneras carnes manducauit, mulsum bibit" ac cum muliere concubuit.3 Inde letifera egritudo incontinentem saucium arripuit? et a Septembri usque in Iunium miserabiliter languentem ad ultima coegit. Omnes itaque qui sperabant in illo, experiri potuere continuo? quod non in homine sperandum sit sed in Domino. Mortuo Balduino Karolus de Anchora ex filia Rodberti Frisionis cognatus eius* successit" et de suis sollicitus cum rege Anglorum® aliisque affinibus suis pacem habuit. 3 Hugo filius Girardi de Gornaco quem rex ut filium nutrierat, adultum militaribus armis instruxerat, patrio honore reddito quem The fullest account of the imprisonment of Hugh and Henry is in Chron. de Hida, p. 313; the chronicler says that their release was finally secured by the intervention of William of Warenne, Hugh's uncle.

? Baldwin VII's campaign on behalf of William Clito began in 1117, and he made

one

foray into Normandy

in that year (Luchaire,

Louis

VI, no.

229,

pp. 111-12; ASC 1117; H. Hunt., p. 240). His attack on Arques belongs to the year 1118. The dating in Chron. de Hida, p. 311, is vague.

3 Accounts of Baldwin’s fatal wound vary: Chron. de Hida, p. 315; Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxvi, p. 194; H. Hunt., p. 240, say it was received at Eu; William of Malmesbury, GR ii. 479, at Arques. William describes his indulgence in eating goose with garlic, ‘nec nocte Venere abstinuerit’; the Hyde chronicler

speaks of poisoned food, with garlic and honey, perhaps referring to mead.

BOOK

XII

IQI

2

Baldwin,

the ardent young

count

of Flanders,

went

to war

against King Henry with all his forces, in order to restore his kinsman William to his ancestral inheritance. In the early stages Henry, count of Eu, was one of the first sympathizers to help the rebels, but the prudent king, getting wind of this, arrested him at Rouen with Hugh of Gournay and, throwing him into fetters,

forced him to surrender his castles.! Then Baldwin advanced into Normandy as far as Arques, with a great company of Flemings, and burnt down villages in Le Talou under the eyes of the king and the Normans.? The king, acting cautiously, fortified Bures and, because he regarded many of the Normans with suspicion, placed there Breton and English mercenaries with ample supplies. Baldwin often came there, spoiling for battle, and goaded the Bretons to feats of arms. In the end he was wounded by a certain Hugh Boterel and retired to Aumale, for Count Stephen and Countess Hawise were among his closest supporters. There on the following night, the story goes, he ate freshly killed meat, drank mead, and slept with a woman.? This indulgence, wounded

as he was, brought on a fatal sickness which, after he had lingered on painfully from September to June, caused his death.* All who had set their hopes on him knew from that time that we should put

our trust not in man but in the Lord. After Baldwin’s death Charles of Encre, his cousin through the daughter of Robert the Frisian,’ succeeded,

and to secure the

welfare of his people he kept peace with the king of Englandó and his other neighbours. 3 Hugh, the son of Gerard of Gournay, whom the king had brought up like his own son, had invested with the arms of knight-

hood when he became a man, and had raised to the highest rank by 4 He died on 17 June 1119 (Vercauteren, Actes, p. xviii). 5 Charles the Good,

count of Flanders,

was a son of Robert the Frisian’s

daughter Adela and King Cnut of Denmark (d. 1086). He was brought up in Flanders; the castle of Encre was given to him by his cousin Baldwin (see C. Verlinden, Robert I** le Frison, Antwerp, 1935, p. 24; Vercauteren, p. xviii n. 7; Galbert (Ross), pp. 12-14; MGH SS vi. 459).

Actes,

6 Cf. GR ii. 479; Gaston G. Dept, Les influences anglaise et frangaise dans le comté de Flandre au début du XIII? siécle (Ghent, 1928), p. 20.

192

iv. 318

iv. 319

iv. 320

iv. 321

iv. 322

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XII

Drogo! uitricus eius aliquandiu gubernarat, inter magnatos sullimarat’ regia credulitate munitiones fidei suz commissas ut amicus recepit, sed beneficiis magnifici altoris condignas grates non recompensauit. Proditoribus enim coniunctus est? et in dominum nutriciumque suum rebellare ausus est. Mense Iunio de sorore sua nomine Gundrea cum rege tractauit’ ipsamque consilio regis Nigello de Albinneio? potenti uiro nuptum tradidit. Desponsatione uero facta sponsus cum sponsa nuptias suas celebrauit, sed Hugo cum suis complicibus festinanter inde recessit? ipsoque die contra regem arma sustulit. Municipium namque Plessicii ex insperato intrauit, hominemque probum Bertrannum cognomento Rumicen? qui regi sibique fidus tutor erat* repente occidit, et nepoti eius Hugoni Talabot5 munitionem commisit. Verum rex non multo post idem castrum recuperauit, fortiter muniuit, ibique Rodbertum et Guillelmum filios Amalrici® cum insigni militum caterua pro tuitione regionis constituit. Porro inceptam rebellionem Hugo contumaciter tenuit, et castella sua Gornacum et Firmitatem atque Goisleni Fontem? militibus et armis muniuit, et incendiis ac rapinis inter Sequanam et pelagus totam regionem oppido deuastauit. Rodbertus enim cognomento Hachet et Girardus de Fiscanno,8 Engerrannus de Guascolio,? Antelmus ac Gislebertus de Cresseio,!? aliique cupidi

predones illi adherebant, qui crudelissimam in Talou et Caletensi pago guerram faciebant. Hiemalibus quippe noctibus longe discurrebant, et milites atque pagenses cum uxoribus et infantibus etiam in cunabulis rapiebant, et ab eis ingentem in carceribus redemptionem immaniter exigebant. Consentientes ibidem plurimos ! Drogo of Mouchy, who married Hugh's mother, Edith of Warenne, after the death of Gerard of Gournay. See Robert of Torigny’s Interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, pp. 277-8; EYC viii. 6—7; above, v. 30).

? Nigel of Aubigny's first marriage with Matilda of Laigle had been dissolved; see above, iv. 282-4. His marriage with Gundreda took place in June 1118.

3 The name may imply ‘spearman’; rumex was a kind of hunting-spear. * This implies that Bertrand had been left in charge of the castle after Hugh had been forced to surrender it to the king. Cf. Chron. de Hida, pp. 313-14, ‘milites quos rex Henricus castellis ejusdem ob securitatem induxerat totis viribus expugnat, occidit, et exterminat'.

5 Talbot was a common name: it was borne by tenants of the lords of Gournay in Normandy and England as well as by tenants of the Giffards and the counts of Eu (Loyd, p. 100). $ Amaury’s identity is uncertain. The two men appear to have been some of

Henry I's mercenary captains. ? 'These castles had been handed over to William Rufus by Gerard of Gournay (see above, iv. 182). The civil wars of that period produced a multiplication

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193

restoring to him the honor of his ancestors which his stepfather Drogo! had governed for a time, accepted in the guise of a friend the castles given into his keeping by the king's misguided confidence, but did not repay the favours of his august patron with proper gratitude. He allied himself with the traitors, and had the temerity to rebel against his lord and foster-father. In June he discussed with the king the future of his sister, Gundreda by name, and on the king's recommendation gave her in marriage to Nigel of Aubigny,? a powerful man. After the marriage husband and wife continued their wedding celebrations, but Hugh quickly withdrew with his accomplices and on the very same day took up arms against the king. He entered the castle of Le Plessis without warning, killed Bertrand Rumex;? an honourable man who had been a loyal guardian both to the king and to himself,* and entrusted the castle to his kinsman, Hugh Talbot.5 The king, however, recovered the castle shortly afterwards, fortified it strongly, and placed there Robert and William, the sons of Amaury,$ with a distinguished band of knights to protect the region. Hugh obstinately persisted in continuing his rebellion; he garrisoned and provided with arms his castles of Gournay and La Ferté-en-Bray and Gaillefontaine,? and laid waste the whole region between the Seine and the sea with fire and plunder. Robert Haget and Gerard of Fécamp,? Enguerrand of Vascoeuil,? Anceaume and Gilbert of Cressy,!'? and other rapacious bandits were among his partisans, and they carried on a cruel war in the region of Talou and Caux. They went out on distant forays in the winter nights, captured knights and peasants with their wives and even infants in cradles, and extorted huge ransoms from them by brutal imprisonment. They had many adherents thereabouts, in whose of baronial castles in Upper Normandy; see Yver, ‘Chateaux forts’, pp. 56-7, 65; Lemarignier, L’hommage en marche, p. 37.

8 [ have been unable to identify either of these men with certainty. One branch of the Hacket or Haget family were tenants of the Mowbrays and occur

frequently in Yorkshire charters (E YC vii. 157, 177, 187, 286, and passim; Mowbray charters, p. xxxv n. 4). The name occurs in Normandy for tenants of

the Giffards (CDF no. 224). Gerard of Fécamp may possibly belong to the family of William of Fécamp, founder of Beaubec (Le Prévost, iv. 320 n. 2). 9 Enguerrand of Vascoeuil was later one of the prominent barons and witnesses at King Stephen’s court at Rouen, and subsequently at the court of Geoffrey of Anjou (Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 92, 127, 145, 148). 10 The family were lords of Cressy in the region of Caux,

which was held

of the Warenne honor of Bellencombre (Magni rotuli scaccarii Normanniae, ed. T. Stapleton, London,

1846, ii, pp. cxvii-cxviii; Loyd, p. 35).

194

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XII

habebant? quorum hospitio refoti et diutius si necesse fuit occultati ad nefas subito proruebant/ et damnis ingentibus undique colonos proterebant. Sic Braiherii Rodomensem prouinciam ledebant, et minitando peiora nimis inquietabant, multiplicibusque auxiliis adiuti Francorum et Normannorum affines suos uexabant. Solus Guillelmus de Rolmara! Nouimercatus municeps et commanipulares eius illis obstabant. Plerunque predas quas illi de longinquo adduxerant? isti de pratis qua secus Eptam uirent ad penates suos perducebant. Tunc decem et octo castellani proceres Neustriz, quorum fama et potestas ceteris preminebat precipue? perfidiz gelu torpebant, exulis Guillelmi partibus fauebant, et super regiz partis debilitatione gaudebant.

4 iv. 323

Ea tempestate Fulco Andegauensis comes a Rodberto Geroio qui castrum sancti Serenici contra regem defensabat? inuitatus uenit, et cum quingentis militibus Motam Gualterii3 quam rex munierat obsedit, ingentique instantia crescentis exercitus per octo dies in fine Iulii expugnauit. Hoc audiens Henricus rex Alencionem uenit? missisque ueredariis phalanges totius Normanniz ad pugnam congregauit. Interea crebris assultibus Andegauini Normannos fatigauerunt? ualidisque saxorum ictibus munimentum contriuerunt. Sic nimirum cxl milites sine damno membrorum et armorum ad deditionem coacti sunt? quorum principes Rogerius de Sancto Iohanne et Iohannes frater eius+ a rege electi fuerunt. Andegauenses autem kalendis Augusti munitionem solo tenus diruerunt, et uictores in patriam suam leti redierunt. Castrenses uero pro infortunio suo mesti Alencionem uenerunt, sed irato rege pro deditione satis erubuerunt, defectum tamen suum ! William of Roumare was the son of Roger fitz Gerold, castellan of Neufmarché; for his later career see below, pp. 332-4, 538-42.

? The implications of Robert Giroie's rebellion are hidden by the reticence Orderic always showed in mentioning the treasonable conduct of the patrons of

his monastery: he gives no hint of why the king was attempting to take the castle of Saint-Céneri, which had been taken from the Giroie by Robert of Belléme and subsequently restored to them by Robert Curthose (see above, iv. 154—6, 292-4). Orderic gives no indication that it had originally been a ducal

castle, though Robert I Giroie had agreed to do homage to William I for it (cf. above, ii. 28, 78-80), and Henry I may have wished to challenge the hereditary rights claimed by the Giroie family.

BOOK

XII

195

houses they could refresh themselves and if necessary lie low for

a long time, emerging without warning for fresh crimes, and they terrorized and brought ruin on the country people for miles around. So the men of Bray oppressed the province of Rouen, kept it in turmoil by threat of worse things, and, with the help of many supporters, both French and Norman, tormented their neighbours.

William of Roumare,' the castellan of Neufmarché, and his companions were alone in putting up a fight against them. From the green meadows bordering the Epte they carried off to their homes a great deal of booty which the bandits had brought from far away. At that time eighteen castellans of Normandy, magnates who far exceeded the rest in eminence and power, remained passively frozen in their treachery, favoured the supporters of the exiled William, and looked with satisfaction at the weakening of the king's cause.

4 At that time Fulk, count of Anjou, came at the invitation of

Robert Giroie, who was defending the castle of Saint-Céneri

against the king,? and with five hundred men laid siege to La Motte-Gautier-de-Clinchamp? which the king had fortified. With the aid of a huge and growing army he stormed it in the course of eight days at the end of July. On hearing news of this King Henry came to Alencon and sent out messengers to summon military contingents from the whole of Normandy to battle. Meanwhile the Angevins wore down the Normans by repeated assaults, and battered the castle with heavy showers of stones. In this way a hundred and forty knights, whose leaders Roger of St. John and John his brother* had been hand-picked by the king, were forced to surrender without suffering injuries or loss of arms. The Angevins razed the fortress to the ground on 1 August and returned home victorious and rejoicing. ‘The garrison, lamenting their misfortune, came to Alencon; when the king grew angry at the surrender they blushed with shame, but defended their failure on 3 La Motte-Gautier-de-Clinchamp was one of the former Belléme castles in Maine (cf. above, v. 234). 4 Roger and John of St. John (Saint-Jean-le-Thomas) were the brothers of Thomas of St. John (see above, p. 84), and came from a region that had been

conspicuously loyal to Henry I. John succeeded his elder brother Thomas shortly before 1130 (cf. Regesta, ii. 1322, 1459; Facsimiles of Early Charters in Oxford Muniment Rooms, ed. H. E. Salter (Oxford, 1929), no. 57; Loyd, pp. 89-90).

196

iv. 324

iv. 325

BOOK XII

rationabiliter excusauerunt/ dum crebro per nuncios quzsitus diuque expectatus cum necessariis uiribus auxiliator nimis tardasset, et ingens uiolentia iugiter insilientium inclusis incubuisset. Tunc rex Henricus Sagium et Alencionem et totam in illa regione terram Rodberti Belesmensis Tedbaldo comiti dedit, ipse uero eundem honorem permittente rege Stephano fratri suo pro portione paternz hereditatis que in Gallia est donauit. Stephanus itaque iuuenis Sagium et Alencionem Merulamque super Sartam et Almaniscas cum rupe de Ialgeio possedit, munitiones armis propriisque satellitibus muniuit, angariis et exactionibus indigenas oppressit, mutatisque consuetudinibus quas hactenus sub rege habuerant sese odibilem ipsosque infidos effecit. In diebus illis filii maliciz in cathedra pestilentiz sedebant? et multa nefaria per eos in terra fiebant. Tunc Richerius de Aquila patris sui terram de Anglia requisiuit,! sed ei rex omnino denegauit’ dicens quia Goisfredus et Engenulfus? fratres eius in regis familia seruiebant, et eundem honorem hzreditario iure fiducialiter expectabant. Cumque iuuenis ius suum sepius requireret, et procaciter frequentans regi molestus esset" ille multis occupatus ei que petebat omnino denegauit, insuper eum infamibus uerbis deturpauit. Turgidus ergo adolescens iratus de curia recessit Normannorum, et mox pactum fecit cum rege Francorum, quod nisi patrium ius sibi redderetur regem desereret Anglorum. Spopondit Ludouicus rex Richerio quod si suz parti faueret’ ipse Ix et Amalricus 1 milites in Aquile castro assidue teneret. Securus itaque Richerius curiam adiit, regem Angliz de haereditate sua iterum requisiuit, sed nichil optinuit, mestusque recessit. Sequenti uero die Rotro comes auunculus eius? regem de predicta re repetiit, consiliumque ne seditio augmentaretur ei benigniter dedit. Cuius monitis rex adquieuit, et per eundem Richerio se omnia quz petierat redditurum mandauit. His auditis Richerius gauisus est? et Ludouico regi cum magno exercitu iam properanti obuiam profectus est. "lecum' inquit 'domine mi nuper feci pactum quod tenere nequeo. Dominus enim meus rex Anglorum michi totum restituit quod petebam, * Among the lands of Gilbert I of Laigle in England was Pevensey (Sussex), granted after the forfeiture of William of Mortain in 1106 (Sanders, p. 136).

2 Geoffrey and Engenulf were both drowned in the White Ship; cf. above, iv. 50, below, p. 298.

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the reasonable grounds that though they had waited long and had repeatedly sent urgent messages he had delayed too long in bringing the help they needed, and they had been shut in under a ceaseless bombardment from the besiegers. Then King Henry gave Séez and Alengon and all the land of Robert of Belléme in that region to Count Theobald, and he with the king's permission granted that honor to his brother Stephen as his share of the ancestral inheritance in France. So young Stephen took possession of Séez and Alencon and Le Méle-sur-Sarthe and Almenéches with La Roche-Mabille, fortified the castles by filling them with arms and his own troops, imposed heavy corvées and taxes on the inhabitants, and by changing the customs they had enjoyed under the king made himself hated and his men disloyal. In those days the sons of iniquity sat in the seat of pestilence, and many evil deeds were wrought by them in the world. At that time Richer of Laigle claimed his father's land in England,! but the king refused outright to grant it, saying that his brothers, Geoffrey and Engenulf,? were serving in the royal household troops and confidently expecting the honor by hereditary right. When the young man had asked repeatedly for what was his own and had worn out the king's patience by his importunacy, Henry, who was occupied with many affairs, flatly refused him with contemptuous words into the bargain. So the proud youth retired in anger from the Norman court and quickly made a pact with the king of France that unless his inheritance was restored to him he would desert the king of England. King Louis promised Richer that if he supported his cause he himself would maintain sixty and Amaury fifty knights in the fortress of Laigle. Encouraged by this Richer visited the court and once more asked the king of England for his inheritance, but getting no satisfaction gloomily retired. Next day Count Rotrou, his uncle,? again sought the same favour from the king, and advised him as a friend not to allow sedition to spread. His admonitions persuaded the king, who informed Richer through him that he would restore all he asked. At this news Richer was delighted and went to meet King Louis, who was already hurrying with a great army. ‘My lord,’ he said, 'I recently made a pact with you which I am unable to keep. For my lord the king of England has restored to me all that I asked, therefore 3 Rotrou, son of Geoffrey of Mortagne, count of Perche, was the brother of Richer’s mother, Juliana. 822242

H

198

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unde iustum est ut in omnibus conseruem ei fidem integram.’ Ludouicus rex ait, ‘Vade, et faciam quod potero. Confestim Richerius proprios lares repetiit, et rex pedetentim cum omni uirtute sua ad portas Aquilz accessit. Oppidanis autem sese defendere uolentibus rex institit, nimiusque uentus ignem nescio a quo immissum admodum aluit, quo flante flamma uorax totum oppidum concremauit. Richerius itaque tali coactus infortunio ad regem accessit, et foedere confirmato in? nonas Septembris! munimentum Francis reddidit. Porro rex Francie cum suis ibi tribus diebus in magna egestate permansit, et quarto recedens Amalricum comitem et Guillelmum Crispinum et Hugonem de Nouo Castello? ad tutandum castrum dimisit. Tunc Guillelmus de Rete iv. 326

et Sencio,

in uilla quod Liued5 iv. 327

Guillelmus

de Fontenillis

et Isnardus

de

Scublaio,? pro fidelitate Henrici regis ad Pontem Erchenfredi abierunt, et relictis omnibus qua sub preuaricatore pacis habuerunt, Radulfo Rufo contra hostes regis adheserunt. Galli combustionem totius uillz cernentes non pauidi ut fugaces lepores, sed fortitudine securi ut leones, uacuas domibus plateas seruauerunt, ibique uictum armis quesituri tentoria fixerunt. His itaque gestis diuulgatis Henricus rex cum ingenti exercitu sequenti die conuolauit, et Aquilam qua nimis desolata erat omnibus qui intus erant contremiscentibus obsidere festinauit. Verum conatus eius tristis nuncius impediuit, Guillelmus de Tancardiuilla^ cui rex nimis credulus adquieuit. Is enim regem dicitur assecutus

ait, ‘Quo tendis domine

rex? Ecce Caletenses mittunt me ad te: ut festines ad illos cum copiis tuis remeare. Hugo enim de Gornaco et Stephanus de Albamarla cum complicibus suis in monte Rotomagi consistunt, et in cenobio sancte Trinitatis castellum construere satagunt, ibique nepotem tuum cum multitudine Francorum uenientem prestolantur, ut a ciuibus ei ciuitas prodatur.' Protinus his auditis rex inde reuersus est: et cuneus castrensium in diuersa diuertentes? 9? Sic in MS. 1 3 September 1118 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 245, p. 119). Orderic is the sole source for this episode, and his chronology is unusually precise.

2 Hugh II was the son of Gervase of Cháteauneuf-en- Thimerais, and the son-

in-law of Robert of Meulan (GEC vii. 520). 3 William of Ray, William of Fontenil (near Ecublei), Isnard of Écublei (Saint-Martin d'Écublei), and possibly also Sancho, were lords of small estates near to Saint-Évroul, and no doubt personally known to Orderic. Count Rotrou

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justice requires that I preserve my fealty to him in all things.’ King Louis replied, “Go back, and I will rely on my own strength.’ Richer hurried home, and the king reached the gates of Laigle hard on his heels with all his forces. The king attacked the garrison, who tried to defend themselves; a strong wind fanned a fire that some unknown person had started and blew until the hungry flames consumed the whole town. Richer was forced by the disaster to seek out the king, and by a treaty ratified on 3 September! he handed over the stronghold to the French. The king of France remained there with his men for three days, in great want, and retired on the fourth day, leaving Count Amaury and William Crispin and Hugh of Chateauneuf-en-Thimerais? to defend the fortress. Then William of Ray and Sancho, William of Fontenil, and Isnard of Écublei? went off to Pont-Échanfray, out of loyalty to King Henry; and, abandoning everything they held under the disturber of the peace, they joined forces with Ralph the Red against the enemies of the king. The French, not trembling like timid hares but confident and brave like lions, surveyed the ashes of the town and made use of the sites empty of houses; they pitched their tents there and went out armed to forage for food. When news of these events had become known, King Henry hurried towards the spot the next day with a great army and lost no time in investing Laigle, which was utterly devastated, while all the inhabitants trembled. But his attempt was foiled by a messenger of woe, William of Tancarville,* whom the king too readily believed. He overtook the king in the village of Livet5 and said, ‘My lord king, what are you about? The Cauchois have sent me to ask you to hurry back to them with your forces. Hugh of Gournay and Stephen of Aumale and their partisans have established themselves on the hill above Rouen, and are trying to build a castle in the monastery of the Holy Trinity; they are waiting for your nephew to arrive with a strong force of Frenchmen, so that the citizens may betray the city to him.' On hearing this the king returned at once, and the garrison force pursued them, turning aside for various made several expeditions to Spain (see below, pp. 396—400, 404), and Sancho may

have joined his knights there. * William of Tancarville was chamberlain of Normandy and England (GEC x, App. F, pp. 47-54; Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 112, 183; Regesta, ii, p. xv). 5 Either Livet-en-Ouche or Livet in the forest of Saint-Evroul. Farrer, Itinerary, p. 81, inclines to the former; Le Prévost, iv. 326 n. 2, to the latter,

perhaps because it would make the raid on Moulins more plausible.

200

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insecutus est. Tunc de Molinensibus! fere xl comprehenderunt? et predis undique collectis corroborati castrum Aquilz munierunt, et per annum integrum fortiter tenuerunt. Rex Henricus Rotomagum celeriter uenit, sed hostes ut audierat ibi non inuenit, deceptus a camerario suo qui de Aquila illum reduxerit. Magnum utique illis qui sub diuo frigore et tremore contremiscebant suffragium contulit" dum alia occasione falso protensa regem frustra cum turmis suis abegerit.

5

iv. 328

iv. 329

Deinde rex cum mille militibus contra Hugonem in Braium expeditionem fecit, et castellum Hugonis quod Firmitas uocatur expugnare cepit, sed pluuiz mira mox inundatio erupit. Denique prouincia funditus deuastata recessit, et inde contra Rodbertum qui rebellauerat Nouum Burgum expetiit, impugnauit, penitusque concremauit. Praefatus enim Rodbertus Henrici comitis et Margaritz filius erat,? et contra Gualerannum comitem de Mellento filium Rodberti comitis patrui scilicet sui calumnias faciebat, sed uirtute regia 'consobrinum suum protegente conciocinari ad uoluntatem suam non poterat. Illectus ergo a publicis hostibus contra regem insurrexit: sed multis opibus depopulatione seu combustione amissis nichil recuperauit. Facundia quidem est preditus, sed dextera frigidus, et plus lingua quam lancea lucratus. Eo tempore rex Henricus diuturnam obsidionem tenere nolebat, quia ipse turbatis omnibus ut in fraternis conflictibus fieri assolet, in suis non confidebat. Illi enim qui cum eo manducabant, nepoti suo aliisque inimicis eius fauebant, eiusque secretis denudatis adminiculum illis summopere procurabant. Hoc nempe plus quam ciuile bellum? erat, et necessitudo fratres et amicos atque parentes in utraque parte concatenabat? unde neuter alteri nocere studebat. Tunc plurimi Achitophel et Semei^ aliosque desertores in Neustria imitabantur, et operibus illorum similia operabantur: qui relicto rege per Samuhelem diuinitus ordinato Absalon parricide iungebantur. Sic nimirum plerique faciebant qui pacificum princi-

pem pontificali electione et benedictione consecratum deserebant, * Moulins and Bon-Moulins lie to the south-west of Laigle; if King Henry turned back from Livet-en-Ouche, north of Laigle, the French forces who

raided Moulins cannot have been harrying his rear. 2 See above, iv. 304.

3 Cf. Lucan, Pharsalia, i. 1.

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forays. They took prisoner about forty of the men of Moulins-laMarche! and, well supplied with booty taken from all around, they fortified the stronghold of Laigle and held it boldly for a whole

year.

The king soon reached Rouen, but did not find the enemy he had been told were there, for his chamberlain, in turning him back

from Laigle, had misled him. William was the means of bringing welcome relief to men who were trembling with cold and terror in the open air, when by wrongly urging other business he turned the king and his troops away on a vain errand.

5 Next the king led an attack against Hugh in Bray with a thousand knights, and began to assault Hugh’s castle of La Ferté-enBray; but torrential rains pelted down almost at once. Finally he retired after laying waste the whole region, and from there went to Neubourg against the rebel Robert, stormed it, and burnt it to the ground. Robert of Neubourg was the son of Earl Henry and Margaret,? and had made claims against Waleran, count of Meulan, the son of his uncle Count Robert, but he was not able to

crush his cousin as he wished because of the king’s powerful protection. So, seduced by the rebels, he rose against the king; but

after losing much of his wealth by fire and sword he was unable to recover anything. He is a man of great eloquence, but his arm is slow to act and he has won more by his tongue than by his lance. At that time King Henry could not support a long siege, because in the general confusion that always occurs in conflicts between kinsmen he was unable to trust his own men. Men who ate with him favoured the cause of his nephew and his other enemies and, by prying into his secrets, greatly helped these men. This was indeed a more than civil war,? and ties of blood bound together brothers and friends and kinsmen who were fighting on both sides, so that neither wished to harm the other. Many in Normandy then imitated Achitophel and Shimei* and other turncoats, and committed deeds like those of the men who, deserting the king divinely ordained by Samuel, joined Absalom, the parricide. ‘This is exactly what many men did when they deserted the peace-loving prince elected and blessed by the bishops and, breaking the fealty they had * See 2 Kings (2 Samuel), chs. xv-xviii.

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et mentita fide quam illi ut domino spoponderant, inberbi satrapz ad nefas agendum non ex debito sed sponte sua gratanter adherebant. 6 Indictione xi? nonas Octobris concilium Rotomagi congregatum est. Ibi rex Henricus de pace regni tractauit cum Radulfo Cantuariz archiepiscopo? aliisque baronibus quos aggregauerit.? Ibi Goisfredus Rotomagensis archiepiscopus de statu zcclesiza Dei locutus est cum iiii suffraganeis presulibus Ricardo Baiocensi et Iohanne Luxouiensi, Turgiso Abrincatensi et Rogerio Constantiensi, et abbatibus multis. Ibi enim affuerunt Rogerius Fiscannensis? et Ursus Gemmeticensis,+ Guillelmus Beccensis* et Eudo

iv. 330

Cadomensis,$ Ricardus Pratellensis? et Andreas 'Troarnensis,8 Guillelmus de Cruce et Osbernus Vltrisportensis, et alii plures quos nominare necesse non est. Ibi tunc Conracius Romanus clericus, Gelasii papa legatus,? eloquentissimo sermone utpote latiali fonte a puericia inebriatus, querimoniam fecit de Karolo imperatore,'? Paschalis pape bonorum operum et zdificiorum prauo destructore, et katholicorum diro persecutore. Addidit etiam planctum de Burdino pseudo papa apostolicz sedis inuasore, et de multimoda in Tusciz partibus zcclesiz tribulatione. Retulit etiam Gelasii papz qui iam cis alpes uenerat!! insurgentibus procellis exilium? et a normannica ecclesia subsidium petiit orationum magisque pecuniarum. Serlo autem Sagiensis episcopus huic sinodo non interfuit, sed legatus eius infirmitatis seniique causa eum defuisse asseruit. Audinus uero presul Ebroicensis per legatum suum mandauit? quod pro tutela patrize contra publicos hostes non interfuerit, sed @ Sic in MS. ' No other contemporary historian mentions the council of Rouen of 7 October 1118. A record of a case between St. Stephen's, Caen, and Savigny, settled at

the council, mentions the same bishops bishop of Exeter, and Hildebert, bishop tutions, p. 294; Regesta, ii. 1182). ? Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury, had his case against Thurstan of York to the

as Orderic and in addition William, of Le Mans (Haskins, Norman Insticome to Normandy on his way to bring papal court (Eadmer, HN, pp. 248-9;

GP, p. 131).

3 Roger of Bayeux, abbot of Fécamp 1107-1138[9; cf. above, p. 140. 4 Cf. above, v. 212.

5 William of Beaumont, abbot of Bec 1093-1124 (Porée, i. 240—79).

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pledged him as their lord, voluntarily embraced the cause of the beardless count to do wrong, not because duty forced them to it,

but of their own free will. 6 On 7 October in the eleventh indiction a council was assembled at Rouen.! Here King Henry considered the peace of the realm with Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury,? and other barons whom he had summoned. Here Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, discussed the state of the Church of God with four suffragan bishops— Richard of Bayeux, John of Lisieux, Turgis of Avranches,

and

Roger of Coutances—and many abbots. The following were present: Roger of Fécamp? and Ursus of Jumieges,* William of Bec-Hellouin* and Eudo of Caen,® Richard of Préaux? and Andrew of Troarn,? William of La Croix-Saint-Leufroi and Os-

bern of Tréport, and many others whom I need not name. In that council the legate of Pope Gelasius, a Roman clerk named Cuno,? made a most eloquent speech, for he had been deeply read in Latin letters since his boyhood. In it he made accusations against the Emperor Charles,!'? the sinful wrecker of the good works and achievements of Pope Paschal, and the harsh persecutor of catholics. He added too a complaint about Bourdin the antipope and usurper of the papal see, and about the manifold trials of the Church in Tuscany. He related also how as the storms arose Pope Gelasius had already come into exile north of the Alps, and begged for the help of the Norman church in prayers and even more in money. Serlo, bishop of Séez, was not present at this synod, but his envoy declared that his absence was due to age and ill health. Audoin, bishop of Évreux, sent a message by his envoy that he could not come because he was defending his province against 6 Cf. above, p. 138. 7 Richard of Fourneaux, abbot of Préaux (GC xi. 837-8; cf. above, iv. 304-6). 8 Abbot of Troarn 1112-47 (R. N. Sauvage, L'abbaye de Saint-Martin de Troarn (Mém. soc. ant. Norm. 1911), p. 292). 9 Schieffer, Legaten, p. 195, has no further information to add to Orderic's account.

19 Emperor Henry V. 11 This should be read as an anticipation of what was to happen: Gelasius reached France in late October or early November (Robert, Calixte IT, p. 42), but was on his way there when the synod met at Rouen (Schieffer, Legaten, p. 195 n. 6).

204

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nisi Dominus custodierit ciuitatem frustra uigilat qui custodit eam.! Eadem enim die turris Amalrico Ebroicensis tradita est.

fi

iv. 331

Guillelmus Punctellus? nepos Radulfi de Guitot cui rex Ebroice urbis arcem commendauerat, memor antique societatis quam in curia Guillelmi comitis cum Amalrico habuerat, pro intellectu suo autumans quod tantus uir auorum hereditate suorum iniuste priuatus fuerat! ex insperato fidos sodales in turrim secum intromisit, et communem totius populi pacem floccipendens dimisso rege Amalrico se contulit. Cui mox Elinancius de Altoilo? cum aliis pluribus adhesit, et ingens seditio totam regionem undique turbauit. Inuasores arcis episcopium et urbem inuaserunt, et omnem episcopi suppellectilem cum libris et ornamentis diripuerunt, sibique bellica ui circumiacentem pro-

uinciam subegerunt. Audinus autem episcopus ne occideretur cum domesticis suis aufugit, et per unum annum hac et illac peruagatus exulauit. Barbam uero suam non rasit, habituque suo luctum ecclesiasti-

ce desolationis monstrauit.^ ''ribulatio huiusmodi Ebroas afflixit, et fugatis inde clericis per unum annum ibidem diuinum officium cessauit. 8 Secunda septimana Nouembris Henricus rex cum ualida manu militum peditumque Aquilam adiit? et prouinciam in circumitu deuastauit. Porro castellani qui probitate plurimum gloriabantur egressi sunt" et cum regalibus militari more haut segniter semet exercuerunt. Ibi Tedbaldum comitem de cornipede deiectum rapuerunt, sed rex Stephanusque comes cum uirtute militum insecuti sunt" comitemque de manibus hostium nobiliter eripuerunt. Tunc tam acris concertatio facta est et tam ualide? ut ipse rex de lapide percuteretur in capite, sed zrea cassis ictum lapidis respuit impune. In illo tempore burgenses Alencionis contra regem Henricum rebellauerunt, causamque notabo cur regem tanto facinore offenderunt. Stephanus Moritolii comes qui tunc eis dominabatur 1 Psalm cxxvi (cxxvii). 1. ? Cf. above, p. 188. 3 A son of Anschetil of Auteuil; see Le Prévost, Eure, i. 146. * For the custom of growing a beard as a sign of penance cf. above, iv. 188.

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rebels; but unless the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain.! That very same day the citadel of Evreux was surrendered to Amaury. Y A kinsman of Ralph of Guitot, William Pointel,? to whom the king had committed the charge of the citadel of Évreux, reflected on his former association with Amaury in Count William's court, and made up his own mind that this great man had been unjustly deprived of his ancestral inheritance. Unexpectedly he introduced trustworthy accomplices into the citadel where he was and, heedless of the general peace of the whole community, deserted the king and went over to Amaury. Soon Elinance of Auteuil? and several others joined him, and a major insurrection shook the whole province. The occupants of the citadel seized the bishop’s palace and the town, carried off as loot all the bishop's furnishings and books and ornaments, and by force of arms imposed their will on all the province around. Audoin the bishop fled with his servants to save his life and spent a year in exile, wandering from place to place. He did not shave his beard, and by his appearance portrayed the mourning of the afflicted church.^ Évreux suffered these trials, and after the

clergy were driven out the divine office was not celebrated there for a year. 8 In the second week of November King Henry came to Laigle with a strong force of mounted knights and foot-soldiers, and laid waste the district round about. The garrison forces, who greatly prided themselves on their prowess, emerged and were not slow to engage in knightly feats of arms with the king’s forces. They succeeded in unhorsing and capturing Count Theobald, but the king and Count Stephen came up with a force of knights and by their chivalrous valour rescued the count from the enemy's hands. Then there was such a bitter and violent general engagement that the king himself was struck on the head by a stone, but the brazen

helmet safely deflected the force of the blow. At that time the townsmen of Alencon rebelled against King Henry, and I will explain why they offended the king by such a crime. Stephen, count of Mortain, who was their lord at the time,

206 iv. 332

Iv. 333

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XII

adolescens erat, et burgenses non ut decuisset diligebat, seu competenti iure honorabat. Adulantium fauori non senum consilio more Roboam! adquiescebat, et oppidanos infideles sibi et regi autumabat’ unde iniuriis eos et insolitis exactionibus opprimebat, minusque quam oporteret quid inde sequeretur preuidebat. Denique omnes conuenit? et ab eis ut filios suos sibi obsides darent exegit. Inuiti et coacti imperanti obsecundauerunt, sed maliuolentia pleni ultionis tempus desiderauerunt. Iracundiam quippe suam callide occultarunt’ sed manifestam non multo post uindictam machinati sunt. Comes autem obsides accepit, sed honorifice non tractauit. Vxorem cuiusdam probi hominis filiam Pagani de Caceio famosi equitis in turrim" custodiendam posuit, quz lenonibus ibidem commissa uehementer ingemuit. Amiotus autem uir eius nimis iratus erubuit, multosque sibi similis querelze clam fide sociauit.? Regem uero iusticie amatorem imprudentes timuerunt interpellare" ne clamorem eorum de nepote suo dedignaretur audire. Vnde Arnulfum de Monte Gomerici? fratrem Rodberti Belesmensis adierunt, et per eum Fulconem Andegauis comitem requisierunt, ut Alencionem quem tradere parati erant reciperent, comitisque custodibus de turri expulsis libertatem incolis impetrarent. Comes autem hzc gaudenter accepit, militesque suos et sagittarios peditesque aggregauit, Alencionem uenit, cum suis nocte intrauit, eosque qui in turri erant acriter aggrediens obsedit. Quod fama qua nil in terra uelocius mouetur longe lateque diuulgauit, et protinus ad aures solliciti regis de regni curis peruenit. Magnanimus rex ut certos rumores agnouit, Normannos et Anglos aliosque multos regali iure asciuit, Tedbaldum etiam Carnotensium comitem cum suis ad auxilium conuocauit. Denique mense Decembri prope Alencionem innumeri conuenerunt, qui summopere inclusis suffragari conati sunt.* Preclari quippe fratres ? Sic in MS.; in turri Le Prévost ! Cf. above, iii. 98-100; v. 382. 2 The Gesta consulum andegavorum

supports

Orderic

on

the

taking

of

hostages from the families of the burgesses and the licentious behaviour of the

guards, but it holds King Henry, not Stephen of Blois, responsible (Halphen et Poupardin, pp. 155-61; RHF xii. 499-500).

3 Arnulf of Montgomery appears in the court of Fulk of Anjou at this time, as a witness of several charters; see J. Chartrou, L’Anjou, pp. 68, 97; piéces justificatives, nos. 6, 12, 32, 42.

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was a young man who neither loved the burgesses as he should have done nor showed them the respect that was their due. He was guided, like Rehoboam,! by the fawning of sycophants, not the counsel of the elders, and formed the opinion that the townspeople were disloyal to him and the king. Consequently he op-

pressed them with burdens and unaccustomed exactions, foolishly blind to the consequences that would follow. Finally he summoned them all and ordered them to give him their sons as hostages. Constrained by force they unwillingly obeyed his command, but, full of rancour, they bided their time for vengeance. They cunningly hid their anger, but plotted open revenge not long afterwards. The count took the hostages, but did not treat them honourably. He put the wife of an honest citizen, who was the daughter of Pain of Chassé, a famous knight, to be guarded in a tower where, to her deep distress, she wasin the hands of debauched

guards. Her husband Amiotus was outraged by the dishonour, and secretly formed a sworn conspiracy with many others who had suffered a similar wrong.? These hotheads were afraid to appeal to the justice-loving king, for fear that he would refuse to hear their complaint against his nephew. So they went to Arnulf of Montgomery,? Robert of Belléme's brother, and through him asked Fulk, count of Anjou, to receive Alencon, which they were ready to hand over to him, and restore freedom to the inhabitants once

the count's garrison was expelled from the castle. Count Fulk

readily agreed to this, mustered his mounted knights and archers and foot-soldiers, came to Alengon, entered it by night with his

men, and laid siege to the castle, fiercely attacking the defenders. Rumour, than which nothing on earth travels faster, spread news of this event far and wide, and it soon came to the ears of the king,

who was always alert to the needs of the realm. When the noble and proud king was certain that the news was reliable, he assembled by royal decree Normans and English and many others, and also summoned

Theobald, count of Chartres,

with his men to the king’s support. Then in December great forces converged on Alencon and made determined attempts to relieve the beleaguered garrison.* The famous brothers, Theobald 4 The Gesta consulum Andegavorum gives an account of the fighting which corroborates Orderic at many points, including the engagements of small groups of Fulk’s men and those of Theobald and Stephen; but it shows that King

Henry suffered a more serious setback than Orderic admits (Halphen et Poupardin, pp. 155-61).

208

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Tedbaldus et Stephanus regem precesserunt, militumque ui pugnantium in turrim inferre uictualia uoluerunt, sed non preualuerunt. Comes enim Andegauorum contra eos exiuit, acies disposuit, et cum illis ualide preliari cepit. Ibi tunc quosdam occidit, plures captos uinculauit, aliisque fugatis letus ad oppidum cum spoliis multis remeauit. Deinde securius obsessos infestauit, eisque aquam per subterranea machinamenta occultis abscisionibus abstulit. Indigenz siquidem meatum nouerant’ per quem constructores arcis aqueductum de Sarta illuc effecerant. Illi uero

qui claudebantur in arce? uidentes sibi cibaria deesse, nullumque iv. 334 auxilium ex aliqua parte prouenire? pacem fecerunt, turrimque reddentes cum omnibus suis salui exierunt. Hzc infortunia multos ad depredationes excitauerunt, multique obseruantiam aduentus Domini uiolauerunt. Sic ubique mala creuerunt, et Neustriam cedibus et predis incendiisque undique fedauerunt: et sicut filii nepz ante statutum nascendi tempus matrem suam erumpendo perimunt,? sic Normanni ante legitimum principatus Guillelmi terminum? tellurem suam contaminauerunt, et enormi-

bus ausis misere pessundederunt. Apostoli Thome solennitatem dum plebs Christiana festiue recolit" nimius uentus maxima terrigenis damna fecit,4 et in futuro tempore turbationes hominum et mutationes potestatum portendit. Non multo post tribulationes in mundo maximae prosecute sunt? multique de sullimi ceciderunt, aliique disponente Deo qui de stercore eleuat pauperem honorifice sullimati sunt.

9 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M9cexrx?? indictione xii?’ Gelasius secundus papa iii? kalendas Februarii apud Cluniacum mortuus iv. 335 et sepultus est? et Guido Viennensis archiepiscopus in Calixtum papam iiii? nonas Februarii electus est.5 Ibi Lambertus Hostiensis et Boso Portuensis, Cono Prenestinus et Iohannes Cremensis, 1 The

Gesta

consulum

Andegavorum

(p. 160) says,

‘Arcem

autem

ingenio

suorum tertio die cum omni apparatu recepit.’ Cf. also Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxv, p. 192, ‘multos suorum . . . cum castello . . . turrim amisit. 2 There was much confusion in the Middle Ages about the reproductive

habits of scorpions; but in fact the eggs of scorpions are incubated inside the mother, and the young are born alive. Pliny had expressed a view that the young of scorpions devoured their mother (Natural History, xi. 29, 30).

3 The language suggests that Orderic accepted William Clito's claim to succeed ultimately to Normandy, perhaps after his father's death.

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XII

209

and Stephen, went ahead of the king with their knights, hoping to fight a way in to provision the castle; but they failed to do so, for the count of Anjou led his men out against them, drew up his battle lines, and engaged in close combat with them. He killed some, captured and imprisoned many, and after routing the remainder returned in triumph to the town with great spoils. More secure from attack, he pressed the siege more closely, and cut off the water supply of the besieged by tunnelling underground and secretly cutting the pipes. This was possible because the townsmen knew the channel by which the builders of the citadel had carried the water from the Sarthe there. The men besieged in the citadel, seeing that their food was failing and that no help came from any quarter, made peace and, surrendering the tower, came

out unharmed with all their men.! These disasters encouraged many men to acts of lawlessness, and many broke peace in the season of Advent. Everywhere evil was on the increase, and all Normandy was defiled with massacres and plundering and burning and, just as the young of the scorpion burst out before the due time of birth and destroy their mother,? so the Normans before the lawful term of William’s rule? defiled their own land, and reduced

it to wretchedness by their shocking atrocities. As Christians were celebrating the feast of the apostle ‘Thomas a great gale caused terrible havoc on earth,* and portended disasters among men and changes of government in time to come. Not long afterwards great troubles occurred all over the world; many fell from places of eminence and others, by the will of God who lifts the poor from the dung, were raised to high honour. 9 In the year of our Lord 1119, the twelfth indiction, Pope Gelasius II died on 29 January at Cluny, where he was buried; and Guy, archbishop of Vienne, was elected Pope as Calixtus on 2 February.5 There were present Lambert, bishop of Ostia, Boso, bishop of Porto, Cuno, bishop of Palestrina, John of Crema, and a * Cf. ASC

1118, which records the strongest gale in living memory

on 21

December. 5 For the election of Calixtus II see Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne (Paris, 1884-1957), ii. 322-6; Robert, Calixte II, ii. 43-4; Hefele, v. 568-9 and the sources there cited. Boso was cardinal-priest with the title of St. Anastasia; the

bishop of Porto was Peter.

210

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XII

aliique plures de Romano senatu clerici affuere, quibus specialis prerogatiua concessa est papam eligere et consecrare.! Intronizatus est itaque Guido ab adolescentia castus, religiosus, largus,

iv. 336

in opere Dei feruidus et multis pollens uirtutibus. Hic filius fuit Guillelmi Testardiz ducis Burgundionum? quem Rainaldo duci peperit Adeliza filia Ricardi secundi ducis Normannorum.? Iste quidem Guido nepos fuit feri Guidonis qui ducatum nisus est sibi uendicare Normannorum, ac apud Valesdunas pugnauit contra Guillelmum Nothum et Henricum regem Francorum, et Vernonem atque Brionnam contra eosdem fortiter tenuit per triennium.? Sic de regali progenie ortus frater ducum,^ consanguineus regum et augustorum, laudabilium imbutus nectare morum, prouectus est ad summum pontificium, quo strenue quinque annis potitus est’ et multa bona in domo Dei statuit

atque operatus est. IO

In eodem anno Eustachius de Britolio gener regis crebro commonitus fuit a contribulibus et consanguineis? ut a rege recederet, nisi ipse turrim Ibreii quz antecessorum eius fuerat ei redderet.5 Rex autem ad presens in hoc ei adquiescere distulit? sed in futuro promisit, et blandis eum uerbis redimendo pacificauit. Et quia discordiam eius habere nolebat, qui de potentioribus Neustriz proceribus erat, et amicis hominibusque stipatus firmissimas munitiones habebat, ut securiorem sibi et fideliorem faceret, filium Radulfi Harenc qui turrim custodiebat ei obsidem tradidit, et ab eo duas filias ipsius neptes uidelicet suas uersa uice obsides accepit. Porro Eustachius susceptum obsidem male tractauit. Nam consilio Amalrici de Monteforti qui augmenta maliciz callide machinabatur, qui Eustachio multa sub fide pollicitus est quz non impleuit? pueri oculos eruit, et patri qui probissimus miles erat misit. Vnde pater iratus ad regem uenit, et infortunium filii sui nunciauit. Rex uero uehementer inde doluit, pro qua re 1 The term ‘Romanus senatus! might be thought to apply to the cardinals; but the circumstances of the election make it plain that the meaning is wider. Calixtus himself described his election in these words: *'Congregati ...in unum

. episcopi, cardinales et clerici et laici Romanorum invitum me ac penitus renitentem in Romanae Ecclesiae pontificem Calistum unanimiter assumpserunt’ (Bullaire, i. 1). 2 Cf. Robert, Calixte IT, pp. 1-3. 3 For Guy's rebellion see William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 16-20); above, iv. 82-4.

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XII

21I

number of other clergy of the papal court, who have been granted the special prerogative of electing and consecrating the Pope.! So Guy was enthroned; he was a man endowed with many excellent qualities, chaste from his earliest youth, pious, generous,

and

zealous in the divine office. He was the son of William TéteHardie,

duke

of Burgundy,

whom

Adeliza,

the

daughter

of

Richard II, duke of Normandy, bore to Duke Reginald.? Guy himself was the nephew of the warlike Guy who laid claim to the duchy of Normandy, fought at Val-és-Dunes against William the Bastard and Henry, king of France, and resolutely held Vernon and Brionne against them for three years.? So, sprung from royal stock, brother of dukes,* kinsman of kings and emperors, deeply imbued with praiseworthy qualities, he was raised to the papal see which he occupied with great vigour for five years, making sound laws and performing many good works in the house of God. IO

In the same year Eustace of Breteuil, the king's son-in-law, was repeatedly urged by his compatriots and kinsmen to withdraw his support from the king unless Henry agreed to restore to him the castle of Ivry, which had belonged to his ancestors.5 The king, however, put off granting his request for the present but promised to do so at a future date, and won back his support with fair words. Because he did not wish to be on bad terms with him, for he was

one of the most powerful nobles of Normandy, who had strong castles and was well supported by friends and vassals, he attempted to bind him in closer ties of loyalty, by giving him the son of Ralph Harenc, the custodian of the castle, as a hostage and receiving in return Eustace's two daughters, who were his own granddaughters, as hostages. However Eustace ill-treated the hostage he received. On the advice of Amaury of Montfort, who was cunningly plotting to stir up more trouble and made Eustace a great many promises on oath which he never fulfilled, he put out the boy's eyes and sent him back to his father, who was a knight of great valour. The angry father went to the king and revealed the ill treatment of his son. The king was deeply moved by it and * His brothers included Reginald II, count of Burgundy, and Stephen I, count of Macon; his sister, Matilda, married Odo, duke of Burgundy.

5 Cf. above, p. 40; and iv. 114, 202, 286-8.

212 iv. 337

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XII

duas neptes suas ad uindictam in presenti faciendam ei contradidit. Radulfus autem Harenc Eustachii filias permissu regis irati accepit, et earum

oculos in ultionem filii sui crudeliter effodit,

nariumque summitates truncauit. Innocens itaque infantia parentum nefas proh dolor miserabiliter luit" et utrobique genitorum affectus deformitatem sobolis cum detrimento luxit. Denique Radulfus a rege confortatus, et muneribus

honoratus, ad Ibreii

turrim conseruandam remeauit, et talionem regia seueritate repensam^ filiabus eius Eustachio nunciari fecit. Comperta uero filiarum orbitate pater cum matre nimis indoluit, et castella sua Liram et Gloz Pontemque Sancti Petri! et Paceium muniuit, et ne rex seu fideles eius in illa intrarent diligenter opturauit. Iulianam autem uxorem suam quz regis ex pelice filia erat Britolium misit, eique ad seruandum oppidum necessarios milites associauit. Porro burgenses quia regi fideles erant, nec illum aliquatenus offendere uolebant? ut Iulianz aduentum pluribus nociturum intellexerunt, protinus regi ut Britolium properanter ueniret mandauerunt. Prouidus rex illud recolens ab audaci Curione Cesari dictum in belli negociis, Tolle moras, semper nocuit differre paratis:?

iv. 338

auditis burgensium legationibus Britolium concitus uenit, et portis ei gratanter apertis in uillam intrauit. Deinde fideles incolas? pro fidei deuotione gratias egit, et ne sui milites aliquid ibi raperent prohibuit? municipiumque in quo procax filia eius se occluserat obsedit. Tunc illa undique anxia fuit, et quid ageret nesciuit? pro certo cognoscens patrem suum sibi nimis iratum illuc aduenisse, et obsidionem circa castellum positam sine tropheo non dimissurum fore. Tandem sicut Salomon ait, *Non est malicia super maliciam mulieris'?? manum suam in christum Domini mittere precogitauit, unde loqui cum patre fraudulenter petiuit. Rex autem tantz fraudis feminz nescius ad colloquium

uenit, quem infausta soboles interficere uoluit. Nam balistam 4^ MS. repensum

^ Sic in MS.;

recte fidelibus incolis

* Pont-Saint-Pierre had been part of the demesne of William the Conqueror; but Robert Curthose gave it to William Prévost, Eure, ii. 594—5. ? Lucan, Pharsalia, i. 281.

of Breteuil;

cf. above, iv. 184; Le

BOOK

XII

handed over his two granddaughters, so vengeance immediately. Ralph Harenc took with the permission of the angry king and cruelly putting out their eyes and cutting

2

that he might take Eustace's daughters avenged his son by off the tips of their

nostrils. So innocent childhood, alas! suffered for the sins of the

fathers, and the feelings of both parents were roused by the suffering and maiming of their offspring. In the end Ralph, consoled by the king with gifts and restored to the command of the castle of Ivry, sent the news to Eustace of the vengeance exacted by the king’s severity from his daughters. Both father and mother were in great distress on hearing that their daughters had been blinded, and Eustace fortified his castles of Lire and Glos, PontSaint-Pierre! and Pacy, and carefully guarded the gates to prevent the king or his men gaining entry. He sent his wife Juliana, who was the king's daughter by a concubine, to Breteuil, and provided her with the knights necessary to defend the fortress. The burgesses, however, being loyal to the king, had no wish to provoke his anger. Knowing that Juliana's arrival would be injurious to many of them, they immediately sent to urge the king to hurry to Breteuil. The provident king, bearing in mind the saying of the bold Curio to Caesar about the business of war, No more delay; what's ripe is ill deferred,? on receiving the messages of the burgesses came hot-foot to Breteuil and, since the doors were readily opened for him, entered the town. He thanked the loyal inhabitants for the fealty they had shown, and forbade his knights to take any plunder there; he then laid siege to the castle in which his defiant daughter had shut herself up. She saw danger on every side and did not know what to do; she knew for certain that her father had arrived in a fury against her and would not raise the siege he had begun until he had triumphed. However, as Solomon says, “There is nothing so bad as a bad woman’,3 and in the end, plotting to raise her hand against the Lord's anointed, she asked with treacherous intent to speak to her father. The king, ignorant of the woman's trick, came to the

meeting, where his accursed child hoped to murder him. She had a cross-bow ready drawn for the purpose and shot a bolt at her 3 Cf. Ecclesiasticus xxv. 26 (19), ‘Brevis omnis malitia super malitiam mulieris'.

214

iv. 339

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XII

tetendit, et sagittam ad patrem traxit, sed protegente Deo non lesit. Vnde rex ilico destrui pontem castelli fecit" ne ingrederetur aliquis uel egrederetur. Videns itaque Iuliana se undique circumuallari, neminemque sibi adminiculari? regi castellum reddidit, sed ab eo liberum nullatenus exitum adipisci potuit. Regio nempe iussu coacta sine ponte et sustentamento de sullimi ruit, et nudis natibus usque in profundum fossati cum ignominia descendit. Hoc nimirum in capite quadragesime in tercia septimana Februarii contigit! dum fossa castelli brumalibus aquis plena redundauit, et unda nimio gelu constricta tenerz carni lapsze mulieris ingens frigus iure subministrauit. Infausta bellatrix inde ut potuit, cum dedecore exiuit ac ad maritum suum qui Paceio degebat remeauit, eique tristis euentus uerax nuncium enodauit. Rex burgenses conuocauit, de fidelitate conseruata laudauit, promissis et beneficiis honorauit, et eorum

consilio castrum Britolii

tutandum commendauit. Non multo post Radulfo de Guader? audaci athlete quia nepos ex sorore Guillelmi Britoliensis erat’ reddidit totum honorem antecessorum eius preter Paceium quod Eustachius tenebat. Ille uero castellum dono regis obtentum diligenter custodiuit, et in omnibus regi fidelis multisque probitatibus laudabilis claruit, et hostes publicos undique audacter impugnauit. II

Eodem tempore Oximenses de rebellione tractauerunt. Nam Curceienses aliique oppidani qui in uicinio erant? audientes quod pene omnes Normanni relicto rege nepoti eius fauerent, ipsi quoque decreuerunt similia perpetrare. Vnde primus Rainaldus de Bailol’ Falesiam abiit, fidelitatem regi reliquit, eique poscenti ut domum suam de Mansione Renuardi redderet superbe denegauit. Tunc rex ait, “Ad curiam meam uenisti, non capiam te?

sed poenitebit te nefas cepisse contra me.'4 Mox illo recedente rex militiam suam conuocauit, et pene cum illo ad munitionem ! [n 1119 Ash Wednesday fell on 12 February.

2 Ralph of Gael was the second son of Ralph I of Gael and Emma, the sister of William of Breteuil; see GEC ix. 574, note n. 3 He had piaxried Roger of Montgomery's niece Amieria and had been for a time sheriff of Shropshire; but his position during the rebellions of Robert of

Belléme is not clear. See above, iii. 140; Loyd, pp. 11-12; Eyton, Shropshire, vii. 205-1I.

BOOK XII 215 father, but failed to injure him since God protected him. The king immediately had the castle drawbridge destroyed, so that no one could enter or leave. Juliana, seeing that she was completely surrounded and that no one was at hand to help her, surrendered the castle to the king, but could find no means of persuading him to allow her to leave freely. Indeed by the king's command she was forced to leap down from the walls, with no bridge or support, and

fell shamefully, with bare buttocks, into the depths of the moat. This happened at the beginning of Lent, in the third week of February, when the castle moat was full to overflowing with winter rains, and the frozen waters naturally struck numbing cold into the tender flesh of the woman when she fell. The unlucky Amazon got out of the predicament shamefully as best she could and, withdrawing to her husband who was then at Pacy, gave him a first-hand account of her misadventure. The king summoned the burgesses, praised them for preserving their fealty, rewarded them

with gifts, promised more, and handed over the castle of Breteuil to their care. Not long afterwards he restored to Ralph of Gael; a daring champion who was the nephew of William of Breteuil through his sister, the whole honor of his ancestors apart from Pacy, which Eustace was holding. After receiving the castle by the king's gift, he guarded it carefully, proved himself faithful to the king and full of noble qualities, and boldly attacked the enemies of the realm everywhere. II

At the same time the men of Exmes were considering an insurrection. For the men of Courcy and other garrisons in the neighbourhood, hearing that almost all the Normans had deserted the king and taken up his nephew's cause, themselves resolved to act likewise. So first Reginald of Bailleul} went to Falaise, renounced his fealty to the king, and, when the king required him to hand over his castle of Le Renouard, haughtily refused. ‘Then the king said, ‘You have come to my court and I will not arrest you, but you will regret having defied me.'* As soon as Reginald had withdrawn the king summoned his knights and arrived at his 4 The king's peace protected the king’s court both in England and in France; cf. Louis VI's practice and precepts (Suger, Vita Ludovici, ii, p. 16; xxxiii,

P- 274).

216 iv. 340

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XII

eius uespere uenit. Porro Rainaldus uidens quod ad tantum onus sustentandum impos esset mane exiuit, et clementiam regis postulans munimentum reddidit. Protinus rex lapideam domum! cum apparatu ciborum et omnibus qua intus erant incendio tradidit. His itaque compertis Curceienses et de? Grentemaisnilio ac de Monte Pincionis rebellare nisi siluerunt, et maliuolos cona-

tus ne similia paterentur continuo compresserunt, nec ulterius in dominum regem sustollere cornua presumpserunt. I2

Goisfredus archiepiscopus Rotomagensis Ascelinum Andree filium pluribus placitis acriter impetiuit, et iniuste demptis ut quibusdam uisum est rebus suis ualde aggrauauit. Ille igitur rancore diro stomachatus Pontesiam ad regem accessit, et se

Andeleium? si ueniret recepturus cum bellica ui proditurum

iv. 341

spopondit. Franci ergo nimis gauisi sunt" et regem ne pigritaretur exhortati sunt. Confirmato utrinque pacto Ascelinus probissimos satellites secum adduxit, et in suarum apotecham segetum noctu intromisit, ibique sub stramine latenter abscondit. Ludouicus autem rex cum phalange bellatorum pedetentim eum insecutus est. Mane uiso rege uociferatio populi personuit, et nimia perturbatio pro tam insperata re repente incolas inuasit. Latitantes uero sub stramine subito proruperunt, et regale? signum Anglorum cum plebe uociferantes ad munitionem cucurrerunt/ sed ingressi ‘Meum gaudium'? quod Francorum signum est uersa uice clamauerunt. Exclusis itaque indigenis Galli castrum interius optinuerunt, et turma regis per portas uiolenter intrauerunt, totamque uillam nactz sunt. Ricardus autem filius regis aliique municipes^ sic improuiso impetu preuenti sunt: et amissa intus et extra omni defensionis spe ad aulam sancte Virginis Mariz @ Sic in MS.; understand illi de a space left

P A second regale is scratched out and

! [n this episode Orderic uses the words domus, munitio, and munimentum of the same building, which appears to be a small stone castle.

? At this date, of the two villages that later made up Les Andelys, only Le Grand Andely existed: the archbishops of Rouen had a fortified manor there commanding the routes from France into Normandy by the Seine. This is the ‘castle’ mentioned by Orderic; it is not to be confused with Chateau Gaillard, on the hill above the village, or the fortification on the island in the river, both of

BOOK

XII

217

castle that evening almost as soon as he did. Reginald, recognizing that he had not the resources to resist such a force, came out in the

morning and surrendered the strong place, begging for the king's mercy. The king immediately had the stone building! with all its provisions and everything inside it put to the flames. On learning of this the men of Courcy and Grandmesnil and Montpingon, who were on the point of insurrection, lay low and steadily suppressed all evil designs to avoid a similar fate, never again presuming to show their teeth against their lord the king. I2

Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, pursued a number of suits relentlessly against Ascelin, son of Andrew, and greatly oppressed him by taking his property, unjustly, as it seemed to some. Ascelin therefore,

seething with rancour,

went to the king [of

France] at Pontoise and promised to betray Andely? to him if he would come to receive it with an armed force. The French were delighted at this and urged the king to lose no time. The pact was confirmed by both parties; Ascelin took some seasoned soldiers with him and admitted them by night into the storehouse for his corn, where he hid them safely under the straw. King Louis followed cautiously on his heels with a troop of soldiers. In the morning there was a great outcry among the people at the sight of the king, and the townsmen were greatly alarmed by such an unexpected event. The men hidden under the straw suddenly burst out and, shouting out the royal battle-cry of the English with the people, ran to the castle; but once inside they changed their shouts

to the French battle-cry, ‘Montjoie’.3 So the French occupied the stronghold, expelling the inhabitants, and the king's squadrons burst in through the gates and took possession of the whole town. Richard the king's son and the rest of the garrison* were caught unawares by the sudden attack and, abandoning all hope of defending the town within or without, fled to the church of the blessed which were built later by Richard I (Le Prévost, Eure, i. 104; André Dollé, Histoire des Andelys et de Cháteau Gaillard (Evreux,

1962), p. 17 n. 1).

3 This battle-cry was mentioned in the Chanson de Roland, ll. 1973-4 (cf. J. Marchand, Le Moyen Age, xlvii (1937), 37-43). ^ Even though this was an archiepiscopal manor the castle was garrisoned by

royal troops under one of the king's sons. For Richard see GEC xi, App. D, p. 107.

218

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XII

confugerunt. Denique Ludouicus rex postquam presidium cum

toto burgo possedit" Ricardum cum commilitonibus suis liberum

iv. 342

abire quo uellet precepit, pro reuerentia intemeratze matris qua Saluatorem mundi peperit, cuius opem et basilicam fideliter expetiit. Franci recedente rege oppidum quod in corde regionis ceperunt, diligenter seruauerunt? totamque prouinciam circumiacentem super Sequanam sibi subiugauerunt. Ibi enim Godefredus de Serranz! et Engelrannus de Tria,? Albericus de Burriz? et Baldricus de Braia,* aliique preclari milites Gallorum permanserunt. Ab archiepiscopo propter zcclesiasticas res quas inuaserant excommunicati fuerunt, sed ipsi pro temporis oportunitate et causa belli pertinaciter indurati aliquandiu restiterunt. Henricus rex contra Francos apud Nogionems castrum firmissimum muniuit, ibique centum milites quibus princeps militiz Guillelmus Teoderici filius preerat constituit.

r3 Ricardus Fraxinellus® octo filiis ampliatus, sed Emmz uxoris sue futili stimulatione infatuatus, contra communem populi iv. 343 salutem tirannidem cum filiis suis arripuit iam morti contiguus. Nam in territorio Vncinis de censu regis firmitatem construxit" dominumque suum Eustachium sectatus uicinorum agros depopulari studuit, et inter publicos hostes quamuis senex denotari non erubuit. Tunc a filiis hominum quadragesimalis obseruantia damnabiliter contaminata est. Rodbertus Ascelini Goelli filius? inimicorum regis primus resipuit, et inchoate factionis poenitens amiciciam sceptrigeri principis expetiit, et optentam usque ad mortem que sibi proxima

erat fideliter et commode seruauit. Plures eius exemplum salubriter secuti sunt.

1 See above, ii. 152; v. 216. ? Enguerrand has been identified

with

Enguerrand

of Chaumont,

son

of

Drogo of Chaumont, mentioned by Suger in his account of the capture of Andely. His family is not to be confused with that of Chaumont-Guitry, to

which Otmund

and his son William belonged (cf. Suger,

Vita Ludovici, xxvi,

pp. 190-2; Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise, pp. 362—3). 3 For the family of Boury see Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise, PP. 445 ff. 4 Baudry of Bray-sous-Baudement,

also called ‘du Bois’; he held the fief of

Bus adjacent to Baudement of the archbishop of Rouen (Le Prévost, Eure, i. 188; Loyd, pp. 12-13). 5 Saint-Evroul had a priory at Noyon-sur-Andelle, information about events in this region.

so Orderic had reliable

BOOK

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Virgin Mary. When finally King Louis had taken possession of the stronghold and the whole town he commanded that Richard and his fellow knights should depart freely wherever they wished, out of reverence for the virgin Mother who bore the Saviour of the world, whose church he had resorted to in faith to obtain her help. After the king had withdrawn, the French vigilantly guarded the fortress they had captured in the heart of the province, and brought the whole of the surrounding region along the Seine under their sway. Godfrey of Serans, Enguerrand of Trie? Aubrey of Boury,? Baudry of Bray,* and other famous French knights remained there. ''hey were excommunicated by the archbishop for invading church territory but resisted for some time, obstinately hardening their hearts because of the advantage gained for prosecuting the war. King Henry fortified a very strong castle at Noyon-sur-Andelles against the French, and stationed a hundred knights there under the command of William, son of Thierry. dE Richard of Fresnel who boasted of eight sons, was tempted towards the close of his life by the foolish nagging of his wife Emma to endanger the general safety of the people by playing the tyrant with the help of his sons. He built a fortress at Anceins in lands tributary to the king, and in support of his lord Eustace systematically ravaged his neighbours' fields. Old as he was, he did not blush to be reckoned one of the rebels. So the sons of men imperilled their souls by disturbing the season of Lent. Robert, son of Ascelin Goel,? was the first of the king's enemies to return to his senses and, regretting that he had joined the conspiracy, he sought to win the friendship of the reigning monarch; after securing it he remained a loyal supporter up to the time of his death, which was not far off. A number of others followed his example to their advantage. $ Richard of La Ferté-Frénel belonged to a family that had owned the land on which the first monastery of Saint- Évroul was built. See above, ii. 36; iii. 332.

Ralph, son of Thorulf, the first member of the family to be named, had two sons, William and Richard, who sold the church of Nótre-Dame-du-Bois

to Abbot

Thierry; this Richard must belong to a later generation. The abbey acquired the church of Anceins at the time of its refoundation. 7 See above, iii. 208-10.

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Amalrico quoque rex mandauit ut secum pacem faceret, et arce sibi reddita omnem comitatum Ebroicensem quiete reciperet. At ille quia irrequietus homo erat/ stolide respuit quod ultro regali bonitate oblatum fuerat. Et quia maiorem belli causam pro ablata sibi patrum hereditate habebat, anhelus sepe per oppida noctibus

iv. 344

discurrebat/

nimia

sollicitudine

omnes

commouens,

federatos sodales corroborans et commonens? ut munitiones suas sollerter seruarent, ut peruigiles contra ingeniosos exploratores excubarent, prudenter et impigre uicinia inquietarent, omnia exceptis zcclesiis nudarent, aut sibi uiriliter subiugarent. Bellicum quippe laborem peruicaciter exercebat? pro hereditario consulatu quem sibi rex non permittebat. Radulfus autem Rufus graue illis obstaculum se interdum prebebat, et conatus eorum uehementer impediebat. Animosus enim erat militieque gnarus? probitate audaciaque insignis et famosus. “Is quondam dum familia regis in regione Vilcassina expeditionem ageret, et Francorum uirtus ut se habet euentus belli superior hostes fugaret, Ricardi regis filii subito sonipes sub eo peremptus est? et iuuenis ab hostibus pene retentus est. Quod Radulfus ut uidit? de caballo suo statim exiliit, et filio regis ait, ‘Confestim

ascende, et ne capiaris fuge.' Protinus illo recedente Radulfus abductus est? sed usque ad xv dies pro Gualone de Tria relaxatus est. Idem enim miles Engelranni germanus erat, et paulo ante captus in arto carcere regis anhelus gemebat. Non multo post uulneribus et flagris quz pertulerat defunctus est’ et Radulfus a rege fidelis probatus et honoratus est. Exinde inter precipuos et familiares regis amicos habitus est’ et rex multos honores ei si aliquandiu uixisset pollicitus est. Quondam tres oppidani Eustachius et Richerius et Guillelmus de Firmitate Perticena! cum suis copiis conuenerunt, et usque iv. 345 ad fontem Ternanti predantes in Normanniam irruerunt, domosque Vernuciarum in terra sancti Ebrulfi immisso igne combusserunt. Radulfus autem ad Pontem Ercenfredi consistens fumum uidit,

et mox militibus undecumque

collectis in hostes pugnaturus

perrexit. Rex quippe xxx equites Sappi totidemque

Orbecci?

4 The syntax of this sentence is defective * Eustace of Breteuil, Richer of Laigle, and William, son of Richard of La Ferté-Frénel on the frontiers of Perche.

? Both Le Sap and Orbec were castles in the lands of Gilbert of Bienfaite and

his descendants

(Yver, ‘Chateaux

forts’, p. 86); they were, however,

Grand Andely, garrisoned with King Henry's troops.

like Le

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The king sent to Amaury requiring him to make peace, hand over the citadel, and receive the whole county of Évreux to hold undisturbed. But he, being a turbulent man, foolishly refused the

free offer that the king so generously made. And because he had

a major reason for making war, since he had been deprived of his ancestral inheritance, he often galloped out at night at breakneck speed from one fortress to another, rousing everyone with ceaseless vigilance, encouraging his sworn allies and instructing them to guard their castles well, to keep sleepless watch against cunning spies, and to be bold and politic in harassing the neighbouring settlements, so that they either carried off everything, sparing only the churches, or brought them firmly under their control. He worked ceaselessly to wage a war for the recovery of the hereditary

county that the king withheld from him. However, Ralph the Red proved a serious obstacle to his supporters during this period, and greatly hindered their plans. He was a brave and seasoned knight, famous for his remarkable valour and daring. Once, when he and the king's household troops made a raid into the Vexin, and the French forces who happened by the chances of war to be superior put their enemies to flight, the horse of Richard the king's son was suddenly killed under him, and the young man was almost captured by the enemy. When Ralph saw this he leaped immediately from his charger and said to the king’s son, ‘Mount quickly, and fly to escape capture.' As he galloped off Ralph was taken; but fifteen days later he was released in exchange for Walo of Trie. This knight, a brother of Enguerrand, had been captured shortly before and was groaning in the king's deep dungeon. Not long afterwards he died of the wounds and ill treatment he had received; and the loyal Ralph was approved and honoured by the king. From that time he was counted one of the king's greatest and closest friends, and the king promised [and would have given] him many honours, had he lived a little longer. Once three lords of castles, Eustace and Richer and William

of La Ferté in Perche,! joined forces and invaded Normandy, plundering as far as the source of the Ternant, and burning to the ground the houses of Verneuces in the demesne of Saint-Évroul. Ralph, who was staying at Pont-Échanfray, saw the smoke and immediately collected knights from wherever he could and set out to fight the enemy. The king had stationed thirty knights at Le Sap

and the same number at Orbec? because of the raids of bandits who

222

iv. 346

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propter incursus predonum ad nefas undique confluentium constituerat. Porro Radulfus omnibus illis in unum collectis ad transitum Carentonz ccct?» equites cum parua suorum manu aggressus est’ et erepta grandi preda quam illi ducebant et quibusdam militibus captis usque ad Firmitatem Fraxinelli persecutus est. Et nisi presidium hostibus propinquum fuisset? plurimum illis damnum incubuisset. Non multo post idem animosus miles regem amicabiliter circumuenit ac ut presentiam solummodo suam contra Fraxinellos qui imbelles et iniuriosi extiterant exhiberet humiliter expetiit. Denique rex post Pentecosten! multo Radulfi precatu adductus est/ ut municipium uideret quo patria Vticensis profligata est. Adueniente uero rege Fraxinelleii nimis territi sunt’ et quid agerent uicissim indagare trepidi ceperunt. Rufo autem de Ponterchenfredo bellicosum assultum uiriliter ineunte claues portarum regi exhibuerunt? et sententia pro rebellionis incepto data et concessa reconciliati sunt. Circa finem Iunii Ricardus senex Vticum uenit, et aeger monachatum accepit, et paulo post in inicio Iulii obiit, ac in capitulo monachorum tumulatus quiescit. Portionem ezcclesiz de Gumfredia et medietatem decime suz sancto Ebrulfo donauit? ac a Guillelmo primogenito suo aliisque filiis suis ut concederent quod donauerat impetrauit. 14 Inter tot ettam magnas tempestates admodum seuientes sceptriger Henricus regio stemmate rigidus perstitit, et omnes proprias munitiones fidis custodibus illic callide locatis optime seruauit, in quas hostilis uersutia nullatenus ad libitum suum introire potuit. Rotomagus enim metropolis et Baiocas, Constantia et Abrincas, Sagius et Arcas, Nonencors et Illias, Cadomus et Falesia, Oximus et Fiscannus ac Iuliabona, Vernon et Argentomus aliaque oppida, quae regiz ditioni dumtaxat subdebantur, ab eius iusto dominatu auelli fraudulentis persuasionibus non patiebantur. Legitimi quoque optimates Ricardus comes Cestrensis et Rannulfus de Bricasard cognatus et successor eius, Radulfus de Conchis et Guillelmus de Guarenna, Guillelmus de Rolmara et Guillelmus de

Tancardiuilla, Radulfus de Sancto Victore? et Gualterius Gifardus, ! In 1119 Whit Sunday fell on 18 May (not 17 May, as Le Prévost said).

? Ralph of St. Victor belonged to the Mortimer family, the caput of whose honor was at Saint-Victor-l'Abbaye (Loyd, pp. 70-1).

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swooped down from all directions for their evil work. So Ralph, uniting all these in one force, attacked three hundred mounted knights with his small band at the ford of the Charentonne, recovered a considerable quantity of booty they had taken, captured a few knights, and pursued the rest as far as La Ferté-Frénel. But for the fact that the enemy had a refuge near at hand he would have inflicted greater losses on them. Not long afterwards the brave knight accosted the king amicably, and humbly begged him merely to show his presence in opposition to the men of La Ferté-Frénel, who were as weak as they were troublesome. At length after Pentecost! the king was induced by Ralph's repeated pleas to inspect the castle from which the land of Saint-Évroul was terrorized. The inhabitants of La Ferté-Frénel were thrown into consternation by the king's coming, and in fear and trembling began to discuss what they could do. As Ralph the Red of Pont-Échanfray resolutely began a fierce assault, they offered the keys of the gates to the king and, after agreeing to the sentence pronounced for their attempted rebellion, they were reconciled with him. Towards the end of June the aged Richard came to Saint-Évroul, received the monastic habit as a sick man,

and died early in July; he lies buried in the chapter house of the monks. He gave to Saint-Évroul a portion in the church of La Gonfriére and half his tithes, and induced his eldest son, William,

and his other sons to consent to his gift.

14 Amongst these many storms that raged so fiercely, King Henry stoutly upheld his royal dignity and had all his own castles very well guarded by loyal garrisons shrewdly stationed there, so that all the wiles of the enemy never succeeded in forcing a way into them. As regards Rouen, the capital city, and Bayeux, Coutances and Avranches, Séez and Arques, Nonancourt and Illiers, Caen and

Falaise, Exmes and Fécamp and Lillebonne, Vernon and Argentan,

and other fortified cities which were directly subject to the royal control alone, he would never allow them to be wrested from his

just dominion by specious arguments. His liege magnates, Richard, earl of Chester, and his kinsman and successor Ralph of Briquessart, Ralph of Conches

and William

of Warenne,

William

of

Roumare and William of Tancarville, Ralph of St. Victor? and

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Nigellus de Albinneio et Guillelmus frater eius, aliique precipui heroes in aduersis et prosperis regi conectebantur, et opprobrii proditionis ac periurii elogio notabiles esse dedignabantur. Imberbes quoque filii Rodberti consulis de Mellento Gualerannus et Rodbertus regi adherebant, eique optimates eorum cum muniiv. 347 tissimis castellis in omnibus parebant? et incursantibus aduersariis acriter resistebant. Nam Pons Aldemari et Bellus Mons ac Brionna et Guatzuilla regi applaudebant, proceresque prefatorum cum uiribus suis fideliter militando seruiebant.

15

iv. 348

Mense Maio Guillelmus adelinus regis filius de Anglia in Normanniam transfretauit, cuius aduentu pater gauisus mox quod corde prius occultauerat manifestauit. Pacificos concionatores ad Fulconem Andegauensium comitem direxit" commodisque pacis foederibus compactis ipsum ad curiam suam benigniter inuitauit. Mense Iunio Guillelmus Adelinus filiam comitis apud Luxouium desponsauit, multisque tranquillitatem optantibus tam generosa copulatio complacuit. Et quamuis extrema sorte iuuenis mariti uite filum in imo pelagi celeriter ocante parum durauerit? necessariam tamen ad instans tempus quietem inter dissidentes populos compaginauit. 'l'unc rex Guillelmum Talauacium Rodberti Belesmensis filium precatu comitis in amicicia recepit, et totam in Normannia patris sui terram reddidit. Alencionem et Almaniscas atque Vinacium aliaque castra ei concessit? praeter dangiones quos propriis excubitoribus assignauit.? Rodberto etiam de Sancto Serenico qui consobrinus regis erat? ipse precibus soceri prolis suz indulsit" quod nuper desertor iuris ad hostes transierit, et Monasteriolum et Excalfurnum reddidit.

Apud Luxouium congregatio magna presulum procerumque conuenit, et ibi tunc immatura mors Balduini satrapee Morinorum cunctis innotuit,^ pro cuius animz absolutione et quiete rex clero signa pulsare et orare precepit. In Neustria quibusdam gaudium et nonnullis meror prodiit, quod Flandrensis inimicorum regis acerrimus corruit, et Andegauensis amicus trium urbium5 dominus potenti coronato adhesit. ! Cf. ASC

1119; Gesta consulum Andegav. (Halphen et Poupardin), p. 16r.

? Henry's retention of castles even in lordships he restored to his vassals shows

his resolute return to the policy of his father (Yver, ‘Chateaux forts', p. 89). 3 Robert's mother was a kinswoman of William the Conqueror; cf. above,

ii. 28.

* Count Baldwin VII died on 17 June 1119; cf. above, p. 190.

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Walter Giffard, Nigel of Aubigny and William his brother, and other eminent lords remained loyal to the king in adversity and prosperity, and scorned to have any dealings with foul treachery and perjury. Also Waleran and Robert, the beardless sons of Robert, count of Meulan, adhered to the king, and their great

vassals with strongly fortified castles obeyed him implicitly and fiercely resisted hostile attacks. Pont-Audemer and Beaumont and Brionne and Vatteville were all staunchly behind the king and the lords of these towns and their forces fought faithfully on his side.

i5 In May Prince William, the king's son, crossed from England to Normandy and his father, delighted at his coming, then revealed the plan he had previously kept secret. He sent envoys of peace to Fulk, count of Anjou, and, after agreeing to satisfactory terms of peace with him, graciously invited him to his court. In June Prince William married the count's daughter at Lisieux;! the union of these noble families pleased many people who hoped for peace. Although it lasted only a short while, for fate soon cut the thread of the young husband's life in the deep sea, still for the present it gave a much-needed breathing space to the hostile peoples. Then the king, at the count's request, received William Talvas, son of Robert of Belléme, back into favour, and restored to

him all his father's lands in Normandy. He granted him Alengon and Almenéches and Vignats and other strongholds, except for the citadels, which he assigned to his own guards.? Also, at the petition of his son's father-in-law, the king pardoned Robert of Saint-Céneri, who was his kinsman,? for having lately deserted the right cause to go over to the enemy, and restored Montreuil and Échauffour to him. He called a great council of prelates and nobles to Lisieux, where he gave them the news of the premature death of Baldwin, count of Flanders,* and instructed the clergy to ring the bells and pray for the repose and pardon of his soul. The news that the Fleming who was the most bitter of the king's enemies was dead, and that his Angevin friend, the lord of three cities,5 had allied himself with the mighty king was a cause of rejoicing for some and mourning for others in Normandy. 5 Probably Angers, Tours, and either Le Mans or Nantes.

226

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In estate post diutinam expectationem, post multimodam ut periuri resipiscerent persuasionem? Henricus rex per Normanniam terribilem discursum fecit,et Pontem Sancti Petri! aliaque cum uillis hostium castra incendit, et austeram ultionem super inimicos

et consentaneos eorum exercuit. 16 iv. 349

Inter hzc omnipotens Deus mirifica in orbe magnalia monstrauit? quibus intuentium corda ut castigarentur a nequitia commonuit. Nam in hieme precedenti nimii imbres fluxerunt, et inundationes fluuiorum habitacula hominum plus solito inuaserunt. Rotomagenses inde et Parisiaci aliique ciues seu rustici testes sunt: qui furentes redundantis Sequanz gurgites in damno domo-

rum segetumue suarum persenserunt.

iv. 350

In sequenti quadragesima nimius in Sequana uentus efflauit? et aliquandiu exsiccauit.? A ripa usque ad ripam quispiam pertransire potuisset? si attemptare insolitum iter ausus fuisset. Hoc Parisius uidit? et merito expauit. In Augusto luna quasi sanguis rubicunda sero dum prima esset uisa est’ et circulus eius quasi fundus dolii grandis hominibus in Gallia monstratus est. Deinde ueluti saphirino colore secta est per medium, et tantum intuentibus inter equas medietates apparuit spacium? ut si res similis in terra panderetur, semita humano gressui apta censeretur. Peracto autem unius hore interuallo iterum redintegrata apparuit? et paulatim deficiente rubore corniculus nascentis lunz solito more resplenduit. Eodem tempore rubor maximus a Pexeio per Medantum uisus est in Neustriam discurrere, et per tres noctes huiusmodi signum multis Gallorum manifestatum est in aere. Diuersis uero modis uidentes hoc interpretati sunt? et uelle suum prout cuique libuit auscultantibus asseruerunt. Superborum quippe insipientia de futuris tanquam de transactis stolide gloriabatur, procaciter affirmans quod Ludouicus rex qui tunc apud Andeleium cum Francis morabatur? ceu flamma Normannos absumeret, totamque sibi regionem Neustriz * Pont-Saint-Pierre was one of the fortified castles of Eustace of Breteuil; see above, p. 212; Le Prévost, Eure, ii. 595.

2 Cf. Eadmer, HN, pp. 225-6, for a description of a similar drying up of the

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In the summer, after a long pause while he tried in many ways to persuade the perjurers to relent, King Henry made a terrible progress through Normandy. He burnt Pont-Saint-Pierre! and other strong places and villages belonging to his enemies, and wreaked harsh vengeance on his foes and their adherents. 16

While these events were taking place, almighty God showed marvellous and mighty works on earth, by which he moved the hearts of beholders to refrain from evil-doing. In the previous winter torrential rains fell, and unusually high flood-waters swept through the homes of men. The inhabitants of Rouen and Paris and other citizens and peasants can testify to this, for they felt to their cost the harm done to their homes and crops by the raging torrents of the overflowing Seine. The following Lent a very strong wind blew over the Seine and dried it up for a time.? It would have been possible for a man to cross from bank to bank, if he had the courage to risk the unfamiliar road. Paris saw this, and rightly trembled. In August while the moon was new it appeared as red as blood in the evening, and its curve seemed to men in France like the bottom of a great jar. Then it was cut through the middle by a colour like sapphire. and a space between the two halves appeared to the observers of such a size that if anything similar had been seen on earth it would have been considered a path suitable for men to walk along. After an hour had passed it was again seen to be joined up, and as the red faded gradually the crescent of the waxing moon shone normally once more. At the same time a bright redness was seen shooting from Poissy through Mantes into Normandy, and for three nights this marvel appeared in the heavens and was seen by many Frenchmen. This was interpreted in various ways by the beholders, who told their listeners whatever they wished according to their individual tastes. The proud in their folly stupidly boasted of future events as if they had already happened, recklessly asserting that King Louis, who was then with the French at Andely, would destroy the Normans like a flame, and would conquer the whole province of Normandy with a sharp Thames

across.

and Medway

for a day on 10 October

1114, so that men

could wade

228

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rumphea secante subigeret. Arrogantium itaque petulantia pro appetitu suo uaticinium procaciter sibi asseuerauit, sed rerum exitus multum aliud ipsis eisdem suppeditauit. His omissis" seriem prosequar narrationis.

m

iv. 351

Henricus rex rebellibus ultra parcere nolens pagum Ebroicensem adiit, et Ebroas cum ualida manu impugnare cepit, sed oppidanis qui intrinsecus erant cum ciuibus uiriliter repugnantibus introire nequiuit. Erant cum illo Ricardus filius eius, et Stephanus comes nepos eius, Radulfus de Guader et maxima uis Normannorum, quibus ante regem conuocatis in unum: rex dixit ad Audinum episcopum, 'Videsne domine presul quod repellimur ab hostibus, nec eos nisi per ignem subiugare poterimus? Verum si ignis immittitur’ zcclesie comburentur, et insontibus ingens damnum inferetur. Nunc ergo pastor ecclesiz diligenter considera" et quod utilius perspexeris prouide nobis insinua. Si uictoria nobis per incendium diuinitus conceditur, opitulante Deo ecclesi; detrimenta restaurabuntur’ quia de thesauris nostris commodos sumptus gratanter largiemur, unde domus Dei ut reor in melius rezdificabuntur.' Hesitat in tanto discrimine presul anxius, ignorat quid iubeat diuinz dispositioni competentius, nescit quid debeat magis uelle uel eligere salubrius. T'andem prudentum consultu precepit ignem immitti, et ciuitatem concremari? ut ab anathematizatis proditoribus liberaretur, et legitimis habitatoribus restitueretur. Radulfus igitur de Guader a parte aquilonali primus ignem iniecit, et effrenis flamma per urbem statim uolauit, et omnia tempus enim autumni siccum erat corripuit. Tunc combusta est basilica sancti Saluatoris quam sanctimoniales incolebant, et celebris aula gloriosz Virginis et matris Mariz cui presul et clerus seruiebant? ubi pontificalem curiam parrochiani frequentabant. Rex et cuncti optimates sui episcopo pro zcclesiarum combustione uadimonium suppliciter dederunt, et uberes impensas de opibus suis ad restaurationem earum palam spoponderunt. Prouidus rex cum Rodberto Goello ut predictum est pacem fecerat, et arcem de Ibreio pro fide seruanda illi commiserat, et

fratres eius pro condigna securitate obsides receperat. Radulfus

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sword. So proud men in their wilfulness recklessly twisted the prophecy to their own desires, but the outcome of affairs brought them very different results. Leaving these things, I will continue with the thread of my narrative.

r7 King Henry, declining to spare the rebels any longer, entered the Évrecin and began to attack Évreux with a powerful force; but as the garrison inside joined with the citizens to resist bravely he was unable to force an entrance. With him were his son, Richard,

his nephew, Count Stephen, Ralph of Gael, and a very large force of Normans. All these were summoned by the king, who said to Bishop Audoin, ‘Do you see, my lord bishop, that we are thrown back by our foes, and that only by fire can we force them to submit? But if a fire is kindled, churches will be burnt and the innocent will

suffer great harm. So ponder carefully, as a shepherd of the church, and tell us in your wisdom what course you think best. If heaven grants us a victory through a conflagration, then with God's help the damage to the church shall be repaired, because we will gladly give large sums from our treasure so that the houses of God may be built, as I believe, better than before.’ The anxious prelate hesitated over such a choice, not knowing what command would be most acceptable to the divine will, and uncertain what he should desire or choose for the best. At length on the advice of practical men he ordered a fire to be kindled and the city burnt, so that it might be freed from excommunicated traitors and restored to loyal inhabitants. So Ralph of Gael lit the first fire on the north side; the raging flames immediately spread all through the town and, since it was the dry season of autumn, destroyed everything. On that occasion the church of Saint-Saviour, which is a nunnery,

was burnt, as well as the famous church of the glorious Virgin and Mother, Mary, which was served by the bishop and his clergy, and where the men of the diocese used to attend the bishop's court. The king and all his magnates humbly gave the bishop security to make amends for burning the churches, and publicly promised large sums from their resources to restore them. The far-seeing king had made peace with Robert Goel as has been related, committed the castle of Ivry to him to guarantee his loyalty, and received his brothers as hostages for his good conduct. 822242

I

230

iv. 352

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XII

autem Rufus pacifici tenoris fuit utilis omasus?' quia prefati militis erat sororius,? tantaque necessitudine confcederatus. Huic nimirum rex antequam Ebroas adiret, mandauit ut Amalricum et compatriotas commilitones ad militiam lacesseret/ ac secus Aucturam fluuium prope Ibreium militares giros agitaret. Diem quoque quo hzc fierent denunciauit. Ille uero in omnibus regi paruit, et casus ut a rege peroptatus fuerat contigit. Denique rex ubi prorsus inflammatam urbem uidit" Rodberto legatum protinus direxit, et rem gestam mandauit. Mox ille in conflictu clamauit, ‘Domine Amalrice audi rumores quos tibi dicam" in quibus nichil lucrabis nisi mesticiam. Ebroicam ciuitatem rex hodie concremauit, et custodibus arcis formido proximze necis incumbit.' Quod

audiens Amalricus

commilitones

suos conuocauit,

ac pro

desolatione urbis suze mestus ad sua remeauit. Philippus et Florus Philippi regis Francorum filii, et ex Bertrada sorore nepotes Amalrici, Guillelmus quoque Punctellus et Ricardus Ebroicensis filius Fulconis prepositi, aliique strenui milites arcem defensabant, et tota urbe succensa securiores et alacriores

resistebant, quia iam minus ad tutandum fugatis ciuibus habebant. Ciues enim destructz urbis passim dispersi sunt’ et amissis omnibus quz habuerant per extera misere uagari mappalia coacti sunt. Modestus rex turrensibus ut sibi turrim redderent mandauit,

iv. 353

et indultis omnibus quz forisfecerant multa promisit, quibus non adquiescentibus ad alia regni negocia festinauit. Ceterum post aliquot dies cum ingenti militia noctu rediit, et repente castrum ante auroram ardentibus candelis firmare cepit, conditumque bellicosis pugnatoribus commisit. Illic enim Radulfus Rufus et Simon de Molinis* constituti principes erant" cum Gisleberto de Oximis aliisque quampluribus qui probitate probatissimi pollebant. ! *Omasus' is a word peculiar to Orderic, of uncertain meaning. Dr. Michael Winterbottom has suggested that it may be a slightly inaccurate transliteration of the Greek óuspos, a pledge or hostage. ? Ralph the Red's wife, a daughter of Joscelin of Léves, had died at Constantinople some years previously; unless he remarried this statement must

imply that Robert Goel had married a sister of Ralph, of whom nothing is known. 3 At this date the tournament was evolving in western Europe, and the early stages of battles or encounters in the course of sieges were almost indistinguish-

able from tournaments. For examples in Germany cf. Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Frederici I Imperatoris, ed. G. Waitz (Hanover and Leipzig, 1912), 1. xvii, p. 32 (1127); 11. xxvi, p. 43 (1146). See also ‘Torneamentum’ in Ducange, vii. 129-31, which indicates a possible derivation of the word from the circling movement,

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Ralph the Red was an effective security! for a lasting peace, because he was Goel’s brother-in-law? and so bound to him by a close family alliance. Before the king went to Évreux he commanded Robert to challenge Amaury and his compatriots and fellow soldiers to an encounter at arms, and arrange that the knights should circle in combat on the banks of the river Eure near Ivry.? He told him the day when this should be done. Robert obeyed implicitly, and events fell out in accordance with the king's wishes. As soon as the king saw the city of Évreux in flames, he sent a messenger to Robert to announce what had happened. He at once shouted out in the fray, ‘Lord Amaury, listen to the news I have

to tell you, which will bring you nothing but sorrow. Today the king has burnt the city of Évreux and the garrison of the citadel are in danger of death at any moment.' On hearing this Amaury called together his fellow knights and returned to his own lands, bewailing the destruction of his city. Philip and Florus, the sons of King Philip of France and nephews of Amaury through his sister Bertrade, William Pointel and Richard of Évreux, son of Fulk the Provost, and other valiant

knights were defending the citadel, and resisted all the more resolutely and bravely after the city had been burnt down, because they had less to protect once the citizens had fled. After the destruction of the town the citizens scattered in all directions and,

having lost all their possessions, were forced to wander wretchedly from one strange cottage to another. The king, using restraint, ordered the garrison to surrender the citadel to him, guaranteeing pardon for all their breaches of the law and making many promises; but as they would not agree to the terms he hurried away to deal with other business affecting the kingdom. Some days later, however, he returned at night with a great force of knights, suddenly began to fortify a castle before dawn by the light of torches, and when the work was completed entrusted it to seasoned warriors. The leaders placed there were Ralph the Red and Simon of Moulins,* with Gilbert of Exmes and a number of others who were

among the bravest of the brave. The king had great faith in them; ‘torner’ or ‘tourner’: ‘Qui enim quos insidebant, flexis in gyrum ments had very much the nature armées de chevaliers', Revue du

in his militaribus decursionibus decertabant, fraenis, equos circumagebant.' Early tournaof battles (J. F. Verbruggen, ‘La tactique des Nord, xxix (1947), 161-80). For jousting as a

prelude to battle cf. WM, HN, p. 49, ‘proludium pugne... quod iustam vocant". * Cf. above, iii. 132-3.

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In illis nimirum rex fiduciam habuit, et hostes per eos cohercuit, patriamque sibi surreptam recuperauit. Amalricus

et Eustachius,

Odo

de Gomerz

et Guido

Malus-

uicinus,! aliique strenuissimi milites Paceii degebant, et cum ingenti audacia et uirtute suos uisitabant’ uisitatione sua confortabant, regiosque castrenses seueris incursibus frequenter inquietabant. Illi nichilominus qui nunquam imparati erant, quoniam assidue maliuolos hastus meticulosi precauebant, loricati et galeati aduersariis seui ut leones occurrebant, et lanceis ac mucronibus insignes ictus uicissim miscebant. Neuter enim ab altero uinci uolebat, sed quisque probissimus haberi ardebat, et ob id cotidiana concertatio plerosque prosternebat. Ibi Guillelmus eques filius Rogerii de Sancto Laurentio? peremptus est? cuius cadauer in claustro sancti Victoris martiris sepultum est. Huius nobilitas de illustrissimis Caletensium baronibus proiv. 354 pagata est: et famosa strenuitas inter precipuos pugiles Talou multoties approbata est. Sic frequens exercitium feri Martis multum cruorem effundit, et uita speciosis iuuenibus crudeliter extorta lugubre damnum pluribus ingerit. Ludouicus rex castellum Dangu obsedit, et Rodbertum municipem? ualida uirtute Francorum acriter cohercuit. Tandem oppidanus amicorum consilio qui extrinsecus obsidebant castrum immisso igne combussit, et egressus nichil hostibus nisi fauillas reliquit. Ipse in eadem septimana cum militia Gisortensi super Francos irruit, et ingentem predam de Caluimonte et uiculis eius rapuit.* Rex autem Franciz concremato Dangu elatus tripudiauit, et Nouum Castrum quod Guillelmus Rufus apud Fuscellimontem5 prope Eptam construxerat obsedit, sed ad uotum non omnia optinuit. Gualterius enim Riblardus cum regiis satellitibus fortiter obstitit, et acerrima obsidentibus uulnera directis missilibus in-

flixit. Post xv dies Amalricus regi nuncium direxit, per quem Ebroarum concremationem aliaque infortunia ili mandauit, et festinum eius auxilium obnixe postulauit. His auditis confestim rex abscessit, et incensis mappalibus gaudium inimicis dimisit. * Guy, an uncle of Peter II of Maule, was a son of Ralph Mauvoisin, castellan of Mantes, and brother of Peter's mother, Odeline (cf. above, iii. 180).

2 William occurs as witness and benefactor in a charter of Hugh of Mortemer for the abbey of Saint-Victor (Le Prévost, iv. 353 n. 3). For the later history of

the family, who came from Saint-Laurent-en-Caux, see Loyd, p. 9o.

3 Robert was lord of Dangu (Le Prévost, Eure, ii. 4-6); but Dangu was, with

Cháteauneuf-sur-Epte, in the first line of defence along the Epte, and the garrison probably consisted of the king's household troops under his command. These events occurred in July 1119 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 257, p. 123).

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233

he used them to press the enemy hard and recover the province of

which he had been robbed.

Amaury and Eustace, Odo of Gometz and Guy Mauvoisin,! and other valiant knights were then at Pacy; they visited their men with great daring and courage, heartened them by their presence, and frequently harassed the royal garrison with their sharp raids. But the men were never caught off their guard, for they were always fearful and on the look-out for cunning foes; helmeted and in full armour, they charged them, fierce as lions, so that doughty blows were dealt on both sides with lances and swords. Neither side would give way to the other, for each burned to be judged the more valiant, and therefore many were killed in daily engagements. There the knight William, son of Roger of Saint-Laurent,? was killed, and his body was buried in the monastery of St. Victor the martyr. He was of high birth, from the stock of the most famous lords of Caux, and his far-famed courage was often acclaimed among the greatest warriors of Le Talou. Thus it is that exercise of the fierce arts of war leads to much bloodshed, and the cruel death

of fair youths brings sorrow and loss to many. King Louis laid siege to the castle of Dangu, and pressed Robert the castellan? fiercely with a strong force of French. At length the castellan, on the advice of friends who were among the besiegers, set fire to the fortress, burned it, and rode out leaving nothing but embers to the enemy. In the same week he himself with the knights of Gisors made a raid against the French and took

much booty from Chaumont and the villages around.* The king of France, however, was highly delighted by the burning of Dangu and besieged Cháteauneuf-sur-Epte, which William Rufus had built at Fuscelmont5 near the Epte, but he could not gain all his objectives. For Walter Riblard and the king's troops resisted courageously and, by hurling missiles at the attackers, wounded many of them severely. After fifteen days Amaury sent a messenger to the king, to inform him of the burning of Évreux and other disasters, and to press him to send help as soon as possible. On hearing this news the king quickly withdrew and, after burning his huts, left, to the delight of his enemies. Enguerrand of Trie, a most * 'The Hyde chronicler attributes this raid to King Henry himself, and adds that King Louis's attack on Normandy Hida, p. 316).

5 Cf. Le Prévost, Eure, i. 197, 502-4.

was a reprisal for the raid (Chron. de

234

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XII

Ibi Engerrannus de Tria probissimus miles in supercilio uulneratus est’ et post aliquot dies in amentiam uersus miserabiliter mortuus est:

s

18

iv. 355

iv. 356

Interea Ludouicus rex in Galliam discursum ocius peregit, iterumque de Stampis Normanniam repente repetiit, et nonnullos secum bellicosos milites adduxit. In die xx"? mensis Augusti Henricus rex Nogione missam audiuit, et cum summis optimatibus suis expeditionem facturus in hostes exiuit, ignorans quod rex Franciz Andeleium tunc uenerit. Albionis sceptriger cum insigni armatorum agmine processit, segetesque circa Strepinneium rapaci armigerorum manu messuit, et maximos fasces cornipedum dorsis ad castrum Leonis deuehi precepit. Quattuor nempe milites super Guarcliuam? a rege constituti speculabantur, ne quis aliunde impedimentum illis quolibet modo moliretur. Qui uidentes galeatos cum uexillis Nogionem tendere confestim regi suo mandauere. Eodem die Ludouicus rex cum Francorum cuneis Andeleium egressus est? et multoties cum suis quod Anglorum regem in aperto reperire campo nequiuissent conquestus est. Nesciens quippe regem tam uicinum esse, Nogionem cum insigni militia festinus adiit, quia castrum illud eodem die per proditionem machinatam adipisci sperauit. Sed res multum aliter euenit, dum turgentes auidosque belli pares in bello uictoria sequestrauit, et pompa triumphantes post deiectos et fugaces exagitauit. Burchardus de Monte Morencii aliique prudentes Ludouico in Neustria bellare dissuaserunt? sed furibundi Caluimontenses certamen inire coegerunt.? Guillelmus quoque camerarius Henricum conatus est a conflictu retrahere, sed Guillelmus

de Guarenna

et Rogerius de Benefacta uiriliter animauerunt.* Tunc palam auditum est nunciis intercurrentibus, et rumigerulis famam passim spargentibus, quod ambo reges egressi essent cum suis ccetibus, et si uellent iam certare possent comminus.5 ' Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxvi, p. 194, describes the death of Enguerrand in less

convincing terms. ? Verclives is now Mesnil-Verclives. 3 Burchard of Montmorency is also mentioned by Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxvi, p. 196. The knights of Chaumont had suffered from the recent Norman raids. * William the Chamberlain is William of Tancarville. The Hyde chronicler also says that William of Warenne urged King Henry to attack, and later

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235

valiant knight, was wounded in the eyebrow there; after some days he went out of his mind and died wretchedly.! 18

Meanwhile King Louis paid a quick visit to France and suddenly returned to Normandy from Étampes, bringing many warlike knights with him. On 20 August King Henry heard Mass at Noyon-sur-Andelle and set out on a campaign against the enemy with his chief magnates, not knowing that the king of France had then come to Andely. 'T'he king of Albion advanced with a noble column of men-at-arms, had the crops round Étrepagny cut by his rapacious foragers, and ordered the great sheaves to be taken to the castle of Lyons on the backs of their horses. Four knights whom he had stationed above Verclives? were keeping a look-out to prevent any outsider from hindering them in any way. These men, seeing helmeted troops with standards moving towards Noyon, immediately informed their king. On the same day King Louis left Andely with the French columns, repeatedly complaining to his men that they could never contrive to meet the king of England in the open field. Not knowing how near the king was, he hurried towards Noyon with the flower of his chivalry, because he hoped to take the castle that same day by treason which had been planned. But matters turned out very differently, for victory in battle was withheld from the proud peers eager for war, and triumph eluded the boastful, who were to become defeated fugitives. Burchard of Montmorency and other cautious men urged Louis not to fight in Normandy, but the turbulent knights of Chaumont incited him to make an attack. William the Chamberlain also tried to restrain Henry from a conflict, but William of Warenne and Roger of Bienfaite urged him on with spirit.* Then, as messengers ran to and fro and rumour-mongers spread reports everywhere, it became openly known that both kings had advanced with their forces and could join battle immediately if they so wished.5 associates

Roger

of Bienfaite,

son

of Richard,

with

him

(Chron.

de Hida,

pp. 316-17).

5 'The other principal sources for the battle of Brémule are Chron. de Hida,

pp. 316-18; Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxvi, pp. 196-8; H. Hunt., pp. 241-2; it is briefly mentioned in ASC 1119, GR ii. 481. The account by Nicolas Walkington in MS. Cott. Titus A xix f. 144, mentioned by Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 259,

pp. 123-4, is a fifteenth-century compilation of no historical value.

236

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XII

Franci iam Nogioni appropiauerant, et apothecam monachorum Buscheronensium concremauerant:/ cuius fumum ascendentem in excelsum Angli pro indice prospexerant. Prope montem qui Guarcliua nuncupatur? liber campus est et latissima planicies quz ab incolis Brenmula? uocitatur. Illic Henricus rex Anglorum iv. 357 cum quingentis militibus descendit, arma bellica bellicosus heros assumpsit, et ferratas pugnatorum acies prudenter ordinauit. Ibi fuerunt duo filii eius Rodbertus? et Ricardus egregii milites, et tres

iv. 358

consules

Henricus

Aucensis,

Guillelmus

de Guarenna

et

Gualterius Gifardus.* Rogerius quoque Ricardi filius, et Gualterius de Alfagio5 consanguineus eius, Guillelmus de Tancardiuilla et Guillelmus de Rolmara, Nigellus de Albinneio aliique quamplures regem stipabant, qui Scipionibus seu Mariis siue Catonibus Romanis censoribus equiparandi erant, quia laicali sensu et equestri probitate ut exitus probauit admodum pollebant. /Eduardus de Salesburiaó ibi portauit uexillum, fortis agonista cuius robur erat probatione notissimum, et constantia perseuerans usque ad exitium. Ludouicus rex ut uidit quod diu peroptauerat, quadringentos milites asciuit quos in promptu tunc habere poterat, eosque pro seruanda zequitate et regni libertate in bello fortiter agere imperat, ne illorum ignauia Francorum gloria depereat. Ibi Guillelmus Clito Rodberti ducis Normannorum filius armatus est? ut patrem suum de longo carcere liberaret, et auitam sibi hereditatem uendicaret. Illic Matheus comes de Bellomonte,? et Guido de Claro-

iV. 359

monte,’ atque Otmundus de Caluimonte,? Guillelmus de Guarlanda Francorum princeps militiz,!? Petrus de Manlia!! et Philippus de Monte Braii,'? ac Burchardus de Monte Morentii ad pugnam parati fuerunt. De Normannis quoque Baldricus de Braio et Guillelmus Crispinus!? et plures alii Francis adiuncti sunt. Omnes * Buscheron was the name

of the place where the priory of Noyon

was

founded (see above, p. 146). Suger says that the English started a fire to provide a smoke screen. The exact site of the barn is not known. 2 Brémule is just off the modern Rouen-Paris route, in the commune of Gaillardbois. 3 Robert was Henry's eldest illegitimate son, later earl of Gloucester. + Walter Giffard is also mentioned in the Hyde chronicle. 5 Cf. above, iii. 256-60, 367; this is probably the younger Walter, son of Avice of Sauqueville and Walter.

$ He was a younger son of the Domesday tenant-in-chief and sheriff ; see VCH Wilts. ii. 107; EYC ix. 49 ff. 7 Matthew I, count of Beaumont-sur-Oise.

BOOK XII

237

The French had now approached Noyon, and burnt a barn of the monks of Buscheron (Noyon); the English had taken their bearings from the rising smoke.! Near to the hill named Verclives is an open field and a wide plain called Brémule? by the local people. Henry, king of England, came down into it with five hundred knights, armed himself for battle as a warlike lord, and wisely disposed the mailed ranks of warriors. Two of his sons, Robert? and Richard, both distinguished knights, were there; and three earls, Henry of Eu, William of Warenne, and Walter Giffard.4

Besides these Roger son of Richard and his kinsman, Walter of Auffay,’ William of Tancarville and William of Roumare, Nigel of Aubigny, and many more thronged about the king; all these might be compared with the Roman censors, the Scipios or Marii or Catos, for they were conspicuous both for their statesmanship and for their knightly prowess, as the outcome proved. Edward of Salisbury,$ a brave champion renowned for his proven valour, who remained steadfast until his death, carried the standard there.

When King Louis saw the opportunity he had desired so long, he summoned four hundred knights who were ready for immediate action and commanded them to go into battle courageously for the honour of knighthood and the freedom of the kingdom, so that the glory of the French might not be dimmed by their cowardice. William Clito, son of Robert duke of Normandy, armed himself there so that he might free his father from his long imprisonment and recover his ancestral inheritance. Matthew, count of Beaumont,? and Guy of Clermont,’ Otmund of Chaumont,? William of

Garlande, commander of the French army,!° Peter of Maule! and Philip de Montbray'? and Burchard of Montmorency were there, ready for the fray. In addition, Baudry of Bray and William Crispin? and several other Normans had joined the French. All 8 Guy, son of Hugh I, count of Clermont; he is also mentioned by Suger. 9 For Otmund and his family see Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise, pp. 369—72. 19 William of Garlande succeeded his brother Anselm as seneschal of France in 1118. The seneschal at this date was head of the French army.

1! Peter II of Maule, whose wife was a niece of Burchard of Montmorency; see above, iii. 198-202. He was probably Orderic's chief source of information

about events in the French army. 12 His identity is uncertain; Le Prévost, iv. 358 n. 1, believed Orderic to have

intended Pain of Montjai, but this would have involved a double error. He may have been one of the knights of Maule, not otherwise known. " 13 For Baudry of Bray see above, p. 218; William Crispin was lord of Etre-

pagny, and came of a great Norman family.

238

iv. 360

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XII

hi turgentes Brenmulam conuenerunt? et fortiter preliari contra Normannos adorsi sunt. Primum utique in conflictu Galli acriter ferire ceperunt, sed inordinate properantes superati sunt: citoque fatiscentes terga uerterunt. Ricardus regis filius et centum milites equis insidentes ad bellum parati erant; reliqui uero cum rege pedites in campo dimicabant. In prima fronte Guillelmus Crispinus et Ixxx equites super Normannos irruerunt, sed equis eorum protinus occisis! omnes inclusi et retenti sunt. Deinde Godefredus de Serranz? aliique Vilcassinii fortiter percusserunt, aciemque totam aliquantulum retro uacillare compulerunt. Ceterum indurati bellatores animos et uires resumpserunt, et Burcardum ac Otmundum et Albericum de Marolio? aliosque plures Francorum deiectos ceperunt. Quod uidentes Franci? dixerunt regi, ‘Octoginta milites nostri qui precesserunt non comparent, hostes numero et uiribus nobis preualent. Iam Burcardus et Otmundus aliique precipui pugiles capti sunt, et cunei nostri magna ex parte labantes diminuti sunt. Recede ergo quesumus domine, ne contingat nobis damnum irreparabile.’ His dictis Ludouicus adquieuit, et cum Baldrico de Bosco* uelociter aufugit. Victores autem cxl milites comprehenderunt,5 et reliquos usque ad portas Andeleii persecuti

sunt. Qui per unam uiam pompose uenerunt" per plures anfractus confusi fugerunt. Guillelmus autem Crispinus cum suis ut dictum est circumuallatus ut regem prospexit, per medias acies ad eum quem maxime odibat cucurrit, gladioque super caput feralem ictum intulit,® sed capitium loricze specialis patricii caput illesum protexit. Mox temerarium percussorem Rogerius Ricardi filius

percussit, deiectum cepit, et super ipsum iacens ne a circumstan-

iv. 361

tibus amicis pro ultione regis mox enecaretur defendit. A multis nempe impetitus est’ et uix a Rogerio saluatus est. Nefariam enim temeritatem inchoauerat, qui dextram cum framea ferientem super caput leuauerat? quod per pontificale ministerium sacro chrismate delinitum fuerat, et regale diadema populis gaudentibus Dominoque Deo gratias et laudes concinentibus baiulauerat. * Orderic is the only source to mention this; it would account for the large number of French knights who were captured. 2 Like Baudry of Bray, he had been one of the French knights at Andely. 3 Probably one of the knights of Maule, lord of Mareil-sur-Mauldre (cf. above, iii. 200, 202), rather than Aubrey de Roucy, vicomte of Mareil-sur-Marne, as suggested by Le Prévost, iv. 360 n. r. * Baudry of Bray.

5 Chron. de Hida, p. 318, put the number of those captured at 114. $ 'The Hyde chronicler (ibid.) said the king was struck twice on the helmet by

BOOK

XII

239

these assembled proudly at Brémule and prepared to fight valiantly against the Normans.

Certainly the French launched the first fierce attack but, charging in disorder, they were beaten off and, quickly tiring, turned tail. Richard the king’s son and a hundred knights were sitting on their horses ready for battle; the rest fought on foot in the field with the king. In the forefront William Crispin and eighty knights charged the Normans, but their horses were quickly killed! and they were all surrounded and cut off. Godfrey of Serrans? and other knights of the Vexin then fought back valiantly, and made the whole line fall back somewhat. But the seasoned warriors recovered their courage and strength and captured Burchard and Otmund and Aubrey of Mareil3 and many other French knights, who had been unhorsed. When the French saw this, they said to the king, ‘Eighty of our knights who were in the first charge have been lost, the enemy is superior to us in numbers and strength. Now Burchard and Otmund and other notable champions have been captured; our ranks are broken and greatly diminished. Therefore, sire, withdraw, we beg you, to avoid irreparable loss.’

Louis agreed to these proposals and galloped off with Baudry of Bois.* The victors captured a hundred and forty knights and chased the rest to the gates of Andely. The men who had set out proudly along a single road fled in disorder along many devious ways. William Crispin, however, who had been surrounded with

his men as I have described, caught sight of the king. Tearing through the ranks towards the man he hated above all others, he struck a fierce blow at his head with his sword,® but the collar of the noble prince’s hauberk protected his head from injury. Roger the son of Richard at once struck down the rash assailant, took him

prisoner as he lay prostrate, and, flinging himself over his body, prevented the friends who were standing round from killing him on the spot to avenge the king. Many indeed sought his life and Roger had great difficulty in saving him. What a rash crime he attempted when, brandishing a sword in his right hand, he raised it above the head that had been anointed with holy chrism by the hands of bishops and crowned with the royal diadem, while the people rejoiced and chanted grateful praise to God! an unnamed knight, ‘sed minime laesus’; Henry of Huntingdon (p. 241) names William Crispin as the knight who struck two blows, but says that Henry himself

struck down his assailant.

240

iv. 362

BOOK

XII

In duorum certamine regum ubi fuerunt milites ferme nongenti? tres solummodo interemptos fuisse comperi.! Ferro enim undique uestiti erant, et pro timore Dei notitiaque contubernii uicissim sibi parcebant; nec tantum occidere fugientes quam comprehendere satagebant. Christiani equidem bellatores non effusionem fraterni sanguinis sitiebant, sed legali triumpho ad utilitatem sancte zcclesiz et quietem fidelium dante Deo tripudiabant. Ibi strenuus Guido et Otmundus, Burcardus et Guillelmus Crispinus, aliique plures ut supradictum est capti sunt" et a redeuntibus Nogionem ipsa die ducti sunt. Nogion quippe tribus leugis distat ab Andeleio? et eo tempore guerris furentibus deserta erat tota regio. In meditullio repentina principum facta est congressio, et ingens pugnatorum personuit uociferatio, armorumque turbulenta frenduit collisio, et nobilium baronum horruit deiectio. Francorum rex fugiens in silua solus errauit? sed rusticus quidam qui non cognoscebat eum forte inuenit. Quem rex summopere rogauit, insuper iureiurando plurima promisit? ut compendiosius iter ad Andeleium sibi ostenderet, aut pro magna remuneratione secum illuc pergeret. Ille uero de mercede certus optima concessit, atque tremulum principem Andeleium deduxit, qui metuebat tam preuium uiatorem ne ab eodem proderetur, quam aduersarios insequentes ne ab illis retineretur. Denique ruricola dum imperiale satellicium officiose regi occurrens Andeleii prospexit, paruipendens quicquid retributionis habuit? hebitudinemque suam condemnans multum doluit, cognito quanti per inscitiam emolumenti uirum perdiderit. Henricus rex uexillum Ludouici regis ab athleta qui optinuerat illud uiginti marcis argenti redemit? et pro testimonio uictoriz celitus datz sibi retinuit. Mannum? autem regis in crastinum ei remisit? cum sella et freno et omni apparatu ceu regem decuit. Guillelmus quoque adelingus Guillelmo Clitoni consobrino suo palefridum quem in bello pridie perdiderat remisit, et alia munera exulanti necessaria prouidi genitoris instinctu destinauit. Porro uinctos per oppida rex diuisit, et Burcardum ac Herueum de Gisortis? aliosque nonnullos quia homines utriusque regis erant omnino absoluit, et liberos a uinculis abire permisit. Inclitus 4 mamnum

MS.

™ The battle seems to have been fought almost entirely between knights, and to have had the character of a great tournament. ? Hervey was the son of Pain of Gisors; see above, v. 216; Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise, pp. 407-8; he held land of both kings. Burchard is not known to have had any Norman lands.

BOOK XII

241

I have been told that in the battle of the two kings, in which about nine hundred knights were engaged, only three were killed.!

They were all clad in mail and spared each other on both sides, out of fear of God and fellowship in arms; they were more concerned to capture than to kill the fugitives. As Christian soldiers they did not thirst for the blood of their brothers, but rejoiced in a just victory given by God, for the good of holy Church and the peace of the faithful. There the brave Guy and Otmund, Burchard and William Crispin, and many others were captured, as I have related, and were taken back to Noyon by the army returning

there that day. Noyon is only three leagues away from Andely, and in those days the whole region was depopulated by the raging wars. It was half-way between the two places that the battle of the princes took place without warning; loud battle-cries sounded out, the boisterous clash of arms raged, and the fall of noble barons

caused terror and alarm. The king of France in his flight lost his way alone in a wood, but by chance a peasant, who did not recognize him, met him. The king urgently asked the man, promising on oath to give him great rewards, either to point out the most convenient road to Andely or to accompany him there for a handsome recompense. Confident of rich payment he agreed, and escorted the trembling prince to Andely, while Louis was as much afraid of being betrayed by the

man who went before him as of being captured by the enemies who were pursuing him. When the peasant saw the royal attendants hurrying out at Andely to wait on the king, he felt that whatever reward he received was of little worth and ruefully blamed his own stupidity, realizing what great profit he had forfeited by failing to recognize the man. King Henry purchased the standard of King Louis for twenty marks of silver from the knight who had captured it, and kept it as a memorial of the victory which God had given him. He sent back the king's horse to him next day, with the saddle and bridle and all the trappings that become a king. Prince William too returned to his cousin, William Clito, the palfrey he had lost in the battle on the previous day, and sent gifts of other necessary things to the exile at the suggestion of his provident father. The king then divided the captives among the different castles; he freely pardoned Burchard and Hervey of Gisors? and some others because they were vassals of both kings, released them from imprisonment, and

242

iv. 363

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Guido de Claromonte Rotomagi infirmatus est’ et rege qui famosum pugilem in carcere seruabat merente defunctus est. Otmundus uero nequam silicernius Arcas relegatus est’ ibique ut meruerat usque ad concordiam regum ferreis compedibus et uinculis constrictus est. Huius enim infamia usque in Illiricum narrabatur/ quia fures et predones ad exaggerandum nefas tuebatur. Peregrinos et pauperes ac uiduas et inermes monachos et clericos spoliabat, multisque modis incessere non erubescebat. Petrus de Manlia aliique nonnulli fugientum cognitiones suas! ne agnoscerentur proiecerunt, et insectantibus callide mixti signum triumphantium uociferati sunt’ atque magnanimitatem Henrici regis suorumque fictis laudibus preconati sunt. Rodbertus de Curceio iunior? usque in burgum Gallos persecutus est’ ibique a conuiantibus quos commilitones suos opinabatur retentus est. Hic solus de Normannis captus est’ nec ut ignauus qui in hostium oppido solus a multis uallatus est, et in carcere retrusus est. Infortunium quod Gallis in Normannia contigerat longe lateque diuulgatum est’ et per omnes prouincias cisalpes a lugentibus siue subsannantibus passim diffusum est. Arrogantes erubescebant, et pugnaces qui bello interfuerant, uarias tergiuersationes contra cauillantes querebant, et diuersa diuersi ad excusationem sui dedecoris mendacia proferebant.

19 iv. 364

Ludouicus rex pro centum xl militibus captis quos alacres Nogionem adduxerat tristis Parisius abiit, ibique Amalricus qui bello non interfuerat gratia consolationis eum uisitauit, et de suorum fuga capturaque plangenti pluraque reuoluenti ait, ‘Pro contrario euentu non mestificetur dominus meus? quia tales sunt bellorum casus, et plerunque summis incubuerunt ac famosissimis imperatoribus. Fortuna ceu rota uergibilis est. Nam quem subito sustulit, in momento deicit, et econtra prostratum et conculcatum spe melius erigit. Nunc ergo consideratis opibus Galliz et t In the early years of the twelfth century the practice of decorating shields for purposes of distinction in battle was becoming established in France. P. Gras, ‘Aux origines de l'héraldique', in BEC cix (1951), 198-208.

See

? The identification of the various Roberts of Courcy is extremely difficult; cf. Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 147 n. 86.

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allowed them to depart. The renowned Guy of Clermont fell ill at Rouen and, to the sorrow of the king who was keeping this famous warrior safely in prison, he died. The wicked old man Otmund was sent to Arques, and there he was kept as he deserved in iron fetters and shackles until peace was made between the kings. Stories of his infamy were told as far away as Illyria, because he used to give protection to thieves and robbers, heaping evil on evil. He used to plunder pilgrims and poor men, widows and helpless monks and clerks, whom he molested in many ways without scruple. Peter of Maule and some of the other fugitives threw away their cognizances! to avoid recognition and, cunningly mixing with the pursuers, shouted out the war cry of the victors, proclaiming the greatness of King Henry and his men with feigned praises. Robert of Courcy the younger? pursued the French right into the town, where he was captured by the men riding with him, whom he had taken for his fellow soldiers. He alone of the Normans was taken prisoner and thrust into a dungeon, not because he had shown cowardice but because he was alone in an enemy town surrounded by many foes. News of the disaster which the French had suffered in Normandy was spread far and wide and told in all the countries north of the Alps with sighs or smiles. The proud blushed with shame; the warlike who had fought in the battle thought of all kinds of excuses to answer their accusers, and different men told different

lies to explain away their disgrace.

I9 King Louis, unhappy because a hundred and forty knights whom he had led to Noyon in high spirits had been captured, withdrew to Paris. Amaury, who had not taken part in the battle, visited him there to condole with him; when the king was bewailing the capture and flight of his men and discussing various matters, Amaury said to him, ‘My lord, you must not be discouraged by a defeat, for such things are the fortune of war and have often happened to the greatest and most famous emperors. Fortune is like a turning wheel. One moment she suddenly lifts a man up, the next throws him down; and conversely she raises the man who is prostrate and trodden in the dust more generously than he could have hoped. Now, therefore, when you have reflected on the great wealth of

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immensis uiribus collectis undique, insurgens ad reparanda laudis nostrae damna et potentiz, salubre quod edam consilium accipe. Episcopi et comites alizeque potestates regni tui ad te conueniant, et presbiteri cum omnibus parrochianis suis tecum quo iusseris eant, ut communis exercitus communem uindictam super hostes publicos exerceant. Ego autem qui peracta nuper expeditioni non affui cum meis interero, et consilium et auxilium cum saluo ducatu

iv. 365

iv. 366

uobis prebebo. ‘Est equidem michi firma domus Cinctraii, ubi me prestolantur Gualchelinus de Taneio! aliique sodales fidissimi? et michi circumiacentem patriam tuentur contra municipes Britolii. Illic securi congregabimur, et inde Britolium quod in corde Normanniz est aggrediemur. Quod si optinere poterimus, Eustachio qui pro nobis exheredatus est restaurabimus, et Radulfus de Conchis nepos meus nobis adherebit cum cunctis hominibus suis et munitionibus. Ipse fortia possidet castra, Concas et Toeneium, Portas et Achinneium,? probatique barones gestant eius dominium, qui per ipsum solum multipliciter nostrum augebunt numerum. Is nimirum Britolio nunc coartatur, nec nobis quia non audet nunc adminiculatur, ne tota statim terra eius deuastetur. His itaque dictis exhilaratus rex omnia fieri decreuit? ut prefatus heros insinuauit. Celeres igitur ueredarios direxit, et edictum suum episcopis mandauit. Illi uero gratanter ei paruerunt, et presbiteros diocesis suze cum parrochianis suis anathemate percusserunt? nisi regis in expeditionem statuto tempore festinarent, et totis uiribus rebelles Normannos protererent. Burgundiones ergo et Bituricenses, Aluernici et Senonenses, Parisiaci

et Aurelianenses,

Veromandi

et Beluacenses,

Laudu-

nenses et Stampenses, alique plures ut lupi ad predam auide perrexerunt, et mox ut de domibus suis egressi sunt? in suis etiam regionibus rapere quicquid poterant ceperunt. Indomita gens rapinis insatiabiliter inhiabat, et irreuerenter ecclesias per iter spoliabat, monachos et clericos sibi collimitaneos ut hostes affligebat. Principalis iusticia inter facinorosos nulla erat, pontificalis rigor ibi tunc omnino torpescebat, et impune quisquam agitabat/ quod libitus cuique fortuitu suggerebat. Nouiomensis episcopus et Laudunensis aliique plures in illa expeditione fuerunt, ! The name is a common one, and the identification of Walchelin is uncertain.

He may have been in charge of Amaury's household troops, possibly a vassal from the region of Cintrai. 2 Cf. Le Prévost, Eure, i. 89; Loyd, p. 2.

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Gaul and gathered her immense resources from all sides, rise up to

repair the harm done to our honour and power and follow the wise

course that I now recommend. Let the bishops and counts and other magnates of your realm come to you, and the priests with all their parishioners go with you where you command so that an army of the whole community may inflict its common punishment on public enemies. I myself, who did not take part in the recent expedition, will be there with my men and will give you counsel and help as well as safe escort. ‘I have a fortified house at Cintrai, where Walchelin of Tannei! and other loyal companions are waiting for me, and they keep the country all around safe for me against the garrison of Breteuil. We will assemble there in safety, and from there we will attack Breteuil, which is in the heart of Normandy. If we succeed in taking it, we will restore it to Eustace, who has been disinherited

in our cause, and my nephew Ralph of Conches will join us with all his vassals and fortresses. He possesses powerful castles, Conches and Tosny, Portes and Acquigny;? loyal barons accept his lordship, and they will greatly increase our numbers if he alone comes over to us. He is now greatly threatened by Breteuil and at present gives us no support because he dare not, for fear that all his lands would be plundered immediately.' The king, much cheered by these words, ordered everything Count Amaury had suggested to be done. He sent messengers hurrying to convey his decree to the bishops. They readily obeyed him, and pronounced excommunication on the priests of their dioceses with their parishioners, unless they hurried to take part in the king's campaign at the appointed time, and crushed the rebel Normans with all their forces. So the men of Burgundy and Berry, Auvergne and Sens, Paris and Orleans, Vermandois and Beauvais, Laon and Étampes, and many others set out like wolves eager for their prey, and the moment they were out of their homes began to seize whatever they could, even in their own provinces. A turbulent race, insatiably

greedy for plunder, they sacrilegiously robbed churches along the way and ill-treated the monks and clergy in the regions near to them as if they had been enemies. No royal justice was exercised among these criminals, episcopal authority was then altogether in abeyance, and every man did whatever he happened to wish with impunity. The bishops of Noyon and Laon and many others were

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et pro maliuolentia quam in Normannos habebant suis omne nefas permiserunt, sacra etiam loca quasi ex diuina auctoritate uiolari concesserunt, ut ita legiones suas pluribus modis leniendo multiplicarent, fasque nefasque illis annuentes in aduersarios animarent. 1Ludouicus itaque rex Britolium adduxit numerosas acies de Parrona et Nigella, de Nouiomo et Insula, de Tornaco et Atreiv. 367

bate, de Gornaco et Claromonte, et de omnibus prouinciis Galliz

et Flandrie, ut amissa Eustachio restitueret, aliosque qui pro Guillelmo exule pariter exulabant in pristinos honores reuocaret. Radulfus autem Brito? cum turmis suis audacter iliis obuiam processit, et fortiter pugnando illos excepit, et lancea gladioque diros ictus dando luctuosa illis damna intulit. Omnes quoque castri portas aperiri precepit, sed patentibus ianuis nullus inimicorum ingredi presumpsit, quoniam mira uis obstantium efficaciter eos reppulit. Ad tres portas atrox conflictus agebatur? et pugnaces agoniste frequenter utrinque deiciebantur. Rex Anglorum ut rediuiuum in Neustriam reditum Francorum agnouit? Ricardum filium suum cum cc militibus Radulfo de Guader suppetias misit? quibus Radulfum Rufum et Rualodum de Abrincis? audaces et industrios stratores constituit. Acerrime siquidem concertantibus regalis familia superuenit? qua uisa Gallorum uirtus iam fatigata deficere cepit. Insignis Radulfus de

porta ad portam discurrebat, et arma sepe ne cognosceretur iv. 368

mutabat.* Plures preclaros athletas ea die deiecit, et precipitatis equitibus equos eorum sociis indigentibus largiter donauit,5 sicque militari probitate inter precipuos pugiles per secula laudari

promeruit. Pulcher et probissimus Flandrita [ ]* Radulfum Rufum et Lucam de Barra aliosque strenuos equites prostrauit, et abductis eorum equis arroganter intumuit, nec uicinum sibi triste fatum callide precauit. Inuictum Britonem? ut quempiam plebeium 4 Space left in the MS., perhaps for the insertion of a name

b Sic in

MS.; the case should be dative

1 Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxvi, pp. 198-200, suggests that the initiative for this

expedition came from Louis and does not mention Amaury. He alleges that King Louis set fire to Ivry, but withdrew from Breteuil after failing to induce the king of England to meet him in battle. 2 Ralph of Gael.

3 A loyal supporter of Henry I, who had been given the manor of Stanton

Harcourt early in the reign (Regesta, ii. 528) and later acquired the barony of

Folkestone by marriage with an heiress, Matilda of Monville (Sanders, p. 45).

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with the army, and because of their hatred of the Normans they gave free rein to the crimes of their men, and allowed even holy places to be desecrated under the pretence of divine authority, so that by pandering to their troops in various ways they might increase their numbers, and by giving way to them regardless of right or wrong might rouse their passions against their enemies. 1So King Louis approached Breteuil with numerous contingents from Péronne, Nesle, Noyon, Lille, Tournai, Arras, Gournay, and Clermont, and from all the provinces of Gaul and Flanders, with

the object of restoring Eustace's lost possessions and bringing back others who were in exile out of loyalty to the exiled William to their former honors. Ralph the Breton? went out boldly to meet them with his squadrons, arrested their advance by fighting bravely, and inflicted serious losses on them with dreadful blows from lance and sword. He ordered all the gates of the fortress to be opened, but though the doors stood wide not one of the enemy ventured to enter, for the remarkable strength of the resistance effectively threw them back. Fighting was very bitter round three of the gates, and many warlike champions on both sides were struck down. When the king of England learned that the French were again back in Normandy he sent his son Richard with two hundred knights to help Ralph of Gael, and appointed Ralph the Red and Rualon? of Avranches, who were bold and active men, as their

captains. So the king's household troops arrived while the fighting was at its height, and at the sight of them the French force, already weakened, began to waver. The eminent Ralph hurried from gate to gate, frequently changing his arms to avoid recognition.* He brought down many distinguished champions that day, and when the knights had been unhorsed he generously gave their horses to his needy comrades,5 so earning high and enduring praise for the chivalrous qualities that distinguished him among the most eminent warriors. A handsome and valiant Fleming struck down Ralph the Red and Luke of La Barre? and other brave knights and boasted proudly as he led away their horses, not having the wit to avoid the sad fate that awaited him. He charged the unvanquished Breton in his * Cf. the trick of the knights of Maule after Brémule (above, p. 242). 5 He was entitled to keep the horses himself as the spoils of war. 6 Luke of La Barre, son of Simon; at this date he was associated with the lords of Breteuil. Later he took part in the disastrous rebellion of Waleran of Meulan

(cf. Le Prévost, Eure, i. 177-82).

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solito more occurrit, et mox ab eo letaliter percussus cecidit et coram multis captus post xv dies in carcere Britolii expirauit. Rex Anglorum filium suum Ricardum aliosque precursores

suos secutus est cum ingenti caterua, denuo pugnaturus contra Francorum milia, si reperisset eos in terra sua. Verum longa obsidione rati sunt oppidum optinere, eadem die qua turgidi uenerant spe? cum ignominia et plagis in compulsi rediere. Sacerdotes quoque iusto iudicio Deus

ipsi qui frustrata Galliam inglorios

reduxit, tremore, damnis, luctu et confusione perfudit? qui sacra

iv. 369

loca quz sacerdotali censura debuissent premunire, spurcis auidisque nebulonibus impudenter contaminanda tradidere. Tunc Guillelmus de Caluimonte gener regis! aliique superbi tirones irati quod Britolii nichil lucrati fuissent ad Tegulense castrum fere ducenti diuerterunt, ut sibi aliquid emolumenti seu laudis uendicarent. Porro Gislebertus Tegulensis castellanus? in abdito

iv. 370

loco

cum

satellitibus

suis latitabat,

et tramites

ne

rura sua latrunculi depopularentur explorabat. Venientibus uero Francis subito prosiluit, generumque regis Guillelmum comprehendit? pro cuius redemptione cc argenti marcos habuit. Contubernalium autem eius quosdam cepit/ reliquos uero cum dedecore fugauit. Confracta itaque ceruicositate sobolis suz Gallia satis ingemuit/ recensitis euentibus damnosis suisque futuris generationibus exprobrandis quos nuper in Neustria pertulerit. Henricus autem rex quia pacis amator erat feliciter effloruit, pro quo supplicantem aecclesiam Deus clementer exaudiuit, et crebras ei de inimicis uictorias pie contulit. Rediuiua prosperitas illi blande fauens seuos perfectiales? admodum terruit, et acerbam pcenitudinem infortunatz factionis rei publicze hostibus incussit. 20

Richerius de Aquila xv? kalendas Octobris Odonem^ totamque predam de Ciseio rapuit, ea die qua Ludouicus rex cum multis milibus Britolium adiit, sed nichil nisi dedecus et uulnera * William of Chaumont's wife was a natural daughter of Louis VI; see GEC ix, App. D, p. 121; Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise, pp. 369—71. 2 Gilbert Crispin was castellan of Tilliéres. 3 A variation of prefectialis; see MLWL,

p. 366.

4 Odo's identity is not certain; he may have been the lord of Cisai-SaintAubin.

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usual way, taking him for a common soldier, but was mortally wounded by him and fell immediately; taken prisoner publicly he died fifteen days later in the dungeon of Breteuil. The king of England followed up his son Richard and the rest of his advance troops with a huge force, to fight once more against the French thousands, if he should find them in his lands. But they, who had hoped to win the fortress by a long siege, saw the proud hopes with which they had come dashed that same day, and were forced to withdraw to France with shame and loss. So God by his just judgement led the priests back with dishonour, and overwhelmed them with fear, loss, sorrow, and confusion, for they, who

should have used ecclesiastical censures to protect consecrated places, had sacrilegiously given them over to be defiled by foul and grasping rufhans. Then William of Chaumont, the king's son-in-law,! and about two hundred other proud young knights, outraged by their failure at Breteuil, turned aside to the castle of Tillicres, in the hope of winning some profit or glory for themselves. But Gilbert, the castellan of Tilliéres,? was lying hidden in ambush with his retainers, and kept the paths patrolled to prevent raiders devastating his estates. As the French rode up he fell on them without warning and captured William, the king’s son-in-law, for whose ransom he later received two hundred marks of silver. He also took prisoner a number of his comrades, and chased the rest away with dishonour. So France, when the pride of her sons was dashed, sadly lamented as she pondered on the reverses she had recently suffered in Normandy, which were to prove harmful and to be deprecated by the generations to come. But King Henry, the lover of peace, rejoiced in his good fortune; on his behalf God had mercifully heard the prayers of the Church and, as a kind father, had granted him many victories over his enemies. Prosperity returned to smile on him; he made brutal officials? quake with fear, and forced on

the enemies of the state bitter penitence for their unsuccessful factiousness. 20

On 17 September Richer of Laigle captured Odo‘ and a great accumulation of booty from Cisai, the same day that King Louis reached Breteuil with many thousands and failed to achieve any-

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uendicauit. Przfatus iuuenis in expeditione illa, rem fecit perenni

iv. 371

dignam memoria. Dum pagenses de Vaceio et circumiacentibus uicis raptores sequerentur, et armenta sua quolibet modo eripere seu redimere meditarentur/ animosi milites retro conuersi super eos irruerunt, citoque terga dantes persecuti sunt. Cumque illi uires non haberent, quibus contra ferratam aciem sese defenderent, nec proximum esset presidium ad quod confugere potuissent" secus uiam crucem ligneam aspexerunt, ante quam omnes pariter humo tenus prostrati sunt. Quod uidens Richerius timore Dei compunctus est/ et pro dulci amore Saluatoris crucem eius pie reueritus est. Iussit ergo suis ut omnes consternatos incolumes sinerent? et ipsi ne impedimentum aliquod paterentur inceptum iter peragerent. Sic nobilis uir pro Creatoris metu fere centum uillanis pepercit, a quibus si prendere eos temere presumpsisset, grande precium exigere potuisset. Eadem septimana per Rotronem auunculum suum regi reconciliatus est: et totam in Anglia seu Normannia terram patris sui adeptus est. Deinde rex Vticensem pagum cum exercitu adiit" et inimicos suos qui Gloz et Liram tenebant uisitauit. 'l'unc nimirum Rogerius Guillelmi filii Barnonis filius! pretorium Gloz seruabat, et Ernaldus de Bosco? Lire municeps erat. Qui cum uidissent quod regia uirtus omnia conculcaret, et sibi omne ab Eustachio et Amalrico

iv. 372

subsidium defecisset, cum Radulfo qui uicinus sibi erat locuti sunt’ et per eum idoneam sibi pacem cum rege fecerunt, eique diu seruata fideliter? castra reddiderunt. Rex autem Radulfo de Guader eadem restituit, et pacificata lam regione Vticensi Rotomagum reuersus Deo gratias retulit. Interea idem heros quia Radulfum de Conchis suspectum habebat, nec ad rura sua qua ultra Sequanam sunt nisi per terram eius ire poterat! consilio regis Pontem Sancti Petri totamque uallem de Pistris* dedit ut sibi fidelis esset, et contra publicos hostes totis nisibus rem publicam defenderet. Radulfo quoque Rufo redditus de Gloz annuit? quem necessarium sibi in multis comprobauit, et profuturum adhuc estimauit. * Roger was the son of William, son of Barnon of Glos, steward of William of Breteuil; see above, iv. 244.

? Arnold of Bois-Arnaud, a vassal of the honor of Breteuil; cf. Loyd, p. 16. The earliest known member of the family was Arnold, son of Popeline (cf. above, iv. 288). 3 Their loyalty was to their lord, Eustace of Breteuil, not to the king.

+ The valley of Pitres is at the junction of the Andelle with the Seine; the Andelle is bridged at Pont-Saint-Pierre (Le Prévost, Eure, ii. 594-607). Ralph IV of Tosny’s daughter, Godechilde, took Pont-Saint-Pierre to Robert of Neubourg, her husband (GEC xii (i), 762 note e).

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thing but dishonour and loss. In that expedition young Richer did something that deserves to be remembered for ever. While country people from Gacé and the villages around were following the raiders and were planning to buy back their stock or recover it somehow, the spirited knights wheeled round and charged them, and when they turned tail and fled continued in pursuit. The peasants had no means of defending themselves against a mailed squadron and were not near any stronghold where they could fly for refuge, but they saw a wooden crucifix by the side of the road and all flung themselves down together on the ground in front of it. At the sight Richer was moved by the fear of God, and for sweet love of his Saviour dutifully respected his cross. He commanded his men to spare all the terrified peasants and to turn back to finish their interrupted journey, for fear of being hindered in some way. So the honourable man, in awe of his Creator, spared about a hundred villagers, from whom he might have extorted a great price if he had been so irreverent as to capture them. In the same week he was reconciled with the king by the intercession of his uncle Rotrou, and recovered all his father's lands in England and Normandy. Then the king entered the region of Ouche with his army and descended on his enemies, who were holding Glos and Lire. At that time Roger, son of William son of Barnon,! was holding the castle of Glos, and Arnold of Bois- Arnaud? was castellan of Lire.

When they saw that the royal power levelled all before it, and that there was no hope of any help at all from Eustace and Amaury, they conferred with Ralph, who was one of their neighbours, and through his intercession made a peace acceptable to themselves with the king, and handed back to him the castles that they had loyally? defended for so long. The king restored these to Ralph of Gael and, having pacified the region of Ouche, returned to Rouen, where he gave thanks to God. Meanwhile Ralph of Gael, because he did not trust Ralph of Conches and could not visit his own estates across the Seine except by passing through the other's lands, took the king's advice and gave him Pont-Saint-Pierre and the whole valley of Pitres,* to secure his loyalty to himself and ensure that he would defend the state against public enemies with all his might. He also allocated the rents of Glos to Ralph the Red, a man whom he had found indispensable in many ways and expected to rely on in the future.

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2I

In Octobris medio! Calixtus papa cum Romano senatu Remis uenit, ibique xv diebus demoratus concilium tenuit, et de utilitati-

bus zcclesiz cum pastoribus dominici gregis sollerter tractauit. Ibi nimirum fuerunt xv archiepiscopi, et plus quam ducenti episcopi? cum multis abbatibus, et aliis zcclesiz dignitatibus. Apostolico enim iussu euocati de Italia et Germania, de Gallia et Hispania, de Britannia et Anglia, de insulis Oceani et cunctis occidentalibus prouinciis, congregati sunt pro amore Saluatoris? eius parati gratanter obedire mandatis. Magontinus archiepiscopus iv. 373 cum vii presulibus Remis ad sinodum properauit, quos quingentorum militum cohors secure uallauit. Quorum aduentu comperto exultauit eisque Hugonem Trecasinum comitem? cum turmis militum amicabiliter obuiam misit. Rex Anglorum prelatis regni sui ad sinodum quidem ire permisit, sed omnino ne alicuius modi querimoniam alterutrum facerent prohibuit. Dixit enim, ‘Omni plenariam rectitudinem conquerenti faciam in terra mea. Redditus ab anterioribus meis constitutos Romanze zcclesiz singulis annis erogo, et priuilegia nichilominus ab antiquis temporibus pari modo michi concessa teneo. Ite. Dominum papam de parte mea salutate, et apostolica tantum precepta humiliter audite, sed superfluas adinuentiones regno meo inferre nolite.'? In ecclesia metropolitana sinodus celebrata est. Ibi papa xiiii? kalendas Nouembris dominico misiv. 374 sam cantauit, et Baiocensem Turstinum Eborachensibus archiepiscopum consecrauit, priuilegioque ne Cantuariensi metropolitz ueluti magistro sed quasi coepiscopo subiceretur donauit.* Sequenti autem dominico Fredericum Hermanni Namuri comitis fratrem Leodicensibus episcopum benedixit?5 qui infra triennium ! Calixtus II arrived at Rheims on 18 October (ASC 1118; Robert, Calixte IT, p. 61). Of other contemporary accounts of the council the fullest and most

impartial is that of Hesso Scholasticus, who was present both at Rheims and at Mouzon. His Relatio de concilio remensi has been edited by Wattenbach in MGH Libelli de Lite, iii. 21-8; this to some extent complements Orderic's account, since his interest was particularly in the investiture dispute, and sometimes

corrects it. English historians were concerned almost exclusively with the Canterbury and York dispute, but the Durham chronicler also preserved a copy of the canons. See SD ii. 254-6; HCY, pp. 71-4; Eadmer, HN, pp. 255-7.

? Hugh, count of Champagne, son of Count Theobald III and elder brother of Stephen, count of Blois. He was the divorced husband of King Philip's daughter, Constance.

3 Calixtus had written to Henry in July expressing regret at his support of the

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2I

In the middle of October! Pope Calixtus came to Rheims with the Roman curia and, remaining there for a fortnight, held a council in which he earnestly discussed measures for the welfare of the Church with the shepherds of the Lord's flock. Fifteen archbishops and more than two hundred bishops were present, with many abbots and other church dignitaries. Summoned by papal command from Italy and Germany, Gaul and Spain, Brittany and England, from the islands of the Ocean and all the provinces of the west, they assembled together for love of the Saviour, eager to obey his commands. The archbishop of Mainz hurried to the synod of Rheims with seven bishops, under the safe protection of a contingent of five hundred knights. The Pope's spirits rose at the news of their coming and he sent Hugh, count of Troyes,? with troops of soldiers to meet and welcome them. The king of England went to the length of permitting the prelates of his realm to go to the council, but he strictly forbade them to bring any kind of suit against each other. He said, ‘I will do full justice to anyone bringing a plea in my land. Every year I pay to the Roman church the dues fixed by my predecessors, and equally I uphold the privileges granted to me in the same way from time immemorial. Go; greet the Pope on my behalf and just listen humbly to the papal precepts, but do not allow unnecessary innovations to be introduced into my kingdom.’3 The council was held in the cathedral church. There the Pope sang Mass on Sunday, 19 October, and consecrated Thurstan of Bayeux as archbishop of York, conceding to him in a bull that he should not be subject to the metropolitan of Canterbury as to a master, but only as to a fellow bishop.* The following Sunday he blessed Frederick, brother of Herman count of Namur, as bishop of Liége;5 in less than three archbishop of Canterbury against the archbishop elect of York, and asking him to allow the two prelates to come to the council of Rheims, so that the question might be settled there (Bullaire, i, no. 44; HC Y, p. 66; Robert, Calixte I, p. 57). Henry was anxious not to allow the dispute about the primacy to be settled by the Pope outside his kingdom. 4 Thurstan had been elected archbishop of York in 1113, but his consecration had been delayed because of the primacy dispute. The long dispute is described

by Hugh the Chantor, HC Y, pp. 33-70; and Eadmer, HN, pp. 237-40, 241-57; see also D. Nicholl, Thurstan, Archbishop of York (York, 1964); M. Brett, The English Church under Henry I (Oxford, 1975), for the general background. 5 On Sunday, 26 October; cf. Robert, Calixte II, p. 76.

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ab emulis ueneno infectus obiit, et nunc miraculis ad sepulchrum eius coruscantibus feliciter splendescit. In basilica sancte Virginis Mariz ante crucifixum xii? kalendas Nouembris kathedre presulum apposite sunt’ et singuli metropolite prout eis antiquitus a Romano pontifice constitutum est ordinate consederunt. Radulfus cognomento Viridis archiepiscopus Remensis et Leotericus Bituricensis, Humbertus Lugdunensis et Goisfredus Rotomagensis, Turstinus Eborachensis, et Daimbertus Senonensis, Gislebertus Turonensis et successor Hildebertus Cenomannensis, Baldricus Dolensis et alii

eius octo

archiepiscopi cum suffraganeis suis et absentium legatis, cum multis abbatibus et monachorum ac clericorum multitudine futurum examen prefigurauere, quod in spiritu intuens Ysaias et iv. 375 quasi digito demonstrans exclamat cum metu ac mentis alacritate, ‘Dominus ad iudicium ueniet cum senibus populi sui et principibus eius."! In sullimi consistorio apostolica sedes erat ante ianuas zecclesize. Finita missa Calixtus papa resedit, et in prima fronte coram eo Romanus senatus? constitit" Cono Prznestinus presul? et Boso Portuensis, Lambertus Hostiensis, Iohannes Cremensis* et Hato

Vivariensis. Hi nimirum prz omnibus aliis questiones subtiliter discutiebant, et mira eruditione imbuti responsa ubertim proferebant. Crisogonus uero diaconus5 dalmatica indutus pape astabat, manuque canones gestabat, promptus propinare autenticas maiorum sententias ut res exigebat. Porro alii sex ministri tunicis seu dalmaticis uestiti circumstabant, et frequenter insurgente dissidentium tumultu silentium imperabant. In primis post letaniam et autenticas orationes papa cepit simpliciter et sancte lacialibus uerbis Euangelium explanare, quod^ iusserit lesus discipulos suos trans fretum precedere.® Eloquenter etiam retexuit quomodo uespere facto uentus oritur @ Sic in MS. ! [saiah iii. 14.

2 'The term ‘senate’ had by the end of the eleventh century come to be applied to the college of cardinals (W. Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the

Middle Ages (London, 1955), p. 319). Orderic’s use of it, however, is loose and non-technical (cf. above, p. 210 n. 1); with the cardinal bishops Cuno of

Palestrina, Lambert of Ostia, and Boso (correctly cardinal priest of St. Anastasia,

not bishop of Porto) and the cardinal deacon John of Crema, he here includes Atto, bishop of Viviers. 3 For Cardinal Cuno of Palestrina, see G. Schoene, Kardinallegat Kuno

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years he died, poisoned by his rivals, and now his sanctity is proclaimed by the miracles performed at his tomb. The bishops' chairs were placed before the Rood in the church of the blessed Virgin Mary on 21 October, and the individual metropolitans sat according to the precedence established from ancient times by papal decree. Ralph Le Vert, archbishop of Rheims, and Leger of Bourges, Humbert of Lyons and Geoffrey of Rouen, Thurstan of York and Daimbert of Sens, Gilbert of Tours

and Hildebert of Le Mans who was to succeed him, Baudry of Dol and eight other archbishops with their suffragans and the envoys of those who were absent, as well as many abbots and a multitude of monks and clerks, prefigured that future judgement, which Isaiah perceived in the spirit and symbolically pointed out with his finger when he cried out with awe and keen intuition, "The Lord will enter into judgement with the ancients of his people and the princes thereof." In the supreme consistory court the Pope's seat was in front of the doors of the church. After completing the celebration of Mass, Pope Calixtus resumed his seat, and in the first rank in front of him were placed the members of the papal curia,? Cuno, bishop of Palestrina,? and Boso of Porto, Lambert of Ostia, John of Crema,*

and Atto of Viviers. These exceptionally learned men debated the points of law with greater subtlety than all the others, and gave very full answers. Chrisogonus the deacon,5 wearing a dalmatic, stood beside the Pope, holding a collection of the canons in his hand, ready to read out the authentic rulings of the fathers as the business required. Six other attendants vested in tunics or dalmatics also stood round, and imposed silence on the many occasions when a clamour of disagreement arose. First of all, after the Litany and the prescribed prayers, the Pópe began to expound simply and devoutly in Latin the Gospel in which Jesus constrained his disciples to cross before him to the other side.$ He told eloquently how as evening comes a contrary (Weimar,

1857) and D. Nicholl,

Thurstan,

Archbishop

of York, pp. 60-1;

Klewitz, Reformpapsttum, p. 120.

* John of Crema was cardinal deacon of S. Grisogono (Klewitz, Reformpapsttum, p. 122); he was not a bishop, as the list might suggest. 5 'The cardinal deacon Chrisogonus (Grisogonus) was papal bibliothecarius, who fulfilled all the duties of chancellor (Bullazre, i, pp. ix-x; Klewitz, Reformpapsttum, p. 132). 6 Mark vi. 45.

256

iv. 376

iv. 377

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XII

contrarius, et nauis sancte ecclesiz periclitatur in huius mundi fluctibus? multimodisque iactatur temptationum et tribulationum procellis, sed seuientes impiorum flatus subito conquiescunt uisitatione Saluatoris, et optata tranquillitas reuertitur ad filios pacis.! Deinde ut papa sermonem finiuit’ Cono cardinalis pontifex surrexit, et eloquentissime sacros archimandritas? de cura pastorali admonuit. Ex libro quoque Geneseos uerba Iacob memoriter protulit, et prelatos zcclesiz& circa gregem Domini parem diligentiam habere spiritualiter debere asseruit, quam lacob erga oues Laban auunculi sui se habuisse manifestauit.? Ludouicus rex cum principibus Francorum sinodum introiuit, in consistorium ubi papa residens omnibus praeminebat conscendit, querimoniamque suam rationabiliter deprompsit.* Erat enim ore facundus, statura procerus, pallidus et corpulentus. ‘Ad hanc' inquit 'sanctam concionem pro inuestigando consilio cum baronibus meis uenio, domine papa et uos O seniores audite me obsecro. Rex Anglorum qui iam dudum michi confcederatus extitit michi meisque subiectis plurimas infestationes et iniurias ingessit. Normanniam que de regno meo est uiolenter inuasit, et Rodbertum ducem Normannorum contra omne ius et fas detestabiliter tractauit. Hominem quippe meumS sed fratrem dominumque suum$ multis modis molestauit, et ad ultimum cepit, et huc usque in carcere longo detinuit. Ecce Guillelmum ducis filium qui mecum ad uos huc accessit? funditus extorrem exhereditauit. Per episcopos et consules aliasque personas ipsum ut captum ducem michi redderet requisiui’ sed de hac re nichil ab eo impetrare potui. Rodbertum de Bellismo legatum meum per quem mandaueram regi que uolebam in curia sua cepit,? uinculis iniecit, et in ergastulo truci huc usque cohercuit. Tedbaldus comes * According to Hesso (Commentariolus in MGH theme

was

Libelli de Lite, iii. 24), his

simony and he spoke of the negotiations with the Germans;

but

there would have been room in such a sermon for the observations on peace which were of particular interest to monks from war-torn Normandy, where investiture was not a burning issue.

? Strictly speaking the word archimandrita means an abbot; but it was some-

times applied to the Pope (cf. Dict. Med. Lat., p. 119) and is here clearly meant to include bishops as well. 3 Cf. Genesis xxxi. 38-40. * Louis appeared at the council probably on 20 and 21 October; see Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 266. In a letter to Calixtus II he spoke of his attendance at the council as an act of duty towards the Pope, in spite of his own illness (RHF xv.

339-40).

5 This is an imaginary speech giving a viewpoint; there is no evidence that

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wind arises, and the ship of the holy Church is in peril among the waves of this world; it is tossed about by the storms of all kinds of trials and tribulations, but the raging winds of the ungodly cease suddenly at the coming of the Saviour, and the longed-for calm returns for the sons of peace.! As soon as the Pope had finished his discourse, the cardinal bishop Cuno rose and, with great eloquence, harangued the holy prelates? on the cure of souls. He quoted from memory the words of Jacob from the book of Genesis, and asserted that prelates of the Church ought to devote the same spiritual care to tending the Lord's flock that Jacob showed he had towards the sheep of his uncle Laban.? King Louis came into the council with the French princes, mounted to the consistory court where the Pope was seated above the rest, and made his charge in proper form.* He was eloquent in speech, tall in stature, pale and corpulent. ‘I come’, he said, ‘to this holy assembly with my barons to seek for guidance; I beg you, my lord Pope, and leaders of the Church, to hear me. The king of England, who has been allied to me for a long time, has done many wrongs and caused much trouble to me and my subjects. He has violently invaded Normandy, which is a part of my realm, and has treated Robert, duke of Normandy, atrociously, without regard to justice or right. He has injured this vassal of mine,5 who is his brother and lord,® in many ways, and finally after capturing him has kept him for many years in prison, up to this day. See, here is William, the duke's son, who accompanies me to your presence, and whom he utterly disinherited and drove into exile. I have sent bishops and earls and other persons to ask him to send back the captive duke to me, but I have never succeeded in getting any satisfaction from him in this matter. He arrested Robert of Belléme, my envoy, through whom I had made known my wishes to the king, in his own court,” threw him into chains, and has kept

him up to this day closely confined in a grim dungeon. Count Robert had ever done homage to Louis VI (cf. Lemarignier, L'hommage en marche, p. 85 n. 41). $ Orderic elsewhere (cf. above, v. 290) suggests that Henry had done homage to Robert; he may have performed it for the lands in the Cotentin held just after

the death of William I. 7 [n describing the arrest of Robert of Belléme (above, p. 178) Orderic did not indicate why Robert finally put himself into Henry's power. There is no other evidence that he went as the envoy of Louis VI, and he would have been an extremely ill-chosen one; on the other hand, this might explain his venturing into a court he had every reason to avoid.

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homo meus est: sed instinctu auunculi sui contra me nequiter erectus est. Eius enim diuitiis et potentia inflatus in me rebellauit, et infidus michi atrocem guerram fecit, regnumque meum ad detrimenta multorum conturbauit. Legitimum bonumque uirum Guillelmum comitem Niuernensem! quem bene nostis, remeantem de obsidione castelli cuiusdam excommunicati furis, ubi uere

spelunca latronum et fossa diaboli erat comprehendit, et usque in hodiernum diem carceri mancipauit. Religiosi presules T'omam de Marla seditiosum predonem totius prouinciz merito aduersati sunt: ideoque michi generalem inimicum peregrinorum et omnium simplicium obsidere preceperunt, et ipsi mecum legitimique barones Galliz ad comprimendos exleges conuenerunt, et cum communi collectione Christiani exercitus pro zelo Dei certauerunt. iv. 378 Inde prefatus heros cum mea licentia pacifice regrediens captus est? eta l'edbaldo comite usque hodie retentus est? licet eum multitudo procerum ex parte mea sepe pro liberatione comitis suppliciter requisierit, et tota terra eius ab episcopis anathematizata sit.’ Cumque rex hzc et his similia dixisset, et Gallicana concio ueracem eius orationem allegasset/ Goisfredus Rotomagensis archiepiscopus cum suffraganeis episcopis et abbatibus surrexit, et pro rege Anglorum rationabiliter respondere cepit. Verum orto tumultu dissidentium interceptus conticuit? quia illic multi aderant inimicorum quibus excusatio pro uictorioso principe displicuit. Interea Hildegardis comitissa Pictauorum? cum suis pedissequis processit, et alta claraque uoce querimoniam suam eloquenter enodauit? quam omne concilium diligenter auscultauit. Se siquidem dixit a marito suo esse derelictam, sibique Malbergionem uicecomitis de Castello Airaldi coniugem in thoro surrogatam. Cumque papa interrogaret, utrum consul Pictauensis iv. 379 secundum suum edictum ad sinodum uenisset? Guillelmus eloquentissimus iuuenis episcopus Sanctonensis? et plures episcopi * William, count of Nevers, was captured in 1115 by Hugh le Manceau, on the orders of Theobald IV of Blois, as he was returning home from the expedition against Thomas of Marle (see Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 203; Ivo of Chartres in Migne, PL clxii. 277, ep. 215; Schieffer, Legaten, pp. 202-3). 2 The countess of Poitou is also called Matilda and Adelaide; in charters she occurs as Philippa. The conduct of her husband William caused widespread scandal; cf. GR ii. 510, 'legitima quoque uxore depulsa, vicecomitis cujusdam

conjugem surripuit'. See Abbé Maratu, Girard, Évéque d' Angouléme (Angouléme,

1866), p. 187 n. 1; F. Villard in Cahiers

(1973), 295-302. 3 Peter

III of Conflans

was

bishop of Saintes

de civilisation médiévale,

until

1122;

xvi

neither he nor

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XII

259

Theobald is my vassal, but at his uncle's prompting he has iniquitously risen against me. Grown above himself through his wealth and power, he rebelled against me and, violating his fealty, waged bitter war on me, so causing turmoil and great suffering in my kingdom. He captured William, count of Nevers,! a loyal and good man whom you know well, as he was returning from besieging the castle of a certain excommunicated thief, which was indeed a den

of robbers and a devil's pit, and he has kept him imprisoned up to this time. Holy bishops rightly opposed Thomas of Marle, a rebel bandit who terrorized a whole province, and asked me to besiege this common enemy of pilgrims and all humble folk; they themselves joined with me and my loyal French barons to crush the outlaws, and fought for the just cause of God with the general assembly of the Christian army. As he was returning peacefully with my permission from that siege, the lord of whom I spoke was captured, and he has been kept a prisoner by Count Theobald up to now, though many nobles acting on my behalf have repeatedly and humbly required him to free the count, and all his land has been put under interdict by the bishops.’ When the king had said this and more to the same effect, and the assembled French had vouched for the truth of his speech, Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, rose with his suffragan bishops and abbots, and began to answer for the king of England in proper form. But he ceased speaking when his voice was drowned by shouts of disagreement that broke out, because the defence of the victorious prince was unacceptable to his many enemies who were present there. Meanwhile Hildegarde, countess of Poitou,? came forward with her attendants and, in a high, clear voice, eloquently stated her plea, which the whole council heard with attention. She said that she had been abandoned by her husband, and that Malberge the wife of the vicomte of Chatellerault had replaced her in his bed. When the Pope asked whether the count of Poitou had come to the council in answer to his summons William, the eloquent young bishop of Saintes,3 and several other bishops and William, bishop of Poitiers, who may have spoken, could be described as young. F. Villard (ibid., p. 216 n. 1) suggests that the case was presented by an eloquent

young man named William, the bishop of Saintes, and others; if this suggestion is adopted, the translation should read, ‘William, an eloquent young man, the bishop of Saintes, and several other bishops . . .' Villard produces evidence that William IX’s illness was genuine; and that he subsequently became reconciled with the wife he was seeking to divorce.

260

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et abbates de Aquitania surrexerunt, et eundem Aquitanorum ducem excusauerunt? asseuerantes quod iter ad concilium inierit, sed egritudine detentus obiter remanserit. Denique papa infirmitatis causa excusationem suscepit, inducias dedit, certumque terminum constituit, quo consul ad placitum in curiam papz ueniret, ac aut legitimam uxorem reciperet, aut pro illicito repu-

dio sententiam anathematis subiret.

iv. 380

Deinde barbatus Audinus! Ebroicensis episcopus clamorem de Amalrico fecit, a quo et se turpiter expulsum et episcopium abominabiliter incensum denunciauit. Protinus econtra capellanus Amalrici palam respondendo audacter occurrit, et mendacem episcopum liquido coram omni cetu uocitauit. ‘Non Amalricus' inquit, ‘sed nequitia tua te merito expulit, et episcopium combussit. Ipse profecto quem rex per fraudulentam malignitatem tuam exhereditauit, ut strenuissimus miles armis pollens et amicis debitum honorem recuperauit. Rex siquidem cum pluribus cateruis suorum urbem obsedit, imperioque tuo ignem iniecit, et basilicas omnes cum edibus concremauit. Tali tantoque damno peracto recessit nec adhuc arcem seu ciuitatem optinuit. Videat et iudicet haec sancta sinodus? quis magis pro combustis zecclesiis condemnandus est Audinus an Amalricus ? Francis itaque contra Normannos adminiculantibus Amalrico? grandis ibi facta est uerborum altercatio. Tandem facto silentio papa locutus est. ‘Nolite queso karissimi mei multiplicitate uerborum inutiliter contendere, sed pacem ut filii Dei totis nisibus inquirite. Filius enim Dei pro pace de celo descendit, et humanum corpus ex intacta Virgine Maria clementer assumpsit, ut letalem

guerram per protoplasti reatum progressam pie sedaret, ut pacem inter Deum et hominem ipse sequester factus mitteret, ut angelicam et humanam naturam reconciliaret. Ipsum in omnibus sequi debemus? qui eius in populo suo uicarii qualescumque sumus. Pacem et salutem membris eius omnimodis procurare satagamus, quia ministri et dispensatores ministeriorum Dei sumus.? Membra quippe Christi? populum Christianum appello? quem ipse sangui-

nis sui redemit precio.^ Inter bellicos tumultus in perturbatione * Cf. above, p. 204; he had grown his beard in mourning after being driven out of Évreux. 2 A misquotation from 1 Cor. iv. i, ‘ut ministros Christi, et dispensatores mysteriorum Dei’; it may be an uncorrected slip of the pen. 3 Cf. 1 Cor. vi. 15. 4 Cf. 1 Peter i. 18-19.

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abbots from Aquitaine rose and began to offer excuses for the duke of Aquitaine, alleging that he had set out for the council, but had been delayed by sickness and was detained on the way. The Pope in the end accepted the excuse of illness, postponed the case, and

fixed a definite term at which the count was to come to answer in the papal court, and either take back his lawful wife or fall under sentence of excommunication for illegally repudiating her. Next the bearded Audoin,! bishop of Evreux, brought a plea against Amaury, who had, he complained, scandalously expelled him and sacrilegiously burnt his episcopal seat. One of Amaury's chaplains at once made a public reply, boldly refuting the charge, and plainly called the bishop a liar in the hearing of the whole assembly. ‘Not Amaury’, he said, ‘but your own wickedness drove you out, and rightly too, and burnt your episcopal seat. The truth is that he, who was disinherited by the king through your malicious lies, recovered his rightful honor as a brave knight should who is blessed with arms and friends. The king moreover laid siege to the town with many troops of his own soldiers, set fire to it by your command, and burnt down all the churches and houses together. After completing this act of destruction he withdrew and has never yet captured citadel or city. Let this holy council consider and judge who is more to be condemned for the burning of the churches, Audoin or Amaury.’ As the French took Amaury's part against the Normans a great uproar arose, with everyone speaking at the same time. At length, when silence had been restored, the Pope spoke as follows, ‘Dearly beloved, do not, I beg you, waste your breath in vain contentions, but use all your endeavours to find peace as true sons of God. It was for the sake of peace that the Son of God came down from heaven and, in his mercy, put on human flesh, being born of a pure Virgin, Mary, that by his compassion he might end the fatal war originating in the sin of the first man, that, acting as mediator, he might restore peace between God and man, and reconcile the natures of men and angels. We who however unworthily are his vicars among his people ought to follow him in all we do. Let us strive to secure peace and salvation for his members in every way, for we are the ministers and the stewards of the ministers of God.? By members of Christ? I mean the Christian people, whom he ransomed with the price of his blood.* Who, set

amidst the tumults of war in the troubles of the world, can properly 822242

K

262

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XII

positus seculari, quis digne potest spiritualia contemplari, uel in lege Dei competenter meditari ?Bellica seditio plebes commouet ac dissoluit, et per abruta. uiciorum letaliter euagari cogit. /Ecclesias uiolat, sacrata contaminat, et plura nefaria irreuerenter exag-

iv. 381

gerat. Clerum uehementer inquietat, et a studio religionis pluribus modis euocat. In cultu Dei consistentes territat, molestiis nequiter infestat, et quid agant prz timore nescientes eneruat. Regularem disciplinam confundit ac dissipat, et indisciplinatos in omne nefas precipitat. /Ecclesiasticus itaque rigor dissoluitur, letifera dissolutio passim diffunditur, et castitatis pudor flebiliter exponitur. Furia uero malorum abominabiliter grassatur, et iniquorum phalanx ad inferos miserabiliter cotidie raptatur. Pacem igitur quam bonorum nutricem lucide uidemus, in omnibus ubique feruenter amplecti debemus, indesinenter seruare, omnibus imperare, uerbis et exemplis predicare. Hanc ipse Christus ad passionem properans, suis reliquit dicens, ‘Pacem relinquo uobis, pacem meam do uobis." Hanc eandem ipse resurgens ex mortuis representauit dicens, ‘Pax uobis.? Magna quies et securitas est, ubi pax regnat, dolor et tribulatio terit omnes et cruciat, quos ira rodit et discordia stimulat. ‘Pax est blanda et salubris concatenatio cohabitantium, omnique creature rationali generale bonum, quo indissolubiliter nexi ceelestes gaudent, terrigenzque simili nexu colligari iugiter indigent,? sine qua pestilentes timentur et timent, et nunquam securi turbantur et merent. Hanc igitur uirtutem quam appeto,

quam ex sanctarum auctoritate scripturarum et generali approbatione publica commoditatis summopere laudo" toto nisu inquirere et in tota Dei zcclesia ipso iuuante diffundere uiuaciter elaborabo. Treuiam Dei sicut eam sanctz memoriz Vrbanus papa in concilio Clarimontis tenendam constituit precipio, et reliqua decreta

quz ibi a sanctis patribus sancita sunt ex auctoritate Dei et sancti Petri apostoli omniumque sanctorum Dei confirmo. Imperator Alemannorum mandauit michi ut Mozonem castrum adeam, ibique pacem cum eo ad utilitatem sanctae matris zcclesiz faciam. ! John xiv. 27. 2 Luke xxiv. 36; John xx. 19. 3 The ideas in this passage recall Augustine, De civitate Dei, xix. 13.

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give his mind to spiritual things, or meditate as he ought on the word of God? Armed sedition stirs up ordinary men and breaks their allegiances, causing them to wander to their deaths along the precipitous paths of fatal vices. It leads to the desecration of churches, the pollution of holy things, and the increase of many godless crimes. It greatly disturbs the clergy and in many ways diverts them from their religious duties. It terrifies them as they recite the divine offices, persecutes them cruelly, and so unnerves them that they are too beset by fear to know what to do. It disturbs and undermines monastic discipline and plunges men not bound by discipline into all kinds of vice. So ecclesiastical authority is weakened, damnable laxity is spread everywhere, and the honour of chastity is deplorably endangered. 'The madness of evil stalks abroad abominably, and every day an army of sinners is snatched away to wretchedness in hell. So peace, which we acknowledge the nurse of good things, is something we should ardently cherish everywhere and in every way, preserve unremittingly, enjoin on all men and preach by word and example. Christ himself, as the time of his Passion drew near, bequeathed this to his disciples, saying, "Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you.'! This was the same thing that he repeated when risen from the dead, saying, "Peace be with you.’? Great tranquillity and security exist where peace reigns; grief and tribulations torment and alarm all those who are gnawed by anger and goaded by discord. ‘Peace is the serene and blessed bond that joins men living together, the general good of all rational creatures, which the blessed spirits who are indissolubly bound together enjoy, and human beings sorely need to be united by similar bonds;? without it the unruly both fear and are feared and, never enjoying security, grieve and are troubled. This virtue, which I desire, which with the authority of the holy Scriptures and the common approbation of the general welfare I praise above everything, I will endeavour vigorously to seek out with all my might and spread abroad through the whole Church of God with his aid. I command that the Truce of God, as Pope Urban of blessed memory established it in the council of Clermont, be observed, and the rest of the canons

which were there approved by the holy fathers I confirm by the authority of God and St. Peter the apostle and all the saints of God. The Emperor of the Germans has invited me to go to the castle at Mouzon, and there I will make peace with him for the good of our

264

iv. 382

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Illuc utique pro pace! laboraturus nunc ibo, et coepiscopos meos Remensem et Rotomagensem et alios quosdam de fratribus et coepiscopis nostris mecum minabo’ quos prz ceteris ad hoc placitum necessarios estimo. Aliis omnibus episcopis et abbatibus iubeo, ut hic prestolentur nos quantotius redituros auxiliante conditore nostro. Omnes hic expectare commendo? nec etiam Goisfredum abbatem sancti Teoderici abire permitto, quamuis eius hospitium sit in proximo.? Orate pro nobis ut Deus et Dominus noster prosperum iter nobis concedat, et omnes conatus nostros ad pacem et utilitatem totius zcclesiz benigniter dirigat. Cum autem reuersus fuero, clamores uestros et ratiocinationes ut

rectius potuero, diligenter discutiam opitulante Domino, ut cum pace et exultatione ad propria remittatur hzc sacra concio. Deinde spiritualem filium meum et originis propinquitate consobrinum regem Anglorum adibo, precibus et alloquiis ipsum et Tedbaldum comitem eius uidelicet nepotem aliosque dissidentes admonebo, ut omnibus rectitudinem faciant, et ab omnibus

iv. 383

eandem in amore

Dei recipiant, et iuxta Dei legem pacificati ab omni bellorum strepitu sileant, atque cum subiectis plebibus securi quiescentes gaudeant. Porro illos qui persuasionibus nostris optemperare noluerint, sed in sua procacitate contra ius et publicam quietem contumaciter perseuerauerint: terribili anathematis sententia feriam nisi a prauitate sua resipuerint, et pro transactis reatibus canonice satisfecerint.' His dictis coetus fidelium solutus est. In crastinum feria quarta cum insigni comitatu Mozonem profectus est? et dominico sequenti prz labore et metu lassus et zger Remis regressus est.? Interea multitudo magistratuum papze reditum zgre prestolata est. Nam qui de longinquis regionibus illuc apostolici iussu conuenerant? ibi nichil agentes infructuose sua distrahebant, suarumque curam domorum cum merore intermittebant. Denique reuersus papa per iiii dies sinodum tenuit, et de diuersis ecclesiarum negociis tractauit. Igitur feria secunda postquam papa consedit? Iohannes Cremensis eruditus et eloquens presbiter surrexit, et peracti euentus * Although Hesso was more concerned with the investiture question in the negotiations with the Emperor, he attributes to Calixtus II words expressing his desire

for peace,

‘Feci, fratres, pro desiderio

pacis, quod

ab antecessoribus

nostris factum nunquam audivi' (MGH Libelli de Lite, iii. 26). 2 The abbey of Saint- Thierry was just outside the city of Rheims. 3 The Pope left for Mouzon on 22 October, and returned on Sunday, 26

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holy mother the Church. I will go there now without fail to strive for peace,! and will take with me my fellow bishops of Rheims and

Rouen and certain others whom of all our brethren and fellow bishops I regard as most vital in this case. I command all the other bishops and abbots to wait here for our return which, with the help of our Creator, will be as speedy as possible. I charge you all to remain here, and do not allow even Geoffrey, abbot of SaintThierry, to leave, although his house is so near.? Pray on our behalf that God and our Lord may grant us a successful journey, and favourably direct all our efforts towards the peace and advantage of the whole Church. When I return I, with God's help, will carefully investigate your charges and pleadings as fairly as I can, so that this holy assembly may be sent back home with peace and rejoicing.

Then I will go to visit the king of England, my spiritual son and close kinsman, and by my prayers and exhortations I will admonish him and his nephew Count Theobald and other disputants to do justice to all and likewise receive it for the love of God, and when they have been reconciled according to God's law to desist from all warlike strife, and enjoy peace and quiet with their subject peoples. As for those who refuse to obey our precepts and contumaciously persist in their stubborn opposition to justice and public peace, I will impose a terrible sentence of excommunication upon them,

unless they renounce their wickedness and make full amends for their past crimes according to canon law.' When he had finished speaking the assembly of the faithful was dismissed. The next day, which was Wednesday, he set out for Mouzon with a distinguished retinue, and the following Sunday returned to Rheims exhausted and sick from the exertions and danger.? Meanwhile the great crowd of dignitaries waited impatiently for the Pope's return. Those who had come there from distant provinces at the Pope's command were using up their resources to no purpose as they idled there, and deplored the interruption to the government of their own houses. At length when the Pope returned he held sessions of the council for four days, and dealt with various pieces of business from different churches. On Monday, after the Pope took his seat, John of Crema, a

learned and eloquent priest, rose and embarked on a full account of October; cf. Hesso in MGH Libelli de Lite, iii. 25-6; Annales mosomagenses, in MGH

SS iii. 162. For the meeting at Mouzon

than Orderic.

Hesso is a more reliable source

266

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itineris seriatim enucleare cepit. ‘Notum est’ inquit 'sanctitati uestre quod Mozonem perreximus, sed infortuniis contra nos insurgentibus nil commoditatis perpetrauimus. Illuc festinanter iuimus, sed inde festinantius rediuimus. Imperator enim cum ingenti exercitu! ad predictum locum aduenit, et quasi pugnaturus armatorum ferme xxx milia secum habuit. Hoc itaque ut animaduertimus, dominum papam in prefato castro quod in Remensis archiepiscopi dominio est inclusimus, et nos inde ad constitutum colloquium egredientes ipsum exire omnino prohibuimus. Secretius fari cum imperatore multoties quesiuimus, sed mox ut a turba segregati cum illo seorsum migraremus" innumeri satellites uoluntatis iv. 384

iv. 385

eius et fraudis conscii nos circumdabant,

et lanceas

gladiosque suos uibrantes ingentem nobis metum incutiebant. Non enim ad bellum instructi ueneramus? sed inermes pacem uniuersali zcclesiz procurabamus. Imperator dolosus per diuersas ambages cauillabatur, fraudulenter nobiscum loquebatur, sed presentiam pape ut eundem caperet summopere opperiebatur. Sic totum diem inutiliter exegimus, sed patrem patrum ab oculis eius sollerter occultauimus: memores quam fraudulenter idem ipse Romam intrauerit, et ante aram in basilica sancti Petri apostoli Pascalem papam ceperit. Denique nos tetra nox diremit, et unusquisque sua mappalia repetiit. Nos utique formidantes ne peiora incurreremus, iter repedandi immo fugiendi uelociter iniuimus: quin etiam ne formidabilis tirannus cum multis legionibus quas secum ducebat persequeretur nos ualde timuimus. De his dixisse nunc sufficit. Coloniensis archiepiscopus legatos et epistolas domino papa direxit, et professa subiectione pacem et amiciciam cum illo pepigit? filium quoque Petri Leonis quem obsidem habebat ob

amoris specimen gratis reddidit. Hzc dicens quasi ob insigne tripudium letitiamque mirabilem, digito monstrauit nigrum et pallidum adolescentem, magis Iudeo uel Agareno quam Christiano similem, uestibus quidem optimis indutum sed corpore deformem. Quem Franci aliique plures papz adsistentem intuentes deriserunt, 1 Cf. Annales mosomagenses, MGH SS iii. 162: ‘cum magistratibus totius imperii sui ad idem colloquium veniens . . . cum omni exercitu resedit. Some of the papal retinue may have found the setting alarming. Hesso's account, however, contains no hint of any attempt to use force; negotiations broke down because of the repeated prevarication of the Emperor and the refusal of Calixtus

to hold up the proceedings of the council any longer.

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the events of the recent journey. "This holy council knows', he said, 'that we reached Mouzon, but there we met with difficulties

that prevented us from accomplishing anything useful. We went there quickly, but returned even more quickly. For the Emperor came to the place with a huge army;! he brought about thirty thousand soldiers with him, as if to give battle. When we learned of this we barricaded the Pope in the castle of Mouzon, which is in the demesne of the archbishop of Rheims, and set out ourselves to the prearranged conference, forbidding him to leave on any account whatever. We made many attempts to have a more private interview with the Emperor, but the moment we got away from the throng to a separate place with him, countless retainers who knew his mind and his dark plans surrounded us, and terrified us by brandishing their lances and swords. We had not come prepared for war, but unarmed, to secure peace for the universal Church. The false Emperor produced devious objections and spoke deceitfully with us, but his chief object was to await the presence of the Pope in order to make him a prisoner. So we spent the whole day to no purpose, but we kept the father of the fathers [of the Church] carefully hidden from his eyes, remembering how deceitfully this man had entered Rome and taken Pope Paschal prisoner before the altar in the church of St. Peter the apostle.? At last dark night separated us, and each party returned to his own quarters. We, fearfully anticipating still worse mishaps, took the road back in such haste that it was almost a flight, for the possibility that the terrible tyrant would pursue us with the many troops he had brought with him filled us with dread. But enough of these matters.’ The archbishop of Cologne sent envoys with letters tu the lord Pope, and pledged peace and friendship with him, offering his obedience ;3 to show his Christian charity he also freely surrendered a son of Peter Leonis, whom he held as a hostage. Announcing this as if it were a great triumph and exceptional pleasure, the envoy pointed out with his finger a dark-haired, pale youth, more like a Jew or a Saracen than a Christian, dressed in splendid garments,

but physically deformed. At the sight of him seated beside the Pope the French and many others laughed scornfully, and called 2 Cf. above, v. 196-8. 3 Frederick, archbishop of Cologne, had been one of the first to offer his obedience to Calixtus after his election (Bullaire, ii, pp. 364-5).

268

iv. 386

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eique dedecus perniciemque citam imprecati sunt? propter odium patris ipsius quem nequissimum foeneratorem nouerunt.! Deinde Lugdunensis archiepiscopus? cum suffraganeis suis surrexit, et ita loqui cepit, ‘Masconensis episcopus ad hanc sanctam sinodum clamorem facit, quod Poncius Cluniacensis ipsum zcclesiamque suam damnis multisque iniuriis affecit, zecclesias decimasque suas debitasque subiectiones sibi uiolenter abstulit, et congruas dignitates suorumque ordinationes clericorum denegauit.' Questus huiuscemodi ut Lugdunensis primas expleuit, multi presules et monachi atque clerici prosecuti sunt? et de rebus sibi uiolenter ablatis cum uociferatione clamores fecerunt, ac de

iniustis inuasionibus quas a Cluniacensibus perpessi sunt. Plures ualde tumultuati sunt, diuque perstrepentes acerba quae ruminauerant euomuerunt.?

Tandem facto silentio Cluniacensis abbas cum grandi conuentu monachorum surrexit, breuique responso et modesta uoce ac tranquilla locutione querulosos impetitores compressit. Erat quippe magnanimus de Valle Brutiorum monachus* [ it consulis Merguliensis filius, et Paschalis papz filiolus, imperioque eius inter Cluniacenses educatus. /Etate quidem iuuenis, et statura mediocris, a puericia docilis, in uirtutibus stabilis, et coessentibus

alacritate affabilis. Candida uero facie decorus, moribus et genere ut dictum est conspicuus, regum et imperatorum consanguinitate proximus, religione ac peritia litterarum preditus, ideoque tot karismatum prerogatiuis redimitus, fortis in aduersantes emulos stabat ac rigidus. Multis ut caraxatum est clamoribus in sinodo propulsatus respondit, ‘Cluniacensis zcclesia soli Romanze ecclesiz subdita est et papz propria, et ex quo fundata est a 4 4 space is left for the count's name ™ Peter Leonis, the son of a converted Jew, had been a loyal friend of Pope Urban II and all his successors (cf. above, v. 192; Robert, Calixte IT, p. 78). It is

difficult to believe Orderic's story of the reception of his son at Rheims; the knowledge that Peter Leonis later became the rival Pope as Anacletus II may have caused Orderic to exaggerate and distort this episode.

? Humbert, archbishop of Lyons. 3 The monastic possession of tithes was under attack at the time; cf. Giles Constable, Monastic Tithes, pp. 96-8; idem, ‘Cluniac tithes’, in Revue bénédictine, lxx. 604-5. Both at Rheims in 1119 and at the 1123 Lateran Council Calixtus II supported the claims of Cluny and other monasteries to continue to

hold tithes already given to them; even the consent of bishops to new acquisitions

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down shame and swift destruction on his head, out of hatred for his father whom they knew as an infamous usurer.! Then the archbishop of Lyons? rose with his suffragans and began to speak as follows, "The bishop of Mácon charges Pontius, abbot of Cluny, in this holy council with inflicting wrongs and many injuries on him and his church, violently withdrawing from him his churches and tithes and the obedience he owed, denying him due honour, and not having his clergy ordained by him.’ When the primate of Lyons had brought this charge to a close many bishops and monks and other clergy followed suit; shouting loudly, they made accusations about the violent annexation of their properties and the unjust encroachments of which the Cluniacs were guilty. A number of them created a great uproar and for a long time clamorously gave voice to the bitter thoughts that were in their minds.? At length when silence had been restored the abbot of Cluny rose with a great company of monks and, speaking calmly and quietly, gave a brief reply, refuting his querulous accusers. He was a man of noble spirit, a monk of Vallombrosa,* son of the count of Melgueil and godson of Pope Paschal, at whose command he had been brought up among Cluniac monks. He was a young man of medium height, zealous from boyhood in the pursuit of learning, steadfast in his virtues and genial and cheerful to his fellows. Handsome and fair in features, distinguished in behaviour and lineage as I have said, closely related to kings and emperors, endowed with piety and learning, he therefore stood firmly and with courage against his envious opponents, graced with the qualities of so many spiritual gifts.5 Attacked, as I have described, by many accusations in the council, he replied, "The church of Cluny is subject to the Roman see alone and is the peculiar of the Pope; from the time of its foundation it has held privileges granted was becoming little more than a formality. For his support against the bishop of Mácon cf. JL 7112, Migne, PL clxiii. 1304. 4 There is no supporting evidence that Pontius had ever been a monk

of

Vallombrosa; but Orderic also named it as Paschal II's first monastery (see above, v. 194), and even if he was mistaken in the name they may both have begun their monastic training in the same house.

5 Cf. the praise of Pontius in the Cluny chronicle (RHF xii. 313), ‘venerabilis vitae vir nomine Pontius, tam carnis quam mentis nobilitate clarissimus'. For his later history cf. below, pp. 310-14. There is an important analysis of the

sources dealing with his life and a discussion of the Cluniac cases at the onm of Rheims in Tellenbach, ‘Pontius’, pp. 13-55.

270

iv. 387

iv. 388

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XII

Romano pontifice optinuit priuilegia, quze proclamatores isti sua nituntur abolere et frustrari uiolentia. Notum autem sit uobis beati patres qui adestis omnibus, quod ego et fratres nostri monasticas res quas iure seruandas suscepimus, sicut eas uenerabilis Hugo aliique sancti predecessores nostri habuerunt seruare contendimus. Nulli damna uel iniurias ingessimus, res alienas non diripuimus, nec aliquatenus diripere sua cuilibet concupiscimus. Verum res pro amore Dei nobis datas a fidelibus, quia pertinaciter defendimus a raptoribus’ inuasores dicimur et opprobria multa iniuste toleramus. Nimia de his ad me sollicitudo non pertinet. JEcclesiam suam dominus papa si uult defendat, et zcclesias decimasque cum aliis possessionibus quas ipse michi commisit patrocinetur et custodiat." Papa igitur de omnibus quz ab utrisque partibus audierat? in crastinum perendinari iudicium imperat. Sequenti uero die Iohannes Cremensis surrexit?! et locutionis sue proemium huiusmodi inchoauit, ‘Sicut iustum est ut dominus papa clamores uestros sollerter audiat, uobisque sicut pater filus sine fictione omnimodis subueniat, talique uobis obsequi famulatu non semel sed cotidie debeat? sic nimirum decet ac iustum est ut ipse idem in parrochiis uestris aliquid proprietatis possideat, zecclesiamque seu domum uel aliquam possessionem sua electione siue fidelium oblatione liberam habeat.' Postquam ab omnibus hoc gratanter concessum est’ consequenter lohannes adiecit, ‘Ducenti et eo amplius anni sunt ex quo Cluniacensis ecclesia fundata est? et ab ipso primordio fundationis suz Romano papz donata est, a quo utilibus priuilegiis in Romana sinodo coram multis arbitris diuersze dignitatis euidenter insignita est. Ratum est et in cartis insertum legentibus liquido patescit, quod Geraldus Aquitanicus Cluniacense cenobium in alodio suo construxit, et illud Romam pergens Romano pontifici deuotissime commisit, nec id frustra fieri uoluit. Nam ipse tunc xii aureos papz optulit? et exinde totidem singulis annis dari decreuit.? Prefata ergo ecclesia nulli principum seu presulum usque nunc nisi papze subiacuit, Deoque largiter opitulante fundis et religiosis habitatoribus feliciter creuit? unde ! According to Hesso (MGH Libelli de Lite, iii. 27), the Pope was too ill to

attend the session on Tuesday, 28 October. 2 This misrepresents the foundation charter of Cluny (Chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, ed. A. Bernard and A. Bruel, i (Paris, 1876), 126); a payment of 1o shillings was to be made to Rome every five years. This payment was for pro-

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by the Roman pontiff which these plaintiffs are trying to destroy and sabotage by violence. Let it be known to all you holy fathers here present, that I and our brothers will endeavour to preserve the monastic properties, which have been given to us to preserve as justice requires, as fully as the venerable Hugh and our other holy predecessors held them. We have not caused harm or injury to anyone, we have not appropriated the property of others, and we have no desire in any way to take away any man’s own. The truth is that we are called usurpers and suffer much unjust abuse because we resolutely protect from plunderers the endowments given to us by the faithful for the love of God. It is not for me to be over-anxious about these matters. Let the lord Pope defend his own church if he will; let him also defend and guard the churches, tithes, and other possessions which he himself entrusted to me.' The Pope therefore commanded that on the morrow judgement should be given on all the matters which he had heard from both sides. The following day John of Crema rose,! and prefaced his discourse with the following remarks: ‘Just as it is right that the lord Pope should listen attentively to your complaints and, as a father to his children, give you unfeigned help in every way, and should offer you such service not merely once but daily, so it is very just and seemly that he himself should possess something of his own in your dioceses and should have some exempt church or monastery or other possession either by his own choice or by the gift of the faithful.’ After this had been unanimously agreed, John went on, 'It is two hundred years and more since the church of Cluny was founded, and at the time of its original foundation it was given to the Roman Pope, by whom it was favoured with valuable privileges publicly in a Roman synod, before many witnesses of different degrees. It is certain and has been written into the charters where it can be clearly read, that Gerald of Aquitaine built the abbey of Cluny in his own alodial land and, travelling to Rome, devoutly bestowed it on the Roman pontiff, and he did not wish this to be an empty gesture. For he gave the Pope twelve gold coins on that occasion and ordered the same sum to be given every year thereafter.? Therefore this church has been subject to no prince or prelate save to the Pope alone up to the present day, and by God's generous help the numbers of its possessions and monks tection, not as a recognition of lordship (see E. Sackur, Die Cluniacenser, i (Halle, 1892), 41). The founder was Duke William I, not Gerald.

272

iv. 389

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bonus odor laudabilis famz longe lateque per orbem fragrauit, exemplumque sanctitatis pie quzrentibus disciplinam salubriter exuberauit. Conuentus monachorum secundum regulam sancti patris Benedicti abbatem! eligit, electum papz cum litteris attestantibus dirigit/ quem ipse secundum zcclesiasticum morem consecrat ac benedicit. ‘Omnis credentium multitudo credit ac perhibet? quod qui apostolice sedi iubente Deo presidet, ligandi atque soluendi potestatem habet. Principis enim apostolorum Petri uicarius est? cui diuinitus dictum est, ‘“Tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram edificabo zcclesiam meam. Et porte inferi non preualebunt aduersus eam, et tibi dabo claues regni ceelorum. Et quodcumque ligaueris super terram, erit ligatum et in colis? et quodcumque solueris super terram, erit solutum et in calis."? Ergo apostolica sedes cardo? et caput omnium ecclesiarum a Domino et non ab alio constituta est. Et sicut cardine hostium regitur: sic apostolice sedis auctoritate omnes zecclesie Domino disponente reguntur. Ecce beato Petro concessum est a filio Dei ut caeteris preeemineret apostolis, unde Cephas uocatur quia caput et primus est omnium apostolorum. Et quod in capite precessit, in membris sequi conuenit. Quis ei resistere potest, cui tanta potestas a Domino concessa est? Quis audet soluere quem Petrus ligauit, siue ligare quem ipse absoluit? Igitur cum Cluniacensis abbatia soli papz subiciatur, et ille qui precipiente Deo in terris super omnes est ipsam patrocinetur, Romana auctoritas Cluniacensium priuilegia corroborat, et in uirtute Dei omnibus ecclesiz filiis imperat, ne quis eos temere pristina libertate priuet, nec possessionibus olim habitis spoliet, nec insolitis exactionibus pregrauet. In pace omnia possideant, ut quieti semper seruire Deo ualeant.’ Hzc Iohanne dicente plures presulum et aliorum qui confines illis erant tumultuati sunt? nec ea quz per cardinalem constanter edita sunt, quamuis aperte contradicere iussionibus papz non auderent concessa sunt. In altercationibus multifluz iaculabantur * The foundation charter of Cluny secured freedom of election according to the Rule of St. Benedict; but there was no provision that the elect must go to Rome for blessing. 2 Matthew xvi. 18-19.

3 The simile of the hinge had been common since the mid eleventh century (W. Ullmann,

1955), p. 321).

The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages (London,

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has increased most fortunately, so that the sweet perfume of its good name spreads fragrance far and wide throughout the world, and for our salvation it gives an example of overflowing holiness to all those who dutifully seek monastic discipline. The convent of monks elects an abbot according to the Rule of our holy father Benedict,' and sends the elect to the Pope with letters of recommendation; the Pope then consecrates and blesses him in accordance with ecclesiastical custom. “The whole body of the faithful believes and asserts that he who by God’s command presides over the apostolic see has the power of binding and loosing. For he is the vicar of Peter, the chief of the apostles, to whom Christ said, ‘“Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven too, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in

heaven too."? So the apostolic see has been established by the Lord and no other as the hinge? and head of all the churches. Just as the door is controlled by the hinge, so all churches are, by the Lord's appointment, ruled by the authority of the apostolic see. Consider this: it was granted to Peter by the son of God that he

should be chief of the apostles, and therefore he is called Cephas because he is the head and the first of all the apostles. It is fitting that the members should follow where the head has led. Who can resist one to whom such power has been granted by the Lord? Who dares loose one whom Peter has bound, or bind one whom he

has loosed? So, since the abbey of Cluny is subject to the Pope alone and since he who, by God's bidding, is above all men on earth protects it, the authority of Rome confirms the privileges of the Cluniacs, and in the name of God commands all sons of the

Church to see that no one presumptuously deprives them of their ancient immunity nor despoils them of possessions they have long held, nor oppresses them with unaccustomed exactions. Let them hold everything in peace, that they may always be able to serve God in tranquillity.’ As John was saying this a number of prelates and others who were neighbours of Cluny began to murmur aloud, and they would not concede the assertions firmly put forward by the cardinal, although they did not venture to oppose the Pope's commands openly. In the disputes many opinions were uttered which flowed

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sententiz, abundanter emanantes de profundo fonte diuitis sapientiz’ sed omnia concilii gesta nequeo singillatim retexere. Arguti sophistz de multiplicibus acclesiz negociis subtiliter tractauerunt, et multa studiosis auditoribus documenta luculen-

ter intimauerunt. iv. 390

iv. 391

Ibi Girardus Engolismensis,

Hato Viuarien-

sis, Goisfredus Carnotensis,? et Guillelmus Catalaunensis duces

uerbi pre ceteris intonuerunt, et dicacibus scolasticis atque feruidis amatoribus sophyz inuidiosi enituerunt. Nuncius de morte Tusculani cardinalis? episcopi nuper in itinere defuncti locutus est’ et epistola Clementiz sororis pape pro Balduino comite Flandrensium filio suo recitata est, pro quibus et pro cunctis fidelibus defunctis lugubris pastor cum uenerabili coetu Deum deprecatus est. In nouissimo concili die Barcinonensis episcopus,* corpore quidem mediocris et macilentus, sed eruditione cum facundia et religione precipuus’ subtilem satisque profundum sermonem fecit de regali et sacerdotali dignitate, quem summa cuncti qui percipere poterant hauserunt auiditate. Tunc papa Karolum Henricum imperatorem teomachum et Burdinum pseudopapam et fautores eorum merens excommunicauit, aliosque scelerosos5 qui manifeste sepius correpti sed inemendabiles perdurabant illis associauit, parique anathematis percussione usque ad emendationem multauit. Denique decretalia sinodi Remensis capitula propalari imperauit, Iohannes Cremensis ex consultu Romani senatus dictauit,® Iohannes Rotomagensis sancti Audoeni monachus in carta notauit,” et Crisogonus sancte Romanz zcclesize diaconus distincte et aperte recitauit.? Textus autem concilii huiusmodi est, ?Qua

sanctorum

patrum

sanctionibus

de prauitate simoniaca

sta-

bilita sunt’ "Spiritus Sancti? iudicio et auctoritate sedis apostolicae confirmamus. 4 nos quoque add H, S

b sancti spiritus S

! For Gerard see Abbé Maratu, Girard, évéque d'Angouléme; Schieffer Legaten, pp. 218-33; Schmale, Schisma, pp. 230-2; and below, p. 478. ? Later papal legate in France; see Janssen, Legaten, pp. 18-30. 3 The bishop of Tusculum (Frascati) was John, formerly a monk of Bec (see Klewitz, Reformpapsttum, p. 121).

* Oldegar, bishop of Barcelona from 1116, was also made archbishop of Tar-

ragona when the see was refounded in 1118 (JL 6523, 6636; Robert, Calixte 15/8 PP. 83, 191-2; below, pp. 402, 403 n. 4). His speech was probably made on

29 October; Orderic has telescoped the events of 29-30 October into one day.

5 A list of those anathematized has been printed by W. Holtzmann, ‘Zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites’ in Neues Archiv, | (1935), 318-19. $ John of Crema, who drafted these canons, later issued canons in the II25 Council of Westminster; cf. M. Brett, The English Church under Henry I

(Oxford, 1975), p. 43 n. 7, who compares Westminster c. 2 with Rheims c. ay

but wrongly says that John recited them.

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abundantly from the deep springs of profound learning, but I cannot relate in detail everything that happened in the council. Scholars of great discrimination subtly debated the complex affairs of the Church, and brilliantly quoted many documents to

their avid hearers. The bishops Gerard of Angouléme,! Atto of Viviers, Geoffrey of Chartres,? and William of Chálons in particular led the discussions with thunderous eloquence, and their brilliance was envied by learned masters and ardent devotees of wisdom. A messenger announced the death of the cardinal bishop of Tusculum,? who had lately died on the way; and a letter of Clementia, the Pope's sister, on behalf of her son Baldwin, count

of Flanders, was read out; for these and for all faithful departed the holy father, mourning, and the venerable assembly offered prayers to God. On the last day of the council the bishop of Barcelona,* a man who, though small and emaciated, was remarkable for his learning, eloquence, and piety, made a subtle and very profound speech on the royal and sacerdotal offices, to which all who were capable of understanding it listened most avidly. Then the Pope reluctantly excommunicated Charles Henry, the Emperor and adversary of God, and Bourdin the antipope and their supporters;5 he included other evildoers who remained incorrigible after frequent and public admonition in the same sentence of anathema, until they should repent. Last of all he ordered the canons of the council of Rheims to be promulgated. John of Crema$ drafted them, with the advice of the Roman curia; John of Rouen, a monk of Saint-Ouen, recorded them;? and Chrisogonus, cardinal deacon

of the holy Roman church, read them out clearly in public.5 The record of the council is as follows: 1.9 We confirm by judgement of the Holy Spirit and the authority of the apostolic see all that has been ordained with the approval of the holy fathers about the sin of simony. Therefore if anyone sells or buys either 7 This was probably the version copied by Orderic. 8 According to Hesso (IMGH Libelli de Lite, iii. 27-8) the canons were read out on 29 October in the hope of finishing the business that day; but there was

so much protest about the second canon, which was thought to prohibit the holding of tithes given by laymen, that the wording was amended and the final ratification postponed until the next day, when the Emperor and antipope were

solemnly excommunicated and the council dismissed. 9 The canons have been collated with the printed text of Hesso (H7) and with the manuscript of Symeon of Durham, CCCC MS. 139, ff. 7o-1 numbering is in accordance with modern printed versions.

(S). The

276

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[1] Si quis ergo? uendiderit aut emerit, uel per se uel per summissam personam quamlibet, episcopatum, abbatiam, decanatum, archidiaiv. 392 conatum, presbiteratum, preposituram, prebendam, altaria uel quzlibet zecclesiastica beneficia; promotiones, ordinationes, consecrationes,

zcclesiarum dedicationes,^ clericalem tonsuram, sedes in choro, aut quzlibet zcclesiastica officia, et uendens et emens dignitatis et officii

sui et? beneficii periculo subiaceat. Quod nisi resipuerit? anathematis mucrone perfossus ab zcclesia Dei quam lesit modis omnibus abscidatur.* [2] Episcopatuum,/ abbatiarum’ inuestituram per manum laicam fieri penitus prohibemus.! Quicumque igitur laicorum deinceps inuestire presumpserit? anathematis ultioni subiaceat. Porro qui inuestitus

fuerit honore quo inuestitus est absque ulla recuperationis spe omnimodo* careat. [3] Vniuersarumí zcclesiarum possessiones quz liberalitate regum, largitione principum, uel oblatione qualiumlibet* fidelium eis concessz sunt’ inconcussas in perpetuum et inuiolatas permanere! decernimus. Quod si quis eas abstulerit," inuaserit, aut potestate tirannica detinuerit? iuxta illud beati Simmachi capitulum? anathemate perpetuo feriatur. [4] Nullus episcopus, nullus presbiter, nullus omnino de clero ecclesiasticas dignitates uel beneficia cuilibet" quasi iure haereditario? derelinquat. Illud etiam adicientes precipimus, ut pro baptismatis, crismatis, olei sacri et sepulturz acceptione, et infirmorum uisitatione, uel unctione nullum omnino precium exigatur. [5] Presbiteris, diaconibus et? subdiaconibus concubinarum et uxorum contubernia prorsus interdicimus. Si qui autem huiusmodi reperti fuerint" zecclesiasticis? officiis priuentur et beneficiis. Sane si iv. 393 neque sic' immundiciam suam correxerint communione careant Christiana.

Hzc ii? kalendas Nouembris scita Calixtus secundus papa cum omni concilio sanxit, et omnes qui conuenerant illuc in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti benedixit. Deinde sacrum illud collegium solutum est? et unusquisque laudans Deum ad propria regressus est. 22

Interea Henricus rex Ebroas potenter obsedit, ipsiusque nepos Tedbaldus comes palatinus pacificare discordantes sategit. Vnde ? jgitur H > submissam quamlibet personam H ; quamlibet summissam personam S’ © dedicationes ecclesiarum S d aut H ; ac.S * abiciatur H f et add H 5 aut quarumlibet ecclesiasticarum possessionum

add S

^ absque ulla recuperationis spe omnimodis H ; absque spe recupera-

tionis omnimodis S$

m aut add S add H, S

* Vniuersas H, S

” et add S * sic om. S

* quorumlibet H, S

? hereditario iure H

P et om. H

! esse S

4 et

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277

in person or through any person acting on his behalf any bishopric,

abbey, deanery, archdeaconry, parochial cure, provostship, prebend, churches, or ecclesiastical benefices of any kind, or promotions, ordinations, consecrations, dedications of churches, clerical tonsure, stalls in choir, or any other ecclesiastical office, both the buyer and the seller

shall be liable to forfeit his dignity and office and benefice. And unless he repents, let him be struck with the sword of anathema and utterly

cut off from the Church of God which he has injured. 2. We utterly forbid the investiture of bishoprics and abbeys to be performed by lay hands.' Therefore if any layman henceforth presumes to give investiture, he shall be punished by excommunication. Further, he who accepts the investiture shall forfeit absolutely and without hope of recovery the dignity with which he was invested. 3. We decree that the possessions granted to all churches by the generosity of kings or the bounty of magnates or the gift of any of the faithful shall always remain secure and inviolate. If anyone takes away

these things, or usurps or withholds them tyrannically, let him be punished with perpetual anathema according to the decree of St. Symmachus.? 4. No bishop, no priest, no member whatsoever of the clergy shall bequeath ecclesiastical offices or benefices to anyone as if by hereditary right. We further ordain that no fee whatsoever shall be demanded for baptism, chrism, holy oil, or burial, or for visitation of the sick, or extreme unction. 5. We utterly forbid priests, deacons, and subdeacons to cohabit with concubines and wives. If any offenders are discovered, let them be deprived of their ecclesiastical offices and benefices; and if they do not even then renounce their incontinence, let them be cut off from Chris-

tian communion. Pope Calixtus II and the whole council approved these canons on 30 October, and the Pope blessed all who had gathered there in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Then that holy council was dissolved, and everyone returned to his own home giving thanks to God. 22

Meanwhile King Henry was besieging Evreux with a powerful army, and his nephew, the count palatine Theobald, was 1 According to Hesso the rejected version of this canon ran, ‘Investituram omnium ecclesiarum et ecclesiasticarum possessionum per manum laicam fieri omnimodis prohibemus." Orderic gives the second version, Symeon the first. 2 Pope Symmachus, Roman synod VI, c. 3 (Mansi, viii. 310-12).

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sollerti consilio fiduciaque Amalricum ad regem adduxit" qui protinus reconciliatus regi arcem ultro reddidit, et ipse totum auunculi sui comitatum gaudens recepit. Porro Eustachius et Iuliana uxor eius cum amicis consiliati sunt’ et ad obsidionem amicorum instinctu properauerunt, nudisque pedibus ingressi tentorium regis ad pedes corruerunt. Quibus repente rex ait, ‘Cur super me sine meo conductu introire ausi estis, quem tot tantisque iniuriis exacerbastis? Cui Eustachius respondit, "Tu iv. 394 meus es naturalis dominus. Ad te ergo dominum meum uenio securus, seruitium meum tibi fideliter exhibiturus, et rectitudinem

pro erratibus secundum examen pietatis tuze per omnia facturus.' Amici pro genero regis supplicantes affuerunt. Ricardus quoque filius regis pro sorore sua supplex accessit, clementia uero cor regis ad generum et filiam emolliuit, et benigniter reflexit. Mitigatus itaque socer genero dixit, ‘Iuliana reuertatur Paceium, et tu mecum uenies Rotomagum, ibique meum audies placitum. Nec mora iussio regis completa est/ et rex Eustachio sic locutus est, "Propter honorem Britolii quem Radulfo Britoni cognato tuo dedi, quem fidelem et probissimum in necessitatibus meis contra hostes comprobaui: in Anglia tibi per singulos annos recompensabo ccc*^5 marcos argenti. Post hac prefatus heros in pace zetis et muris Paceium muniuit, multisque diuitiis abundans plusquam xx[ ]' annis uixit." Porro Iuliana post aliquot annos lasciuam quam duxerat uitam habitumque mutauit, et sanctimonialis in nouo Fontisebraldi ccenobio facta Domino Deo seruiuit. Hugo de Gornaco et Rodbertus de Nouo Burgo ceterique rebelles ut fortiores se uiderunt

defecisse, et fortitudine ac sensu

super omnes regem incessisse" comperta sociorum defectione preteritorum actuum penitudinem egere, et tam per se quam per amicos misericordiam regis postulauere. Protinus ille qui Deum iv. 395 timebat, et pacis iusticizeque cultor erat" baronibus pro errore supplicibus pepercit, et indultis reatibus in amiciciam eos benigniter recepit. In Stephanum comitem de Albamarla qui solus adhuc resistebat exercitum rex aggregauit, et in loco qui Vetus Rotomagus dicitur ! A space is left for the completion of the number. 2 Eustace of Breteuil did not witness any of Henry I's charters after III3 (Regesta, ii, passim). His son, William of Pacy, held Pacy after his death; but in

1153 1t was granted to Robert, earl of Leicester, who had also acquired through

his wife Amice, Ralph of Gael's daughter, the main part of the Breteuil inheri-

tance (Regesta, iii. 438; GEC vii. 529-30).

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endeavouring to pacify the rebels. Directing his adroit counsel and good faith to this end, he brought Amaury to the king. Amaury quickly became reconciled, voluntarily surrendered the citadel to the king, and to his great satisfaction received the whole of his uncle's county. Then Eustace and his wife Juliana consulted friends, on whose advice they hurried to the siege, entered the king's tent barefoot, and fell at his feet. The king said to them in astonishment, "Why have you dared to approach me without my safe-conduct, after provoking me by so many wrongs?’ To which Eustace replied, “You are my natural lord. Therefore I come to you without fear as to my lord, to offer my service loyally to you, and to make full restitution for my misdeeds, as you in your just compassion judge to be right.’ Friends were present to intercede for the king's son-in-law. Richard, the king's son, also pleaded his sister's cause. Mercy, indeed, softened the king's heart towards his daughter and son-in-law, and he grew more

benevolent.

So,

appeased, he said to his son-in-law, ‘Juliana may return to Pacy, and you shall come with me to Rouen and there hear what is my pleasure.’ The king's command was obeyed without delay, and the king addressed Eustace in this way, ‘In exchange for the honor of Breteuil, which I have given to your kinsman Ralph the Breton, whom I have found most loyal and faithful against my enemies in times of great need, I will give you an annual rent of three hundred marks of silver in England.’ Afterwards Eustace fortified Pacy with walls and watch-towers, and lived for more than twenty years,’ enjoying great wealth.? Juliana some years later abandoned the self-indulgent life she had led for the religious life and, becoming a nun, served the Lord God in the new abbey of Fontevrault. Hugh of Gournay and Robert of Neubourg and the other rebels saw that stronger men had abandoned them, and that the king was supreme over all in power and statesmanship. When they learned of the defection of their allies, they repented of their former deeds and asked for the king’s pardon, both in person and through friends. He, being a God-fearing man and a lover of peace and justice, spared the barons who asked forgiveness for their misdoing and, pardoning their offences, readily welcomed them back into his favour. The king assembled an army against Stephen, count of Aumale, who still continued to resist alone, and began to build a castle in

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castrum condere cepit? quod Mata putenam id est ‘deuincens meretricem' pro despectu Haduisz! comitisse nuncupauit. Eius

enim instinctu prefatus consul contra dominum

cognatumque

suum regem rebellauit? et Guillelmum Clitonem atque Balduinum Flandritam in castris suis receptos diutius adiuuit. Qui postquam regem super se cum exercitu uenire cognouit, prudentum consultu amicorum regi humiliter satisfecit? et ille condonatis omnibus cum pace triumphans recessit.?

25

iv. 396

De Veteri Rotomago unde hic mentio iam facta est: breuiter tangam quod in priscis Quiritum historiis relatum est. Gaius Iulius Cesar Caletum unde Caletensis pagus adhuc uocabulum retinet obsedit? diuque totis nisibus impugnauit. Et quia illuc de omni Gallia impacabiles inimici confluxerant, qui cedibus et incendiis ac frequentibus iniuriis offenderant, et irremissibiliter Cesarem irritauerant/ ipse urbem pertinaciter impugnauit, cum

incolis cepit, funditusque destruxit. Ceterum ibi ne prouincia presidio nudaretur munitionem construxit, quam a Iulia filia sua

Iuliambonam nuncupauit, sed barbara locutio Illebonam corrupto nomine

uocitauit.

Inde ix fluuios Guitefledam

et Talam

quae

Dun modo dicitur, Sedanam et Belnaium atque Sedam, Guaren-

nam et Deppam et Earum pertransiuit, oceanique littus usque ad Aucum flumen quod uulgo dicitur Ou perlustrauit. Sollers denique princeps postquam commoditatem patriae perscrutatus suis consuluit, urbem ad subsidium Quiritum zedificare decreuit, quod Rodomum quasi Romanorum domum uocitauit. Accitis itaque artificibus spacium quantitatis eius mensus est: latomisque cum macionibus illuc ad opus agendum dispositis profectus est. Interea. Rutubus potens seuusque tirannus inexpugnabile ut putabatur municipium super montem iuxta Sequanam seruabat, per quod circumiacentem prouinciam nauesque per proximum flumen meantes cohercebat. Quod audiens Cesar illuc cum exercitu festinauit, et castellum quod Rutubi Portus appellabatur expugnauit, cuius oppidi specimen et ruinas sollers indigena perspicue 1 She was a daughter of Ralph of Mortemer; GEC i. 352-3. ? The Hyde chronicler gives a fuller account of the king’s advance against Stephen

and the terms

of his capitulation;

his lands were

restored

and the

English revenues of the counts of Flanders were restored to Charles, count of Flanders, who also made peace (Chron. de Hida, pp. 320-1).

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281

the place called Old Rouen, naming it ‘Mate-putain’ or ‘Whorehumbler' out of contempt for the Countess Hawise.! It was at her prompting that Count Stephen had rebelled against the king his lord and kinsman, and had received William Clito and Baldwin of

Flanders in his castles and given them help for a long time. When he learned that the king was coming with his army to attack him, he took the advice of prudent friends and humbly submitted to the king who, pardoning everything, returned triumphantly and in peace.?

23 I have already mentioned Old Rouen, and I will briefly indicate what is told about it in ancient histories of the Romans.? Gaius Julius Caesar laid siege to Caletum, from which the pagus of Caux took the name it still keeps, and for a long time threw all his forces into the attack. Because determined enemies had gathered there from every part of Gaul, causing great damage by slaughter and fire and repeated raids, and provoking Caesar beyond endurance, he assaulted the city resolutely, captured it with all its inhabitants, and levelled it to the ground. But so that the province might not be left without protection he built a fortress, which he called Juliabona after his daughter Julia, though vernacular speech has corrupted the name into Lillebonne. From there he crossed nine rivers, the Durdan, the Tale which is now called Dun, the Saóne,

the Vienne, the Scie, the Varenne, the Dieppe, and the Eaulne, and followed the sea-shore as far as the river Aucus, called the Eu in the

vernacular. Finally the statesmanlike leader, after pondering deeply on the good of his country, consulted with his men and decided to build a town to strengthen the Romans, which, as it was

a Roman

settlement, he called Rouen. Craftsmen were fetched and the site was measured out; stone-cutters and masons were assigned to their tasks, and he then set out again. Meanwhile Rutubus, a powerful and bellicose tyrant, was defending a fortress thought to be impregnable on a hill by the Seine, and from it was preying on the whole province round and the ships plying on the near-by river. Hearing of this Caesar hurried there with his army and stormed the fortress, which was called Port Rutubus. Observant local inhabitants can clearly see the layout and ruins of the stronghold. Caesar, 3 For the siege of Caletum and the lost, legendary Gesta Romanorum see above, iii, pp. xxv, 35-6.

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cognoscit. Cesar autem de predicto loco cementarios et artifices iv. 397 alios reuocauit, nobilemque metropolim super Sequanam Rotomagum condidit, et priori uico super Aucum usque in hunc diem solum nomen reliquit. Hzc quia de Veteri Rotomago ubi Henricus rex castellum in iv. 398 hostes inchoauit, sed illis protinus reconciliatis inceptum opus intermisit? ad noticiam posteritatis mentionem feci, de priscorum relationibus adieci. Nunc autem ad res nuper gestas ut cepi redibo, et pro posse meo antiquos scriptores sequens laborem meum zetati future offero.

24. Omnes Normanni qui contra regem ut dictum est rebellauerant ipsum in omnibus fortiorem experti sunt? meliusque quam olim consilium captantes tam per se quam per amicos ueniam petierunt, et supplices a rege indultis reatibus recepti sunt. Inuiti siquidem Guillelmum Clitonem cum Helia pedagogo suo in exilio reliquerunt-! sed aliter potentissimi principis pacem habere nequiuerunt.

Mense Nouembri? Calixtus papa in Neustriam uenit, et Gisortum cum rege colloquium de pace habuit.3 Magnificus rex illum honorifice suscepit, et eius ad pedes pronus accessit, eumque iv. 399 reuerenter honorauit, quem uniuersalis zcclesiz pastorem sibique consanguinitate propinquum* agnouit. Quem papa humiliatum benigniter erexit, in nomine Domini benedixit, datoque pacis osculo inter mutuos amplexus uterque exultauit. Denique ad colloquium competenti hora uentum est? et sic papa regem alloqui

exorsus est, 'In consilio Remensi cum sanctis presulibus aliisque proceribus et filiis ecclesie Dei qui gratanter per nostram inuitationem illuc conuenerant de salute fidelium tractaui, et pro pace communi me ! The

Hyde

chronicler is more

cynical:

‘Illi qui sacramentis

ineffabilibus

construxerant, nunquam cum rege Henrico se pacem habituros, nunquam Willelmum filium Roberti comitis relicturos, cupiditate victi falsam pacem apis componunt,

et eundem juvenem

solum

relinquunt'

(Chron.

de Hida,

p- 320). ? Probably 23 or 24 November (Robert, Calixte II, p. 90); Calixtus's bulls were dated at Beauvais on 20 and 22 November (Bullaire, i, nos. 108, 109), and from Beauvais he went to Chaumont (HC Y, p. 76).

3 Accounts of the meeting are also given in HC Y, pp. 76-80; Eadmer, HN, pp. 258-9; GR ii. 482. Hugh the Chantor says that Henry I stayed in the castle of

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283

however, recalled the masons and other craftsmen from the site previously mentioned, and built the noble city of Rouen on the Seine, leaving to the earlier settlement on the Eu nothing but a name up to the present day. I have added this account of Old Rouen from the records of early writers, because I mentioned for the interest of future readers how King Henry began to build a castle there to attack his enemies, but left the work unfinished as soon as he had become reconciled with them. Now I will continue with recent events as I have begun and, following as best I can in the footsteps of ancient writers, offer my work to future generations. 24 All the Normans who had rebelled against the king, as I have related, found that his strength had increased in every way and, being better advised than formerly, they sought forgiveness both in person and through friends. The king, pardoning their offences, received the supplicants back into his favour. It was only: with reluctance that they deserted William Clito and his guardian Helias in exile;! but by no other means could they secure reconciliation with the mighty prince. In November? Pope Calixtus came into Normandy, and discussed the restoration of peace with the king at Gisors.? 'T'he great king received him honourably and, falling prostrate at his feet, showed him respect and reverence, acknowledging him to be the shepherd of the whole Church and his own close kinsman.* When he had humbled himself the Pope raised him kindly, blessed him in the name of the Lord, and gave him the kiss of peace, after which they embraced each other joyfully. Afterwards they met for discussion at a convenient time, and the Pope spoke to the king after this fashion: ‘In the council of Rheims I discussed the well-being of the faithful with the holy bishops and other magnates and sons of the Church of God who had freely gathered there at our invitation, and promised that my special concern would be to endeavour to Gisors and Calixtus II in the castle of Chaumont, and that they met in a church

midway between the two. ^ Adeliza, wife of Reginald I, count of Burgundy, and grandmother of Calixtus II, was the sister of Duke Robert I of Normandy, Henry's grandfather.

284

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laboraturum summopere promisi. Ad has igitur partes gloriose fili festinus accessi, et oro clementiam omnipotentis Dei’ ut ipse conatus nostros benigniter uideat, ac ad generalem totius zccle-

iv. 400

size suze commoditatem salubriter dirigat. In primis magnificentiam tuam obsecro ut pie nobis consentias, et inimicis tuis pacem per nos poscentibus ut ueri Salomonis heres pacificus fias.' Cumque rex apostolicis iussionibus promisisset se libenter optemperaturum" papa sermonis sui tale sumit exordium, ‘Lex Dei cunctis prouide consulens imperat, ut unusquisque ius suum legitime possideat, sed res alienas non concupiscat, nec alii quod sibi fieri non uult faciat.! Sinodus ergo fidelium generaliter decernit, et a sullimitate tua magne rex humiliter deposcit? ut Rodbertum fratrem tuum quem in uinclis iamdiu tenuisti absoluas, eique et filio eius ducatum Normanniz quem abstulisti restituas.' His auditis respondit rex, 'Preceptis uestris reuerende pater rationabiliter obsecundabo ut ab inicio spopondi’ nunc tamen rogo ut diligenter audiatur qua uel qualiter egi. Fratrem meum ducatu Normanniz non priuaui, sed hzreditarium ius patris nostri armis uendicaui’ quod non frater meus neque nepos sibi possidebant, sed pessimi predones et sacrilegi nebulones miserabiliter deuastabant. Nullus honor sacerdotibus aliisque seruis Dei impendebatur? sed pene paganismus per Normanniam passim diffundebatur. Ccenobia qua antecessores nostri pro animabus suis fundauerant destruebantur, et religiosi claustrales deficiente alimonia dispergebantur. JEcclesiz; uero spoliabantur, et plerzeque cremabantur, et inde latitantes protrahebantur. Parrochiani truces mutuis ictibus trucidabantur, et superstites defensore carentes in tot desolationibus lamentabantur. Talis itaque ferme vii annis erumna Neustriam

afflixit" nec ulli liberam intus uel extra securitatem habere permisit. Frequens autem meque ut pro amore multisque precatibus bachari diutius paterer

religiosorum deprecatio ad me conuolauit, Dei desolate plebi suffragarer incitauit, ne pessimos latrones super innocuos deobsecrauit. Compulsus itaque in Norman-

niam transfretaui, et ab inclitis consulibus Guillelmo Ebroicensi

atque Rodberto Mellentensi, aliisque legitimis optimatibus susceptus desolationem paterni iuris uidens dolui, sed indigentibus * Cf. Matthew vii. 12.

BOOK

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285

restore general peace. So, my noble son, I have hurried to this

place, and I pray to almighty God in his mercy to look graciously on our efforts and direct them advantageously for the general advantage of his whole Church. First of all I beg your majesty to fall in dutifully with our plans and, as a peace-loving heir of Solomon himself, prepare to make peace with your enemies, who seek it through our intercession.' As the king promised to obey the Pope's commands willingly, the Pope opened his remarks in this way: "The law of God, providently concerned with the welfare of all men, ordains that each one shall possess what is lawfully his own, but shall not covet the property of others, nor do to another what he does not wish to be done to himself.! Therefore the synod of the faithful determines in general and, great king, humbly begs your majesty, that you should release your brother Robert, whom you have kept in shackles for many years, and restore to him and his son the duchy of Normandy which you have taken from them.’ After hearing this, the king replied, 'I will obey your precepts, reverend father, according to right, as I promised at the outset; but now I ask you to listen carefully to what I have done and the

methods I have used. I did not deprive my brother of the duchy of Normandy, but laid legal claim by battle to the just inheritance of our father, which my brother and nephew did not really possess themselves, because villainous bandits and blasphemous scoun-

drels utterly wasted it. No respect was shown to priests and other servants of God, but near-paganism was rampant all over Nor-

mandy. Monasteries which our ancestors founded for the good of their souls were destroyed, and the cloister monks were scattered for lack of food. Churches too were plundered, and many were burnt, and fugitives seeking sanctuary were dragged from them. The parishioners cruelly slaughtered each other, and the survivors,

who had no protector, bewailed their fate in the midst of great devastation. This is the tribulation that afflicted Normandy for almost seven years, so that no one could enjoy any security either at home or abroad. I was importuned by the pleas of churchmen,

begging me for the love of God to help the abandoned populace, and beseeching me with constant prayers not to suffer evil robbers to prey on the innocent any longer. So I was compelled to cross to Normandy, where I was received by the distinguished counts, William of Evreux and Robert of Meulan, and other loyal mag-

nates. I saw with sorrow the affliction of my ancestral inheritance,

286

iv. 401

iv. 402

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subuenire nisi per arma bellica non potui. Frater enim meus incentores totius nequitiz tuebatur? et illorum consilia per quos uilis et contemptibilis erat admodum amplectebatur. Gunherius nimirum de Alneio et Rogerius de Laceio, Rodbertus quoque de Bellismo aliique scelesti Normannis dominabantur, et sub imaginatione ducis presulibus omnique clero cum inermi populo principabantur. Illos siquidem quos ego de transmarina regione pro nefariis exturbaueram factionibus? intimos sibi consiliarios et colonis presides prefecit innocentibus. Innumerz cedes et incendia passim agebantur, et dira facinora quz inexpertis pene incredibilia putantur. Fratri meo mandaui sepius, ut meis uteretur consultibus? eique totis adminicularer nisibus, sed ille me contempto meis contra me potitus est insidiatoribus. Ego autem tanta uidens scelera preualere, seruitium meum sancta matri zcclesiz nolui subtrahere, sed officium quod michi diuinitus iniunctum est studui multis salubriter exercere. Fortiter igitur armis et ignibus preliando Baiocas Gunherio abstuli, et Cadomum Engueranno filio Ilberti, aliaque oppida tirannis pugnando compressis conquisiui, quae pater meus in suo dominio possederat, sed frater meus periuris lecatoribus ea tradiderat, et ipse tam pauper ut clientum suorum stipe indigeret remanserat. 'l'andem Tenerchebraicum speluncam daemonum obsedi, quo Guillelmus Moritolii comes fratrem meum adduxit contra me cum exercitu grandi, contra quos in campo famelico' in nomine Domini pro defensione patrize dimicaui. Ibi nimirum iuuante Deo qui beniuolos conatus meos nouit aduersarios superaui? ambosque consules fratrem meum et consobrinum cum plurimis desertoribus nostris cepi, et huc usque ne per eos michi uel regno meo scandalum oriretur diligenter custodiui. Sic hereditatem patris mei totumque dominium eius recuperaui, paternasque leges obseruare secundum uoluntatem Dei ad quietem populi eius elaboraui. Fratrem uero meum non ut captiuum hostem uinculis mancipaui, sed ut nobilem peregrinum multis angoribus fractum in arce regia collocaui, eique omnem abundantiam ciborum et aliarum deliciarum uariamque suppellectilem affluenter suppeditaui. Quinquennem uero

filium eius Heliz genero ducis commendaui? optans ipsum sensus ! *Famelicus' means ‘scarce’ (MLWL, p. 185); but the origin of the name of

the battlefield of Tinchebray is uncertain.

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but could bring no help to the needy except by force of arms. For

my brother protected the instigators of all this wickedness, and relied completely on their counsels, so that he became an object of scorn and contempt. For Gunter of Aunay and Roger of Lacy, Robert of Belléme, and other blackguards were the true masters of the Normans, and under the guise of ducal authority ruled over the bishops and all the clergy as well as the helpless masses. Robert chose as his closest counsellors the men whom I had expelled from my lands overseas because of their criminal plots, and set them in authority over harmless countryfolk. They spread fire and slaughter everywhere and committed shocking crimes almost too dreadful to be believed by those who have not experienced them. I sent repeatedly to my brother, urging him to rely on my counsels and offering to help him with all my strength: but he scorned to listen and used men who had plotted against me to resist me. When Isaw appalling wickedness triumphant, I did not wish to refuse my service to holy mother Church, but endeavoured to use the office laid on me by heaven for the general good. So, by taking up arms to fight and spreading fire, I wrested Bayeux from Gunter and Caen from Enguerrand son of Ilbert, and by crushing tyrants in battle conquered the other fortified towns that my father had held in his demesne but my brother had handed over to perjured lechers, while remaining so poor himself that he was unable to pay his servants. Finally I laid siege to Tinchebray, a den of devils, where Count William of Mortain brought my brother against me with a great army. Against them I fought a battle in the Famine Field! in the name of the Lord and for the protection of my native land. There with the help of God who knows the good intent of my endeavours I triumphed over my adversaries, and took prisoner both counts, my brother and cousin, and many who had betrayed me; up to the present I have kept them under close guard to prevent them from causing any harm to me and my kingdom. In this way I recovered the inheritance of my father and all his demesne, and strove to uphold my father's laws according to God's will for the peace of his people. I have not kept my brother in fetters like a captured enemy, but have placed him as a noble pilgrim, worn out with many hardships, in a royal castle, and have kept him well

supplied with abundance of food and other comforts and furnishings of all kinds. I entrusted his five-year-old son to the guardianship of Helias, the duke's son-in-law, hoping that by developing

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omnisque probitatis et potentia prouectu filio meo in omnibus adequari. Helias autem instinctu complicum suorum nepotem meum michi surripuit, totoque sancti Sidonii honore quem possidebat relicto ad exteros aufugit" et quantum potuit, multis incursibus me molestauit, sed prohibente Deo necdum preualuit. Francos atque Burgundiones aliasque gentes in me commouit, sed plura sibi ni fallor quam michi detrimenta procurauit. Nepotem meum multoties accersiui, et per plures legatos amicabiliter rogaui' ut ad curiam meam securus ueniret, et cum filio meo regalium diuitiarum particeps fieret. Tres etiam comitatus in Anglia optuli ut illis principaretur, et inter aulicos oratores educatus luculenter experiretur, quanti sensus et probitatis erga diuites et egenos in futuro estimaretur, et quam rigide principalem iusticiam et militarem disciplinam amplecteretur. Ille uero que optuleram respuit, et inter extraneos fures mendicus exulare quam mecum deliciis perfrui maluit. Malorum omnium que commemoraui,

iv. 404

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testes sunt agri inculti, domus

combuste,

uilla

deuastatz, zecclesiz dirute, populique merentes pro amicorum interfectionibus, opumque suarum direptionibus. Hzc domine papa sanctitas uestra sapienter discutiat, et utile consilium his qui presunt et qui subiacent sollicite conferat.'! Sollerter auditis sermonibus regis papa obstupuit, et facta eius prout narrauerat collaudauit. ‘Nunc’ inquit ‘de duce et filio eius sufficienter audiuimus, sed de his ad presens silentes ad alia tendamus. Rex Francorum conqueritur fedus quod inter uos erat male ruptum esse? et multa sibi regnoque suo detrimenta iniuste per tuos satellites illata esse.’ Respondit rex, ‘Pactum amiciciz quod inter nos erat ipse prior uiolauit? hostes meos pluribus modis contra me corroborauit, hominesque meos ut in me ceruices suas erigerent promissis et persuasionibus animauit. Commissa tamen si uult emendare, et amicicize foedus amodo inuiolabiliter

obseruare? paratus sum admonitionibus uestris in omnibus ob-

secundare.' Gauisus papa super his adiecit, 'Conqueritur item rex de iniuria quam Tedbaldus comes nepos tuus ei fecit, cum Niuernensem ! The first part of the interview was private (HC Y, p. 77) and it is impossible

to know what arguments Henry put to the Pope; but he was a good publicist and Orderic probably states the substance of his case as he made it known. William of Malmesbury, GR ii. 482, implies that on the question of his treatment of his brother eloquence and gifts helped to win the day; and concludes, 'Itaque haec collocutio hunc finem emeruit, ut pronuntiaret apostolicus nihil Anglorum regis causa justius, prudentia eminentius, facundia uberius.'

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his judgement and all his moral qualities and talents I might make him equal in every way to my own son. Helias, however, at the prompting of his confederates, took my nephew away from me and, abandoning the whole honor of Saint-Saens which he possessed, fled to foreign lands, and plagued me as much as he could with repeated attacks; but he has never yet prevailed, for God does not so will. He incited the French and Burgundians and other peoples against me, but unless I am mistaken caused more harm to himself than to me. On many occasions I sent for my nephew and invited him kindly through one envoy after another to come to my court under safe-conduct, and become a participator with my son in the riches of the kingdom. I even offered him three counties in England so that he might govern them and grow up among the petitioners of my court, to learn how much he might be valued in the future for good judgement and fairness towards rich and poor, and how firmly he might preserve royal justice and knightly discipline. He, however, rejected my offers, choosing rather to live as a beggar in exile among foreign rogues than to enjoy comforts with me. The proofs of all the evils which I have described are the untilled fields, burnt houses, plundered villages, wrecked churches, and people mourning the massacre of their friends and the seizure of their goods. May your holiness, my lord Pope, wisely thresh out these matters and give considered counsel for the advantage of those who rule and those who are ruled.’! The Pope, as he listened attentively to the king's statements, was amazed, and commended his actions in the light of his narrative. *Now', he said, *we have heard all that is necessary about the duke and his son; let us say no more about them for the moment, but give our minds to other things. The king of France complains that the treaty between you has been wrongfully broken, and that your retainers have unjustly committed many acts of violence against him and his kingdom.’ The king replied, ‘He was the first to break the treaty of friendship between us, for he helped my enemies against me in a number of ways and by means of promises and persuasion stirred up my vassals to presumptuous rebellion. But if he is prepared to make amends for past deeds and to preserve the treaty of friendship inviolably from now, I am ready to follow your recommendations in every detail.' Much heartened, the Pope continued, "The king complains also of the injury which Count Theobald your nephew did by taking

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comitem! de obsidione remeantem comprehendit, quam rex ipse cum presulibus Galliz super Thomam de Marla tenebat, ut coherceret eum a nequitiis quas innocuis infligebat.' *Nullas' inquit rex *occasiones requiram, quin ad quietem et pacem paternis admonitionibus uestris obeediam, et Tedbaldum nepotem meum qui iusticie uerus amator est uobis ad omne bonum subiciam. Guillelmum etiam alium nepotem ut pacem habeat commoneo, eique per uestram sullimitatem illa qua per alios iam sepius optuli adhuc offero; quia et uobis in omnibus satisfacere cupio, et communem populi quietem et nepotis ut prolis prosperitatem

desidero." iv. 405 iv. 406

?Denique papa legatos suos regi Francorum et optimatibus suis destinauit, et responsa regis Anglorum paci competentia renunciauit. Omnes igitur gauisi sunt. Superfluum michi uidetur orationem protelare, ut multa enodem loquacitate, quanta fuerit leticia plebi guerris conquassata dum sedata belli tempestate, blanda redierit serenitas pacis diu desiderate. Confirmata itaque concordia principum castella qua ui seu dolo capta fuerant dominis suis restituta sunt, et omnes capti tempore belli ex utraque parte milites liberati sunt, et de carcere proprios penates repetere cum gaudio permissi sunt.?

25

iv. 407

Verum inuidus et inquietus Satanas qui primum hominem per serpentem decepit, postquam reges et armipotentes athletas gratia Dei pacificatos uidens doluit" zizania letalis discordiz inter sacerdotes in templo Dei sparsit. Goisfredus enim archiepiscopus postquam de concilio Remensi Rotomagum rediit, tercia Nouembris ebdomada sinodum¢ tenuit, et institutionibus apostolicis exacuminatus in presbiteros suz diocesis acriter exarsit. Nam inter cetera concilii capitula que protulit" omne consortium feminarum penitus eis interdixit, et in transgressores terribilem anathematis sententiam uibrauit. Cumque presbiteri tam graue pondus nimium abhorrerent, et inter se pro corporum et animarum 1 See above, p. 258 n. r.

2 Orderic omits the discussion on the rights of the king in the English church

and the position of Archbishop Thurstan, which occupy a considerable space in the narratives of Eadmer and Hugh the Chantor.

3 "This general statement covers the events of the following year until Henry I left Normandy in November 1120. Orderic omits to say that Prince William did homage to Louis VI for Normandy.

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prisoner the Count of Nevers! as he was returning from the siege which the king himself, aided by the prelates of France, was conducting against ''homas of Marle, in order to force him to abandon his persecution of innocent people.’ ‘I will ask for no delays’, said the king, ‘before obeying your paternal recommendations to restore peace and order, and I will put my nephew Theobald, who is a true lover of justice, under your guidance for the general good. As for my other nephew, William, I urge him to make peace and offer him still through your holiness the same terms that I have often offered through others, for I both desire to give you complete satisfaction and wish to further the general tranquillity of the people and the advancement of my nephew as if he were my

own son.’ 2Afterwards the Pope sent his envoys to the king of France and his magnates, and informed them of the replies of the king of England which were conducive to peace. This caused general satisfaction. It would be superfluous for me to tell a long story, by dwelling garrulously on the great joy of the war-shattered people, when the tempest of war was stilled and the long-desired calm serenity of peace returned. When the treaty between the princes had been ratified the castles which had been captured by force or guile were restored to their lords, and all the knights captured on either side during the war were set free, and allowed to leave prison to return gladly home again.3

25 Satan, who deceived the first man through the serpent and is always envious and restless, was grieved at the sight of kings and bellicose champions laying down their arms by the grace of God and sowed the tares of fatal discord among the priests in the temple of God. After Archbishop Geoffrey returned to Rouen from the council of Rheims, he held a synod‘ in the third week of November and, inspired by the papal decrees, burned with enthusiasm to reform the priests of his diocese. Among the canons of the council which he promulgated was one forbidding any cohabitation with women, and he hurled the dire threat of excommunication against offenders. As the priests regarded such a heavy burden with abhorrence, and murmured among themselves complaining of the 4 The events of this synod are known only from Orderic.

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discrimine conquerentes musitarent/ archiepiscopus Albertum quendam eloquentem quia nescio quid fari ceperat iussit comprehendi, et mox in ergastulo carceris retrudi. Prefatus enim presul erat Brito in multis indiscretus, tenax et iracundus, uultu gestuque seuerus in increpatione austerus, procax et uerbositate plenus. Cum autem reliqui sacerdotes insolita re uisa nimis obstupuissent, et presbiterum sine reatus accusatione et legitima examinatione uelut furem de templo trahi ad carcerem uidissent? nimiumque perterriti quid agendum esset ignorarent, dubitantes utrum sese defendere seu fugere deberent" furibundus presul de cathedra surrexit, de sinodo concitus exiuit, satellitesque suos quos ad hoc prius instruxerat aduocauit. Protinus illi cum fustibus et armis

in zcclesiam

irruerunt,

et in conuenticulum

clericorum

mutuo colloquentium irreuerenter ferire ceperunt. Porro quidam illorum poderibus suis induti per cenosos urbis uicos ad hospitia sua cucurrerunt, alii uero podiis uel lapidibus quos ibi forte inuenerant arreptis repugnare conati sunt? et molle satellicium ad cameram usque fugiens haud segniter persecuti sunt. Clientes autem quod ab inermi coronatorum choro conuicti fugissent erubuerunt, et indignantes cocos ac pistores et uicinos asseclas actutum

asciuerunt,

et recidiuum

certamen

in sacris

temere

penetralibus reiterauerunt. Quoscumque in ecclesia uel cimiterio repererunt, iustos uel iniustos percusserunt, uel impegerunt, uel alio quolibet modo iniuriati sunt. Tunc Hugo de Longauilla et Anschetillus de Cropuz! aliique nonnulli senes maturi et religiosi in ede sancta prestolabantur, et de confessione uel aliis utilibus causis uicissim loquebantur, seu diurnales horas ad

laudem Dei ex debito modulabantur. iv. 409

Vecordes autem famuli

stolide in eos impetum fecerunt, contumeliis affecerunt, et uix a cede retractis manibus illis pepercerunt, quia flexis genibus misericordiam flebiliter ipsi postulauerunt. Ipsi protinus dimissi cum sociis qui precesserant quantotius de urbe fugerunt, nec licentiam nec benedictionem episcopi prestolati sunt’ sed diros rumores parrochianis et pelicibus suis retulerunt, atque ad comprobandam fidem uulnera et liuentes lesuras in corporibus suis ostenderunt. Archidiacones uero et canonici ciuesque modesti de infanda cede ! Longueville

Giffard and Cropus were villages only a few miles from the

priory of Auffay, where the monks of Saint- Évroul must have heard the story of the riot.

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conflict between body and soul, the archbishop ordered one eloquent priest, Albert, who had begun to say something—exactly

what I do not know—to be seized and thrown forthwith into the prison dungeon. Archbishop Geoffrey was a Breton, reckless in many ways, tenacious and choleric, stern in face and gesture, severe in his rebukes, offensive and garrulous. While the other priests were dumbfounded by the extraordinary scene they had witnessed, having watched a priest being dragged off from the

church to prison like a thief, without being accused of any crime or legally tried, and, in their great alarm, did not know what to do and hesitated whether they should defend themselves or take to their heels, the furious prelate rose from his seat, left the session of the synod at a run, and summoned his retainers, whom he had asked to

stand by. They rushed straight into the church with staffs and weapons and began to lay about them irreverently in the throng of clergy who were talking together. Some of the clergy, still clad in their albs, rushed through the muddy lanes of the city to their lodgings; others, however, snatching up any staffs or stones they happened to find there tried to fight back and, driving the wavering guard right back to the archbishop’s private apartment, pursued them violently. The retainers, ashamed at having fled defeated before a band of unarmed clergy, grew angry and immediately enlisted the help of the cooks and bakers and attendants who were at hand, and retaliated by sacrilegiously renewing battle in the holy sanctuary. They struck or jostled or injured in some other way all, innocent or guilty, whom they could find in church or cemetery. During that time Hugh of Longueville and Ansquetil of Cropus! and some other mature and pious old priests were waiting in the consecrated building, either discussing confession and other salutary topics with each other or reciting their daily hours to the glory of God as they were bound to do. The crazy servants rushed at them blindly, heaped abuse on them and only at the last moment restrained their hands from slaughter because the priests fell on their knees weeping and begged for mercy. The moment they were released they fled as fast as possible from the city with their companions who had already left the church, not waiting for the archbishop’s permission or blessing, but carrying back alarming reports to their parishioners and concubines, and showing the wounds and livid bruises on their bodies as proof of their words. The archdeacons and canons and discreet citizens were distressed by the 822242

i:

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contristati sunt’ et diuinis compatiebantur cultoribus qui dedecus inauditum perpessi sunt. Sic in sinu sanctz matris zcclesiz sacerdotum cruor effusus est’ et sancta sinodus in debachationem et ludibrium conuersa est. Nimis conturbatus archipresul in triclinio receptus delituit, sed paulo post ubi fugatis ut dictum est clericis sedatus furor quieuit/ progressus aquam accepta stola benedixit, et zcclesiam quam contaminauerat cum tristibus canonicis reconciliauit. Clamor seditionis execrabilis ad aures principis peruenit, sed ille aliis intentus negociis rectitudinem lesis facere distulit.! 26 iv. 410

Henricus rex in Normannia rebus post multos labores optime dispositis decreuit transfretare, et tironibus ac precipuis militibus qui laboriose fideliterque militauerant larga stipendia erogare, et quosdam amplis honoribus datis in Anglia sullimare. Vnde classem continuo iussit preparari? et copiosam omnis dignitatis militiam secum comitari. Interea Radulfus de Guader metuens perfidiam Normannorum super quos ipsis pro Eustachii fauore prioris eri nolentibus agitabat dominatum" et pensans quod Guader et Montemfortem et alia oppida et ingentes haberet ex patrimonio suo possessiones in regione Britonum, consilio et uoluntate regis Ricardo eius filio filiam suam pepigit, et Britolium atque Gloz et Liram totumque honorem in Neustria sibi debitum cum illa

donauit. Verum istud consilium imbecille et friuolum fuit, quia Deus qui cuncta bene gubernat aliter ordinauit. Nam puella

iv. 411

de qua mentio fit’? Rodberto comiti Legrecestrz postmodum nupsit, et plurimis cum illo annis uixit. Ingenti classe in portu qui Barbaflot dicitur preparata, et nobili legione in comitatu regis austro flante aggregata’ vii? kalendas Decembris? prima statione noctis rex et comites eius naues intrauerunt, et carbasa sursum leuata uentis in pelago ! It may have been as a result of this disturbance that, when decrees against clerical marriage were promulgated in 1128 at the end of Archbishop Geoffrey’s life, the action was taken in a full diocesan council presided over by King Henry and a papal legate; see below, p. 388. ? 'The placing of this episode in the narrative might suggest that the shipwreck occurred in 1119; in fact the date was 25 November

1120. Orderic must have

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shocking assault and sympathized with the servants of God who had suffered so unprecedented a humiliation. In this fashion the blood of priests was shed in the bosom of holy mother Church, and a holy synod was turned into a shambles and object of derision. Greatly disquieted, the archbishop took refuge in his private apartment and remained in hiding; but a little later, when the clergy had been driven away as I have related, and the tumult died down into calm, he came out, put on his stole, blessed water, and,

with the unhappy canons, reconsecrated the church he had desecrated. A complaint about the disgraceful disturbance came to the ears of the prince, but he, being occupied with other business, postponed doing justice to the injured parties.! 26

King Henry, who had now, after tremendous toil, settled affairs admirably in Normandy, decided to cross the Channel, pay generous wages to the young champions and distinguished knights who had fought hard and loyally, and raise the status of some by giving them extensive honors in England. He commanded a fleet to be made ready at once, and numbers of knights of all ranks to accompany him. Meanwhile Ralph of Gael, fearing the treachery of the Normans over whom he held lordship—against their wills, for they favoured their previous lord, Eustace—and considering that he had Gael and Montfort-la-Canne with other strongholds and wide possessions as his inherited patrimony in Brittany, with the king’s advice and consent betrothed his daughter to Richard, the king’s son, and gave with her hand Breteuil and Glos and Lire and the whole honor assigned to him in Normandy. This plan, however, was ill considered and of no effect, for God, who governs

all things well, ordained otherwise. The girl who has been mentioned later married Robert, earl of Leicester, and lived for many years with him.

On 25 November,? when a great fleet had been fitted out in the port of Barfleur, and a body of noble knights of the king’s company had assembled while a south wind blew, the king and earls embarked in the first watch of the night, hoisted their sails to catch the been aware of this, for the correct date is given in the Annals of Saint-Evroul (Le Prévost, v. 160). At this point he was deliberately hurrying on the narrative; cf. above, p. 290 n. 3.

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commiserunt, et mane Angliam quibus a Deo concessum fuit amplexati sunt. In illa nauigatione triste infortunium contigit? quod multos luctus et innumerabiles lacrimas elicuit. Tomas filius Stephani regem adiit, eique marcum auri offerens ait, ‘Stephanus Airardi filius! genitor meus fuit, et ipse in omni uita sua patri tuo in mari seruiuit. Nam illum in sua puppe uectum in Angliam conduxit? quando contra Haraldum pugnaturus in Angliam perrexit.

Huiusmodi autem officio usque ad mortem famulando ei placuit?

et ab eo multis honoratus exeniis inter contribules suos magnifice

floruit. Hoc feudum domine rex a te requiro, et uas quod 'Candida Nauis’ appellatur merito? ad regalem famulatum optime instructum habeo.' Cui rex ait, 'Gratum habeo quod petis. Michi quidem aptam nauim elegi quam non mutabo" sed filios meos Guillelmum et Ricardum quos sicut me diligo, cum multa regni mei nobilitate nunc tibi commendo.' His auditis naute gauisi sunt? filioque regis adulantes uinum ab eo ad bibendum postulauerunt. At ille tres uini modios ipsis dari precepit. Quibus acceptis biberunt, sociisque abundanter propinauerunt, nimiumque

potantes inebriati sunt. Iussu regis multi barones cum filiis suis iv. 412

iv. 413

puppim ascenderunt, et fere trecenti ut opinor in infausta naue fuerunt. Duo siquidem monachi Tironis et Stephanus comes cum duobus militibus, Guillelmus quoque de Rolmara et Rabellus camerarius,? Eduardus de Salesburia et alii plures inde exierunt? quia nimiam multitudinem lasciuz et pompatice iuuentutis inesse conspicati sunt. Periti enim remiges quinquaginta ibi erant, et feroces epibatz qui iam in naui sedes nacti turgebant, et suimet pre ebrietate immemores uix aliquem reuerenter agnoscebant. Heu quamplures illorum mentes pia deuotione erga Deum habebant uacuas? qui maris immodicas moderatur et aeris iras. Vnde sacerdotes qui ad benedicendos illos illuc accesserant aliosque ministros qui aquam benedictam deferebant cum dedecore et cachinnis subsannantes abigerunt, sed paulo post derisionis suze ultionem receperunt. Soli homines cum thesauro regis et uasis merum ferentibus Thoma carinam implebant, ipsumque ut regiam classem quae iam zequora sulcabat summopere prosequeretur commonebant. Ipse uero quia ebrietate desipiebat, in uirtute ! Stephen, son of Airard, held land in Berkshire in 1086 (DB i. 63b; VCH Berks. i. 367).

2 Rabel, son of William of Tancarville, King Henry’s chamberlain. See GEC

x, App. F, pp. 53-4.

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wind, and put to sea. In the morning those whom God allowed to do so landed in England. A terrible disaster occurred during that voyage, which was the cause of deep mourning and countless tears. Thomas, son of

Stephen, went to the king and offered him a mark of gold, saying, "Stephen son of Airard! was my father, and he served your father at sea during his lifetime, for he carried him in his ship to England when he set out for England to fight against Harold. He earned your father's favour by performing this service for him to the end of his days, and received many gifts from him which raised him to high honour among his companions. I ask you, my lord king, to grant me this fief: I have a vessel which is aptly called the White Ship, excellently fitted out and ready for the royal service.’ To this the king replied, ‘Your request meets with my approval. I

have indeed chosen a fine ship for myself and will not change it; but I entrust to you my sons William and Richard, whom I love as my own life, and many nobles of my realm.’ On hearing this the sailors were delighted, and fawned on the king’s son, asking him for wine to drink. He ordered three muids of wine to be given to them. They received these, drank, and gave to their companions to

drink their fill; too much drinking made them tipsy. At the king’s command a great many barons embarked in the ship with his sons; I believe there were about three hundred in the ill-fated vessel. However, two monks of Tiron and Count Stephen with two

knights, also William

of Roumare,

Rabel the chamberlain,?

Edward of Salisbury, and a number of others disembarked, because they realized that there was too great a crowd of wild and headstrong young men on board. There were fifty experienced rowers there, and high-spirited marine guards who had already found seats in the boat were showing off and, too drunk to know what they were doing, were paying respect to almost no one. Alas, how many of them had in their hearts no filial reverence for God,

who tempers the raging fury of sea and wind. So when the priests came there with other ministers carrying holy water to bless them, they laughed and drove them away with abuse and guffaws. All too soon they were punished for their disrespect. Apart from the king’s treasure and the casks of wine Thomas’s boat carried only passengers, and they commanded him to try to overtake the king’s fleet, which was already sailing in the open sea. As his judgement

was impaired by drink, he trusted in his skill and that of his crew,

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sua satellitumque suorum confidebat, et audacter quia omnes qui iam precesserant prziret spondebat. Tandem nauigandi signum dedit. Porro schippz remos haud segniter arripuerunt, et alia leti quia quid eis ante oculos penderet nesciebant armamenta coaptauerunt, nauemque cum impetu magno per pontum currere fecerunt. Cumque remiges ebrii totis nauigarent conatibus, et infelix gubernio male intenderet cursui dirigendo per pelagus" ingenti saxo quod cotidie fluctu recedente detegitur, et rursus accessu maris cooperitur, sinistrum latus Candida Nauis uehementer illisum est, confractisque duabus tabulis ex insperato nauis proh dolor subuersa est. Omnes igitur in tanto discrimine simul exclamauerunt, sed aqua mox implente ora pariter perierunt.! Duo soli uirge qua uelum pendebat manus iniecerunt, et magna noctis parte pendentes auxilium quodlibet prestolati sunt. Vnus erat Rotomagensis carnifex nomine Beroldus:? et alter generosus puer nomine Goisfredus Gisleberti de Aquila filius. Tunc luna in signo Tauri nona decima fuit, et fere ix horis radiis suis mundum illustrauit,3 et nauigantibus mare lucidum reddidit.* ‘Tomas nauclerus post primam summersionem uires resumpsit, suique memor super undas caput extulit, et uidens capita eorum qui ligno utcumque inherebant interrogauit, ‘Filius regis quid deuenit?" Cumque naufragi respondissent illum cum omnibus collegis suis deperisse: ‘Miserum’ inquit ‘est amodo meum uiuere.' Hoc dicto male desperans maluit illic occumbere, quam furore irati regis pro pernicie prolis oppetere, seu longas in uinculis poenas luere. In aquis penduli Deum inuocabant? et mutua sese cohortatione animabant, et finem sibi a Deo dis-

positum tremuli expectabant.^ @ In aquis . . . expectabant inserted in margin in Orderic’s hand ! Other accounts of the catastrophe are given in GR ii. 496-8; SD ii. 259; Eadmer,

HN,

pp. 288-9;

H. Hunt., pp. 242-3;

HCY,

p. 99; Roman de Rou

(Holden), ll. 10173-262. William of Malmesbury also says that all the sailors were drunk; Henry of Huntingdon that they perished for their sins. There is

general agreement that the sea was calm when the ship struck a rock. 2 Wace calls him Berout, a butcher of Rouen, who was following the court to collect debts due to him (ll. 10190-202). Symeon of Durham calls the sole

survivor a victualler, solus quidam macellarius tabula naufragii pendens evasit' ; others call him a simple countryman (GR, 'Evasit unus et ille agrestis’; Eadmer, HN, ‘omnes . . . excepto rustico uno et ipso, ut ferebatur, nec nomine digno .. . marinis fluctibus sunt absorpti’). Orderic’s very precise statement commands

respect and is supported by that of Wace. Probably both received some information indirectly from this survivor.

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and recklessly vowed to leave behind all those who had started first. At length he gave the signal to put to sea. Then the rowers made haste to take up their oars and, in high spirits because they knew nothing of what lay ahead, put the rest of the equipment ready and made the ship leap forward and race through the sea. As the drunken oarsmen were rowing with all their might, and the luckless helmsman paid scant attention to steering the ship through the sea, the port side of the White Ship struck violently against a huge rock, which was uncovered each day as the tide ebbed and covered once more at high tide. Two planks were shattered and, terrible to relate, the ship capsized without warning. Everyone cried out at once in their great peril, but the water pouring into the boat soon drowned their cries and all alike perished.! Only two men grabbed hold of a spar from which the sail hung and, clinging to it for the greater part of the night, waited for help to come from any quarter. One was a butcher of Rouen named Berold,? and the other a noble lad called Geoffrey, the son of Gilbert of Laigle. At that time the moon was in the nineteenth day of the sign of the Bull, and its rays lit up the world for about nine hours,? showing up everything in the sea to the mariners.* Thomas, the skipper, gathered his strength after sinking for the firsttime and, remembering his duty, lifted his head as he came to the surface; seeing the heads of the men who were clinging somehow to the spar, he asked, "The king’s son—what has become of him?’ When the

shipwrecked men replied that he had perished with all his companions, he said, ‘It is vain for me to go on living.’ With these words, in utter despair, he chose rather to sink on the spot than to die beneath the wrath of a king enraged by the loss of his sons, or suffer long years of punishment in fetters. The men clinging to the spar called on God in the waters, trying to keep up each other's spirits, and waited trembling for the fate that God had in store for them. 3 Orderic probably based his calculations on Bede's De temporum ratione, c. xvii, De lunae cursu per signa (cf. Bedae opera de temporibus, ed. C. W. Jones

(Cambridge, Mass., 1943), pp. 215-16, 353). The general principle was that the moon completes the circuit through the zodiac thirteen times in twelve months. He has, however, miscalculated, for on 25 November 1120 the moon was new and the night must have been dark. * William of Malmesbury and Wace say correctly that the night was dark.

Most of the dramatic details that follow must be regarded as imaginary; they vary in different sources, and there was only one survivor to tell the tale.

300

iv. 415

iv. 416

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Frigida gelu nox illa fuit, unde tener albeolus post longam tolerantiam frigore uires amisit, sociumque suum Deo commendans relapsus in pontum obiit? nec ulterius usquam comparuit. Beroldus autem qui pauperior erat omnibus, renone amictus ex arietinis pellibus, de tanto solus consortio diem uidit, et mane a ternis piscatoribus faselo receptus terram solus attigit. Deinde aliquantulum refocilatus seriem tristis euentus curiose sciscitantibus enucleauit, et postea fere xx! annis cum alacritate uixit. Rogerius Constantiensis episcopus Guillelmum filium suum quem rex unum ex quattuor principalibus capellanis iam suis effecerat, fratrem quoque suum et tres egregios nepotes ad damnatam iudicio Dei nauem conduxerat, ipsosque et consortes eorum licet floccipenderent pontificali more benedixerat. Ipse aliique multi qui adhuc simul in littore stabant, et rex sociique eius qui iam in freto elongati fuerant? terribilem uociferationem periclitantium audierunt, sed causam usque in crastinum ignorantes mirati sunt? et inde mutuo indagantes tractauerunt. Lugubris rumor per ora uulgi cito uolitans in maritimis littoribus perstrepit, ac ad noticiam Tedbaldi comitis aliorumque procerum aulicorum peruenit? sed in illa die sollicito regi multumque percunctanti nunciare nemo presumpsit. Optimates uero seorsum ubertim plorabant, karos parentes et amicos inconsolabiliter lugebant? sed ante regem ne doloris causa proderetur uix lacrimas cohibebant. 'l'andem sequenti die sollertia Tedbaldi comitis? puer flens ad pedes regis corruit, a quo rex naufragium Candida Nauis causam esse luctus edidicit. Qui nimia mox animi angustia correptus ad terram cecidit, sed ab amicis sulleuatus et in conclauim ductus amaros planctus edidit. Non Iacob de amissione Ioseph tristior extitit nec Dauid pro interfectione Amon uel Absalon acerbiores questus depromsit. Tanto itaque patrono plorante omnibus regni filis palam flere licuit? et huiusmodi luctus multis diebus perdurauit. Guillelmum adelingum quem Anglici regni legitimum haeredem arbitrati sunt? tam subito lapsum cum flore specialis nobilitatis omnes generaliter plangunt. Iam ! The figure appears to have been written at the same time as the whcle passage; if accurate it would imply that Orderic was writing in 1140, but this is unlikely.

2 He cannot be identified with certainty among the chaplains who subscribe Henry I’s charters (Regesta, ii, pp. x-xi).

* HCY, p. 99, says that Henry was consoled by Count Theobald, who had travelled with him.

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The night was frosty, so that the young man, after enduring the bitter cold for a long time, finally lost his grip and, commending his companion to God, fell back to perish in the sea and was never seen again. But Berold, who was the poorest of all and was dressed in a pelisse made of rams’ skins, was the only one of the great company to see the day. In the morning he was taken aboard a light vessel by three fishermen and reached dry land alone. Later, when he was somewhat revived, he told the whole sad tale to those who

wished to learn, and subsequently lived for about twenty years! in good health. Roger, bishop of Coutances, had accompanied his son William (whom the king had already made one of his four chief chaplains), his brother, and three distinguished nephews to the ship condemned by God to destruction, and had given them and their fellows a bishop’s blessing though they made light of it. He and many others who were still standing together on the shore, as well as the king and his companions who were already far out to sea, heard the terrible cries of the doomed men, but, not knowing the cause until the next day, marvelled at it and asked one another what it could mean. The sad news spread swiftly from mouth to mouth through the crowds along the sea coast, and came to the ears of Count Theobald and other nobles of the court; but that day no one dared announce it to the anxious king, who earnestly asked for news. The magnates wept bitterly in private and mourned inconsolably for their loved kinsfolk and friends, but in the king’s presence they struggled to restrain their tears to avoid betraying the cause of their distress. However, on the following day, by a wise plan of Count Theobald’s,3 a boy threw himself, weeping, at the king's

feet, and the king learned from him that the cause of his grief was the wreck of the White Ship. Immediately Henry fell to the ground overcome with anguish, and after being helped to his feet by friends and led into a private room, gave way to bitter laments. Jacob was no more grief-stricken for the loss of Joseph, nor did David utter more bitter laments at the slaying of Amnon or Absalom. As so great a ruler lamented, all the people of the realm

could give rein to their tears, and this mourning lasted for many days. All in common still lament the sudden loss of Prince William, whom they had considered the lawful heir of the English realm, with the flower of the highest nobility. He was a young man who

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adolescens fere xvii annorum pubescebat, iam generosam Mathildem sibi pene coeuam! coniugem duxerat, iam iussu patris hominium totius regni optimatum letus acceperat" in illo paternus amor populique spes secura quiescebat. Verum que superna Maiestas de suo plasmate inculpabiliter disponit’ rea peccatorum lippitudo inuestigare uel intueri nequit, donec scelerosa hominum captiuitas sicut piscis hamo uel auis laqueo irretita sit, et miseriis undique irremediabiliter inuoluta sit. Dum enim prestolatur longeuitatem, beatitudinem et sullimitatem? subito incurrit citam perniciem, miseriam et deiectionem? ut in cotidianis euentibus

ab inicio mundi usque in hodiernum diem, tam modernis quam antiquis approbationibus manifestam liquido aduertere possumus ostensionem. iv. 417

Mestus

rex filios et electos tirones precipuosque

barones

plangebat? maximeque Radulfum Rufum et Gislebertum de Oximis lugebat, et eorum strenuitates sepius iterando cum fletibus recitabat. Optimates subiectzeque plebes plorabant dominos, pignora et cognatos, notos et amicos, sponse sponsos, dilectzque coniuges dulces maritos. Inutiles trenos non curo multiplicare, unius tantum egregii uersificatoris breuem camenam nitor hic annotare, Accidit hora grauis, T'homzque miserrima nauis? Quam male recta terit, rupe soluta perit. Flebilis euentus dum nobilis illa iuuentus Est immersa mari perditione pari. Iactatur pelago regum generosa propago" Quosque duces plorant, monstra marina uorant.

O dolor immensus? nec nobilitas neque census Ad uitam reuocat, quos maris unda necat. Purpura cum bisso liquida putrescit abisso,

Rex quoque quem genuit, piscibus esca fuit. Sic sibi fidentes ludit fortuna potentes,

Nunc dat, nunc demit? nunc leuat inde premit. Quid numerus procerum, quid opes, quid gloria rerum, Quid Guillelme tibi forma ualebat ibi? Marcuit ille decor regalis et abstulit zequor:

Quod factus fueras quodque futurus eras. Inter aquas istis instat damnatio tristis, Ni pietas gratis celica parcat eis.

Corporibus mersis anime si dona salutis Nactz gauderent? mesta procul fierent. * Later Orderic says that she was twelve at the time of the marriage (below,

P. 330).

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had reached the age of seventeen, and had married Matilda, a

highly born maiden of about the same age;! he had already at his father's command had the pleasure of receiving the homage of the

magnates of the whole realm, and both the love of his father and the hope of the people were confidently fixed on him. But indeed sinners in their guilty blindness cannot see or understand the things which the heavenly king rightly ordains for his creation, until sinful man is captured like a fish on a hook or a bird in a net and entangled in sufferings beyond hope of escape. Indeed when he hopes for long life, happiness, and honour, he suddenly experiences death, wretchedness, and ruin; of this we may see clear examples

in daily events from the beginning of the world to the present day, both in modern and in ancient records. 'The sorrowful king bewailed his sons and favoured knights and eminent barons; above all he mourned for Ralph the Red and Gilbert of Exmes, and frequently described their deeds of courage, weeping as he related them. Great lords and humble folk wept for their lords, children and kinsfolk, acquaintances and friends; maidens for their betrothed, loved wives for their dear husbands.

I do not wish to multiply useless dirges, but will record here a short song by just one distinguished versifier. The fatal hour came; Thomas’s doomed vessel, Badly steered, struck a rock and broke to pieces. Tragic disaster! for all that young nobility Sank in the sea and shared the same misfortune. Noble scions of kings were hurled into the ocean, Those for whom dukes weep were devoured by the sea monsters. O grief unspeakable! neither wealth nor lineage

Brings back to life those whom the sea waves swallow. Purple robes and home-spun rot in the deep together; He whom a king begot became food for the fishes.

So fortune betrays those who trust in their own strength; Now gives, now takes away; now raises, now crushes. What could a great retinue, or wealth, or earthly glory, Or your own beauty, William, do there to help you?

Royal splendour decays; and the ocean obliterated Equally what you have been, and what you were going to be.

Damnation threatens all those lost in deep waters Unless mercy from heaven is willing to spare them.

If, though their bodies are drowned, their souls received gladly The gift of salvation, sorrow would be far away from us.

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Certa salus anime uerum dat tripudiare His bene qui karos commemorant proprios.

iv. 418

Hinc dolor est ingens humana quod inscia fit mens An requies sit eis quos quatit uda Thetis.

Quis mortalium potest sufficienter referre, quot pro tam infausto casu plorauerint terrigenz, seu quot possessiones ad multorum damna genuinis heredibus fuerint destitute? Guillelmus enim et Ricardus ut dictum est periclitati sunt filii regis, et soror eorum Mathildis uxor Rotronis Moritoniz consulis, Ricardus quoque Cestrz comes iuuenis multa probitate et benignitate laudabilis, cum uxore sua Matilde qua soror erat Tedbaldi palatini comitis. Othuerus! etiam frater eius, Hugonis Cestre comitis filius, tutor regiz prolis et pedagogus’ ut fertur dum repentina fieret ratis subuersio, nobiliumque irreparabilis dimersio, adolescentulum ilico amplexatus est? et cum ipso in profundum irremeabiliter prolapsus est. Teodericus puer Henrici nepos

imperatoris Alemannorum, et duo elegantes filii Iuonis de Grente-

iv. 419

maisnil ac Guillelmus de Rodelento? consobrinus eorum, qui iussu regis transfretabant pro recipiendis in Anglia fundis patrum suorum. Guillelmus cognomento Bigod? cum Guillelmo de Pirou4 dapifero regis, Goisfredus Ridel5 et Hugo de Molinis,$ Rodbertus Malconductus? et nequam Gisulfus scriba regis,’ aliique plures multa ingenuitatis fluctibus absorpti sunt:? quorum miserabilem casum parentes necessariique consortes et amici planxerunt, qui desolationes et damna per diuersas regiones eorum in morte persenserunt. Ibi ut fertur decem et octo mulieres perierunt? qua filiz uel sorores aut neptes seu coniuges regum uel comitum floruerunt. Sola pietas me compulit ista narrare, diligentiaque stimulor hzc sequenti euo certis apicibus allegare? quoniam tetra ! An illegitimate son of Earl Hugh, who stood high in the king's favour; he married the widow of William of Mandeville and succeeded to some of his former lands and the wardship of the Tower of London. C. Warren Hollister, in History, lviii (1973), 21-6.

For his career

see

2 The son of Robert of Rhuddlan. ro: William Bigod had succeeded his father, Roger Bigod, as steward (Regestu, li,

p.

:

Po must be a mistake, as William of Pirou attested a charter of 1123 (Regesta, ii. 1391). 5 Geoffrey Ridel was a prominent justice, active in the king's service, and also served at the exchequer (J. Le Patourel, Normandy and England, p. 31; Regesta,

ii. 755, 796, 969, 975, 985, 1000, 1166, 1168).

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Sure salvation of the soul is a cause of true gladness To those who cherish the memory of their own dear ones; But human minds cannot know, to their grievous sorrow,

If eternal rest comes to those whom the sea waves cover.

What mortal man can adequately describe how many people bewailed this terrible disaster, or how many lands were deprived of their lawful heirs, so that great suffering followed ?William and Richard, the king's sons, perished as I have related, and their sister Matilda, the wife of Rotrou count of Mortagne; also Richard, earl of Chester, a young man of great valour and notable kindness, with his wife Matilda, who was the sister of the palatine count, Theobald. It is said that Richard's brother, Othuer,! the son of

Hugh earl of Chester and tutor and guardian of the king's son, when the ship suddenly overturned and the noble lords were drowning helplessly, instantly flung his arms round the young man

and fell with him into the sea to his doom. Young Thierry, the kinsman of Henry, emperor of the Germans, and two handsome sons of Ivo of Grandmesnil, and William of Rhuddlan,? their cousin, who were crossing the sea at the king's command to receive the estates of their fathers in England, William Bigod? with William of Pirou,* the king’s steward, Geoffrey Ridel,5 and Hugh of Moulins,$ Robert Mauduit? and a certain Gisulf, the king's scribe,’ and many others of high birth were swallowed up in the waves.? Their kinsfolk and close associates and friends, who experienced disaster and loss in different provinces because of their deaths, bewailed their wretched fate. It is said that eighteen women perished there, who were the daughters or sisters, nieces or wives of kings and counts. Compassion alone moved me to tell this story, and diligence impels me to write a true record of these $ One of the sons of William of Moulins-la-Marche; see above, iii. 132.

7 Probably Robert Mauduit, chamberlain of the treasury, is meant; according to SD ii. 259, he was drowned in the White Ship. Although some scholars have believed Robert Mauduit to have died c. 1129 on Pipe Roll evidence,

many reliefs were still being paid ten or fifteen years after the death of a tenant-in-chief (cf. Hollister in History, lviii (1973), p. 23 n. 24; Regesta, ii. 340, 1255). 8 Gisulf the scribe held property in London and Winchester and was succeeded by Bernard the scribe (Regesta, ii, p. xi, nos. 1363-4, 1852; J. H. Round, ‘Bernard the king’s scribe’, EHR xiv (1899), 104). Orderic's adjective, ‘nequam’,

implies contempt of some kind. 9 The number of drowned was estimated as 140 knights, 50 sailors, and 3 pilots in SD ii. 259.

306

iv. 420

lv. 421

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uorago neminem absorbuit de mea consanguinitate, cui lacrimas affectu sanguinis effundam nisi ex sola pietate. Incolz maritimi ut certitudinem infortunii compererunt" fractam nauem cum toto regis thesauro ad littus pertraxerunt, et omnia quz ibidem erant preter homines salua prorsus reperta sunt. Deinde pernices uiri vii? kalendas Decembris dum Christiana plebs solennia sanctz celebrat Caterine uirginis et martiris, querentes somata perditorum auide discurrunt per littora maris, sed non inuenientes muneribus fraudabantur peroptatis. Opulenti magnates nandi gnaros et famosos mersores obnixe querebant, et magnos census eis spondebant, si karorum suorum cadauera sibi redderent, ut ea dignz sepultura traderent. Municipes Moritolii pra ceteris suos obnixe quesierunt, quia pene omnes illius comitatus barones et electi optiones perierunt. Solus comes ut dictum est quia diarria molestabatur et duo milites Rodbertus de Salcauilla! et Gualterius egressi sunt? Deique nutu aliis qui remanserant pereuntibus in puppe regis prospere transfretauerunt. Ricardus autem comes et pauci alii post plurimos dies longe a loco perditionis inuenti sunt? sicuti fluctus cotidie seuientes eos asportauerunt, et per uaria indumenta quibus uestiti fuerant a notis recogniti sunt. 27 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?c?xx? indictione xiii? Calixtus papa zcclesiasticis rebus in Gallia bene dispositis Italiam adiit, et ingens nobilium utriusque ordinis agmen secum duxit, et a Romanis fauorabiliter susceptus? apostolicam sedem v annis rexit. Hic multa bona opera iuuante Deo peregit, et specialis ecclesie temporibus nostris lux et uirtutum exemplar emicuit. Burdinum pseudo-papam Sutriz tirannidem contra zcclesiam exercentem comprehendit,? et in cenobio" quod Cauea* dicitur ne contra katholicorum pacem aliquo modo ganniret intrusit. Ibi 4 Sicin MS.

! Robert of Sauqueville was Count Stephen’s steward; he remained in his service after he became king and ended his life as a monk

at St. John's, Ccl-

chester. The family came from Sauqueville-en-Bessin (Loyd, p. 88; Regesta, ii. 1545, 1676; iii. 228, 229, 229a).

? Calixtus reached Rome at the beginning of June 1120 (Robert, Calixte IT, p. 106). 3 The antipope was captured on 23 April 1121 (Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne (Paris, 1884—1957), ii. 326, 347; Robert, Calixte II, p. 119).

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events for future ages; for the black deep swallowed none of my kindred, for none need I weep by reason of blood, but only from

compassion. When the dwellers on the coast heard the truth of the disaster they dragged the shattered ship with all the king's treasure to the shore, and found almost everything that had been in it safe except the men. Then on 25 November, while Christians were celebrating the feast of St. Catherine, virgin and martyr, men hurried to and fro along the beaches, eagerly looking for the bodies of the dead,

but as they failed to find them they were disappointed of the rewards they hoped to receive. Wealthy magnates assiduously sought for experienced swimmers and famous divers, and promised them high wages if they could recover the bodies of their dear ones so that they might be given honourable burial. The castellans of Mortain were particularly assiduous in the search for their kinsfolk, for almost all the barons and chief nobles

of that county perished. As I have said, only the count, because he was suffering from diarrhoea, and two knights, Robert of Sauqueville’ and Walter, had left the vessel, and by God's will made the crossing safely in the king's ship, while the others who remained behind perished. The bodies of Earl Richard and a few others were found some days later a long way from the scene of the wreck, having been carried there by the daily tides of the tossing sea, and were identified by those who knew them from the distinctive gar-

ments they were wearing. 27 In the year of our Lord 1120, the thirteenth indiction, Pope Calixtus, after making a very satisfactory settlement of church affairs in France, returned to Italy, taking with him a great retinue

of both ecclesiastical and lay nobles. He was welcomed by the Romans? and governed the papal see for five years. He was a man who performed many good works with God's help, and was con-

spicuous as a light of the Church in our own times and a model of virtues. At Sutri he took prisoner Bourdin, the antipope, who was oppressing the Church,? and confined him in the monastery of Cava* to prevent him disturbing the peace of Catholics in any 4 He was confined for a time in the monastery of Cava, but was moved in 1122

to Rocca Janula and thence to Castel-Fumone (Robert, Calixte II, p. 120).

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religiosorum habitatio est monachorum quibus est secundum regularem ritum abundantia ciborum et omnium quibus indiget humana necessitas affluentia rerum. Ille uero locus extrinsecus inaccessibilis est’ et nemo illuc nisi per unum aditum ingredi potest, ideoque monasterium istud Cauea presagialiter appellatum est. Sicut enim leones uel ursi alique indomitz ferz in cauea coartantur, ne pro libitu suo libere discurrentes in homines seu pecudes crudeliter grassentur? sic agrestes et indisciplinati qui sicut onagri solitudinis per diuersa lasciuientes noxie uagantur, in hac scolari cauea sub iugo Dei regulariter uiuere coguntur. 28 iv. 422

Henricus rex amissa coniuge et libero uxorem ducere consultu sapientum decreuit, egregiamque puellam Adelidem filiam Godefridi Louenensium ducis desponsauit.! Regalibus insigniis celebre redimitus eam sibi Christiano ritu copulauit, et regina ministerio sacerdotum consecrata xv annis in regno floruit, sed aliis rebus abundans optata sobole hucusque caruit.? Honores defunctorum prudens rex prouide uiuis distribuit. Vxores enim eorum aut filias siue neptes tironibus suis cum patrimoniis coniunxit, et sic plures consolatus ultra spem liberaliter sullimauit. Rannulfus Baiocensis optinuit comitatum Cestre cum toto patrimonio Ricardi comitis? quia ipse contiguus hzres erat utpote

nepos ex Mathilda sorore Hugonis comitis. Hic Luciam Rogerii filii Geroldi relictam coniugem habuit, de qua Guillelmum Rannulfum genuit? cui comitatum Cestrz totumque citra mare uel ultra patrimonium suum moriens dimisit.3 iv. 423

29 Fulco Andegauorum comes postquam pacem cum rege Anglo-

rum pepigit, et coniunctione prolis utriusque ut iam dictum est * Henry took the decision to marry Adeliza, daughter of Godfrey VII of

Lower Lorraine (Lotharingia), at a council held in London on 6 January 1121 (Eadmer, HN, p. 290). He married her at Windsor before Candlemas (SD ii. 259; ASC 1121); according to JW, p. 15, on 29 January.

Le Prévost, iv. 422 n. 1, took this to mean that Orderic wrote this passage

before the death of Henry I; but the tense is past and he wrote when her fifteen

years as queen were over. ‘Hucusque’ may have been added because of the possibility of a posthumous child or a child by her second marriage.

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309

way by his snarling. This is a monastery of holy monks, who enjoy

an abundance of food and all other necessities of human life appropriate to the observance of the Rule. It is a place almost inaccessible from outside, for no one can enter except by one approach, so that the monastery is suggestively called the ‘Cave’. Just as lions, bears, and other fierce wild beasts are confined in a den, to prevent them savagely attacking men and herds of animals if they run abroad freely at their whim, so rough and undisciplined men who wander at large like the wild asses of the desert, injuring others by their self-indulgence, are compelled to live according to a rule in this cave of discipline under the yoke of God. 28

King Henry, who had lost his wife and son, resolved on the advice of wise counsellors to take another wife, and married a beautiful girl, Adeliza, the daughter of Godfrey, duke of Louvain.! Solemnly adorned with the royal insignia, he married her according to the rites of the Church, and she flourished in the kingdom for fifteen years as queen, after being consecrated at the hands of priests. But though she was rich in other things, she has never to this day had the child that was desired.? The provident king wisely distributed the honors of those who had died among the living. He gave their wives and daughters and nieces together with their inheritances in marriage to his knights, and in this way generously raised and rewarded many with unlooked-for dignities. Ralph of Bayeux received the earldom of Chester with the whole patrimony of Earl Richard because, being his cousin by Earl Hugh's sister Matilda, he was the nearest heir. He had married Lucy, the widow of Roger fitz Gerold, and had by her a son, William Ranulf, to whom at his death he left the county of Chester and

all his patrimony on both sides of the Channel.3 29 After Fulk, count of Anjou, had made a treaty of peace with the king of England, and had confirmed the alliance by the marriage of 3 Ralph

Briquessart,

vicomte

of Bayeux,

Earl Richard’s

first cousin.

He

married Lucy, the widow of Roger fitz Gerold and mother of William of Roumare, before 1100 and died c. 1129, being succeeded by his son, Ranulf de Gernons

(GEC iii. 166; vii, App. J, pp. 743-6).

310

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amiciciam firmauit? de salute sua sollicitus Deo nichilominus reconciliari peroptauit. Scelerum ergo quz fecerat penitentiam agere studuit, terraque sua coniugi tenerisque pueris Ioffredo et Helize commissa lerusalem perrexit, ibique militibus "Templi associatus aliquandiu permansit. Inde cum licencia eorum regressus tributarius illis ultro factus est’ annisque singulis xxx libras Andegauensium illis largitus est. Sic uenerandis militibus quorum uita corpore et mente Deo militat, et contemptis omnibus mundanis sese martirio cotidie preparat/ nobilis heros annuum uectigal diuino instinctu erogauit, et plures alios Gallorum proceres huiusmodi exemplo ad simile opus laudabiliter incitauit.! 30

iv. 424

Post concilium Remense de quo iam plura litteris caraxata sunt, Lugdunensis primas et Masconensis aliique plures episcopi Cluniacensibus molestissimi facti sunt. Nam plura quz alii dederant eis abstulerunt, et clericis qui semper inuident monachis farraginem rebellionis prestiterunt. Per dioceses suas illis contumelias irrogarunt, et tam per se quam per suffectos perfectiales acriter oppresserunt.? Vnde fratres dampna et iniurias ferre impotes contristati sunt’ et quasi oues de faucibus luporum ad caulas monasterii confugerunt. Inter eos etiam ingens dissensio in penetralibus claustri exorta est. Quidam contra Poncium archimandritam zelo commoti sunt? ipsumque apud Calixtum papam Romz accusauerunt, quod in actibus suis uehemens esset ac prodigus, et monasticos sumptus immoderate distraheret in causis inutilibus. Quod ille audiens nimis iratus est’ et abbatis officio inconsulte coram papa relicto peregre profectus est.3 Ierosolimis autem et in Monte "Thabor aliisque sacris locis aliquandiu commoratus est’ in Palestina ubi Dominus Iesus cum pauperibus Nazareis corporaliter conuersatus est. * Fulk's pilgrimage was in 1120 (William of Tyre, xiv. 2; (RHC Occ. i. 608)). For a discussion of the early history of the Order of the Temple at the time Fulk

became associated with it see M. Barber, ‘The origins of the Order of the Temple’, Studia Monastica, xii (1970), 225-6. 2 The troubles at Cluny are critically discussed by Tellenbach, ‘Pontius’, and H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘Abbot Pontius of Cluny’, in Studi Gregoriani, xi (1978), 177— 276. Orderic's account, though not acceptable on all points, is particularly inter-

esting because it links the opposition of the bishops to Cluny with the opposition to Pontius inside the monastery itself. The fullest account written at Cluny,

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their children, as I have described, he became very anxious to seek reconciliation with God and procure his salvation. He devoted

himself to penance for the crimes he had committed and, leaving his lands in the care of his wife and young sons Geoffrey and Helias, he set out for Jerusalem, where he remained for some time,

attached to the Knights of the Temple. When he returned home with their consent he voluntarily became their tributary, and paid out to them thirty livres a year in the money of Anjou. So by divine inspiration the noble lord provided an annual revenue for the admirable knights who devote their lives to the bodily and spiritual service of God and, rejecting all the things of this world, face martyrdom daily ;by his worthy example he incited many other French nobles to undertake a similar obligation.!

30 After the council of Rheims, of which a full account has already been written, the primate of Lyons, the bishop of Macon,

and

many other bishops became very hostile to the Cluniacs. They took from them many of the possessions that others had given, and provided fodder for rebellion to the secular clerks, who are always envious of monks. They subjected them to insults throughout their dioceses and oppressed them harshly, both directly and through subordinate officials.? So the brethren, unable to endure the injuries and wrongs, were much afflicted and fled to the monastic fold like sheep escaping from the jaws of wolves. Further, a major disagreement arose between them in the very heart of the monastery. Certain monks were activated by zeal against Abbot Pontius, and made accusations against him before Pope Calixtus in Rome, alleging that he was violent and extravagant in his conduct and was recklessly dissipating the monastic revenues in vain litigation. When he heard of this he was furious and, foolishly resigning the office of abbot in the Pope’s presence, he set out on pilgrimage.3 He spent some time at Jerusalem and Mount Tabor and other holy places in Palestine, where our Lord Jesus once lived in the flesh among the poor of Nazareth. Peter the Venerable’s De miraculis (Migne, PL clxxxix. 921-6), may have been

coloured by a wish to hush up any scandal. 3 He travelled to the Holy Land with a retinue appropriate to an abbot, and it is by no means certain that he had resigned at this stage (Tellenbach, ‘Pontius’,

pp. 25-6, 45-6).

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Papa Poncio sine licentia et benedictione sua imprudenter abeunte ira incaluit, et Cluniacensibus ut idoneum sibi rectorem eligerent precepit. Porro illi Hugonem probatissimz uite senem sibi abbatem prefecerurt, quem post tres menses defunctum! in aquilonali climate periboli sepelierunt, et in arcu lapideo super eum constructo epitaphium huiusmodi annotauerunt, Hic Cluniacensis iacet abbas Hugo secundus? Patre Besontinus? Lugdunensis genitrice, Relligione nitens grandeuus, amore pioque Semper ouans cultu, tibi summe Creator inhesit.

In requie tecum modo felix uiuat in aeuum.

iv. 425

Deinde Cluniacenses Petrum? religiosum monachum, nobilem et eruditum, sibi elegerunt magistrum, cuius iam plurimo tempore gessere magisterium. Poncius uero abbas in Iudea magnz opinionis habitus est? ac fama religionis eius et sullimitatis inter exteras etiam gentes diuulgata est. Deinde ut se habet humana instabilitas, sponte

relictis prophetarum et apostolorum sedibus repedauit in Gallias, ubi aduentus eius causa multorum mentes effecit turbidas. Nam ipse postquam de partibus Eois remeauit, Cluniacum ut fratres et amicos uiseret adiuit. Tunc instinctu Sathanz feda dissensio inter fratres exorta est. Bernardus Grossus? eo tempore prior erat, qui ut fertur fomes

et incentor

seditionis

erat.

Quidam

enim

Poncium honorifice ut abbatem suum suscipere decreuerunt, alii uero contradicentes obnixe restiterunt. Milites autem et comprouinciales tam rustici quam burgenses illo ueniente gauisi sunt’ quem pro affabilitate sua et dapsilitate oppido dilexerunt. Illi nimirum scismate monachorum comperto in monasterium irruerunt/ et Poncium licet ipse hoc noluisset suosque uiolenter

introduxerunt. Proh dolor furibundi monastica septa irruperunt, et uelut urbe armis capta hostium uiribus ad predam cucurrerunt, ac suppellectilem et utensilia seruorum Dei nequiter diripuerunt.

Dormitorium et crontochium et reliqua cenobitarum abdita quae iv. 426 hactenus

laicos latuerunt, nunc

uiris et mulieribus

non

solum

honestis sed etiam scurris ac meretricibus patuerunt. Ipsa die * Hugh had previously been claustral prior of Marcigny; he died on 9 July 1122 (Le cartulaire de Marcigny, ed. J. Richard, Dijon, 1957, pp. xviii, 134 n. 2).

? Peter the Venerable, elected and consecrated 22 August 1122 (Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 258). He outlived Orderic and died in 1156.

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The Pope was much incensed that Pontius had gone off impetuously without his permission or blessing, and he commanded the monks of Cluny to elect a suitable abbot for themselves. They chose as their abbot Hugh, an old man of exemplary life, who died three months later.! They buried him in the north part of the ambulatory and inscribed this epitaph on the stone arch raised

over his tomb: Here lies Hugh the second, abbot of Cluny; His father was from Besancon, his mother from Lyons; Venerable with age, holy, always rejoicing In love and filial service, he held fast to you, Creator almighty.

May he now live for ever in bliss and peace, with you. Then the monks of Cluny elected as their abbot Peter,? a pious, highly born, and learned monk, under whose rule they have now lived for a long time. Meanwhile Abbot Pontius was greatly respected in Judaea, and his reputation for holiness and magnificence was spread abroad in foreign lands too. Then, as human nature is fickle, he chose to leave the seats of the prophets and the apostles and return to Gaul, where the reason for his coming caused much perplexity. After he had returned from the eastern regions he came to Cluny to see his friends and brother monks. Then at Satan's prompting an infamous controversy broke out among the brethren. At that time Bernard Grossus? was prior, and he is said to have been the

originator and fomenter of the plot. Certain monks resolved to receive Pontius honourably as their abbot, others disagreed and resolutely opposed this. However, the knights and people of the region, both peasants and townsmen, were delighted at his coming, for they loved him greatly on account of his affability and openhandedness. When they learned of the schism among the monks

they burst into the monastery and carried in Pontius and his followers by force, much against his will. Sad to relate, frenzied men stormed into the monastic enclosure and, just as if they were armed foes who had taken a city, they rushed to plunder, and law-

lessly seized the furnishings and vessels of the servants of God. The dormitory and infirmary and other cloistered buildings of the monks, which hitherto had been closed to laymen, were now flung open not merely to decent men and women, but even to scoundrels 3 Bernard of Uxelles; for information on his career see Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 345.

314

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terribile prodigium illic contigit. Ingens basilicae nauis quz nuper edita fuerat corruit, sed protegente Deo neminem lesit. Sic pius Dominus omnes pro temeraria inuasione insperata ruina terruit? sua tamen omnes immensa benignitate saluauit. Populus itaque diffusus ubique discurrebat? et impudenter illicita exercebat. Porro diuina manu ab immanis casus contritione illesus euasit" miroque modo reseruatus penitere postmodum potuit. Petrus uero abbas absens erat? et in longinquas regiones abierat, pro multorum utilitate fratrum quorum curam susceperat. Ad quem suz partis monachi

festinauerunt, et damna

cum

iniuriis Dei seruis

turpiter illata seriatim intimauerunt. Ille autem non Cluniacum sed Romam impigre perrexit" et papa rem gestam attestantibus monachis quz perpessi fuerant elucidauit. Quod audiens papa

nimis contristatus est/ tam pro dedecore monachorum quam pro

iv. 427

reatu populi qui legem Dei preuaricatus est. Deinde Poncium protinus accersiit, ad examen apostolice sedis astare precepit" rationem redditurus unde impetitus fuerit. At ille Romam ueniens papam adire distulit, dieque denominato ad placitum summonitus uenire renuit. Romanus igitur pontifex Petrum cum apicibus apostolicis et dignitatibus Cluniacum destinauit, monachisque ut in omnibus ei secundum regulam sancti patris Benedicti obsequerentur mandauit.? At illi iussa complentes abbatem uictoria elatum susceperunt, cuius imperii iugum diuinz legi laudabiliter militantes hucusque perferunt. Contemptorem uero Poncium post aliquot dies missis satellitibus suis comprehendit, et in carcere retrusit. Qui non multo post enormi merore affectus zgrotauit? ibique multis illum lugentibus uitam finiuit.? Igitur ut quidam dicit, Principium fini solet impar sepe uideri,*

quisque debet precibus et uotis Deo qui summum bonum est medullitus commendari? ut qui cepit in nobis bonum perficiat, 1 He was in Aquitaine at the time (1125): De miraculis in Migne, PL clxxxix. 923; Chartes de Cluny, ed. A. Bernard and A. Bruel, v. 339-40, no. ? 'The letter of Honorius II ordering the monks to obey Peter the is printed in Migne, PL clxvi, ep. xlv (24 April 1126); cf. also epp. xlviii, pp. 1258-61, 1265-8. 3 He died in December 1127; the best sources agree that he was in prison (T'ellenbach, ‘Pontius’, pp. 16-17). Peter the Venerable says

3983. Venerable xliv, xlvi, the Pope’s he died of

‘the Roman sickness’ (malaria), from which he himself was ill at the same time (De miraculis i. 6, ii. 13; in Migne, PL clxxxix. 858, 925).

* 'This proverb is not cited in Walther, Sprichwérter, but nos. 22437 and 22439 are on the same theme.

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315

and whores. On the same day a terrifying miracle occurred there. The great nave of the abbey church, which was newly built, fell in ruins, but thanks to God's protection injured no one. So, by the unexpected collapse our compassionate Lord terrified everyone because of the presumptuous attack, but nevertheless through his limitless mercy preserved them safely. The mob, scattered, rushed about everywhere and shamelessly disregarded every law. But thanks to the divine hand they escaped unharmed from being crushed in the dire collapse, and were miraculously preserved in order to have time for repentance. Peter, the abbot, was absent at the time, as he had gone on a journey to distant places,! in the interests of the numerous monks for whose spiritual welfare he was responsible. The monks who took his side hurried to find him, and

gave him a detailed account of the insults and injuries shamefully inflicted on the servants of God. He promptly set out, not however for Cluny, but for Rome, and informed the Pope of what had occurred, supported by the evidence of the monks who had experienced it. The Pope was deeply distressed by what he heard, both because of the humiliation of the monks and because of the guilt of the people who had violated the law of God. He summoned Pontius immediately, and ordered him to present himself for the judgement of the holy see and answer the charges laid against him. Although Pontius came to Rome he put off waiting on the Pope, and when he was summoned for trial he refused to appear on the appointed day. 'The Roman pontiff therefore sent Peter to Cluny with papal letters and the symbols of office, and ordered the monks to obey him implicitly in accordance with the Rule of the holy father Benedict.? They complied with these commands and received the abbot, who was elated by his victory, and they have served under the yoke of his government with praiseworthy respect for the divine law up to the present day. The Pope sent his attendants a few days later to arrest the contumacious Pontius, and threw him into prison. Not long afterwards Pontius, overcome with great grief, fell ill and ended his days there,? mourned by many. So, as the saying goes, Often the end fails to equal the beginning;* everyone should be committed whole-heartedly with prayers and vows to God, who is the supreme good, so that he who implanted good in us may bring it to fulfilment, and strengthen and preserve

316

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confirmet ac inter aduersa seu prospera protegat, quatinus fidelis agonitheta brauium supernz hereditatis feliciter percipiat.

31 Indictione xiii? die dominica,! circa terciam dum missz cane-

iv. 428

iv. 429

rentur, iiii? kalendas Octobris terra motus in Anglia magnus factus est’ et muri macerizque basilicarum per iiii comitatus fissz sunt. Hoc nempe Cestra et Scrobesburia, Herforda et Gloucestra, eisque adiacentes prouinciz uiderunt et senserunt, nimioque terrore exangues incole contremuerunt. Sequenti tempore plures zcclesiarum ierarche in Anglia uel Neustria migrauerunt, et alis onus prelationis quod auide gestauerant disponente Deo dimiserunt. Goisfredus Aurelianensis Crulandiz abbas uir pius et iocundus nonis Iunii migrauit:? cui Gualleuus frater Gaii Patricii de nobili Anglorum prosapia successit. Alboldus etiam Ierosolimitanus,* Beccensis monachus, Sancti Edmundi regis et martiris de Bedricirure abbas subito mortuus est’ post quem Anselmus Anselmi archiepiscopi nepos regimen plurimo tempore sortitus est.5 Defuncto Roberto de Limesia Merciorum episcopo Rodbertus

cognomento

Peccatum

successit, quo mortuo

Rogerius nepos

Goisfredi de Clintona regimen suscepit.5 Post obitum Turoldi

Burgensis abbas egregius Mathias de Monte Sancti Michahelis iv. 430

prefuit, cui

Iohannes

Sagiensis

monachus

litteris

admodum

instructus successit." Quo defuncto rex Henrico cognato suo Burgum commendat, qui sancti Iohannis baptist Angeliaci abbas extiterat, sed a monachis et a Guillelmo Pictauensi duce expulsus fuerat.8 ' According to ASC 1119 the earthquake was on 28 September 1119, and was most severe in Gloucestershire and Worcestershire; cf. JW, p. 14. The 13th indiction is correct for this year if the indiction began on 24 September. 2 The year of Geoffrey’s death is not quite clear; his predecessor died late in 1109, and Orderic says (above, ii. 348-50, iv. 256) that he was abbot for fifteen

years; on this basis HRH (p. 42) dates his death c. 1124. 3 See above, ii. 350-1; HRH,

p. 42.

* Alebold was abbot of Bury St. Edmunds from 1114 to 1119 (HRH, p. 32). 5 Anselm, who succeeded Alebold in 1121, was still abbot when Orderic was writing; he was elected bishop of London in 1136, but returned to his abbey in

1138 and died in 1148 (see below, p. 478).

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it through adversity and prosperity, that the faithful champion may win with joy the reward of a heavenly inheritance.

31 On Sunday, 28 September, in the thirteenth indiction,! while Masses were being sung about the third hour, there was a great earthquake in England which caused cracks to appear in the walls and masonry of churches all over four counties. This was felt and seen in Cheshire, Shropshire, Herefordshire, and Gloucestershire

and the neighbouring regions and the inhabitants were left pale and trembling. Shortly afterwards a number of church dignitaries in England and Normandy died, leaving to others, according to God's providence, the burden of ecclesiastical office which they had gladly borne. Geoffrey of Orleans, abbot of Crowland, a cheerful and dutiful father of his monks, died on 5 June,? and was succeeded by Wal-

theof, the brother of Gospatric, of noble English stock.3 Also Alebold of Jerusalem,* a monk of Bec, abbot of St. Edmund, king and martyr, at Bury, died suddenly and Anselm, nephew of Archbishop Anselm, ruled the abbey for a considerable time after him.5 On the death of Robert of Limesey, bishop of the Mercians, Robert Péche succeeded him, and when he died Roger, nephew of Geoffrey of Clinton, was put in charge of the see.® After the death of Turold, abbot of Peterborough, the eminent Matthew of MontSaint-Michel became abbot, and he was succeeded by John, a monk of Séez, who was very well educated in the liberal arts.7 When he died the king entrusted Peterborough to his own kinsman Henry, who had been abbot of St. John the Baptist of Angely, but had been expelled by the monks and by William, duke of Poitou.? 6 The seat of the Mercian bishops was moved from Lichfield to Chester in 1075 and transferred by Robert of Limesey to Coventry in 1102. Robert died on 1 September 1117. Robert Péche succeeded him in 1121 and died on 22 August 1126 (HBC, p. 233). 7 Orderic omits two names in his account of the abbots of Peterborough. Turold died in 1098 and was briefly succeeded by Godric; Matthew Ridel, a monk of Mont-Saint-Michel, was abbot for one year only, 1102-3; Arnulf, prior of Christ Church, followed and John, monk of Séez, became abbot only after

Arnulf's election as bishop of Rochester in 1114. He died in 1125 (H RH, p. 60). 3 Henry of Poitou, monk of Cluny and kinsman of Henry I, was appointed abbot of Peterborough in 1127; his turbulent career has been fully described by Cicely Clark in EHR Ixxxiv (1969), 548-60.

318

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Post Fulcheredum qui primus abbas Scrobesburiensis cenobium

iv. 431

in Dei cultu ordinauit" Godefredus Sagiensis monachus pastoralem curam suscepit, quo paulo post morte subita preuento Herbertus gubernaculum rudis abbatiz usurpauit.! Guntardo autem Torneiensis zcclesiz strenuo rectore defuncto Rodbertus Pruneriensis subrogatus est’ qui de Vticensi cenobio quia bene litteratus et eloquens ac honestus erat ad zcclesiz regimen assumptus est.? Tempore Paschalis pape Radulfus Doroberniz archiepiscopus ad regem in Neustriam uenit, et inde Romam licet iam tumore pedum infirmaretur? proficisci cepit. Ceterum obiter auditis de occasu papz rumoribus legatos Romam destinauit? ipse uero Rotomagum remeauit, et fere tribus annis in Normannia deguit. Ibi quondam dum moraretur in translatione sancti Benedicti quz a monachis festiue agitur, finita missa dum uestimentis exueretur, acuta passione subito percussus obmutuit,* et post aliquot dies arte medicorum ei multipliciter impensa loqui cepit, sed linguz officium nunquam plene postea recuperauit. Deinde duobus annis paralisi zegrotauit, et uehiculo satis opportune aptato delatus ad sedem suam inter suorum manus decubuit.5 Tandem anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxIII° indictione prima, Radulfus archiepiscopus xiii? kalendas Nouembris Cantuariz obiit, cui Guillelmus Curbuliensis canonicus regularis post aliquot annos successit. Ecce antiquus mos pro inuidia qua clerici contra monachos urebantur deprauatus fuit. Augustinus enim monachus qui primus in Anglia Christum predicauit, ac Edelbertum regem et Sabertum? nepotem eius cum populis t Fulchred died most probably in 1119 (RH, p. 71; VCH Shropshire, ii. 37). His successor Godfrey died in 1128. There appear to have been some irregularities in Herbert's position, and he was deposed in the legatine council of Westminster in 1138, together with Waltheof, abbot of Crowland (ibid.; JW, p. 53). 2 Gunter of Le Mans, abbot of Thorney, died in 1112 and was succeeded in

1113/14 by Robert of Prunelai, who lived until

1151 (HRH, pp. 74-5; see above,

pp. 148-50).

3 Archbishop Ralph’s projected journey to Rome in 1116 was in the interests of his see during the primacy dispute with Thurstan

of York.

Eadmer

HN,

Pp. 239-40, and William cf Malmesbury, GP, p. 129, describe his illness as an ulcer or carbuncle in the face. + It is not certain whether his stroke, which occurred on 11 July, was in 11:8 or 1119; much is heard of his ill health in both years. He was able to attend the council of Rouen in October 1118 (above, p. 202), but was ill at Christmas 1118

(HC Y, p. 60), and a letter to Pope Calixtus not later than June 1119 (HCY, pp. 62-3; cf. Bullaire, i, no. 27) refers to his ill health. In November 1119 he pleaded sickness as an excuse for not going to the council of Rheims

meeting at Gisors (HC Y, pp. 78, 80).

or the

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After Fulchred who, as first abbot of Shrewsbury guided the monastery in the worship of God, Godfrey, a monk of Séez, undertook the pastoral cure there. When a little later he was carried off by sudden death Herbert seized the helm of the rising abbey.! And after the death of Gunter, the vigorous and able ruler of Thorney abbey, Robert of Prunelai was chosen in his place; he was taken from the house of Saint-Évroul to rule the church because he was very learned and eloquent and honourable.” In the time of Pope Paschal Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury, came to see the king in Normandy and from there set out for Rome, although he was then suffering from a tumour in his feet.? But, hearing news of the Pope's death on the way, he sent envoys to Rome while he himself returned to Rouen and remained in Normandy for about three years. During his residence there, on the anniversary of the translation of St. Benedict, which is celebrated as a great feast by the monks, he was taking off his vestments after saying Mass, when he was suddenly taken ill and lost the power of speech.* After a few days, thanks to the skills of the doctors lavished upon him, he began to speak but he never fully recovered the use of his tongue. For two years after that he was afflicted with paralysis, and when a suitable carriage had been prepared for him he was borne back to his see and lay sick in the care of his own people.5 At length in the year of our Lord 1123, the first indiction, Archbishop Ralph died at Canterbury on 20 October. After a few years William of Corbeil, a regular canon, succeeded him.9 Thus

an ancient custom was disregarded because the canons were consumed with envy for the monks! The monk Augustine, who first preached the gospel of Christ in England and converted King Ethelbert and Saeberht? his nephew together with the peoples of 5 He returned to Canterbury on 4 January 1120 (Eadmer, HN, p. 259); his ill

health continued and he was unable to officiate at the king's wedding a year later (GP, pp. 131-2). 6 The indiction is correct, the year wrong. Ralph died on 20 October 1122, and his successor William was elected on 4 February 1123 and consecrated on 18

February (H BC, p. 210). He received the pallium in Rome on 21 May 1123 (JL, no. 7136). For the struggle over his election and the hostility of clerks and monks see K. Leyser, ‘England and the Empire in the twelfth

century’,

in TRHS,

' sth ser. x (1960), 80-1; D. Bethell in EHR Ixxxiv (1969), 673-98. 7 Saeberht, king of the East Saxons, was the son of King Ethelbert's sister, Ricula; Augustine consecrated Mellitus to preach in his province, whose chief city was London (Bede, HE ii. 3; p. 142).

320

iv. 432

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Cantiz et Lundoniz ad fidem Christi conuertit, iussu Gregorii papz primas metropolitanus! totius Britanniz floruit. Omnes exinde usque ad Radulfum Doroberniz archiepiscopi, preter Frigeardum et Odam atque Stigandum fuerunt monachi.? Frigeardus quippe capellanus Lothere regis ad presulatum fuit electus, et Romam ut ab Agathone papa consecraretur destinatus. Deinde datis a papa induciis decem dierum? expectans benedictionem interea decidit in lectum, et sine presulatus unctione exhalauit spiritum.3 Oda uero pro nobilitate et morum benignitate de clero assumptus? et archipresul est consecratus. Qui postquam omnes antecessores suos monachos fuisse comperit? libenter ac deuote habitum mutauit, et religiosus monachus ac archipresul usque ad mortem Deo militauit.* Stigandus autem Emme reginz capellanus admodum secularis et ambitiosus extitit? qui primum Lundoniz postmodum Cantuariz kathedram inuasit.5 Verum a Romano papa nunquam pallium habuit? immo ab Alexandro papa interdictus Haraldum prophanauit, dum in regem benedicere debuit. Quapropter idem sicut a se exaltatus intumuit? sic a Deo humiliatus et confusus ingemuit. Nam Guillelmo primo in regno confirmato clarescentibus culpis iudicio sinodi «depositus est’ unde nec in catalogo pontificum computandus est. Angli monachos quia per eos ad Deum conuersi sunt? indesinenter diligentes honorauerunt, ipsique clerici reuerenter et benigne sibi monachos preferri gauisi sunt. Nunc autem mores et leges mutate sunt? et clerici ut monachos confutent et conculcent clericos extollunt.

32 iV. 433

Circa hzc tempora Rogerius Vticensis abbas zuo et zgritudine fractus a pristino robore decidit, et pastoralis cure sarcina exonerari summopere desiderauit. Vnde duos honorabiles monachos The claim of the archbishop of Canterbury to be primate and metropolitan was based on an alleged grant of Gregory the Great and later Popes. See R. W. Southern, "The Canterbury forgeries’, in EHR Ixxiii (1958), 193-226. ? "This assertion, though inaccurate, was widely believed: William of Malmesbury, GP, p. 126, reporting the debate at the council of Windsor in 11 14, Says, ‘reclamatum est nullum umquam clericum archiepiscopum Cantuariae fuisse

praeter unum Stigandum'; and the same claim is reported by Eadmer, HN, p. 222. Cf. also SD ii. 268; GP, p. 146 n. 4.

3 Wigheard is described by Bede as one of the clerics of Bishop Deusdedit ;

he was elected c. 655 and sent to Rome for consecration by Pope Vitalian (not

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Kent and London to the faith of Christ, ruled as primate and metropolitan! of all Britain by command of Pope Gregory. From that time all the archbishops of Canterbury up to Ralph, with the exception of Wigheard and Oda and Stigand, have been monks.? Indeed Wigheard, a chaplain of King Hlothere, was elected to the archbishopric and sent to Rome to receive consecration at the hands of Pope Agatho; the Pope deferred the ceremony for ten days and meanwhile, as Wigheard was awaiting blessing, he took to his bed and breathed his last without ever being anointed as a bishop.? And Oda was chosen from the clergy because of his nobility and affability of character and was blessed as archbishop.

But afterwards, on learning that all his predecessors had been monks, he willingly and piously took religious vows and served God as a holy monk and archbishop until his death.* Stigand, however, a chaplain of Queen Emma, was a very worldly and ambitious man, who thrust himself into the see first of London and

then of Canterbury.5 In fact he never received a pallium from the Pope in Rome, but was excommunicated by Pope Alexander and desecrated Harold when he should have blessed him as king. So he who as he raised himself up grew proud, had cause to lament when he was correspondingly humiliated and confounded by God. When William I had been confirmed in the kingdom he was deposed by the judgement of a synod for flagrant crimes, so that he is not to be counted in the list of prelates. The English have always honoured monks, because they were converted by them, and even the clergy reverently and courteously took pleasure in yielding place to monks. Now however, customs and laws are changed and the clergy advance secular clerks in order to humble and crush the monks.

32 About this time Roger, abbot of Saint-Évroul, who was worn out by age and ill health, lost his earlier powers and longed above all else to be relieved of the burden of pastoral care. So he sent two Agatho), but died of plague before the ceremony (Bede HE iii. 29, p. 318; iv. 1, 2128). X * Cf. William of Malmesbury,

GP, pp. 21-2, who says that since all Oda's

predecessors had been monks he took monastic vows at Fleury. He was archbishop from 942 to 958. 5 For Stigand’s career see above, ii. 138 and n. 1, 236-8. He held the see of Winchester, not London, and retained it after his translation to Canterbury.

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Ernaldum de Telliolo! et Gislebertum de Sartis? in Angliam misit, et per eos huiuscemodi litteras quas Radulfo Laurentio edere iusserat regi destinauit. *Glorioso suo domino, regi Anglorum Henrico? humilis Rogerius Vticensium indignus minister, ab eo saluari qui dat salutem regibus. Quoniam ut ait apostolus non est potestas nisi a Deo, quz autem sunt a Deo ordinatz" sunt? utilitati domus Dei ab omni potestate ordinate prouidendum est. Ego igitur mi domine qui hucusque licet indignus Deo disponente sub uestre moderationis nobili regimine Vticensis zcclesie& fratribus abbatis uice ministraui, quique magis michi oneri quam honori uestra ope suffultus iam per longa tempora inter aduersa et prospera incubui, modo senio fessus, corpore debilitatus, metuens ecclesia magis obesse quam prodesse, dum et mores humani cum temporum uicissitudine uariantur? consilio patrum spiritualium, archiepiscopi Rotoiv. 434 magensis, episcopi Lexouiensis, plurimorum insuper abbatum, et diuersorum zcclesiastici ordinis uirorum, uestram supplex deposco clementiam, quatinus mei miserendo quem hactenus quantulumcumque licet uos dilexisse probastis, me amodo inutilem et minus idoneum a tanto onere liberum reddatis, et iuxta uobis a

Deo donatam sapientiam congruum et idoneum pastorem domui Dei prouideatis. Verum ne pretextu talium uidear quasi indomitorum rabiem propriz requiei prouidendo subterfugere? eorum karitati et obedientie et simplicitati testimonium coram Deo perhibeo, quippe qui et lacte et solido cibo abundanter uberibus matris zecclesize educati, ad omnia Dei patrisque spiritualis mandata tractabiles inueniuntur et obcedienter pacifici. Solam precellentissime rex inbecillitatis et senectutis mez miseriam et impossibilitatem opponens supplico, ne id efficere differatis, orans obnixe quantumlibet peccator Regem regum, quatinus ad hoc ipsum uobis cooperari dignetur. Valete.' Beniuolus utique rex debilitate simplicis et religiosi senis audita condoluit, et directis apicibus ut bonum sibique competentem eligerent abbatem cetui monachorum imperauit. Legatis itaque reuersis Ixvi monachi in Dei nomine congregati sunt? et lectionem ? ordinata MS. ! For Arnold of Tilleul see above, iii. 118, 226.

2 Gilbert of Les Essarts took a charter to Henry I for ratification in 1113 (cf. above, p. 174).

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noble monks, Arnold of Tilleul! and Gilbert of Les Essarts?, to England, and dispatched these letters, which he commanded Ralph Laurence to compose, to the king by their hand: "To his supreme lord, Henry king of the English, Roger, the humble and unworthy abbot of Saint-Évroul, salvation through him who saves kings. Since, as the apostle says, ''there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God’’,3 the needs

of the house of God should be duly provided for by every authority.

Therefore I, my lord, who up to now, unworthy though I am, have with God's permission and under the lofty guidance of your direction ministered to the brethren of Saint-Évroul in the office of abbot which, though it is more a burden than an honour to me,

I have filled for many years through adversity and prosperity sustained by your help, am now worn out with age, weakened in body and fearful of crippling rather than benefiting the Church, since human customs change with changing ages. On the advice of my spiritual fathers, the archbishop of Rouen and the bishop of Lisieux, and in addition of a number of abbots and various eccle-

siastical persons, as a suppliant I beseech your mercy to have pity on me, whose love towards yourself you have experienced hitherto in however small a degree, and to free me from this great burden now that I am useless and utterly incapacitated, and to provide a worthy and suitable pastor for the house of God, according to the wisdom which God has given you. To speak truly, lest I should be thought to be running away from the unruliness of insubordinate men and providing for my own ease under such pretexts, I testify before God to the love and obedience and simplicity of these men who have learnt to take both milk and solid food from the abundance of Mother Church, and are found submissive to all the commandments of God and their spiritual father, and peaceful in their obedience. Protesting simply the inadequacy and incapacity of my weakness and old age, most excellent king, I implore you not to delay taking action, earnestly praying the King of kings, in so far as a sinner may, that he will himself deign to give you aid in this. Farewell.' The benevolent king sympathized with the simple and pious old man when he learnt of his incapacity, and sent letters commanding the community of monks to elect a good abbot, equal to governing them. So, when the envoys had returned, sixty-six 3 Romans xiii. I.

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sancti patris Benedicti de ordinando abbate! diligenter audierunt. Denique uenerabilis abbas Rogerius et spirituales filii eius de salute animarum tractauerunt, et unum ex semetipsis in nomine Domini ad supplendas uices abbatis assumpserunt. Guarinum iv. 435 nanque de Sartis cognomento paruum sibi abbatem preposuerunt, et in hoc apostolos imitati sunt/ qui Mathiam paruum Dei ad complendum duodenarium numerum? qui sacratus est diuino nutu sortiti sunt. Supradicti autem duo senes electum fratrem Iohanni episcopo Lexouiensi iussu conuentus exhibuerunt, et cum eius licentia mare inter hiemis frigora et tempestates transfretauerunt/ regemque qui Nordanhymbriam tunc perlustrabat per longa lutosaque itinera quesierunt, eumque in festiuitate sancti Nicholai Mirreorum presulis? Eborachz reppererunt. Porro illustris rex auditis qua fecerant monachi electionem concessit" et electo fratri per consilium Turstini Eborachensis^ archiepiscopi abbatiam donauit, attestante Stephano Carnotensi abbate4 qui postmodum patriarcha fuit. ^Deinde rex omnes monasticas res et dignitates ac priuilegia que predecessores sui hactenus habuerant ei concessit, et cartam huiusmodi sigillo regali signatam contra emulos erogauit. 'Henricus rex Anglorum Iohanni episcopo Lexouiensi et Stephano comiti Moritolii et Rodberto de Haia et omnibus iv. 436 baronibus et fidelibus suis Normanniz, salutem. Sciatis me dedisse

Guarino abbati et concessisse abbatiam Sancti Ebrulfi, et uolo et

precipio firmiter, ut bene et in pace et quiete et honorifice teneat, cum zcclesiis et decimis et terris, et nemore et plano, et omnibus rebus suis, sicut unquam aliquis antecessorum suorum melius et quietius et honorificentius tenuit. T'estibus Turstino archiepiscopo Eborachensi, et Guillelmo de Tancardiuilla, et Guillelmo de Albinneio. Apud Eborachum.'5 Guarinus itaque sullimi auctoritate potentis sceptrigeri corroboratus in Normanniam remeauit, quadragesimalem obseruantiam ^ fEboracensis MSS. in the margin

P attestante . . . fuit written over an erasure partly

t RSB, cap. lxiv. The election is described by J. Yver, ‘Autour de l'absence d'avouerie en Normandie’, BSAN

lvii (1963-4), 277-8. He points out that the

application to the bishop of Lisieux for approval before going to the king marks a change of procedure.

? 'The election of Matthias is described in Acts i. 26. The statement that he was

small is derived from one of the apocryphal traditions, which identified

Matthias with Zacchaeus (The Apocryphal New Testament, trans. M. R. James

(Oxford, 1953), p. 13).

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monks assembled in the name of God and listened attentively to the chapter of St. Benedict's Rule on the appointment of an abbot.! Then the venerable abbot, Roger, and his spiritual sons discussed what was best for the salvation of souls, and in the name of the

Lord took one of their own number to fill the abbot's place. They chose Warin of Les Essarts, called the Small, to rule them as

abbot; in so doing they followed the example of the apostles, who chose by lot Matthias, the little man of God, to make up their

number of twelve,? sanctified by God's will. The two senior monks named above, at the bidding of the convent, took their chosen brother to John, bishop of Lisieux, and with his licence

crossed the Channel in the storms and bitter cold of winter. They went in search of the king, who was then traversing Northumbria, travelling by long and muddy roads, and found him at York on the feast of St. Nicholas, bishop of Myra.? The great king approved the election after hearing what the monks had decided, and gave the abbey to the abbot elect on the advice of Thurstan, archbishop of York, with Stephen, abbot of Chartres^ and later patriarch, as witness. Next the king granted him all the monastic properties and dignities and privileges which his predecessors had held up to that time, and issued the following charter, sealed with the royal seal, as security against rivals: ‘Henry, king of the English, to John, bishop of Lisieux, and Stephen, count of Mortain, and Robert of La Haye and all his vassals and liege men of Normandy, greeting. Know that I have given and granted the abbey of Saint-Evroul to Warin, the abbot; and I wish and firmly enjoin that he should hold it well and in peace and securely and honourably, with churches and tithes and lands, and wood and open ground, and all its possessions, as well and securely and honourably as any one of his predecessors ever held them. Witnesses, Thurstan,

archbishop of York, and Wil-

liam of Tancarville and William of Aubigny. At York.'5 Warin, after being confirmed by the high authority of the mighty monarch, returned to Normandy, kept the season of Lent with his 3 6 December 1122 (not 1123, as given by Le Prévost). The king was then at York (Farrer, Itinerary, pp. 102-3; Regesta, ii. 174—5). 4 Stephen of La Ferté, abbot of Saint-Jean-en-Vallée, Chartres, was patriarch of Jerusalem from 1128 to 1130. 5 Calendared, Regesta, ii. 1337, but known only from this reference. A charter

of confirmation for the priory of Noyon-sur-Andelle probably granted at the same time. 822242 M

(ibid., no.

1338) was

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cum fratribus peregit, et in die dominic ascensionis! a Iohanne episcopo Luxouii benedictionem recepit, et exinde labores et dolores pastoralis curee perpeti edidicit. In primis pie laudandus est quod uenerabili Rogerio seni benigniter seruiuit, eique per iii annos quibus postmodum superuixit/ in cunctis ut patri filius et magistro discipulus obsecundauit. Mansuetus enim senex in camera sua ut pridem solebat? psalmis et orationibus piisque colloquiis uacabat. Idoneum sacerdotem sibi capellanum et confabulatorem habebat, a quo missam officiumque canonicum in oratorio sancti Martini? audiebat, et cum quo de misticis scripturarum enigmatibus uel sintagmatum floribus interrogando uel respondendo tractabat. Et quia pondus exteriorum curarum sem_ lv. 437 per sibi noxium et importabile iudicauerat? nunc salubriter et honorifice liber Deo gratias agebat, et quanto liberior tanto securior suppremz diei metam gaudens expectabat. Tandem anno dominice incarnationis. M?c?xxvi? indictione iii? prefatus senior grauius solito zegrotauit, oleoque sacro perunctus aliisque rebus qua seruo Dei competunt pleniter expletis idus Ianuarii? migrauit. Discipulus et successor didascali animam Deo cum suis consodalibus commendauit, et solennes exequias rite celebrauit. Sequenti uero die corpus eius in capitulum delatum est? ibique secus Osbernum abbatem reuerenter tumulatum est. Versibus exametris epilogum breuem super illo edidi? in quo plus ueritati quam concinnz sonoritati intendere malui, benigno quoque Saluatori pro illo sic orando et bona diuinitus illi inserta recolendo effudi. Mitem sincerumque patrem rex Christe Rogerum Salua, nam pro te tolerauit multa benigne. Rura, domos et uelle suum dimisit egenus? Teque sequi studuit per iter uirtutis anhelus.

Geruasiusque pater illi fuit Emmaque mater? In quibus emicuit morum iubar et decus amplum. Presbiter instructus documentis ultro Rogerus Sumpsit ouans almi monachile iugum Benedicti. Multa diu mores eius possedit honestas? Qua meruit sociis preponi rector et abbas, ! 24 May 1123.

? This must have been either a chapel in the church or a small oratory attached to the abbot's chamber. 3 According to Roger’s epitaph he died in the evening of 12 January; the

liturgical usage of starting the day at sunset probably accounts for the discrepancy here.

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brother monks, and was blessed by John, bishop of Lisieux, on the day of the Lord's ascension.! From that time he learned to endure the toils and sorrows of pastoral care. In particular he is to be praised with filial affection for kindly ministering to the venerable old Roger, and for the three remaining years of his life obeying him in every way as a son obeys his father or a pupil his master. The gentle old man passed his days in his chamber, as his habit had been, devoting himself to psalms and prayers and devout colloquies. He had with him a priest, well qualified to be his chaplain and companion, from whom he heard the Mass and the canonical offices in the chapel of St. Martin,? and with whom he used to converse, asking and answering questions about the obscure symbolism of the Scriptures and choice passages of treatises. And since he had always felt the weight of external cares to be harmful and insupportable, now in his freedom he gave thanks to God honourably and without sin, and the greater his freedom the more confidently he awaited with joy the limit set by his last day. At length in the year of our Lord 1126, the fourth indiction, this venerable old man became more seriously ill than usual, and after receiving extreme unction and having all the other offices appropriate to a servant of God completed, he died on 13 January.3 His pupil and successor, helped by his fellow monks, commended his master's soul to God and solemnly celebrated his funeral rites. On the following day his body was carried into the chapter house, and was reverently buried there beside Abbot Osbern. I composed a short epitaph on him in hexameters, in which I was more concerned with truth than sounding phrases; praying for him to the merciful Saviour and recalling the good qualities divinely implanted in him I wrote thus: O Christ our King, save this gentle and honest father

Roger, who for your sake bore so much with patience. Divesting himself of lands, houses, his own will even, He strove to follow you in the path of righteousness. His father was named Gervase and his mother; Emma,

In whom shone the light of virtue and great seemliness. A priest well-grounded in study, Roger chose freely

And gladly the yoke of the blessed father Benedict. For long he was so upright in doing and being He deserved to be chosen by his fellows as abbot.

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Przsule nam facto Serlone Salaribus? iste Cenobii sancti regimen suscepit Ebrulfi. Quinquies undenis monachus bene floruit annis:

Vnde ter undenis Vtici fit pastor ouilis. Hic monachos nouies denos in discipulatu Suscepit, rigidoque regi docuit monachatu.

Simplex et dulcis studiisque nitens bonitatis? Quos monuit uerbis, exemplis profuit almis.

Denique confectus senio terris sua membra Deposuit? Iani duodena luce peracta.! iv. 438

Abstersis culpis bone Rex da gaudia lucis, Pacis amator erat, rogo nunc in pace quiescat.

Amen.

33 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxII° indictione x? iterum malignitatis spiritu rediuiuus bellorum turbo exoritur, et uesanis cedibus bestialiter exagitatis humanus cruor flebiliter effunditur. Pessima Erinis inuenta sibi sede in cordibus pestilentum debachatur, et rursus homines in sui suorumque perniciem insurgere incendit et hortatur. Inquieti enim pace populique quiete contristantur, et ipsi dum aliorum fastus pessundare conantur? iusto Dei iudicio suis plerumque missilibus enecantur. Vere ceci et uecordes sunt: qui bella in pace cupiunt, qui miseriam in beatitudine ut sitiens potum perquirunt, et bonum quamdiu habuerint quid sit nesciunt. Quod cum amiserint summopere requirunt, sed erumnis afflicti expiscantes reperire nequeunt? unde pro irrecuperabili damno lugubres fiunt, et inconsolabiliter flebunt. Plures itaque cernentes quod legitimus haeres Henrici regis occubuerit, et ipse rex in senium uergens legitima prole caruerit? Guillelmum nepotem eius toto amore complectuntur, et ad ipsum sullimandum totis nisibus conuertuntur. Ipse rex filios Rodberti comitis Mellenti quem multum dilexerat, et a quo ipse in primordio regni sui admodum adiutus et consolatus fuerat? post mortem patris ut propriam sobolem dulciter educauit, geminisque pubescentibus Gualeranno et Rodberto arma militaria dedit. Gualerannus quippe totum citra mare possedit patris sui !. Cf. above, p. 326 n. 3.

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So when Serlo was called to Séez to be bishop

The house of Saint-Évroul took Roger as its ruler. For fifty-five years he served God as a monk there, For thirty-three years the flock knew him as shepherd;

Ninety monks he admitted there to probation, And taught them acceptance of monastic obedience. A man gentle and simple, shining with works of goodness, He instructed men well, best of all by example. At last, weary and old, he surrendered his body To the earth, at nightfall, on the twelfth of January.!

Blessed King, let light gladden him when his sins are forgiven; May he who loved peace here enjoy peace eternal. Amen. 33 In the year of our Lord 1122, the tenth indiction, a fresh storm of war was again stirred up by the evil spirit; unrestrained and brutal massacres broke out, and human blood was tragically shed. The worst of the Furies, finding a place for herself in the hearts of the wicked, was let loose and once again goaded and incited men to ruin themselves and their followers by rebellion. The turbulent are chafed by peace and general tranquillity and, while they attempt to destroy the pride of otners, are themselves through God's just judgement very often slain by their own weapons. How blind and foolish are the men who desire war in times of peace; who, when they are fortunate, crave for wretchedness as a thirsty man for water, and do not know how to value good fortune while they have it! Once it is lost they pine to recover it, but, tormented by tribulations, they seek in vain to find it. So they come to lament their irreparable loss, and will weep inconsolably. So it was that many men, seeing that King Henry's legitimate heir had perished, and that the king was growing old without legitimate descendants, passionately embraced the cause of his nephew William, and devoted all their energies to raising him to power. The king himself, who had been closely attached to Robert, count of Meulan, his particular supporter and adviser at the beginning of his reign, brought up the count's sons after their father's death as affectionately as his own children and, when the twin boys Waleran and Robert reached adolescence, girded them with the arms of knighthood. Of the two Waleran inherited the whole

patrimony of his father on the Norman side of the Channel—that

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patrimonium, in Gallia scilicet Mellenti consulatum, in Neustria

iv. 439 uero Bellummontem eique subiacens patrimonium.! Porro frater eius Rodbertus in Anglia comitatum Legrecestrz habuit, cui rex Amiciam Radulfi de Guader filiam que Ricardo filio eius pacta fuerat donauit, et Britolium cum subiacentibus fundis adiecit. Idem rex Mathildem nurum suam cum summa dulcedine coluit, et in Anglia quandiu ipsa uoluit, cum honore maximo detinuit. Verum post aliquot annos ipsa parentes suos uidere desiderans Andegauem adit? ibique natalis soli amore innexa aliquantulum deguit.2 Tandem instinctu Goisfredi Carnotensis episcopi post decem annos desponsationis suz seculum reliquit? et sanctimonialis in ccenobio Fontis Ebroldi celesti sponso libera inheret ac deseruit. Hzc ut dictum est duodennis ut reor adolescentulo in estate nupsit, et nondum sex mensibus expletis inberbis maritus naufragio periit. Beniuolus uero rex illam quasi filiam suam enutriuit, eamque diutius penes se custodiuit? ut sullimi potentique marito copularet, ac super omnem parentelam suam diuitiis et honoribus sullimaret. Verum meliori consilio usa est’ que coelesti sponso Dei uirginisque filio connexa est. Erat enim prudens et pulchra, eloquens et benemorigerata, multisque decenter honestatibus redimita, cuius in bonis utinam consummatio sit hominibus optabilis et Deo placita.

iv. 440

34 Eodem tempore Amalricus Ebroicensis comes animi nimiam amaritudinem gerebat! quod prepositos atque grauaringos in terra sua nimium furere uidebat. Insolitas enim exactiones imponebant,

ac

pro

libitu

suo

iudicia

peruertebant,

summis

et

mediocribus multas grauedines inferebant, sed haec non sua uirtute immo timore regis et potestate agitabant. Nam ipse talium nescius in Anglia demorabatur, eius tamen metu militaris audacia comprimebatur: dolens quod tanta rabies gastaldorum super

incolas grassaretur. Pagenses nempe

Officiales

latrunculos

mali

predonibus

peiores sunt.

fugiendo seu diuertendo

deuitare

1 The division of the Beaumont inheritance was arranged in 1107 (Regesta, ii. 843); see also G. H. White, *'Waleran', p. 20. As the honor of Leicester consisted of the Grandmesnil inheritance Robot became associated with Saint-Evroul as patron of the priory of Ware.

? Orderic probably ignores some tensions. There were complaints that King Henry failed to return Matilda's dower when her husband died (SD ii. 267).

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is, the county of Meulan in France and Beaumont and the patrimonial estates dependent on it in Normandy.! His brother Robert received the county of Leicester in England, and the king gave him as his wife Amice, daughter of Ralph of Gael, who had been betrothed to his son Richard, and with her Breteuil and the estates dependent on it. The king also looked after Matilda, his daughter-in-law, with great kindness, and kept her honourably in England as long as she chose to remain. However, after some years she wished to see her own kinsfolk again and returned to Anjou, where she remained for a little while, bound by love of her native land.? At length, ten years after her marriage, on the advice of Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres, she abandoned the world and, as a nun in the convent of Fontevrault, voluntarily cleaves to and serves a heavenly bridegroom. As I have said, I believe, she was twelve years old in the summer she was married to a stripling, and less than six months later her beardless husband perished in the shipwreck. The kindhearted king brought her up as his own daughter, and kept her at his court for a long time, hoping to marry her toa great husband of the highest rank, and raise her above all her kinsfolk with wealth and honours. But she chose a better counsel when she wedded a heavenly bridegroom, the son of God and the Virgin. She was both wise and beautiful, eloquent and well disposed, endowed with many good qualities; may she grow in goodness to become revered in the sight of men and pleasing to God!

34 At that time Amaury, count of Évreux, nursed a bitter sense of

wrong because he had to watch bailiffs and provosts running wild in his province. They imposed unaccustomed taxes, perverted justice as the fancy took them, did many wrongs to both high and low; and all this not by their own authority, but by invoking the king's power and the fear of him. He himself remained in England,

ignorant of all such things; nevertheless men restrained their warlike ardour out of fear of him, however great their regret that such a mob of petty officials should batten on the people. Un-

scrupulous officials are worse than bandits. For country-people can escape from brigands by running away or taking a different

332

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possunt" uersipelles uero bedellos nullatenus sine damno declinare

queunt.

iv. 441

iV. 442

Animosus igitur Amalricus Fulconem Andegauorum comitem suum scilicet nepotem expetiit, ipsumque persuasibilibus uerbis commonuit? ut Guillelmo Rodberti ducis filio Sibillam filiam suam coniungeret, cuius probitas et pulchritudo ac summa ingenuitas imperio digna existeret. At ille auunculo suo facile adquieuit, et accersito iuuene cum pedagogis et pedissequis suis natam ei suam pepigit’ et cum eadem donec hzreditarium ius nancisceretur Cenomannicum consulatum concessit.! Deinde Amalricus omnes quoscumque potuit/ ad consortium suz partis contraxit, multosque ad hoc ut se leuitas habet Normannorum faciles et pronos inuenit. Gualerannus itaque comes Mellenti et Guillelmus de Rolmara, Hugo de Monteforti et Hugo de Nouo-castello, Guillelmus Lupellus et Baldricus de Braio, Paganus de Gisortis et plures alii fraudulenter musitantes clam prius consiliati sunt? sed paulo post in manifestam rebellionem ad detrimentum sui proruperunt. Gualerannus comes specimen tirocinii sui ardenter ostentare optauit, sed hoc sine dubio insipienter inchoauit? dum contra dominum nutriciumque suum rebellauit, et inimicorum eius adiutor arma primum contra illum ferali dextra leuauit. Tres quippe sorores suas ut illz legaliter consolarentur, et ipse nichilominus in omnes undique contribules suos corroboraretur, tribus precipuis dederat oppidanis quibus homines et municipia multeque diuitiz suppeditantur.? Vna scilicet data est Hugoni de Monteforti, et alia Hugoni de Nouo-castello filio Geruasii, tercia uero Guillelmo Lupello Ascelini filio, qui post mortem Rodberti Goelli fratris sui adeptus est cum toto patrimonio arcem de Ibreio.3 Guillelmus de Rolmara terram matris sue quam Rannulfus Baiocensis uitricus suus pro comitatu Cestre regi reddiderat repetiit, aliamque possessionem Coruiam nuncupatam in Anglia requisiuit, sed postulanti rex non adquieuit, immo iniuriosa illi re-

spondit.^ Iratus itaque iuuenis protinus in Neustriam transfretauit, 1 See above, p. 164.

? For the troubles of Henry I with frontier lords who had marriage alliances with families in France see Lemarignier, L’hommage en marche, p. 60.

3 For the husbands of Waleran's sisters see White, ‘Waleran’, p. 24 n. Hugh of Montfort IV was the son of Gilbert of Gand by Alice, daughter of Hugh II;

BOOK XII

333

route; but there is no way for them to elude cunning bailiffs without loss of some kind. So the dauntless Amaury sought out Fulk, count of Anjou, who was his nephew, and urged him persuasively to arrange a marriage between Duke Robert's son William and his own daughter Sibyl, whose integrity and beauty and noble demeanour fitted her for a crown. He readily fell in with his uncle's plans and, sending for the young man with his tutors and attendants, betrothed his daughter to him, granting as her marriage portion the county of Maine until he could recover his lawful inheritance.! Thereupon Amaury won over all he could influence to join his party; such is the fickleness of the Normans that he found many ready and eager to join him. Waleran, count of Meulan, and William of Roumare, Hugh of Montfort and Hugh of Cháteauneuf-en- Thimerais, William Lovel and Baudry of Bray, Pain of Gisors and many others first consulted together in secret, ruminating treachery, and a little later brought misfortune on themselves by breaking out into open rebellion. Count Waleran was burning to give an example of his knightly prowess; but there is no doubt that he made a foolish start by rebelling against his lord and foster-father and being the first to raise an army and strike a fierce blow against him in alliance with his enemies. To arrange for the lawful marriage of his three sisters, and at the same time to strengthen himself against all his neighbours, he had given the ladies in marriage to three of the leading castellans, who have vassals and fortresses and great riches.? One was married to Hugh of Montfort, another to Hugh of Cháteauneufen-Thimerais, the son of Gervase, the third to William Lovel the son of Ascelin, who after the death of his brother Robert Goel

acquired the castle of Ivry with his whole patrimony.? William of Roumare asked for the restoration of his mother's land, which his stepfather, Ralph of Bayeux, had given to the king in exchange for the county of Chester, and also for another property in England called Corby; but the king, far from acceding to the petition, gave him a scornful answer.* The young man therefore immediately crossed to Normandy in anger and, seizing a Hugh of Cháteauneuf was the son of Gervase of Cháteauneuf by Mabel, daughter of Roger of Montgomery. William Lovel was the son of Ascelin Goel. * For William of Roumare's claim to his mother's inheritance see GEC

667-8, App. J, pp. 743-6.

vii.

334 et opportuno

tempore

BOOK XII reperto a rege recessit, multorumque

adminiculo fretus de Nouo-mercato guerram in Normannos acerrime exercuit. Biennio utique predis et incendiis hominumque capturis irz suze satisfecit, nec ab huiusmodi molimine cessauit? donec ei rex competenter satisfecit, et magnam partem iuris quod poposcerat restituit. Mense Septembri! Amalricus et Gualerannus aliique quos supra memoraui ad Crucem Sancti Leudfredi conuenerunt, ibique generalem coniurationem pariter fecerunt. Clandestinz fraudes regem non latuerunt. Mense igitur Octobri rex ingentem militiam Rotomagi asciuit, et de urbe progressus dominico postquam comedit? ignorantibus cunctis quo ire uellet uel quid meditaretur Hugonem de Monteforti uocauit,

sibique mox assistenti ut munitionem castri Montis-fortis sibi iV. 443 redderet imperauit. At ille quia doli erat conscius, detecta fraude

subito fit anxius? et quid in tam breui ageret articulo temporis nescius, annuit tandem iussis regalibus. Timebat enim quod si renuisset: protinus uinculis subiacuisset. Rex autem amicos cum illo premisit fideles qui reciperent munitionum claues. Ille uero ut a conspectu regis elongatus euanuit, celeri dextrario currente uectus in introitu siluz socios reliquit. Deinde per compendium quod melius nouerat illos preuenit, nec de equo descendit: sed fratri suo et uxori aliisque clientibus castrum diligenter seruare precepit. ‘Rex’ inquit ‘huc uenit cum sua uirtute, contra quem

munitionem hanc fortiter tenete. Inde festinus Brionnam conuolauit? et relatis casibus Gualerannum comitem ad apertum certamen armauit. Redeuntibus autem amicis qui se dolebant fraudibus Hugonis delusos’ animosus rex cito iussit armari milites suos, et aggredi castrenses imparatos. In duobus primis

diebus tota uilla combusta est? et munitio usque ad arcem capta est. Rodbertus filius regis et Nigellus de Albinneio magnum agmen de Constantino aliisque prouinciis adduxerunt, et Radulfus de Ganda? aliique obsessi crebris assultibus acriter intus molestati sunt. Denique ut se omni coniuratorum auxilio destitutos uideiv. 44 runt’ intra mensurnam obsidionem saniori consilio potiti pacem ! September 1123.

? Ralph was a descendant of Gilbert of Gand.

BOOK

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335

favourable moment, withdrew from his allegiance to the king and waged a bitter war against the Normans, relying on the help of many men from Neufmarché. For two years he assuaged his anger by plundering and burning and taking men prisoner; and he would not give up pillaging in this way until the king made adequate provision for him and restored a great part of the inheritance he had demanded. In September! Amaury, Waleran, and the others whom I named above met together at La Croix-Saint-Leufroi and there united in a general conspiracy. The secret plots did not escape the king's notice. Accordingly, in October, he summoned a huge army to Rouen and set out from the city on Sunday after dining. While no one knew where he wished to go or what he had in his mind he summoned Hugh of Montfort to his presence, and as soon as he appeared commanded him to hand over the keep of his stronghold of Montfort-surRisle. Conscious of his guilt, he suddenly became afraid that the plot had been discovered; he could think of nothing he might do in so short a time, and so at length gave way to the royal commands. He was afraid that if he refused he would be thrown into fetters on the spot. The king sent loyal friends in advance with him to receive the keys of the fortifications. As soon as he was well out of the king's sight, on entering a wood, he spurred on the swift horse he was riding and left his companions behind. From there he outdistanced them by a short cut that was well known to him, and without dismounting commanded his brother and wife and his other retainers to guard the fortress well. “The king’, he said, ‘is on his way here with his forces; hold this castle resolutely against him.’ From there he galloped to Brionne, explained what had happened, and warned count Waleran to arm himself for open battle. When Henry's friends returned, bewailing that they had been outwitted by Hugh’s trick, the angry king quickly called his knights to arms to attack the garrison while it was unprepared. In

the first two days the whole town was burnt, and all the fortifications except the citadel taken. Robert the king's son and Nigel

of Aubigny brought a strong force from the Cotentin and other provinces; and Ralph of Gand? and the others besieged within were shaken by their repeated assaults. At length, when they found

that they had received no help from the conspirators during a month-long siege, they chose the wiser part and made peace; they

BOOK

336

XII

fecerunt, et in amicicia regis recepti turrim ei reddiderunt. Inde

rex Pontem Aldemari adiit, et sex septimanis castrum uiriliter obsedit. Adelinz! uero quia Rodberti de Mellento comitis filia fuit, et filio eius Gualeranno planam tellurem tali tenore rex concessit? si Hugo pacifice ad ipsum repedaret/ sibique amodo fidelis et familiaris amicus existeret. Quod audiens Hugo spreuit temere et exhzeredatus maluit omnibus suis carere? quam reconciliatus regi a quo nutritus et sullimatus fuerat feliciter inherere. 28 Eodem mense uenerandus Serlo postquam Salariensem episcopatum xxxii annis rexit? vii? kalendas Nouembris? in ecclesia sancti Geruasii martiris? missam cantauit, qua finita clericis et ministris zcclesiz uocatis dixit, '/Etate et debilitate frangor, finemque meum michi iam imminere intueor. Domino Deo qui me uobis sui uicarium preposuit uos commendo, ac ut pro me dignanter eius clementiam exoretis obsecro. Locus amodo sepulture michi preparetur? quia tempus habitationis mez iam inter uos adbreuiatur.' Deinde cum clero ad aram sanctz Dei genitricis iv. 445 Mariz perrexit, ibique ante aram pastorali cambuta spacium loculi designauit, et orationibus ad Dominum fusis cum aspergine aqua benedicte sepulchrum sanctificauit. Protinus operarii foueam ligonibus foderunt, humumque palis egesserunt. Cementarii uero latomique sarcofagum martulis cauarunt? et omnem apparatum ambulanti et loquenti episcopo quasi exanimis iam iaceret in feretro coaptarunt. In crastinum feria vi*+ in basilicam uenit, missam quam fre-

quentauerat celebrare uoluit, plus animi quam corporis uiribus uigens

membris

amictum

tam

super

celebre

caput

suum

seruitium

posuit,

inchoare

sed

timuit.

trementibus

Capellano

igitur id officium explere Guillelmo precepit, missaque celebrata

omnes canonicos accersiuit. ‘Ante me’ inquit ‘post prandium conuenite, quia thesaurum quem ad usus humanos congessi de

redditibus zcclesiz’ ad eiusdem nichilominus utilitatem uolo ! Hugh of Montfort's wife. ? 1123. 3 The cathedral of Séez. * 27 October 1123. Le Prévost dated the bishop's death in 1122, but Henry I was not in France at that time and the siege of Montfort-sur-Risle took place in 1123 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 334).

BOOK

XII

337

were restored to the king's favour and handed over the tower to him. From there the king went to Pont-Audemer and besieged the fortress resolutely for six weeks. Because Adelina! was the daughter of Robert, count of Meulan,

the king offered her and her son Waleran the open demesne lands on condition that Hugh should return in peace to his obedience and behave in future as a loyal vassal and faithful friend. Hugh recklessly rejected these terms when he heard them, preferring to be disinherited and parted from his own people rather than to be reconciled and live in concord with the king by whom he had been brought up and raised to power. 35 In the same month the venerable Serlo, who had governed the see of Séez for thirty-two years, sang Mass on 26 October? in the church of St. Gervase the martyr.? When he had finished the Mass he called the clergy and priests of the church to him and said, ‘I am worn out with age and infirmity and know that my end is now at hand. I commend you to our Lord God, who made me his vicar over you, and beg you to pray diligently to him to show mercy to me. Have my place of burial prepared now, for the end of my time among you is drawing near.' Then he went with the clergy to the altar of Mary, the holy mother of God, and, taking his pastoral staff, pointed out a place of burial before the altar; when prayers had been offered to the Lord he sprinkled holy water and blessed his tomb. Workers quickly dug a pit with mattocks and threw out the earth with spades. Masons and stone-cutters hollowed out the tomb with hammers and made everything ready for the bishop, as though he were already lying dead on his bier, while he walked about and talked. On the morrow, a Friday,* he entered the church and prepared to celebrate Mass according to his custom; moving rather by strength of will than of body he placed the amice on his head, but his limbs trembled so much that he was afraid to begin so solemn an office. He therefore ordered his chaplain, William, to perform it,

and when the Mass had been celebrated summoned all the canons. ‘Come to me’, he said, ‘after dinner, because I wish to distribute for

the advantage of the Church and in legal form the treasure which

I have amassed out of church revenues for human purposes. I

338

iv. 446

BOOK

XII

legaliter distrahere. Summopere cupio adiuuante gratia Dei deuitare, ne pars iniqua inueniat aliquid super me? unde in conspectu Domini mei iure possit accusare me. Nam sicut nudus in hunc mundum intraui? sic me decet nudum egredi,! ut merear agni uestigia liber sectari, pro cuius amore omnia iam dudum gaudens mundana reliqui. Ad mensam hora nona presul resedit" sed supernis iam anhelans de presentibus nil comedit. Alios autem non auide manducantes quos nimirum tristicia repleuerit, pabulo doctrine pascens ubertim instruxit, et semen uerbi Dei utpote affluens seminiuerbius largiter dispersit. Nullam ut reor elegantiorem Serlone seu facundiorem Normannia prolem protulit. Statura enim erat mediocris, et omni decore spectabilis? prout humana species exigit, terrigenzeque qui multis repletur miseriis competit. In adolescentia uero rufus fuit, in iuuentute cito canuit, et ante

obitum suum fere | annis niueus effulsit. Erat idem tam secularium quam diuinarum eruditione litterarum doctissimus? ac ad uniuersa que proponebantur respondere promptissimus. In malis pertinaci admodum erat austerus? sed cum fletu scelus suum confitenti clementissimus, et more pii patris erga languentem filium mitissimus. Multa de illo bona possem dicere, sed dicta mea nequeunt ab illo mortem remouere. Fatigatus ad alia tendo, inceptique seriem libri ad calcem ducere glisco. Surgere de mensa post refectionem paratis nuncius affuit, qui cardinales Romanos Petrum et Gregorium? adesse retulit. Vigilia quippe sanctorum apostolorum Simonis et Iuda? tunc agebatur. Mox presul clericis et dispensatoribus suis dixit, ‘Velociter ite, et diligenter Romanis seruite, abundanter eis omnia iv. 447 dantes qua necessaria sunt’ quia legationem domini pape qui post Deum uniuersalis pater est deferunt, ipsique qualescumque sint magistri nostri sunt.' Sollers itaque senex in occursum eorum clientes suos destinauit, et ipse sine dolore seu manifesta egritudine ut solebat in cathedra sedens solus remansit. Ceteri omnes ut iusserat cardinalibus occurrerunt, hospitio eos honorifice susceperunt, et omnimodis ut decuit iuxta pontificis mandatum honorauerunt. LCi Joba. 2r.

? Peter Pierleonis, cardinal priest of S. Maria in Trastevere (later the schismatic Pope, Anacletus

II), and Gregory,

cardinal deacon of S. Angelo

(later

Pope Innocent II). Peter had just been sent to France as papal legate; his letter of recommendation

is dated 30 September

(Bullaire, ii, no. 412). But it does

BOOK XII

339

desire above all, with the help of God's grace, to avoid giving the evil one any just pretext to accuse me in the sight of my Lord. For as I came naked into the world, so should I leave it naked,! if I am to be worthy to follow freely in the footsteps of the Lamb, for love of whom I gladly abandoned all worldly things long ago.' At the ninth hour the bishop took his seat at table, but he already yearned for celestial things, and ate nothing that was before him. Instead he instructed the others, who were so full of sadness

that they could scarcely eat, feeding them abundantly with holy doctrine; he was a fluent preacher, and scattered the seed of God's

word broadcast. Normandy, Í am convinced, hàs produced no more elegant or more eloquent son than Serlo. He was of moderate height and as handsome in every way as human nature can wish, or as is appropriate to any mortal in this vale of woe. As a boy he was red-haired, but he turned grey in his youth and had been silver-haired for about fifty years before his death. He was very

well read in both secular and divine learning, and could give an immediate answer to every problem put to him. He was severe to persistent evil-doers, but very merciful to anyone who confessed his guilt with tears and as tender as a compassionate father to a sick son. I could tell much good of him, but my words have no power to bring him back from the dead. Weary, I turn to other things, longing to bring the narrative of the book I have undertaken to its conclusion. When they were ready to rise from table after the meal, a messenger came with the news that two Roman cardinals, Peter and Gregory,? had arrived. The Vigil of the apostles Simon and Jude? was then being celebrated. At once the bishop said to his clerks and stewards, ‘Go quickly, and wait attentively on the Romans; make generous provision for all their needs, for they are coming as legates of the lord Pope, who is the universal father after God, and no matter who they are, they are our masters.’ The considerate old man sent his attendants to meet them and himself remained alone, sitting in his accustomed chair, without pain or any visible illness. All the others went to meet the cardinals as he had ordered, welcomed them ceremoniously in the guest-house, and

paid all the respect due to them as the bishop had commanded. not seem possible that Gregory, who subscribed a bull of 1 November 1123 at Montecassino, had yet joined him (Bullaire, ii, no. 415; Schieffer, Legaten,

Pp. 214-15).

3 27 October.

340

iv. 448

BOOK

XII

Interea dum illis competens obsequium exhibitum est? episcopus in cathedra sedens quasi obdormisset defunctus est. Deinde ministri completis omnibus ad seniorem suum redierunt? sed ipsum iam in sede sua defunctum lacrimabiliter planxerunt. In crastinum corpus eius in sepulchro iam tercia die ut dixi preparato tumulatum est? a Iohanne Luxouiensi episcopo qui de obsidione Pontis Aldemari! a rege ad hoc agendum missus est. Defuncto Serlone Iohannes iuuenis Harduini filius nepos prefati Iohannis episcopatum adeptus est/ qui sicut zetate iunior sic eruditione litterarum longe inferior predecessore suo estimandus est. Hic anno dominicz incarnationis M°C°XxIIII° post Pascha consecratus est: offictumque pontificale in episcopatu Luxouiensi primum exercere iussu auunculi sui orsus est. Nam apud Ciseium iii? nonas Maii zecclesiam sancti Albini dedicauit? et inde Vticum

eadem die uenit. Deinde 11? Nonis? Maii feria ii? nouum crucifixum benedixit, et edem atque aram sancte Mariz Magdalenz dedicauit, quam Ernaldus? nobilis et antiquus cenobita ex procuratione sua fideliumque largitionibus edificauit. 36

iv. 449

Regii satellites ut subitam mortem prefati ut dictum est flaminis audierunt? de munitione quam seruabant ceu corui ad cadauer statim accurrerunt. Thesaurum uero et quaeque in episcopio reperta sunt’ zcclesiis seu pauperibus nichil erogantes in fiscum regis omnia transtulerunt. Porro ipse castrum hostile tunc obsidebat,? et plures eorum qui sibi ut familiares assecle blandiebantur suspectos habebat,* et cognitis illorum fraudibus occultis infidos reuera censebat. Ludouicus Siluanectensiss et Harcherius regis Francie cocus et miles insignis, Simon Ternel de Pexeio et Lucas de Barra, aliique seui pugnatores intus erant, multisque modis obsidentibus resistebant. Rex autem totam uillam que maxima

et ditissima

erat concremauit,

et castrum

acriter im-

pugnauit. Ipse profecto sollerter omnia prouidebat, ut iuuenis @ Sic in MS. ! Pont-Audemer was besieged 27-28 October 1123. ^ Arnold, son of Humphrey of Le Tilleul; for his successful fund-raising cf. above, iv. 142.

3 Pont-Audemer. There is a full description of the siege in SD ii. 274. The writer says that, after the town had been burned and the countryside wasted for more than twenty miles around, 140 knights held the castle for seven weeks

BOOK

XII

341

Meanwhile, when they had been served honourably, the bishop died just as though he had fallen asleep sitting in his chair. The attendants returned to their superior after completing their duties, but already he was dead in his seat and they mourned him with tears. Next day his body was buried in the tomb prepared two days before, as I have described, by John, bishop of Lisieux, who was sent by the king from the siege of Pont-Audemer! to perform this office. After Serlo's death John, the young son of Harduin and nephew of Bishop John of Lisieux, became bishop; he is to be considered as far below his predecessor in learning as he was his junior in years. He was blessed after Easter in the year of our Lord 1124, and by his uncle's orders first began to exercise his episcopal functions in the diocese of Lisieux. He dedicated the church of St. Aubin at Cisai on 4 May, and went from there to Saint-Evroul the same day. Then on Monday, 5 May, he blessed the new Rood and dedicated the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene,

which Arnold,? an old and

nobly born monk, had built with the money he had raised and gifts from the faithful. 36

When the king's retainers heard of Bishop Serlo's sudden death, as I have described, they flew to the spot from the castle they were occupying like vultures to a corpse. They appropriated the treasure and everything that was found in the bishop’s palace for the king’s exchequer, giving nothing to churches or to the poor. The king himself was then besieging a hostile fortress,3 and held suspect a number of men who fawned on him like devoted followers,* for he

knew their secret plots and judged them to be traitors in reality. Louis of Senlis5 and Harcher, kitchener of the king of France, who was a famous knight, with Simon Ternel of Poissy, Luke of La Barre, and other warlike champions were inside the castle, using all kinds of devices to resist the besiegers. The king, however, burned the whole town, which was very large and rich, and attacked

the castle relentlessly. He personally directed all the operations against the king. He gives a full description of the movable siege-tower (berfreit), which was twenty-four feet high; and also says that the defenders were allowed to leave unmolested after they had surrendered. 4 Cf. SD ii. 274, ‘Rex autem magis suorum suspectus est proditionem, quam extraneorum

expavit

incursus.’

5 The son of Guy of Senlis; the names of the garrison show that French troops were directly involved.

342

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XII

tiro ubique discurrebat, et uiuaciter agendis rebus insistens cunctos animabat. Carpentarios berfredum facientes docebat, in operibus defectiuos improperiis subsannando redarguebat, et strenue agentes laudando ad maiora ciebat. Tandem machinas iv. 450

erexit, crebris assultibus castrenses lesit, et usque ad deditionem

iv. 451

cohercuit. Ludouicus autem et Radulfus Durandi filius! et complices eorum cum uictore pacem fecerunt, redditaque munitione omnes cum rebus suis salui abire permissi sunt’ et quidam eorum Bellum-montem ubi comes erat cum Francis abierunt. Illic Simon de Parrona et Simon de Nealfa, Guido cognomento Malus Vicinus et Petrus de Manlia nepos eius, Guillelmus quoque Aculeus? aliique fere ducenti pugiles de Francia comiti militabant, ad imperium eius per collimitanea rura discurrebant, et ingentia damna rapinis et incendiis fautoribus regis inferebant. 37 Ipsa die qua prefatum castrum redditum est: triste nefas alibi actum regi relatum est. Bellicis enim dum idem ut dictum est occupationibus circa Riselam detineretur’ periurorum fraus circa Eptam huiuscemodi factionem machinabatur. Placitum feria secunda quando mercatus agitur statutum fuit in domo Pagani de Gisortis, ad quod inuitatus fuit Rodbertus de Candos munio regii dangionis?3 ut a sicariis ibidem fraudulenter armatis repente inermis obtruncaretur, oppidumque protinus a latentibus cuneis totum undique inuaderetur. Ipsa uero die milites turbis rusticorum et feminarum de circumiacentibus uiculis ad forum properantium mixti burgum libere intrauerunt, et a burgensibus quibus plurimi olim noti erant in eorum domibus simpliciter hospitio suscepti sunt’ suique multitudine uillam magna ex parte impleuerunt. Tandem hora proditionis crebri nuncii Rodbertum commonebant * A close associate of Count Waleran, possibly the commander of the garrison at Pont-Audemer (Le Prévost, iv. 450 n. r). ? A younger brother and heir of Enguerrand of Trie (Chaumont); see Depoin, Cartulaire de Pontoise, p. 363.

3 This occurred in 1123; the date of the death of Robert of Candos (Chandos), often stated on the authority of Dugdale to have been 1120, must be amended;

1126 is suggested in Regesta, ii, p. 419. For his family see Loyd, p. 26; they were

lords of Candos

(Eure) and undertenants

of Hugh

of Montfort,

but Robert

BOOK XII

343

with skill, hurried to and fro like a young knight and, by energetically helping on whatever needed doing, put heart into everyone. He instructed the carpenters building a siege-tower; smiling and jesting, he reproved those who flagged in the work and encouraged those who did well to greater exertions with words of praise. At length he erected the siege-engines, wore down the garrison with repeated attacks, and forced them to surrender. However, Louis, Ralph the son of Durand,! and their fellows made

peace with the victor and, after surrendering the castle, were all allowed to leave in safety with their baggage; some of them went away to Beaumont, where they found Count [Waleran] with the French. At

Beaumont

Simon

of Péronne,

Simon

of Neaufle,

Guy

Mauvoisin and his nephew Peter of Maule, also William Aiguillon? and about two hundred other champions from France had joined the count; under his command they were raiding the country all around, causing great.losses to the king’s supporters by plundering and burning. 37 On the day that the castle surrendered the king received news of a dishonourable trick perpetrated in another place. While he was held up as I have said by military operations on the Risle, a stratagem was planned by the traitors near the Epte in this way. The day for a lawsuit had been fixed on a Monday, when the market is held, in the house of Pain of Gisors, to which Robert of Candos, the castellan of the king’s donjon,? was summoned. The

intention was that he, being unarmed, should be suddenly murdered by armed assassins treacherously placed there, and the whole town immediately attacked from all sides by troops lying in hiding. On the appointed day soldiers mingling with the throngs of peasants and women who were hurrying to market from the surrounding villages, entered the town without obstruction; they were innocently received as guests in the houses of the townspeople, who had known many of them in the past, and they came in such numbers that they filled a large part of the town. As the hour fixed for the betrayal arrived, repeated messages were sent remained loyal to the king. He was lord of Caerleon in south Wales, and founded Goldcliff priory as a dependency of Bec-Hellouin (Regesta, ii. 912, 1014; Dugdale, Mon. vi. 1022).

344

iv. 452

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ut festinaret, sed religiosa Isabel uxor eius! diu detinuit ut de domesticis rebus tractaret. Hoc nimirum nutu Dei factum est. Rodberto itaque demorante Baldricus? ad placitum ultimus uenit, alisque adhuc tacite prestolantibus in armis primus amictum proiecit, et lorica indutus prepropere exclamauit, ‘Eia milites quod agendum est inite, et fortiter agite. Protinus oppidanis proditio detecta est/ et clamoso tumultu exorto sibi propior ab hominibus Pagani porta uiolenter obtenta est. Cumque Rodbertus equum ascendisset, et proditionis ignarus ad forum uenisset/ armatos predones uillam depredantes prospexit, terribilemque belli strepitum undique audiuit? et perterritus ad asilum unde nondum elongatus fuerat quantocius confugit. Ibi tunc Amalricus comes et nepos eius Guillelmus Crispinus cum suis cetibus in montem contra munimentum armati ascenderunt? et minis plus quam factis terrere castrenses ausi sunt. Omnes pro certo qui ad hoc facinus innotuerunt? publici hostes et periurio rei contra regem adiudicati sunt. Rodbertus autem ut eos de uilla quz munitissima erat, uiribus suis eici non posse considerauit/ immisso igne proximas domos incendit, et flamma uorax flante uento totum burgum corripuit. Hostes itaque de

septis uilla proiecit" et ab assultu munitionis fugauit. In tanta rerum confusione liberales et honesti burgenses Gisortis multum perdiderunt, et consumptis domibus cum gazis egestate attenuati

sunt. /Ecclesia quoque sancti Geruasii quam ante paucos annos iv. 453

Goisfredus archiepiscopus dedicauerat combusta est. Rex autem ut rumores huiuscemodi audiuit? de Ponte Alde-

mari cum exercitu suo Gisortis festinauit, ibique contra proditores suos si repperiret eos audacter preliari optauit. Verum illi ut triumphatorem quem adhuc obsidione occupatum putabant properare compererunt: cum timore et labore multoque dedecore fugerunt. Deinde iusticiarii regis Ebroicensem consulatum et omnes fundos proditorum inuaserunt, et dominio regis mancipauerunt.

Hugo Pagani filius cum Stephano Moritolii consule tunc erat,

patrisque sui facinorum nescius regi seruiebat. Rex ergo illi * Isabel, who helped in the endowment of Goldcliff (Regesta, ii. 1014; Dugdale, Mon. vi. 1022) is sometimes said to have been a sister of Walter Giffard

(Porée, i. 458); she was in fact the daughter and heir of Alfred of Épaignes (de Hispania), lord of Nether Stowey (Sanders, p. 67; VCH Devon, i. 392). ? The other party in the lawsuit, probably Baudry of Bray.

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urging Robert to make haste, but his pious wife Isabel! delayed him for a long time to discuss private matters. This certainly

happened by God's will. As Robert lingered in this way, Baudry? came last of his party to the court; and while the others were still standing around in silence, ready-armed, he was the first to fling back his hood

and, revealing his hauberk,

he exclaimed

over-

hastily, ‘Now, soldiers, get about your business and do it boldly.’ Immediately the treachery was apparent to the garrison, and while a loud uproar arose the gate nearest to him was violently blocked by Pain's men. When Robert mounted his horse and, knowing nothing of the treachery, reached the market-place, he saw armed bandits plundering the town, heard the fearful din of battle all around, and, alarmed, fled back as quickly as possible to the near-by refuge from which he had not yet gone far. Count Amaury and his kinsman, William Crispin, with their forces then armed themselves, climbed the hill facing the castle, and attempted to terrify the garrison more by threats than by deeds. All who were known for certain to have participated in this crime were condemned as public enemies, guilty of treason against the king. Since Robert thought they could not be driven out of the town, which was very strongly fortified, with his forces, he set fire to the nearest

houses

and

the hungry

fiames,

fanned

by the wind,

roared through the whole town. By this means he forced his enemies out of the walls of the town and compelled them to abandon the assault on the citadel. In this terrible uproar the decent and honest burgesses of Gisors lost much; their homes and possessions were destroyed, and they endured great poverty. The church of St. Gervase too, which Archbishop Geoffrey had dedicated a few years before, was burnt down. However, when the king heard the news of this he hurried from Pont Audemer to Gisors with his army, hoping to join battle

boldly against the traitors there if he could find them. But they, when they heard that the conqueror whom they had believed to be still occupied with the siege, was rapidly approaching, took flight in terror, with difficulty and great dishonour. Thereupon the king's justices occupied the county of Évreux and all the lands of the traitors, and annexed them to the king's demesne. Hugh, son of Pain, was at that time with Stephen, count of Mortain, and, having no knowledge of his father's crimes, was

in the king's service. The king therefore granted his paternal

346

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paternum honorem concessit, periurumque senem penitus cum Herueo filio suo exheredauit. Exinde fedus quod papa nudius tercius inter reges pepigerat ruptum est" et rediuiua guerra feraliter inardescens utrobique exorta est. 38

Tunc hiems pluuialis erat. Rex autem plebium labores et anxietates discretus considerauit: eisque ne nimis fatigati more iumentorum prz nimio labore fatiscentium deficerent pepercit. Ergo postquam duo munitissima cum subiacentibus fundis oppida Pontem Aldemari et Montem-fortem optinuit? in aduentu Domini populos in pace quiescere iussit. Familias uero suas cum precipuis ducibus per castella disposuit, eisque contra predones tutelam prouinciarum commisit. Nam Rannulfum Baiocensem constituit in Ebroarum turri, Henricum uero Goisleni de Pomereto iv. 454 filium! ad Pontem Altouci, et Odonem cognomento Borleugum iv. 455 ad presidium Bernaici, aliosque probos athletas in aliis locis ad tutandam regionem contra incursiones inimici. Guillelmus quoque filius Rodberti de Harulfi-corte? regi adherens seruiebat.

39 In subsequenti quadragesima Gualerannus comes confederatos suos accersiit, ac nocte dominice Adnunciationis? ad muniendam

iv. 456

turrim de Guatzuilla perrexit. Tres quippe sororios suos secum habuit, Hugonem de Nouo-castello filium Geruasii, et Hugonem de Monte-forti, atque Guillelmum Lupellum filium Ascelini Goelli. His omnibus comes Amalricus eminebat. Bellica cohors his ducibus uictualia obsessis conduxit, munitionem quoque regis quz arcem coartabat ex insperato mane impugnauit. Gualterium autem filium Guillelmi de Gualicheriuilla quem rex principem custodum constituerat? qui castrum super aggerem loricatus ad sepem stans acriter defendebat, ingeniosa manus uncis ferreis implicuit, irremissibiliter extraxit, captumque secum adduxit. Gualerannus comes duobus fratribus in quibus confidebat, ™ For Henry of La Pommeraye and his family see Sanders, pp. 106-7; G. H. White in TRHS, 4th ser. xxx (1948), 133-4, 151-2; Loyd, pp. 78-9. Henry himself became an assistant constable of Henry I. He married Rohese, a natural daughter of Henry I (GEC xi, App. D, p. 119). At this date, when he was

serving as a captain in the king's household forces, his father was probably still alive.

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inheritance to him, and utterly disinherited the perjured old man and his son Hervey. The result of this was that the treaty that the Pope had made between the kings three years before was broken, and once again war blazed up fiercely on both sides. 38

The winter of that year was very wet. The king in his wisdom took account of the toils and cares of the humble people and spared them, for fear that they might be worn out and collapse, like exhausted pack-horses under intolerable burdens. So once he had gained possession of the two very strong fortresses of PontAudemer and Montfort with the lands dependent on them he commanded the people to rest in peace during Advent. He placed his household troops under chosen leaders in the castles, and charged them to protect the country people against raiders. He stationed Ralph of Bayeux in the citadel of Évreux, Henry the son of Joscelin of La Pommeraye! at Pont-Autou, Odo Borleng in charge of the castle of Bernay, and other valiant knights in other places to protect the region against enemy incursions. William, son of Robert Harcourt,? also remained loyal and served the king. 39 The following Lent Count Waleran summoned his confederates and, on the night of the Annunciation,? set out to provision the

castle of Vatteville. He had with him his three brothers-in-law, Hugh of Cháteauneuf-en-Thimerais, son of Gervase, Hugh of Montfort, and William Lovel, son of Ascelin Goel. Count Amaury was in command of them all. The armed squadron led by these men took a convoy of provisions to the besieged, and in the morning unexpectedly stormed the king's siege-castle, which was blockading the tower. They captured Walter, the son of William of Valiquerville, whom the king had put in charge of the garrison; as he was standing in his hauberk on the rampart by the palisade, fiercely defending the castle, he was caught up by an artificial hand with iron hooks, dragged out helplessly, and carried away captive. Count Waleran handed over the tower to two brothers whom 2 The Harcourt family were tenants of the honor of Beaumont (Loyd, p. 51), and therefore might have rebelled with Waleran. 3 The night of 25 March 1124.

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Herberto scilicet de Luxouio et Rogerio cum viii clientibus arcem commiserat. Tunc rura in circumitu deuastauit, et quicquid ad cibum pertinebat de domibus et ecclesiis rapuit, et in turrim pro subsidio custodum introduxit. Eadem etiam die comes furibundus ut spumans aper Brotonam siluam intrauit, et rusticos qui ligna in saltu precidebant inuenit, plurimos comprehendit, captos amputatis pedibus loripedes effecit, et sic almze festiuitatis stemma temere sed non impune uiolauit. Interea Rannulfus Baiocensis qui Ebroicz turris munio erat, et copiosas hostium acies Guatzuillam noctu isse per exploratores didicerat? continuo compares suos Henricum et Odonem atque Guillelmum impiger; adiit, hostilem transitum eis notificauit, ac ut in reditu inimicis domini sui regium tramitem! ferro calumniarentur summopere persuasit. Illi autem cum subiectis centuriis? gratanter adquieuerunt, et prope Burgum Turoldi speciose armati iv. 457 cum ccc militibus conuenerunt, et in campo exeuntes de Brotona et Bellum-montem repetentes vii? kalendas Aprilis prestolati sunt.? Quos cum regii milites uidissent, et uirtute potentiaque sese sullimiores censuissent? tanta strenuitatis uiros formidare ceperunt, nonnulli tamen formidolosos corroborare ausi sunt. Odo siquidem Borleugus dixit, ‘Ecce aduersarii regis per terram eius debachantur et securi sunt, et unum de optimatibus eius cui defensionem regni sui commisit captum abducunt. Quid faciemus? Nunquid illos impune depopulari totam regionem sinemus? Oportet ut pars nostrum ad pugnam descendat, et pedes dimicare contendat" et altera pars preliatura equis insideat. Agmen quoque sagittariorum in prima fronte consistat! et hostilem cuneum cornipedes uulnerando retardare compellat. In hoc hodie campo cuiusque pugilis audacia uigorque palam apparebit. Si enim ignauia torpentes baronem regis ab hostibus duci uinctum sine ictu dimiserimus, quomodo ante uultum regis astare audebimus? ! The use of this term in the duchy of Normandy is an indication that Henry

made no distinction between his authority there and in the kingdom of England. ? Since the total force of the three captains was 300 there appear to have been 100 knights to a troop; cf. the statement of Robert of Torigny (Marx, p. 296), "plurimas centurias militum in diversis locis hostibus propinquis opponebat'. 3 Robert of Torigny, who may have used Orderic’s history but adds independent details of his own, gives a briefer account of the battle cf Bourgthéroulde (Rougemontier) in his interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, PP. 294-5); and it is briefly mentioned by JW, p. 28, H. Hunt., p. 245, and the

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (s.a. 1124). There is general agreement that the forces

engaged were the king's household knights; John of Worcester calls them ‘milites

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he trusted completely, Herbert of Lisieux and Roger, with eight retainers. Then he plundered the countryside all around, seized whatever might be used as food from houses and churches, and carried it to the tower as provision for the guards. On the same day also the count, raging like a mad boar, entered the forest of

Brotonne, took prisoner many of the peasants he found cutting wood in the thickets, and crippled them by cutting off their feet. In this way he desecrated the celebration of the holy festival rashly, but not with impunity. Meanwhile Ralph of Bayeux, who was castellan of the citadel of Évreux and had learned from scouts that considerable forces of the enemy had gone by night to Vatteville, immediately went boldly to his comrades, Henry and Odo and William, informed them of the

enemy's movements, and urgently pressed them to defend the king's highway! with arms when the enemies of their lord returned. They and the companies of soldiers? they commanded readily fell in with the plan and met near Bourgthéroulde, a splendid sight as they stood armed with three hundred knights. On 26 March they waited in an open place for the soldiers coming out of the forest of Brotonne and returning to Beaumont.? When the knights saw the enemy soldiers, and estimated that they were more noble and more powerful than themselves, they began to quail before men of such valour; nevertheless a few tried to encourage the fainthearted. Indeed Odo Borleng said, ‘See, the king’s enemies are running wild over his lands with impunity, and are carrying off into cap-

tivity one of the nobles to whom he entrusted the defence of his realm. What are we to do? Are we to permit them to devastate the whole province unchallenged? 'T'he best plan is for one section of our men to dismount for battle and fight on foot, while the rest remain mounted ready for the fray. Let us also place a rank of archers in the first line and compel the hostile troop to slow down by wounding their horses. Today on this battle-field the courage and determination of every champion will be manifest to all. If we stand by trembling and allow a king's baron to be carried off in

chains by the enemy without striking a blow, how shall we ever dare to enter the king's presence? We shall deserve to forfeit both regis’ and the ASC describes them as ‘the king's knights from all the castles round about’. According to Robert of Torigny they included

some

mounted

archers. Henry of Huntingdon differs from Orderic in saying that William of 'Tancarville, the king's chamberlain, was in charge.

350

iv. 458

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Stipendia cum laude nostra merito perdemus, nec pane regio uesci ulterius me iudice debemus." Igitur omnes reliqui preclari pugilis hortatu animati sunt? eique commilitones sui descendere cum suis annuerunt. Quod ille non recusauit, sed cum suis a quibus ualde diligebatur pedes in armis conflictum hilariter expectauit. Gualerannus adolescens militis cupidus ubi aduersarios uidit, quasi iam superasset eos pueriliter tripudiauit, sed Amalricus aeuo sensuque maturior tam ipsi quam aliis minus prouidis bellum ita dissuasit. ‘Per omnes gentes' sic enim iurabat Amalricus? "laudo ut bellum deuitemus. Nam si pauci cum pluribus dimicare presumpserimus? timeo quod dedecus et damnum incurremus. Ecce Odo Borleugus cum suis descendit, scitote quia superare pertinaciter contendit. Bellicosus eques iam cum suis pedes factus non fugiet? sed morietur aut uincet.' Ceteri uero dixerunt, *Nonne iam dudum in

planicie Anglis obuiare desiderauimus? En adsunt. Pugnemus? ne turpis fuga nobis improperetur, et nostris heredibus. Ecce militaris flos totius Gallis et Normanniz hic consistit. Et quis obstare nobis poterit? Absit ut hos pagenses et gregarios! adeo metuamus, ut pro illis callem diuertamus, aut cum ipsis preeliari dubitemus.' Acies ergo suas ordinauerunt. In primis Gualerannus comes cum xl militibus ad eos properare uoluit, sed a sagittariis equus iliius sub eo sauciatus cecidit. In prima enim fronte xl architenentes caballos occiderunt, et antequam ferire possent deiecti sunt.? Comitum itaque pars cito contrita, et in fugam conuersa? arma et quacumque onerabant reliquit, et quisque prout potuit, fugae presidio salutem suam tutauit. Ibi tunc Gualerannus consul et duo Hugones sororii eius et alii fere Ixxx milites capti sunt? et in carcere regis tenaci nexu constricti temeritatis suz poenas diu lacrimabiliter luerunt. Guillelmus de Grandicorte filius Guillelmi Aucensis comitis? ! The term ‘gregarii’ was sometimes applied to mercenaries (cf. J. O. Prestwich, EHR Ixxxi (1966), 107) and sometimes, as was ‘pagenses’, to chevaliers de

petite condition’ (P. Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France (Paris, 1902), pp. 340 ff.). The king's household troops were of mixed social origin, and included many younger sons and even heirs to substantial honors whose fathers were still alive, the ‘juvenes’ brilliantly characterized by G. Duby

(‘La noblesse dans la France médiévale’, Revue historique, ccxxvi (1961), 1-22; ‘Dans la France du Nord-Ouest au xii? siécle: les "jeunes" dans la société aristocratique’, Annales, Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, xix (1964), 835-46). Contemptuous terms such as these might be applied to them by young scions of

the nobility, but they were a well-disciplined and efficient fighting force. See

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our wages and our honour; and, in my opinion, we shall never again be entitled to eat the king's bread.’ All the others were heartened by the exhortation of this outstanding champion; and his fellow knights agreed that he and his men should dismount. He was not averse to doing this and, dismounting with his men who were all devoted to him, he waited eagerly for the fray, armed and on foot. On seeing his foes the young Waleran, anxious to prove his knighthood, exulted boyishly as though he had already defeated them. But Amaury, who was both older and wiser, urged both him and others who were lacking in foresight not to engage in such a battle. ‘By all peoples'—for this was Amaury’s oath—'I advise that we avoid conflict. If we, who are few, presume to fight with many we shall, I fear, suffer both shame and loss. See, Odo Borleng and his men have dismounted; you can be sure that he intends to fight resolutely until he has won the day. A mounted soldier who has dismounted with his men will not fly from the field; he will either die or conquer.' But the others said, *Have we not hoped for long enough to meet the English forces in open country ?And here they are. Let us give battle, for fear of shaming ourselves and our heirs by a dishonourable flight. See, the flower of knighthood of all France and Normandy is here. Who will be able to stand up to us? Heaven forbid that these country bumpkins and mercenaries' should frighten us into changing our route, or that we should shrink from fighting them.’ Consequently they drew up their battle lines. Count Waleran, who was in the first line, began to charge them with forty knights; but his horse, wounded by the archers, fell under him. For forty bowmen in the front rank shot down the horses and the men were

thrown before they could strike a blow.? In this way the count's force was quickly battered and put to flight, abandoning their arms and everything they carried; each man sought safety in flight, escaping as best he could. Count Waleran and the two Hughs, his brothers-in-law, and about eighty more knights were captured there; closely confined in the king's dungeons they ruefully paid the penalty for their folly for a very long time. William of Grandcourt, the son of William count of Eu,? a brave above,

Introduction,

p. xxiv; M. Chibnall,

*Mercenaries

and the familia regis

under Henry I', History, lxii (1977), pp. 19-20. 2 Robert of Torigny says that the archers shot from the side where the opposing knights were unprotected by their shields. 3 See Loyd, p. 47.

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de familia regis probus eques in hac pugna fuit, et Amalricum fugientem comprehendit, sed uiro tantz strenuitatis humana iv. 459 miseratione condoluit, uerissime sciens quod si retineretur, de nexibus regis uix aut nunquam egrederetur. Elegit ergo rege cum terra sua relicto exulare? quam egregium consulem inextricabilibus nodis nectere. Illum itaque usque ad Bellum-montem conduxit, et extorris cum illo ut ereptor eius in Francia honorabiliter permansit. Guillelmus uero Lupellus a quodam rustico captus arma sua illi pro redemptione sui dedit, et ab eo tonsus instar armigeri manu palum gestans ad Sequanam! confugit, et incognitus ad transitum fluminis pro naulo caligas suas nauclero impertiuit, nudisque pedibus proprios lares reuisit, gaudens quod de manu hostili

utcumque prolapsus euaserit.

iv. 460

Rex autem post Pascha iudicium de reis qui capti fuerant Rotomagi tenuit, ibique Goisfredum de Toruilla? et Odardum de Pino pro periurii reatu oculis priuauit? Lucam quoque de Barra pro derisoriis cantionibus et temerariis nisibus orbari luminibus imperauit.? Tunc Karolus marchio Flandriz qui Balduino iuueni in ducatu successit, cum multis nobilibus curiz regis interfuit, infaustorum quoque condemnationi pie condoluit, atque ceteris audacior ait, ‘Rem nostris ritibus inusitatam domine rex facis, qui milites bello captos in seruitio domini sui debilitatione mem-

brorum punis.' Cui respondit rex, ‘Rem iustam domine consul facio" et hoc manifesta ratione probabo. Goisfredus enim et Odardus concessu dominorum suorum legitimi homines mei fuerunt, periuriique nefas ultro committentes michi fidem suam mentiti sunt? et iccirco nece seu priuatione membrorum puniri meruerunt. Pro seruanda quam michi iurauerant fidelitate, omnia potius quz in mundo habebant debuissent deserere, quam ulii hominum contra ius aliquatenus inherere, fidemque suam

nequiter prodendo legalis eri fedus disrumpere. Lucas autem homagium michi nunquam fecit, sed in castro Pontis Aldemari contra me nuper dimicauit. Ad postremum pace facta quicquid forisfecerat indulsi, et cum

equis rebusque suis liberum abire

! It is not clear why he should have wished to cross the Seine to travel from Bourgthéroulde to Ivry; perhaps there is a mistake in the name of the river,

unless he took a circuitous route to evade his pursuers. ^ His family were undertenants of the earl of Leicester, and Geoffrey himself was a benefactor of the priory of Beaumont-le-Roger (Loyd, p. 108).

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knight of the king's household troops, took part in the battle and captured Amaury as he was escaping, but out of human compassion he took pity on a man of such great valour, knowing for certain that if he were captured he would never, or only with great difficulty, get out of the king's clutches again. He chose therefore rather to desert the king, abandon his own lands, and go into exile than to condemn the noble count to perpetual prison. So he escorted him to Beaumont and remained in exile with him in France, where he was honourably treated as Amaury's preserver. As for William Lovel, he was captured by a countryman, but gave him his arms as a ransom, had his hair cut by him so as to look like a squire, and, carrying a staff in his hand, fled to the Seine.! There, escaping recognition, he gave his boots to a boatman for his passage money across the river and reached his own home barefoot, only too thankful to have escaped from the enemy’s hands at any cost. After Easter the king sat in judgement at Rouen on the rebels who had been captured. There he had Geoffrey of Tourville? and Odard of Le Pin blinded for the crime of treason; he also com-

manded that Luke of La Barre should have his eyes put out as a punishment for his scurrilous songs and rash escapades.? Charles, marquis of Flanders, who had succeeded young Baldwin in the duchy, was present at the time in the king's court with many magnates; moved by compassion at the condemnation of the unhappy wretches and bolder than the others, he said, ‘My lord king, you are doing something contrary to our customs in punishing by mutilation knights captured in war in the service of their lord.’ To him the king replied, ‘My lord count, what I do is just, as I will prove conclusively. Geoffrey and Odard with their lords’ consent became my liege men, and they broke faith with me when they deliberately committed treason; therefore they deserve punishment by death or mutilation. They ought rather to have sacrificed all they possessed to preserve the fealty they had sworn to me than to have given their support in any way to any man opposing the law, and to have broken the covenant with their liege lord by foully betraying their trust. Luke, on the other hand, never did homage to me, but he recently fought against me in the castle of Pont-Audemer. In the end, when peace had been made, I pardoned his guilt and allowed him to go away freely with his horses 3 For Orderic’s treatment of treason see Jean le Foyer, Exposé du droit pénal normand au xiii? siécle (Paris, 1931), pp. 123, 232-3.

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permisi. At ille hostibus meis protinus adhesit, rediuiuas illis iunctus inimicicias in me agitauit, et peiora prioribus addidit. iv. 461

iv. 462

Quin etiam indecentes de me cantilenas facetus coraula composuit,

ad iniuriam mei palam cantauit, maliuolosque michi hostes ad cachinnos ita sepe prouocauit. Nunc iccirco Deus illum michi tradidit ut castigetur, ut a nefariis operibus cessare cogatur, alique dum temerarii ausus ilius correptionem audierint commode corrigantur.' His auditis Flandriz dux conticuit? quia quid contra hzc rationabiliter obiceret non habuit. Carnifices itaque iussa compleuerunt. Porro Lucas ut aeternis in hac uita tenebris condempnatum se cognouit! miser mori quam fuscatus uiuere maluit, et lanistis perurguentibus in quantum potuit, ad detrimentum sui obstitit. ‘Tandem inter manus eorum parietibus et saxis ut amens caput suum illisit, et sic multis merentibus qui probitates eius atque facetias nouerant miserabiliter animam extorsit. Interea Morinus de Pino dapifer comitis castella eius muniuit, et ipse animosus omnes quos poterat pertinaciter ad resistendum regi animauit. Rex autem fortis magno congregato exercitu mense Aprili! Brionnam obsedit, ibique duo castella continuo construxit, quibus hostes paulo post ad deditionem coegit. Illam nimirum pacem temeritas dementium fieri sine ingenti damno innocentum non pertulit" quia tota cum ecclesiis uilla prius combusta fuit. Porro illi qui erant in arce de Guatzuilla, reconciliati sunt regi munitione reddita, quam rex principali disciplina humo tenus dirui paulo post precepit. Denique rex postquam omnia comitis municipia preter Bellummontem sibi subiugauit, tunc consuli qui uinctus erat operum euentus suorum notificauit, atque per eosdem rumigerulos ut sibi Bellum-montem in pace reddi iuberet mandauit. Ille uero uidens se puerilis leuitatis friuola spe deceptum, et a fastigio pristinze potestatis merito peruersitatis deiectum, metuensque si magnanimus censor per quamlibet peruicaciam offenderetur iterum, sibi periculosius incumberet scandalum" missis fidelibus legatis obnixe iussit Morino procuratori rerum suarum, ut sine mcra sepe memoratum castellum triumphatori subigeret sceptrigero ' The date is confirmed by the tract, De libertate Beccensis monasterii (RHF

xiv. 274—5), which describes negotiations with the king about the election of an abbot of Bec while he was at the siege of Brionne in April.

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and baggage. But he straightway gave his support to my enemies, united with them to stir up fresh trouble against me, and went from bad to worse. Moreover this jesting songster composed scurrilous songs about me, insulted me by singing them in public, and often raised mocking laughter against me from the enemies who sought my undoing. Now therefore God has delivered him into my hands for punishment, so that he may be forced to give up his evil practices, and so that other men who learn how his rash folly was cut short may mend their ways in time.’ When he heard this the duke of Flanders made no reply, for he had no reasonable argument to advance against it. So the executioners carried out their orders. But when Luke knew that he was condemned to everlasting darkness in this life, he chose rather to die wretchedly than to live without light, and struggled desperately to injure himself as the officers pinioned him. Finally, beating his head like a madman on the walls and stones as they held him, he perished miserably, greatly mourned by all who knew his valour and merry jests. Meanwhile Morin of Le Pin, the count's steward, fortified his

castles and, full of courage himself, persistently incited all he could to resist the king. But the powerful king, gathering a great army, besieged Brionne in April! and immediately threw up two siege-castles there, by means of which he soon forced the enemy to surrender. Crazy men in their presumption did not suffer peace to be made without greatly injuring the innocent, for the whole town with its churches was burnt down first. Then the men who were holding the citadel of Vatteville surrendered the castle and were reconciled with the king. Shortly afterwards the king, with princely rigour, ordered the castle to be razed to the ground. After the king had conquered all the count's castles except Beaumont, he informed the count, who was in captivity, of the outcome of his operations, and commanded him through the same messengers to give orders for the peaceful surrender of Beaumont. The count then, recognizing that he had been misled by the false hopes of youthful folly and had deserved to be thrown down from the pinnacle of his former power for his perversity, and fearing that if the proud-spirited ruler was injured again by any continued stubbornness even greater ruin would threaten him, sent trustworthy envoys to command Morin, the steward of his property, to surrender the castle of Beaumont without delay to the victorious

356

iv. 463

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Angligenarum. Tunc Morinus licet sero iussa quidem compleuit, sed gratiam regis nullatenus impetrare potuit. Pedagogus enim adolescentis a rege ordinatus fuerat, eique rebellionis nequam consilium ultro suggesserat/ amisit opes quibus in Normannia nimis intumuerat, et elatus supra se ambiens plus quam decebat" turbationem multis insontibus nocituram insolenter inuexerat. Regali ergo censura de paterno cespite proiectus" ad mortem* usque in exteris exulauit regionibus. Rex itaque totam possessionem ditissimi consulis optinuit in Neustria? ipsumque cum duobus sororiis suis arta seruauit custodia. Deinde post aliquot tempus ipsi tres in Angliam missi sunt? et comes atque Hugo filius Geruasii quinque annis in carcere coherciti sunt.! Hugo autem de Monteforti iam xiii annis? uinculatus gemuit, nec pro eo quia sine occasione grauius offendit" aliquis amicorum eius regem interpellare presumit.

40 Benedictus Deus qui cuncta bene disponit, qui salubrius quam ipsi optant mortalium cursus dirigit, et aequitatis examen in territorio Rubri Monasterii pie contemplantibus demonstrauit. Anno quippe dominice incarnationis M?CeXXIV? uictoriam pacis amatoribus contulit, et temerarios perturbatores totius prouincia confudit, et complicum scelerosos conatus ipsorum impedimento celeri dissipauit. In illa enim septimana decreuerant oppidani vii castellorum, qua consita sunt in Lexouino uel Vticensi pago in confinio scilicet ipsorum, ut se illis coniungerent ad detrimentum multorum. Hugo quippe de Plessicio? iam Pontem Erchenfredi dolose inuaserat, et auxilium a confcederatis rebellibus fiducialiter

iv. 464

expectabat. Sic municipes Sappi, Benefactz et Orbecci, aliique plures pre timore placitum cum eis fecerunt, quoniam contra ingens robur eorum uires seu magnanimitatem defendendi se non habuerunt. Sed capitibus nequitia ut dictum est conquassatis coniurati sodales eorum siluerunt, et de consensu dumtaxat perfidi detegi coram iusticiariis et iurisperitis admodum timuerunt. 4? Ad mortem replaces an erasure, possibly huc (hucusque)

! Count Waleran reappears as a witness of King Henry's charters in 1129 (Regesta, ii. 1607). ? [f this is true, Orderic was writing c. 1137, and Hugh’s imprisonment had

lasted into the next reign.

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monarch of the English people. Morin then obeyed the order, albeit tardily, but he was never afterwards able to regain the king's favour. This was because he had been appointed the young man's tutor by the king, and had deliberately through evil counsels urged him to rebel. He lost the possessions of which he had boasted in Normandy, which had caused him to act arrogantly above himself and presumptuously stir up a rebellion destined to destroy many innocent people. So by the king's judgement he was driven from his native land and lived in exile in foreign regions until he died. So the king took possession of all the lands that the wealthy count held in Normandy, and kept the count himself and his two brothers-in-law in close custody. Some time later all three were sent to England and the count and Hugh son of Gervase were imprisoned in a dungeon for five years.! But Hugh of Montfort has now groaned in fetters for thirteen years;? because he was guilty of the most serious crimes with no justification not one of his friends ventures to intercede with the king on his behalf. 40 Blessed be God, who governs all things well and directs the ways of mortals more wisely than, by theiz own choice, they are able to do; he gave a fresh proof of his equity in the field of Rougemontier to those who study it aright. For in the year of our Lord 1124 he gave victory to the lovers of peace, overthrew the rash disturbers of the whole province, and put a swift end to the wicked plots of the confederates. That very week the castellans of seven castles situated in the provinces of Lisieux and Ouche, on the frontiers of the rebels, had determined to join forces with them, and would have harmed many people. Hugh of Le Plessis? had already seized Pont Échanfray by a stratagem and was waiting confidently for help from his rebellious confederates. In the same way the castellans of Le Sap, Bienfaite, and Orbec and a number of others had come to

terms with them out of fear, because they had neither the strength nor the courage to defend themselves against such great power. But when the plotters of evil had been brought down in the way I have described, their sworn allies lay low, in great fear of being denounced before justices and lawmen for being privy to treason. ? Le Plessis is between Anceins and Pont- Échanfray ; the family were benefactors of Saint822242

Evroul (Le Prévost, v. 198). N

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Tunc bissextilis erat annus, ac sicut uulgo dici audiuimus, super proditores reuera corruit bissextus. Paulatim uiribus effetis Amalricus et Lupellus aliique hostes pacem regis procurauerunt, et Guillelmum exulem quem nullatenus iuuare ualebant inuiti deseruerunt. 'l'andem ipsi humiliter regi satisfecerunt, et amiciciam eius cum preteritorum indulgentia reatuum recuperauerunt, atque pristinos honores adepti sunt.

41

iv. 465

His rebus ita peractis pactum Guillelmi cum Andegauensibus disruptum est’ et ipse cum Helia pedagogo suo et Tirello de Maineriis! externa mappalia in magno metu et egestate peruagatus est. Longa et ualida patrui sui brachia sibi formidanda erant, cuius potestas seu diuitiz potentizque fama passim ab occidente usque in orientem pertingebant. Ad laborem puer ille natus est’ a quo dum aduixit nunquam bene liberatus est. Idem audax erat et superbus, pulcher ac ad militare facinus damnabiliter promptus, et deceptoria plus commendabat eum populis spes quam sua uirtus. In ccenobiis monachorum seu clericorum ubi solebat hospitari, superfluitate sua licet extorris plus erat oneri quam honori, innumerisque coherentibus illi miseriz magis quam saluti. Multorum in illo errabat opinio, ut euidenter postmodum celesti? patuit, ut in calce huius libelli ueraciter declarabo.

42 In diebus ilis multorum principum mutationes factz sunt, quibus in locis eorum moderni subrogati sunt. Radulfus cognomento Viridis Remorum archiepiscopus, eruditione et facundia inter patres precipuus, studiisque bonis nostro tempore laudabiliter deditus, pater et institutor monachorum et clericorum, patronus et defensor pauperum et omnium sibi subiectorum, post multa laudabilia opera in senectute bona defunctus est:? post quem Rainaldus Andegauorum episcopus in pluribus priori dispar sedem eius adeptus est.3 Andegauensis uero ecclesia regimen 4 Sic in MS.; a word (? nutu) is omitted

' His family came from the region of Neufchátel-en-Bray, and were vassals of the counts of Eu (cf. CDF, no. 399). ? He died on 23 July 1124.

3 Reginald II, archbishop of Rheims, appears as a witness to royal charters from 4 October 1125 (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 365).

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It was then a leap year, and the common saying goes, as we have heard, that in truth a leap year falls heavily on traitors. As their strength was worn down by degrees, Amaury and Lovel and the other enemies sought terms of peace with the king, and reluctantly abandoned the exiled William, whom they had failed to help in any way. At length, humbling themselves, they placated the king, were restored to his favour with a pardon for past crimes,

and recovered their former honors. 41 When affairs had been settled in this way the alliance between William and the Angevins was broken, and with Helias his tutor and Tirel of Mainiéres! he wandered from house to house in foreign lands, living in great fear and poverty. His uncle's arm was long and powerful and formidable to him, for Henry's might and reputation for wealth and power were known far and wide from the west to the east. William was a boy born to suffering, and was never free from it as long as he lived. He was courageous and proud, handsome and perniciously addicted to knightly adventures; misplaced hope commended him to the people more than his own merits. In the houses of monks and clergy, where he was often entertained, his extravagance even in exile brought more burden than honour, and to his countless adherents he brought more suffering than aid. Many were mistaken in their opinion of him, as was later clearly demonstrated by heaven, and as I will truly relate in the conclusion of this book.

42 In those days many changes of leaders occurred, and new men replaced the old. Ralph le Vert, archbishop of Rheims, who was outstanding among the fathers for his learning and eloquence and was in our own day devoted to worthy undertakings, a spiritual father and promoter of monks and clergy, a patron and protector of the poor and all who were under him, died in a good old age, after accomplishing many praiseworthy works.? After him Reginald, bishop of Angers, was given his see, though in many ways he fell

short of his predecessor.? Ulger in turn succeeded to the rule of the

360 iv. 466

iv. 467

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XII

Vigerius suscepit,! cuius uita religione et scientia cluens populis lumen ueritatis suggerit. Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxv° indictione iii* Calixtus papa defunctus est’? et Lambertus Hostiensis episcopus? in papam Honorium assumptus est. Hic senex eruditissimus et in obseruatione sacrz legis feruidus fuit’ zcclesiamque Romanam sex annis rexit. Eadem etiam septimana qua Calixtus papa hominem excessit/ Gislebertus Turonensis archiepiscopus qui pro ecclesiasticis negociis Romam perrexerat illic obiit. Quod audientes Turonici Ildebertum Cenomannensem* probatum presulem sibi asciuerunt, et Honorii papz permissu gaudentes in Turonicz metropolis kathedram transtulerunt. Ibi fere vii annis honorifice uixit, et subiectis profecit, Cenomannis uero Guiumarum Britonem5 episcopum consecrauit. 49 Eodem anno in ebdomada Pentecostes Karolus Henricus quintus imperator mortuus est’ et Spire metropoli Germaniz sepultus est. Imperii uero insignia moriens Cesar imperatrici Mathildi dimisit,$ quibus postmodum quia nulla soboles illi superfuit, Lotharius dux Saxonum generali plebis edicto intronizatus successit." Maguntinus enim archiepiscopus qui potentia et strenuitate pollebat, prouidentiaque sua ne scisma uel inordinata surreptio imperii fieret precauebat’ episcopos et proceres totius regni cum exercitibus suis conuocauit, cum quibus

una collectis de imperatore constituendo tractauit. Insignia siquidem ab imperatrice procurauerat ornamenta imperii? antequam ! Ulger became bishop of Angers on 20 September

1125. On him see Char-

trou, L’ Anjou, pp. 184-5; Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 255. ? Calixtus II died on 13 or 14 December 1124 (Robert, Calixte II, pp. 193-4). 3 See above, pp. 208, 254.

* See above, ii. 302; v. 236-8.

5 See above, v. 238 and n. 1. He was also known as Guy of Étampes and Guy of Ploérmel.

$ Otto of Freising corroborates the statement that the imperial insignia were given to Matilda by her husband; also that the archbishop of Mainz later took charge of them during the election (Ottonis episcopi Frisigensis et Rahewini Gesta Frederici, ed. F. J. Schmale, Ausgewdhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters, xvii, Darmstadt, 1965, i. 16, p. 156); cf. also K. Leyser, ‘Frederick

Barbarossa, Henry II and the hand of St. James', in EHR xc (1975), 490. 7 The details of the election procedure have been filled in either by Orderic’s imagination or by a highly coloured narrative that reached him; but a few of the

basic facts agree with those given by an anonymous eyewitness writing shortly

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church of Angers;! he was famous for his piety and learning, and brings the light of truth to the people by his way of life. In the year of our Lord 1125, the third indiction, Pope Calixtus died? and Lambert, bishop of Ostia,? became Pope Honorius. He was an old man of great learning, a fervent observer of the divine law, and he governed the Roman church for six years. In the same week that Pope Calixtus gave up the ghost, Gilbert, archbishop of Tours, who had gone to Rome on ecclesiastical business, died there. When they heard of his death the people of Tours invited Hildebert of Le Mans,* who had proved his worth as a bishop, to

come to them, and with the consent of Pope Honorius joyfully translated him to the metropolitan church of Tours. He lived there with distinction for about seven years, and provided for the welfare of his subjects. As for Le Mans, Guy the Breton’ was blessed as bishop. 43 In the same year the Emperor Charles Henry V died in Whitsun week, and was buried at Speyer, the metropolis of Germany. On his death-bed the Emperor left the insignia of Empire to the Empress Matilda;° afterwards, because he had no surviving child, Lothair,

duke of the Saxons, was enthroned by a general resolution of the people, and succeeded to the insignia. For the archbishop of Mainz, who was specially distinguished by his power and energy, providently averted any danger of schism or unlawful seizure of the Empire from taking place. He summoned the bishops and magnates of the whole realm with their armies, and when they were assembled treated with them about the election of an Emperor. He had obtained the chief insignia of the Empire from the Empress after the events (Narratio de electione Lotharii in regem Romanorum,

ed. W.

Wattenbach, MGH SSS xii. 509-12). Both accounts agree that the archbishop of Mainz, Adalbert, took the initiative; that in the first stage of the election forty men were chosen (according to the Narratio ten each from the Bavarians, Swabians, Franconians, and Saxons), and that these then chose three (the Narratio, however, correctly names Leopold, duke of Austria, instead of Henry, and Wattenbach notes that a fourth, Charles the Good of Flanders, is named by Otto of Freising; cf. Galbert (Ross), iv, p. 90). They also agree that Frederick of

Swabia was unwillingly forced to accept Lothair, though Orderic does not indicate that he stood apart from the first stage of the proceedings, and that he and his forces were on the other side of the Rhine; or that an attempt of some of the

laity to force Lothair on the assembly on their own initiative nearly caused a riot. The election took place between 24 August and 1 September; proceedings lasted several days. Cf. also SD ii. 275-6; Bernhardi, Lothar, pp. 20-50, 818-22.

362 iv. 468

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de tanto presumpsisset negocio fari. ‘Excellentissimi’ inquit ‘barones qui adsistitis in hac planicie" me queso sollerter audite, et prudenter intendentes his que dicam obedite. Pro commoditate omnium uestrum et plurimorum qui non adsunt laboro, et nocte dieque anxius cogito. Multis sermonibus hic modo non opus est. Bene nostis imperator noster sine prole defunctus est’ cui Deo fidelis et deuotus zcclesizque filiis utillimus successor sapienter inquirendus est. Quadraginta igitur ex uobis sapientes et legitimi milites eligantur et seorsum eant, ipsique secundum fidem suam et conscientiam optimum imperatorem eligant, qui merito uirtutum imperio preferatur, omnique populo sibi subiecto summopere patrocinetur. Sic ab omnibus concessum est. Ibi nempe plus quam lx milia pugnatorum aderant, et in diuersa nitentes exitum rei considerabant. Denique spectabiles sophistz qui de tot milibus segregati fuerunt? post diutinam collocutionem reuersi dixerunt, 'Fredericum ducem Alemannorum, Henricum ducem Lotharingorum, et Lotharium

ducem

Saxonum

laudamus,

et honorabiles

uiros

imperioque dignos predicamus. Hoc pro certo non peculiari fauore illecti dicimus" sed uniuersali salute perspecta prout nobis

uisum est asserimus. De his tribus quemcumque uolueritis in

iv. 469

nomine Domini sumite, quia omnes ut iam dudum probatum est laudabiles sunt persone, et merito strenuitatis toti mundo ut arbitramur preponende.’ His auditis archiepiscopus dixit, ‘Vos gloriosi principes qui nominati estis alacriter ite? et de uobis tribus unum eligite. Illi autem quemcumque elegeritis? subiciemur in nomine Dei omnipotentis. Porro si quis uestrum a communi discrepauerit edicto, decolletur continuo? ne per unius proteruiam Christianorum perturbetur sancta concio.' Animosi presulis rigida conditio cunctis formidabilis extitit, nec in tanta multitudine quisquam contra prelatum mutire presumpsit.

Igitur pretitulati duces seorsum abierunt, et circumstante legionum corona in medio constiterunt, seseque inuicem contuentes aliquandiu siluerunt. Tandem binis silentibus? Henricus

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before venturing to speak of such an important matter. ‘Most honourable lords', he said, *who are assembled on this plain, listen carefully to me, I ask you, and when you have understood what I have to say, take my advice. I am working for the advantage of you all and of many others who are not here, and to this I give anxious thought day and night. There is no need for many speeches on this occasion. You know well that our Emperor has died without heirs, and we must now make a wise search for a successor who will be faithful and devout to God and seek the advantage of the sons of the Church. Therefore let forty wise and loyal knights be chosen from your number and go apart, so that, according to their honour and conscience, they may elect the most suitable Emperor, who, being raised to the Empire by his own merits, may prove a most able protector of all his subject people.’ This was approved unanimously. More than sixty thousand fighting men were certainly present there, and they waited for the outcome of events, with different objects in mind. At length, after a long discussion, the eminent and wise men who had been sent apart from so many thousands came back and said, ‘We give our approval to Frederick, duke of the Swabians, Henry,

duke

of the Lotharingians,

and

Lothair,

duke

of the

Saxons, and pronounce them men who merit esteem and are worthy to rule the Empire. Be assured that we say this not out of any bond of self-interest, but because we have regard to the general welfare and speak as we think fit. Choose whichever one of these three you wish, in the name of the Lord, for all have already shown their praiseworthiness, and we consider that they are more distinguished than anyone else on earth.’ On hearing this, the archbishop said, ‘Most noble princes who have been named, go at once and choose one from among the three of you. Whichever one you choose in the name of almighty God we will obey. But if one of you disagrees with the common decision, he shall be beheaded immediately, so that the holy assembly of Christians is not disrupted by the obstruction of one man.' The harsh sanction proposed by the dauntless bishop terrified everyone, and not one of that vast multitude ventured to murmur against him. So the three dukes who had been named withdrew together and, with a circle of armies round them, stood together in the midst. For a considerable time they looked at each other without a word. Henry first broke the silence, saying as the other two remained

364

iv. 470

XII

rupit silentium primus. ‘Quid hic seniores agimus? Nunquid huc directi sumus, ut taciturnitati uacemus? Ingens negocium nobis iniunctum est. Non ut taceremus, sed ut de maximo bono loqueremur huc conuenimus. Iam uestram satis loquelam expectaui. Nunquid totum diem transigemus muti? De tractatu nobis iniuncto cogitate, et quid uobis placuerit edicite.’ Sociis annuentibus ut proferret, quid sibi qui senior erat placeret" ‘Optimum’ inquit ‘nunc decet nostrum esse consilium, quia modo ad nostrum tota latinitas suspirat arbitrium. Oremus ergo Dominum Deum qui Moysen Hebreis prefecit, eique uictoriosum successorem Iosue reuelauit, ut ipse clemens cooperator nobiscum sit? sicut fuit cum Samuhele ad unguendum in regem Dauid. His ita dictis generum suum elegit Lotharium.! Porro tercius contradicere formidat? ueritus sententiam quam archipresul sanxerat. Deinde ad conuentum reuersi sunt. Henricus uero diligenter intentis omnibus

iv. 471

BOOK

dixit, ‘Lotharium

ducem

Saxonum,

multis uirtutibus

adornatum, militia iusticiaque in sullimitate principali iamdiu probatum, eligimus in regem Alemannorum, Lotharingorum, Teutonum et Baioariorum, Langobardorum, et omnium Italiz populorum, et in imperatorem Romanorum.' Ab omnibus auditum est: et a pluribus libenter concessum est. Tunc primas et ordinator huius collecte, fuit ut dixi archiepiscopus Magunciz. Qui mox iussit ut omnes summi proceres antequam de illo campo migrarent, in conspectu omnium Lothario mox hominium facerent. Protinus gaudens Henricus, et merens Fredericus, et omnes post illos precipui magnates coram Lothario genua flexerunt, homagium illi fecerunt, eumque regem et augustum sibi prefecerunt.? Dissoluto conuentu exercitus Frederici super Lotharium irruit, ipsumque et plurimos de parte illius uulnerauit, et terga uertentes fugauit. Fredericus enim armatorum fere xxx milia secum adduxerat? quia timore uel fauore sese regem fore autumabat. Sed quia probi pontificis ingenio preuentus ut dictum est uelle suum perpetrare nequiuit? per Conradum fratrem suum 1 Orderic appears to have confused Lothair's father-in-law, Henry of Nordheim, with his stepfather, Theodore, duke of Upper Lotharingia (see Bernhardi, Lothar, pp. 11-13).

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365

speechless, ‘What are we leaders doing? Were we sent here to stand mutely by? We have been assigned a solemn duty. We have met not to be silent, but to speak of the greatest possible good. I have already waited long enough for words from you. Are we to

spend the whole day in silence? Think of the business entrusted to us, and state what is your will.' As his fellows insisted that, since he was senior to them he should state his proposals, he said, ‘We must now seek the highest counsel, for at this moment the whole Latin world hangs on our decision. Let us therefore pray to the Lord God, who appointed Moses to rule the Hebrews and revealed to him Joshua as his victorious successor, that he mercifully help us now by his presence, just as he was with Samuel for the anointing of David as king.' Having said this he chose his son-in-law, Lothair.! The third duke did not dare to oppose this, for he feared the sentence laid down by the archbishop. Thereupon they returned to the assembly. Henry then announced, as all listened attentively, "We elect Lothair, duke of the Saxons, distinguished

by many virtues, who has already shown himself worthy of the highest rule by his chivalry and justice, as king of the Swabians, Lotharingians,

Germans

and Bavarians,

Lombards

and all the

peoples of Italy, and as Emperor of the Romans.' Everyone heard his words, and most approved them gladly. The primate who had arranged this assembly was, as I said, the archbishop of Mainz. He immediately ordered that all the chief magnates, before leaving the plain, should immediately do homage to Lothair in the sight of all. First Henry, willingly, and then Frederick, reluctantly, and after them all the other chief magnates bowed the knee before Lothair, did homage to him, and recognized

him as their king and emperor.?

When the assembly had broken up, Frederick's army attacked Lothair, wounded him and many of his supporters, and forced them to turn and fly.? Frederick had brought about thirty thousand armed men with him, because he had intended to become king either by intimidation or by influence. But because he had been forestalled by the wit of the worthy prelate, as I have described, so that he could not force his will, he afterwards waged war on 2 The Narratio says more precisely that the princes did homage to Lothair and the bishops swore fealty before the assembly broke up. 3 Frederick did not attack Lothair immediately, but began to disturb the peace shortly afterwards (Bernhardi, Lothar, pp. 55, 58-9).

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maximam postmodum guerram fecit. Lotharius tamen auxiliante Deo preualuit, meritoque strenuitatis et religionis laudabilis iam x[ ]'annis regnauit. 4

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxvI° indictione iiii? pontificalis basilica sancti Geruasii Mediolanensis martiris apud

lv. 472

Sagium xii? kalendas Aprilis dedicata est a domno Goisfredo Rotomagensi archiepiscopo et aliis quinque presulibus. Ibi tunc Henricus rex Anglorum cum proceribus suis affuit, et eidem zcclesiz redditus x librarum pro dote per singulos annos donauit.2 Ibi tunc interfuerunt Girardus Engolismensis episcopus Romane zcclesiz legatus,? Iohannes Lexouiensis, Iohannes Salariensis, Goisfredus Carnotensis, et Vlgerius Andegauensis. Mense Octobri basilica sancti Petri apostoli in suburbio Rotomagi dedicata est’ ubi corpus sancti Audoeni archiepiscopi et confessoris honeste conditum est.4 Eodem anno’ Guillelmus Pictauensis mortuus est. Guillelmus etiam dux Apuliz filius Rogerii Bursz sine filiis obiit, cuius ducatum Honorius papa dominio apostolice sedis mancipare sategit. Verum Rogerius iuuenis Siciliz comes e contra surrexit, et multa in exercitum papz certamina commisit, consobrinique

sui principatum uiolentia militari uendicauit, et homagio papz facto usque in hodiernum diem possedit. Hic nimirum Rogerii senis filii Tancredi de Altauilla filius fuit, ac strenuze Adelaidis

quz Bonefacii marchisi potentis Italize" fuit, et post prioris mariti fratris scilicet Guiscardi obitum priori Balduino regi Ierusalem nupsit.7 4 filia missing in MS. ! Orderic left a space after x for the completion of the number. At the end of Book I (Le Prévost, i. 191) he noted Lothair's death in 1138, but he failed to complete this passage.

? [n 1131 Henry confirmed the possessions of the church of Séez; his charter included confirmation of 15 livres annually in the money of Rouen, payable half

from the tolls of Exmes and half from those of Falaise (Regesta, ii. 1698; Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 300-2). 3 Cf. Schieffer, Legaten, p. 220, on the very restricted role of the papal legate in Normandy on this occasion.

4 The abbey church of St. Ouen, Rouen. The small apse at the junction of the

BOOK XII a large scale through his brother

367

Conrad.

Lothair,

however,

triumphed with God's help, and has now ruled with admirable energy and piety for [more than] ten years.!

44 In the year of our Lord 1126, the fourth indiction, the cathedral church of Séez, dedicated in the name of the martyr St. Gervase of Milan, was consecrated by Geoffrey, lord archbishop of Rouen, and five other prelates on 21 March. On that occasion Henry, king of England, was present with his nobles, and gave the church as an endowment an annual rent of ten pounds.? Gerard, bishop of Angouléme

and legate of the Roman

church,? John, bishop of

Lisieux, John, bishop of Séez, Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres, and Ulger, bishop of Angers, were also present. In October the church of St. Peter the apostle in the suburb of Rouen, where the body of St. Ouen, archbishop and confessor, is

honourably buried, was consecrated.* In the same year5 William of Poitou died; William, duke of Apulia, the son of Roger Borsa, also died without children, and

Pope Honorius attempted to take his duchy into the demesne of the Roman church. However, young Roger, count of Sicily, rose in opposition to him, fought many battles against the Pope's army, acquired his kinsman's principality by force of arms, and, after doing homage to the Pope, has continued to hold it up to the present day.® He was the son of old Roger, Tancred of Hauteville’s son; his mother was the accomplished Adelasia [a daughter] of Boniface, the powerful marquis of Italy, who, after the death of her first husband, Guiscard's brother, married Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem.? crossing and the north transept, now called the Tour aux Clercs, survives from this church. 5 An error; the date should be 1127 (RHF xii. 408).

$ Although Roger II offered homage to Innocent II on several occasions and finally forced it on him at sword's point in 1139, future Popes declined to accept the king as a papal vassal, and the relations with the papacy were until the Treaty of Benevento in 1156. The complicated issue has been elucidated by D. Clementi, in Bullettino dell'Istituto per il Medio Evo e Archivio muratoriano, Ixxx (1968), 191-212.

not regularized of the homage storico italiano For the general

historical background see Chalandon, Domination normande, passim. 7 Baldwin married Adelasia in 1113 after putting aside his Armenian wife; the marriage was dissolved in 1116 (see below, p. 432).

368

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XII

45 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxviI° indictione v4? Ludouicus rex Francorum in Natale Domini ad curiam suam! optimates regni allocutus est eosque ut Guillelmo Normanno compaterentur et subuenirent summopere precatus est. Erat enim adolescens preclarus, pulcher audax et probus? sed multis iniv. 473 fortuniis ab infantia prepeditus. Nam dum adhuc infantulus esset/ mater eius Apuliensis Sibilla ueneno perempta est. Pater uero eius Rodbertus dux Normannorum in bello apud Tenerchebraicum captus est: et Henricus frater eius rex Anglorum Normanniz ducatum adeptus est. Ipse quidem puerulus Heliz de Sancto Sidonio suo uidelicet sororio ad nutriendum regis iussu commendatus est: a quo pro timore prefati regis et fautorum eius in Galliam abductus est, ibique inter extraneos in magna egestate nec sine multa formidine educatus est. A multis hostibus multum multisque modis quesitus est ut perimeretur’ a multis e contra requisitus est ut honori paterno restitueretur. Frustra conatur id agere humana intentio? quod aliter disposuit diuina ordinatio. Ludouicus rex et precipui optimates regni Francorum, Balduinus acerrimus iuuenis et Karolus satrape cum proceribus Flandrorum, Amalricus de Monteforti comes Ebroicensium, Stephanus comes de Albamarla et Henricus comes Aucensium, Gualerannus comes de Mellento et Hugo de Nouo-castello, Hugo de Monteforti et Hugo de Gornaco, Guillelmus de Raumara et Baldricus de Bosco, Richerius de Aquila et Eustachius de Britoiv. 474 lio, et multi ala Normannorum et Britonum, Rodbertus etiam de Bellismo cum copiis Andegauensium et Cenomannorum, Guillelmum exulem adiuuare moliti sunt" sed Deo aduersante qui profunditate sensus et uirtute bellica copiisque facultatum et amicorum prefatis omnibus Henricum regem pretulerat nichil profecerunt. Multi eorum pro facinoroso inceptu capti sunt? aut

exheeredati aut occisi sunt. Rebelliones etiam hac de causa multe in regem Henricum exortz sunt? et castella sunt. Hoc attestantur Ebroica urbs? et Sancte Mariz, sanctimonialiumque abbatia, et Aquila, Pons Aldemari et Bellismia, et edacia perierunt incendia. ! The court held at Christmas,

ruraque concremata episcopalis zcclesia Brionna, Monsfortis multa alia quz per 1126.

BOOK XII

369

45 In the year of our Lord 1127, the fifth indiction, Louis, king of France, addressed the nobles of the realm at his Christmas court,! and asked them urgently to give sympathy and help to William the Norman. He was a distinguished youth, handsome, brave, and honourable, but he had been dogged by misfortune from his earliest years. When he was still a babe in arms his mother, Sibyl of Apulia, was poisoned. His father Robert, duke of Normandy, was captured at the battle of ''inchebray, and his brother Henry, king of England, took possession of the duchy of Normandy. He himself as a small boy was entrusted by the king's command to the guardianship of Helias of Saint-Saens, his brother-in-law, who carried him off into France for fear of King Henry and his supporters. There he was brought up among foreigners in great poverty and constant fear. He was resolutely pursued by many enemies, who used all kinds of wiles to cause his death, while at the same time he was sought out by many who wished to restore him to his paternal inheritance. But human purpose strives in vain to achieve anything when God's ordinance has disposed otherwise. King Louis and the chief magnates of the realm of France, the counts Baldwin, a most spirited youth, and Charles, together with the magnates of Flanders, Amaury of Montfort, count of Évreux, Stephen, count of Aumale,

and Henry, count of Eu, Waleran,

count of Meulan, and Hugh of Cháteauneuf-en- Thimerais, Hugh of Montfort and Hugh of Gournay, William of Roumare and Baudry of Bray, Richer of Laigle and Eustace of Breteuil and many other Normans and Bretons, and besides these Robert of Belléme,

with forces of Angevins and Manceaux, all strove to help the exiled William. But because God was against them and had provided King Henry with deep wisdom, military prowess, and abundance of wealth and friends far in excess of all theirs together, they accomplished nothing. Many of them were imprisoned for their lawless undertakings, or disinherited, or killed. Many rebellions, too, broke out against King Henry in William's cause, and fortified towns and villages were burnt. The city of Évreux, with the cathedral church of St. Mary and the abbey of nuns, Brionne, Montfort and Laigle, Pont-Audemer and Belléme, and many other places which were consumed by devouring flames declare the truth

of this.

370

BOOK XII Tandem

cum

Guillelmus

exul xxvi esset annorum,

et nemo

potuisset ei de paterna hereditate recuperanda suffragari contra patruum suum? Adeles regina uterinam sororem suam dedit illi in coniugem, Rainerii scilicet marchionis sobolem.! Ludouicus autem rex dedit ei Pontesiam et Caluimontem atque Medantum totumque Vilcassinum. Hoc mense Ianuario factum est: et paulo post ante quadragesimam? Gisortis uenit cum militari manu Normanniam

calumniari,

sed eum

Normanni

ueluti dominum

naturalem reueriti sunt. Kalendas Martii Karolus dux Flandriz, Cunuti regis Danorum lv. 475 filius, cum Tesnardo Brothburgi oppidano et xx militibus ad ecclesiam Brugis ut missam audiret uenit? ibique dum pronus in terra Deum oraret, a Burchardo de Insula aliisque xxxii militibus peremptus est, et pene omnes qui cum illo erant ibidem crudeliter occisi sunt.? Guillelmus autem de Ipro^ tam graui facinore audito mox castrum de Brugis obsedit, et ferales homicidas undique iniv. 476 clusit/ donec Ludouicus rex Francie cum Guillelmo Normanno uenit, et obsidione menstrua diros carnifices coartauit, cepit et de altissima turre Brugis precipitauit. Deinde Guillelmo Normanno ducatum Flandriz dedit/é et Vilcassinum cum oppidis qua dederat recepit. Verum Guillelmus ut ducatum Flandrie iv. 477 dono regis et haereditario iure optinuit? solummodo xvi mensibus laboriose rexit. In primis enim contra proditores Karoli ducis insurrexit, totisque nisibus eos indagauit" nullique pro qualibet causa nobilitatis seu potentiz uel ordinis aut peenitentiz pepercit. Fere c et xi condemnauit, et precipitio uel aliis mortium generibus crudeliter puniit. Interfectorum ergo consanguinei uehementer contristati sunt’ et detrimentum illi perniciemque machinati sunt. Ipse pedagogo suo Helize de Sancto Sidonio qui diutius pro illo exulauit, et cum Tirello de Maineriis exheredari pertulit" Monsteriolum castrum donauit." Mense Augusto contra Stephanum Boloniz ! William Clito was born on 25 October 1102, and was in his twenth-sixth year when his marriage took place c. January 1127. Queen Adela's mother, Gisla, married Rainer, count of Montferrat, as her second husband.

? Lent began on 16 February in 1127. 3 Charles the Good, count of Flanders, was murdered in the church of Saint Donatian in Bruges at dawn on 2 March (not 1 March) 1127; for detailed accounts see Galbert (Ross), c. 15, pp. 118 ff., and Walter of Thérouanne, Vita Karoli, in MGH SS xii, c. 25, pp. 548-9. For Themard, castellan of Bourbourg,

see Galbert (Ross), p. 121 n. 1; Burchard or Borsiard was a descendant of Erembald, former castellan of Bruges (cf. ibid., pp. 97 nn. 5, 6; 98 n. 7). * William of Ypres was the illegitimate son of Philip of Loo, second son of Robert the Frisian, and a claimant to the countship in 1119 and in 1127 (cf. Galbert (Ross), p. 134 n. 9). According to Galbert, c. 47, p. 187, he was passed

over because of his illegitimacy and his mother's low birth.

BOOK

XII

371

Finally, when the exiled William was twenty-six years old and no one could succeed in recovering his paternal inheritance for him from his uncle, Queen Adela gave him as his wife her uterine sister, the child of Rainer the marquis.! Moreover King Louis gave him Pontoise and Chaumont and Mantes and all the Vexin. This was done in January; shortly afterwards, before Lent began,? he came to Gisors with a force of knights to claim Normandy, and the Normans respected him as their natural lord. On 1 March Charles, duke of Flanders, the son of Cnut, king of Denmark, went with Themard, castellan of Bourbourg, and twenty

knights to the church of Bruges to hear Mass. While he was kneeling on the ground there, praying to God, he was murdered by Burchard of Lille and thirty-two other knights; almost all who were with him were cruelly butchered there as well. The moment he heard of this shocking crime William of Ypres‘ besieged the castle of Bruges and shut in the bestial murderers on every side until King Louis of France arrived with William the Norman, besieged the cruel butchers for a month, captured them, and had them hurled

from the highest tower of Bruges.5 Thereupon he gave the duchy of Flanders to William the Norman, and received back the Vexin

with the strong towns he had given him. But in fact after William secured the duchy of Flanders by hereditary right from the king's hand he ruled it with great difficulty only for sixteen months. First of all he took measures against the traitors who had betrayed Duke Charles, spared no effort to hunt them out, and

showed no mercy to any man on any grounds, whether of high birth or power or status or repentance. He condemned about a hundred and eleven and punished them by precipitation or some other form of cruel death. Consequently the kinsmen of the slain were deeply embittered and plotted his death and destruction. He gave the town of Montreuil-sur-Mer to his tutor, Helias of SaintSaens,7 who had suffered disinheritance with Tirel of Mainiéres

and spent long years in exile for his sake. In August he led an army 5 Cf. the fate of the traitor Conan at Rouen (see above, iv. 226 and n. 1). They were executed on 5 May 1127. 6 For the sources describing Louis's intervention see Luchaire, Louis VI, no.

379. William Clito was elected on 23 March. For the subsequent events see ibid., nos. 380-90.

7 Cf. Magni rotuli scaccarii Normanniae, ed. Thomas Stapleton, i, pp. ciii-civ; Helias occurs as a witness to Count William’s charters (Vercauteren, Actes, nos.

127, 129, pp. 298, 303).

372

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XII

comitem exercitum duxit? eumque sibi subicere uolens terram eius ferro et flamma ferociter deuastare cepit. Denique fidi caduceatores missi sunt’ et quia consobrini erant sibi dextras dederunt, treuiisque triennalibus datis pacificati sunt. Interea dum Guillelmus dux in hac expeditione occupatus esset, eique aliquando leta et plerumque tristis fortuna uariabiliiv. 478 ter insisteret? Euuenus de Ganda! et Danihel de Tenero-monte? nepotes Balduini de Ganda ultionem amicorum callide quesierunt? et excogitatum facinus ad multorum lamenta perficere conati iv. 479 sunt. Nam Teodericum comitem Auxentium? adierunt, ipsumque cur hereditarium ius neglegenter et sine calumnia perderet increpauerunt, eique sese aliosque plures si suum ius calumniaretur auxiliatores fore spoponderunt. Teodericus itaque Auxensis et Lambertus Ardennensis comes^ Flandriam expetierunt, et opinatissimum castrum* quod Insula dicitur et Fornas atque Ganda aliaque plura Morinis assentientibus receperunt. Guillelmus autem his auditis Stephano Boloniensi treuias dedit, et contra intestinos hostes usque ad mortem dimicauit. Erant enim uiri potentes et nobiles? audaciaque et multa probitate laudabiles, diuitiis et amicis et munitionibus et fauore contribulium formidabiles. Mense Iulio dux aggregato exercitu castrum Alost obsedit, et cum Godefredo Louennensium duce$ per dies aliquot coartauit. Multi ad eum de Neustria uenerunt. Ipsum enim plures in tantum diligebant, et falsa spe decepti tantam in eo fiduciam habebant, ut natale solum cum naturalibus eris ac parentibus et amicis ultro relinquerent, quidam uero periuriis uel homicidiis polluti exules illi adhererent. * Ivan of Ghent or of Aalst was a son of Baldwin I of Ghent (Galbert (Ross), p. 156 n. 2). 2 Daniel of Dendermonde, like Ivan, was called a ‘peer’ by Galbert (ibid., cc.

31, 101); he was advocate of Saint Bavon of Ghent (ibid., p. 157 n. 1). Galbert says (ibid., c. 101, p. 277) that both men had received gifts from the king of England, with promises of more if they would expel his nephew. For Henry I's

alliances against Count William see also Walter of Thérouanne, Vita Karoli, in MGH SS xii. 557; H. Hunt., p. 249; David, Robert Curthose, pp. 185-6. 3 Thierry of Alsace was the son of Thierry II, duke of Upper Lotharingia, and of Gertrude,

sister of Robert

II, count of Flanders:

he was therefore

a

grandson of Count Robert I, the Frisian, and had as good a hereditary claim as William Clito. See the genealogy in Galbert (Ross), pp. 314-15.

BOOK XII

373

against Stephen, count of Boulogne, and in an attemptto force him into subjection began to lay waste his lands relentlessly with fire and sword. But in time trustworthy negotiators were sent out and the two men joined hands because they were kinsmen, and laid down their arms after agreeing on a three-year truce. During the time that Duke William was engaged in this military exercise, occasionally experiencing good, and frequently bad, fortune by turn, Ivan of Ghent! and Daniel of Dendermonde,? the

kinsmen of Baldwin of Ghent, plotted cunningly to avenge their friends and, by attempting to carry out the crime they had planned, brought distress to many men. They approached Thierry, count of Alsace,? rebuked him for letting his hereditary right go by default

without a plea, and promised that if he would claim his right they and many others would give him backing. So Thierry of Alsace and Lambert, count of Clermont,* went to Flanders and took possession of the famous towns of Lille, together with Furnes and Ghent and a number of others, with the approval of the Flemings. William, on hearing of these events, concludedatruce with Stephen of Boulogne and fought until his death against civil enemies. They were powerful and nobly born, famous for their daring and great courage, formidable enemies because of their wealth and friends and castles and the goodwill of thei: fellow countrymen. In July the duke raised an army and laid siege to the town of Aalst, which he invested for some days with the help of Godfrey, duke of Louvain.® Many men flocked to him from Normandy; for many loved him with such devotion and, misled by false hope, had such faith in him, that they were willing to leave their native land and their lords and kinsmen and friends, though there were some among his adherents who had been exiled for treason and homicide. 4 Lambert, count of Clermont near Liége, who had escaped from Antioch during the first crusade; see above, v. 98.

5 It has been shown by F. L. Ganshof, ‘Trois mandements perdus’, in Annales de la Société d’émulation de Bruges, \xxxvii (1950), 131, that the word castrum is used in the sense of ‘town’ in mandates of the French chancery referring to the Flemish towns; see also J. F. Verbruggen in Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, xxviii (1950), 147-55. Orderic sometimes uses it in the same sense. Thierry came to Lille on 23 April 1126 (Galbert (Ross), c. 107, . 286).

: $ Godfrey VII, duke of Louvain, was Henry I's father-in-law, but was fighting for Count William. The siege lasted from 12 to 25 July (cf. Galbert (Ross),

c. 118, pp. 304-6; Herman of Tournai, Liber de restauratione monasterii Sancti Martini Tornacensis (MGH SS xiv. 288-9)).

374 iv. 480

BOOK XII

Guillelmus de Ipro Rodberti Morinorum marchionis filius! in primis ei obstitit, sed fortuna prodente in manus eius apud Triam Vilcassini castrum incidit, quem seruandum Amalrico de Monteforti protinus destinauit. Denique non multo post dux eundem per amicorum procurationem in amiciciam recepit, et a uinculis liberauit.? 3Apud Iprum tres munitiones erant, quarum una ducis erat: altera Guillelmi, et tercia Danihelis et Euueni. Ibi hostes ducis in mortem eius conspirauerunt, in arcem eius noctu irruere decreuerunt, et quattuor turmas ut nullatenus exitium euaderet extrinsecus constituerunt. Porro dux qui tam feralem machinationem sibi paratam nesciebat" ad quandam uenit iuuenculam quam amabat. Illa uero caput eius ut solebat lauit, et cognita hostili coniuratione lauando fleuit. Adolescens lacrimarum causam ab amica inquisiuit, precibus et minis sollerter extorsit, quibus coacta seriatim detexit, quicquid ab inimicis eius de morte compererit. Protinus ille cum suis arma capillis adhuc impexis arripuit, ipsamque secum ne aliquo modo periclitaretur sustulit? et Guillelmo duci Pictauensis cozuo commilitoni suo per quendam abbatem destinauit, ipsumque ut liberatricem suam honorabili conubio sicut sororem suam donaret obsecrauit. Quod ita factum

est. iv. 481

Tune Guillelmus omnes insidias incolumis pertransiuit, et iratus publicos hostes condemnauit. Bellicosus deinde iuuenis undique uires collegit, castrum Alost* obsedit, acriter debellauit,

et totis nisibus oppidanos ad deditionem cogere sategit. Ipse ducis et militis officio plerumque fungebatur, unde a karis tutoribus pro illo formidantibus crebro redarguebatur. Sepe centurias aduocabat, ut acer dux imperabat, sed crebrius ut tiro feruidus pugnabat. Quadam

die ad transitum

cuiusdam

aque

hostilis

phalanx

uenit, obsessis suffragari studuit contra quod d[ux repent]e? ccc 4 Hole in MS.; space in B, D, L; reading conjectured by Duchesne

! This is incorrect; he was Robert the Frisian's grandson. 2 According to Galbert (Ross), c. 79, p. 248, he was captured at Ypres on 26 April 1127, taken to Bruges in September (ibid., c. 86, p. 258) and thence ia October to Lille (ibid., c. 9o, p. 263); and was released in return for a promise to help William Clito (ibid., c. ror, p. 277). There is nothing to suggest that he was ever in the hands of Amaury of Montfort. 3 Orderic's story is pure romance, and cannot be connected with any known

historical episode. During the spring of 1128 Count William was frequently in Ypres, while Thierry was based in Bruges. The story probably arose during the

BOOK XII

375

William of Ypres, the son of Robert, marquis of Flanders,' was one of the first to oppose him, but fortune let him down and he fell into his hands at Trie, a castle of the Vexin, and was immediately sent into the custody of Amaury of Montfort. Not long afterwards, through the intercession of friends, the duke took him back into his favour and released him from his fetters.?

*There were three castles at Ypres, of which the duke held one, William another, and Daniel and Ivan the third. The enemies of the duke plotted to cause his death there, resolved to attack his tower by night, and stationed four squadrons outside it so that he would have no means of escaping his death. But the duke, who knew nothing of the cruel trap prepared for him, went to visit a certain young girl whom he loved. She was washing his hair, as was her custom and, knowing of the hostile plot, wept as she washed. The young man asked his mistress the reason for her tears, and pressed his questions insistently with prayers and threats until she gave way and revealed in detail everything she had gathered from his enemies about the plot against his life. Springing up, with his bodyguard, his hair still uncombed, he seized his arms. He carried her off with him for fear that her life would be in danger, and sent her in the care of a certain abbot to William, duke of Poitou, a fellow knight of his own age, asking him to treat his preserver as a sister and bestow her in honourable marriage. And so it was done. William then passed safely through all the ambushes and angrily condemned the public enemies. Next the valorous young man mustered his forces from all sides, besieged the town of Aalst,‘ attacked it with determination,

and made the utmost efforts to

force the garrison to surrender. He very frequently performed the duties of leader and knight, for which he was constantly reproached by his kind guardians, who were alarmed on his behalf. Often he called out the divisions and, as a keen leader, gave them commands; but more often he fought as an impetuous young knight. One day a hostile column came to the crossing of a watercourse, bent on relieving the besieged, and the duke quickly sent three period of confused fighting in April and May 1128. At no time were Count William, William of Ypres, and Ivan and Daniel all holding parts of Ypres. The

men of Ypres made approaches to Thierry and the citizens of Bruges behind William's back on 9 April and on 12 June 1128 (Galbert (Ross), cc. 105, 113, pp. 282-3, 296).

* 'The siege began on 12 July and continued until Count William's death.

376

iv. 482

BOOK XII

milites direxit. Sed conflictu [nimis]^ durante, et hostium uirtute admodum crescente? milites ducis ceperunt aliquantulum relabi et uacillare. Quod uidens dux infremuit, suppetias aduolauit, audacter dimicauit, suos ita corroborauit, hostesque fugauit. Inde reuersus ad portas castri repente irruit, eoque ueniente turma satellitum qui egressi fuerant dispersa confugit, quorum pars super aggerem exiliuit. Quos ibidem dux dum uidisset, et lanceam cuiusdam peditis sibi obstantis apprehendisset, forte ferro quod capere dextera nisus est? in pinguedine manus quz inter pollicem et palmum est, usque in pulsum brachii subito perniciose punctus est. Grauiter itaque sauciatus inde recessit/ familiaribus suis uulnus ostendit, corde tenusque dolens plangere cepit, nec multo post in lectum decubuit. Ignis enim quem sacrum uocant plagz immixtus est’ totumque brachium usque ad cubitum instar carbonis denigratum est. Quinque diebus zegrotauit, scelerumque poenitens monachatum petit, et dominici corporis perceptione

cum confessione munitus obiit.! Helias et Tirellus aliique domestici ducis qui semper ei fideles fuerunt,

letale

uulnus

iuuenis

eri Flandrensibus

et omnibus

extraneis celauerunt, et oppidanos ad deditionem expugnando coegerunt.? Euuenus uero princeps castri reconciliatus est’ et datis obsidibus ac pace firmata familiaris amicus factus est. Tunc Normanni

ducis

que suum

in feretro mortuum

in tentorium

eundem

duxerunt,

lugubres ostenderunt.

dominum-

‘En’ in-

quiunt 'potes uidere quid fecisti. Dominum tuum occidisti, et innumeris sic militibus luctum inuexisti Quod ille uidens contremuit, et uehementi merore t[actus mox in]? lacrimas erupit. Cui Helias ait, Desine queso [nunc flere quia a]’modo tue inutiles sunt lacrim: [nec duci sunt]^ auxilio. Vade, arma tua [sumens tuos fac]? milites armari, et defuncti corpus ducis ad sanctum iv. 483

Bertinum

fac honorifice

pletum est. Conuentus

autem

deduci!

Quod

monachorum

ita mox

com-

obuiam

processit?

4 Hole in MS.; space in B, D, L; reading conjectured by Duchesne in MS.; supplied from D

b Hole

1 There is general agreement in the sources that Count William was wounded in the hand, but disagreement on how many days he survived. See Galbert (Ross), c. 119, p. 307; Herman of Tournai, c. 36 (MGH SS xiv. 288-9). Ver-

cauteren argues for 27 or 28 July as the day of his death (Vercauteren, Actes,

BOOK XII

377

hundred knights against them. But as the conflict dragged on too long, and the enemy's strength increased greatly, the duke's knights began to fall back and waver to some extent. Seeing this the duke shouted out, rushed to their aid, gave battle boldly, thereby heartening his men, and put the enemy to flight. On his way back he suddenly charged the gates of the town, and at his approach a troop of retainers who had emerged scattered and fled; a number of them leaped up on to the rampart. When the duke saw them there he seized the lance of one of the foot-soldiers opposing him, but by chance the iron which he tried to grasp in his right hand suddenly pierced him in the fleshy part of the hand between the thumb and the palm, and penetrated dangerously as far as the veins of his arm. So he retreated, gravely wounded, showed the injury to his friends, and began to complain of pain striking to his heart. Not long afterwards he took to his bed. St. Anthony's fire, as it is called, took hold of the wound, and the whole arm up to the elbow turned as black as coal. He lay sick for five days, and, repenting his sins, asked to become a monk; after being strengthened by receiving the Lord's body and making confession, he died.! Helias and Tirel and the other members of the duke’s household,

who never faltered in their loyalty to him, concealed the young lord's fatal wound both from the Flemings and from all the foreigners, and by making an assault forced the garrison to surrender.? Ivan, lord of the town, sought terms of peace; after hostages had been given and a truce confirmed he became a close friend. Then the Normans conducted him into the duke's tent, and

sadly showed him their lord dead on his bier. “Look’, they said, *and see what you have done. You have killed your lord, and so have plunged countless knights into mourning.' He was appalled at the sight, and burst into tears with passionate grief. Helias said to him, ‘Cease, I beg you, from weeping now, for your tears are of no avail now and can do nothing for the duke. Go, taking your arms with you; have your men armed and escort the body of the dead duke honourably to Saint-Bertin.' This was soon done. The community of monks came out to meet them, and received the body in p. xix); the epitaph cited by Orderic favours 28 July. Orderic's account indicates that the wound turned gangrenous. ? Galbert and Herman

agree that William's supporters tried to conceal the

fatal nature of his wound until they had made peace with Thierry; they attribute the negotiations to the duke of Louvain, which is likely to be true. There is no support for Orderic's story that Aalst was taken before the peace.

BOOK

378

XII

et cadauer in basilica suscepit. Ibi secus Rodbertum ducem sepultum est:! et in lapide superposito epitaphium huiuscemodi exaratum est,

Miles famosus Guillelmus uir generosus,

Marchio Flandrensis iacet hic monachus Sithiensis. Rodbertus pater huic, materque Sibilla fuere? Et Normannorum gentis frenum tenuere. Luxque kalendarum sextilis? quinta rediuit?

Cum pugnax apud Alst ferro plagatus obiuit.

iv. 484

Iohannes filius Odonis Baiocensis episcopi? primus Henricum regem adiuit, eique casum nepotis sui nunciauit, et sigillatos apices de parte eius supplex optulit, in quibus moriens adolescentulus a patruo suo malorum que contra illum fecerat/\ indulgentiam postulabat, eumque ut omnes qui ad se confugerant si ad illum remearent benigne susciperet obsecrabat. His itaque rex preceptis annuit? et plures ad illum reuersos recepit. Alu uero quamplures erili nece conturbati crucem Domini sustulerunt, et exules pro Christo sepulchrum eius in lerusalem expetierunt. T'eodericus autem Auxensis Morinorum dux factus est? et Ludouico regi Francorum et Henrico regi Anglorum a secretis confederatus est.4 Stephanum comitem Boloniensium aliosque Normannos qui terras habebant in Flandria? rex Henricus ei subiugauit regali iusticia.5 Denique pulcherrima uxor eius quam tunc habebat post aliquot annos occubuit, et ipse consilio regis Angliz Sibillam Andegauensem Guillelmi predecessoris sui spon-

sam in coniugem accepit. 46 Auxilio superni dispensatoris fretus rex Henricus inter tot aduersa rigidus in fastigio perstitit, et rebelles a temerario ausu deficientes eumque suppliciter repetentes suscepit, et sollerti 1 William was buried at Saint-Omer, in the abbey of Saint-Bertin (Galbert (Ross), c. 119, p. 308). But Robert the Frisian was buried at Cassel in the collegiate church of St. Peter, which he had founded, and not at Saint-Bertin (C. Verlinden, Robert I*' le Frison (Antwerp: Paris, 1935), p. 166). ? 'sextilis', the sixth month of the Roman calendar, is August; the date is therefore 28 July. 3 See above, iv. 116 and n. 2. * Cf. Galbert (Ross), c. 122, p. 312, who says that he received fiefs and royal

gifts from both kings, and was acceptable to both; this is confirmed by Herman

BOOK

XII

379

the church. There it was buried beside Duke Robert, and this epitaph was inscribed on the stone laid over the tomb: William, an honoured knight, most nobly born, Marquis of Flanders, of Saint- Bertin monk, Lies here; his father, Robert, and his mother, Sibyl, once held the Norman race in check.

The fifth day dawned before the August kalends? When, wounded as he fought at Aalst, he died.

John, the son of Odo, bishop of Bayeux,3 was the first to go to King Henry and tell him the news of his nephew's fate. He humbly offered him sealed letters from Count William, in which the youth on his death-bed asked his uncle to pardon him for all the wrongs he had done, and begged him to take back into favour all who had flocked to support him if they returned to their loyalty. The king agreed to these proposals, and received many who returned to him. However, many others, distressed by their master's death, took the Lord's cross and, becoming exiles for Christ's sake, set out for his sepulchre in Jerusalem. Thierry of Alsace became duke of Flanders and made a close alliance with Louis, king of France, and Henry, king of England. King Henry exercised his royal authority to bring under his rule Stephen, count of Boulogne,5 and the other Normans who had lands in Flanders. Finally, some years later, the beautiful wife to whom Thierry was married died and, on the advice of the king of England, he took to wife Sibyl of Anjou, the betrothed of his predecessor, William. 46 Trusting in the help of the supreme Ruler, King Henry remained firmly in the seat of power through so many adversities,

received the rebels who renounced their rash defiance and humbly sought his mercy, and with shrewd graciousness agreed to be of Tournai, c. 36. See also G. G. Dept, Les influences anglaise et frangaise dans le comté de Flandre au début du XIII* siécle (Ghent, 1928), pp. 19-20. The treaty made between Count Thierry and Henry II in 1163 recognized that Thierry had already done homage to Henry I (P. Chaplais, Diplomatic Documents, i (1101-

1272), London, 1964, p. 11). 5 The treaties between Henry I and Count Robert II in 110r and 1110 (P. Chaplais, Diplomatic Documents, pp. 1-8) recognized a special relationship with the count of Boulogne, and Orderic may have heard a version of some lost

charter relating to the same subject at a later date.

380

BOOK

XII

benignitate secum reconciliari consensit. Primus itaque ut supradictum est: Guillelmus de Rolmara regi honorifice reconciliatus est, et exinde familiaris eius conuiua et amicus factus est. Generoiv. 485

sam quoque Mathildem filiam Ricardi de Radueriis! illi rex coniugem dedit, qua filium ei speciosum nomine Guillelmum Heliam peperit. Prafatus miles in adolescentia lubricus nimisque libidini deditus fuit, sed diuino uerbere plectendus in grauissimam zgritudinem incidit, unde cum Goisfredo archiepiscopo fatus emendatiorem uitam Deo deuouit. Deinde Nouum Mercatum reuersus postquam conualuit, in ecclesia Sancti Petri apostoli ubi quattuor canonici seculares seruierant vii monachos constituit, eisque preter illa que Hugo de Grentemaisnil ibi monachis Sancti Ebrulfi dederat plura libenter adiecit. Cartam confirmationis rerum quas dederat dictauit, et cancellum zcclesiz cum domibus monasticis renouauit. Anno itaque xxviii? Henrici regis Guillelmus adolescens Flan-

driz comes obiit, cum quo robur et audacia omnium qui suffragabantur ei contra patruum suum corruit. Arrogantum temeritas cui adhereret non habuit? postquam iuuenile caput pro quo Normaniv. 486 niz rura ignibus et armis conturbauerant perdidit. Tunc Rodbertus dux qui ad Diuisas? in carcere seruabatur, in somnio uiderat quod in brachio dextro lancea percutiebatur, eoque mox priuabatur. Mane autem expergefactus: dixit adstantibus, ‘Heu filius meus mortuus est. Nondum rumor illuc ore nunciorum perlatus fuerat? dum pater eius in somniis istud edoctus coessentibus intimabat. Qui et ipse post sex annos Carduili defunctus est’ et de carcere tunc eiectus Gloucestre sepultus est.4

47 Ecce Ambrosii Merlini prophetia* quam tempore Guortigerni ! Cf. above, iv. 220 and n. 4. ? Monks of Saint- Évroul had been established in the church of St. Peter at Neufmarché-en-Lyons by Hugh of Grandmesnil; cf. above, ii. 130-1. 3 Robert had been kept in prison at Devizes until 1126; he was then moved to Bristol and subsequently to Cardiff (ASC 1126; David, Robert Curthose, p. 186;

Kealey, Roger of Salisbury, pp. 90, 147). * He died probably on 3 February 1134 (Cart. Glouc. i. 15; David, Robert Curthose, p. 189) and was buried at Gloucester, where Henry I endowed a light

to burn before the high altar for the repose of his soul (Cart. Glouc. i. 110—1 1).

5 ‘This section begins on a new folio, after a blank half-page. Together with an

earlier probable reference to the prophecies of Merlin (above, v. 292 and n. 1) it is evidence that part at least of the work of Geoffrey of Monmouth was known in

BOOK

XII

381

reconciled with them. First of all, as was said above, William of Roumare was honourably reconciled with the king, and from that time became his close companion and friend. The king gave him the hand of the nobly born Matilda, daughter of Richard of Reviers,! and she bore him a handsome son named William Elias. William had in his youth been lewd and too much given over to lust; but, so as to be scourged by the divine rod, he fell seriously ill and, after consulting Archbishop Geoffrey, he vowed to God to amend his life. Returning to Neufmarché after his recovery, he established seven monks in the church of St. Peter the apostle, in place of the four secular canons

who served there, and added a number

of

possessions to their endowment, besides those that Hugh of Grandmesnil had given to the monks of Saint-Évroul there.? He drafted a charter of confirmation of the property he had given, and restored the chancel of the church as well as the conventual buildings. So, in the twenty-eighth year of King Henry, William, the young count of Flanders, died, and with him all the power and daring of those who had supported him against his uncle crumbled away. They had no one to lead them in their rash pride after they lost the young leader for whose sake they had ravaged the fields of Normandy with fire and sword. At that time Duke Robert, who was kept in prison at Devizes,3 saw in a dream that he was struck by a lance in his right arm and soon lost it. Waking in the morning, he said to those who were around him, ‘Alas, my son is dead.’ As yet no messengers had arrived to bring the news by word of mouth, when his father learned it in his dreams and told it to his companions. Robert himself died at Cardiff six years later, and was taken from his prison and buried at Gloucester.^

47 Now

I will show how the prophecy of Ambrosius

Merlin,

Normandy some years before Henry of Huntingdon saw a copy at Bec-Hellouin in 1139 (H. Hunt., pp. xx-xxiv); it may even have been drafted in 1135 (cf.

below, p. 386 n. 4). There is some doubt whether Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniae was completed at that date; his Prophetia Merlini, later incorporated in the Historia Regum, book vii, may have been written first

(R. S. Loomis, Wales and the Arthurian Legend (Cardiff, and

C.

Brooke,

in

The

British

Numismatic

Journal,

1956), p. 185; P. Grierson xxvi

(1952),

288-9).

There are editions of the main versions of the Historia Regum by Acton Griscom (London,

1929) and Edmond

Faral (La légende arthurienne,

Paris,

1929, vol.

iii); and of a variant version by Jacob Hammer (Cambridge, Mass., 1951); but

382

iv. 487

iv. 488

BOOK XII

regis Britanniz uaticinatus est’ per dc annos in pluribus manifeste completa est. Vnde libet michi quadam huic opusculo inserere" qua temporibus setatis nostre uidentur competere. Contemporaneus quippe beato Germano Autisiodorensi episcopo fuit’ qui tempore Valentiniani imperatoris in Britanniam bis transfretauit, et contra Pelagium eiusque sequaces in gratiam Dei garrientes disputauit, et pluribus signis in nomine Domini peractis hereticos confutauit. Deinde postquam paschalia festa deuote celebrauit? contra Saxones Anglos qui tunc pagani Christicolas Britones oppugnabant pugnauit, et plus precibus quam armis robustus cum exercitu nuper baptizatorum ‘Alleluia’ uociferans zthnicum agmen fugauit.| Si quis hzc et alia de casibus Britonum plenius nosse desiderat, Gilda Britonis ystoriographi et Bedz Anglici libros legat, in quibus de Guortemiro et fratribus eius et de forti Arturo qui xii bella contra Anglos fecit luculenta narratio legentibus emicat.? Fertur quod Merlinus Guortigerno monstrauerit stagnum in medio pauimento, et in stagno duo uasa, et in uasis tentorium complicatum," et in tentorio duos uermes? quorum unus erat albus, et alter rufus, qui mox

iv. 489

admodum

creuerunt, et.dracones

facti mutuo crudeliter pugnauerunt. Tandem rubeus uicit, et album usque ad marginem stagni fugauit. Hzc nimirum rege spectante cum Britonibus? tristis plorauit Merlinus. Inquisitus uates ab attonitis spectatoribus, presago spiritu disseruit, quod stagno in medio

pauimento

figuraretur mundus,

duobus

uasis,

insule Oceani, tentorio? urbes Britanniz et uici in quibus humana est habitatio. Duobus uero uermibus duo populi Britonum et Anglorum designantur, qui diris conflictibus uicissim uexabuntur, donec sanguinolenti Saxones qui per rubeum draconem portenduntur, usque in Cornubiam et supra littus Oceani Britones @ MS. complicacatum

apart from one small interpolation, the *Vae tibi Neustria' (ed. Griscom, p. 21), the text of the Prophetia Merlini is common to both versions. Orderic's citation is the earliest reference to this work in a contemporary Latin chronicle (R. H. Fletcher, "The Arthurian material in the chronicles', Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature,

x (Boston,

1906), p. 171; idem,

"Two

notes on the

Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth', Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, xvi (1901), 461—74). * For the mission of Germanus see Bede, HE i. 17-21, pp. 54-66. ? Orderic appears in fact to have used the history attributed to Nennius

which he uttered in the time of Vortigern, king of Britain, hasin the

course of six hundred years been fulfilled in many particulars. I am glad to include some parts of it, which seem to apply to our own times, in my modest work. He was a contemporary of the blessed

Germanus,

bishop

of Auxerre,

who

crossed

twice

to

Britain in the time of the Emperor Valentinian, disputed with Pelagius and his followers who spoke wildly against the grace of God, and after performing a number of miracles in the name of the Lord confounded the heretics. Afterwards he celebrated the Easter festival devoutly, fought against the Anglo-Saxons who then, being pagans, were attacking the Christian Britons, and routed the heathen host with prayers, not arms, by shouting ‘Alleluia’ with an army of neophytes.! If anyone wishes to know more details about this and other events concerning the Britons, he may study the books of Gildas, the British, and Bede, the English, historian, in which the reader will find a brilliant account of Vortimer and his brothers and of the brave Arthur, who fought twelve battles against the English.? It is said that Merlin showed Vortigern a pool in the middle of a floor, and in the pool two vessels, and in the vessels a folded tent, and in the tent two worms, of which one was white and the other

red, which immediately grew to a great size, became dragons, and fought each other ferociously. In the end the red dragon prevailed and drove the white dragon to the edge of the pool. As the king watched with the Britons, Merlin wept in sorrow. Asked by the astonished onlookers for an explanation, the soothsayer said in the spirit of prophecy that the pool in the middle of the floor represented the world; the two vessels, the islands of the Ocean; the

tent, the towns and villages of Britain in which humans dwell. By the two dragons the two peoples of the Britons and Angles are intended, who will harass each other in savage wars until the bloodstained Saxons, depicted by the red dragon, drive the Britons into Cornwall and beyond the shores of the Ocean; the white dragon rather than Gildas; for Vortimer and the twelve battles of Arthur see Historia Brittonum cum additamentis Nennii, MGH AA xiii. 186-8, 198-9. The account of

Vortigern and Merlin that follows was taken over by Geoffrey of Monmouth from Nennius; but Orderic's account up to the extract from the prophecies is closer to Nennius (MGH AA xiii. 183-5). Orderic, however, reverses the colours

of the dragons, giving white to the baptized Saxons. For a discussion see R. H. Fletcher, “T'wo notes on the Historia regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth’, in Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, xvi (1901), 464-8.

384

iv. 490

BOOK XII

fugabunt, qui per album uermem figurati sunt? quia fonte baptismatis a diebus Lucii regis et Eleutherii papz dealbati sunt.! Iamdictus uates seriatim quz futura erant insulis septemptrionis predixit, tipicisque locutionibus memoriz litterarum tradidit. Deinde postquam de Germanico uerme et decimatione Neustrize locutus est’ que in Alfredo fratre Eduardi filii Egelredi regis et sodalibus eius Guelgheford? facta est, sic de presentis zeui uolubilitate et rerum turbida uariatione uaticinatus est. 3'Populus in ligno et ferreis tunicis superueniet, qui uindictam de nequitia ipsius^ sumet. Restaurabit pristinis incolis mansiones, et ruina alienigenarum patebit. Germen ipsius ex ortulis nostris abradetur, et reliquie generationis eius decimabuntur. Iugum perpetuz seruitutis ferent, matremque suam ligonibus et aratris uulnerabunt. Succedent duo dracones? quorum alter inuidize spiculo suffocabitur, alter uero sub umbra nominis redibit. Succedet leo iusticiz ad cuius rugitum Gallicanz turres et insulani dracones tremebunt. In diebus eius aurum ex lilio et urtica extorquebitur, et argentum ex ungulis mugientium manabit. Calamistrati uaria uellera uestibunt, et exterior habitus interiora

iv. 491

signabit. Pedes latrantium truncabuntur. ‘Pacem habebunt ferz, humanitas supplicium dolebit. Findetur forma

commercii,

dimidium

rotundum

erit. Peribit

miluorum

rapacitas? et dentes luporum hebetabuntur. Catuli leonis in equoreos pisces transformabuntur, et aquila eius super montes Arauniums nidificabit. Venedocia® rubebit materno sanguine, et domus Corinnei vi fratres interficiet. Nocturnis lacrimis madebit insula" unde omnes ad omnia prouocabuntur. Nitentur posteri transuolare superna, sed fauor nouorum sullimabitur. Nocebit

possidenti ex impiis pietas, donec sese genitorem induerit. Apri

iv. 492

igitur dentibus accinctus acumina montium et umbram galeati transcendet. Indignabitur Albania,? et conuocatis translateralibus sanguinem effundere uacabit. Dabitur maxillis eius frenum; * See Bede, HE i. 4, p. 24 and note, for the story of the conversion of King Lucius in the middle of the second century. ? See William of Poitiers (Foreville, pp. 7-13); Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. A. Campbell (Camden 3rd ser. lxxii, 1949), pp. 42-3; and an account of the episode in F. Barlow, Edward the Confessor (London, 1970), pp. 45-6.

? "This extract is taken almost verbatim from Geoffrey of Monmouth (Hist.

reg. Brit. vii. 3). 4 The reference is to the German dragon.

* Mount Aravia is Snowdon; Geoffrey’s version gives the singular, not the plural.

BOOK XII

385

represented the Britons because they had been washed white in the baptismal font from the time of King Lucius and Pope Eleutherius.! The prophet Merlin predicted the course of things to comein the northern isles, and preserved it in writing in figurative language. Then, after he had spoken of the German dragon and the decimation of Normandy, which occurred in the persons of Alfred, the brother of King Ethelred's son Edward, and his companions at Guildford,? he prophesied as follows about the hazards of this present age, and the turbulent changes: 3'A people shall come in wood, dressed in tunics of iron, who will take vengeance for its* wickedness. This people will restore to the earlier inhabitants their dwellings, and the destruction of the foreigners will be plain to see. Their seed shall be rooted up from our garden plots, and the remainder of their progeny shall be decimated. They shall bear the yoke of perpetual bondage, and will wound their mother with mattocks and plough-shares. Two more dragons shall follow, of whom one will be slain by the dart of envy but the other will return under the shadow of a title. Then shall come the Lion of Justice, at whose roar the towers of Gaul

will shake and the island dragons tremble. In his days gold shall be wrung from the lily and the nettle, and silver shall flow from the hooves of lowing cattle. Men with crisped hair shall dress in multicoloured woollen garments, and the outer garb shall betoken the inner man. The feet of the dogs shall be mutilated. "Ihe wild beasts shall have peace; humanity shall bewail its punishments. The tokens of trade shall be split; the half shall be round. The rapacity of kites shall cease, and the teeth of wolves shall be blunted. The lion’s cubs shall be changed into fishes of the sea, and his eagle shall nest upon the mountains of Aravia.5 Venedotia® shall be red with a mother’s blood, and the house of Cori-

neus shall slay six brothers. The island shall be drenched in nightly tears, and therefore all men will be provoked to all things. Later men will strive to outsoar the highest, but the favour shown to new men will be highest of all. Filial duty shall injure the man who gets

possessions from the irreverent, until he puts on the ways of his father. Therefore, girded with the boar's teeth, he shall climb over

the summits of the mountains and out of the shadow of the helmed warrior. Albany? will grow angry and, summoning her neighbours, she will devote herself to bloodshed. A bridle-bit, which will be $ North Wales.

7 Scotland.

386

BOOK

XII

quod in Armorico! sinu fabricabitur. Deaurabit illud aquila rupti federis, et tercia nidificatione gaudebit. Euigilabunt regentis catuli et postpositis nemoribus infra moenia ciuitatum uenabuntur. Stragem non minimam ex obstantibus facient, et linguas taurorum abscident. Colla rugientium onerabunt catenis: et auita tempora renouabunt. Exinde de primo in quartum, de quarto in tercium,

de tercio in secundum,

rorabitur

pollex in

oleo. Sextus Hibernie moenia subuertet, et nemora in planiciem mutabit. Diuersas portiones in unum reducet. Capite leonis coronabitur, principium eius uago affectui succumbet, sed finis ipsius ad superos conuolabit. Renouabit nanque beatorum sedes per patrias, et pastores in congruis locis locabit. Duas urbes palliis induet, et uirginea munera uirginibus donabit. Promerebitur inde fauorem tonantis, et inter beatos coronabitur. Egredietur ex eo lues? penetrans omnia, qua ruina proprie gentis imminebit. Per illam enim utramque insulam amittet Neustria, et pristina dignitate spoliabitur. Deinde reuertentur ciues in insulam." Hanc lectiunculam de Merlini libello excerpsi, et studiosis quibus ipse propalatus non est quantulamcumque stillam proIV. 493 pinaui, cuius aliquam partem in rebus gestis intellexi, plura uero ni fallor cum merore seu gaudio experientur adhuc nascituri. Historiarum gnari eius dicta facile poterunt intelligere, qui nouerint ea que contigerunt Hengist et Catigirno, Pascent et Arturo, /Edelberto ac Edwino, Osualdo et Osuio, Cedwal et Elfredo,3 aliisque principibus Anglorum et Britonum usque ad tempora Henrici et Gritfridi,* qui dubia sub sorte adhuc imminentia prestolantur, quae sibi diuinitus ineffabili dispositione ordinantur. Nam luce clarius patet callenti, quod de duobus Guillelmi filiis dicitur, ‘Succedent’ inquit ‘duo dracones’, domini scilicet libidinosi et feroces" ‘quorum alter inuidiz spiculo' id est Guillelmus Rufus in uenatione sagitta 'suffocabitur, alter' id est Rodbertus dux ‘sub umbra" carceris stemma pristini ‘nominis’ id est ducis gerens peribit. 'Succedet leo iusticie’ quod refertur ad Henricum 'ad cuius rugitum Gallicanz turres et insulani dracones ! Brittany. 2 'T'his differs from Geoffrey’s version, where the word is lynx or linx. 3 Hengist, ZEthelbert, Edwin, Oswald, Oswy, and Czdwalla are in Bede;

Katigern, Pascent, and Arthur in Nennius. Pascent is mentioned only in passing ; he plays a much bigger part in Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum. ^ Henry I died on 1 December 1135; Gruffydd, king of Gwynedd and Powis, in 1137. Orderic writes as though both were alive at the time.

BOOK

XII

387

forged in the bay of Armorica,! shall be placed between her teeth. The eagle of the broken covenant shall gild it and rejoice in her third nesting. The cubs of the ruling lion shall awaken and, emerging from the woods, come hunting within the walls of cities. They will make a great carnage among those that oppose them and cut off the tongues of bulls. They will heap chains on the necks of those that roar, and renew the ancient times. Thence from the first to the fourth, from the fourth to the third, from the third to the

second, the thumb shall be bedewed in oil. 'T'he sixth shall overthrow the walls of Ireland and change its woods into open country. He shall reunite the divided parts in one. He shall be crowned with the lion's head. His beginning will be subject to a wavering disposition, but his end shall soar to the heavens. For he shall restore the dwellings of the saints throughout the lands, and establish shepherds in places which befit them. He will clothe two cities with palls and give virgin gifts to virgins. Thereby he will win the favour of the Thunderer, and be crowned with the blessed.

From him will go forth a pestilence? which will penetrate all things and threaten the ruin of its own people. For through it Normandy will lose both islands and be despoiled of her former dignity. Then the island's inhabitants shall return to it.’ I have taken this short extract from the book of Merlin, and

have provided a very small sample of it for scholars to whom it has not been divulged. Some part of it has, I know, already been fulfilled in past events; and unless I am mistaken more will be proved true with sorrow or joy by future generations. Men well read in histories can easily apply his predictions, 1f they know the lives of Hengist and Katigern, Pascent and Arthur, /Ethelbert and Edwin,

Oswald

and Oswy,

Caedwalla

and Alfred,?

and other

rulers of the Angles and Britons up to the times of Henry and Gruffydd,* who still, uncertain of their lot, await the future events

that are ordained for them by God's inscrutable will. For clearer than daylight to the thinking man are the words about the two sons of William, which run, “There shall follow two dragons'—that is,

licentious and warlike lords—'of whom one will be slain by the dart of envy'—that is, William Rufus by the arrow while hunting— ‘the other'—that is, Duke Robert—will die ‘under the shadow’ of prison, bearing the empty honour of his former 'title'—that is, of duke. ‘Then shall come the Lion of Justice’, which is applied to

Henry, ‘at whose roar the towers of Gaul shall shake and the

388

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XII

contremiscent', quia ipse diuitiis et potestate transcendit omnes qui ante illum in Anglia regnauerunt. Sic cetera sophista liquido iv. 494 discutiant. Multa possem explanando dicere, si commentarium niterer ut scirem super Merlinum edere. Sed his omissis ad narrationis ordinem reuertar, et nostrorum casus ueraciter prosequar.

48 Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?cexxvire indictione vi? Germundus patriarcha Ierusalem obiit. Stephanus autem Carnotensis iv. 495 post illum sanctam Sion ii annis rexit, quo migrante Guillelmus Flandrensis successit.! Indictione vii? Goisfredus Rotomagensis archiepiscopus zgrotauit, et post diuturnam zegritudinem vie kalendas Decembris hominem exiuit. Interea dum prefatus archipresul zgrotaret, et de salute anime suz sollicitus omnia quz habebat prudenter erogaret: Matheus Cluniacensis monachus, Albanensis episcopus, Romanz zcclesiz legatus,? Rotomagum ad regem Henricum uenit, et cum eo de utilitatibus zcclesiasticis tractauit. lussu igitur regis episcopi et abbates Normanniz asciti sunt’ et in Rotomagensi capitulo scita presente rege audierunt, quz per legatum Honorii papz sic propalata sunt. Vt nullus presbiter uxorem habeat.? Qui uero a pelice abstinere noluerit, ecclesiam non teneat, nec portionem in beneficiis zcclesiasticis optineat, nec aliquis fidelium missam eius audiat. iv. 496

Vt unus presbiter duabus zcclesiis non deseruiat, nec clericus quislibet in duabus zcclesiis prebendas possideat, sed in illa ecclesia cuius beneficiis fruitur Deo militet, eique pro benefactoribus suis cotidie supplicet.

Vt monachi uel abbates zcclesias seu decimas de manu laicorum non recipiant, sed laici quz usurpauerant episcopo reddant, et ab episcopo monachi pro uoto possessorum oblata recipiant. Ea tamen que antea quoquomodo optinuerant, quiete per indulgeniv. 497 tiam papz possideant, sed ulterius aliquid huiusmodi sine presulis in cuius diocesi est licentia usurpare non presumant.4 * Gormond of Picquigny had been patriarch of Jerusalem from 1118 to 1128; Stephen of La Ferté died in 1130 and was succeeded by William of Messines, prior of the Holy Sepulchre.

2 For his career see U. Berliére, “Le cardinal Matthieu d'Albano (c. 10851135)’, in Mélanges d'histoire bénédictine, iv (1902), 1 ff.; Schieffer, Legaten, PP. 229-33; Schmale, Schisma, pp. 52-3. He was a leader of the reforming group

among the Cluniacs, and was legate in France and England in 1128-9. 3 This repeats the prohibition that Archbishop Geoffrey had tried in vain to enforce in 1119 (above, p. 290). The fact that only priests are mentioned, and not deacons and other clergy as in the reforming canons of Rheims, 1119, and Lateran, 1123, suggests that the reform could be introduced into Normandy

only by stages. Orderic is the sole source for these canons.

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389

island dragons shall tremble', because by his wealth and power he surpasses all who have reigned before him in England. After this fashion wise men may clearly decipher the rest. I might say much more by way of explanation, if I were to attempt to write a commentary on Merlin, as I could. But, omitting this, I will return to the sequence of my narrative, and will give a true account of the fortunes of our own people. 48 In the year of our Lord

1128, the sixth indiction, Gormond,

patriarch of Jerusalem, died. Stephen of Chartres ruled the holy city of Syon for two years after him, and William of Flanders succeeded on his death.! In the seventh indiction Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, fell sick, and after a long illness gave up the ghost on 26 November. During the time he lay ill and out of concern for the salvation of his soul was prudently disposing of all that he had, Matthew, bishop of Albano, a Cluniac monk and legate of the holy see,? came to King Henry at Rouen, and with him took measures for the advantage of the Church. So, by the king's command, the

bishops and abbots of Normandy were summoned, and in the chapter-house of Rouen in the king's presence heard the canons which were promulgated in these words by the legate of Pope Honorius: No priest may have a wife. Anyone who refuses to separate from a concubine may not hold a church or receive any share in ecclesiastical benefices; and none of the faithful may hear him say Mass. One priest may not serve two churches, nor may any clerk hold prebends in two churches, but he shall minister to God and daily offer prayers for his patrons in the church whose revenues he draws. Monks and abbots may not receive churches or tithes directly from laymen; but laymen shall restore their usurpations to the bishop, and the monks may receive from the bishop what is given according to the

wishes of the possessors. By papal indulgence they may enjoy undisturbed possession of whatever they have previously acquired in any way; but in the future they may not presume to usurp anything of this sort without the licence of the bishop in whose diocese it is located.* 4 This canon is placed in its historical setting by Giles Constable, Monastic

Tithes, pp. 93-5. It may have encouraged the monks of Saint- Evroul to seek fuller confirmation of their existing possessions of churches and tithes from Henry I in a charter of 1128 (Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 13). 822242

oO

BOOK

390

XII

'Tunc Romanus legatus de transactis transgressionibus omnes absoluit/ et sequenti mense ut iam dictum est archiepiscopus migrauit. Ibi cum legato fuerunt Goisfredus Carnotensis episcopus, et Goislenus Rufus Suessionis episcopus, et omnes episcopi Neustriz, Ricardus Baiocensis, Audinus Ebroicensis, Turgisus Abrincatensis, Iohannes Luxouiensis, Ricardus Constantiensis

et Iohannes Salariensis. Abbates etiam affuerunt plures, Rogerius Fiscannensis,

iv. 498

Guillelmus

Gemmeticensis,

Ragenfredus

Sancti

Audoeni, Guarinus Sancti Ebrulfi, Philippus Sancti Taurini, et Alannus electus Sancti Guandregisili, aliique plures quorum fautor rex Henricus affuit, qui nullam eis grauedinem ab episcopis imponi permisit. Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxIx° indictione vii? Philippus puer a Ludouico patre suo electus est, et in die Pasche Remis a Rainaldo II Remorum archiepiscopo rex coronatus est, sed post biennium de equo lapsus et miserabiliter conquassatus apud Parisius mortuus est.! Eodem anno Henricus rex losfredo Andegauorum comiti Mathildem filiam suam dedit, quos Turgisus senex Abrincarum

presul pontificali benedictione coniunxit.? Horum nuptiis legitime iv. 499 celebratis, Fulco comes iterum lerusalem perrexit, et filiam Balduini regis secundi in coniugem accepit, regnumque Ierusalem

et principatum Antiochiz que famosissimi bellatores uix optinuerunt facile possedit. Diadema quoque maturus socer illi optulit, sed illo uiuente iunior ferre recusauit, potestatem tamen per unum annum quo postea senior superuixit, ut gener et heres in toto imperio tutus agitauit. In primis minus callide quam decuisset futura preuidit, nimisque festinus preposituras aliasque dignitates irrationabiliter mutauit. Primores enim qui ab initio contra 'Turcos obnixe certauerunt, et cum Godefredo ac duobus Balduinis urbes

et municipia sibi laboriose subegerunt, nouus princeps a sua familiaritate remouit, et suffectis Andegauensibus aduenis aliisque ! Philip had been crowned on 14 April 1129 (L. Delisle, in Journal des Savants

(1898), pp. 736-40). The fatal accident, which occurred on 13 October 1131, is described by Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxxii, p. 266; cf. also Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 474. 2 'The marriage took place on 17 June 1128, not in 1129. For conclusive proof of this dating see Chartrou,

L’ Anjou, pp. 21-2, especially n. 4. The date 1127,

given in some sources, was the date of the betrothal, which was celebrated at Rouen on 22 May.

3 The position in Antioch was not so simple as Orderic suggests; both the

BOOK

XII

391

Then the papal legate absolved everyone for the sins they had committed; and the following month, as I have already related, the archbishop departed this life. Those present with the legate were Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres, Joscelin the Red, bishop of Soissons, and all the bishops of Normandy: Richard of Bayeux, Audoin of Évreux, Turgis of Avranches, John of Lisieux, Richard of Coutances and John of Séez. Many abbots also were present: Roger of Fécamp, William of Jumiéges, Rainfrid of Saint-Ouen, Warin of Saint-Évroul, Philip of Saint- Taurin, Alan, abbot elect of Saint-

Wandrille, and a number of others. King Henry was present as their protector, and did not allow any burdens to be imposed on them by the bishops. In the year of our Lord 1129, the seventh indiction, the boy Philip was elected by his father Louis, and was crowned king on Easter Sunday at Rheims by Reginald IT, archbishop of Rheims; but two years later, after falling from his horse and being terribly battered, he died at Paris.!

In the same year King Henry gave his daughter Matilda in marriage to Geoffrey, count of Anjou; and Turgis, the aged bishop of Avranches, performed the marriage ceremony.? When the marriage had been duly celebrated, Count Fulk set out again for Jerusalem, took to wife the daughter of King Baldwin II, and effortlessly acquired the kingdom of Jerusalem and principality of Antioch, which renowned warriors had conquered with great difficulty. His ageing father-in-law offered him the crown; but the younger man declined to wear it in his lifetime, though he exercised authority undisturbed as his son-in-law and heir throughout the realm during the remaining year of the old king's life. To begin with he acted without the foresight and shrewdness he should have shown, and changed governors and other dignitaries too quickly and thoughtlessly. As a new ruler he banished from his counsels the leading magnates who from the first had fought resolutely against the 'Turks and helped Godfrey and the two Baldwins to bring towns and fortresses under their rule, and replaced them by Angevin strangers and other raw newcomers to king of Jerusalem and the Emperor of Constantinople claimed suzerainty over

the principality and both met with local resistance; the intrigues of Bohemond's widow, Alice, added to the difficulties. Fulk did, however, succeed in establishing

a claim to act as regent for a while in Antioch after the death of Bohemond II. See below, pp. 506-8; and, for the background of the reign, Runciman, sades, ii. 188 ff.

Cru-

392

iv. 500

BOOK

XII

rudibus qui nuper accesserant obaudiuit, consilisque regni et custodiis munitionum modernos adulatores ueteribus patronis repulsis prefecit. Rancor inde nimius exortus est/ et in rudem officiorum immutatorem ceruicositas magnatorum damnabiliter elata est. Studium bellandi quod unanimes debuissent in ethnicos exercere: spiritu nequitiz inflati diutius in sua uiscera moliti sunt agitare. Secum etiam gentiles utrinque contra se conglomerauerunt, unde multa milia hominum et oppida nonnulla perdiderunt.! Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxx° indictione viii?’ Balduinus II rex lerusalem xviii? kalendas Septembris defunctus est, et Fulco Andegauensis regno iam annis vi potitus est.? Eodem

anno Hugo Ambianensis, monachus

Cluniacensis, abbas

Radingensis, factus est archiepiscopus Rotomagensis. Anno ab incarnatione Domini M°c°xxx1°? Romae Honorius papa mortuus est? et mox in ecclesia Dei nimium scisma exortum est. Nam a quibusdam Gregorius diaconus in papam electus est, et Innocentius secundus nominatus est, ab aliis uero Petrus

Anacletus consecratus est.3 Explicit liber XII ecclesiastice hystoria ! 'The principal disturbance at the beginning of Fulk's reign was the revolt of Hugh of Le Puiset; at one point Hugh appealed for help to the Egyptians at Ascalon (Runciman, Crusades, ii. 190-2; William of Tyre, xiv. 4, 5 (RHC Occ. i. 611-14); J. La Monte in Speculum, xvii (1942), 104-6). Orderic did not realize

that the rising power of Zengi in Aleppo was a major cause of the loss of fortresses; in 1135 Atharib, Zerdana, Ma'arrat al-Numan, and Kafartab fell to him (Smail, Crusading Warfare, pp. 31—3). ? Anerror; Baldwin II died on 21 August 1131, the ninth indiction. 'The same mistake occurs in the Annals of Saint-Évroul (Le Prévost, v. 161). If Orderic's calculation was correct he was writing in late 1136 or early 1137; but his accuracy cannot be assumed without question.

BOOK XII

393

whom he gave his ear; turning out the veteran defenders, he gave the chief places in the counsels of the realm and the castellanships of castles to new flatterers. Consequently great disaffection spread, and the stubbornness of the magnates was damnably roused against the man who changed officials so gauchely. For a long time, under the influence of the powers of evil, they turned their warlike skills, which they should have united to exercise against the heathen, to rend themselves. They even allied on both sides with the pagans against each other, with the result that they lost many thousands

of men and a certain number of fortresses.! In the year of our Lord 1130, the eighth indiction, Baldwin II,

king of Jerusalem, died on 15 August; and Fulk of Anjou has now been king for six years.? In the same year Hugh of Amiens, a monk of Cluny and abbot of Reading, became archbishop of Rouen. In the year of our Lord 1131 Pope Honorius died at Rome, and immediately a reprehensible schism began in the Church of God. For the deacon Gregory was elected pope by some and named Innocent

II, whereas

Peter, elected by others, was

blessed as

Anacletus.? Here ends Book XII of the Ecclesiastical History 3 'This paragraph is almost identical with the entry for

1130 made in the Annals

of Saint-Évroul in Orderic's hand (Le Prévost, v. 161; Delisle in BEC xxxiv (1873), 271). The schism when Cardinal Gregory of S. Angelo was elected pope as Innocent II and Peter Leonis as Anacletus II has been discussed at length in Schmale, Schisma; H. Bloch, "The schism of Anacletus', Traditio, viii (1952), 159-264; P. F. Palumbo, ‘Nuovi studi sullo scisma di Anacleto II’,

Bullettino dell'Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, lxxv (1963), 71-103; Klewitz, Reformpapsttum, pp. 209-55.

BOOK

XIII

Incipit liber tercius decimus I v.1 DUM occidentales peregrini contra paganos in Palestina sepe certarent, et lerusalem aliasque urbes crebris conflictibus et diutinis obsidionibus Christo manciparent: Goisfredus comes Moritoniz filius Rotronis comitis uir in multis probitatibus predicabilis usque ad mortem zgrotauit,! et conuocatis proceribus Pertici et Corboniz qui suo comitatui subiacebant res suas sollerter ordinauit. Beatricem nempe coniugem suam quz consulis de Rupeforti filia fuit,? et optimates suos prudenter instruens

rogauit" ut pacis quietem et securitatem sine fraude tenerent,

suamque terram cum municipiis suis Rotroni filio suo unigenito qui in Ierusalem peregre perrexerat fideliter conseruarent.? Denique strenuus hzros omnibus rite peractis Cluniacensis monav.2 chus factus est? et apud Nogentum castrum suum in Octobris medio defunctus et sepultus est. Ibi quippe pater eius in honore

sancti Dionisii Ariopagitee coenobium ceperat;^ et ipse multum

terris et opibus sullimauerat. In eodem mense Guillelmus de Moliniss audacissimus marchio mortuus est" et in capitulo beati

Ebrulfi tumulatus est.

Anno ab incarnatione Domini M?c? peractis rebus pro quibus Ierusalem ierant optimates redierunt? et sua ut iustum erat repetierunt. Tunc Rodbertus Normannorum dux et Rodbertus Flandrensis atque Rotro Moritoniensis aliique plures prospere reuersi sunt? et necessaris amicis et affinibus merito congratulantibus sua quique possederunt. 2

Non multo post Hildefonsus Arragonum rex$ grauiter a paganis impetitus est? et crebris certaminibus multisque detrimentis ! Orderic here reverts to the year 1100; Geoffrey died in October 1100. ? Beatrice was the daughter of Hilduin, count of Montdidier and Roucy, not of the count of Rochefort; see above, iv. 160 n. 2.

3 Rotrou, son of Geoffrey II, count of Perche, took part in the first crusade; see above, v. 34.

4 The priory (later abbey) of St. Denis at Nogent-le-Rotrou was founded

BOOK

XIII

Here begins the thirteenth book

I WHILE the western pilgrims fought battle after battle against the pagans in Palestine, and by numerous conflicts and long sieges won Jerusalem and other cities for Christ, Geoffrey, count of Mortagne,

the son of Count Rotrou, a man noted for his many noble qualities, fell mortally sick. Summoning the magnates of Perche and the Corbonnais, who were subject to his rule as count, he put his affairs in order with great care. He gave prudent instructions to his wife Beatrice, who was the daughter of the count of Rochefort;? and to his nobles, telling them to keep the peace and maintain order honourably, and protect his land and castles for his only son Rotrou, who had gone on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.3 Then, after discharging all his business in a proper manner, the valiant lord became a Cluniac monk and died and was buried at his stronghold of Nogent-le-Rotrou in mid October. It was there that his father had begun to found a cell in honour of St. Denis the Areopagite,* and he himself had greatly enriched it with lands and wealth. In the same month William of Moulins-la-Marche,5 a very daring marcher lord, died and was buried in the chapter-house of Saint-Évroul. In the year of our Lord 1100, after achieving all their objects in going to Jerusalem, the nobles returned and reclaimed their own lands as was right. At that time Robert, duke of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders and Rotrou of Mortagne and many others re-

turned safely, and all repossessed themselves of their lands amid the well-deserved praises of their close friends and kinsfolk. 2

Not long afterwards Alfonso, king of Aragon,ó was seriously threatened by the pagans, and was continually harassed by attacks c. 1029

by Count

Geoffrey

I (the grandfather

of Geoffrey

Rotrou (Cottineau, ii. 2083-4). 5 For his career see above, iii. 132-4; v. 226.

$ Alfonso I (the Battler), king of Aragon, 1104-34.

II) and his son

396

BOOK

XIII

nimium illatis uexatus est. Vnde Rotroni consanguineo suo! legatos destinauit, eique humiliter mandauit" ut sibi contra ethv. 3 nicos dimicanti subueniret, et auxilia Francorum qui multis in necessitatibus laudabiliter experti sunt secum adduceret. Promisit etiam se daturum suffragantibus Gallis larga stipendia, et secum remorari uolentibus opima predia. Protinus comes probissimus commilitones asciuit, cognato regi suppetias aduenit, sine dolo et fictione adiuuit,? sed integram Hiberorum fidem non inuenit. Nam dum in multis strenue cum sociis et comprouincialibus suis egisset, et eorum adminiculum Sarracenos admodum terruisset, Hispani dolum in illos machinati sunt? et de morte suorum auxiliatorum consensu regis ut opinantur tractauerunt. Quod facinus ut ab eorum complicibus detectum Gallis patuit" Rotro cum consodalibus suis regem cum proditoribus Hiberis reliquit, et in nullo digne pro tantis laboribus remuneratus in Gallias remeauit. 3 Eodem tempore inter Rotronem et Rodbertum Belesmensem magna seditio exorta est pro quibusdam calumniis? quas idem marchisi agebant pro suorum limitibus fundorum. Vnde atrocem guerram uicissim fecerunt, in terris suis predas et incendia perpetrarunt, et scelera sceleribus accumulauerunt. Inerme uulgus spoliauerunt, damnis damnorumque metu sepe afflixerunt, multisque calamitatibus sibi subiectos milites et pagenses contristauerunt. Verumptamen Rotro superior extitit, et Rodbertum de bello uictum fugauit, et plurimos de hominibus ipsius comprehendit, et in carcere coartauit. Consobrini enim erant, et ideo de fundis antecessorum suorum altercabant.? Guarinus de Damfronte quem Ve 4.

daemones

Bellisma

suffocauerant

quem

Rotronis

filii Gualterii

atauus

fuit, et Rodbertus

Sori securibus

apud Balaum

de

in

1 The two were first cousins; their mothers, Beatrice and Felicia de Roucy, were sisters. For the family connections see P. Boissonnade, Du nouveau sur la

‘Chanson de Roland’ (Paris, 1923), pp. 15-16. ? 'The date of Rotrou's first expedition to Spain is uncertain; it may have been in 1108, when Alfonso I organized an expedition in the valley of the Segra

with the help of Raymond Berengar and the count of Carrión (Boissonnade, op. cit., pp. 40-2; José M. Lacarra, Vida de Alfonso el Batallador (Saragossa, 1971), pp. 26—7); but Rotrou frequently appeared in later crusades in Spain, in the intervals of fighting for Henry I against Robert of Belléme and in France in 1103-4, 1114, and 1118-19 (cf. above, pp. 56, 182, 250). The settlement of

French and Norman crusaders in Spain belongs chiefly to the period after the

BOOK XIII

397

in which he suffered many severe losses. He therefore sent envoys to his kinsman Rotrou! and begged him to come to his aid in the struggle against the heathen and bring a relief force of Franks, for these men had proved their worth magnificently in many tight places. He promised besides that he would give generous wages to the French auxiliaries, and rich estates to any who decided to remain with him. The valiant count immediately summoned his fellow knights, came to the rescue of his kinsman the king? and helped him without guile or stint; but he did not find true honour among the Spaniards. For when he and his companions and fellow countrymen had performed many valiant deeds and their assistance had severely shaken the Saracens, the Spaniards plotted to betray them and planned to bring about the deaths of their allies with the connivance, it is believed, of the king. When this crime was disclosed to the French by their accomplices, Rotrou and his companions left the king and his treacherous Spaniards and returned to France without receiving any adequate reward for their prodigious efforts. 3 At that time a serious quarrel broke out between Rotrou and Robert of Belléme because of certain claims that both marcher lords made about the boundaries of their properties. As a result they fought each other ferociously, looting and burning in each other's territories and adding crime to crime. They plundered poor and helpless people, constantly made them suffer losses or live in fear of losses, and brought distress to their dependants, knights and peasants alike, who endured many disasters. Nevertheless Rotrou emerged the stronger, defeated Robert in battle, driving him from the field, captured many of his men, and confined them in his dungeon. The two men were kinsmen, and for this reason quarrelled about the properties of their ancestors. Warin of Domfront, who was strangled by demons, was Rotrou's ancestor;

and Robert of Belléme, whom the sons of Walter Sor butchered attack on Saragossa in 1117 and the resettlement of the Ebro valley (see Lacarra, Alfonso, pp. 59-72; idem, ‘A propos de la colonisation ‘‘franca” en Navarre et en Aragon’, in Annales du Midi lxv (1953), 331-42). Foreigners fighting in Spain before that date may have been disappointed in their hopes for lands. 3 Cf. above, ii, App. I; G. H. White, ‘The first house of Belléme', in TRHS 4th ser. xxii (1940), p. 79.

398

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XIII

carcere ut porcum mactauerant! Mabiliz matris Rodberti patruus extitit. Rodbertus itaque Damfrontem et Bellismam et omne ius parentum suorum solus possidebat, participemque diuitiarum seu consortem potestatis habere refutabat" immo plura dolo seu ui coaceruare inexplebiliter ambiebat.? Collimitanei ergo comites Goisfredus et Rotrocus hzreditatis suz portionem multotiens acriter calumniati fuerant, sed prefato tiranno cui xxxiiii oppida erant, uiolenter suum ius licet innumera damna fecerint ei auferre nequiuerant. Henricus autem rex Anglorum probitate Rotronis comperta Mathildem filiam suam? uxorem illi dedit? et in Anglia terras et opes ei plurimas ampliauit.

4 Sarraceni comperto recessu Francorum, animosiores effecti rursus aggressi regiones Christianorum? uires suas ostenderunt seuis cedibus multorum. Porro erubescentes Arragonii, uiribus hostium oppressi, Francos iterum accersierunt, eisque pro perpetrata olim contumelia satisfecerunt, et iureiurando terras et honores dandos denominauerunt. Comes ergo preteritz litis et iniuria immemor amici et consobrini legationem suscepit, et secum ingentem exercitum undecumque collectum adduxit, et contra paganos pugnaturus in terram eorum audacter intrauit. Porro Hispani de tanto auxilio gaudentes Francos alacriter susceperunt, transactosque reatus emendare uolentes in urbibus suis Toleto+ et Tudella necne Pampelona oppidisque suis hospitati sunt/ et amplos honores ac possessiones eis tradiderunt. Illi nimirum ocia uitantes in inicio estatis in unum congregati sunt?

ethnicosque de suis finibus cruentis ictibus expulerunt, et talionem eis reddituri terminos eorum

damnis

et contumeliis

Deo

pertransierunt. Pro illatis autem

fauente

multimodam

ultionem

! See Orderic’s interpolations in William of Jumiéges (Marx, p. 155) and Latouche, Maine, p. 25.

2 Cf. above, iv. 158, for Robert's appropriation of the whole Belléme inheritance to the exclusion of his brothers. 3 For Henry I's natural daughter, Matilda, see GEC xi, App. D, pp. 112-13.

* L. H. Nelson in Traditio, xxvi (1970), 131, suggests that Toledo may be a mistake for Olite. A crusade began in 1118, when a council of Toulouse renewed the grant of crusading indulgences for fighting in Spain (J. Gofii

BOOK XIII

499

like a pig with axes in the dungeon at Ballon,! was the paternal uncle of Robert's mother Mabel. Robert therefore had sole possession of Domfront and Belléme and the whole inheritance of his ancestors and, refusing to allow anyone to participate in his wealth or share his power, aimed insatiably at heaping up still more by force or fraud.? So the counts Geoffrey and Rotrou, whose territories adjoined his, frequently made determined claims to a share of his inheritance; but they were unable to recover their right by force from the tyrant Robert, who held thirty-four castles, though they inflicted countless losses on him. However, Henry, king of England, having learned of Rotrou's valour, gave him his daughter Matilda? in marriage, and built up his power by greatly augmenting his estates and wealth in England.

4 When the Saracens learnt that the French had withdrawn, they took heart and, attacking the Christian

provinces

once

again,

demonstrated their strength by savage massacres in which many perished. The Aragonese, ashamed at being overwhelmed by enemy forces, once more sent for the French, made amends for the

wrongs they had done them, and specified on oath the lands and honours to be given. So the count, pardoning the former hostility and injustice, received the embassy of his friend and kinsman and led a great army collected from all sides boldly into the territory of the pagans, to make war on them. The Spaniards, delighted by such effective help, gladly welcomed the French and, anxious to make amends for past wrongs, lodged them in their cities of Toledo+ and Tudela and Pamplona and in their fortresses, and handed over important titles and properties to them. They were men who had no taste for idleness; they assembled at the beginning of the summer, drove the heathen from their territories with bloody blows,

and, to turn the tables on them, advanced

across their

frontiers. With God's help they wreaked vengeance in many ways Gaztambide,

Historia de la Bula de la Cruzada

en Espana (Vitoria,

1958),

p. 71; J. M. Lacarra, ‘Documentos para la reconquista del valle del Ebro’, in EEMCA ii (1946), no. 11, pp. 482-4; cf. ibid., nos. 51, 55, pp. 513-14, 515-16;

EEMCA iii (1947-8), no. 159, p. 557, for examples of many documents in which Rotrou appears as lord of Tudela from 1125). Centule of Bigorre acquired part of the lordship of Tarazona (Lacarra, Alfonso, p. 80).

400

v. 6

BOOK

XIII

exercuerunt, et in regionibus eorum magnam ubertatem inuenientes uictus omniumque rerum hiemem prestolati sunt. "lunc Rotro comes Moritonie cum Francis, et episcopus Cesar-augustanus cum fratribus de Palmis,? et Guazso de Biara cum Guasconibus, Penecadel ubi sunt duz turres inexpugnabiles munierunt, et sex septimanis tenuerunt. Tandem pugnantes contra Amorgan regem Valentie? per* Satiuam urbem conuenerunt’ sed pagani antequam ferirentur fugerunt. Relictis autem in munitione

Penecadel

Ix satellitibus redierunt,

sed Amorauii

et

Andeluciani de Affrica missi a rege Alis filio Iusted eis obuiauerunt, triduoque in castro Seraliis5 obsederunt. Christiani uero his tribus diebus peccatorum suorum poenitentiam egerunt, ieiunauerunt, et Deum inuocantes xviii kalendas Septembris pugnauerunt, et adminiculante ccelesti uirtute post diurnum certamen cum sol occumberet uicerunt, sed fugientes paganos nocturna formidantes pericula per incognita itinera diu persequi non ausi fuerunt. Pridie ante generalem pugnam Guarinus Sancio$ uir in multis

laudandus cum fratribus de Palmis in montana ascendit, ibique Christianis cum uirtute Dei preliantibus Alamimun? rex cum cliiii milibus peditum uictus aufugit. Innumeri de tantis paganorum legionibus perierunt aut armis persequentium, aut precipitiis, aut nimia lassitudine uel siti uel aliis generibus mortium. Sic Afri qui suppetias ydolatris Hiberis uenerant interierunt, et Christicolarum telis in Orcum demissi cum regibus suis gehennz penas luunt. Deinde Normannorum quidam et Francorum loca sibi opportuna perquisierunt: et ibidem ad habitandum sedes elegerunt. ! This expedition took place not in 1114, as Le Prévost thought, but in 11245, as a preliminary to the advance into Andalusia (Lacarra, Alfonso, pp. 82-3). 2 'These are the knights of the confraternity of Saragossa (confraternitas cesaraugustane militie) whose principal centre was at Belchite. The confraternity was founded by an exceptional ecclesiastical assembly on 8 March 1122, probably inspired by the recent foundation of the Knights Templars. For the date see A. Ubieto Arteta, ‘La creación de la cofradía militar de Belchite’, in EEMCA v

(1952), 427-34; for the remarkable bull of indulgences, P. Rassow, ‘La cofradía de Belchite', in Annuario de Hist. del Derecho Espafiol, iii (1926), 200-26; J. Gofii Gaztambide, Historia de la Bula de la Cruzada en Espafia, pp. 73-6. The knights of Belchite were later merged with the Templars. The name ‘de palmis'

was probably derived from the spathe, or sword-shaped bract of palm trees; later the members of some Spanish military orders were called ‘fratres de spata', usually translated 'of the sword' (cf. Jacques de Vitry, Historia occi-

dentalis, ed. J. F. Hinnebusch, Spicilegium Friburgense, xvii (1972), c. xxvi, p. 141).

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for past injuries and insults; and finding great abundance of provisions and all manner of things in their provinces they waited for the winter. !At that time Rotrou, count of Mortagne, with the Franks, the bishop of Saragossa with the Knights of the Palm,? and Gaston of Béarn with the Gascons fortified Benicadell, where there are two

impregnable towers, and held it for six weeks. At length, fighting against Merouan, king of Valencia, they assembled [near]* the city of Xativa; but before they could strike the pagans fled. Leaving sixty retainers in the castle of Benicadell they withdrew; but Almoravides and Andalusians, sent from Africa by King Ali the son of Yousof, met them on the way and besieged them for three days in the castle of Seraliis.5 During these three days the Christians did penance for their sins and fasted; on 14 August they gave battle, calling on the name of God, and helped by strength from Heaven they fought all day long and triumphed at sunset. However, they did not dare to pursue the escaping pagans far along unknown paths, for they feared the dangers of the night. The day before the main battle Galindo Sanchez,$ a man who deserves high praise, climbed into the mountains with the Knights of the Palm; and, when the Christians gave battle there sustained by the power of God, King Alamimun? and one hundred and fifty-four thousand foot-soldiers fled, defeated. Countless numbers of this great host of pagans perished either at the hands of their pursuers, or by falling down precipices, or through exhaustion from fatigue and thirst, or in some other way. So perished the Africans who had come to reinforce the heathen of Spain; sent to the infernal regions by Christian weapons they now suffer the torments of hell with their kings. Afterwards some of the Normans and French sought out places congenial to them, and decided to 3 'The Almoravid governor of Valencia was Ben Warga at that date (Lacarra, Alfonso, p. 85). 4 This sentence is barely intelligible; ‘per’ may be a mistake for ‘prope’.

5 [ have been unable to identify this castle. 6 Galindo Sanchez (Galin Sanz) was granted Belchite, in the centre of a de-

populated region, to hold by hereditary right in 1119 (Lacarra, Alfonso, p. 72). He also had property in Tudela, and occurs in a number of documents (Lacarra in EEMCA ii (1946), no. 49, pp. 511-12; iii (1947-8), nos. 117, 165, pp. 520, 61). : 7 It is often difficult to identify the Saracen leaders named by Orderic; as

*Alamimun' also occurs in the battle of Fraga it is possible that Zubayr ben 'Amr el Lamtoüni is intended.

402

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Siluester autem de Sancto Carilefo et Rainaldus de Bailol! aliique plures ad natale solum repedarunt/ quia patrimonia sua externarum adquisitionibus rerum preposuerunt.

5 v.8

v. 9

V.

IO

Tunc Normannus eques Rodbertus de Cueleio cognomento Burdeth? in Hispania commorari decreuit/ atque ad quendam urbem que Terracona in antiquis codicibus nuncupatur secessit. Ibi passi leguntur tempore Galieni imperatoris sancti martires Christi, Fructuosus episcopus et Augulus et Eulogius diaconi? qui primo in carcerem trusi, deinde flammis iniecti? exustis uinculis, manibus in modum crucis expansis? orantes ut urerentur optinuerunt. Aurelius Clemens Prudentius de ipsis in libro de martiribus metricum carmen composuit, ipsorumque certamen luculentis uersibus enodauit.3 'lerraconze metropolitana sedes erat, et Odelricus* eruditissimus senex archiepiscopus florebat, et in uicis burgisque diocesis suz officium sibi iniunctum exercebat. In episcopali quippe basilica quercus et fagi alique procere arbores iam creuerant, spaciumque interius intra muros urbis a priscis temporibus occupauerant, habitatoribus per immanitatem Sarracenorum peremptis seu fugatis qui eandem dudum incoluerant. Denique Rodbertus instinctu presulis Honorium papam adiit, uelle suum ei denudauit, Terraconensem comitatum ab ! Reginald of Bailleul had been sheriff of Shropshire under Roger of Montgomery; although there is no evidence that he incurred forfeiture in r1o2 he ceased to hold office in Shropshire after the arrival of Richard of Belmeis as viceroy. See above, iii. 140-2; Eyton, Shropshire, vii. 205-11. If the date of his return from Spain was after the expedition against Benicadell in 1125 he must

have retained his Norman patrimony after his defiance of the king in 1119 (see above, p. 214). ? Robert Bordet came from Cullei (now Rabodanges), where his family, who

were vassals of the Grandmesnil, continued to flourish in the reign of Henry II (Le Prévost, v. 201 n. 1). Saint-Évroul held the church and this link provided Orderic's knowledge of the lords of the village. For Robert Bordet's career in

Spain see F. Soldevila, História de Catalunya (2nd edn., Barcelona, 1962), i. 137-9; and some references in P. Kehr, ‘Das Papsttum und der katalanische Prinzipat bis zur Vereinigung mit Aragon', in Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil. hist. Klasse, xv (1926), 57-8. Although he is sometimes said to have repossessed Tarragona in 1116 it is doubtful if he was even in Spain so early; he is not heard of before the expedition into Andalusia

in 1124-5. He first appears in charters of 1125 and 1126 as alcalde in Tudela, in charge of the castle under Rotrou of Mortagne, an office he held until at

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settle there. However, Silvester of Saint-Calais and Reginald of Bailleul! and many others travelled back to their native country, because they preferred their own patrimonies to acquisitions in foreign lands.

5 At that time a Norman knight, Robert Bordet of Cullei,? decided to stay in Spain, and made his way to a town called Tarragona in ancient books. ‘This, as we may read, was the place where, in the time of the Emperor Gallienus, the holy martyrs of Christ, Bishop Fructuosus and the deacons Augurius and Eulogius, suffered. They were first thrust into prison, then flung to the flames, and, when their bonds were consumed, they stretched out their arms in the form of a cross, praying for death in the flames, which was granted. Aurelius Clemens Prudentius composed a metrical song about them in the Book of Martyrs, and described their struggle in distinguished verse.3 There was a metropolitan see at Tarragona and Oldegar,* an old archbishop of great learning, flourished there and performed the duties enjoined on him in the villages and towns of his diocese. But oaks and beeches and other tall trees were already growing in the cathedral church, and had for a long time covered the ground inside the walis of the city, for the former inhabitants who had lived there had been slaughtered or driven out by the cruelty of the Saracens. At length Robert, prompted by the bishop, went to Pope Honorius, revealed his wishes to him,

and was granted the county of ‘Tarragona free from all secular least 1131 (Lacarra, ‘Documentos’, in ZEMCA

iii (1947-8), nos. 125, 129, 165,

pp. 528, 532, 561); Archbishop Oldegar made him ‘princeps’ of Tarragona in 1128. 3 St. Fructuosus and his companions were martyred in 259, during the per-

secutions following the second edict of Valerian and Gallienus. An account of the martyrdom is given in the Acta SS. Fructuosi et sociorum in AA SS Jan. ii, 339-41; and by Aurelius Clemens Prudentius in Peristephanon, vi, ll. 103-20. Orderic’s account is closer to that of Prudentius, but the word exustis is from the

Acta. 4 St. Oldegar, bishop of Barcelona from 1116, was also the first archbishop of Tarragona after the restoration of the see in 1118. The bull of 21 March 1118 appointing him archbishop makes plain that much of the area of the province to come under his rule still remained to be reconquered from the Moors (JL i. 6636; Migne, PL clxiii. 489-91). See also Lacarra, Alfonso, p. 113; idem, ‘La restauración eclesiastica en las tierras conquistadas por Alfonso el Batallador

(1118-1134)’, in Revista Portuguesa de Historia, iv (1947), 263-8; Vita beati Olegarii, in E. Flórez, Espana sagrada, Madrid, 1747-1879, xxix. 472-82. For his presence at the council of Rheims see above, p. 274.

. I2

404 BOOK XIII omni exactione seculari liberum dono papz recepit,! et reuersus ualidis sodalibus quesitis sibique adiunctis usque hodie custodit, ethnicisque resistit. Interim dum pergeret Romam, itemque pro colligendis contubernalibus redisset in Normanniam" Sibilla uxor eius filia Guillelmi Capra? seruauit Terraconam. Hzc non minus probitate quam pulchritudine uigebat. Nam absente marito peruigil excubabat’ singulis noctibus loricam ut miles induebat, uirgam manu gestans murum ascendebat, urbem circumibat,

uigiles

excitabat,

cunctos

ut hostium

insidias

caute

precauerent prudenter admonebat. Laudabilis est iuuenis era, quz marito sic famulabatur fide et dilectione sedula, populumque Dei pie regebat peruigili sollertia. 6 Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mcxxv postquam Rotro comes cum suis satellitibus et auxiliariis in Galliam remeauit? Arragonensis rex uisis insignibus gestis que Franci sine illo super paganos in Hispania fecerant inuidit, laudisque cupidus ingentem suz gentis exercitum arroganter adunauit.3 Remotas quoque regiones usque ad Cordubam peragrauit, et in illis sex ebdomadibus cum exercitu deguit, ingentique terrore indigenas qui Francos cum Hiberis adesse putabant perculit. Sarraceni autem in munitionibus suis delitescebant, sed per agros armentorum pecorumque greges ats

passim demittebant. Nullus de castellis in Christianos exibat, sed

Christiana cohors ad libitum omnia extra munimenta diripiebat, et depopulatione graui prouincias affligebat. Tunc Mucerauii fere decem milia congregati sunt/ ac regem Hildefonsum humiliter adierunt. ‘Nos’ inquiunt ‘et patres nostri hactenus inter gentiles educati sumus, et baptizati Christianam legem libenter tenemus, sed perfectum diuz religionis dogma ! A charter of St. Oldegar granting Tarragona to Robert Bordet in 1128 has been printed in Espafía Segrada, xxv, App. xviii; Le Prévost, v. 9 n. 1. Oldegar

held it in 1117 by grant of Raymond Berengar III, count of Barcelona, and of Pope Gelasius II (P. Kehr, ‘Das Papsttum und der katalanische Prinzipat’, p. 58). Soldevila, Historia de Catalunya, i. 133, suggests that the papal claims in Catalonia were chiefly directed against the Emperor Henry V, who had advanced

claims to Provence and the county of Barcelona as imperial fiefs. In any case Robert Bordet needed to strengthen his position by securing papal approval. ? William la Chévre (Capra) was a tenant-in-chief in Somerset and held the

lordship of Bradninch in 1086; he was the brother of Ralph of Pomeroy (La

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405

exactions by the Pope's gift.' He returned and, with the help of courageous companions whom he has gathered round himself, he has guarded the city up to the present time, fighting off the pagans. During the time he was travelling to Rome, and again when he returned to Normandy to raise companions-in-arms, his wife Sibyl, the daughter of William la Chévre,? took charge of Tarra-

gona. She was as brave as she was beautiful. During her husband's absence she kept sleepless watch; every night she put on a hauberk like a soldier and, carrying a rod in her hand, mounted on to the

battlements, patrolled the circuit of the walls, kept the guards on the alert, and encouraged everyone with good counsel to be on the alert for the enemy's stratagems. How greatly the young countess deserves praise for serving her husband with such loyalty and unfaltering love, and watching dutifully over God's people with such sleepless care! 6 In the year of our Lord 1125, after Count Rotrou returned to France with his retainers and allies, the king of Aragon, who was envious of the daring deeds he had seen the Franks perform against the pagans in Spain without his help, and was eager for fame, proudly mustered a huge army of his own people.3 He traversed distant provinces as far as Cordova, and stayed in them with his army for six weeks, causing panic among the inhabitants who thought that the Franks were with the Spaniards. 'l'he Saracens, however, lay low behind their fortifications, though they sent out herds of various kinds of animals into the fields in every direction. No one came out of the fortresses to oppose the Christians, but the Christian army plundered freely everywhere outside the walls and utterly wasted the provinces, to the distress of the people. 'Then about ten thousand Mozarabes assembled, and humbly approached King Alfonso, saying, ‘We and our fathers before us have up to now lived among the pagans; we have been baptized and are glad to practise the Christian religion, but we have never Pommeraye) (DB i. 110a; Sanders, p. 20; VCH Devon, i. 560); see also Regesta,

4 need Alfonso's carefully planned expedition into Andalusia was begun at the same time as the subsidiary attack on Benicadell, with the aid of Rotrou of Mortagne, Centule of Bigorre, and other French lords. Arab writers believed that the Mozarabes had invited him to come and found a kingdom in Granada, supported by the Christian population, and he may have had in mind the Valencia of the Cid (Lacarra, Alfonso, pp. 83-6).

406

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nunquam ediscere potuimus. Nam neque nos pro subiectione infidelium a quibus iam diu oppressi sumus, Romanos seu Gallos expetere doctores ausi fuimus, neque ipsi ad nos uenerunt propter barbariem paganorum quibus olim paruimus. Nunc autem aduentu uestro admodum gaudemus, et natali solo relicto uobiscum migrare cum uxoribus et rebus nostris optamus.' Mucerauiis itaque rex quod petebant annuit. Magna igitur eorum multitudo de finibus suis exiuit, et pro sacre legis amore ingenti penuria et labore afflicta exulauit.! Arragones enim ut remeauerunt, totam regionem bonis omnibus spoliatam inuenerunt? nimiaque penuria et fame antequam proprios lares contigissent uehementer aporiati sunt. Porro Cordubenses alique Sarracenorum populi ualde irati sunt’ ut Mucerauios cum familiis et rebus suis discessisse uiderunt. Qua-

propter communi decreto contra residuos insurrexerunt, rebus omnibus eos crudeliter expoliauerunt, uerberibus et uinculis

multisque iniuriis grauiter uexauerunt.

Multos eorum horren-

dis suppliciis interemerunt, et omnes alios in Affricam ultra fretum Athlanticum relegauerunt, exilioque truci pro Christianorum odio quibus magna pars eorum comitata fuerat condempnauerunt.

d Hildefonsus autem rex ut in regnum suum regressus est’ magnis et multis tam publicis quam domesticis seditionibus perturbatus est. Vraca? enim uxor eius que filia Hildefonsi senioris Galiciz regis fuerat, consilio et instinctu Galiciensium contra maritum suum rebellauerat’ eique perniciem tam ueneno quam armis machinata multis causa perditionis fuerat. Denique Galicii tam graue discidium inter uirum et coniugem eius ut uiderunt, nec pacem eis idoneam adhibere suadendo potuerunt? Petrum Hildefonsum 1 A charter of Alfonso I granting privileges to Mozarabes who had settled in

his kingdom (June 1126), is addressed to *uos totos christianos mozarabis quos

ego traxi cum Dei auxilio de potestate sarracenorum et adduxi in terras christianorum’. It grants them possessions and privileges ‘quia uos pro Christi nomine et meo amore laxastis uestras casas et uestras hereditates et uenistis mecum

ees ad meas terras’ (Lacarra, ‘Documentos’ in EEMCA ii (1946), no. 51, Pp. 513). ? Urraca was the daughter and heir of Alfonso VI, king of Castile, Galicia and León; her first husband, Count Raymond

of Burgundy, had died in 1107.

The marriage, arranged in 1109, was declared invalid next year, and the couple

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497

been able to learn the true doctrines of the holy faith. For because of our subjection to the infidels by whom we have been oppressed so long, we have never dared to send for teachers from Rome or Gaul, and they have never come to us because of the barbarity of the pagans to whom we were formerly subject. So we are overjoyed by your coming, and our intention is to leave our native soil and emigrate with you, taking our wives and all our possessions.' The king granted what the Mozarabes asked. A great number of them left their province and for love of the Christian faith went into exile, enduring great poverty and hardship.! As the Aragonese withdrew they found the whole region stripped bare, and suffered terribly from extreme want and hunger before they reached their own homes. The Cordovans and other Saracen peoples were furious when they saw that many Mozarabes had migrated with their households and possessions. Consequently they turned on those who remained and, by a general edict, cruelly deprived them of all their possessions and illtreated them atrociously with scourging and fetters and in other ways. They put many to death with unspeakable tortures and sent all the rest over the Atlantic straits to Africa, condemning them to a harsh exile out of hatred for the Christians, with whom a great part of the Mozarabes had joined their fortunes.

ri After King Alfonso had returned to his own realm he was troubled by many great rebellions, both public and private. His wife Urraca,? who was the daughter of the elder Alfonso, king of Galicia, had, at the prompting and with the counsel of the Galicians, rebelled against her husband; by attempting both to poison him and to raise an insurrection against him she had brought utter ruin on many people. At length the Galicians, recognizing the seriousness of the breach between husband and wife, and finding that it was impossible to persuade them to make a suitable peace with each other, set up as their own king Peter Alfonso, the son of separated in 1114 (Elena Lourie, "The will of Alfonso I', Speculum, 1 (1975), 637-8). The rumours of attempted poisoning may have been spread by Urraca's

half-sister, Teresa, the widow of Count Henry of Portugal (Lacarra, Alfonso, pp. 55-6). After the separation Alfonso continued to call himself king of Castile, and Urraca used the title queen of León and Galicia.

408

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Raimundi Francigenz comitis filium ex filia Hildefonsi magni regem sibi statuerunt,! et huc usque 'paruum regem"? uocitantes libertatem regni sub eo uiriliter defendunt. Inter prefatos reges acris guerra diu durauit, et multa subiectis plebibus damna intulit. Prefata uero mulier in maritum omnimodis seuit, et nepoti qui paternam haereditatem regebat fauit. Tandem diuino nutu sicut Egla uxor Dauid:? post diutinam cedem difficultate partus periit. Qua defuncta bellicosos reges serena pax in amiciciam copulauit, et unanimes feruor preliandi contra ethnicos armauit.* 8 Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXXXxIII indictione xi, Hildefonsus

v. 16

Arragonum rex exercitum contra paganos aggregauit? et munitissimum ditissimumque castellum Mzeschinaz obsedit, et oppidanis turgentibus qui diuitiis et ciborum abundantia inaccessibilique ut rebantur firmitate gloriabantur precepit, ut sese indemnes dederent, et in pace omnibus secum rebus suis sullatis recederent. At illi acriter restiterunt, et minas eius ac promissa paruipenderunt. Strenuus autem rex per tres septimanas fortiter illos coartauit, et exteriorem munitionis partem uiolenter optinuit. Castellani ergo perterriti interius munimentum regi optulerunt, ac ut liberos cum suis omnibus eos exire permitteret rogauerunt. Quibus iratus rex respondit, ‘Hoc quod nunc poscitis, a primordio sponte optuli uobis? sed uos Christi uirtutem et Christianorum fidem probitatemque floccipendentes respuistis. Nunc igitur per caput meum uobis assero? quod hinc non egrediemini nisi cum uite uestre detrimento.' Deinde suis iussit ut preparatas machinas erigerent et ualidos assultus in oppidum darent. Quo facto castellum * Alfonso Raymond (not Peter), the future Alfonso VII, was actually the son of Urraca by her first husband, Count Raymond of Burgundy; Orderic wrongly

calls him her nephew. He ruled Castile from 1126 until his death in 1157. 2 [bn el-Athir, Annales du Maghreb et del’ Espagne, trans. E. Fagnan (Algiers, 1898), p. 553, also refers to Alfonso VII as the "little Frankish king'. William of Malmesbury, in recording a miracle performed for Bishop Guy of Lascar during his captivity after the battle of Fraga, refers to a king called ‘paruum regem’, but either confuses Alfonso VII with Alfonso I of Aragon or attributes the title to the latter (El libro ‘De laudibus et miraculis Sanctae Mariae de Guillermo de Malmesbury, ed. J. M. Canal (2nd edn., Rome, 1968); some identifications made

in this edition are incorrect). 3 In the Quaestiones hebraicae in libros Regum et Paralipomenon of the PseudoJerome

(Migne,

PL xxiii.

1350) David's wife Egla is identified with Michal,

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XIII

409

a French count, Raymond, by a daughter of Alfonso the Great;! to this day they call him the ‘Little King'? and courageously defend the freedom of their country under him. A long and bitter war was waged between these kings, which caused their subjects much hardship. Queen Urraca harassed her husband by every possible means, and gave support to the nephew who was ruling his paternal inheritance. Finally by God's will, after causing much bloodshed, she died in a difficult childbirth like David's wife, Egla.3 After her death the rival kings were united in a calm peace, and joined together to turn their zeal for battle against the heathen.^

8 In the year of our Lord 1133, the eleventh indiction, Alfonso, King of Aragon, mustered an army to fight the pagans and laid siege to a wealthy and well-fortified castle called Mequinenza. He commanded the haughty garrison, who boasted of their riches and great stores of food and impregnable (as they believed) fortress, to surrender under safe-conduct and retire in peace, taking all their possessions with them. They put up a determined resistance, how-

ever, scorning both his threats and his promises. The valiant king pressed the siege closely for three weeks, and captured the outworks of the castle by force. The castellans, in great alarm, offered to surrender the inner fortifications to the king, and asked him to allow them a free exit with all their men. To them the king replied in anger, "What you now ask I offered you freely in the first place,

but you rejected it, scorning the power of Christ and the faith and courage of Christians. Now, therefore, by my head, I tell you that you shall leave this place only in peril of your lives.’ Thereupon he commanded his men to raise the siege-engines they had prepared

and attempt to storm the castle. This was done; they captured another wife of his, who ‘had no child unto the day of her death’ (2 Samuel vi. 23). This was interpreted to mean that she had a child on the day of her death, and therefore that she died in childbirth. I owe this information to Professor A. Saltman. It is unlikely that Urraca, who had been separated from her husband

for many years, died in childbirth; but as she was alleged to have had illegitimate children after her marriage to Alfonso malicious rumours may have been current to this effect (cf. Speculum, 1 (1975), 640). The

date of her death was

8 March 1126 (Chronica Adefonsi, 1. 4). 4 A reference to the peace of Tamara,

1127; see J. M. Lacarra, ‘Alfonso el

Batallador y las paces de Tamara’, in EEMCA iii (1947-8), 461-73.

410

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ceperunt, et cunctis gentilibus capita detruncauerunt, magnumque terrorem uicinis sic intulerunt.! Victor itaque rex inde in ciuitatem Flagram exercitum duxit, et annua ipsam obsidione circumuallauit. Ciues ergo legatos in Africam statim miserunt, et Alis regi Africz ut illis succurreret mandauerunt. At ille Amorauiorum decem milia trans fretum eis destinauit. Qui in Hispaniam uenientes per iiii proceres regi mandauere,

v.

ut festinaret de obsidione

urbis recedere.

Protinus

rex sanctas sibi de capella sua reliquias deferri precepit, quibus allatis coram omnibus iurauit, quod obsidioemn non dimitteret, nisi ciuitas sibi redderetur, aut ipse leto prepediretur, aut bello fugaretur.? Hoc etiam xx optimatibus suis iurare precepit. Legati autem redeuntes hoc Amorauiis renunciauerunt, et illi mox aggregatis omnibus contubernalibus suis ad bellum conuenerunt. Deinde fortiter instructa gentilium acies exercitui regis occurrit, acriterque preeliari cepit. Denique rex ut perualidum sibi certamen imminere prospexit, ueredarios suos celeriter direxit, et omnes amicos atque confines ut sibi suffragarentur exorauit. Ipse uero cum suis agminibus pedem ad uicinum montem callide retraxit, ibique tribus continuis diebus ac noctibus in obstantes Amorauios dimicauit. Rodbertus autem cognomento Burded comes 'Terracone, aliique fideles auditis rumoribus de regis impugnatione? uelociter armati laxatis habenis aduolarunt, in nomine Iesu alte uociferati sunt? repentino impetu lassatos gentiles percusserunt, prostrauerunt, uictosque fugauerunt. Multos quippe ceperunt, plures uero necauerunt, et uictoria peracta spoliis inimicorum admodum ditati sunt, uictorique Deo leti gratias egerunt.? Verum

quia in hoc labenti seculo nulla mortalium

potentia

longa est/ aduersitas prosperitatem disponente iusto rectore Deo uelociter prosecuta est. Ciues enim Fragz urbis quam

rex ob-

sidebat, ad quam omnium pessimorum de ethnicis seu falsis Christianis refugium erat/ metuentes tam magnanimi principis iras insuperabilesque conatus, et Christianorum Christi cruce signatos et inuicta uirtute corroboratos exercitus, pacem ab eo petierunt, et subiectionem ei secundum consideratas conditiones spoponderunt. Ille uero concordiam eorum obstinata mente refutauit, et annuum * Mequinenza fell at the end of 1132 (Lacarra, Alfonso, p. 122). ? 'The relics which were kept in his chapel in the camp at Fraga are described in the Chronica Adefonsi, c. 52, p. 43. 3 The Chronica Adefonsi, c. 51, p. 43, records two Christian victories over the

Moors before the main battle of Fraga. Orderic may have combined two separate engagements into one three-day battle.

BOOK

XIII

41I

the castle, beheaded all the pagans, and so struck terror into all

around.! From there the victorious king led his army against the city of Fraga, and invested it in a year-long siege. The citizens immediately sent envoys to Africa, and appealed to Ali, king of Africa, to come to their rescue. In reply he sent ten thousand Almoravides across the straits to them. When these men reached Spain they sent four nobles to warn the king to raise the siege of the city without delay. The king promptly ordered the holy relics to be brought to him from his chapel; when they had been fetched he swore before all that he would not abandon the siege unless the city surrendered to him, or he himself were killed or routed in battle.2 He ordered twenty of his magnates to take the same oath. The envoys reported this to the Almoravides on their return, and they quickly assembled all their companions and advanced to battle. The column of the pagans met the king’s army in strong battle-order, and began to fight fiercely. When the king saw that a great battle was imminent, he sent his messengers quickly to ask all his friends and allies in the neighbourhood to come to his aid. He himself skilfully withdrew on foot with his squadrons to a hill near by, and there fought off the attacks of the Almoravides for three days and nights without respite. Meanwhile Robert Bordet, count of Tarragona, and other vassals, who had received news of

the attack on the king, quickly armed themselves and, urging on their horses, galloped up at full speed, shouting out battle cries in the name of Jesus. They charged the weary pagans in a sudden attack, shattered their ranks, and drove them, defeated, from the

field. They took many prisoners, but killed more; having won the day, they secured rich booty by stripping their enemies and gave joyful thanks to God, the victor. But indeed, in this changing world no human power is long-

enduring, and adversity followed swiftly on the heels of prosperity according to the direction of God, who governs justly. The citizens of the town of Fraga, which the king was besieging and which was a refuge for all the worst pagans and heretics, feared both the anger and unconquerable determination of the magnificent prince and the armies of the Christians, who wore the cross of Christ and

were strengthened with invincible courage. They asked him for terms of peace, and offered to submit to him according to approved conditions. He, however, in a spirit of obstinacy refused to make

412

v.

18

BOOK

XIII

uectigal ab eis recipere spreuit, seseque illos obsidione obtenturum fore minitatus iureiurando confirmauit.! Quod audientes Sarraceni dira desperatione acriores extiterunt, ad Halin regem Africae denuo legatos miserunt, et ab aliis regibus principibusque gentium in tanto discrimine sibi subsidium summopere procurauerunt. 9 Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mcxxxim indictione xii Rodbertus secundus dux Normannorum xxvii anno ex quo apud Tenerchebraicum captus est, et in carcere fratris sui detentus est, mense Februario Carduili Britanniz obiit, et in cenobio mona-

chorum sancti Petri apostoli Gloucestrz tumulatus quiescit.? IO v. I9

. 20

3Tunc Buchar* Halis filius regis Marroch plures undique bellatorum copias collegit, et in Hispanias contra Christianos pugnare uenit. Alamimon autem Cordubensis et Alcharias de Dalmaria, aliique optimates Libiz et Hiberiz cum multis milibus ei adiuncti sunt? cetusque suos ad pugnam insidiose instruxerunt. Hi simul conglomerati Fraga auxiliati sunt? et quinque partitas acies illuc perduxerunt. Prima nimirum acies ducebat ducentos camelos? uictualibus et multis speciebus necessariis onustos" quibus releuare nitebantur obsessos, et mendicos Christicolas ad irruptionem illicere contra primas cohortes preda cupidos. Aliz uero phalanges procul diuise in insidiis latebant, ac ut fugientium persecutores exciperent caute manebant. Ad Fragam duo flumina currunt ab Ilerde Segra? et Ebura5 a Cesaraugusta. In campo dolenti inter hzc flumina pugnatum est, in mense Iulio ubi multum sanguinis effusum est. Hildefonsus rex 1 The Chronica Adefonsi, c. 53, p. 44, states that the king refused to receive the surrender of Fraga with the proviso that the lives of the citizens should be

spared; he was determined to massacre them all. ? For the death of Robert Curthose, probably on 3 February 1134, see above,

p. 380. The obituary notice is here inserted at the correct chronological point in the middle of the siege of Fraga. 3 Orderic's account of the battle of Fraga is partly corroborated, partly corrected, by a near-contemporary Spanish record, the Chronica Adefonsi imperatoris (Espatia Sagrada, xxi. 339-42; a critical edition was published by L. S. Belda, Madrid, 1950), and by Arab sources, of which the best and fullest

is Ibn el-Athir, Annales du Maghreb et de l'Espagne, trans. E. Fagnan (Algiers, 1898), pp. 553-5. According to Ibn el-Athir the forces sent out by the emir

BOOK XIII

413

peace with them, rejected their offer of annual tribute, and confirmed with an oath his threats to capture the city by storm.! On hearing this the Saracens, in deep despair, became more determined, again sent envoys to Ali, king of Africa, and desperately sought help from other kings and rulers of peoples in their great need.

9 In the year of our Lord 1134, the twelfth indiction, Robert II, duke of Normandy, in the twenty-eighth year after he had been captured at Tinchebray and incarcerated in his brother's prison, died at Cardiff in Wales in February, and was laid to rest in the monastery of St. Peter the apostle at Gloucester.? IO

3At that time Buchar,* son of Ali, king of Morocco, assembled

great forces of warriors from all sides and came to Spain to fight against the Christians. Alamimun of Cordova and Alcharias of Dalmaria and other nobles of Libya and Spain joined him with many thousands of followers, and skilfully drew up their combined forces ready for battle. These, massed together, advanced to relieve Fraga and arrived there divided into five separate columns. The first column escorted two hundred camels, laden with provisions and necessities of many kinds, with which they intended to relieve the besieged, and to tempt the needy Christians, who were eager for booty, into attacking the first column. The other squadrons lay separately in ambush some distance away and waited, ready to cut off any men who pursued the fugitives. At Fraga two rivers meet; the Segra, from Lérida, and the

Ebro, from Saragossa. The battle was fought in July, in the Field of Mourning between these rivers, and there was great bloodshed. 'Táchefin ben ‘Ali ben Yousof, governor of Cordova, consisted of 2,000 knights under Zubayr ben ‘Amr el Lamtofini, 500 knights from Ibn Ganya of Murcia and Valencia, and 200 knights from ‘Abd Allah ben 'Iyád of Lérida. The Chro-

nica Adefonsi mentions Ibn Ganya of Murcia and Valencia by name (c. 53, p. 44), adding, (congregavit gentem transmarinam Moabitarum et Arabum et regem Cordubae et Sibiliae et Granatae et Valentiae et Leritae et omnes gentes quae erant ex ista parte maris.' Ibn el-Athir says that a convoy of supplies was sent

ahead under Ibn Ganya, and that King Alfonso sent a detachment to capture it, which was charged by Ibn ' Iyád. The camels are peculiar to Orderic’s account.

4 He is probably to be identified with Tachefin ben ‘Ali ben Yousof. 5 Actually the Cinca. The battle was fought on 17 July 1134.

414

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XIII

ut nimiam multitudinem ethnicorum contra se uenire audiuit, principes Christiani exercitus conuocauit, ac ad bellum magnifice concitauit. Bertrannus enim Laudunensis comes Quadrionz! et Rodericus Asturiz,? Naimarus de Narbona? et Centulfus Guasto-

nis filius de Biara,^ Garsio Adramis5 aliique plures bellicosi proceres in campo dolenti certauerunt. Hildefonsus rex ut primam aciem qua camelos uictualibus onustos ducebat perspexit" Bertranno comiti ut cum eis primo dimicaret precepit. Cui Bertrannus dixit, ‘Domine rex primos transire dimittamus, ut illis ad urbem appropiantibus? nos optime parati simus, et illos si onusti predis remeauerint ferire, et caute contra insidias inimicorum agmina nostra tutare. Interea sequentes socios eorum expectemus, et prompti bello excipiamus.' T'unc iratus rex cum exclamatione dixit, ‘Vbi est magnanimitas tua strenue comes? Huc usque timiditatem nunquam in te reperi. His

dictis

consul

animosus

erubuit,

et in ethnicos

cum

suis

coetibus acriter irruit. Illi protinus terga uerterunt, ac ad innumerabiles quae sequebantur cateruas refugere moliti sunt. Tunc innumerz phalanges in Christianos surrexerunt, et Bertrannum ac Naimarum, Rodericum et Centulfum cum multis milibus

occiderunt. "Rex autem cum residuis in quodam colle diutius dimicauit, nimiaque hostium multitudine conclusus suos pene omnes amisit, ibique ad mortem usque pro Christo confligere proposuit. Pontifex autem Vrgelensis? regi ut recederet iussit? sed ille pro ruina suorum nimis mestus noluit. Cui episcopus, ‘Ex auctoritate' inquit “Dei omnipotentis tibi precipio, ut confestim recedas de hoc campo" ne te cadente tota paganis subdatur Christianorum regio, et cunctis in hac prouincia consistentibus t The Chronica Adefonsi (c. 57, pp. 46—7) names as principes militiae Bertrand of Laon, Centule of Bigorre, and Aymer of Narbonne and also Gaston of Béarn. Bertrand of Laon was a grand-nephew of Felicia de Roucy, and so a kinsman of

King Alfonso. He was a close companion of the king, who gave him the county of Carrión in 1117 (P. Boissonnade,

Du nouveau

sur la ‘Chanson

de Roland?

(Paris, 1923), p. 59). 2 Orderic may have been mistaken in the name; Lacarra, Alfonso, pp. 125-6, suggests that Gonzales may be intended. 3 Aymer of Narbonne, a kinsman of Raymond Berengar III, had taken part in the crusade in the Balearic Isles from 1114 to 1116 (Boissonnade, Du nouveau,

Pp. 42-3). * Centule II, count of Bigorre, fought with King Alfonso in many campaigns (ibid. 45-51, 61; cf. Lacarra, 'Documentos', in EEMCA i: (1946), no. 26). 5 García

Ramírez,

a Navarrese

noble

of royal,

but

illegitimate,

descent,

BOOK

XIII

415

When King Alfonso heard that a huge multitude of gentiles was advancing against him, he called together the leaders of the Christian army, and nobly roused them to battle. Bertrand of Laon, count of Carrión, and Roderick of Asturias, Aymer of Narbonne? and Centule, the son of Gaston of Béarn,* García Ramírez,5 and many other warlike magnates fought in the Field of Mourning. When King Alfonso saw the first column, which was convoying the camels laden with supplies, he commanded Count Bertrand to attack them first. Bertrand said to him, ‘My lord king, let us allow the first to pass, so that we may make better preparations while they approach the town both to attack them if they return laden with booty, and to protect ourselves prudently against any stratagems of the enemy. Meanwhile let us wait for their allies, who are following them, and be ready to engage them in battle.' At this the king exclaimed angrily, ‘Where is your sense of honour, valiant count? Hitherto I have never found any fear in you.’ At these words the courageous count blushed with shame and charged the pagans fiercely at the head of his troops. They immediately turned tail, and withdrew towards the countless hosts who were following. Then innumerable squadrons fell on the Christians, and slew Bertrand and Aymer, Roderick and Centule, and many thousands more. °The king, however, with the survivors, kept up a long battle on a certain hill; surrounded by a vast multitude of enemies he lost almost all his men and resigned himself to fighting there to the death for Christ. The bishop of Urgel’

commanded the king to withdraw, but he, cut to the heart by the destruction of his army, was unwilling to do so. The bishop said to him, 'By the authority of almighty God, I command you to withdraw immediately from this field, for fear that if you fall the whole Christian province will be conquered by the pagans, and all escaped from Fraga with the king and succeeded to the throne of Navarre (Chronica Adefonsi, c. 58, p. 47; E. Lourie, Speculum, 1 (1975), 635; S. de Vajay,

*Ramire II le Moine', Mélanges René Crozet (Poitiers, 1966), pp. 734-5). 6 Ibn el-Athir says that after the destruction of his first column King Alfonso himself advanced with his main army and was charged by Ibn Ganya and later

by Zubayr; and that at the same time the inhabitants of Fraga emerged from the city and sacked the undefended camp. The Chronica Adefonsi, c. 56, p. 46, says that the main army left the camp to have room to fight, and that meanwhile

a column of Saracens attacked the camp. 7. No other source mentions the bishop of Urgel;

a number of other bishops,

including the bishop of Lascar, were present (Chronica Adefonsi, c. 56, p. 46).

416

BOOK XIII

Christianis incumbat publica interfectio.’ Denique pontificali iussione constrictus obedire uoluit? sed innumeris milibus paganorum ambitus difficilem exitum undique circumspexit. At tamen ense feroci cum lx militibus qui residui cum illo laborabant per tenuiorem hostium craten sibi callem aperuit, et cum summa difficultate cum decem commilitonibus euasit, presulemque predictum cum quinquaginta pugnatoribus peremptum reliquit. Tali euentu gentiles elati sunt’ et Christiani uehementer contristati sunt.2 Rex cum magno merore ad amicos ut remeauit, Cesaraugustanis et Francis occurrit" aliisque fidelibus qui ad bellum properabant, sed infortunio tristi audito uehementer fracti lugebant. Videntes uero regem confortare se conati sunt’ seseque ad imperium eius sponte optulerunt. Ille autem ira feruens, et dolore pallens? unam saltem a Domino antequam moreretur, de paganis ultionem cum ingenti desiderio prestolabatur. Obuias itaque Christianorum phalanges per deuios anfractus ad maritima perduxit, ibique multitudinem Sarracenorum opimam captiuis et spoliis Christianorum onerantem naues inuenit, subitoque super eos qui nil huiusmodi tunc suspicabantur irruit, et de illis nimia cede peracta ire furenti aliquantulum satisfecit. Ibi nauis capitibus Christianorum onusta erat’ quz rex Buchar patri suo regi Africa pro testimonio uictorize suze mittebat, captiuos quoque circiter septingentos et insignes manubias uanz laudis amator destinabat. Hildefonsus autem rex ut supradictum est Dei nutu repente superuenit, factaque hostili strage cesorum capita sociorum rapuit, et ecclesie Dei honorifice sepelienda reddidit. Captiui uero qui iam in nauibus uincti iacebant strepitum audientes oculos leuauerunt, et uidentes quod optare non audebant uehementer exhilarati sunt. Viribus quoque resumptis alacriter animati sunt’ et Christianis in littore cum Sarracenis pugnantibus uincula uicissim absoluerunt,

ac ad subsidium

suorum

de puppi-

bus prosilierunt, sumptisque iugulatorum armis ethnicos adhuc * The Chronica Adefonsi c. 58, p. 47, also says that ten knights escaped with the king.

^ All sources agree that the battle was a total disaster for the Christians. In addition to the narrative sources, a charter of 16 August 1134 is dated ‘post illam multam et malam mactationem christianorum in Fraga, in qua fere omnes

gladio ceciderunt, perpauci uero uix inermes per fugam euaserunt cum rege’ (Lacarra, ‘Documentos’, in EEMCA iii (1947-8), no. 180, p. 574). The episode of the king’s vengeance, recounted as a postscript by Orderic, is wholly without foundation, and belongs to the epic tradition; cf. O. Densusianu, La prise de

BOOK

XIII

417

the Christian inhabitants will be massacred openly.’ In the end, constrained by the bishop’s command, he agreed to obey; although, looking around at the countless thousands of pagans, he saw that escape would be difficult. Nevertheless, striking fiercely with his sword and supported by sixty knights who still survived and fought with him, he cut a path through the weaker ranks of the enemy. He and ten fellow knights escaped! with the greatest difficulty, leaving the bishop of Urgel and fifty champions dead on the field. ‘The heathen were greatly encouraged by this outcome, and the Christians utterly cast down.? As the king was returning in deep mourning to his friends, he met the men of Saragossa and the Franks and other loyal vassals who were hurrying to the battle; but when they heard of the terrible disaster grief overwhelmed them. Recognizing the king, they attempted to console him and freely offered themselves to his service. He, however, trembling with anger and pale with grief, prayed desperately for just one opportunity for vengeance on the pagans to be given by the Lord before his death. He therefore led the squadrons of Christians he had met by devious paths to the sea-coast, and there found a crowd of Saracens, laden with captives and spoils of the Christians taken in the battle, who were loading their ships. By suddenly charging when they were utterly unprepared and butchering a great many of them, he appeased his raging anger to some extent. One ship there was packed with the heads of Christians, which King Buchar, in his love of vainglory, was sending to his father the king of Africa as proof of his victory, with about seven hundred captives and notable spoils. When by the will of God King Alfonso suddenly arrived, as I have related, and slaughtered the enemy, he recovered the heads of his slain comrades and brought them for honourable burial in the church of God. When the captives who were lying bound in the ships heard the uproar they lifted up their eyes and were overjoyed to see what they had not dared to hope. Regaining their strength they quickly took heart and, as the Christians fought with the Saracens on the shore, they released each other’s bonds and, leaping from the ships to help their own men and seizing the

weapons of the fallen, they set about cutting down the pagans who Cordres et de Sebille (Paris, 1896), pp. xlvi-xlviii, who finds a parallel in Aliscans; F. M. Warren, ‘The battle of Fraga and Larchamp in Orderic Vital’, in Modern Philology, xi (1913-14), 339-46.

418

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XIII

superstites mortificare moliti sunt. uice luctus successit, et Christiana Deum benedixit. à Hildefonsus fortis rex laboribus zgrotauit, et in lecto decumbens

Sic tripudio paganorum uersa cohors in cunctis operibus suis et erumnis fractus paulo post post octo dies animam exala-

uit.! Quo defuncto quia filium non habuit? turbatio de successore v. 24.

subiectos inter bellicos strepitus aliquandiu detinuit. Denique Arragones Remigium sacerdotem et monachum quia frater regis erat elegerunt, et regem sibi constituerunt/? Nauares autem Garsionem satrapam? sibi regem preposuerunt.^ II

v. 25

Romana zcclesia sub duobus principibus qui de papatu contendebant a transitu Honorii papz turbata" ingens tribulationum et dissensionum per orbem exuberauit copia. Nam in plerisque ceenobiis duo abbates surrexerunt et in episcopiis duo presules de pontificatu certauerunt, quorum unus adherebat Petro Anacleto, alter uero fauebat Gregorio Innocentio. In huiuscemodi scismate anathema formidandum est? quod difficulter a quibusdam precaueri potest, dum unus alium summopere impugnet, contrariumque sibi cum fautoribus suis feraliter anathematizet. Sic nimirum quisque ad id quod agere appetit, sed impossibilitate prepeditus ad effectum perducere nequit? sua saltem imprecatione Deum contra emulum suum expetit. Petrus potentatu fratrum parentumque suorum urbem optinuit, et Rogerium ducem Apulie regem Sicilie consecrauit/ cuius ope pzne totam Italiam sibi associauit.5 Gregorius autem cum quirinali clero Gallias expetiit, primoque ab Arelatensibus susceptus legatos inde Francis direxit. Porro Cluniacenses ut eius aduentum cognouerunt? Ix equos seu mulos cum omni apparatu congruo pape et cardinalibus clericis destinauerunt, et usque ad suam basilicam fauorabiliter conduxerunt. Tunc ibidem xi diebus papam cum suis detinuerunt, zcclesiamque nouam in honore sancti Petri apostolorum principis ab eodem cum ! King Alfonso died almost certainly on 7 September 1134; C. S. Arizmendi, *Sobre la muerte de Alfonso I, el Batallador', in Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, xxi (1909), 571-2. 2 The king’s brother, Ramiro, a monk but not a priest, left his monastery and married without dispensation; after the birth of his daughter he returned to his monastery (Chronica Adefonsi, c. 62, pp. 49-50; see E. Lourie, "The will of

BOOK XIII

419

still survived. So the triumph of the pagans was turned to mourning, and the Christian army blessed God in all his works. The valiant King Alfonso soon afterwards fell sick, worn out with hardships and sorrows; taking to his bed, he gave up the ghost eight days later.' After his death, since he had no son, a dispute over the succession kept his bellicose subjects in turmoil for some time. At length the Aragonese elected Ramiro, a priest and monk, because he was the king's brother, and made him their king;? the men of Navarre, however, chose Count García? as their king.*

II

Ever since the death of Pope Honorius the Roman church had been divided under the rule of two leaders contesting for the papacy, with the result that numerous troubles and disputes broke out all over the world. In many monasteries two abbots appeared, and in bishoprics two prelates struggled for office, one of them supporting Peter Anacletus, and the other favouring Gregory Innocent. In a schism of this kind there is great danger of anathema, and indeed it is almost impossible for some to escape it,

since each contender attacks the other vehemently and fiercely anathematizes his opponent and those who support him. So each endeavours, at least by his curse, to enlist God against his rival as he struggles to achieve his aims, but is powerless to do so. Peter, thanks to the power of his brothers and kinsmen, secured Rome and, after anointing Roger, duke of Apulia, as king of Sicily, used his help to win almost all Italy to his side.’ Gregory, however, accompanied by the Roman clergy, made for Gaul; first he was received by the people of Arles and from there he sent legates to the French. When the monks of Cluny heard of his arrival, they sent sixty horses and mules with all the furnishings appropriate for the Pope and cardinals, and escorted them with acclamation to their church. They entertained the Pope and his following there for

eleven days, and had the new church dedicated by him in honour of St. Peter, the chief of the apostles, with magnificent ceremonial, Alfonso I’, Speculum, 1 (1975), 635-6; S. de Vajay, ‘Ramire Mélanges René Crozet (Poitiers, 1966), pp. 735-50). 3 García Ramírez; see above, p. 414.

* One and a half pages are left blank in the manuscript. 5 See below, pp. 434, 510.

II le Moine’, in

420

v. 26

BOOK

XIII

ingenti tripudio populique frequentia dedicari fecerunt.! Inde magnam auctoritatem apud occiduos promeruit? quod a Cluniacensibus Petro prepositus fuerit. Ab eisdem quippe Petrus in puericia enutritus coaluit, et eorum habitu ac professione monachus extitit) Gregorius itaque a Cluniacis quorum auctoritas inter nostrates monachos maxime precellit, amicabiliter ut pater patrum susceptus pontificali stemmate in Gallis enituit, et deinceps ab occiduis principibus et episcopis susceptus in breui magnas uires impetrauit. Nam apud Carnotum Henricus rex Anglorum ad pedes eius humiliter corruit, illique reuerentiam papz debitam idus Tanuarii* sponte exhibuit, et multa donaria Romanis clericis regali munificentia contulit, ibique in domo Helisendis uicedominzs hospitatus Francis et Romanis gaudentibus triduo permansit. Deinde prefatus papa toto illo anno Franciam peragrauit, et

immensam grauedinem ecclesiis Galliarum ingessit, utpote qui Romanos officiales cum multis clientibus secum habuit, et de redditibus apostolicae sedis in Italia nichil adipisci potuit. Cum Lothario imperatore locutus est’ et ab eo cum suis ut magister uenerabilis habitus est. Concilium Remis mense Octobri habendum constituit, ad quod omnes episcopos et abbates totius occidentis accersiit.

12 Interea Philippus puer quem ante biennium Ludouicus rex in regem consecrari fecerat, quique pro simplicium nectare morum omnibus qui cognouerant eum placuerat? dum quendam armigerum per uicos Lutetiorum ludens persequeretur de equo corruit, 1 "The church at Cluny was consecrated by Innocent II on 24/25 October 1130, although the building was probably not completely finished until some time later (K. Conant, Cluny: les églises et la maison du chef d'ordre, Medieval Academy of America Publications 77, Macon, 1968, pp. 75 ff.).

2 Cluniac writers tended to emphasize the influence of Cluny in securing the acceptance of Innocent II as Pope, whereas Cistercians emphasized that of St. Bernard; both were important in different regions (Schmale, Schisma, p. 222; Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 460, pp. 214-15; H. Bloch, ‘The schism of Anacletus Il’, in Traditio, viii (1952), 166-8, 173-4). 3 Peter had been a monk at Cluny before becoming a cardinal; see Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 124, and the sources there cited. * Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxxii, p. 260, attributes Henry I's submission to

Innocent II to the example of Louis VI of France, who had recognized him at the council of Étampes under the influence of St. Bernard (Luchaire, Louis VI,

BOOK

XIII

421

before a great crowd of people. Afterwards his authority increased greatly in the west because he was preferred to Peter by the Cluniacs,? in spite of the fact that Peter had been brought up by them as a boy and had been professed and clothed as a Cluniac monk.3 So when Gregory had been warmly acclaimed as supreme pontiff by the Cluniacs, who are particularly respected and obeyed among the monks of our country, he appeared clearly as the rightful Pope to the French. From that moment he was accepted by the princes and bishops of the west, and in a short time he gained great power. Henry, king of England, knelt humbly at his feet at Chartres, on 13 January* voluntarily paid him the reverence due to a pope and, by his royal munificence, bestowed many gifts on the Roman clergy. Henry was entertained at Chartres in the house of the vidamesse Helisende,5 and remained there for three days, to the delight of the French and Romans. Afterwards the Pope travelled through France for the whole of that year and seriously burdened the churches of Gaul, because he had Roman officials and many dependants in his company and was unable to draw anything from the revenues of the Holy See in Italy. He conferred with the Emperor Lothair, and was treated by him and his followers as a master deserving respect. He fixed a council to be held at Rheims in October, and summoned all the bishops and abbots from every part of the west to attend it. I2

Meanwhile Philip, the boy whom King Louis had had anointed as king two years previously, and who was loved by all who knew him for the sweetness and simplicity of his character, fell from his horse while chasing some squire or other in sport through the no. 460, pp. 214-15). Henry's presence at Chartres on 13 January 1131 is proved by a charter issued at Chartres ‘in octabis epiphanie Domini’ in favour of the

abbey of Fontevrault, and confirmed at his request by Pope Innocent (Regesta, ii, no. 1687). 5 Helisende, vidamesse of Chartres, was the wife of Bartholomew Boel, who

had taken part in the first crusade with his brother Foucher. See Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Pére de Chartres, ed. M. Guérard (Collection des cartulaires de France, 1, 2; Paris, 1840), ii. 409, 417-18; and above, v. 36, 9o n. 3. $ 'The visit took place on 22 March 1131 at Liége, and is described by Suger,

Vita Ludovici, xxxii, pp. 260-2, who refers to imperator . . . in platea ante episcopalem ecclesiam humillime seipsum stratorem offerens'. Cf. also I. M. Watterich,

Pontificum

Gembloux in 822242

romanorum

vitae

MGH SS vi. 383. P

(Leipzig,

1862),

ii. 202;

Anselm

of

422

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v. 27 et membris horribiliter fractis in crastinum obiit.! Sic sine confes-

sione et uiatico coram patre et matre iii idus Octobris mortuus est? et cum magno luctu inter reges Francorum tumulatus est. Sequenti dominico papa Suessionis basilicam sancti Medardi

episcopi dedicauit, et inde Remis ad concilium properauit,? ibi-

v. 28

que sullimium multiplices causas personarum discutiens fere xv diebus permansit. Illic affuerunt xiii archiepiscopi, et cclxiii episcopi, et abbatum ac monachorum et clericorum magna multitudo. Illuc rex et regina et tota nobilitas Francie confluxerunt? et per Rainaldum Remorum archiepiscopum ad totam sinodum suam petitionem fecerunt, puerum scilicet Ludouicum pro Philippo fratre suo regem consecrari postulauerunt. Innocentius igitur papa viii kalendas Nouembris filium regis regem consecrauit?3 quz consecratio quibusdam Francis utriusque ordinis displicuit. Quidam enim laicorum post mortem principis spem augendi honoris habebant, quidam uero clericorum ius eligendi et constituendi principem regni captabant. His itaque pro causis nonnulli de ordinatione pueri musitabant, quam procul dubio impedire si potuissent summopere flagitabant. Ludouicus autem rex ut noui ritus insolitos conatus in regno suo scaturire comperiit, iratus in quosdam qui progeniem eius a regni fastigio alienare moliti sunt letiferam ultionem exercere concupiuit. Vnde maliuola quorundam* temeritas securior ad nefas cucurrit, et quibusdam horribili exitio proh dolor extitit, aliisque [quidem]^ amore Dei proximique feruentibus merorem inuexit. Nam postquam Iohannes senex Aurelianensis episcopus episcopatum deseruit" Hugos decanus qui ad pontificatum electus fuerat de curia regis rediit, et a temerariis hominibus in uia percussus obiit, et episcopatus sine presule sicut nauis sine gubernatore in mari diu fluctuauit. 2 quiui MS. ! Cf. Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxxii, p. 266, who says that the horse collided with a pig and fell, crushing its rider. He died 13 October 1131. ? See Suger, Vita Ludovici, xxxii, pp. 266-8. 3 The coronation of Louis le Jeune was urged by Matthew, cardinal bishop of

Albano, and Suger, among others (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 474, p. 219; Chron. Maur., in RHF xii. 81), and he was crowned on 25 October in the cathedral of Rheims (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 476, pp. 220-1; Hefele-Leclercq, v. 695).

+ It is impossible to know whether Orderic had any particular great persons in mind; Stephen Garlande was certainly involved, but a letter of Innocent II to

the bishops of Chartres and Paris was concerned with the penance of several

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streets of Paris, fractured his limbs terribly, and expired the next

day. So he died without confession or viaticum on 13 October, in the presence of his father and mother, and was buried with great mourning among the kings of France. The following Sunday the Pope dedicated the church of St. Médard the bishop at Soissons, and hurried from there to Rheims for the council,? where he remained for about fifteen days discussing the numerous suits of important persons. Thirteen archbishops, two hundred and sixty-three bishops, and a great multitude of abbots and monks and secular clerks were present at the council. The king and queen and all the nobles of France converged on the city and made their petition to the whole synod by the mouth of Reginald, archbishop of Rheims, namely that the boy Louis should be consecrated king in the place of his brother Philip. Pope Innocent therefore consecrated the king's son as king on 25 October,? but some Frenchmen, both clerk and lay, were displeased by this act. For some of the laity hoped for an increase in their dignity after the king's death, and some of the clergy coveted the right of electing and establishing the head of the realm. For these reasons some murmured against the boy's anointing, and would certainly have done all in their power to prevent it if they could. However, when King Louis learnt that the recent ceremony had given rise to unusual pretensions all over his kingdom, he grew angry with those who tried to withhold the sceptre of the realm from his son and planned to take deadly vengeance. Consequently some bold and malevolent persons* were able to commit crimes with greater impunity and, sad to relate, caused terrible disaster to some and deep sorrow to others who were animated by love for God and their neighbour. After John, the aged bishop of Orleans, had resigned his bishopric, Hugh’ the dean, who was returning from the king's court after being elected bishop, was murdered on

the road by ruthless men, and for a long time the bishopric had no prelate and drifted like a ship at sea without a steersman. great lords, 100 knights, and 140 burgesses of Orleans for implication in the murder of Archibald, and the dark hints may have been general (Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 519, 526; Janssen, Legaten, p. 20).

5 Hugh is a mistake for Archibald, who was killed by the supporters of his enemy, archdeacon John, probably after February and before 20 August 1133 (Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 518, 526, 531; Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 106).

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Tunc etiam Thomas sancti Victoris canonicus uir magnz auctoritatis interemptus est? cuius interfectionem Stephanus Parisiensis episcopus adstans cum ingenti merore contemplatus est.! Robur enim insanientium preualuit lictorum? qui non reueriti sunt Creatorem omnium, nec pro illo episcopum ut eius fidelem famulum. 15 Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mcxxxil indictione x^ Innocentius papa postquam a Gallis in quibus obedientiam et ingentem amiciciam repererat recessit, Italiam expetiit, sed a Romanis repudiatus Picenum? opulentam metropolim secessit. Illic per plures annos apostolicam dignitatem exercuit, et inde per orbem decretalia scita destinauit.? Tunc rigor sanctz conuersationis in zecclesiasticis uiris admodum creuit, et canonicalis ordo in Francia

et Anglia multipliciter adamatus inualuit. Feruor quoque abbatum metas antecessorum suorum transcendere presumpsit, et priscis institutionibus grauiora superadiecit’ satisque dura imbecillibus humeris onera imposuit.

Petrus Cluniacensis abbas ueredarios et epistolas per omnes cellas suas tunc direxit, et omnes cellarum priores de Anglia et Italia regnisque aliis accersiit? iubens ut dominico Quadragesimze tertio Cluniaci adessent, ut precepta monasticz conuersationis austeriora quam hactenus tenuerant audirent. Illi nimirum archimandrite

v. 30

sui iussis obsecundauerunt,

ac ad statutum

ter-

minum ccti priores Cluniacum conuenerunt. In illa die mille ducenti et xii fratres ibi adfuerunt, zecclesiastico ritu canentes processerunt, et cum iocunditate cordis oculos leuantes ad Deum deuote ipsum collaudauerunt. Hzec iccirco securus edo quia gaudens interfui, et tam gloriosum agmen in Christi Iesu nomine congregatum uidi, atque cum eis de basilica sancti Petri apostolorum 1 Thomas was murdered on 20 August 1133. Stephen, bishop of Paris, was among the staunchest supporters of Innocent II and a promoter of the regular canons of St. Victor in Paris. Innocent II pronounced anathema on the murderers (Schmale, Schisma, pp. 223-4; Migne, PL clxxiii. 1413, 1422; JL i. 7636; Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 519). ? Picenum is properly Ancona, but Pope Innocent was at Pisa. 3 The council of Pisa was held in 1135, probably between 3o May and 6 June;

see below, p. 442; Hefele-Leclercq, v. 706-7; Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ii. 113-14. 4 In 1132 the third Sunday in Lent fell on 13 March. The best edition of the

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Then too Thomas, canon of St. Victor, a man of great influence, was murdered in the presence of Stephen, bishop of Paris, who witnessed the crime with deep distress.! For the mad butchers were too strong to be challenged, and they neither reverenced the Creator of all things nor respected for his sake the bishop who was his faithful servant.

13 In the year of our Lord 1132, the tenth indiction, Pope Innocent took leave of the French, who had shown

him obedience

and

heartfelt friendship, and went to Italy; but as he was rejected by the Romans he withdrew to the wealthy metropolitan city of Pisa.? There for a number of years he exercised his apostolic authority, and from there he sent out decretals all over the world.? At that time there was a great increase in the strictness of religious life among the clergy; and the canonical order, which was greatly favoured in France and England, increased its strength in many different ways. Te abbots in their zeal ventured beyond the limits laid down by their predecessors and added stricter rules to the old customs, imposing very heavy burdens on shoulders that were

weak. At that time Peter, abbot of Cluny, sent out messengers with letters to all the dependent cells, and summoned the priors of all the cells from England and Italy and other realms, ordering them to come to Cluny on the third Sunday in Lent, to hear rules for a stricter observance of monastic life than they had hitherto shown.+

They duly obeyed the commands of their abbot, and at the appointed time two hundred priors assembled at Cluny. On that

day one thousand two hundred and twelve monks were there and processed chanting the church liturgy, lifting up their eyes to God with gladness of heart and praising him devoutly. I can describe this authentically, for I myself had the joy of being present; I saw that glorious company assembled in the name of Christ Jesus, and

on Sunday walked with them in procession from the church of Statutes of Peter the Venerable is Statuta Petri Venerabilis in Consuetudines Benedictinae Variae, ed. Giles Constable (CCM vi. Siegburg, 1975), 21-106. Another account of the meeting at Cluny is in a letter (attributed to Thurstan, archbishop of York) whose authenticity is discussed by D. Nicholl, Thurstan, archbishop of York (York, 1964), pp. 251-8; D. Bethell, in JEH xvii (1966), 1127; G. Constable in CCM vi. 23 n. 7.

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principis dominico processi, et per claustrum in ede uirginis matris ingressus oraui. Tunc Radulfus Autisiodorensis episcopus, et abbates Albericus Vizeliensis! ac Adelardus Melundensis eiusdem cenobii monachi cetum auxerunt, et conatus Petri abbatis presentia et exhortatione sua confirmauerunt.

VET

Ille uero

subiectis

auxit ieiunia,? abstulit

colloquia,3 et infirmi corporis quaedam subsidia quz illis moderata patrum hactenus permiserat reuerendorum clementia. Fratres autem assueti magistro semper obedire, contra religiosum morem nolentes ei resistere? aspera quidem imperia susceperunt, rationabiliter tamen ostenderunt, quod uenerabilis Hugo et illius antecessores Maiolus et Odilo artam uitz uiam tenuerunt, et per eandem Cluniacenses discipulos ad Christum perducere moliti sunt. Idem quoque cum reuerentia et humilitate, probabiliter asseruerunt sufficere debere, per uestigia eorum in uia mandatorum Dei dilatato corde currere? quorum sanctitas palam declarata est miraculorum claro specimine. Austerus autem preceptor Salomonis oblitus precepti, ‘ne transgrediaris terminos antiquos quos posuerunt patres tui'* Cistercienses aliosque nouorum sectatores emulatus5 rudibus ausis institit, et ab inceptis desistere ad presens erubuit. Postmodum tamen emollitus subditorum arbitrio consensit, memorque discretionis quz uirtutum mater est inualidisque compatiens subuenit, perplura de grauibus institutis quz proposuerat intermisit.® 14 Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mcxxxirr? Lotharius imperator ab episcopis aliisque fidelibus ob amorem Dei rogatus Romam obsedit, et pacificare populum Dei qui post Gregorium seu Petrum dissidentes errabant sategit. Mandauit enim Petro ut alii cederet, aut iudicium de ordinatione sua subiret. At ille gratanter mandatum suscepit; ac ad examen iustorum se uenturum 1 Alberic, abbot of Vézelay, became cardinal bishop of Ostia in 11 38. On him see Raoul Manselli, Alberico, cardinale vescovo d'Ostia e la sua attività di

legato pontificio', in Archivio della Società Romana

(1955), 23-68.

di Storia Patria, \xxviii

2 Statutes 10-15, CCM vi. 49-54. 3 Statutes 19-22, CCM vi. 57-60. * Proverbs xxii. 28. 5 Cf. Giles Constable, “The monastic policy of Peter the Venerable’, in Pierre

Abélard, Pierre le Vénérable (Colloques internationaux du Centre nationale de la Recherche scientifique, 1975), p. 123.

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St. Peter, chief of the apostles, and, after passing through the cloister into the chapel of the Virgin Mother, prayed with them. On that occasion Ralph, bishop of Auxerre, and the abbots Alberic of Vézelay! and Adelard of Melun, who were monks of that house, swelled the throng and strengthened Abbot Peter's purpose by their presence and encouragement. He imposed new fasts on his subject monks,? and took away times for conversation? and various supports of bodily infirmity, which the moderate mercy of reverend fathers had previously allowed them. The monks, accustomed to obey their master always and not wishing to oppose him in defiance of monastic custom, acquiesced in the harsh commands, but pointed out to him with reason that the venerable Hugh and his predecessors Maiolus and Odilo had kept to a strict way of life and had tried to lead their Cluniac disciples to Christ by the same road. At the same time, they suggested with reverence and humility that it would surely be enough to follow along the way of God's commands, with heart overflowing, in the footsteps of those whose sanctity had been made manifest by the clear proof of miracles. However, the austere master forgot the precept of Solomon, ‘Remove not the ancient landmarks which thy fathers have set’,+ and, rivalling5 the Cistercians and other seekers after

novelties, insisted on his harsh proposals and was ashamed to withdraw immediately from his undertakings. Afterwards, however, he softened and fell in with the wishes of his subordinates

and, valuing discretion, which is the mother of virtues, and pitying the weak, came to their help and withdrew many of the stern decrees which he had proposed. 14 In the year of our Lord 1133 the Emperor Lothair, who had

been urged by bishops and other Christians to act for the love of God, besieged Rome and attempted to pacify the people of God who were vacillating in schism between Gregory and Peter. He commanded Peter either to give way to the other or to submit to judgement on the question of his own ordination as Pope. Peter gladly accepted the proposal and agreed to come before the 6 Peter the Venerable showed by references in his letters and clauses in some

of his statutes that he recognized that not all of them could be obeyed in every particular. His statutes were put together in 1144. See G. Constable in CCM vi. 23-5; Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, i. 61, 89.

428

S2

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coram ipso Cesare adquieuit. Deinde Augustus Innocentio similia mandauit, sed ille nisi omnia que ad presulatum pertinent ei libere redderentur ad placitum uenire recusauit. Imperator autem ut hzc audiuit, contra Gregorium indignatus Petro quzque possidebat dimisit, et negocio imperfecto post ebdomadas vii recessit.! Eodem anno Ricardus Baiocasinz urbis episcopus? in ebdomada Pascha obiit? cui post duos annos Ricardus Rodberti comitis de Gloucestra filii regis filius successit? quem iubente Innocentio papa Hugo Rotomagensis archiepiscopus consecrauit.* T'unc etiam Ricardus de Bellafago regis honorabilis capellanus Abrincatensems5 presulatum suscepit/ quem supradictus metropolitanus consecrauit.

15

V. 33

Circa hzc tempora turbatio ingens facta est in Apulia’ ad cuius originem elucidandam repetitio priscz propaginis et euentus hominum est necessaria. Postquam Rogerius senex Siciliz comes 'T'ancredi de Altauilla filius obiit" uxor eius Adeles cum paruulo filio regere se non posse magnas possessiones perspexit, et anxia quid agendum foret tam secum quam cum familiaribus suis sollerter indagauit. Ingentes enim prouincias prefatus consul et xi fratres eius bellica uirtute optinuerant, et barbaros sub potenti manu excelsi Dei fortiter in Apulia et Sicilia subegerant. Tandem prefata mulier Rodbertum Rodberti ducis Burgundie filium in amiciciam copulauit, eique filiam suat coniugem cum toto Sicaniz principatu tradidit.ó Rodbertus quippe huius pater Rodberti Francorum regis et Constantia reginz filius fuit? cuius nobilitas de sanguine regum et augustorum processit, et in multis regionibus claris operibus et mirandis uirtutibus admodum effulsit. Ipse nimirum est, quem potentissima mater post ! Orderic's information on events in Rome in 1133 is mostly wrong. It is true

that some show of force was necessary when Lothair helped to install Innocent II in the Lateran and was hiraself crowned there after failing to enter the Leonine

city, where Anacletus was dominant. But Falco of Benevento (FB (s.a. 1133), p. 113) and other contemporaries make it plain that Anacletus rejected attempts at negotiation; see Bernhardi, Lothar, pp. 469-75. 2 For Richard fitz Samson, bishop of Bayeux, see above, v. 210, 211 n. 5.

3 Richard, son of Robert earl of Gloucester, who had served as a royal chaplain, was bishop from 1135 to 1142; see Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 120, 203; Regesta, ii. 1909; S. E. Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony of the Middle Ages (Harvard Historical Monographs, x. 1936), p. 35.

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Emperor himself for trial by just men. The Emperor then sent similar instructions to Innocent, but he refused to attend the suit unless all the rights of the papacy were freely restored to him. When the Emperor heard this he grew angry with Gregory and handed over everything he held to Peter. After seven weeks he withdrew, leaving the business unfinished.! In the same year Richard, bishop of Bayeux,? died in Easter week, and two years later he was succeeded by Richard, son of the king's son Robert, earl of Gloucester.? Hugh, archbishop of Rouen, blessed him at the command of Pope Innocent.* At that time too Richard of Beaufour, one of the king's chaplains of good character, received the bishopric of Avranches’ and was consecrated by Archbishop Hugh.

iS About this time serious trouble broke out in Apulia; to explain its origin I must recapitulate the descent and fate of the men concerned. After Roger, the old count of Sicily, son of Tancred of Hauteville, died, his wife Adelasia realized that she could not rule

such great possessions with her little son, and in her perplexity gave much thought to what she should do and held many consultations with her close counsellors. Count Roger and his eleven brothers had conquered huge provinces by their valour in battle, and had courageously brought the barbarians in Apulia and Sicily under the powerful hand of almighty God. At length Adelasia made a friendly alliance with Robert, the son of Robert, duke of Burgundy, and gave him her daughter in marriage with the whole principality of Sicily.° Robert, this man's father, was a son of King Robert of France and Queen Constance, who had inherited his

high rank from the blood of kings and emperors, and had won great renown in many regions by his distinguished deeds and remarkable qualities. It was he whom his masterful mother wished, after * His consecration was deferred because he was a bastard; cf. below, p. 442. 5 Richard of Beaufour witnessed as chaplain a number of charters of the last years of Henry's reign (Regesta, ii. 1909, 1913), and had previously been archdeacon of Suffolk (Regesta, ii. 1783 n., 1219). $ After the death of Roger I, count of Sicily, in 1101 his widow, Adelasia, acted as regent for her young son, Roger II, until he came of age in 1112. For the

early conquests of the Normans

in Apulia and Sicily see above, ii. 98-100;

Chalandon, Domination normande, i, chs. iii-viii. There is no corroboration in

Italian chronicles or charters for Orderic's statement about the influence of Robert the Burgundian (ibid. i. 356—7).

430

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obitum genitoris toti Gallie preficere uoluit, et Henrico qui primogenitus erat ut in superioribus parumper tetigi preferre omnimodis studuit.! Denique iusticia Henricum iure in solium regni sullimante Rodbertus ducatum Burgundiae diu tenuit, et tres filios Henricum et Rodbertum atque Simonem genuit. Porro Henricus primogenitus eius ipso iubente uxorem duxit, ex qua filios tres Hugonem et Odonem atque Rodbertum Linguonensem episcopum genuit/ et superstite patre hominem decessit. Quo defuncto pater longo postmodum tempore uixit, et filios suos nepotibus suis grandeuus preposuit, suumque ducatum illis annuit, et proceribus cunctis ut soboli suz prorsus adhererent precepit. Quod audiens Hugo puer siluit, et opportunum tempus patienter expectauit. Spem tamen in Domino fixam habebat, et priuatim coessentibus sibi dicebat, ‘Iustus Dominus qui patrem meum mundo surripuit/ prolem eius hzreditate debita non V. 34 priuabit.' Porro adueniente ducis occasu officiales cunctos atque barones accersiit, et mansionariis aulz principalis ut regiam sibi et optimatibus suis festiue ornarent imperiose mandauit. Illi uero unde tironi tantz iussionis audacia inesset mirati sunt’ et continuo perterriti iussis optemperauerunt, et splendidum apud Diuionem nouo duci apparatum accelerauerunt. Animosus itaque iuuenis sine bello et effusione sanguinis auitum honorem optinuit, et exulantibus patruis Rodberto et Simone paternam hereditatem tribus annis insigniter tenuit. Iusticia insignis mitibus et iustis placuit, irreligiosis autem et exlegibus terribilis ut fulgur incubuit. Completis tribus annis Odoni fratri suo sponte ducatum dimisit, et ipse pro celesti amore seculum reliquit, monachusque Cluniaci factus xv annis Deo gloriose militauit.? Odo autem frater eius ducatum Burgundie diu possedit, et ex filia Guillelmi Testardie+ Hugonem ducem genuit, et Helam quz prius Bertranno Tolosano comiti Poncium Tripolitanum comitems peperit, ac postea Guillelmo Talauacio Guidonem Pontiui comitem aliamque sobolem copiosam utriusque sexus edidit.® ! See above, iv. 74; Le Prévost, i. 179.

2 Hugh I was duke of Burgundy 1075-8, and then became a monk of Cluny; cf. Gregory VII’s letter to Hugh, abbot of Cluny, on his conversion (Gregorii VII Registrum, ed. E. Caspar, ii (Berlin, 1923), lib. vi. 17, pp. 423-4). 3 Odo Borel, duke of Burgundy, occurs elsewhere in Orderic's narrative as a benefactor of Citeaux (above, iv. 322) and a crusader in 110r (above, v. 324, 325

n. 6), where he is wrongly called Stephen. 4 She was a sister, not a daughter, of William Téte-Hardie (GEC xi. 697).

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his father's death, to place on the throne of all France, and endeavoured by all means to set above her first-born, Henry, as I have briefly outlined in earlier chapters.! Finally when justice had triumphed and rightly raised Henry to the throne of the realm, Robert held the duchy of Burgundy for a long time and had three sons, Henry and Robert and Simon. Henry, his eldest son, at

his command married a wife by whom he had three sons, Hugh and Odo and Robert, bishop of Langres. Henry died in the lifetime of his father, who lived for a long time after his death and at a great age favoured his sons before his grandsons, conceded the duchy to them, and commanded all his magnates to be loyal to his children. When the boy Hugh heard this he kept silent and patiently waited until the time was ripe. He maintained a firm hope in God, however, and said in private to those round him, "The just Lord who took my father from this world will not deprive his son of his lawful inheritance.’ ‘Then when the duke died he sent for all his officials and vassals, and imperiously commanded the household servants of the chief residence to deck out the palace for himself and his magnates. They were amazed at the daring of the young aspirant in giving such an order, but obeyed his commands at once in great fear, and humbly prepared magnificent furnishings at Dijon for the new duke. In this way the courageous young man took over the honor of his ancestors without war or bloodshed and held his paternal inheritance for three years with distinction, while his uncles Robert and Simon lived in exile. His outstanding justice pleased meek and honest men, but struck those who were godless and lawless with the force of lightning. After three years he voluntarily conceded the duchy to his brother Odo, and himself for love of heaven

abandoned

the world,

became

a monk

at

Cluny, and served God with glory for fifteen years.? His brother Odo held the duchy of Burgundy for a long time,? and had by the daughter of William Téte-Hardie^ a son Hugh, who became duke, and a daughter Ella, who first bore Pons, count of Tripoli, to Bertrand, count of Toulouse,’ and afterwards bore Guy, count of Ponthieu, and many other children, both sons and daughters, to

William Talvas.$ 5 For Bertrand's claim to Tripoli see above, v. 276. He was succeeded in 1112 by his son, Pons, who was killed in 1137 (J. Richard, Le comté de Tripoli sous la dynastie Toulousaine (1102—1167) (Paris, 1945), pp. 6, 20).

$ Sixsons and one daughter are named in a charter of 1127 for Saint-Sauveurle-Vicomte (CDF, no. 970).

432 V. 35

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Rodbertus autem Burgundio ut predictum est filiam Rogerii Normanni coniugem habuit, et principatum contra cunctos per x annos strenue defensauit. Interea socrus eius Rogerium puerum educauit, atque ubi eundem ad arma gerenda et ius patris regendum tironem idoneum agnouit? egregium Francigenam probumque militem generum suum uenenosa potione proh dolor infecit. Extincto itaque feminea fraude nobili marchiso Rogerius successit, et pluribus annis in magna prosperitate uiguit, multis tamen facinoribus pollutus magnis expiari ut reor tormentis meruit.! Callida mater eius quz filia Bonefacii Liguris? fuerat? a morte mariti sui pecuniis undecumque collectis ingentem thesaurum sibi congesserat. Quod audiens Balduinus prior Ierosolime rex

opes concupiuit, ipsamque ut coniugali ritu sibi copularetur per illustres procos requisiuit. Illa uero fastus et honoris insatiabiliter auida nobilibus paranimphis adquieuit, et multitudine stipata clientum cum ingenti zrario Ierusalem properauit. Rex autem Balduinus opimas quidem opes gratanter recepit, et stipendiariis

qui pro nomine Christi contra paganos laboriose dimicabant dispersit? mulierem uero uetustate rugosam et pluribus criminum neuis infamem repudiauit. Anus itaque culpis promerentibus con-

fusa Sicanios repetiit" et inter eos cunctis deinde contemptibilis consenuit.^ Rogerius Sicilia princeps admodum confortatus est: et super omnes antecessores parentela ipsius diuitiis et honoribus locupletatus est. Post obitum Guillelmi ducis ut supradictum est? ducatum Apuliz nolentibus colonis adeptus est.5 Deinde omnes qui ei resistere nisi sunt impugnauit, et magnis uiribus crudeliter ! One possible source of Orderic's information about southern Italy may have been Robert, son of William of Grandmesnil, whose father had settled in Apulia and died there (cf. above, iv. 338). Robert helped Roger II to seize Omignano, but later quarrelled with him about military service, abandoned his Calabrian

fiefs, and returned to Normandy in 1129 (AT i. 17, 20; pp. 97, 99). Robert's grudge may have contributed towards Orderic's bias against Roger. ? She was a niece, not a daughter of Boniface of Montferrat (GM iv. 14, p. 93), and had married Count Roger as his third wife in 1089. 3 She arrived at Acre in the summer

of 1113; see Runciman,

Crusades, ii.

103-4; and for a critical discussion of the sources Hagenmeyer's notes in FC (Hagenmeyer), pp. 576-7.

4 The marriage was unpopular with the magnates, and was soon pronounced invalid because Baldwin's previous marriage had never been legally dissolved. Adelasia returned to Sicily in 1117 and died in 1118; see Runciman, Crusades,

ii. 104; Chalandon, Domination normande, i. 360-3.

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Robert the Burgundian, as I have related, took the daughter of Roger the Norman as his wife, and for ten years defended the principality vigorously against all attacks. Meanwhile his motherin-law brought up the boy Roger, and when she saw that the young aspirant was ready to bear arms and rule his father's patrimony, terrible to relate, she murdered the brave and distinguished French knight who was her son-in-law with a poisoned draught. After the noble marquis had been done to death in this way through the treachery of a woman Roger succeeded to his lands; he has flourished for many years in great prosperity, though he is stained with so many crimes that he ought by right, in my opinion, to expiate them with great sufferings.! His mother, a crafty woman who was a daughter of Boniface of Liguria,” had collected money from all sources after the death of her husband and amassed a huge treasure. Hearing of this Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem, coveted the wealth and sent eminent proxies

to ask for her hand in marriage on his behalf. Being insatiably greedy for pomp and honour, she gave her consent to the noble suitors

and

hurried

to Jerusalem,

accompanied

by numerous

dependants and taking a huge treasure-store. King Baldwin accepted the rich treasure gladly, and distributed it among the stipendiary soldiers who were fighting and suffering against the pagans for Christ's sake; but he repudiated the woman who was wrinkled with age and notoriously stained with many crimes. So the old woman returned to the Sicilians with shame as her sins deserved and grew old among them, an object of general contempt.*

à

Roger, prince of Sicily, found great sources of strength and amassed far more wealth and honours than all the ancestors of his house. After the death of Duke William, as I have described, he

took possession of the duchy of Apulia against the wishes of the inhabitants.5 Later he fought against all who attempted to resist him and cruelly suppressed them with great forces; he spared no man 5 William, duke of Apulia, son of Roger Borsa, died without direct heirs and the succession problem was acute. His cousin Roger of Sicily immediately

pressed his claim by force of arms (Chalandon, Domination normande, i. 380-1). Prolonged opposition from some of the Apulian nobles, helped by the Emperor Lothair and Innocent II, led to rebellions for the first ten years of his reign; but Orderic's statement is exaggerated, for Roger was favoured by some magnates.

For his supporters in the Val Telese see D. Clementi, ‘Alexandri Telesini Ystoria serenissimi Rogerii primi regis Siciliae, in Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, \xxvii (1965), 110.

434

v. 37

v. 38

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XIII

oppressit nec ulli pepercit, sed cognatos et extraneos pariter prostrauit et spoliatos opibus cum dedecore conculcauit.! Tancredus de Conuersana Matelle a Rogerio Siculo fortiter obsessus est’ et inde fugiens in oppidum quod Mons Petrosus dictum est/\ a proteruo persecutore ibi captus est.? Goisfredus etiam de Andra cum uxore ab eodem in rupe captus est? in castello quod secus Potentiam urbem situm est. Rogerius autem oppidum subiugauit, ibique thesaurum in quo erant xv minz auri uel argenti cepit.) Grimaldum quoque de Baro Langobardum liberalem et strenuum uirum comprehendit, et ablatis rebus ac munitionibus uehementer humiliauit.* Ricardum etiam principem Capuz consobrinum suum exhzredauit/ et iniusta ui exulare coegit.5 Sic uehementi uiolentia proximos et longinquos pessundedit, et multum cruoris effundens multasque lacrimas crudeliter eliciens admodum creuit, ac primus de Tancredina progenie regalem thronum conscendit, et sceptrum ac diadema aliaque regis insignia gessit. Filiam Petri Leonis sororem Anacleti pontificis uxorem duxit? et ab eodem coronatus regium stemma nunc gerit.ó 16 Anno ab incarnatione Domini McXxxxini indictione xii? multa grauia in mundo contigerunt, quibus quidam exigentibus culpis plexi sunt? alii uero terribilia et insolita uidentes terrore pallentes contremuerunt. Nam in natale Innocentum nix copiosa cecidit? totamque superficiem terre cooperuit, et domorum aditus mole sua sic oppilauit, ut sequenti die uix egredi de tectis homines aut iumenta possent, uel aliquo modo procurare quz sibi competerent. ! Of the cruelty with which the revolts were suppressed there is no doubt; it appears in the chronicles of Alexander of 'T'elese (AT) and Falco of Benevento (FB). 2 Orderic's statements are confirmed in AT ii. 37-42, pp. 116-18; FB s.a. 1133, p. 219. Tancred, the son of Geoffrey of Conversano, was one of the principal leaders of the revolt, assisted by his brother Alexander. The events here described belong to the revolt of 1131-3; ''ancred was captured in 1133 and sent to prison in Sicily.

3 Geoffrey of Andria's castle was at Anzi, in the hills just south of Potenza (AT ii. 40, p. 117; cf. ii. 18, p. 108 for the beginning of his quarrel with Roger). The treasure captured in the town belonged to Alexander of Conversano (FB $.a. 1133, p. 219, 'Reuera thesaurum auri et argenti Alexandri Comitis inuenit’). * The Lombard Grimoald Alferanite had led a movement for independence in

Bari since 1117 and was prominent in the revolts of 1128-9 and 1131 (Chalan-

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435

but struck down kinsmen and strangers alike and, stripping them of their wealth, crushed and humbled them.!

Tancred of Conversano was closely besieged in Matera by Roger of Sicily; after escaping to the stronghold of Monte Scaglioso he was there taken prisoner by his relentless persecutor.? Geoffrey of Andria and his wife were also captured by him, in the castle on the crag near the city of Potenza. Roger stormed the town itself and secured a treasure-store containing enough gold and silver to fill fifteen measures.? He also captured Grimoald of Bari, a noble Lombard and a brave man, stripped him of his possessions and castles and utterly humbled him.* He disinherited his cousin, Richard, prince of Capua, and by unjust force drove him into exile.5 So with passionate violence he destroyed men near and far and, by cruelly causing much bloodshed and mourning, grew to greatness. He was the first of all the descendants of Tancred to mount a royal throne and secure the sceptre and crown and other insignia of a king. He married a daughter of Peter Leonis, the sister of Pope Anacletus, and, having been crowned by him, now

enjoys royal honours.$ 16

In the year of our Lord 1134, the twelfth indiction, many calamities occurred on earth. Some men were punished by them, as their sins deserved, while others who looked on at the strange and terrible happenings grew pale and trembled with fear. On Innocents' day very heavy snow fell,? which covered all the face of the earth and blocked the doors of houses with its drifts so that next day men and beasts could scarcely leave their shelters or find any means of providing for their needs. Many of the faithful never don, Domination normande, i. 318—19; ii. 14). He was captured and sent to prison in Sicily in 1132 (AT ii. 19-20, p. 108). 5 Robert (not Richard), prince of Capua, was able to prolong his resistance

after Roger had overrun his county and given it to his son Alfonso by escaping to Pisa and later to Germany, where he organized unsuccessful papal and imperial intervention against Roger (see Chalandon, Domination normande, ii, chs. 1-2). 6 Roger never married a sister of Anacletus; his first wife, Elvira, a daughter of Alfonso VI of Castile, died on 6 February 1135, and he did not remarry until

1149 (Chalandon, Domination normande, ii. 105-6). His royal title was approved by Anacletus on 27 September 1130 (JL i. 8411). Orderic appears to have written before he extorted recognition from Innocent II in July 1139 (JL i. 8043). 7 There is another reference to this snowfall in Book VI; see above, iii. 344. 'The date was 28 December 1133.

436

v. 39

BOOK XIII

Multi fideles zecclesiam ipsa celebritate non introierunt, nec ipsi sacerdotes in plerisque locis opposita sibi niuis congerie limina basilica: nequaquam calcauerunt. Post vi dies zephiro flante nix eliquata est/ et immensa' inundatio aquarum repente facta est. Flumina inde nimis creuerunt, alueorumque suorum limites transgressi sunt’ et ingentia damna seu commoda mortalibus intulerunt. In uicis enim et urbibus contiguis tecta repleuerunt, hominesque de suis habitaculis fugauerunt. Enormes foeni aceruos e pratis sustulerunt, et tonnas falerni plenas aliaque uasa repositoria cum multis speciebus et preciosis opibus de suis locis transtulerunt. Plures igitur pro suo dampno lamentati sunt? et alii econtra pro insperato emolumento letati sunt. Mense Iunio uehemens estus per xv dies mundum torruit, et terrigenas ad omnipotentis Domini clementiam per ieiunium et orationes suppliciter confugere ne uelut Pentapolei flammis combusti perirent compulit. Fontes siquidem et stagna titaneus ardor qui tunc per Geminos! discurrebat exsiccauit, et importuna sitis greges animantum grauiter exacerbauit. Tunc quodam sabbato multi estuantes aquz refrigerium petierunt, et multi diuersis in locis una pene hora in undis suffocati sunt. In nostro quippe uicino unde rumores ad nos facile peruolarunt? xxxvii in stagnis seu fluminibus homines limphis intercepti sunt. Diuinum examen quo cuncta fiunt discutere nescio, latentes rerum causas propalare nequeo: sed rogatus a sociis annalem historiam simpliciter actito. Inscrutabilia quis perscrutari potest? Rerum euentus ut uidi uel?

posteris benigniter denoto? et omnipotentem Deum in cunctis operibus suis que uere iusta sunt glorifico. Consideret quisque prout sibi diuinitus inspiratum fuerit, et utile sibi si quid estimauerit, salubriter decerpat prout uoluerit. Mense Augusto in uigilia sancti Laurentii martiris? post nonam turbo uehemens exortus est’ quem terribilis tonitrus cum nimia pluuiz inundatione circa uesperum secutus est. Tunc fulmina cum ingenti mugitu ceciderunt, et plures feminas in diuersis locis interemerunt. Nullum uero marem animaduersione illa interisse audiui? sed femineus tantum sexus in hominibus et brutis animalibus pertulit pondus imminentis flagelli.3 In uilla quze Planchis dicitur in confinio Luxouiensis episcopatus @ Sic in MS.; the sense requires audiui ! Before 17 June. ? 9 August. 3 John of Worcester commented on a thunderstorm et Morville in 1118 in which only women

were killed (JW, pp. 13-14).

BOOK

XIII

437

entered a church on that feast day, and the priests themselves in many places were totally unable to cross the thresholds of the churches because their way was blocked with snow-drifts. After six days the wind veered to the west and the snow melted, suddenly causing great floods. The rivers, swollen by the snow water, burst their banks and caused widespread loss to some people and gain to others. In villages and towns near by the floods rose to the roofs and drove people from their homes. Large stacks of hay were swept from the meadows, and barrels full of wine and other container vessels were carried away with all kinds of precious belongings. As a result, while many people bewailed their losses, others were delighted by unexpected salvage. In June blazing heat scorched the earth for fifteen days, and drove men to fast and pray and beg humbly for mercy from almighty God for fear of being destroyed like Pentapolis, which perished in flames. 'T'he fierce sun, which was then passing through the sign of the T'wins,! dried up streams and pools, and flocks and herds suffered terribly from thirst. Then one Saturday a great number of thirsty people plunged into the waters to cool themselves, and many in different places were drowned in the space of a single hour. In the region around us of which we were well informed thirty-seven men were drowned in the waters of pools and rivers. I am not able to unravel the divine plan by which all things are made and cannot explain the hidden causes of things; I am merely engaged in writing historical annals at the request of my fellow monks. Who can penetrate the inscrutable? I make a record

of events as I have seen or [heard of] them, for the benefit of future generations, and glorify omnipotent God in all his works, which are truly just. Let each one interpret according to the inspiration he receives from heaven, and if he finds anything profitable to him let him extract matter for his salvation from it as he best judges. In August after nones on the vigil of St. Lawrence the martyr? a violent whirlwind sprang up, which was followed towards evening by fearful thunder and torrential rain. Thunderbolts fell then with a loud rumbling and killed a number of women in different places. I have heard that no male perished in this chastisement, but the female sex alone in both human beings and brute beasts bore the weight of the portentous scourge.?

In the village of Planches, on the borders of the bishoprics of

438

V. 40

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XIII

et Sagiensis, Guillelmus Blanchardus quidam iuuenis de uicino agro redam ducebat, in qua soror eius cum manipulis auenz consistebat. Cumque adolescens imbres nimium perstrepentes formidaret, atque matris ad tugurium quod proximum erat summopere festinaret/ fulmen super clunes equa qua plaustrum trahebat protinus cecidit, et ipsam equam et uagantem pullam eius quz sequebatur et iuuenculam quz in uehiculo erat simul exanimauit. Iuuenis autem qui in sella sedebat, et iumentum freno regebat nimio quidem prz timore corruit, sed miserante Deo sospes euasit. Inundatio pluuiz maxima erupit" uerumptamen bigam et garbas incendium consumpsit, quarum fauillas et extinctz cadauer in feretro in crastinum uidi? quia Merulz! consistens illuc perrexi, ut diuinam posteris relaturus percussionem, indubitanter scirem rei certitudinem. In uilla quz Guaspreia? dicitur messores dum uiderent nubes tetra offuscari obscuritate" cuidam que forte in campo spicas colligebat dixerunt puellulz, 'Curre filia celeriter, et pallia nostra

seu tunicas contra imbres nobis defer.’ Quz libenter iussa sus-

V. 4I

cepit, et statim ire cepit, sed in primo ut opinor passu fulmen cecidit, et ipsam feriens in momento exanimauit. Multa quoque similia eadem hora contigere, que postmodum edidici ueracium relatione, sed nequeo singillatim omnia litteris assignare. In prima Septembris septimana dominus Deus noster multa per ignem peccata puniit, et peccatorum penates cum gazis iniuste diu congregatis combussit. Cenomannis enim et Carnotum antique et opulentze urbes consumptz sunt, Alencion quoque et Nogentum in Pertica Vernoliumque et alia oppida uilleque plures flamma ire Dei discurrente per orbem perierunt. Tunc Cenomannis episcopalis basilica quz pulcherrima erat concremata est? et feretrum sancti cum corpore pontificis et confessoris Iuliani difficulter in monasterium sancti martiris Vincentii translatum est. Ossa quoque sanctz Scholastice uirginis cum multis aliis

reliquiis incensa sunt^ et post incendium cineres in locis suis a religiosis perscrutatoribus inuenti sunt. Carnoti uero monasterium * Saint-Évroul held the church and tithe and some land at Le Merlerault (ef. Henry I’s charter, Le Prévost, v. 197), and there were stone-quarries there (see

above, ii. 148). 2 Probably Guéprei (Orne, cant. Trun), where Saint-Evroul held the church

(above, ii. 32).

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Lisieux and Séez, a certain young man called William Blanchard was driving home a wagon from a near-by field, with his sister sitting among the sheaves of oats. As the young man, alarmed by the torrents of rain, was hurrying as fast as possible towards his mother's cottage near at hand, a thunderbolt suddenly fell on the haunches of the mare which was drawing the wagon. It killed at

one stroke the mare herself with the filly foal that was running behind and the girl in the vehicle. The young man, however, who was seated in the saddle and was guiding the beast with the reins escaped unscathed by God's mercy, although he was thrown to the ground in utter terror. Rain was pouring down in floods, yet the flames consumed the wagon and sheaves. I saw the ashes of

them next day and the corpse of the dead girl on a bier, for I was staying at the time at Le Merlerault! and hurried to the spot in order to be certain of the facts before recording for posterity how the blow fell from heaven. Reapers in the village of Guéprei,? who saw the black clouds gathering, said to a young girl who happened to be gleaning in the field, ‘Run quickly, child, and bring us our cloaks and tunics to keep out the rain.' She eagerly obeyed and immediately set off at a run, but at the first step, I believe, a thunderbolt fell and stretched

her dead on the spot. Many similar happenings occurred at the same time, which I learnt afterwards from reliable sources, but

I cannot record them all individually. - In the first week of September the Lord our God punished many sins by fire and burnt the houses of sinners with the treasures they had unjustly piled up over the years. The ancient and wealthy cities of Le Mans and Chartres were burnt to the ground; Alengon too, and Nogent in Perche and Verneuil and many other towns and villages, perished as the flames of God's wrath raced across the earth. At that time the exquisitely beautiful cathedral church of Le Mans was burnt, and the reliquary containing the body of the holy bishop and confessor, Julian, was only with difficulty carried to the

monastery of the holy martyr, Vincent.? The bones of St. Scholastica the virgin and many other relics were burnt, and after the conflagration their ashes were found in their proper places by pious searchers. At Chartres the abbey of St. Peter the apostle was 3 This is confirmed by a full account of the devastating fire which occurred on 3 September 1134, given in Act. pont. cen., pp. 435—7. The body of St. Julian

was kept at the abbey of La Couture until 28 October.

440

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XIII

sancti Petri apostoli combustum est?! et uenerabilis monachorum conuentus claustro cum reliquis officinis destructo dispersus est. In his tempestatibus diuersorum incola locorum miros euentus et uarios experti sunt, uariasque incendii causas lugubres senserunt, et prolixas inde narrationes pro admiratione seu lamentatione contribulibus referre potuerunt. Ego autem illis non interfui, nec dubia referendo librum protelare decreui. In eodem mense iustus iudex per contrarium elementum in alio climate terribilia exercuit, et scelestos piratas a nequitiis quibus terra sub Noe polluta fuerat compescuit. ?In Flandria mare noctu redundauit, et per vii miliaria repente diffusum basilicas et turres atque tuguria pariter operuit, et innumera hominum milia utriusque sexus et ordinis et conditionis pari periculo absorbuit. Ibi plane nec uelocitas cursori profuit? nec fortitudo pugilem protexit, nec copia diuitiarum opulentos saluauit, sed omnes aeque pulchros et deformes uiros et feminas diluuium inuoluit, et opturatis aqua oribus absque mora morti tradidit. Sic nimirum mare miserorum punitionem in puncto peregit, et confestim ad locum suum iussu Dei remeauit. Quadam paupercula nuper infantem enixa ut strepitum rugientis aque audiuit, territa sed mente sana de lecto mox prosiliuit’ infantem et gallinam cum pullis suis arripuit, et monticulum feni quod extra tugurium erat uelociter ascendit. Impetus autem irruentis et omnia inuoluentis aqua fonum sulleuauit, et de loco illo mullonem hac et illac fluctuantem longe transtulit. Miseratione uero misericordis Dei mulier saluata est, et in tanta uicinitate mortis cum paruulis rebus quas secum habebat morti ccelitus erepta est. Puer duodenis retulit michi^ tunc super culmen domatis se protinus ascendisse, ibique perniciei discrimen euasisse? patrem uero suum et matrem in inferioribus interisse. Eodem anno preclari principes obierunt. Nam ut supradictum

est Rodbertus secundus dux Normannorum in Februo? Carduili V. 43 migrauit, Hildefonsus autem Arragonum rex in introitu autumni obiit" post bellum Fragense in quo nobilium baronum Bertranni et Roderici aliorumque procerum occasus contigit. 4 Sic in MS.

! Chartres was burned on 5 September. ? According to the Chronicon sancti Bavonis (Recueil des chroniques de Flandre, ed. J. J. de Smet, i (Brussels, 1837), p. 582) the great inundations in Flanders occurred in October 1134. 3 Cf. Ecclesiastes ix. 11.

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burnt,' and the venerable community of monks was dispersed after the destruction of the cloister and other monastic buildings. In those days dwellers in different places experienced different kinds of phenomena, ruefully discovered various reasons for the conflagrations, and were able to tell long stories on the subject which roused amazement and sympathy in their fellow country-

men. I myself, however, was not present and I do not wish to prolong this book by recounting doubtful tales. In the same month the just Judge carried out fearful judgements in another region through the opposite element, and curbed villainous pirates for the crimes by which the earth was polluted in Noah's day. ?In Flanders one night the sea poured over the land and, spreading rapidly for seven miles, overwhelmed churches and castles and cottages alike, and involved countless thousands of men and women of every order and rank in a common catastrophe. There, it was plain to see, speed was of no avail to the swift,3 nor did strength save the warrior nor abundance of riches the wealthy, but the flood swept away all, fair and ugly, men and women, alike and, choking them with water, quickly dragged them down to death. In this way the sea carried out the chastisement of wretches in a moment; and then swiftly, at God's command, it returned to

its place. One poor woman, who had recently given birth to a child, heard the roar of the raging water and leapt from her bed terrified, but she kept her head, snatched up the baby and a hen with its chickens, and quickly climbed on top of a haystack that was outside her cottage. The force of the rushing water, which was submerging everything, lifted up the hay and carried the stack for a long distance, eddying to and fro. So, by the pity of merciful God,

the woman was saved from imminent death and snatched to safety by heaven, with the few poor possessions she had with her. A twelve-year-old boy told me‘ that on that occasion he climbed quickly on to the gable of the roof and there escaped death; his father and mother, however, who were lower down, perished.

Famous princes died that year. As I said above, Robert II, duke of Normandy, departed this life in February at Cardiff; and Alfonso, king of Aragon, died too at the beginning of autumn, after the battle of Fraga, in which the noble lords Bertrand and Roderick and other magnates lost their lives. 4 It is not certain whether Orderic travelled in Flanders at this time, or met the boy elsewhere.

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Tunc Guali Britones a cunctis gentibus quz sub regis Henrici dicione consistunt, uehementer afflicti sunt: et plurimz regiones eorum Flandrensibus datz sunt.! A quibus et ipsi in siluis et latebris ubicumque inuenti sunt? absque omni humanitatis respectu quasi canes interfecti sunt. Hoc animosiores eorum intuentes ualde indignati sunt’ animosque resumentes arma sustulerunt, et multa pro ultione sui damna facientes in regem Henricum feraliter surrexerunt. Castrum Pagani filii Iohannis quod Caus? dicitur combusserunt, et omnes utriusque sexus homines quos V. 44 intus inuenerunt,

immisericorditer

obtruncauerunt.

Omnes

hoc

facinore facto incolae cum extraneis condensos ut lupi saltus appetierunt, publicamque cedibus et rapinis atque incendiis inimi-

citiam exercuerunt. r7 Anno

ab incarnatione Domini

MCxxxv,

indictione xiii? Inno-

centius papa maximam sinodum apud Picenum tenuit, et de utilitatibus zecclesiasticis multum tractauit, sed infortuniis prepedientibus omnia pro uoto complere nequiuit.3 Hugo Rotomagensis archiepiscopus ipsum summopere adiuuit, et ab eodem honoratus primatum super multos pontifices suscepit. Curis itaque apostolice seruitutis occupatus curas proprii presulatus aliquandiu intermisit, et diutius in Ausoniz partibus demoratus aliorum negocia sollerter expediuit, quod regi uehementer displicuit. Preterea post mortem Ricardi Baiocensis episcopi, rex nepoti suo Ricardo prefate urbis pontificatum dedit, quem archiepiscopus consecrare quia nothus erat satis detrectauit, diuque donec apostolica sanctione pro regis timore concessum esset distulit. v. 45 Tandem remeantibus legatis cum decretis papz, Baiocensis ecclesia data est Ricardo Rodberti comitis de Gloucestra filio, eademque die Abrincatensis episcopatus commissus est Ricardo de Belfago.* ! The Flemish transplantation

had occurred

earlier; Brut y Tywysogyon

(s.a. 1108, p. 53) places a Flemish immigration resulting from inundations in

Flanders in 1108. Florence of Worcester records under the year 1111, ‘Rex Anglorum Heinricus Flandrenses qui Northymbriam incolebant, cum tote supellectili sua, in Waloniam transtulit, et terram, quae Ros nominatur, incolere praecepit. See also GR ii. 365-6, 477; Michael Richter, Giraldus Cambrensis

(Aberystwyth, 1972), pp. 17-19. ? [tis possible that Orderic here looks ahead to the Welsh rising of 1136-7; cf. below, p. 494; Annales de Margan (Annales monastici, ed. H. R. Luard, i (RS 1864), 13-14). Cause Castle in Shropshire was held by the Corbets and is not

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Then the Britons of Wales suffered severely at the hands of all the peoples who live under King Henry's rule, and several of their regions were given to Flemings.! Wherever the Welsh were found in woods and hiding-places they were pitilessly slaughtered like dogs by the Flemings. The sight of this so enraged the bolder among them that they recovered their courage, took up arms, and rebelled fiercely against King Henry, perpetrating many atrocities

to avenge themselves. They burned the castle of Pain fitz John, which is called Cause,? and slaughtered without mercy all the

persons of both sexes whom they found inside. When this outrage had been committed all, both natives and foreigners, took to the dense woods like wolves and lived as public enemies, slaughtering and plundering and burning.

1/ In the year of our Lord 1135, the thirteenth indiction, Pope

Innocent held a great council at Pisa and discussed much important church business; but various accidents prevented him from com-

pleting everything to his satisfaction.? Hugh, archbishop of Rouen, gave him great assistance, and was honoured by him with the grant of primacy over many bishops. So, occupied with the duties of papal service, he neglected the duties of his own see for a while, and remained for a long time in the provinces of Italy, shrewdly directing the affairs of others to the great displeasure of the king. In particular when, after the death of Richard, bishop of Bayeux, the king gave the bishopric of Bayeux to his grandson, Richard, the archbishop was very unwilling to bless him, because he was a bastard, and put off doing so for a long time until permission was granted by the Pope out of fear of the king. At length, when the envoys returned with the Pope's decretal letters, the church of

Bayeux was given to Richard, son of Robert earl of Gloucester, and the same day the bishopric of Avranches was committed to Richard of Beaufour.+ known to have been in the hands of Pain fitz John at any time (Eyton, Shropshire,

v. 242; vii. 10). But it is possible either that Pain, then sheriff of Shropshire, had been put in charge of the defence of the border or that Orderic gave his name in error, confusing this attack with the later attack in which he lost his life (Lloyd, Wales, ii. 477).

3 Cf. above, p. 424, where Orderic refers to the 1135 council of Pisa by anticipation. 4 Cf. above, p. 428.

444

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18

v. 46

V. 47

Eodem anno Henricus rex diris rumoribus de Gualorum factionibus auditis ualde indignatus est, et prudenter ordinata Normannia cum electis sagittariis et bellicosa manu transfretare ter conatus est. Verum contrariis insurgentibus causis iter eius impeditum est’ nec uiuus Angliam uidere a Deo qui omnia mire continet permissus est. Gener enim eius Iosfredus Andegauensis magnas potentis soceri gazas affectabat, castella Normannia poscebat? asserens quod sibi sic ab eodem rege pactum fuerat, quando filiam eius in coniugem acceperat.! Animosus autem sceptriger neminem sibi dum uitales carperet auras uoluit preficere, uel eciam in domo sua seu regno sibi cozquare: diligenter reuoluens diuinz dictum sophyz, quod nemo potest duobus dominis seruire.? Inde turgidus adolescens iratus minis et superbis actibus regem offendit, monita eius et consilia temere spreuit, et in tantum furorem procaciter excitauit ut filiam ei suam auferre uoluisset, et in Angliam secum ducere si Diuinitas hoc decreuisset. Satis enim rex egre tulit, quod ille generum suum Rozscelinum uicecomitem obsedit? et Bellum Montem penitus concremauit,? nec pro reuerentia tam sullimis soceri genero eius aliquatenus pepercit. Origo igitur maximarum dissensionum inter Normanniz proceres pullulabat. Nam eorum quidam Andegauensi fauebant, sed manifestam rebellionem propalare non audebant, quia regem multa expertum metuebant. Ipsum quippe ad arma contra se^ merito formidabant? quem pro castigatione perenniter uincire reos satis nouerant. Guillelmus tamen Talauacius* et Rogerius 'Toenites5 precipue suspecti erant, unde ad curiam regis uenire formidabant. Hac de causa rex in Angliam nauigare distulit, propriosque milites ad custodiendam munitionem Conchas direxit, quibus intromissis 9 Sic in MS.; a verb (? ire) seems to be missing ! Robert of Torigny also states this cause of disagreement: ‘rex nolebat facere fidelitatem filiae suae et marito ejus idem requirenti, de omnibus firmitatibus Normanniae et Angliae; and adds as a second cause that Henry would not restore William Talvas’s castles to him (R. Tor. (RS), p. 128). Cf. H. Hunt., p. 254. See above, p. 224, for Henry's retention of the citadels of the towns

restored to William Talvas in 1119. ? Matthew vi. 24. 3 Roscelin, vicomte of Maine, son of Ralph V, for whom see above, v. 240 n. 2; he was married to Constance, sometimes called Matilda, a natural daughter

of Henry I (GEC xi, App. D, p. 116).

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18

The same year King Henry, hearing the alarming news of the Welsh risings, grew very angry and, after settling the affairs of Normandy prudently, he attempted three times to cross the Channel with a strong force including picked archers. But his journey was hindered by various impediments which arose and God, who directs all things mysteriously, did not allow him to see England again in his lifetime. His son-in-law, Geoffrey of Anjou, aspired to the great riches of his father-in-law and demanded castles in Normandy, asserting that the king had covenanted with him to hand them over when he married his daughter.! The proudspirited monarch, however, was not prepared to set anyone above himself as long as he lived, or even to suffer any equal in his house or in his kingdom, for he never forgot the maxim of divine wisdom that no man can serve two masters.? The proud youth therefore took umbrage, incurred the king's displeasure by his threats and haughty behaviour, presumptuously scorned his commands and counsels, and recklessly roused him to such fury that he would have taken his daughter away from him and escorted her back to England with him if God had so decreed. For the king took it very hard that Geoffrey had besieged his son-in-law, Roscelin the vicomte, and burnt Beaumont to the ground,? and had not spared

Roscelin out of respect for his own royal father-in-law. So the seeds of great quarrels among the Norman magnates began to sprout; for some of them favoured the Angevins but did not dare to rebel openly because they dreaded the king's great practical experience. They rightly feared [his going] to arms against them, for they knew all too well that he punished guilty men by fettering them for life. William Talvas* and Roger of 'T'osnys in particular were under suspicion, and therefore dared not come to the king's court. For this reason the king put off sailing to England and sent his own knights to garrison the castle of Conches. When they had been 4 William

Talvas, son

of Robert

of Belléme,

never

used the nickname

in

attesting charters, but it is given to him by Orderic and Robert of Torigny and occurs in an obituary. He was born probably in 1105; GEC xi. 697 suggests between 1105 and 1111, but Henry would hardly have restored his father’s lands to him in 1119 if he had been less than fourteen.

5 Roger III of Tosny, son of Ralph, was born c. 1104 and succeeded his father c. 1126 (GEC xii (1), 762-3).

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oppidum in circuitu bene muratum seruauit, iuuenemque Rogerium ne rebellaret cohercuit. 'l'alauacium uero sepius ad se accersiit, et uenire non audentem quia mordax illum conscientia terrebat diutius expectauit, ad ultimum post plurimas summonitiones fundis omnibus dissaisiuit. Mense Septembri priuatus omni honore suo Talauacius ad consulem Andegauensem diuertit, et ab eo susceptus in oppidis quz de feudo eius erant Pireto et Mamerz habitauit. Rex autem ab inicio Augusti usque ad festiuitatem Omnium Sanctorum Sagiensem pagum perlustrauit, et Alencionem et Almaniscas aliaque 'Talauacii castella sibi mancipauit. Aggregata uero multitudine operariorum fossas Argentomi augmentauit, et oppidum illud futurorum nescius summopere muniuit/ quod paulo post uicinis habitatoribus nimis offuit. Quinto kalendas Nouembris dum festiuitas sanctorum apostolorum Simonis et Iudz celebraretur, et matutina sinaxis diuinze

maiestati a deuotis uigilanter ageretur" uehemens uentus circa quartam uigiliam noctis surrexit, et tota die usque ad nonam perdurans ualde perstrepit, terribiliterque magno cum fragore insonuit, innumerasque domos et basilicas atque turres excelsas discooperuit, arborumque multitudine prostrata lucos illustrauit. His itaque perspectis corda mortalium territa sunt’ et diuersas inde sententias prompserunt. Quidam perspicaces sophystz archana rerum subtiliter rimati sunt? et ex preteritis futura caute conicientes dixerunt, quod ira Dei mundo culpis exigentibus immineret, et principes terre cum subiectis plebibus tanquam arbores siluarum in breui prosterneret. Tunc Ludouicus rex Francorum xxviii regni sui annum agebat, et exinanitione diarriz attenuatus zgrotabat.! Metu igitur mortis domum suam et quaeque habebat disposuit, et precipuos Gallorum optimates 'l'edbaldum Blesensem atque Radulfum Parronensem? V. 49 accersiit, eosque quia discordes erant pacificauit. Filio quoque suo Ludouico Floro regnum Galliz commisit, quem ante triennium regem Remis constituerat, et ab Innocentio papa cum tota sinodo xiii archiepiscoporum et cclxiii? episcoporum x kalendas Nouembris coronari fecerat, cum tripudio multitudinis que

aderat. Desperantibus siquidem de rege archiatris, omnipotens * He was ill at Cháteauneuf-sur-Loire (Luchaire, Louis VI, no. $59).

in October

and November

1135

? Ralph, count of Vermandois, lord of Péronne, seneschal of France.

3 Cf. above, p. 422. The same numbers are given by Mansi, xxi. 463, who probably derived them indirectly from Orderic.

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stationed there he used them to guard the town, which was protected by strong walls, and prevented young Roger from rebelling. He summoned Talvas to his presence repeatedly and waited for a long time, but Talvas, uneasy in his conscience, dared not come. At length, after many summonses, the king disseised him of all his estates. In September, after forfeiting his whole honor, Talvas went over to the count of Anjou, who welcomed him, and lived in

the castles of Peray and Mamers which he held of Geoffrey in fee. The king, however, prowled round the Sonnois from the beginning of August until the feast of All Saints and took into his hand Alencon and Almenéches and the other castles held by Talvas. Collecting a great number of workmen, he enlarged the moats of Argentan and, unable to foresee the future, greatly strengthened the defences of that fortress, which shortly afterwards became a terrible threat to all who lived in the vicinity. On 28 October, while the feast of the holy apostles Simon and Jude was being celebrated and devout men were sleeplessly chanting Matins to the glory of God, a violent wind sprang up about the fourth watch of the night. It lasted all day until the ninth hour, and its howling was dreadful to hear amid the sound of crashes as it carried away the roofs from countless houses and churches and high towers, and cleared the woods by tearing down great numbers of trees. The hearts of mortal men quailed at such sights, and different explanations were offered. Some wise philosophers subtly expounded the hidden meanings of things and, cautiously conjecturing from past events what was to come, declared that the wrath of God threatened the world as a punishment for sin, and would soon lay low the princes of the world and their subject peoples like the trees of the woods. At that time Louis, king of France, who was in the twenty-

eighth year of his reign, was lying sick with a debilitating diarrhoea.! In fear of death, he put his house and all his possessions in order, summoned 'Theobald of Blois and Ralph of Péronne,? who were both great magnates of France and, since they had quarrelled, made peace between them. He entrusted the kingdom of France to his son, Louis Florus, whom three years previously he had proclaimed king at Rheims and had had crowned by Pope Innocent before the

whole council of thirteen archbishops and two hundred and sixtythree? bishops on 23 October, with the acclamations of all who were

present. Although the physicians had given up all hope for the

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XIII

Adonai qui ter quinos annos Ezechiz regi ad uitam donauit,! egrotanti Ludouico spacium uite prolongauit, et meliorationem transacti status pro correctione uitz ex insperato contulit.

V. 50

I9 Interea Henricus rex Anglorum vii kalendas Decembris in castrum Leonis uenit, ibique uenatores ut in siluam sequenti die uenatum irent secum constituit. Sed interueniente nocte protinus egritudinem incurrit, et a feria tercia usque ad dominicam letali morbo laborauit.? Interea prius capellanis suis reatus suos confessus est’ deinde Hugone archiepiscopo Rotomagensi accersito de spirituali consilio locutus est. Admonitus omnes forisfacturas reis indulsit, exulibus reditum et exheredatis auitas hereditates annuit. Rodberto autem filio suo de thesauro quem idem seruabat Falesiz, sexaginta milia libras iussit accipere, famulisque suis atque stipendiariis militibus mercedes et donatiua erogare.3 Corpus uero suum Reddingas deferri precepit? ubi cenobium ducentorum monachorum in honore sanctz et indiuiduz Trinitatis condiderat.* Denique katholicus rex de seruanda pace et tutela pauperum omnes obsecrauit, et post confessionem paenitentiam et absolutionem a sacerdotibus accepit, oleique sacri unctione delinitus et sancta eucharistia refectus Deo se commendauit, sicque kalendis Decembris dominico incipiente nocte hominem excessit. Affuerunt ibi quinque comites, Rodbertus de Gloucestra, Guillelmus de Guarenna,

V. 5I

Rotro de Mauritania,

Gualerannus

de

Mellento et Rodbertus de Legrecestra, aliique proceres et tribuni, nobilesque oppidani, quos omnes coniurauit Hugo archiepiscopus cum Audino Ebroicensi episcopo, ne corpus domini sui relinquerent nisi ex communi

consilio, sed omnes

illud usque ad mare

conducerent honorabili cuneo.5 Igitur feria secunda de castro Leonis Rotomagum regis soma detulerunt, et uiginti milia hominum ne in funereis ei felicitas ! Cf. 2 Kings xx. 5-6. ? Orderic's account of Henry's pious end is corroborated by the letters of Archbishop Hugh to Innocent II (WM EN,

pp. 13-14) and Peter the Venerabie

to Adela of Blois (Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, i. 22). Henry died in the evening of 1 December; some chroniclers give the date as 2 December because of the liturgical usage of starting the day at sunset; cf. ibid. ii. 104-5. 3 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 129, who records that when Robert heard that Stephen

had been crowned in England he surrendered Falaise ‘asportata prius magna parte thesauri regis Henrici quod nuper allatum fuerat de Anglia'.

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king almighty God, who gave King Hezekiah fifteen more years of life,! prolonged the life of the ailing Louis for a while, and unexpectedly granted him better health and time for the amendment of his life.

19 Meanwhile Henry, king of England, arrived at the castle of Lyons-la-Forét on 25 November and stationed huntsmen ready to go hunting with him in the wood the following day. But during the night he was suddenly taken ill, and from Tuesday until Sunday he lay dying.? During that time he first confessed his sins to his chaplains and then, summoning Hugh, archbishop of Rouen, he asked for his spiritual counsel. On Hugh's advice he revoked all sentences of forfeiture pronounced on guilty men and allowed exiles to return and the disinherited to recover their ancestral inheritances. He commanded his son Robert, who had charge of his treasure at Falaise, to take sixty thousand pounds and pay out wages and largess for the members of his household and his stipendiary soldiers.? He gave instructions that his body was to be taken to Reading, where he had founded a monastery of two hundred monks in honour of the holy and undivided Trinity.* Lastly the Christian king implored all to devote themselves to the preservation of peace and protection of the poor and, after making

confession, received penance and absolution from the priests. Having been anointed with holy oil and strengthened with the holy Eucharist, he commended himself to God and so, at nightfall on Sunday, 1 December, departed this life. Five counts were present, Robert of Gloucester, William of Warenne, Rotrou of Mortagne, Waleran of Meulan, and Robert of Leicester, as well as

other magnates and officers and noble castellans, all of whom Archbishop Hugh and Audoin, bishop of Évreux, made to swear to each other that they would not leave their lord's body except by common consent, but would all together escort it to the sea-coast with an honourable guard.5 So on Monday they bore the king’s body from the castle of Lyons-la-Forét to Rouen, and twenty thousand men accompanied 4 The Benedictine abbey of Reading was founded and endowed by Henry I between 1121 and 1125; the first monks came from Cluny. 5 The intention of the oath may have been to avoid the disgraceful scenes that followed the death of William the Conqueror; cf. above, iv. 100-4.

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exequiis deesset comitati sunt. In metropolitana sanctz Dei genitricis Mariz basilica cum ingenti tripudio susceptum est: et a cunctis ordinibus! utriusque sexus multarum copia lacrimarum effusa est. Ibi noctu a perito carnifice in archipresulis conclaui pingue cadauer apertum est: et balsamo suaue olenti Ve De conditum est.? Intestina uero eius Ermentrudis ad uillam in uase delata sunt; et in zcclesia sanctze Mariz de Prato quam mater eius inchoauerat sed ipse perfecerat reposita sunt. Deinde prouido consultu sapientum Guillelmo de Guarenna Rotomagus et Caletensis regio commissa est, quz utiliter aliquandiu ab eo protecta est. Guillelmus de Rolmara et Hugo de Gornaco aliique marchisi ad tutandos patrie fines directi sunt. Rodbertus uero de Sigillo cum aliis quibusdam clericis et Rodbertus de Ver ac Iohannes V. 53 Algaso? aliique milites de Anglia et satellites ac ministri regis conglobati sunt; et per Pontem Aldemari atque Bonamuillam feretrum regis Cadomum perduxerunt, ibique diu fere quattuor ebdomadibus prosperum flamen ad nauigandum prestolati sunt. Interea cadauer regis in choro sancti prothomartiris Stephani seruatum est’ donec post Natale Domini missis illuc monachis impositum naui et transuectum est’ atque a successore regni et episcopis ac principibus terre in Radingiensi basilica honorifice sepultum est.4 Ecce ueraciter descripto qualiter obierit gloriosus pater patriz, nunc dactilicis uersibus breuiter pangam contumacis erumnas Normanniz, quas misera mater miserabiliter passa est a uiperea sobole. Quz nimirum mox ut rigidi principis cognouit occasum in Aduentus Domini prima ebdomade, in ipsa die ut rapaces lupi ad preedas et nefandas depopulationes cucurrit auidissime. Sceptriger inuictus, sapiens dux, inclitus haerosA Qui fouit populos iusto moderamine multos? ! The word ‘ordo’ was used in a number of different senses by Orderic and others; the most comprehensive definition, in a treatise in a contemporary manuscript of Saint-Évroul (Bibl. nat. MS lat. 6503, f. 62), refers to the four orders of the Church, ‘id est pastorali, monachili, clericali ei laicali’.

? Other accounts of the embalming of the body are given by H. Hunt., pp. 256-7, who dwells on the details with a malicious emphasis on human

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it so that his funeral exequies should not lack dignity. The body

was received with great ceremony in the cathedral church of Mary, the holy Mother of God, and many tears were shed by men and women of every rank or status.! There at night in the archbishop's chamber the corpulent body was opened by a skilled embalmer and filled with fragrant balsam.? His entrails were taken to Émendreville in an urn and buried in the church of Notre-Dame du Pré, which had been begun by his mother and completed by him. Then, by the prudent advice of wise counsellors, Rouen and the region of Caux were put under the charge of William of Warenne, who protected them effectively for some time. William of Roumare and Hugh of Gournay and other marcher lords were dispatched to guard the marches of the duchy. Robert de Sigillo with certain other clerks, and Robert de Vere and John Algason? and other

knights from England, and retainers and officials of the king gathered together and escorted the king's bier through PontAudemer and Bonneville to Caen, where there was a long wait of about four weeks for a suitable wind to enable them to put to sea. During that time the king's corpse was guarded in the choir of St. Stephen the first martyr, until after Christmas it was placed in a

ship with an escort of monks from St. Stephen's, taken across the Channel, and honourably buried in the church at Reading by his successor in the realm and the bishops and magnates of the land.* And now that the manner in which the glorious father of his country died has been truly told, I will briefly depict in dactylic verses the sorrows which stubborn Normandy, an unhappy mother country, suffered wretchedly from her viper brood. For on

the very same day that the Normans heard that their firm ruler had died in the first week of Advent they rushed out hungrily like ravening wolves to plunder and ravage mercilessly. 'The unconquered king, wise duke, distinguished lord,

Under whose governance many peoples flourished, mortality and some

exaggeration, and WM

HN,

p. 14, whose sober account is

very like Orderic's. 3 Robert de Sigillo was chancellor (G. H. White in TRHS (1948), 136); Robert p. 150; GEC x, App. gan Algason, vicomte * Henry was buried

4th ser. xxx

de Vere was constable in Henry I's last years (ibid., J, pp. 111-12), and John Algason was a brother of Guiof Exmes (Chartrou, L’ Anjou, p. 39). at Reading on 4 January 1136 (Regesta iii, p. xxxix). WM

HN, pp. 14, 16, gives a similar account of the long wait at Caen and burial at Reading; cf. also JW, p. 40.

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Proh dolor occubuit, dolor hinc oritur generalis.

V. 54

Publica Normannis clades simul instat et Anglis. Diuitiis et iusticia, sensu, probitate? Strenuitas eius manifesta refulsit ubique. Nullus eo melior princeps dominatur in orbe?

Tempore quo nimium scelus in toto furit orbe, Vt reor e cunctis fuit is melioribus unus, Hoc attestantur speciales illius actus. ZEcclesiz tutor pacisque serenus amator? Viuat in zeternum cum Christo rege polorum.

Amen.

Occidit Henricus rex prima luce Decembris, Lugubris incumbit patriae contritio membris. Tollere quisque cupit iam passim res alienas,

Rebus in iniustis en quisque relaxat habenas. Ecce gehennales furiz mortalibus instant, Arma parant, ad bella uocant, et spicula donant. Normanni furtis insistunt atque rapinis, Mutuo iam sese perimunt capiuntque ligantque, Incendunt zdes et in illis quicquid habetur, Non parcunt monachis, mulieres non reuerentur.

Femina clara gemit rabie spoliata latronum? Tegmina ius non seruat ei generale Quiritum.

Ceditur inberbis, puero" fur non miseretur, Hzc Romana phalanx licet ethnica non operatur? Luce patet clara quod eis pax extat amara? Quam mox spreuerunt ut regem fata tulerunt.

Pro nece patricii fures letantur iniqui, Predones auidi discurrunt ad mala prompti, Iamque putant quod nullus eos erus amodo iure Arceat, e contra refero, falluntur in hac re. /Eternum regis ius permanet omnipotentis,

[/E]’cclesizeque bonum dabit ipse repente patronum. Principe sublato monachorum supplicat ordo?

Fletibus ad ueniam scelerum flectendo sophyam. Summe Deus cohibe ne possint seua patrare: Ceu cupiunt rabidi famulantes perniciei. Ecce furit rabies, uocat et trahit ad scelus omnes,

Comprime ne ualeant actu complere quod optant. Christe ducem prebe qui pacem iusticiamque Diligat ac teneat, populumque tuum tibi ducat. Iusticize uirga turgentum percute dorsa" Vt secura tibi tua plebs possit famulari. 4 Sicin MS. P Space left for rubric

Semper amen.

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Alas, has died! from this springs general sorrow; Civil war looms for Normans and for English. His greatness showed itself in every quarter, In wealth and justice, wisdom and integrity.

No better prince than he rules on this earth. In days when evil rages all through the world He was, I dare assert, the best of men, As all his noble acts clearly proclaim.

Peace lover, Church's guardian, may he have Eternal life with Christ the King of heaven.

Amen.

On the first day of December died King Henry; Heavy sorrow oppresses every part of his country; Every man now seeks to plunder the goods of others

And abandons himself to unbridled lawlessness. See how hellish furies drive on mortals! They take up arms, incite to war, distribute javelins; 'The Normans abandon themselves to robbery and pillage,

They slay and capture each other, and bind with fetters; They burn buildings and everything that is inside them, And neither spare monks nor show respect for women. The noble lady moans, plundered by a thieving rabble, The general law of the Romans gives her no covering;

The beardless youth is slain; the thief does not spare children; The Roman army, though pagan, abstained from such actions.

It is clearer than daylight that they find peace abhorrent, For the moment fate struck down the king they rejected it. Wicked robbers rejoice in the death of the guardian,

Greedy brigands rush out, ready for evil. Now they imagine no law will constrain them; I say the reverse: in this they are mistaken. The eternal law of the Almighty endures through all ages, And he will in time give the Church a good patron.

Deprived of its prince, the monastic order beseeches Divine Wisdom, with tears, to grant pardon of sins.

Almighty God, restrain these mad servants of evil From the acts of savagery they seek to perform.

See, frenzy rages, calls all men, and drags them to evil; Restrain them from performing the deeds they have plotted, O Christ, give us a leader who will love peace and justice And preserve them, and lead back thy people to thee.

Smite the backs of the turbulent with the rod of justice That thy people may render thee service in safety. Amen for ever. 822242

Q

454

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XIII

20

V. 55 v. 56

Stephanus Boloniensis comes audita morte auunculi sui protinus transfretauit, et a Guillelmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo aliisque presulibus et principibus terrz susceptus regale fastigium ascendit, et xviii kalendas Ianuarii coronatus rex! quartus de stirpe Normannorum regnauit. Normanni autem Tedbaldum fratrem eius apud Nouumburgum conuenientes sibi preferre uoluerunt, sed in ipso conuentu a quodam monacho qui Stephani legatus erat audierunt quod omnes Angli Stephanum suscepissent, eique obedire eumque sibi regem preficere uellent. Mox omnes annuente 'edbaldo decreuerunt uni domino militare? propter honores quos in utraque barones possidebant regione.? Tedbaldus igitur cum malor natu esset indignatus quod regnum non habuerit, ad magna negotia que in Gallus eum urguebant festinauit, et Normanniam diutius conculcari neglegenter permisit, rege uero nichilominus in Anglia occupato rectore Normannia caruit. 2I

V. 57

In prima Decembris septimana losfredus Andegauensis ut mortem Henrici regis comperit, Mathildam uxorem suam mox in Normanniam premisit, quam Guigan Algaso? uir infimi quidem generis sed magnz potestatis ut naturalem dominam suscepit, eique Argentomum et Oximos et Damfrontem aliaque quibus ut uicecomes iubente rege praerat oppida subegit.* Deinde comes cum Guillelmo Talauacio Pontiui comite et Andegauensibus cateruis atque Cenomannicis secutus est: et a Sagiensibus aliis-

que castellanis qui de feudo Talauacii erant susceptus est. Exercitus autem eius per circumiacentem prouinciam diffusus crudelia peregit, zcclesias et cimiteria uiolauit, hospites suos iniuriis contristauit, et eosdem a quibus benigniter tractati fuerant pluribus damnis et lesuris afflixit. Porro Normanni quibus genuina ferocitas et audacia insunt, ut nequitiam hospitum in se grassari male * The date of Stephen’s coronation was most probably 22 December, the last

Sunday in Advent. Orderic is certainly wrong. For evidence see Regesta, iii. 270; . SD ii. 286 note a.

2 Orderic's account of the proposed offer to Theobald is partly confirmed by a similar, but independent, story in R. Tor. (RS), pp. 128-9, who puts the meeting at Lisieux, and by a reference in the Vita of St. Peter, prior of Juilli, to a

warning given him as the result of a vision ‘ne transeat mare, abiens in Angliam

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20

When Stephen, count of Boulogne, heard of his uncle's death he crossed at once to England, and after being accepted by William, archbishop of Canterbury, and the other bishops and magnates he ascended the royal throne. After he had been crowned king on 15 December! he reigned as the fourth king of Norman stock. The Normans, however, who met together at Neubourg wished to have his brother Theobald as their ruler, but at that meeting they heard

from a certain monk who was Stephen's envoy that all the English had accepted Stephen and wished to obey him and make him their king. All the barons immediately determined, with Theobald’s consent, to serve under one lord on account of the honors which

they held in both provinces.? Theobald therefore, offended at not getting the kingdom though he was the elder, hurried away to see to important affairs which demanded his attention in France, and

heedlessly allowed Normandy to be battered for a long time; since the king was occupied in England Normandy was left without a protector. 2I

In the first week of December Geoffrey of Anjou, on learning of King Henry's death, immediately sent his wife Matilda into Normandy. Guigan Algason, a man of low birth but great power, received her as his liege lady and put under her rule Argentan and Exmes and Domfront and other fortified towns,* which he

governed as vicomte by the king's command. Then the count himself followed with William Talvas, count of Ponthieu, and the troops of Angevins and Manceaux, and was received by the men of Séez and other castellans who held of the fee of Talvas. However,

his army, which dispersed through the province round about, committed outrages, violated churches and cemeteries, oppressed

their peasants, and repaid those who had received them kindly with many injuries and wrongs. After the Normans, who are innately warlike and bold, had realized that the crimes of their guests were accipere sibi regnum; quia non est ei a Deo predestinatum' (RHF xiv. 306—7). See also J. Le Patourel in History, lviii (1973), 4. 3 Cf. above, p. 17 n. 9. + R. Tor. (RS), p. 128, names in addition Ambriéres, Gorron, and Chátillon-

sur-Colmont in Maine, on the frontiers of Brittany, which were entrusted to Juhel de Mayenne after their capture. Matilda remained at Argentan, where her

third son, William, was born in August 1136 (ibid., p. 129).

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senserunt? arma furoris et ipsi nichilominus exercuerunt, et per uicos atque saltus fugientes persecuti sunt? ac ut fama uulgi refert plusquam dcct** igne seu ferro trucidauerunt. Residui uero cruentis Normannorum nisibus territi cum dedecore fugientes sua repetierunt, et acutis eorum mucronibus aspere castigati eosdem ultra experiri tunc non apposuerunt. Rodbertus etiam de Sabloilo filius Lisiardi alique proceres contra losfredum consulem rebellauerunt, et intestinis eum guerris detinentes in Neustriam remeare non permiserunt.! Ast Normannia licet ab exteris non inquietaretur, pacis tamen securitate nequaquam fruebatur, quoniam a filiis suis nequiter uexabatur, et indesinentem angustiam uentris quasi parturiens patiebatur. Normannica gens si secundum legem Dei uiueret, et sub bono principe unanimis esset, Caldeis sub Nabuchodonosor et Persis ac Medis sub Ciro et Dario et Macedonibus sub Alexandro? par inuincibilis esset, ut in Anglia et Apulia Siriaque frequens uictoria testimonium illi perhibet. Ceterum quia discordia ipsos ab inuicem segregat, et in sua uiscera letaliter armat? exterorum uictores a sese superantur, et uicinis hostibus cum ludibrio spectantibus mutuis ictibus immisericorditer iugulantur, unde suz matris oculi crebro lacrimantur. 22

Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXXxvI indictione xiiii? Stephanus rex Anglorum dum remoraretur in Neustriam transfretare, et ipsa prouincia patrono careret ac principe, ortz sunt simultates inter inquietos optimates Normanniz, nimizque per filios iniquitatis creuerunt malicia. In inicio quadragesimae Eustachius de Britolio apud Paceium mortuus est? et Guillelmus filius eius post Pascha Britolii honorem ferro et flamma calumniatus est.? Tunc Stephanus rex filiam suam biennem Gualeranno comiti de Mellento* in cunabulis dedit" comes autem post Pascha mox in Normanniam rediit. Nimia uero guerra inter Rogerium de Toeneio ! Robert's father, Lisiard, a descendant of Adela Giroie, had been a staunch

supporter of Henry I against the Angevins (cf. above, ii. 30). For Robert's rebellion cf. Hist. Gauf. ducis of John of Marmoutier (Halphen et Poupardin), pp. 206-7. ? Cf. above, ii. 274, with correction in iv. 355. 3 Eustace of Breteuil had been forced to surrender the honor of Breteuil for an annual rent of 300 marks, retaining only Pacy (see above, p. 278). William

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stirring up trouble, they too took up arms in their anger and pursued them through villages and woods and, it is commonly alleged, put more than seven hundred to death with fire and sword. The remainder, terrified by the bloody assaults of the Normans, fled with dishonour back to their own country and, after being severely punished by the sharp swords of the Normans, made no further attempt to repeat the experience for the time being. Indeed Robert of Sablé, the son of Lisiard, and other nobles rebelled

against Count Geoffrey and, by occupying him with civil wars, prevented him from returning to Normandy.! But although Normandy was not attacked from outside she was very far from enjoying peace and safety, since she was perniciously troubled by her own children, and suffered continual sharp pangs, like a woman in labour. If the Norman people would live according to the law of God and be united under a good prince they would be

as invincible as were the Chaldaeans under Nebuchadnezzar and the Persians and Medes under Cyrus and Darius and the Macedonians under Alexander,? as their many victories in England and

Apulia and Syria amply testify. But because strife divides them among themselves they take arms to rend each other; though they conquer other peoples they defeat themselves, and as their hostile neighbours look on with scorn they belabour and mercilessly butcher each other, so that their mother Normandy is constantly in

tears. 22

In the year of our Lord 1136, the fourteenth indiction, while Stephen, king of England, was putting off crossing to Normandy and the province was without a protector and prince, strife arose among the turbulent magnates of Normandy, and the evil deeds of the sons of iniquity were daily multiplied. In the beginning of Lent Eustace of Breteuil died at Pacy, and after Easter his son

William claimed the honor of Breteuil with fire and sword.? At that time King Stephen betrothed his infant daughter, then two years old, to Waleran, count of Meulan,* and the count returned to Normandy immediately after Easter. A major war was secured the honor of Breteuil for a time, but after his death it was given to Robert, son of Robert, earl of Leicester, in 1153 (Regesta, iii. 438). 4 See White, ‘Waleran’, pp. 19-48. The power of the family is described in R. H. C. Davis, Stephen (London, 1967), pp. 30-1. If this betrothal ever

occurred the marriage did not take place.

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et Rodbertum comttem de Legrecestra grauiter agitabatur, et ingens totius patriz desolatio miserabiliter oriebatur. Inter Rogationes et Pentecosten Rogerius munitionem regis in Valle Rodolii furtim introiuit, sed post tres dies Gualerannus comes cum communi uirtute Rotomagensium! illuc irruit, et municipium dominio regis restituit. Deinde feria secunda post Pentecosten Achinneium cum ualida manu inuasit, totumque municipium combussit. In crastinum nichilominus super eum Rogerius irruit, et tres uillas eius subito concremauit.? Hzc et multa his similia Normanni agebant" seseque propriis dentibus ut in Apocalipsi de bestia tipice legitur commanducabant.? A Natale Domini usque ad octabas Pentecosten pro absentia regis qui trans pontum multimodis regni curis occupatus erat, Tedbaldus comes a comite Andegauorum treuias acceperat,* et interim regis aduentum Normannica phalanx auide adtendebat. Finito autem termino treuiarum omnis plebs attonita erat, et rectore uiduata quid ageret ignorabat. Nam maliuoli fures desi-

derabant illum diem uidere, quo res alienas libere possent furari seu rapere. Inermes uero et benigni ac simplices admodum metuebant, quod rapaces filii Belial absque Dei timore optabant.

23 v. 60

Rodbertus cognomento Boetus quidam famosus sagittarius Richerio Aquilensi adherebat, et multos nebulones indomitosque garciones ad strages hominum et latrocinia cotidie peragenda sibi asciscebat, qui quanto sagittandi peritia maior? tanto in nequitiis erat detestabilior. Hic septimanam Pentecostes quam septiformi gratia discipulis Christi data Sanctus illustrauit Spiritus, temere uiolauit nefariis actibus, et futuri nescius inhiabat peioribus. Nam sicut boni flamma Spiritus Paracliti ad amorem Dei et proximi salubriter accendebantur, sic mali demonico spiritu debachantes ad omne nefas rapiebantur. Igitur xv kalendas Iunii predones ut

lupi ad predam cucurrerunt, et non bellicosorum rura militum 1 This has been described by Yver, ‘Chateaux forts’, p. 104, as ‘une sorte de force communale ou précommunale de Rouen’.

? Probably La Croix-Saint-Leufroi, Caillé, and Écardeville-sur-Eure. 3 Cf. Revelation xvii. 16.

4 'This truce must have been made at Christmas, 1135, when Theobald with-

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then in progress between Roger of Tosny and Robert, earl of Leicester, and was causing terrible devastation throughout the whole province. Between Rogation time and Pentecost Roger by a stratagem entered the king's castle in Vaudreuil, but three days later Count Waleran broke into it with the communal force of the men of Rouen! and restored the castle to the king's command. Then on Whit Monday he attacked Acquigny with a strong force and burnt the fortress to the ground. Next day, however, Roger counterattacked and suddenly burnt three of his villages.? These deeds and others like them were performed by the Normans, and they

devoured each other with their own teeth, as we read figuratively of the beast in the Apocalypse.? Since the king was occupied across the Channel with the many cares of his kingdom, Count Theobald agreed to a truce with the count of Anjou from Christmas until the octave of Pentecost;4 and during that time the Norman army waited eagerly for the king’s coming. But when the truce ran out all the people were bewildered and, having no leader, did not know what to do. For lawless brigands were longing for the day to dawn when they might steal and plunder the goods of others without impediment. But unarmed and well-disposed and simple people dreaded what the rapacious and godless sons of Belial hoped.

23 Robert Bouet, a famous archer, was a partisan of Richer of Laigle. He gathered round himself a crowd of scoundrels and lawless minions for daily expeditions to pillage and murder, and was just as hateful for his acts of villainy as he was skilled in archery. By recklessly committing outrages he desecrated the week of Pentecost, which the Holy Spirit glorified by granting sevenfold grace to Christ’s disciples, and, ignorant of the future, planned still worse. Just as good men, inflamed by the Holy Spirit, rose to the love of God and their neighbour for their salvation, so wicked men, revelling in the spirit of evil, hurried into every crime. Conse-

quently on 18 May plunderers rushed out like wolves after their prey and, instead of overrunning the lands of warlike knights, drew from Normandy, to last until 17 May. Theobald reappears in the Norman wars in June 1136.

460

v. 61

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inuaserunt, sed armenta per agros cucullatorum quiete pascentia protinus abducere conati sunt. Verum sicut ipsi ueloces ad effundendum sanguinem fuerunt, sic iusto Dei iudicio contritionem et infelicitatem in uiis suis repente inuenerunt.! Apud Vticum xxx latrunculi predam simplicis populi diripuerunt, sed orto clamore pastorum burgenses irruerunt, et xii ceperunt, ex quibus vii ad unam quercum suspenderunt. Ibi Rodbertus Boatus cum vi complicibus suis impetu feruentis populi sullimatus est? talique triumpho pro facinoribus suis ilico potitus est. Ecce qui vii sacratos dies Pentecostes contaminare non reueriti sunt^ seuaque temeritate rapinis et homicidiis inermes proximos conculcare nimis exarserunt, sic eodem numero sequenti feria secunda simul suspendio perierunt. Quod Aquilenses ut ipso die audierunt, pro ultione sociorum cum nimio furore conglobati sunt’ subitoque Vticum conuolarunt, ac ex improuiso burgum Sancti Ebrulfi succenderunt, ibique Ixxxiiii domus in puncto temporis in cineres conuersz sunt. Monachi flentes campanas pulsabant, psalmos et letanias in basilica cantabant? quia monasterii excidium mox in-

stare sui formidabant. Alii obuiam militibus egressi supplicabant, cum lacrimis sese de punitione reorum excusabant, et humilibus uerbis obsecrabant, rectitudinem quoque et satisfactionem pro reatu legitimam offerebant. At illi ut amentes furebant, excecati furore in monachos fremebant, et nichil sane rationis intendebant, immo quidam eorum religiosos Dei seruos de caballis deiectos ledere uolebant. T'andem absque Dei reuerentia in uillam assultum fecerunt, et uiolenter ingressi spolia rapuerunt, et habitacula ut dictum est penitus intra portas concremauerunt. Huiuscemodi militia uindicibus latronum merito in obprobrium conuersa est? quz contra innocentes monachos et eorum homines armata est, et pessimos plagiarios qui omne nefas perpetrare satagebant ulta est. Richerius monachorum filiolus talem famulatum patrinis suis exhi-

buit, et sic pro anima Boati famosi furis et homicidz aliorumque impostorum orauit, et huiusmodi oblationem zcclesiz in qua idem baptizatus fuerat optulit. Baldricus quoque Aquilensis presbiter ad facinus parrochianos execrabile preiuit, in hospitium alterius sacerdotis primus ignem immisit, et sic preuius per preceps in barav. 62 trum suos secum pertraxit. Nimietas flammarum ad basilicam usque ! Romans iii. 15, 16.

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tried to carry off without warning the herds that were peacefully grazing in fields belonging to monks. But, just as they were swift to shed blood, so by the just judgement of God they suddenly found destruction and misery in their ways.! Thirty brigands were plundering the goods of humble folk in the region of Saint-Évroul when, hearing the cries of the shepherds, the townsmen rushed upon the scene, seized twelve robbers, and hung seven of them from a single oak tree. There Robert Bouet was strung up with six of his accomplices through the violence of the angry folk and reaped this swift reward of his crimes. In this way men who did not hesitate to violate the seven holy days of Pentecost, and cruelly presumed to plunder and murder their defenceless neighbours, perished when seven of them were hanged at the same time on Whit Monday. The men of Laigle heard of this on the same day, gathered together furiously demanding vengeance for their comrades, suddenly descended on the region of Ouche, and set fire without warning to the town of Saint-Évroul, where eighty-four houses were reduced to ashes in no time. Weeping monks rang their bells and chanted psalms and litanies in the church, for they were terrified that the monastery might be destroyed at any moment. Other monks went out to meet and intercede with the knights, asked with tears not to be included in the punishment of the offenders, pleaded in humble language, and offered legal satisfaction for the offence. The attackers, however, raved like madmen; blinded with wrath they threatened the monks and would not listen to any words of reason. Indeed some of them wished to knock the pious servants of God from their horses and ill-treat them. In the end they attacked the village without reverence for God, violently entered and plundered it, and,

as I have said, burnt to ashes houses inside the gates. Warfare of this kind, where men took up arms against helpless monks and their tenants and tried to avenge evil oppressors out to commit every kind of crime, rightly brought discredit on the would-be avengers. This was the kind of service that Richer, godson of the

monks, gave to his godfathers; and in this way he prayed for the souls of Bouet, the famous thief and murderer, and other impostors, and this was the kind of offering he made to the church in which he had been baptized! Baudry too, the priest of Laigle, led his

parishioners into abominable crime, for he was the first to set fire to the house of another priest, and so by his example he dragged others with him into the pit. The raging flames spread as far as the

462

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peruenit, sed miseratione Dei contrarius uentus surrexit, globosque flammarum multis aspectantibus et gaudentibus alias expulit. Basilica itaque et monachiles officine cum libris et utensilibus ecclesiasticis saluatze sunt, ad quas desolati contribules cum suis familiolis confugerunt, et meliora secundum Dei prouidentiam tempora prestolati sunt. Aquilenses uero spoliis Vticensium diuites et turgidi facti sunt’ sed non in longum exultauerunt. Nam in eodem mense super Sagium et Guaceium irruerunt, et contra Rogerium de Toeneio! sepius certauerunt, sed post depopulationem uille Sancti Ebrulfi prosperum euentum non assecuti sunt: immo pernicie seu captione suorum imminutionem iudicante Deo plerunque incurrerunt. Merito qui contra nudos et simplices dimicauerunt, nec eis pro diuino metu pepercerunt, postea fortissimos et pugnaces athletas non querentes inuenerunt, a quibus cum opprobrio et derisione a militibus sibi obuiis frequenter audierunt, 'Huc uenite milites. Non enim cucullati seu coronati sumus; sed milites in armis uos ad bella prouocamus. Socii uestri sumus? experiri debetis quid agere possimus.' Improperiis huiusmodi crebro erubuerunt, et plures eorum duros ictus perpessi corruerunt, unde nonnulli ad poenitentiam aliorum deiectione lacessiti sunt. 24 v. 63

Post Pentecosten Stephanus rex ad transfretandum classem suam preparauit, eoque prosperum flamen prope portum exspectante nuncius uenit, a quo Rogerium Salesburiz presulem

cui totius Albionis tutela iam dudum ab auunculo suo et postmodum ab ipso commissa fuerat? mortuum esse audiuit. Vnde intermissa nauigatione Salesburiam reuersus est! et episcopo sospite reperto ab itinere suo usque in quadragesimam frustra retardatus est.? Interea Gislebertus de Clara in Oximos expeditionem fecit, et nouum burgum quem rex Henricus nuper auxerat* cum ecclesia sanctz Dei genitricis combussit. Veteri quoque burgo ut concremaret acriter institit, sed Talauacio comite cum 1 Cf. below, p. 464, for an account of one unsuccessful skirmish against allies of Roger in June 1136. ? For his career see Kealey, Roger of Salisbury.

3 Orderic possibly believed the rumours at the time this passage was written; the words ‘et episcopo . . . retardatus est’ are written over an erasure, running

into the margin. ^ Henry I had appreciated the importance of creating fortified, privileged

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church but, by God's mercy, the wind changed direction and drove the masses of flame another way, to the relief of many people who were watching. So the church and the monastic buildings, with the books and church vessels, were saved, and the neighbours who had

lost everything took refuge there with their humble families and waited for better times to come according to God's providence. The men of Laigle grew wealthy and proud with the spoils of Saint-Évroul, but they did not rejoice for long. For in the same month they made expeditions against Séez and Gacé and fought many skirmishes against Roger of 'Tosny,' but after the sack of the town of Saint- Évroul they never had any success; instead, by God's judgement, they suffered set-backs of various kinds through the

loss or capture of their men. Deservedly the men, who had fought against unarmed, simple folk and had not spared them out of fear of God, afterwards found valiant and warlike champions when they did not seek them, and often heard from the knights they encountered such mocking and derisive words as these: ‘Come on, knights! We are not cowled and tonsured monks, but knights in armour challenging you to battle. We are your brothers in arms; you should see what we can do.’ They were often shamed by taunts of this kind; many of them received hard blows and died, so that some were brought to repentance by the downfall of others.

24 After Pentecost King Stephen made ready his fleet for crossing to Normandy, and as he was waiting near the port for a favourable wind a messenger arrived, who informed him of the death of Roger, bishop of Salisbury, to whom the government of the whole English kingdom had been entrusted some time before by his uncle and afterwards by him.? So, postponing the sailing, he returned to Salisbury; but as he found the bishop alive and well his journey was delayed to no purpose until the following Lent.? Meanwhile Gilbert of Clare led an expedition against Exmes and burnt the new town which King Henry had recently enlarged*

together with the church of the holy Mother of God. He attacked the old town fiercely with the intention of burning it, but when Count William Talvas arrived suddenly with reinforcements he boroughs in the organization of his defensive network; cf. Yver, ‘Chateaux forts’, p. 98.

464.

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alis militibus subito irruente uictus cum difficultate aufugit. Ibi Henricus de Ferrariis! captus est’ et ingens hominum qui regi fauebant captura siue cedes facta est. v. 64

Ea tempestate Gualerannus et Rodbertus comites auxilium a Tedbaldo comite petierunt, ipsumque datis centum marcis argenti contra Rogerium de Toeneio conduxerunt. In terram uero eius in natale sancti Barnabz apostoli? cum enormi multitudine irruerunt, et multorum tuguria pauperum in tribus uillis combusserunt. Tandem super Bulgeium quendam grandem uicum irruerunt, et instinctu comitis Legrecestre uicinis in penatibus ignem immiserunt, et pulcherrimam zdem sanctz Marie Magdalene cum uiris et mulieribus incenderunt. Ipso die Richerius Aquilensis et Alueredus Vernoliensis dum ante Nouas Ferrarias cum suis transirent, a Rodberto de Belismo? et Malis Vicinis aliisque militibus Gallis qui Rogerium adiuuabant, fortiter impetiti et fugati sunt’ et multis ex eorum sodalibus captis uel interfectis uix euase-

runt. v. 65

Tercia septimana Iunii Tedbaldus comes Pontem Sancti Petri

obsedit, et per integrum mensem impugnando multum laborauit.

v. 66

Guillelmus enim de Fontibus cum aliis probatissimis militibus et clientibus qui Rogerio adherebant? acriter hostibus obstantes oppidum seruabant.* Interea uenerabilis Boso Beccensium abbas postquam idem cenobium fere x annis laudabiliter rexit? in die festiuitatis sancti Iohannis Baptiste post diutinum languorem quem uir eruditissimus patienter tulerat obiit, eique Tedbaldus prior zcclesiastica monachilis conuentus electione successit.5 In crastinum solennitatis sancti Iohannis Radulfus Ebroicensis zcclesi& archidiaconus dum de Paceio remearet? a filiis Simonis Harengi impetitus uix euasit. Ipse quidem ad quandam basilicam fugiens saluatus est’ sed famulus et comes itineris eius qui suo pro domino repugna-

bat occisus est. 25 Hic tumultuosus

annus

uere

bissextilis fuit, et tunc ultimus

in ordine concurrentium bissextus cucurrit, ac ut uulgo dicitur ! Henry of Ferriéres-Saint-Hilaire, near Bernay.

2 11 June 1136.

3 Robert Poard of Belléme, whose identity is uncertain; cf. below, p. 476. 4 According to R. Tor. (RS), p. 131, it was captured: ‘Comes Tebbaldus, nepos regis Henrici, conductus a Roberto comite Leicestriae, obsedit Pontem

Sancti Petri, et cepit eum super Rogerium de Toenio.’

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was defeated and had difficulty in making his escape. Henry of Ferriéres! was captured there; and a great many men who supported the king were killed or taken prisoner. At that time Count Waleran and Earl Robert applied to Count Theobald for help and, by giving him a hundred marks of silver, induced him to join them in an attack on Roger of Tosny. They invaded his lands on the Nativity of St. Barnabas the apostle? with a huge force, and burnt the cottages of many poor people in three hamlets. At length they descended on a certain large village called Bougy-sur-Risle and, at the suggestion of the earl of Leicester, set fire to the houses round about and burnt the beautiful church of St. Mary Magdalene with the men and women in it. On the same day, as Richer of Laigle and Aubrey of Verneuil were passing the new town of La Ferriére with their men, they were boldly attacked and routed by Robert of Belléme? and the men of Mauvoisin with other French knights who were helping Roger; many of their companions were captured or killed and they themselves barely escaped alive. In the third week of June Count Theobald besieged Pont-SaintPierre and for a whole month made great efforts to storm it; but William des Fontaines with other brave knights and retainers who were of Roger's party put up a fierce resistance and retained possession of the stronghold.* During this time the venerable Boso, abbot of Bec, who had

governed the abbey admirably for about ten years died on the feast of St. John the Baptist, after a long illness which the learned man had patiently endured; and Theobald, the prior, was canonically elected by the convent of monks to succeed him.’ The day after the feast of St. John, as Ralph, archdeacon of the church of Évreux, was returning from Pacy, he was set upon by the sons of Simon Harenc and narrowly escaped. He himself was saved by taking refuge in a church; but the attendant accompanying him on his journey, who fought back to protect his master, was killed.

25 This turbulent year was a leap year, and at that time the leap year came last in the concurrents and, as the popular saying goes, 5 Boso died on 24 June 1136, after twelve years and twelve days as abbot. See

Porée, i. 298; R. Tor. (RS), p. 130. His successor, Theobald, later became archbishop of Canterbury.

466 BOOK XIII bissextus super regem et populum eius in Normannia et Anglia cecidit. "Tertia septimana Septembris repentino Rotomagus igne combusta est, et ingens damnum fidelibus populis diuino iudicio illatum est. Nobile cenobium sancti Audoeni flammis edacibus proh dolor absumptum est? quod uix ad perfectum per lxxx annos multorum labore perductum est.! Pari quoque infortunio monasterium sanctimonialium desolatum est/ quod in honore sancti Amandi episcopi et confessoris constructum est. 26 v. 67

Deinde sequenti dominico xi kalendas Octobris Iosfredus Andegauensis comes Sartam fluuium pertransiuit, et cum ingenti multitudine armatorum Normanniam intrauit.? Habebat enim secum Guillelmum Pictauensium ducem, et Iosfredum Vin-

docinensem,^ Guillelmum quoque iuuenem Guillelmi Niuernensis consulis filium et Guillelmum Pontiui comitem cognomento

Talauacium. Hi nimirum aliique plures tribuni ac centuriones

v. 68

cum uiribus suis Andegauensibus associati sunt: et in Normannos per omne nefas seu pro fauore principis siue pro cupiditate predae irruerunt, unde omnes ab eisdem quibus impudenter nocuerunt, hostili odio ‘Hili becci'" despectiue cognominati sunt.5 In primis comes Quadrugias oppidum obsedit, et arcem quam Gualterius miles tenebat in triduo expugnauit, sed eandem paulo post idem oppidanus aduersariis abeuntibus recuperauit. Scoceium incolae concremauerunt,

et relinquentes aufugerunt, et hostibus

pedetentim properantibus fumum et fauillas dimiserunt. Municipes de Asnebec fedus in annum pepigerunt. Rodbertus enim de Nouoburgo$ prefati castri dominus Iosfredo comiti notus fuerat, et per Amalricum comitem iamdudum amicicia et familiaritate inheserat. Andegauenses arcem de Mosterolo adierunt, et bis in illam assultum fecerunt, sed fortiter is? qui intus erant repugnantibus nichil nisi uulnera lucrati sunt? plurimisque suorum interfectis @ Replaces Guilibecci erased

P Sic in MS.

! Cf. above, iv. 308, 309 n. 3. 2 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 131. * William VIII, count of Poitou, X duke of Aquitaine; cf. Hist. Gauf., p. 215, which also names him. * Geoffrey of Preuilly, count of Vendóme.

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the ‘leap-year luck’ fell on the king and his people in Normandy and England. In the third week of September a fire broke out suddenly in Rouen and terrible harm was done to the faithful by God's judgement. The noble monastery of St. Ouen, barely completed by the toil of many men in the course of eighty years, was, alas, consumed

in the devouring flames.! The nunnery of St. Amand, bishop and confessor, suftered the same fate. 26

On the following Sunday, 21 September, Geoffrey, count of Anjou, crossed the river Sarthe and entered Normandy with a great force of men-at-arms.? He had with him William, duke of Poitou,’ Geoffrey of Vendóme,* and young William, son of William, count of Nevers, and William Talvas, count of Ponthieu. These and many other military leaders with their forces were allied with the Angevins, and descended on the Normans, committing every

kind of atrocity either out of loyalty to their prince or out of greed for plunder. As a result the men whom they shamelessly oppressed contemptuously called them all ‘Hilibecci’ out of hatred and scorn.5 First the count besieged the fortress of Carrouges and in three days reduced the citadel, which the castellan—a knight named Walter—was holding; but shortly afterwards Walter recovered it when his adversaries withdrew. Ecouché was burnt by the inhabitants, who abandoned it and fled, leaving only smoke and ashes to the enemy as they hurried in close behind. The commanders of the garrison of Asnebec made a treaty for a year; Robert of Neubourg,® the lord of the castle, was known to Count

Geoffrey and had for some time been on terms of close friendship with him through Count Amaury. The Angevins reached the castle of Montreuil and twice made an

assault upon it; but as the garrison within resisted them bravely they gained nothing but wounds and withdrew after a number of 5 Orderic elsewhere calls them Guiribecci ; the derivation of this term of abuse

is unknown. The Angevins in England were called Hiribelli by John of Ford in the Life of Wulfric of Haselbury, ed. Maurice Bell (Somerset Record Society, xlvii, 1932), c. 76, pp. 104-5: 'De illorum quoque judicio quos vulgus Hiribellos nominat beatus Wulfricus non siluit.’ 6 Robert was a son of Henry, earl of Warwick (cf. above, iv. 304); he later became seneschal and justiciar in Normandy under Geoffrey (Regesta, iii, p. xxxviii; Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 146-7).

468

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XIII

recesserunt. Ricardus enim cognomento Bassetus cuius in Anglia

uiuente Henrico rege potentia utpote capitalis iusticiarii magna fuerat, in paruo feudo quod parentum successiuo iure in Normannia optinuerat/ Anglica tumens opulentia super pares compatriov. 69

tas sese magnitudine operum extollere affectauerat. Firmissimam ergo ex quadris lapidibus turrim apud Mosterolum! construxit, sed defuncto rege Guillelmus de Monte Pincionis? in illam mox introiuit, armis eam et hominibus muniuit, furentesque Guiribeccos ut dictum est uiriliter reppulit. Inde illi castrum quod Monasterium Huberti dicitur expetierunt, uictoque Paganello? municipe qui multa in illo nequiter anno perpetrauerat municipium optinuerunt, et predictum cum xxx militibus oppidanum per ingentis pecuniz redemptionem grauiter

cohercuerunt. Deinde dum festum sancti Michahelis archangeli celebraretur? hostilis exercitus Luxouium obsidere molitur. Verum illis illuc festinantibus’ Gualerannus comes de Mellento aliique Normannorum proceres qui ibidem erant cum multis militibus, Alannum de Dinan* cum audacissimis defensoribus ad tutandam urbem constituerunt, et ipsi ut liberius obsessis subsidium de foris conferrent egressi sunt’ et exitum rei meticulosi de longe exv. 70 pectauerunt. Britones autem aliique qui munitionem tueri debuerunt? uisa procul hostium multitudine timuerunt, et obuiam illis procedere seu comminus preliari diffisi sunt. Ignem ergo iniecerunt, et commissam urbem incenderunt, et sic hostes excidio sui ne peiora contingerent anticipauerunt. Hostes autem ut appropriauerunt, et ardentem cum multis diuitiis urbem uiderunt, uehementer irati doluerunt, quia predarum spe penitus frustrati sunt’ et pro ambitione manubiarum quz flammis deperibant luxerunt. Animositatem itaque Normannorum gementes compererunt, acerbitatem quoque impacabilis eorum maliuolentize admirati sunt? quos uidebant malle suas opes conflagratione deperire, quam externa dominationis iugo sua colla saluis opibus mancipare. Porro propter uehementissimum ignem ad munitionem ' For Richard Basset, whose family came from Montreuil-au-Houlme, see above, p. 16 n. 3.

(

? William was a son of Hugh of Montpingon and inherited the family's Norman lands; cf. above, iii. 166.

3 For the Paynel family of Les Moutiers-Hubert see Loyd, p. 77;

1-7.

EYC vi.

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469

their men had been killed. Richard Basset, who had enjoyed great power in England as chief justice during King Henry's lifetime and was swollen with the wealth of England, had made a show of superiority to all his peers and fellow countrymen by the magnificence of his building in the little fief he had inherited from his

parents in Normandy. He had therefore built a very well-fortified castle of ashlar blocks at Montreuil; but after the king's death William of Montpingon? soon established himself there, armed and garrisoned it, and courageously repulsed the ravaging 'Guiri-

becci' as I have described. From there they advanced to the castle of Les Moutiers-Hubert and, after defeating the castellan, Painel,? who had been guilty of many evil deeds that year, took possession of the castle and extorted very heavy ransoms from Painel himself and thirty knights. Afterwards, while the feast of St. Michael the archangel was being celebrated, the invading army attempted to lay siege to Lisieux. But as they were hurrying towards it Waleran, count of Meulan, and the other Norman magnates who were there with a large force of knights left Alan of Dinan* with a gallant band of defenders to protect the city, while they themselves rode out to give more effective aid to the defenders from outside and awaited the outcome in trepidation some distance away. The Bretons, however, and others who ought to have protected the fortress, panicked at the sight of the great crowd of enemies in the distance and dared not go out to meet them or fight at close quarters. They therefore set fire to the town entrusted to them and burnt it to the ground, anticipating the enemy in this act of self-destruction for fear of even worse things. As the enemy approached and saw the town with all its wealth going up in flames they grew angry and frustrated, because they had been cheated of the loot on which they had counted, and bewailed the loss of the rich booty which was being consumed by fire. In this way they learnt to their cost how brave at heart the Normans were, and marvelled at the deter-

mination they showed in their implacable hatred, for it was plain that they would rather allow their wealth to be burnt than save their treasures by bowing their necks to the yoke of foreign dominion. Because of the violence of the conflagration they could * Alan of Dinan, often called Alan of Brittany, earl of Richmond, led Stephen's

Breton troops. He was granted the earldom of Cornwall in 1140 (Davis, Stephen,

pP- 139, 144).

470

BOOK XIII

accedere uel assultum aliquo modo ingerere non potuerunt, unde regiratis equis statim ad Sappum reuersi sunt? et oppidum illud medullitus expugnare nisi sunt. Arbor procera que abies dicitur prope aecclesiam sancti Petri v. 71 apostoli antiquitus stabat, pro qua uulgaris locutio uillam Sappum nuncupare solebat, quod uocabulum usque hodie burgo seu castello perseuerat. Illuc Andegauenses Luxouio remeantes ex insperato accesserunt, et incolas contra se audacter egressos ferociterque seuientes persenserunt. Quibus acriter certantibus flammze ab utrisque ab indigenis uidelicet ac extraneis in zedibus immissz sunt’ unde uires oppidanorum protinus exinanitz sunt. Tunc ibi ecclesia sancti Petri apostoli cum tota uilla concremata est? et multis ibidem qui resistere conabantur uulneratis conquassata turris capta est. Ipsam nimirum Gualterius de Clara! et Radulfus de Coldun? sororius eius tenuerunt,

et in aduersarios

cum

xxx

militibus aliquandiu repugnauerunt, sed nimia ui contrarie phalangis oppressi defecerunt, et exhaustis uiribus in arce capti sunt. Nam fere iii milia sagittariorum sagittis infestabant? multique fundibalarii saxorum grandinem in oppidanos iaciebant, et ingenti eos turbine feraliter opprimebant. v. 72 Andegauenses in Normannia xiii diebus demorati sunt? odiumque perenne non dominatum Normannorum immanitate sua meruerunt. Generale siquidem bellum quia tunc Normanni principe carebant non reppererunt, sparsim tamen rapacitati et incendiis insistentes a pagensibus confusi sunt: sociisque uaria sorte per diuersa prostratis diminuti tandem fugerunt. Innumera mala inedicibiliter operati sunt? meritoque nichilominus similia perpessi sunt. Nullam sacris reuerentiam exhibuerunt, immo sanctuarium Domini nequiter conculcauerunt, et sacerdotes aliosque Dei ministros zthnicorum more iniuriati sunt. Quosdam enim ante sanctum altare irreuerenter despoliauerunt, nonnullos etiam signa pulsantes et Deum inuocantes trucidauerunt. Nouem presbiteri pariter ad comitem accurrerunt, et lacrimosam de uiolatione suarum zecclesiarum et direptione sacrorum querimoniam fecerunt, quod audientes honesti uiri Deumque timentes ualde condoluerunt. Principes igitur apud Sappum omni exercitui ne * Walter of Clare was a son of Gilbert fitz Richard of Tonbridge; see Round, Feudal England, p. 473, and Michael Altschul, A Baronial Family in Medieval

England:

The Clares 1217-1343

(Baltimore,

1965), table I facing p. 332;

Regesta, iii. 536, 546.

2 The identity of Ralph de Coldun is uncertain; Walter's three sisters married

William of Montfichet, Aubrey de Vere, and Baderon of Monmouth. himself married the name of his wife is unknown.

If Walter

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XIII

471

not get near the citadel or attempt to storm it in any way; so, turning their horses, they returned immediately to Le Sap and devoted all their efforts to capturing the stronghold. A tall tree which is called a silver fir used formerly to stand near the church of St. Peter the apostle, on account of which the village used to be called Le Sap in the vernacular, and the name has survived to this day for the town and castle. 'T'he Angevins fell on the place without warning as they retreated from Lisieux, and found the inhabitants boldly setting out to fight them with angry threats. As they fought fiercely fires were started in the buildings by both sides, natives and foreigners, with the result that the townsmen suddenly lost heart. The church of St. Peter the apostle was burnt at that time together with the whole village, and when many who were struggling to resist had been wounded the citadel was battered down and taken. Walter of Clare! and his brother-inlaw Ralph de Coldun? were holding it and fought back against their foes with thirty men-at-arms for a little time, but they were overwhelmed by the great strength of the opposing troops, and were captured in the city when they were exhausted. About three thousand archers attacked with arrows and many slingers directed showers of stones against the garrison, so that they crushed them in the violent storm of the assault. The Angevins remained in Normandy for thirteen days and made themselves hated for ever by their brutality, but they failed to subdue the Normans. They did not encounter united resistance because at that time the Normans were without a leader, but as

they plundered and burned at random they were harassed by the country people; their numbers diminished as they were struck down by various misfortunes in different places, and in the end they fled. They perpetrated many unspeakable crimes and deservedly suffered the same atrocities in their turn. They showed no reverence for holy things; instead they iniquitously destroyed the Lord's sanctuary and attacked priests and other ministers of God as pagans do. They even assaulted some as they stood before the altars and murdered others who were ringing bells and calling on the name of God. Nine priests hurried together to the count, and brought a tearful suit about the desecration of their churches and the plundering of holy things. Such news aroused great sympathy among decent and God-fearing men. The leaders there-

fore sent a herald to Le Sap to command the whole army not

472

v. 73

BOOK

XIII

sacra contaminarentur per preconem prohibuerunt, sed temerarii predones in tanta multitudine decreta procerum floccipenderunt. Gregarii namque milites et indomiti piratae ad deuorandos deuoratores aliorum ut lupi conuenerant, uagique et indisciplinati de diuersis et longinquis regionibus ut milui conuolauerant, qui nichil aliud nisi predari obuiosque ferire uel uincire cupiebant. Optimates autem qui separes ccetus in expeditione legali ductu ductitare debebant? in militia Romanz rigorem disciplinz! nisi fallor ignorabant, nec ipsas heroum more militares inimicicias modeste disponebant. Vnde probrosis facinoribus absque boni respectu pene cuncti ut opinor sordebant, et per omne nefas in duplex detrimentum corporis uidelicet et animze proruebant, Deoque et hominibus abominabiles apparebant.

Plurimos

greges armentorum

et pecudum

mactauerunt,

et

crudas uel semicoctas carnes sine sale et pane comederunt, coria uero pluribus uehiculis in propriam regionem deferre conati sunt. Quamuis enim autumnale tempus alimentorum copiis abundaret,

et ubertas prouinciz post longam pacem sub bono patricio incolis arrideret, et omnem frugum seu carnium affluentiam suppeditaret, tantz tamen multitudini cocorum et pistorum seruitus deerat, et in bellico tumultu plurimorum quibus humana necessitas maxime indiget administratio non suppetebat. Guiribecci ergo quia inconditis post contaminationem sacrorum edulis intemperanter usi sunt? iusto Dei iudicio pene omnes uentris fluxu zgrotauerunt,

fluentique diarria satis anxii feda uestigia obiter reliquerunt, suosque reposcere lares plerique uix potuerunt. Tandem kalendis Octobris dum in arcem Sappi impetum facerent, et muniones illius acerrime resisterent, Iosfredus comes pilo in pede dextro fortiter percussus est: grauique lesura pedis cum suorum ruina Normannorum animositatem aliquantulum expertus est. Uxor autem eius ipso die circa uesperam ad eum uenit, et multa milia pugnatorum frustra secum adduxit. Nam primo mane trepidantibus undique incolis Andegauenses subito recesserunt, eosque a quibus nimis timebantur timentes pertinaciter fugerunt, totamque v. 74 regionem tam sociorum quam hostium depopulati sunt. Fugam uero illorum Normanni tarde compererunt, unde nimis contristati sunt/ quod eos persequendo de regione sua non conduxerunt. !* Orderic possibly had in mind the treatise of Vegetius, De re militari, which was well known in Norman monasteries.

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XIII

473

to desecrate holy things, but there were reckless looters in that great mob who paid no attention to the commands of the magnates. For common mercenaries and lawless bandits came flocking like wolves to devour the men who were devouring others; unattached and undisciplined they rushed in like kites from distant regions all around, with no thought but to plunder and murder or capture any they chanced to meet. The magnates, who ought to have led separate squadrons in a properly levied army, were, unless I am mistaken, ignorant of the strictness of discipline practised by the

Romans in military matters,! and did not conduct their knightly quarrels with restraint as lords should. Consequently all of them, to the best of my belief, sullied their reputations with atrocious crimes, showing no respect to principle and, by every kind of

wickedness, endangering body and soul, so that they appeared loathsome to God and man alike. They slaughtered many flocks and herds of animals and ate the

flesh raw or half-cooked without salt or bread, and tried to carry off the hides to their own country on many carts. Although the autumn season ensured that there was a rich supply of provisions, and the fertility of the province after a long period of peace under a good ruler provided a great abundance of crops and animals, there were not enough cooks and bakers to serve the needs of such a swarm, and in the turmoil of war a number of things essential for human life failed to be provided. So the 'Guiribecci', as a result of care-

lessly devouring uncooked food after desecrating consecrated buildings, by God’s just judgement almost all suffered from dysen-

tery; plagued by diarrhoea, they left a trail of filth behind and many were barely capable of dragging themselves back home. Finally on

I October, while they were storming the castle of Le Sap and the garrison were putting up a resolute resistance, Count Geoffrey

received a powerful blow from a javelin in his right foot, and learned a little from the severe foot-wound and the disaster to his men what the hostility of the Normans meant. His wife joined him towards evening that day, bringing many thousands of soldiers with her, but all in vain. For at daybreak, while the inhabitants of the

region trembled, the Angevins suddenly withdrew and, hounded by fear of those who stood in great fear of them, fled, plundering

the whole region regardless of whether it belonged to friend or foe. The Normans learned too late of their flight and greatly regretted that they had not pursued and harried them to the

474

v. 75

BOOK XIII

Solus Engerrannus de Corte Odmari cum Rodberto de Mesdauid aliisque paucis militibus transitus Oldonis' preoccupauit, ibique multos homines et equos,et redas panibus et uino multaque suppellectili onustas retinuit, et Andegauenses prz timore mortis ausos flumen sine uado introire, in Oldonis profundo compulit mortem subire. Comes autem qui spumanti equo uectus cum pluribus minis Normanniam intrauerat, pallidus et gemens atque badinola iacens sua reuectus uisitat, sed in ipso reditu a suis grauiora quam ab hostibus dampna tolerat. Nam in silua quam Malafiam? uocant cubicularius comitis occisus est? et mantica eius cum consularibus indumentis et uasis preciosis surrepta est.

27

v. 76

Interea dum Andegauenses Luxouiensem pagum ut iam dictum est deuastarent, et paganorum more debachantes absque Dei metu execrabilia perpetrarent? Rogerius de Conchis in Ebroicensi episcopatu circumiacentem prouinciam deuastabat, et omnia cedibus atque flammis edacibus tradebat. Guillelmum quippe de Paceio? Eustachii filium et Rogerium Balbum* comitemque Ferricum5 secum habebat, comitemque Gualerannum et omnes Vticensis prouinciz milites ne obuiam Andegauensibus in armis procederent occupabat. Castrum quod Mellenticus comes apud Crucem pro defensione patriz construxerat/ Rogerius acriter impugnauit, sed non optinuit. Abbatiam uero quo^ sanctus archipresul Audoenis iam dudum construxit, sancteque crucis quam in celo uiderat honori dicauit, et beato Leudfredo ad regendum commisit/ Rogerius cum suis commilitonibus uiolauit, quod non diu impune pertulit. Burgum monachorum concremauit, zecclesiam impugnauit, de monasticis penetralibus fugitiuos inibi latitantes rapuit, spolia uero monachorum ac ad eos confugientium diripuit, sed Deo zquissimo iudice uindicante paulo post omnia perdidit. Nam sequenti die post fugam Andegauensium id est tertio die Octobris Rogerius inopinabiliter debachatus est. In Valle siquidem Rodolii uberem prouinciam deuastauit, cedibus et rapinis incendiisque irreuerenter insudauit, et ita multos cum

plicibus ablatis rebus miseros effecit. 7Ecclesiam

suis com-

uero

sancti

@ MS. quod altered to quo; recte quam ! The Don is a tributary of the Orne, rising just north of Courtomer

and

joining the Orne by Médavy, near Almenéches. ? 'The wood of Maleffre was south of Alengon. 3 See above, p. 456. * Roger le Bégue was the brother of William Lovel, lord of Ivry, and the son of Ascelin Goel (GEC viii. 210-11). 5 Frederick or Ferri, the son of Pain of Étampes, count in his wife's right.

BOOK XIII

475

frontiers of their province. Only Engelram of Courtomer with Robert of Médavy and a few other knights barred the way at the crossings of the Don! and there captured a great many men and horses and wagons laden with bread and wine and all kinds of gear. They also drove to their death many Angevins who, trying to escape death, risked crossing the river where there was no ford and were drowned in the depths of the Don. As for the count, who had entered Normandy riding on a foaming steed and voicing threats, he was carried home pale and groaning, lying in a litter; but in the course of his retreat he suffered worse harm from his own men than from the enemy. For in the wood of Maleffre? the count's chamberlain was killed and his baggage with his robes of state and precious vessels was stolen.

27 While the Angevins were laying waste the province of Lisieux as I have related, and were running wild like pagans and committing atrocities without fear of God, Roger of Conches was devastating the province round him in the diocese of Évreux, burning and massacring everywhere. He was helped by William of Pacy? the son of Eustace, Roger le Bégue,* and Count Frederick,5 and

kept Count Waleran and all the knights of Ouche so occupied that they could not go to offer armed resistance to the Angevins. Roger made a fierce attack on the castle which the count of Meulan had built at La Croix-Saint-Leufroi to defend his territory, but failed to take it. He and his fellow soldiers then desecrated the abbey which the holy archbishop Ouen had built long before, dedicated in honour of the Holy Cross which he had seen in

the sky, and placed under the rule of St. Leufroi; but he did not escape punishment for long. He burnt the monks' bourg, attacked the church, carried off the fugitives hiding in the enclosed monastic buildings, and seized the treasures of both monks and refugees; but by the retribution of God's just judgement he lost

everything soon afterwards. On 3 October, the day after the flight of the Angevins, Roger went to unexpected excesses. At Vaudreuil he laid waste the rich province in an orgy of slaying, plundering, and burning without respect of persons, and left many

people destitute after he and his confederates had carried off their possessions. He burnt the church of St. Stephen, a crime for which

476

v. 77

BOOK XIII

Stephani concremauit, cuius reatus talionem ipso die recepit. Nam sabbato! circa uesperam dum redirent, et ingentem predam pluresque captiuos pompose secum ducerent, Gualerannus comes et Henricus de Pomereio? cum quingentis militibus de uicina silua egressi sunt? et contra hostile agmen ad bellum parati constiterunt. Rogerius autem qui multum audax et probus erat, cum paucis militibus quos secum habebat, Guillelmum enim de Paceio et Rogerium Balbum cum suis copiis et prada et captiuis Achinneium premiserat? frustra fortiter in hostes pugnauit, sed multitudine pressus et uictus succubuit, et cum Ferrico comite ac

v. 78

Rodberto de Bellismo qui Poardus cognominabatur captus ingemuit, infortunioque suo magnum inimicis gaudium et uicinis pagensibus securitatem peperit. Interea dum Ferricus de Stampis in carcere gemeret, uxor eius pro cuius stemmate comes ipse appellabatur" Ludouicum regem Parisius adiit,3 unde dum ipsa pregnans remearet, equitando lesa est’ et paulo post difficultate partus mortua est. Vicissitudines presentis uitze quam mutabiles sunt. Secularia gaudia cito transeunt, eosque a quibus summopere affectantur in puncto deserunt. Mundanus honor instar bullae subito crepat ac deficit, sibique inhiantibus insultat atque decipit. Amatores mundi sic corruptibilia sequuntur, sic per abruta uiciorum gradientes corrumpuntur, subitoque sordentes in ima labuntur. Et dum sullimes fastus laboriose uix adipiscuntur? inde nequicquam tumentes in momento precipitantur, et concinnz solummodo narrationes inter residuos qui uitalibus auris perfruuntur, ab eloquentibus de illis passim sparguntur. Omnipotens itaque creator terrigenas instruit, et pluribus modis salubriter erudit, ne in hoc fragilis seculi pelago anchoram sue spei figant, neque transitoriis delectationibus siue lucris letaliter inhereant. Non habemus hic manentem ciuitatem ut dicit apostolus? sed futuram inquirimus.4 28

Ecce in hoc anno bissextili post mortem Henrici regis multe mutationes in orbe factz sunt’ et persone plures clericalis atque

laicalis ordinis cum mediocribus et infimis lapsz sunt. ! This is correct; 3 October fell on a Saturday in 1136. 2 Cf. above, p. 346 n. 1.

* Orderic is the sole source for this information; see Luchaire, Louis VI, no. 576.

* Hebrews xiii. 14.

BOOK XIII

477

he was punished that very day. As they returned on the Saturday! evening, arrogantly carrying off loads of plunder and many captives, Count Waleran and Henry of La Pommeraye? emerged from a near-by wood with five hundred knights and waited for battle, facing the hostile column. Roger, who was brave and very daring, put up a valiant but futile resistance, although he had only a few knights with him because he had sent William of Pacy and Roger le Bégue on ahead to Acquigny with his forces and the booty and captives. Overwhelmed by numbers he lost the day and, in company with Count Frederick and Robert Poard of Belléme, was forced to endure a harsh captivity. His fall brought rejoicing to his enemies and security to the country people all around. During the time that Frederick of Étampes was languishing in prison his wife, in whose right he bore the title of count, went to

King Louis at Paris;? on the way back, being pregnant, she suffered an injury from riding and shortly afterwards died in a difficult

childbirth. How changeable are the fortunes of this present life! Earthly joys soon pass and vanish in a moment from those who pursue them eagerly. Worldly honour, like a bubble, suddenly bursts and vanishes, humiliating and disappointing those who wish to grasp it for themselves. In this fashion lovers of the world pursue corruptible things, are corrupted as they scale the steep heights of vice, and suddenly fall back to be besmirched in the depths. When with difficulty they laboriously achieve the highest honours and utter empty boasts they are hurled down in a moment, leaving to those who still live and breathe nothing but cautionary tales, which

eloquent narrators tell about them in many places. The almighty Creator teaches mortals, driving home the lesson in many ways for their good, so that they may not anchor their hopes in the sea of this frail world, or set their hearts on its transient delights and

rewards for their destruction. Here, as the apostle says, we have no continuing city, but we seek one to come.* 28

Now I will show how in the leap year after the death of King Henry many changes took place on earth and many eminent

members of both clerical and lay orders, as well as middling and humble men, perished.

478

v. 79

BOOK

XIII

Tunc Girardus Engolismensis episcopus uir eruditissimus migrauit,! qui magni nominis et potestatis in Romano senatu tempore Paschalis papz et Gelasii, Calixti et Honorii fuit. Guido autem de Stampis? Ceenomannorum presul hominem exiuit, cui Paganus archidiaconus de Sancto Karilefo? successit. Porro pro Gisleberto cognomento Vniuersali Lundoniensi episcopo* qui nuper defunctus est’ Anselmus Anselmi archiepiscopi nepos abbas Sancti Edmundi regis subrogatus est.5 Guillelmus uero Cantuariensis archiepiscopus defunctus est’® atque Henricus frater Stephani regis ad regendam metropolim electus est. Sed quia episcopus secundum decreta canonum de propria sede ad aliam zcclesiam nisi auctoritate. Romani pontificis promoueri nequit’ prefatus presul Guentoniensis in aduentu Domini mare transfretauit, et legatis Picenum ad Innocentium papam missis in Neustria ipse hiemauit.7 Nefaria perfidorum scelera in anno bissextili facta erumnis lacrimisque plena a plangentibus edidicit, tristes querelas de miseris euentibus Normanniz lugubris audiuit’ et certa suis aspectibus indicia intueri potuit, zdes uidelicet concrematas, ecclesias discoopertas et desolatas, uillas depopulatas, propriüsque colonis uiduatas, et plebes in gremio matris admodum contristatas, utpote omnibus necessariis insolenter

priuatas, et tam a suis quam ab externis absque metu tutoris spoliatas, nec adhuc idonei rectoris presentia siue suffragiis exhilaratas.? Pluribus itaque modis erumnarum Normanniz grauior adhuc percussio imminet. In episcopatu Sagiensi pontificale anathema totam terram Guillelmi Talauacii perculit, et dulcis cantilena 4? exhilarata MS.

! Cf. above, pp. 274, 366. Gerard, bishop of Angouléme, was one of the strongest supporters of Anacletus II in the schism and acted as one of his legates (H. Bloch, "The schism of Anacletus II', in Traditio, viii (1952), 171; Janssen, Legaten, pp. 5-14). Orderic's reticence on the last years of his life may be due to respect for a Norman-born bishop; by contrast the Chronicle of Morigny (RHF xii. 84-5) describes him as ‘livoris incitamentum, radix peccati, malitiae nutrimentum'

and relates that all his acts since the schism

unlawful by Innocent II, who commanded

began were

declared

Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres, to

break up all the altars he had consecrated. 2 See above, v. 238; Act. pont. cen., pp. 422-41.

3 Pain, more usually called Hugh of Saint-Calais, was bishop of Le Mans from 1136 to 1144. His appointment at first met with opposition from Geoffrey of Anjou (Act. pont. cen., pp. 442 ff.; Chartrou, L' Anjou, p. 180). * Gilbert the Universal had died on 9 August 1134 on the way to Rome

BOOK XIII

479

At that time Gerard, bishop of Angouléme, a most learned man,

died;! he had a high reputation and great influence in the papal curia in the time of the Popes Paschal, Gelasius, Calixtus, and Honorius. Also Guy of Etampes,? bishop of Le Mans, gave up the ghost and was succeeded by Pain, archdeacon of Saint-Calais.3

Then Gilbert the Universal, bishop of London,‘ who had recently died, was replaced by Anselm, nephew of Archbishop Anselm and

abbot of the monastery of St. Edmund the king.’ William, archbishop of Canterbury, died,$ and King Stephen’s brother Henry was elected as metropolitan. But since by canon law a bishop can only be translated from his own see to another church by the authority of the Pope, Henry, bishop of Winchester, crossed the Channel in Advent and, sending envoys ahead to Pope Innocent at Pisa, himself spent the winter in Normandy." He heard from weeping plaintiffs heart-rending accounts of the wicked crimes committed by traitors in that leap year, listened to woeful complaints of the terrible disturbances in Normandy, and was able to see with his own eyes clear evidence of these things: burnt buildings, roofless and desecrated churches, devastated villages emptied of their settlers, and people utterly destitute in the heart of their native land, since they had been roughly deprived of everything they possessed and pillaged with impunity by their own rulers as well as by foreigners, and still struggled on without the presence or protection of their rightful ruler to hearten them. So Normandy was threatened by even worse tribulations of various kinds. In the diocese of Séez the bishop's anathema was imposed on all the lands of William Talvas and the sweet chant of (B. Smalley, ‘Gilbert the Universal’, in Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale, vii (1935), 240 n. 5). 5 Anselm was elected bishop of London by a part of the chapter only. The date 1136, given by Ralph de Diceto (Opera Historica, ed. W. Stubbs, i (RS 1876), 248-52), is to be preferred to 1138, the date in the fourteenth-century Bury chronicle (Memorials of St. Edmund’s Abbey, ed. ‘Thomas Arnold, iii (RS 1896), 5), in view of the fact that Orderic probably wrote this section in 1137 (see below, p. 480 n. 1), and the delays involved in the appeals of both parties to Rome. Anselm's election was quashed in 1138 and he returned to his abbey. 6 William of Corbeil died on 21 November 1136. 7 There is no corroboration for Orderic's statement about Henry's movements, but it is likely that he was in Normandy during the winter. Permission for his

translation was never given (cf. A. Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (London, 1956), p. 8; L. Voss, Heinrich von Blois (Historische Studien, 210, Berlin, 1932), p. 17). He was at La Hougue with Stephen in March 1137 (see below, p. 480 n. 3).

480 v. 80

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XIII

diuini cultus que fidelium corda mitigat ac letificat conticuit. Introitus zcclesiarum ad Dei seruitium laicis prohibiti sunt? et ualuz obserate sunt. /Era signorum conticuerunt, corpora mortuorum inhumata computruerunt, et metum et horrorem intuentibus incusserunt. Gaudium nuptiarum illud affectantibus denegatum est: et zcclesiasticarum leticia solennitatum humiliata est. In Ebroicensi quoque diocesi parilis disciplina infremuit, et per totam terram Rogerii Toenitis discolas compescere terrendo sategit. Ipse nimirum uinctus in carcere coartatur,! suzeque uoluntatis impos flet atque lamentatur’ et ab ecclesia etiam pro sacrorum uiolatione quam ipse sui compos ex insolentia fecerat maledicitur, et tota terra eius terribili anathemate plectitur. Sic contumaces et numini rebelles duplici afflictione proteruntur, sed

dura ceterorum hzc intuentium corda proh dolor non corriguntur, nec ad emendationem a peruersa intentione reflectuntur.

29 Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXxxvII indictione xv? ingens in toto orbe siccitas fuit, quantam nemo nostris temporibus uidit. In plerisque locis fontes aruerunt, lacus et cisternz exsiccatze sunt?

et quidam fluuii fluere desierunt.? Homines et iumenta sitis anxietate laborauerunt, et in quibusdam regionibus aquam usque ad septem leugas quesierunt, et nonnulli eorum qui sibi suisque

limpham humeris deferebant nimii caumatis angustia defecerunt. 30

v. 81

Tertia septimana Marcii Stephanus rex in Normanniam uenit, Ogas cum magno comitatu applicuit,3 cuius aduentu audito pauperum plebs per integrum annum oppressa et desolata exultauit.

Eodem tempore Guillelmus Pictauensium dux memor malorum que nuper in Normannia*

operatus est’ poenitentia motus

ad

sanctum Iacobum peregre profectus est. Deinde feria vi parasceue ' The use of the present tense suggests that Orderic wrote before Roger was released from prison early in 1137. He may originally have ended his history about this point; see General Introduction, forthcoming in Volume i.

2 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 133.

3 Now Saint-Vaast la Hougue, a little south of Barfleur. His retinue included

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481

the sacred liturgy, which soothes and delights the hearts of the faithful, was silenced. Laymen were forbidden to enter churches to worship God and the doors were barred. 'T'he brazen bells were silent; the bodies of the dead rotted unburied to the dread and

horror of all who saw them. The joy of nuptials was withheld from those who desired to wed and all the splendour was excluded from church ceremonial. In the diocese of Évreux too and throughout all the lands of Roger of Tosny similar restrictions prevailed, in an effort to terrify the wayward inhabitants into submission. Roger himself lies loaded with chains in prison,! weeping and lamenting his impotence; he is cursed by the Church for the sacrilegious acts of violence he committed in his arrogance when he was at liberty, and all his land lies under a dreadful interdict. So those who are disobedient and rebel against the divine will suffer a double punishment; but, alas, the stony hearts of the rest are not softened

as they look on these things and they are not persuaded to reform their evil purposes.

29 In the year of our Lord 1137, the fifteenth indiction, the whole world suffered a severe drought, which was the worst in living memory. In many places the brooks ran dry, pools and watertanks dried up, and some rivers even ceased to flow.? Men and beasts suffered terribly from thirst, and in certain districts went as far as seven leagues in search of water; some of them died of the excessive heat while carrying back water on their backs for them-

selves and their households. 30 King Stephen came to Normandy in the third week of March and landed at La Hougue with a large retinue.? The wretched people, after suffering a whole year of oppression and neglect, were overjoyed at the news of his coming. At the same time William, duke of Poitou, felt repentance for

the harm he knew he had recently done in Normandy? and set out

on a pilgrimage to St. James. There on Good Friday, 9 April, he the queen, the bishops of Winchester, Lincoln, and Carlisle, and Roger, his chancellor (Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 124). * He had taken part in the Angevin invasion; cf. above, p. 466.

482

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XIII

v idus Aprilis sacra communione munitus est? et ante aram beati apostoli uenerabiliter defunctus est. Filiam uero suam Ludouico iuueni Francorum regi in coniugem dari precepit, ipsumque regem totius iuris sui heredem constituit. Quod ita postea factum est.!

v. 82

v. 83

Quidam Normannorum proceres in Stephanum regem turbati sunt’ contra quos ab ipso Franci et Flandrenses? asciti sunt. In Maio Stephanus rex cum Ludouico rege colloquium habuit, Normanniz ducatum ab ipso iure recepit, et foedus amicicia sicut antecessor eius tenuerat pepigit.? Securior itaque remeauit, rebellantem Rabellum^ bellico robore impetiit, et oppida eius Iuliam Bonam Vileriasque et Mansionem Odonis obsedit, et per se aut per auxiliarios cum familiis suis ferro et flamma expugnauit. 'Tunc Iosfredus Andegauensis cum quadringentis militibus in Normanniam uenit, et stipendiarius coniugi suz factus ingentem maliciam exercuit.5 Nam ab initio Maii crudelem guerram exercuit, incendioque et rapina hominumque cedibus depopulari Oximensem pagum summopere studuit. Basolcas$ oppidum Rogerii de Molbraio cum ecclesia combussit? ibique xvi homines ignis extinxit. Diuenses monachi pro tuitione sui c et x marcos argenti Andegauorum consuli pacti sunt? et sic patriam suam ne penitus deleretur tutauerunt. Similiter Fiscannenses pro Argentiis centum marcos erogauerunt. Tunc Rodbertus comes de Gloucestra aliique nonnulli quod ad hostes conuerterentur suspecti sunt:7 sed Cadomenses oppidani regis fidelitati firmiter inheserunt, quibus munitionem tutantibus Iosfredus et sui de Vado Berengarii nichil adepti redierunt. Ibi Guillelmus de Ipro? cum suis preliari cum Andegauensibus concupiuit, sed Normannis prz ! Cf. Chronicle of Morigny, in RHF xii. 83. 2 The Flemings were the mercenary troops led by William of Ypres. 3 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 132, ‘Concordatus est rex Stephanus cum rege Francorum', copying H. Hunt., p. 260, ‘concordiam cum rege Francorum composuit.’ Both these writers add that Stephen's son, Eustace, did homage to Louis. Orderic has been accused of wrongly stating that Stephen himself did homage to Louis (Lemarignier, L'hommage en marche, p. 93 n. 68); but he does not explicitly mention homage, and the parallel drawn with Henry I’s concordia with Louis,

when Prince William and not Henry did homage, is in fact an exact one. + Rabel of Tancarville had succeeded his father, who died in 1129, as Henry I's chief chamberlain in Normandy (Regesta, ii, p. xv and passim); he had refused to recognize Stephen. R. Tor. (RS), p. 132, gives a slightly different

sequence of events, placing both the defeat of Rabel and a meeting with Count

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XIII

483

received holy communion and died piously before the altar of the blessed apostle. He left instructions that his daughter was to be married to Louis le Jeune, king of France, and made the king himself heir of all his lands. His wishes were later carried out.! Some of the Norman magnates made trouble for King Stephen and he called in Frenchmen and Flemings? against them. In May King Stephen had a meeting with King Louis, received the duchy of Normandy from him as his right, and swore friendship with him as his predecessor had done.3 He returned in a much stronger position and launched an attack on the insurgent Rabel;* both he himself and his allies and household troops besieged Rabel's fortresses of Lillebonne, Villers Chambellan, and Mésidon, and

stormed them with fire and sword. At that time Geoffrey of Anjou invaded Normandy with four hundred knights and caused widespread damage, acting as his wife's stipendiary commander.5 From the beginning of May he waged a cruel war and devoted himself to ravaging the Hiémois with fire and plunder and slaughter. He burnt Bazoches-auHoulme,$ one of Roger of Mowbray's strongholds, church and

all; sixteen people perished in the flames there. The monks of Dives agreed to pay 110 marks in silver to the count of Anjou for his protection and so saved their homeland from utter ruin. In the same way the monks of Fécamp paid out 100 marks for Argences. At that time there was a suspicion that Robert, earl of Gloucester, and certain others had gone over to the enemy,’ but

the garrison of Caen remained resolutely loyal to the king, and since they continued to hold the castle Geoffrey and his men withdrew from Gué-Béranger with nothing accomplished. William of Ypres’ was eager to engage his men in battle with the Angevins, 'Theobald at Évreux before the meeting with the king of France (cf. Davis, Stephen, p. 27).

5 Robert of Torigny states that he came with a much greater force than the year before. Chartrou, L’ Anjou, p. 48, suggests that Geoffrey's intervention in Normandy was made solely as his wife's agent; but after conquering Normandy

in 1141-4 he used the ducal title. See J. Le Patourel in History, lviii (1973), 7-8. 6 Bazoches-au-Houlme was one of Roger of Mowbray's castles, which he held

of the count of Eu. He did not recover possession of it until 1154 (Mowbray charters, pp. xix, xxvii, xxxviii, 20, 70).

7 WM HN, pp. 21-2, says that Stephen, instigated by William of Ypres, did not trust Robert of Gloucester, and that Robert was in fact biding his time to support his sister. 8 For William of Ypres, who

see above, p. 370 n. 4.

commanded

Stephen’s

Flemish mercenaries,

484

v. 84

v. 85

BOOK XIII

inuidia fideliter illos iuuare nolentibus idem cum suis recessit, atque infidos consortes derelinquens ad regem trans Sequanam accessit. : Rex autem pace facta cum Rabello! Ebroicensem pagum adiit, et Rogerium de Conchis sexto mense postquam captus est de carcere eiecit,? grauique conditione ut temeraria improbitas eius castigaretur onerauit. Rotronem Moritoniz comitem et Richerium de Aquila nepotem eius sibi annexuit, datis eisdem quz cupiditas illorum auide poposcit. Nam comiti oppidum de Molinis et Richerio Boumolinum concessit? eosque sibi sic colligatos hostibus in Normannie finibus opposuit, ratus satis utilius esse dare minora ut seruarentur maiora, quam inhianter amplecti omnia, meritoque amicos perdere et eorum suffragia. Guillelmum de Ipro aliosque Flandrenses admodum amplexatus est’ et in illis precipue fisus est. Vnde proceres Normannorum nimis indignati sunt? suumque regi famulatum callide subtraxerunt, eisque inuidentes pluribus modis insidiati sunt. Tunc plurimis cladibus pagensium caterua passim depopulabatur. Hostilis enim gladius multos deuorabat, et alia ex parte mors inopina pluribus incumbebat. Mense Iunio Stephanus rex Luxouium uenit, et copiosum exercitum congregauit? ut Argentomum uel aliud oppidum obsideret, ubi Iosfredum Andegauensem cum quo comminus confligere optabat comperisset. Optimates autem eius certamen huiusmodi detrectabant, et regi proelium summopere dissuadebant. Tunc in illa expeditione grauissima seditio inter Normannos et Morinos orta est? atque cedes hominum utriusque partis feralis

facta est.! Hinc totus exercitus turbatus est, et plurima pars ! Rabel appears to have been recognized as Stephen’s chamberlain after being reconciled to him; a confirmation granted by Stephen in 1137 to Sainte-Barbeen-Auge contains the phrase, ‘requisitione Rabelli de Tancardivilla camerarii

mei’. Since Stephen also refers to Henry I as his uncle and Theobald of Blois as his brother it seems certain that the confirmation has been completely redrafted, and the reference to Rabel has not been accidentally lifted from a charter of Henry I (Regesta, iii. 749; together with Orderic's evidence this corrects the statement, ibid., p. xix, that Rabel never recognized Stephen). ? Orderic's chronology is doubtful at this point, and possibly that of Robert of

Torigny (cf. above, p. 482 n. 4) is to be preferred. If Stephen had released Roger of Conches after making peace with Rabel in May 1137, it would have been the

eighth month of Roger's captivity, since he was taken prisoner on 3 October 1136. But Stephen had certainly made peace with Richer of Laigle before May, for Richer witnessed one of his charters given at Evreux not later than r1 April (Regesta, iii. 69). The earlier visit was probably the occasion when Roger was

BOOK XIII

485

but as the Normans were unwilling, out of envy, to give them

loyal support he withdrew with his troops and, turning his back on his faithless allies, joined the king across the Seine. The king himself, after making peace with Rabel,! went to the county of Évreux, released Roger of Conches from prison in the sixth month after his capture,? and imposed hard terms on him to

punish his rash breach of faith. He won to his side Rotrou, count of Mortagne, and Richer of Laigle his nephew by giving them everything that they, in their greed, eagerly demanded.3 He granted the stronghold of Moulins to the count and Bonmoulins to Richer, and after securing their support in this way used them against his enemies on the frontiers of Normandy, judging it more prudent to make small concessions to preserve what mattered than to grasp at everything and deservedly forfeit the support of friends. He greatly esteemed William of Ypres and the other Flemings and placed exceptional reliance on them. Because of this the magnates of Normandy were much incensed, craftily withdrew their support from the king, and, out of envy for the Flemings, hatched all kinds of plots against them. As a result the mass of country people suffered from outbreaks of violence everywhere. Many fell beneath the blows of enemy swords, and besides this others met death in unexpected ways. In June King Stephen came to Lisieux and mustered a large army with the intention of besieging Argentan or some other fortress where he might find Geoffrey of Anjou, whom he hoped to . engage in close conflict. His magnates, however, were opposed to a battle of this kind and resolutely dissuaded the king from fighting. During that campaign a serious quarrel broke out between the Normans and Flemings and men on both sides were violently slain.* As a result the whole army was in a ferment and most of the released; and possibly Rabel's capitulation should be placed in March or April rather than May.

3 Cf. ASC

1137, where Stephen is charged with squandering his uncle's

treasure.

4 The

quarrel is mentioned

by William

of Malmesbury,

who

blames

the

suspicion of William of Ypres towards Robert of Gloucester (WM HN, p. 21), Robert of Torigny (R. Tor. (RS), p. 132, ‘facta est discordia magna in exercitu ejus apud Livarrou propter unam hosam vini, quam abstulerat quidam Flandrensis cuidam armigero Hugonis de Gornai. Facta est magna dissensio inter Normannos et Flandrenses’), and John of Marmoutier (Hist. Gauf., p. 225), who

saw it as a dispute for leadership between William of Ypres and Reginald of Saint-Valéry. All sources agree that it led to the withdrawal of Stephen’s army. 822242

R

486

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XIII

principum insalutato rege profecta est, ductorem quoque suum

unaqueque

turma

clientum

prosecuta

est. Rex

autem

cum

agmina sua sine bello fugere uidisset nimis iratus est’ et desertores usque ad Pontem Aldemari festinanter persecutus est. Ibi Hugonem de Gornaco et Guillelmum iuuenem de Guarenna aliosque turgidos adolescentes detinuit, et terroribus ac blandimentis pro posse suo sedauit, sed liuida uafrorum corda sufficienter pacificare nequiuit. Vnde suspectos pro quibusdam occasionibus eos habens ad bellum reducere non presumpsit, sed saniori consilio ut quibusdam uisum est inito biennales treuias ab hostibus accepit.! Mense igitur Iulio tranquillitas pacis opitulante Deo Normanniam refouit, inermis plebs que dispersa fuerat sua tuguria repetiit, et aliquandiu post nimias tumultuum tempestates in egestate magna siluit, et aliquantulum securior quieuit.

31 Interea Guarinus abbas Vticensis ecclesia postquam in monachatu xliii annis Deo militauit, iam lx et tres annos zetatis suze

v. 86

habens feliciter occubuit. Nam xvii kalendas Iulii missam mane reuerenter cantauit, quendam defunctum militem sepeliuit, ipsoque die in lectum decidit, et quinque diebus grauiter zegrotauit, cotidieque missam quam per xxx annos? creberrime sacerdos ipse celebrarat egrotus audiuit. Videns itaque uiam uniuersz carnis sese ingressurum tanti itineris uiaticum deuotus expetiit, ac ad summi Regis sabaoth iturus curiam sese preparauit, lacrimosa uidelicet confessione, assiduaque intenta oratione, oleique sacri unctione, et dominici corporis saluifica perceptione. Denique talibus ac tantis instructus munimentis xi kalendas Iulii migrauit, et completis in eo ut dictum est queque fideli athlete Christi competunt recessit, et xv regiminis sui anno spirituales filios Domino Deo commendans et sese obdormiuit. Gislebertus autem Sagiensis cenobii abbas? affuit, et cum sociis in luctu patris flebilibus exequias celebrauit. Imbribus itaque tribulationum toti prouinciz ingruentibus Guarinus abbas Rodberti et Gisle filius ereptus est’ et in capitulo secus Osberni ! According to R. Tor. (RS), p. 132, Geoffrey was bought off with an annual

pension and the truce was to be for three years; it lasted only one. ? Warin, just one year older than Orderic, had come to the cloister as a young

man of twenty, not as a child oblate; from the figures given here it appears that they were ordained priests at the same time in 1107.

BOOK

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487:

leaders went off without taking leave of the king, each one followed by his own troops of dependants. When the king saw his army melting away without a battle he was furious and went in hot pursuit of the deserters as far as Pont Audemer. There he forced Hugh of Gournay, young William of Warenne, and other hotheaded youths to halt, and placated them as well as he could by appealing to their fears and hopes; but it was beyond his power to eradicate envy from the hearts of these cunning men. Since for various reasons he judged them unreliable he did not risk leading them back to battle but, acting on better counsel as some thought, he agreed to a two-year truce with the enemy.! In July, therefore, by God's grace peace was restored to Normandy, and the defenceless people who had been scattered returned to their cottages and, though almost destitute, for a time enjoyed a measure of greater tranquillity after the terrible upheavals of the disorders.

c Meanwhile Warin, abbot of Saint-Évroul, after serving God as a monk for forty-three years and reaching the age of sixty-three, made a happy end. On 15 June he reverently sang the morning Mass, buried a knight who had died, and the same day took to his bed. He lay seriously ill for five days and daily in his sickness heard the Mass that as a priest he himself had celebrated regularly for thirty years.? Realizing now that he was about to go the way of all flesh he piously desired the viaticum for such a journey, and made himself ready to go to the court of the most high King of hosts by tearful confession, constant and devout prayer, extreme unction, and receiving the body of the Lord which gives salvation. At length, greatly fortified by these aids, he departed this life on 21 June and, after there had been completed in him, as the saying goes, all that becomes a faithful champion of Christ, he took his

leave and, in the fifteenth year of his rule, commending himself and his spiritual sons to the Lord God, he fell asleep. Gilbert, abbot of Séez,? was present at the time and performed the last rites with the brethren of Saint-Évroul, who wept in mourning for their father. So as the whole province endured storms of tribulation, Abbot Warin, the son of Robert and Gisla,

was taken from us and buried in the chapter-house beside the tomb 3 Gilbert, abbot of St. Martin, Séez.

488

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XIII

abbatis tumulum sepultus est. Quo defuncto Vticenses monachi pariter conuenerunt, et commune colloquium ne status zcclesiz suz laberetur habuerunt. Deinde dum celebritatem sancti Iohannis Baptiste solennizarent, ipsoque die in capitulo una

considerent? considerantes sancti patris Benedicti institutionem,

v. 87

carteque sue quam Guillelmus dux postea rex cum episcopis et optimatibus Normanniz sanxit auctoritatem,? et zecclesiz priuilegium atque uetustam consuetudinem, concorditer elegerunt Ricardum de Legrecestra? monachum litteratum, religiosum, facundum, et pluribus bonis atque claris karismatibus instructum. Ile quidem absens erat, nec in illa concione aliquem sibi consanguinitate coniunctum habebat, nichil huiusmodi suspicabatur,

immo rusticanis laboribus in Anglia pro seruitio fratrum angebatur. Nam illuc a suo abbate iam pridem directus fuerat, et ecclesiasticas res ibidem iam xvi mensibus diligenter tractauerat. Noticiam quippe Anglice gentis et loquele habebat, utpote qui fere xvi annis canonicus Legrecestrz fuerat, et in curia Rodberti consulis de Mellento ante conuersionem diu commoratus fuerat,

causarumque censor et archanorum conscius ac in agendis rebus familiaris consiliarius pollebat. Hzc et alia probitatis indicia rectorique congrua monachi considerantes eundem ad zcclesiz regimen elegerunt, et electo Stephanus rex eiusque proceres suffragati sunt. Vticenses cenobitz didascalis et rectoribus suis semper fidi, album lapidem posuerunt super tumulum uenerandi abbatis Guarini? super quem sculpendum ob amorem dilecti quondam sodalis mei postea patris hoc epitaphium edidi, Hac tegitur petra Guarini puluis et ossa"

Qui quater undenis Vtici monachus fuit annis. v. 88

Certator fortis contra temptamina carnis? Dante Deo celebris micuit uirtutibus almis. De grege pro meritis a fratribus ad moderamen Sumitur, ut sociis ferret speciale iuuamen. ! 24 June 1137. ? Cf. RSB, c. lxiv; Fauroux, no. 122, version B (cited by Orderic above, ii. 38): *De electione autem abbatis loci eiusdem . . . hoc totum concedo consilio fratrum . . . id est ut non amicitie aut consanguinitatis aut certe pecunie amor uota eligentium corrumpat.' 3 Along verse eulogy of Abbot Richard, probably written by Orderic himself, was printed by Delisle in BEC xxxiv (1873), 276-82.

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of Abbot Osbern. After his death the monks of Saint-Évroul assembled together and discussed with each other how to prevent any diminution of their abbey’s rights. Then, on the day when they were celebrating the feast of St. John the Baptist! and were sitting together in the chapter-house, after considering the rules

laid down by the holy father Benedict and in their charter which Duke William, later king, confirmed in company with the bishops and magnates of Normandy,? and the privilege and ancient custom of the church, they unanimously elected Richard of Leicester,? a monk who was well educated, pious, eloquent, and endowed with

many good and illustrious spiritual gifts. He himself was absent at the time and no kinsman of his was present in the chapter; indeed he had no inkling of the event, for he was hard pressed by rural affairs in England in the service of the brethren.* He had been sent there by his abbot some time previously, and for the past sixteen months had been diligently attending to the abbey's business there. He knew the English people and their language well, since he had been a canon of Leicester for about sixteen years and, before making his profession, had spent a long time in the court of Robert, count of Meulan, where he had been admitted to his most intimate

counsels and had taken a leading part in judging cases and in carrying out business as his close adviser. The monks, considering from these and other proofs of his ability that he was fit for rule, elected him to govern their church as abbot; and King Stephen and his magnates approved the choice. The monks of Saint- Évroul, devoted as always to their teachers and rulers, placed a white stone over the tomb of the venerable abbot Warin, and I, out of love for my some-time companion and later father, composed this epitaph to be engraved on it: The bones and dust of Warin, monk of Saint-Évroul For four and forty years, are covered by this stone. A valiant fighter against worldly temptations, He shone by God's grace with the most precious virtues. He was chosen from the flock by the brethren for his merits,

To govern and give special help to his fellows. * He may have been in charge of the administrative centre of the abbey's property in the small priory of Ware, where the former residence of Hugh of Grandmesnil (cf. above, iii. 236 n. 1) had passed into the possession of Robert, earl of Leicester. It was possibly because of his long association with Earl Robert's father, Robert, count of Meulan, that Orderic insists on the absence of

improper pressure in the election.

490

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XIII

Annis bis septem ueneranter floruit abbas? Inter presentes sitiens aeterna ruinas. Viginti soles Iunio complente? recessit Hic pater a uita subiectis flentibus ista. Cuncta regens numen det ei super zthera lumen.

32 Mense Iulio et Augusto nimius calor estatis terrigenas torruit, et usque ad idus Septembris perdurauit, multimodaque pestis mortales morbidos fecit. Tunc Ludouicus rex Ludouicum Florum filium suum accersiit, eumque 'ledbaldi palatini comitis! et Radulfi

v. 89

latronum

v. 90

de Parrona?

consobrini

sui tutela

commisit,

et cum

exercitu Gallize in Aquitaniam direxit, ut filiam Pictauensis ducis uxorem duceret, totumque ducatum sicut Guillelmus dux constituerat sibi subiugaret.? Interea Ludouicus rex nimietate estiui caloris in Aquilina silua zgrotauit, et crescente languore ii nonas Augusti hominem exiuit,* atque in ecclesia sancti Dionisii Ariopagitz5 inter reges regiam tumulationem accepit. Sequenti autem dominico Ludouicus puer Pictauis coronatus est: et sic regnum Francorum et Aquitanize ducatum quem nullus patrum suorum habuit nactus est.® In Normannia Rogerius Balbus pacem turbulentus turbauit, contra quem Stephanus rex exercitum duxit, et municipium eius quod in Ebroicensi pago Grandis Silua nuncupatur optinuit.7 Vnde cohercitus rebellis predo pacem cum rege fecit, et aliquantulum illa regio post magnas oppressiones quieuit. Tunc in Vilcassino rex munitionem Chitreii ubi spelunca erat

deiecit,

unde

Guillelmus

de

Caluimonte

cum

Odmundo filio suo in regem surrexit, et pro domus suz precipitio guerram facere decreuit.8 In Abrincatensi pago Ricardus cognomento Siluanus apud Sanctum Paternum fortissimam munitionem firmauit, et aggregatis undecumque latronibus post mortem Henrici regis ! Theobald, count of Blois. ? Ralph, count of Vermandois. 3 Louis le Jeune travelled by way of Limoges, which he reached on 1 July, to Bordeaux, where he married Eleanor of Aquitaine the same month (Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 580, 589; Chronicle of Morigny in RHF xii. 83-4; A. Richard, Histoire des comtes de Poitou, 778—1204 (Paris, 1903), ii. 58-62). * Louis fell ill at the end of July and was taken to Paris, where he died,

probably on 1 August; this is the date given by Suger and most chronicles and obituaries; only the obituary of Argenteuil agrees with Orderic (Luchaire, Louis VI, nos. 590, 595).

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For fourteen years he excelled as a reverend abbot, Thirsting for things eternal amid present-day ruins. When twenty days of June had passed, our honoured father

Departed this life while his servants stood weeping. May God omnipotent grant him light, in the highest heaven!

32 In July and August burning summer heat scorched mortal men; it lasted until 13 September and many kinds of pestilence struck people down. At that time King Louis sent for his son, Louis Florus, entrusted him to the guardianship of the count palatine, Theobald,! and his kinsman Ralph of Péronne,? and sent him to Aquitaine with the army of France to marry the daughter of the duke of Poitou and bring the whole duchy under his sway as Duke William had ordained.3 Meanwhile King Louis fell ill in the forest of Iveline through the excessive summer heat and, growing worse, gave up the ghost on 4 August.* He was given a king's burial among the kings in the church of St. Denis the Areopagite.5 The following Sunday the boy Louis was crowned at Poitiers and so gained possession of the kingdom of France and duchy of Aquitaine, which none of his forebears had held before him.$ In Normandy the unruly Roger le Bégue disturbed the peace; King Stephen led an army against him and took possession of his castle of Grossceuvre in the Évrecin.? Consequently the rebellious brigand was forced to make peace with the king, and the region enjoyed peace for a little while after great oppression. Afterwards the king destroyed the castle of Guitry in the Vexin, where there was a den of thieves, with the result that William of

Chaumont and his son Otmund rose against the king and resolved to make war to avenge the destruction of their house.® In the Avranchin Richard Silvanus fortified a very strong castle at Saint-Pois; after the death of King Henry he assembled bandits 5 For the confusion of St. Denis, bishop of Paris, with St. Denis the Areopagite see above, ili. 37 n. 5.

6 The coronation at Poitiers was on 8 August 1137; Suger, Vita Ludovict, xxxiv, p. 282; D’Arbois de Jubainville, ii. 331.

7 Robert of Torigny places the siege of Grossceuvre before the meeting of Stephen and Louis VI in May, and this chronology is preferred by Lemarignier, L'hommage en marche, p. 93 n. 68. For Grossceuvre see Le Prévost, Eure, ii. 208.

8 For William of Chaumont see above, p. 248 n. 1,

492

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seuissimam stragem in populo Dei perpetrauit. Hunc etiam post diutinam debachationem quando uoluit? iustissima Dei ultrix manus sine mora precipitauit. Prefatus enim raptor quadam die predatum perrexit, et cohors militum de uicinis oppidis uicum Sancti Paterni flammis interim tradidit. Porro Siluanus ut uillz suz fumum perspexit, per reciprocum callem cum suis equum festinanter

regirauit,

sed

sociis

ocior

hostes

primus

offendit,

et in occursu eorum a quodam milite lancea perforatus interiit. Deinde regii milites ad arcem accesserunt, et ab oppidanis ut regi turrim redderent exegerunt. Quod dum illi facere nollent? isti cadauer perempti domini sui ante portam turpiter proicientes eis exhibent. Custodes utique infortunio graui uiso perterriti sunt/ et regis militibus sese cum munitione dedentes mesti siluerunt, atque corpus biothanati! secus uiam extra cimiterium tumulauerunt. Eodem tempore Britones quorum caput ad nefas perpetrandum Gelduinus Dolensis erat surrexerunt, et in terram sancti Micha-

V. 9I

helis archangeli de periculo maris et in finitimas possessiones irruerunt.? Predis multoties direptis ingentia innocuis dampna intulerunt, sed postquam innumera dispendia pagensibus illata sunt’ ultione diuina nefario capite contrito defecerunt. Quadam enim die atrox Gelduinus cxl milites cum multis peditibus in expeditione duxit, et ingentem predam hominesque multos rapuit, atque pomposus remeare cepit, sed estuans mare ad littus omnes detinuit. Interea orto clamore pauperis uulgi xx milites Normannorum predones insecuti sunt. Gelduinus autem ut uociferationem post tergum audiuit, cum decem militibus clipeis tantum opertis contra insequentes rediit. Porro Normanni fortiter in eos irruerunt, atque Britones terga uertentes persecuti sunt, et Gelduinum priusquam suis commilitonibus adiungerentur occiderunt. Predones itaque confusi predam perdiderunt? et fugientes suis diros rumores renunciauerunt. Variis itaque tempestatibus infelix Normannia turbabatur, ac mutuis ensibus pignorum suorum uulnerabatur, atque pro innumeris cedibus multis ubique luctibus replebatur. Infortunia plerunque dirissima perferebat, et asperiora cotidie metuebat" 1 See above, v. 293 n. 5. ? A notice in a manuscript of Mont Saint-Michel, printed by Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 128 n. 19, describes disorders on the lands of the abbey and

attacks led both by some of the Norman barons of the abbey and by Bretons whom they had invited to come to their assistance.

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493

from all sides and violently slaughtered the people of God. After giving free rein to his brutality for a long time he was suddenly struck down by the avenging and just hand of God. It happened that one day when the brigand Silvanus was in pursuit of booty a troop of knights from the neighbouring strongholds set fire to the village of Saint-Pois. At the sight of smoke rising from his village, Silvanus wheeled round his horse and galloped back with his men; riding ahead of his companions he was the first to attack the enemy, and in the clash he was pierced by the lance of one of the knights and perished. The king's knights then rode on to the citadel and called on the garrison to surrender the castle to the king. As they hesitated to obey the king's men flung down the corpse of their dead lord without ceremony in front of the gate for all to see. At the sight of his dreadful fate the guards were terrified and, in mournful silence, surrendered themselves and the castle to the king’s knights. They buried the body of the man who had met a violent death! by the road outside the cemetery.

At the same time the Bretons broke out under the leadership of Gilduin of Dol, who was ready for every outrage, and overran the possessions of the abbey of St. Michael in Peril of the Sea, as well as the lands bordering them.? Seizing much booty they inflicted great suffering on innocent people; but after countless outrages committed on the peasants their villainous leader was struck down by divine vengeance and they were scattered. One day, when the terrible Gilduin led a hundred and forty knights and a large body of foot-soldiers on a raid, seized much booty and many men, and set off in triumph for home, they were all held up on the sea-shore by the rising tide. Meanwhile twenty Norman knights, who had heard the screams of the wretched peasants, pursued the bandits. Gilduin, hearing shouts behind him, turned back with ten knights, protected only by their shields, to oppose the pursuers. But the Normans charged them resolutely, forced them to turn tail, and chased them, killing Gilduin before they had time to rejoin their fellow knights. 'The bandits, thrown into confusion, abandoned their loot and fled to give the terrible news to their own men. So unhappy Normandy was disturbed by storms of many kinds, wounded by the swords of her own sons as they slew each other, and was everywhere filled with the sounds of lamentation for massacres without number. She suffered continually from ter-

rible disasters and daily feared still worse, for she saw to her

494.

v. 92

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XIII

quia totam efficaci gubernatore prouinciam carere mesta uidebat. Inter hzc Stephanus rex de intestinis motibus Anglorum rumores audiuit, unde in aduentu Domini! festinanter in Angliam transfretauit, et Gualerannum atque Rodbertum comites aliosque proceres pene omnes secum duxit. Neustriz uero iusticiarios Guillelmum de Rolmara et Rogerium uicecomitem aliosque nonnullos constituerat, illis precipiens facere quod ipse presens agere non poterat, iusticiam uidelicet discolis inferre, et pacem inermi populo procurare.? Reuersus autem in Angliam turbatum regnum inuenit et fomentum nimiz crudelitatis et cruente proditionis persensit. Nam quidam pestiferi conspirationem fecerant, et clandestinis machinationibus sese ad nefas inuicem animauerant^ ut constituto die Normannos

V. 93

omnes

occiderent, et

regni principatum Scottis traderent. Tanta peruersitas Nigello? Eliensi episcopo primitus nota per coniuratos nequitiz socios facta est? et per eum reliquis presulibus regni et optimatibus atque tribunis regiisque satellitibus permulgata est. Plures itaque de peruersis conspiratoribus detecti sunt? et conuicti poenas tanti sceleris luerunt, meritoque patibulis aliisque generibus mortis interierunt. Porro nonnulli maliciz suz conscii ante accusationem fugerunt, et accusante propria conscientia conuicti relictis omnibus diuitiis et honoribus suis exulauerunt. Potentiores siquidem qui rebellionis conscii fuerunt, ad resistendum temere animati sunt"

et foedus cum Scottis et Gualis aliisque seditiosis et infidis ad perniciem populi pepigerunt. 33 In illo tempore peregrini de partibus eois aduenerunt, dirosque rumores in occiduo climate sparserunt,? unde corda fidelium quz amore Dei proximique flagrant nimis contristata sunt. Narrant ? uel Ricardo suprascript in the same hand 1 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 133. Advent began on 28 November 1137; Stephen landed at Portsmouth and visited Worcester, Woodstock, Marlborough, and Westminster before spending Christmas at Dunstable (Regesta, iii, p. xl), so his return was probably early in Advent. 2 Cf. Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 127; William of Roumare acted as

justiciarius in a case heard at Rouen on 18 December Roger was

Roger

II, vicomte

of the Cotentin;

1138 (ibid., pp. 91-2).

for his career see L. Delisle,

Histoire du cháteau et des sires de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte (Valognes, 1867),

PP. 27-31, 59-65.

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XIII

495

sorrow that the whole province was without an effective ruler. In the midst of these happenings King Stephen heard news of risings among the English, which forced him to hurry back to England in Advent,! taking Count Waleran, Earl Robert, and almost all the other magnates with him. Before leaving he appointed William of Roumare and Roger the vicomte and various others as justiciars in Normandy, instructing them to do what he himself had failed to do in person: namely, to mete out justice to the malcontents and ensure peace for the helpless populace.? On his return to England he found the kingdom in turmoil, and discovered a hotbed of appalling cruelty and bloody treason. Certain trouble-makers had conspired together, encouraging each other in their wickedness and plotting in secret to kill all the Normans on a fixed day and hand over the government of the kingdom to the Scots. This foul plot was first divulged to Nigel, bishop of Ely, by some of the conspirators, and was revealed by him to the other prelates and nobles of the kingdom and the officials and king's dependants. As a result many of the conspirators were unmasked; when their guilt had been proved they paid the penalty for such wickedness and died the deaths they deserved on the scaffold or in other ways. Some who were conscious of their guilt fled before accusation; condemned

by their own consciences, they abandoned all their wealth and honors and went into exile. But the most powerful of all the rebels recklessly steeled themselves to resist, and entered into an alliance with the Scots and Welsh and other rebels and traitors, bringing down ruin on the people. 33 At that time pilgrims came from the eastern regions and spread terrible news in the west,3 causing great sorrow to the faithful who are inspired by love of God and their neighbour. They related that 3 Orderic's information probably came from some of these pilgrims: his narrative, though embroidered with fictitious speeches and moral comments, has a core of accurate fact that can be checked by comparison with Greek, Arabic,

and later Latin sources. Other accounts of the sieges of Montferrand by Zengi and Antioch by John Comnenus

are given by William of Tyre (RHC

Occ. i.

643-53), writing later from the traditions of the Latin kingdoms; John Cinnamus (RHC Grecs, i. 211-14); Nicetas Choniates (RHC Grecs, i. 215-16); Ibn al-Athir

(RHC Or. i. 421-2), and Ibn al-Qalánisi (The Damascus Chronicle, trs. H. A. R. Gibb, London, 1932, pp. 242-3). For the general background see Chalandon, Jean Comnéne, pp. 119-33.

496

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enim quod Pontius Tripolitanus comes eodem anno contra zthnicos pugnauerit, et ipse cum multis aliis ferro gentilium occubuerit.! Hinc animatus amir Sanguin rex Haleph? bellicas uires collegit, et in autumno cum ingenti exercitu Turcorum fines Christianorum introiuit, atque ad bellum paratus Christianos prouocauit. Quod audiens Fulco lerosolimorum rex per totum regnum suum legatos direxit, et omnes qui ad arma idonei erant ad pugnam conuocauit, et fere vi milia secum ad certamen duxit. Solas mulieres

et inermes

clericos ad tutelam

urbium

dimisit,

v. 94 ceteros autem absque omni excusatione ad agonem ire precepit. Tandem conuenerunt pariter et commisso conflictu utrinque pugnatum est acriter. Innumera quippe paganorum ceciderunt milia, sed iudicante Deo cuius iudicia iusta sunt et uera, pene tota

Christianorum acies est collapsa, et prater xxx milites penitus cesa.

V. 95

Solus

enim

rex

et decem

de familia

eius commilitones,

atque xviii de militibus Templi euaserunt, ac ad quoddam castrum contra Damascum a Balduino primo constructum quod Mons Regalis? uocatur confugerunt, ibique aliquandiu inclusi fortiter restiterunt. Omnes itaque in confessione Christi corruerunt, preter paucos qui ut dictum est cum rege uix euaserunt. Porro Sanguin licet multa suorum amisisset milia ferro Christianorum" optata tamen elatus uictoria e uestigio subsecutus obsedit castellum, et residuos qui de bello elapsi tutabant presidium? nimis coartauit multis modis impugnationum. Obsessi autem quamuis pluribus molestarentur angustiis, precipue tamen attenuati sunt anxietate famis? et pro penuria panis compulsi sunt uesci carnibus equinis aliisque immundis et insolitis. Ipse rex prz parcitate dapifer erat, atque frusta carnium asinorum seu canum singulis distribuebat. Interea Radulfus Ierosolimitanus presul? audito suorum infortunio contristatus est: et qualiter inclusis martiribus auxiliaretur multa secum reuoluens meditatus est. In primis fideles reclusos qui ceelesti theorize in muris Ierusalem intendebant peragrauit, et ipsos @ Haleph written over an erasure ! Pons was killed on 25 March

1137.

? Montferrand (Ba'rin) is meant; a Frankish fortress a little north of Homs. The army of Zengi had raised the siege of the Moslem fortress of Homs on 11 July 1137, and turned against Ba'rin. Fulk, coming with a relief force, was intercepted by Zengi and severely defeated, with a loss of all the supplies. Fulk him-

self and a handful of knights managed to escape into Ba'rin, where they were

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497

Pons, count of Tripoli, had fought against the pagans that year, and that he himself and many others had fallen in battle with the infidel. Encouraged by this the emir Zengi, sultan of Aleppo, mustered his forces and in the autumn invaded the Christian territories with a huge army of Turks and, being ready for battle, challenged the Christians. At the news of this Fulk, king of Jerusalem, sent messengers all over his kingdom, summoned to battle all capable of bearing arms, and led about six thousand men with him to battle. He left only women and defenceless clergy to defend the cities, and commanded all the rest to put aside all excuses and go into battle. In due course the armies met, battle was joined and both sides fought fiercely. Countless thousands of the pagans fell, but by the will of God, whose judgements are just and right, almost the whole Christian force crumbled and all except thirty knights were slain. Only the king himself escaped, with ten of his household knights and eighteen knights of the Temple, and fled to a castle built by Baldwin I near Damascus, called [Montferrand],? where they stoutly resisted, although besieged for some time. All the rest fell in the faith of Christ, apart from the few who, as has been related here, just managed to escape with the king. Zengi, although he had lost thousands of his men by the swords of

the Christians, was nevertheless elated at winning the victory he had hoped for; following close behind he besieged the castle and hard pressed the remnant who had escaped from battle to take shelter there, trying different methods of assault. The besieged suffered many hardships, but were particularly weakened by the threat of starvation; for lack of bread they were forced to eat the flesh of horses and other unclean and unaccustomed food. They were so few that the king himself acted as steward and distributed

pieces of dogs’ and asses’ flesh among them. Meanwhile Ralph, bishop of Jerusalem, deeply grieved by news of the disaster, gave much thought to how he might aid the besieged martyrs. First of all he went round visiting pious hermits who spent their time in holy meditation within the city of Jerusalem, closely besieged by Zengi. All sources agree that they were forced to eat their ere patriarch of Jerusalem at the time was William of Messines (1130-47). Ralph of Domfront

was patriarch of Antioch (1135-9), and Orderic may have

confused the two men. The stories that follow are found only in Orderic; they belong to the common stock of piety and epic, and cannot be taken at face value.

498

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XIII

et omnes alios Ierosolimitas ut Deum saluatorem omnium pro communi salute populi sui attentius exorarent obsecrauit. Deinde clericos et laicos eadem commonuit, et cunctis triduanum ieiunium indixit, nec solum matronis sed etiam infantibus et iumentis

v. 96

afflictionem huiuscemodi more Niniuitarum! imposuit. Expleto autem libenter et deuote ieiunio ad portum maris patriarcha perrexit? eique quod ualde concupiuerat Deo uolente occurrit. Quattuor enim naues hominibus onustas littori appropinquantes de longe uidit, et per signum salutiferz crucis quod in habitu eorum uisu deprehenderat Christianos esse cognouit. Gaudens igitur eos ad portum applicantes expectauit, et de nauibus egredientes reuerenter salutauit, productos autem in liberam planiciem sic affari cepit. ‘Vere beati et amici Dei estis? quos ut suz beatitudinis participes prestolatur curia ccelestis. Ecce iam si flagrat in uobis fides integra, eadem sine dubio uobis propinatur martirii causa? pro qua sancti athlete Christi Georgius et Theodorus, Demetrius? et Sebastianus contra Sathanan eiusque satellites laboriose dimicauerunt, acriter certantes gloriose superauerunt, et perennem coronam triumphantes a Rege sabaoth acceperunt. Similis oro fortuna uobis comitetur? nec dispar merces a Deo uobis donetur. Ecce seuus Sanguin et gentilis exercitus terras nostras nuper inuaserunt, et perempto exercitu Christi Ierosolimorum regem cum paucis in quodam castello pertinaciter obsederunt, et inclusos pluribus modis ad deditionem coartare satagunt. Nostrates autem uiri in Deo sperantes uiriliter obstare moliuntur, mirabiliumque Dei memores uelox auxilium eius opperiuntur: eligentes in nomine Domini magis per mortem socios sequi, quam cum dedecore prophanis in uita sua subiugari. Iam satis euentum audistis. Et quia prudentes atque cordati homines estis? iam quid uelim et quid agi oporteat in tali negocio bene perpen-

ditis." His auditis omnes alacriter aduersum paganos sese obtulerunt, et obsessis fratribus suffragari totis nisibus optauerunt. Letus igitur patriarcha dixit, 'Deo gratias agimus Adonai fortissimo, quia semper suos celeri dignatur releuare solatio. Nunc ergo uos qui de natali solo pro celesti amore progressi estis, et dilectas coniuges diuitiasque diu quzsitas reliquistis, et huc per plures in mari et in ! Jonah iii. 7. ? For the cult of warrior saints see above, iii. 216 n. 3; v. 114.

BOOK

XIII

499

and begged them to pray urgently along with all the other inhabitants of Jerusalem to God, the preserver of all things, for the salvation of all the people. Next he commanded the clergy and laity to do the same, and prescribed a three-day fast for everyone, imposing this self-denial not only on women, but even on children and animals, as the Ninevites! had done. When the fast had been willingly and devoutly observed the patriarch set out for the seaport, and there by God's will found the thing he earnestly desired. He saw in the distance four ships full of men approaching the shore, and recognized from the sign of the cross of salvation which he saw on the men's garments that they were Christians. Joyfully he waited for them to land in the harbour, greeted them reverently as they disembarked from the ships, and, after escorting them into an open place, began to speak as follows: "Truly you are blessed and beloved by God, marked out by him to be participators in the joys of his heavenly court. Behold, if a pure faith burns in you, be assured that a cause now invites you to martyrdom, the very same as that for which the holy champions of Christ, George and Theodore, Demetrius? and Sebastian, toiled and fought against Satan and his minions, won a glorious triumph in bitter conflict, and received as victors an eternal crown from the King of hosts. I pray that the same good fortune may be yours, and that a similar reward may be given you by God. Listen; fierce Zengi with his pagan army has invaded our territories. After massacring the army of Christ, they are closely investing the king of Jerusalem and a handful of men in a castle, and are trying by any means to force the besieged to surrender. Our men, trusting in God, are valiantly struggling to resist, recalling the wonderful works of God and hoping that relief will come soon. They choose rather to follow their companions to death in the name of the Lord than to live and submit shamefully to blasphemers. Now you know what has happened; since you are prudent and wise men, you well know what I wish and what ought to be done in such a situation.’ After hearing these words all the men gladly offered themselves to fight the pagans, and were eager to go to the help of their besieged brothers with all their strength. Glad at heart the patriarch said, ‘We give thanks to God, the mighty Adonai, who is always quick to give comfort to his own. Now therefore I urge you, who for love of God have left your native land, abandoned your beloved wives and hard-won wealth, and travelled here

500

v. 97

BOOK XIII

terra molestias peruenistis? exempla sanctorum sumentes scutum fidei pretendite, et sanctuario Dei quod de longinquo expetitis constanter succurrite. Dominus uobiscum est: qui obsessis in Bethulia cito per feminam consolatus est. Nam per Iudith uiduam superbi caput Olofernis amputauit, Assiriisque contritis sitientem populum pie refrigerauit, uictoriaque simul innumerisque spoliis ditauit, et super omnes circumsitas nationes magnificauit.! Ezechiz quoque regi in Ierusalem incluso per Isaiam prophetam securitatem mandauit, et sequenti nocte centum octoginta quinque milia Assiriorum per angelum combussit,? tumidumque regem Sennacherib post blasphemias trucesque minas cum dedecore fugauit. ‘Hec et alia multa his similia in diuinis operibus considerate, et in Dei uirtute confidentes

v. 98

certamen

inite.’ Salutaribus

itaque monitis coetus Christianos pontifex instruxit, et armatos ad phalanges Turcorum duxit. Speculatores autem paganorum grandem exercitum a mari uenientem prospexerunt, et principi suo protinus annunciauerunt. Ille uero promptos et dicaces legatos obuiam misit, et per eos qui essent uel quo tenderent sollerter inquisiuit. At illi responderunt, 'Christiani sumus. Porro fratribus nostris quos a paganis obsessos audimus" auxiliari tota uirtute cupimus, alios quoque qui iam perempti sunt bello ulcisci peroptamus.’ Responsumque est illis ut ad presens quiete silerent? et in die tercio ad pugnam parati essent. Interea callidus Sanguin Fulconem regem ad colloquium accersiit, eique inter plurimas uersutas tergiuersationes dixit, ‘Nobilitati tuz multum condoleo? et quia rex es tibi si uis parcere desidero. Optime noui esse tuum" et defectionem uirium tuarum. Angustia famis cum omnibus qui tecum inclusi sunt nimium opprimeris, nec aliquod adminiculum ex qualibet parte prestolaris. Fac ergo pacem mecum. Castellum michi cum omnibus qui intus sunt redde, et ego te permittam liberum abire. Fulco respondit, ‘Absit a me ut traditor fiam fratrum meorum. Hoc nullatenus facere diffinio, immo cum eis usque ad mortem perseuerabo, et agonis finem patienter exspectabo.' Sanguin dixit, ‘Cum tuis loquere, et utile tibi tuisque consilium accipe. Parcam tibi quia rex es? et honorari debes. Castellum et omnes captiuos ! Judith, chs. vii-xv.

? 2 Kings xix. 35.

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through many perils by sea and land, to follow the example of the

saints, hold before you the shield of faith, and resolutely save the sanctuary of God, which you have come so far to visit. The Lord, who brought swift help to the men besieged in Bethulia through a woman, is with you. By the hand of the widow Judith he cut off the head of the proud Holofernes, brought confusion on the Assyrians and, as a father, refreshed the thirsty people, gave them both

victory and rich spoils, and exalted them above all the nations round about.' By the mouth of the prophet Isaiah he promised safety to King Hezekiah when he was shut up in Jerusalem; the

following night he sent an angel to burn up a hundred and eightyfive thousand Assyrians,? and put to shameful flight Sennacherib, that proud king who had uttered blasphemies and fierce threats. “Think of these things, and many like them among the works of God, and go into battle trusting in the power of God.' With such salutary admonitions the patriarch drew up the Christian forces and led them in arms to meet the troops of Turks. Some of the infidels’ scouts saw a great army advancing from the sea and hurried to tell their leader. He immediately sent smooth-tongued envoys to meet them, and through these questioned them searchingly as to who they were and where they were going. To him they replied, *We are Christians. Our great wish is first to use all our strength to help our brothers who we hear are besieged by the pagans, and in addition to avenge those who have fallen in battle.' To this the reply was made that they should remain quiet for the present and be ready to fight on the third day. Meanwhile the cunning Zengi invited King Fulk to a parley,

and among various deceitful misrepresentations said, ‘I sympathize greatly with your Highness, and because you are a king I am anxious to spare you if you so choose. I know exactly how you are placed, and how weak your forces are. You and all those besieged with you are on the point of starvation and have no hope of relief from any direction. Therefore make peace with me. Surrender the castle and all the men in it to me, and I will allow you to go free.’ Fulk replied, *Far be it from me to betray my brothers. I am determined not to do this on any account; rather I will endure with them to the death and patiently await the end of suffering.’ Zengi said, "T'ake counsel with your men, and agree on a course to the advantage of you all. I will spare you because you are a king and deserve to be honoured. Hand over the castle and all our men

502

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quos retines de nostris redde, omnesque quos habemus de uestris recipe, et sic iureiurando firmata pace cum omnibus tuis liber recede. Hzc audiens Fulco suos repetiit? et illis omnia que audierat a tiranno retulit, et quid in tam angustis rebus agendum esset interrogauit. At illi uicinum sibi nescientes auxilium" anxii uelox dederunt consilium. Hortati sunt ut Turci redderentur pro ereptione Christianorum, ut Damascenis panderetur Montis Regalis oppidum, ne obsessi subirent mortis periculum, et Ierusalem ciuitas sancta sine defensore pateret ludibrio gentilium. Territus itaque Fulco rex consultui suorum adquieuit, et cum

ethnicis

pacem

quam

poposcerant

cum

sacramento

pepigit.

Sanguin presidium et nepotem suum quem ceperant recepit, et ipse nichilominus Christianis uinctos eorum ut pactum fuerat reddidit.! Deinde triumphans et ludens tirannus Fulconi dixit, *Deceptus es rex.’ Et castra Christianorum qui ad suffragium eius uenerant ostendit? sed quamuis fideles super hoc sophismate mesti essent mutari sententia nequiuit.? Data profecto securitate rex et patriarcha et fideles hinc et inde conuenerunt, et a tiranno ut occisos in bello fratres suos sepelire sibi permitteret petierunt. Annuente illo corpora peremptorum quesierunt, inuenta diligenter et honorifice tumulauerunt, quibus dum aureos de digitis anulos extrahere uellent non potuerunt. Viuentes igitur omnipotentem Dominum deuote laudauerunt, et Christi martires cum ornamentis

suis ueneranter humauerunt.

v. 99

34 Eadem tempestate quando Ierosolimitz flebiliter ut dictum est ab zthnicis afflicti sunt? et Raimundus Antiochiz princeps aliique uirtuosi milites necessitate fratrum comperta illis subuenire festinauerunt: Iohannes imperator Constantinopolitanus ingentem exercitum de omni dicione sua quz satis ampla est contraxit" et Antiochiam metropolim Siria quam de imperio suo esse calumniabatur obsedit. Prafatus autem Raimundus qui tunc

principatum habebat? Guillelmi Pictauensium ducis filius erat. '* One of these captives was Raymond, count of Tripoli. Zengi's nephew is probably imaginary. ^ All sources agree that Zengi agreed to terms with Fulk because of the approach of armies from Jerusalem, Antioch, and Edessa, and that Fulk was so effectively cut off from outside news that he knew nothing of the relief. The Arab writers mistakenly believed that the army of John Comnenus, then approaching

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whom you hold captive, and receive all your men whom we hold; then swear to a truce and go free with all your men.' After listening Fulk returned to his men, repeated everything the tyrant had said, and inquired what should be done in their perilous situation. They, very anxious and unaware that help was at hand, quickly gave their opinion. They urged that the Turks should be handed over in exchange for the Christians, and that the castle of [Montferrand] should open its gates to the army of Damascus, to save the besieged from danger of death and the holy city of Jerusalem from being left defenceless to the sport of pagans. In consternation, therefore, King Fulk accepted his men's counsel and pledged peace with the pagans as they had asked, swearing on oath. Zengi received the castle and his nephew, who had been taken prisoner, and for his part fulfilled his promise by handing over his captives to the Christians.! Then, exultant and mocking, the tyrant said to Fulk, ‘King, you have been deceived.’ He then showed him the encampment of the Christians who had come to his relief, but although the faithful regretted this piece of trickery the agreement could not be revoked.? After a safe-conduct had been given, the king and patriarch and the faithful from every side met together, and asked the tyrant’s permission to bury the bodies of their brethren who had fallen in battle. As he gave his consent they sought out the bodies of the slain and carefully buried those they found with honour, but they were unable to draw the gold rings from their fingers when they tried to do so. The survivors therefore devoutly praised the omnipotent Lord, and reverently buried the martyrs of Christ, still wearing their rings. 34 Whilst the inhabitants of Jerusalem were suffering at the hands of pagans as I have described, and Raymond, prince of Antioch,

and other brave knights, who had heard of the plight of their brethren, were hurrying to their aid, John, the emperor of Constantinople, assembled a very large army from all his wide dominions and laid siege to Antioch, the capital city of Syria, which he claimed as part of his Empire. Raymond, who then ruled the principality, was the son of William, duke of Poitou. He went out Antioch, was in alliance with the forces of Jerusalem. The siege ended not later

than 20 August 1137 (RHC Or. iii. 673).

504

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Hic nimirum

post mortem

filiam Buamundi

V.

100

XIII

Henrici regis eoas partes adiit, et

iunioris dono

Fulconis

consobrini

sui sibi

datam coniugem duxit, latumque principatum in Siria largiente Deo uendicauit.! Qui dum ad auxilium regis Ierusalem ut iam dixi contra paganos properaret, et in illo itinere aduentum imperatoris ad obsidionem urbis audisset? tam grandi turbine commotus cum sociis turmis confestim remeauit, suisque qui sine tutore trementes in ciuitate oppilabantur succurrere properauit.? Cum autem urbi appropinquasset, et formidine anxius esset, quod circumuallantem exercitum irrumpere et urbem introire non posset? de imminenti negocio cum suis tractare cepit, quorum unus quem uere magnanimum arbitror illi dixit, 'Satis notum est quod Greci prudentia pollent, et eloquentia caeteris nationibus eminent, sed in arduis rebus audacia et fortitudine carent. Vnde o

probi commilitones et probati athletz, si meis dignamini consiliis adquiescere’ arma uestra uiriliter sumite, et armati tanquam de turmis imperialibus usque ad ipsius augusti tentorium silenter ite, et Ionias legiones penetrate. Tunc prope imperatoris aures terribiliter exclamate, et qui sitis audacter demonstrate. Hzc audientes alii ad arduum opus animati sunt’ monitisque magnanimi militis noctu insigniter obsecundauerunt. Franci siquidem ad tentorium augustale peruenientes exclamauerunt, et obstantes hostiliter percutere ceperunt. Repentinas uociferationes ferocium Francorum securus augusti exercitus ex insperato audiuit, nimiumque territus pariterque turbatus et expers consilii fugam iniit, et relictis omnibus per tria miliaria quasi gladium ceruicibus suis imminere uidisset fugit.^ Raimundus autem dux Pelasgis cum suo imperatore fugientibus perstitit, nec diutius cum paucis innumeros persequi uoluit, sed latis modum ponens in urbem suam introiuit, et ingens gaudium Antiochenis donante Deo suppeditauit. Orto siquidem sole ciues exierunt, ingentes in Achiuis tentoriis diuitias inuenerunt, auide diripuerunt, letique @ fugit MS. ' Raymond was a younger son of William VII, count of Poitou, IX duke of

Aquitaine. At one time there had been a plan to marry Bohemond II's daughter Constance to Manuel Comnenus.

For the intrigues preceding her marriage see

Chalandon, Jean Comnéne, pp. 121-2. The army of John Comnenus reached Antioch on 28 August 1137 (ibid., p. 129).

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to the east after the death of King Henry, married the daughter of young Bohemond, who was given to him in matrimony by her kinsman, Fulk, and claimed the extensive principality in Syria by God's gift.! As he was hurrying to help the king of Jerusalem against the pagans, as I have related, news reached him on the way that the Emperor had arrived to blockade the city; and, greatly agitated by this formidable threat, he retreated with his allied forces as quickly as possible, hurrying to the relief of his people, who were shut up, defenceless and afraid, in the city.2 As they

approached the city, and he was troubled by fear that he would not be able to break through the investing army and force a way in, he began to discuss with his men what course they should take. One of his followers who, in my opinion, showed a truly lofty spirit, said to him, *You are well aware that the Greeks are extremely circumspect and surpass all other races in their eloquence, but in difficult enterprises they lack daring and courage. So, my valiant fellow knights and tried champions, if you will deign to take my advice, arm yourselves boldly, and creep up silently in arms as though you were imperial troops right up to the Emperor's tent, passing through the Greek legions. When you are within earshot of the Emperor, raise a terrible shout and boldly declare yourselves.' At these words everyone took heart for the difficult enterprise, and carried out the proposals of the noble and valiant knight in every detail under cover of darkness. The Franks reached the imperial tent, shouted aloud, and began to fend off all who attacked them.

The imperial army was startled out of its security when the loud shouts of the warlike Franks were heard without warning and, equally terrified, confused, and destitute of guidance, fled from the scene. The soldiers abandoned everything and fled for three miles, as though each one saw a sword threatening his neck. Duke Raymond kept his ground as the Greeks fled with their emperor, not wishing to pursue such great numbers further with his few men, but setting bounds to their triumph he entered his city of Antioch, bringing great joy to the inhabitants through God's gift. When the sun had risen the citizens emerged and found rich spoils in the Greek tents, which they seized eagerly and carried ? Orderic is alone in saying that Raymond turned back before reaching Ba'rin; William of Tyre is probably right in implying that he took part in the relief. The episode that follows is pure legend. William of Tyre, probably the most reliable source at this point, says that he and his men slipped into Antioch

through the upper gate by the citadel (RHC Occ. i. 651).

506

V.

IOI

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XIII

in urbem spolia deuexerunt. Porro imperator cum suis fugiendo fatigatus quieuit, confusus et indignans a quo fugatus fuisset inquisiuit, et Aquitanorum audaciam prosperumque euentum agnoscens erubuit. Rursus exercitum congregauit/ et prefatum principem ad colloquium inuitauit. Magnanimus hzros qui prius dederat dimicandi consilium? denuo duci suasit ne respueret pacis colloquium, dicens nunc tractare de pace esse honorabile et ualde commodum. Ille adquieuit, ad concionem abiit eique imperator ait, ‘Antiochena ciuitas de imperio Constantinopolitano est. Buamundus uero princeps omagium patri meo fecit, et cum reliquis proceribus occidentis iurauit;*quod omnia que Turci abstulerant et ipse recuperare posset, sacro imperio restitueret.! Hoc itaque pactum a te qui nunc principaris exigo? et urbem imperii nostri quam usurpas reposco.' Raimundus respondit, 'De auitis conditionibus tecum placitare nolo. Vrbem hanc a rege Ierusalem cum filia principis recepi, eique ut domino fidem promisi. Vestras igitur ratiocinationes ostendam, et persuasionibus ipsius in omnibus obeediam, nec aliquam deliberationem in hoc negocio sine illius consilio faciam." His ita dictis imperator approbans quod fidem domino seruaret, inducias dedit ut prefatum regem expeteret, et quid agendum esset legaliter ab illo indagaret. Cumque legatio huiusmodi ad regem qui tunc zegrotabat destinata fuisset? ipse causa suis necessariis amicis manifestata respondet, ‘Omnes satis nouimus, ut a maioribus iam dudum didicimus, Antiochiam de imperio Constantinopolitano esse, et a Turcis quattuordecim dumtaxat annis augusto subtractam sibique subactam fuisse, et reliqua quz imperator asserit de antecessorum pactis nostrorum uera esse. Num debemus ueritatem abnegare, et rectitudini resistere? Nequaquam presertim cum ego graui detineor infirmitate, unde

non possum consanguineo meo succurrere. Nam propter estus et V. IO2

curas atque labores quos perpessus sum, et infirmas escas quibus ! [n the discussion of legal rights that follows Orderic, in common with the western

tradition

both

in Europe

and in the Latin

kingdoms,

believed

the

Emperor’s claims to be based on the oaths of allegiance taken by the crusaders to Alexius Comnenus in 1097. John Comnenus, however, relied on the treaty of Deabolis to which Bohemond had been forced to-agree in 1108 (Yewdale, Bohemond,

pp. 127-30). Orderic is alone in saying that Raymond

went to ask

Fulk's permission at this point; if he saw him at allit is much more probable that he had remained at Ba'rin until Fulk's release and then discussed the question of homage to the Emperor with him. Indeed since the Emperor's army had left

BOOK XIII

$07

back into the city in jubilation. When the Emperor, who was flying with his men, paused in his exhaustion, dazed and angry, to in-

quire who had routed him, he was ashamed to learn of the audacity of the Aquitanians and the success of their exploit. Once more he called together his army and invited Prince Raymond to a

parley. The noble and valiant lord who had previously counselled him to fight now persuaded the duke not to reject a peace conference, saying that it would be both honourable and very advantageous to treat of peace now. He agreed and went out to the meeting, where the Emperor said to him, “The city of Antioch is part of the empire of Constantinople. In fact Prince Bohemond did homage to my father and swore, as did all the other western leaders, that he would restore to the holy Empire everything that the Turks had annexed and he was able to reconquer.! I therefore demand the same promise from you who now rule the principality, and demand the return of this city of our empire, whose rule you have usurped.' Raymond replied, 'I do not wish to dispute with you about inherited rights. I received this city from the king of Jerusalem with the hand of the daughter of its prince, and I swore fealty to him as my lord. Therefore I shall lay your arguments before him, and accept without reserve whatever he proposes; I shall not enter into any consultation in this matter without his approval.’ After he had spoken in this way the Emperor, who thought it right that he should respect his fealty to his lord, granted a truce while he sent to the king to ask what he might lawfully do. When the envoys charged with this mission reached the king, who was ill at the time, he discussed the case with his closest friends and

replied, ‘We are all well aware that, as we have learned in the past from our elders, Antioch is part of the empire of Constantinople, and that it was wrested from the Emperor by the Turks and ruled by them for fourteen years; all the rest of the Emperor’s claims about the treaties of our ancestors are true as well. Ought we to

deny the truth and oppose what is right? On no account, especially now that I am incapacitated by grave ill health and cannot help my kinsman. As a result of the heat and anxieties and hardships which I have endured, and the putrid food which I was reduced to eating Antioch by ro September, less than a fortnight after beginning the siege, there was barely time to send an embassy to Jerusalem later (Chalandon, Jean Com-

néne, p. 133).

508

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infeliciter inclusus in Monte Regali nuper usus sum" letiferam egritudinem cum sodalibus meis incurri, ideoque nunc prepedior consobrino meo ad certamen adminiculari. Nostram igitur

excusationem agnoscentes ite, dominoque uestro ex mea parte dicite, ut pacem cum imperatore faciat, meoque iussu ab ipso cuius iuris est urbem recipiat, et legaliter teneat. Christianus enim est imperator magnzque potentiz, et a Francis honoratus si uult admodum ualet illos adiuuare.' Reuersi uero legati responsa congrue reddiderunt, duoque principes pacem peregrinis et uniuersis in Christo credentibus qui in Grecia siue Siria morabantur commodam inter se confirmauerunt. Raimundus itaque homo factus augusti Antiochiam ab illo accepit, et imperator illi amiciciam et auxilium contra Damascum omnesque gentiles promisit.! Hzc itaque guerra quz per annos ferme xl damnose perdurauit, et per Buamundos eorumque successores contra Alexium orta et actitata innumeris milibus uincula perniciemque et multa detrimenta contulit? fauente Deo nunc sub principibus Iohanne augusto et Raimundo Pictauensi multis utriusque partis gaudentibus cessauit.?

V. 103

35 Anno ab incarnatione Domini McxxxvrI indictione prima? Ludouicus iuuenis rex Francorum apud Bituricam in Natale Domini coronatus est, ibique ingens curia nobilium et mediocrium uirorum de omni Gallia et Aquitania aliisque circumsitis nationibus aggregata est.? Illuc metropolitani presules eorumque suffraganei conuenerunt, illuc consules alizque dignitates confluxerunt, suumque famulatum* nouo regi exhibuerunt. Petrus Anacletus qui sedem apostolicam fere vii annis usurpauerat, in kathedra sedens viii kalendas Februarii subita morte decessit, atque ut fertur a fratribus suis, filiis uidelicet Petri Leonis, quorum in urbe Roma maxima potestas est, ita occultatur, ut ubi cadauer eius sepultum sit ignoretur. * The terms whereby Raymond agreed to hold Antioch by hereditary right as

a fief of the Emperor are given by Cinnamus (RHC Grecs, i. 214) and William of Tyre (RHC Occ. i. 652-3). 2 'The remainder of the page (about six lines) is left blank in the manuscript. ? Since Orderic began the new year on Christmas day the date of this assem-

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recently when through mischance I was besieged in [Montferrand], I have contracted a fatal sickness, like all my companions, and therefore am prevented from aiding my kinsman in battle.

Now that you know our excuse, go and tell your lord from me that he should make peace with the Emperor, and at my bidding receive the city from him to whom it justly belongs and so hold it rightfully. For the Emperor is a Christian who has far-reaching power; if he is respected by the Franks he can, should he so wish, help them greatly.’ The envoys returned and delivered the message in suitable terms, whereupon the two princes ratified a treaty of peace beneficial to pilgrims and all the believers in Christ living in Greece and Syria. So Raymond became the Emperor's vassal and received Antioch from him, and the Emperor promised to be his friend and provide help against Damascus and all the pagans.! In this way the war, which had dragged on perniciously for almost forty years, and had been begun and carried on against Alexius by the Bohemonds and their successors, bringing captivity, death, and much suffering to countless thousands, was by God's will now brought to an end under the Emperor John and Prince Raymond the Poitevin, to the delight of many men on both sides.?

2 In the year of our Lord 1138, the first indiction, Louis le Jeune,

king of France, was crowned at Bourges on Christmas day, and a great court was assembled, attended by nobles and middling men from all over France and Aquitaine and other regions round about.? There the metropolitan bishops and their suffragans, the counts, and other men of rank came together and offered their service* to the new king. Peter Anacletus, who had usurped the papal see for about seven years, died suddenly as he was sitting in his episcopal chair on 25 January,5 and—so it is said—his body has been hidden by his brothers, the sons of Peter Leonis, who have great power in the city of Rome, in such a way that no one knows where it is buried. bly was 25 December 1137. I can find no evidence in French chronicles of a further coronation; probably the assembly was simply a great court. 4 Orderic uses the word ‘famulatus’ to imply various kinds of service, not

necessarily homage. 5 Anacletus died on 25 January 1138.

510

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Sequenti quoque mense fama longe personuit, quod Rogerius Apuliz dux defunctus esset,! quem prefatus scismaticus in regem Sicilie consecrauerat, dataque sorore sua sibi ad perturbandum zecclesiz ius asciuerat. Porro Lotharius imperator ut Rogerii occasum audiuit, in Apuliam festinauit’ eamque sibi secundum morem antiquum statumque Romanorum subiugare satagit. 36

V. 104

V. 105

Stephanus uero rex cum in Angliam uenisset, et machinationem quorundam contra publicam regni utilitatem comperisset? indignatus contra rebelles importune arma sustulit, et prohibente fratre suo Henrico Guentoniensi presule Bedafordum obsedit:? ibique Natale Domini hibernis ingruentibus pluuiis laboriose peregit, et nichil profecit. Nam filii. Rodberti de Bello campo? munitionem fortiter tenuerunt, neque regi donec prefatus presul frater eius adesset aliquo modo humiliati sunt. Non enim debitam subiectionem siue seruitium domino denegare suo decreuerunt, sed quia regem Hugoni cognomento Pauperi^ filiam Simonis de Bello campo dedisse cum patris honore audierunt, totam hereditatem suam amittere uerentes consultu amicorum pertinaciter restiterunt. Tandem pontifici post quinque septimanas aduenienti adquieuerunt, et per eius consilium quod utile sibi opinabantur et opem cum rege pacificati sunt? et oppidum reddiderunt. In Normannia Rainaldus de Dunstaniuilla5 filius Henrici regis prouinciam Constantini turbabat, et sorori sue fauens Andegauinis adherebat. Balduinum quoque de Raduariis® et Stephanum de Magnauilla? aliosque Stephani regis inimicos secum habebat, 1 This sentence originally read, ‘Sequenti quoque mense Rogerius Apulie dux defunctus est', and has been corrected in the original hand. Orderic's first draft must have been written before the news that the rumours were wrong had reached him, as the present tense in the final sentence indicates. The whole

entry appears to have been misplaced. Roger was seriously ill in the winter of 1134/5, and rumours

of his death spread (AT iii. 1, p. 129); these rumours

encouraged the renewal of a league of his enemies. Lothair's expedition took place in late 1136 and early 1137. Lothair himself died on 4 December

a little before Anacletus

(Chalandon,

Domination normande,

1137,

ii. 57-83). The

correct place for the entry would have been at the end of chapter Orderic says, wrongly, that Roger married a sister of Anacletus.

15, where

2 'The siege of Bedford began about Christmas 1137, and lasted until the end of January. There are accounts of it in GS, pp. 31-3, JW, pp. 45-6, H. Hunt., p. 260; see also Regesta, iii. 342. Orderic alone mentions Henry of Winchester. 3 The castellan was Miles of Beauchamp.

4 The younger brother of Robert of Leicester and Waleran of Meulan. 5 Reginald of Dunstanville was one of Henry Is illegitimate sons; see GEC xi,

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The following month there was a widespread rumour of the death of Roger, duke of Apulia,! whom the schismatic Pope had anointed as king of Sicily and, after giving him his sister in marriage, had made his instrument in subverting the laws of the Church. When the Emperor Lothair heard news of Roger’s death he hurried to Apulia and is attempting to bring it under his rule in accordance with ancient custom and the dignity of the Romans. 36

When King Stephen had come to England and had learnt of the plots of certain men against the general welfare of the kingdom, he angrily but unseasonably took up arms against the rebels and besieged Bedford, against the advice of his brother Henry, bishop of Winchester.? There he spent Christmas in the heavy winter rains and, after a great struggle, accomplished nothing. For the sons of Robert of Beauchamp? defended the castle courageously, and would not submit to the king on any terms until his brother the bishop arrived. It was not that they intended to withhold the obedience and service due to their lord but, having heard that the king had given the daughter of Simon of Beauchamp in marriage to Hugh le Poer* with her father's honor and fearing to lose their whole inheritance, they had taken the advice of friends to put up a stout opposition. However, when the bishop arrived five weeks later they submitted to him, and on his advice, which they judged favourable to their interests, and with his help they made peace with the king and surrendered the castle. In Normandy Reginald of Dunstanville,5 a son of King Henry,

made trouble in the Cotentin and supported the Angevins, because he favoured his sister's cause. On his side were Baldwin of Redvers$ and Stephen of Mandeville? and other enemies of King App. D, pp. 107-8; Sanders, p. 14; he was created earl of Cornwall in 1141 (Davis, Stephen, pp. 139-40). $ Baldwin of Redvers (Reviers), earl of Devon.

He had rebelled at Exeter

and later had resisted in the Isle of Wight before crossing to Normandy. See GS, pp. 20-4, 29-30; JW, p. 41; H. Hunt., p. 259. 7 Stephen of Mandeville was one of the Mandevilles of Earl Stoke (Wilts.),

whose family came from Magneville (Manche, cant. Briquebec); see Loyd, pp. 57-8. They were not connected with the earls of Essex. G.S, p. 112, calls him ‘uir illustris militarisque industrie praecluis'. He was closely associated with Baldwin of Redvers, and later went on a pilgrimage with him (cf. Wulfric of Haselbury by John of Ford, ed. Maurice Bell, Somerset Record Society, xlvii,

1932, C. 93, p. 119).

512

v. 106

V. 107

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XIII

sed Rogerius uicecomes! acriter ipsis obstabat, patriamque protegens hostes a peruersis conatibus insigniter resistebat. Hostibus admodum terribilis in primis uisus est’ sed in huius seculi salo nulla potentia longa est. Inimici siquidem eius prosperitati nimis inuidentes insidias illi parauerunt, et perniciem eius machinati sunt. Quadam die cursores ad diripiendam przdam destinauerunt, et quidam milites in latebris abditi sanguinem fundere auide prestolati sunt. Orto autem clamore Rogerius arma cum suis arripuit" et predones cum preda persequens in manus insidiantium incidit. At illi ut famelici leones de insidiis prosilientes incautos percusserunt, et Rogerium pro uita sua uociferantem et multa pollicentem absque misericordia iugulauerunt. Rectore itaque interfecto totus pagus desolatus est? ac predonum rabies super pagenses immoderate seuiens admodum effrenata est. Mense Ianuario Simon Rufus? Balduini filius Rodberto Geroii filio? permittente castrum Escalfou introiuit, et aggregata secum turma satellitum terram Rodberti comitis de Legrecestra in Ebroicensi presulatu deuastare cepit. Erat enim miles acerrimus, audax et manu promptus, largus commilitonibus, et in duris exercitiis obstinatus, ideoque ad arduos et truces ausus temerarius. Denique ut ipse depopulationem patrie inchoauit, Riboldus frater eius ad nefas eidem adhesit, ipsumque in munitione quz Pons Erchenfredi dicitur suscepit. Guillelmus autem Fraxinellus+ et sex fratres eius et Alannus de Tanetos ac Ernaldus dapifer comitis® et oppidani Glotenses insurrexerunt, ac Pontem Erchenfredi et Monasteriolum atque circumiacentes uicos combusserunt. Tam feralis furia utrosque inuasit, et in tantum nefas omnes precipitauit, ut nullam sanctis locis reuerentiam seruarent, nec religiosis hominibus uel innocentibus uillanis uiduisque parcerent, nec sanctis diebus quadragesima manus studiumque a scelere cohercerent. Biennales treuiz quz inter regem et Andegauensem Iosfredum pactz sunt? pluribus modis contaminate sunt. Satellites enim comitissz in quadragesima Radulfum de Axone? uirum potentem ! See above, p. 494 n. 2. Orderic later calls him a kinsman of Ralph the Red of Pont-Échanfray (cf. below, p. 534). 3 Probably the son of Robert son of Robert Giroie, for whom 294-6. 4 A son of Richard of Fresnel; see above, pp. 218, 222.

see above, iv.

BOOK XIII

513

Stephen, but Roger the vicomte! opposed them resolutely and protected the region, resisting the ill-advised attacks of his enemies with distinction. At first he appeared formidable to his enemies, but in the ebb and flow of this world no power endures for long. His rivals, very jealous of his success, prepared an ambush for him and plotted to destroy him. They sent out raiders to seize booty one day, while a number of knights lay hidden in ambush waiting tensely to shed his blood. When an outcry arose Roger and

his men snatched up their arms and set out in pursuit of the bandits carrying off the booty, only to fall into the hands of the men who lay in hiding. These, leaping from their ambush like famished lions, unexpectedly attacked them and cut Roger's throat, showing no mercy although he pleaded for his life and made great promises. The whole region was left desolate once its protector was killed, and savage bands of looters were let loose to prey without pity on the country-people. In January Simon the Red,? the son of Baldwin, occupied the stronghold of Echauffour with the permission of Robert, son of Giroie;? gathering around himself a troop of retainers he began to pillge the land of Robert, earl of Leicester, in the diocese of Évreux. He was a most active knight, bold and dextrous, generous to his companions, resolute in tight places, and therefore daring in grim and difficult enterprises. After he had started to ravage the country his brother Ribold joined him in the evil work, and received him into his castle of Pont-Échanfray. William Fresnel* and his six brothers, Alan of Tannée5

and Arnold, the earl's

steward,® and the garrison of Glos-la-Ferriére rose in arms and burnt Pont-Échanfray, Montreuil-l'Argillié, and the villages around. Such deadly fury possessed both sides and goaded everyone to such outrages that they showed no reverence for holy places, spared no men of religion or harmless peasants and widows, and did not restrain their hands from doing evil or their minds from planning it in the holy season of Lent. The two-year truce which had been agreed between the king and Geoffrey of Anjou was violated in many ways. The countess's retainers captured Ralph of Esson,? a powerful lord, in Lent and 5 Probably from Tannée, a hamlet between Saint-Évroul and Cisai-SaintAubin. 6 Arnold of Bois-Arnaud, steward of the earl of Leicester; see above, p. 250

n-27 Esson (Calvados, canton Thury-Harcourt).

514

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XIII

comprehenderunt, dominaque suz uinculis artandum tradiderunt. Quem ipsa diu tenuit, nec abire donec sibi munitiones suas redderet permisit. At contra Engelrannus de Saia! aliique regii clientes Rainaldum et Balduinum? extra castrum de Vlmo pertinaciter reppererunt? et commissa comminus pugna Balduinum et alios plures ceperunt. Ibi nimirum dum maxime pugnaretur: et adhuc in dubio esset cui uictoria daretur, quidam de parentibus et amicis Rogerii uicecomitis ut locum et tempus ultionis nacti sunt: strictis ensibus in suos conuersi plures de interfectoribus illius occiderunt, et sic aduersz parti uictoria pompam procurauerunt. Ecce sicut Dominus ait, ‘qui acceperit gladium gladio peribit’’3 furialis societas que Rogerium Nigelli filium paulo ante crudeliter trucidauit, ab amicis illius ex improuiso percussa inter suos decidit. Eodem tempore Theodericus Flandrensis satrapa filiam suam filio Stephani regis coniugem dedit? totumque ducatum Flandrie dimisit.* Deinde crucem Domini accepit, et Ierusalem perrexit5 indeque regressus puerum cui filiam suam spoponderat [ m

37 v. 108

Mense Maio Gualerannus comes et Guillelmus de Ipro in Normanniam transfretauerunt, et nimis turbatz regioni subuenire conati sunt. In primis contra Rogerium de Conchis arma leuauerunt? sed fortuna uariante bellicosum militem ac ad resistendum sibi paratum reppererunt. Vnde furorem suum super pagenses iaculati sunt, et utrique ad praedam currentes incendiis et rapinis prouinciam deuastauerunt, direptisque rebus necessariis inermem populum desolationi subdiderunt. Andegauensis Iosfredus mense [unio in Normanniam cum militari manu uenit, et Rodber-

tum comitem Gloucestra precibus et promissis ad suam partem ! Engelram (Ingelram, Ingram) of Sai was a son of Jordan of Sai (Regesta, ii. 1544; Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 297-8). He was a frequent witness of Stephen's charters. ? Reginald of Dunstanville and Baldwin of Redvers.

3 Cf. Matthew xxvi. 52. 4 There is no evidence that any son of Stephen was ever betrothed to a daughter of Count Thierry. 5 William of Tyre (RHC Occ. i. 665) also refers to a visit of Thierry of Alsace, count of Flanders, to Jerusalem in 1139; he had married as his second wife

Sibyl, daughter of King Fulk. $ 'The text has been much revised and was never completed. The end of the

BOOK

XIII

515

handed him over to their lady to be kept in fetters. She kept him for a long time and would not release him until he handed over his castles to her. On the other side Engelram of Sai! and other dependants of the king relentlessly hunted down Reginald and Baldwin? outside the castle of Isle-Marie, where they joined close battle with them and captured Baldwin and many others. Whilst the battle was at its height and the issue still hung in doubt some kinsmen and friends of Roger the vicomte judged the place and time suitable for revenge, drew their swords against their own men and killed a number of his murderers. In this way they were responsible for the glorious victory of the opposing party. Just as the Lord says, ‘He that takes the sword shall perish by the sword’, the terrible conspirators who had butchered Roger, son of Nigel, shortly before were struck down unexpectedly by his friends and fell in the midst of their own men. At about the same time Thierry, count of Flanders, gave his daughter in marriage to King Stephen's son and left the whole duchy of Flanders in his hand.* Then he took the Cross and went to Jerusalem ;5 on his return he [ ] the boy to whom he had betrothed his daughter. 37 In May Count Waleran and William of Ypres crossed to Normandy and tried to bring relief to the sorely vexed province. First they took arms against Roger of Conches, but times had changed and they found him a warlike knight, ready to resist them. They therefore turned their rage on the people of the province; both of them took to plunder and ravaged the country, burning and robbing, and reduced the helpless people to indigence by carrying off the necessities of life. In June Geoffrey of Anjou entered Normandy with a strong army, brought Robert, earl of Gloucester, over to his side with pleas and promises, and through sentence after et Ierusalem was scratched out and a correction inserted in faint ink in the original hand; after spoponderat the words of the second version were

scratched out and never replaced. Orderic probably found that whatever he had written was wrong, possibly when he had news of the betrothal of Stephen's son, Eustace, to Constance, sister of the King of France, in 1140, but was uncertain of the real facts. This has given difficulty to copyists. MS. B wisely, and I think

correctly, left a blank after spoponderat; MS. D added mortuum inuenit; Le Prévost suggested ‘puerum cui filiam in uxorem dederat sibi coniunxit', but the partially erased letters do not permit this reading.

516

V. 109

inclinauit, per quem Baiocas et Cadomum et plura Normanniz oppida sibi subiugauit.! In Anglia uero presules et oppidani quamplures ut prefatum comitem cuius potestas magna erat in utrisque regnis Andegauensibus adminiculari audierunt, nequitiam quam penes se occultabant protulerunt, et contra regem rebellauerunt. Mense Iulio Gualerannus comes et Guillelmus de Ipro dolentes quod per intestinam proditionem hostes preualuerint, atque Normannos qui externos hostes in exteris sedibus superauerant plerunque iam conculcauerint?" Radulfum de Parrona? cum cc militibus ad auxilium sui accersierunt, aliosque auxiliares undique conuocantes in Andegauinos ire decreuerunt. Rodbertus autem de Curceio? comiti

V.

IIO

BOOK XIII

Iosfredo

nuncium

confestim

direxit,

et machinationem

suorum eidem intimauit’ mandans ut ocius de Normannia egrederetur, maioremque sibi opportunitatem prestolaretur. Quo audito protinus cum suis meticulosus recessit, unde aduersariorum conglobata multitudo admodum doluit, quod hostilis exercitus repentina discessione euaserit. Verum ne mille milites frustra congregati uiderentur, et sine aliqua probitate ad sua regrederentur^ Cadomum adierunt, prouinciam undique depopulati sunt? et castrenses extrahere de munitione conati sunt. Sed Rodbertus comes factiones utriusque partis ualde metuit? ideoque cum centum militibus callide intus delituit. Equites solummodo xl egressi sunt" et in stricto calle super Olnam hostibus occurrerunt, et utrique nimis atrociter conflixerunt. Ibi Rodbertus Bertrannus* et Iohannes de Iorra5 nobiles et pulchri milites occisi sunt? et plures ex utraque parte uulnerati sunt pro quorum infortunio tristi plures contristati sunt. Prefatus comes Gloucestrz per quem magnz perturbationis occasio surrexerat, dono Henrici regis patris sui potentiam in Anglia possidebat, diuitiis et oppidis uirisque ferocibus pollebat. Nam munitionem Gloucestrz et Cantuariz seruabat, oppida * Robert of Gloucester had certainly allied himself with Geoffrey of Anjou

before June 1138. William of Malmesbury (WM HN, p. 23) states that Robert sent representatives immediately after Whitsuntide (22 May) renouncing his homage. Robert of Torigny put the agreement about Easter (R. Tor. (RS), p. 136).

* Ralph, count of Vermandois, who brought a contingent of French knights.

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517

him gained possession of Bayeux and Caen and numerous Norman strongholds.! In England a considerable number of bishops and castellans, on learning that the earl, who was very powerful in both kingdoms, had joined the Angevins, revealed the evil designs they had cherished in secret and rebelled against the king. In July Count Waleran and William of Ypres, regretting that the enemy had gained an advantage through treason from within and had dealt many hard blows at the Normans—men who had formerly conquered their external enemies in foreign lands—called to their aid Ralph of Péronne? with two hundred knights, summoned their other allies from all sides, and resolved to advance against the Angevins. But Robert of Courcy? immediately sent a messenger to Count Geoffrey, revealing the plans of his party and advising him to leave Normandy as quickly as possible and wait for a more favourable opportunity. On receiving this news the count retired at once in alarm with his men, so that the assembled force of his adversaries was bitterly disappointed by the sudden withdrawal of the opposing army. However, so as not to have assembled a thousand knights to no purpose and be obliged to return home without any show of valour, they advanced to Caen, laid waste the region all around, and tried to tempt the garrison out of the castle. But Earl Robert, who feared the factions on both sides, craftily remained hidden with a hundred knights inside the castle. Only forty knights rode out; these engaged the enemy in a narrow path above the Orne and both sides fought with ferocity. Two noble and handsome knights, Robert Bertrand* and John of Jors,5 lost their lives there, and many were wounded on both sides, so that many people had reason to mourn their fate. Robert, earl of Gloucester, who had been the cause of the great disturbance, enjoyed immense power in England through the grants of his father, King Henry, and had at his command wealth, castles, and warlike vassals. He had charge of Gloucester castle and 3 The genealogy of the Courcy family is confused, but there can be no doubt

that this was Robert of Courcy who had been steward of Henry I but not of Stephen; he witnessed charters of Stephen up to November 1137, and attested for Matilda before 1139. He was prominent as steward and justice under Geoffrey (Regesta, iii, pp. xxii, xxx, xxxvi, xxxvii).

4 Robert Bertrand came from Briquebec (Le Prévost, v. 109 n. 4). 5 Saint-Évroul had been given the tithe of three mills at Jors (Calvados, cant. Coulibeuf); see above, iii. 164. 822242

S

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518

XIII

quoque munitissima Brihstou et Ludas atque Doueram habebat.! Vnde multi eidem fauentes rebellando regem offenderunt, et prouincias sibi contiguas furiis agitati perturbauerunt, multisque modis depopulati sunt. In primis enim Goisfredus cognomento Talabot Herfordam urbem inuasit, ibique scelerosis complicibus ad nefas aggregatis in regem rebellauit.2 Gualchelinus autem cognomento Maminot tenuit V.

III

Doueram,?

et

Rodbertus

Alueredi

de

Lincolia

filius*

arcem Guarham? et Morgan Gualus* Vcham, et Guillelmus de Mouné Donestornam. Guillelmus uero iuuenis cognomento Peuerellus quattuor oppida habebat, id est Brunam, Elesmaram, Obre-

tonam et Guitentonam,? et his turgidus augebat rebellantium turmam. Radulfus autem Lupellus® munitionem quam Cari nominant tenuit, Guillelmus uero filius Iohannis? Harpetro muniuit, aliisque rebellibus associatus natale solum inquietare sategit. Porro Dauid Scotiz rex propter fraudulentam inuitationem factiosorum a quibus ad patrie detrimentum lacessitus fuerat, seu propter iusiurandum quod iubente Henrico rege iam nepti suze fecerat/!? pestiferos regni perturbatores pro fauore Andegauensium adiuuabat. Carduilum quippe ualidissimum oppidum quod Iulius Cesar ut dicunt condidit tenebat:!! ibique Scottorum ferocissimam manum collocauerat. Illi nimirum Angliam crudeliter inuaserunt, finitimosque populos bello impetierunt, et beluino more barbariem suam in eis exercuerunt. Nulli enim parcebant, sed iuuenes et senes pariter interficiebant, mulieres quoque pregnantes seuo ense dissectis uisceribus enecabant. ! Robert had been granted through his wife, Mabel, daughter and heir of Robert fitz Hamon, the honors of Gloucester in England, Glamorgan in Wales,

and Sainte-Scholasse-sur-Sarthe in Normandy. On the death of Mabel's uncle, Haimo sheriff of Kent, before 1130, Robert received his estates also (Douglas, Domesday Monachorum, p. 55). For his position in Bristol and Gloucester and

Leeds see also R. B. Patterson, Earldom of Gloucester Charters (Oxford, 1973), p. 4; H. Hunt., p. 261. 2 Geoffrey’s revolt is fully described in JW, pp. 49-50, and mentioned in H.

Hunt., p. 261. 3 For Walchelin Maminot

of Dover see Loyd, p. 57; Eyton, Shropshire, x.

233. He witnessed charters of Stephen until 1137 and of Matilda and young Henry from 1141 (Regesta, iii, passim).

* For Alfred of Lincoln and his son Robert, important barons in Dorset, see Sanders, p. 99; Wulfric of Haselbury

P. 154. They were

benefactors

(Somerset

of Montacute

Record

Society, xlvii, 1932),

priory (Montacute cartulary,

Somerset Record Society, viii, 1894, no. 118).

5 Morgan ab Owain ap Caradoc; see Lloyd, Wales, ii. 478. $ For William

II of Mohun

see Sanders, p. 114; Loyd, p. 66. His revolt is

described in GS, pp. 54-5, under the year 1139.

BOOK

XIII

519

Canterbury, and held the very powerful fortresses of Bristol, Leeds, and Dover.! Consequently many of his adherents rose in rebellion against the king; driven by Furies they created havoc in regions round them and thoroughly devastated the country. First Geoffrey Talbot took possession of the town of Hereford and, assembling his unscrupulous confederates, rebelled against the king.? Walchelin Maminot held Dover,? and Robert the son of Alfred of Lincoln, ^Wareham castle; Morgan the Welshman,5 Usk, and William of Mohun,$ Dunster. Young William Peverel had four castles, Bourne, Ellesmere, Overton, and Whittington?

and, proud in his possession, joined the rebel band. Ralph Lovel® too held the castle of Cary, William fitz John? fortified Harptree and, joining forces with the other rebels, devoted himself to disturbing the peace of his native land. Moreover David, king of Scotland, gave his help to the pernicious disturbers of the realm in support of the Angevins, either in response to the base invitation of the rebels who had incited him to ravage their country, or on account of the oath which at King Henry's bidding he had sworn to his niece.'? He held Carlisle, a very strong town which Julius

Caesar is said to have founded," and gathered a fierce band of Scots there. ''hese men invaded England with the utmost brutality, made war on the peoples of the borders, and gave full rein to their barbarity, treating them with bestial cruelty. They spared no one, killing young and old alike, and even butchered pregnant women by savagely disembowelling them with their swords. 7 Eyton, Shropshire, x. 233 n. 1, identifies the castles of William Peverel as Ellesmere (Salop), Bourne (Cambs.), Overton (Flints.), (Salop). 8 See Sanders, p. 27, for the Lovels of Castle Cary.

and

Whittington

9 William fitz John of Harptree was related to the Mandevilles of Earl Stoke through his wife Denise (Sanders, p. 64). The sieges of Harptree and Castle Cary in the summer of 1138 are described in JW, p. 50; GS, pp. 44-6. 19 This is Orderic’s only reference to any of the oaths sworn to Matilda by the leading barons of England and Normandy, which occupy so prominent a place

in the English chronicles. The oath is mentioned as one reason for King David’s invasion by GS, pp. 35-6, and H. Hunt., pp. 260-1; Hexham, in SD ii. 287.

cf. also JW, p. 51, John of

1 King David had gained possession of Carlisle during his first invasion, and his son Henry had a claim to it; cf. Davis, Stephen, p. 21; John of Hexham in SD ii. 287; and for the general background G. W. S. Barrow, "T'he Anglo-Scottish border’, in Northern History, i(1966), 25-8. The legend of its foundation by Julius

Caesar probably comes from some source such as the lost Gesta Romanorum (see above, iii, p. xxv). Geoffrey of Monmouth attributes the foundation to King Lear.

520

V.

II2

V. II3

BOOK

XIII

Stephanus autem rex contra tot insurgentes acutum ensem exercuit, et donis seu promissis aut robusta manu pugnatorum hostes sibi subegit. Rodbertum siquidem de Stotesburia probum militem legitimumque comitem Derbiciz constituit,! et Gislebertum de Clara comitem de Pembroc sullimauit,? per quos Gualchelinum Maminotum et Lupellum aliosque plures qui amici uel affines eorum erant sibi complacauit. Rebellantibus itaque ut iam dixi plurimis animosus rex ira commotus est: et triplici exercitu inimicorum propugnacula expugnare conatus est. Ipse in primis Herfordam urbem que super Guaiam fluuium inter Anglos et Gualos collimitanea erat obsedit, et a ciuibus atque prouincialibus ut naturalis dominus gratanter susceptus oppidum cepit, et Goisfredo Talabot fugato aliis qui intus erant misericorditer pepercit.) Regina uero Doueram cum ualida manu per terram obsedit, et Boloniensibus amicis ac parentibus suis atque alumnis ut per mare hostes cohiberent mandauit. Porro Bolonienses dominz suz iussa libenter amplectentes famulatum suum ei exhibent, nauiumque multitudine operiunt illud fretum quod strictum est ne castrenses sibi aliquatenus procurarent.* Interea Rodbertus de Ferrarüs quem rex sicut dictum est Derbiciz consulem ordinauit, Gualchelinum generum suum allocutus regi pacificauit, et prefatam munitionem ei subiugauit. Gislebertus uero de Clara Esledas castellum obsedit, et oppidanos usque ad deditionem coartauit.5 Guillelmus Alanni filius municeps et uicecomes Scrobesburiz, qui habebat in coniugio neptem Rodberti comitis Gloucestre: fauere illi uolens in regem rebellauit, et predictam urbem contra illum fere uno mense tenuit. Tandem mense Augusto regia uirtute uictus aufugit? et rex forti assultu munitionem subegit.7 ! Robert of ''utbury (i.e. Ferrers) was said by Richard of Hexham (Chronicles

of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, RS 1884-9, iii. 165) to have been made earl of Derby in 1138 after the battle of the Standard; see also Davis, Stephen, p. 136.

2 Gilbert, son of Gilbert of Clare, earl of Pembroke, and uncle of Gilbert, son of Richard, who became earl of Hertford. See Davis, Stephen, p. 133; M. Altschul,

A Baronial Family, The Clares (Baltimore, 1965), Tables I and III.

It is sometimes impossible to distinguish between the two Earl Gilberts. 3 For the capture of Hereford in June 1138 see JW, pp. 49-50. * Queen Matilda was the daughter and heir of Eustace III, count of Boulogne. H. Hunt., p. 261, also mentions the siege of Dover. 5 Leeds castle was captured soon after Christmas, 1138 (H. Hunt., p. 265; R. Tor. (RS), p. 136; Regesta, iii, p. xli). 6 William fitz Alan was the son of Alan fitz Flaald, who had held land in

BOOK XIII

521

Nevertheless King Stephen turned his sharp sword against all these insurgents and brought his enemies to heel, either with gifts and promises or with the strong arms of his soldiers. He created Robert of Tutbury, a brave and loyal knight, earl of Derby,! and raised Gilbert of Clare to be earl of Pembroke,? and worked through them to conciliate Walchelin Maminot, Lovel, and various others who were their friends or neighbours. But the proud-spirited king was fuming with anger against many of the rebels, as I have said, and attempted to take the castles of his enemies by sending out three forces. He himself first of all besieged Hereford, a town on the river Wye which separated the Welsh from the English, and since he was welcomed by the citizens and people of the province as their rightful lord he captured the castle; after driving out Geoffrey Talbot he mercifully spared the others who were inside.3 Secondly, the queen besieged Dover with a strong force on the land side, and sent word to her friends and kinsmen and dependants in Boulogne to blockade the foe by sea. The people of Boulogne proved obedient, gladly carried out their lady's commands and, with a great fleet of ships, closed the narrow strait to prevent the garrison receiving any supplies.* Meanwhile Robert of Ferrers, whom the king had made earl of Derby as I have said, persuaded his son-inlaw Walchelin to make peace with the king and surrender Dover castle to him. 'Thirdly, Gilbert of Clare besieged Leeds and reduced the garrison to submission.5 William fitz Alan, the castellan and sheriff of Shrewsbury, who had married a niece of Robert, earl of Gloucester, and inclined to

his party, rebelled against the king and held the town of Shrewsbury against him for about a month. At length in August he succumbed to the royal power and fled, and the king captured the castle in a determined assault.7 Arnulf of Hesdin, young William’s Shropshire by 1114, and received the whole fee of Reginald of Bailleul after the death of Reginald's son Hugh. William himself in time succeeded to much of the Belléme inheritance in Shropshire, but the earldom was not revived. This is the first reference to his holding the office of sheriff (probably as successor to Pain fitz John, who died in July 1137); he reappears in that office in 1155 (PR, 2

Henry II, p. 43). His wife Christina may have been a niece of Robert of Gloucester, though the term zeptis is sometimes more loosely used of other kinswomen. See Eyton, Shropshire, vii. 211-41; Sanders, p. 70; VCH Shropshire, ii. 62-3. 7 Cf. the account of the siege in JW, pp. 50-1; John of Worcester says that William got away with his wife and sons before the king arrived, 'relictis in castello

quisibi in non reddendo illo fidelitatem iuraverant'. Stephen was at Shrewsbury 22-27 August 1138 (Regesta, iii, p. xli, no. 132).

522

V. 114

BOOK

XIII

Arnulfus de Hesdingo prefati iuuenis auunculus,! bellicosus miles ac temerarius, multoties a rege oblatam pacem superbe respuit, insuper et iniuriosa regi uerba iaculari presumpsit, et alios qui sese dedere uolebant in rebellione pertinaciter perstare coegit. Denique capta munitione cum multis aliis ipse comprehensus est, et principi quem contempserat oblatus est. Rex autem quia pro mansuetudine sua contemptibilis contumacibus uidebatur, ideoque multi nobilium ad curiam eius asciti uenire dedignabantur, iratus Arnulfum aliosque fere xciii de his qui ei obstiterant iussit patibulo suspendi, aliisque generibus mortis festinanter puniri. Arnulfus quippe sero poenitens aliique plures regi pro se supplicauerunt, multamque pecuniam pro redemptione sui promiserunt? sed rege ultionem scelerum multis auri ponderibus preponente protinus trucidati sunt. 'l'urgidi autem complices eorum tanta seueritate regis audita nimis territi sunt? tremulique in triduo ad regem accurrerunt, et uarias excusationes quod tamdiu tardauerint commentati sunt. Quidam etiam munitionum suarum claues detulerunt? seruitiumque suum regi supplices optulerunt, et compressis aliquantulum seditiosis desertoribus amatores pacis letati sunt. Eadem septimana Stephano regi similis fortuna in alia regni parte blandita est. Nam comes Albzmarle et Rogerius de Molbraio contra regem Scotiz pugnauerunt, et interfecta multitudine Scottorum regem fugauerunt, cademque truculentam quam illi super Anglos absque omni reuerentia Christianz religionis iam pridem exercuerant ulti sunt. Scotti nempe minacem gladium metuentes ad aquam fugerunt, et in ingens flumen nomine Zedam sine uado irruerunt, mortemque fugientes a morte protinus absorpti sunt. Post diutinam duorum regum guerram, et atrociter ab utrisque ad multorum detrimentum exercitatam, legati pacis diuinitus exciti sunt: et inter ambos reges qui damnis et cedibus assiduisque 1 Arnulf II of Hesdin, whose father Arnulf had died on the first crusade. His

sister Aveline or Evelyn was William fitz Alan's mother (Sanders, pp. 7o n. 7, 124; Freeman,

William Rufus, ii. 65-6; Loyd, p. 51).

? JW, p. 51, says that five 'viri nobiliores! were hanged; H. Hunt., p. 261, that

'captorum nonnullos suspendit'. Orderic's figure of about 93 may, however, be correct, if he included humbler persons and those who were put to death in

other ways. He had special knowledge of Shrewsbury. 3 The battle of the Standard was fought on 22 August 1138, on a moor two

miles east of Northallerton. The best contemporary accounts are the Relatio de

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uncle, who was a bold and headstrong knight, proudly rejected repeated offers of peace made by the king, and besides this presumed to speak contemptuously of the king and stubbornly forced others who wished to surrender to persist in their rebellion. When at last the castle was taken he was captured with a great many others and handed over to the king whom he had insulted. The king, because unruly men regarded his gentleness with contempt and many great lords scorned to come to his court when summoned, commanded in his anger that Arnulf and about

ninety-three of the men who had defied him should be hanged on gibbets or put to death in some other fashion without delay.? Arnulf, penitent too late, and many others begged the king to spare their lives and promised great sums of money for their redemption; but the king preferred revenge for the crimes they had committed to any weight of gold, and they were executed immediately. When their rash accomplices heard of the king's ruthlessness they were abjectly terrified; within three days they came to the king trembling and offered various excuses for their tardiness. Some of them brought the keys of their castles and begged the king to receive their homage; after the treacherous renegades had been subdued to some extent peace-loving men were greatly heartened. In the same week good fortune also smiled on King Stephen in another part of the realm. The earl of Aumale and Roger of Mowbray fought against the king of Scotland and drove him from the field, killing a great number of Scots and thus avenging the

brutal slaughter of the English without regard for the Christian faith of which they had been guilty.3 The Scots indeed fled from the threatening swords towards the water and rushed into the wide river Tweed where there was no ford, so that many instantly went to their death by drowning while trying to escape from death.

After the war between the two kings had lasted for a long time, created terrible disorder, and brought widespread calamity, a peace-mission was sent out by God's will; travelling to and fro between the two kings, who were exhausted by the slaughter, Standardo of Ailred of Rievaulx in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett (RS 1884-9), iii. 181-99; and the De gestis regis Stephani of Richard of Hexham (ibid. iii. 149-78). John of Hexham in SD ii. 293 also names William of Aumale and Roger of Mowbray, who came of age in that

year, among the leaders (cf. Mowbray Charters, p. xxvi). See also H. Hunt.,

pp. 261-5; JW, pp. 51-2.

524

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curis et laboribus iam fessi erant discurrerunt, ipsosque ad concordiam reuocauerunt.! Henricus itaque filius: Dauid regis Scotiz amiciciam huius-

cemodi approbauit, ac Adelinam

Guillelmi Suthregiz comitis

filiam adamauit, et in coniugium sibi requisiuit.? Necessitudine tali constrictus amicicia Normannorum et Anglorum medullitus adhesit, quia salubre et utillimum hoc fore sibi suisque consultu sapientum perspexit. 38

V. IIS

Interea Normanni in matris suze gremio debachabantur? et plures nequitiz passim peragebantur. Septimo die Septembris Rogerius Toenites militum insignem manum aggregauit, et plures iniurias sibi olim factas uindicare satagens Britolium expugnauit. Comitem quippe Hanaucensem? cum lxxx et Petrum de Manlia* cum xl, Simonem quoque Rufums5 cum xx militibus secum habebat, ualidamque turmam quam ipse de omni dicione sua contraxerat. Denique feruidus Rogerius insigni turma stipatus oppidum ex improuiso expetiit, et iniecto igne ingens damnum imparatis oppidanis ingessit. Trituratores enim per plateas messes cedebant, et ingentes acerui straminis et palez ut autumnus exigit sparsim ante domos iacebant, unde gratum sibi flammz

fomentum facile rapiebant. Sic nimirum opulenta uilla in puncto concremata est: zcclesia etiam beati Sulpicii episcopi et confessoris cum multis opibus burgensium et hominibus qui intus erant proh dolor combusta est. Castellani autem milites ut se preuentos ab hostibus uiderunt" ad munitionem cum plurimis fugientes inimicorum gladio surrepti sunt. Eodem anno concordia inter Rogerium et comites fratres® facta est? a quibus eciam ad Stephanum regem in Angliam adductus eique honorifice reconciliatus est. ! A peace mission was led by the papal legate Alberic, cardinal bishop of Ostia. A truce was arranged at Carlisle at the end of September 1138 (H. Tillmann, Die pápstlichen Legaten in England (Bonn, 1926), pp. 37-8; Richard of Hexham, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I (RS), iii.

167—71). Orderic may have had in mind a number of missions; the second treaty of Durham was agreed on 9 April 1139 (John of Hexham in SD ii. 298-300). 2 Cf. John of Hexham (SD ii. 300), ‘accepit conjugem Ada (sic) sororem Willelmi comitis de Warenne'. She was a half-sister of Robert, earl of Leicester

(White, ‘Waleran’, p. 21).

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destruction, ceaseless anxieties, and hardships, the envoys succeeded in restoring harmony between them.! Henry, the son of King David of Scotland, favoured the agreement; he loved Adelina, the daughter of William earl of Surrey, and asked for her hand in marriage.? Bound by such a close tie, he was whole-heartedly in favour of the pact with the Normans and English, for he saw the force of his counsellors' argument that it would be a valuable source of strength for himself and his people. 38

Meanwhile the Normans were tearing each other to pieces in their native land, and many evil deeds were committed everywhere. On 7 September Roger of Tosny assembled an impressive force of knights and set out to avenge many injuries that had been inflicted on him in the past by storming Breteuil. He had with him the count of Hainault? with eighty knights, Peter of Maule* with forty and Simon the Red5 with twenty, as well as a strong contingent that he had levied from all his dependent lands. Then Roger, eager for the fray and attended by a powerful contingent, attacked the stronghold without warning, set fire to the place, and did immense damage to the garrison, who were caught unprepared. At that time the threshers were threshing the harvest in the wide streets, and great piles of straw and chaff were lying scattered in front of the houses, as happens in autumn; these provided tinder-dry food for the flames. So this very wealthy town was reduced to ashes in a moment; alas! even the church of the blessed Sulpice, bishop and confessor, was burnt, together with

piles of valuables belonging to the burgesses and many men who were inside. When the knights of the garrison saw that the enemy had stolen a march on them they fled towards the citadel with many others and were cut down by the swords of their enemies. In the same year peace was made between Roger and the brother earls® and they escorted him to King Stephen in England, with whom he was reconciled on honourable terms. 3 Roger of Tosny had married Ida, sister of Baldwin IV, count of Hainault (GEC xii (i). 764). The attack on Breteuil was aimed against Robert, earl of Leicester. * Peter II of Maule; see above, iii. 198-200.

5 See above, p. 512. $ Robert of Leicester and Waleran of Meulan.

526

v. 116

V. 117

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Kalendas Octobris Iosfredus Andegauensis Falesiam obsedit, ibique xviii diebus frustra multum laborauit, et nono decimo die nichil lucratus inde recessit.! Ricardus de Luceio? princeps militum in oppido fuit, et cum oppidanis munitionem uiriliter defensauit? apertisque ianuis audacia obsessorum obsidentes cotidie subsannabat, et quia inclusi ciborum et armorum abundantia tumebant ad assultum cum ludibrio prouocabat. Hostes autem in circumitu prouinciam deuastauerunt, zcclesias irreuerenter irruperunt, et sacratis uestibus atque uasis absque timore Dei ablatis sacra loca contaminauerunt, nullique parcentes uulgi spolia et queque poterant diripuerunt. Tandem terrente Deo noctu fugerunt, et "tentoria cum uestibus et armis atque redas? pane et uino aliisque necessariis rebus onustas fugientes reliquerunt, quibus gaudentes oppidani admodum ditati sunt. Verum post decem dies iterum Andegauorum comes ex insperato remeauit, et circa Falesiam cum multis militibus discurrens predam redeuntium et secure quiescentium diripuit. Cedibus et rapinis ingens damnum Normanniz intulit, et per tres ebdomadas a feralibus exercitiis non cessauit. Tolcham in initio Nouembris uenit, ibique opulentum burgum inuenit, et uicinam munitionem Bonz Ville in crastinum expugnare peroptauit. Tunc hostes in prefata uilla domos amplas sed uacuas inuenerunt, in quibus triumphantes temere hospitati sunt et splendida sibi conuiula parauerunt. Interea dum nox profunda esset, et hostile agmen in alienis domibus secure quiesceret, subito Guillelmus cognomento Trossebot? Bonz Ville munio temeritatem hostium callide preuenit, et oppidanos secum aggregatos hortatu necessario ad magnos ausus animauit, puerosque despicabiles et meretriculas Tolcham direxit, et quid agerent exquisito meditatu sollerter instruxit. Illi autem ut edocti fuerant per burgum latenter dispersi sunt, et ignem per quattuor partes uilla in xlvi^ locis audacter immiserunt. Andegauenses itaque qui uillam iam inuaserant, et 4 Two folios of MS. A missing; text based on B

> rhedas D; reddas L

* XIv D, L * Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 136, ‘mense Octobri, Gaufridus, comes Andegavensis,

obsederat Falesiam per xv dies cum magno exercitu." ? Richard of Lucy was in constant attendance on Stephen, and witnessed 135

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On 1 October Geoffrey of Anjou began the siege of Falaise from which, after eighteen days of fruitless struggle, he withdrew on the nineteenth with nothing gained.’ Richard of Lucy, the captain of the knights inside the fortress, defended the castle manfully with the aid of the garrison. Every day, throwing open the gates, he showed off the daring of the besieged to taunt the besiegers; since those inside had an ample supply of food and weapons he challenged the enemy derisively to attack. They, however, pillaged the country all around, sacrilegiously broke into churches, defiled holy places, and stole consecrated vessels and vestments without fear of God; sparing no one they carried off the possessions of the poor and everything on which they could lay their hands. At length God spread panic among them and they fled by night, abandoning in their flight tents full of clothes and weapons and wagons laden with bread and wine and other provisions, which were a great haul for the delighted townsmen. But in fact ten days later the count of Anjou returned unexpectedly and, by scouring the country round Falaise with many knights, recovered the booty from men who were on their way home or were dwelling in imagined security. He did much damage to Normandy by slaying and plundering, keeping up his savage deeds relentlessly for three weeks. At the beginning of November he came to Touques and found a prosperous town there; his special purpose was to attack the neighbouring castle of Bonneville the next day. The enemy then found large houses lying empty in the town of T'ouques, occupied them in reckless triumph, and prepared magnificent feasts for themselves. Meanwhile, in the dead of night, while the enemy were resting securely in the occupied houses, William 'T'russebut,? the castellan

of Bonneville, cunningly took swift action to prevent the execution of the enemy's rash plans. He called the townspeople to him, urged them passionately to great deeds of daring, and sent poor boys and common women to 'Touques, with careful instructions, precisely worked out, about what they were to do. They dispersed through the town secretly as they had been instructed, and boldly kindled fires in [forty-six] places in all four quarters of the town.

So the Angevins, who had already occupied the town and taken of his charters (Davis, Stephen, pp. 70, 86—7). For the family see GEC

257 n. 3 See above, p. 17 n. 7.

viii.

528

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suos hospites in propriis laribus et cathedris sedentes iam ceperant, ingenti strepitu flammarum et uociferatione uigilum exciti admodum territi sunt, et arma et equos cum multis aliis rebus necessariis relinquentes aufugerunt. Prefatus uero Guillelmus cum suis armatus obuiam hostibus uenit, sed densitas fumi omnes

v. 118

ne se inuicem uiderent uel cognoscerent obtenebrauit. Tandem turbidus comes in cimiterio quodam constitit, ibique suos conglomerauit et confusus trepidusque diem expectauit. Mane autem facto quantocius aufugit, et Normannorum proteruiam aliquantulum expertus non sine dedecore Argentomum uenit. Inualida plebs? Normanniz mesta trepidabat, et defensore carens Altissimi auxilium inuocabat. Optimates populi dolis et malignis^ simultatibus insistebant, et fraudulenter quam plures hostibus fauebant neque suos defendebant, sed ablatis rebus opprimebant, et? nequiter illis incumbebant. Eodem tempore 'T'edbaldus Beccensis abbas ad regimen Dorobernensis metropolis in Anglia assumptus est, eique in loco eius Letaldus bonz uitz monachus ad gubernandam Beccensem zecclesiam subrogatus est.? 39 Anno ab incarnatione Domini Mcxxxix indictione ii», Innocentius secundus papa Romz in medio quadragesimz ingens concilium tenuit, et multitudini prelatorum statuta sanctorum patrum inuiolabiliter teneri precepit. De multis regionibus exciti ad sinodum conuenerant, et hac de causa brumali tempore

periculosum iter inierant, sicque cum multis suarum dispendiis rerum Romana mania uiderant. Multa illis papa de priscis codicibus propalauit, insignemque sacrorum decretorum textum congessit, sed nimis abundans per uniuersum orbem nequitia terrigenarum corda contra zcclesiastica scita obdurauit. Vnde ? Plebs inualida D P rectore D om. D * secundus om. D

^ malignis om. D

4 nequiter

* The fullest accounts of the election of Theobald, which was favoured by Stephen, come from the later writers, Ralph of Diceto and Gervase of Canter-

bury. The circumstances are fully discussed in A. Saltman, Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury (London, 1956), pp. 8-13. Theobald was elected on 24 December 1138, and consecrated on 8 January 1139.

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its inhabitants prisoner in their own homes as they sat in their own chairs, were suddenly awakened by the loud roaring of the flames and the shouts of the guards; seized with panic they fled, abandoning their arms and horses and many other necessary goods. William Trussebut himself came to meet the enemy fully armed, with his men, but the thick smoke prevented any of them from seeing or recognizing each other. At length the count, confused, halted in a cemetery, where he gathered his men around him and waited, baffled and trembling, for the day. When dawn broke he fled as fast as possible; he had learnt something of the audacity of the Normans and it was not without disgrace that he reached Argentan. The defenceless people of Normandy trembled and mourned; having no protector they invoked the aid of the AImighty. Their lords spent their time in deeds of treachery and relentless quarrels; many deceitfully supported the enemy's cause and, instead of defending their own subjects, robbed and illtreated them and oppressed them abominably. At that time Theobald, abbot of Bec, was chosen to govern the metropolitan church of Canterbury! in England; and Letard,

a monk of good life, replaced him as abbot of Bec.? 39 In the year of our Lord 1139, the second indiction, Pope Innocent II held a great council in Rome in mid Lent, and commanded a huge assembly of prelates to observe the statutes of the holy fathers inviolably.3 They had come to the synod, summoned from many regions, and made the perilous journey for this purpose in the winter season; it was only after incurring heavy expenses that they came within sight of the walls of Rome. The Pope expounded to them many extracts from earlier books and put together a remarkable series of holy decretals; but evil, which abounds freely all over the world, hardened the hearts of men against the canons of the Church. So when the leaders returned to 2 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), pp. 137-8; Porée i. 305. Letard was elected abbot on 9 June 1139. 3 'The Lateran Council of 1139 opened on 4 April, the day after Mid-Lent

Sunday. Figures for attendance vary in different sources from 500 to 1,000. See Hefele-Leclercq, v. 721-46. Many of the canons repeated those promulgated earlier at Clermont in 1130 and Rheims in 1119. Richard, abbot of Saint-

Evroul, was among the many abbots and bishops attending the council (see below, p. 536), and the abbey had to shoulder the burden of his expenses.

530

V. 119

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XIII

remeantibus ad sua magistris apostolica decreta passim per regna diuulgata sunt, sed nichil ut manifeste patet oppressis et opem desiderantibus profuerunt, quoniam a principibus et optimatibus regnorum cum subiectis plebibus paruipensa sunt.! Audinus Ebroicensis episcopus Paschali septimana in Angliam profectus est," ibique vi nonas Iulii Melitonz in canonicali cenobio defunctus et sepultus est.? Hic in Baiocensi pago ortus studia litterarum inquisiuit, peritiaque liberalium artium imbutus inter doctissimos coaluit, et Henrico regi? familiaris effectus inter precipuos scribas complacuit. Denique de capella regis prouectus xxiii annis Ebroicensem diocesim tenuit, clerum subiectamque plebem ad seruandam Dei legem erudiuit, ecclesizaque cultum sollerter exercuit," et basilicam beate Dei genitricis Mariz? quz tempore illo combusta fuerat a fundamentis reparauit. Rotrocus autem filius Henrici comitis de Guareuico Rotomagensis archidiaconus ad episcopatum Ebroicensem? assumptus est, et a domno Hugone archiepiscopo consecratus est. Eodem ut reor anno Turstinus Eboracensis archiepiscopus prefati Audini frater defunctus est.^ 40 Eodem tempore turbatio magna in Anglia exorta est. Rogerius enim Salesburiensis presul diuitiis ac potentibus amicis ac munitionibus admodum fretus, utpote qui toti Anglie omni uita Henrici regis prefuerat, pre cunctis regni optimatibus derogabatur quod regi dominoque suo Stephano esset infidus et faueret Andegauorum partibus.5 Ipsi quoque adherebant necessarii complices, filius uidelicet eius qui erat cancellarius regis,ó et nepotes potentissimi quorum unus erat episcopus Lincolniensis et alter Eliensis.? Porro ex abundantia multiplicium diuitiarum ? uenit D 4 Mariz om. D

? regi Henrico D, L

© clerum ... exercuit om. D

! Orderic's bitter comments probably relate to the ineffectiveness of the renewed promulgation of the truce and peace of God; he may also have had in mind canons attacking usury and tournaments. ? Cf. John of Hexham (SD ii. 301), 'apud Meretun

sumpto habitu canonico-

rum sepultus'. He had been bishop of Évreux since 1113. For the family see Donald Nicholl, Thurstan, archbishop of York (York, 1964), ch. i. 3 Rotrou later became a justiciar of Henry II in Normandy, and archbishop of

Rouen (Haskins, Norman Institutions, p. 166 and passim).

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XIII

BT

their own lands the papal decretals were published in kingdoms everywhere; but, as is all too plain, they did nothing to help the oppressed and helpless, for they were ignored both by princes and magnates and by their subject peoples.! Audoin, bishop of Évreux, set out for England in Easter week; and there on 2 July he died and was buried in the house of the canons of Merton.? Born in the Bessin, he pursued the study of letters, acquired great skill in the liberal arts, and was ranked amongst the most learned men of his day; he entered the service of King Henry and won favour as one of his chief scribes. Subsequently he was promoted from the king's chapel and governed the diocese of Évreux for twenty-four years, teaching the clergy and people of the diocese to obey the law of God, and taking pains to advance church ceremonial; he also completely rebuilt the church of the blessed Mary, the Mother of God, which had been burnt in

his time. Rotrou, son of Henry earl of Warwick, archdeacon of Rouen, was appointed to the bishopric of Évreux? and blessed by Archbishop Hugh. In the same year, I think, Audoin's brother Thurstan, archbishop of York, died.*

40 At the same time there was serious disorder in England. Roger, bishop of Salisbury, a man of great wealth, who had powerful friends and strong castles as befitted one who had enjoyed authority over all England during the whole lifetime of King Henry, was the most discredited of all the magnates in the kingdom because he was suspected of betraying his king and lord, Stephen, and giving support to the Angevin party.’ He was backed by his kinsmen and accomplices, namely his son, who was the king's chancellor,® and

his very powerful nephews, the bishops of Lincoln and Ely.’ These great men, emboldened by the accumulation of immense 4 Thurstan died on 6 February 1140. 5 Roger's career is described by Kealey, Roger of Salisbury; pp. 173-89 describe his fall. WM HN, p. 26, also reports that he was suspected of intending to hand over his castles to the enemy;

G.S, p. 48, alleges that he was secretly

plotting to help the Angevin cause. 6 Roger le Poer, Stephen's chancellor, 1136-9 (Regesta, iii, p. x). WM HN, p. 39, calls him nepos. 7 Alexander of Lincoln and Nigel of Ely; cf. WM HN, p. 38; Kealey, Roger of Salisbury, pp. 272-6.

532 V.

120

V.

I2I

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XIII

tam sullimibus? uiris audacia inerat, temereque uicinos optimates uariis infestationibus inquietare presumebat. Vnde furiosis punctionibus exerciti? plures contra eos conspirauerunt, et occasione concepta pariter insurrexerunt, eisque talionem agitationum illatarum rependere conati sunt. Duo quippe fratres Gualerannus et Rodbertus comites et Alannus de Dinan aliique plures apud Oxnefordam urbem seditionem contra familiam presulum ceperunt, et occisis ex utraque parte pluribus episcopi Rogerius et Alexander capti sunt.! Eliensis autem presul qui nondum ad curiam regis uenerat, sed extra urbem in uilla cum parasitis suis hospitatus fuerat, diris rumoribus auditis quia sibi male^ conscius erat, ad Diuisas fortissimum oppidum? repente confugit, et in circumitu* concremata regione munitionem preoccupauit, et contra regem totis nisibus munire decreuit. Quod audiens rex iratus exercitum promouit, et cum multis minis Guillelmum de Ipro premisit, iurans quod Rogerius presul nil uesceretur, donec hostile oppidum sibi redderetur. Rogerium quoque filium pontificis cognomento Pauperem comprehendit, et ante portam in conspectu/ rebellium suspendi precepit. Mater? quippe eius4 pellex uidelicet episcopi principalem munitionem seruabat. Tandem Salesburiensis pontifex accepta regis licentia cum nepote suo locutus est, ipsumque multum redarguit quod seditionem oriri uidens non propriam diocesim repetisset," sed alienas ad res furibundus diuertisset incendioque furenti multis milibus inediam peperisset. Turgido nepote cum suis asseclis in rebellione pertinaciter persistente, et irato regeut prefatus Rogerius patibulo mox suspenderetur iubente, meticulosa mater luctuosam prolis conditionem audiens prosiluit, et pro filio sollicita dixit, ‘Ego peperi [illum]? nec ullatenus debeo eius promereri interitum, ?^ sublimibus D * circuitu D insert D, L

b exciti D

^ male sibi D, L

4 castrum D

f conspectum D * nomine Mathildis de Ramesburia ^ propriam diocesim non repetiisset D * illum om. B;

supplied from D, L

* There are full accounts of the arrest of the bishops at Oxford on 24 June 1139, in WM

of Meulan

HN, pp. 26-7; GS, pp. 51-3. The Gesta Stephani names the count

as one of the instigators; William of Malmesbury

occasion for action was a brawl between the bishop's men

says that the

and those of Alan,

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533

wealth of all kinds, rashly began to oppress the magnates round them in various ways. Goaded by savage provocations, a number of men formed a league against them and, seizing an opportune moment, rose simultaneously and attempted to repay them in their own coin for the injuries inflicted. So the two brothers, Count Waleran and Earl Robert, with Alan of Dinan and a num-

ber of others stirred up a quarrel with the household of the bishops at Oxford, and after several men on both sides had been killed took Roger and Alexander prisoner.! The bishop of Ely, however, who had not yet come to the king's court but was lodged in a village outside the town with his attendants, hearing alarming reports and conscious of his own guilt, hurried straight off to take possession of the very powerful fortress of Devizes, occupied the castle after devastating all the country round about with fire, and resolved to hold it against the king with all the forces he could muster. On hearing of this the king, in a rage, advanced his army against the place and, putting William of Ypres in command, vowed with many threats that Bishop Roger should be allowed no food until the hostile castle was handed over to him. He also captured the bishop's son, Roger le Poer, and commanded him to be hanged outside the gate in full view of the rebels. It happened that his mother,? who was the bishop's concubine, was defending

the main castle. At length the bishop of Salisbury, with the king's permission, spoke to his nephew and heaped reproaches on him because,

when

he had seen trouble

breaking out, he had not

returned to his own diocese but had gone off in a rage to a place that was another's and, by recklessly scorching the earth, had

condemned many thousands to starvation. While the haughty nephew and his retainers obstinately persisted in their rebellion, and the angry king commanded that Roger le Poer should be hanged on a gallows immediately, the distressed mother, learning of the wretched plight of her son, leapt up exclaiming in her concern for him, 'I gave him birth, and it can never be right for me to count of Brittany.

See also H. Hunt., pp. 265-6; JW, pp. 54-5;

The Life of

Christina of Markyate, ed. C. H. Talbot (Oxford, 1959), p. 166. 2 The name Matilda of Ramsbury is not in MS. B. It was probably a later interpolation, and may be a correct identification; D and L both incorporate it in the text. However, no other writer names her; and it can no longer be regarded as certain that Orderic is the source of the information (as in Kealey, Roger of Salisbury, p. 272). Both GS, pp. 52-3, and WM

HN, p. 27, make plain that the

bishop of Ely was forced to surrender by threats to his kinsfolk.

534

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sed si sic necesse est ipsum debeo per meum saluare obitum." Protinus regi nuncium destinauit, et pro redemptione inimicorum“! ualidam munitionem quam tenebat obtulit. Fractus itaque antistes Eliensis? cum reliquis complicibus suis meerens deditioni adquieuit. Denique pacificatis omnibus oppidum regi redditum est, et episcopi cum pace ad parrochias suas reuersi sunt. Non multo post Rogerius presul mortuus est, et Eliensis publicus hostis totius patria factus est.?

4I

V.

122

In autumno? Mathildis Andegauorum comitissa cum Rodberto de Cadomo comite Gloucestrz fratre suo? et Guidone de Sabloilo4 aliisque pluribus in Angliam transfretauit, et Arundello suscepta permissu regis ad oppida quz suz parti fauebant cum pace perrexit. In hac nimirum permissione magna regis simplicitas siue socordia notari potest, et ipse a prudentibus quod suz salutis regnique sui securitatis immemor fuerit lugendus est.5 Ingens enim nimiz malitiz fomentum facile tunc extinguere potuisset, si calliditatem sapientum imitatus lupum ab introitu ouilis statim expulisset, si saluatis ouibus malignantium nequitiam in ipso initio preoccupasset, et uires letiferas in capitibus eorum qui rapinas et cedes hominum patrizque depopulationem querebant gladio iustitiz more patrum presecuisset. Mense Nouembri Rotrocus comes Moritoniz* pretio conductus Pontem Erchenfredi adiit, sed octo gregariis militibus qui intus inedia interibant, manum dantibus municipium recepit, miserosque municipes abire permittens oppidum Rogerio de Platanis commisit. Tunc Riboldus et Simon Rufus aliique nepotes Radulfi ? amicorum D,L P Eliensis antistesD © patrie totiusD 4 comite Gloucestrz fratre suo om. D * Moritanie comes D f MS. A recommences here

1 If the reading of D and L is correct the translation should be ‘as a ransom for her friends’. ^ Roger of Salisbury died, disgraced, on 11 December 1139 (Kealey, Roger of

Salisbury, pp. 205-6; WM HN, p. 37; JW, pp. 57-8; H. Hunt., pp. 266-7). For the rebellion of Nigel of Ely see GS, pp 65-7; Liber Eliensis, pp. 314-19. 3 Matilda arrived at Arundel on 30 September 1139, where she was received

by William of Aubigny, the second husband of Queen Adeliza. For varying accounts of her arrival see R. Tor. (RS), p. 137; GS, pp. 58-60; WM AN, p. 34; H. Hunt., p. 266; JW, p. 55.

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cause his destruction; instead I should offer my life in exchange for his if necessary.' She sent an envoy at once to the king and handed over the strong castle she was holding as a ransom for his enemies.! In this way the bishop of Ely was made powerless, and he and his remaining supporters ruefully acquiesced in the surrender. Finally, when all had been appeased, the stronghold was surrendered to the king, and the bishops returned in peace to their own dioceses. Not long afterwards Bishop Roger died, and the bishop of Ely was proclaimed a public enemy of the whole country.? 4I In the autumn? Matilda, countess of Anjou, crossed to England with her brother, Robert of Caen, earl of Gloucester, and Guy of

Sablé,* and many others; after being received at Arundel she travelled in peace, with the king's permission, to the strongholds that supported her party. In granting this licence the king showed himself either very guileless or very foolish, and prudent men must deplore his lack of regard for both his own safety and the security of the kingdom.5 He could easily have stamped out the flames of terrible evil that were being kindled if he had acted with the foresight characteristic of wise men and had immediately driven off the wolf from the entrance to the sheep-fold; and if, after saving the sheep, he had nipped the malevolence of trouble-makers in the bud and had struck down with the sword of justice, after the fashion of his ancestors, the pestilential strength of those who desired rapine and slaughter and the devastation of their country, and so brought down destruction on their heads. In November Rotrou, count of Mortagne, taken into the king's pay, advanced on Pont-Échanfray but as the eight stipendiary knights, who were dying of starvation in the castle, surrendered, he occupied the castle, allowed the wretched garrison to go in peace, and entrusted it to Roger de Platanis. 'Then Ribold and Simon the Red and other kinsmen of Ralph the Red were swiftly expelled and 4 Guy of Sablé was a frequent witness of the charters of Matilda and Geoffrey of Anjou, and was one of the men whom Geoffrey employed as a justice in Normandy after 1144 (Regesta, Institutions, pp. 145, 148).

iii, p. xxxviii

and passim;

Haskins,

Norman

5 The author of the Gesta Stephani says that Henry, bishop of Winchester, advised the king to allow Matilda to join her brother, so that the royal forces

could be concentrated in one place to attack them, instead of being divided.

536

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XIII

Rufi uelociter expulsi sunt’ et dominatum [castr]i? quod hactenus possederant repente perdiderunt. Rodbertus de Cadomo.sororem suam Mathildem iam in Anglia receptam in suis mappaliis hospitatus est’ et Gualis ad auxilium sui ascitis nimia malicia passim multiplicata est. Nam plus quam decem milia ut ferunt barbari per Angliam diffusi sunt? qui nec sanctis locis nec reuerentiz religionis parcebant, sed rapinis et incendiis atque cedibus hominum instanter insistebant. Singillatim referre nequeo quantam afflictionem ecclesia Dei passa est in suis filiis, qui ueluti pecudes cotidie trucidabantur Britonum gladiis.!

42

V. 123

Ve 124

Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXL indictione ii’ Stephanus rex concilium congregauit, et de statu rei publice cum proceribus suis tractare studuit.? Tunc inter optimates de constitutione Salesburiensis episcopi lis orta est. Henricus enim Guentoniensis presul Henricum de Solleio nepotem suum? intromittere uoluit, et quia maiori ul resistente preualere nequiuit? iratus de curia regis recessit. Gualerannus nanque Mellenticus comes Philippum de Harulficorte archidiaconum Ebroicensem elegerat? eique rex pro pluribus causis libenter adquieuerat.* Prafato autem iuueni cenobium Fiscannense concessit? in quo tempore quattuor abbatum precedentium magna religio floruit. In eodem anno Ricardus Vticensis abbas postquam de Romano concilio rediit/5 exigentibus causis post Natale Domini mox in Angliam transiit, et plurimis laboribus fatigatus in quadragesima febres incurrit. Quibus per multos dies admodum uexatus sese confessione et oratione bene premuniuit? et post Pascha potionem a medicis accepit, sed nimia ui potionis oppressus vii die Maii defecit. 'Tercio itaque regiminis sui anno idus Maii defunctus est:6 * Hole in MS.; castri supplied from B, D, L L. For the general rising in Wales, where support for the Angevins was widespread, see Lloyd, Wales, ii. 478 ff. Other chronicles denounce the savagery of the Welsh (GS, pp. 114, 128; JW, p. 43). 2 Cf. JW, pp. 60-1; White, ‘Waleran’, p. 32.

3 Henry of Sully was a son of William of Blois, the eldest brother of King Stephen and Henry of Winchester. He was an unsuccessful candidate for York and Lincoln. For his later career as abbot of Fécamp see GC xi. 209. ^ Philip of Harcourt had been Stephen's chancellor; he was nominated bishop of Salisbury in March 1140, but never consecrated because of the opposition of Henry of Blois; in 1142 he became bishop of Bayeux. See S. E.

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537

lost at one blow the lordship of the castle, which they had held up

to that time.

Robert of Caen welcomed his sister Matilda to England and entertained her under his own roof; after he had called the Welsh

to his aid trouble spread far and wide. For more than ten thousand wild men (as they are called) were let loose over England, and they spared neither hallowed places nor men of religion, but gave themselves up to pillage and burning and massacre. I cannot relate in detail what sufferings the Church of God endured in her sons, who were daily slaughtered like cattle by the swords of the Welsh.!

42 In the year of our Lord 1140, the third indiction, King Stephen called a council and gave serious consideration to the state of the realm with his nobles.? A dispute then broke out among the magnates about the appointment of a bishop of Salisbury. Henry, bishop of Winchester, wished to intrude his nephew, Henry of Sully,? and since the opposition was too strong for him to have his way he withdrew in dudgeon from the king's court. Waleran,

count of Meulan, had selected Philip of Harcourt, archdeacon of Évreux, and for various reasons the king was ready to accept his candidate.* However, he gave young Henry of Sully the abbey of Fécamp, in which monastic life had been very thriving under the four previous abbots. In the same year Richard, abbot of Saint-Évroul, returned from the Roman council5 and was compelled by various urgent affairs to cross to England shortly after Christmas. Worn out by toil and travel, he fell ill with fever in Lent, and after many days of great suffering he prepared himself thoroughly by confession and prayer. After Easter he was given a draught by his doctors, but the draught proved too strong and he sank into a coma on 7 May. He died on 15 May? in the third year of his rule; his body was carried Gleason, Zn Ecclesiastical Barony of the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), pp. 27-31.

5 The 1139 Lateran council.

6 Probably Orderic accidentally omitted vit before idus, through confusion with the number vii in the line above; the date of Abbot Richard’s death is given as vii idus MS. lat. 10026, Torneium’, and self, printed by

Maii (9 May 1140) in the Liber vitae of Saint-Evroul (Bibl. nat. f. 13"), with the note, ‘Non iacet in capitulo sed in Anglia apud also in a contemporary poem, probably written by Orderic himDelisle, BEC xxxiv (1873), 276-82, which states that Richard

was ill for three days.

538

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XIII

et Torneiam delatus ante crucifixum in zcclesia sancte Mariz a domno Rodberto eiusdem cenobii abbate! sepultus est. Quod Vticenses monachi ut audierunt, in unum conuenerunt: et Rannul-

fum Nogionis? priorem qui iam in monachatu xl annis honeste uixerat in abbatem elegerunt. Electus autem frater cum litteris Hugonis archiepiscopi Rotomagensis et Iohannis episcopi Luxouiensis de concordi electione fratrum? in Angliam transfretauit, et a Stephano rege uisis pontificalibus epistolis concessionem abbatiz et zecclesiasticarum confirmationem rerum recepit. Regressus uero de Anglia Iohannem episcopum cum regalibus litteris adiit? et a uenerabili presule benigniter susceptus paternam benedictionem viii idus Nouembris suscepit.4

V. I25

43 Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXLI indictione iiii’ ingens turbatio in regno Anglorum exorta est/ et repentina mutatio cum multorum detrimento subsecuta est. Rannulfus enim comes Cestrz5 et Guillelmus de Raumara$ uterinus frater eius contra Stephanum regem rebellauerunt, et arcem quam Lincolize ad tutandam urbem ipse possidebat fraudulenter inuaserunt.7 Nam tempus quo turrenses famuli per diuersa dispersi fuerant, callide explorauerant: et tunc coniuges suas quasi causa ludendi ad arcem premiserant. Denique dum ibidem duz comitisse morarentur, et cum uxore militis qui turrim tueri debebat luderent et confabularentur,

comes

Cestrz

exarmatus

et sine amictu

quasi

pro reducenda uxore sua et tres milites nemine aliquod malum suspicante subsecuti sunt: et sic ingressi repente uectes et arma qua aderant arripuerunt, et custodes regis uiolenter eiecerunt. Deinde Guillelmus et armati milites cum illo ut antea dispositum fuerat introierunt, et sic duo fratres turrim cum tota urbe

sibi subiugauerunt. Porro Alexander episcopus et ciues euentum

* Robert of Prunelai, formerly a monk of Saint-Evroul; see above, p. 318. ? Noyon was one of the dependent priories of Saint- Évroul; see above,

pp. 148-52, where Ralph is mentioned as prior after Roger.

3 The reference to unanimous election in the letters of the archbishop to the king, here mentioned for the first time at Saint-Évroul, shows that increasing concern for free election was making progress in N. ormandy. See J. Yver, 'Avouerie’, in BSAN lvii (1963-4), 279. 4 More than half a page is here left blank (MS. lat. 10913, p. 496); possibly it

BOOK XIII

539

to Thorney and buried by Dom Robert, abbot of Thorney,! before the Rood in the church of St. Mary. When the monks of Saint-Évroul received the news they met together and elected as abbot Ralph, prior of Noyon,? who had already led a worthy life as a monk for forty years. The abbot elect crossed to England carrying letters of Hugh, archbishop of Rouen, and John, bishop of Lisieux, certifying his unanimous election by the monks. When King Stephen had seen the bishops' letters he granted him the abbey and confirmed the possession of the temporalities. Returning from England the abbot took the king's letters to Bishop John and, after being welcomed by the venerable prelate, was blessed

by him on 6 November.* 43

In the year of our Lord 1141, the fourth indiction, a serious uprising began in the kingdom of England and suddenly brought a change of fortune and disaster to many men. Ranulf, earl of Chester,5 and William of Roumare,® his uterine brother, rebelled

against King Stephen and, by a trick, captured the castle which he held at Lincoln for the protection of the city." They cunningly found a time when the household troops of the garrison were

widely dispersed, and then sent their wives ahead to the castle under the pretext of a friendly visit. While the two countesses were passing the time there, laughing and talking with the wife of the knight who ought to have been defending the castle, the earl of Chester arrived, unarmed and without his cloak, as though to escort his wife home, and three knights followed him without arousing any suspicion. Once inside the castle they suddenly snatched crowbars and weapons which lay to hand and violently

expelled the king's guards. Then William burst in with a force of armed knights, according to a pre-arranged plan, and in this way the two brothers took control of the castle and the whole city.

Bishop Alexander and the citizens thereupon sent word to the was intended for the insertion of further events in this year, should any come to light.

5 For some discussion of his motives see Davis, Stephen, pp. 49-50; H. A. Cronne, ‘Ranulf de Gernons,

Earl of Chester,

1129-53’, in TRHS

4th ser. xx

(1937), 144-7. $ See above, p. 309 n. 3. 7 Orderic is the only source to give any details of the capture of Lincoln castle.

540

v. 126

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XIII

regi mandauerunt.! Quod audiens rex ualde iratus est" et quod tantum facinus amicissimi eius quibus magnos honores et dignitates auxerat fecissent miratus est. Deinde post Natale? Domini exercitum congregauit, Lincoliam confestim perrexit, auxilioque ciuium fere xvii milites qui in urbe iacebant noctu ex insperato comprehendit. Duo uero comites cum uxoribus et familiaribus amicis in arce erant? subitoque circumuallati quid agerent anxii nesciebant. Tandem Rannulfus qui iunior erat ac facilior et audacissimus, noctu cum paucis egressus est! et in Cestrensem prouinciam ad suos profectus est. Rodberto autem comiti de Gloucestra socero suo aliisque amicis et parentibus suis querelam suam deprompsit, Gualos et exheredatos aliosque multos contra regem excitauit/ ac ut inclusis obsidione suffragaretur uires undecumque collegit. In primis Mathildem Andegauorum comitissam expetiit, auxilium ab ea summopere poposcit? eique fidelitatem spopondit, eiusque gratiam pro uelle suo impetrauit.?

Conglobata itaque armatorum multitudine duo consules* ad obsidionem appropiauerunt? atque ad pugnandum contra repugnantes sese preparauerunt. Porro cotidie de aduentu inimicorum rumores audiens rex paruipendebat, nec eos tales esse ut tantos ausus presumerent credebat, sed illos qui in arce clementiam eius obsecrabant aptatis expugnari machinis cogebat. Denique dominico sexagesimze dum sacra solennitas Yppapanti Domini celebraretur,5 et ipse rex hostium phalanges iam adesse intueretur?

proceres aduocauit, consiliumque quid agerent ab eis inquisiuit. Quidam igitur persuaserunt ut ingentem familiam cum deuotis ciuibus ad tutandam urbem constitueret, et ipse ad congregandum exercitum de cunctis Angliz regionibus honeste discederet, et rursus oportuno tempore si hostes ibidem permansissent ad expugnandum illos regali seueritate remearet. Admonebant etiam ali ut debita sacre Purificationi sancte Dei genitricis Marie reuerentia exhiberetur, et tempus preelii nunciis pacis intercurrentibus commode protelaretur? ut procrastinatione interposita neutra pars confunderetur, nec humanus sanguis ad multorum ! Both GS, p. 73, and WM HN, p. 46, confirm that the citizens of Lincoln sent for the king. 2 This is compatible with the ‘infra Natale’ of Henry of Huntingdon (H. Hunt., p. 268); other sources agree that it was within the twelve days of Christmas (see White, ‘Waleran’, p. 33 n. 4). 3 Orderic’s account of the allies found by Earl Ranulf is confirmed by other sources: see ASC 1140; WM HN, pp. 47-8; GS, p. 73, which also states that he sent to promise fealty to Matilda.

BOOK

XIII

541

king,! who was very angry at the news and astounded that his close friends, on whom he had heaped lands and honours, should have committed such a crime. After Christmas? he assembled an army, hurried to Lincoln, and one night without warning, aided by the citizens, captured about seventeen knights who were quartered in the town. The two earls were in the castle with their wives and close friends, and were alarmed and uncertain what course to take

when they found themselves suddenly surrounded. Ranulf, however, who was the younger of the two as well as being the more resourceful and particularly daring, crept out at night with a few men and made for the county of Chester to his own vassals. Next he laid his case before Robert, earl of Glouces-

ter, his father-in-law, and other friends and kinsmen, incited the Welsh and disinherited men and many others to rise against the king, and gathered troops from all sides to relieve the beleaguered force. One of the first to whom he applied was Matilda, countess of Anjou; he urgently demanded help from her, promised her his fealty, and won her favour as he wished.? After raising a huge force of men-at-arms in this way the two earls* advanced to the siege, and prepared to engage in battle with any who resisted them. Yet the king daily ignored the news he heard of the enemy's advance and would not believe that they were capable of risking any great enterprise, but built siege-weapons and prepared to assault the castle while those inside pleaded for mercy. At length on Sexagesima Sunday, when the holy feast of the Purification5 was being celebrated and the king saw that the squadrons

of the enemy were almost upon him, he summoned his nobles and asked their counsel on what should be done. Thereupon some advised him to place a large force of household troops with the loyal citizens to defend the city, while he himself withdrew honourably to raise a large army from all parts of England, so as to return again at an opportune moment, if the enemy lingered there, to defeat them with royal sternness. Others counselled that the holy feast of the Purification of the blessed Mary, mother of God, should be observed with reverence, and that battle should be put off for a time while envoys went to and fro to propose a truce, so that by obtaining a delay neither side should be crushed, and no human blood shed to cause general mourning. However, the wilful 4 Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf of Chester. 5 The battle of Lincoln was fought on Candlemas Sunday, 2 February 1141.

542

BOOK

XIII

V. 127 dolorem funderetur. Obstinatus autem princeps persuasioni pru-

v. 128

dentium obaudire contempsit, et prelium pro aliqua ratione induciari indignum duxit, sed protinus suos ad bellum armari precepit. Acies igitur pugnatorum prope urbem conuenerunt, et ordinatis utrinque turmis bellum commiserunt. "Tres nimirum cohortes sibi rex constituit, et tres nichilominus contraria pars ordinauit. In prima fronte regalis exercitus Flandritz et Britones erant" quibus Guillelmus de Ipro et Alannus de Dinam preerant. Econtra uesana Gualorum caterua constabat" quibus duo fratres Mariadoth et Kaladrius preerant.? Rex ipse cum quibusdam pedes descendit, et pro uita sua regnique sui statu fortiter pugnauit. Rannulfus autem comes e contra cum cateruis suis pedes descendit: et animosam legionem Cestrensium peditum ad stragem faciendam admodum corroborauit. Rodbertus uero consul Gloucestre, qui maximus erat in illa expeditione, Bassianis? iussit aliisque exheredatis, ut ipsi pro recuperatione suarum hereditatum quas calumniabantur primum haberent ictum certaminis. In primis utrinque acerrime pugnatum est: et plurimus hominum sanguis effusus est. In regis acie precipui milites fuerunt: sed hostes nimia multitudine peditum et Gualorum preualuerunt. Sane Guillelmus de Ipro cum Flandrensibus et Alannus cum Britonibus primi terga dederunt, et inimicos animosiores sociosque formidolosiores reddiderunt. In illo conflictu perfidia nequiter debachata est. Nam quidam magnatorum cum paucis suorum regi comitati sunt’ suorumque satellitum turmam aduersariis ut preualerent premiserunt. Sic nimirum domino suo fidem suam mentiti sunt’ meritoque periuri et proditores diiudicari possunt. Gualerannus autcm comes et Guillelmus de Guarenna frater eius, Gislebertus de Clara et alii

Normannorum atque Anglorum preclari equites, ut primam cohortem fugisse uiderunt? territi et ipsi terga dederunt. Porro Balduinus de Clara et Ricardus Vrsi filius,^ Engelrannus de Saia5 ! The best and fullest account of the battle of Lincoln is given by H. Hunt., pp. 268-74; see also WM

HN, p. 49, and John of Hexham in SD ii. 307-8. The

site is discussed by Davis, Stephen, pp. 52-3, and John Beeler, Warfare in Medieval England 1066—1189 (Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 110-14. 2 The Welsh princes were Cadwaladr ap Gruffydd, brother of Owain the Great, and his brother-in-law, Madog-ap-Maredudd. Cadwaladr, at odds with his brother Owain, sought friendships with the border lords; he married Alice,

daughter of Richard fitz Gilbert of Clare, and was a benefactor of the Fitz Alan abbey of Haughmond (Lloyd, Wales, ii. 489-91; Eyton, Shropshire, x. 256-8).

BOOK

XIII

543

prince turned a deaf ear to the advice of prudent men, and judged it dishonourable to put off battle for any reason; instead he com-

manded his men to arm themselves immediately for the fray. So the columns

of men-at-arms

met near the town, and after the

squadrons had been drawn up on both sides they joined battle. "The king divided his army into three forces, and the opposing side did the same. The Bretons and Flemings, under the command of William of Ypres and Alan of Dinan, were in the front rank of the royal army. Facing them was the fierce mob of Welshmen, led

by the two brothers Maredudd and Cadwaladr.? The king himself dismounted with a number of others, and fought stalwartly on foot for his life and the preservation of his kingdom. In the

opposing army Earl Ranulf dismounted with his troops and reinforced a brave contingent of foot-soldiers from Chester to give battle. And Robert, earl of Gloucester, who was the greatest

in the army, commanded the [men of the Bessin]3 and other disinherited men to strike the first blow in the battle to recover the inheritances they claimed. At first both sides fought fiercely with great bloodshed. The king's column consisted mainly of knights, but the enemy were more powerful because of their numerous foot-soldiers and the Welshmen. Indeed William of Ypres with the Flemings and Alan with the Bretons were the first to turn in flight, thereby encouraging the enemy and leaving their allies in a state bordering on panic. In that battle treachery ran wild. Some of the magnates joined the king with only a handful of their men and sent the main body of their retainers to secure the victory for their adversaries. In this way they betrayed their fealty to their lord and can rightly be condemned as perjurors and traitors. Count Waleran and his brother, William of Warenne,

Gilbert of Clare, and other dis-

tinguished Norman and English knights, gave way to panic when they saw the first squadron in flight and themselves turned tail. But Baldwin of Clare and Richard fitz Urse,* Engelram of Sai, 3 Probably Orderic meant by this term the men of the Bessin; he had described above, pp. 510-14, the fighting round Caen and the defeat of Baldwin of Redvers, who was certainly disinherited. William of Cahagnes was in the army, and was said by Henry of Huntingdon to have captured the king (H. Hunt., p. 274); his family came from Cahagnes in Calvados (Loyd, p. 52). 4 Baldwin of Clare and Richard fitz Urse are both mentioned by Henry of Huntingdon (H. Hunt., p. 274) for their brave resistance; they were captured with Stephen.

5 See above, p. 514.

544.

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XIII

et Ilbertus de Laceio! prelianti regi fideliter adheserunt, et usque ad defectionem uiriliter cum illo certauerunt. Stephanus

autem rex fortium actuum antecessorum suorum memor? fortiter dimicauit’ et quamdiu tres secum pugiles habuit, ense uel securi norica quam quidam illi iuuenis ibi administrauerat pugnare non cessauit.3 Tandem fessus et ab omnibus derelictus Rodberto comiti consobrino suo* sese commisit et captus est’ et ab eodem paulo post Mathildi comitisse oblatus est. Sic sic uergente uolubili rota fortunz de solio regni rex precipitatus est’ et in ingenti munitione Brihstou gemens et miser proh dolor incarceratus est. Balduinus uero de Clara ceterique preclari tirones quos cum rege dixi descendisse, et insigniter pugnasse, capti sunt. Precedenti nocte dum plebs Dei uigilias in honore Virginis matris celebraret, et matutinorum generalem sinaxin ecclesiastico ritu solennizandam expectaret, in occiduis partibus in Gallia scilicet ac Britannia® nimius imber grandinis et pluuiz factus est? et cum ingenti choruscatione mugitus terribilis tonitrui auditus est. Ipso die dum rex pugnaturus missam audiret, et multiplici ni V. 129 fallor cogitatu et cura intrinsecus laboraret, cereus consecratus in manu eius fractus est" et multis spectantibus ter lapsus est.7 Hoc plane infelix presagium quibusdam sophistis uisum est? et eodem die in lapsu principis manifeste detectum est. Infortunium regis luctum peperit clericis et monachis populisque simplicibus, quia idem rex humilis et mansuetus erat bonis ac mitibus. Et si dolosi optimates paterentur abolitis suis prauis conatibus, liberalis tutor patriz fuisset ac beniuolus. Ciues autem Lincoliz qui regi ut oportuit domino suo fauerant omnimodis, ut uiderunt uictoriam cessisse aduersariis’? domos suas et uxores cum omnibus rebus suis diffidentes dereliquerunt, ac ad uicinum flumen ut exilium petentes saluarentur confugerunt. Qui dum repente conglobati ad scafas uenissent, nimiaque sui ! If he survived the battle nothing more is known of him; his widow Alice had

married Roger of Mowbray before 20 June 1143 (Wightman, Lacy Family, p. 74). * Possibly a reference to his father's last fight at Ramla (see above, v. 346). 3 Allsources agree on Stephen's heroic stand at Lincoln; the two-headed axe given to him, according to John of Hexham, by a citizen of Lincoln is also mentioned by Henry of Huntingdon and R. Tor. (RS), pp. 140-1. Robert of Torigny praised Stephen in verse.

4 John of Hexham agrees with Orderic that he surrendered to Earl Robert; Henry of Huntingdon asserts that he was captured by William of Cahagnes.

BOOK

XIII

545

and Ilbert of Lacy! stood loyally by the king in the battle and fought courageously with him to the end. King Stephen himself, remembering the valiant deeds of his forefathers,? fought bravely, and as long as he had three warriors beside him fought on with his sword and a Norse axe which a young man had given him.3 At length, worn out and abandoned by all, he surrendered to Earl Robert his kinsman‘ and was taken prisoner; the earl handed him over to the Countess Matilda shortly afterwards. Thus, then, at

a turn of the fickle wheel of fortune the king was hurled from the royal throne and imprisoned, alas! wretched and languishing, in

the mighty castle of Bristol5 Baldwin of Clare and the other distinguished knights who, as I have related, dismounted and put up a splendid fight with the king, were also taken prisoner. The night before, while Christian people were keeping the vigil in honour of the Virgin Mother and were waiting for the general celebration of matins in the Church liturgy, a fearful storm of hail and rain broke out in western regions—that is, in Gaul and Brittany°—and terrible thunder-claps were heard, accompanied by great flashes of lightning. On the day itself when the king was hearing Mass before going into battle and, as I can well believe, was preoccupied with plans and cares, the consecrated candle broke in his hand and fell three times, as many men witnessed." This was interpreted by some learned men as a clear omen of misfortune, fulfilled that very day in the king's defeat. 'T'he king's fate brought sorrow to clerks and monks and simple people, because he himself was humble and kind to men who were good and meek. And if the treacherous magnates had renounced their evil plots and left him in peace, he would have been an open-handed and benevolent protector of his

country. When the citizens of Lincoln, who had always given full support to their lord the king as was right, saw that victory had fallen to his enemies they abandoned their wives and all their possessions in despair, and fled towards the near-by river hoping to find safety in exile. When they had suddenly converged in a mob on the boats 5 He was taken to the Empress at Gloucester on 9 February and then imprisoned at Bristol, first with some privileges, but later in fetters (FW ii. 129; WM HN, p. 50).

6 Or possibly Britain is meant. 7 This omen is reported with varying details by H. Hunt., p. 271, and GS, P. 74.

546 BOOK XIII multitudine cimbas implessent/ metuque mortis attoniti inordinate

V. 130

se habuissent, et posteriores cum impetu super priores irruissent, statim nauicule uersatz sunt’ et pene omnes qui intrauerant ut quidam asserunt, fere quingenti nobiles ciues interierunt. In conflictu bellico non tanti corruerunt. Guillelmus quidam famosus optio ex parte regis occisus est?! qui nepos fuerat Goisfredi Rotomagensis archiepiscopi. De aliis uero ut autumant qui interfuerunt/ non plus quam centum mortui sunt. Porro Rannulfus comes aliique uictores urbem introierunt, totamque ut barbari depopulati sunt’ et residuos ciues quos inuenire uel capere potuerunt, diuersis mortium generibus absque respectu pietatis ut pecudes mactauerunt.? Peracta itaque pugna et rege capto? dissensio magna facta est in Anglorum regno. Henricus enim Guentoniensis episcopus ad Andegauos se protinus conuertit, et comitissa in urbe regali fauorabiliter recepta fratrem suum regem et omnes qui de parte erant eius omnino deseruit.3 Gualerannus autem comes et Guillelmus de Guarenna et Simon^ aliique plures reginze adhzserunt, et pro rege suisque heredibus uiriliter pugnaturos se spoponderunt. Sic admodum malitia hinc et inde passim multiplicata est, et rapinis ac incendiis hominumque cedibus Anglia repleta est, et que olim ditissima diliciisque affluens fuerat nunc miserabiliter desolata est.

I: Iosfredus autem Andegauensis comes ut uxorem

suam uicisse

audiuit" protinus in Normanniam uenit, legatos ad proceres direxit, ac ut munitiones suas sibi dederent et pacifici essent iure requisiuit. Protinus in sequenti quadragesima* Rotrocus Moritoniz consul pacem cum illo fecit? et rupto foedere quod cum rege pepigerat auxilium suum Andegauensibus exhibuit. Occasionem namque irz contra regem nuper ceperat, quod ipsum pro ereptione Richerii nepotis sui requisierat, sed nichil per ipsum impetrauerat. Richerius siquidem de Aquila dominico in Septembri dum beatze 1 Geoffrey came of a noble Breton family (see above, v. 237 n. 3); the identity of this William is uncertain. ? 'The sack of Lincoln is mentioned in GS, p. 75; H. Hunt., p. 275. WM HN, P- 49, calls it retribution because the citizens had instigated the king to begin the siege.

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and had overfilled the skiffs with their numbers, losing all re-

straint in their fear of death as those behind crowded on those in front, the boats suddenly capsized and almost all who were in them, according to some estimates about five hundred of the chief citizens, perished. This was more than all who fell in the battle. William, a renowned commander in the king's army, who was a nephew of Geoffrey archbishop of Rouen, was killed;! of the others, according to the estimate of those who were present, not

more than a hundred lost their lives. Earl Ranulf and the other victors then entered the city and sacked it like barbarians; they slaughtered like cattle all the rest of the citizens they could find or capture, putting them to death in different ways without mercy or humanity.? When the battle was over and the king taken captive there was great division in the kingdom of England. For Henry, bishop of Winchester, immediately went over to the Angevins, and, after welcoming the countess in the royal city, utterly deserted his brother the king and all his supporters. But Count Waleran, William of Warenne, and Simon* and many others remained loyal to the queen, and vowed to fight manfully for the king and his heirs. So troubles spread everywhere, far and wide, and England was filled with plundering and burning and massacres; the country, once so rich and overflowing with luxuries, was now wretched and desolate.

44 When Geoffrey, count of Anjou, heard that his wife had won the day he came at once into Normandy, sent out envoys to the magnates and commanded them as of right to hand over their castles to him and keep the peace. Immediately afterwards, in the following Lent,5 Rotrou, count of Mortagne, made peace with him and, breaking the covenant he had sworn to the king, gave his support to the Angevins. He had recently had cause to be angry with the king, because he had sought his help over the release of his nephew Richer and had got no satisfaction through him. It had happened that one Sunday in September, when the feast of the 3 Matilda met Henry of Winchester just outside Winchester on 2 March 1141 (WM HN, pp. 50-1; GS, pp. 78-9). The Gesta Stephani gives an account more sympathetic to Henry. 4 Simon of Senlis, earl of Northampton (White, ‘Waleran’, pp. 34-5). 5 In 1141 Lent began on 12 February.

548

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Mariz natiuitas celebraretur?! cum | militibus in Angliam pacifice pergebat. Cumque ad burgum qui Lira dicitur inermis peruenisset, a Rodberto de Bellismo? qui insidiabatur itineri eius subito captus est? cum quo firmam pacem habere sperabat. Denique Britolii sex mensibus in carcere fuit, et prefatus praedo cum nimia tirannide terram eius rapinis et incendiis sine causa deuastauit. Rotrocus ergo comes auunculus eius de tanta rabie multum doluit, et nepotem suum de uinculis et honorem eius ab inimicis eruere concupiuit, ideoque cum armatis frequenter explorare occursus eius summopere curauit. Tandem in fine Octobris? uolente Deo predonibus

V. 132

BOOK

cum

ualida manu

occurrit,

Rodbertum

et Mauricium

fratrem eius aliosque plures comprehendit, quibus dire ut iustum est incarceratis magnam securitatem innocuis pagensibus contulit. In medio quadragesima principes regionum Moritoniz conuenerunt, et colloquium de negociis rei publice habuerunt. Ibi Hugo Rotomagensis archiepiscopus atque Normanni Tedbaldum comitem adierunt, eique regnum [Angliz]? et ducatum Normannie optulerunt. Ille uero tantarum [ut prudens]^ et religiosus pregrauari curarum pondere [refutauit, sed]? Iosfredo Henrici regis genero interpositis quibusdam co[nditionibus]? regium ius concessit, ita uidelicet ut Turonicam urbem [que]? de feudo eius erat sibi dimitteret, fratremque suum Stephanum regem de uinculis absolueret, et pristinum honorem quem uiuente auunculo suo habuerat ipsi et heredi eius ex integro restitueret.4 Tunc Rodbertus Legrecestriz comes cum Rotroco fedus iniit, et Richerium de Aquila rogatu consulum qui aderant liberauit" pacem quoque cum Andegauensibus donec de Anglia remearet sibi et Gualeranno fratri suo procurauit.5 Vernolienses autem oppidani in quorum conuentu tredecim milia hominum computabantur? qui olim pro rege terribiliter frendebant et minitabantur: considerantes quod Andegauensibus iam plures cederent qui dudum obstiterant, emolliri a pristino rigore ceperunt, et munitione reddita dominatum Iosfredi consulis et Mathildis * Holes in MS.; missing words supplied from B, D

* In 1140 the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin (8 September) fell on a Sunday. ? Robert Poard of Belléme, who was fighting for Robert, earl of Leicester; for

the earlier stages of this feud see above, p. 464. 3 October 1140. * Geoffrey did not comply with these terms.

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nativity of the blessed Mary was being celebrated,! Richer of Laigle had set out peacefully for England with fifty knights. When he reached the town of Lire and was riding unprepared for war, he was suddenly captured by Robert of Belléme,? who had lain in ambush on his route and with whom he believed he had a firm truce. Afterwards he lay in prison at Breteuil for six months, and the brigand Robert tyrannically devastated his lands, plundering and burning without provocation. Count Rotrou his uncle, much distressed by such outrages, set his heart on rescuing his nephew

from prison and his lands from his enemies, with the result that he was most assiduous in going out with armed men to spy on all Robert's movements. At length at the end of October,? by God's will, he and a strong force encountered the bandits. He captured Robert and his brother Maurice with many others, and by harshly imprisoning them in his dungeons as they deserved he procured great security for the inoffensive country folk. In mid Lent the nobles of the region met at Mortagne and debated together about the state of the country. While there Archbishop Hugh and the Normans approached Count Theobald and offered him the kingdom of England and duchy of Normandy. He, however, being a wise and pious man, refused to undertake the heavy burden of such responsibilities and renounced his right to the kingdom in favour of King Henry's son-in-law, Geoffrey, stipulating certain conditions. These were that Geoffrey should hand over to him the town of Tours, which was in his fee, and should release his brother King Stephen from his fetters and restore intact to him and his heir the honor he had formerly held in his uncle's lifetime.^ 'Then Robert, earl of Leicester, made a treaty with Rotrou; at

the request of the counts who were present he released Richer of Laigle and also obtained a truce with the Angevins for himself and his brother Waleran until the latter should return from England.5 In addition the garrison of Verneuil, a town of some thirteen thousand men who had once fought fiercely for the king and uttered terrible threats, gave thought to the fact that many who had previously resisted the Angevins had now given way to them, began to moderate their earlier obstinacy, and, after surrendering their castle, recognized the lordship of Count Geoffrey and 5 R. Tor. (RS), p. 142 (1141), mentions the agreement between Waleran and Geoffrey, presumably after Waleran had ratified it. 822242

T

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susceperunt. Sic non multo post municipes de Nonencorte fecerunt.! Iohannes uero Luxouiensis episcopus iam grandeuus et multa expertus diuturnitate, sine spe alicuius auxilii guerram Andegauorum nolens iam diu sufferre" maxime cum uideret illos cis Sequanam passim preminere, et plura uicinorum oppida pacifice sibi subicere? consultu amicorum in ultima septimana quadragesimz pacem fecit cum comite. Deinde ante Pentecosten

Cadomo reuersus Luxouium ex nimio estu et labore infirmatus est’ et post zgrotationem unius ebdomadis xxxiii? episcopatus sui anno xii kalendas Iunii defunctus est. Tunc Rotrocus Ebroicensis episcopus et Rannulfus Vticensis abbas alique diocesis suz abbates conuenerunt, et in basilica sancti Petri apostoli corpus eius ante aram sancti Michahelis ad aquilonalem plagam sepelierunt. Tunc Ludouicus iuuenis Francorum rex ingentem exercitum V. 133 congregauit, ac ad festiuitatem sancti Iohannis Baptiste Tolosam obsidere perrexit, et in consulem Andefonsum Raimundi filium

preliari contendit.3 45 ^Ecce senio et infirmitate fatigatus librum hunc finire cupio, et hoc ut fiat pluribus ex causis manifesta exposcit ratio. Nam sexagesimum septimum? ztatis mez annum in cultu Domini mei Iesu Christi perago, et dum optimates huius seculi grauibus infortuniis sibique ualde contrariis comprimi uideo, gratia Dei corroboratus^ securitate subiectionis et paupertatis? tripudio. En Stephanus rex Anglorum in carcere gemens detinetur, et Ludouicus rex Francorum expeditionem agens contra Gothos et Guascones* pluribus curis crebro anxiatur.* En presule defuncto ? The last folios, containing the whole of the Epilogue, are missing from MS. A; the text is based on MS. B

P septimum om. D

4 et paupertatis om. D

* contra Gothos et Guascones expeditionem

* roboratus D, L

agens D

' Nonancourt was one of the frontier castles built by Henry I (Yver, ‘Chateaux forts', p. 88); fostered by Henry I, both Nonancourt and Verneuil con-

tinued to thrive under Geoffrey (Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 144-5). 2 Cf. R. Tor. (RS), p. 142.

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Matilda. Not long afterwards the castellans of Nonancourt fol-

lowed suit.!

Now too John, bishop of Lisieux, who had reached a great age and had had long experience, being unable to endure the continuation of the war against the Angevins without hope of any help, particularly as he saw that they had established their authority everywhere up to the Seine and had brought many neighbouring towns peacefully under their sway, took the advice of his friends and made peace with the count in the last week of Lent.? Before Pentecost, on returning from Caen to Lisieux, he fell ill with

exhaustion and the excessive heat; after lying sick for a week he died on 21 May in the thirty-fourth year of his episcopate. Then Rotrou, bishop of Evreux, and Ralph, abbot of Saint-Evroul, and other abbots of his diocese met together and buried his body in the basilica of St. Peter the apostle, before the altar of St. Michael on the north side of the church. At that time Louis le Jeune, king of France, raised a powerful army and set off at the time of the feast of St. John the Baptist to lay siege to Toulouse, eager to wage war against Count Alfonso, son of Raymond.3 45 Now indeed, worn out with age and infirmity, I long to bring this book to an end, and it is plain that many good reasons urge me to do so. For I am now in the sixty-seventh year of my life and service to my Lord Jesus Christ, and while I see the princes of this world overwhelmed by misfortunes and disastrous setbacks I myself, strengthened by the grace of God, enjoy the security of obedience and poverty. At this very moment Stephen, king of England, languishes wretchedly in a dungeon; and Louis, king of France, leading an expedition against the Goths and Gascons, is haunted by unremitting cares.* Now too, ever since the 3 Alfonso Jordan was the son of Raymond of Saint-Gilles (see above, v. 276) and had claimed a hereditary right to the county of Toulouse, which had been disputed by William, count of Poitou, from 1112; Louis VII succeeded to William's claims. He left Paris after Easter, 1141, and arrived at the gates of Toulouse on 24 June, but his campaign proved abortive (see A. Richard, Histoire des comtes de Poitou, 778—1204 (Paris, 1903), i. 466-86; ii. 74-5).

* 'The epilogue must have been written between July 1141, the earliest date when

Louis

VII's

arrival

at Toulouse

could

have

been

November, when King Stephen was released from captivity.

known,

and

early

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Luxouiensis cathedra caret episcopo, et quando uel qualem habitura sit pontificem nescio. Quid amplius dicam? Inter hzc omnipotens Deus eloquium meum ad te conuerto, et clementiam tuam ut mei miserearis suppliciter" exoro. Tibi gratias ago summe rex qui me gratis fecisti, et annos meos secundum beneplacitam uoluntatem tuam disposuisti. Tu es enim rex meus et

Deus meus, et ego sum seruus tuus et ancillz tuz filius! qui pro V. 134

V. 135

posse meo a primis tibi uitze mez seruiui diebus. Nam sabbato Pasche apud Attingesham baptizatus sum, qui uicus in Anglia situs est super Sabrinam ingentem fluuium. Ibi per ministerium Ordrici presbiteri ex aqua et Spiritu Sancto? me regenerasti, et michi eiusdem sacerdotis patrini scilicet mei nomen indidisti. Deinde cum quinque essem annorum apud urbem Scrobesburiam scole traditus sum, et prima tibi^ seruitia clericatus obtuli in basilica sanctorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum. Illic Siguardus insignis^ presbiter per quinque annos Carmentis Nichostratz litteras? docuit me, ac psalmis et hymnis aliisque necessariis instructionibus mancipauit me. Interea predictam basilicam super Molam flumen sitam quz patris mei erat sublimasti, et per piam deuotionem Rogerii comitis uenerabile cenobium construxisti. Non tibi placuit ut ibi? diutius militarem, ne inter parentes qui seruis tuis multoties oneri sunt et impedimento paterer inquietudinem, uel aliquod detrimentum in obseruatione legis tuz per parentum carnalem affectum incurrerem. Iccirco gloriose Deus qui Abraham de terra patrisque domo et cognatione egredi iussisti,^ Odelerium patrem meum aspirasti ut me sibi penitus abdicaret, et tibi omnimodis subiugaret. Rainaldo igitur monacho plorans plorantem me tradidit, et pro amore tuo in exilium destinauit, nec me unquam postea uidit. Paternis nempe uotis tenellus puer obuiare non presumpsi, sed in omnibus illi ultro adquieui, quia ipse michi spopondit ex parte tua’ si monachus fierem, quod post mortem meam paradisum cum Innocentibus possiderem. Gratanter facta inter me et te genitore meo proloquente conuentione huiuscemodi, patriam et parentes omnemque cognationem 4 dupliciter L

tibi prima D

* insignis om. D

4 illic D, L

* tua ex parte spopondit D; Le Prévost and Duchesne printed ex parte sua, which

does not occur in any MS. ! Cf. Psalm cxv (cxvi). 16. ? Cf. Mark i. 8. * In Latin legend Nicostrata, the mother of Evander who came to Italy with him, was a prophetess of Arcadia, known as Carmentis from the wildness of her

BOOK XIII

$53

death of the bishop of Lisieux, his chair has remained empty, and I cannot say when or by what kind of a bishop it will be filled. What more shall I say? Amid such happenings, almighty God, I appeal to thee, and humbly implore thee in thy mercy to have pity on me. I give thanks to thee, supreme King, who didst freely create me and ordain my life according to thy gracious will. For thou art my

King and my God, and I am thy servant and the son of thine handmaid,! one who from the beginning of my life has served thee as far as I was able. I was baptized on Holy Saturday at Atcham, a village in England on the great river Severn. There thou didst cause me to be reborn of water and the Holy Spirit? by the hand of Orderic the priest, and didst impart to me the name of that priest, my godfather. Afterwards when I was five years old I was put to school in the town of Shrewsbury, and performed my first clerical

duties for thee in the church of St. Peter and St. Paul the apostles. There Siward, an illustrious priest, taught me my letters? for five years, and instructed me in psalms and hymns and other necessary knowledge. Meanwhile thou didst honour this church on the river

Meole, which belonged to my father, and didst build a holy monastery there through the piety of Earl Roger. It was not thy will that I should serve thee longer in that place, for fear that I

might be distracted among kinsfolk, who are often a burden and a hindrance to thy servants, or might in some way be diverted from obeying thy law through human affection for my family. And so, O glorious God, who didst command Abraham to depart from his country and from his kindred and from his father's house,* thou didst inspire my father Odelerius to renounce me utterly, and submit me in all things to thy governance. So, weeping, he gave me, a weeping child, into the care of the monk Reginald, and sent me away into exile for love of thee and never saw me again. And I, a mere boy, did not presume to oppose my father's wishes, but

obeyed him willingly in all things, for he promised me in thy name that if I became a monk I should taste of the Joys of Paradise with

the Innocents after my death. So with this pact freely made between me and thee, for whom my father spoke, I abandoned my country and my kinsfolk, my friends and all with whom I was looks when giving oracles. She was later thought to be a nymph who invented the alphabet: cf. Isidore, Etymologies, 1. iv. 1, ‘Latinas litteras Carmentis nympha

prima Italis tradidit. Carmentis autem dicta, quia carminibus futura canebat. Ceterum proprie vocata [est] Nicostrate.’ * Genesis xii. I.

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et notos et amicos reliqui, qui lacrimantes et salutantes benignis precibus commendauerunt me tibi O summe Deus Adonai. Orationes illorum^ queso suscipe, et qua michi optauerunt pie Rex Sabaoth clementer annue. Decennis itaque Britannicum mare transfretaui, exul in Normanniam ueni, cunctis ignotus neminem cognoui. Linguam ut Ioseph in ZEgipto quam non noueram audiui. Suffragante tamen gratia tua inter exteros omnem mansuetudinem et familiaritatem

repperi. A uenerabili Mainerio abbate in monasterio Vticensi undecimo? ztatis mez anno ad monachatum susceptus sum, undecimaque^ kalendas Octobris dominico? clericali ritu tonsoratus sum. Nomen quoque Vitalis pro anglico uocamine quod Normannis absonum censebatur michi impositum est, quod ab uno sodalium* sancti Mauricii martiris cuius tunc martirium celebrabatur! mutuatum est. In prefato cenobio lvi annis te fauente conuersatus sum, et a cunctis fratribus et contubernalibus multo plus quam merui amatus et honoratus sum. /EÉstus et frigora pondusque

diei perpessus in uinea Sorech? inter tuos laboraui, et denarium quem pollicitus es? securus quia fidelis es expectaui. Sex abbates

v. 136

quia tui fuerunt uicarii ut patres et magistros reueritus sum, Mainerium et Serlonem, Rogerium et Guarinum, Ricardum et Rannulfum. Isti nempe Vticensi conuentui legitime prefuerunt, pro me et pro aliis tanquam rationem reddituri uigilauerunt, intus et exterius solertiam adhibuerunt, nobisque necessaria te comitante et iuuante procurauerunt. Idus Martii cum xvi essem annorum,

iussu

Serlonis

electi Gislebertus

Luxouiensis

presul

ordinauit me subdiaconum. Deinde post biennium vii kalendas Aprilis Serlo Sagiensis antistes michi stolam imposuit diaconii,

in quo gradu xv annis tibi libenter ministraui. Denique xxxiii etatis mez anno Guillelmus archiepiscopus Rotomagi xii kalendas Ianuarii onerauit me sacerdotio. Eodem uero die ccxliv diacones et cxx consecrauit sacerdotes, cum quibus ad sanctum altare tuum 2 [llorum orationes D > undecimo supplied from D; undecimoque B © undecimoque D 4 die add D * sodalii D F reddituri om. D & xv D

! The feast of St. Maurice and his companions is celebrated on 22 September. ? Cf. Jerome, Liber interpretationis hebraicorum nominum (Corp. Christ. ser.

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acquainted, and they, wishing me well, with tears commended me in their kind prayers to thee, O almighty God, Adonai. Receive, I beg thee, the prayers of these people and, O compassionate God of Sabaoth, mercifully grant what they asked for me. And so, a boy of ten, I crossed the English Channel and came into Normandy as an exile, unknown to all, knowing no one. Like

Joseph in Egypt, I heard a language which I did not understand. But thou didst suffer me through thy grace to find nothing but

kindness and friendship among strangers. I was received as an oblate monk in the abbey of Saint-Évroul by the venerable Abbot Mainer in the eleventh year of my age, and was tonsured as a clerk on Sunday, 21 September. In place of my English name, which sounded harsh to the Normans, the name Vitalis was given me, after one of the companions of St. Maurice the martyr, whose feast was being celebrated at that time.! I have lived as a monk in that abbey by thy favour for fifty-six years, and have been loved and honoured by all my fellow monks and companions far more than I deserved. I have laboured among thy servants in the vineyard of the choice vine,” bearing heat and cold and the burden of

the day, and I have waited knowing that I shall receive the penny that thou hast promised,? for thou dost keep faith. I have revered six abbots as my fathers and masters because they were thy vicars: Mainer and Serlo, Roger and Warin, Richard and Ralph. These men have all been lawfully appointed to rule the abbey of SaintÉvroul, they have carefully and diligently guided internal and external affairs, knowing that they must render account for me and all the others, and by thy help and guidance they have provided for all our needs. On 15 March, when I was sixteen years old, at the command

of Serlo, abbot elect, Gilbert, bishop of Lisieux,

ordained me subdeacon. Then two years later, on 26 March, Serlo, bishop of Séez, laid the stole of the diaconate on my shoulders, and I gladly served thee as a deacon for fifteen years. At length in my thirty-third year William, archbishop of Rouen, laid the burden of priesthood on me on 21 December. On the same day he also blessed two hundred and forty-four deacons and a hundred and twenty priests, with whom I reverently approached lat. Ixxii), 33: 24, p. 101, ‘Sorec electa optima’; 50: 24, p. 121, ‘Sorec optima uel electa’. Orderic knew Jerome’s treatise, and appears to have used the term in this

sense. À particular type of vine grew in the valley of Sorec. 3 Cf. the parable of the vineyard, Matthew xx. 1-16.

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in Spiritu Sancto deuotus accessi, iamque xxxiv annis cum alacritate mentis tibi sacra ministeria" fideliter persolui. Sic, sic, Domine Deus plasmator et uiuificator meus per diuersos gradus michi dona tua^ gratuito dedisti, et annos meos ad seruitutem tuam iuste distinxisti. In omnibus locis ad quae iam dudum me duxisti, a tuis amari non meis meritis sed munere

tuo^ me

fecisti. Pro uniuersis? beneficiis tuis benigne Pater tibi gratias ago, toto corde’ laudo et benedico, et pro innumeris reatibus meis misericordiam tuam flebiliter imploro. Parce michi Domine, et

ne£ confundas me, [sed secundum]^ infatigabilem bonitatem tuam pie plasma tuum respice, et omnia peccata mea dimitte et absterge. Perseuerantem in tuo famulatu da michi uoluntatem uiresque indeficientes contra uersipellis Sathanz malignitatem, donec adipiscar te donante perpetuz salutis hereditatem. Et quz michi benigne Deus hic et in futuro dari deposco hzc amicis V. 137 et benefactoribus meis peropto, hzc etiam cunctis fidelibus tuis secundum prouidentiam tuam concupisco. Ad obtinenda perennia bona quibus ardenter inhiant desideria? perfectorum quia nostrorum non sufficit efficacia meritorum O Domine Deus omnipotens Pater conditor et rector angelorum, uera spes et zeterna beatitudo iustorum subueniat nobis apud te gloriosa intercessio sancta Virginis et matris Marie et omnium sanctorum prestante Domino nostro Iesu Christo redemptore uniuersorum qui tecum uiuit et regnat in unitate Spiritus sancti Deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen.! [Finis uite Vitalis qui fecit hunc librum] ? misteria D

© tua michi dona D

* et ore add D; om. B, L

© tuo munere D

f parce add D, L

left in B; sed secundum D; ad L

7 corda D

€ non D

4 igitur add D ^ sbace

J Finis L; om. D

! 'The epilogue appears to be modelled on Bede's epilogue to the Ecclesiastical History (Bede, HE v. 24, pp. 566—71); though Orderic omits any mention of his literary activities and instead stresses his spiritual duties and greatly expands the concluding prayer.

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thy holy altar, filled with the Holy Spirit; and I have now loyally performed the sacred offices for thee with a joyful heart for thirtyfour years. Thus, thus, O Lord God, my creator and life-giver, thou hast

freely bestowed on me thy gifts through the various orders, and by thy just governance hast appointed all my days to thy service. In all the places where thou hast led me since my early days thou hast caused me to be loved by thy servants, not through my own merits but through thy free gift. O kind Father, I give thanks to thee for all thy mercies; I praise and bless thee with my whole heart; weeping, I implore thy mercy for my many offences. Spare me, O Lord, and do not let me be destroyed; look compassionately according to thine inexhaustible goodness on the work of thy hands, and pardon and wash away all my sins. Grant me the will to continue in thy service, and never-failing strength to withstand the malice of deceitful Satan, until I receive by thy gift the inheritance of eternal salvation. And these same gifts, O merciful God, that I ask for myself now and hereafter, I ardently desire for my friends and benefactors, and seek to obtain for all thy faithful people according to thy providence. And since we are unable by our own merits to obtain the everlasting joys on which the desires of the perfect are fixed, grant,

O Lord God, Father omnipotent,

creator and ruler of the angels, true hope and eternal beatitude of the just, that we may receive help in thy presence through the intercession of the blessed Virgin and Mother, Mary, and all the saints, by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, redeemer of all men, who lives and reigns with thee in the unity of the Holy Spirit, God, world without end, Amen.!

Here ends the life of Vitalis, who wrote this book

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA VOLUME

p. P.

III

I3I m. 4, for 1102 read 1103. 304 n. 2, add, Evidence that St. Wulfram's relics did in fact leave the monastery, though a claim to the contrary was made in the eleventh century, is provided by R. C, van Caenegem, “The sources of Flemish history in the Liber Floridus’, reprinted from the ‘Liber Floridus’ Colloquium (Ghent, 1973), pp. 78-80.

VOLUME

IV

II2 7t. 1, L. J. Engels has recently shown that the version of William I’s epitaph given by Orderic is authentic, and that the calculation correctly gives the date of William’s death as 9 September, since according to the Zodiacal tables used at the time the sun entered the sign of Virgo on 18 August (Mélanges Christine Mohrmann, Utrecht/Antwerp, 1973, Pp. 221-2, 248-9). . 156 line 3, for xxvi read xxxvi. 199 line 25, for fifty thousand read fifteen hundred. . 289 lines 24-6, for Robert of Belléme, whose engineering skill was to help the Christians capture Jerusalem, brought a most ingenious invention to the siege, read Robert of Belléme brought a most ingenious construction to the siege, a cunning device which was later to help the Christians capture Jerusalem.

VOLUME

V

xii 7. 3, for p. 228 n. 1 read p. 228 n. 2. 63 lines 17-18, for remark-skilful ably read remarkably skilful. 172 n. 1, for Oderic read Orderic. 251 line 12, for across the sea in Normandy read here in Normandy.

Ere S 393

(Index), add Geoffrey (le Barbu), son of Fulk le Rechin, 242 n. 3, 306 n. 3.

INDEX

OF QUOTATIONS ALLUSIONS A.

THE

page Genesis: xii. I

xxxi. 38-40

552 256

Numbers:

xxv. 7-8 Deuteronomy: xxxiii. 3 2 Kings:

62

xix.35

500

448

338 IO

552

cxxvi (cxxvii). I Proverbs: xxii. 28 Ecclesiastes: ix. II Ecclesiasticus: xxv. 26 (19) Isaiah:

204

Jonah: ili, 7 Maccabees: li. 24 Matthew: V.tES vi. 24 XV. 2I xvi. 18-19

xi. 17 Luke: xxiv. 36 John: xiv. 27

XX. I9

62, 74,

page 554 184

514

552 254 128 86

62, 74, 82, 184 58 262

262 262

Romans:

cxv (cxvi). 16

lii. 14

vii. 24

xvi. I3 500

Psalms:

iv. 5 (4)

xx. 1-16 XXl. 13 xxvi. 52 Mark: i.8 Xi. 13-14

xx. 5-6 Judith: chs. vii-xv Job: 1.21

xl. 10-19 (15-24)

BIBLE

vi. 45 168

AND

ili. 15, 16

460

xiii. I I Corinthians:

322

iii. 17

440

iv. I vi. I5 S907

212

Galatians:

254

Hebrews:

498

I Peter: i. 18-19 Revelation:

426

Xi. 14-15 vi. 7

62 140

58, 444 128

272

xiii. 14

82 260 260

64 64 102

476 260

ix. 7-10 xii. 3

66

xii. 7-18 xvii. 16

30

IO

458

INDEX

560 B.

OF

CLASSICAL,

QUOTATIONS PATRISTIC,

AND

AND

ALLUSIONS

MEDIEVAL

SOURCES

page Acta SS. Fructuosi et sociorum Augustine, St.:

402 262

384

i, 17-21 li. 3

382 318

320 550-6

Geoffrey of Monmouth: Historia regum Britanniae

Vii. 3

33: 24

554

eee

84, 200

i. 281 212 Nennius: Historia Brittonum cum additamentis

Nennii

382

Aurelius Clemens Prudentius:

384-6

Isidore:

Peristephanon vi. 103-20

402

Pseudo-Jerome:

Etymologiae

i. 4.1

hebraicorum

Lucan: Pharsalia

i. 4 ili. 29 v. 24

page

nominum

De ciuitate Dei

xix. 13 Bede: Historia Ecclesiastica

Jerome, St.: Liber interpretationis

Quaestiones hebraicae in libros Regum

554

et Paralipomenon

2 Samuel vi. 23

408

GENERAL Aalst, siege of, 372-6 Abraham, 552 Absalom, son of David, 200, 300 Achitophel, 200 Acquigny (Eure, cant. Louviers), 476;

burnt

(1136),

458;

castle

of

Ralph of Conches at, 244 Acre, 432 n. 3

Adalbert, archbishop of Mainz, presides

over

the

imperial

election

(1125), 360-4 Adam, abbot of Saint-Denis,

156

Adam le Sor, kinsman of William le Sor, 178 Adela, queen, wife of Louis VI, daughter of Humbert of Maurienne, 154, 422; favours William Clito, 370 and n. 1 Adela, wife of (1) Cnut king of Denmark, (2) Roger Borsa, daughter of Robert the Frisian, 191 n. 5 Adela, wife of Stephen count of Blois,

daughter of William the Conqueror, administers the county of Chartres during her husband’s absence, 42, 156-8; provides Bohemond’s marriage feast, 70; becomes a nun at Marcigny (1120), 44 and n. 2; letter to, 448 n. 2

Adelard, abbot of Melun, 426 Adelasia, wife of (1) Roger I count of Sicily, (2) Baldwin I king of Jerusalem, 366, 367 n. 7; regent during

her

son’s

minority,

428-32;

her

marriage with Baldwin invalidated, 432 and nn. 3, 4 Adelina, wife of Henry, son of King David, 524 and n. 2

Adelina, wife of Hugh IV of Montfort, daughter of Robert count of Meulan, 46 n. 1, 336 Adeline, wife of William of Breteuil, daughter of Hugh II of Montfort,

INDEX Adeliza, wife of Reginald I count of Burgundy, daughter of Richard II duke of Normandy,

Adeliza of Louvain,

210, 283 n. 4

queen,

wife of

(1) Henry I, (2) William of Aubigny,

daughter of Godfrey VII of Louvain, 534 n. 3; marries Henry I, 308 and n. 1 Adon, vidame of Laon, 91 n. 2

ZEthelbert I, king of Kent (560-616), 386 and n. 3 ZEthelwold, bishop of Winchester (963-84), founds Thorney,

150

Africa, 400, 406, 410 Agatho, pope (678-81), 320 and n. 3 Agnes, wife of Matthew count of Beaumont, 156 n. 4 Agnes, wife of Robert of Belléme, daughter of Guy count of Ponthieu,

I4 n. 3 Agnes, wife of Simon (the elder) of Montfort, daughter of Richard count of Evreux, 166, 188 and T5 Agnes, wife of Walter II Giffard, sister of Anselm of Ribemont, 3840 Aigle, L’, see Laigle Aiulph, citizen of Caen, 79 n. 5

Alamimun, king (? Zubayr ben ‘Amr el Lamto(üni), 400, 401 n. 7; fights in the battle of Fraga, 412 and n. 3, 415 n. 6

Alan, abbot elect of Saint- Wandrille, attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390 Alan Fergant, duke of Brittany, asked to

support

William

Clito,

164;

becomes the vassal of Henry 180; his sons, see Conan, Guy Alan of Brittany (Dinan), earl

I, of

Richmond, in charge of Stephen’s Breton troops, 468, 469 n. 4; attacks

'Tosny, daughter of Earl Waltheof,

Roger bishop of Salisbury, 532 and n. 1; leads the Bretons at Lincoln, 542 Alan of Tannée, 512, 513 n. 5

54, 55 n. 6

Albara, 116 n. 2

40 and n. 1 Adeliza (Alice), wife of Ralph III of

GENERAL

562

Alberic, abbot of Vézelay, cardinal bishop of Ostia, papal legate, 426 and n. 1, 524 n. 1 Albert of Aix, 107 n. 5 Alcharias of Damaria, 412 Alebold, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, monk of Bec, 316 and nn. 4, 5 Alengon (Orne), 180; besieged and captured revenues

fortified,

by Henry I (1112), 178; from, 180; castle of,

194-6;

rebels

against

Henry I, 204-8; restored to William

Talvas, 224; burnt (1134), 438; castle taken into the king’s hand, 446

Aleppo, 116 n. 2, 127 n. 5, 392 n. I Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, nephew of Roger bishop of Salisbury, 530-2,

538

Alexander II, pope (1061—73), 320 Alexander, versano,

son of Geoffrey of Con434 n. 2; his treasure,

434 and n. 3

Alexander of 'lelese, 432 n. I, 433

n. 5, 434 nn. 1-4

Alexander the Great, 456 Alexius Comnenus, emperor, xxiv; defeats Bohemond at Durazzo, 100-4; said to have sent an envoy

INDEX Ali ben Yousof, king of Morocco, 400, 410, 412, 416 Alice, wife of Bohemond

II, daughter

of King go II, 108, 134 and n. I, 390 n. Alice, "io of à) Ilbert of Lacy, (2) Roger of Mowbray, 544 n. 1 Aliscans, chanson, 416 n. 2

Almenéches

(Orne), given to Count

Stephen of Mortain, 196; restored to William Talvas, 224; castle

taken into the king's hand, 446 — abbey, its lands in Sussex, 32 and n. 2; occupied by forces of Robert Curthose, 34; burnt, 34, 36; abbesses of, see Emma, Matilda Almoravides, 400, 410 Amaury IV of Montfort, son of Simon of Montfort, supports Reginald of Grancey, 40 and n. 7, 46; quarrels with Henry I, 148; incites Fulk of Anjou against Henry I, 176; pardoned by Henry I (1113), 180; claims the county of Evreux, 188 and n. 5; takes the citadel of

Évreux, 188, 204; promises support

to Richer of Laigle, 196; holds Laigle for Louis VI, 198; in

his death, 132; his son, see John Comnenus

alliance with Eustace of Breteuil, 210; continues his rebellion, 220; withdraws from Ivry, 230; at Pacy, 232; offers support to Louis

Alfonso I (the Battler), king of Aragon (1104-34), xxii-xxiii; appeals for

VI after Brémule, 242-4; fails to help his allies, 250; attacked at the

aid against the Saracens, 394-6; his expedition against the Saracens, 396 and n. 2; his expedition into Andalusia, 404-6; captures Mequinenza, 408-10; fights at Fraga, 412-16; his death, 418, 440; his

council of Rheims, 260; defended by his chaplain, xx, 260; granted the county of Évreux, 278; con-

to Jerusalem,

128, 129 n. 5, 130;

wife, see Urraca

Alfonso VI, king of Castile, Galicia, and León, his daughter, see Urraca

Alfonso VII, son of Count Raymond and Queen Urraca, 408 and n. 1 Alfonso, son of Robert prince of

Capua, 435 n. 5

Alfonso Jordan, son of Raymond

of

Saint-Gilles, 550, 551 n. 3

Alfred, king of the West Saxons (871—

99), 386

Alfred, son of King Ethelred, murdered, 384

spires

to

rebel

(1122),

330-2;

burns Gisors, 344; attacks Vatteville, 346; defeated at Bourgthéroulde, 348-50; escapes capture, 352; makes peace with Henry I,

358; supports William Clito, 374 and n. 2; friend of Robert of Neubourg,

466;

his

sister,

see

Bertrade Ambriéres (Mayenne), 455 n. 4 Amice, wife of Robert earl of Leicester, daughter of Ralph of Gael, 278 n. 2; betrothed to Richard the king’s son, 294; marries Robert earl of Leicester, 294, 330

Amieria, wife of Reginald of Bailleul,

GENERAL niece of Roger of Montgomery, 214 n. 3 Amiotus, son-in-law of Pain of Chassé, 206 Amnon, son of David, 300 Anacletus II, schismatic pope

viously

Peter

Pierleonis,

priest of S. Maria

INDEX

224 n. 1, 308 n. 1, 316 n. 1, 348 n. 3,

485 n. 3, 540 n. 3

Angouléme, bishop of, see Gerard

Anjou, 148, 330 — counts

(pre-

rival pope, 268 n. 1, 392, 393 n. 3, 418; his relations with the emperor, 426-8; crowns Roger II of Sicily,

La

n.

Ferté-

1109),

his

election

quashed,

Andely, Le Grand (Eure), castle garrisoned by Henry I's troops, 216, 217 n. 4; fortified manor of the and

xxiv;

reconciles

Henry

I

50 n. 1; consecrates

Ralph, bishop

of Rochester,

attacks

48;

men's

long hair, 66 n. 1; meets Bohemond, 69 n. 6; his death, 168—70; Henry I's correspondence with, 88 n. I, 91 n. 3; his nephew

Andelle, river, 250 n. 4

at, 216

5, 478;

with Arnulf of Montgomery, 32 n. 1,

Andalusians, 400

of Rouen

le (le

479 n. 5

Frénel) 357 n. 3; castle built by Richard of Fresnel, 218; church of, 219 n. 6 Ancona, 424 n. 2

archbishop

V, Fulk

Anselm, St., abbot of Bec (1078-93), archbishop of Canterbury (1093-

Anazarbus, 134 n. 2 Anceaume of Cressy, 192, 193 n. 10

cant.

Fulk

Anna Comnena, her Alexiad, 71 n. 6, 102 nn. I, 2 Annals of Saint-Évroul, xxvi, 294 Ns25/ 392 2. 2, 393 003 Anselm, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, elected bishop of London, 316 and

434, 435 n. 6, 510; his death, 508; his legate, 478 n. 1 (Orne,

of, see

Rechin, Geoffrey, Geoffrey Barbu), Geoffrey Martel

cardinal

in Trastavere),

monk of Cluny, 420 and n. 3; as legate in France, 338-40; elected

Anceins

563

Anselm, 316 Anselm of Garlande, seneschal of France, 237 n. 10; killed, 158,

n. 2, 217 n. 4; town betrayed to the

159 n. 5, 160 n. 2; his heirs, 160

French, 216-18; Louis VI at, before and after Brémule, 234, 240

Anselm of Ribemont, 38 n. 1; his sister Agnes, 38 Ansquetil, priest of Cropus, 292-4

Andelys, Les (Eure), 216 n. 2 Andrew, abbot of Troarn, attends 1118

council

of Rouen,

202,

203

n. 8 Angely,

abbey

of St.. John,

Henry

abbot of, 316 Angers (Maine-et-Loire), 224 — abbey of St. Nicholas, Geoffrey

Martel buried in, 76 and n. 3

78 n. 3; their alliance with William 166,

358,

368;

hostile

to

Normans, 444; invade Normandy (1135), 454, 466—74; in the kingdom of Jerusalem, 390 Angles, 382, 386

Anglo-Saxon

Chronicle,

15

siege of (1137), 495 n. 3, 502-6 — Greek patriarch of, 104 n. 1 — Latin patriarch of, 104 n. 1; and see Bernard of Valence, Ralph principality of, 104-8, 134-6, 390 and n. 3; princes of, see Bohemond I, Bohemond II, Raymond Anzi, castle of, 434 and n. 3

—

— bishops of, see Reginald, Ulger Angevins, opposed by 'lheobald of Blois, 42 n. 4; in army of Henry I, .Clito,

Antioch, 114 and n. 2, 120, 122, 130, 373 n. 4, 502 n. 2; part of the empire of Constantinople, 506;

n.

4,

apocryphal gospels, 324 n. 2 Apulia, xviii, 38, 100, 104, 108, 428, 510 Apulians, conquered by the Normans,

58-60 Aquitaine, 508; duchy of, 490

abbots

46 n. 3, 61 n. 3, 68 n. 2, 78 n. 3, 80 n. 2, 89 n. 4, 179 n. 3, 182 n.

Aquitanians, 506

3, 184. n5.3, 186.17 1. 1388 nn. 2,,3;

Aragonese, 398, 406, 418

from,

260;

Aragon, king of, see Alfonso, Ramiro

GENERAL

564 archers, 351

xxv, n.

28, 206,

2, and

see

244-6,

Robert

350,

Bouet;

crossbowman, 78 . Archibald (wrongly called Hugh), bishop elect of Orleans, previously dean, murdered, 422, 423 n. 5 Arcil the moneyer of Lincoln, 48 n. 4 Argences (Calvados), 482

Argentan (Orne), 24; surrendered by Robert of Belléme, 98 and n. 1; Henry I’s control of, 222; castle taken into the king's hand, 446; occupied by the Angevins, 454, 484; Angevins retreat to, 528 — vicomté of, 176 and n. 3, 178 and noz Argenteuil (Seine-et-Oise), property and priory of Saint-Denis at, 82 and n. 4 — nunnery at, 82 n. 4 Arles (Bouches-du-Rhóne),

Armenians,

418

IIO, III n. 6, II2, 114,

124, 134

Irish king, 30 and n. 4, 48 n. 3, so and n. r; in Ireland, 48 and n. 3; his death, 50 and n. 1 Arnulf II of Hesdin, 520-2

Arques (Seine-Maritime), 190 and nn. 2, 3; Henry I’s control of, 222 — castle, Otmund of Chaumont imprisoned in, 242

— vicomte

of, see Robert

of Beau-

champ

Arras (Pas-de-Calais), fortified by Count Robert, 162; contingents from, in French army, 246 Arthur, king, 382, 386

Arundel (Sussex), castle, besieged and taken, 20-2; Matilda of Anjou received at, 534 and n. 3 Ascalon, 128 n. 1, 392 n. 1

Ascelin, son of Andrew, 216 Ascelin Goel, son of Robert of Ivry, supports Reginald of Grancey, 40, 44-6; witnesses charter, 174; his wife, see Isabel; his sons, see Robert,

armies, at Fraga, 412-14; composition of royal, xxi; Christian, 122, 124, 500; crusading, 102; French, 246; of Belek, 116, 124; of Bohemond, T34: "of9?England' 20, 2r"mn* 4, 24; of Henry I, 278, 344; of IlGhazi, 106; of Jerusalem, 502 n. 2,

of John Comnenus, 504-6; ‘of Normandy', 21 n. 4, 22, 34; of Stephen, 532, 540; of Zengi, 496

Arnold, prior of Saint-Évroul, 174 Arnold, son of Popeline,

ancestor of

Arnold of Bois-Arnaud, 250 Arnold

INDEX

of Bois-Arnaud,

surrenders

Lire to Henry I, 250; steward of the earl of Leicester, 512, 513 n. 6 Arnold of Tilleul, son of Humphrey of Tilleul,

monk

procures

gifts for the abbey, 340

of

Saint-Evroul,

and n. 2; carries letters to Henry I,

322-4

Arnulf, bishop of Rochester, abbot of Peterborough, 317 n. 7 Arnulf, son of Roger of Montgomery, earl of Pembroke, involved in the rebellion of Robert of Belléme (1102), 20 n. 1, 30; incurs forfeiture, 32; fights for the Angevins, 32 n. 1, at the court of Fulk of Anjou, 206

and n. 3; marries the daughter of an

Roger le Bégue, William Lovel Asnebec (Orne), 466 Assyrians, 500

Atcham (Salop), Orderic Vitalis baptized at, 552 Atharib, 392 Athelelm, monk of Saint-Germer-deFly (Flaix), at Fécamp, 140 and

nn. I, 4 Athens, 132

Atto, bishop of Viviers, at the council of Rheims, 274 Aubert, St., 162 n. 2

Aubrey Aubrey mule, Aubrey

of Boury, 218 and n. 3 of Mareil, captured at Bré238 and n. 3 of Verneuil, 464

Audoin of Bayeux, bishop of Évreux,

previously

king’s

188, 204;

unable

chaplain,

xx,

to attend

1118

174 and n. 1; driven from Evreux,

council of Rouen,

202-4;

consents

to the burning of Évreux, 228; at the council of Rheims,

260; grows

his

beard as a penance, 260 and n. 1; attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390; present at the death of Henry I, 448; his career and death, 530 and n.

2;

his

brother,

archbishop of York

see

Thurstan,

GENERAL

INDEX

565

Auffay (Seine-Maritime, cant. 'Tétes), priory of Saint-Évroul at, 292 n. 1

Baldwin of Clare, captured at Lincoln,

Augurius, St., 402

Baldwin of Ghent, 372 and n. 1

Augustine, St., archbishop of Canter-

Baldwin of Redvers (Reviers), earl of

bury, 318, 319 n. 7

Devon,

Aumale (Seine-Maritime), 190 — count of, see Stephen; earl of, see William Auvergne, men of, in French army, 244 Auxerre,

bishops

of, see

542-4

Germanus,

510,

511

supports nn.

the

Angevins,

6, 7; captured,

514

and n. 2; disinherited, 543 n. 3 Ballon (Sarthe), 398 banner (standard), royal, 28; of Louis

VI

captured

carried

in

at

Brémule,

battle,

236;

240;

and

see

Ralph Avranches (Manche), castle, Henry I’s

Standard, battle of the Barbary, doctor from, cures

control of, 222 — bishop of, see Turgis Avranchin, disturbances in, 490-2 Aymer II, vicomte of Narbonne,

Louis, 52-4 Barcelona, 404 n. 1 — bishop of, see Oldegar Barfleur (Manche), Henry I lands at, 60; royal fleet sails from (1120),

killed at Fraga, 414 and n. 1 Aymer of Villeray, defends Belléme against Henry I, 182 and n. 1 Babylon, 122 Baghdad, 122; caliph of, 120 Baldwin VII, count of Flanders, son of Robert II, 352; succeeds his father, 162 and n. 3; supports

William Clito, 166, 368; attacks Normandy, 190 and n. 2; helped by Stephen of Aumale, 280; his death, 190 and n. 3, 224 and n. 4,

274 Baldwin IV, count of Hainault, assists Roger of Tosny, 524, 525 n. 3

Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem (110018), 390; builds castle of Ba'rin, 496; marries and repudiates Adelasia, widow of Roger I of Sicily,

366, 367 n. 7, 432 and nn. 3, 4

Baldwin

II, count of Edessa (1roo-

18), king of Jerusalem (1118-31), becomes king of Jerusalem, 130; receives the Greek envoy, 130; defends Antioch, 106 and n. 3, 108; captured by Belek, xxiii, 132, his captivity, 110-26, 134; ransomed and released, 126 and n. 3; marries

his daughter to Bohemond II, 134; his last year, 390; regent in

Prince

294 Bari, 434 n. 4 Ba'rin (Montferrand), castle, siege of,

495 n. 3, 496-502, 505 n. 2 Bartholomew Boel, 421 n. 5 Battle (Sussex), abbey, monk

of, see

Gunter; chronicle of, 152 n. 1 battle-cries, xxii, 216, 217 n. 3, 242 battles, see Bourgthéroulde, Brémule, Cannae, Darb Sarmada, Hab, Lincoln, Manbij, Standard, Tinchebray, Val-és-Dunes

Baudement

(Seine-et-Oise),

Bus near, 218 n. 4 Baudry, archbishop

of

fief

Dol,

of pre-

viously abbot of Bourgueil, 254 Baudry, priest of L’Aigle, 460 Baudry of Bray-sous-Baudement (also called ‘du Bois’), 218 and n. 4; with the French at Brémule, 236—

8; (?) conspires against Robert of Candos, 344 and n. 2; supports William Clito, 368 Bavarians, 360 n. 7, 364

Bayeux (Calvados), 140; besieged and burnt by Henry I, 72 n. 2, 78 and n. 3; Henry I’s control of castle,

222; held by the Angevins, 516

his wife, see Morphia; his daughters, see Alice, Melisende; his sister

— archdeacon of, see William of Rots — bishops of, see Philip of Harcourt, Richard — cantor of, see William of Rots — dean of, see William of Rots

Cecilia, 108 n. 1

— vicomte of, see Ralph Briquessart

Antioch (1130-1), 136 and n. 2; his death, 136 n. 2, 392 and n. 2;

GENERAL

566 Bazoches-au-Houlme

(Orne),

castle

burnt, 482, 483 n. 6 Beatrice, wife of Geoffrey II of Mortagne, daughter of Hilduin count

of Montdidier

and

Roucy

(not the count of Rochefort), and n. 2, 396 n. 1 Beaubec, abbey, 193 n. 8 Beaumont-le-Roger (Eure),

394

base

at,

348,

46, 224;

352;

castle

surrendered peacefully to Henry I,

354-6 — honor of, 347 n. 2 — priory of, 352 n. 2 Beaumont-le-Vicomte (Sarthe), burnt

by Geoffrey of Anjou, 444 Beauvais, men of, in French army, 244 Bec-Hellouin, abbey, 88 n. 1; William of Breteuil buried in, 40; copy of Geoffrey of Monmouth at, 380 n. 5; abbot of, 354 n. 1, and see Anselm, Boso, Letard, Theobald, William of Beaumont; monk of, see Alebold Bede, 382; his De temporum ratione, 299 n. 3; his Historia Ecclesiastica, see Index of quotations Bedford, siege of, 510 and n. 2 Belchite, 400, 401 n. 6 Belek, nephew of Il-Ghazi, Artukid ruler of Aleppo, captures King Baldwin II and Joscelin of Edessa, 108-24, 132, 134; his death, 124, 126 n. 1; his wives, 116-20 Belléme (Orne), 398; burnt, 368; besieged and taken by Henry I, 182; lords of, xxvii, 182; their castles, 195 n. 3; and see Mabel, Robert, William 'T'alvas Bellencombre, honor of, 193 n. 10 Ben Warga, Almoravid governor of Valencia, 401 n. 3 Benedict, St., Rule of, 146, 154, 272 and n. 1, 314, 324 and n. 1, 326,

488 and n. 2 Benevento, Treaty of (1156), 367 n. 6

Benicadell, expedition against, 400-4 Bernard, St., supports Innocent II, 420 nn. 2, 4 Bernard, the king's scribe, 305 n. 8 Bernard of Uxelles, prior of Cluny,

312

patriarch

Bernard of Valence, Antioch, 106-8

of

Bernay (Eure), castle of, garrisoned by Henry I, 346 Berold,

butcher

of Rouen,

vivor in the wreck

sole sur-

of the

White

Ship, 298-300 Berry, men of, in French army, 244

inherited by Waleran of Meulan, 330; Waleran of Meulan at, 342; rebel

INDEX

Bertrade

of Montfort,

wife

of (1)

Fulk le Rechin of Anjou, (2) King

Philip

I; daughter

of Simon

of

Montfort, 166, 230; intrigues against her stepson Louis, 50-4; intrigues

against her stepson Geoffrey Martel, 54. n. 2, 76 n. 2; her son Fulk of Anjou captured, 76; becomes a nun at Haute Bruyére, 54 n. 2 Bertrand, count of Toulouse, son of Raymond of Saint-Gilles, 430,

431 n. 5; his wife, see Ella Bertrand of Laon, count of Carrión, killed at Fraga, 414 and n. r, 440 Bertrand

of Le

Rumex,

Plessis

xxiv;

holds

for Henry

castle

I, 192

and nn. 3, 4

Bessin, men from, 542 (?) and n. 3 Bienfaite (Calvados), castellan of castle, 356 Blois, 44 n. 2; family of counts

of,

xxvii, 42-4, and see Henry, Stephen, Theobald Blyth, see Tickhill Bohemond I (Mark), son of Robert Guiscard, prince of Antioch, xxiv, 54 n. 1; his struggle with Roger Borsa, 168 n. 2; his homage to Alexius Comnenus, 506 and n. 1;

comes

to France

to raise

forces

for a crusade, 68-70; marries Constance, daughter of Philip I, 70;

children named after him, 70 and n. 2; his hostility to Alexius Comnenus, 508; his unsuccessful attack on Durazzo, 100-4, 107 n. 5; returns to Apulia, 104; his death, IO4, 130; his memory honoured in Antioch, 134; his wife, see Constance; his son, see Bohemond II Bohemond II, son of Bohemond I,

prince of Antioch, his early life, 132-4; comes to Antioch, 108; as prince of Antioch, 134-6; his

GENERAL hostility to the emperor of Constantinople, 508; killed in battle,

136, 390 n. 3; his wife, see Alice; his daughter, see Constance Boniface of Montferrat, 432 and n. 2

Bonmoulins (Orne, cant. Moulins-laMarche), 200 n. 1; given to Richer of Laigle, 484 Bonneville-sur-Touques

cant.

(Calvados,

Pont-L’Evéque),

178,

occupied by the Angevins, castle of, 526 Bordeaux, 490 n. 3 Bordet, Robert, see Robert

450; 526-8;

(not bishop of Porto), 254 and n. 2 Botolph, St., abbot of Icanho, relics

to

Thorney,

567

368; overrun lands of Mont SaintMichel, 492 and n. 2; in Stephen's

army, 468, 542 Bridgnorth (Salop), castle built by Robert of Belléme, 20 n. 3, 22; siege of, 22 n. 2, 24-8 Brionne (Eure), 210; loyal to Henry I,

224; Waleran of Meulan at, 334; castle besieged by Henry I, 354, 355 n. 1; burnt, 368 Bristol, castle, 518 and n. 1; Robert

Curthose imprisoned in, Stephen imprisoned in, 544 Britons, 48 n. 2, 382, 386

Boso, abbot of Bec-Hellouin, his death, 464, 465 n. 5 Boso, cardinal-priest of St. Anastasia translated

INDEX

150

and

n. 4; Life of, 151 n. 8 Bougy-sur-Risle (Eure), church burnt,

Brittany,

conceded

to

Henry

380; I by

Louis VI, 180; patrimony of Ralph of Gael in, 294; bishops from, at the council of Rheims, 252; mercenaries from, xxv, and see Bretons; in prophecy of Merlin, 386 and n. 1

— counts (dukes), of, see Alan Fer-

— counts of, see Eustace, Stephen

gant, Conan Brotonne, forest of, 348 Bruges, 374 nn. 2, 3 — church of St. Donatian, Charles the

Bourdin, Maurice, see Gregory VIII Bourges (Cher), 508; archbishop of,

Bruno, papal legate, at Poitiers (1106),

see Leger Bourgthéroulde(Rougemontier, Eure), battle of (1124), xxi, xxv, 348-50,

Brut y Tywysogyon, 20 n. 3, 26 n. 1, 27:1:.3930mD4448 n3», 442»n9 1

464

Boulogne, sends help to Stephen, 520

356

Good murdered in, 370 and n. 3 70 n. 4 Buchar

Bourne (Cambs.), castle, 518, 519 n. 7

Braga, archbishop of, see Gregory VIII Bray, men of, 194

Brémule (Eure), battle of (1119), xxixxii, 186 n. 1, 234-42, 247 n. 4 Breteuil (Eure), held against the French, 244-8; stormed and burnt,

(? 'Táchefin

ben

'Ali

ben

Yousof), fights in the battle of Fraga, 412 and n. 4, 416 Buckingham, earl of, see Walter

Giffard Burchard, bishop of Cambrai, previously clerk of Henry I, 168 and n. I

524; Richer of Laigle imprisoned

Burchard,

in, 548

Saint-Céneri, 34 Burchard (Borsiard) of Lille, murders Charles the Good, 370 and n. 3 Burchard of Montmorency, 156 and nn. 4, 5; at Brémule, 234-6; cap-

— burgesses

of, loyal

to

Henry

I,

212-14 — honor

of, given

to

Ralph

II of

Gael, 214 and n. 2, 278; given to Robert earl of Leicester on his marriage, 330, 456 n. 3; lords of, xxiv, and see William; vassals of,

250 nn. 2, 3

steward

of

Robert

of

tured, 238-40; released, 240; kinsman of Peter of Maule, 237 n. 11 Bures-en-Bray (Seine-Maritime), fortified, 190

be-

burgesses, 46; at Bridgnorth, 28 and

of

Burgundians, help William Clito, 288

Henry I, 78 n. 3, 190; at Tinchebray, 88-90; support William Clito,

Burgundy, duke of, see Hugh, Robert; men of, in French army, 244

Brethencourt sieged, 156

Bretons,

(Seine-et-Oise),

mercenaries

n. 3; and see Breteuil

in

army

GENERAL

568

Bury-St-Edmunds

(Suffolk),

abbey,

abbots of, see Alebold, Anselm Buscheron, site of priory of Noyon-

sur-Andelle, 236 and n. r$ chapel of St. Martin at, 146

INDEX prison (in the time of Honorius II), 170; failure of his peace efforts, 346; his family, 162 n. 3, 210; his kinship with Henry I, 282, 283

n. 4; his death,

360 and

n.

2;

letter of, 318 n. 4 Cadwaladr ap Gruffydd, Welsh prince,

at the battle of Lincoln, 542 and n. 2; marries Alice of Clare, 542 n. 2

Cadwgan, son of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn

Cambrai (Nord), xix; bishop of, see Burchard Cana, wife of Ralph of Beaumont, 32 n. 3; her son, see Savaric

(not Rhys), Welsh prince, 24, 25 n. 4 Caedwalla, king of the West Saxons (685—8), 386 and n. 3 Caen (Calvados), surrenders to Henry I, 72 n. 2, 78, 286; treachery of its citizens, 78, 79 n. 5; Henry I at, 80; his control of, 222; his body taken to, 450; loyal to Stephen,

Candé (Maine-et-Loire), castle, besieged, 74-6 Cannae, battle of, 106 Canterbury (Kent), 318, 319 n. 5

482; castle attacked by Stephen's

gand, Theobald, Wigheard, William of Corbeil Cardiff, Robert Curthose imprisoned

troops,

516,

543

n.

3;

John

of

Lisieux visits, 550 —

abbey of St. Stephen, 202 n. r, 450, 451 n. 4; abbots of, see Eudo, Gilbert, Robert; monk of, see William of Rots Caerleon, 342 n. 3 Caesar, Gaius Julius, said to have founded Rouen, 280-2; said to have

founded Carlisle, 518, 519 n. 11 Caesarea Philippi (Banyas), near, 126 and n. 4

castle

Caillé, 458 n. 2 Calaat-Gieber, emir of, 112 and n. 2;

his daughter, 116 (1119-24),

pre-

viously Guy archbishop of Vienne,

478; elected, 208-10; holds council at Rheims (1119), xx, 252-74; goes to Mouzon, 262-6; excommunicates the emperor and his ad-

herents, 274 and n. 5; plans to visit Henry I, 264; meets Henry I at Chaumont, near Gisors, 282-90; negotiates peace between Henry I and

Louis

VI,

290;

annuls

the

marriage of William Clito and Sibyl of Anjou, 166 n. 1; returns to Rome,

306 and n. 2; hears accusa-

tions

against

Cluny,

310;

dedit,

Oda,

Pontius, Pontius

abbot dies

Ralph

d'Escures,

Sti-

at, 98 n. 2, 380 n. 5; his death at,

412, 440 cardinals, see Alberic, Boso, Chrisogonus, Cuno, John, bishop of Tusculum, John of Crema, Lambert; college of, 254 n. 2

Carenton (Manche), 6o Carlisle, 524 n. 1; held

by David

kings of Scots, 518, 519 n. I1 invented the alphabet, 552 and n. 3 Carrión, count of, 396 n. 2; and see Bertrand

Carrouges

Caletum, legend of its siege, 280, 281

II, pope

of, their dispute with

York, 252.n. 1343209 and now; and see Anselm, Augustine, Deus-

Carmentis (Nicostrata), said to have

Cahagnes (Calvados), 543 n. 3

n4 Calixtus

— archbishops

in

of his

(Orne),

citadel

besieged,

466 Cassel, church of St. Peter in, 378 n. 1 Castile, 406 n. 2; king of, see Alfonso

VI Castle Cary (Som.), castle, 518, 519 n. 8; siege of, 519 n. 9 castles, of Robert of Belléme, 94, 398;

surrendered to Stephen, 522; fortified abbeys as, see Ivry, SaintPierre-sur-Dive; in the kingdom of Jerusalem, 392; and see Acquigny, Almenéches, Anceins, Andely, Argentan, Arques, Arundel, Avranches, Ba'rin, Bayeux,

Bazoches-au-Houlme,

Beaumont-

le-Roger, Belléme, Bienfaite, Bonneville-sur-Touques, Bourne, Bridgnorth, Bristol, Caen, Candé,

GENERAL Carrouges, Cause, Charroux, Cháteau Gaillard, |Cháteau-Gontier, Cháteauneuf-sur-Epte, Chinon, Conches, Coutances, Croix-SaintLeufroi, Dangu, Devizes, Domfront, Dover, Ellesmere, Eustace of Breteuil, Évreux, Exmes, Falaise, Fécamp, Ferté-en-Bray, Gaillefontaine, Glos-la-Ferriére, Gloucester, Gournay, Grossceuvre, Guitry, Harptree, Henry I, Hereford, Illiers-l’Evéque, Isle-Marie, Ivry, Leeds, Lillebonne, Lincoln, Lire,

Lyons-la-Forét, Mequinenza, Mésidon, Mirebeau, Montfort-sur-Risle, Montreuil-au-Houlme, MotteGautier-de-Clinchamp, Mouzon, Neufmarché, Nonancourt, Orbec, Overton, Pacy, Plessis, Pont-Audemer, Pont-Échanfray, Pont-SaintPierre, Portes, Puiset, Renouard, Roche-Mabille, Rouen, SaintCéneri-le-Gerei, Saint-Pois, SaintSaens, Sap, Séez, siege-castles, Sorel,

Stafford,

Tickhill,

ham, Whittington, Ypres Catalonia, papal claims in, 404 and n. I Cause (Salop), castle, 442 and n. 2 Caux, pays de, 192; said to be named from Caletum, 280; lords of, 232

Cava, abbey, antipope imprisoned at, 306-8 Cecilia, wife of (1) Tancred, (2) Pons

daughter

of Philip

I

and Bertrade, 108 n. 1 Centule II, count of Bigorre, son of

Gaston of Béarn, 394 n. 4, 404 n. 3; killed at Fraga, 414 and nn. 1, 4 Chaldaeans, 456 Chálons, bishop of, see William chanson de Roland, 120 n. 2, 217 n. 3

mond at, 70; Henry I visits, 420 and n. 4; burnt (1134), 438-40; region of, 166 — bishops of, see Geoffrey, Ivo

Cháteau-Gaillard (Les Andelys), 216 I3 Cháteau-Gontier (Orne), 24; castle, 36 Cháteauneuf-sur-Epte

Charentonne, river, 222

Charles (the Good), count of Flanders 280 n. 2, 360 n. 7; succeeds to the county of Flanders, 190, 191 n. 5; at the court of Henry I,

William

368; murdered (1127), 370

(Eure),

castle,

232 and n. 3 Chátillon-sur-Colmont (Mayenne), 455 n. 4 Chaumont-en-Vexin (Oise), Norman forces repulsed at, xxi n. 6; raided by the Normans, 232; Calixtus II visits, 283 n. 3; knights of, at Brémule, 234; family of, 218 n. 2

Chester, 317 n. 6 — county of (Cheshire), 308, 332; foot-soldiers from, 542 —

earl

of, see

Hugh

318,

of Avranches,

Ralph Briquessart, Ranulf, Richard Chevreuse (Seine-et-Oise), besieged, 156 Chinon (Indre-et-Loire), castle, Geoffrey Martel imprisoned at, 74 Chrisogonus (Grisogonus), cardinal

deacon and papal bibliothecarius, at council of Rheims, xx, 254, 255 n. 5, 274 Christina, wife of William

kinswoman

of

fitz Alan,

Robert

Gloucester, 520 and n. 6 Cinca, river (wrongly called

earl

of

Ebro),

Cintrai (Eure) castle Montfort at, 244

of Amaury

of

Cisai-Saint-Aubin (Orne), 248; church dedicated, 340

chansons, xxiii; and see Aliscans

supports

charters, see Cluny, Henry I, SaintÉvroul Chartres (Eure-et-Loir), contacts of Saint-Évroul with, xxvii; Paschal II's visit to, 43; wedding of Bohe-

412, 413 n. 5

Chambly (Oise), siege of, 158

352-4;

569

Charles Martel, 154 and n. 1 Charleval, see Noyon-sur-Andelle Charroux (Vienne), castle, 32

^T'inchebray,

Tosny, Trie, Vatteville, Vernon, Vignats, Villers Chambellan, Ware-

of Tripoli,

INDEX

Clito,

Cistercians,

support

Innocent

II,

420 n. 2; their austerities, 426 Clementia, wife of Robert II count of Flanders, daughter of William of Burgundy, 162 and n. 3; sister of Calixtus II, 274

GENERAL

570

Clermont (Puy-de-Dóme), contingents from, in French army, 246 — council of (1095), 262 — council of (1130), 529 n. 3

Climping (Sussex), 32 n. 2 Cluny,

abbey,

founded,

270;

its

privileges defended at the council of Rheims, xx, 268-72; riots in, 312—-

14; fall of the nave, 314; Gelasius II buried at, 208; church conse-

INDEX marriage to Hugh count of Champagne annulled, 7o and n. 5, 252 n. 2; marries Bohemond I, 70 and n. 4; mother of Bohemond II, 132-4 Constance, queen, wife of Robert II (the Pious), 428-30

Constance, wife of Raymond prince of Antioch, daughter of Bohemond II,

129

n.

5, 136 n.

2, 504 and

crated by Innocent II, 418-20, 420 n. 1; meeting of Cluniac priors and

n. I Constance (Matilda), wife of Roscelin

monks at, xxi, 424-6; abbots of, see

vicomte of Maine, natural daughter of Henry I, 444 n. 3

Hugh, Maiolus, Odilo, Peter the Venerable, Pontius; charters of, 270 and n. 2, 272 n. 1; prior of, see Bernard of Uxelles; monks of,

oppressed by the bishops, 310 and n. 2; welcome Innocent II, 418-20; and see Anacletus II, Henry of Blois, Henry of Poitou, Hugh, duke of Burgundy, Hugh of Amiens, Matthew of Albano; priories of, see Lewes,

Thetford Cnut (St.), king of Denmark, n. 5; father of Charles count of Flanders, 370

the Good,

mark, 168 n. 2 cognizances, in battle, 242 and n. 1, 246 Colchester (Essex), abbey of St. John, 306 n. 1 Cologne, archbishop of, see Frederick

comet, appears in 1106, 68 and n. 2; in IIIO, 172 and n. 2

Compostella (St. James), 482 Conan III, duke of Brittany, son of Fergant,

visits Saint-Évroul,

174 and n. 4; married to Henry I's natural daughter Matilda, 180 Conan,

n. 5 Conches

son

of Gilbert

(Eure),

Pilatus,

371

castle of Ralph of

Tosny at, 244, 444-6

concubinage, clerical, forbidden at the council of Rheims (11169), 276; forbidden at the synod of Rouen (1119), marriage

290-2;

and

the Red's wife dies at, 230; empire of, 506; emperor of, his claims to Antioch, 390 n. 3

Corby (Lincs.), 332 Cordova, 404-6, 412

Cormeilles, abbot of, see William Cornwall, 382; earl of, see Reginald of Dunstanville

Cotentin, 191

Cnut, king of England, king of Den-

Alan

Constantinople, 104, 130, 132; Ralph

see

constables, 346 n. 1; hereditary, 100, 101 n. 4; and see Robert de Vere Constance, daughter of Philip I, her

ravaged

by

war,

60-2;

Henry I’s inherited lands there, 257 n. 6; forces brought from, 334; disturbances in (1137), 510-12 — vicomte of, see Roger councils (and synods), see Clermont,

Etampes, Lisieux, Rheims,

Gloucester,

Lateran,

London, Pisa, Poitiers, Rome, Rouen, Soissons,

Toulouse, Troyes Courcy-sur-Dive (Calvados), garrison of, refrain from insurrection, 21416; family, 24 n. 1, and see Robert Coutances (Manche), Henry I's control of castle, 222

— bishops of, see Richard, Roger Coventry (Warwicks.), 317 n. 6 — bishops of, see Robert of Limesey, . Robert Péche, Roger Clinton Cressy (Seine-Maritime), 193 n. 10

Croix-Saint-Leufroi, La (Eure), 334, 458 n. 2; castle of, 474; abbey of,

474; abbot of, see William Cropus (Seine-Maritime, cant. Bellencombre), 292 n. 1

Crowland, abbey, abbots of, |see Geoffrey of Orleans, Waltheof crusade, of r101, 156, against the Saracens

396 n. 2, 398 and n. 4

157 in

n. 6; Spain,

GENERAL Cullei

(Rabodanges,

Orne, - cant.

Putanges), 402 and n. 2; church of,

402 n. 2 Cuno, cardinal bishop of Palestrina, legate of Gelasius II, attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202; at council of Rheims (1119), 254 and n. 3, 256 Cyprus, island, 130-2 — duke of, assassinated, 130 and n. 1 Cyrus, king of Persia, 456

INDEX

571

Robert of Belléme and his brothers, 30-2; of William Clito, 256, 370 Domfront (Orne), inherited by Robert of Belléme, 398; Henry I lord of, 16 n. 3; castle visited by Henry I, 56; occupied by the Angevins

(1135), 454 Don, river, 474 and n. 1 Dover (Kent), castle, 518;

siege of,

520 Drogo of Mouchy-le-Chátel,

Daimbert, archbishop of Sens, at the council of Rheims, 254

Dun (Tale), river, 280

Dalintona, see Deddington Dallington (Northants.), 79 n. 6

Dunster (Som.), 518 Durazzo, 107 n. 5; besieged by Bohe-

— (Sussex), 79 n. 6 Damascus, 494, 508; army of, 502 Dammartin, 162 n. 1 Dangu (Eure), castle, burnt, 232

mond, 102-4

Durdan, river, 280 Durham,

Darb Sarmada (ager sanguinis), battle of, 106 and n. 3 Darius, legendary king, 456

David, king, 62-4, 300, 364 II, king of Georgia,

n. I David I, king of Scots invades

England,

xxvi,

122 and

(1124-53), 518,

bishop

of,

see

Ranulf

Flambard

Daniel of Dendermonde, supports Thierry of Alsace, 372-4 Danishmend emir, see Ghazi, MalikGhazi

David

156 n. 5,

192 and n. 1; his wife, see Edith

519

nn. 10 and 11; makes a truce with

— chroniclers, 50 n. 2, 252 n. 1, 277 n. I, 275 n. 9, 298 n. 1, 305 nn. 7,

9, 308 n. 1, 340 n. 3, 519 nn. ro, 11, 522 n33) 524 nri! 14/25 8530:n. 2; 542 n. I — treaty of, 524 n. 1 Eadmer, his Historia 66 n. 1, 88 n. I, 188 n. 2, 226 n. 2, 282 n. 3, 290 n. 3081n/J. 1394319 n./

novorum, 61 n. 3, 91 n. 3, 99 n. 4, 252 n. 1, 253 n. 4, 2, 298 nn. r, 2, 559320/n:. 2; his

Vita Anselmi, 168, 169 n. 10

King Stephen, 522-4 Deabolis, treaty of, 104 n. 1, 506 n. 1 Deddington (Oxon.) (? Dalintona), 78, 79 n. 6 Demetrius, St., 498

Earl Stoke (Wilts.), 511 n. 7, 519 n. 9 earthquake, felt in England (rrr9), 316 and n. 1 Eaulne, river, 280 Ebro, resettlement of valley of, 396 n. 2

Denis, St., the Areopagite, confused with St. Denis, bishop of Paris,

Écardenville-sur-Eure (Eure), 458 n. 2

490, 491 n.5 Denise of Candé, wife of Norman of Montrevault, 74 n. 3 Derby, earl of, see Robert of Tutbury Deusdedit, archbishop of Canterbury,

320 n. 3 Devizes (Wilts.), castle, Robert Curt-

hose imprisoned in, 98 n. 2, 380 and n. 3; besieged, 532-4 Devon, earl of, see Baldwin Dieppe, river, 280 disinheritance, of Eustace of Breteuil, 244; of Helias of Saint-Saens, 370;

of Robert prince of Capua, 434; of

Échauffour

(Orne,

cant.

lerault), restored Saint-Céneri, 224

to

Le

Mer-

Robert

of

Écouché (Orne), 466 Edessa, 110, 502 n. 2; counts of, see Baldwin, Joscelin Edith, wife of (1) Gerard of Gournay, (2) Drogo of Mouchy, daughter of William I of Warenne, 192 n. 1 Edmund, St., king of the East Angles

(855—70), murdered, 150 Edward

(the younger)

of Salisbury,

carries the royal banner at Brémule, 236 and n. 6; declines to sail in the White Ship, 296

GENERAL

572

Edward the Confessor, king of England (1042-66), 384 Edwin, king of Northumbria (61632), 386 and n. 3 & Egla (Michal), wife of King David, 408 and n. 3 Egyptians, 392 n. 1

Eleanor of Aquitaine, wife of King Louis VII, daughter of William duke of Aquitaine, her marriage, 490 and n. 3 Eleutherius, pope, 384 Elinance, son of Anschetil of Auteuil,

204 and n. 3

INDEX England,

68,

136,

passim; Henry 182, 294-330;

224,

424,

and

I in, 12-22, 24-32, Normans in, 168;

bishops from, 252; lands in, offered to William Clito, 288; estates of Richer of Laigle in, 196; estates of Rotrou of Mortagne in, 398;

risings in, 494; civil war in, sro, 516-24, 530-46; crown of, offered to Theobald of Blois, 548; kings of,

see under

the names

of individual

kings

English, conquered by the Normans, 58-60; in the army of Henry I, 78 n. 3, 190

Elizabeth, see Isabel

Ella, wife of (1) Bertrand count of Toulouse, (2) William Talvas of

Enguerrand,

Belléme, 430 Ellesmere (Salop), castle, 518, 519 n. 7

Enguerrand of Trie (also called ‘of Chaumont), son of Drogo of

Elvira, wife of Roger Sicily, 435 n. 6

II, king

of

Ely, portent seen at, 186-8 — bishops of, see Hervey, Nigel

Émendreville (now Saint-Sever, SeineMaritime), priory of Notre-Dame du Pré at, 450 Emma, abbess of Almenéches, daughter of Roger of Montgomery, 32, 36 Emma, mother of Roger of Le Sap, 326 Emma, wife of (1) King Ethelred,

(2) King Cnut, daughter of Richard I duke of Normandy, 168 and n. 2; her chaplain Stigand, 320 Emma, wife of Ralph I of Gael,

daughter 214n.2

of William

fitz Osbern,

Emma, wife of Richard Fresnel, 218 Emma, wife of Robert III of Grand-

mesnil, daughter of Robert Stuteville, 72 n. 1 Encre

(now Albert,

Somme),

Chaumont, 218 and n. 2; killed in battle, 232-4; brother of Walo, 220;

his brother William, 342 n. 2 Enguerrand of Vascceuil, 192, n. 9

I93

epic, conventions of, xxii-xxiii; see chanson Epte, river, 232 n. 3, 342

and

Erembald, castellan of Bruges, 370 nes Eremburge, wife of Fulk V of Anjou, daughter of Helias of Maine, 78, 310 Étampes

(Seine-et-Oise),

234;

coun-

cil of, 420 n. 4; men from, in French

army, 244

Eteocles, son of Oedipus, 86 and n. 2, I32»n Ethelbert, king of Kent (560-616), 318; his sister Ricula, 319 n. 7

I of

Ethelred, king of England (978—1016),

castle,

150, 168 n. 2; his sons Alfred and Edward, 384

190, I9I n. 5 Engelbert, duke of Carinthia, 42 and n. 3 Engelram of Courtomer, 474 Engelram(Ingram) of Sai, son of Jordan of Sai, 514 and n. 1; captured at Lincoln, 542-4 Engenulf, son of Gilbert of Laigle and Juliana, serving in Henry I’s household troops, 196; drowned in

the White Ship, 196 n. 2

son of Ilbert, castellan

of Caen, 78 and n. 4, 286

Étrepagny (Eure), 234 Eu (Aucus), river, 280-2 — counts of, 192 n. 5, and see Henry;

their vassals, 358 n. 1 Eudo, abbot of St. Stephen's, Caen, 138 and n. 2; attends r118 council of Rouen, 202, 203 n. 6 Eulogius, St., 402

Euphrates, river, 110 and n. 4, 112 and n. 1, 116, 134, 136 Eure, river, 230

GENERAL

INDEX

573

Eustace III, count of Boulogne, marries Mary, daughter of Malcolm Canmore, 42 n. 5; his daughter, see Matilda Eustace, son of King Stephen, does homage for Normandy, 482 n. 3; betrothed to Constance, sister of

— diocese, troubles in, 474-80, 512

Louis VII, 514 n. 6 Eustace of Breteuil, natural son of William of Breteuil, secures the Bre-

—(Hiémois),

teuil inheritance, 40, 44; supports Henry I in Normandy, 56 and n. 1; rebels against Henry I (1118), 188, 210-14; supports William Clito, 368; his castles, 212, 226 n. 1; retains

Pacy after forfeiting Breteuil, 214; raids the territory of Saint-Évroul, 220 and n. 1; at Pacy, 232; plans to regain his inheritance, 244; fails to protect

his vassals,

250;

makes

peace with Henry I, 278; favoured by some Normans, 294; his vassal Richard of Fresnel, 218; his death, 456 and n. 3; his wife, see Juliana; his sons, see Roger, William of Pacy ;

his daughters, 41 n. 10, 210-12 522 n. I Evrard of Le Puiset, 100 n. 2

Évreux (Eure), burnt, xx, 228, 260; — abbey

of

Saint-Saviour,

228, 368 — abbey of Saint-Taurin,

204;

burnt,

abbot

of,

see Philip — archdeacon of, see Philip of Harcourt, Ralph — bishops of, see Audoin, Gilbert, Rotrou — cathedral, burnt, 228, 260; rebuilt,

172-4, 530

—citadel of, 148; surrendered to Amaury of Montfort, 188, 204; surrendered to Henry I, 278; garrisoned by Henry I, 346, 348 — counts of, see Amaury of Montfort, Richard, William — county of, claimed by Amaury of Montfort, 188 and n. 5; offered to him, 220; taken into the king's

hand, 344

Exmes

(Orne),

Henry

I’s control of,

222; castle of, 34, 36; occupied by the Angevins (1135), 454; new town burnt, 462; men of, 214-16 vicomte

of,

17

and see Guigan Algason;

n.

9,

vicomté

of, 178

Falaise (Calvados), holds out against Henry I, 72 n. 2, 78-82; castle surrenders to him, 90-2; royal court at, 136, 214; Henry I's control

of, 222;

his

treasure

at,

448 and n. 3; castle besieged by Geoffrey of Anjou, 526 and n. 1 — vicomté of, retained by Robert of Belléme, 98, 178 Falco of Benevento, 428 n. 1, 434 nn. I, 3 familia regis, see household troops famine, in France, 166, 172 Fatima, said to be the wife of Belek 116-20

Evelyn (Aveline), wife of Alan fitz Flaald, sister of Arnulf I of Hesdin,

falls to Amaury of Montfort, siege of, 228-30, 260

Exeter, 511 n. 6 — bishop of, see William Warelwast

Fécamp (Seine-Maritime), Henry I’s control of castle, 222 — abbey, church rebuilt, 138; chapel of St. Froment in, 138; abbots of, see Henry of Sully, John of Ravenna, Roger

of

Bayeux,

William

of

Dijon, William of Rots; monks of, 482 — priest of, eyewitness of battle of Tinchebray, xxi, 89 n. 4 Felicia de Roucy, mother

of Alfonso

I, 396 n. 1 Ferriére, La (? La Ferriére-surRisle, Eure), 464 Ferté-en-Bray, La, castle, held by Hugh of Gournay, 192 and n. 7; attacked by Henry I, 200

Ferté-Frénel (La) (Orne), surrendered to Henry I, 222

Flanders, 136, 246, 514; magnates of, support William Clito, 368; disputed succession in, 370-2; floods in, 440 and n. 2, 442 n. 1 — counts of, see Baldwin VII, Charles the Good, Robert I (le Frison) Robert

II,

William Clito

Thierry

of

Alsace,

GENERAL

574

Flemings, 162, 376; invade Normandy, 190; settled in Wales, 442 and n. 1; mercenaries employed by Stephen, 482 and n. 2, 484,

485 n. 4, 542

Fleury,

(Saint-Benoit-sur-

abbey

Loire), 154

floods, 436, 442 Florence of Worcester, 61 n. 3, 68 n. 2,

78 n. 3, 89 n. 4, 99 n. 4, 179 n. 3,

182 n. 3, 188 n. 2, 442 n. I, 545 n. 5 Florus, son of King Philip I and Bertrade, 54, 230

Folcard,

monk

ministrator nn. 7, 8

of Saint-Bertin, of Thorney,

150,

206,

Lincoln,

542;

at the battle and

see

Fulcher of Chartres, 106 n. 3, I11 n. 6, 114 nn. I, 2, 116 n. 1, 126 n. 1, 128 n. 1, 134 n. 1 Fulchred, abbot of Shrewsbury, 318 and n. 1 Fulk, abbot of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive,

his death, 72 and n. 2 Fulk V, count of Anjou, king of Jerusalem, son of Fulk le Rechin

abbey,

xxi, xxii, 84, 90,

376, 400;

Fructuosus, St., 402

ad-

nuns of, see Juliana, Matilda foot-soldiers,

against Henry I, 340, 341 n. 5; assist Waleran of Meulan, 342; at the council of Rheims, 260; help William Clito, 288; fight for the king of Aragon, 396-400; attitude of some to the crowning of Louis le Jeune, 422; and passim

151

Fontenelle, see Saint-Wandrille Fontevrault (Maine-et-Loire),

INDEX

204,

of

knights,

and

Bertrade,

of

in

the

76, 77 n. 5; marries Eremburge, daughter of Helias of Maine, 76-8;

betroths

dismounted Foucher of Chartres, brother Bartholomew Boel, 421 n. 5

associated

government of Anjou, 76 and n. 4; captured by William of Poitou, his daughter to William

Clito, 164 and n. 3, 332; makes war

on Henry I, 176-8; attacks Belléme,

Fourches (Calvados), 24

182; becomes

Fraga, battle of (1134), xxii-xxiii, 410 n. 3, 412-16, 440; siege of, 410-12

Maine, 180; attacks Henry I’s castles, 194; takes Alencon, 206-8; makes peace with Henry I (1119),

France, xviii, 42, 82, 136, 508 and passim; events in, 156-62, 176-8, 420-4; famine and sickness in, 166, 172; Normans take refuge in, 58-60; Bohemond in, 68—72; Paschal

II

in, 42;

Gelasius

II

224, 308; Jerusalem,

Henry

I's vassal for

goes on pilgrimage to 310 and n. 1; becomes

king of Jerusalem, 136; his rule, 390-2; marries Melisende, daughter

in,

of Baldwin II, 390; his war against

186 and n. 2; Innocent II in, 41820; bishops from, 252; kings of, see under the names of individual kings; nobles of, 188

of Bohemond's daughter, 504; his wives, see Eremburge, Melisende; his sons, see Geoffrey, Helias;

Franconians, 360 n. 7

Frangipani, oppose Gelasius II, 186 n.2 Franks, 70; in Spain, 404; in the east,

504, 508

Frederick, archbishop of Cologne, offers obedience to Calixtus II, 266, 267 n. 3 Frederick, bishop of Liége, 252, 253 n. 5; his death, 254 Frederick, duke of Swabia, 360 n. 7,

363-4

Frederick (Ferri), son of Pain of Étampes, 474-6; his wife, 476 French, troops hold Pont-Audemer

Zengi, 496-502; arranges marriage

his daughters, see Matilda, Sibyl Fulk le Rechin, count of Anjou, 74-6;

his wife, see Bertrade; his sons, see Fulk V, Geoffrey Martel Furnes (Somme), 572 Fuscelmont, site of castle of Cháteau-

neuf-sur-Epte, 232, 233 n. 5 fyrd, 20, 21 n. 4, 36 n. 2,29 n. 5

Gabriel of Melitene, 134 n. 2 Gacé (Orne), plundered by the men of L'Aigle, 250, 462 Gael (Ille-et-Vilaine), 294 Gaillefontaine (Seine-Maritime), castle, 192 and n. 7

GENERAL Galbert of Bruges, 66 n. 4, 370 nn. 3,

4, 372 nn. 1, 2, 3, 373 n. 5, 374 nn. 2, 3, 376 n. 1, 377 n. 2, 378 nn. 1, 4

Galicians, 406-8 Galindo Sanchez (Galin Sanz), 400, 401 n. 6 Gallienus, emperor, 402 García Ramírez, king of Navarre, fights at Fraga, 414 and n. 5; elected king of Navarre, 418, 419 n. 3

INDEX

575

Theobald of Blois, 458 and n. 4; his second invasion of Normandy (1136), 466—74; his third invasion of Normandy (1137), 482-6; makes a truce with Stephen, 486 and n. 1; the truce violated, 512-14; his fourth invasion of Normandy (1138), 514-16, 526-8; allies with Robert earl of Gloucester, 516 n. 1; begins

Garlande, see Anselm, Stephen

to establish effective power in Normandy (1141), 546-50; his

Gascons, 400, 550

court, 193 n. 9; his wife, see Matilda;

Gaston

IV, vicomte

of Béarn, fights

in Spain, 400; his son, see Centule Gaudry, see Waldric Gelasius II, pope (1118-19), previously John of Gaeta, 478; elected, 184 and n. 2; comes to France, 186

and n. 2, 202, 203 n. II; grants "Tarragona to St. Oldegar, 404 n. 1;

dies, 208; his legate, see Cuno Geoffrey, abbot of Saint-Thierry, Rheims, 264

Geoffrey Brito (the Breton), archbishop of Rouen, dean of Le Mans, becomes archbishop, 172; attends 1118 council of Rouen; alienates vassals at Andely, 216 and n. 2; at

1119 council of Rheims, 254, 258; goes to Mouzon, 264; returns to Rouen,

290;

attacks

clerical

marriage in synod of Rouen (1119), 290-4,

388 n. 1; adviser to Roger

of Le Sap, 322; dedicates church of St. Gervase at Gisors, 344; consecrates the cathedral of Séez, 366;

his death, 388-90; his nephew William, 546 and n. 1 Geoffrey II, bishop of Chartres, 478 n. 1; at the council of Rheims, 274; papal legate, 274 n. 2; advises Adela of Blois, 330; at Séez, 366; attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390

Geoffrey (le Barbu), count of Anjou, 74, 75 n. 4 Geoffrey, count of Anjou, son of Fulk

V, 310; marries Matilda, daughter of Henry I, 390 and n. 2; quarrels with Henry I, 444 and n. 1; allies

with

William

Talvas,

446;

his claim to Normandy, xxvi-xxvii ; his first invasion of Normandy (1135), 454-6; makes a truce with

his son, see Henry II; his steward, see Robert of Courcy Geoffrey, son of Gilbert of Laigle and Juliana, serving in Henry I’s

household troops, 196; drowned in the White Ship, 196 n. 2, 298-300 Geoffrey le Gréle, escapes from Kharput, 114-16

Geoffrey Martel, the younger, son of Fulk

le Rechin,

associated

in the

government of Anjou, 68 and n. 1, 74, 76 and n. 1; supports Henry I, 68 and n. 1; intrigues of Queen Bertrade against him, 54 n. 2; his campaigns, 77 n. 6; besieges Candé,

74-6; his death, 68 n. 1, 76 Geoffrey of Andria, 434 and n. 3 Geoffrey of Clinton, 16 and n. 2, 316 Geoffrey of Conversano, his sons, see Alexander, Tancred, William; his daughter, see Sibyl Geoffrey of Malaterra, 70 n. 2 Geoffrey of Monmouth, xviii and n. 3, 519 n. 11; his work known in Normandy, 380 n. 5 Geoffrey I of Mortagne, count of Perche, founds priory of Nogent-leRotrou, 394 n. 4

Geoffrey II of Mortagne, count of Perche, his death, 394; his wife, see Beatrice; his son, see Rotrou

Geoffrey of Orleans, abbot of Crowland,

monk

of

Saint-Évroul,

his

death, 316 and n. 2 Geoffrey

of Preuilly,

count

dóme, 466 and n. 4 Geoffrey of Tourville,

of Ven-

blinded

for

treachery, 352 and n. 2

Geoffrey Ridel, drowned in the White Ship, 304 and n. 5 Geoffrey 'l'albot, 518 and n. 2, 520

GENERAL

576 Geoffrey the Monk, 124-6 George, St., 498

lord of Marash,

Gerald of Aquitaine, see William Gerard, archbishop of York (11008), writes to Bohemond,

69 n. 5

Gerard, bishop of Angouléme, papal legate, at the council of Rheims, 274 and n. 1; at Séez, 366; supporter of Anacletus II, 478 n. 1; his death,

478

Gerard, bishop of Séez, 144 Gerard of Fécamp, 192, 193 n. 8 Gerard of Gournay, son of Hugh of Gournay and Basilie, 192 n. 1 Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, 382

and n. 1 Germany,

events

bishops

in,

from

xix,

at the

360-6;

council

of

Rheims, 252

Gertrude, sister of Robert II count of Flanders, 372 n. 3 Gervase, abbot of Sainte-Melaine, Rennes, 168, 169 n. 7

Gervase, father of Roger of Le Sap,

INDEX Gilbert, bishop of Évreux, his death and burial, 172-4 Gilbert (the Universal), bishop of London, his death, 478 and n. 4 Gilbert, son of Richer I of Laigle, opposes Robert of Belléme, 34 Gilbert Crispin, castellan of Tilliéres, 248 and n. 2 Gilbert Maminot, bishop of Lisieux, ordains Orderic Vitalis sub-deacon,

554

Gilbert of Bienfaite, his descendants, 220 n. 2 Gilbert of Clare, son of Gilbert, attacks Exmes, 462; created earl of Pembroke, 520 and n. 2; escapes from the battle of Lincoln, 542 Gilbert of Clare, son of Richard, 520n.2 Gilbert of Cressy, 192, 193 n. 1o Gilbert of Exmes, captain of Henry I's troops at Évreux, 230; drowned in the White Ship, 302

Gilbert of Gand, 332; his wife Alice, 332 n. 3

Gilbert of Les Essarts, monk of Saint-

326

Gervase of Cháteauneuf-en-Thimerais, 176, 198 n. 2, 332 and n. 2; his wife Mabel, 332 n. 3

174, 322 and n. 2, 324 Gildas, work of Nennius

Gervase the Breton, son of Haimo vicomte of Dol, his legendary deeds, xxiii, 108 and n. 2, 110, 111 n. 6,

attributed to, 382 and n. 2 Gilduin of Dol, 492 Gilo of Sully, his daughter, 42

120-2 Gesta

Romanorum,

lost,

281

n.

3,

519 n. II

532 n. I, 533 n. 2, 534 nn. 2, 3,

535 n. 5, 536 n. 1, 540 nn. 1, 3, 547 n. 3 Ghazi, son of Malik-Ghazi, Danishmend emir, 134 n. 2, 135 n. 3

Ghent, 372 family,

their

tenants,

192

n. 5, 193 n. 8; their honor in Normandy,

37 n.

4; and see Walter,

William Gilbert, abbot of St. Stephen's, Caen, 138 n. 1 Gilbert, abbot of Séez, 486

Gilbert, archbishop of 'Tours, at the council of Rheims, 254; his death, 360

I,

wrongly

Girard of Saint-Hilaire, defends Vignats for Robert of Belléme, 22 Gis, castle, 126 and n. 4

Gesta Stephani, 510 n. 2, 511 n. 6, 518 n. 6, 519 nn. 9, 16, 531 n. 5,

Giffard,

Évroul, carries letters to Henry

Gisla, mother of Warin of Les Essarts, 486 Gisla, wife of (1) Humbert count of Maurienne, (2) Rainer Montferrat, 370 n. 1

count

and

180, 181

Gisors (Eure), meeting of Henry Louis

VI at (1113),

of

I

n. 4, 282 and n. 3, 318 n. 4; knights from, 232; disturbances in, 342-4; town and church burnt (1123), 344; claimed by William Clito, 370 Gisulf, the king's scribe, 304, 305 n. 8 Glamorgan, honor of, 518 n. 1 Glastonbury, abbey, abbot of, Henry of Blois

see

Glos-la-Ferriére (Orne), castle of Eustace of Breteuil, 212, 250;

GENERAL garrison of, 512; rents from, given to Ralph the Red, 250

INDEX

577

Gregory I, the Great, St., (590-604), 320 and n. 1

pope

Gloucester, Stephen imprisoned at, 544 n. 5 — abbey of St. Peter, Robert Curthose buried in, 380 and n. 4, 412 — castle, 516

Gregory VII, pope (1073-85),

— council of (1084/5), 151 n. 7 — earl of, see Robert of Caen — honor of, 518 n. 1

202; excommunicated, 274; captured at Sutri, 306; imprisoned at Cava, 306-8 Grimoald Alferanite of Bari, 434 and n. 4 Grisogonus, see Chrisogonus

Gloucestershire, 316 and n. 1 Godechilde,

daughter

of Ralph III

of Tosny, her dowry, 250 n. 4 Godfrey, abbot of Shrewsbury, monk

of Séez, 318 and n. 1 Godfrey

VII,

count

of

Louvain,

supports William Clito in Flanders, 372, 377 n. 2; his daughter, see Adeliza Godfrey le Sor, 178

Godfrey of Bouillon, advocate of the Holy Sepulchre, 390 Godfrey of Serans, at Andely, 218; at Brémule, 238 Godric, abbot of Peterborough, 317 n. 7 Goldcliff

(Mon.),

priory,

342

n.

3,

344 n. I Gonfriére (La) (Orne, cant. La Ferté-Frénel), gifts to Saint-Évroul in, 222 Gonzales, count of Asturias, see

Roderick Gormond of Picquigny, patriarch of Jerusalem, 388 and n. 1

Gorron (Mayenne), 455 n. 4 Gospatric, brother of Waltheof, 316 Goths, 550 Gournay-en-Bray

see Gerard,

Hugh;

castle of, 192

Gournay-sur-Marne (Seine-et-Oise), besieged, 160 and n. 2; sends to

Braga,

184 and

n.

2; denounced,

Grosscuvre (Eure), castle, captured by King Stephen, 490, 491 n. 7

Gruffydd, king of Gwynedd and Powis, 386 and n. 4 Gué-Béranger (Le) (Calvados), 482 Guéprei (Orne, cant. Trun), thunder-

storm at, 438 and n. 2 Guibert of Nogent, 70 n. 2, go nn. 1, 2 Guichard of Beaujeu, 156 and n. 3 Guigan Algason, vicomte of Exmes,

16, 17 n. 9, 451 n. 3, 454, 455 n. 3

Guildford (Surrey), 384

Guillegrip (unidentified), 16, 17 n. 5 Guimar, castellan of Laon, 9o n. 2

Guitry (Eure), castle of, 490 Gundreda, wife of Nigel of Aubigny, daughter of Gerard of Gournay, 192 and n. 2 Gundulf, bishop of Rochester (1077-

1108), his death, 48 and n. 1 Gunter of Aunay, castellan of Bayeux, 60 and n. 1, 78, 286; his influence on Robert Curthose, 62 and n. 4, 286 Gunter of Le Mans, abbot of Thorney,

(Seine-Maritime),

and n. 7

contingents

430

n. 2 Gregory VIII, antipope, previously Maurice Bourdin, archbishop of

the

French

army,

246 Granada, 405 n. 3 Grandmesnil, family of, xxvii, and see Hugh, Ivo, Robert; their vassals, 402 n. 2; men of, refrain from rebellion, 216 Greece, 508 Greeks, accompany Bohemond, 70; besiege Antioch, 504-6

monk of Battle and archdeacon of Salisbury, 150-2, 318 and n. 2; his epitaph, 152 Guy, archbishop of Vienne, son of William Téte-Hardie, see Calixtus II Guy, count of Ponthieu, 14 and n. 3; his daughter, see Agnes Guy, count of Ponthieu, son of

William Talvas of Belléme, 430 Guy, son of Hugh I count of Clermont, at Brémule, 236, 237 n. 8; dies in prison at Rouen, 242 Guy, son of Robert Guiscard, accused of treachery, 102 and n. 1; confesses his treason, 104

GENERAL

578

Guy Mauvoisin, son of Ralph Mauvoisin, 232 and n. r; supports Waleran of Meulan, 342

Guy of Étampes (the Breton), bishop of Le

Mans

(also called

Guy

of

Ploérmel), 360 and n. 5; his death,

478

j

Matilda, 534, 535 n. 4 (Guimar)

the

Breton,

son

of

Count Alan Fergant, his legendary Guy the Burgundian, son of Reginald I of Burgundy, his rebellion and defeat at Val-és-Dunes, 210 and n. 3 Guy the Red, count of Rochefort, 156 and n. 2; his son, see Hugh of

of the king of

France, 340

Harold Godwinson, king of England (1066), 296, 320 Harptree (Som.), castle, 518; of, 519 n. 9 Harran, 110 and n. 5, 122 n. 3

of

of

wvidamesse

of

Bartholomew

Chartres, Boel,

420,

421 n. 5 Helwise, wife of William count of Évreux, daughter of William count

of Nevers, 146-8 Henry, bishop of Verdun, archdeacon of Winchester, 168 n. 3 Henry, count of Eu, supports Henry I in Normandy, 56; declares against Henry I (1118), 189 n. 8, 190 and n. 1; supports William Clito, 368; Henry, duke of Burgundy, see Hugh Henry, earl of Warwick, son of Roger of Beaumont, 200 and n. 2; his wife, see Margaret; his sons, see

Hab, battle of, 108 and n. 3 Haimo of Falaise, 16, 17 n. 8 Haimo of Prunelai, 150

governor

Helisende,

with Henry I at Brémule, 236

Crécy; his daughter, see Luciana

Hassan, n. I

371 n. 7; makes peace with Thierry of Alsace, 376 and n. 2; his descendants, 165 n. 2

Hengist, king of Kent, 386 and n. 3

exploits, 110, 111 n. 6, 120-2

Hannibal, 106 Harcher, kitchener

deserted by the Normans, 282; rewarded by William Clito, 370,

wife

Guy of Sablé, comes to England with Guy

INDEX

siege

Manbij,

124

Robert of Neubourg, Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen Henry IV, emperor, his death, 80 and neg Henry V (wrongly called Charles), emperor,

son

of Henry

IV, xix-

xx; marries Matilda, daughter of Henry I, 80 and n. 3, 166; Arras fortified against him, 162; captures Paschal II, 172 and n. 6, 266;

Haughmond (Salop), abbey, 542 n. 2 Haute Bruyére, abbey, 54 n. 2

sets up Gregory VIII as antipope,

Hawise,

186 n. 2; his treatment of the pope denounced, 202 and n. 10; meets

wife

Aumale,

of Stephen

daughter

of

count

of

Ralph

of

Mortemer, 190, 280 and n. 1 Helias, son of Fulk count

310 Helias, son

papal envoys

of Anjou,

of John of La Fléche, Maine,

176;

count

of

Henry

I, 78; at Tinchebray,

supports

88-90;

reconciles

Robert

84,

of Bel-

léme with Henry I, 94-8; dies, 172 and n. 3; his daughter, burge Helias, son of Lambert

184; expels Gelasius II from Rome, at Mouzon,

excommunicated,

274;

his

262-6; claims

in Provence and Barcelona, n. 1; his death, 360 Henry 35),

I, king of England duke of Normandy,

404

(1100son of

William the Conqueror, xxvii, 160 novr,

188,

see Erem-

548;

settles

of

12; disinherits rebels, 12; his ‘new men’, 14 n. 1, 16-18; condemns,

Saint-

Saens, marries a natural daughter of Robert Curthose, 92; made count of Arques, 92; appointed guardian of William Clito, 92, 286-8, 368;

shares his exile, 162-4, 288, 368;

396%n.

2704840900.

the kingdom

(1101),

defeats, and exiles Robert of Belléme, 20-2, 24-32; receives a visit from Prince Louis, 50-2; esteemed by him, 54, 55 n. 5; receives the

homage of Norman magnates,

54;

GENERAL

INDEX

579

visits Normandy (1104), 56-60; his campaigns in Normandy (1105), 60, 78-80; at Carentan, 60-6; composition of his army, 78 n. 3; has his hair cut before battle, 66;

denounced to the Pope, 256-8; pacifies the region of Ouche, 220-2, 250; Calixtus II plans to meet him,

sends

siege of Aumale, 282; meets Calixtus II near Gisors, 282-90; said to have done homage to Robert Curthose, 94, 96, 256, 257

envoys

to

Philip

I,

68;

dissuades Bohemond from visiting England, 68; meets Robert Curthose at Northampton and Cinteaux,

80

and

Normandy

n.

(1106),

2;

crosses

to

68 n. 6; cap-

264; besieges Evreux, 276; makes

peace

with

rebels, 276-80;

begins

n. 6; refutes Louis VI’s charges, 288-90; justifies his claim to Nor-

tures Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive, 80-2; expels its abbot, 72 n. 2, 82; his victory at Tinchebray, 84-90; his

mandy,

letter to Anselm after Tinchebray,

290 n. 3, 294-6; mourns the loss of

88 n. 1, 91 n. 3; receives the surrender of Falaise, 90-2; entrusts

the White Ship, 300-2; marries Adeliza of Louvain, 308; marries

William Clito to Helias of SaintSaens, 92, 162; avoids the title of duke of Normandy, 99 n. 3;

heiresses to his knights, 308; visited by Archbishop Ralph, 318; at York, 324, 325 n. 3; cares for his son’s widow, 330 and n. 2; in England, 330; denies William of

assumes the government of Normandy, 98, 99 n. 3, 368; returns

284-8; makes

peace with

Louis VI (1119), 290; returns from

Normandy

to

England

(1120),

to England (1107), 142; banishes Robert of Montfort, 100; takes county of Évreux into his own hand,

Roumare his mother’s inheritance,

148; attempts to imprison William

Audemer (1123), 336, 340-2; relieves Gisors, 344; judges rebels (1124), 352-4; captures Waleran

Clito, 162 and n. 4; prevents his marriage with Sibyl of Anjou, 164-6; marries his own daughter Matilda to Henry V, 166-8; visits

Saint-Evroul

(1113),

xix,

174-6,

180 n. 1; holds off a threatened invasion from Anjou, 178; makes

332; 334;

captures Montfort-sur-Risle, besieges and captures Pont-

of Meulan’s

castles,

peace

Amaury

of Montfort

rebels resists

(1124), 358; rebellions in

with

and other successfully

support of William Clito, 368-70;

peace with Fulk of Anjou and Louis VI, 180; captures Belléme,

organizes

alliances

Flanders

(1127-8),

182; his years

of peace,

treaties

n.

to

4;

renews

returns

182 and

England,

war with Louis

182;

VI (1r16-

18), 184-6; refuses to give Evreux

to Amaury of Montfort, 188; rebellion against him in Normandy

(1118), 188-90; good relations with Charles count of Flanders, 190; defends the frontiers of Maine, 194-6; at Alengon and L'Aigle, 196-8; his difficulties in Normandy, 200-2; fails to recover Alengon, 204-8;

takes

Breteuil,

210-14;

with

xxii,

234-42; repulses Louis VI’s second invasion of Normandy, 246-8;

II count

of

the prophecy of Merlin, 386-8; his daughter Matilda married to Geoffrey of Anjou, 390; commands

oath of fealty to her, 518, 519 n. 10; settles Flemings in Wales, 442 and

n. 1; quarrels with Geoffrey of Anjou, 444 and n. r; fortifies Conches and Argentan (1134-5), n. 4; his favours

wins the battle of Brémule,

in

(1128), 378-80; forms alliance with Thierry count of Flanders, 378; in

444-6;

228-30;

him

372 n. 2; his

Robert

the

of Evreux,

against

Flanders (1101 and 1110), 379 n. 5; pardons William Clito’s followers

burns Évreux, xx, 228, 260; invests

citadel

354-6; makes

Blois, nus’s

fortifies

Exmes,

462

to Stephen

and

of

42; confiscates King Magtreasure at Lincoln, 50;

favours Roger bishop of Salisbury,

GENERAL

580

Henry I (cont.): 530; his grants Gloucester,

soldiers rewarded, 448; his Breton

to

Robert

of

516-18; lord of Dom-

front, 16 n. 3; his lands in the Cotentin, 257 n. 6; proceedings in his court, 176 and n. 1; judgements in his court, 12, 16-18, 20-2, 56-8, 100, 178, 214-16, 256, 257 n. 7; 352-4; his court at Falaise, 136 and n. 3; his peace measures (1107), 136 and n. 3; confirms his father's laws, 92 and n. 3, 286; his just

government praised, 89-100; holds council at Lisieux (1106), 92; holds council at Lisieux (1107), 138; holds council at Lisieux (1119), 224;

holds

council

at

INDEX

Rouen

(1118),

202-4; at council of Rouen (1128),

294 n. 1, 388-90; protects monks

mercenaries, 190; his English mercenaries, 190; his knights in Stafford castle, 24; destroys unlicensed castles, 98; his control of castles in

Normandy, 222-4; retains citadels in Belléme lands, 224 and n. 2; retains castles in Normandy, 444-6; his castles, 550 n. 1, and see

castles; his treasure, 100, 296; his chancellor, see Waldric; his chaplains, 300, 428 and n. 3, 429 n. 5, 448, and see Audoin, John bishop of Lisieux, Waldric; his household clerk, see Burchard; his household

officials and scribes drowned, 304; his scribes,

530, and see Bernard,

Gisulf; his constables, 346 n. 1; his justices, see Ralph Basset,

against bishops, 390; his rights in the English church, 290; promises to restore burnt churches, 228;

Richard

his instructions to bishops at the

at his court, 66 and n. 4; his kin-

Basset;

his

steward,

see

Robert of Courcy; his seal, 176; his love of hunting, 100; fashions

252; welcomes

ship with Calixtus II, 282, 283 n. 4;

Serlo of Orgéres and Ralph d'Escures, 46; pardons Ranulf Flambard,

his wives, see Adeliza of Louvain, Matilda; his son, see William;

142;

his

council of Rheims,

his

ecclesiastical

appoint-

daughter,

see

Matilda;

ments, 142-4, 172, 316; accepts the

illegitimate

resignation

his natural sons, see Reginald Dunstanville, Richard, Robert

of Roger

of Le

Sap,

322-4; confirms the election of Warin of Les Essarts, 324; accepts

Innocent II as pope, 420 and n. 4; gives patronage of Montebourg to Richard of Reviers, 146 n. 2; grants charter to Fontevrault, 420

n. 4; grants charters to SaintÉvroul, 174-6, 389 n. 4; grants charter

to

Séez,

366

and

n.

2;

his household troops (familia regis), 20, 21 n. 4, 22, 60, 66, 72, 196, 216 n. 4, 220, 232 n. 3, 246-8,

346; his household troops at Bourgthéroulde, 348-50; captains in his household troops, xxiv, 192 n. 6, and see Bertrand Rumex, Gilbert of

Exmes, Henry son of Joscelin of La Pommeraye, John of St. John, Odo Borleng, Ralph the Red, Robert son of Amaury, Roger of St. John, Rualon of Avranches,

Simon of Moulins, Thomas of St. John, Walter Riblard, William son of Amaury; his stipendiary

children,

his

98, 99 n. 5;

of of

Caen; his natural daughters, see Constance (Matilda), Juliana, Matilda

wife of Conan of Brittany, Matilda wife of Rotrou, Rohese; his death, xvii,

xxv,

42, 43 n. 6, 308 n. 2,

448-50, 454, 476, 490, 504; poems

lamenting his death, 450-2; his burial, 448—50 Henry II, king of England (1154-89), son of Geoffrey of Anjou and Matilda, mandy,

becomes duke of Norxxvi; his treaty with

Thierry count of Flanders (1163), 378 n. 4; his justiciars, 530 n. 3 Henry I, king of France (1031-60), 210, 430 Henry, son of David king of Scots, 519 n. 11; marries Adelina, daughter of William of Warenne, 524 and noe Henry, son of Joscelin of La Pommeraye, captain in Henry Ps household troops, xxiv; in command

GENERAL of Pont-Autou (1124), 346 fights at Bourgthéroulde 348-50; fights for King 476; his wife, see Rohese Henry, son of Louis VI, D Henry, son of Robert duke

and n. 1; (1124), Stephen, 154,

155

of Bur-

gundy, 430

Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester (1129-71), abbot of Glastonbury, monk of Cluny, his early life, 42-4; fails to secure the archbishopric of Canterbury, 478, 479 n. 7; advises King

Stephen,

510,

535

n.

5;

attempts to influence the Salisbury election, 536 and n. 4; goes over to

the Angevins, 546, 547 n. 3 Henry of Ferriéres-Saint-Hilaire, 464 and n. 1 Henry of Huntingdon, 42 n. 6, 61 1393968

n1,

58«n:i3;.

89. 134;

99 n. 4, 176 n. 4, 179 n. 3, 184 n. 5,

INDEX

581

Herman of Tournai, 373 n. 6, 376 n Hertford, earl of, see Gilbert of Clare, son of Richard Hervey, bishop of Ely (1109-31), 186, 187 n. 4 Hervey, son of Pain of Gisors, captured and released at Brémule, 240 and n. 2; disinherited, 346 Hesso Scholasticus, his account of the council of Rheims, 252 n. r, 256 n. 1, 264 nn. 1, 3, 270 n. I, 275nn.8,9,277 n. 1

Hezekiah, king, 448, 500 Hiémois, disturbances in (1102), 24; men of, 34; and see Exmes Hildebert of Lavardin, archbishop of Tours, bishop of Le Mans, 360; writes epitaph of William of Rots,

138 and n. 5; attends 1118 council of Rouen,

202

n.

1;

at

Rheims,

254

238 n. 6, 298 n. 1, 348 n. 3, 444 n. 1,

Hildegarde, wife of William count of Poitou (also called Matilda, Ade-

450 n. 2, 510 n. 2, 511 n. 6, 518 nn.

laide, and Philippa), her suit at the

188 n. 3, 189 n. 7, 190n. 2, 235 n. 5,

I, 2, 519 n. IO, 520 nn. 4, 5, 522

council of Rheims, xx, 258 and n. 2

nulm 5, 32 t. 1, $34 hn. "2, 3, 542 n. I, 543 nn. 3, 4, 545 n. 7,

Hilduin, count of Montdidier and Roucy, father of Beatrice countess

Monmouth,

mother of Alfonso 396 n. 1 Hilibecci (Guiribecci),

546 n. 2; sees work of Geoffrey of 380 n. 5

Henry of Nordheim, confused with Theodore duke of Upper Lotharingia, 362-4 Henry of Poitou, abbot of Peterborough, monk of Cluny, abbot of

St. John, Angely, 316, 317 n. 8 Henry of Sully, abbot of Fécamp, nephew of Henry and n. 3

of

Blois,

536

Herbert, abbot of Shrewsbury, 318 and n. 1 Herbert of Lisieux, captain of Waleran of Meulan's garrison at Vatteville,

348

Hereford, occupied by Geoffrey Talbot, 518; siege of, 520 and n. 3; castle of, 520

Herefordshire, 316 Heremberge, daughter of Giroie, wife of Walchelin of Pont-Échanfray, 41 n. 9 Herman, count of Namur, brother of Frederick bishop of Liége, 252 822242

of Perche, 394 n. 2; father of Felicia, I of Aragon, abusive

name

for Angevins, 466, 467 n. 5, 468,

472

Hlothere, king of Kent (672-85), 320 Holofernes, 500

homage,

for Normandy,

290

n.

3,

482 n. 3; of Bohemond I to Alexius Comnenus, 506 and n. 1; of Ray-

mond

prince of Antioch

Comnenus

to John

and Fulk of Jerusalem,

506-8;

of Robert

Robert

Curthose,

of Belléme 94;

to

of Thierry

count of Flanders to Henry I, 378 n. 4; renounced, 214, 334, 516 n.1; transferred, 56-8; and see Henry I Homs, 496 n. 2

Honorius II, pope (1124-30), previously Lambert bishop of Ostia, 208, 478; attends council of Rheims, 254 and n. 2; his election, 360; confirms the election of Peter the Venerable, 314 and n. 2; imprisons

GENERAL

582

Honorius II (cont.): Pontius, 314; grants rights in ‘Tarragona to Robert Bordet, 402-4; intervenes in Sicily, 366; his death, 392, 418; his legate, 388 hostages, given, 126 and n. 3; 228, 266, 376; ill-treated, 206, 210-12 household troops, 26 n. 2; royal (familia regis), 538, receive stipends, xxiv-xxv, 350, and see Henry I, Stephen; of Amaury of Montfort, 244 n. 1; of the count of Flanders, 162

Hugh I, St., abbot of Cluny, 270, 426, 430 n. 2; confirms the election of Pontius, 170; his death, 168-70 Hugh II, abbot of Cluny, prior of

Marcigny, his election and death, 312 andn.1 Hugh, chaplain

INDEX death of Henry I, 448 and n. 2; consecrates bishops, 428, 530; approves election of abbot of Saint-

Evroul,

538;

offers

the

English

crown to Theobald of Blois (1141),

xxvi, 548

Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester, his son, see Richard; his natural son, see Othver

Hugh of Buckland, sheriff, 16 and n. 4 Hugh of Cháteauneuf-en- Thimerais, son of Gervase, sister of Waleran

332; marries a of Meulan, 332;

holds L'Aigle for Louis VI, 198 and n. 2; supports William Clito, 368; attacks Vatteville, 346; captured at Bourgthéroulde, 350; imprisoned for life, 356 and n. 2

Hugh of Crécy, son of Guy the Red, of Bohemond

I, 69

n. 5 Hugh I, count of Champagne (Troyes),

160 Hugh of Gournay,

Gournay,

son of Gerard

of

rebels against Henry

I,

son of Theobald III, 252 and n. 2;

188-92,

his marriage to Constance, daughter of Philip I, annulled, 7o and n. 5

Rouen, 198; supports William Clito, 368; makes peace with Henry I (1119), 278; helps to pre-

Hugh (the Great), count of Verman-

serve order after the death of Henry I, 450; responsible for

dois, 20 n. 2 Hugh, dean of Orleans, see Archibald Hugh, duke of Burgundy, grandson of Robert duke of Burgundy, becomes a monk at Cluny, 430 and n. 2 Hugh, duke of Burgundy, son of Odo

Borel, 430; wrongly called Henry, 164. Hugh,

quarrels

200;

said

to

in Stephen’s

threaten

army,

485

n. 4, 486 Hugh of Grandmesnil, son of Robert I

of

Grandmesnil,

benefactor

of

Saint-Evroul, 380 and n. 2, 489 n. 4

Hugh of Le Plessis, 356 Hugh II of Le Puiset, goes to Jerusa-

priest of Longueville-Giffard,

292-4. Hugh, son of Louis VI, 154

Hugh, son of Pain of Gisors, given his father's estates, 344-6 Hugh, son of Ralph III of Tosny, 54 Hugh, son of William of Moulins-la-

Marche, drowned in the Ship, 304, 305 n. 6 Hugh Boterel, 190

White

Hugh le Manceau, 258 n. 1 Hugh Le Poer, son of Robert count of Meulan, 20; marries a daughter of Simon of Beauchamp, 510

Hugh of Amiens, archbishop of Rouen, abbot of Reading, monk of Cluny, elected archbishop, 392; at Pisa (1135), 442; present at the

lem, 100-4; his brother Evrard, 100 n. 2; his wife Mabel, 100 n. 2 Hugh III of Le Puiset, son of Evrard III, fights against Louis VI, 158

Hugh of Le Puiset, son of Hugh II, his revolt against King Fulk, 392 n. I Hugh of Médavy, 178, 179 n. 5

Hugh

II of Montfort-sur-Risle,

40

and n. 1

Hugh IV of Montfort-sur-Risle, rebels against Henry I, 332; marries Adelina, sister of Waleran of Meulan, 46 n. 1, 332; defies summons of Henry I, 334; refuses peace terms, 336; supports William Clito,

368; attacks Vatteville, 346; captured at Bourgthéroulde, 350;

GENERAL imprisoned for five years, 356; lords of Candos his vassals, 342 n. 3 Hugh of Montgomery, son of Roger of Montgomery, ratifies charter, 180 n. 3

Hugh of Montpingon, son of Ralph of Montpingon, 24 and n. 1 Hugh of Nonant, fights against Robert of Belléme, 34 and n. 4; castellan of Rouen, 62 and n. 4; his lands restored, 92 Hugh (Pain) of Saint-Calais, bishop of Le Mans, 478 and n. 3

Hugh Sans-Avoir, follows Bohemond, 70, 71 n. IO Hugh Talbot, holds Le Plessis, 192 and n. 5 Humbert, archbishop of Lyons, at the

council of Rheims, 254, 268 and noa Hyde abbey, see Winchester Ibn Ganya of Murcia 412 n. 3, 415 n. 6

and Valencia,

Icanho (? Iken), abbey, 150 n. 4 Ida, wife of Roger III of Tosny, 525

583

Balkans, 102-4; of ecclesiastical offices and benefices forbidden, 276 Innocent

II,

pope

(1130-43),

pre-

viously Gregory, cardinal deacon of S. Angelo, as legate in France, 33840; schism at his election, 392, 393 n. 3, 418; comes

at

Cluny,

Louis

to France,

418-20;

VI, Henry

418;

accepted

I, and

by

Lothair,

420 and n. 4, 421 n. 6; crowns Louis VII at Rheims (1131), 422, 446; excommunicates murderers of the bishop of Paris, 424 n. 1; refuses to negotiate with Anacletus, 426-8; holds council at Pisa

(1135), 424 and n. 2, 442, 443 n. 3, 478; approves

the consecration

of

Richard of Bayeux, 428; his relations with Roger II of Sicily, 366, 367 n. 6, 435 n. 6; supports Sicilian rebels, 433 n. 5; holds 1139 Lateran council, 528-30;

appeals

to

him, 478; his

spondence, 422 n. 478 n. 1 investiture, question

corre-

4, 448 of,

n.

xx;

2, lay,

forbidden at the council of Rheims, 276, 277 n. 1

n. 3 Iken (Suffolk), see Icanho Il-Ghazi, son of Artuk, ruler of Mardin, invades Antioch, 130; his victory at Darb Sarmada, 106; his death, 108 and n. 3

Ilbert I of Lacy, his son, see Robert of Pontefract Ilbert II of Lacy, captured

INDEX

or killed

at Lincoln, 544 and n. 1; his wife Alice, 544 n. 1

Iorwerth, son of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn (not Rhys), Welsh prince, 24, 25

nia, 2750.3 Ireland, events in, xix, 48 and n. 2;

king of, see Murchertach Isabel, wife of Ascelin Goel, daughter

of William of Breteuil, 40 n. 6 Isabel,

wife

daughter

of

Ralph

of Simon

of

'Tosny,

of Montfort,

Illiers-l’Evéque (Eure, cant. Nonancourt), castle, controlled by Henry I, 176 and n. 6, 222 inheritance, of lawful heirs, 94; rights

40 and nn. 5, 7 Isabel (Elizabeth), wife of (1) Robert count of Meulan, (2) William of Warenne II, daughter of Hugh

of, restored, 180; of Belléme lands, 398 and n. 2; struggle for Breteuil, 40, 44-6; of the sons of Pain of Gisors, 344-6; of Ralph of Gael,

count of Vermandois, 20 and n. 2, 46 Isabel, wife of Robert of Candos,

294; of Meulan,

344 and n. 1 Isaiah, 500

the sons of Robert of 328-30; of Roger II of

daughter of Alfred of Epaignes,

Sicily, 432; rights of, claimed by Henry I, 284-8, claimed by Richer

Isle of Wight, 511 n. 6 Isle-Marie (Manche, cant.

of Laigle, 196; claimed by William

Mére-Église), castle, 514

Clito, 236; rights of, to the county of Flanders, 370-2; no lawful claims to, by the Normans in the

Saint-

Isnard of Écublei, 198 and n. 3 Italy, 136, 424; bishops from, revenues of Holy See in, 420

252;

GENERAL

584

Ivan of Ghent (Aalst), son of Baldwin I of Ghent, supports Thierry of Alsace, 373-6 Iveline (Seine-et-Oise), forest of, 490 Ivo, bishop of Chartres, 42; his letters, 158 n. 1 Ivo, son of Hugh of Grandmesnil, castellan

and sheriff of Leicester,

his career and death in exile, 18; his sons, 18, 304 Ivo, son of Ivo of Grandmesnil, 18,

304

Ivry (Eure), castle, held by Ascelin Goel, 40 n. 6; held by Ralph Harenc as royal custodian, 210-12; committed to Robert Goel, 228; attacked by Louis VI, 246 n. 1; held by William Lovel, 332, 352

n. I — abbey, fortified, 72 n. 2

INDEX makes peace with Geoffrey of Anjou, 550; his death, 550, 552; his nephew, see John, bishop of Séez John, bishop of Orleans, 422

John, bishop of Séez, son of Harduin, nephew of John bishop of Lisieux, his first acts as bishop, 340; at Séez, 366; attends Rouen, 390

1128 council of

John, cardinal bishop of Tusculum (Frascati), 274 and n. 3 John, peasant at Argenteuil, 82 John, son of Odo bishop of Bayeux, tells Henry I of the death of William Clito, 378

John, son of Stephen of Meulan, 46 John Algason, 450, 451 n. 3 John Comnenus, emperor, son of

Jacob, 256, 300 Jerusalem, xviii, xix, 126, 130, 432;

Alexius Comnenus, 122, 128-30; succeeds his father, 132; attacks Antioch and makes peace with Prince Raymond, 502-8 John of Crema, cardinal deacon of

captured (1099), 159 and n. r, 394; crusaders go to, 70, 96, 100,

S. Grisogono, at the council of Rheims, xix, 254 and n. 2, 255

104, 378; pilgrimages to, 170, 188, 310, 311 n. 3; inhabitants of, 496-8, 502; army of, 502 n. 2 — kingdom of, 390-2 — — king of, see Baldwin I, Baldwin

II, Fulk — patriarch of, 128, and see Gormond of Picquigny, Stephen of La Ferté, William of Messines

Jews, 266-8 Johanna,

wife

of

William

Clito,

half-sister of Queen Adela, 370 and n. I John,

abbot

of Peterborough,

monk

of Séez, 316, 317 n. 7 John, archdeacon of Orleans, 423 n. 5 John, bishop of Lisieux, archdeacon

of Séez and royal chaplain, his early career, 142-4; responsible for the administration of Argentan, 176 and n. 3; attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202; adviser to Roger of Le Sap, 322; approves election of Warin of Les Essarts, 324-6; at funeral of Serlo of Séez, 340;

at Séez, 366; attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390; approves election of

Ralph, abbot of Saint-Évroul, 538;

n.

4,

264-6,

canons Mouzon,

of the

270-2;

drafts

council,

264-6;

274;

at the council

the

at of

Westminster (1125), 274 n. 6 John of Gaeta, papal chancellor, see Gelasius II John of Jors, 516 John of Ravenna,

abbot of Fécamp,

140, 145 n. 5 John of Rheims, monk of SaintEvroul, prior of Maule, master of Orderic Vitalis, xx, 47 n. 5 John of Rouen, monk of Saint-Ouen,

copies canons of council of Rheims,

274

John of St. John, 84 n. 2, 194, 195 n. 4 John of Salisbury, his Policraticus, 98 n. 2 John of Worcester,

308

n.

1,

316

n. I, 348 n. 3, 436 n. 3, 451 n. 4,

$IO' n.:2; 51r: nni6)e7, s18inil2, 519 nn. 9, IO, 520 n. 3, 52I n. 7,

522 nn. 2, 3, 532 n. I, 534 . 3, 536 n.2 jongleurs, xxiii, 120 and n. 1

Jors (Calvados, 517115

cant.

Coulibceuf),

GENERAL

INDEX

585

Joscelin, bishop of Soissons, attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390

— mounted, in battle, 88, 238, 348-

Joscelin

— milites pagenses, 26 and n. 2 — ‘of the Palm’, of the confraternity of Saragossa, 400 and n. 2

I of

Courtenay,

count

of

Edessa, sends help to Antioch, 106 and n. 3; his captivity, xxiii, IIO-14; escapes from Kharput, 114-16, 118; raises an army to rescue Baldwin, 122 and mn. 3; fights at Manbij, 124 and n. r, 126 n. 1 Joscelin of Léves, his daughter the wife of Ralph the Red, 104, 230 n. 2

Joseph, 300, 554

50, 542

Laban, 256 *Lafracoth'

name

given

to

either

King Murchertach or his daughter, 30 and n. 4 Lagny (Seine-et-Marne), skirmish near, 160, 161 n. 3

Laigle (Aigle, L’) (Orne), betrayed to

Joshua, 364 Josiah, king, 106 jousting, during Judaea, 312

the French, 196-8; held by the French, 198-200; burnt, 368; men of, 460-2; and see Engenulf, Geoffrey, Gilbert, Richer Lambert, cardinal bishop of Ostia, see Honorius II

Judas Iscariot, 80

Lambert, count of Clermont, supports

Judas Maccabaeus, 106 Judith, 500 Judith, countess of Huntingdon, wife

Thierry of Alsace, 372, 373 n. 4 Laon (Aisne), commune of, go n. 1; men of, in French army, 244

sieges

and

before

battles, xxii, 80, 204, 230 and n. 3, and see tournaments

of (1) Earl Waltheof, (2) Simon Senlis, 19 n. 4, 54, 55 n. 6

of

Lascar, bishop of, 415 n. 7 Lateran council (1123), 268

Juhel de Mayenne, 455 n. 4 Julian, St., relics of, 438, 439 n. 3 Juliana, wife of Eustace of Breteuil, natural daughter of Henry I, 40,

41 n. 10; rebels against her father, 212-14; makes peace with him, 278; becomes a nun at Fontevrault, 278 Juliana, wife of Gilbert of Laigle,

daughter

of

Geoffrey

count

of

Perche, 197 n. 3 Jumiéges, abbey, abbot of, see Ursus Kafartab,

siege of, 116 n. 2; falls to son of Vortigern,

386 and

ha5 Kemal-ed-Din, 110 n. 126 n. 3, 129 n. 5

4, 111

n.

6,

Kharput, xxiii, 109 n. 5, 110 and n. 5, 112-16, 134; besieged by Belek, 116 knighthood, investment with arms of,

Brémule,

in

battle,

xxi;

at

238; at Bourgthéroulde,

348-50; at Lincoln, 542; at Tinche-

bray, 88

3,

— council (1139), 528-30 Leeds (Kent), castle, siege of, 518-20

legates, papal, 294 n. 1, 366 n. 3, 418; and see Alberic, Anacletus II, Bruno, Cuno, Geoffrey, bishop of

Chartres, Gerard, bishop of Angouléme, Innocent II, Matthew, cardinal bishop of Albano legends, Theban, 86 and n. 2; and see Caletum, Rouen, 'Troy Leger, St., 162 and n. 2 Leger, archbishop of Bourges, at the Leicester, county of, 330 — earl of, see Robert; his

vassals,

052/n2 — sheriff of, see Ivo — town of, 18-20 Leo the Armenian, brother of Thoros II, 134 and n. 2

León, 406 n. 2; king of, see Alfonso VI

132-4, 190, 328

knights, xxii-iv, 84, 204-6 and passim — dismounted,

n.

388 n. 3

council of Rheims, 254

Zengi, 392 n. 1 Katigern,

— bishop of, 244, and see Waldric

Leonard, St., his tomb, 68 Leopold, duke of Austria, 360 n. 7 Lérida, 412 Letard, abbot of Bec-Hellouin, 528,

529 n. 2

GENERAL

586 Lewes

(Sussex),

priory, cartulary of,

IS n. 5 Liber Eliensis, 534 n. 2

— tower of, 304 n. I

Longueville-sur-Scie (previously Longueville Giffard, Seine-Maritime),

Libya, 412

Lichfield, 317 n. 6 Liége (Indre-et-Loire), 421 bishop of, see Frederick

TOs

Lothair, emperor, duke of the Saxons, his election, 360-6; accepts Inno-

Roman fortress at, 280; I's control of, 222; castle

cent II, 420 and n. 6; intervenes in schism at Rome (1133), 426-8;

Lillebonne

(Juliabona)

besieged (1137), 482 Limoges (Haute-Vienne), 490 n. 3 battle of (1141), xxii, xxvi,

542-4;

city sacked,

546; citizens

of, 540 and n. 1, 544-6; treasure of Magnus Bareleg at, 48-50; trade

—

— priory of, 36-8

(Seine-Mari-

troops from, in French army, 246

Lincoln,

caput of the Giffard honor, 36 and

n. 4, 292 n. I

Lille (Nord), 372, 373 n. 5, 374 n. 2; time), Henry

INDEX — council of (1102), 66 n. 1 — council of (1121), 308 n. 1

of, 48 and n. 4 bishop of, his share of Leicester, 18, 20 n. 1; his disagreement with Folcard,

150;

and

Robert Bloet — castle, captured Roumare

and

see

Alexander,

by

William

Ranulf

of

of Chester,

538-40

supports Sicilian rebels, 433 n. 5; his attack on Roger 510 and n. 1

II and death,

Louis VI, king of France (1108-37), 166; visits the English court (1100), 50 and n. 2; survives the intrigues of his stepmother,

with the betrothal annulled, his father

50-4;

invested

Vexin, 54 and n. 3; his to Luciana of Rochefort 156 and nn. 2, 3; assists to maintain order, 156-8;

his reign, 154-6; succeeds his father, 54, 158; crowned at Orleans, 154 and n. 4; captures Le Puiset,

— dean of, see Philip of Harcourt Lire (Eure), 548; castle of Eustace of

158-60; asked to help William Clito, 164; supports Fulk of Anjou

Breteuil at, 212, 250 — abbey, founded by

against Henry William

fitz

Osbern, 40 and n. 2; William of Breteuil buried in, 40 Lisieux (Calvados), Prince William married at, 224; Norman magnates meet at, 454 n. 2; burnt (1136),

468; King Stephen at, 484; Bishop John dies at, 550 — bishopric of, 142, 436 — bishops of, see Gilbert John

I (1113),

180; renews

war with him, 184-6; fortifies Gasny 184;

burns

possession 216-18,

L'Aigle,

of Le

196-8;

Grand

226; besieges

Cháteauneuf-sur-Epte,

takes

Andely,

Dangu

and

232;

de-

withdraws

to

Paris,

240-2;

again invades Normandy, 246-8; at

the council of Rheims, xx, 256-8;

Lombards, 364, 434 London, bishops of, see Gilbert the Universal, Maurice, Mellitus,

bishop-elect

of, see Anselm

— cathedral church of burnt and rebuilt, 144

with Henry

and Maminot,

— council at (1119), 224 — diocese of, 340 — province of (Lieuvin), 356 Livet-en-Ouche (Eure, cant. Beaumesnil), (?) 198, 199 n. 5, 200 n. 1

of Belmeis;

by

feated at Brémule, 234-42; escapes

— council at (1107), 92 and n. 4, 138

Richard

I, 176; opposed

Theobald of Blois, 176; makes peace

St.

Paul,

his charges against Henry I, 288— 90; receives envoys of Calixtus II,

290; makes peace with Henry I, 290; receives the homage of Prince William for Normandy, 290 n. 3; gives

support

to

William

Clito,

368-70; his good relations with Thierry count of Flanders, 378 and n. 4; designates his son Philip as king, 390; his recovery from illness, 446-8; accepts Innocent II, 420

n. 4; has his son Louis crowned at Rheims, 422; hears plea of wife of

GENERAL

Frederick death,

of Etampes,

490

and

476; his

n. 4; his court,

215 n. 4, 368; his wife, see Adela; his sons, see Henry, Hugh, Louis,

Philip; his daughter, 155 n. 7, 248 n. 1 Louis VII (le Jeune), king of France (1137-80), son of Louis VI, 154; crowned at Rheims (1131), 422 and n. 3, 446; marries Eleanor of Aqui-

taine, 482, 490 and n. 3; crowned at Poitiers, 490, 491 n. 6; said to have been crowned at Bourges, 508 and n. 3; lays siege to Toulouse, 550, 551 nn. 3, 4; his great court,

508 and n. 3 Louis of Senlis, son of Guy of Senlis,

INDEX

587

Magnus III (Bareleg), king of Norway, his expedition to Ireland and death, 48 and n. 2, 5o Maine, county of, 195 n. 3, 332; Henry I's suzerainty in, 180; count of, see Helias; nobles of, 176; men of, see Manceaux

Mainer, abbot of Saint-Évroul (1066— 89), receives Orderic Vitalis as an oblate monk, 554 Mainz, archbishop of, at council of Rheims, 252; and see Adalbert Maiolus, abbot of Cluny, 426 Malassis, siege-castle by Gasny, 186 Maleffre, wood, 474 and n. 2 Malik-Ghazi, Danishmend emir, 68

Mamers (Sarthe), castle, 446

340-2

Manbij, siege of,

Luciana, daughter of Guy the Red, 156 and nn. 2, 3 Lucius, king, 384 and n. 1 Lucy, wife of (1) Roger fitz Gerold,

n. 2, 124; battle of, 124-6 Manceaux, fight in Henry I's army, 78 n. 3; at Tinchebray, 88-90; support William Clito, 368; invade

(2) Ralph Briquessart, 308, 309 n. 3; her lands, 332, 333 n. 4

Mans (Le) (Sarthe), 225 n. 5; burnt,

Luke of La Barre, son of Simon, 246, 247 n. 6; besieged in PontAudemer, 340; his condemnation

— abbey of La Couture at, 438, 439n. 3 — bishops of, see Guy of Étampes,

archbishop

of, hos-

tile to Cluniacs, 310, and Humbert Lyons-la-Forét (Eure), 56 n.

Henry

I dies

see 1;

at, 42, 448; royal

castle at, 234

Ma’arrat al-Numan, 392 n. 1 Mabel, wife of Hugh II of Le Puiset,

IOO n. 2 Mabel, wife of Robert earl of Gloucester, daughter of Robert fitz Hamon, 518 n. 1 Mabel of Belléme, wife of Roger of

Montgomery, 398; her murder, 25 n. 5 Macedonia, 102 Macedonians, 456 Macon, bishop of, hostile to Cluniacs, 268 and n. 3, 310

Madog-ap-Maredudd, at the battle

the

Welsh prince,

of Lincoln,

n.2 Magneville (Manche, bec), 511 n. 7

Normandy (1135), 454

438, 439 n. 3 Hildebert, Hugh (Pain)

and death, 352-4

Lyons (Rhóne),

110 and n. 1, 122 and

cant.

— cathedral of, 438 — dean of, see Geoffrey Brito Mantes (Seine-et-Oise), 54 n. 3, 226 Manuel Comnenus, emperor, 129 n.

5, 504 n. 1 Marcigny, priory of, 44 and n. 2; prior of, see Hugh Maredudd, son of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, Welsh prince, 25 n. 4 Margaret, wife of Henry earl of Warwick, 200 and n. 2 market, at Gisors, 342 Marmoutier, customs of, established at ''horney, 152

Maromme

(Seine-Maritime), fighting

at, 72

marriage, of clergy, forbidden at the council of Rheims, at the synod of

290-2,

and

at

276; forbidden Rouen (1119),

the

council

of

542 and

Rouen (1128), 294 n. 1, 388; and see concubinage Mary, wife of Eustace of Boulogne,

Brique-

daughter of Malcolm Canmore, 42 and n. 5

GENERAL

588 *Mate-putain',

siege-castle begun

at

Old Rouen, 280

Matera, 434 Matilda, abbess of Almenéches, daughter of Philip of Montgomery, Matilda, daughter of Henry

I, em-

press, countess of Anjou, marries Henry V, 80 and n. 3, 166-8; imperial insignia left to her, 360 and n. 6; marries Geoffrey count

of Anjou, claim

390 to the

xxv-xxvii; to

n. 1; becomes a nun at Fontevrault,

330 Matilda, wife of William of Roumare, daughter of Richard of Reviers,

380, 538

Matilda of Ramsbury, (?) concubine

36

her

INDEX

her,

oaths

518,

Normandy,

519

454;

and

n.

English

2, 444; crown,

of fealty sworn n.

10;

brings

invades

support

to the Angevins, 472; support for her cause in Normandy, 510-12; imprisons Ralph of Esson, 514; comes to England, 534-6; receives

fealty of Ranulf earl of Chester, 540; holds Stephen captive, 544; received in Winchester, 546 Matilda, queen of England, wife of Henry I, daughter of Malcolm Canmore, 43 n. 5; intercedes for Robert Curthose, 14, 15 n. 4; her death, 188 Matilda, queen of England, wife of

of Roger bishop of Salisbury, 522,

533 n. 2 Mattathias, 62

Matthew, cardinal bishop of Albano, papal legate, monk of Cluny, 422 n. 3; presides at council of Rouen, 388-90 Matthew I, count of Beaumont-sur-

Oise, 156 and nn. 4, 5, 158; at Brémule, 236 and n. 7; his wife, see Agnes

Matthew

of Edessa,

n. 6, 126 n. 3 Matthew Ridel,

borough,

monk

106 n. 3, 111

abbot

of

Peter-

of Mont

Saint-

Michel, 316, 317 n. 7

Matthias, apostle, 324 and n. 2 Mauger Malherbe, in charge of castle of Exmes, 34 Maule (Seine-et-Oise, cant. Meulan),

knights of, in the French army at

King Stephen, daughter of Eustace

Brémule, xxii, 236-8, 242, 247 n. 4 — priory of Saint-Évroul at, 74 n. 2; prior of, see John of Rheims

of Boulogne, 42; besieges Dover, 520 and n. 4; continues to fight after Stephen’s capture, 546

Maurice, St., 554 Maurice, bishop of London, 144 and n. 3

Matilda, queen of England, wife of

Maurice, brother of Robert Poard, 548

William the Conqueror, benefactress of Notre-Dame-du-Pré, 450 Matilda, wife of Conan III of Brittany,

Maurice Bourdin, see Gregory VIII

natural daughter of Henry I, 174n. 4 Matilda, wife of Odo duke of Burgundy, 211 n. 4 Matilda,

wife

of

Richard

earl

of

Chester, daughter of Stephen count of Blois, 304 Matilda, wife of Rotrou of Mortagne,

natural daughter of Henry I, 4o, 41 n. 11, 398; drowned in the White Ship, 304; her mother Edith, 41 n. 11 Matilda, wife of Theobald IV of Blois, daughter of Engelbert duke of Carinthia, 42 and n. 3 Matilda, wife of William son of Henry I, daughter of Fulk of Anjou, 165 n. 3, 166 n. 1, 302 and

Mauvoisin, men of, 464 Meaux (Seine-et-Marne), 160 Medes, 456; king of, 120-2

Medway, river, 226 n. 2 Méle-sur-Sarthe (Le) (Orne), given to Stephen of Mortain, 196 Melgueil, count of, father of Pontius

abbot of Cluny, 268 Melisende, wife of Fulk

king

of

Jerusalem, daughter of Baldwin II,

390

Mellitus, bishop of London, 319 n. 7 Melun, abbot of, see Adelard

Meole, tributary of Severn, 552 Mequinenza, castle, 408-10 mercenaries, xxiv-xxv, and Bretons, Flemings, Henry

Stephen, stipendiary knights

see I,

GENERAL

INDEX

589

Mercia, 24 Mercians, bishops of, 316, 317 n. 6 Merlerault (Le) (Orne), 438 and n. 1

Morphia, wife of Baldwin II of Jerusalem, daughter of Gabriel of Melitene, 114 and n. 1

Merlin, prophecies of, xviii, 380-8

Mortagne (Orne), meeting of Norman magnates at, 548

Merouan, 'king of Valencia', 400 Merton (Surrey), priory, 530 and n. 2 Mésidon (Calvados), castle besieged, 482 Meulan, county of, 330; see Robert, Waleran

counts

of,

see archers, army, fyrd, household troops, knights, mercenaries, ser-

vientes, stipendiary knights, vavassors milites, meaning of term, xxiv-xxv Mirebeau, castle, 77 n. 6 Mont Saint-Michel, abbey, its lands pillaged, 492 and n. 2; monk of, see Matthew Ridel

Montacute (Som.), priory, 518 n. 4 and

Montferrand, see Ba’rin Montfort-en-Yveline (Yvelines), 188 nals Montfort-l'Amauri, see Amaury, Simon (Ille-et-Vilaine), Montfort-la-Canne

294

by Henry I, 346; burnt, 368 Montlhéry (Seine-et-Oise), besieged, 156

(Seine-et-Oise),

siege

Montpingon (Calvados), men of, 216 (Orne), castle,

attacked by Angevins, 466-8 Montreuil-l'Argillé (Eure, cant. Broglie), restored to Robert of Saint-

Céneri, 224; burnt, 512 Montreuil-sur-Mer

Stephen,

(Pas-de-Calais),

given to Helias of Saint-Saens, 370 Morgan ab Owain ap Caradoc, 518 and n. 5

Morin of Le Pin, steward of Waleran of Meulan, fortifies Waleran’s castles, 354; exiled, 356

(La),

castle (at Chemilly, Orne), taken by Fulk of Anjou, 194, 195 n. 3

Moulins-la-Marche

(Orne),

raided,

199 n. 5, 200; given to Rotrou

Mortagne, 484 Mount Tabor, 310 Moutiers-Hubert (Les)

of

(Calvados,

cant. Livarot), castle, 468 and n. 3 Mouzon (Ardennes), meeting of Henry V with papal envoys near castle of,

xix-Xx, 252 n. I, 262-6 Mowbray, family, see Roger; tenants, 193 n. 8 Mozarabes, leave Cordova in Aragon, 404-6

their

to settle

Murchertach, Irish king, 30 and n. 3, 31 n. I, 48 n. 3, 5o and n. 1 Musched of Le Mans, 120-2

Nantes (Loire-Inférieure), 224 Nazareth, 310

Nebuchadnezzar, king, 456 contingents from, in

French army, 246 Neubourg (Le) (Eure)

burnt

by

Henry I, 200; meeting of Norman

magnates at, xxvi, 454 Neufchátel-en-Bray (Seine-Maritime), 358 n. 1

Neufmarché-en-Lyons

of, 156-8 Montreuil-au-Houlme

see

Morville (Salop), 436 n. 3 Moses, 364

Nesle (Somme),

Montfort-sur-Risle (Eure), castle, surrenders to Henry I, 334-6; held

Montmorency

of,

Motte-Gautier-de-Clinchamp

Michal, see Egla Miles of Beauchamp, 510 and n. 3 military service, land held for, 32;

Monte Scaglioso, 434 Montebourg, abbey, foundation patronage of, 146 and n. 2

Mortain, count William

(Seine-Mari-

time, cant. Gournay), castellans of, 194; men of, support William of Roumare, 334

— priory of Saint-Évroul at, 380 and n.2 Nevers, count of, see William Nicaise, ford of (Gasny), 184

Nicholas, citizen of Caen, 79 n. 5 Nicostrata, see Carmentis Nigel, bishop of Ely (1133-69), learns of conspiracy, 494; involved in the

rebellion of his uncle, Salisbury, 530-4

Roger

of

GENERAL

590 Nigel of Aubigny,

witnesses

charter,

174; marries (1) Matilda of Laigle, (2) Gundreda of Gournay, 192 and n. 2; loyal to Henry I, 224; at

Brémule, 236; sur-Risle, 334

attacks

Montfort-

INDEX 168; in the army

of Henry

I, 78

n. 3; support William Clito, 164, 184, 368, 372; desert William Clito, 282; at the council of Rheims, 260; some favour Eustace of Breteuil, 294; some favour the Angevins,

444; repel the Angevins, 454-6; quarrel with Flemish mercenaries,

Nineveh, 122

Ninevites, 498 Noah, 440 Nogent-le-Rotrou burnt, 438

(Eure-et-Loir),

— priory of Saint-Denis at, 394 and n. 4 Nonancourt (Eure), castle, 176, 177 n. 6; Henry I’s control of, 222; castellans of, recognize Geoffrey of

Anjou, 550 and n. 1 Norfolk, earl of, see Roger Bigod Norman of Montrevault, holds castle of Candé, 74 and n. 3; his wife Denise, 74 n. 3 Normandy, xx, 42, 316, and passim; troubles of, under Robert Curthose, 56, 86, 96, 142, 284-6; events in,

22-4, 32-6, 38, 44, 56-60; cam-

484, 485 n. 4 Northampton, earl of, see Simon Northumbria, 324 Norwich, see moved to, 146 n. 1 Noyon (Oise), contingents from, in French army, 246 — bishop of, 244 Noyon-sur-Andelle (now Charleval, Eure, cant. Granville), castle of Henry I at, 218, 234; battle of

Brémule fought near, 240, 242 —priory of Saint-Evroul at,

xx,

146-8,» 152,,218:n.(55,2360 90-215 priors of, see Ralph, Robert of Prunelai, Roger; monks of, 236; charter of, 325 n. 5

paigns of 1105-6 in, 60—72, 78-80, 82-92, 368; claimed by Henry I,

obituary roll, see William of Rots Oda, archbishop of Canterbury (942-

284-8; conquered by him, 136; Henry I in, 224-6, 228; rebellions in, 200, 328; threatened by the

Odelerius of Orleans, Orderic Vitalis, 552

French, 226-8; claimed by William

Odilo, abbot of Cluny, 426

Clito, 370; claims to, after the death of Henry I, xxv-xxvii; troubles in, after the death of Henry I, 450-6; war in, 478-80, 492-4, 510-14, 524-8; invaded by the Angevins, see Geoffrey, count

Odo (of Conteville), bishop of Bayeux, 78 n. 3, 79 n. 6; his son John, 378 Odo, son of William of Blois, 42 Odo Borel, duke of Burgundy, son of

of Anjou; offered to 'l'heobald of Blois, 548; army

of, 182; writings

of Geoffrey of Monmouth in, xviii n.

3;

Orderic

Vitalis

comes

to,

554; dukes of, see Henry I, Richard I, Richard II, Robert I, Robert II Curthose, Rollo, William I the

Conqueror, William II (Rufus) Normans,

190

and passim;

come

to

England before the Conquest, 168 and

n.

2; conquer

England,

150,

456; their prowess abroad, 516; their victories in Apulia, 168, 456; at Antioch, 130; in Syria, 456; in Spain, 400-4; in Ireland, 48; fail to make fortunes in Germany,

58), 320, 321 n. 4

Henry of Burgundy, brother

Hugh,

430;

father

of

succeeds

his

marries

a

sister (not a daughter) of William Téte-Hardie, 430, 431 n. 4 Odo Borleng, captain in Henry I’s household troops, xxiv, xxv n. I; in command of Bernay, 346; fights at Bourgthéroulde, 348-50

Odo (?) of Cisai-Saint-Aubin, tured, 248 and n. 4

cap-

Odo of Gometz, 232 Oedipus, sons of, 86 and n. 2, 132

n. I Old Rouen, siege-castle (Mate-putain) at, 280; legend of origins, 280-1 Oldegar, St., archbishop of Tarragona, bishop of Barcelona, at the council of Rheims, 274 and n. 4; his work

GENERAL in Spain, 402, 403 n. 4; his charter to Robert Bordet, 404 n. 1 Oliver of Fresnay, 34 Omignano, 432 Orbec (Calvados), castle, knights of Henry I in, 220-2; castellan of, 356

Orderic, priest of Atcham, 552 Orderic Vitalis, monk of SaintÉvroul, his Ecclesiastical History,

INDEX

591

Otmund, son of William of Chaumont, rises against King Stephen, 490 Otmund of Chaumont,

184, 218 n. 2;

at Brémule, 236; captured and imprisoned, 238-40; his son, see . William Ouche, region of, 250, 356

and work, 550-6; pupil of John of

Ouen, St., archbishop of Rouen, 474; his relics taken to Gasny, 185 n. 6 Overton (Flints.), castle, 518, 519 n. 1 Owain the Great, 542 n. 2

Rheims, xx; in France, possibly at

Oxford, plot against Roger of Salis-

manuscripts

of, xvii-xviii;

his life

Maule (1106), 74 and n. 2, ordained priest (1107), 142, 554; visits the Fenland monasteries, 187 n. 4; visits Cambrai, 168 n. 1; his travels, xix; possibly attended the council

of Rheims (1119), xix-xxi; at Cluny (1132), xix, 424-6; at Le Merlerault

(1134),

438;

receives

information from Robert of Stuteville’s chaplain, 72; his interpolations in William of Jumiéges, 398

n. 1; makes entries in the Annals of Saint-Evroul, 393 n. 3; composes epitaph of Roger of Le Sap, 326; composes epitaph of Warin of Les

Essarts, 488; (?) composes eulogy of Richard

of

Leicester,

488

n.

3;

bury at, 532 Pacy (Eure), castle of Eustace of Breteuil, 212, 214, 232, 278 and n. 1, 456 and n. 3, 464 pagenses, 350 and n. 1 Pain fitz John, sheriff of Shropshire,

442 and n. 2 Pain of Chassé, his daughter, 206 Pain of Gisors, conspires against Robert of Candos, 342-4; his sons, see Hervey, Hugh Pain of Montjai, 237 n. 12 Painel, castellan of Les Hubert, 468

Moutiers-

Palestine, 310, 394 palium, given to Ralph archbishop

verses composed by him, 527 n. 6; his views on the succession to the English throne, xxv-xxvii; his

Pamplona, 398

technical language,

Paris, 242, 390, 422, 476, 490 n. 4,

xxi; his death,

after 1141, xix Orleans (Loiret), 154 and n. 4, 166; burgesses of, 422 n. 4; men of,

in French army, 244 — bishops of, see Archibald, John Ormeteau-Ferré (Eure), 181 n. 4

Osbern, abbot of Le Tréport, attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202 Osbern, abbot of Saint-Évroul (1161— 6), 326, 486-8

Oswald,

St.,

bishop

of Worcester

(961—92), 150 Oswald,

king of Northumbria

(633-

41), 386 and n. 3 Oswy, king of Northumbria (65470), 386 and n. 3 Othver, natural son of Hugh earl of Chester,

marries

the

widow

of

William of Mandeville, 304 n. 1; drowned in the White Ship, 304

of

Canterbury,

319

n.

6; never

received by Stigand, 320

551 n. 3; floods at, 226; men of, in French army, 244 — bishops of, see Denis, Stephen — church of St. Victor, 424 n. 1 Pascent, son of Vortigern, 386 and n. 3 Paschal II, pope (1099-1118), 158 n. I, 202, 318, 478; excommunicates Robert Count of Meulan, 64 n. 2; visits France (1107), 42 and n. 1; annuls the betrothal of Louis VI, 156 n. 3; imprisoned by Henry V, 172, 266; godfather of Pontius, abbot of Cluny, 268; his death, 184 peace, violated on a feast day, 182;

sermon

of Calixtus II on, 260-4;

of God, 530 n. 1; organizations for,

156 and n. 1 Pelagius, 382 Pembroke, earl of, see Arnulf, Gilbert of Clare

GENERAL

592

Évreux, dean of Lincoln, 536 and

Pentapolis, 436 Peray (Sarthe), castle, 446 Perche, counts of, see

Rotrou Péronne

Geoffrey,

(Somme),

contingents from,

in French army, 246 Persians, 456 Peter, St., 262; the pope his vicar, 272 Peter III, bishop of Saintes, 258 n. 3 Peter Leonis, his son at the council of Rheims, 266-8; his relations with the papacy, 268 n. 1; father of

Anacletus II, 434; his sons, 508 Peter II of Maule, nephew of Guy Mauvoisin, 232 n. 1; at Brémule,

11; escapes

n. 4 Philip of Loo,

son

of Robert

capture,

Philip de Montbray (? Pain of Montjai), at Brémule, 236, 237 n. 12

Philip

‘the

Grammarian’,

ratifies his father’s charter, 180 n. 3

— council of (1135), 424 and nn. 2,

3, 442, 443 n. 3 Pitres, valley of, given to Ralph of Conches, 250 Planches (Orne, cant. Le Merlerault),

thunderstorm at, 436

525 n. 4

Poissy (Seine-et-Oise), 226

n.

2; his election

and

con-

firmation by the pope, 312-14; his illness in Rome, 314 n. 3; his reforming decrees, 424-6; his letters,

448 n. 2 Peterborough, abbey, abbots of, see Arnulf, Godric, Henry of Poitou, John, Matthew Ridel, Turold Petra Peculata (possibly Pierre Pecoulée), 180 and n. 2

Pevensey (Sussex), 196 n. 1

Philip, abbot of Saint- Taurin, Évreux, attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390 Philip I, king of France (1060-1108),

68, 148 n. 1; sends letters to Henry I, 50-2; gives his daughter in marriage to Bohemond, 70; fails to secure the release of Fulk of Anjou, 76; his incompetence in his last years, 156; uncle of Isabel countess of Meulan, 20; his death, 54, 154, 158; his wife, see Bertrade; his sons, see Florus, Louis VI,

Philip; his daughters, see Cecilia, Constance Philip, son of Louis VI, 154; his coronation, 390; his death, 390 and n. I, 420-2 Philip, son of Philip I and Bertrade, 54. and n. 2, 230

Philip of Harcourt, bishop of Bayeux, royal chancellor, archdeacon of

of

Philocales, duke of Cyprus, 130 n. 1 Phineas, 62 Pisa, 435 n. 5

Plessis (Le) (Eure), castle, 192

Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny,

son

Roger of Montgomery, 36 and n. 3;

242; supports Waleran of Meulan, 342; assists Ralph of Tosny, 524,

44

the

Frisian, 370 n. 4

'

236, 237 n.

INDEX

Poitiers (Vienne), 490, 491 n. 6 — synod of (1106), 7o n. 4 Poitou, count of, see William

Polynices, son of Oedipus, no231321n. 3

86 and

Pomponne (Seine-et-Marne), 161 n. 3 Pons, count of Tripoli, 106 n. 3, 108,

430, 431 n. 5; killed, 496; his wife, see Cecilia Pons, vicomte of Gavarret, 110

Pont-Audemer (Eure), 224, 368, 450 — castle, 352; besieged, 336 and n. 4, 340 and n. 1; held by Henry I, 346

Pont-Échanfray

(Eure,

now

Notre-

Dame-du-Hamel), held for Henry I, 198;'castle of, 356; 3571: 33512; surrenders to Rotrou of Mortagne,

534-6 Pont-Saint-Pierre (Eure), royal castle,

given to the 212 and n. 1; 226 and n. 1; Tosny, 250 and

lords burnt given n. 4;

of Breteuil, by Henry I, to Ralph of besieged, 464

and n. 4 Pontius, abbot of Cluny, son of the count of Melgueil, said to have been a monk of Vallombrosa, 268; his election, xx, 170; at the council of Rheims, 268-72; his later diffi-

culties and deposition, 170, 310-14; his death in the pope’s prison, 314 and n. 3; miracles worked at his tomb, 170

GENERAL Pontoise (Seine-et-Oise), 54 and n. 3, 216; held by William Clito, 370 pope, as vicar of Christ, 260, as vicar of St. Peter, 272; special relation with Cluny, 268—72; his curia, 252, 254; and see under the names of individual popes portents, 186; comet in 1106, 68 and n. 2; comet in IIIO, 172 and n. 2; partial eclipse of the moon, 226; northern lights, 226; before the

battle of Lincoln, 544 Portes (Eure), castle of Ralph Tosny, 244

of

parish,

lead

of, see

parish

253 n. 4, 318 n. 3

Puiset 158;

Péronne, 446 and n. 2, 490; brings French support for Stephen, 516

Ralph,

seneschal

his Peristephanon,

402,

(Le) (Eure-et-Loir), castle, sieges of, 156 n. 1, 158-60,

176, 177 n. 7 Quatford (Salop), burgesses moved to Bridgnorth, 28 n. 3 Rabel, son of William of Tancarville, chamberlain, declines to sail in the

White Ship, 296 and n. 2; resists Stephen, 482 and n. 4; makes peace

with Stephen, 484 and nn. 1, 2 Raher, son of William of Blois, 42

Raimbold Croton, knight of Chartres, 158 and n. 1 Rainer, count of Montferrat, his daughter married to William Clito, 370 and n. 1; his wife Gisla, 370 and n. 1 Rainer of Bath, sheriff, 16, 17 n. 6

Rainfrid, abbot of Saint-Ouen, attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390

Ralph, abbot of Saint-Évroul, prior of Noyon-sur-Andelle,

148,

of the bishop

of

Laon, 84 n. 2

Ralph, son of Durand, 342 and n. 1 Ralph, son of Thorulf, 219 n. 6 Ralph, son of Walchelin of Pont-

Échanfray, ancestor of Ralph the

Red, 71 n. 7 Ralph Basset, royal justice, 16 and n. 3 Ralph II Briquessart (le Meschin), earl of Chester, vicomte of Bayeux, 308, 309 n. 3, 330; with Henry I

84 and n. 4, 88;

loyal to Henry I, 222; in charge of

castle of Evreux, 346-8; his wife, com-

munities in battle, 156 and n. 1, 244 primacy, disputes about, 252 and n. 3, Prudentius, 403 n. 3

593

at Tinchebray,

Potenza, 434 and n. 3

Préaux, abbey, 188; abbot Richard of Fourneaux priests,

INDEX

554;

his election as abbot, 538 and n. 2;

see Lucy; Gernons

his son,

see

Ranulf

de

Ralph de Coldun, 470 and n. 2 Ralphd’Escures, archbishop of Canterbury (1114-22), bishop of Rochester (1108-14), abbot of Séez, 320; driven into exile by Robert of Belléme, 46, 47 n. 5; elected bishop of Rochester, 48 and n. 1; elected archbishop of Canterbury, 48 and

n. I, 170; his ill health, 170 and n. 1; his dispute with Thurstan of York, 252 and n. 3; attends the council

of Rouen

(1118),

202

and

n. 2; his last years and death, 318 and n. 4, 319 nn. 5, 6 Ralph Harenc, custodian of Ivry castle, 210-12; his son a hostage,

210-12 Ralph Laurence, Évroul, 322

monk

of

Saint-

Ralph le Vert, archbishop of Rheims, at council of Rheims, 254; goes to Mouzon, 264 Ralph Lovel, 518, 520

Ralph Mauvoisin, castellan of Mantes, 232 iva Ralph of Domfront, patriarch of Antioch, confused with William, patriarch of Jerusalem, 497 n. 3 Ralph of Esson, 512-14

buries John bishop of Lisieux, 550 Ralph, archdeacon of Évreux, 464 Ralph, bishop of Auxerre, 426

Ralph I of Gael, 40 n. 1, 214 n. 2; his wife, see Emma; his sons, see Ralph, William

Ralph, citizen of Caen, 79 n. 5

Ralph II of Gael, son of Ralph I of

Ralph, count of Vermandois, lord of

Gael, honor of Breteuil restored to

GENERAL

594.

Ralph II of Gael (cont.): him, 214 and n. 2, 278; in the royal army at Evreux, 228; defends Breteuil, 246-8; Glos-la-Ferriére and

Lire

restored

to

him,

250;

gives lands to Ralph of 'T'osny, 250; gives rents to Ralph the Red, xxiv, 250; betroths his daughter Amice to Richard, the king’s son, 294; besieged in Montfort-sur-Risle, 334

Ralph of Guitot, kinsman of William of Pomeroy (La Pommeraye), n. 2 of St. Victor, 222 and n. 2 III of Tosny (Conches), son

of Ralph

inherits

II of Tosny

his

father's

and

Isabel,

estates,

54;

supports Reginald of Grancey, 40 and n. 5, 46; supports Henry I

in Normandy,

56 and n. 1; with

Henry I at Tinchebray, 84, 85 n. 5; remains loyal, 222; said to be a partisan of Amaury of Montfort, 244; given lands by Ralph of Gael, 250; his wife, see Adeliza; his sons,

see Hugh, Roger, Simon; his daughters, 54 Ralph the Red of Pont-Échanfray, xxiv; his career and family, 40, 41

n. 9; follows Bohemond, 70, 100; knighted, 71 n. 7; goes to Constantinople and Jerusalem, 104; his wife dies, 104; fights for Henry I

(1118), 198; his prowess in the royal service, 220-2; captain of siege-castle at Evreux, 230-2; leads royal troops to defend Breteuil, 246; helps to pacify the region of

Ouche, 250; rewarded by Ralph of Gael, 250; brother-in-law of Robert

Goel, 230 and n. 2; drowned in the White Ship, 302 Ramiro

II, king of Aragon,

brother

of Alfonso I, monk, 418 and n. 2 ransom, demanded, 76; paid, 126, 130, 248, 352; of prisoners after xxii;

of

Christians

by

Christ, 260 Ranulf de Gernons,

Lincoln, 540-2; sacks Lincoln, 546; his wife, 538-40

Ranulf Flambard, bishop of Durham (1099-1128), at Lisieux, 142; reinstated at Durham,

Ravendinos,

142

Greek envoy to Jerusa-

lem, 128-32

Raymond II, count of Tripoli, 502 n. 1 Raymond,

prince of Antioch,

son of

Raymond Berengar III, count of Barcelona, 396 n. 2; grants Tarragona to St. Oldegar, 404 n. 1

Raymond of Burgundy, count, n.2 Reading (Berks.), abbey, 448,

406 449

n. 4; abbot of, see Hugh of Amiens Reginald II, archbishop of Rheims, bishop of Angers, 358 and n. 3,

390, 422 Reginald II, count of Burgundy,

211

n.4 Reginald, duke of Burgundy, father of William Téte-Hardie, 210; his wife Adeliza, 210 Reginald, monk, escorts Orderic

Vitalis to Saint-Évroul, 552 Reginald (Reynold) of Bailleul, sheriff of Shropshire, his defiance of Henry I, 214-16, 402 n. 1; returns to Normandy from Spain, 402 and n. I; his wife, see Amieria; his

son Hugh, 520 n. 6; his Shropshire lands, 520 n. 6 Reginald of of Henry 510, 514 Cornwall,

Dunstanville, natural son I, supports the Angevins, and n. 2; created earl of 510 n. 5

Reginald of Grancey, claims the Breteuil inheritance, 40 and n. 4 Reginald of Saint-Valéry, 485 n. 4 Reginald of Warenne, son of William I

of

Warenne,

supports

Robert

Curthose, 60 and n. 1; captured by Henry I, 80-2; released, 88

Ramla, battle of, 544 n. 2

Brémule,

308, 309 n. 3; rebels against Stephen, 538-42; at the battle of

William VII of Poitou, 502-8

Pointel, 189 n. 6, 204 Ralph of Mortemer, 56, 280 n. 1

Ralph 404. Ralph Ralph

INDEX

earl of Chester,

son of Ralph Briquessart and Lucy,

Rehoboam, 206 Renier of Laon, 9o n. 2

Rennes,

abbey

of

Sainte-Melaine,

abbot of, see Gervase Renouard (Le) (Orne, cant. tier), castle, 214-16

Vimou-

GENERAL Rheims (Marne), crowned at, 446 — archbishops

Richard fitz Urse, captured at Lincoln,

of, see Ralph le Vert,

Richard of Beaufour, bishop of Avranches, royal chaplain, 428, 429 n. 5,

le

282, 310, 318 n. 4, 388 n. 3, 403

D. 4, 529 n. 3; canons of, 274-6 — council of (1131), 420-2 son

595

Jeune

Louis

Reginald II — cathedral, council held in, 252-4 — council of (1119), xix-xxi, 252-76,

Ribold,

INDEX

of

Baldwin

of

Pont-

Echanfray, 512, 534 Richard II, bishop of Bayeux (110733), son of Samson bishop of Worcester, attends 1118 council of

Rouen, 202; attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390; his death, 428 and n. 2, 442 Richard III, bishop of Bayeux (113542), son of Robert earl of Gloucester, 428 and n. 3, 442 Richard, bishop of Coutances, attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390 Richard, count of Évreux, son of Robert archbishop of Rouen, 166, 188 and n. 1; his son, see William;

his daughter, see Agnes Richard I, duke of Normandy,

140,

168; his daughter, see Emma Richard II, duke of Normandy, 166, 168 n. 2; his daughter Adeliza, 210, 283 n. 4 Richard, earl of Chester, son of Hugh of Avranches, supports Henry I in Normandy, 56; witnesses charter, 174; loyal to Henry I, 222; drowned in the White Ship, 304; his body

found, 306; his wife, see Matilda Richard, natural son of Henry I, in charge of the royal garrison at Andely, 216, 217 n. 4; narrowly

542-4

442

Richard of Belmeis (I), bishop of London, viceroy of Shropshire, 144 and n. 4, 402 n. 1 Richard of Évreux, son of Fulk the Provost, defends the citadel of Évreux, 230 Richard of Fourneaux, abbot of Préaux, attends 1118 Rouen, 202, 203 n. 7

council

of

Richard of Fresnel (La Ferté-Frénel), supports Eustace of Breteuil, 218; becomes

a monk

of Saint-Evroul

at his death, 222; his family, 218, 219 n. 6; his wife Emma, 218; his sons, 512 and n. 4, and see William

Richard of Leicester, abbot of Saint-

Evroul

(1137-9),

xxvii,

554;

in

England, 488 and n. 4; his election, 488; attends 1139 Lateran council,

529 n. 3, 536; his death and burial at Thorney, 536-8 Richard of Lewes, knight, 158 and n. 2 Richard of Lucy, captain of Stephen’s knights at Falaise, 526 and n. 2 Richard of Reviers, his death and

burial at Montebourg, 144-6; his daughter married to William of Roumare, 380 Richard Silvanus, 490-2 Richer II of Laigle, son of Gilbert and Juliana, xxiv; rebels against Henry I, 188; supports Louis VI,

196-8; supports William Clito, 368;

raids the territory of Saint-Evroul,

at

220 and n. 1; spares peasants, 248— 50; his lands in England restored, 250; plunders lands of SaintEvroul, 458; involved in civil war,

Breteuil, 246-8; intercedes for his sister Juliana, 278; betrothed to Amice of Gael, 294; drowned in the

464; makes peace with Stephen, 484 and n. 2; captured at Lire, 546; released, 548

escapes capture, 220;

in the royal

army at Évreux, 228; at Brémule, 236-8,

leads

household

troops

White Ship, 296, 304

Richard, son of Ralph son of Thorold, 219 n. 6

Richard, son of Simon (the elder) of Montfort, 156

Richard Basset, son of Ralph Basset, chief justice, 16 n. 3, 468 and n. 1

Richmond,

earl of, see Alan of Brit-

tany

Ridvan of Aleppo, 108, 109 n. 5, 116 Risle, river, 342

Robert, abbot of Saint-Pierre-surDive, monk of Saint-Denis, guilty of simony, 72; converts the abbey into

GENERAL

596

Robert, abbot of Saint-Pierre-surDive (cont.): a fortress, 74 and n. 2; his treach-

ery and expulsion from the abbey, provost

of Argen-

teuil, 82 Robert, abbot of St. Caen, his death, 136-8

80-2;

dies

as

Stephen's,

Robert, archbishop of Rouen, son of

INDEX Henry I, 224; acquires the Breteuil inheritance, 278 n. 2, 456 n. 3; given the county of Leicester, 32830; present at the death of Henry I, 448; fights against Roger of Tosny, 458, 464; partisan of Stephen, xxvii; returns to England with Stephen, 494; his lands pillaged, 512; reconciles Roger of Tosny with

Richard I duke of Normandy, 166; his son, see Richard, count of

Stephen, 524, Roger bishop

Évreux

makes a truce with Rotrou of Mortagne, 548; patron of Ware priory, 489 n. 4; his wife, see Amice;

Robert II, bishop of Séez, 144 Robert, castellan and lord of Dangu, 232 and n. 3 Robert, chaplain of Robert I of

525 n. 6; attacks of Salisbury, 532;

his steward, see Arnold

of

Robert, father of Warin of Les Essarts, 486 Robert II (the Pious), king of France,

Flanders, buried at Cassel, not Saint-Bertin, 378 and n. 1; his descendants, 370 n. 4, 372 n. 3, 374 and n. 1

stance Robert (wrongly called Richard), prince of Capua, 434, 435 n. 5;

Stuteville, 72 Robert I (the

Frisian),

count

Robert II, count of Flanders, returns from Jerusalem, 394; his treaties with Henry I, 379 n. 5; killed, 160-2; buried at Saint-Vaast, Arras, 162 and n. 1; his wife, see Clementia;

his son, see Baldwin VII Robert, count of Meulan, chief counsellor of Henry I, 18, 328;

acquires the Grandmesnil lands in England, 18-20; represents Henry I in Normandy, 44; secures the Breteuil inheritance for Eustace, 46; supports Henry I in Normandy, 56, 284; at Carentan, 64 and n. 2,

148 n.

1, 428; his wife, see Con-

his son Alfonso, 435 n. 5 Robert, son of Alfred of Lincoln,

518 and n. 4 Robert,

son

of Amaury,

holds

Le

Plessis for Henry I, 192 and n. 6 Robert,

son

of

Ascelin

Goel,

see

Robert Goel Robert, son of Giroie, 194 n. 2, 312 and n. 3 Robert, son of Hubeline, nephew of

66; with Henry I at T'inchebray, 84,

Ansold of Maule, 71 n. 9 Robert, son of Robert duke of Burgundy, said to have intervened in Sicily, 438-30; his death, 432 Robert, son of William I of Belléme,

148; visits Saint-Évroul with Henry I, 174; his death, 188; his court,

Robert, son of William of Grandmesnil, returns from Apulia to Nor-

488; his wife, see Isabel; his sons, see Hugh Le Poer, Robert, earl of Leicester, Waleran, count of Meulan; his daughters, 20, 46 and n. 1

mandy, 432 n. 1 Robert Bertrand of Briquebec,

88; enemy of countess of Évreux,

Robert, duke of Burgundy, son of Robert the Pious, 428-30 Robert I, duke of Normandy, son of Richard II, 166, 283 n. 4 Robert, earl of Leicester, son of Robert count of Meulan, 510 n. 4, 524 n. 2; born in 1104, 46 and n. 2;

succeeds to his father's lands in England, 20 and n. 1; loyal to

396

516,

517n.4 Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln (1093-1123), 22 n. 2 Robert Bordet, ‘princeps’ of Tarragona, xxii; his career 402-4; at the battle of Fraga, 410; his wife, see

Sibyl Robert Bouet, archer, raids the lands

of Saint-Évroul, 458-60

Robert

II Curthose,

mandy,

duke

son of William

of Nor-

the Con-

GENERAL queror,

166,

378;

returns

from

Jerusalem, 96, 394; makes peace with Henry I (1101), 12; visits England (1102), 12-14; renounces his pension, mandy, 16;

gnats,

14; returns to Norfails to capture Vi-

22-4;

makes

peace

with

Robert of Belléme, 46 and n. 3; his incompetent rule in Normandy, 86, 96; gives way to Henry I (1104),

56-60; meets Henry I at Northampton and at Cinteaux, 80 and n. 2; gives Pont-Saint-Pierre to William of Breteuil, 212 n. r; question of his homage to Louis VI, 256 and

n. 5; plots to capture Henry 80; defeated and captured Tinchebray,

xxii, 84-90,

I, at

368; im-

prisoned in England, 98 and n. 2, 256; Henry I justifies his imprisonment to Calixtus II, 284-8; his dream of his son’s death, 380; his death, 380 and n. 3, 412 and n. 2, 440; in the prophecy of Merlin, 386; his wife, see Sibyl; his son, see William Clito; his daughter, 92

Robert

de

Sigillo,

chancellor,

450,

INDEX

597

Robert Mauduit, chamberlain of the treasury, drowned in the White

Ship, 304, 305 n. 7

Robert of Arques, Robert of his sons, Robert of

Beauchamp, vicomte of 162-4 Beauchamp (of Bedford), 510 Belléme, son of Roger of

Montgomery,

194

n.

2;

charges

against him (1101), 12 and n. 3; recovers his privileges in Normandy, 14; rebels and forfeits his England lands, 20-32, 214 n. 3; his castles, 32; his successful cam-

paigns in Normandy (1102), 32-6; makes peace with Robert Curthose, 46 and n. 3, 56; favourite of Robert Curthose, 286; makes war in Nor-

mandy,

58;

burns

church

of

'lournay, 62; occupies lands of Hugh of Nonant, 62 n. 4, 92; with Robert Curthose at Tinchebray, xxii, 84; escapes, 90; remains loyal to Robert, 94; makes peace with Henry I, 96-8; persecutes

the church of Séez, 46 and n. 4,

451 n. 3

144; supports William Clito, 164, 368; holds vicomté of Argentan,

n5

him

Robert de Vere, constable, 450, 451 Robert fitz Hamon, supports Henry I in Normandy, 56; taken prisoner,

176 n. 3; lands misappropriated by restored,

180;

ratifies

char-

ter, 180 and n. 3; fortifies Belléme, 182;

summoned

to

the

court

of

Saint-

Henry I and imprisoned for life, 178 and n. 2, 179 n. 3, 256, 257 n. 7; his quarrel with Rotrou of

Céneri), fights against Robert of Belléme, 34 and n. 3; rebels against

Mortagne, 396-8; his cunning, 90; his wife, see Agnes; his son,

60; released, 78; his daughter, see Mabel Robert

Giroie

(Robert

of

Henry I, 194 and n. 2; pardoned by

Henry I, 224; his kinship with the king,

224

n.

3; his steward

Bur-

chard, 34 Robert Goel, son of Ascelin Goel, reconciled with Henry I, 218, 228;

fights for him

at Ivry, 230;

his

death, 332

Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia and

see William Talvas Robert of Bostare, 16, 17 Robert of Caen, crusader, Robert of Caen, earl of natural son of Henry charter of Henry I, 174;

n. 10 120-2 Gloucester, I, witnesses at Brémule,

236; attacks Montfort-sur-Risle, 334; present at the death of Henry I, 448; suspected of Angevin sym-

Calabria, calls his son Bohemond, 70, 366; his wife, see Sichelgaita;

pathies, 482, 483 n. 7, 485 n. 4; goes over to Geoffrey of Anjou,

his sons, see Bohemond, Guy, Roger Borsa Robert Haget, 192, 193 n. 8 Robert Malet, wrongly said to have been a rebel, 12, 18 and n. 2

vins, 516; his power in England, 516-18; comes to England in 1139, 534; welcomes Matilda, 536; at the battle of Lincoln, 540-2;

514—16; defends Caen for the Ange-

GENERAL

598 Robert of Caen (cont.):

kinsman of William fitz Alan's wife,

520 and n. 6; his wife, see Mabel; his son, see Richard, .bishop of Bayeux Robert of Candos, castellan lord of Caerleon, escapes his life, 342-4; his wife, Robert of Courcy, son of Courcy, fights against

of Gisors, attempt on see Isabel Richard of Robert of

Belléme, 24 and n. 1 Robert of Courcy, steward of Henry I and Geoffrey of Anjou, 516, 517n. 3

Robert (the younger) of Courcy, captured by the French (1119), 242 and n. 2 Robert

III of Grandmesnil,

son

of

Hugh of Grandmesnil, fights against Robert of Belléme, 24; with Henry I

INDEX Robert of Sablé, son of Lisiard, rebels against Geoffrey of Anjou, 456 and n. 1 Robert of Saint-Céneri, see Robert Giroie Robert

of

Sauqueville,

steward

of

Stephen count of Mortain, declines to sail in the White Ship, 296, 306 and n. 1 Robert I of Stuteville (Estouteville), misfortune of one of his knights, 72; with Robert Curthose at Tinchebray, 84, 85 n. 8; captured, 90, 91 n. 3; imprisoned in England, 94; his daughter, see Emma

Robert II of Stuteville, 72 n. 1; captured by Henry I, 80-2, 85 n. 8 Robert of Torigny, 146 n. 2; his interpolations

in

William

of

at Tinchebray, 84; his wife Emma, 72 n Robert of La Haye-du-Puits, 324 Robert of Limesey, bishop of

Jumiéges, 38 n. 3, 89 n. 4, 99 n. 4,

Coventry (1085-1117), 316, 317 n. 6

466 n. 2, 480 n. 2, 482 nn. 3, 4, 483 n. 5, 484 n. 2, 485 n. 4, 486 n. 1, 491 n. 7, 516 n. 1, 520 n. 5, 526 n. 1,

Robert of Maule (? Robert, son of Hubeline), follows Bohemond, 7o, 71n.9 Robert of Médavy, 474 Robert of Montfort, son of Hugh, his doubtful allegiance, 22-4; supports

Henry

I in Normandy,

56; with

Henry I at Tinchebray, 84; banished from England, 23 n. 3, 100; joins Bohemond, 100; goes over to Alexius Comnenus, 102; his death,

104 Robert of Neubourg, son of Henry earl

of Warwick, rebels against Henry I, 188, 200; makes peace with him, 278; partisan of Geoffrey of Anjou, 466, 467 n. 6; marries Godechilde of Tosny, 250 n. 4

Robert of Neuville, 24, 27 n. 4 Robert of Pontefract, son of Ilbert of

Lacy, wrongly called a rebel in IIOI, I2 and n. 2, 18; banished (c. 1114), 18 nn. I, 2 Robert of Prunelai, abbot of Thorney, prior of Noyon-sur-Andelle, monk

of Saint-Évroul, 148-50, 318 and

n. 2, 538 and n. 1 Robert of Rhuddlan, William

his

son,

see

102:n3/15234851n::2, 13:03 5 P8902; his Chronicle, 444 n. 1, 448 n. 3, 454

n. 2, 455 n. 4, 464 n. 4, 465 n. 5,

529 n. 2, 534 D. 3, 544 D. 3, 549 n. 5,

550n.2 Robert of Tutbury (Ferrers), earl of Derby, 520 and n. 1 Robert of Vieux-Pont,

at Durazzo,

107 n. 5; his escape

from

Darb

Sarmada, xxiii, 106-8

Robert

Péche,

bishop

of Coventry

(1121-6), 316, 317 n. 6

Robert Poard of Belléme, 464 and n. 3; captured, 476, 548; captures Richer of Laigle, 548; his brother Maurice, 548 Roche-Mabille (La), castle, given to

Stephen of Mortain, fortified, 196 Rochefort, count of, not the father of Beatrice of Perche, 394 and n. 2 Rochester, bishops of, see Arnulf, Gundulf, Ralph d'Escures

Roderick (? Gonzales), count of Asturias, killed at Fraga, 414 and n. 2, 440 Roger, bishop of Coutances, attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202; blesses passengers in the White Ship, 300; his son, see William

Roger, bishop of Salisbury (1102-39),

GENERAL false rumours of his death, 462; his downfall and death, 530-4 Roger, brother of Herbert of Lisieux, captain of Waleran of Meulan's

garrison at Vatteville, 348 Roger

I, count

Tancred 428;

his

of

Sicily,

of Hauteville, wife,

see

son

of

his death,

Adelasia;

son, see Roger II Roger II, king of Sicily,

his

INDEX

599

Richard

fitz Gilbert, accompanies

Matilda to Germany, at Brémule, 234-8

Roger of Lacy, banished from England in 1095, 34. n. 1; magister militum of Robert Curthose, 34; his influence on Robert Curthose, 286 Roger

of Le

Évroul duke

168 and n. 3;

Sap,

abbot

(1091-1123),

of Saint-

142,

554;

of

receives gifts from Ralph the Red,

Apulia, son of Roger I, gets possession of the principality, 366; his

4I n. 9; resigns from office, 320-4; his death, 326; his epitaph, 326-8 Roger II of Montgomery, earl of

ruthless rise to power, 432-4; his relations with Innocent II, 366, 367 n. 6; crowned king by Anacle-

tus II, 418; wrongly said to have

Shrewsbury, 402 n. 1 ; vicomte ofthe Hiémois, 14 n. 2; founds Shrewsbury abbey, 552; endows Alme-

married a sister of Anacletus II, 434, 435 n. 6, 510 and n. 1; false

néches, 32 and n. 2; his huntsmen Norman and Roger, 24 n. 3; and

rumours of his death, 510 and n. 1;

see Ulger; his wife, see Mabel; his sons, see Arnulf, Hugh of Montgomery, Philip, Robert of Belléme,

his wife, see Elvira

Roger,

prior of Noyon-sur-Andelle,

148, 152; his epitaph, 152

Roger, son of Corbet, 24 and n. 2, 27 n.4 Roger, son of Durand of Pistres, 80 and n. 1 Roger, son of Eustace of Breteuil, 41 n. IO Roger, son of William son of Barnon,250 Roger II, vicomte of the Cotentin,

494 and n. 2, 512; his death avenged, 514 Roger Bigod, earl of Norfolk, his death and burial at Norwich (not 'Thetford), 144-6; his epitaph, 146; his son, see William Roger Borsa, son of Robert Guiscard and Sichelgaita, 168 n. 2 Roger Clinton, bishop of Coventry

Roger of Poitou; his daughter, see Emma, abbess of Almenéches; his vassals, 179 n. 5 Roger of Mowbray, his castles, 482, 483 n. 6; at the battle of the

Standard, 522 and n. 3; his wife, see Alice Roger of Poitou, son of Roger of Montgomery, 32 and n. 3 Roger of St. John, 84 n. 2, 194, 195 n. 4 Roger of Salerno, son of Richard of the Principality, regent of Antioch, 104 and n. 3; receives Greek envoy, 128, 129 n. 5; killed at Darb Sarmada, 106, 109 n. 4, 130; his wife Cecilia, 108 and n. 1 Roger of Thibouville, witnesses char-

ter, 174

(1129-48), 316 of

Roger III of Tosny, son of Ralph of

Roger le Bégue, son of Ascelin Goel, ravages the Lieuvin, 474-6; makes peace with King Stephen, 490

with Henry I, 444-6; fights against

Roger le Poer, son of Roger bishop of Salisbury, chancellor, 530-2

n. I; involved in civil wars in Normandy, 464; ravages the diocese of Évreux, 474-6; captured

Roger

de Platanis,

put in charge

'losny

Pont-Échanfray, 534

Roger of Bayeux, abbot of Fécamp, 140-2; attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202 and n. 3; attends 1128

and

Adeliza,

54;

quarrels

Robert earl of Leicester, 458; attacked by men of L'Aigle, 462 and

and imprisoned,

476, 480; inter-

dict laid on his lands, 480; released

council of Rouen, 390 Roger I of Bully, lord of Blyth (Tickhill), 22 and n. 2

from prison, 484 and n. 2; resists Stephen's armies, 514; attacks Breteuil, 524; reconciled to

Roger

Stephen, 524; his wife, see Ida

of

Clare

(Bienfaite),

son

of

GENERAL

600

INDEX 190; said to be threatened by the

Rohese, natural daughter of Henry I, wife of Henry of La Pommeraye, xxiv, 346 n. 1 Rollo, duke of Normandy, 62 Romans, defeated at Cannae, 106; their

military

discipline,

452,

472

French,

and

sons, 68-70 Rome, 186 n. 2, 392; abbots of Cluny visit, 270, 272 n. 1; case of Abbot Pontius heard at, 310-14; Pontius dies at, 170, 314; Ralph d’Escures sends envoys to, 318; Robert Bordet visits, 404; held by Anacletus

II, 418; events in (1133), 428 n. 1; 1139 Lateran council at, xviii, 528; citizens of, welcome Calixtus II, 306 and n. 2 — synod of, 277 n. 2 vicomte

of Maine,

son

of

Ralph V, 444 and n. 3

returns

from

Jerusalem,

3; supports

Henry

394 and I in Nor-

mandy, 56; his feud with Robert of Belléme, 34, 182, 396-8; intercedes

for his nephew Richer of Laigle, 196; reconciles Richer with Henry I, 250; his expeditions to Spain, 198 n. 3, 396-400, 405 n. 3; returns to France,

404;

present

and n. 1 — abbey of La 'Trinité-du-Mont, 198 — abbey of St. Amand, 368, 466 — abbey of St. Ouen, church consecrated, 366 and n. 4; burnt, 466; abbot of, see Rainfrid; monk of, see

John

of

Rouen;

priory

of,

at

Gasny, 184, 185 n. 6

—

archbishop of, see Geoffrey Brito, Hugh

of Amiens, Robert,

Wiliam Bonne-Àme; 218 n. 4

Rotrou,

his

vassals,

— archdeacon of, 530 Robert Curthose, buried in, 38; chapter-house built, 170; cloister

built, 172

Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen, bishop of Évreux, son of Henry earl of Warwick, 530 and n. 3; buries John bishop of Lisieux, 550 Rotrou, count of Perche, son of Geoffrey of Mortagne, 394 n. 4; n.

to,

— cathedral of, 448-50; Sibyl, wife of

— church of St. Peter in, 266 Roscelin,

I returns

226; Ralph d'Escures at, 318; Henry I summons army to, 334; courts held at, 136 n. 3, 139 n. 9, 352, 494 n. 2; communal force of, 458

n. 1; their law, 452

Romanus IV Diogenes, emperor (1068-71), his sons and pretended

198; Henry

200; his control of, 222; floods at,

at the death

— citadel of, 92; Guy of Clermont imprisoned in, 242 — council of (1096), 66 n. 1 — council of (1118), 202 and n. r, 318 n. 4 — council of (1119), xxi, 290-4 — council of (1128), 294 n. 1, 388-90; canons of, 388 — province of, 194

Rougemontier, see Bourgthéroulde Rualon of Avranches, leads Henry I's household troops, 246 Rualon of Dinan, 120-2 Rustington (Sussex), 32 n. 2

Rutubus, legend relating to, 280-2

of Henry I, 448; makes peace with Stephen,

484;

becomes

his

paid

ally, 534; makes peace with Geoffrey of Anjou, xxvii, 546-8; makes a truce with Robert of Leicester,

548; his English estates, 398; his wife,

see

Matilda;

his

daughter

Philippa, 40 Rouen (Seine-Maritime), 371 n. 5; legend of founding of, 280-2; welcomes Henry I, 72 n. 2, 92; Bohemond at, 69 n. 6, 7on. 4; ordinations

at, 140-2; Henry I at, 174, 278; Henry count of Eu arrested at,

Saeberht,

king of the

East

Saxons,

318, 319 n. 7 Saint-Bertin,

abbey,

William

Clito

buried in, 376-8 Saint-Céneri-le-Gerei

(Orne),

lords

of, xxvii; and see Robert Giroie

— castle, 194 and n. 2 Saint-Clair-sur-Epte (Seine-et-Oise), captured by Henry I, 184 and n. 4 Saint-Denis, abbey, burial place of the kings of France, 154, 490; lands pillaged, 156; abbots of, see Adam, Suger; monk of, see Robert;

GENERAL priories of, see Argenteuil, Nogentle-Rotrou

Saint-Évroul, abbey, xviii, xxiv, xxvii;

INDEX

601

Saint-Saens

162-4;

(Seine-Maritime),

honor

of,

castle,

forfeited

by

Helias, 288

gomery for, 180 and n. 3; charter of

Saint-Sever (Seine-Maritime), see Émendreville Saint- Thierry, abbey, 264 and n. 2 Saint-Vaast, Arras, abbey, 162 and Dl I2 Saint-Vaast la Hougue (Manche), 480 and n. 3 Saint-Victor-l'Abbaye — (Seine-Mari-

William the Conqueror for, 488 and n. 2; charters of Henry I for, 174-6, 389 n. 4; tithe held by, 517 n. 5; chapel of St. Mary Magdalene in,

time), caput of Mortimer honor, 222 n. 2; William of Saint-Laurent buried in, 232 Saint-Wandrille (Fontenelle), abbey,

340; chapel of St. Martin in, 326 and n. 2; chapter-house of, 174 and n. 3, 222, 326, 394, 486-8; cloister

William count of Évreux buried in,

visited by Henry I, 174-6, 180 n. 1;

lands restored by Robert of Belléme, 180; its lands plundered, 220-2, 460-2; its benefactors, 357 n. 3; Orderic Vitalis there, 554-6; holds church of Cullei (Rabodanges),

402 n. 2; charter of Roger of Mont-

of, 174 and n. 3; fraternity of, 41 n. 9, 174; abbots of, see Mainer, Osbern, Ralph, Richard of Leicester, Roger of Le Sap, Serlo of

Orgéres, Thierry of Mathonville, Warin of Les Essarts; prior of, see Arnold; monks of, 176 and n. 2, 389 n. 4; at Auffay, 292 n. 1; and see Arnold of Tilleul, Geoffrey of

Orleans,

Gilbert

of Les

Essarts,

148, 188; abbot of, see Alan

Sainte-Barbe-en-Auge, abbey, 484 n. 1 Sainte-Scholasse-sur-Sarthe (Orne), honor of, 518 n. 1 Saintes, bishop of (wrongly called William), at the council of Rheims, 258 and n. 3 Salisbury (Wilts.), Henry I at, 68 n. 6; Stephen visits, 462 — archdeacon of, see Gunter

— bishop of, appointment

disputed,

John of Rheims, Orderic Vitalis, Ralph Laurence, Richard of Fresnel, Robert of Prunelai; priories of,

536; and see Roger Samuel, 200, 364 Sancho, knight of Rotrou of Mortagne, 198 and n. 3

see

Sangur, brother of the Danishmend

Auffay,

Maule,

Neufmarché,

Noyon-sur-Andelle, Ware — church of Notre-Dame-du-Bois, 219 n. 6 of — town of, burnt by Richer Laigle, 460-2 Saint-Germer-de-Fly, monk of, see

Athelelm Saint-Léonard-le-Noblac

(Haute-

Vienne), shrine of St. Leonard at, 68 Saint-Omer, abbey of Saint-Bertin at, 378 n. 1; Bohemond visits, 7o n. 4 Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive

abbey,

72-4,

burnt,

(Calvados),

80-2;

sup-

porters of Robert Curthose captured in, 88; restored by Henry I, 88 and n. 3; abbots of, see Fulk,

Robert; monks of, 482 castle, Saint-Pois (Manche), village of, 492

490;

emir Ghazi, 134-6 Saóne, river, 280

Sap (Le)

(Orne),

castle, knights

of

Henry I in, 220-2; attacked by the

Angevins, 470-2; castellan of, 356 Saracens, 266; in Spain, 396, 398, 416 Saragossa, 412, 416; attacked in 1117, 396 n. 2 — bishop of, 400

— confraternity of, see knights ‘of the Palm’ Sarthe, river, 208, 466 Saul, king, 106

Sauqueville-en-Bessin (Calvados), 306 n. I Savaric, son of Cana, 32 and n. 2

Savigny, abbey, Vitalis

202

n.

1, and see

Saxons, 360 n. 7, 382 schism, papal, of 1130, 392, 393 n. 3, 418

GENERAL

602

INDEX

Scholastica, St., relics of, 438 Scie, river, 280

Shenchrig, bridge of, 110

scorpions, Normans compared to, 208 and n. 2 ' Scotland (Albany), xix, 384, 385 n. 7 Scots, 494; defeated in the battle of the Standard, 522; king of, see David

Shrewsbury (Salop), 24, 28; Orderic's

Shimei, 200

Sebastian, St., 498 Séez (Orne), disturbances near, 32; given to Stephen of Mortain, 196; Henry I's control of, 222; Geoffrey of Anjou enters, 454; attacked by men of L’Aigle, 462

—

early schooling

in, 552;

siege

of,

520-2 — abbey, 24 n. 3; founded, 552; abbots of, see Fulchred, Godfrey, Herbert

— earl of, see Roger of Montgomery — parish church of St. Peter, 552

Shropshire, administered by Richard of Belmeis, 144 and n. 4, 402 n. 1; earthquake felt in, 316

abbey of St. Martin, 46; its pos-

— sheriff of, 214 n. 3; and see William

sessions restored, 180; abbots of, see Gilbert, Ralph d’Escures; archdeacon of, see John; monks of, see Godfrey, John j

fitz Alan Sibyl, wife of Robert Bordet, daugh-

— bishopric of, 438; granted Robert of Belléme, 46

to

of, 336-8 — diocese of, interdict in, 478-80 352

and

n.

1, 484,

550;

high and low levels,

archbishop of, see Daimbert Seralits (unidentified), castle, 400, 401

n. 5 Serlo, canon of Bayeux, 78 n. 3 Serlo of Orgéres, bishop of Séez,

144,

of Conver-

38; said to have been poisoned, 368 Sibyl, wife Flanders,

of Thierry count daughter of Fulk

of of

Anjou, betrothed to William Clito, 332; her marriage to him annulled, 164-6; married to Thierry, 378, 514 n. 6 daughter

554;

of

Gaimar

of

Salerno,

54 n. 1, 168 and n. 2 Sicily, xix; troubles in, 428-30; king of, see Roger siege,

Sennacherib, 500 Sens, men of, in French army, 244;

abbot of Saint-Evroul,

of Geoffrey

Sichelgaita, wife of Robert Guiscard,

Segra, river, 412; valley of, 396 n. 2 Seine, river, 192, 218, 250 and n. 4, exceptionally 226

daughter

sano, 34, 378; her death and epitaph,

— bishops of, see Gerard, John, Robert, Serlo — cathedral church of St. Gervase, 336 and n. 3; consecrated, 366; granted charter, 366 and n. 2; altar of St. Mary in, 336; canons

280-2,

ter of William la Chévre, 404 Sibyl, wife of Robert Curthose,

conduct

of, xxii;

see

Aalst,

Alengon, Antioch, Arundel, Ba'rin, Bayeux, Bedford, Belléme, Brethencourt, Bridgnorth, Caen, Candé,

Carrouges, Castle Cary, Chambly, Chevreuse, Devizes, Dover, Durazzo, Évreux, Falaise, Harptree,

Kafartab, Kharput, Leeds, Lillebonne, Lincoln, Manbij, Mésidon,

becomes bishop of Séez, 328; forced into exile, 46 and n. 4; ordains

Montfort-sur-Risle,

Orderic

Puiset, Tickhill, Tinchebray, Toulouse, Vignats, Villers Chambellan,

Vitalis

deacon,

554;

his

Easter sermon at Carentan, 60-6; cuts the king’s hair before battle, 66; unable to attend 1118 council

of Rouen, 202; his death, 336-40; his character, 338 servientes, meaning of the term, xxiv—

XXV Severn, river, 22, 28 Shaizar, emir of, 127 n. 4

Montmorency,

Montlhéry,

Pont-Audemer,

Zerdana siege-castles, 72 n. 2; at Tinchebray, 84; at Evreux, 230; at Brionne, 354; see Malassis, ‘Mate-putain’, Trulla Leporis siege-tower,

used

at Pont-Audemer,

340 n. 3, 343; siege weapons, 408, 540

GENERAL Silvester of Saint-Calais, leaves Spain, 402

INDEX

603

of Bur-

Stafford, castle, held for Henry I by William Pantulf, 24 Standard, battle of the, 522 and n. 3 Statius, his Thebais, 86 n. 2 Stephen, bishop of Paris, 424 and n. 1

Simon of Anet, follows Bohemond, 7o, 71 n. 8

Stephen, count of Aumale, son of Eudo count of Champagne, supports Henry I in Normandy, 56; rebels against Henry I, 188-90; supports

Simon, n. 6 Simon,

son

of Ralph

of Tosny,

son

of Robert

duke

55

gundy, 430

Simon Harenc, sons of, 464 Simon of Beauchamp, 510 Simon of Montfort (the elder), son of Amaury of Montfort, 188 and n. 5; his wife, see Agnes; his sons, see Amaury, Simon; his daughter, see Bertrade Simon of Montfort, son of Simon (the elder) of Montfort, supports Louis VI, 156 Simon of Moulins-la-Marche, son of

William, captain in charge siege-castle at Evreux, 230-2

of

Simon of Neaufle, 342 Simon of Péronne, 342 Simon of Senlis I, earl of Huntingdon and Northampton, 18, 19 n. 4; his wife, see Judith; his son, Simon,

20n.1 Simon loyal Simon Simon

of Senlis II, 20 n. 1; remains to Stephen, 546, 547 n. 4 Ternel of Poissy, 340 the Red, son of Baldwin of

Pont-Echanfray, assists

Ralph

512

and

of Tosny,

n. 524;

2; ex-

pelled from Pont-Echanfray, 534-6 simony,

256 n.

1; forbidden

by the

council of Rheims, 274-6 Siward, priest, teaches Orderic Vitalis, 552 Snowdon

(Mount

Aravia),

384

and

n. 5 Soissons

(Aisne),

bishop

of,

see

— church of St. Médard, 422 — synod of (1104), 70 n. 5

Sorel (Eure-et-Loir), castle, 176 Spain, xviii-xix, xxii, 136; bishops

252;

crusade

in

bald III, goes on crusade (1101), 42, 156, 157 n. 6; his wife, see Adela; his sons, see Henry, Stephen, Theobald, William; his daughter, see Matilda Stephen I, count of Macon, 211 n. 4

Stephen, king of England (1135-54), count of Boulogne, count of Mortain, son of Stephen count of Blois, xviii xix, r7 n.*933193 HOM 424) 344; his early life, 42; visits SaintÉvroul with Henry I, 174, provokes the rebellion of Alencon, 204-8; in the royal army at Évreux, 228; declines to sail in the White Ship, 296; attacked by William Clito,

372-4; count

his relations with Thierry of Flanders,

378, 379 n. 5;

his claim to the English throne, xxv-xxvii; crowned king, 448 n. 3, 454 and n. 1; delays crossing to Normandy, 456-8, 462; his daughter betrothed to Count Waleran,

456, 457 n. 4; comes to Normandy (1137), 480; makes a treaty with Louis VI, 482 and n. 3; in Normandy, 484-6; reconciled with

Roger of Tosny,

484; returns

to

his son's betrothal, 514 and nn. 4, 6; approves the election of abbots of

Solomon, 212, 284

Sonnois, 446 Sorec, vine of, 554 and n. 2

398 n. 4

Rouen, 198; forced to surrender to Henry I, 280; his wife, see Hawise Stephen, count of Blois, son of Theo-

England, 494 and n. 1; besieges Bedford, 510; his truce with Geoffrey of Anjou violated, 512-14;

Joscelin

from,

William Clito, 368; said to threaten

(1118),

Saint-Évroul, 488, 538; fights rebels in England, 520; captures Shrewsbury, 520-2; his attack on the bishops, 532-4; grants a safe-

conduct

to

Matilda,

534;

holds

Spaniards, 396

council at Winchester, 536 and n. 2;

Speyer, 360

lays

siege

to

Lincoln,

538-42;

GENERAL

604.

Stephen, king of England (cont.): defeated and captured at Lincoln, xxii, 542-4; his captivity, 550 and n. 4; terms proposed for his release,

548;

his wife, see Matilda;

INDEX Taranto, 132

"Tarazona, 398 n. 4 Tarragona, its early history, 402; archbishop of, see Oldegar; 'princeps' of, see Robert Bordet

his son, see Eustace; his chamber-

Tell-Bashir,

lain, see Rabel; his chancellors, see

122 n. 3 'Templars, Knights, 310 and n. 1, 496

Philip

of

Harcourt,

Roger

le

Poer; his steward, see Robert of Sauqueville; his household troops, 540; his use of mercenaries, xxv, and see mercenaries

Stephen, son of Airard, 296 and n. 1 Stephen Garlande, 422 n. 4 Stephen of La Ferté, patriarch of Jerusalem (1128-30), abbot of Saint-

Jean-en-Vallée, Chartres, 324, 325 n. 4, 388 and n. 1 Stephen of Mandeville, 511 n. 7 Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury,

bishop 31408

of Winchester,

stipendiary

knights,

320,

24-8,

350 n.

321 r,

432, 534; and see Henry I, household Suger, abbot of Saint-Denis, 422 n. 3; his admiration for Henry I, 55 n. 5; his Vita Ludovici, 68 n. 3, 99 n. 4, I34 n. I, 154 nn. 2, 4, 156 nn. 1, 3, 5, 158. n. 3, 159 n. 5, 160 nn. 1, 2, 161 nn. 3, 4, 189 n. 8, 190 n. 3, 2159n:0451218!n312,92345 nn 1293, 235 n. 5, 236 n. 1, 237 n. 8, 246

n. I, 420 n. 4, 421 n. 6, 422 nn. I, 2, 490 n. 4, 491 n. 6 Surrey, earl of, see William of Warenne

Sutri, 306 Swabia, duke of, see Frederick Swabians, 360 n. 7, 364 Symmachus, pope, 276, 277 n. 2 Syria, 108, 134, 136, 504, 508 Syrians, 110, 112, 124 Talou (Le), fighting in, 190-2; lords

of, 232 Tamara, Tancred, regent 106 n. Tancred,

abbot of Bec-Hellouin, n. 5, 528 and n. 1 Theobald

IV,

peace of, 408, 409 n. 4 kinsman of Bohemond, of Antioch, 104, 105 n. 2, 1, 108, 109 n. 4, 130 son of Geoffrey of Converof Hauteville,

dants, 434

his

descen-

count

of

464, 465 Blois

and

Champagne, son of Stephen count of Blois,

264, 484 n.

1; succeeds

to the county of Chartres, 157 n. 6, 158; changes sides and fights against Louis VI, 160-2, 176-8; visits

Saint-Evroul, 174; attacks Belléme, fights

at

Alengon,

204-8;

rebels against Louis VI, 256-8; reconciles Henry I with Amaury of Montfort,

276-8;

captures

the

count of Nevers, 288-90; consoles Henry I for the loss of the White Ship, 300 and n. 3; reconciled with Ralph of Vermandois, 446; his claim to the English throne, xxvi;

not

offered

the

crown

in

1135,

42 and n. 4, 454 and n. 2; makes a truce with Geoffrey of Anjou, 458 and n. 4; supports Stephen's party in Normandy, 464; accompanies Louis le Jeune to Aquitaine,

490; refuses the crown of England (1141), 548; his character, 42; his wife, see Matilda Theobald, vassal of Eustace of

Breteuil, 40 Theodore,

sano, 434. and n. 2 Tancred

Teresa, wife of Count Henry of Portugal, 406 n. 2 Ternant, river, 220 Thames, river, 226 n. 2 Thebes, 132; legend of, 120 n. 1 Themard, castellan of Bourbourg, 370 Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury,

182;

troops

110 and n. 2, 114 n. 2,

duke

of Upper

Lotharin-

gia, 364 n. 1 Theodoric III, king of the Franks, 162 and n. 2 Thessaly, 102 Thetford (Norfolk), bishopric moved

from, 146 n. 1 — priory of, 146 and n. 1; chronicle of, 147 n. 4

GENERAL Thierry, kinsman of Emperor Henry V, drowned in the White Ship, 304 Thierry, son of Ralph son of Ogier, citizen of Caen, 79 n. 5

Thierry of Alsace, count of Flanders, lays claim

to the

county,

372-6;

his good relations with Henry I and Louis VI, 378 and n. 4; visits Jerusalem, 514 and n. 5; his wife,

INDEX

605

tithes, right of monks to possess, xx, 268 and n. 1, 388, 389 n. 4; given

to

Saint-Evroul,

222;

given

to

churches, 275 n. 8 Toledo, 398 Torcy, river, 160 Tosny (Eure, cant. Gaillon), castle of Ralph of Tosny at, 244; and see Ralph, Roger

see Sibyl Thierry of Mathonville, abbot of Saint-Evroul (1050-7), 219 n. 6

— council of (1118), 398

Thomas, canon of Saint-Victor, Paris,

Tournai (Belgium), contingents from,

424 and n. 1 Thomas, son of Stephen son of Airard, captain of the White Ship,

tournaments, xxii, 230 n. 3, 530 n. I; like battles, 240 n. 1; and see

abbey,

150-2,

186

n.

4,

Hildebert treachery, punishments

536, 537 n. 6; abbots of, see Folcard, Gunter of Le Mans, Robert of Prunelai; annals of, 152 n. 1 Thoros I, prince of Armenia, 122 and

nen, 134 Thoros II, prince of Armenia, 134 n. 2 Thurstan of Bayeux, archbishop of York (1114-40), 290 n. 2, 318 n. 3;

his litigation

against

Canterbury,

202 n. 2; escorts Adela of Blois to Marcigny, 44 n. 2; at 1119 council of Rheims, 252-4; witnesses charter of Henry I, 324; brother of Audoin bishop of Evreux, 174 n. 1; his

death, Tickhill and n. Tilligres

in French army, 246

84

258 and n. 1, 290 Thomas of St. John (Saint-Jean-leThomas), 84 and n. 2, 195 n. 4;

Thorney,

besieged

by Louis VII, 550, 551 n. 3

jousting Tournay-sur-Dive, church of, burnt, 62 Tours (Indre-et-Loire), 224, 225 n. 5; demanded by Theobald of Blois, 548; archbishops of, see Gilbert,

296—300

Thomas of Marle, expedition against,

his brothers, John and Roger, n. 2, 194

Toulouse (Haute-Garonne),

530, 531 n. 4 (Blyth), castle, siege of, 22 2 (Eure), castle, 248

Timurtash of Mardin (Ghazi), son of

Il-Ghazi, 124 n. 1, 126 and n. 2, 127 n. 5

for,

12,

18,

30, 90, 94, 100, 162, 352-6, 368, 270; 37 14m; 15.522

Tréport (Le), abbot of, see Osbern Trie (Oise), castle, 37 Tripoli, county of, 431 n. 5; counts of, see Pons, Raymond Troarn (Calvados), abbey, possessions restored, 180; abbot of, see Andrew Troy, legend of, 120 and n. 1 Troyes, council of (1107), 156 n. 3 Truce of God, 530 n. 1; proclaimed by Urban II, 262 Trulla Leporis, siege-castle by Gasny, 186 Tudela, 398 and n. 4, 401 n. 6

Turgis, bishop of Avranches, attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202; attends

1128

council

of Lisieux,

390; performs marriage ceremony of Matilda and Geoffrey of Anjou,

390

Tinchebray (Orne), battle of (1106), xxi, xxii, 42, 88-90, 286, 368, 412

Turks, 112, 114, 134, 390, 496, 500,

— castle, besieged by Henry I, 84, 286

Turold, abbot of Peterborough, 316, 317 n. 7

Tirel of Mainiéres, in exile with William Clito, 358 and n. 1, 370;

makes

peace

with

"Thierry

Alsace, 376 and n. 2

Tiron, abbey, monks of, 296

of

506

Tuscany, 202

Tusculum (Frascati), cardinal bishop of, see John Tweed, river, 522

GENERAL

606 Tyre, archbishop William

of, 128, and

see

— siege of, 128 and n. 1

Ulger, bishop of Angers, 358-60; at Séez, 366

Ulger the huntsman, 24 and n. 3, 27 n. 4, 28 n. 1 Urban II, pope (1088-99), 268 n. 1; at the 1096 council of Clermont,

262; secures the release of Geoffrey le Barbu, 74

INDEX from, at Brémule, 234-8; held by William Clito, 370 Vézelay, abbot of, see Alberic Vienne, river, 280 Vignats (Calvados), castle, siege of, 21 n. 4, 22-4; restored to William 'Talvas, 224

Villers Chambellan (Seine-Maritime), castle, besieged, 482 Vire, river, 60 Vitalian, pope (657—72), 320 n. 3 Vitalis, St., chaplain of Robert count

of Mortain,

Urgel, bishop of, 414-16 Urraca, wife of (1) Count

founder

of Savigny,

of Burgundy, (2) King Alfonso I of

tries to prevent fighting at Tinchebray, 86 and n. 1

Aragon, daughter of Alfonso VI of

Vitalis, St., companion of St. Maurice,

Raymond

Castile, 406-8 Ursus,

abbot

of Jumiéges,

attends

1118 council of Rouen, 202 and n. 4 Usk, 518 usury, 530 n. I

554 Viviers, bishop of, see Atto Vortigern, king of Britain, 382 Vortimer, son of Vortigern, 382

Wace, his Roman

Walchelin, brother of Ralph the Red of Pont-Échanfray, follows Bohe-

Valentinian, emperor, 382 Vallin, William, copies the Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, xvii

Vallombrosa, abbey, 268, 269 n. 4 Varenne, river, 280 Vatteville (Seine-Maritime),

224;

captured

by

Waleran

of

vavassors, xxv and n. 1 Venice, doge of, 128 and n. 1; fleet from, 128 and n. 1

(now

Mesnil-Verclives,

Eure), 234 and n. 2, 236

Verdun, bishop of, see Henry Vermandois, men of, in French army, 244 Verneuces (Eure), burnt, 220 Verneuil (Eure), burnt, 438; garrison

of recognize

Geoffrey

mond, 70, 100; goes to Constantinople and Jerusalem, 104

Walchelin 520

Maminot,

518 and n. 3,

Walchelin of Pont-Échanfray, 41 n. 9,

castle,

Meulan, 346; surrenders to Henry I, and is destroyed, 354 Vaudreuil (Eure), plundered, 474; royal castle at, 458

Verclives

de Rou, 79 n. 5,

298 nn. 1, 2, 299 n. 4

Val-és-Dunes, battle of, 210 Valencia, 405 n. 3

of Anjou,

548, 550 n. 1

71

n.

7; his wife,

Heremberge,

4I D. 9, 7I n. 7; his son Ralph not Ralph the Red, 71 n. 7 Walchelin of Tannei, (?) captain in household troops of Amaury of

Montfort, 244 and n. 1 Waldric (Gaudry), chancellor of Henry I, bishop of Laon, captures Robert Curthose, 90; made bishop

of Laon, 90 and n. 1; murdered, go and n. 1 Waleran,

count

of Meulan,

son

of

Robert count of Meulan, 20, 510 n. 4; born in 1104, 46 and n. 2; inherits his father’s Norman lands, 328-30; favoured by Henry I, 200; loyal to him, 224; supports William

Clito,

368;

his

rebellion

(1124),

Vernon (Eure), 210; Henry I’s control of, 222

247 n. 6, 332-4; at Beaumont, 342; attacks Vatteville, 346; defeated and

Vexin, 54 and n. 3, 374, 490; fighting on the frontier of, 184-6; raided by Henry I’s troops, 220; knights

captured at Bourgthéroulde, 34850; imprisoned (1124-9), 356 and n. 1; present at the death of Henry I,

GENERAL 448; fights rebels in Normandy, 458; attacks Roger of Tosny, 464; defends Lisieux, 468; fights for King Stephen in Normandy, 4746; betrothed

but never married

to

INDEX Walter

the

607 Chancellor,

his

Bella

antiochena, xxiii, 106 nn. 3, 4, 1o7in. 5 Waltheof, abbot of Crowland, 316 and n. 3; deposed, 318 n. 1

Stephen's daughter, 456, 457 n. 4; goes to England, 494; returns to Normandy, 514; resists Geoffrey

Waltheof, earl, his daughter Adeliza, 54, 55 n. 6; his wife, see Judith Ware (Herts.), priory of Saint-Evroul

of Anjou, 516; reconciles Roger of

at, 489 n. 4 Wareham (Dorset),

Tosny with Stephen, 524; attacks Roger bishop of Salisbury, 532 and n. 1; proposes Philip of Harcourt as bishop of Salisbury, 536; escapes from the battle of Lincoln, 542; remains loyal to Stephen, 546; included in the truce with Rotrou of Mortagne, 548 Waleran, son of Hugh and Adelina, 338

of Montfort

Waleran of Villepreux, son of Hugh ‘Blavons’ of Le Puiset,

110 and n. 3,

2253 24 Wales, north (Venedotia),

384, 385

n. 6

Walo of Trie, brother of Enguerrand, his death, 220 Walter, castellan of Carrouges, 466

Walter, knight of the count of Mortain, declines to sail in the White Ship, 296, 306

castle,

Robert

Curthose imprisoned in, 98 n. 2; held by Robert, son of Alfred of Lincoln, 518 Warenne, see Reginald, William; family of, 165 n. 2; their honor of Bellencombre, 193 n. 10 Warin (of Domfront), son of William

I of Belléme, 396 Warin of Les Essarts,

abbot

of

Saint-Evroul (1123-37), 187 n. 4, 554; elected abbot, 324-6; attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390; his death and burial, 486-8; his epitaph, 488-90; his father, see Robert; his mother, see Gisla Warwick, earl of, see Henry weather, torrential rain (1109), 166;

gale on 21 December 1118, 208, 209 na gss Sfloodsmnrrg)9:225; rivers dry up, 226 and n. 2; storms,

Walter, son of William of Valiquer-

drought, and floods (1133-4), 434-

ville, in command at Vatteville, 346; captured, 346-8 Walter II Giffard, earl of Bucking-

42;

ham,

his death and epitaph,

his wife,

see

Agnes;

his son,

36; see

Walter III Walter III Giffard, earl of Buckingham, 38 and n. 2; loyal to Henry I, 224; at Brémule, 236 and n. 4 Walter le Sor, 179 n. 5; his sons,

396-8; see Adam le Sor Walter I of Auffay, his sons, xxiv

Walter II of Auffay, at Brémule, 236 and n. 5 Walter of Clare, son of Gilbert fitz Richard, 470 and n. 1 Walter of Thérouanne, 370 n. 3,

072302 Walter Riblard, troops

in

captain

of

royal

Chateauneuf-sur-Epte,

232 Walter Sans-Avoir, 71 n. 10

gales

(1135),

(1137), 480, 490;

446;

storms

drought

(1141),

544 Welsh, 520; ally with Robert of Belléme, 20, 24; change sides, 26; plot against Stephen, 494; give support to Robert of Gloucester, 536 and n. 1, 540; at the battle of Lincoln, 542 Wenlock Edge (Salop), 28, 30 n. 1 Westminster, abbey church of St. Peter, 188 — 1125 council of, 274 n. 6 White Ship, wreck of, xxiv, 294-306 Whittington (Salop), castle, 518, 519

D Wigheard, archbishop elect of Canterbury (c. 655), 320 and n. 3

William, St., of Gellone (William of Orange), xxiii William, abbot of Cormeilles, 169 n. 8

168,

GENERAL

608

William, abbot of Jumiéges, attends 1128 council of Rouen, 390 William, abbot of La Croix-SaintLeufroi, attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202

William, archbishop of Tyre, 128 and n. 2 William, bishop of Chálons, at the council of Rheims, 274 William, bishop of Poitiers, 258 n. 3

INDEX 480; his daughter, Eleanor, married to Louis VII, 480, 490 William, duke of Apulia, son of Roger

Borsa, 366, 432, 433 n. 5

William, duke of Aquitaine (wrongly called Gerald),

founds

Cluny,

270

and n. 2 William, earl of Aumale, at the battle

of the Standard, 522 and n. 3

William, brother of Nigel of Aubigny, loyal to Henry I, 224 William, chaplain of Serlo bishop of Séez, 336

William II (Rufus), king of England (1087-1100), son of William the Conqueror, his government of Normandy, 99 n. 3; in the prophecy of Merlin, 386

William,

William,

count

of Evreux,

son

of

Richard count of Evreux, opposes Robert of Belléme, 34; supports Reginald of Grancey, 40; makes peace with Robert of Meulan, 46;

his homage transferred to Henry I, 56 n.

1, 58; supports

Henry

I in

1106, 284; fights for him at Tinchebray, 84; founds priory of Noyon-

sur-Andelle,

146-8;

exiled

and

recalled, 148 and n. 2, 180; his death (1118), 188 and n. 1; his wife, see Helwise; his court, 204

William, count of Mortain, son of Robert count of Mortain, supports Robert

of Belléme,

58; sup-

ports Robert Curthose, 84; captured at Tinchebray, 42, 88-90, 286; imprisoned in England, 84; his forfeiture, 196 n. 1 William I, count of Nevers, father of Helwise countess of Évreux, 148 and n. 1; captured by Theobald of Blois, 258 and n. 1, 290; his son, 466 William VII count of Poitou, IX duke of Aquitaine, holds Fulk V of Anjou to ransom, 76, 77 n. 6;

asked to help William Clito, 164; his

nephew

of Geoffrey

arch-

bishop of Rouen, 546 and n. 1

William, son of Amaury, holds Le Plessis for Henry I, 192 and n. 2 William, son of Barnon of Glos, steward

of

William

of

Breteuil,

250 n. I William, son of Henry I, his marriage at Lisieux, 224; restores William Clito's palfrey after Brémule, 240; does

homage

to

Louis

VI

for

Normandy, 290 n. 3; drowned in the White Ship, 165 n. 3, 296-304, 328, 330; his wife, see Matilda

William,

son

of Henry

of Ferrers

(Ferriéres-Saint-Hilaire),

with

Robert Curthose at Tinchebray, 84, 85 n. 9; captured, 90, 91 n. 3; receives the surrender of Falaise for Henry I, 90-2 William, son of Hugh of Montpincon, 468 and n. 2 William, son of Otmund of Chaumont, 218 n. 2

William, son of Ralph son of Thorulf, 219 n. William, Frénel, William,

6 son of Richard of La Ferté220-2, 512 and n. 4 son of Robert of Harcourt,

wife's suit against him at the council of Rheims, 258 and nn. 2, 3; absent on account of illness, 258 n. 3, 260; expels Henry of Angely,

loyal to Henry I, 346; fights at Bourgthéroulde, 348-50 William, son of Roger bishop of

316; his claim to Toulouse,

300 and n. 2 William, son of Roger of SaintLaurent, killed at Évreux, 232 and 1-5 William, son of Stephen count of

550;

his death (1127), 366 William VIII count of Poitou, X duke of Aquitaine, 374; invades Normandy with Geoffrey of Anjou,

466 and n. 4; dies on pilgrimage,

Coutances,

Blois,

157

chaplain

n.

to

6, 158;

Henry

marries

I,

a

GENERAL daughter of Gilo of Sully, 42; his sons, see Henry of Sully, Odo, Raher William, son of Thierry, commands the garrison of Noyon-sur-Andelle, 218 William Aiguillon, supports Waleran of Meulan, 342 and n. 2 William Alis, 40, 41 n. 8

William Bigod, son of Roger Bigod, 304 and n. 3

William Blanchard, 438

William Bonne-Ame,

archbishop

Rouen, buries Countess

of

Sibyl, 38;

consecrates the church of Fécamp, 138; blesses Roger of Bayeux as abbot of Fécamp, 140-2; ordains Orderic Vitalis priest (1107), 140-2, 554; consecrates John, bishop of Séez, 144; his death, 168-70; his epitaph, 172 William Clito, count of Flanders, son of Robert Curthose, put in the care of Helias of Saint-Saens, 92; his early life and troubles, 368-70;

escapes from Henry I, 162-4; takes refuge in Flanders, 166; supported by Louis VI, 184; rebellion in his favour, 188-90; his claim to Nor-

mandy, 208 and n. 3; supported in Normandy, 2; his case taken up by 256; wars to restore fights at Brémule,

his cause 194, 200Louis VI, him, 246;

236-40;

helped

by Stephen of Aumale, 280; his struggle against Henry I, 286-8; betrothed

to Sibyl of Anjou,

his betrothal annulled, newed

rebellion

in

332;

164-6; re-

his

support,

328; abandoned by the Normans, 282 and n. 1, 358; marries daughter of Rainer count of Montferrat, 370 and n. 1; becomes count of Flanders (1127), 370; his work as count, 370-2; his campaigns against Thierry of Alsace, 374-6; his death, 376-80; his burial and epi-

taph, 378 and n. 1; his letter to Henry I, 378

William Crispin, captured at Tinchebray, 91 n. 3; pardoned by Henry I, 180; holds

L’Aigle

for Louis

VI,

198; with the French at Brémule,

INDEX

609

236-8; captured, 240; supports Amaury of Montfort, 344 William des Fontaines, 464. William Elias, son of William of Roumare, 380 William fitz Alan, son of Alan fitz Flaald, castellan and sheriff of Shrewsbury, 520 and n. 6; his wife, see Christina

William fitz John, 518, 519 n. 9; his wife Denise, 519 n. 9 William Giffard, bishop of Winchester (1100-29), 44 William la Chévre (Capra), lord of Bradninch, 404 n. 2; his daughter Sibyl, 404 William Lovel, son of Ascelin Goel, 332

and n. 2; marries

Waleran

of Meulan,

a sister of

332;

attacks

Vatteville, 346; escapes after Bourg-

théroulde,

352; makes peace with

Henry I, 358

William of Aubigny, witnesses charter of Henry I, 324; receives Matilda at Arundel, 534 n. 3; his wife, see Adeliza of Louvain William of Beaumont, abbot of BecHellouin, attends council of Rouen

(1118), 202 and n. 5 William

of Breteuil,

son

of William

fitz Osbern, 72 n. 2, 214 and n. 2; dies, 40 and n. 2; his wife, see Adeline; his natural son, see Eustace

William of Buchelay,

companion

of

Prince Louis, 52 William of Cahagnes, at the battle of Lincoln, 542 n. 3

William of Chaumont, captured and ransomed, 248; his wife a daughter of Louis VI, 248 n. 1; rises against King Stephen, 490 William of Conversano, son of Geoffrey of Conversano, 34, 64, and

n. 4 William of Corbeil, archbishop of Canterbury (1123-36), his election, 318, 319 n. 6; crowns Stephen king, 454; his death, 478, 479 n. 6 William of Dijon, abbot of Fécamp, 140 William of Fécamp,

193 n. 8

William of Fontenil, 198 and n. 3

GENERAL

610

William of Gael, son of Ralph I of Gael, claims the Breteuil inheritance, 40 and n. 3; his death, 40 William of Garlande, seneschal of France, at Brémule, 236, 237 n. 10 William of Grandcourt, son of William count of Eu, saves Amaury of Montfort from capture, 350-2 William of La Lande, 174 William of Malmesbury, 42 n. 6;

INDEX Neufmarché, 309 n. 3; loyal to Henry I, 194 and n. 1, 222; at Brémule, 236; declines to sail in the White Ship, 296; endows the priory of Neufmarché-en-Lyons, 380 and n. 2; supports William Clito, 368; rebels against Henry I, 332-4; reconciled to him, 380; helps to preserve order in Normandy, 450; justiciar in Normandy,

15/n; 4,5803 3, 68:n. 4; 78 1:3;

494 and n. 2; rebels against Stephen, 538-42; his wife, 538, and see Matilda; his son, see William Elias

80 nn. r, 2, 99 n. 4, 179 n. 3, 188 n. 2, 190 n. 3, 191 n. 6, 258 n. 2, 282 21.93; 288: n31,/298./nn.; 03542;

William of TancarviJle, chamberlain, recalls Henry I to Rouen, 198-200; loyal to Henry I, 222; at Brémule,

his Gesta pontificum, 46 n. 4, 151 1416, 170 nF 316 1573; 319^ n. 5; 320 n. 2, 321 n. 4; his Gesta regum,

299 n. 4, 442 n. 1; his Historia novella, 230 n. 3, 450 n. 2, 451 n. 4,

483 n. 7, 485 n. 4, 516 n. 1, 531 nn. 5, 6, 7, 532 n. I, 533 n. 2,

534 nn. 2, 3, 540 Dn. I, 3, 542 D. I, 545 n. 5, 546 n. 2, 547 n. 3

William of Mandeville, 304 n. 1 William of Messines, patriarch of Jerusalem, prior of the Holy Sepulchre, 388 and n. 1; confused with Ralph patriarch of Antioch,

234-6; witnesses charter of Henry I, 324; said to be at Bourgthéroulde, 348 n. 3; his son, see Rabel William of Tyre, 106 n. 3, 111 n. 6, II4'n. X; »16 NY's; 122/n:933 9126 nn. I, 3, 128 nn. I, 2, I34 n. I, 495 11:43, 505/1125 508 nit, S T4 nts William I of Warenne, earl of Surrey,

his sons, see Reginald, William II William II of Warenne, earl of Surrey,

William II of Mohun, 518 and n. 6

reconciled with Henry I, 12-14; with Henry I at Tinchebray, 84, 88; given the castle of Saint-

William death

Saens, Henry

496, 497 n. 3, 498-500

of Moulins-la-Marche, his and burial at Saint-Evroul,

394, 395 n. 5; his sons, see Hugh, Simon William of Pacy, son of Eustace of Breteuil, 40 n. 10, 278 n. 1; takes

possession of Breteuil, 456 and n. 3; rebels against Stephen, 474-6 William of Pirou, wrongly said to have been drowned in the White Ship, 304 and n. 4 William of Ray, 198 and n. 3

William of Rhuddlan, son of Robert of Rhuddlan, drowned in the White

Ship, 304 and n. 2 William of Rots, abbot of Fécamp, cantor, dean and archdeacon of Bayeux, monk of Caen, his achievements and death, 138; his epitaph, 138 and n. 5; his character, 140; his obituary roll, 140 William of Roumare, son of Roger fitz Gerold

and Lucy, castellan of

164, 165 n. 2; loyal to I, 222; at Brémule, 234-6;

present at the death of Henry I, 448; keeps order in Rouen and Caen, 450;

uncle

dies in 1138,

of Hugh

15 n. 5;

of Gournay,

n. 15; his wife, see Isabel Wiliam III of Warenne,

Surrey,

in

Normandy,

Stephen’s

190

earl

army

486; escapes

of

in

from the

battle of Lincoln, 542; half-brother of Waleran of Meulan, 542

William of Ypres, natural son of Philip of Loo, besieges Bruges, 370 and n. 4; captured, 374 and n.

2;

leads

Stephen's

Flemish

mercenaries, 482 and n. 2, 483 n. 8, 484, 485 n. 4; fights in Normandy, 514-16; lays siege to Devizes, 532; commands the Flem-

ings at Lincoln, 542 William Pantulf, supports Henry against Robert of Belléme, 24-6

I

GENERAL William I Peverel, witnesses charter, 174 William II Peverel, 518, 519 n. 7 William Pointel, surrenders Évreux to Amaury of Montfort, 188, 189

n.

6, 204;

holds

the citadel

for

Amaury, 230

William 'Talvas, son of Robert of Belléme, count of Ponthieu, 14; defends Ponthieu, 182; his Norman lands restored, 224; his quarrel with Henry I, 444-6; castles in his fee, 454; relieves Exmes, 462; interdict laid on his lands, 478-80; invades Normandy with the Angevins, 466; his wife, see Ella; his son,

see Guy,

count

of Ponthieu;

his children, 430, 431 n. 6 William Téte-Hardie, duke of Burgundy, his children, 210, 430

611

new men, 16, 17 n. 7; castellan of Bonneville-sur-Touques, 526-8 William Warelwast, bishop of Exeter

(1107-37), visits Saint-Evroul, 174 and n. 5; attends 1118 council of Rouen, 202 n. 1

Winchester (Hants), Fulk, abbot of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive, dies at, 72; Matilda received in, 546, 547 n. 3 — archdeacon of, see Henry, bishop — bishops of, see 7Ethelwold, Henry of Blois, Stigand, William Giffard — Hyde abbey, chronicle of, xxi, 88 n. 2, 89 n. 4, 99 n. 3, 189 n. 8,

190 nn. I, 2, 3, 233 n. 4, 234 n. 4, 235 n. 5, 236 n. 4, 238 nn. 280 n. 2, 282 n. 1

Windsor (Berks.) at, 308 n. 1

Henry

5, 6,

I married

— council of (1114), 320 n. 2

William I the Conqueror, king of England (1066-87), duke of Normandy, son of Robert I, 58, 150, 100. 192 n. 2, 210, 212M.

INDEX

Worcester, bishop of, see Oswald Worcestershire, 316 n. 1 Wulfram, St., 558

I1, 449

n. 5; his dominions, 56; served by

York, 324

Stephen, son of Airard, 296; holds

— archbishops of, their dispute with

synod,

320;

his laws

upheld

by

Henry I, 286; his charter to Saint-Évroul, 175 n. 6, 488 and

n. 2; founder of Montebourg, 146 n. 2; his death, 257 n. 6; his sons in the prophecy of Merlin, 386; his epitaph, 558; his wife, see Matilda;

his

sons,

see

Henry

Robert Curthose, William his daughter, see Adela

I,

Rufus;

William Trussebut, one of Henry I’s

Canterbury, 'Thurstan

252 n.

1; see Gerard,

Ypres, 374 and nn. 2, 3; castles in, 374 Zacchaeus, 324 n. 2

Zengi, Turkish ruler in Mosul and Syria, 392 n. 1, 496-502 Zerdana, 392 n. 1; siege of, 106 and ni 1, 112 Zubayr ben ‘Amr el Lamtoüni, see Alamimun

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